QforttcU UttiueraitH iCihtarg Uttfata, ^tm lach Mw«>A.p.wKtt:e Cornell University Library arW9675 Rome and German' 3 1924 031 427 242 olin,anx Cornell University Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924031427242 PRICE ONE 3HII.U NG NETT. ■'■ " ■I ■ ■■^i^P?»»»^ii^T#iMpfc4»BpaiiHP^pj»wj^»^»^».^»M^ I I The Real Caiise of the War. Rome & Germany The Plot For the Downfall of Britain. BY " WATCHMAN." LONDON: HENRY J. DRANE, Danegeld HfMgsje, 82a, Farringdon Street, E^C. ilOME AND GERMANY ROME AND GERMANY THE PLOT FOR THE DOWNFALL OF BRITAIN BY Watchman "« SECOND AND REVISED EDITION "When I brine the sword upon a land,— if the watchman see the sword come, and blow not the tnnnpct, and the people be not warned; if tfie sword come, and take any person from amone them, he is taken away in his iniquity t bat his blood will I require at the watchman's ha&d."— EziKiEL xxxiii. a, 6. yj LONDON y- HENRY J. RRANE 82A FARRINGDON STREET, E.G. CONTENTS pact I. "Kome CHAPTER **™ I. . ROME : HER RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS - I II. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS OF ROME - - 26 III. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR - " " 44 IV. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME - " 73 patt ii. Getmans V. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION - - - I03 VI. GERMAN PLANS OF INVASION - - - - 128 VII. GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME - - - 146 patt ill. Ebe ?esuit0 in JStitain viii. moral decay of the nation - - - 169 ix. the english pro-boers ... - 191 x. thb anti-englanders - - 208 xi. the antt-englanders and the revolutionists 337 xii. socialism - 263 xiii. the socialists and the jesuits . - - 289 xiv. religious decay in nonconformity - 315 xv. the nonconformist socialists - - - 322 xvi. anti-militarism 343 xvii. jesuit influence in thb nonconformist churches 358 Conclusion ------- 379 PART I ROME CHAPTER 1 RoMe : Her Religious Policy and Methods THERE are many people who recognize- and deplore the rapidly increasing adoption of Romish ritual and Romish doctrines by the clergy of the Ghurch , of England, £ind by a large proportion of the upper ■ classes. But neither those who recognize this, nor the gteat mass of the nation Who are opposed to Romzuiism in name and to anything which savours of priestcraft, have any idea of the real influence which Rome has obtained during the last seventy j'^ears in the councils of the nation and in every class of society. For this influence is secret, and the, ends and aims for which it is used are disguised by being made to appear of a wholly different nature from what they are in reality^ with the result that numbers who are most opposed to Rome have fallen under her influence and are unconsciously aiding and carrying out her policy. Tri order to understand this and the imminent danger which threatens the Nation and Empire from the ambition of Rome, it is necessary that the avowed aims of that . power, and the methods she employs for carrying them out, should be clearly apprehended. Great. Britain has been, and still is, the one great Protestant nation in the World, the chief upholder and example of civil aiid religious liberty, the principal guardian of and witness, to the Bible, and the foremost agency in distributing it throughout the world. She is therefore the one great enemy of Rome, and the chief, and pra.ctically the only, formidable opponent to the pfetensions and superstitions of the Romish prieiJthbod ; i ROME AND GERMANY while the Bible, which in every page condemns those pretensions and superstitions, is, and always must be, the object of Rome's most bitter hostility. In a lesser degree the United States are also opponents of Romish ambition ; but the people of that country are so leavened with other nationalities and with Irish Catholics, and, so absorbed by secular interests, that her opposition is weak compared with that of Great Britain ; while in Germany, which was once the other great Pro- testant state of Europe, Protestantism, through the in- fluence of scepticism and unbelief, is practically dead. This applies also in some degree to the smaller Protestant states, whose influence also is too weak to be of much account, , This was fully recognized by the late Cardinal Manning. "England," he said, " is the head of Protestantism, the centre of its movements, and the stronghold of its power. Weakened in England, it is paralyzed everywhere ; conquered in England, it is conquered throughout the' world ; once overthrown here, aJl else is but a warfare of'd&*aU."i Protestantism being the great obstacle to the ambition and power of Rome, the great object of that power is to .oVj^hrow it. "In order," says De Maistre, "to establish one religion and one morality in Europe, to give to the Truth {i.e., Romish priestcraft and superstition) the strength which its, meditated conquJests will require, , . . one preliminary measure is indispens- abK and that is to efface from the European dictionary the fatal word Protestantism."* , The aims of Rorne are also stated in " A Memorial of a Reformation in England," first written by the Jesuit Parsons in the reign of^ Elizabeth, and a copy of which was found in the private chest of James II. after his fight. It was republished in 1890, and recommended by Jesuit Father Clarke for the guidance of Roman Catholics at the jpresent time. • Sermon preached before Dr. Wiseman, Aug. 6, 1859. • Cited hy, Jdurnat Dei Debats,'Fth. 3i, 1884. RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS 3 I. " The restoration to the Roman Catholic Church of the Church of England's lands and revenues." (This would, of course, be effected when the clergy of the Church of England had become wholly Romanist in belief.) a. " The estabhshment of a Roman Cathohc sovereign and of a Roman Catholic succession to the throne. 3. " The institution of a Roman Catholic Parliament, the representatives only admitted on public, pro- fession of their Roman Catholic faith. 4. " The revocation of all laws ever made to the prejudice of the Roman Catholic religion, and the restoration of all laws ever passed against heresies and heretics." (The latter would involve the re-institution of torture and the fires of Smithfield.) 5. " The temporary toleration of heretics under restriction until the wilful heretics are known, — after which the strong arm to be used to bind the boisterous, stubborn and rebellious. 6. " The establishment of a military order for the suppression of heretics. ' 7. " The establishment temporarily of ' A council of Reformation in the interests of Rome,' omitting reference to the name ' Inquisition,' for that the name ' Inquisition ' might be somewhat odious and offensive at the beginning." ^ The object of Rome is thus to re-establish her dominion over th% nation, and obtain supreme power over the bodies and souls of its people, and for this purpose, absolute intolerance of any opposition is necessary, nor ^o her priesthood scruple to avow this. "We are children of a Church," writes the Roman Catholic Rambler, " which has ever avowed the deepest hostility to the principles of religious liberty. Believe Us not, Protestants of England and Ireland, when you hear « Quoted from "Shall We Tolerate the Jesuits?" By H. A. Henderson. Published by C. J. Thynne, 5, Gt. Queen Street, Kings- way, W.C. Price 2d. 4 . ROME AND GERMANY us pouring forth our liberalisms-^they mean nothing. Such a persgnis not talking Catholicism, but Protestantism an4. nonsense. ... If he were lord in the land aqd you. were in the minority, if not in nuinbers yet in power, what would he do to you ? If expedient he would imprison you, banish you, -fine you, possibly even he mi^ht hang you, but he would never tolerate, you for the .sake of the principles of religious liberty. The very name of liberty except in the sense of a permission to do certain, definite acts, ought to be banished from the domain of reli^on. Catholicism is . the most tolerant of creeds, it is in- tolerance itself." ^ Hence every Romish Bishop when he receives the mitre takes the following path : " I will do all that in me lies to preserve, defend, increase and strengthen the rights, honours, privileges and the authority of the Holy /Roman Church, of qur Lord the Pope and his successors. "I will humbly receive the Apostolic commands (orders of the Pope) and I will apply myself to their execution with the , greatest zeal and the strictest punctuality: " I promise and swear that I will with all my might persecute and combat all heretics, schismatics, and rebels to our Lord the Pope." * " Heresy," says the Westminster Gazette, " should be an offence punishable by law." " Christ does not forbid heretics {i.e., Protestants), to be taken away and put to death." ^ " Heretics may, and ought by public authority, either spiritual or temporal, to be chastised or executed."* In short, the famous encyclical letter and, syllabus of 1864 distinctly affirms and lays down " the right and duty of persecuting heretics," and declares that " freedom of, Constience and of .rehgious worship is insanity." The late Cardinal Tarquini taught that "as any other crime that cannot be put down^must be tolerated, so must > Rambler, Sept., 1851. • Pontificate Romano capito d« copsecratione Epispoporjim. It would appear that the latterportion of the oath isoinitted in thecase of Roman Catholic bishbps in England fo^ fear of giving offences. • Coeim'ent on Matt, xiii* 29. Class Book at Maynpoth College, • Potiay Bible, Dublin, 1856. RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS 5 hej:;e^sy,; ^ut let the circumstances change, and the possi- bility arise of applying force with success, then with the moral possibility conies back again the moral obligation; arid the prince is bound, whenever the Church calls for it, to use his physical force towards all baptized persons." The Rev. J. O'Reilly, Jesuit Professor of Maynooth CoUege, wrote in 1892, "The principle" (of liberty of_ conscience) " is one which is not, and never has been, and never will be approved by the Church of Christ." But he added, "I, freely admit that this . doctrine is con- venient for Catholics who have to do with Protesteint Governments." ..':... Moris'efgneur Croke Robinson, in his " Liberty of Conscience," writes : " Toleration to Protestants is intolerance to Catholics." ^ The Roman Catkolic Thomas Aquinas Said, " If coiners or other malefactors are at once handed over by secular princes to a just death, much more may heretics, im- mediately they, are convicted of heresy, be not only excommunicated but also j ustly done to death. ' ' Therefore Pope Leo XIII. said in his Encyclical or Schola$tic Philosophy, " Let the teachers whom you shall discreetly choose make it their aim to instil the doctrines of Thomas, Aquinas into the minds of their scholars, and to set in a clear Tight his solidity and excellence above other authors." The precepts, of Thomas Aquinas were also translated and published in London by the Jesuit, Joseph Rickaby, in 1896. In his brief of October ist, 1887, given in The Tablet, Pope Leo XIII. also granted "/Plenary indulgence and remission of sins to all who offer pious prayers to God for ths extirpation of heresies." ^ The teaching of the Jesuits is that " the Catholic Church has indisputable right to kill heretics, and every civil Government must kill heretics when ordered by the Catholic Church."* » "Shall We Tolerate the Jesuits ? "p. 5. • " Shall We Tolerate the Jesuits ? " pp.y, 8. • " The Ruin of Education in Ireland," by Frank Hugh O'PonQell, lateM.P. ■ 6 ROME AND GERMANY The late Jesuit Professor and Canonist and theolo- gian of the Gregorian University at the Vatican, Father Marianus di Luca, also teaches, " A good shepherd kills the wolves who attack the sheep. Heretics corrupt- ing Catholics are wolves attacking sheep. Therefore the Catholic Church as a good shepherd ought to kill heretics." ^ The Jesuits, in short* do not disguise their intention to re-establish the stake for Protestants when they attain to power. " Do they flatter themselves then that no spark smoulders in the ashes round the stake to kindle another torch ? Fools, all they can do is to hate us. In calling us Jesuits t;hey think to cover us with opptobrium. They little think that these Jesuits have in store for them the censorship gags and flames." ' These extracts show that Rome is fiiUy determined to re-establish her dominion, and that the spirit of murder and persecution is just as strong and vindictive in her and in her priesthood as it was three hundred years ago, al- though the power to exercise it is at present in abeyance. These statements, however, were only intended for Roman Catholic consumption. Before the priesthood could attain the object of their ambition, and secure the power to parry out their vindictive tyranny, it was necessary to blind and deceive those they sought to «itbject ; for Rome's methods for recovering her dominion in the countries where it has beenoverthrown have always been characterized by secrecy and deceit. With the Jesuits falsehood and deceit are virtues. It is laid down by them that " promises confirmed by oath are not binding," ' that " false swearing is not perjury," that " lying is truth " ; * that " dishonesty is lawful " ; ^ that " Ijdrig and perjury are very right when they are con- venient;"* That "the end," in short, "justifies the » " Shall We Tolerate the Jesuits ? " p. 8. ■ "The Jesuit Conspiracy," p. 49. • Fillucius, Tambourin, Valentia and Sanchez. • Tolet and Fillucius. • Tolet. • Sanchez, " Moral Opera." RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS 7 means," and they are therefore utterly unscrupulous with regard to the means they employ to attain their sinister ends. On the same principle, they advocate and defend murder,'- teaching that secret assassination is lawful;^ that " regicide is not murder " ; * that " Jesuits are obliged by the law of charity to kill their opponents " ; * that crimes may now be expiated with far greater alacrity and ease than they were before, and that sins are now blotted out almost as soon as they arfe perpetrated ; * that at the day of judgment God wiU say to many, " Come ye blessed, who have killed, blasphemed, etc., since you thought you were right in so doing." ' It is dear that the effect of such teaching on the ignorant and fematical whom they select as tools to carry out their purposes, must be to destroy aU restraint of conscience and fear of God, and to make them perfect weapons in their hands. The purpdse for which the order of the Jesuits was founded was for the overthrow of Protestantism and the restoration of the power and dominion of Rome. The first endeavours of the Jesuits have therefore been directed to the perversion of Protestants and the undermining, as far as possible, of the Protestant faith. To effect this, they haye always adopted .the disguise of Protestant ministers, and having " crept unawares " (Jude iv.) into Protestant commimities and secured their confidence, by a pretended hostility to Rome, they have bf en able, by subtle sophistries and teaching, to obtain their hearers' acceptance 'of doctrines subversive of true Christianity, and, little by little, to introduce the ritual and doctrines of Rome. ■This was the policy adopted by the Council of Trent in the reign of Elizabeth in its instructions to the Jesuits, which were as follows : — " If you own yourselves clergymen, then to preach, but with caution, till ye be « Fagundez, Reginald, Airult. ' Mariana. * Imajo Pruni Saeculi, Iviii., cap. 8. • L'Amy (of Reimbaucr). • Casnedi. 8 ROME AND GERMANY well acquainted with those heretics you converse with, and then by degrees add to your doctrine, by ceremonies or ollierwise, as you find them inclinable. You are not tb'preach all after one method, but to observe the place wherein you come. If Lutheranism be prevalent, then pfeach Calvinism; if Calvinism, then Lutheranism ; if in England, then either of them, or John Huss's opinions, Anabaptism, or any that are contrary to the Holy See of St. Pfeter, by which your fimction "will not be sus- pected, and yet you may still act in the interests of ihe Mother Church; there being, as the Council are agreed upon, no better way to demolish that Church of Heresy than by mixtures of doctrines and by adding cere- monies more than be at present permitted. Some of you who undertook to be of this sort of Heretical Episcopal. Society (i.e., clergy of Church of England) bring it as Tidar to the Mother Church as you can, for then the Lutheran party, the Calvinists, the Anabaptists, and other ' heretics will be averse theireimto, and thefeby make the Episcopal heresy odious to all these, and be a means to reduce all in time. You must bemoan ybur followers and auditors, saying, ' Are we not persecuted ioT righteousness' sake ? What flesh and blood can stand this ? We be more zealous against the Pope than they, and yet we be persecuted.- This will advantage you much ; hang you or burn you they dare not, but their perpetual acts against the party that follow you will take off the late 'severities they lay on us, saying we burnt the heretics, their ancestors." * In an intercepted letter fronj a Jesuit in London to his correspondent in Brussels, sent to Lord Falkland in 1627. the writer says, " I caimot but laugh to see how some of our own cloth, have accoutred themselves ; you Would sc£irce know them if you saw them; it is ' "Foxes and Firebrands," part IL, i683,pp. 27^33, quoted by Dean Gobde in "^''Rbme's Tactics," pp. 8, 9.' "Foxes' and Firebrands" was published by Robert.Ware, son of Sir James Ware to whom some of Cecil's, papers came through the medium of Archbishop Usher, which supfitifccf some of the. most valuaj}le documents he has here publiaied. ' RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS 9. admirable how : in speech and gesture they act the Puptan." 1 The same policy was adopted by the leaders of the Tractarian movement, Pusey and Newman. The advice, of . Pusey to bis, followers was " to grjidually introduce the rites and ceremonies of J^ome so as, wq:thout alarm- iiig., to, train, the people to hke, and- finally to want, a more ornate worehip."* At the same tiine he. sought to blind the people to_^their real object by setting "Catholic views against Roman Catholicism," by, which means,. he said, "^ I. suspect we mi^ht then have people .with. us. instead of against us,, and that they might find. themselves Catholics pef ore .they were aware." ^ "The advice of Dr. Pusey," writes The Church. Times, " is this — Let no , further advances be .made for the present,, but, all attention be concentrated on fortifying the position already attained and, completing the military educattpn of the Church's army. This is the method by which Russia has pushed her way so steadily and per- manently into the Far East. A fort is erected, in .the enemy's country with clear lines of conimunication bacl;, to the basis of supply. , When the post has _ been Riissianized, it becomes in its turn. the base line of opera- tion, and another fort is thrown out sonie score of; miles ill advance, and the process is repeated. But two rules are inexorably rnaijitained. No fort is erected at, a dangerous distance from the . base .line, and no.non-- combatants are allowed to be the pioneers of jcolonizaition.. Exactly identical- with this should be our pplicy. Church;(;s Ijke St. Alban's, JHolbom, ajid St. Lawrence's, Norwich;. bpoks like the " Altar Mtinual," the "Priest's Prayer- book," and the " Church and the World,!' fairly represent the most advanced post yet reached, by the Catholic revival in England. .They are, not, the iiltipxa,te goal. Xlie. final aim Wfhich will aloiie. satisfy, the Ritualists, is , ^ reunion of Christendom ' and the absorption of * " Foxes and Firebrands," part It, pp. iiSriaS ; ," RusUiy^e^rU^'s Historical Collections," vol. I., pp. ^1.74-476. ■ "Leading article in Church Timisi Matth 3crth, 1867. _• " Life of Dr. Pusey," vol, I., p. 33;^. 10 ROME AND GERMANY dissent within the Church. This, then, is the thing to do — ^let the advanced posts remain as they are. Let each of those which is a little behind, and only a little, gradually lake up the same position; and let this process be carried on (only without haste or wavering) down to the last link in the chain. A story is told of a dishonest baker who kept himself and his family in meat at a nominal cost, by purchasing the very smallest leg of mutton to "be had, and exchanging this for the next of size sent him by his customers, and repeating the process until he had succeeded in obtaining nearly twenty pounds of meat for his original six or seven, without any one customer being able to detect the fraud in his own case. The cheating baker may point a parable as the unjust steward has done. Where there is only the ordinary parish routine, but where the preaching is honest and sound, let a gradual change be brought in, A choral service, so far as psalms and canticles are con- cerned, on some week-day evening, will train the people to like a more ornate worship, and that which began as an occasional luxury will soon be felt a regular want. Where all this is" already existing, candlesticks with unlighted candles may be introduced. Where these are already found, they might be hghted at Evensong. Where so much is attained the step to lighting them for the Eucharist office is not a long one. It is easy for each reader to see how some advance, all in the same direction, can be made, and that without any offence being taken ; only two things should be carefully observed. As a rule, first of all, nothing should be introduced without a plain and frank statement to the people ; secondly, the innovations ought to be confined at first to extra services put on for this very purpose." * Dr. Pusey, who has done more, even than Newman, to re-introduce the doctrines and practices of Rome, was expostulated with, even by those whom he had led to join that Church, on the secrecy, subterfuge, and deceit used by him. Thus Dodsworth, who, through his teachit^. ' Church Times, March 30th, 1867. RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS ii h:ad become a Romanist, writes : " Both by precept and example you have been among the most earnest to main- tain Catholic principles. By your constant and common practice of administering the sacrament of penance, by encouraging everjrwherfe, if not enjoining, auricular con- fession, and giving special priestly absolution ; by teaching the propitiatory sacrifice of the Holy Eucharist, as applicatory of the one sacrifice on the Cross, and by adoration of Christ really present on the Altar under the form of bread and wine ; by your introduction of Roman Catholic books adapted to the use of our Church ; by encouraging the Use of rosaries and crucifixes, and special devotions to our Ldrd, as for instance to His five wounds ; by adopting language most powerfully expressive of our corporation into Christ as, e.g., our being inebriated by the blood of our ^ord ; by advocating counsels of perfec- tion, and seeking to restore, with more or less fulness, the conventical or monastic life ; I say by the teaching and practice of which this enumeration is a sufficient type and indication, you have done much to revive amongst us the system which may be pre-eminently called sacramental." And the writer, honestly urging open avowals consistent with this conduct, goes on to plead : " Let us no longer have any concealments, we are now past the time for reserve and economy in such matters." ^ Again Maskell, another of his disciples, writes : " There are some parts of your letter to Mr. Richards- wjjiich I must own have somewhat startled me. I have begun almost to doubt the accuracy of my memory, or that I could ever have understood the commonest rules of plain speaking upon very solemn mysteries and duties of the Christian faith. The Bishop of Exeter would repudiate (I think) with horror the system of particular and detailed enquiry into every circumstance of sin, which, in correct imitation of the Roman Catholic rules, you do not fail to press What then, let me ask, do you con- ceive that the Bishop of Exeter would say of persons • Dodsworth's " Letters to Puscy " quoted in " Maskell's Letterj" 1850, p. 7. 12 ROME AND GERMANY secretly received against the known will of their patents, of confessions heard in the houses of common friends, or of clandestine correspondence to arrange meetings, under initials or in enevlopes addressed to other persons ? I know how heavily the enforced mysteiy and secret correspondence. regarding confessions in your communion, has weighed down the minds of many to whom you and others have ' ministered ' ; I know how bitterly it has eaten, even as a canker, into their very souls : I know how utterly the specious arguments which you have urged have failed to remove their burning sense of shame and deceitfulness." * . t Dr. Newman was the author of " Tract 90," which is a reproduction of the famous work of thie Jesuit, Francis de Sancta Clara, written to show how, by ingenious sophis- tries and quibbles, the articles of the Chiircb of England might be so explained as to sanction the doctrines of Rome, and for his services in perverting the Church of England, Dr. Newman was subsequently made a Cardinal by the Pope. But Newman at first preached Protestant doctrines and opposed Romanism, in ordar to conceal liis true character and intention ; and in excuse of the deception said, " If you ask me how an individual could venture, not simply to hold, but to publish such views of a com- munion (Roman Catholic) so ancient, so wide-spreading, so fruitful of saints, I answer that I said to myself, I am not speaking my oym. words, I am but following almost a consensus of the Divines of my Church. Such views too are necessary for our position.*' ^ In other words, deceit was necessary in order to blind his followers to his true character. He further excuses his deceit. " The Alexandrian Father (Clement) accurately described the rules which should guide the Christian in speaking and acting economically. Towards those who are fit recipients, both in speaking and living, he harmonizes" his profession with his opinion. He both thinks and speaks the truthV » Maskell's " Letter to Pusey*" pp. 17-ai. ' Letter dated Dec. 12th, 1S42. RELIGI6US POIICY AND METHODS 13 except when consideration is necessaiy, and then, as a physician for the good of his patient, he will be false or utter a falsliood, as the sophists say." ^ The Rev. W. G. Ward, who succeeded Newman as leader of the Tractarians, adopted the same principles. " Make yourself clear," he said, " that you are justified in deception, and then lie like a trooper," * that is to say, he taught, in strict accordance with the* princ^ile laid down By Loyola, that the end justifies the means, ■ however opposed they might be to righteousness and truth. It is inconceivable that the Tractarian leaders who adopted in every detail the instructions of Rome to the Jesuits for overthrowing Protestantism, and made use of every form of deceit practised by the Jesuits, were not themselves of that Society or aflfihated to it. It wilt be observed that both they and the Jesuits answer exactly to the description, by thq Apostles Peter and Jude, of the false teachers who were to corrupt the Christian faith ; who were to " creep in unawares " and " priinly bring in destructive heresies," "making use of feigned words " in order to delude and deceive, and by the sensuous ritual and surroundings of Romanism which appeal to men's natural inclinations and tastes, " allure through the lusts of the flesh those who were clean escaped from those who live in error." * Dean Goode, speaking of their methods, Writes : "To the 'present, generation among us, Popery is presented only in its most attractive garb. Its form of worship, pleasing to some from its very novelty, is elaborately adapted. to the gratification of the senses. Its doctrines are toned down and explained in the style of Gother and Bossuet and Francis de Sancta Clara, to entrap the unwary or Ol-instnicted Protestant into a belief of their being substantially identical with those of the Church of England. Its language is that of the most ardent piety • Newman's " Arians of the 4th Century," p. 72. » " Shall We Tolerate the Jesuits ? " by H. A. Henderson, p. 7. • 2 Peter ii. 1-3 ; Jude 4 ; a Peter ii, 18 14 ROME AND GERMANY and devoutness to the cause of God and His Church. When acting in defiance of the, first principles of Chris- tian morality, inculcating and practising deceit and false- hood, injustice and violence, its adherents adopt a "phraseology which tacitly claims for them the highest- place among God's earthly saints. Look to their words only and the forms and ceremonies with which they huxj^s& thenaselves, and you would suppose you had got hofy laefQ of God to deal with, whose precepts and exaai^e mast be the very best standard you could adopt. What wonder is it that many are misled." * Romanism, in short,' i& on its best behaviour in this country, and its teachers clothe themselves with the outward garb of righteousness, and are always the foremost in Euiy crusade against social vices. This completely deludes all who are ignorant of the warnings of Scripture that false teachers would always clothe themselves with an outward garb of holiness and be "^made to appear as ministers of righteousness " ;^ and it prepares them to believe the statements constantly insinuated by the Press and by popular authors that the evil of Romanigm has been greatly exaggerated. As a result of this policy. Cardinal Manning, even thirty years ago, stated that the Priests of Rome found cpntroversy superfluous, because'^the work of perversion was done ready to their hand by the disciples of Dr. Pusey. "The multitudes," he saj^, "worshipping in churches which might be almost mistaken for our own .... is very great. They use our devotions, our books, our pictures of piety. Thousands, who would not for the world set foot in a Romish Church, read photographic descriptions of high masses and requiems and consecra- tions, processions, pilgrimages and canonizations. The; air^sfuUof it."» Hence the; Roman Catholic paper, T/ta Weekly Register, anticipating the ultimate success of the movement, said, • " Rome's Tactics," by Dean Goode, p. 73. * Matt. vii. 15 ; a Cor. xi. 15. » " Essays on Religion," and series, pp. i^'iO. RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS 15 " It no doubt will progress until the High Mass will once more be sung iil Westminster Abbey," ^ The late Cardinal Vaughan, speaking at a meeting of The Catholic Truth Society at Preston as recently as Sep- tember, 1894, said : " Contrast the churches of the Establishment of sixty or seventy years agp with the- pre- sent churches, which are often distinguishable only with extreme difficulty from those belonging to the Church of Rome. The doctrines of the (R.) Caitholic Church, which had been rejected and condemned as blasphemous, super- stitious, and foul inventions, ha.ve been re-examined and taken back one by one, until the Thirty-nine Articles have been banished and buried as a rule of' faith. The real presence, the sacrifice of the mask offered for the living and the dead — sometimes even in Latin — not ^infrequent reservation of the sacrament, regular auricular confessiop, extreme unction, purgatory, prayers for the dead, devo- tions to our Lady, to her Immaculate conception, the use of her rosary, and the invocation of saints, are doctrines taught and accepted with a growing desire and relish for them in the Church of England. " A celibate clergy, the institution of monks and nuns under vows, retreats, jfasting, and other penitential exer- cises — candles, lamps, incense, crucifixes, images of the Blessed Virgin and the saints held in honour, stations of the Cross, the adoptiop of an ornate Catholic ritual, and now recently an elaborate display of the whole cere- monial of the Catholic Pontifical — all this speaks of a change and a movement towards the Church that would have appeared absolutely incredible at the beginning of this century. And what is still more remarkable is that the movement is stronger than the rankest Protestantism, and the movement continues and spreads until it is rapidly covering the country. Has there ever been a more mar- vellous change and this within half a century ? ""* The Irish Ecclesiastical Recdrd, in January, 1891, said : " At this hour 5,000 Church of England clergymen « Quoted by" Junius Junior " in " The Modern Avemus," p. 6a. • Quoted in " Shall We Tolerate the Jesuits ? " p. a6. Id - ROME AND GERMANY r are preaching from as' many Protestant ptilpits the Catholic faith much- more effectively, with less suspicion, and more acceptance than we could ever hope to do."^ The actual numbers of the Ritualistic clergy engaged in Romanising the Church of England, in the list pub- lished by the Church Association, is now estimated to be. 9,600, atKi their true character is revealed by a statement of Cardinal Manning who, speaking of the Jesuits, at a meeting in Willis' rooms in 1872, said: "That great society which had with unbroken continuity kept the Faith alive in England, at this moment stood at the head of the grgat Catholic Mission in this land." * The resurrection of Roman Catholic influence in this country undoubtedly dates from 1-829, when a Bill was passed for rppeaUng " the Roman Catholic Disabilities Act," which had hitherto, prevented them from sitting in Parliciment and bolding public of&ces. The result of this Bill was that whereas., at the beginning of last century, there was onlyss^ne convent, there were, in 1850, 11 monasteries and 50 convents, while in 1905 there were 290 monasteries and 711 convents, all so many centres of Jesuit activity uncontrolled in any way and free from Government inspection. * Jesuit influence and activity must' also have increased at a rapid rate during the last few years ; for since France and tJther countries wisely bemished the Jesuits and their affiliated orders, they have poured into this country, and of the 9^000 Tjanished by France alone, it is estimated that 6,100 .liave settled in Britain. The St. James' Gazette, August i8th, 1903, makes the following comment : — " Possibly the most remarkable thing ajbout these expelled orders is the fact that most other Popish European countries will have none of them. They tried Spain ; Alphonso insisted on their civij • Ibid., p. 29.- It will be noticed that these Roman Gatholic writers. lake care to disassociate themselves from the Ritualistic clergy of tlie Church of England'in order to disarm suspioion of the true character of the latter. * "Shall ■y/e Tolerate the Jesuits ?" p. 11. » pail!^ Exprtsh March 23th, 1905. RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS i; authorization. In Portugal the. populace stoned a ship-, load of monks on thequay at Lisbon and forced them to re-embark. A law has been passed in Switzerland pro- hibiting their admission.; and Austria, Germany, and Italy have turned the exiles back." To suppose that the Jesuits, while making such efforts to Romanise the Chur6h of Englahd, have not niade siiijUar efforts in the Nonconformist Churches would be a .great mistake. The leading Ritualistic org^n, The Church Times, so long ago as 1867, -speaking of. the methods used for perverting the clergy of the Church of England, writes: "They are not our ultimate goal. The final aim which wLU alone satisfy the Ritualists is the reunion of Christendom and the absorption of Dissent within the Church. ' ' ^ But for various reasons the methods used for perverting the .Nbhconformist Churches are not precisely the same as those used in the Church of England, Other objects of great importancfe to the ambition of Rome are sought to be obtained through the pervej-sion and decep- tion pf the Nonconformist bodies, but as these objects require to be first explained, the subj.ect will be' more advantageously considered later on. * During the last seventy years in which Rome has been making eveiry effort to Romanise the Church of England, there has.been, at the same time, an attack, ever incfeasin^ iu subtlety and strength, on the' authority and inspiration of .the Bible, and there seems good reason to believe that this attack has been largely due to the subtle and secret efforts of the Jesuits. Among the doctrines which the Jesuits in the seven- teenth century were instructed to preach in England for ' the purpose of overthrowing Protestantism, those of infidelity, acie particularly specified^ as in the case of the Jesuit? se^t to England.in 1646. Bishop Bramhall, writing from, the Continent to Arch- bishop Usher, just before the execution of Charles I., » Church Times, March 30th, 1867, ° See part lU. diap. xvii. i8 ROME AND GERMANY informed him that no less than one hundred Jesuit, Dominican, and Franciscan priests had been despatched to England " in order to make confusion worse con- founded." Previous to their departure they were ex- amined as to their capabilities ' " whether for Presby- tery, tndependency, Anabaptism, Atheism, or any new tenets, and charged to exercise their wits accordingly." Many others were fitting out in these spiritual exercises to foHow them. It is added that " the hundred men who went over in 1646 were most of them soldiers in the Parliament's army, and were daily to correspond with the Romanists in the King's army." ^ The hatred of Rome to the Bible in modem times is very evident in Ireland, where it has been called " the book of the devil," and its teachings spoken of as " -poisonous pastures," while the animosity with which the Jesuits now regard it in England, where its influence has been so great, was ^ery fuUy expressed by the organisers of " The secret plan " revealed i by Leone. , After speaking of the methods to be used for the perversion of the ignorant, and especially of the masses, it goes on to speak of their open opponents — " As for English enemies they little think we have in store for them the censorship of the Press, gags and flames, for the day is approaching when we must be their masters.O then the Bible, that serpent which, with head erect and eyes flashing fire, threatens us with its venom, whilst it trails itself along English soil-^it shall be changed again into a rod as soon as we are able to seize it, and what wounds will we not inflict upon those hardened Pharaohs and their cunning magicians ? O then, mysterious rod, we will not suffer you to escape our hands and fall to the earth. For you know too / well that for these three centuries the cruel asp has left us no repose. You well know with what folds it entwines us, and with what fangs it gnaws us." ' , » " The Secret History of Romanism," p. 278, by Dr. Dawson Massey; Hamilton, Adams &' Co., 23, Paternoster Row, and Seeley's, 54, Fleet Street. • Ditto, p. 333. RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS i^ Even as late as Feb. 19th, 1907, a letter was received from the Committee of ,the Trinitarian Bible Society at Vera Cruz, saying that a number df Bibles had been publicly burnt in the open space in front of the church by the priests, the people being assembled to witness the conflagration. The Society also states that the colportetirs in Portugal had recently been Tmprisoned for selling the Bible and their stock of the Scriptures confisca.ted. 1 For, as we have said, belief in the Bible is an insuperable obstacle to the establishment of Romish superstition and to the pretensions and ambition of the priesthood. Hence in the times of the Reformation the priesthood burnt every copy of it they could find, and tortured and burnt every one who was found in possession of a copy, or who upheld its teaching, while to the present day the Roman Catholic laity are either forbidden to read it altO' gether, or, when this cannot be prevented, are only allowed to read mutilated versions. But for the Jesuits to openly express their antagonism to the Bible in Britain, where for centuries it has been a household book, would only create suspicion and hostility and be fatal to the success of their designs. On the other hand, by employing the able and erudite members of their society, in the guise of professed Protestants, or inde- pendent scientists, to secretly undermine the truth and authority of the Bible, while the leading representative? of the priesthood outwardly express their reverence for it, suspicion would be averted, and they would yet be doing the work of Rome far more effectively than by the old methods of burning it and forbidding the laity to read it. It is indeed inconceivable that the Jesuits have neglected to use so manifest and effective a means of destro5dng the influence of the Scriptures in this country and of thereby overthrowing the stronghold of Protestanism. When also we examine the nature of these attacks on the Bible we find them disingenuous in the extreme. Instead of being based on logical argmnent, they are • "^uaxterly Record of Trinitarian Bible Society," April, 1907 30 ROME AND GERMANY founded on unproved assumptions and blustering asser- tions, unsupported by a shadow of real evidence, together with hair-spUtting quibbles and ingenious sophistries, the- weakness and fallacy of which are evident upon examina- tion. But because they are accompEinied by a parade of learning and erudition, and their weakness and fallacy are . not apparent on the surface, they deceive numbers who do not take the trouble to examine the matter for theinselves, or perhaps are not unwilling to believe that the precepts and demands of the Bible may be without Divine authority. But to those who have examined the nature of these attacks, the unfounded assumptions and the specious, fallacies and sophistries by which they are supported, betray the malignant animus which underlies them, in spite of the appearance of candour and the smoSth language with which they are often advocated. They "■force upon the mind the conviction that the authors of these attacks have no desire for the truth, but are simply animated by a determination to overthrow the authority of the Bible as the Word of God, and that to accomplish this they do not hesitate to make use of those hair- splitting quibbles and sophistries which are so characteristic of the Jesuit casuist. On these grouhdSi and .considering the evidence of Rome's hatred to the Bible and the nature of the methods used to overthrow its authority, we can hardly doiibt that the attacks on it, if not wholly initiated by the Jesuits, are largely due to secret member's of that society who by their learning and abilities have been especially selected ' for ■ that purpose. It should ako be observed that by under- mining beilief in th« Bible they strike a deadly' blow at British Pirotesta'ntism, iand the destruction of Protest- antism is the one great aim of Rome and the Jesuits, to the attainment of which all their efforts arfe concentrated. The majority of people in Great Britain have hitherto believed, and rightly believed, that their civil and religious liberties are based on their rejection, of Romish tyranny and superstition. Protestan-tism therefore is, arid has been, for the last three hundred years, a word to cofijure RELIGIOUS POLICY ANt) METHODS 2i with in Britain, and the cry that Protestantism is in danger is.suffisient to unite all classes, including numbers who are more or less indifferent to religion, in opposing anything which threatens its integrity. Open attacks on Protestantism would therefore tend to defeat the object of .the Jesuits, and this is fully recognised by the leading representatives of Rome in this, country, who; while •endeavouring, to. recommend their own reUgion, speak with respect and ssmipathy of Protestant piety. But Protestantism is based upon belief in the Bible, which condemns the errors and superstitions of Rome. If therefore that beUef is weakened or destroyed, the very reason and basis of Protestanti^sm ceases to exist, and the .imbeliever who regards the warnings and precepts of the Bible as without Divine authority is prepared to see nothing but good in the display of religious piety mani- , fested by the priesthood of Rome,, and much to be praised in the striking and magnificent ritual of that Church which exercises such a fascination upon the senses of the beholder. It is thus evident that, by .secretly undermining belief in the Bible, Rome and the Jesuits, without provoking .hostile opposition, are adopting the most effectual method ior overthrowing the Protestantism which is the great obstacle to the conversion of this country to Romanism .and to the restoration of their influence and dominion. Their efforts may not succeed in overthrowing the Pro- testantism of the whole nation, but they will not only result in an ever-increasing number of proselytes, but will most certainly so weaken the opposition of multitudes , that the laws"" and measures against Romish innovations will cease to have any effective force. It is only too evident that this is already the case ; that it is impossible :at the present time to' put those laws in force ; and that .protest against the eiforts of Rome to re-establish her influence and religion are by the majority of people treated with absolute indifference. * ' The prohibition of the Proepssioo, of 'the Host in the Roman .Cat^iolic Pageant in London might seem tq be a.n exception to whaf has b&b "said, and it shows 'that Protestantisin in Great 22 ROME AJ^D GERMANY The crusade against the truth of the -Bible is being carried on, not merely by scientists, but by numbers of the leading clergymen of the Church of England, and also by many Nonconformist ministers, and so marked has been the success of the latter, that behef in the Old Testament .Scriptures and in the leading doctrines of Christianity 'has for some time been tacitly rejected by some of the Nonconformist communities. This growing unbeHef in the Bible as the Word of God is only what the Scriptures have predicted would take place at the close of this dispensation, and when the efforts of those who are making war against the Bible have been crowned with success, the chief obstacle to the triumph of Romanism will be removed, and the cherished ideal of the Jesuits in the Church of England, the Union of the Churches of Britain with the idolatrous Churches of Rome and of Eastern Europe, may be expected to take place. In addition to the work they are canying out in the various religious communities, the object of the Jesuits is to obtain as far as possible the education of the young. " Our chief concern," they say, " must be to mould the people to our purposes. Doubtless the first generation will not be whoUy ours, but the second will nearly belong to us, and the third entirely," ^ For this purpose they have prepared numerous school books in which history has been falsified, " Few things," says Junius Junior, " can better illustrate the complete success of this policy of secret war than tl;e astounding extfent to which history has been travestied in popular school books where Jesuit action has not even been suspected." * The late Archbishop Whately, commenting oxk the falsification of facts in school histories, to which attention Britain is by no means dead at present. But the prohibition was made with decided reluctance and only at the last moment, in consequence of the strong protest of a few Protestant Societies, The incident is not yet closed, and it will certainly be made use of by Rome to deplore Protestant " intolerance," with the object of getting the remaining laws against Romanism repealed, together with the abrogation of the Coronation oath which secures the Protestant succession to the throne. • "The Jesuit Conspiracy," p. 97. ' "ModemAyernus,"p. 113, RELIGIOUS POLICY AND METHODS 83 was called by Master FitzGibbon, says, " nothing could exceed the unblushing audacity of its falsehoods except the atrocity of its principles. The perversion of its morals is still worse than the perversion of iacts." ^ It was only the other day that Mr. Horace Round called attention in the Contemporary Review to a similar perversion of facts in the case of the English Histories written by Messrs. Wakeman and Nye (professed Protestants) for the instruction of the young. * The Jesuits have also established schools in various parts of England, wherein an excellent secular education is given on remarkably cheap terms in order to induce Protestant parents to' send their children there, on the understandings that no attempt should be made to con- vert them to Romanism. But it is a recognised principle with the Jesuits that "No faith is to be kept with heretics," and it is easy in these schools to implant in the young the seeds of Romish piety and devotion, and beget in them a reverence and affection for many of the features of Romish superstition, which seldom fails to bear fruit in after life. Their object is also to obtain positions of influence and trust on public bodies, and in the offices of the State, by which they are able to infltience pubhc opinion and direct the counsels of their associates, and at the same time to learn the secrets of the Government which are inimical to their interests., " Let all courts," they say, " And parti- cularly those of heretic princes, be provided with some of our most vigilant sentinels, who must be wholly ours though belonging in appearance to the Protestant sect, in order that nothing may escape us, whether to our profit or our disadvantage, of all that passes in the Cabinet and consistory. We must hesitate at no cost when it imports us to gain possession of a secret ! "' We might expect also that, as in France and other countries, the agents of Rome would make use of the » " Roman Catholic Priests and National Schools," by Master FitzGibbon^ p. 8. (Longmans, 1872.) « Contemporary Review, September, i8g8. These histories have i been circulated through every school in the kingdom, • " The Jesuit Conspiracy," p. 127. 24 ROME AND GERMANY powerful aid of. the Press to influence public opinion in their favour. Accordingly we find that the'Iiteratyrftof the present day is saturated with the spirit of Romanism, and that not only many public journals and periodicals,, but even works of fiction, are full of. apologies for every- thing Romish, while they, hold up- to hatred or ri(icule the doctrines of Protestantispi and the principles of the. Reformation. Even journals which a few years ago^ were . staunch defenders of Protestantism and exposers of: the errors of Rome are now apologists for the latter and eulogists of Romish ritual. ^ " Jesuits," .says Junius Junior, " are on the staff ,of every newspaper in London," and as an illustration of their methods, he mentions the case of a wealthy gentleman who had established a provincial journal for the sole pur- pose of supporting. Protestantism. , It was subsequently discovered that the person who, by representing himself as a staunch Protestant, had obtained the appointment of Editor, was a Jesuit.^ This was thirty years ago,' and since then thousands of Jesuits, banished, from thes Con- tinent, have poured into England and Scotland. We may, therefore, conclude" that by this time they have been able to obtain, on the staffs of every influential paper, positions for one or more of their number whose learning,, aniyine authority. When this is the case, the chief obstacle to the re-estabhshment of Romish super- stition will have been removed. On the other hand, the deep-seated antagonism of a large portion of the people to Romanism, and to any form of priestly dominion, will still remain and, unfil their opposition can be subdued, it will be an insuperable obstacle to the ultimate triumph of Roman ambition* For this reason, it is the avowed determination of Rome to bring about the subjugation of the British nation and the pverthrow of the British Empire. " The purpose of Rome," said Cardinal Manning, " is to smS- jugateand subdue, to conquer and rule an Imperial race." The means to be adopted in ordier to secure this result would appear to be the same as those which Rome made use of against England in the reign of Elizabeth. By promises and secret intrigues, Rome then sought to induce, first France, and then Spain, to undertake the conquest of EnglEfod, while, at the same time, the Jesuits, both in this country and on the Continent, circulated a mass of scurrilous Hterature, full of falsehood and calumny, in order to stir, up hatred on the Continent against this country and to inflame the minds of British Catholics against the Queen and her Protestant Ministers, with the 36 SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS 27 view of dividing the kingdom against itself, and, by forming a powerful party in favour of Rome, prepare the way for the conquest of the country by a Catholic power. Froude remarks that the Jesuits in France and Belgium, and the seminary priest at^Douay, " repre- sented the English Reformation as a mdnstrous product of lust and tyranny, and Cromwell, Cranmer, Burleigh, and every great thinker and statesman which Engknd had produced, were held up as panderers to the wickedness X)f Henry VIII. and his bastard daughter, while Elizabeth herself was described as a monster of the world whose cruelty exceeded both that of the heathen and Turk, and as the vilest of prostitutes, and her Court the vilest of brothels." These and similar scurrilous calumnies were pubhshed broadcast in England and on the Continent in order to stir up the hatred of the Catholics. * In this they so far succeeded that they excited sedition and provoked rebellion after rebellion both in this country and in Ireland, while, at the same time, they formed repeated plots to murder the Queen. She herself was excommunicated by the Pope, and her deposition and murder were declared by him to be righteous acts which would secure heaven to those who accomplished them. How great the danger was felt to be from these plots and seditions is sufficiently evident from the letters of the Queen's ministers. " England and Ireland," said Lord Burleigh, "had rebelled at the instigation of the Pope. Plots had been formed for the assasination of the Queen. Priests, commissioned by the Pope, had stolen into the realm to seduce her subiects from their allegiance, and had suffered accordingly, while no loyal Catholics had been interfered with." * On the meeting of Parliamesit to pass laws dealing with the wide-spread treason and rebellion. Lord Burleigfi said, " Those devils (the Jesuits) were persuaded that her life (the Queen's) was the only let why their tyranny Froude, " History of England," vol. XL, pp. 34, 25 ; XII., pp. 450. 453- • Lord Burleigh. Froude, " History of England," vol. XL, pp, 364.365-, 28 ROME AND GERMANY was not planted again. While that hope . remained her", life, was in peril. No laws, no associations, no- fear' of torment could remedy it. The damnable sect' of Jesuits persuaded men in conscience, that sucfi acts would merit heaven." ^ Again in the " Domestic 'MS." we read : " One frightful tHought possesses eveiy loyal mind that those hell-hounds, the Jesuits, knowing themselves' to be united, and good subjects tpbe distracted! and' doubtful, would strike at. the Queen arid_:plunge the country into anarchy. They held and taught. that. it. was only' lawful and meritorious to kill excommunicated princes. The paradise they were to win enabled them to despise death and triumph in torments." ^ Rome, although she failed to induce the' King, of France to make war against England, succeeded in ^ persuading, Philip pf Spain, the most powerful monarch", in the world at that, time, to do §o, wi^h the result that the. mighty Armada was collected, manned by aU the 'bravest and most disciplined trqops of the Empire, and- led by the chivalry of Spain,^to accomplish the conquest' of England and the re-establishment of the Papal dominion. The nation, including the loyal Catholics,' remember- ing what it had suffered in the past from thie cruelty, of the Romish priesthood, responded nobly to the Queen's call to arms, but the alarm felt throughout the country wrs great and profound. Nevertheless, the defeat of the Aainada was accomplished by seemingly- weak and inadequate forces, which, however, were aided iii ;so. remarkable a way by. the powers of Nature that it called forth the remark of t|ie Spanish sailors, " God 'is fighting against us." History repeats itself, and the methods of Rome are unchanged. " De Maistre," speaking of the means to be used for the destruction of Protestantism, of which Britajii is the stronghold, said in 1823, " Providence is engaged in raising an army in Europe."* Similarly » Froude, vol. XII., p. 60. f Ibid , p. 63. » Cij;«d l^y Jo^makitfRfbath Feb, aist, %^ SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS 29 M. Saint Cheroii wrote in 1842, " There are striking signs of the approach of one of those solemn crises which mark for ages the destiny of a people, signs which, fore- token one of those epochs in which sanguinary contests take place. Catholicism is taking measures to assure itself anew of the army of France." ^ Circumstances have changed since this was written, and Republican France, having banished the religious orders, is now the foe of Rome and the object of her enmity, and the friend and ally of Britain.' But in place of France, Rome, as we shall show, has in the army of Germany a far more formidable and trenchant weapon for the overthrow of this country. Cardinal Mantling, speaking of the means to be used for the restoration of the Papal Power, said, " There is only one solution of the difficulty, a solution I fear impending, and that is, the terrible scourge of Continental war, a war which will exceed the horrors of any of the wars of the first Empire. And it is my firm conviction that, in spite of all obstacles, the vicar of Jesus Christ will be put again in his own rightful place. But that day will not be until his adversaries will have crushed each other with mutual destruction." ^ Now the principal " adversaries " of the Papal preten-' sions were, at that time, the Protestant Powers, Britaiti, Germany, and the Uiiited States, and we gaiher, there- fore, that the plan of Rome, as indicated by Cardinal Manning, was to take measures to stir up these Powers against each other, and, without scruple or remorse, " plunge -them into the bloodiest of wars in order ,^that they should " crush each other with mutual destruction." Upon this subject, the Rev. Hugh Price Hughes, in writing his reminiscences of the later Cardinal Manning, said, " I was simply horrified at the calmness with which he declared he would be willing to deluge the whole of Europe with blood in order to destroy the unity of Italy and recover the temporal power of the Pope," * ' " The Modem Averrius.'' Appendix H., p. 298. * Tablet, Jan. 24, 1874. • Methodist Times, Aug. 6th, 1896. 30 ROME AND GERMANY For the furtherance of this object there are several societies formed, such as the Society of the Sacred Heatt, numbering, even in 1842, two miUion members, of whom we are told " Every novice admitted into the association shall swear to combat to the death the enemies of humanity {i.e., of Rome). His every day, his every hour shall be consecrated to the development of Christian civilisation. He has sworn eternal hatred to the genius of eiiil and has promised absolute and un- reserved submission to our Holy Father, the Pope, and to the commands of the hierarchical superiors of the association. The Director, on his admission, has ejaculated, 'We have one soldier more.' " * We need hardly point out that by " the enemies of humanity " and " the genius of evil " we must understand " Protestants " and Protestantism, the chief opponents of Rome and objects of her enmity. " The Siecle " remarked at the time with regard to this statement, " We are therefore warned, a crusade is organised, it has its secret chiefs, its avowed purpose, its trained soldiers." ' The object of the Jesuits, as revealed in " The Secret Plan," is to stir up hatred against Protestant Britain in every Catholic country. Our business is to contrive : — 1st. That Catholics be imbued with hatred for the heretics, whoever they may be, and that this hatred shall constantly increase and bind them closely to each other. 2nd. That it be_ nevertheless dissembled so as not to. transpire until the day when it shall he appointed to break forth. 3rd. That this secret hate be combined with great . activity in endeavouring to detach the faithful from every government inimical to us, and to employ them, when they shall form a detached body, to strike deadly blows at heresy. » " De rOrganization Hidrarchique," ch. vi., p. 42. • " The Modern Avtrnus," by " Junius Junior," p. 187, SOCIAl AND POLITICAL DESIGNS 31 " Let us bring all our skill to bear upon this part of our plan." * " With pur devoted bishops, and- a clergy whose tactics have been perfected, a Catholic may be brought, through the Confessional, to abhor, from his very childhood even, the breath of a heretic, and firmly to resist all their insinuations, books, and discourses, whilst carefully preserving a polite and gracious manner. Every bishop and priest must act upon this principle, gently but in- flexibly, with the mildness of a lamb, in the perfume of sanctity, so as to win all hearts ; but with the fierceness of a raging lion when the right time comes." ^ As in the days of Ehzabeth, calumny and falsehood are stilH:he chief weapons of the Jesuits. Pascal has very fully shown that the Jesuits' most deadly weapon is calumny, and that it is openly defended by them. At the Louvaine disputation (1645) it was held that " It is only a venial sin to cedumniate and accuse falsely those who > speak evil of us." In olher words, the weapon to be used against those who expose the evil deeds and designs of the Jesuits is calumny. De Castellan says : "I have maintained and d6 maintain that calumny, whenever-u^ed against a calumniator, though it be a falsehood, is not a breach of jusliice nor of Christian charity." "It is a probable opinion," says Caramuel, " that there is no mortal sin in calumniating falsely in order to preserVie one's honour ; " and a German Countess who instructed , the daughters of the Empress taught them that the good Jesuit Fathers exempted calumny from the deadly sins. The later letters, of Pascal show how greatly he suffered from the scandalous calumnies and a,bominable abuse heaped upon him in consequence of his exposure of the Jesuits. M. Puys, who wrote a book which gave the Jesuits offence, and M. Pasquier, who arraigned them in » " Secret Plan," pp. 127, ia8. English edition, translated from the French edition by the Author's permission. Chapman & Hall, 1848. • " Secret Plan," quoted by " Secret History of Romanisq)," PP- 534. 335- 32 ROME And GERMANY the French ParUaihent in 1564, were similarly attacked with the niost bitter calumnies. * It is, thus evident that the distinctive weapons of the Jesuits-against those who ojppose them, or against whom they wish to excite hatred and contempt, are lies and calumnies ; and if these were their avowed weapons three hundred years ago, we may be certain that they are per- fected in their use at the present time. In short, the French historian, Michelet, in his book upon the Jesuits, ' writes of their doctrine^ _ " Its venom pervades our hospitals, our schools, and all our benevolent institutions." He affirms that " their power in calumny is more vigorous than ever; that continued repetition gives it weight, and that at last its effects are , deadly," and he indignantly asks, " What reputation, however pure, can resist the united efforts of thirty thousand" artful tnen scattered over the whble Christian world, repeating day by day the same vile falsehoods ? " ^ Macaulay also writes, " Jesuits were to be foijhd^under every disguise and iri every country ; scholars, physicians, merchants, serving men ; in the hostile court of Sweden, ' iA the old manor houses of Cheshire, among the hovels of Cbnnaught ; arguing, instructing,- consoling, stealing away the hearts of the young, animating the courage of • the dying. Nor was it less their office to plot against the thrones, and lives of apostate Kings, to spread evil rumours {calumnies) to raise tumults, to spread civil wars, to arm the hand of the assassin.'' ^ Hence we find that any writer or public journal which opposes the aims of Rome or reveals its designs, is sooner or later the" subject of secret attacks. Their veracity is decried, and their statements ridiculed, and ^owever little foundation there , may be for these attacks, yet when they are constantly insinuaited and repeated by the secret agents of the Jesuits in social intercourse, in aU classes of society, they seldom fail to create suspicion of the writers and to undermine their authority. > " The Secret MiBtory of Romanism," pp. 252-3(60. • Ibid., p. 337. • " The Secret History of Romanism," p. 306, SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS 33 There is no more powerful weapon than ridicule, and nothing which people shrink from so much, and this ridicule is easily excited against any one who expresses a fear of dangers which are not directly apparent. This, therefore, is the ordinary means of checking enquiry and averting suspicion from Jesuit action. Any suggestion,- however strongly supported by fact, that some sinister circumstance is due to Jesuit intrigue is attacked by ridicule, and rather than face it and seriously consider the matter, people will join in the ridicule and even flatter themselves that, their weakness is strength of mind. But calumny, slander, and misrepresentation, rather than ridicule, are the chief weapons of the Jesuit for their more serious objects of exciting hatred of their opponents, of creating hostility to the people or nation they want to destroy, or of arming the hand of the assassin by inflaming the weak-minded fanatic with a vindictive hatred to the person whose death they wish to accomplish. The evidence of the hatred which the Jesuits are seeking to engender against Protestants in general and England in particular is very visible in the Roman Catholics of Ireland, who openly proclaim their detestation of England, their desire for her downfall, and their exulta- tion at every reverse which befalls her arms ; and this is not because they have any real injustice to complain of, for the Protestants of the North, living under the same laws, are among the most loyal subjects of the King. It is simply because they are Roman Catholics whose hatred of everything English and Protestant has been inflamed by»the priesthood, many of whom preach rebellion from their pulpits. This hatred was also manifested in the conspiracy of the Irish Catholics to boycott all Protestants of whatever rank or calling, concerning which Mr. Hugh O'Donnell, who is himself a Roman Cathohc, writes, " The new Inquisition which stands behind the Clerico-Jacobin conspiracy would soon attack the Protestant professional man, the Protestant employer, the Protestant workman, the Protestant banker, the Protestant shopkeeper, the 34 ROME AND GERMANY Protestant doctor and lawyer, the Protestant clerk in the counting-housej the Protestant assistant behind the counter, the Protestant nursemaid, the Protestant governess and secretary. Sooner even than I anticipated, the new Inquisition has shown its ruthless hand, and the sinister organization miscalled the Catholic Association is even at this moment putting out the thousand tentacles and suckers and appetites of its poisonous hydra, to envelop, to destroy, and dishonour its coveted victims, the Protestant people of Ireland.^ . . . Two centuries after the expulsion of James II., the policy of the Revoca- tion of the Edict of Nantes hangs suspended over the most progressive and independent part of the Irish nation. " I am an Irish Catholic devoted to the dogmas of the Church of Rome. I re«ognize to the full the authority of the supreme Bishop of Catholicism within the entire sphere of his religious pastorate. But I can no more tolerate the moral Bartholomew's Day which is preparing in Ireland than I can approve the Bartholomew's Day of blood which a similar social tone produced in the France of long ago." 2 The plan of Home Rule was worked out in 1847 by a Jesuit, and the Father Provincial of the Jesuits in Ireland wrote on June nth, 1873^ that if Home Rule could be gained "it would certainly be a great step towards the destruction of Protestant asgendancy." ^ Father Lavell, lecturing in Dublin in 1869, on " The Catholic Doctrine of the Right of Revolution," explained that the Irish Bishops and Priests acted on the principles of the Jesuits,* and The Tablet, in 1891, stated, " On the whole, the Irish representation is the work of the priest- hood. The Irish members are in Parliament because the priests have sent them there." * The periodical, Catholic Progress, for February and March in the year 1881, which was issued from the Jesuit press at Roehampton, clearly ' This conspiracy is in full activity at the present moment. • "A National Boycott of Irish Pirotestants." Published by Protestant Evangelical Mission, 5, Racquet Court, Fleet Street, London. • " Shall We Tolerate the Jesuits ? " pp. 19, ao. « Ibid., p. 26. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS- 35 advocated the murder of Protestants in Ireland and the destruction of their property. ^ The means for generating hatred of the Protestant land- lords in Ireland is also described in "The Secret Plan." " Let us thus speak to them of the Protestant landlords : O, poor people, how they have degraded you ! They esteem you as less than brutes. Look at these great Land- lords ! They revel in wealth, they devour the land ; they _ laugh at you, and in return for the wealth they draw from your vitals they load you with contempt, and yet if you knew how to reckon your strength you are stronger than they. Measure yoilrselves with them, man to man, and you will soon see how little there is in them. It is nothing but your own stupidity which makes them so powerful ; go on your ways, be not downhearted ; you are white doves in comparison of those black filthy crows. Take them out of their luxurious dwellings, strip them of their fine clothes, and you will find their flesh is not so good as your own." 2 St. Laserian's famous prophecy that "Ireland was the battlefield of the Papacy, and that its downfall there should be foUowed by its downfall throughout the world," ^ may be one of the reasons why Rome has concentrated all her efforts to retain her dominion in that country. Finally, the object of the Jesuits is to stir up sedition and rebellion in every country where the authority of the priesthood is in abeyance, or subordinated to that of the State, in order to divide the kingdom against itself, weaken its power, and make government impossible. In short, their object is not only to stir up hatred against Protes- tants, but to inflame the masses with hatred of the upper classes and of all governments. There was a time when the Jesuits exercised a powerful influence in every court in Europe, and were more or less able to use the power of the State for the benefit of their order and the hierarchy of Rome. But this is no longer > " Shall We Tolerate the Jesuits? " pp. 20, 21. • " Secret History of Romanism," p. 336. • " Secret History of Romanism," p. 499. 36 ROME AND GERMANY the case. Not only have priestcraft and the Roman Catholic reHgion lost their influence on a large proportion of the upper-classes in Continental countries, but the governments of those countries, recognizing the baneful influence of the Jesuits on the affairs of the State, have now banished them from their shores. From the time, therefore, that their influence with rulers and the upper classes began to wane, the Jesuits turned their attention to the masses, not with the hope of converting them to their religion, but in order to make use of them as a weapon for revenging themselves on those who had rejected them. To accomplish this, they seek to excite the discontent of the lower classes, and inflame them with envy and malice against the upper classes in order to stir up sedition and revolution. The revolutionary spirit which broke forth at the French Revolution has furnished them with material for effecting their purpose. That revolution was based on real and grievous wrongs suffered by the people, and it enlisted the support of men of culture and position, without which it would not have succeeded. But when it had resulted in the reign of blood and anarchy and the destruction of every social tie and everything which made life endurable, and had let loose all the worst passions of an ignorant and brutalized mob, a strong reaction was produced ; and in the desire for the re-establishment of law and order, the majority of the people were ready to welcome the rule of any one of commanding influence and ability who could enforce them. But after the overthrow of Napoleon and the re- establishment of the Monarchy, there still remained a general desire for a Republican form of government, which has now become the estabhshed government in France, and although the French are opposed to any form of class or religious tyranny, the bulk of the people are equally opposed to revolution and anarchy, and are the supporters of law and order and the rights of property. On the other hand, the spirit of anarchy and revolution which had been bom at the French Revolution still SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS 37 animated numbers of the ignorant, vicious, and discon- tented among the masses in every Continental country, and their envy and cupidity were excited by the wealth and position of those above them. This spirit broke forth again in the revolutionary rising of 1848. With the material thus ready to their hand, the Jesuits, by their secret agents, were able to fan the revolutionary spirit into flame. They were past masters in the art of sophistry and of playing upon the passions of human nature, and by entering the clubs and associations of working men in the guise of workmen and as sympathisers with their discontent, it was not difficult for these astute plotters, by fallacies, misrepresentations, and exaggera- tion, to excite the envy and greed or the ambition of numbers, and inflame them with a bitter hatred of govern- ments and of the upper classes in general. Just, in short, as they have sought to imbue the Catholic peasantry and lower classes in Ireland with hatred of the landlords, ^ so it is their avowed object to do the same with the masses in other countries, by endeavouring to reproduce artificially, by calumny and misrepresentation, the passions which led to the burst of revolutionary fury in France at the latter end of the eighteenth century. "As for the populace, let us work upon their discontent. The people, the people are the vast domain we have to gain."i» It is certain, however, that their efforts to create dis- content and revolution will be concentrated on the masses in those countries which are most, hostile to them. The evidence of this has been seen in Republican France ever since the Church in that country was sub- jugated to State control, and the laws against the religious orders were put in force ; for in every instance the origin of trouble and disorder in France may be traced to the clerical and reactionairy party, » See ante, page 35. • " The Secret Plan." " The Secret History of Romanism," pp. 331. 333- 38 ROME AND GERMANY The Journal Officiel, in 1879, stated that M. Ferry, the Minister for Education, declared that the Jesuits " were in permanent conspiracy against the existing institutions of the State, and he showed that the school teaching, especially the historical education given by them and kindred communities, was of a dangerous character, hostile, not only to Republican institutions, but also to modem society. He then gave a summary of the teaching of their books, and finished by saying, ' In short they out- raged everything that Fraoce loved and respected, every- thing she admired, and everything thai constituted her national greatness.' ' ' This, as we have seen, was their policy in England during the reign of Elizabeth, and so greatly did the country suffer from the consequent trouble and continual unrest, that it called forth the protest of every honest Roman Catholic in the country. The latter indeed addressed a petition against the Jesuits to the Pope, in which they said " That those- fathers were the sole authors of the troubles which agitated the English Church ; that previous to the Jesuits coming to England, no Catholic had been accused of high treason; that they had no sooner made their appearance in Great Britain than the aspect of things began to undergo a change; that their political ambition was so manifest that they had set a price on the Crown and put the Kingdom to auction." ^ Nearly fifty years after this, " many of the more respectable Catholic laity in England presented . a state- ment duly authenticated and founded on information collected from all parts of the Kingdom, openly charging the Jesuits as the real authors of. all disturbances of this period " ; and saying that " all the faithful besought God in public and private that He might be pleased to induce the Pope to withdraw the Jesuits from England, since painful experience had proved that there was no other way of restoring to the Kingdom the peace and happiness which they had banished from it." ^ » "De Thou," A.D., 1587, and "Les J&uites Criminels de L6se Majesty." » "M. D'Argentre," p. 348, et seq. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS 39 In short, so completely were the Jesuits recognised as the sole authors of all dissension, sedition, and rebellion, that in the Bull of Pope Clement XIV. for their suppression, it was stated, " No other remedy remained than this last and absolutely necessary one, in order to prevent Chri^ian people from attacking, provoking, a-nd tearing each other to pieces in the very bosom of Holy MoMier'Church." The Abbe Martial Marcel de la Roche Arnould, after eight years' experience in the Jesuit College, from which he escaped at the peril of his life, said, " When I crossed the accursed threshold I exclaimed, ' Just heaven, how can any honest man live among them ? ' Do you wish t^ excite trouble, to provoke revcEution, to produce the total ruin of your country? Gall in the desuits." ^ In the civil war in Switzerland, from 1830 to 1848, the Jesuits were the prime movers. Lord Palmerston said, as reported in The Times, April S3rd, 1853, " The cause, the original cause of the conflict, were the Jesuits ; it was their presence in Switzerland, it was their aggressive pro- ceedings in the Protestant Cantons which produced that war with regard to which our mediation is asked for ; and that which struck me was that the only natural mode of putting an end to that contest was to remove the obj set and the cause of it. It was in that spirit that we proposed that the Jesuits should be withdrawn I stated that it was my belief that the presence of the Jesuits in any country, Catholic or Protestant, was likely to disturb the political and social peace of that country. I maintain that opinion still." It is these Jesuits, who, banished from France, Spain, and Portugal, and other countries, have now made Britain their home, and the central seat of their influence and power ! It is well known that the Jesuits are the sole repre- sentatives of Vatican policy. "The Papal Hierarchy," says Junius Junior, " is now Ultramontane. It is administered by the Jesuits alone. It is the Jesuits who have subjugated every rival order, who constitute the ' Quoted by " Juniu.s Junior " in " The Modern Avernus," p. 331. 40 ROME AND GERMANY Curia, who inspire the Civilta, who foment sedition in every country in Europe. * For this is now their avowed design. "As for the populace, let us work on their discontent." "J am the priest of the people," said the Abb6 le Dreuille ; " labourers- do not enjoy the rights to which they have a claimf It is time for thef'rich and powerful to render them an account. It is necessary to tell them that the working man has a torch in his hand which a single spark will suffice to light, and that he will presently carry it flaming into chateaux and palaces with cries of distress and vengeance." ^ The hoped-for result of such agitation is thus stated : — " When the ebullition which we are secretly fomenting shall have reached a sufficient point, the cover shall suddenly be removed, and we shall pour our liquid fire upon those political meddlers who are ignorant and unreflecting enough to serve as tools in our hands, and our efforts will result in a Revolution worthy of the name, which shall coftibine in one universal conquest all the conquests that have been made. They are far from dreaming that we alone know how to prepare a Revolution compared with which all theirs have been, are, and will be but pigmy insurrections." ^ Nicolini, the Italian patriot, in his history of the Jesuits, writes : — " These riots, that blood spilt at Stockport, Dublin, Belfast, and elsewhere, the attempted beginning of a civil war, believe me, are due to the Jesuits ; " and after shewing the various disguises under which they manage to excite fanatisicm to frenzy, he asks, " What could prompt them to such infernal wickedness ? The accomplishment, I answer, of their mysterious designs, though this should be at the cost of the blood of thousands of their unoffending fellow-beings."* ' There can be little doubt also that the Jesuits, who, as we have seen, are behind the Nationahst party in Ireland, • " The Modern Avernus," p. 103. " Sermon preached in Paris at St. Rock, aist May, 1845. ' " The Jesuit Conspiracy," p. 175. « " History of the Jesuits," pp. 170, 171. Reprint. SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS 41 were the real authofs of the recent riots in Belfast, as well as of the simultaneous sedition among the Catholic portion of the Irish constabulary, by which means it was hoped to make British government in that country impossible. Napoleon thus expressed to Montholon his opinion of the Jesuits : " The General of the Jesuits insists upon being a sovereign over sovereigns. Wherever they are admitted they will be masters, cost what it may. Their society is by nature dictatorial, and therefore it is the irreconcilable enemy of constituted authority. Every act, every crime, however atrocious, is a meritorious work if it be committed for the interest of the Jesuits, or by the order of their General!" The means which the Jesuits adopt in order to carry out their designs for breeding sedition and rebellion, exciting the hatred of the masses against their rulers, and of Catholics against Protestants, is to insinuate them- selves in every class and order of society and in every department of State, where, in the guise of sympathisers and friends of the people they are seeking to ruin, they are able to obtain positions of trust and influence, and thus to mould and direct public opinion, and by appealing to the selfish interests and passions of each class, to cultivate the hatred they desire to engender. Speaking of the Jesuit Order of 5^. Vincent de Paul (the Paolotti), we read: " They know how to open all doors and to penetrate the most secret places. They belong to every rank of life, from the noble to the beggar. They practice every profession and every trade. They profess all shades of politics and wear every disguise. They are found in the bureaux of Government, eating the bread of the State which they are secretly labouring to overthrow. They swarm in the workshops, they insinuate themselves into worl(ing-men's clubs. But what delights them most is to act as tutors and schoolmasters. Their ambition is to mould the young and rear a race which shall be worthy of the dark ages."^ • " The Awakening of Italy," pp. 83, 84. 42 ROME AND GERMANY What then may not be the influence they are exercising at the present moment in Britain, whither they have flocked in thousands from the various Continental nations who have banished them ? From what has been said it will be seen that the leading features of the policy of Rome and the Jesuits for the overthrow of Protestantism and re-establishment of their dominion over the bodies and souls of men are as follows : — 1. To pervert as far as possible the Protestant faith by obtaining positions of trust and influence in Protestant Churches, from which in the guise of Protestants and under cover of a pretended hostility to Rome, they are able gradually to pervert the faith of numbers, and gain a solid phalanx of supporters devoted to the cause of Rome ; while, at the same time, they can direct and mould the opinions and inchnations of others in their favour, or get them to support their secret aims. 2. To obtain, as far as possible, the control of the education of the young, in order to imbue them with reverence and affection for Catholicism and contempt of Protestantism. 3. To acquire, as far as possible, control of the Press, by obtaining, positions on the staffs of the more important journals, from which they may influence public opinion and forward the policy of Rome. 4. To obtain the support of literary men and popular authors, and to induce them to write in their favour. 5. To acquire, under various disguises, positions of trust and influence on public bodies, in the offices of the State, and in every class of society from which they can exercise a powerful influence ; and in this way enlist and obtain a body of adherents who may become the blind but willing tools of their designs. 6. The pohcy of the Jesuits is further to implant in every Catholic community a bitter hatred of Protestants, and therefore of the British in particular, and also to stir up the hatred and jealousy of other nations against SOCIAL AND POLITICAL DESIGNS 43 Britain, in order to induce them to attack and, if possible, to subjugate and subdue her. 7. Finally, their design is to raise up sedition and rebellion throughout the world, but especially in those countries most hostile to Rome, as in the case of Britain and her dominions ; to set, in short, class against class, in order to divide the kingdom and weaken and dis- integra'te her power. To carry out these objects their weapons are now, as in the past, a scurrilous literature full of misrepresentations, calumnies and falsehoods, by which means they engender envy, hatred, and malice against those they wish to destroy. It should be here remarked that a large i;iumber of pious Roman Catholics, in Great Britain at least, have no part in these sinister designs. They are peaceful and law- abiding citizens, and among the most patriotic and loyal subjects of the King ; although from the influence exer- cised by the priesthood on the weaker and more super- stitious, such persons are always liable to become the tools of the Jesuits and to aid them in various ways for the furtherance of their ambition. It should also be observed that among the Jesuits themselves there are probably individuals who are too honest and scrupulous to give their support to the more sinister aims of the Society. They are soon recognised by their superiors, who take care that these scrupulous members should never suspect those aims. They help, however, to throw discredit on the charges of deceit and malignity made against the Society and to blind people to its true character. In many cases they are sent to convert the heathen in distant lands, where their self- sacrifice and devotion enable them to win golden opinions for the Society ; but they are never promoted to positions of dignity and honour in the order. CHAPTER III The South African War THE evidence of what has been said in the preceding chapters was brought to light in the clearest manner during the late South African War, which, as we shall show, was the first open attempt of the secret enemies of Great Britain to bring about her downfall. To understand this, it is necessary to refer briefly to the circumstances which prepared the way for, and ultimately brought on this war. These circumstances have also an important bearing on the events of the present day. The immediate cause of the war was, no doubt, the race hatred of the Boers and many of the Dutch in Cape Colony and Natal to the British. There was very little trace of this race hatred fifty years ago, and the constant intermarriages between the British and the Dutch had tended to unite the two races. The animosity which has since arisen has been due to more than one cause. But the initial cause was undoubtedly the prohibition by the British Government of the slavery to which the Boers had subjected the native races. The cruelties which the Kaffirs suffered at the hands of the Boers were very great. They were regarded as so much Swartgoed (black goods), but the Boers treated them infinitely worse than their domestic animals, and as stated by Mr. John McKenzie, the British Commissioner with Sir Charles Warren to Bechuanaland, in his book " Austral Africa," published in 1888 : " The Boers have persuaded themselves by some wonderful mental process that they are God-s chosen people and the blacks are the wicked and condemned Canaanites. They shoot them like vermin." 44 THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 45 The Boers denied the Kaffirs all civil rights, and even prohibited efforts made for their evangelization. ^ They not only shot down unarmed men- guilty of no offence, but flogged, often to death, Kaffir women and girls with raw-hide whips for some trivial neglect. In some instances they bound Kaffir men spread-eagled to their cart wheels, where they were sloWly battered to death or dragged them over the Veldt attached by a long rope to their saddles until, they died. ^ Dr. Livingstone stated that he could not believe in such barbarities until he heard " the Boers themselves glorying in the bloody scenes." Such a state of things obliged the interference of the British Government, which had put down slavery in every other part of their dominions. But the prohibition of slavery created much indignation among the Boers and was the cause of the " Greak Trek " of many of them across the Vaal river in order to be free from British jurisdiction. In the Transvaal they practised the same cruelties, and Mr. Halsten remarks that these cruelties " surpassed the worst suffered by the slaves of the Southern States of America." ^ Even as late as Sep- tember, 1899, a Transvaal Boer named Uys was charged with beating three Kaffir girls to death ; but so little was this thought of, that it was stated he would only receive a nominal punishment. * Although there were many humane and just men among the Boers, these barbarities were an evidence of the moral degradation of the majority, and this was further exemplified by their habitual deceit and apparent inabihty to speak the truth. Treachery and brutality ' As in the case of the London Missionary Society and American Mission to the Zulus, Daily News, Feb. 23, 1900. See also the prohibition by the Synod of the Dutch Church in the Transvaal. Letter of Rev. Charles Phillips, Daily News, April 10, igoo. ' Instances mentioned by Mr. W. A. Lucas, Chief Magistrate of Durban, The Globe, March 14, 1900. Letters of Rev. A. W. Cragg, Wesleyan minister at Colesberg, and Rev. P. Crewdson, Chaplaia t» the Forces, Daily News, April 37. ' Letter of Mr. Halsten from Cape Town, Daily Mail, Jaa, 37, 1900. ♦ Baily Telegraph, September 9, 1899. 46 ' ROME AND GERMANY were their leading characteristics, and this was, no doubt, chiefly due to the fact that most of them hved isolated lives, removed from every civilizing influence, and practically under no laws or restraint. It was not so much the prohibition of slavery, as the great moral difference between them and the British that was, the primary cause of their race animosity, and this difference was accentuated by the contrast between the superior civilization and culture of the British and their own ignorance and slovenly habits. Hence their particu- lar animosity to British officers, in whom this superiority seemed to be most marked, and their threat, at the beginning of the war, to shoot every officer who fell into their hands. But these moral and social distinctions would not in themselves have been sufficient to produce permanent estrangement, and the Boers in Cape Colony, who accepted the laws against slavery, adopted British customs and civilization, and lived, up to a certain period, in amity with the British, between whom and themselves there often existed strong friendships. On the other hand, these differences formed a basis wkich was capable of being made use of to create estrangement and race animosity. This was what took place, and, as will be pointed out in the next chapter, agitators, both in Cape Colony and the Transvaal, did aU in their power to inflame this race animosity, which, on account of the gross ignorance and want of education of a large propor- tion of the Boers, was comparatively an easy matter. The race hatred engendered by these means received a very great impetus by the Boer defeat of the British at Majuba and the pusillanimous surrender of the British Government to their demands. For the contempt of the British which that defeat produced, added fuel to their wrath in having to be in any way subordinate to a people whom they despised, and whom they considered to be no match for them in the field. The hatred and contempt engendered by these means was manifested on many occasions. The brutal murder THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 47 by the Boers of the unarmed and defenceless stonemason, Malcolm, simply because he was British, was a character- istic instance of this. He was first knocked down by them, kicked in the face and stomach with their heavy boots, and then shot. Other instances were the shooting in cold blood of Woite and Van der Lingon, British loyalists, taken prisoners at the surrender of Potchefstroom Court House ; the similar shooting in cold blood of Captain Elliott and attempted shooting of Captain Lam- bert, prisoners of war ; and the equally cold-blooded murder of Dr. Barham, who came to attend the British wounded, on Feb. 21st, 1881, but was ordered to depart and then shot. ^ The hatred of the British was also particularly manifested in the refusal to grant British colonists in the Transvaal any civil rights, although those rights were especially promised them by the Convention of 18S1, and were freely granted to colonists from every other country. At the outbreak of war, the Boers at first threatened to kill all the British in the Transvaal, but although this was not carried out, they ordered them all to leave the country with the penalty of flogging and imprisonment to any who remained. Even before the outbreak of war, the crowds of men, women, and children flying from the Transvaal were treated in the most brutal manner, the unarmed' men being flogged with sjamboks, while the women were threatened and struck with rifles and refused permission to obtain food for themselves and their starving children. ^ Although, for good reasons, they did not carry out their original intention of shooting every British officer who fell into their hands, yet it^is well known that the Boer women clamoured for the death of the officers imprisoned at Pretoria. Cases also occurred of the Boers savagely kicking the bodies of dead or dying officers on the battle- field, while so bitter was their hatred, that wounded Boers after the battles of Elandslaagte, Belmont, Modder ' See full account of these cases, by Julian Ralph, Dec. 7th, 1899. » Letter of the Bishop of Pretoria, Daily News, Dec. 8th, 1899, 48 ROME AND GERMANY River, etc., shot at officers who the moment before had brought them help and given them water. * The Boers also stated their intention of shooting every British colonist who fell into their hands, and aJthough, in this case also, they generally recognised the wisdom of not carrying out their intentions, there were several instances in which it was done ; as in the case of the wounded volunteers of the Kimberley Light Horse, twenty-nine of whom had to be left on the field at Carters Farm on the night when Major Scott Turner was killed. Shots were heard in the night, and when the ambulance came to fetch them in the morning all these unfortunate men were found perfectly dead, most of them with bullets through their foreheads, and in some cases riddled with bullets. * There were also the cases of Captain Maclaren, shot while lying wounded on the field of battle, and of Sergeant Campbell, shot while bearing a flag of truce. * Our soldiers actually gave their badges to the wounded British colonials after the battle of Spion Kop to prevent them being murdered by the Boers on the field of battle. The colonial wounded and those suffering from dysen- tery and enteric fever were also placed in the common gaol at Pretoria, or upon the bare ground in open sheds exposed to the weather and denied any medical treatment. This brutality called forth the emphatic protest of Lord Roberts, who contrasted it wth the generous treatment of Boer prisoners by the British. Even their own surgeon, . Dr. Vangreldt, threatened to resign unless beds and medical treatment were allowed to the sick and wounded colonists. * A similar vindictiveness towards British colonists was manifested in the wanton destruction of farms and private property in Natal, the women and children being > Letter of Julian Ralph, Daily Mail, March 29th, 1900. • Daily Telegraph, March 14th. Julian Ralph, Daily Mail, March 39th. Daily News, April i6th, 1900. • St. James's Gazette, May 29th, i§oo. • Report of Lord Roberts to President Kruger, Daily Afa»7,- April 1 6th, 1900. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 49 turned out of their homes with threats to shoot them if they returned, and on the occasion of the Boer invasion of Cape Colony, the British farmers and tradesmen were treated in a similar manner. ' In addition to the race animosity which had been inflamed to such a pitch by falsehoods and misrepresenta- tions, the agitators also made use of other misrepre- sentations in order to excite the racial pride and ambition of the Boers. The independence of the Transvaal and Orange Free State had been guaranteed by the British, and the Dutch in Cape Colony enjoyed all the privileges of the British Colonists, occupied the highest offices in the State, and, by reason of their numerical superiority, practically governed it. But the agitators sought to persuade both the Boers in the Transvaal and Cape Colony that they were a subject race, and urged them to throw off the British " yoke," drive the British Colonists out of the country, and form a United States of South Africa com- posed of Dutch only. Hence arose the cry of " Africa for the Afrikanders," and the determination to possess the whole country from the Zambesi river to the Southern ocean for themselves. This took more definite shape after their defeat of the British at Majuba, and from that time steady preparations were made for the intended conflict. It was, and still is, pretended by the leading " Pro- Boers " in this country, that the war was forced on the Boers by the British Government with the object of depriv- ing the Boers of their independence, although they were perfectly aware that such a statement was utterly false. The war \vas the result of a long and carefully prepared' conspiracy on the part of the Boers themselves, aided by many of the Cape Dutch and a certain foreign power, to wrest South Africa from British rule, and, as we shall point out later, the evidence proves that Rome was the chief agent in exciting that conspiracy. « The'Globe, April 12th ; Letter of Rev. M, F. Crewdson, Daily Mail, April 37th, igoo, 50 ROME AND GERMANY Both leading Boers, and Dutch and EngHsh residents in South Africa before the war, bear testimony to this conspiracy. Mr. John McKenzie, EngUsh Commissioner, writes in his book, " Austral Africa " : " The Transvaal rising in 1881 was not dictated, as was supposed in England, by a love of freedom and preference for a Republic rather than a limited monarchy. It was inspired by men who were planning a policy which should banish the English language and English influence from South Africa. Their action was a blow directly dealt against freedom, pro- gress, and the union of Europeans in South Africa." It was openly confessed by the late Attorney-General of the Free State, in a conversation with the Rev. W. Tees, Presbyterian Minister in Durban, that the war had been long pre-arranged and prepared for by both the Transvaal and the Free State. When the war broke out and the first Boer successes made it seem probable that Natal would be conquered by them, this gentleman made no pretence of concealing his satisfaction. Mr. Tees, in conversation with him, referred to the general preparedness of the Republics for the struggle. " Yes," was the calm rejoinder, " Great Britain has been completely taken by surprise. Sir, this has been preparing since 1884." " In both States ? " " Yes, in both, and in the Colony also. The Trans- vaal has been the arsenal ; but those in the know in the Free State and the Colony have worked in unison with Kruger." "And the object was to oust the British from South Africa ? " " Precisely ; but it was not intended to do it all at once." "Then do you mean to say when President Kruger attended the Bloemfontein Conference, he knew perfectly well that the proceedings were a tarce, and that he really meant to fight ? " "Yes." " And President Stein's announcement that the Free THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 51 State had never thought of war was made in the full knowledge that war had long been prepared for ? " " Yes." " But, sir, that was almost blasphemous lying, for he called upon the name of Govl at the time he made the statement." . " Well, I suppose it was — diplomatic lying, diplomatic lying, you know."i The Rev. Charles Phillips, Vice-Chairman of the Ministers' Association at Johannesburg, speaking of the way in which ministers of all denominations (except the Dutch) regarded the war, says : " We did everything in our power to prevent it ; we dreaded it, while at the same time we beared and believed that it was inevitable. It has been the dream (at first only a dream) of the -Boers for a quarter of a century to eliminate the Imperial factor in the first place from the Transvaal and in the second place from South Africa, leaving only a few stations for Enghsh ships. Thus the manifesto of the Boers^ Feb. 17th, 1881, was as follows:. "With confidence we lay our case before the whole world, be it that we conquer or that we die, liberty shall arise in Africa like liberty rose in the United States of America. Then shall be from the Zambesi to Simon's Bay — Africa for the Afrikanders ! " Mr. Phillips proceeds : " We all believe that this war was inevitable ; that whatever may be the defects of our diplomacy it did not cause the war ; that the object of it has been the dream of a quarter of a century — a dream that seemed likely to be only a dream until the Uitlanders provided them (the Boers) with tlie sinews of war — that since then there has been steady, oersistent, unfaltering preparation for the present conflict." ' It was significant of the expressions of Boer ambition quoted by Mr. Phillips, and also of their intention of seizing Natal and the Port of Durban from the British, that in an interview between Lord Loch and Mr. Kruger * Letter to Daily News, May nth, 1900. • Second letter of Rev. Charles Phillips in Daily News, January 8th, 1900. 52 ROME AND GERMANY the latter insisted on the insertion of the word " Naval " as well as " Miliiary " in certain documents respecting the Transvaal, and when Lord Loch remarked that the Boers had no navy, Mr. Kruger replied, " Oh, but we may have one some day." ^ Now as the Transvaal had no sea-board or naval port, and could only get one by capturing Natal and Durban from the English or Delagoa Bay from the Portuguese, the war-like intention of the President was clearly betrayed by^his remark. Mr. Drage, M.P., speaking at Derby, Dec. 7th, 1899, said : " No one who has visited, as he had visited, almost every town of importance in South Africa, could fail to meet men who openly expressed a determination to snatch the reins of Government from our hands. These views were not in the air only, but were in the mouth of every man he met — either advocated or deprecated, but never denied." He goes on to say: "The idea of a Dutch Republic embracing all South Africa could be traced as early as Sir G. Grey's time in 1858 — ^that it was to be found definitely in the speeches of President Burgess in the Transvaal Raad, in the despatches of Sir Bartle Frere, in the speeches of Mr. Reitz, formerly President of the Orange Free State, in the organs of the Afrikander Bond, in the speeches of well-known men like Mr. John Merriman, the most prominent member of the Schreiner Cabinet," 2 etc. Dr. Gill, the Astrongmer Royal at Cape Town, when proposing the health of Sir Alfred Milner, said : "In the history of the British Colonies, no Governor had been placed in greater difficulties. When His Excellency came to this Colony he found it honeycombed with sedition. He found a canting loyalty which aimed at the overthrow of British supremacy in this Colony, and not only in this Colony, but in all South Africa as well."'' A Cape Colonist, commenting on the eventual certainty ' Fpeech by Lord Loch at the Imperial Institute, Daily Telegi-aph, December P til, -1 899. " Report of speech in The Standard, December 8th, 1899, • Daily Telegraph, December 27th, 1899. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 53 of a Dutch majority in the Cape Pariiament on account of the numerical preponderance of the Dutch, remarked : " The Boers' plan of campaign has been exceedingly astute. The Afrikander party did not hurry events so as to alarm England. The Republics had to get ready first, and then, when the Afrikander party had captured the Cape Parliament, the time had come for the Republics to strike a final blow at British supremacy. There is one man at all events in England who knows all this as well as any Cape Colonist. When Mr. Chamberlain said the other day that the British Empire had narrowly escaped a great peril in South Africa, we knew very well what he meant. Mr. Chamberlain has known for many years of the deeply laid plot against British supremacy in South Africa. When history comes to be written, it will be found that Mr. Chamberlain and Sir Alfred Milner saved South Africa to the British Empire, and it will 'also be found that their efforts would have been in vain apart from the work of Mr. Rhodes. If Bechuanaland and Rhodesia had not been saved from Transvaal annexation by Mr. Rhodes, the problem before Mr. Chamberlain in the last few months would have been insoluble." ^ The Rev. J. G. Locke, Wesleyah Minister at Cape Town, writing to his sister, says : "In my estimation this war was inevitable sooner or later. Thank God it has been fought sooner ! It seems to me that the great danger to which the British Empire was exposed was revealed by Divine revelation. I know on good authority that for the last eighteen years, or more, the Boers have been preparing to undermine British supremacy in South Africa. Had the secret, so well kept, remained undis- closed for two years more, I am "afraid the Empire would have suffered an irretrievable loss — her South African possessions. If ever there was a righteous war this is one. The Boers thought to commandeer God as they commandeered the gold in Johannesburg and the horses and goods of British subjects They said if they were defeated in this war they would destroy their « "British South Africa," Port Elizabeth, November 17th, 1899. 54 ROME AND GERMANY Bibles .1 feel contempt for those who afe disloyal to their Queen, and among the number I include all Dutch Reformed Parsons. They have preached sedition tor years. They are without exception Anti-British PoUticians." i The feeling also of even some of the better class of Dutch in Cape Colony was shown by a letter published in TJie Times, October 14th, 1899, from a writer who, that paper said, bore a well-known Dutch name, and gave as his late address a well-knowii town in a Dutch district of Cape Colony. After speaking of the British soldiers and the British in terms of the greatest contempt, he goes on to say : " We Boers know that we will not be governed by a lot of British curs, but that we will drive you out of South Africa altogether, and the other manly nations which have compulsory service — the armed manhood of Europe^— will very quickly divide all your othei" posses- sions between them. " Talk no more of the ignorance of the Boers or Cape Dutch ; a few days more will prove your ignorance of the British positidn, and in a short space of time you and your Queen will be imploring the good offices of the great German Emperor to deliver you from your disaster ; for your humiliations are not yet complete. For thirty years the Cape Dutch have been waiting their chance, and now their day has come. They will throw off their mask and your yoke at the same instant, and 300,000 Dutch heroes will trample you under foot." ^ In 1882 Piet Joubert wrote to Matabeleland to seek alliance with Lobengula, telling him that " the Boers had made the Englishman let go of the Transvaal by beating him to death," and that he might "expect the time when the stink wt ieh the Engiisftman had brought with him shbUld be quite ftlswn away";' thereby implying that the long-conceived project to drive the English into the sea would eventually be accomplished. Then came the Malabele rebelUon, which many thought, , • letter in Daily News, I'larch 24th, 1900. * The Times, October 14th, 1899. » " The Transvaal from Within," pp. 44, 45, small edition. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 55 even at the time, was largely due to Boer instigation and assistance. The professed grievances of the natives were insufficient to account for it ; they were ably led, and their manner of fighting was on the Boer method ; and not only were they found to .have vast stores of ammunition, but a large proportion of their rifles were obtained from the Boers. This was confirmed by Sir Sidney Sheppard, who wrote in The Humanitarian : " In the last Matabele and Mashona rising, a trusted emissary of Mr. Kruger dis- tributed rifles and ammunition amongst these natives, urged them to revolt, and encouraged them to massacre even our own women and children in outlying farms and mining camps. These facts can be proved by unquestion- able evidence, and similar attempts are being made by Transvaal agents in Rhodesia at the present time," Mr. Theodore Schreiner, brother of the Cape Premier at that time, when asked by Mr. Reitz to join the Bond, refused because, he said : "I see quite clearly that the ultimate object aimed at is the overthrow of the British power and the expulsion of the British Flag from South Africa." " Well," said Mr. Reitz, " what if it is so ? " To which Mr. Schreiner replied, "You don't suppose, do you, that that flag is going to disappear from South Africa without a tremendous struggle and fight ? " Mr. Reitz : " Well, I suppose not, but even so, what of that ? " ^ The Boers had also been steadily preparing vast armaments for the intended conflict for many years. Mr. Stead was once a warm advocate of the rights of the British population in the Transvaal and an opponent of the Kruger tyranny, but at the outbreak of the war he suddenly changed his views and became a violent Pro- Boer and Anti-Englander. In August, 1895, he wrote in the Review of Reviews : "Of course the situation in the Transvaal cannot last. The RepubHc is dominated by a majority of Boers who constitute an oligarchy, whose domination is obnoxious to an immense majority of the whole inhabitants." • Letter of Mr. T. Schreiner to Cape Times, 36 ROME AND GERMANY In February, 1896, just after the Jameson raid, he wrote : " What was the situation in which the Johannes- burgers found themselves ? This was very effectively answered by Mr. Garrett, whose conduct on the Cape Times during this critical time has been simply superb and worthy of the best traditions of British journalism. Mr. Garrett says : ' For weeks it (the Kruger Government) has been ostentatiously bringing offensive arms to bear upon Johannesburg. The Uitlander has seen contracts entered into for building, with his money, forts on the latest principle of scientific destruction which can be aimed at no one but himself,,-a fort at Pretoria at ^200,000, and one at £100,000, openly commanding Johannesburg ; nay, more, a battery of quick-firing guns has been established on the Hospital Hill directly overlooking the streets of Johannesburg. Why, the town heis been living under a perfect grinning arsenal of threats of bloodshed. Such action may terrify them into sub- mission, but it may also madden them into an outbreak.' " Mr. Stead wrote again in October, 1896 : " President Kruger is as little amenable to reason as Abdul Hamid to the representations of the friends of freedom. He has spent nearly a million sterling over arms and munitions of war, and he is securing laws from the Raad which will enable him to gag the Press, to banish every Englishman whom he distrusts, and *to confiscate to an indefinite extent the property of the gold mines of the Rand. For the present we must grin and bear it." ^ ^ The pretence of the pro-Boers that the Jameson raid in January, 1896, was the cause of the Boer armaments was, as tliey were perfectly aware, utterly false, al^nough no doubt that raid was made an excuse by the Boers for more open preparations. Canon Farmer, who had lived for the last five years before the war in Pretoria, speaking of the Boer armaments, said : " A lot of nonsense is published on this matter, firstly that they were the direct result of the raid, and secondly, that no one knew of them, or, at any rate, did not realise their extent. With ' Review of Reviews, October, 1896. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 57 regard to the first, it is absolutely untrue. Arming was going on long before Jameson crossed the border, and Kruger welcomed this as an excuse to continue arming more openly." ^ Lord Kimberley, speaking in the House of Lords on the opening night of the Session of 1900, said : " With this knowledge before you that these armaments had been preparing for years and years, tong before the raid, was it not patent that such a policy might land you in war without being prepared for it ? And in fact you were not prepared for it ? " Here is a member of the Liberal Opposition asserting that the Boers were preparing for a war that England did not expect, and a war therefore which England had no intention of making, but which there is convincing proof that the Boers did intend to make. In 1894 the Boers gave an order to Krupp for a quantity of heavy guns to the amount of ^fioo.ooo, and another £100,000 to an Austrian firm for small arms. In 1895 another ;^ioo,ooo was expended with Krupp, and a number of field guns of long range were obtained. ^ During the same year, the important firm of J. W. Beckett and Co., of Pretoria, imported, by order of the Govern- ment, several hundred thousand pounds' worth of war material, the expenditure being split up under various headings so as to disguise the vast amount of money spent, in what would have appeared to the general public an unnecessary measure. In 1896 the war expenditure was ;f495,6i8 ; in 1897, £396,384 ; and in the first nine months of 1898, £163,451. But in addition to these figures, there were large payments for war material which were concealed under other heads of expenditure as "Sundry Services," in 1895, £838,877; and in 1896, "Special Payments," £682,000. ^ In 1893, three years before the Jameson raid, a fort, ' Interview of Reuter's correspondent with Canon Farmer, Daily News, January and, 1900. " Document issued at Pretoria for the information of the members of the Volksraad and brought to Durban, Dahiel, December 23rd, 1892. • Letter by Mr. A. S. Halsten, February 1st, igoo. 58 ROME AND GERMANY under the guise of an armed prison, was erected at Johannesburg, with its guns commanding the city peopled by the British mining population. In 1894 the building of the forts round Pretoria and the other forts at Johannesburg were commenced. The plans for them were drawn up at Berlin by experienced German engineer officers, and Qaptain Shiel, who was taken prisoner during the war, brought them to Pretoria, and also arranged for a party of highly-skilled German arti- ficers to proceed to the Transvaal in order to supervise their erection. ^ These large armaments could only have been directed against the British, with whom they were at peace and who had guaranteed their independence. They prove, therefore, that 1?ie Boers were determined sooner or later to force on a war, in order to attack our South African Colonies and drive the British out of them. But President Kruger did not content himself with arming the Transvaal and Free State for the intended war. By the aid of the Afrikander Bond, which stirred: up sedition amongst the Dutch of Cape Colony, he anticipated the assistance of some 40,000 rebel Dutch, to whom he therefore sent arms and ammunition. Captain Holcroft, an officer in the Free State Artillery, stated, in a lecture given on January 14th, 1900, that as far back as 1894 the Boer Government had purchased 23,000 Gueder rifles, and had despatched them with 100 rounds of ammunition apiece to the disaffected Dutch in Cape Colony. * Mr. Halsten remarks that over 100,000 Mauser rifles and 50,000 Lee-Metfords were bought with a dispro-- portionately large number of cartridges, estimated at many millions of rounds. Every burgher and every member of his family received a rifle apiece with from 100 to 500 rounds of ammunition, as a free gift, while at least 25,000 rifles were handed to Dutch farmers in Cape Colony, Bechuanaland, and Natal. He says, " It is extraordinary ' Letter by A. S. Halsten, February ist, igoo. • Reported in The Glebe, January i6th, igoQ. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 59 that this action on the part of the Transvaal Government, which was not done too secretly, and was freely com- mented on by the Uitlander Press, should not have been brought to the notice of the Imperial Government, or, if such was done, that no steps were taken to check this arming of the disloyal element among Her Majesty's sub- jects. These things were much talked about in Pretoria, for all the foreign mercenaries were not equally discreet, despite the awful pains and penalties held over their heads for the shghtest disclosure. Besides, such men, as Hen- drick Erasmus, de Souza, Loots, all of whom were in Piet Joubert's office* And artillery officers such as Pabbs, Wolmerans, Isaac Bosman, and Dirk Van Postma, talked freely and openly of the great war that was to come." " The Boers," adds Mr. Halsten, " have been steadily arming for ten years past, if not more."^ Speakingof these armaments, Mr. Dicey said : " As a matter of fact, their commencement coincided with the period when the wealth, poured by the labour of the Rand into the lap of the Transvaal, enabled the Republic to raise loans in Europe." Captain Holcroft also, in his lecture before referred to, stated that President Kruger had long ago told him of his intentions to run the mines in Johannesburg by means of the Transvaal Government, and thus obtain the sinews of war. * A Dutch clergyman in the Anglican Church in South Africa, in a private letter to his sister in England, said : — " This is no war waged for the rights of the Uitlander, grievous as their wrongs were, least of- all, as the Massinghams and Laboucheres vainly talk, for the sake of millionaires and capitalists, but it has always been inevitable since the great mistake of 1881. The Dutch since 1881 have been steadily working for a United South African Republic from Table Bay to the Zambesi. I do not think Kruger wanted war just now. The policy was to go on arming the whole Dutch population in the * Letters from the Cape by A. S. Halsten, February ist, igoo, • Letter in The Globe, January j6th, 1900, 6o ROME AND GERMANY British Colonies no less than in the Repubhcs, and when England should i)e engaged with some Continental power to drive the English into the sea." ^ The object of the Boers was also to wait until they had secured the assistance of the Cape Parliament. This was effected by obtaining a preponderance of Bond members and the connivance of the Premier, Mr. Schreiner. Thus we find Mr. Molteno, a leading Bond , member of the Legislature^ as far back as April 28, 1899, six months before the war, not only openly prognosticating a war with England, but pointing out how the then Bond Ministry would contribute to its successful issue by ham- pering the operations of the Imperial troops. This is exactly what they did. Not only did Mr. Schreiner allow arms and ammunition to pass through Cape Colony to the Free State, just previous to the declara- tion of war, while, as Sir Alfred Milner pointed out, that State was . actively engaged in arming its burghers and preparing for war, ^ but rifles and ammunition were, at the same time, withheld from the Colonial troops, especially the Cape Mounted Rifles in the Eastern part "of Cape Colony, with the result that this force, for the first three months of the war, was rendered useless, and the Boers were able to invade and occupy that part of the Colony, which was teeming with disaffection. Mr. Schreiner also withheld rifles and ammunition from the Colonial troops at Kimberley, and delayed send- ing the guns required to Mafeking until after the declara- tion of war, the result being that some of them were captured by- the enemy. ^ He also forbade the civil servants of the Government to take part in the defence of those places. These things called forth the strong protest of Sir A. Milner at the time in the despatch already alluded to. The determination of the Boers to force on the war * Published in the Daily News, April nth, igoo. • Sir A. Milner's despatch, quoted in Daily News, January 31st, 1900. " Official correspondence between the Mayor of Kimberley and Mr. Schreiner, reported in Daily News, March 34th, igoo. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 6i was made sufficiently evident ,by the statement, before quoted, of the Attorney-General of the Free State to Mr. Tees. Mr. J. David Allen, who was well acquainted with Mr. Kruger and the majority of the Transvaal Executive, was interviewed by a representative of the Press Association at the time of the negotiations, and declared that the position of affairs was then beyond the hope of diplomatic settlement. " There seems to be," he said, " a belief that the Boers will give way at the eleventh hour ; but I am quite certain that, not only the Burghers, but the majority of the members of the Volksraad, are anxious for war with Great Britain. President Kruger has been, in England three times (it was during one of these visits that I first made his acquaintance), and has had ample opportunity of witnessing the efficiency of our army and the resources of the Government ; and yet I know as a fact that he is quite confident that the Boers are a match for the best fighting force that we can put in the field."! It was this confidence in their ability to overthrow our rule in South Africa that led them to undertake their long-continued preparations for war, and eventually to declare it, and invade Natal at a moment when we were unprepared. Thus Canon Farmer says : " One of Jouberc's last remarks to me before leaving for the front was, ' Chamberlain will be surprised at this, as he thought we were merely bluffing.' " Canon Farmer adds, " On the eve of my departure from Pretoria, Chief Justice Gregorovsky said to me, ' Is it really necessary for you to go, as the war will be over in a fortnight ? We shall first take Kimberley and Mafeking, and give the English such a beating in Natal that they will sue for peace.' "^ A well-known and trustworthy resident of Cape Town states that five years before the war he himself saw, at Pretoria, written plans for the campaign against the ' The Standard, September 33rd, 1899. ' Interview with Canon Farmer. Reuter, Daily Mail, February 22iid iqoo. 62 ROME And GERMANY British, the details of which, down to the tactics to be employed, closely corresponded with those of the present campaign. He reported the matter at the time to the Government (Liberal) of the day. ^ An officer of the British Intelligence Department in South Africa said four months before the war, " I know for 9. fact that the Boers intend to fight. All the pre- parations are being pushed on, and no amount of conces- sions on the part of the home Government wouFd deter them from the course they are resolved to follow. It is a deeply-laid plot, and the Free State burghers are in it and others as well. What they want in the first place is time to get ready, and again to secure the sympathy of Europe, and perhaps some nearer home. Every member of the Intelligence Staff knows this, and has known it for months, I may say for years. When war breaks out it will be discovered how carefully the plans of the enemy have been laid, and how fully they have availed them- selves of opportunities. Having visited Pretoria and Johannesburg, I know pretty well how the land lies, and it would astonish many at home if they could realise the extent of the feeling in favour of war and the preparations which are quietly being pushed on whilst the British.. Government is diplomatizing." ^ As a fact, rifles were being distributed to fhe burghers all over the country, and the invasion of Natal was being discussed in March, two months before the Conference. * In short, a copy of the ultimatum of October 9th, which plunged us into war, was found in Mr. Steyn's ofhce in Bloemfontein, on our capture of the place, dated July, 1899. * As an evidence of the careful arrangements for the war, made beforehand by the Transvaal, there is the letter of a German officer in the investing army at Ladysmith, * Reuter, Cape Town, December 12th, Daily Telegraph December 25th. « Army and Navy Gazette, November 4th, 1899. . • Evidence of the Bishop of Pretoria, Daily News, December 8th, 1899. « Daily Telegraph, June 22nd, 190Q, THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 63 stating that he and another German officer were sent by Mr. Kruger, three months before the war, to spy out the land in Natal, and he expresses great astonishment that we were unsuspicious enough to allow them to do so. ^ There is no doubt that the Bloemfontein Conference and the circumstances which led to it forced Mr. Kruger's "hand, and that he would have preferred to have waited another two years, when his arrangements would have been more perfected, before declaring war. But it is clear that from the moment the Conference was proposed war was decided upon, preparations for it were hurried on, and the Conference was merely assented to for the purpose of gaining time. There was never the slightest intention of granting the demands of the British Government at the Conference, except on conditions which, if granted, would have enabled Mr. Kruger, with almost perfect certainty, to have attained the object of his ambition, \yiz., the overthrow of British rule throughout South Africa. Mr. Farelly, President Kruger's own legal adviser, in his memorandum addtessed to the Transvaal Government in June, 1899, recorded his " strong dissent from the whole tone and temper of the negotiations with the British Government during the last six months and up to the date of the Bloemfontein Conference," and pointed out that " the Transvaal Government could not have taken a more direct course to precipitate war." But that was just what Mr. Kruger wanted, although he did not wish the world to know it, and Mr. Farelly was there- fore promptly expelled firom the country for his unpalat- able plain speaking."^ Even Mr. Robinson, the intimate friend of President Kruger, could only say on the latter's behalf, that " Mr. Kruger, misguided by a small band of Hollanders, had wilfully forced on war sooner than grant the reasonable reforms urged quietly and respectfully by the representa- tives of every section of the Uitlander population." ' Pall Mall Gajsette, March, 1900. * St. James's Gazette, April loth, 1899. 64 ROME AND GERMANY By the Convention of 1881 Mr. Kruger was bound to give the same civil rights to the British in the Transvaal as to the Boers. This obUgation as well as other articles of the Convention, he deliberately broke. While persons of other nationalities received those rights, the British were denied them, and were treated as helots and outcasts, and subjected to every indignity. Three tiines, in 1892, 1894, 1895, they petitioned in the most moderate terms for a redress of their grievances, and were refused. Then followed the famous " Raid," which called forth harsher measures than ever, and resulted in a monster petition to the British Government, and it was this which led to the Bloemfontein Conference,'' is which Sir A. Milner only asked, in behalf of tha British, the most elementary civil rights. As stated by the Rev. Charles Phillips, " Sir A. Milner did not ask on behalf of the Uitlanders any approxima- tion to what is freely offered to natives in Cape Colony. Had the Transvaal Government been willing to grant even a portion of the advantages, given to the natives at the Cape, the Uitlanders would have been satisfied." He adds : " We have the confessions of Leyds and others to this effect, viz., that the Transvaal never intended to give substantial representation to the Uitlanders ; and Du Plessis says, ' The Franchise might safely be given to Hollanders, French, Germans, etc., but not to the English.'"'' The only condition on which Mr. Kruger offered to grant even Sir A. Milner's moderate demands, was one which he knew could not be granted, viz., that Great Britain should abandon her suzerainty over the Transvaal, in which case Mr. Kruger would have been free to enter into an alliance with any foreign power and introduce any number of foreign troops into the country. But to have granted this to a State avowedly hostile, in the very heart of the British dominions, known to have been secretly preparing for war against England for 3rears, and to be receiving the support of Germany, whose ' Daily Newt, February 15th, 1900. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 65 hostility was equally evident, would have been suicidal, and would have involved us in a far moi*e serious "war a year or two later, when the Transvaal, having completed its armaments, organised the rebel Dutch, and aided by German troops, would have been able to have conquered the whole country before any effective resistance could have been niade. That the British Government believed that a satisfac- tory arrangement might be arrived at by the Conference, and that it never contemplated war, is shown by the charge of Lord Kimberley in Parliament that the Government had made absolutely no preparation for it. They knew indeed that the Boers had for years been preparing for war, but they could not believe that the Boers had determined on a war of aggression vi/ithout any provocation, and that their first object was to conquer Natal and obtain possession of the seaport of Durban. The intentions of the Boers, however, were well known by the British in Natal, and it was not until Natal had urgently begged for troops to be sent for the defence of the- Colony, and not until it was seen that Mr. Kruger had no intention of granting any civil rights to the British in, the Transvaal, that the Government hurriedly ordered 5,000 troops from India to Natal, and despatched ' another 5,000 from England, a force not only wholly inadequate for defence, but which it was absurd to suppose was intended for aggression. This was the signal for which Kruger had been waiting, and the ultimatum prepared long beforehand was sent by him, declaring war in forty-eight hours unless 1 these reinforcements were at once counter-ordered. Nor could anything have, prevented the easy conquest of Natal by the Boers, had not their armies, assembled at Laing's Nek, been forced to delay their advance, partly on account of the great mist which descended over the whole country and prevented their moving, and partly through the breakdown of their commissariat arrange*- ments. These events gave time for the arrival of the troops from India, c 66 ROME AND , GERMANY In the face of all this evidence, the assertion that the war was. brought about by the intrigues of the mine owners and milhonajres on the Rand would hardly seem to be worthy, of notice. The rich had everything to lose by the war.. They knew that-Kruger intended to seize the mines and use the gold for the prosecution of the war which, if successful, would have resulted, not only in tUe^loss of all their private property, but of the mines as well. The rich, as well as the poor, had to fly from the Transvaal at the outbreak of the war, and those who did so lost all they had. The pretence that the war was brought about by. the ' mine owners and capitalists was merely one of the many falsehoods circulated" by the pro-Boers in this country in order to ojjtain the support of British Radicals and Socialists on behalf of the Boers. Nor was it. the millionaires and principal mine owners who even organised the Reform movement in Johannes- burg in order to oppose Boer injustice and misrule. It was the constant protest of the Reformers against- that injustice which led to the Conference and thereby caused President Kruger to precipitate the war two years before the time he had intended. But it was a wholly popular movement, and the mine magnates refused at first to have anything to do with it. ^ Had the British population in the Transvaal not protested, the war would certainly have- taken place a year or two later when the Boers had com- pleted their preparations for driving the British into the sea, in -which case South Africa would in all probability have b^en lost to the British Empire. In order to gain the support and stimulate the patriotism ot the ignorant burghers, the Boer leaders pretended that they were fighting in defence of their inde- pendence. Referring to , this assertion, the Duke of ■ Devonshire replied in Parliament on September 30th, 1899, "That any such apprehensions on their part are absolutely unfounded has been asserted both -officially in our despatches, and unofficially by members of the ' Letter of Rev. R. .1. Campbell, Daily Ncwi>, May iith, igoo. THE SOUTET AFRIC'VN WAR 67 Government, and nothing I can say can add to the force of those assertiorts." Th^ falsehood of the Boer pretence was acknowledged also by the more honest of the educated Boers, as in the case of the Rev. A. -A. V^n der Lingen, of Harrismith, an honourable exception to the rest of the Dutch clergy. His appeal to his countrymen of the Free State on the field of battle puts the case clearly and forcibly : " In conjunction with Mr. Steyn in the Presidential Chair, the Transvaal Government found the means manifestly at hand to lead, not only yourselves, but your fellow- countrymen, blindfolded into an arena where colossal, sacrifices were presently to be offered to the inexorable, god of war. . . . They never consulted j'ou, and they alone are responsible for this unholy and wicked war. Without just cause they made' you go forth and fight, and then left you to endure untold hardships and suffer sacrifices and death/ Why ? You know full well that your country's independence was Great Britain's holy bond. You had Sir Alfred Milner's assurance that in the ' event of neutrality your country would be respected. Bu t forsooth, it was your Govemnr^nt that declared war ; and be it remembered that . without your Government's co-operation war would no doubt have been averted. , . " President Steyn and Mr. Abraham Fislier, it is said, told you that there was nothing ^r you to> do but to fight for South Africa as a whole. . . That the struggle was for the life and destiny of you all and victory shall be yours. That the Lord will never permit the subjection of the Afrikanders by the English. Subjection indeed ! In all fairness I ask you has England ever threatened the Afrikander with subjection ? When, where, and how ? Has England ever put any obstacle in the way of your kith and kin entering Parliament in Natal or the Cape ? Politically the English and Dutch are on the same foot- ing entirely. Free liberty of the Press is given alike, and in every walk of Ufe there is ho preference given to the Englishman over the Afrikander. England has never suppressed the Afrikander. His schools, colleges anci 68 ROME AND TJERMANY seminaries are properly sugported by England all round in the Cape Colony and Natal." ^ The justice of this protest was equally recognized by the great mass of the Anglo-Saxon races, not.oiily in the Colonies, which sent their valuable contingents to our assistance, but in the United States. At first in consequence of the misrepresentations and falsehoods of the British Pro-Boers and their allies on the Continent, there was a strong anti-English party in the United States, headed by Mr. Webster Davis and the Bryan party, the chief supporters of the latter being the Roman Catholic Irish, always the most bitter enemies of Great Britain. But the American journals sent their own corresipondents to South Africa, and these con-espondents; although at first strongly prejudiced against the British,, speedily changed their opinions when they came to recog- nize the true state of affairs. The books and articles of Mr. Julian Ralph, of Mr. James Barnes, the author, and of Mr. Story and Mr. George Musgrave came as a revelation to the Americans, and the latter, sent by an American Pro-Boer paper with letters of introduction to leading Boers, resigned his. post and returned to America to give the lie direct to Mr. Webster Davis, while the book which -he wrote upon the subject becaiiie a standard of authority for the "support of American neutrality and against the Bryan party.* ^ Leading American writers like Captain Mahan, Mr. Alger, formerly United States Secretary of War, and Mr. Macvane, Professor of History at Harvard College, also exposed the falsity of Pro-Boer misrepresentations. * The Philadelphia Times wrote : "If the Boers were battling for freedom, for religious and civil liberty, we would heartily espouse their cause ; but they are battling against religious freedom, against the rights of representa- tion with taxation, and against the right of the people of the Repubhc to make its laws. There is not a Single • Daily News, March 24th, igoo. • Letter by Mr. C. U. Dutton from New York to the Daily Mail. • See articles in the North American Review, March, iqoo. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 69 attribute of civil or religious liberty for which the Boers are fighting to-day." In Canada, the Liberal Premier, Sir Wilfrid Laurier, speaking in the Dominion House of Commons, on "March 13th, 1900, said : " I, for my part, am fully convinced in heart and conscience that there never was a more just war on the part of England than the present one. It was not true that Mr,. Chamberlain at that time (July) was pre- paring for war. It will be to the eternal glory of England that, instead of preparing for war last summer, that war foimd her practically unprepared. Mr. Kruger hAd for years been preparing for war, buying, munitions, accumu- lating provisions, importing European officers and drilling his people, and when the time came, when he thought he -was ready, and he issued his insolent ultima- tum, England was found absolutely unprepared and consequently had to submit at the outset to successive defeats." » The»Boer leaders did not, iiowever, enter upon the war in sole dependence on their own resources. They hoped inueb from the efforts of their friends in England to hamper and cripple the British Government in its conduct of the war ; but it was very evident that they placed their chief reliance upon their allies on the Con- tinent, who^ey hoped, and with no httle reason, would be able to induce one or tnore of th§ European powers to make war upon Britain and thus necessitate the withdrawal of her ttoops from South Africa. So confident were they that this would be the case, that they clung to it to th^ last; The Rev. H. J. Batts, Nonconformist jninister at Pretoria, wrote in November, 1900 : "The Boers, to my certain knowledge, did not expect, to defeat our armies alone, especially after the great events which turned a Majuba day, hitherto the day of Boer exultation ai»l triumph, -into a day of disaster unprecedented in their history. Daily in Pretoria they were looking oUt for some exciting European news which would mean the » St. Jamf$'$ Gaeette, March .14th,. jQiao. 70 .ROME AND GERMANY probable emljrpilment of the Empire, or a rising in some British colony which would necessitate the withdrawal of troops from the country. Many times it was stated and belieSved that war had broken out with Russia, once that France had found a casus belli with England. - It' is largely the hope of something happening from England by me ins of Anti-English people within, or against England by foes, from without, that, in riiy opinion, explains the; continu- ance of the war " * ' ' The Bpers hoped great thiiigs from Germany.. Ger- many had already shown her S3mipathy witli their ambi- tion, as. in the case of the Kaiser's telegram at the time of the Jameson Raid ; had given them the assistance of skilled officers for building their forts ; and ha'd furnished them with armaments, white large numbers' of German officers and men fought against us in the war. The. bitter hostility evinced in Germany during the war shows how entirely they had made the Boer cause their- q\wi, and there is not the slightest doubt that a secret alliance existed between Germany and the Boers, which was only prevented from becoming effective by Britain's soyereigmty of the sea. . . The following disclosures were made by Herr P^. E. Heyerv in a pamphlet, published in 1899 at Cape Town under the title of " A brief history of ■ the Transvaal Secret Servjce." • .In 1890 Herr Heyer was appointed confidential clerk to the National BsmTc, Van de Zuid Afrilcaansche Repub- lick, which was the headquarter* of a conspiracy directed against England, and Herr Heyer Says : " I was able; to get at the ke5TiOte of what I afterwards discovered, to be a huge plot directed against the povyer of which I am proud to be a naturalised subject — 'the. paramount power in South Africa. Events so developed that by 1892 a plan for the occupation of the Transvaal by German .troops had been drawn up and pigeon-holed. I have before me the copy of a document, dated Pretoria, August 24th, 1892 (the original of which is still in a certain Govem- ' Letter to Daily Mail, November 39th, igoo. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR 71 ment office in Pretoria), wherein a Pretoria-Berlin scheme is detailed, namely, how a few regiments of Prussian infantry could be landed at Delagoa Bay, and force their way into Transvaal territory and, once in, defy British suzerainty, and for all time, haiig the annojdng question of her paramountcy on the rail. . The name of Herr von Heriff, then German Consul at Pretoria, appears on the document. It is certain, in the author's judgment, that Mr. Rhodes and the British Government knew what was afloat. Hence the promptness with which the flying squadron was fitted out "after the despatch of the impulsive telegram. -. :, - " The -plotters, whose numbers increased wi'th the lapse of time, held secret meetinjgs at the Banlc. On 01^6 occasion, when Kruger and his son-in-law Jan Eloff were present, the former let his zeal get the better of his discretion. ' England,' he exclaimed, 'must not be the supreme power in South Africai I feel sure that, provided we have Germany with us, and with the Orange Free State and the Colony we shall win the day.' This statement was received with loiid cheering. The intrigue was carried into the Cape, where Bond members were supported, with German money, some of it coming direct from Beriin. The mysterious meetings at the National Bank Chambers were initiated at the express desire of the Hande^esellschaft, at Berlin, and, as I afterwards learnt, the Empei-pr had had a hand in it.' '" Shortly ■ before the regrettable Jameson inroad, the Gerroan Government made the following offer to the Boer Government through Von Heriff, the German representa- tive at Pretoria. Germany agreed to send some 12,090 trained men via Delagoa Bay into" the Transvaal, grarf«- ally, as immigrants, miners, and the like. A large number of experienced military officers were to go to Pretoria to train the Staats Artillerie, to build forts, etc:,' on the German and. French principles, and generally to supervise military affairs. A number of German officers left for the Transvaal at the beginning of 1896, after the Raid, and on arrival were at once posted with the artillery. 72 ROME AND GERMANY four large forts' were built round Pretoria and on# at Johannesburg, and enormous quantities of arras and: ammunition were ordered- and supplied from Gemiany." The NeivcasHe Daiiy Chroniele, fmm which the above is quoted', remarks on it : " We knpw, oi course, that it is not a nation of peasants we are fighting ; we know that we have to meet aimed men under Germani leadership." This revelation disc explains the fury m^mifested in Dresden at the news of the relief of Kimberley and Lady- smith- and the capture of Gronje, by which successes, as we may suppose, they saw their confident hopes and deeply4aid plans- for overthrowing our rule in- South A/rica shattered, la his letter to the Times, written from Dresden; Major E. J. said: "We are living under a reign of terror. When the news of Cronje's surrender was received the insults to wWch Englishmen and' women have been subjected' for weeks --past culminated in an outbreak of fury. The Union Jack was torn down from* the Anglo-,4anerican Clubi the handles were forced off the doors of the English Pension, while even small children- snowball English ladies in the street with cries of ' Buller ' — the new epithet for theEnglish," etc. » But it was not aloneupon German aid that the Boer leaders counted. As we have shown, they anticipated, and had every reason for expecting, that; a coalition of European powers would be made against Britain, which would- oblige her to concentrate all her forces for the defence- of' her own shores and leave South Africa' at the mercy of the Boers. The -chief agent in the attempt to organise this coalition was, as we shall now point out, ROME, « TktGkht, March lith, i^oa CHAPTER IV The South African Wak and Eomb FROM tbe commencement and throughout the Boer s,rE^iu»ty iy^,igoo. 73 74 ROME AND GERMANY of Rome influences with few exceptions all th'e French papers."! The correspondent of the Daily Mail at Rome said, " I very much doubt amqng the majiy evidences of Continental hostility to England during the Transvaal crisis, if there Jias been any more striking than the attituile of the two 'principal organs of RomCi ■s^., the Osservctore Romano, the chief Roman Catholic journal of the city ..notorioTisly subsidised by the Vatican, and the Voce della Veritas, gpnerally considered to be one of the orgins of the Jesuit Fathers " ; and speaking of the latter he said, " Together with the Osservatore, it has always been consistently anti-British, and their tirades have simply disgusted fair-minded men." * The Times " Own Correspondent," writing from Rome, November 8th, 1899, said, " Since the outbreak of the Boer war the Vatican Press, headed by the official Osserva- tore Romano, has given numerous proofs of bitter animosity towards England. But the extraordinary ©utburst contained in the Osservatore Romwno of yesterday even- ing, the gist of which I embodied in a previous telegram; sheds not a little light upon the workings of the clerical mind, and renders possible some comprehension of the purpose underlying what had hitherto appeared to be sporadic ebullitiohs ^of fanatical imagination. In fact, the underlying idea seems to be the expectation that a Franco-Russo-German alliance, by intervening in favour of the Boers, will shatter the prestige of England; now and ever held to be .the chief prop and mainstay of rrbtntahtism, and by depriving Italy of British support facihtate the restoration of- the temporal power of the Pbpe. " It may be remembered that shortly before the war began, the Osservatore. Romano put, in the form of a com- mutiicatibh from an unnamed correspondent, th 2 question whether this Anglo-Boer war was not providential, and whether Protestantism might not be ruined by it. • The Globe, April 5th, igoo. • Daily M-ail, December 25th, 1899. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME" 75 Catholics were therefore, exhorted to have patience and faith in the God of armies. "About the same tinie, the chief Jesuit organ, the Civilta Catholica, began a campaign in support of the contention that the Pope's temporal sovereignty had never ceased, as the Itahan troops, when ehtiering Rome, never occilpied the ..Vatican. Contemporaneously the Voce deUa Veritas hinted datkly at impending events cf grave import, and industriously promulgated the idea of tlie forthcoming humiliation of England by the combined forces of Russia, France, and Germany. "'The destruction of the temporal power," says the Osservatore,' v/AS ordained iii the mterests* of England and of •Anglicanism. But it is not yet evening, and the 1.1st word has not been said by Providence and by history. Grave events are imminent which will show once more that atteiripts upon the liberty of the Church and of the Pope never go unpunished, but, sooner or later, are turned into full triumphs for the one and the -other.'-" 1 '- - . - The plain meaning' of this was that the Vatican was coiinfing on ?* events" then "imminent," viz., the com- binjttion of two or more Powers against England while her troops were engaged .'in South Africa, in order to humble her power ta the dust ; and to accomplish this, Rome was straining evpry nerve and. putting into opera- tion tjtie whbl^ of her yast organization of secret agents and secret influence. ' "' ' '' ' -*^ Now, as this was before the war began, it proves that Rome and the Jesuits were fully aware that the war was certain and that they were partners in .the conspiracy against British rule in South Africa,- andat the same time were busily fomenting hatred to -Britain on the Continent in the hopes of combining against Us"t>vo or more powers who, directly the war broke out and the co\intry wa.s depletediOf trppps, Vvould be able to strike a deadly blow at our power. . The Globe, referring to " the envy, hatred, and all • 37t« 'i'/mes, November gtli, 1 899. . ■ 76 ' ROME AND GERMANY uncharitableness manifested towards us in most of th« Continental States," remarks, " The Boer war neither originated nor intensified it. There is assuredly no love for Dutch Colonists in those UUramontane quarters, whose hostility to England has been m*sst frefcely dis- played, and if we had been engaged in a contest with any other enemy, it would have been equally manifest." It further alludes to thrfact that " A stupendotis canf- paign of lies has been organised against us. The revela- tions of the Frankfurt General Anieiger, enfof ted as they are by the Cologne 'Gaiette, lay bare' the whole ntacfiin^ry of a conspiracy whose operations have supplied every newspaper which would accept them." ^ An English Catholic residing in the Tyrol thus describes the "I'yrolese in a recent letter to the. St. Jame^s Gazette : — " It is deplorable that they (the Tsnrolese) are to a man, clergy and laity, dead against us, and I (as a Catholic) am continually wondering l»ow it is that the Church to which I belong has allied itself to Leyds & Co. JiH over Continental Europe, to preach what we must fain acloiowledge to be the greatest crusade ever preached against any nation since the days of Peter the Hermit What advantage the Vatican authorities ejqiect to reap passes my comprehension ; but it is an undoubted fact, and it is right that every British Catholic should lay it to heart — the organised Press and influence of the greatest Christian Church in existence is doing its utter- most to sow hatred and distrust of the British Empire wherever it can." Speatking of V Unita CathoHca and I'Osservatore Romano, the writer goes on to say: — ^'' The seed so insidiously sown by those two great Vatican papers fell on barren ground within the limits of the Kingdom of Italy,* btit it has grown to incredible proportions in the realms of his Apostolic Majesty (the Emperor of Austria). The pro-Boerism of the Tyrol is the vehicle of the Anti- English crusade which has become an important political » Tk« Globe, March 7th, 1900. • The Italian patriots hate the Pope and the Clericals as the bitter enemies of their liberties.' THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME ^^ factor all. over Europe. It is painful to have to confess, but it is precisely where Catholicism is a great pcwer — in the Tyrol, in the Rhineland, Bayaria, Austria, Belgium, in the land where the ' Vaterland ' and ' Ger- mania ' circulate — that the downfall of England is prayed for with a fervour not exceeded by that of St. Louts for the destruction of the Paynim." ^ Even in Canada, we find the Romish Priesthood seek- ing to stir up hatred and sedition against Great Britain amongst the hitherto loyal French Canadians. Thus in La Sennaine Religieuse of Quebec we read : — " Lift up your eyes, French Canadians, for the day of your redemption is at hand ! You, beaten and conquered by England, shall at length see the star of liberty rise before you,- and your rights respected by those who have, so long violated them. It has been a long time that England has dominated the nations of the earth ; is she not now to be in her turn invaded by hostile hosts? For three centuries she has sent out her bands of mercenaries into all the isles of the ocean, and every plain of the continents, to make laws for all the people ; shall she not one -day see hostile armies fall upon h^r own coasts and devastate her cities of London, Rfianchester, and Liverpool? At length the peoples are awakening from their stupor and their torpor with regard to Albion ; they declare her, solemnly, the great corruptrix of the. earth, the unjust dominatrix, the Queen of evil ; they are preparing to place her under the ban of the civilised world." ^ It is thus plain that the storm of hatred which broke forth against Britain during the. Boer war was solely and directly due to both the open and secret action of Rtune and the Jesuits, who, by instituting a cahipaign of lies and misrepresentation, inflamed the racial envy and jealousy of the continental peoples. It is also evidcLt that this " ebullition " of animosity was exactly in ac- cordance with the terms oi The Secret Pldn, which pro- vided that it should be " dissembled until the day when ' St. James's Gazette, May 30th, igoo. ' La Semaine Religieusei quoted in the Daily Mail, Jan. a 7, 1 900. 78 ROME AND GERMANY it shall be appointed to break forth." That day came when the breaking iotfh bf the Boer war, and the conse- quent -wiithdrawal from England of the greater portion of her army, offered an opportunity for her destruction by a combination of the Continental powers. This coalition also, had it been successful,' would have been the realiza- tion of Cardinal Manning's prediction of the wholesale destruction of the enemies of the Papacy and the 'hopes expressed by De Maistre, Saint Cheron, and others, of the armies whicli Rome was coimting upon to accomplish the object of her ambition. . 'At the outset, this campaign of calumny dealt with the causes of the war. Britain was represented as being animated, as she always had been, by wicked greed and rapacity, and as having, with insidi(?us draft, forced on th& War in order to deprive the Boer Republics of their independence &,nd trample them under foot. All lovers of liberty were called upon to assist the brave burghers struggling for their liberty. The gold of the Rand was said to be' the object of British rapacity, and it was asserted that the mine owners (who in reality con- sisted of all classes of 'the British public), supported by Mr. Chamberlain for the sake of his own personal profit and ambition, were the prime movers in the nefarious design. The first defeats of the British were hailed as proofs of the injustice of their cause and the evideiice that the foretold downfall of the great enemy of " civilization " (according to Rom_ish ideas) was about to take place. When, however, the British victories seemed to deny this, evfery kind of falsehood and "slander was propagated against British officers and soldiers. It was stated, for instance, and implicitly believed, that, by General BuUer's orders, . every member of, a German ambulance corps in the service of the Boers had been put to the lance ; i that the British niade away Avith the prisoners of war, and that the Kaffirs, under English direction, were to undertake • See account. of Mr. Weisse on his return from Germmiy, where this calumny was generally Relieved, Daily News, Apiil 27, 1900. THE" SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME 79 the slaughter of the Boer women and children in order to exterminate the race. ^ We may remark with rega;rd to the latter falsehood that there is every reason to believe that this is exactly what the Boers incited the Matabele to do to British women and . children in Rhodesia, and we know -how ten-ibly it was carried out;^ It would seem indeed that tlfc Continental Press under Jesuit control took as' the basis of its slanders against the British the very crimes, and treacheries of which the Boers themselves ha^ been guilty. The constant use of the white flag by the Boers in order to get the British to expose themselves in the open and then to shoot them down, called forth the.offieial protests of Lord Roberts, General BuUer, and Lord Ivlethuen. The Boots also deliberately and repeatedly fired at the British ambulances and at the same time made use of their own arribulances and the red cross to transfer men and guns across the zone of fire, knowing that the British would not fire at them. -^Many of them also used explosive bullets, as reported by Lord Roberts himself. ^ As inany as sixty were found in the bandolier of one Boer ; and at Pieter's Hill, besides soft-nosed bullets, one third of the bullets in a bandolier were found to be carefuUy filed and split in order .to produce the most ghastly wounds. * The wanton destruction of piivate property by the Boers in their invasion of Natal and Cape Colony called forth the protest -of the people . of Natal. They said, " The invasion of Natal and Cape Colony by the Boers has been accompanied of acts of looting and bumiiig utterlj' unworthy of a civilized people. Cattle and other property have been caiilel off, houses destroyed, and quiet and inoffensive farmers, storekeepers, and others, with their families, ruthlessly -driven away like the '.'Leading article, Illustrated London Neiiis, April 28, 1900. * See a»f% page 55. -• Daily News, March 12, 1900 ; Letter of Rev. M, F. Crewdson, Daily News, April 27, igoo. ♦ Special correspondent of Da»7;y Telegraph, hSoye-mher 12, 190a, 8o ROME AND GERMANY refugees from the Transvaal and Free Sta:te."* As remarked at the time : " Even the shadow of justifica- tion in the name of mihtary necessity is absent from the wholesale ruin and confiscation which has befallen .the homesteads and stores of Natal. 'The experience of those who returned after Joubert's great raid to the Mooi river is being experienced by the refugees who are going back to Ladysmith. Houses, farms, and gardens have .been wantonly plundered and defiled as if a horde of savages had passed through them." On the other hand : " Not merely are the traditions of the British Army founded by the Duke of Wellington entirely oppos'^d to the plunder of private property, but the most stringent orders were issued by Lord Roberts and carried out by his subordinates. From the day when the Free State soil was first crossed, the same respect has been paid to the possessions of the inhabitants as if the British Army were in Wiltshire, and the occupation of Bloemfontein was attended with no more disturbance to the civil popula- tion than is to be found in Amesbury or Salisbury .during the autumn manoeuvres. Ready money is paid for everything taken, and the strictest discipline main- tained throughout the ranks." » " I am very proud," wrifesXord Roberts; •' that I am able to record, with absolute truth, that the conduct of the Army from first to last has been exemplary. Not one single instance of serious crime has been brought to my notice. There has been no necessity for appeals or orders to the men to behave properly. I have trusted implicitly to their own soldierly .feeling and good sense^ and I have not trusted in vain. They bore themselves like heroes on the battlefield and like gentlemen on all other occasions." , Tord Roberts goes on to say that " on account of the malicious falsehoods which had been circulated as to the brutality of the British soldiers, the doors were closed and ' Protest of ministers and laymen of Durban Church Council, Daily News, January 31st, 1901. " The Glob,; April 12th, 1900. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME 8i the shops shut up when they first entered the Boer towns and villages', and none but English-bom people dared appear in the streets. BuJ: that was speedily changed. Doors were left open, shutters were taken down, and people of all nationalities moved freely about in the full assurance that they had nothing to fear from the man in l^haM." 1 General Buller's testimony was. to the same effect. He reported only three cases of crime, and two of these were Kaffirs and the other a Hottentot camp follower of the Army. Even, those who fought against us bore a similar witness. " The British Army," wrote Coimt Adleberg Sternberg, " is a splendid body of gentlemen, and believe me, I allude not only to the officers, but to the men. For Tommy Atkins I have the sincerest admiration. He is a fine, healthy, straight-thinking gentleman. Thanks to the moral qualities of each individual soldier the discipline is simply perfect," ^ From the records of the British Army in the past and the known hupianity of the British character, this is just What we might expect, while the past records of the Boers and their hatred of the British made it certain that treachery and ruthlessness would characterise their mode of Tvarfare. Nevertheless, the Continental Press under the control of the Jesuits, while wholly ignoring or deny- ing the treacheries and brutalities of the Boers, charged the British with the very things of which the Boers were guilty. For the purpose of slander the same Press also made especial capital out of the Concentration Camps and the farms which, for the safety of the British troops, had to be destroyed. Instead of following the example of the Germans in the war in 1870, and of General Sherman against the Southern States, and devastating the country passed through in order to prevent it affording food and shelter to the enemy, the Boer farms and property were at first scrupu- • Letter of Lord Roberts, November 5tli, igoO. • Letter from Paris, March 26th, 1900. 8a ROME AND GERMANY lously respected by the British, and the Boers who surrendered and took the oath of allegiance were allowed to return to their farms a|i4 pursue their avocations in -.peace. But not only were these Very- men found again in arms against us, but their farms were made use of as hiding-places for guerilla parties of the enemy, who way- laid and shot our unsuspecting patrols, while the women at these farms were employed to entice- our men by pretences of friendship within easy range. ^ It was ndt until repeated instances of these treacheries had occurred that it was found to be absolutely necessary,' for the safaty of our own men, to destroy the farms made use of for this purpose. Again, in consequence of the absence of the Boers from their farms and the suspension of all traffic, the women and children, not only of the farms that had -to be burnt, but those in outlying districts throughout the country, were left in great straits, and, in order to save them from starving, they were collected in " Concentration Camps," where they might be fed from the army supplies. This, however humane, was directly contrary to the principles of war, and unquestionably tended to prolong the war, but so littl6 grateful were the Boer women that they made use of their position to send infoHnation to the enemy on every possible occasion. Many of the Boers who had surrendered, and had no wish to fight against us any longer, were forced under threats of death to do so by the Boers still in the field, and many of these also, for their own protection, were placed in the Concentration Camps. The formation of these camps was dictated by the purest humanity such as would not have been followed by the commander of the army of any other country in the world. Everything was done for the ' people in these camps that was possible, but in a ^country without resources, and in which every pfirticle of food had to be transported vast distances by rail, both for the provision ' See cases recorded by E^gar Wallace, War Correspondent of the Daily Mail, August 13th, rgoo. ' THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME 83 of them and of the British Army, it was impossible to pro- vide every necessary, and both our own soldiers and the women and children in the Concentration Camps suffered accordingly. These circumstances, however, afforded a basis for the. Continental Press on wiiich to build the grossest calumnies against the British. Not only were the British soldiers charged with every kind of unspeakable lust, rapine, and plunder, while the Boers were represented as faultless, but the farms that had to be burnt were held up as instances of systematic apd wanton destruction and the Concentration Camps as centres of British cruelty to defenceless women and children. So completely were these falsehoods believed on the Continent that the Swiss Evangelical Alliance issued an appeal to " the Christians of Great Britain " on the subject, which called forth the following .reply, dated August 19th, 1900, from Dr. Chavasse, the Evangelical Bishop of Liverpool. This, as a calm and, lucid statemsnt of the truth, deserves careful attention : — "As one who greatly values the sympathy of the Evangelical Church in Switzerland, I have read your appeal with distress and dismay. If the charges you have brought against Great. Britain were true she would deserve' the condemnation 'of the civilized world. That our Government has made mistakes we admit, but that we have been inhuman, oppressive, and unrighteous,, we . emphatically and indignantly deny. " We did not seek the war. . It was forced upon us by men who, whatever may have been their protest, really aimed, as is now beyond doubt; at the overthrow, of the British power in South Africa and at setting up a South African Republic. They deliberately invaded British territory and pubHcly annexed it. "We have not conducted the war unrighteously and cruelly. War, at its best, is an #twful curse, and brings with it untold loss of blood and treasure and th*e inevitable suffering of the innocent. The exigencies " of war will alwa3's require the burning of farms and even of villages, 84 ROME AND GERMANY which -are used by the enemy to harass the opposing army, and to harbour combatants and. "ammunition. It was only ordered, when absolutely necessary by a British General whose character for humanity and godliness is beyond dispute. " The Boer women and children were crowded into^ camps because they could not b^ kept alive in any other way. Their own friends could not keep them, and starvation stared them in the face. No doubt they have suffered hardships, but so have our own soldiers and civilians. No doubt the death rate at the Concentration Camps has been lamentably high, especially among the children, but so hag it been in our own camps among strong and seasoned soldiers. It is no «asy matter to provide perfect sanitation and transport at a moment's notice for such large masses of men and v/omen and in such a vast stretch of country. The best answer to your unhappy charges of cruelty is that the Boers themselves sent their families for protection to British territory." * . It may seem strange that Swiss Protestants should have been so completely deceived by falsehoods which emanated froin the Vatican and Jesuit Press and the enemies of their religion. It indicates that in this, as in other cases which will be referred to hereafter, the Jesuits, according to their usaal custom, had agents -in these Protestant communities posing as Protestants, and whose statements, either from the pulpit or in the Press, were received in consequence without suspicion. Besides, the above calumnies the foulest slanders and falsehoods were published against the Queen as well as against Mr. Chamberlain and other leading Englishmen.' In this respect we see the Jesuits adopting the same tactics as were made use of by their predecessors in the reign ■ of Queen Ehzabeth, when, by similar slanders, they sought to raise the Continent against her and her ministers, and succeeded in raising repeated rebellions against her* in England itself. The calumnies in the Continental Press at the time of " Published in the Record, August, 1900. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME 85 the Boer war were not without the effect they were intended to produce. This was especially the case in France, where the invasion of England was freely dis- cussed among the reactionary classes, the Nationalists and Csesapans, who were most directly under the influ- ence of the Vatican and Jesuit Press._ The French army was denominated by these classes, and at one time there were three committees sitting in Paris considering plans of invasion. This, however, was to be deferred until " South Africa had completely drained England's home army." * . The strength of the British Navy at that time would have defeated any of these plans of invasion, and this was fully recognised both by level-headed Frenchmen and by Germany, who, although more hostile than France to Great Britain, refused to join in the proposed coalition against her. There were Frenchmen also who were friendly to this country, and some, like M. De L'auviniere, who protested against the hostile attitude of the reactionary papers towards England, ^ and as his protest was made in September before the war began, it js a further evidence that the Vatican and the Jesuits were, even then, making every effort to raise thfe Continent against Great Britain, with the certainty that the war in South Africa would take place, and that it would furnish the long prepared for opportunity for effecting the down- fall of the British Empii'e. Their efforts failed, and when the tide of war turned and the Boer armies were everywhere defeated, the agita- tion for war with England disappeared. But what has been said is sufficient to show how thoroughly in'eaj-nest the Jesuits^ were in endeavouring to excite war against England, and that, for a time at least, they seemed to have a fair prospect of succeeding. Moreover, they succeeded in producing the same ' St. James's Gasette, December iSth, 1899, and P'ebruiary, 1900; Correspondent of the Illustrated London News, March 10th, 1900; and article by M. Yves Guyot in the Steele quoted by St. James's Gazette, March 9th, igod. • Letter, September 35 th, 1899. 86 ROME AND GERMANY hostility in Spain, Portugal, Atistria, and more .especially in Germany, where the hatred of Britain -was far more bitter and widespread thai} in France. This, however; will be fully considered in another chapter. , Dr. Lfeyds has received almost the entire credit of being the author and propagator of the falsehoods and slanders against this country. But it is,: evident that these slanders emanated from Rome, and 'that the whole pf the vast machinery which the Vatican and the Jesuits ard'.ableto put in to action, and which an individual like Dr. Leyds would have bieen' powerless to ■ control, vvei^e used to stir up hatred against Great Britain, and that .this was strictly iii accordance with .their avowed mipthods and their avowed intention to bring about the downfall of the hated Stronghold of Protestantism. Dr. Leyds was merely one of the agent? for carrying out this purpose, acting in coiicert with' the Jesuits. Like them, he was animated by hatred of' Great Britain, and, like them, he had no love for a Protestant people like the Boers ; but, on the contrary, -regarded- them with hatred and contempt. He simply made use of them as a means for bringing about, if possible, the : downfall of another Protestant people, the British, whom he equally hated. This, as we have seen, was the policy of Rome. It was to set one Protestant people against another in order that they might mutually destroy each other. ^ The correspondent of the Daily Mail, speaking of an interview with Dr. Leyds, said : "In his heart of hearts Dr. Leyds feels the same hatred and contempt of the Boers as he does fear and aversion of the English. In the early nineties' a letter addressed by him to a friend fell into the hands of the papers. It spoke in terms of contempt of his colleagues in the executive committee (of the Trans- vaal), of the men who made him what he is — and so he became,' everi to the inner Boer- coterie, an Ishmael against whom all men's hands were turned, and who only maintained ofHce by the grace and favour of Mr. Kruger, over whotn he held a half hypnotit-sway. The result was • See ante, page 30. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME 87 that Pretoria politics grew too hot for him, and he quickly came to Europe on his present pretext. It was through his influence that, when the gr-eat British population of Johannesburg were patiently doing their best to conciliate the governing Boers and make friends with their* chie/ adviser, every peace overture was treated with derision andcotttempt."^ Dr. Le'yds was thus in every respect carrying out the policy of Rome and the Jesuits, and we can only explain his t)1^er^vise unreasoning and causeless hatred of Great Britain as due to the same cause as theirs. 'Therefore when he came to Europe, instead of taking up Jiis resi- dence in Protestant Holland, as would have been only natural but for the reasons we have given, he went to Brussels, one of the chief • headquarters of the Jesuits on the Continent. For it is the boast of the Jesuits that they have made Belgium, which is their favourite haunt, "the most Catholic Kingdom in Europe." " And now,' says' Ranke,. •" by controlling the elections,, they rule the chambers, and by the chambers they govern the kingdom. . They are seen on the public promenades in Brussels as in Rome. Well fed and full of pretension, they enjoy their triumph." 8 Considering the evidence of the intention of Rome and the Jesuits to bring about the downfall of , Britain by means of a pre-arranged conflict in South Africa and a simultaneous coalition of European powers against her when she had been denuded , of tiroops, and. that Dr. Leyds, animated by a siinilar hatred to Great Britain, was from the first actively engaged in carrying out this policy, it is at least conceivable that he was an agent, if not a member, of the Jesuit Society. Was he not, in fact, one of the first pioneers of the conspiracy for driving the British out of South Africa by inflaming the race hatred and ambition of the Boers ? 1 The race animosity of the Boers would never have * Daily Mail, October 31st, 1900. ' " Secret History of Romanism," p. 330. 88 ROME AND GERMANY arrived at the pitch which jt attained but fpr the action of agitators, and we know that it is the especial policy of the Jesuits to engender such hatred. We also find that exactly the same means were employed to create this hatred of the British in South Africa as were .used by the Jesuits to create a similar Jiatred of the British on the Con- tinent, viz., their usual weapons, calumny and faJse^i^iod. The agents by whom this was efiected, were The Bond and the Dutch clergy, who, both before and duraiig the war, made use of every form of falsehood and misrepresen- tation to stir up this hatred against the British ; and the object of TAe Bond '^ exciting racial hatred against the British was, as confessed, by Mr. Reitz, to overthrow the British and to expel the British Flag from South Africa. ^ Previous to the formation ol The Bond, the facial hatred of the Boers for the British was at -least quiescent, and could not be said to exist at all on the part of the Dutch in Cape Colony. The Hon. John Tudhope, formerly member of the Cape Government,, Meriting to ihe BfUish Weekly, says : — " For m^ny years, until, the year 1875, I Uved in the frontier district of Aliwal North, haying Boer families as my nearest neighbours, and I associated witii them on terms of friendly equality; politics were dis- cussed without bitterness, and such , a thing as racial distinction was unknown There was no .dispositiqn on the part of thc; Boers to come uiider the aegis of the Free State Republican Government. But with the advent of the Bond all this was changed ; Englishmen and Dutchmen ranged themselves in separate camps,, old cordial friend- ships were severed ; a bitterness was imparted into the political life whicfi was hitherto unknown. It was from the Transvaal that the first notes of discord were sounded." Mr. Tudhope goes on to say. that, " although the Jame- son Raid added fuel to the fire, it will be seen that the fire itself had been kindled many years before, and its elementary spark may be traced primarily to the Afrikander Bp;id. After Majuba Mr, Reitz sought tOiBse the organization for more ambition? erjds. The question • ^«(f,page55. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME 89 of the Flag! was raised by the rabid Afrikander section, but kept in the background by the more prudent. " Sir John Brand, the President of the Free State, distinctly discountenanced the movement, foreseeing that it would lead to dissension among the white inhabitants of South Africa. For this attitude he earned the hostihty of the Bond, and the concealed, but none the less deter- mined opposition of Mr. Reitz, who became his successor." Mr. Tudhope further states that " After Majuba the Bond openly espoused the cause of the Transvaal in the serious disputes with the British Government over the settlement of- the North- Western boundaries " ; and . he quotes Mr. Merriman's speech in 1885 on the subject. Mr. Merriman said : " Now the situation is a grave one. It is not a question of localism, it is not a question of party politics, but it is a question whether the Cape Colony is to continue to be an integral part of the British Empire. The question is whether we intend to progress along the line of freedom, of civilisation, and respect for aw and order, or whether we are ready to take the Trans- vaal for a model and have our policy shaped by the Afri- kander Bond. From the very first time, some year^ ago, when poison began to be distilled into the country, I felt that it must come to this : Was England or the Transvaal to be the paramount force in South Africa ? In any other country such an organization (as the Bond) could not have grown, but here among a scattered population it had insidiously and successfully worked. What could they think of the objects of the Bond when they found Judge Reitz advocating a Republic of South Africa under one flag, and the Rev. Du Toit spluttering out his dis- loyalty ? No man who wishes well for the British Government could have read the leading articles of the Zuid Africaan and Express and De Patriot in expounding the Bond principles without seeing that the maintenance of law and order under the British crown, and the object they have in view, are absolutely different things. My quarrel with the Bond is that it stirs up race difference. go ROME AND GERMANY Its main object is to make the South African Republic the paramount power in South Africa, "i Again, although no ohe did more than the pro-Boei", Mr. Cron Wright Schreiner, to support the objects of the Bond after, and even before the war commenced, by spreading every calumny and falsehood- against the British and by assisting those who sought to hamper, the Government and encourage the Boers in their resistance, yet, iii 1893, he condemned the Bond in the most un- qualified terms. Speaking of that organization, and the gross ignorance of th6 Boer farmers who supported' it, he said: "The vast majority of Bondsmen are iaearly illiterate, ignorant, and governed almost entirely by emotion instead of by reason ; the wisdom of the Bond, represents to a very great extent- the ignorance c i the farming. population of the Colony. Reason and argument ai'e of no avail with such men ; their actions, projnpted by ignorance, are governed by an unthinking prejudice. These constitute the strength of the Bond^ this is the section of the Dutch to whom our pitiably invertebrate politicians are bowing the knee and selling the country for a mess of pottage, to the utter degradation of political morality and to the great detriment of the best interests of the Colony." We may here remark tha;t it is evident that the men described by Mr. C. Schreiner would easily become plastic tools in the hands of able and designing persons whose object was to create race hatred against the British. Mr. Cronwright Schreiner goes on to say : " The Bond is anti-Enghsh in its aims ; its ofl&cers and its languftge are Dutch, and it is striving to gain- Such power, as abso- lutely to control the Cape Parliament. It has directed all its energies to resisting the tneasures the country needs. In fact the Bond has sacrificed the welfare pf the country to the selfish attainment of one object, the supremacy of the Dutch -speaking inhabitants -of the Colony, regardless of the rights of others (the British). ' Letter oi the Hon. John Tudhope, Daily Newsi' March 24th 1900. ' ; '' ■■ i . THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME. 91 The imagined good of, an ignorant clique of the Dutch has.. been preferred to the good of the country. It is striving solely for its own benighted ends, and is founded and condufcted on- race. hnes." , Considering how completely, Mr. .C. Schreiftef after- awards contradicted. himself when he became a pro-Boer, his remarks on the Boers' treatment of thp 11a lives are worthy of notice. He said : " The Bond is utterly vmfit to deal with the native problem. It is benighted and dominated by violent and unthinking prejudice. Such a body cannot be trusted to guide the destinies of oiir weaker felIo\y mortals. Its native policy is fraught with the gravest danger t6 the Colony. They (the farmers) still retain the inhuman and primitive ideas with regard to the native, bred- of ; ignorance and the days when ' Z^vart Schepsel,' .^the native) was the slave. They afe utterly unable to discuss the native question on its merits ; they do not consider that we have any moral duty towards the black from whom -we took the land and who now con- tributes largely towards the revenues." Mrs. Cronwright Schreiner, better known as "Olive, Schreiner," who, like her husband, since the war began, employed herself in representing the Bders as a gentle, benevolent people, also pain ted- them in her books written a few years before as just thf. contrary. In her " Story of a Syuth African Farm " and other works the Boers are always described as cruel and degraded) taking pleasure in the barbarous flogging of the native slaves, and even of white boys and girls in their sefvice, and the Boer woman especially . is described as having " no manners, with disgusting habits, from whoso filthy mouth cant phrases roll glibly enough, but whose heart understands less of the teaching of Christianity than the natives around them, and who is animated by a vindictive hatred of the British." ^ We can only suppose that both, in the case of Mrs. Schreiner and that of her husband and of Mr. , Stead this sudden and complete change of attitude on their part must have been due to some powerful secret influence, » Daily News, April 27th, 1900, 92 ROME AND GERMANY Mr. Thomas, a Swiss by birth, but who had been for nearly forty years a burgher, first in the Orange Free State and afterwards in the Transvaal, wrote a book at the time of the war, entitled "Origin of the Angle-Boer War Revealed."^ Mr. Thomas was no enemy, but a warm friend of the Boers, and a great admirer of Mr. Kniger,, whom he described as " an exemplary Christian, a grand old Boer, the very personification of noble patriotism." His testimony therefore concerning the cause of the' war and the part played by the Bond is of peculiar value. He says : "It is with real grief that I must record my conviction against the Boer nation as solely and entirely guilty, but with this qualification, that its responsibility is greatly attenuated by the fact, as I shall endeavour to show, that the bulk of the people has been unconsciously decoyed as tools of a gigantic fell intrigue, a conspiracy which was inaugurated some thirty years ago by an infamous Hollander coterie and -operated since by its product, the now well-known association, the Afrikander Bond, with its significant motto ' Afrika voor Afrikaners,' its object being no less than the eviction of all that is EngHsh from South Africa." VVe may here remark that Holland is bound by treaty to Britain, who is pledged to defend her independence, and that the Dutch, as a nation, are our- good frieqds and allies, and would be the last people to adopt a hostile attitude towards us. But the Jesuits haVe their agents in every country, througli whom they can always gain, a party subservient to their designs, and we may be certain' that they would endeavour to obtain a party among the Dutch in preference to any other people for the purpose of exciting the ambition and stirring up the racial ani- mosity of their compatriots in South Africa. Mr. Thomas says that his object is to unmask what he designates as "the Conspiracy of the 'Nineteenth Century," and " to open the eyes 6f the misguided Boer people to the wicked iartifi-ees by which they have been seduced > Hodder and Stoiigbton. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME 93 from" friendly relations with England into an unjustifiable war, without any reason or provocation, and despite a persistently loyal and sincere friendship and confidence observed towards the Boers by the British Government and by the English people in South Africa." " How exceedingly subtle," he says, " must have been the agencies to operate such processes of reasoning, such deception and aberration, in honest minded and even godly people." Speaking of the proposals of franchise reform made by Mr. Kruger at and after the Bloemfontein conference, Mr. Thomas says : — " These offers could hardly have been made in sincerity, but rather as a temporary device to meet the susceptibilities of the advising Powers, for all the time preparations for war were never relaxed for a moment, but were pushed on with extreme vigour. On the other hand, the British programme, seeking to ensure peace by the franchise expedient, had been strictly followed, without deviation. To sum up the situation. It was a diplomatic contest on the part of Great Britain, aiming at peace and to safeguard her possessions and prestige, while the Afrikander Bond, on the other hand, continued in the work of sedition and preparing for a war of usurpation. " All the while the old device had been put into practice of hiding Bond guilt by accusing England of designs against the integrity of the Boer Republics, but directly after, in the exultation of victory, the mask was shamelessly dropped, and Boerdom stands out defiantly and nakedly self-confessed, aiming%at conquest and supremacy over all South Africa." After enumerating the Boer armies and the modern artillery and trained artillerymen they had collected, even before the Jameson raid, Mr. Thomas says : " The chmax of duplicity is reached when it is averred that the pursuit of such an organized programme during the past twenty years or more had meant peace only, never a thought of conquest. The Afrikanders would have preferred the war to have been delayed a little longer— 94 ROME' AND GERMA^IY preferably to a moment when England might be embroiled elsewhere." Mr. Thomas was not alone in attributing the war to the secret agitation of the Bond and to the means used by its leaders to deceive the burghers. Many of the Boers themselves fully recognised that they had been the dupes of the Bond, and some of the most influential burghers of the Orange River Colony addressed a petition to Lord Roberts on the subject, in which they said : " The con- ciliation deputatiph' in Europe which is agitating for the restoration of the independence of the late Republics is engineered byjthe Bond, which is the cause of all our troubles. We want. rest and peace under the British flag. The Bond has been for years insidiou^y workin|; upon the feelings of the people, the result being sorrow and desolation. , -^ " The petitioners pray for the banishment of the leaders of the war party in. both Republics for a number of years to stop their present pernicious influence. They ask for steps to be taken to prevent clergymen exercising political influence from their pulpits. They pray Lord Roberts to use his influence to frustrate the,ends of the agitatorsv as if their independence is restored, they fear a repetition of what has gone before." ^ It is evident from the above that, with the exception of a certain number of individuals whose greed and ambition had been inflamed by Bond agitators, and the ignorant farmers who w^re so easily deceived by the grossest' falsehoods and misrepresentations, the better class and more ir^elligent burghers were opposed to the war and recognized the advantages of living in peace and security under British protection. It shows, in short, that the conspiracy for overthrowing British rule in South Africa was not the result of any spontaneous desire on the part of the Boers themselves, or the product of natrfral causes, and that had it not been for agitation from without, it would probably have never arisen. The object of the Bond \Vas to overthrow the Bjifish » Quoted by Ihe G7obe, Seplember i.^th, igop. THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME g$ power in South Africa, to rob us of one of the most important positions in the world, a position which, as Admiral Colomb said, " guarded and controlled all the sea routes to the Southern Hemisphere, and which, lost to us would mean a blow struck at the heart of' the Empire " ; and this is the object for which *' Rome is working as it ever has worked and ever will."'^ The slumbering discontent of the Boers, which in time would have probably died away, was fanned into a flame by tRte Bond, and considering that the object aimed at, viz., the overthrow of the British rule in South Africa, was equally the object of Rome and the Jesuits, that the avowed purpose of the latter Wcis to engender hatred against those opposed to their ambition, and that calumny was the weapon they used to effect their purpose, it is difficult to believe that the Jesuits did not make use of so manifest a mearls of effecting their object as that which offered itself in the discontent of the Boers, or that the Bond which made such use of Jesuit weapons, was not, in a great measure, the creation of their secret agents. This conclusion is supported by other con- siderations. The Bond was founded by Messrs. Reitz and Borcken- hagen with the assistance of a clergyman of the Dutch Church, the Rev. Du Toitj and it is a remarkable fact that the Dutch clergy, as a body, were also, from the first, the foremost 'and most active in fomenting hatred and sedition, and in promulgating lies and calumnies against the British. The Rev. Horace W. Oxford, Canon and Chancellor' of Bloemfontein, in reply td the misrepresentations of thie Dean of Durham, wrote : " I am sorry to say that one cla.ss of men who are terribly responsible for the mis- guiding of the Boers has been the ministers of the Dutch Reformed Church. I grieve to say that I have been unable, except in a> few cases, to retain rtiy respect for them. The minister of Jacobsdal told his' people from the pulpit that the English were ' a nation of Atheists, dissolute to a ' See p. 73. 96 ROME AND GERMANY man.' The minister of Brandfort said that ' if the English won he would say that the righteous God had left His throne and the unrighteous God has taken His place.' I mention these because they were said while I was in those places, but . they show the spirit in which th« ministers have throughout the war tried to incite the burghers and keep them up to fighting." ^ It was a Dutch clergyman named Fos who was respon- sible for the brutal flogging with sjamboks to which the unfortjjnate refugees from the Transvaal at Kroonttadt at the outbreak of the war were subjected. He was arrested on the English advance on May 12th, We have also seen that the burghers of the Orange River Colony prayed that steps might be taken to prevent these clergymen exercising political influence from their pulpits. These Dutch ministers also never ceased to urge the continuance of the war long after the Boer leaders and their followers were prepared' to surrender. In June, 1901, the Rev. Mr. Kuhn, an honourable exception to ' the rest, published a passionate appeal to the rest of the Dutch clergy to cease inciting the Boers to continue the war, and declared that their encouragement was directly responsible: for its continiiance. He also stated that, when expostulating with the burghers and pointing out the ruin they were bringing on "their country by pro- longing the struggle, they invariably replied, " Why then is the Dutch Church both here and in Cape Colony on our side? Why is the Rev. Andrew IWurray on our side? "- But what is still more remarkable is that these pro- fessed ministers of Christ are now, and have been ever since peace was declared, preaching a gospel of revenge, . spreading'calumnies against the British which they must know to be false, * and urging that their children and children's children must be taught never to. forget the wrongs they suffered during the war. * • St. James's Gazette, April loth, igoo. ' See meeting of Dutcli rieformed Church in Cape' Town, re- ported in Cape Tiiites, Daily Telegraph, Qcfdber, 1903. • National Review, December, 1904, p. 738. tHE SOUTH AlfRICAN WAR ANb ROME 9^ When then we see one particular class of men among the Dutch in South Africa who, from their calling and profession, should be the very last to stir up envy and hatred, using the very weapons of the Jesuits in order to do so, and continuing to do so, when the majority of their fellow-countrymen were willing to live in peace with the British, this wholly anomalous attitiide on their part would be inexpicable save on the supposition that they had fallen under the influence of the secret agents of Rome. Ever since the Reformation Rome has sought to stir up hatred and sedition in the countries opposed to her ambition. Her agents, the Jesuits, from the very first were instructed to privily creep into the Protestant com- munities, and by pretending to be Protestant ministers, gradually to introduce doctrines and teaching which would further their designs. Itthenthey wished to sow hatred of the British in South Africa, they would first of all endeavour to obtainpositions of trust and influence in the guise of Lutheran ministers in the Dutch Church, the clergy of which offered the most perfect tools for effecting the object they had in view. For not only is Protestantism practically dead in the Lutheran Church, but its doctrines have become a mere travesty of Christianity, and, like a large proportion of our own Nonconformists, its superficial religion is dominated by secular and political interests. Speaking of the work of the Jesuits in Oxford in the reign of Elizabeth, Mr. Froude says : " Oxford was satu- rated with sentimental devotion, and became the nursery of error and vindictive cruelty against Protestantism and sober truth." ' For sentiinental devotion, while it blinds the conscience, is merely psychical feeling, and by inflam- ing the imagination and passions leads the devotee to sanctify sin, as was the case at Oxford, where most of the plots for rebellion and for' the murder of the Queen were concocted. When then we see the same sentimental devotion enforced by high flown and exaggerated expres- sions of piety amongst certain leaders of the Dutch clergy ' " History of England," vol. XI. p. 308. 1) 98 ROME AND GERMANY in South Africa, and accompanied by the same vindictive malice, and promulgated by the same calumnies, it would be folly to shut our eyes to the conclusion that the agencies in both cases must be the same. Considering the way in which Rome, by her secret agents posing as Protestants in the churches of England, has obtained among them numerous adherents devoted to her interests^ would it not be absurd to suppose that she failed to do the same in the Dutch Church of South Africa, the one country which she was doing her best to wrest from England's grasp by sowing hatred against her in every Continental nation, in the hope of getting them to combine against her ? How else are we to explain the fact that these ministers of peace have ever since continued their agitation against British rule and their falsehoods and calumnies against British soldiers ? For while the rest of their countrymen with a few exceptions have settled down, and are willing to live at peace with the British, the Rev. Andrew Murray and these Predicants, together with the Bond, are still_ seeking to stir up hatred and sedition ? " By their fruits ye shall know them." When we see a whole body of men making use of Jesuit weapons in order to carry out the special objects of the Jesuits, viz., to stir up hatred against the British, we must conclude that an action in such violent opposition to their caUing and profession must hive been the result of some powerful secret influence at work amongst them, and that this influence could only have emanated from Rome, who, by means of a few astute agents in their midst, had been able to work upon the passions and sentiments of the more ignorant and superficial majority and make them williilg tools for her designs. The war in South Africa is now a thing of the past. The attempt to form a coalition against this country during its continuance failed, and the campaign of calumny on the Continent has now practically subsided, save in Germany. This is an evidence how little it was due to any spontaneous feeling on the part of the Con- " THE SOUTH AFRICAN WAR AND ROME 99 tin ental peoples themselves, and how wholly dependent it was on the inflammatory agitation of the Jesuit and reactionary Press. In Republican France especially, which has banished the Jesuits and their affiliated orders, and separated, the State from the sinister influence of , the Church of Rome, there is the greatest friendliness towards this country, which, through the wise diplomacy of King Edward, has been developed into an " Entente Cordiale." France, in short, is now as much' the enemy of Rome and the object of her enmity as England is. In a recent interview with the Pope, the latter indeed darkly hinted that the day was approaching when retribu- tion would be inflicted on France for her opposition to the power of Rome. " Wait," he- said, " I myself choose to wait. When we are able to ascertain the exact plans of our adversaries, we will in turn disclose ours. We are ready. They would have the humble vicar of the Lord Jesus Christ abstain from waiting before uttering the irrevocable words which he will have to utter. It will all be done little by little. But I promise you it will be done."i Nor must we suppose that the hostility of Rome to this country has ceased, or that the activity of her agents, the Jesuits, has abated. That activity, as will be pointed out, has merely taken ahotfier form.- In the me3.ntime. South Africa, which offers such a field of enterprise to our enemies, has again become a centre of unrest and possible danger which has been largely due ^o the action of the Pro-Boer element in the present Government. ~ The rising also of the black papulation in Natal and Zululand was full of significance, for here again we find that the agents who have stirred up this rebellion are a certain body of clergy, the ministers of the so-called "Ethiopian Church" ; and the fact that the avowed aim of this Church from the very first was to excite rebellion, is strongly suggestive of its Jesuit origin. For who but they are the originators of rebellion, and sedition, and who but they would make use of religion as a cover of their ' Interview with the Pope, Daily Express, February 21, 1906. 100 ROME AJSTD GERMANY designs ? We shall refer to the action of this Church later on. It is very significant that from first to last the origin of discord in South Africa has been due to the professed ministers of the Christian religion. * >|e He * « Rome can no longer depend upon the sword of France for the subjugation of Britain,- but she has a yet more powerful weapon available in Germany, animated like her by hatred to England and the desire for the overthrow and humiliation of the British Empire, while the ruler of Germany is the close friend and ally of the Vatican. PART 11 GERMANY CHAPTER V German Hostility and Ambition flLTHOUGH the ignorant, and those whose wish is father to the thought, may shut their eyes to German hostiHty and her avowed desire for the humihation and overthrow of the British Empire, none who have studied the question have the sHghtest doubt of her hostile intentions, however much they may be at present disowned, or that a successful invasion of England by Germany in the near future is not only probable, but is being made a practical certainty by the ever- growing facilities for its success which are being brought about by the steady weakening of the defences of this country and by the refusal of the majority of the nation to even contemplate the danger. We have pointed to the fact that the hatred to tliis country, which rose to such a height on the Continent during the Boer war, was entirely due to the influence exercised by the Vatican and Jesuit Press on the reaction- ary and revolutionary classes. To suppose that the great mass of respectable Frenchmen hate the British is clearly false, and as the campaign of slander in France has ceased, a strong and growing friendship exists between the peoples of the two countries. This is not the case in Germany. In no country was this campaign of calumny carried on with such virulence as in Germany during the Boer war, and considering that in other countries it was plainly due to the Press controlled by the Vatican and the Jesuits, we must conclude that ^ey were equally active in Germany, more especially as 103 t64 ROME ANt) GERMAN\^ a large portion of the people are Roman Catholics. And we have seen that it is the unceasing aim of the Jesuits to imbue these with hatred towards Protestant Britain. The hatred of Germany to England commenced long before the Boer war, and it was due, not to any spon- taneous feeling on the part of the people themselves, but to articles in the Press and to the studied and unremitting efforts of men of talent and letters, who sought to inflame the envy and jealousy of their countrymen against the British. In illustration of this we may quote from the able articles by Sir Rowland Blennerhassett and other diplomats and writers of knowledge and experience in The National Review, a journal which has done more than any other to expose the true state of public feeling in Germany. These articles should be carefully studied, but, in the meantime, the extracts v/hich we give may enable the reader to form a fair idea of what we have to expect from German ambition and hostility. Foremost amongst the German authors who have inflamed the minds of their countrymen against Great Britain is Professor Treitschke, whose writings are read throughout Germany, and have exercised a most profound -influence upon German thought. He is called " the supreme educator of the Nation," " the fiery herald of the new Empire."^ In 1884 he wrote : " We have reckoned with France and Austria. The reckoning with England has still to come, it will be the longest and most difficult." " Britain must be destroyed " was the motto of Treitschke, and " be has succeeded," says Sir Rowland Blennerhassett, " in implanting in the hearts of his countr5mien a hatred for England equal to his own." " Leading Germans," says this veteran diplomatist, " constantly assure us that nothing we can ever do will ever secure for us the friend- ship of their country. In the capitals of Europe and elsewhere German -diplomatists systematically speak of •England in language depreciatory and hostile. Germany ' National iReview, July, 1905, p. 774. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 105 is therefore now preparing to wage with England a similar war to that she waged with France." ^ " Treitschke was never tired of saying that England was a selfish, money-loving, * contemptible Power, and had acquired a position in the world to which she was not entitled. He was never weary of sneering at the ■ un warlike Islanders,' and he insisted that once the German Fleet was in such a state of efficiency and power, as by concentrating, to command, even for a short time, the North Sea, a swift ' blow at the heart ' would make an end of the British Empire. It is the policy openly advocated now in Germany, not alone in the Press, or merely by retired naval and military officers, but by responsible statesmen and chief ministers of the Kaiser." ^ Professor Mommsen was another eminent German who strove to stir up hatred against England, and in his famous letter to the North American Review he said : " Every German is at heart with the Boers, and that not because their cousinship is a little closer than the English, but because of German hatred to England." ^ Herr Albert Schaffle and Delhruck' [ih.c latter of whom is one of the most influential guides of the German people at the present day) are preaching the same GoSpel as Treitschke and Mommsen, and have told the world that "the next great struggle of the Germans will be a combat for the annihilation of Engisnd."^ Delbruck,, it may be remarked, was the teacher of the present Kaiser, whose ambition and strenuous efforts to increase the power of the German Navy are avpwedly directed against Britain, and his. constantly betrayed hostility to this country are unquestionably due to Delbruck's teaching, with which he was imbued, from his earliest youth. In an article contributed to The North American Review, Delbruck said : " A nation as weU as an individual must ' Sir Rowland Blennerhassett in the National Review, June, 1902. p. 557. „ . ^ , ' Ibid., National Review, February, 1903, p. 919. ' Ibid., National Review, December, 1903, p. 551. ♦ Ibid., National Review, June, 1902, p. 557. io6 ROME AND GERMANY seemingly either love or hate. So the nation which once celebrated with delight the memory of the belle alliance of Blucher and Wellington at Waterloo, has now directed its hate against England. Englishmen must have no delusion on this point." ^ Alluding to the visit of the Kaiser to England in 1902, the Bavarian peasant leader, Memminger, said : " We curse the day on which the Emperor landed in England." ^ This sentiment was to be expected from a Roman Catholic under the influence of Rome and the Jesuits, whose avowed object is to imbue Catholics with hatred of Protestants, and the Bavarian Press, as we have seen, was foremost in propagating calumnies against this country during the Boer war. The German newspaper. Die Zeit, took, however, a different view of the Kaiser's visit to England. It said : " In Germany there is a fierce hatred of, England, and the Emperor William risked the whole heritage of the popularity of his house, and deeply wounded the feelings , of his people when, disregarding that hatred and the ill- natured greetings of the English Press, he shook hands with his uncle, sat at table with his dragoons, and carried on a long conversation with Chamberlain at Sandring- ham." But it goes on to say that " the greater the hatred of 'Germany for England, the more urgent is the duty of the German Government to prevent a breach between the two countries (until Germany is prepared). There- fore the Germans will, sooner or later, be forced to recognise that the journey to England, which was so profoundly distasteful to the people, was a sacrifice which the Emperor was obliged to make in the real interests of the country, while fully conscious of its serious character." ^ In addition to leading literary authors, the whole German Press has devoted its attention to spreading calumnies against England with. the object of engendering hatred against this country. As in other countries, this ' National 2?«f «'««), November, 1903, p. 353, • National Review, December, igos, p. 499. • National Review, December, igos, p. 500. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 107 campaign ef calumnybroke out with increased virulence at the commencement of the Boer war, but while it has since practically subsided in other countries, it con- tinued in Germany until quite lately. It is wholly false to suppose, as has been asserted by our British " Pro- Germans," that these calumnies were confined to " The Gutter Press." Such first-class journals as the Kreuz Zeitung, Berliner Post, and National Zeitung, were quite as malignant and mendacious as the lowest of the gutter press of France and Belgium. ^ The Athenaeum Club with great labour has collected a series of pamphlets, fly- sheets, placards, post-cards and songs, amounting to 83 volumes, relating to the Boer war, and in comparing the German caricatures of England and the English during the war with those of other countries, the former are found to " far exceed in brufal hatred the most obscene productions which appeared anywhere else. The artistic and literary merit moreover of publications 'hostile to England was very much greater in Germany, showing that they were the expression of a more cultured class, and revealing a more deeply seated hostility."^ As in other countries, much of this animosity was undoubtedly due to the influence of the Vatican and the Jesuits, and considering the large number of Roman Catholics in Germany and their power in the Reichstag, that influence would nafurally be powerfully exercised. But, as pointed out by an able writer in the National Review, all the most important papers in Germany, such as the North German Gazette, Koelnische Zeitung, National Zeitung, Post-Lokal Anzeiger, Tagliche Rundschau, as well as the great provincial dailies, are under the control of the Government, which takes good care to prevent the publication of any articles or expressions adverse to its ,views. This supervision is shown in the attitude of the press towards Russia, with whom it is Germany's tradi- tional policy to be on good terms. Anything hostile ' " Principles of German Press," as revealed in Busch's " Life of Bismarck," National Review, November-, 1902, pp. 351-353- ,' Sir Rowland Bleiinerhassett, National. Review, December, 1903, PP- 546. 547- io» ROME AND GERMANY to that country is instantly suppressed, and it is therev fore evident that the calumnies against this country had the full- approval of the Kaiser and his Government. In short, all these journals get their most important information direct from the Wilhelmstrasse, many of their articles are written to order, and one and all may be regarded as semi-official and as expressing the views of the Government. ^ In spite of the various expressions of good-will towards .. England which the Kaiser has from time to time indulged in, his real hostility and ambitious designs against this country have, been so often betrayed that one cannot place much reliance on his diplomatic effusions. The so- called "impulsive telegram" to President Kruger, con- gratulating him on his defeating British designs " with- out the aid of Germany," was in no sense impulsive, but a carefully prepared " ballon d'essai," and was submitted to the German Cabinet before being despatched. It was an attempt to form a coalition against "England, but the attempt, as confessed by Count von Biilow, failed, and only served to reveal the isolation of Germany " I am guilty," said Von Biilow, " of no diplomatic indiscretion when I say that this telegram had at, any rate ' the good effect ' by virtue of the reception which it met, not in Germany, Ijut outside Germany. It had the merit of making the situation So far clear to us that its reception obviated aU possibility of a doubt that in the event of a conflict with England in Africa we should have had to rely solely on our own strength." ^ Nothing could revqal more clearly than this statement German's intention of attacking this country whenever she could do so with the hope of success. At the same time, thb German Foreign Minister, in a despatch, declared that " the independence of the Transvaal was a -German interest," This statement naturally led President Kruger to count upon the inter- vention of Germany in the event of war with England, ' National Review, December, 1904, pp. 635-641. ' National Review, May, 1904, p. 358. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 109 Jtnd confirmed him in his hopes of being able to drive the British into the sea. It was therefore a decisive factor in bringing on the war. ^ This belief was further confirmed by the help he received from Germany in guns and munitions of war, and in the construction of the for- tifications of Pretoria by German engineers. The remark also of Count von Biilow just before the Boer war that " the British Empire was not unlikely to break up,'"'' sufficiently indicated German hopes and expecta- tions. That the Kaiser would have interfered by force at that time if only the German Navy had been anything like the strength it now is, was bluntly confessed by him when he said to those who called upon him to intervene in the„ war : " If the increase in the Navy which I demanded with.urgent pi^ayers a,nd warnings had not been stubbornly refused during the first eight years of my reign, in how different a manner should we now be able to promote our prosperous commerce and our interests over sea."^ The Kaiser's animosity against England was plainly revealed on the occasion of his visit to the American yacht while cruising off the coast of Norway in the Hohenzollern. He described the English as a decadent nation, our_ Government as rotten, and abused King Edward iri language which cannot be reproduced. The Americans were astonished,- and still more amazed was the one Englishman present, who had been overlooked in the general introduction.* The attempt to deny this in the German Press utterly failed. " That the ambition of the Kaiser is to wrest from . England the command of the sea cannot be doubted. His message to the Tzar, " The overlord of the Atlantic to the overlord of the Pacific," sufficiently indicates this, as also 'his remarks, " Our future lies on the water." " The trident must be in our fist." " We must arm with ' National Review, October, 1902, pp. 166, 161. ' ' National Review, November, 1902, p. 355. " National Review, November, 1902, p. 359. * National Review, December, 1902, p. 502. • National Review, January, 1903, p. 684 ; February, pp. 857, 858. ito ROME AND GERMANY the view of meeting the most dangerous naval conflict possible!" 1 ■ The article by H. W. Wilson in che National Review of May, 1904, shows how rapidly the feerman fleet had in- creased in power even at that time, as compared to ours ; and since then that increase has been stiU more marked, while, as pointed out by Mr. Wilson, the fact that the German fleet is concentrated in Home waters, and that ours is obliged to be more or less scattered, will be an all powerful factor in the future. Speaking of the utterances of the i^crman Emgeror, M. Berard, Professor at the Ecole superieure de Marin, stated that, " during the last ten years, twenty or thirty of his pupils have repeated textually^;he same phrases,, not dropped from the Imperial lips in private interviews, but uttered with the emphasis of gesture in the circle of official representatives ; and always the Emperor expounded the imperious reasons necessitating a Franco- German entente. The object was always a crusade either of the Continent against England or of Europe against the United States, or against Yellow Asia." ^ The policy of the German Government for years has been to allow free expression- in the German Press to articles inflaming the hostility of the people to this country. For it is by this means that the Kaiser is able to get the Reichstag to vote funds for such increase to the Navy as will enable Germany to give effect to that hostility in a war with England. But, mearjwhile, the policy of the Government is to avoid, on its own part, any open acts of hostility. " In our attitude towards England," said Herr Basserman in the Reichstag, " we must keep cool, and until we have a strong fleet it would be a mistake to let ourselves be driven into a hostile policy towards Eng- land." ^ That is to say," when we have a sufficiently strong fleet, we can throw off the mask and reveal ourselves as the enemy of England." So also Dr. Hasse at the ' National Review, May, 1905, pp. 396, 397. ^rs ,,, ' National Review, iune,, 1905, p. 567. <'"V ' Article in The Spectator, October iSth, 1904; National Review^ November, 1902, , p. 359. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION iii Pan-Gemian Congress, while insisting that the time had come " to double our naval armaments," advised his hearers " to speak and write about England as little as possible." ^ In the meantime; every effort has been made to create discord between England and other countries. In the war between the United States and Spain, Germany was notoriously imfriendly "to America, and but for England's, friendship to, and support of, the United States, European intervention would certainly have taken place, an act on the part of England which the United States has never forgotten. Yet Germany, in order to throw dust in the eyes of the American people, tried to persuade them that England, through her ambassador. Lord Pauncefote, at Washington, had endeavoured to provoke a European coalition against the United States. The attack, however, was so audaciously and palpably the opposite of the truth that it signally failed. ^ Then there was the case of Dr. von HoUeben, the ambassador of Germany at Washington. " The methods employed by Dr. von HoUeben as a sower of strife between the United States and Great Britain were so persistent and flagrant as to become a matter of common knowledge in the American capital." ^ The attempt was, in short overdone and failed, and von HoUeben was repaUed, Germany also sought by means of Russia to sever or weaken the alliance between Ehgland and Japan, with the result that in June, 1903, Renter's correspondent at Berlin wrote: "Russia. has for some time past been endeavouring to dissolve the Anglo-Japanese AUiance, and the visit of General Kuropatkin, thfe Russian Minister of War, to Japan was arranged for that purpose. NaturaUy Japan is expected to sever her connection with Great Britain graduaUy." Failing to eifect this, Germany's next hope was that England's ally would be ' National Review, August, 1905, p., 926. * National lieview, December, 1903,' p, 545, * National Review, November, 1902, p. 356. * National Review, July, 1903, ji. 725. ' 112 ROME AND GERMANY crushed by Russia. It was stated that the result of the/ meeting of the Kaiser and Tzar at Wiesbaden on November 4th, 1903, was a Russo-German agreement concerning the Far East which was destined to be a counterpoise to the Anglo- Japanese agreement, by which it was stipulated that in the event of a Russo-Japanese war, British intervention on behalf of Japan would be met by German intervention on behalf uf Russia. ^ The St. Petersburg correspondent of the Daily Mail wrote that "the campaign of falsehood and misrepre- sentation (in Russia) which is, being conducted, mainly through Berlin news agencies, is for the purpose, through the medium of the Russian Press, of influencing Russian public opinion .against England, and no opportunity is neglected to put forward any incident that may seem, by ingenious handling, to suggest that England is respon- sible for the Far East trouble, and is acting unfairly to Japanese advantage." 2 Moreover, not only did Germany give every assistance during the war to Russia within and beyond the limits of international law, but '\over and over again Kaiser Wilhelm assured Nicholas II. by word of inouth, by autograph letter, by ciphered telegram, and by primed messengers, that Russia was' the authorised champion of Christendom in the Far East, and that Christendom recognised her as such. It was also the Kaiser Wilhe]m who warmly encouraged and even eloquently exhorted his Imperial kinsman to persevere in the. war against Japan. Down to the end of January (1905) the German Kaiser made it. part of his Imperial business to confirm Nicholas II. in his resolve to struggle with the yellow skins until he should crush them."^ Hence Renter's correspondent, writing from Tokio, October 26th, 1905, stated that " the German Government especially is an object of suspicion to all Japanese who know Etirope, and there are not wanting those who say that if Japan has some day to cross swords again it will be with Germany." ' National Review^ December, 1903, p. 518, 519. ' Daily Mail, February 26th, 1905. • "Julius" in National Review, April, 1905, p. 309-. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 113 It was Manifestly the interest of Germany to involve England in the war, for it would have forced France also into the conflict on the side of her Russian ally and have obliged this country to weaken her Home Fleet in order to strengthen her naval force in the -Mediterranean and elsewhere. For, untilthe Home Fleet can be seriously weakened, Germany's threatened " blow at the heart " of Britain would not be feasible. Everything indicates that Germany, with this object, had much to do in arranging for the otherwise inexplicable " Dogger Bank outrage." The best informed people in Paris at the time stated that all the warnings to Russia of an intended Japanese attack in the North Sea were conveyed by German agents. ^ Responsible newspa.pers alleged positively at the time that the German -Emperor took an active part in the game of scaring Russia, by addressing a personal warning to the Emperor Nicholas on the eve of the departure of the Baltic Fleet (respecting the supposed Japanese torpedo boats in English ports), while directly the outrage occurred, it was asserted in well-informed' French quarters that the Kaiser telegraphed to the Tzar that in the event of a war with England Russia might count on Germah support. 2 It is also certain that Germany urged Russia at the time not to yield to British pretepsions, and that the German Fleet yyas ordered to mobilise, with the result that a strong British squadron was ordered to pro-^ ceed at full speed from Lord Charles Beresford's fleet at Gibraltar to reinforce the Home Fleet, and that war with Germany was then considered imminent. The fact that the Dogger Bank was thirty miles out of the course of the Russian fleet suggests that the action was pre-arranged and intentional. Considering the straits into which Russia had been brought by the war, and how fully it Was recognised that the voyage of the Baltic fleet to the Far East was a hopeless under- taking, it was natural that Russia would have welcomed any chance of involving England, and therefore France, » Daily Mail, October 27th, 1904. • National RevieOD, December, 1904, p. 586. 114 ROME AND GERMANY in the war. This vrould have given Russia an excuse fcf making terms with Japan and of transferring the struggle to Europe, in which case Russia, Germany and Franci would have been combined against Britain. There is also little doubt that the outrages by the Russian volunteer fleet on British vessels were undertaken with the same intention, viz., of dragging this country into the war. That this was fully recognised by both the English and French Cabinets at the time of the Dogger Bank outrage, there can be little question, and owing to their combined action the attempt to drag the two countries into war was defeated. Great indignation, however, was expressed at the time by many people in this country (who did not recognise the greater issues at stake) at the superficial apologies offered by Russia and at the seeming supineness of the British Government. It was natural that great wrath would be felt in Germany at " the Anglo-French agreement " which, while it gave England a free hand in Egypt, gave France a free hand in Morocco. The hopes of isolating England and involvirig her in a quarrel with France, or with France's ally, Russia, were further off than ever. The Reichsbote, an influential journal in close touch with the German Court, exclaimed, " Germany is apparently not taken seriously in the Councils of State. Where is Germany's place in the Sun ? All that Germany possesses is the friendship of the Pope." Another Important journal, the Rheinesh Westfaliche Zeitung, wrote : " Bis- marck taught us that it was in the interests of Germany to set England and Italy by the ears with France. The result of the Entente is a complete change in the international situation and not to Germany's advantage." The sugges- tion, however, was made that, " Germany is overflowing with people and wants naval bases, while Morocco is a suitable country for colonising, and offers good positions for naval bases, and as England -is eliminated from, the Moorish question, Germany has only France to deal with ; the situation is so favourable that even Count Biilow will GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 115 have the courage to exploit it. The hour is come when Germany must secure Western Morocco from the Atlas to the sea." ^ Neither Count Billow, however, nor the Kaiser, saw his way to t exploit the situation at the time. ^But later on, on March 31st, 1905, the Kaiser paid his visit to Tangier with the express object of upsetting the terms of the Anglo-French agreement. By that agreement France was to have a free hand in Morocco, in order to institute the much needed reforms in that country, . the lawlessness of which was a constant danger to her Algerian colony. For as that colony bordered on Morocco, France was the one power whose interests were threatened by the continued misrule in Morocco The Kaiser, however, informed the Sultan's Relegates that " the present was an unsuitable tijne to introduce reforms on European lines, and that all reforms should be founded on Islamic law and traditions," and gave them to understand that they might count on Germany's support against France. This was naturally welcomed by his audience, for it practically asserted that there should be no reforms save those that the Sultan chose to make. The Kaiser also said that he had come to Tangier " to assert that he would maintain the absolute equality of German economic and commercial rights, and would not allow any power to obtain preferential advantages." The, assertion was a mere pretence, an excuse for interference, for not only is German trade with Morocco infinitesimal, but it was well known that the Anglo-French agreement provided that all nations should have equal commercial rights in Morocco. M. Delcasse replied to this by reiterating in the French Chamber that " the agreement placed the commerce of aU nations with Morocco on an equal footing," adding that " the opposition of persons whose interest it was to maintain the present anarchical situation would not alter the decision of France."* » National Review, May, 1904, p. 357. • National Review, May, 1905, pp. 376, 377. n6 ROME AND GERMANY This was the signal for war against M. Delcasse, th6 more so as he had already thwarted Germany in her attempt tp induce France to go to war with England over the Fashoda affair. For it was wholly due to M. Delcasse's recognition that a good understanding with England was the true policy for .'France, and his openly expressed determination to attain that good understanding that a conflict was averted. ^ Therefore M. Delcasse was denounced by German diplomatists as a firebrand in the different European capitals, and the Kaiser was represented as so alarmed at his efforts to isolate Germany, and by the rumours of further Anglo-French developments, that he might be tempted to anticipate matters by a preventive war. In support of this, Germany strengthened her garrisons on the French frontier, and when France responded to this by a similar movement, the Kaiser, ignoring his own provocation, sent a notification to France that unless she stopped this military movement Germany would consider it an unfriendly act. The result of this step and the thickening trouble in Morocco was the attainment of Germany's object, namely, the resignation of M. Delcasse, ^ the staunch upholder of friendship with England. The whole object of these proceedings was to overthrow the entente cordiale and detach France from England. For Dr. Schiemann, the friend and confidant .of the Kaiser, stated that " Morocco was a mere incident in the general ensemble, which extended far beyond the affairs of the Sherifian Empire. What we all want in Geimany is an understanding, a rapprochement with France. To my mind it would be difficult for France to remain neutral in the event of a conflict between Germany and Great Britain. Indeed it would be impossible for her to main^ tain such a position between' two adversaries equally anxious to have her on their side. Moreover, Germany, since her experience under M. Delcass6, would be entitled ' National Review, February, lgo6, p. 989. ° Article in New York Sun, National Review, July, 1905, pp. 749, 751- GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 117 to mistrust France. France must, therefore, decide which side she would take in case of a conflict between Germany and England." ^ Prince von Donnersbriick, the Emperor's confidential agent, also made the following direct threat to France, in order to detach her from England : " Iti the event -of war you may be victorious, but if you are vanquished peace will be signed at Paris. Do you expect that England will make common cause with you ? That may be. Let us suppose things are as favourable as possible for you. She bombards our ports, destroys our fleet, ruins our colonies. With your milliards we repair the damage of every kind she has done us. If we occupy your territory she will be powerless to dislodge us from it."^ The speech of Count Speck von Sternberg, deputy of the Reichstag, aimed at producing a similar result by a European combination against Britain. He said : " In presence -of the common danger involved in the absorbing programme of economic conquests of the Anglo-Saxon race, why should not the people of the old Continent, who are all threatened to the same extent in their vital interests, forget their past quarrels in order to defend their collec- tive patrimony ? " ^ . Frenchmen, however, fully recognised the real object of these articles, which the Echo de Paris summed up as follows : " What is aimed at is to induce France to make a radical change in her foreign policy, to compel her to cancel the ententes and agreements she has concluded — to renounce the legitimate ambition of playing a part in the world, and finally to sign her permanent downfall." * M. Jaures, the French Socialist deputy, also published an article both in the Vorwarts of Berlin and the Humanite of Paris, in which he said : " What would be intolerable is that our country should be expected to break with England -and to denounce the part of. good harmony which it has concluded with her. We no more want to ' National Review, July, 1905, p. 752. " National Review, July, 1905, p. 753. • Ibid., July, 1905, p. 754. * Ibid. ii8 ROME AND GERMANY .purchase a rapprochement with Germany by a rupture with England than we want an agreement with England which would be directed against Germany. If directly, or indirectly, a repudiation of the Franco-English, friend- ship were expected of us, we shall be uncompromising, and if there were any pretence of dragging us, in §pite of ourselves, into an attitude of hostility towards England we should resist to the last breath. The understanding between Fraiice and England is a victory of civilization and a guarantee of peace." The real object of Germany's interference in Morocco where she had no appreciable interests, her opposition to all France's legitimate demands for the internal reform of that country, and her threats of war with France and warnings of the dire consequence of such a war to France, were, as we have seen, in order to detach France from England and induce her to become Germany's ally against England. It was, in effect, the offer to France of either alliance with Germany, or of Germany's vengeance. This object was openly acknowledged by the Kreuz Zeitung, the official organ of the German Government, which wrote on July i6th, 1905, when France had yielded to Gemiany's demand for a conference on the Moroccan question : " Peace had not by any means been the primary consideration in the Moroccan question, but rather the Anglo-French agreement. If these negotiations had failed, war would have ensured as a matter of course. But they proved successful, and that simply because the ultima ratio was visible in the background." ^ Tfie latter statement, however, is hardly correct. For Germany finally failed, and it was because the ultima ratio was too visible. When asked in the Reichstag why Germany had not managed to create friction between France and England, Count Biilow replied that " Frederick . the Great could only make trouble ajter disclaiming all intention' to do, so.'"^ Both question and answer suffi- ciently revealed the true aim and intention of Germany. ' National Review, February 1906, p. 996. Ibid., January, 1905, p. 794. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 119 Germany hoped, by raising every sort of difficulty at the Conference, that the terms of the Anglo-Frencfi agreement would be upset, but, as stated by the Paris correspondent of the Times before the Conference, France intended to " acquire the certainty that the Conference is not going to be called upon to revise the Anglo-French Entente or the Convention which France has , signed with Spain." ^ Germany, in short, failed, and the Entente Cordiale between France and England is stronger than ever. It should be remembered that when the Anglo-French agreement, including ,the settlement of the Morocco question, was first made, the German Government expressed itself entirely satisfied with an arrangemsnl' which, it said, only concerned those two countries. But the Pan-Germans raised an outcry against the Govern- ment. Count Reventlow condemned Prince Billow's inaction in the Reichstag in the strongest terms, and at a general meeting of the German Colonial Society in Leipzig and Stettin, it was declared that possession of the West Coast of Morocco was indispensable to Germany in order to establish there some strong naval harbours, that Morocco was economically very valuable, and that it was most desirable that Germany should, have a strong military garrison there. ^ The German Government, although it made no attempt to check these outbursts of German ambition, took no step until Russia: was so disabled in. the Far East as to be unable to help France on land. Then it at once raised the Moroccan question on the pretence that Germany had important commercial interests in that country. The object of this was not only to break up the Anglo-French agreement, but to realise, if possible, Pan-German aspirations and obtain a port on the West Coast of Morocco. This port was that of Mogador, to •which the Westminster Gazette, always the friend of ij;s country's enemies, suggested Germany was entitled as a > Ibid., January, 1905, p. 794. « National Review, February, 1906, pp, ggi, 992, 120 ROME AND GERMANY compensation to the Anglo-French Entente.Cordiak ! ^ The other port suggested was Casablanca, but as shewn by Mr. H. W. Wilson, either place, fortified in peace time by Germany as a naval and. coaling station, would enable her to strike with deadly effect at our commerce in war time, or else necessitate the serious weakening of our naval forces at home and elsewhere in order to blockade it. Although the first phase of the Moroccan question is for the present closed, the danger is not passed, for in the words of a French correspondent, " Germany wants Casablanca and means to have it." " Having failed so far in detaching France from England by the Morocco question, Germany sought to poison public opinion against England in the United States by the following, calumnies and misrepresentations sent to a leading Chicago uewspaper, and represented to be the opinion of Professor Schiemann, " the intimate adviser of the Kaiser and the Foreign Office on questions relating to World Politics." He asserted : " British incitement of the French constitutes the chief danger of war, and President Roosevelt has brought his personal influence to bear, to dissuade England from a pohcy calculated to provoke the peaceably disposed French to offer Germany an intolerable affront. Thp Moroccan question will cause Germany to go to war with France only if the con- troversy be made the pretext for offending German honour or dealing a blow to our international position. " Nothing can hold us back when affairs have taken that turn. At the present moment the possibility of war lies exclusively in the diabolical efforts of the British Press to urge the Republic to assume a position that might bring hostilities within twenty-four hours. The Kaiser and the German people are sincerely anxious for peace. Premier Rouvitr and the French are similarly inclined ; only the British thirst for German blood- They desire the crushing of our naval power and the > Ibid., March, igo6, p. 4. * Article by H. W. Wilson, National Review, April, ig66, pp. 276, 285. GERMAN HOSTlLltV AND AMBITION 121 limitation of our growing prestige. These longings have filled them with a fiendish desire to exploit the Moroccan crisis for our undoing. " We declare solemnly that that is an attitude fraught with the direst consequences to European peace. We want America not to be misled by the self-righteous British Press, but to remain perfectly clear on this point, that the danger of a Franco-German war is centred to a far greater degree in London , than in either Paris, or Berlin. " France's shrewdest course would be an unconditional acceptance of the Conference. The Kaiser's solemn proclamation at Tangier of the Sultan's independence imposes obligations no German thinks of evading. War from every standpoint would be suicidal for France. She is also mindful of the fact that France alone would have to pay the cost of an Anglo-French war against Germany because the Fatherland would take full retribution on French soil for its losses at sea." ^ The absurdity and falsehood of these statements were so patent that they could not be expected to deceive the majority of the American public, nor did they do so. The terms of the Anglo-French agreement were as follows : " The two Governments agree to afford one another their diplomatic support in order to obtain the execution of the clauses of the present declaration regarding Egypt and Morocco." ^ Those regarding Morocco were internal reforms, without in any way changing the political state of Motocco, and equal commercial rights for all nations. It was Germany who was trying to upset this agreement and prevent this reform by threatening war against France if she did not accede to her demands. England, on the other hand, loyally supported France according to the terms of the agreement, and so far from President Roosevelt interfering to restrain England from doing so, the United States ambassador gave his powerful support to England and France against the demands of Germany, • The Times, July i8th, 1905 ; National Review, August, 1905, pp. 922-3. ' National Review, June, 1905, p. 570. -" 132 ROME- AND GERMANY which were recognised by all the Powers as so unjustifiable that she was obliged in the end to withdraw them. We have seen that Dr. Schiemann stated that "Morocco was a mere incident in the general ensemble, which extended far beyond the affairs of the Sherifian Empire," and Prinee von Donnerbriick said : " The dernier mot of the quftstion raised by Germany will not be uttered at Fez, or in Paris. Russia, -frustrated of her .hopes in the Far' East, is going to turn her attention to Constantinople. It is there the, real Piece, of which the Moroccan incident is but a prologue, will be played. The Protagonists will be Russia, Germany and England." ^ It is well known that f9r years past Germany has been establishing her influence in Turkey. The Turkish army, has been reorganised by German officers, and German influence at .Constantinople was, until quite lately, pre- dominant. She has obtained important concessions in Turkey, and among others the right to construct the . Bagdad railway in the Euphrates Valley to the Persian Gulf, where she- hoped to obtain a naval port at Koweyt. Such a port and railway would be a formidable threat to our Indian Empire, and oblige us to keep a strong fleet in the Persian Gulf. It is' believed by well-informed people in Paris that in this design Germany had a secret agreement with Russia, whose aims she was supporting just as she supported her in the war against Japan. For Russia's aim was to construct a railway from Merv through Eastern Persia and Seistan to Bunder Abbess on the Persian Gulf, which would be a still greater«^nger to India, as by such a railway she would be able to turn our defences on the North-Western frontier of that country. But if Germany constructed the line to Koweyt, it would be far simpler for Russia to connect her Trans-* Caucasian railway, which has reached the river Arras, \v\i\i Bagdad, and make use Of the line from thence to the Persian Gulf. As pointed out by The National Review, the Euphrates Valley railway must be a wholly political undertaking, as » Daily Express, May 24th, ig«6. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 123 it could not possibly Be a commercial success, and Germany, not having the money for its construction, tried hard to induce British capitalists to supply the necessary funds, an attempt which was defeated by the warnings of the above-mentioned journal. The danger to India of allowing a foreign power to establish itself on the Persian Gulf, Which for years has been policed and freed from pirates by the British Navy, is so fully recognised that any attempt to do so would oblige this country to oppose it by force. Nor can it be doubted that these political movements were directed against British interests by Germany, who, as asserted by Sir R. Blennerhassett, is " our most unrelenting foe."^ The possibility of a Russian attack on India and Afghanistan is fully recognised, and the serious weakening of our Home forces, in order to meet such an attack, would of course be in exact accordance with Germany's policy and ambition. Our present cordial relations with Russia have for the present removed that danger, but Germany may yet have to be reckoned with, and not only is the railway to the Persian Gulf being pushed on, but Germany has been seeking to obtain an influence in Persia, and especially in Southern Persia, hitherto the exclusive sphere of British influence. ^ Immediately following the settlement of the Moroccan question we were confronted with a new danger in the Near East, viz., the attempt of Turkey to establish her- self on the Sinai Peninsula in Egyptian territory. Turkey had already constructed a railway, under the direction of German engineers, from Damascus, which followed the course of the Jordan valley to Akaba at the head of the Gulf of that name, and her attempt to. seize Tabah on the Egyptian side of the Gulf would, if it had suc- ceeded, have endangered our interests iii Egypt and have threatened the safety of the Suez Canal. , The value of Tabah to Turkey was insignificant, nor could Turkey herself have had any object in opposing the ^ National Review, No.vembsr, 1902, p. 319. " JJaily Express, May 24tli, igo6. 124 ROME AND GERMANY interests of this country which has consistently supported her against the ambition of Russia. But behind the Sultan was the predominant influence of Germany, and for a long time Muktar Pasha, the Turkish High Com- missioner in Egypt, assisted by his German coadjutor, who was attached to the Germany agency in Cairo, had been actively stirring up sedition against the British rule. The railway across Sinai was already in German hands, and it was intended to continue it down the Eastern Coast of the Red Sea, with a port at its termination, which, it is said, will be leased to Germany. Hence the obstinacy with which the Sultan refused to withdraw from Tabah, and although the German Government pre- tended to regret his action in the matter, yet the official German papers energetically upheld Turkish claims and made malicioiis comments on our proceedings, accusing us of coveting Mecca and Medina ! * The action of Germany in stirring up the Sukan and the Egyptians against us in Egypt was openly confessed by a writer in the Deutsche Revue, which is in close touch with the German Foreign Office. After explaining that it was not perniissible to England to carry out the changes Lord Cromer proposed, with a view of trans- forming Egypt into a British possession, without German assent, it went on to suggest that " Germany may possibly abandon opposition to. Great Britain in Egypt in return for British concessions elsewhere. Great Britain might facilitate the construction of the Bagdad railway with a terminus on the Persian Gulf in return for German- acquiescence in a forward British policy in Egypt. Great Britain has repeatedly placed difficulties in the way of German policy in different parts of the world. Now Germany is able to create obstacles to British policy in Egypt." 2 We may therefore conclude that, both the Tabah incident and the insurrectionary movement in Egypt against British rule, which lately assumed alarming proportions, were organised by Germany. ' National Review, June, 1906, pp. 542-546. » Paily Express, August 4th, 1906. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 125 The Turkish revolution and the accession to power of the young Turkish party, which is particularly friendly to England, would seem, for the present, to have neu- tralised German influence in Turkey. But immediately following . that event came a blow to Turkey in the declaration of Bulgarian independence and the annexation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria. These events may yet produce war, or, at 'any rate, oblige us to send ships and troops to the Near East. How far Germany may have had a hand in producing these political de- velopments we do not know ; but the statements of Dr. Schiemann and Prince von Donnerbriick that the questions raised in Morocco would be settled by Russia, Germany, and England in Turkey would appear to be not without folindation. ^ Germai:y has by no means given up the hope of wrest- ing South Africa from British rule, aiid an illustrated paper, Sud Africa (Der Burenfreund), is published twice a month in Berlin with the object of keeping up ill-will between the Dutch and British in that country. In this policy Germany has not only the powerful aid of the Bond, the Het Volk and the Dutch clergy, but it is evident that many of the supporters of the present Government in this country have done what they coul'.l to Weaken British influence in South Africa and sub- ordinate the British to the Boers and Dutch. Germany has also been gradually accumulating a powerful force of over 20,000 men with a proportionate number of guns in German West Africa close to the frontier of Cape Colony, for the purpose of putting down the Herero rising. Considering the number of Boers who are either openly or secretly hostile to us, and the con- stant efforts to keep that hostility alive, and, on the other hand, the' help they have received from, and their previous friendship with Germany, it is evident that, in an invasion of our colonies by the above force, the Germans could count on the assistance of a considerable number of Boers and Dutch and the good- will of the majority, ' Ante, pages 116, 12a.- 126 ROME AND GERMANY In the event therefore af an. invasion of Great Britain by Germany which would necessitate the withdrawal of our troops in South Africa for home defence, Germany would have little diiificulty in overthrowing British rule in that country, and if the German invasion of Britain was successful. South Africa would certainly become from that time forth^a German colonj^. The desire pf a large section of the German nation is for the ultimate supremacy of the Boers in South Africa, and the bosom friend and intimate adviser of the Kaiser, - Professor Schiemann, h^s declared in a recent series of articles that " The future of South Africa belongs to the Boers." So also all the recent military novels, dealing with the coming Anglo-German war, contemplate a Boer rising in South Africa and its ultimate success through the aid of German troops from South- West Africa. As remarked by the National Review, " It has been positively stated in the Berlin Reichstag that Germany's main object in South- West Africa is to create a base of future operations against British South Africa." The Review further asks how can we " explain the passionate arsxiety of the Kaiser to construct a strategic railway to the frontier of Cape Colony, or the immense importation of arms ? " i Speaking of the enormous outlay of the German Government on the Colony, the Deutsche Kanfedion says : " Of course we cannot expect them to reveal to the world at large the real reasons — namely, that South-West Africa, by facilitating a descent upon the Transvaal and Cape Colony, is a hostage in the hands of Germany for the good behaviour of England." " German South-West Africa," writes Dr. Paul Samassa, " is in the game of world politics a strong trump card in our hands. In the case of a war with England the British Fleet will blockade the South-West African Coast, so that nothing will remain for our troops but to invade Cape Colony and live upon the country. I don't beheve that an invasion will be immediately followed by a general rising of the * {Rational Review, April, 1907, p. 190. GERMAN HOSTILITY AND AMBITION 127^ Boer population,, but thousands of them who have nothing to lose will join our troops," etc. ^ It is thus evident that there are three points, India, Egypt and the Near East, and South Africa,^ at which through the secret and unremitting intrigues, of Germany we may be attacked, and by obhging us to detach a large portion of our fleet, or to denude this country of troops for their defence, afford the long-awaited opportunity for G^many to deliver the threatened " blow at the heart " which is to destroy the British Empire and satisfy the envy and hatred which for years has been so steadfastly nursed and fostered throughout Germany against Great Britain. *■ ' "German South. West Africa as an International 'Factor,' article in National Review, September, 1997. CHAPTER VI German Plans of Invasion T has been supposed that a serious invasion of this country is practically impossible, and that all we have to fear is a raid by a force of some 10,000 men, or, in the temporary absence of the fleet, an invasion by an army consisting, at the most, of 70,000 men, and that the troops left in this country, even after one or more corps d'armee had been sent to defend some distant por- tion of the Empire, would be amply sufficient to repel such an invasion. This is not the opinion of our ablest soldiers and civilians who have studied the question, and the false confidence begotten by such a conclusion, and the consequent disarmament which it invites and seems to excuse, is the surest preparation for a far more serious invasion. It is said -that our fleet is an ample and all-sufficient defence against invasion, but to depend upon it alone is to put all our- eggs in one basket, and in view of the danger to which ironclads are exposed, both from storms and, when unprepared, from destruction by the secret attack of the torpedoes and submarines of an enterprising enemy, they have much in common with eggs. Moreover, the effectual defence against invasion neces- sitates that a very large portion of our fleet should be kept in Home waters, and considering the rapidly in- creasing strength of the German Navy, its concentration, and the possibility of its sudden increase by ships secretly built for it by other Powers, together with, the serious weakening of that portion of our fleet intended for Home defence, it is evident that the Fatter might be 128 CxfiRMAN PLANS OF INVASION 129 overpowered if attacked when unprepared, or more or less scattered ; and of this we may be certain, from the statements of the Germans themselves, a German attacTc would be made without the slightest warning. It is not a question of the total strength of our f!eet as compared with that of Germany, but whether that per- tion pi it in Home waters would be strong enough, at a critical and unforeseen moment, to defeat the Germaa fleet and prevent invasion. Ships are not stationary like forts, and a false sense of security, combined with other causes, might lead to a considerable portion of the fleet being in distant waters at the critical moment. All these chances would be eliminated if we had a second line of defence in an efficient army, always on the spot, and capable of repelling, not merely an invasion by 70,000 men, but one by 200,000 men or more. It would, moreover, double the effective power of the fleet, and, by setting it free from the stationary task of guarding our shores, would not only render it more immune fronj unforeseen torpedo attacks, but enable it to concentrate its striking force on vital points of the enemies' com- munications. In short, it is ^ully recognised that a fleet tied down to an effective guarding of our shores would lose half its efficiency, and yet unless it is so tied down, it might not be at hand when most required, and thus would be wholly unable to prevent the landing of a formidable invading force. Again, with regard' to the force which Germany would be able to land on our Eastern coast if she had the com- mand of the sea. for forty-eight hours, there -is the most profoujid misconception. Taking France as the sup- posed enemy, Mr. Balfour argued that' it would be im- possible for that Power to land 70,000 men in so short a time, with tlie transport at its- disposal, and that the dangers to which such a force would be exposed in its transit from the attacks of torpedo boats, submarines, and every available battleship and cruiser, would be so great that no power would crabark on such an enterprise ; thait cvcH were a large portion ©f •uv fleet tempopftpily absent, 130 , ROME AND GERMANY there could be no fear of an effectual invasion of this country. ^ This fatal optimism was fully exposed by the military correspondent of the Times, and by exhaustive articles in the Morning Post, the Outlook, and the Spectator. In the first place, France is not the power we have to fear, but Germany. It would, no doubt, be impossible for France to assemble any large number of transports in its northern ports without the fact being known. But, as shewn by the author of " The Riddle of the Sands," " Germany possesses in the chain of Friesian islands, which are mere sandbanks, almost uninhabited, a perfect screen, behind which she could secretly assemble a formidable flotilla of vessels capable of conveying troops and muni- tions of war. The rivers Elbe, Weser, and Ems, which debouch at this point, would also afford every facility for their secret concentration, while both these rivers and several railways would admit of the equally secret and rapid concentration of troops and materiel. Moreover, there are already embarkation wharves which extend for over a mile along the right bank of the Ems, and Germany is about to make the port of Emden, at the mouth o'f the river, a first-class torpedo base. Emden is also connected with Wilhelmshaven (the prin- cipal German naval base in the North Sea) by the Ems Canal, forty miles in length, and suitable for the passage of vessels of light draught. * It is evident thatj apart from the advantage obtained by these arrangements for the secret concentration of a torpedo fleet for an attack on the English Home fleet, they also afford great facilities for the concentration and embarkation of an army of invasion. Again, Germany possesses in her numerous great " Liners," m.a.ny of which are. said to be capable of con- veying 10,000 troops for a short voyage, and to be con- • .National Review, June 1905, pp. 576, 578. • " The Riddle of the Sands," Erskine Childers, published by Smith; and Elder. • Daily Express, April 4th, 1907. GERMAN PLANS OF INVASION 131 structed to meet such a necessity, a far greater capacity for . transporting troops than anything France possesses. It should be remembered also that the very last thing Germany would do would be, to concentrate these vessels at any one port, not only on account of the notice it would attract, but because the embarkation of troops could be carried out with far greater celerity and precision at half-a-dozen or more different ports. These would probably be Hamburg; the mouths of the Elbe; Weser, and Ems, Wilhelmshaven, Cnxhaven, &c., while some of the • troops would embark from Baltic ports, whence they would pass through the Kiel Canal, * their later arrival at the destined points of attack being ad- visedly arranged in order to avoid crowding and confusion. There is also a total misapprehension among the majority of people in England with respect to the sudden- ness and rapidity with which a vast military power like Germany, with its perfect organisation, carefully thought out plans^ and elaborate preparations before- hand, could concentrate and embark the forces required for the successful invasion of this countr}'. The principle of military strategy is, previous to attack, to distribute the attacking force over a wide area, so that the enemy may have, no suspicion of attack, or of the point of attack intended. On this principle, the anny of invasion would be distributed in the western towns and fortresses of Germany for weeks beforehand, certain portions of it being close to the intended ports of embarkation, while it would be arranged beforehand that one or more liners, or other big steamers, should arrive at each of these ports at the time appointed, fully, prepared for the reception of th^ troops at- the nearest points, the departure of the more distant portions of the army being so timed as to arrive directly the embarkation of the first troops had been completed. Much of the work of concentration could be done at night, and if the necessary measures were taken at every ' The Kiel canal is beiug widened for tliis very purpose, and two other canals, one on each side of it, are being constructed. if« R«ME ANB GERMANY point of the frontier to prevent tl^^ egress of a,ny nows for twenty-four hours, an arrhy of 100,000 men might perfectly well be embarked and, on their- way to the British aoast before any real alarm, or knowledge of the event, had atrrived in this country, while the formal declaration af war would be arranged to arrive in England simul- tiineously with the invading force. The actual voyage across the North Sea could be accompUshed by these fast liners in from fifteen to twenty hours, according to the distance of the different points of attack, and the disembarkation of the troops on our absolutely defenceless east coast in ,ten to twelve hours more. Having established^ themselves at these points and f^ified them, the invaders would be quickly reinforced by another 100,000 men conveyed in the slower flotilla •ollected behind the Friesian Islands which, starting immediately after the fast liners, would arrive some twelve to fifteen hours later. By these means, the whole army of invasion, with the heavier guns 3ind materiel, would probably be able to complete the disembarkation »f both men and guns in about forty-eight hours from the moment of starting. . It would be folly to suppose that this could not be done. Perfect secrecy, with eVery precaution taken to blind the credulous and apathetic British public to German intentions, together with that perfect organisa- tion and preparation beforehand in every detail, in which- the German General Staff are unsuipassed, would enable the Germans to effect- that complete surprise, on the neces- sity of which all their great mihtary experts and writers insist. Those who contend that war between us and Germany eannot take place without there being ample time for preparation are either " blind leaders of the blind," or more probably, as we shall see later on, wilful deceivers of the people. " Time given you for preparation." "This," said Von Moltke, when reviewing the question of invasion, "is exgctly wliat we shall not do." The attack by the German war fleet and torpedo ©ERMAN PLANS ©F INVASION im squadrons would be effected on the same principles as those of the army. The torpedo vessels and destroyers in separate squadrons, escorted by fast cruisers, would leave their base at a pre-arranged hour, each having its appointed task, namely, to attack by night, and as far as possible destroy the various sections of the British fleet in the North Sea, and to lay mines at the Medway and other ports in order to prevent the egress of ships in them. Arrange'qients, carefully prepared beforehand, would also be made for the heavy ba:ttleships to. be rapidly concentrated on the day appointed for attacking and destroying the remaining vessels of the British fleet in the North Sea which had escaped the torpedo attack, or of so crippling them as to prevent them interfering with the army of invasion. All this might well be accomphshed by Germany alone when her fleet had attained its "required strength, and our own Home fleets had been divided, or sufficiently reduced in nurnbers and efficiency on the plea of a pretended economy. But Germany has not to depend on herself alone. For, as we shall show, she has in Britain itself most formidable allies, equally bent on the destruction of the British Empire, doing everything in their power tO- prepare the way for a German invasion, and who might find means for arranging that, at the critical moment, the British ships in Home waters should be decidedly inferior, both in numbers and efficiency, to those of the German fleet. It, is also very evident that, in the event' of the destruc- tion or disablement of our Home fleet by a superior German force, very much more than forty-eight hours might have to elapse before there could be any effectual interference with the German operations. The few'ships that might first arrive from other places would have to await the arrival of the rest ; for any attack by greatly inferior forces would only lead to their destruction in detail. Moreover, the Germans, by holding the Straits of Dover and laying a minefield there, defended by the guns of their most powerful battleships, would make the 134 ^ROME AND GERMANY passage of those Straits a most hazardous operation for even a greatly superior British fieet, and might result in the Germans retaining the command of the North Sea for perhaps a fortnight. This period would give ample time, not only for the transport of an overwhelming force, but for the coil- veyance of heavy guns, ammunition, horses, baggage, and every requisite for an army in the field. In short, it may be said that if Genuany had forty-eight hours in which to engage and destroy the weakened British fleet in the North Sea and to seize the Straits of Dover, every- thing else would be a mere matter of detail. * It should also be remembered that at the present moment Great Britain is overrun with Germans, of whom it is said there are at least seventy thousand in the country. They ostensibly follow various callings, but it is certain that some of them have made no attempt to conceal the fact that they are, or have been, soldiers or officers in the German Army, and it is therefore probable that a large proportion of the rest are also soldiers or reservists, liable for service on the declaration of war. Secret consignments of German rifles and ammunition have also been discovered at various places in the North of England, which indicates, that there may be other undiscovered suppHes at suitable places available for arming these men. It is evident that twenty or thirty thousand such soldiers in our midst might render pre- arranged and invaluable services to an invading army, such as cutting telegraph wires, stopping railway com- ' Since the abo\e was written the conclusions arrived at have been fully concsborated in an able letter by the military corres- pondent of The Times on September loth, 1907. He shows that apart from any flotilla concealed behind the Friesian Islands, there is' sufficient quay frontage in the North Sea ports for 1 14 vessels of 600 feet to be simultaneously berthed, and that, even "without antecedent mobilisation, the German railway system and the distri- bution of the German Army show that 200,000 men could be con- centrated at the North Sea ports within thirty-six hours " ; a period which,, by the previous arrangement suggested, might be easily reduced to twelve hours. He also shows from previous records, when modern appliances did not exist, that thi-s army could be disembarked on various points of our coast in two or three hours. GERMAN PLANS OF INVASION 135 munications, and seizing certain important points on the coast or elsewhere. AU this would be quite in accordance with German methods as revealed by Herr Heyer, viz., the proposed arrangements for introducing German soldiers into the Transvaal in various disguises. ^ It is also a fact that a number of German officers have been employed for some years past in making a minute reconnaissance of the Eastern Counties and of that por- tion of England which would be traversed by an invading army in its march on London. These re- connaissances include the nature and state of the roads, telegraphs, bridges, the depths of rivers and streams, position of fords, the nature and condition of every building and farm, the supplies of food and forage, and the horses available, and all the knowledge required by an invading army. There are people who have attempted to deny this military espionage, but the evidences in proof of it are from so many and trustworthy sources, and so closely corroborate each other, that there cannot be the sHghtest doubt about it. ^ In connection with this, it is worth while to quote from a recent letter from a Frenchman of note on the danger to which Great Britain is exposed from Germany. He says : " It is necessary in fact, in order to understand the terrible danger, to compare the actual situation of England with that of France before 1870. Who would have dreamt in 1869 of speaking about war ? Did not peace seem to be assured ? " Nevertheless Prussia was working without relaxation. " What a cruel awakening ! " Was not that wonderful march of Von Moltke on Paris a revelation to us ? The German officers had a knowledge of the country decidedly superior to that of our officers. And why ? Because, before the war, their system of espionage, wonderfully organised, had placed in their hands information of priceless value. » Ante, page 71. ' " Vide correspendsQce in The Standard, July and August, 1908 136 ROME AND GERMANY " Well, it is certain that Germany does not build her ironclads merely to ornament her ports in the Baltic and the North Sea, and it is not the less certain that she flatters herself to be able one day to inflict a naval defe'at upon England and to pour into that country 200,000 or 300,000 well-trained men commanded by officers who, like their Fathers in the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, have a perfect knowledge of the country." ^ It is certain also that plans for the invasion of England have been carefully elaborated by the German military staff, and that, every detail has been worked out before- hand with that thoroughness and foresight which char- acterises all their military operations. One of these plans, by Baron von Edelsheim, was dis- covered and published in the pages of The National Review, thereby evoking a storm of anger from the German Press at its disclosure. .This plan only deals with general principles. The real and fuUy-defailed plan would of course be kept perfectly secret and jealously guarded. Certain of the principles, however, laid down by Von Edelsheim in his plan for the invasion of this country should be recognised. He says : — " The preparation for landing operations must be furthered in time of peace to such an extent that in time of war we may feel sure of having the advantage of surprising the enemy by our celerity in mobilizing and transporting our troops. The troops which are to be mobilized must be determined in time of peace, their transport by railway, their harbours of embarkation, and the preparations for embarkation, must be prepared in order^to ensure the greatest possible celerity. The aim of our operations must be kept entirely secret, and attempts should -be made to deceive the enemy, at least with regard to the purpose for which the Jirst operations are undertaken." (For instance, some points of dispute with . France might be arranged in order to account for the dispatch of • Quoted tey " Litut.-CoUsel " in The StanittrA, August 31st, 1908. GERMAN PLANS ®F INVASI0N 137 troops t© Western Germany and for the embarkation of ether troops to make a descent on France in conjunction with the attack by land.) • The writer goes on to say : " The strength of our German Navy should be developed so far that the security of the troops during, a possible crossing is certain, ^nd that it is able to defeat, or at least to detain, any hostile fleet which the opponent may collect." The attainment of this result is, of course, a sine qua non, and in view of the enormous development of the German Navy and its greater development in the imme- diate future, it ought not to be difficult to accomplish when the present Government have succeeded in seriously reducing our armaments and defences, but more especially if, at the critical moment when war with Germany is least expected, a threatened attack on Egypt or else- where, or some other plausible reason, had led to a con- siderable portion of our fleet being sent to distant waters, Von Edelsheim further points out that : " When the landing has been effected in such a way that the opponent has been taken by surprise, even a strong country will hardly succeed in concentrating sufficient forces in time wherewith to meet the invader." But he also-points out that England is not a strong country in a military gersa. " EiJgland's weakness lies in that factor which constitutes our. strength, — the army. The English army corresponds neither in quantity or quality with England's position as a great Power, and does not even correspond with the size of the country. For England feels convinced that the invasion of her territory can h6 prevented by her fleet. That conviction is,, however, not at all justified, for although England can collect immense fleets after some time, those of her naval forced ready for war during the very first days are not so overwhelming. Conse- quently an opponent who is considerably weaker on the sea, and who concentrates his forces and keeps them in a state of readiness, can expect a temporary success." This conclusion, as we have seen, will be more than justified when the German Navy has attained its con- 138 ROME AND GERMANY templated strength, and a large portion of our fleet in Home waters, already seriously weakened, happens to be temporarily absent. The writer goes on to say : "A landing having been effected, England's enormous naval power would not have the slightest influence upon the final decision. The country contains such great resources that the army of occupation could permanently live upon those re- sources. On the other hand, the extent of the island is so small that the English would never succeed in van- quishing any army of invasion, once it had been victorious. It . is unlikely such a war would be long drawn out, or that considerable reserves would be required. The material is largely renewable in the country itself. Therefore, we may, withoift hesitation, maintain that it will be unnecessary to keep open com- munication with our own country." Von Edelsheim concludes : " If London be taken, one or other of the naval harbours will also have to be occupied in order to create "a base for supplies and for further operations which we think will lead to the conquest of England. ^ The views laid down by Von Edelsheim are endorsed by all the great German strategists. Even twenty-five years ago, when Germany's naval force was insignificant. Von Moltke, speaking of the invasion of England, said that he " told King William that under certain circum- stances it would not be a very hazardous enterprise ; that of course if England were given time to organise her forces she would be invincible. But," he added, "that is exactly what we will not do. if we strike, our blow shall be swift and sure. We shall not give you time to get ready, and while you are thinking about it we should throw a force on your shores which would make resistance on your part an impossibility."^ His principle was "to work out in peace time, in the most minute way, plans for the concentration and transport > " Functions of the German Army," by Baron von Edelsheim. National Review, April, 1905, pp. 242-7. « National Review, November, 190a, p. 36a. GERMAN PLANS OF INVASION 139 Of troops with a view to meeting all possible eventualities to whicii war may give rise."^ General Von der Goltz, who has taken the place of Von Moltke as the great strategist, of the German army, and was the reorganiser of the Turkish army, — after com- bating " the opinion which has so often been expressed, that a war between Germany and Great Britain is im- possible " — goes on to say, " Great Britain is forced to distribute her fleet over many seas in peace as well as in war, 'and her Home squadron is surprisingly weak in comparison with her fleets in the Mediterranean and in India, the Far East, Australia, the Red Sea, South Africa, the West Indies, and the Pacific. In that necessary distribution of her strength lies Great Britain's weakness. Germany is in a better position. Her navy is small, but it can be kept together. Our Colonies want no pro- tection, for a victory in Europe would give us back our Colonies at the conclusion of peace." ^ This was written. in 1900 before the great increase in the German Navy which has since taken place, and the weakening of our own navy. He further remarks : "As places are not wanting where England's defences are weak, it would be a mistake to consider a landing in England as a chimera. The distance is short enough if an admiral of daring succeeds in securing supremacy on the sea for a short time. The material basis of our power is large enough to make it possible for us to destroy the present superiority of Great Britain, but Germany must prepare beforehand for what is to come and must arm«in time. We must arm ourselves in time with all our might and prepare ourselves for what is to come without losing a day, for it is not possible to improvise victories at sea where the excellence of the material and the greatest skill in handling it are of supreme importance."^ It is clear from the above that General Von der Goltz ' National Review, May, 1905, p. 398. ' Paper contributed by Gen. Von der Goltz to the Deutsche Rundschau of March, 1900; National Review of 1905, p. 399. » Natiunal Review, May, 1905, p. 399. 140 ROME Al^D GERMANY regards war between Germany and England as imminent and certain to take place. It should also be remembered that the 200,oQO, or even 300,000 men, required for an invasion of Great Britain is such a small fraction of the whole German army that the risk incurted by Germany would be slight ; that the facilities possessed by Germany, for such an invasion are ■very great and are daily being increased ; and that once the army was landed on our shores, the total inadequacy of our military forces would make success a certainty. In the words of The Times military correspondent, " Success would bring the greatest empire in the world's history to the' ground in a fortnight." "That," he adds, " is the great standing temptation which our mihtary decrepitude offers to men of ambition and resource. Failure might entail no vital injury upon Germany." In the meantime, German preparations are proceed- ing " without relaxation," and in September, 1904, German army corps were pra&tised at embarking on thje coast of Germany near Woldenburg and disembarking in the face of a defending force. The attacking force, which was under . the personal supervision of the Kaiser, was supported by the fire of some men-of-war. It defeated the defending force and made good its landing. These operations were " an exact rehearsal of those necessary for an attack on a country inaccessible except by crossing the sea." It is inconceivable that the country contem- plated was any other than England. ^ Mr. Arnold White alsp calls attention to the importance of the preparations at Emden, where wharves have been coiistruct^d for the embarkation of an army. With reference to this, an Englishman writing from Berlin states : " Over here it is never denied that Emden, in case of war with England, would most- certainly be the sally port of a German expeditionary force whose objective was the nearest stretch of unguarded British eoast line." He ^ See account of operations in letter by " LieHt.-C»l«Hel" t« The Standard, August 31st, 1908. fefiRMAN PLANS OF INVASION 141 also refers to the " intense military activity there at the present rhoment." * To show how evident the danger is to those who have lived in Germany and studied the character and aims of the German people, the following extracts from an article written by Mr. Bart Kennedy, who had lately returned from Germany, are of no little importance. He is alluding particularly to Prussia, the population of which con- stitutes nearly two-thirds of the population of the whole Empire. " Let 1:here be no beating about the bush. These Prussians mean to assail England at the first opportunity. You say the (German) Socialist party would stop it ? Do not believe anything so foolish. The Socialist party has as much chance of influencing Prussian adventure as a rabbit would have of stopping an express. It is therefore dangerous for us to pay attention to those who are befogged and bamboozled into thinking that Germany and England can be united in the bands of brotherly love through the medium of high teas and tea-fights generally. " War is a horrible and dreadful thing for everybody, and the only way for England not to have war with Germany is for England to get ready. Civility is a beautiful idea, but when a man is getting ready to knife you, the best way to bring him to a brotherly frame of mind is to show him that you know what he is up to and that you are fully prepared for him. " Never mind the English people who say, ' there is no danger of Prussia precipitating Germany upon us. ' There is danger, and every Englishman who hves in Germany knows there is danger. " It would be an ill-service did not one point out the danger to England of German militarism. The evidence that the German war party means to fight England for her possessions is so overwhelming that one cannot but speak, and it is wiser for the English people to know of the danger that threatens them. It is always saf«»t t« look a fact square in the face. ' H. C. B., The Si*ni»rei, September 2ad, i9«3. I4i2 ROME AND GERMANY " Yes, the evidence of this danger is overwhelming. The English people must know, and the English people must realize that the vote-catching politicians at West' minster are the unsafest guides on this matter. Politicians are too busy either in catching votes or getting in the lime-light to know much that is of great value to England. The real situation will have to be explained by the Press. . " I. well know that there are weak-kneed and weak- headed Englishmen . who will say that I am writing mischievously in writing this. But that troubles me little. England must realize her dangerin order, to fa.ce it. " As for the English friends of the enemy among us, let them and what they have to say pass. We produce such people among us for our sins. "Understand me, I am not blaming the German people. I am only pointing out the fact that there is the danger of a small knot of Prussians ^ forcing on, one of the most horrible and desolating wars to be known in the history of mankind, and absolutely the only thing to influence this knot of Huns is force. They are amenable to no moral of intellectual influence. This is a terrible thing to say, but it is true. " The danger now in Europe is from the Huns that belong to Prussia. " We do not want war, and the only way for England not to have war is to be fully prepared." ^ Referring to this article at the National Peace Congress at Birmingham, even a social democrat like Mr. Hyndman said that, " coming from a writer whose general views were such as were held by Mr. Bart Kennedy they could not but take this evidence seriously." He strongly advised those who. had not read the article to do so at once. * Mr. Hyndman is an advanced Socialist, and the Socialists are not only professedly opposed to all war, but they have advocated the policy of. doing away-wjth the British Army and Navy altogether. Mr. Hyndman's • The war party in Germany is really the vast majority oi the nation. " Daily Mail, June 13U1, 1906. • Daily Mail, June 14th, igo6. GERMAN. PLANS OF INVASION 143 remarks, which shpw that, in spite of that poHcy, he recognizes the necessity of these means of defence against German ambition, is therefore all the more significant. The eyes of oth^r extreme; Socialists have also been opened to the danger to which Epgland is exposed. ^ ; . Thus Mr. Blatchford writes in T?ie Clarion: — - " I do not believe .that any person can accuse Great •Britain of provocation. If there is any menace it comes wholly from Germany. If Germany can once pass or defeat our navy, we are entirely at the mercy of h^r enormous armies. " It is not mere words, it is acts that have convinced us. Germany has increased and is increasing her fleet. Germany h^s made, and is still making the fullest- pre- parations for the embarkation of an army. Now against whom can these preparations be directed ? The Germans are not going, to invade France by gea. They are not going to invade Russia by sea, and the arrangements are of a nature only suitable to attack upon, a near coast. ■ " When the Germans practise embarking 300,000, men in haste ; when the tonnage of the vessels makes it ileees- sary to pack the troops closely, it is evident that no long sea voyage is intended. " I subniit that, in face of the kpown facts, it is absurd to describe the. warnings given by hundreds of experienced men as an idle scare. "All the evidencesgo to prove, that Germany is pre- paring to make war upon this country." , Justice of the same week writes in the same strain. " The naval preparations of Germany have avowetily but one object, and, it is very much better that the danger should be faced and prepared for, rather than we should continue to liye in a fobl's.paradise." 1 It is . evident, from the above, that the danger of German invasion is fully recognized and feared by the Socialist leaders. As Mr. Blatchford says : " I do ngt believe the working classes of this country realize wliat, a » Quoted in Daily Express^ August 7tli, 1908, 144 ROME AN© GERMANY harror and disaster a successful invasion of England by Germany would be." Dr. Emil Reich in his work, " The Success of Nations," writes : " I am forced to the deliberate conclusion tliat tii« ultimate object of German policy is to try conclusions with E.pgland," ^ and again speaking at Claridge's Hotel, he said : " The Geilnans^are not yet at Dover — not yet — but they will be there, be sure of that. Smile if you will, but that opinion only repeats what fell from the lips ©f one of the greatest of your own military authorities in conversation with me a few days ago." With regard to this statement, it might seem at first anlikely that, in an invasion of this country, the Germans should strike at a fortified place like Dover rather than on the undefended coasts north of the ^Thames, the sea distance to which is also so much shorter. No doubt they would land forces there also, but the value of Dover wQuld be so great, to them, as giving them the command of the Straits after the defeat of the British fleet in the North Sea, that they might we^} be prepared to mate great sacrifices in order to capture it. But some of the few fortifications of Dover on the land side have been dismantled, and the place is at the mercy of an invader who had landed a powerful force of men and guns. If the Germans, having obtained temporary command of the North Sea, had landed the bulk of their forces on the coasts of Norfolk, Suffolk and E|?ex, the attention of the whole of our weak land forces would be more than occupied in opposing thd march of the invaders ®n LondCn, which would, of course, be their principal •bjective. In that case, it would be easy for them to land a corps d'armee (or even a smaller force would Tie sufficient) on the undefended north coast of Kent, at the Me of Thanet and Heme Bay, from whence there are two lines of railway converging on Dover, and, by a rapid march on that place, capture it, and fortify them- selves there before any effectual resistance could be made. » l^ily Telegraph, June 17th, 1904. GERMAN PLANS OF HSIVASI®N 145 Thair object is also to capture one or other of eur great naval ports, Portsmouth or Plymouth, the loss of which, after the defeat of the army in the field, would place England completely at their mercy. These naval harbours were at one time strongly fortified on the land side, and formed fortified camps, to 'which a defeated British army could retire, and, aided by the fleet, would ■ have been able to hold an enemy at bay for an indefinite time while they were being reorganized and reinforced by sea. These fortresses would, therefore, have been of incalculable value to us in the case of a successful invasion of this country. But the late Govei'nment dismantled and disarmed these land fortifications, and it would seem that the party which now sways the destinies of Great Britain if doing all in its power by reducing the defences of the country, not only to invite Germany's attack, but t» make that attack a certain success. The most serious feature is the reduction in the com- parative strength and efficiency of our fleets in Home waters and the only effect on Germany has been to encourage her in her efforts to create a navy superior to that part of our fleet on which we have to "depend for the country's, defence in case of attack, while even this portion of our fleet might be greatly reduced in strength, if, through, the secret influence of the enemies in our midst, a certain number of the ships composing it had been sent to distant waters just previous to the critical moment. CHAPTER VII German Alliance with Rome THE enmity of Germany to this country is not due to natural causes, and would probably have never arisen had it not been for the writings, of Treitschke, Mommsen, Delbruck, Schiemann, and others, and the inflammatory articles which for many years have appeared in the whole German Press. These by appealing to the vanity and ambition of the German people and by repre- senting Great Britain as the one obstacle to the attain- ment of German ideals, and as wholly undeserving of her present position and empire, have gradually engendered a feeling of bitter hostility towards her. Nor was the attainment of this result, difficult. The natural pride which Germans felt after their successful wajs with Austria, and France was first fostered and ' inflamed, until it developed into an overweening conceit in their martial power, and a belief that Geijnany ought not only to be the dominant power in Europe, but in the world. Hence arose the ide£tl of a German Empire, advocated by the " Pan-German League," which was to stretch from the North and Baltic Seas to the Mediter- ranean. Hence also arose the idea of a German* Colonial Empire like that of Britain, and in spite of the strongest wamiiig on the part of Bismarck, who recognized the danger and complications which would arise if Germany attempted to acquire such an Em'pire, the present Kaiser began to seize upon various tracts in East and West Africa and elsewhere for, the establishment of German Colonies. 146 GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME 147 As it was evident that the naval supremacy of Great Britain stood in the way of the fruition of these wide- spread ambitions, it was easy to sow the seeds of envy, jealousy, and hatred against this country as the one obstacle to the attainment of what Germans had been led to. believe was their rightful position ^mong the nations of the world. This is the whole history of German hatred of Britain. Vanity founded upon Germany's successes in 1866 and 1870, and continually fostered until it has resulted in the belief that Germans should be the sole arbiters of the world's destinies, while the sense of impotence and inability to attain this end, engendered by the naval power of Britain, a"nd the consequent humiliation and check to their ambition, has made it easy for the Press and leaders of public^ opinion to gradually cultivate an intense hatred against a country and people who are not only the barrier to the attainment of their ambition, but whom they have been led. to regard with contempt and as undeserving their present supremacy. The point to be observed, however, is that this hostility has not been a natural and, spontaneous development among the German people themselves, but has been due — firstly, to the books and pamphlets of a certain number of able men, who were not soldiers fired with military ambition, but literary writers ; and secondly, and perhaps chiefly, to the influence exercised by the whole German Press, which for twenty years or more has endeavoured to excite envy, jealousy, and hatred against this country. The agitation in Germany has, in short, been very similar ,to that of the Bond and the Dutch Clergy in South' Africa in cultivating a similar envy and hatred against the British, and there is reason to conclude that the originating cause in both cases has been the same. It has been shewn that the calumnies and falsehoods which were dissenlinated throughout Europe during the Boer war originated solely with the Jesuits and the Vatican. These calumnies were, as might be expected, most virulent in Roman Catholic countries, and in the 14S ROME AND GERMANY clerical and reactionary Press wholly under the control of the Jesuits, and the influence of the latter would there- fore be especially; seen in the numerous journals which circulate among the- large Roman Catholic population of the German Empire. But the influence exercised by the Jesuits is fa/ wider than this. Even in this country, it is said that they have a member of their order on the stiff of every important paper, and in Germany, where Pro- testantism i!3 practically dead, it would hardly be necessary for them to conceal their religion in order to obtain positions as editors or contributors to journals for which their erudition and carefully cultivated talents eminently qualify them. To suppose indeed that they did not do so, and that while using every effort to sow envy and hatred of the British by means of every Roman Catholic paper, they should have taken no steps to do the same with non-Catholic German papers, when the end in yiew was so easily attained, would be utterly absurd. Let it be remembered that long before the first begin- ning of tjaese attacks on England by Treitschke and others, it was the avowed policy of Rome to sow discord arid hatred in those countries opposed to her ambition, and if possible involve them in war with each other ; that the one policy of the Jesuits was to engender and continually cultiva:te hatred of Protestants ; and that the one great ambition of Rome was the subjugation and humiliation of Protestant Britain. When, therefore, we know that it was Rome and the Jesuits who stirred up this hatred, of the British in the Roman Catholic coim tries, it would be folly and blindness not to conchide that they must have been the chief agents in doing the same in Germany. It is not necessary to suppose Professor Trietschke or other writers who have been j^rominent in stirring up this hatred were themselves secret agents of Rome, although, considering the secrecy of Rome's methods and that these writers were carrying out the avowed object of that Church, there would be nothing improbable in such a supposition ;' and if any of these writers were Riiman GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME 149 Catholics we should be forced to conclude that the sup- position might- in their case be correct. But even if this was not the case, these writers may have been directly, or indirectly, influenced by Jesuit acquaintances, or by persons under Jesuit influence, who, by firing their imagination and arousing their ambition with glowing pictures and suggestions which appealed to their vanity and patriotism, determined the bent of their minds, and directed their talents into the required channel. For it is a cardinal precept of Jesuit policy to use every means to influence and direct the minds of -the youth of a country, especially those whose superior talents promise to be of use to them, and also to obtain the services of leading men in literature and science. " We ought by every possible means to secure the aid of modern thinkers, whatever be the nature of their opinions. If they can be induced to write at all in our favour, let us pay them well, either in money or laudation." ^ It would indeed seem anomalous that writers who have done all in their power to forward the avowed policy of Rome should have done so from no apparent rnotive and wholly uninfluenced by her. But whether this be the case or not, there can be little doubt that the calumnies and misrepresentations , which have been disseminated among the German people by the Press, in order to stir up hatred against the British, originated with Rome and the Jesuits who, throughout their history, have always made use of these weapons to effect their ptyposes. There was a time when Catholic France was the sword upon which Rome relied for the future subjugation of Britain. But, as we have seen, the .sword of France has fallen from the hand of Rome, and Republican France is now as bitter an opponent of Rome's authority and pre- tensions as Protestant Britain, and is equally the object •f Rome's hostility, and marked out for her vengeance. * In the place of France', however, the Vatican wields, at 1 "The Jtsuit C»i«pirsicy,'' p, 102. ' See ante, page 99. « ISO ROME AND GERMANY the present moment, the far more formidable power of Germany, the Kaiser, the Government, and many of the people of- which have, during a whole, generation, been gradually brought to regard Great Britain with a hatred little inferior to that which animates Rome herself, and to be possessed by the same absorbing desire for the sub- jugation and humihation of the British nation. Nor is this all. For by the very force of circumstances Germany has become the chief ally and supporter of the Vatican and the Vatican of Germany. From the moment that the present Kaiser's ambitions and designs, the fruit of the teachings of Delbruck, began to develop, he obtained the loyal support of the Centre, the most powerful party in the Reichstag, without which he could never have carried out his determination to create a navy powerful enough to challenge this country's maritime supremacy, and we need not be surprised -to . find that this party is chiefly composed of Roman Catholics who, in supporting the Kaiser's ambition, forwarded that of Rome. There is indeed a considerable Socialist minority in the Reichstag who are not only opposed to the military ambition of the Kaiser, but to the autocratic power wielded by him, but these were absolutely powerless so long as the Government could count upon the support of the Centre. There was, therefore, every reason for the Kaiser to do all in his power to gain the goodwill and support both of the Vatican ^-^d of the Roman Catholics in his kingdom. For this purpose he paid an express visit. to the Pope, whose friendship he secured, and at the same time repealed the laws which existed against the Jesuits, and gave especial privileges and protection to the Roman Catholics and their religion. In short, there is no country in Europe at the present time, except perhaps Great Britain, in which' Roman Catholics have greater privileges and power. The Vatican, while regarded with hostility or distrust in every other country, has obtained in Germany and the German Emperor a staunch and powerful ally. GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROJIE 151 In his speech at Aix-la-Chapelle in 1902, the Kaiser said that " It was with pride- and joy that he was able to tell them that the Pope said to his special ambassador who went to Rome on the occasion of the Holy Father's Jubilee, that he (the Pope) had always kept a high opinion of the piety of the Germans, and especially of the German army, and the ambcissador was to tell his Sovereign that the country in Europe where controli order, and disciphne still prevailed, with respect fof authority and regard for the Church, and where the latter could live, was the German Empire, and for that the Papsd See was indebted to the German Emperor." ^ In short, the special correspondent of the New York Literary Digest, wrote, a few years ago : " The sympathies of the German Emperor are slowly but surely forming themselves in the direction of the Roman Catholic Church, if we are to credit statements made in the leading organs of the Vatican party." ^ So fuUy was this tendency recognised by English Cathohcs that they presented an address to the Einperor^ which appeared in the Catholic Herald, the Monitor, and the New Era. The Monitor wrote : " While the French Government is engaged in the odious task of expeUing the Rehgious Orders and confiscating, their property, depriving the weak and helpless of their administrations, the German Emperor is, on the other hand, securing for his CathoHc subjects the fullest and freest exercise of their religion. He ascended the throne of his ancestors without taking any blasphemous oath (a reference to the British Coronation oath) to insult the conscientious convictions of his, Catholic subjects, and the pending establishment of a Papal Legate in Berlin as repre- senting the Holy See, may well put to shame this country of boasted religious freedom. wliK.h refuses to officially recognise the Holy See."^ The leading points of the Address were as follows : » Daily Telegraph, June 21st, 1902. • Literary Digest, New York, quoted by Daily Mail, November 4th, igo2. • National Review, June, 1903, p. 523. 152 R©ME AN» GERMANY "May it please your Majesty, we, the wndersigned members of the Catholic community of Great Britain and Ireland, which numbers some six millions of peopje, desire to approach your Majesty and to convey to you our warmest thanks and gratitude for the wise, generous, and far-seeing policy which your Majesty has carried out in dealing with your Catholic subjects since you ascended the throne of your forefathers. Your Majesty has repeatedly shown your appreciation of, and complete confidence in, the warm loyalty of your Catholic subjects, and by many other beneficent and kindly acts, especially in your dealings with the venerable occupant of the Holy See, you have won the esteem of Catholics all over the world. " While Governments less progressive and enlightened than your own have shown bigotry in dealing with the See of Rome, and have, in some cases, refused officiSl recognition to that ancient Sovereignty, .your Majesty, with a large and true appreciation of the issues involved, has placed the relation between your Empire and the Holy See on a basis of reciprocal respect and confidence," etc., etc. ^ The two implacable enemies of the British Empire, both equally animated by the desire for its destruction, are thus bound together by mutual friendship and a mutual ambition. For carrying out that ambition Rome wields the vast military and growing naval power of the German Empire, and for ensuring its success Germany has the incalculable advantage of possessing: the com- bined assistance of all the powerful and astute secret societies of Rome. Finally, the new general of the Jesuits is a German, Francis Xavier Wearnz, whose election, advocated by the Kais&r, has given the greatest satisfaction to the Pope. It is a recognition of the close alliance between Germany and the Vatican. * ' National Review, June, 1903, p. 524. ■ ^ • It is said of the new Jesuit General that it was darkly prophesied of him that he would be greater than King or Pope, and considering the period in which we live, it is not improbable that he may become prominent actor in the events of the future. GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME 153 We may refer here to what, at first sight, seemed to indicate a rupture between Germany and Rome. At the close of the year tgo6, the Reiphstag refused to vote the funds for the prosecution of the war in South Africa against the Hereros, and the majority by which this refusal was made was obtained by a coalition of the Catholic centre- with the Socialists. The Kaiser dissolved the Reichstag, and in the election for a new Reichstag which followed, the Government made every effort to secure the election of members favourable to his policy and to defeat the Sociahst party. These efforts were attended with great success. The Socialists lost a number of seats, but the Centre or Catholic party retained aU their seats ; nor does it appear that they were seriously opposed by the Government. The reason of this was evident. The Pope came to the rescue of his friend the Kaiser, on .whom, a professed •Protestant, he had, shortly before, bestowed the unpre- cedented distinction of ordering a Te Deum to be sung in Rome to his honour. The Berlin correspondent of the Daily Mail writes : " The Vatican has caused it to be imderstood that war- fare in Germany at the same moment when the Church is reeling in a death grapple with France is in the, highest degree intolerable. The Holy Father has made it plain to the German Catholic leaders ho\y fatally unwise it would be for Teuton Catholics to give up their historic and honourable role as the handmaid of the Kaiser's Government in conducting Germany on patriotic lines. " Hence the eloquent silence maintained by Priijce Biilow's organs over the fact that the Centre ernerges from the campaign unshaken. From the Wilhelmstrasse the command has ■ gone forth to harp exclusively on the Socialist defeat. The well-informed Roman corres- pondent of the Tageblatt telegraphs to-night that every- Jsody at the Vatican is confident that the Kaiser must govern with the aid of the Catholics whether he wants to or H©t. The Holy See will do its utmost to facilitate an uadefetaMiJiiig." Tke savie ^Mpatck qucttc tke R»mii» 154 ROME AND GERMANY Stampa. " The Pope will not only advise, but command the Catholic leaders in Germany to support Prince Biilow in order that the Kaiser may be put under vailuable obligation to the Vatican."^ The true meaning of the episode appears to be plain. It was the Ultramontane portion of the Centre and the influence exercised by them that secured the defeat of the Kaiser's policy, for many of the other Catholics subse- quently declared their intention to support that policy. Therefore, as the Ultramontanes always act in obedience to the Vatican, it is evident that their opposition in the first case was in obedience to its orders. It was an object lesson to show how dependent the Kaiser was on the support of the Vatican ; in return for which support the Vatican hoped to assure itself with greater certainty than before of the military power of Germany for carr3dng out its ambition. The result, in short, must be to cemeiit the alliance of the Kaiser and Rome by the recognition of their mutual dependence on each other. It is also a further illustration of the influence that Rome is capable of exercising on German policy, and is an evidence that, as in the case of the superstitious kings of France, she is the real power behind the throne. It points to the fact that Germany is the tool, although the willing tool, of Rome. For as the Jesuits by falsehood and sophistry inflame the envy and malice of the working classes against the classes above them, so by similar methods they have inflapjed the ambition and excited the envy and hostility of the German people and of the Kaiser himself against this country, and prepared both to be eager and willing agents for carrying out the great ambition of Rome, viz., the humiliation and overthrow of the British Empire. We have spoken of the alliance between Germany and Rome, but it is an alliance dependent on a common aim and ambition, not on any formal compact between them to effect the overthrow of Great Britain. Such a compact, by revealing the true ambition of Rome, would go far to • Daily Mail Berlin correspondent, January 29th, 1907. GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME 155 defeat her policy. For if it were suspected in Germany that, long before the rise of German ambition and her hostility to this country, the one great ambition of Rome was to bring about the downfall of Great Britain ; if it were recognized that the pamphlets and articles in the Press, which for years have sought to excite that hostility and ambition in Germany, emanated irom Rome, it would open the eyes of Germans to the fact that all the time they had been merely made the tools of Rome for the purpose of carrying out her own designs. It is evident, in short, that it was most important for the success of Rome's ambition, that Germans, while serving the ends of Rome, should believe that they were pursuing their own interests and ambition. We may be sure, therefore, that the only compact between Rome and Germany is a more or less tacit under- stEinding that the Roman Catholics in Germany and in the Reichstag shall support the naval and military pohcy of the German Government, and that this is ostensibly in return for the favour shown to the Jesuits, and for the privileges granted to German Catholics. Every attempt has been made during the last three years to deny or minimize the hostility of Germans to this country, and the invitation to the German Editors was got up to give an appearance of friendliness between the two coimtries. A portion of the British Press and pubhc have constantly drawn attention to. the repeated expres- sions of German hostility and ambition and the danger by which we are threatened. But these warnings have been strongly deprecated by certain persons, and it has even been pretended that they were dictated by hostility to Germany. Some of those who have made these accusations may have done so in good faith, while many, because they^ hate to have their comfortable serenity disturbed, regard every warning of threatened danger and those who make them with unreasonable anger. On the other hand, it is evidently the policy of our secret enemies to lull the nation 156 ROME AN® 6ERMANY into a state of security by taking erery means to blind the people to the reality of German hostility, in order to carry out without opposition measures for weakening the defences of the country, and thus prepare the way for the accomplishment of German ambition. The Express Berlin correspondent, referring in 1906 to the great reduction'of our armaments, states that " One section of Germans absolutely refuse to believe that Sir Henry CampbeU-Bannerman is sincere, and think all the talk of peace and disarmament is mere bluff intended to bamboozle Germany, and declare that they will not fall into the trap, or dream of joining any movement for the limitation of arffiaments. The other class of Germans regard Sir Henry as a sort of curiosity and say they cannot , understand how he can be entrusted with the supreme post in the British Empire. But they regard the Liberal party with satisfaction, as it is felt that every move which weakens Britain strengthens Germany, and that in redpcing the Navy the Liberals are simply playing Germany's game. They pray that Sir Henry CampbeU- Bannerman may long remain in office." * The Kaiser himself fully recognized that the British Government were playing into his hands, and naturally he did what he could to assist them. He therefore " caused an intimation to go forth that an attitude of extreme friendliness towards England should henceforth characterise the public and private expressions of every person and institution within His Majesty's sphere of influence." 2 This policy is strictly in accordance with the principle laid down by Herr Bassermann in the Reichstag. " We must keep cool, and until we have a strong fleet, it would be a mistake to let ourselves be drawn into an hostile policy towards England." Sir Henry Car6^bell-Bannerman on his part assisted the deception by saying that " there is no point where the Colonial and political interests of Germany and England come into collision." But the effect of such 1 Daily Express, July 3igt, 1^6. • Berlin correspondeht of Daily Mail, July 9th, 1906. GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH R@ME 157 a fttatemant was merely to blind his supporters te the danger by keeping the real point at issue out of sight. It is perfectly true that England has no wish, or interest, to interfere with the integrity and prosperity of the German Empire, nor is there any kgitiiHate reason for Germany to interfere with the concerns of the British Empire, and therefore no legitimate reason why the countries should not be at peace with each other. But the real point is that ambitioii and envy and jealousy of Britain have so influenced the German Government and a large portion of the German people that they are determined, if possible, to effect the downfall and over- throw of British power. Prince von Biilow naturally followed the cue given him by the English Premier. He "asserted, in spite of the declarations of leading Germans which have been quoted, that " Germany had no intention whatever of interfering with the alliance of Prance and England, or of separating France from England, and that there are no vital political differences between. Great Britain .atid German j?^." He also stated : " We have not interfered wijh England in Egypt," which is so far true. On the other hand, Turkey, where German influence is predominant, did interfere in a curiously Imcalled for manner, and with an obstinacy which would be inexplicable if it was the Sultan's own initiative. The evidence we have quoted makes it pretty clear that Germany was secretly at his back. Von Billow further denies- that the increase of the German Fleet was directed against England, and said that " the anxiety of the English people on this point is inexplicable to us."^ This statement is, of course, in strict accordance with the constantly repeated principle that " until we have a strong fleet it would be a mistake to let ourselves be drawn into a hostile policy towards England," and in the face of the evidence of German hostility and ambition, it would be foolish to attach any ' Speech in Reichstag, November i.^th, 1906 ; Daily Express correspondent, November 15th. 158 R0M15 AND GERMANY other meaning than this to the German Chancellor's pacific speech. There are no political .differences between the two countries, and it is therefore an easy matter to assume this peaceful attitude until the time comes for Germany to strike, when it will be just as easy to create such differ- ences, or even, as in the case of France in 1870, to force Great Britain into taking a hostile attitude, thus making it appear that she was responsible for the war. Of this we may be certain, that the blow, when it falls, will be wholly unexpected, in order, as Count von Moltke said, " that we shall have no time to prepare." In the meantime, everything will be done to blind the nation to German hostility, and it would appear that this is the part which is to be undertaken by the friends of Germany in this country. An instance of this desire to suppress anything which may tend to open the eyes of the nation to the danger from German ambition was afforded by Mr. Lehmai^n, M.P., who asked in Parliament whether Mr. le Queux's story of " The Invasion of 1910 " could not be suppressed on the plea that it might produce bad feeling in Germany. Now there was* nothing offensive to German amour-propre in the story, which throughout represented their generals and soldiers in the best light, a far better light, in short, than their actions in the Franco-Pirussian war give us any warrant for expecting of them. The story was simply written as a warning to show the possibility of a German invasion and the suffering which such an invasion would produce. It- did -indeed produce great wrath in Germany, not against Great Britain, but simply because it was a warning to this country and exposure of what in all probability would be the very strategy and points of attack which the Germans would adopt ; because, in. short, it tended to neutralize, in some degree, the efforts which are ]Deirig made to blind the nation to its danger. Why should Mr. Lehmann wish to suppress a warning of this danger ? We need hardly say that there is no hostility to' GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME 159 Germany on the part of those who have simply warned the nation of the danger to be feared from German ambition, and there is nothing that the. British nation desires more than the estabhshment of friendly relations between the two coifntries. So strong is this desire that the late expressions of German 'friendliness have been welcomed and accepted by many who had previously feared the danger threatened by German ambition, and a general feeling of greater security has been the result. This feeling has also been confirmed by the friendly visit which the Kaiser paid to England at the end of 1907, and by his expressions of friendship for the British people arid the pleasure he had derived from his stay at High- cliff e Castle. Nor need we doubt his sincerity, for the present at least. On the other hand, it would be well to remember the unquestionable hostility to this country and the desire for its overthrow which has been openly expressed by a large portion of the German Press and people for many years, and the equally freely expressed ambition of the Kaiser himself. It is inconceivable that these strongly expressed sentiments have suddenly changed without any ostensible ■ reason, and it should also be remembered that the neces- sity for quieting British suspicions of German hostility and ambition at the present moment is a recognised and avowed principle of German policy. In accordance with the Kaiser's express order, all inflammatory articles in the Press and manifestations of hostility to England have for the present ceased, and as the German middle classes, although strongly pafriotic, have na wish, for war, friendly feelings on their part towards a nation, with which they have many ideas in common, are on the increase, and, if allowed to do so, might become strong and lasting. 'Nevertheless, the powerful war party in Germany, although silent for the moment, still exists, and we have only to recall the bttrst of animosity against England which took place through- out Germany at the time of the Boer war, to recognize how easily the Press under Government control; and i6o ROME ANb GERMANY still more under the influence of the Jesuits, might, at any moment, excite a similar furore based on some slight, or pretended injury, or insult, on the part of Great Britain. One of His Majesty's Consul -Generals on the Continent, spealdng of Germclny, says : "I am in a position to know the true feeling of the military, naval, and diplomatic ' professions and commercial classes, and I have no hesitation in affirming^ that they are all round filled with an intense envy and jealousy of England. There are exceptions certainly but these do not count. " Since the Germans defeated France in 1870 they consider themselyes masters of the Continent, but there is one power which, so far, th*;y could not overcome with their immense land force, and that is England, whose naval supremacy is a constant thorn in their side. Germany wishes to become the first maritime power, and there England, and England alone, blocks the way;" He goes on to ask : " How can we explain the attitude of bitter antagonism of the German Government and Press during the war in South Africa, and the constant intrigues carried on by German diplomacy against every- thing British in every part of the globe. If the Germans are so fond of England, why does the Government, through its official Press Office in the Wilhelmstrasse in Berlin, and its paid agents abroad, fill even the news.- papers of the, neighbouring countries, sttchas Austria, Holland, Belgium, Switzerland, &c., all the year round with articles carefully calculated to 'throw suspicion on every -act of the British Government, and to poison public opinion everywhere against England? " (Letter to Daily Mail.) As an illustration of popular German feeling, we may quote August Niemann, an officer of high standing in the Court of Saxony, In his " World War," dealing with the conquest of England, a book received and read with enthusiasm throughout Germany, he wrote : " Our people kave long been exasperated by the intrigues and c»vet«us*e«s ef England. It ©nly needs ©Me w«rd fr*m GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME i6i the Kaiser to stir the soul of the German people to its deepest depths, and to Ught a flame of overwhelming enthusiasm which shall put an end to any disunion or strife of faction among them. We should not ask what might happen, we should do what the hour demanded of us. Were Germany to put forth her whole strength into the struggle for victory, victory would be hers." A recent article in the Neue Politische Correspondenz, one of the official mouthpieces of the German Government, shows, in spite of outward professions of friendship, how bitter and deep seated the slumbering hostility- of the German people is in reality, and how false and misleading are the representations of those in this country who seek to deny it. The article probably refers to certain con- cessions which France and England had just obtained in Turkey, and to the entente cordiale and alliance between France and England which Germany has sought in vain to break as being a barrier to her far-reaching ambition. " England," says the article, " is a Colossus with feet of clay. She will do well not to provoke too heatedly the world-historic decision as to whom" supremacy in Europe belongs. She has spun around us a diplomatic net which, already unpleasantly hampers the freedom of^our move- ments. If she continues in this course the inclination will some day possess us to tear this artificial net ruth- lessly in pieces. Germany has at present 5,500,000 soldiers who are available, not on paper, but actually. The field army which Germany will place on service on the first day of mobilization will be sufficient to crush France, even if a part of it is detailed for operations against England. We wish to sincerely live at peace with France and England, but that can only be if England henceforth refrains from a diplomatic policy which sooner or later must lead to war. A war which; as we are firmly convinced, will be the beginning of the end of the British Empire."^ We see from this extract, how at any moment and without warning, when Germany is fully prepared, and s • Quoted by Daily Mail, March nth, 1907. F i62 ROME AND GERMANY on what superficial pretences, a caus6 for war may be found. The recent pubHcation of the Kaissr's interview with an English correspondent by the Daily Telegraph is remarkable for the admission that while the Kaiser him- self is friendly, or desires to be thought friendly to Great Britain, this, is not the case with the majority of the German people, and in view of the constant expressions of hostility in the German Press it is impossible to ignore the fact that a large proportion of the German people are anything but friendly to this country. Moreover, the severe criticisms of the Kaiser's statements and admis- sions in this interview by the whole German Press shows that it is not the Kaiser alone with whom we have to reckon, but the whole German people. Again, when we remember the anger which was aroused in Germany on account of former manifestations of, friendship for England on the part of the Kaiser, ^ it seems more than probable that much of th€ anger excited in Germany by the pub- lication of this interview was due to the-Kaiser's profes- sions of amity to England, although for obvious reasons this was not stated. An AnglQ-German writing to the Standard, in Septem- ber, says :— - " The German middle classes do not want war, and do not expect it at present." But he pertinently adds : — " Did they just before the outbreak of the Austrian war in 1866, or the French war in 1870 ? Why in 1864 Prussia had been the ally of Austria against Denmark ! In 1867 WiUiam I. was a visitor, in Paris and. Bismarck was specially lionised by that country. Nobody, except the moving spirits, dreamt of war early in 1870 {vide Lord Granville) . Enthusiasm was manufactured when wanted by those who controlled the Press. Until it suits those- in authority there will be fine sentiments in profusion." " It is said that history repeats itself. The friendly visit of William I. to Paris in 1867 was followed by his triumphal' • Ante, page 106. * The Standard, September and, 1908. GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME 163 entry into that city at the head of a victorious army in 1871. We can only hope that the present Kaiser's friendly visit in 1907 will not be followed by the fall of London in 191 1 ! In the meantime, a great increase of the German navy has been authorized by the Reichstag, an increase which, as already pointed out, can have no other object than to challenge JBritish naval supremacy in the North Sea. It is evident, in short, that the German fleet is not designed, as pretended, for the protection of German commerce in distant seas. For the small coal-carrying capacity of the battleships makes them useless for such a purpose. ' They are constructed only for short voyages and a conflict in home waters. To quote TheNationahReview : — " To a compact Continental Empire such as Germany, a navy is an expensive luxury. She is rendered safe from all external aggression by her mighty army, ' which is ad- mittedly the greatest military machine in the world. She would not squander her substance and imperil her finances in building a gigantic fleet to protect the diminu- tive trade of unprofitable Colonies, nor does she aspire to show her flag in remote waters. Her squadrons remain at home. Neither is a navy necessary to guar- antee the feeding of her people, who in war could be sup- plied overland through Continental neighbours. Nor is it wanted in order to cope with France, as France has of late years slackened her maritime efforts, and, moreover, Germany has notoriously always relied on her army to overwhelm the Republic. Russia has temporarily ceased to count as a sea power ; Austria and Italy are the allies of Germany and have no navies to speak of. Holland lies at her great neighbour's mercy. Switzerland cannot be crushed by sea power. That Japan is not the objective is evident from the relatively small coal carrying capacity of German battleships, which unfits them for distant operations. A similar observation excludes the United States. Thus, by a very elementary process of exhaustion we reach the obvious fact — that Great Britain is the sole i64 ROME AND GERMANY objective of these frantic preparations. It is another manifestation of the eternal struggle between the ' have- nots ' and the ' haves,' or, as the Germans prefer to put it, between the living and the dying nations." ^ In corroboration of the above we may refer to a fact to which a correspondent of The Standard has drawn atten- tion. He says : " I have not so far noticed that any of your well-informed correspondents have drawn your atten- tion to what has been systematically done in Germany for a number of years to create a real national feeling as regards the efficiency of her navy for obviously warlike purposes. " In most towns, large and small, and in villages also, scattered throughout the land, lectures have been periodic- ally given on the subject of the paramount importance of Germany possessing a navy competent to promote her ends, defensive and offensive, to interest in particular the rising generation in this great national work ; and in order to rivet their attention and appeal to their jmRginartion, and above all, to quicken their patriotic feelings, . the lectures have been accompanied by vivid illustrations of the growth of the German Navy and its sfeady approach to the efficiency of the British Navy. To enhance the effect of such comparisons, care has been taken to accord the palm of victory to the German Navy in the midst of a not unnatural outburst of youthful patriotic sentiment." Such facts, coupled with the statements of leading Germans, such as Von der Goltz, " point," as the above writer remarks, " to only one conclusion, viz., that Ger- many has been preparing for some years the minds of her people for a great naval struggle with this country, the outcome of which must be either victory or destruction for England." The writer also quotes M. Lockroy, a French naval authority and a former naval minister. In his Letires sur la Marine Allemande, he says.: — " Germany will be a great naval power in spite of her geographical position and history. Her claim to rule the ' National R-vicw, December, 1907, pp. 502, 503, GERMAN ALLIANCE WITH ROME 165 waves will earlier or later bring on a war with Great Britain. That war will be one of the most terrific con- flicts of the twentieth century. What its result will be no one can foretell, but so much is sure — that Germany does everything that human f ore1;hought and the patience and energy of a nation can suggest." ^ The conflict, however, need not be so " terrific " as M. Lockroy suggests. For with the care which has been taken to impair efficiency and to reduce the shipbuilding programme, and with many of our ships with nucleus^or partiaUy-trained crews, without proper bases, protected harbours or docks, it might not be so difficult to over- whelm our unsupported Home fleet when the German fleet, in a year or two, had attained a decided superiority ; in which case the landing of a German army of 200,000 men or more on our shores could be successfully accom- plished. There are few, perhaps, who fully realize the terrible ejects which would follow a successful German invasion of this country. Mr. Blatchford speaks of the misery and distress which would fall upon the workirfg-classes, and, after the bloody defeat and ultimate destruction of our weak regular forces and untrained territorials, we may conceive the pillage and desolation of the country by an enemy who would seize upon all they required and destroy everything which stood in their way, and thus bring untold misery to thousands of homeless and starving men, women, and children. Yet this would only be the beginning of sorrows. For with London and all the great populous mercantile cities and towns at the mercy of the invaders they could demand what terms they chose. Those terms would undoubtedly be, not merely the payment of a huge indemnity which would cripple the resources of the country for years, and produce a general state of poverty and distress, but the surrender of a considerable portion of the remaining British ships of war, and the restriction, in the future, of the number of ships we should be allowed to build for a certain number of years. The latter condition * Glendower, C. Ottley, T/;« Standard, August 3rd, igo8. i66 ROME AND GERMANY could be easily enforced by a nation which had absolute command of the sea consequent on the acquisition of a large portion of our fleet, and the possession of huge land forces with which it could at any moment again invade this country. The result of this would be that the greater portion of Britain's oversea commerce would pass into the hands of Germany ; our Colonies'would have to make what terms they could with the conqueror ; our Indian Empire and South Africa would be at her mercy ; and Great Britain would be so iftipoverished that she would be wholly unable to support her dense population, and, as in the case of the destruction of Tyre, " her own feet shall carry her afar off to sojourn." Germany, in short, would possess the empire of the world, and Great Britain, after sufferings like those of Tyre, or of Israel at the time of her overthrow by the Assyrian kings, would sink- to the level of a minor European State. It is well to remember also what the stakes in such a conflict would be. Germany, at the most, would risk her fleet which, if defeated, she could replace in -a few years, and only a fraction of her huge army. With Great Britain the stakes would be her empire and her very existence. Finally, it should be remembered that it is not Germany only that Great Britain has to fear. Behind Germany there is the secret power of Rome, animated by a still deeper hatred of this country. We may be certain therefore that the Jesuits will not only take effectual measures, when the " time appointed " arrives, to awaken afresh the hostility of the German people to Britain, but that in the meantime they are employing all their secret and powerful resources to prepare the way for, and ensiue the success of the. common ambition of Rome and_ Germany. It is- their secret activity in this country that we have to fear far more than the open hostility and ambition of Germany. For it may be safely asserted that without their secret action in our midst the ambition, of Germany would never be realized. The nature and purpose of Jesuit activity in Britain itself, and what it has really accomplished, we shall now point out. PART III THE JESUITS IN BRITAIN CHAPTER VIII Moral Decay ok the Nation THE object of Rome and the Jesuits is not merely to pervert as far as possible the Protestant faith and to obtain converts to Romanism in the Churches, but to stir up hatred against all Protestants, to sow the seeds of sedition and rebellion in every country opposed to their dominion, while the special object of their enmity is Protestant Britain, whose humiliation and overthrow is their one aim and ambition. When therefore we consider that Great Britain is now flooded with the members of the religious orders banished from France and other countries, one and all of whom now belong to, or are affiliated with that of the Jesuits, it wiU be seen how vast the influence these astute agents of Rome may secretly be able to exercise on every class of the community, and how immensely they might facilitate the designs and prepare the way for the success of the common ambition of Germany and Rome. If, in short, the Continental States, although pro- fessedly Roman Catholic, found it necessary to banish them as stirrers-*up of sedition, and as dangerous to the institutions and the welfare and prosperity of their countries, what must we expect from their secret activity now concentrated in Great Britain, the chief opponent of their ambition and object of their hatred ? In order to carry out their purposes, the policy of the Jesuits is, in various disguises, to obtain positions of trust and influence in every class and order of society. By these means, while appearing to be their friends and sympathizers, they are able to inflame the passions, and mould and direct the opinions of the people, and thus 169 170 ROME AND GERMANY induce them to ignorantly give their support to aims and measures intended for their own ruin. To refer again to the account given of the Jesuit Society of St. Vincent de Paul : " They know how to open all doors, and to penetrate into the most secret places. They belong to every rank of life, from the noble to the beggar. They practise every profession and trade. They profess all shades of politics and wear every, disguise. They are found in the bureaux of Government eating the bread of the State 'which they are secretly labouring to overthrow. They swarm in the workshops, they insinuate themselves into the working-men's clubs; but what dehghts them most is to act as tutors and schoolmasters. Their ambition is to mould the young and rear a race which shall be worthy of the dark ages." ^ " This Society of St. Vincent de Paul," said Signor Siccoli in his place in Parliament (May, 1864), " enjoys the sympathy of the rich families, who abundantly aid them with money. In Tuscany the infant asylums are under their charge. They make it their business to train, merchants, servants, -schoolmasters ; and hardly has a vacancy taken place before the Society has found a suit- able member of its own to fill it. By these means a Paolotto was made president of the Bank of Tuscany, a Paolotto was made secretary of the Chamber of Com- merce at Florence, a Paolotto was named for employment in the secretaryship of the Public Account. We have Paolotti," said Signor Siccoli in conclusion, " in this chamber."^ " The Paolotto is found in the Court," says the Avvi- satore Alessandrino, " in the Ministry, in the Parliament ; the Paolotto is found in the Prefecture, in the tribunals, in the Courts of Appeal, in the Dogana, in the barracks, in the navy, in the schools, in the Lyceums, in the administration of the savings bank, the lottery, and the hospitals. The Paolotto is found in the Democratic Club, in the Operative Associations — in short, he is every- » " The Awakening of Italy," pp. 83, 8^1. • // Temporale, May 12th, 1864. MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 171, where. This race of Chameleon Jesuits conspire in secret, and sow, by the deadly talk of their mouths, the seeds of a clerical and Bourbonic reaction. Do you demand a proof ? Wherever reaction has taken place in Italy, there first has come the Paolotti. This' powerful body, with its numerous affiliated branches, is spread, not only over all Italy, but over all Europe." ^ . These being the methods by which these secret plotters obtain positions of influence from which they can direct public opinion, and blind and pervert the minds of the people they are seeking to destroy, we ma,y be certain that they have obtained similar positions of influence in every profession and every class of society in this country, and that, by sympathizing with the general aims and opinions of the people in order to obtain their confidence, they have been able to guide and mould those aims and opinions, and thus obtain the ready co-operation of numbers for the furtherance of their secret designs. In order, however, to effect this result and obtain the assistance and support of the very people they are seeking to ruin, it is necessary first to undermine the moral and religious character of the nation. This has always been a primary feature of Jesuit policy, and is the true .source and foundation of their influence. In France the object of the Jesuits, as exposed by Pascal, was to invent an excuse for every sin that men might have committed, or might wish to commit ; for by this means the conscience was destroyed and the seeds of lawlessness were sown. In Italy the object of the Society of St. Vincenf de Paul is "to rear a race worthy of the dark ages," that is to say, a race dead to the principles of ■ righteousness. and justice, in order to prepare the way for the great revolution they are fomenting. « The attack on the truth and authority of the Bible which is taking place in this country, and which there is every reason to believe is largely due to Jesuit action,^ must produce this very effect ; for by this means, not } Avvisatore Alessandvino, September 5th, 1864. ■ ' Seeanfe, pages 18-20. 172 ROME AND GERMANY only do they overthrow the great barrier to the accept- ance of Rome's superstitions and authority, but they undermine the very source of British righteousness and justice, and that respect for law and order which has heretofore distinguished the British from every other nation in the world, and is the true foundation of England's power and prosperity. Few people are aware how great the success of these attacks on the Bible have been of late years, because, although the majority of the educated classes have ceased to believe in its inspiration, they carefully abstain from publicly professing their unbehef, and still attend, for appearance' sake, the ordinances of religion. But among the masses, where the propaganda of unbelief is carried on by means of periodicals, pamphlets, and open- air preachers, there is not the sdme reticence, and there is in consequence little or no belief, or religious profession, among them. As long as there is a belief in God and in the precepts of righteousness among the majority of a nation, the conscience of the people causes them to reject and con- demn actions and principles which are selfish, unjust, and unpatriotic. But the effect of overthrowing belief in the authority and inspiration of the Bible must be to weaken or destroy the conscience and the fear of a God Who is the righteous judge and governor of the world, and therefore to remove all moral restraint to the exercise of the baser passions of human nature. The result of this is that the law of self, or selfishness, becomes, more or less, the ruling principle of each individual. For if there is no future reward for good and punishment for evil, how can it be expected that mea wiU deny themselves in this world; sacrifice their own interest for that of others, or, in a word, " suffer for righteousness' sake " ? The full effects of this unbelief would not be seen at once, in spite of a general moral decay. Righteous men, unaffected by the unbelief of the majority, would still exist and exercise a restraining influence on the rest, while men of a naturally high moral character would still MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 173 support the principles of justice and righteousness, even although their religious belief was overthrown. It is rather in those of a naturally selfish and vicious dis- position that the fruits of such unbelief would be most fully manifested. There are people of mean, ignoble nature, devoid of every generous impulse, and animated by an inordinate vanity and self-conceit which fills them with a secret envy and malice towards all superior to themselves in piosition, wealth, or in moral, intellectual, or other attainments. Their characters are the very antithesis of the Christian spirit, and because this is the case, they are instinctively hostile to every form of true Christianity, and to the faith, humility, loyalty, self-sacrifice, and geijerosity it demands. These qualities are so condemnatory of their own nature, that they are the first to welcome the doc- trines of infidelity, because those doctrines relieve their conscience from. the sense of defect and ill-desert which is so humiliating to their vanity. Atheism, in short, is the proper complement of their characters, because it leaves them free to indulge their envy, hatred, and malice without compunction. To such persons, patriotism, chivalry, loyalty, generosity, sincerity, single-mindedness, and self-sacrifice have no attraction. They are instinc- tively opposed to, and even hate, those who possess these qualities. It is the essential and eternal antipathy which must ever exist between good and evil. " An unjust man is an abomination to the just ; and he that is upright in the way is abomination to the wicked." (Prov. xxix. 27.) These are the prominent features in some of the most bitter Atheists of the day, and although they may not be present in every unbeliever, yet it is evident that the under- lying characteristic of all extreme Atheists is an egotistical self-conceit causing them to rebel against those laws and decrees of a righteous God which burden their conscience and humiliate their pride. Hence we find that wherever this virulent Atheism exists it is invariably accompanied by a spirit of lawlessness and hostilily to all law, order, 174 ROME AND GERMANY and authority. For the same pride and egotism which, causes men to rebel against the laws and decrees of a righteous God, also causes them to rebel against human laws and authority, and fiUs them with envy and jealousy of every one superior to themselves, together with the desire to crush them, or drag them down to their own level. , Although this moral perversion is probably fully developed in comparatively few, yet we see it in a minor degree in many others. In short, wherever selfish- ness, egotism, and vanity are in excess of the higher moral qualities, or people give themselves up to self-indulgence, or wholly selfish pursuits, they are necessarily hostile to true Christianity, and ready to accept any argument or sophistry which tends to destroy its authority. " For every one that doeth evil hateth thehght, neither cometh to the light, lest his deed should be reproved." (John iii. 20.) " Just also as these characteristics- prepare people to accept the doctrines of unbelief, so on the other hand, the doctrines of unbelief tend to engender these character- istics. For unbelief, by removing the restraint of conscience, allows free play to the selfish and baser passions of human nature, and gradually dwarfs and kills all its generous impulses, even in those who originally possessed them. Hence the propaganda of infidelity which is sweeping over this country and the world generally is daily producing numbers of people who are more or less dead to the principles of patriotism, loyalty, generosity, self-sacrifice, and duty, and more or less animated by dislike and antagonism to those who uphold those principles, and by envy and jealousy of all in a better position than themselves. Such persons, being engrossed by matters of self- interest or self-indulgence, and indifferent to the interests of their country and Empire when they do not immediately affect their own, are easily led to assent to measures antagonistic to its welfare, to oppose any measure for their country's good which requires self-sacrifice on their MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 175 part, or, moved by envy and jealousy of those above them, to support a revolutionary policy which must tend to weaken and disintegrate the Empire. They will even join in the cry against any good and great man whose wisdom, energy, and devotion has contributed to its power, and whose very nobility of character arouses their enmity, because it is the antithesis of their own. This is the character of that moral decay in the nation which has become so increasingly evident of late years. It is the gradual decay of those nobler and more generous qualities for which the British were once pre-eminent; and with that decay there is a perceptible loss of their former courage and viriUty ; for this is the necessary consequence of selfishness and the absence of patriotism and the spirit of self-sacrifice, while the fundamental cause is the growing infidelity and loss of belief in God. * We see, in short, the same moral forces at work in Great Britain and in the world generally at the present day, as those which preceded the revolution in France, in 1789- 1793, when the growing Atheism of the masses prepared the way for the burst of revolutionary fury which followed. But there is a great difference between the social and religious condition of Great Britain at the present day and that of France at the end of the i8th century. In the latter case the working-classes - had been cruelly treated and ground down by the upper and ruling classes and the clergy, while their growing recognition of the fallacies, superstitions, and tyranny of the religion which was the only Christianity they knew; aroused their bitter animosity and contempt against both it and the God it was supposed to represent. Hence, having no belief in God, or restraint of conscience, they were governed solely by the law of self, and became like the brutes with whom might is the only right. ' But the masses in Britain at the present day suffer ' It may be remarked that there is often a merely intellectual unbelief to be seen in men of high moral character which is unaccom- panied by the loss of generous impulses, because such unbelief is not due to a spirit of rebellion against a God of righteousness and is without the bitterness which charactrrizes the extreme Atheist. 176 ROME AND GERMANY neither from injustice or cruelty, nor from the tyranny of priestcraft an^ superstition. In no country is there so much true liberty and equal justice for rich and poor alike. In no country is-there so much private benevolence, and in none is there so much fraternity and friendli- ness between -the upper and lower classes. It is true there are unemployed, and at times a good deal of distress, but these are the result of artificial causes, most of which might be at once removed, if it were not for the opposition of those who are seeking theruin of the country. In the meantime- there is a general desire to remedy abuses and improve the condition of the working-classes. As the same excuses for revolution do not exist, the revolutionary propaganda falls on more or less barren soil in this country, and the revolutionary spirit is only partially developed, while in its more virulent form it is confined to comparatively few. Neither do the same causes exist in Britain for the bitter Atheism which characterized the masses in France before the revolution. The growing unbehef, so far as it is spontaneous, is due rather to the decay of true religion, and to the revolt against those perversions of religious truth by which the doctrines of Christianity have been travestied and made contemptible, and which, there ca5 be little doubt, have been due to Jesuit influence. But the chief cause of this unbeliel and its accompany- ing moral decay, egotism, and loss of patriotism, is the wide-spread propaganda which, by means of the Press and the pulpit, and by cheap pamphlets and open-air preaching, daily growing in volume, seeks to overthrow belief in the Bible and Christianity. At the same time, on 'the ground thus prepared, it is sought to excite discontent among the masses, awaken their cupidity, and inflame their envy of the upper classes, in order to foment sedition 'and revolu- tion. By this means the agitators are also able to gain the support of numbers to every measure which tends to bring about the disintegration and ruin of the Empire and the overthrow of those who support it. As these are the avowed objects of Rome and th& MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 177 Jesuits, and as the spirit of unbelief and revolution and the moral decay of the nation have arisen and developed just in proportion to the increasing influx of the latter into this country, it would be folly to ignore the fact that it must emanate primarily from them and from those whom they have made converts to their views. One of the principal means by which the moral cuaracter of the nation is being gradually undermined, is the growing and absorbing pursuit of pleasure and self- indulgence, the result of which is a growing distaste for honest labour among many of the working-men of England, and a growing improvidence, which is neces- sarily productive of poverty and the increase of dis- content. This growing love of pleasure exists in all classes, and has a still deeper and more fatal effect. For it is productive of a state of moral enervation, selfishness, and a dishke to any sort of self-sacrifice, which must destroy the hardihood and manUness of a people. It produces, in short, an effeminacy of character and a shrinking from those sterner duties in defence of the State which the citizens of a great nation may be called upon to perform. This was the result in. ancient Greece and Rome when the love of pleasure had destroyed the former hardihood and courage of the people. They refused to contribute themselves to the defence of their country, and hired mercenaries to do so, and as no dependence could be placed upon these hired troops in the time of real stress and trial, the people quickly fell under the dominion of hardier and more warlike nations. We see the same thing in Britain at the present day in the dislike of any form of military service by the great mass of the people, and their shrinking from the very thought of war ; and although we do not employ mer- cenaries for the defence of the country, yet the entire dependance of the majority is placed on a professional army and navy, which comes to much the same thing. For these means of defence seem to absolve them from the necessity of contributing personally to their country's 178 ROME AND GERMANY defence, leaves them free to devote themselves to thek selfish interests and pleasures, and enables them to shut their eyes to the dangers which threaten them. As Dr. Eniil Reich remarked : " The ordinary middle- class man does not want to fight for his country, men of this second-class want to make money to be comfortable, to be anything but fighters. A great General is going about the country trying to rouse it to a sense of its danger, and he has failed. He will fail. The spirit he seeks to rouse is not there. Plato knew that even in his day."i The love of money to which Dr. Emil Reich refers is even more demoralizing, because more absorbing, than the pursuit of pleasure. It is indeed only another form of the selfishness which is the result of the moral decay in the nation through unbelief and hypocritical religion. The trade and commerce by which the wealth of a nation is increased are in themselves perfectly justifiable, as is implied by the statement to Israel, " It is the Lord thy God that giveth thee the power to get wealth." ^ Commercial undertakings require thought, energy, and enterprise, in order to be successful, and the exercise of those qualities, so far from demoralising the character, are constantly accompanied by the highest generosity and liberality. But when love of gain is allowed to dominate and absorb the mind, it becomes idolatry, the worship of the Golden Calf, and we are told that the " love of money is the root of all evil."^ For it is the manifestation of that selfishness which is destructive of honesty, generosity, and patriotism, and which makes any form of self-sacri- fice for the sake of others distasteful and abhorrent. Some of those who are most absorbed in the pursuit of gain make no small profession of religion. They are also among the foremost to cry out against measures for their country's defence, while some of them would do away with the Army and Navy altogether, and are never tired of inveighing against " the spirit of militarism." Yet they recognize the necessity of the police, and » Lecture at Claridge Hotel. ' D«ut. viii. i8. • i Tim. vi. lo. MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 179 know that without their protection their property would be at the mercy of the criminal classes of society, who regard the rich with envy and jealousy, and consider them fair objects for plunder. As with individuals, so it is with rich and prosperous nations' like Britain, which is an object of envy and jealousy to other nations, and, if without defensive forces, might at any momeiit become the prey of their cupidity and ambition. If then the police are necessary to defend by force the lives and property of citizens against robbers and high- wa5mien, it is equally necessary for a nation to take similar measures for its defence, and to resist by force of arms any other nation who seeks to rob and despoil it. We have seen how utterly ineffective against a serious foreign invasion the present military forces of this country would be if our Home fleet was defeated or disabled, and the efforts which true patriots are making t(5 create an effective Army reserve which would secure us against invasion are nothing more than necessary and legitimate measures for self-defence, while it is equall}' incumbent on us to possess a sufficient regular force for the defence of the lives and properties of our countrymen in our oversea possessions. It seems strange and unaccountable that people who desire peace should oppose and throw discredit on such measures for pure self-defence by stigmatizing them as encouraging "militarism." For they must know that the best security for peace is to be prepared for war, or, as Mr. Bart Kennedy has said, " The only way for England not to have war with Germany is for England to get ready." ^ It is inconceivable that those who are engaged in amassing money should grudge the very small cost which would faU upon them individually of providing for these measures of self-defence. They are merely a form of insurance against what might result, in their coriiplete Tuin, and they do not hesitate to pay a far higher percentage in order to insure their goods against other forms of disaster, nor do they grudge the cost of a • Ante, page 142. i8o ROME AND GERMANY police force to guard their lives and properties against the criminal classes. The military training of young men, by the regular food, exercise, and habits imposed on them at a very critical age, would, unquestionably, greatly conduce to their physical development, while the habits of discipline, obedience, and self-control would equally raise their moral character, and develop that manliness, courage, and spirit of loyalty and self-sacrifice ' which is now becoming so conspicuous by its absence. But to assert that this training, required only for Home defence to secure the country against invasion, would produce a spirit of militarism in the sense of military aggression is palpably false. In these days, when the principal nations of the world are armed to the teeth, and their interests or ambitions are antagonistic and at any moment liable to clash,' it is incumbent on every State to provide for its own defpnce. Constituted as men are', their clashing interests, ambitions, and jealousies make it impossible to avoid war under certain circumstances. How much more important therefofe is it to provide for the efficient defence of this country when we have such evidence of the ambition and hostile intentions of a vast military power like Germany, dominated by the desire to crush and humiliate us, and to whom the invasion and conquest of the country, in the absence, or the serious weakening of our fleet, would present no insuperable difficulty ! 'Warning after warning has been uttered by those best qualified^ to judge of the threatened danger of such an invasion, and yet, although it would certainly fall with the greatest severity on the wealthy and wholly defenceless mercantile cities of the north, it is from some of them that the greatest opposition to defensive measures emanates, and it is the very people who are most threatened who shut their eyes to the danger, and use every sophistry and argument to deny or minimize it ! History also shows that anticipations of tranquillity and assurances of peace on the pail of rulers and nations MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION i8i have invariably heralded the most terrible wars. This was the case with the Peace Conference summoned by the Tzar of Russia a few years ago for general disarma- ment and arbitration. The Conference was immediately followed by the war with Japan, and it was the Tzar himself who . was the chief prompter and the most un- relenting prosecutor of one of the bloodiest wars ever known. Even Pitt, our great war minister during the conflicts with Napoleon, moved in 1792 the reduction of the Navy because, he said, " Unquestionably there never was a time in the history of this country when, from the situa- tion in Europe, we might more reasonably expect fifteen years of peace than at the present moment." This antici- pation was immediately followed by more than twenty years of terrible and unceasing war throughout Europe. Tt would seem indeed that whenever men begin to say " Peace, peace, then sudden destruction comes upon them." There are no such anticipations of peace at Rome. For it is her purpose to set, not only class against class, but nation against nation and kingdom against kibgdom, for " their mutual destruction," ^ and the truth of the statement will one day become manifest. " In her was found the blood of all them that were slain upon the earth." But as Rome's especial object is to compass the sub- jugation and overthrow of Great Britain, her efforts would naturally be first directed to lull the nation into a sense of fatal security, in order to induce it to reduce its arma- ments and defensive forces. This end, as we see, is being effected by the cries against militarism and the iniquity of war, and the demands for disarmament which are rapidly preparing the way foi: the nation's downfall. For this opposition to every measure for the national defence, although supported by many, is not, as we shall see, by any means the spontaneous expression of the national character, but is being propagated by the secret enemies of Britain. ' Ante, page 30. i82 ROME AND GERMANY Neither is the love of pleasure and self-indulgence, which is equally destructive of patriotism and hardihood, of spontaneous growth, but is due to a wide-spread propaganda which advopates the right of all to pursue pleasure and selfish enjoyment. When Balaam, the son of Bosor, found himself unable to curse Israel at the request of Balak, King of Moab, he bethought himself of another way of carrying out that king's desire. He advised him to cast a stumbling-block in the way of the people by inducing them to eat meat offered to idols and to commit fornication-. For by teaching them to pursue these unlawful Pagan pleasures, he hoped to destroy the moral character of the people and to cut them off from the protection of God ; and- the advice succeeded, although by a severe judgment the evil was checked at its outset. " We are told that the false teachers of this dispensation would "follow in the way of Balaam,"^ and we can hardly doubt therefore that ihe astute followers of Loyola, with the causes of the decay of Greece and Rome before their eyes, would do all in their power to advocate the pursuit of pleasure and the wickedness of war, when so manifest a means of undermining the hardihood and virility of the nation would prepare the way for its down- fall and carry out the cherished ambition of Rome. History always repeats itself, and as the love of pleasure and wealth, the pampering of the masses, and decay of virility, patriotism, and sense of duty, presaged, and were the immediate causes of the decadence of Greece and the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, we have just reason far fearing that the same things may foreshadow the fall of the British Empire whenever it is attacked by a powerful and warlike enemy. But perhaps the most potent cause of the moral decay in the nation is the decay of religion itself. Never was there more talk about and outward display of religion, vbut never was there less true religion, and this may be said to apply, not merely to those who devote their time ' 2 Peter ii. 13. MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 183 and energies to ritual observances, but to the majority in every class of the religious world. This decay is undoubtedly due to the gradual perver- sion of the leading doctrines of Christianity which has been going on for the last seventy y^ars, so that even in evangelical circles those truths which were brought to light at the Reformation are now opposed or rejected, or else so travestied as to be of no effect. Nothing is more marked than the grooving disregard of and contempt for all questions relating to religious truth and error. One would have thought that at a time when Rome and the ritualists are making every effort to propa- gate their errors, warnings and refutations of them would have been constantly heard from evangelical pulpits, as indeed was the case fifty years ago. But such protests are now seldom made, and are confined to a very few. In- stead of this we hear on every side " Do away with dogma/' or doctrine, which, in other words, is " Do away with all distinctive religious truth." This, of course, is the especial aim of Rome and the Jesuits, and we may therefore conclude that the grdwing perversion of and contempt for religious truth, and the cessation of all protest against religious error is due, in no small measure, to the secret influence exercised by them. But the teaching of the New Testament is that all righteous- ness, regeneration, and life is founded upon the knowledge and belief of the Truth which Christ came into the world to bear witness to, ^ and the necessary result there- fore of the growing contempt for religious truth must be a decay of true righteousness. This is what we see, and as most people require some form of righteousnes to satisfy their conscience, its place is taken by a false piety ; for being ignorant of true righteousness, any travesty of it is eagerly accepted and followed by them. Hence the prevalence of a piety which is mere sentiment and emotion. Instead of enforcing those great truths which appeal to the conscience, enlighten the mind, and change the heart, the religious teaching of the present day, > I Pet. i. 23; Jas. i. 18; John viii. 31-35; xv. 3; xvii. 17; xviii. 37, &c. 184 ROME AND GERMANY both from the pulpit and in books of devotion, consists chiefly of emotional appeals in perfervid language, with professions of the loftiest faith and charity and the deepest humility. Such language leaves the impression on the minds of many who are ignorant of the warnings of Christ, that those who use it are the holiest of men, and it is naturally made use of by numbers to persuade both themselves and others that they are righteous. True righteousness shrinks from parade or display, but man, we are told, " looketh upon the outward appearance, "_ and this piety, just because it is outward, visible and assertive, invariably obtains that praise of men which seems to most people the strongest endorsement of its value and reality. In short, it may be said that at the present day few can obtain a hearing among religious people without more or less outward parade of piety, while the more unctuous and high-flown it is, the more highly is it esteemed. But this pretentious piety has the effect of blinding the conscience and reason, and amidst the mutual admiration it excites and -the fervour of religiotis sentiment and emotion, men are easily led to approve and follow principles and aims which are opposed to justice and truth. This outward piety of sentiment and emotion is the essential characteristic of the Jesuits and the more ardent devotees of the Church of Rome, and it is the means whereby their conscience is completely blinded to the evil they are taught to do in the very name of religion. For the whole principle of Romish piety is based on the cultivation of those merely psychical emotions which are engendered by powerful appeals to the senses and imagination. For this purpose every art is employed to impress the senses and excite the imagination of the worshipper. The magnificent temples and their lofty aisles and long vistas enriched by sculpture, painting, and precious stones, the dim religious light, the sweet and solemn music, the costly, dresses of the priesthood, and the air of mystery and occult significance which surrounds every ritual act, are eminently calculated to excite the imagination and call forth those religiouiB emotions, which MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 185 the devotee, ignorant of true rightaou«n«8e, is wily too willing to believe are spiritual. The Jesuits, who are the principal representatives of the Church of Roine, and the most active propagators of its religion, have made the attainment pf this spurious piety a subject of special training in order to clothe the members of their order with a garb of apparent hoUness which completely deceives the ignorant Protestant. The Jesuit novice has to go through a course of exercises instituted by Loyola, in which, by the use of perfervid expressions of faith, repentance, humility and love, and by various appeals to his imagination, he is taught to engender in himself emotional sentiments of every spiritual characteristic, while, in order that imagination may have full play, these exercises are always performed in strict solitude and often in darkness. For by the use of exaggerated expressions and language which appeal powerfully to his imagination, the novice is able to excite in himself those temporary emotions which simulate the reality, and to profess, even with tears, his abject humility, his profound repentance for the most trivial short- comings, and his exalted love of Jesus. Nor does he suspect that such emotions are mere psychical feeling and of precisely the same nature as those which the pro- fessional actor will often feel when he throws himself into the part he is acting, and experiences, for the time being, emotions expressive of the passions and feelings of the person he is portraying. The Jesuit, in short, is trained to be a religious actor or hypocrite, ^ but unlike the secular actor he deceives both himself and others. The effect on those who have succeeded in perfecting themselves in this histrionic piety, which has nothing spiritual about it, is to completely blind their conscience and even to enable them, under its influence, to pursue and applaud the grossest wickedness as the highest righteous- ness. It has been associated, in short, with every sort of religious crime, and is the foundation of that hypocrisy and self-deception which enables the religious devotee to ' " Hypocrite," from updkrites, an actor. iS6 ROME AN© GERMANY commjt, without eompunction, those cfruelties and excesses which have made every kind of false religion a curse to the human race. The notorious Judge Jefferies afforded an instance of this false piety when conducting " the bloody assizes " which followed the abortive Protestant rising in the West under the Duke of Monmouth in the reign of James II. In these assizes Jefferies worked himself up into a state of pious fervour in order to give an appearance of righteousness to his cruelty, and so completely did he deceive hiinself that he even shed tears of hypo- critical indignation at the pretended iniquity of the poor peasants he remorselessly condemned to death or slavery. Such was the case also with the victims of the senti- mental devotion taught by the Jesuits at Oxford in the reign of Elizabeth, which caused their followers to indulge, without the slightest compunction, in vindictive malice against Protestants, and to devote their lives to effect the murder of the Queen, and, when condemned for their crimes, to go joyfully to execution, being taught that murder undertaken in the interests of Rome was the surest passport to heaven. * Such was also the case with that aged Cardinal who, when he-heard of theiloody massacre of St. Bartholomew, lifted up his face to heaven and with tears of gratitude exclaimed, " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mine eyes have seen thy salvation." The same false piety characterized the authors of the cruel tortures and murders of the Inquisition and its Auto da fees (acts of faith), and it enabled the priesthood who burnt the true witnesses of Jesus to persuade themselves that they did so in honour of Christ, although their true motive for doing so was that their vicjtims exposed the evil of their tyranny and superstition. It was a false righteousness also which blinded the Jewish murderers of Christ, Whom they crucified as a pre- tended heretic and blasphemer, their real motive being ' See ante, page 97. MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 187 envy and hatred of One who preached the truth, and condemned their own false righteousness. In all these instances, conscience, the one thing whiph links" even sinners to God, the one thing which radically distinguishes man from the higher animals, and through which alone he is capable of being redeemed, was either wholly or temporarily dead, its place being taken by that evil or perverted conscience, referred to in the epistle to the Hebrews, * which impelled them to do evil in the name of, religion. We see the same perverted sense of right and wrong covered by an affectation of sentimental piety, among numerous religionists of the present day. It is the natural consequence of the decaying belief in the truth. We also see a similar perverted righteousness affected by some who are openly opposed to, and have rejected the righteousness and the God revealed in the Bible. These, in order to justify themselves, affect a righteous- ness which, they pretend, is superior to the righteousness they reject, a righteousness which consists in finding some excuse for all wickedness however great and in- veterate. They are affected, in short, by a sentimental sympathy for the criminal and evil-doer, and pride them- selves on discovering, as they think, some redeeming point in aU. But of this they are willingly ignorant, that he who offends in one point of the law is guilty of all. For it is evident that he who wilfully pursues one form of evil will, when opportunity -and temptation arise, equally pursue any other form of evil. As a natural consequence of their sympathy for evil- doers, they are filled with_ indignation and hostility towards those who condemn such offenders and uphold the law. For a like reason, whether they acknowledge it or not, they cannot but hate Him who was so unsparing in His denunciation of the Jewish Scribes and Pharisees and in the judgment He pronounced on them. For just as the wicked are an abomination to the just, so the upright are an abomination to the wicked. ^ In spite ' Heb. ix. 14, X. 23. ' Prov. xxix. 27. i88 ROME AND GERMANY of their pretence of charity, they are in sympathy with evil and hate the righteous, and that hatred, if they ever have the power, will as stirely be expressed, some day in action as it was with those who before the French Revoki- tion preached " Liberty, Equahty, and Fraternity." Speaking of that time, Edmund Burke wrote : " The • philosophers, in order to introduce their polluted Atheism into the minds of the young, flatter all their passions, natural or unnatural, and treat as antiquated and exploded those virtues which restrain the appetites, substituting in their place what they are pleased to call benevolence and humanity to every one. By this means their philosophy has no real strength in it, and those persons who are ready to-daj' to snatch the worst criminals from justice- will murder the most innocent persons to-morrow." These words may equally apply to the religious senti- mentalists and many of the Socialists of to-day, Ind the same false sentimentality is illustrated by the tenderness shown by the revolutionary classes to criminals in France at the present time, which has resulted in an appalling increase of crimes of violence in that country. In addition to the false piety of sentiment and emotion which characterize? many who are strongly opposed to the ritual of Rome, we see, at the same time, constantly increasing numbers succumbing to the fascination of that ritual. Its effect is also the same. For by the influences it exercises on the senses and imagination,Jt produces, for the time being, an emotional fervour which is mistaken for spirituality, but which blinds the conscience and perverts the judgment, and prepares the devotee to accept with readiness the grosser superstitions and idolatries of the Church of Roi^e. Speaking of the decay of the national spirit, in Britain, the National Review remarks that it " excites the concern of all patriotic Englishmen revisiting this country after an interval, who are literally appalled by the fearful increase of luxury, the passionate pursuit of pleasure, the general absence of conviction, patriotism, or enthusiasm, the fatuous self-complacency of our professional politicians, MORAL DECAY OF THE NATION 189 the paralysis and provincialism of Parliament, the hysterical sensate)nalism of the Press," and, we may add, " of all classes of society." It should be remembered, however, that all this has been due to the poison which has been secretly introduced into the life blood of the nation by the agenciefe we have described^ The moral decay of the nation appears to be an exact fulfilment of those " perilous times " which the apostle foretold^ were to characterize the last days in which we are now living. ^ For the leading features of those times are a photograph of those which now exist. Men were to be " lovers of their own selves," and this we see in the blind selfishness and egotism of so many at the present day. The " want of natural affection " is seen in the decay of patriotism and of marriage and family relations. " Disobedience to parents " in the growing disregard and contempt df parental control. " Unthank- fulness " in the utter want of gratitude for kindness shown, more especially among many of the lower classes. " False accusers," in the lies and calumnies promulgated against any one who upholds the truth, exposes falsehood and treachery, or contributes to his country's good. - " Traitors," in the means taken by 'many to weaken or disintegrate the Empire, or to support and encourage their country's enemies, and in their rejoicings at their country's disasters. " Haters of those that are good " in their enmity to every great and honest man who truly loves his country. " Blasphemers " in the bitter war which is being waged against the Bible and the viru- lent hostihty to the God of the Bible. " Lovers of pleasures more than lovers of God " :n the absorbing pursuit of pleasure and indifference to e-^ erything of a truly spiritual nature. The apostle sums up ctie indictment with the words " Having a form of godliness but denying the ' 2 Thess. iii. 1-5. ' This is seen both in the attacks made upon every true patriot, nnd in the attempts made to impugn the veracity of every writer, or public journal, which exposes the policy of lliose who are working for the downfall of their country. igo ROME AND GERMANY power thereof," and it is evident, in spite of a great in- crease in outward religion^ that selfishness, envy, mahce, sedition, hypocrisy, immorahty, want of natural affection, falsehood, and calumny are steadily on the increase. "By their fruits ye shall know them," and when we see the steady increase of Atheism and the revolutionary spirit, of the love of amusement, the decay of patriotism and virility, and of love of the truth, the spread of Ritualism and growth of the" cant and false piety of Rome and the Jesuits, all- coincident with the influx of the latter into this country, it would be folly not to recognize that it is largely due to the influence exercised by these astute plotters in the various religious com- munities in which, in the guise of Protestants and advocates of religious liberty, they have obtained positions of trust. But it would be stiU more foolish to shut our eyes to the evidence of their secret presence and influence when it is seen that this moral decay is made use of to forward the avowed designs of Rome and bring about the down- fall of the nation, and that lies and calumnies which, as already pointed out, have always been the distinctive weapons of the Jesuits, are freely made use of by those who are foremost in carrying out their designs. On the other hand,, there is this redeeming feature, in the nation. The decay is not universal. Not only are there many true Christians in our midst, but there are a large number of true patriots, upholders of truth and justice, and determined opposers of those who, under cover of a pretended rectitude and piety, would seem to be seeking the downfall of their country. It is probable also that the actual enemies of their own country are comparatively few in number, and that they consist of a noisy minority . whose influence on their followers is due to the general moral decadence of which we have spoken. CHAPTER IX The English Pro-Boers THE object of Rome is " to subjugate and subdue, to conquer and rule " the British race and Empire. ^ " The. Vatican is working as it ever has worked and ever will, for the humiliation of England." * This then is the avowed aim and ambition of Rome and the Jesuits, and to attain this end, Rome can count upon the powerful aid of Germany, her staunch ally, animated by the same hostility to this country and desire for its humiliation and overthrow, and with the scarcely veiled intention of destroying, if possible, its power as soon as her fleet has attained the necessary strength. It is evident that the part of Rome is to do all in her power to help her ally and prepare the way for the success of her attack, and it is inconceivable therefore that the Jesuits in this country are not straining every effort and using all their secret influence to accomplish this purpose] These are the enemies in our midst, the foe we have allowed to enter in and to fasten upon our very vitals. As we have seen, the growing moral decay in the national character must be attributed to their influence. But this moral decay is only the groundwork of their policy, the preparation for obtaining in the very country whose downfall they are seeking, a powerful party more or less subservient to their designs. ^ By working upon the vanity, ambition, greed and selfishness of certain individuals, in whom infidelity or false religion has extinguished every patriotic and » Cardinal Manning, ante, page 30 ' Richararticle d' Bagot, in the National Review, ante, page 73. 191 192 ROME AND GERMANY generous impulse, the Jesuits are able to obtain a number of adherents devoted to their cause, ready to become traitors to their own country and to sacrifice its interests, prosperity, and power to the ambition of Rome. Nor is it difificult for these astute plotters to obtain the assistance even of persons holding positions of influence, or whose talents fit them for such positions, and whose worldly ambition can be materially advanced by the powerful secret influence which the Jesuits are able to exercise. These, although not " professed," or " Politic Father Jesuits," become affiliated to the Society as lay members, and consist of two grades. The first, says Gastaud, " may be either priests or laymen, and when the latter, are of superior rank and intelligence and influence, and are bound by a solemn vow to aid the Society in every- thing required of them. They are called Jesuits in Voto or coadjutor Jesuits, and there is scarcely a court or city in the world where such men may not be found. Their fidelity is secured by the promotion which they obtain by Jesuit influence, and lose the moment their defection is suspected." _ / The other lay members of the Society are stated to " consist of lay persons of both sexes of every rank, from whom the most important information is unsuspectingly derived, and by whom its deepest schemes are carried out." 1 By means of these secret agents occupying positions of more or less importance in every order and rank of society and in every office in the State, the Jesuits are able, by combined action, to powerfully influence public opinion, arid even direct the policy of the country. For these agents are to be found not only in the churches and rehgious bodies, but in the schools, in the Army and the Navy, in the working men's clubs, in the Press, in Parlia- ment, and perhaps even in the Cabinet. * In addition to these, the Jesuits are able to obtain the support of a large number of people who are under the ' Gastaud, " Jesuita Unmasked," " Secret History of Romanism," pp. 236, 337. • See ante, page 170. int: ENGLISH PRO-BOERS I93 influence of the moral decay which is sapping the virility and patriotism of the nation, and whose selfish passions have been so worked upon by their secret propaganda that they have become their unconscious agents — people whom they designate as " those political meddlers who are ignorant or unsuspecting enough to become our tools," and who give their blind, but powerful, support to the policy of Rome for the humiliation and ruin of their country. That policy is to stir up sedition and revolution at home, and war and rebellion in our over-sea depen- dencies ; -to separate the Colonies from the Mother Country, and in other ways to weaken and disintegrate the Empire ; to oppose every measure for the welfare and prosperity of the nation, and to support everything which tends to introduce weakness and decay ; to lull the people into a state of fatal security, and by appeals to their selfishness and greed, covered by a pretence of piety, to induce them to cut down the Army and Navy, and reduce the defences of the country, in order that it may fall an easy victim, * when the 'moment arrives, to the long prepared and carefully thought-out invasion by Germany. This is what is taking place before our eyes. The Roman Catholic, Nationalists of Ireland are, of course, obedient followers of Rome, and therefore exactly repre- sent her aims and purposes and the methods by which they are carried out. No one supposes that they had any love for the Boers when they rejoiced on hearing of our reverses, and did all in their power, with the aid of , the English Pro-Boers, to thwart and hamper the Govern- ment in its conduct , of the war. They were simply animated by the same hatred of this country which the Press, under the control of the Vatican and the Jesuits, engendered throughout Europe by every sort of calumny, and which calumnies the Irish Catholics were also the most diligent in repeating. Naturally the Irish Catholics, who are under the guidance and influence of the priesthood, and especially G %^ &OME ANtX GEfeMAl^Vi of- the Jesuits, are fiends of every enemy of tfiiaj country, ajjcl support every measure- which tends, to weaiceii. the country aijdilhe EmpiEe. They make no pretence about t|bieir' hostilily to Great Britain and tlieir desire for her hijmjliatic n . They are openly the agents, ofv Kome and the Jesuits, ai'd doing all in their power to forward- their avowed policj' andambition. Whfijt tiien are we to say of tihe " Pro-Boer " party in this country, which came into existence at the outbreak of the Boer war. and. the leaders of wJiieh hava acted in precisely the same way as the Msh Nationalists, and were apparently actuated, by a similar hostility to Great Britain? Almost simultaneously, with the campaign of- calumny and falsehoodjagaiusti Great Britain. which was carried' on by every jounnil.on the. Continent under the direct' or indirect control of Eomeiand the Jesuits, and preached from every Roman Catholic pulpit, an exactly similar storm of slander and abuse, broke forth iru this.- country, and was similarly propagated by a portion. of c the Press- and' from cpttain Nonconformist and other pulpits. These, as, we have seen, are the. two principal meauS used by the Jesuits, not only to pervert and undermine religious truthi, but. to influence public opinion and to stir up hatred, dissension, and revolution in the nations opposed to them. The presence of members of the Society on the staffs of the principal . journals enables them to exercise an unsuspected arid - no inconsiderable influence on the general public, but it is in the disguise of Protestants, as ministers of religion, or as- editors or sub- editors of Protestant journals that they are able, by the apparent, earnestness of their protest against Rome and loud support of Protestant ideals, to completely gain the confidence of unsuspecting Protestants and;- having done so, to not merely undexmine their religious bdief, but gain their support to principles and measures, the true purpose and significance of which is artfully con- cealed. Through these channels everything was done to THE ENGLISH PRO-BOERS 195 discredit and create hostility to the British Government and to hamper and cripple its efforts for conducting the South African war. It was charged with having brought about the war in order to deprive the Boers of their 'inde- pendence at the instigation of millionaires and mine owners, or that of Mr. Chamberlain for his Own personal advantage, and with conducting the war in a way opposied to every principle of humanity ; while our soldiers were charged with crimes foj: which there was not a- shadow of foundation, and with the very ruthlessness and treachery of which the Boers were guilty, every evidence against the latter being at the same time denied. It Would be absurd to suppose that these slanders were repeated by Englishmen for mere party purposes. The Pro-Boer party consisted at first only of a few individuals, and the great mass of the Liberal Party were wholly patriotic and r«idy -to support the Government in a vagoxous prosecution of the war. In short, the chief organ of the Liberal Party at that time, The Daily News, instead of making use of these slanders for party ^purposes, was the foremost in exposing their falsehood. Such slanders were wholly inconsistent with tte English character, but they were, and ever have been, the peculiar and distinctive weapons used by the ijesuits, then as now, congregated in ' Great Britain, and they were merely reproductions of those slanders propagated by them on the Continent in order to create hatred of England and a coalition of European' nations against her. The great majority of patriotic Englishmen atthat'time were not deceived by these calumnies, which tfiey protested against, recognizing that they were simply reproductions of those on the Continent, and just as plainly dictated by hatred and jealousy of this country. But, later on, in consequence Of the persistence with which they were reiterated, a large number of persons, who had no means of judging of their truth, and who never questioned the authority and integrity of the source from which they were received, believed them, while others who 'were under the influence of Radical and 196 ROME AND GERMANY revolutionary principles, and whose patriotism had been undermined by Socialist agitators, were only too ready to accept them without question as a meaiis for over- throwing a Conservative Government. It is probable also that some, who were not deceived by these slanders, had no objection to profit by them as a party weapon. - Although the bulk of the Pro-Boer party were no doubt deceived by these calumnies, one can hardly suppose that this was the case with all^ The extraordinary malevolence of some of the leaders to their own country and countrymen, their rejoicing at every disaster to the British arms, their uncompromising support of the Boers, who were the aggressors in the war, thdr desire for their victory, and anger at every defeat they suffered ; their friendship and support of the Irish Catholics, the open enemies of Britain ; their undisguised animosity towards every great Englishman who had saved the Empire in times ot;danger and crisis, or whose talents, enei-gy, and patriotism had contributed to their country's prosperity and power, and latterly, their enthusiastic support of evesy sedition and rebelhon in the British dominions which threatened to weaken and disintegrate the Empire, and their consistent endeavours to cripple or destroy the defences of the kingdom — these are indications of an hostility to Great Britain precisely similar to that of Rome and the Jesuits. Can we indeed suppose that while displaying this hostility and carrying out in every detail the policy and designs of Rome for bringing about the downfall of Britain, and using for that purpose the vefy calumnies promulgated by the Jesuit Press on the Continent, they were animated by wholly different motives to those of the Irish Catholics and thfe Jesuits, and that it is pure accident that their aims and desires and methods happen to have been identical wlS those of Rome? '^ The only difference between them and the more open enemies of this country was that they covered and excused their hostility by an affectation of piety and reclitude in order to obtain the support of pious and THE ENGLISH PRO-BOERS 197 unsuspecting persons. In short, they made use of this means for concealing their true motives in exactly the same way as the Jesuit plotter, who invariably disguises his identity and designs by a cloak of religion and pre- tended sympathy with those he seeks to deceive. On the same principle, they flooded rural rectories with leaflets and pamphlets, besides hiring halls and holding meetings and giving lectures for the propagation of their falsehoods and misrepresentations. ^ All this, as remarked by one paper at the time, meant considerable expense, and, considering how few the authors of the movement were at the outset, it asked, " Who pays for these slanders ? " * Everything points to the fact that there was a widespread and carefully organized conspiracy against Great Britain at that time, and although some of the money for its support came, no doubt, from Dr. Leyds, who was supplied with funds for that purpose, yet, as he was working in unison with the Jesuits, we can hardly doubt that the numerous members of that Society in Britain lent their powerful support to the agita-. tion in this country, if indeed they were 'not the authors and principal supporters of it. The cloak'of piety, under cover of which the Pro-Boers propagated their slanders, was in strong contradiction to the malevolence they displayed towards their own country and countrymen. Is it reasonable to suppose that, in their advocacy and support of the Boers, they were animated by a disinterested sympathy for them, while supremely indifferent to the hardships suffered by their fellow-countrymen, trodden under foot, and denied every civil right by a corrupt oligarchy ? Or that while encouraging the Boers to continue the war, and thwarting, with the aid of the Irish Nationalists, every measure of the Government for the defence of the Colonies, they were actuated by a pious benevolence which had no regard for the prolonged suffering and loss of life which their action ensured both to the Boers and the British. The Pro-Boers by their speeches and their articles in » Daily Mail, November 33rd, 1899 ; June ist, 1900, 1^8 ROME AND GERMANY the Press not only encouraged t4ie Boers during the war, but were directly respeitisMe far its continiuance, and for the bitter guerilla warfare idiich went on '^or moiiths after peace might otherwise iiave been made. The Rev. H. J. BsLttfl, the weill-known Nonconformist minister, on his return from Pretoria in November, 1900, wrote : " The party re|)resented by Mr. Stead, which strove ifor the continuance Of the most corrupit Govern- ment of the century, gave great hope to th« beaten and scattered commandoes. It is this party which to-day k largely responsible for the continuance of the murder and destruction now going on. I feel very bitterly that the main cause now of so much bloodshed and loss of British life is Englishmen ^juid leaders of the anti-progressive party in the Cape ■"Parliament. 'I add 'that it is largely the hope of som/ethiag .happening in "England by means of anti-English people within, or against 'England by foes without, thatin my opinion explains the continuance of the 'war. Many orf our ovm subjects in England are disloyal' to England and to 'England's interest." ^ In Bke mannaf, 'Mr. Bennet Burleigh, writing from Johannesburg in September, 1901, said: "When the Boer women -were alloWea'to go out of ihe Orange River Colony to endeavour to bring in their husbands, they found the commandoes reading ■ the (Pro-Boer) speeches at Queen's Hall, and, in consequienee, xefusAd to come in, saying that it is evident that^England'is verging on civil war."^ The Pro-Boei-s m«t'the overWhefMiittg' evidence of 'Boer conspiracy and ambition -by denial and -ridieu'le ; and M'hen in thefacCof -the watlflte preparations' ^f the^Boers and the asseOiKly of their commandoes on the borders of Natal, white as yet negotiations were pro'ceeding, our Government, at the urgent -request of 'Natd.1, sent a -weik force for its defence, th'ey- cried outagaiii'^t it- as a-ihrsat against the independence Of the Republic ; although the force sent "was not even sufficient for the defence of the » Daily Telegraph, November 29th, 1300. • Daily Tele§*afh, September 12th, 1901, THE ENGLISa PRO-BOERS 199 Colony, much lessi for any purpose of aggression ! By their opposition to- any military precautions being under- takenj the Pro-Boers were responsible both for the war itselfi and' for the reverses which we suffered at its com- mencement. For had the Government sent a sufficient force at the outset, President Kruger would have probably granted the Franchise to the Uitlanders rather than force on a war at a moment when, his preparations were as yet incomplete, and when. Natal, the> chief object of his= am- bition, was effectually, defendedt Even before the war commenced", sc«ne of the English Pro-Boers were in communication with President Kruger advising him as to the means for defeating the British Government's endeavours to obtain civil rights, for the British population in the Transvaal^ and their letters were discovered on the British occupation of Pretoria. We know that Presidenti Kruger would^have preferred to delay the war for another two years in order to complete his preparations. So also, when the British Government first opened negotiations fori obtaining better conditions for the British in the Transvaal, he still required titae for completing his. armsunents, the mobilization of the Boer commandoes, and the organization of transport; and supplies, in order that the attack on the British Gollonies, when launched, might be ^udden and ^sncxpectedf Ac- cordingly we find in the above correspondtencfi letters from Mr. Labouchere advising Mr. Montagu White; the Transvaal representative in London, how Piresident Kruger might gain time by prolonging the negotiations without granting any real relief to the British Golonists ! ^ At a meeting at which Messrs. Leonard- Courtney, Cronwright Schreiuer, and others^ were present, the name of Mr. Kruger, the most bitter enemy of everything British, was received wi1*i cheers and^ a reference t© our losses: and reverses' with laughter ! Again at the dinner at the New Reform Club, given in honour of Mr. Cron- wright Schreiner, Sir Wilfrid Lawson " roused the greatest enthusiasm by coupling Union Jacks with Union Jack- '■ See letters quoted in Daily Mail August 28th, igoo. 200 ROME AND GERMANY asses." " Speaker after speaker followed in the same strain of abuse of England and praise of the Boers until the whole room became fuU of voices crying shame on their own country and expressing ssmipathy for the beautiful enemy." This bitterness against their own country and un- qualified support of the Boers was all the more remarkable from the fact that some of the most prominent Pro-Boers were, a few years before, the most outspoken opponents of Boer misrule and justice. Thus Mr. Cronwright Schreiner, at the dinner mentioned above, in order to create sympathy for the Boers and antipathy to the British, sought to make out that it was the British who ill-treated the natives, and the Boers who were most anxious for their welfare ! This was, of course, absolutely false, and in direct contradiction to his former statenients. In like' manner, although he before accused the Bond of being wholly anti-British and ^s seeking the supremacy of the Dutch regardless of the rights of the British colon- ists, he now represented it as wholly Pro-British and loyal ! ^ Mr. Stead is another instance of those Who, although previously patriotic and strongly opposed to Boer tyranny and misrule, turned against his own country, became the friend of the Boers, the slanderer of his own countrymen, and the close associate of Dr. Leyds, one of England's most bitter enemies. * Among other means for calumniating our soldiers in South Africa, anonymous letters were publishejd professing to come from officers there and making the grossest accusations against the British troops. With regard to one of these letters professing to come from an officer of high standing, Lieut-General Laurie wrote : " It is almost impossible to conceive an officer of standing writing of his comrades of any rank in the terms this correspondent uses, or making such charges when his manifest duty would be to report such conduct. , But if he were, as Mr. Stead stateSj^ in command, he must have » Compare anf«, page* 55-56. • Vii* relations of Mr.^tead with Dr. Leyds ar.d Mr. Fiscker, Daily Mail, May 5th, igoo. THE ENGLISH PRO-BOERS 201 actually sanctioned and been responsible for these outrages he enlarges on, and Mr. Stead should be called upon to give the name of an officer who so disgraced the Queen's uniform." The extraordinary^ anomalies in this letter, as pointed out by Lieut.-General Laurie, throw strong doubts upon its authenticity. Nothing is easier than to manufacture anonymous correspondence, or letters in support of a worthless cause, after the fjishion of promoters of bogus companies, or the vendors of some fictitious cure, and one might think that people, who did not hesitate to circulate other falsehoods and calumnies, would not hesitate to adopt this means of giving their statements an appearance of authenticity. On the other hand, there appears to be little doubt that amongst the conibatant, or non-combatant ranks of the British Army in South Africa there were traitors who might well have written calum- nious letters for the purpose of injuring the British cause. Sir George White, when at. Ladysmith, said that even hfs most secret arrangements were known to the enemy a few hours aftpr he had made them. It was due also to the accurate information received by the Boers of the movements and objective of detached bodies of our troops, that the Boers were enabled to effect their numerous surprises and ambuscades, the " regrettable incidents," the greater number of which would never have occurred but for traitors in our own ranks. One instance may be mentioned in which this traitorous assistance was prac- tically confessed by the Boer commander. On December i8th, 1901, General Spens »ent Major Bridgford with 200 Mounted Infantry to capture a Boer laager. The whole body feU into a carefully-prepared ambuscade from which only seventy escaped, forty-nine being killed and wounded, and the rest made prisoners. Britz, the Boer commander, told the captured officers, and so did some of his men, that they had received in- formation from General Spens' camp of the intended march of Bridgford, and had prepared the trap forthwith, but had expected to get some guns and a convoy also. ^ * Letter by Mr. Bennet Burleigh, Daily Telegraph, Feb. 18th, 1901. 2Q2 ROME AND GERMANY Now we have seen that there is ^^ery reason to beUeve that Rortae and the Jesuits were largely instrumental in creating ithe'Boer conspiracy against British rule and in bringing ^bout the South African war. It is certain also that they depended on that war as one of the -principal means ior efiftctiBg the -downfall of Britain, and hoped., when the country was denuded of tooops, to induce, by a campaign of calumny, two or more "Of -the European nations to attack her. It is evident, therefore, that, as long &A :there was a prospect of their de&igii succeeding, they iwotild do -all in their power to ^h^lp the 'Boers and prolong 'the waar. rif, then, the Jesuits have menibers of their order, both among the ministers d religion, and in . every class and order of society, it is inconceivable that they did not take especial care that there should be some of their ^agents, if not among the combatants, yet among the non-combatant ranks of the army in South Africa, in order that these, by traitorous information to the enemy, such as that desadbed, might materially assist the pohey of Rome. This indeed is only in *trict »,coordance with the methods of the Jesuits in the past under similar circum- stances. Nicolini, in bis " History of the Jestrifts," relates that at the siege of Rome when the Italian patriots were fighting fcff civil and religious H'berty againsit the Pope and his supporters, a man of distinguished appearance was seen going about from iplaee to place, praising and encQTfKiragfeg the «oldi©re and citizens, awd cursing the French, the Pope, and the Jesuits. A short time a^fter- wards he and -two others wert discovered signalling informatictti to th« enemy. All three were founid to be Jesuits. ^ Under these oircumBtanoes, and considerimg that there were unqxiestionably traitors in the British Army, it is quite conceivable that the latter may , have furnished their allies an England with calumnious 'reports against the British troops. In the case, however, referred to by Lieut.- » Nieoiiini, " History of Jesuits," pp. 170, 571. THE ENGfcKKH PRO-BOBRS a63 General Laurie, the reputed letter must be regarded as far too clumsy a concoction to have emanated from any combatant ofScer of rank. The nialignity of some of th« Pro-Boer» and their animus against the welfate of the Empire, their undis- guised partisanship with our bitter enetnies, not only in South Africa, but on the Continent, a-nd-their unblushing use of every sort of calumny in order to create the same animus in others; seemed to many inexplicable, and it called forth the indignant protest of every honest man, and of ail thfe principal journals in the country. As was remarked at the time, " The Pro-Boer is the person who sides against his native country and is the cheerful witness oi her agony and the still more cheerful apologist of her foes."^ Iti the words of one wrtter, " The Pro-Boers- Have advocated the cause- of the enemies- of Englaild in the most odious of all ways. They have unceasingly spread the foulest of slanders' agajnst all Englishmen supporting England's causfe. Cabinet Ministers aaid the highest and" most honoured servants of th^ Crown have been charged" with what amounts to nothing less than murder. Charge* too -vile to be printed have been hinted at in, the most covraMly fashion; our soldiersi have been obliquely accused on no evidence whatever of the' worst outrages. On- th^e otliet tondv no proof of Boei* misdoing, however cle'ar, has sufficed to convince these gentry. Can they reasonably expect Englishmen, brothers and sons of those ■vilified and slandered, to sit passive ? What the Pro- Boers- want is that the Government shall protect them with the forces of the Crown^ while they shriek slander and sedition into the ears of loyal citizens." " Their traitorous words about this country are cabled out to thie Transvaal, and are magnified as showing th&£ our ranks are divided. Boers who might otherwise give in are encouraged to fight against us by such means. The ' stop the war ' advocates are as surely warring against England as if they lined Boer tf emehesf and' fought • The Rev. W. J. Dawson. 204 ROUffi AND GERMANY with Mausers against our troops. They have no pity or sympathy for the bravery of our soldiers and the suffer- ings of our own loyal colonists. They have nothing but adiniration for our foes. They are in truth the worst enemies of their country and we know them as such." We may add, however, that they were equally in- different to the prolonged suffering which their action caused the Boers. It is difficult to see what object they had in view in encouraging the Boers to continue-the war, when further resistance on the part of the latter was useless and only caused them increased misery and suffer- ing ; unless indeed, like the Boers themselves, they hoped that the efforts of the Jesuit Press on the Continent might yet induce one or more of the Continental Powers to attack Great Britain while her troops were stUl engaged in South Africa. Thus, we find Mr. Stead seeking to excite. the indignation of the French against his own country by writing to the Figaro and stating that during the whole campaign the British " argued the necessities of war to justify a system of pillage and destruction ; that so far from respecting private property it was principally against private property that the war had been carried on," while he likened the suppression' of the Boer Republics as inde- pendent States, to the burning of Joan of Arc ! ^ As before remarked, many of the Pro.-Boer party, with only a superficial knowledge at the outset of South African affairs, were no doubt completely deceived by the falsehoods and clever misrepresentations presented for their acceptance. But this was certainly not the case with the leaders -of the party, who must have been fuUy aware that the war had long before been determined on by the Boers "themselves, and that, had not hostilities broken out when they did, the attack on Natal and Cape Colony would have been made a year or two later, when they were more fully prepared, with almost a certainty of success. They must have been equally aware that the declared intention of the Boers was to drive the British into the sea, and, with the aid of the Continental Powers, » Globe, June 21st, 1902. THE ENGLISH PRO-BOERS 205 wrest South Africa from the British Empire. This would have been a deadly blow to the Ernpire's welfare and very existence, and the Pro-Boers did all they could to ensure its success. They were equally aware that the Jesuit Press on the Continent was doing all in its power to effect this result by publishing falsehoods and calumnies against Great Britain in order to induce the European Powers to combine against her while her troops were engaged in South Africa, and the Pro-Boers published exactly the same slanders in England in order to form a party for helping the Boers and cripphng their own country. It was indeed reported that a conference was held at Brussels in April, igop, under the presidency of Dr. Leyds, " to concert measures for the re-arming of the Boers in preparation for another descent on Cape Colony in 1910." Among the delegates attending it were the leading Pro-Boer members of the "Conciliation Committee" and "Stop the War Com- mittee," and other advocates of the abolition of British supremacy at the Cape. ^ The Conference appears to be in a fair way of attaining its object so far as the re-arming of the Boers is concerned, but what the year 1910 will bring forth we -cannot say ! What conceivable cause could there be for this extra- ordinary animosity to the interests of their own country and the welfare of their countr3mien in South Africa ? It should be remembered also that this animosity has not been confined to British interests in South Africa, but has been extended to British interests all over the world, and even in Britain itself. For the Pro-Boers are the friends of every enemy of Britain and hostile only to their own country. One can understand the hostiKty of Irish Nationahsts to Britain, but why should Englishmen hate their own countrymen, and what possible benefit would it have been to them to place the British in South Africa under the feet of a bitterly hostile race and separate the colonies from the Empire ? It is Rome and the Jesuits who desire the downfall and ^ Financial News, April 7th, 1900. 2o6 -ifeOME AND GERMANY hunailiation of the British EmpiFe. It is Rome and- the Jesuits- whose policy it is, by means of falsehood' and slander, to generate hatred of this country, which stands in the way of her ambition, _and it was R cottJclude that among the leaders- of the; movement there were those who were acting in .concert with the secret- agents otf' Rome, i(k it is perfectly evident that they iKusthave been fully aware that they were aiding thte purpose ofRome. Any doubts upon this subject must be dispelled by the fact that a largjg proportion' of the editorial staff" of thse principal Pro- Boer and anti-English papers which reflect Pro-Boer opinion and direct the- anti-English- agitation are Roman Catholics. This means that these papers are utider the guidanee^a^d control of Rome and the Jesuits, and that the aaiti-^Enghsh moveffleii.t is a Jesuit organization. ThCr afflti-EngHsh agitation is still as active, as ever, and although again and ag^an shown to be false; the calumnies propp?ated by R-ome- and- the Jesuits at the time of the Boer: war are still being reiterated by the leading Pro-BoerS in this country. In this also they adopt the policy of the Jesuits, who, as pointed out by Sir , Robert Anderson, content themselves by reasserting their errors, however often> those errors-are refuted, being THE ENGLISH PRO-BOERS' 2©; confident that, in so doing, they will obtain credence ^mong the majority of the ignorant and unreflecting, "the simple who believe every word " (Prov. xiv. 15). When Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was inter- viewed by a German corr6a:poi:td€nt from Berlin at Marienbad in 1906, he declared that the Boer war was " useless, unheard of, and, criminal," ftnd when asked if it was incited by Mr. Chamberlain, he replied, " I leave you tot^ud^e " ', when asked ^gain whether ^Mr. Chamberlain, like .Na,pQleon III., did npt ^think of the war as a means to get out pf his difficulties, he replied, '' So he is judged. But we ought not ip judge Enjgland by him : John Bull is no friend of trickery and provocation." It is plain that such innuendoes were so framed as to support and endoree the previous calumnies against Mr. Chamberlain. This policy has been so far successful that these slanders and misrepresentations, constantly reiterated, pbt^ined credence among. numbers o^ the more ignorant British electors, Ayjth the result that at the l^st General Election the Pro-Boer party were able to secure the election of a solid tphalftnx of Pro-Bo^r members. CHAPTER X The Anti-Englanders AT the present moment a large proportion of the Parliamentary supporters of the Government consist of Pro-Boers and Anti-Englanders, who so dominate the remainder that the destinies of the nation would appear to be practically in their hands, and, in accordance with their previous policy, they seem to be now working for the disintegration and downfall of the Empire. - The National Review remarks : " They surged into Westminster on an ocean of ' terminological inexacti- tudes ' on the subject of Chinese Slavery at the General Election." ^ These, however, were not the only " in- exactitudes " by which the elecfion was obtained. It was obtained also through the campaign of slander against our soldiers in South Africa, the charges of " methods of barbarism " and of the very treacheries and barbarities of which the Boers themselves were guilty, together with the falsehoods respecting the cause of the war, by which it was made to appear that the British, and not the Boers, were the aggressors, and that so far from having forced on the war with the object of driving us out of South Africa, the Boers were entirely innocent of any hostile intention, and were merely fighting in defence of their liberties. It was this campaign of falsehood and slander, identical in every respect with that carried out by the Jesuit Press on the Continent, and which was preached ever since the election in 1900 from numerous Nonconformist pulpits, and promulgated by the Pro-Boer Press, supported by a pretence of piety and rectitude, that, in 1905, completely * National Review, July, 1907, p. 654. 208 THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS io^ reversed the decision of the electorate and led to the return of the Pro-Boer party. The Chinese Slavery lie wa^ merely the climax to the campaign, the finishing strike which ensured the victory. According to The National Review, the present Pro- Boer party in the House of Commons numbers "Well over^ a hundred^" ^ It is evident that a party forming a solid phcilanx of such strength, united by a common aim, must dominate the decisions of Parliament, not only on account of its numerical strength (well over 200 on a division), but also on account of the influence it must exercise on the remainder of the Liberal party, a large proportion of whom have little interest in Imperial matters, and are only too ready to accept withoirt question the lead of the majority. In addition to this, the Pro- Boers are always certain of the support of the Irish Nationalists on every measure which is opposed to the welfare and prosperity of the country and Empire. For hostility to the country and Empire would appear to be the ruling motive which unites this party, and as it virtually governs the country, it has been called, not without reason, by Mr. Arnold Forster, "« Governynent and policy of hate," and is described by him as " anti- nation^ and specially anti-English, vindictive, and puni- tive." " There is not," says Mr. Forster, "an organized community throughout the world, not a Cabinet, a public or private association, a section of any community, a body of conspirators acting openly or in secret, which is unfriendly to this country, and which desires to see its power diminished and its influence destroyed, by whichithe present Government is not regarded as a conscious or unconscious ally." ^ It was this party who insisted on the repatriation of the Chinese, even after the, Chinese Slavery lie had been fully exposed. The absolute baselessness of this false- hood was shown by Sir West Ridgeway, w?ho was especially • National Reidew, July, 1907, p. 654 ; The Standard, February loth, igo8, estimates the Anti-English party in Parliament at 120. ' " Government and Policy of Hate, " by Mr. Arnold Forster, National Review, January, 1907I 210 ROME AND- GERMANY sent by the Liberal Government to investigatfe and report upon the Transvaal. He stated, " There is no slavery-and nothing having the semblance of slavery ! The Chinese are there of their own free wiH, and have the option to leave if they care to do so. They do not accept the o§^. There is an impression in England that they are imprisoned in enclosures. Nothing ,of the sort. The compounds they inhabit cover a large area, and are unfenced and prac-ticaUy unguarded, and it is impossible to prevent t-he-Chinese leaving them if they care to do so." ^ The underground work in the Transvad gold mines is so prejudicial to the health of white men that, until lately, it has bden performed by Kaffirs who are unaffected by it and* williAgly perform it for wages on which the white man could not hve, but, in consequence of the failure of Kaffir labour after the war, if was found necess- ary to import coolies from China. Without coolie or Kaffir labour the miaes could not be worked at all, or only worked at a prohibitive coift, and there would be no employment for the numerous British who perform the more skilled portion of the labour required. In ^oirt, the amount ojf white labour that can be employed depends entirely *wi %^ amount ,of coloured labouc available, or that can be u'feiiized. Hence the repatriation of the Chinese threatened, not only to destroy or seriously reduce the gold industry in which thousands of the British public of aU classes have invested money, but to throw numbers of British workmen out of employment and oblige theih to leave the colony. The destruction or depreciation of the gold industry woujd be, in short, the most certain means of eliminating the British element in the Transvaal and thereby of assuring the supremacy of the Boer^. This seems to. have been the object of the Btio-Boers throughout, and as British influence in the Transvaad was bound up with the prosperity of the gold industry, the^ Chinese slavery Me was evidently calculated to destroy that influence. » Reuter, Express, March t5th, 1907. THE ANTI-ENTGLANDERS zti But this has been also the ambition of Rorne, and as Ithe principal calumnies during the Boer war emanated fVom the Vatican and Jesuit Press, it is only reasonable to conclude that th§; f^se statements and lying cartoons respecting the pretended slavery of the Chinese, coolies in; .the. Transvaal,. iiwenied:for the, same pu^posSj emanated from the same source. The presumption' is. supported by. the fact that aiter their falsehood had- been exposed in- this country, these lies and cartoons were dilig^tly circulated in China with the object of exciting hostility to Brit^^ in. that country. It. ig^ an indication of bitter malignity towards this' country which can only be ascribed to Rome and which only asecret society like the Jesuits cpujd, carry oijit. It must, have beeHf, evident that th^ falsehood of these calumnies would sooner or later be. discovered, but they served itheiPipuipose by ensuring therjetum to Parliament, and thus placiag. in , power, the-, Pro-Boer party. , They failed, however, to get rid of th^-Chinese and destroy the gold industry, although the danger, with. Which that industiy was threatened by the determined hostility of the Pro-Boers^epreaiated the value of the mines, to nearly a haif, BBdi occasioned I heavy losses to British- iavestors. Nor ; wag; it. long; before that host-ili.ty. received fur-thet expression. For, no sooner was the- slavery lie exposed^ than: re- couarse was.hiad to another r excuse ior getttmg ridiof the coolies* yizv, the, fact that unnatural vices .existed- among some of them. Such yi(?es Bherri and place the British both there and in Cape Colony under the heels of a race the majority, of whom are strongly hostile^ to therti. Their endea'vours to ruin the gold industry waS' a step toward^' this end, and the want of confidenGe engendered by their action has akeadj' had the effect of reducing the British population in the Transvaal. Thle grant of responsible government to the Boers, while the British were still in a minority, thereby establishing the supremaoy of the hostile' race, was clearly, on the face of' it, another and stiH more important step towards this end. In the words of: the National Revim, " The leader of the ' Perish Empire ' School has already handed over the TranSvaal tO' the Boors by swiffldHmg the British electorate out of several seats to wihich they were entitled on any democratk theory of registration. He is about to endow the Orange River Colony with &■ constitutibn deliberately designed to depri*iire the British of any prospect Of represent atlon in the Meal legislative assembly, aaidhis'.Govemniieh't' is intriguing-' for the restitutidai of a Bond ministry a't' the Cape." 1 There hav* already befeai signs which foresEaiow possibltt trouble iu' the future. The demand of General Botha for the re-arming of the Boers, and for- the forma- tion of an armyof 40,000 Boers with artillery, could have » National Revitw, April, 1907, p. 175. THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS 215 no possible object but the overthrow of British supremacy. For, as pointed out by the South African correspondent , of The Standard, the same volunteer forces already exist in the Transvaal for the suppression of a native rising as are considered sufficient for that purpose in Natal, Cape Colony, and Rhodesia. What made General Botha's demand still more significant was the intention of the Boer Government to disband, on the pretence of economy, the existing constabulary and volurhteer bodies in the Transvaal, which consist of the British who did suchgood service on the Imperial side in the Boer war. This -is now being done, and the plea of economy is shown to be false, as their place is being taken by Boers and the new Boer Army. The Boers, in short, have openly stated that the Constabulary will shortly be as strong as ever, but will consist whoUy of Dutch. ^ When this is the case the British wUl ^be as absolutely at their mercy as feey were before the war. In addition to this, British officials are being replaced by Boers, and the English are being everywhere thrown out of employment. The object of the Boers is openly confessed in the remark of an old Boer to an EngMsh acquaintance : " We've got the country back.bui I iauU-if we shall ever get Hd of all the English." * It is thus the intention of the Boers to eliminate, as far as possible, the British element in the Transvaal by shutting th,em out of aU employment and political influence, reducing them practically to the condition of a subject race, or to the •tate they were in under the Kruger Government. In this also they are being supported by the Pro-Boer Party behind the present Government, who throughout have taken the side of the Boers and Dutch against their own countrymen. For instance, when Mr. Lonsdale amd Sir Gilbert Parker asked in Parliament that representa- tions might be made to the Transvaal Government with regard to the wholesale dismissal of British officials and the substitution of Boers in their place, Mr. Winston ' Letter to Tke Standard, September 17th, 1907. • Standard, August 13th, 1907. 2i6 ROME AND GERMANY Churchill, the Under-Secretary of State for the' Colonies at the time, absolutely refused to do so. i Since then, in his reply to Sir Gilbert Parker's amendment to the Address, he denied that the Transvaal Government had displaced British officials in order to substitute Dutch- men for them. But he was evidently misinformed. For Mr. Lionel Campbell, Inspector of Education in South Africa, wrote the following day to The Standard : " The steamer in which I returned was full of these ' retrenched ' officials (I am not one myself so I hold no brief for them), and in each case they had been retrenched on the plea of economy, and, after their departure, a Boer was quickly installed in their place, most probably at a higher salary. This is the Boer idea of economy." ' A prominent British official in the Transvaal, who has occupied a position of influence there for thirty years, writes : " I would be at a loss for words sufficiently strong to express the contempt I feel for the men in power who have put their countrymen in South Africa under the yoke of the Boers. I cannot be too thankful for having- got away from Pretoria before the humiliation. From every side I hear, els anticipated, that the Transvaal is no longer a fit place for Englishmen I may be wrong, but if this Government remains in power and pursues its present policy none but Boers will be able to exist in the colony." ^ A colonist, who has been in South Africa for twelve years, writes : " The prestige of British subjects is , seriously affected ; in fact far more so than in pre-war days, and, unless we awaken from the prolonged lethargy, a Britisher in the Transvaal will be just as much an alien as he was before the war — if he is not already. We cannot blame the Dutch, but the shame of it is that the . country should have been given back to them after the millions of money and thousands of lives we threw need- lessly away. The Boers are in a stronger position to-day ' August 2 1 St, 1907. ' Standai'd, February 8th, 1908. " Letter to Mr. Arnold Wliite, The Standayd, September 25th, 1907. THE ANTI-ENGLaNDEHS 217 than evef they were, and they are going to continue their miserable work of bleeding the Britisher until he has been forced to leave the country. For months past the so-called Boer Government has been paying away thousands of pounds retrenchment money. This means a complete loss to the South African community, since the men who are being kicked out must perforce leave the countiy at once, for it is impossible for them to get employment. The number of unemployed in Johannes- burg has long reached four figures, and hundreds of well- educated men who have been in good positions, and are unemployed through no fault of their own, are to-day walking the streets practically starving. " The South African Constabulary has been disbanded, and the police; force is now undergoing such a rigorous change that the British inhabitants have been signing monster petitions protesting against the cruel treatment meted out to the constables. New niles and regulations make it practically impossible for them to remain in the force. Men have resigned wholesale, and the force is now rapidly becoming ' Zarpised ' (wholly Boer). Dutch- men by the score are being enrolled." The writer adds : " What the Boers want is a Staats Artillerie. Can we not read between the lines ? " ^ A similar policy is being pursued in the Orange River and Cape Colonies. In the latter Colony the Home Government has restored the Franchise to the Dutch rebels who were disfranchised for ten years, and who do not conceal their hostility to the British, and by means of their votes, with the help of " The Bond " and the " Het Volk," British influence is being overthrown there also. The object of the Pro-Boers has, in short, been attained, and the fruits of the war, which cost 25,000 British lives and two hundred and fifty millions sterling have been deliberately thrown away. The Transvaal has not only been given back to the Boers, but every means have been taken to place the British there and in the * The Standard, August 4th, 1908.. 8i8 ROME AND GERMANY Orange River and Cape Colonies under the rule of the Boers and Dutch, who would like to deprive them of civil rights and privileges, and wouldrif they could, drive them from the country. This has been eulogized by the late British Premier as " a grand achievement." It is so, no doubt> in the eyei of the Pro-Boers, and of Rome and the- Jesuits, but it can only be a cause ofdistress and humiliationto the British in South Africa, and of^ indignation to all who have their intercstsr and the interest of the -Empire at heaiFt. It is possible that, in spite of the deep-seated hostiUty of the Boers to the British, which it is the; interest of both. Rome and Gennany, by their secret agents, '^o keep alive, this hostihty may in time die ^own. But the vindictive maiice^ with which th& policy was carried out, and' thC' unscrupulous falsehoeds employ;ed;by its- authors, indicate that such a r^ult would be not inlaccordajnGe with their expectationsi It^ is also evident that^ in^ subjecting the British ih.South Africa to the rule of a hostile race, the Pro-BoeiS have taken care to create conditions for a state of future discord whichmustbe wholly in accordance with the wishes of Germany, and of whidl German3'' will not fail to take advantage in the' time of Britain's trouble. Tfheiei is, however, one wholly British colony which is a chfcck to the? dompkte dominion of the Boers, viz., Natalj and Natal in consequence has been the especial object of Pro-Bberi animosity. Everything was done by tiiemto encourage the ZuttJ rebelUon and to prevent the Maital Government from deaMng effectively with iti So also, as in the case of the South African war, every kind of I calumny and falsehood' was propagated with regard to the cause of the rebelUon, the conduct of the troops employed in crushing it, and the ■ punishment of those fourtdi guilty ofi the murder and torture of British Colonists. Yet they were well, aware thati the* rising, liadiit been successful, would have resulted in the destruc- tion of the weak British population in that colony, and THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS zig the cruel torture and murder of British women and children. It should be remembered that this was not a rising springing from any spontaneous feeling, or discontent, on the part of the Zulus themselves. For since their defeats under Getewayo, they had not only been close friends withthe British, who had treated them with justice and kindness, but were the bitter foes of the Boers. The rising was solely due to agitators, and these were the so-caUed members of the "Ethiopian Church," founded in 1893 by the African Methodist Church of the United States. It was founded solely for the purpose of '«?tcitiing rebellion against the British, the avowed object of its founders .being " to whip the BriUshhaokto rthe Thames,"^ and the fact that it was directed against- the British- only, and not against the Boers dnd the Dutch, is -proof of the particular enmity oi the founders to the British. The Boers had no part in exciting the rising, which, if it had been successful, would eventually have fallen also -upon them ; neither can it be conceived that the black ra<:e-in America could possibly have an emnity against the British, who have ever been their best friends and -the chief opponents of slavery. It is the Jesuits who are our most bitter enemies, and who excite sedition against every Govenunent and nation they wish to ruin, while it is exactly in accordance with their methods that they should choose the disguise of religion to delude and inflame the passions, of theignorant savages in order to use them as tools for carrying out their designs. Not only is it inconceivable that the sedition could have originated with any one else save the Jesuits, but, considering the way in which they sought by calumnies to create hatred against us in Europe at the time of the Boer war for the express purpose of getting up a coalition to deprive us of South Africa, it is evident that in exciting this rising of the blacks against the British, and by similar means, they were only carrying • See full accouot of this Church in the Daily Mail, March ^th, 1906, 220 ROME AND GERMANY out their original design and using their fonner weapons. It is to be remarked also that the Ethiopian Church has agents both in Europe and America, and by them is fully informed of the agitation in England of those who s37mpathize in their desire to drive the British into the sea. All this indicates that they were supported by able and astute men who were not of black race, and that it was the result t)f a carefully planned design. By this rising, the British in Natal were confronted by a terrible danger, and the barbarous murders and tortures which had already been committed showed that they were face to face with a rebellion which might equal or surpass in horror that of the India mutiny. Vigorous measures were however adopted, and those who had taken part in the first murders were captured, tried,, and con- demned to death. Not only was their sentence just, but nothing but prompt and resolute measures would have availed to check the danger to which the British in Natal were exposed. But although the Pro-Boers were wholly indifferent to the murder of their feUow-countr5mien and the dangers which threatened them, the measures taken to meet those dangers excited their wrath and indignation. The Pro- Boers bepame Pro-Zulus, tried to stop the execution of the murderers, and did all they dared to check and hamper the Natal Government in their efforts to quell the rebeUion; To suppose that they were animated by benevolence to Zulu murderers, while supremely indif- ferent to the torture and murder of their own countrymen and to the threatened fate of British women and children, would be absurd. We can only conclude that they were disappointed at the threatened collapse of the rising, brought about, as there is eve!ry reason to believe, by Jesuit agitators for the destruction of the British in Natal. For who, but those, who, in order to attain the object of their ambition, were" determined to set nation against nation until they were destroyed by mutual destrw- tion, ^ could have originated such a scheme ? » 4«te, page JO, THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS 221 As pointed out by The Standard, while everything was done to weaken the hands of the British in Natal and prevent them dealing effectively with the rebelhon of a treacherous and bloodthirsty race, who would show them no mercy if once they got the upper hand, the cruelties practised by the Boers towards the defenceless Kafi&rs in the Transvaal were winked at and -passed over without the slightest sign of disapproval ! ^ We can only conclude that the apparent solicitude for the Zulu was a pretence, and that the real motive of the Pro-Boer interference in their behalf was the desire to injure or weaken the British power in Natal. It suggests that South Africa may be still one of the chief objectives of Jesuit activity. The insurrectionary movement in Egypt, brought about by emissaries of Turkey, backed by Germany, offered another opportunity to the Pro-Boers for weakening the power of Britain, by encouraging and sympathizing with Egyptian sedition. Therefore, while entirely callous to the murder and brutal treatment of British officers by Egyptian fellahs, incited by Turkish agitators, the Pro- Boers and Pro-Zulus bestowed their sympathy and encouragement on the murderers of their own countrymen. The Pro-Boer party have also devoted all their efforts towards reducing the strength of the British Arm y, and Navy and depleting the defences of the counti^Hfclthe result that, in the absence or disablement of thl**Home Fleet, it would be practically defenceless against foreign invasion. This has been done ostensibly for the sake of economy, a plea which always has great influence with numbers. But economy* has not been a principal con- sideration with the present Grovemment, as shown by the sacrifice of three and a-hajf miUions revenue by the reduction of the tax on sugar, and by the removal of the tax on coal for foreign exportation, which only benefits the foreigner, and which has reduced the revenue by another three millions sterling, and has done much injury both, to the poor in this country and to British manufac- tures. There can be little doubt, in short, that the • Standard, leading article, June ist, igo8, 222 ROME AND. GERMAN'Y reduction in th€ defences of the country has been chiefly due to the pressure exercised by the Pro-Boers and the Socialists, whose aims are practically identical. The strength of the Army has been reduced by 20,000 men, including a large portion of the Garrison and Field Ar-tillety. It was at first intended to reduce' the Field Artillery by thirty-three batteries, representing in war time 198 guns. This reduction of guns and the loss of a proportionate number of skilled artiller5anen would have been most serious, because they cannot be. replaced on an emergency, and imperfectly trained artillery, such as that which might be supplied by the volunteer forces, would be worse than useless against the highly trained troops of a Continental power. It would have given a German army of invasion sueh a crushing superiority that it would probably have been sufficient in itself to have decided the fate of the kingdom. Owirag, however, to the protest of Lord Roberts and others the reduction is now to be ccttifinedto eighteen batteries, which are to be redueed-to training batteries. Nevertheless, the Garrison and- Field Artillery have been reduced by over 7,000 men, and this reductiein, and that of the Infantry by thirteen battalions, involves-a further loss in tii^g^^ar. The regiments and batteries at home are at pi^^^Bn a peace footing and would be raised' to nearly doub]s*fl^ir strength at the outbreak of war by trained reservists, vi whom there are about 134,000 of all arms ; but owing to the reduction in the mmaber of regiments and lotteries, the reservists, which would otherwise have been available to raise themto war strength, could not be utilised, and the reduction of the army by nearly 20,000 men thus involves the further loss of nearly the same number of reservists. The remiaining reservists that could not be incorporated with -existing regiments would be of no use in the lighting line without officers and regimental organization, and there would 'be no time to supply this deficiency, as in the event of a successful invasion the fate of the country would possibly be decided in a few weeks. Yet Mr, THE ANtl-ENGLAN&ERS m Haldane speaks of the whole of these jeservisl^ as if they were organized units of the regular Army, available as an immediate addition to its strength at the Outbreak of war I But in addition to this serious reduction in the numbers of the regvdar Army available for defence against sudden invasion, the whole of the Militia have been di&banded, and a force called " The Special Reserve," composed largely of recruits, has been substituted for them. The effective strength of tjie old Militia in igoi was 112,000, and just previous to this late disbandment, 92,000. The present force is only 59i000, which is therefore a further loss of over 30,000 fairly-trained soldiers. It is difficult to conceive- a more serious blow against the defences of the country than these reductions, or a more certain means of ensuring the success of such an invasion. Yet it is just at the moment wheh there is the greatest danger of such an invasion that these reductions have been made ! Mr. Haldane's a.rfangemeni' for forming a Territorial Army out of the Volunteers and Yeomanry with the necessary transport, ammunition Wagons; etc., was, at first sight, good in itself. But this army would be of no use for resisting invasion, for the training it would require to enable it to oppose with any chance of success the highly organized and disciplined troops of a Continental power, would be not less than six months, and as this training is not to be commenced until the outbreak of war,, it is evident that the country migM be invaded and conquered before the training had passed its ihitial stage. In short, everything would seem to be done to ensure their inefficiency. They are not even provided with the necessary means and funds for rifle practice arid driU, and as to the Territorial Artillery, even six months' training would not enable them to take their pliace with regular troops in active field operations. For resisting invasion they are at present worse than useless. The Territorial Army is in fact a mere make-helieve force, practically useless at the outbreak of war for operations 224 ROME AND GERMANY in the field, and only serves to blind the nation to the defenceless state of the country, and to the serious reduc- tion of the numbers of the trained and partly trained" troops, which might have been really depended 6n. It is certain that the invasion of this country, when ii takes place, will come absolutely without warning, and from the character of recent events it is even possible that it may take place next year (igio). Under- these circumstances, even conscription would not save the country now, because without trained officers, non-com- missioned officers, and regimental organization the con- script army would be little better than a mob. We have to depend on the organized forces in existence at the present moment, and it is evident that the only reason- able and common-sense plan would be to ensure that the Territorial Army had their six months' training at the outset, say three months for each of the two first years of their formation. Even now something might be done if the Government were to invite them, by the offer of liberal pay and allowances, to undergo three , months' training in next year, beginning on the first of May. It may perhaps be our last chance ! It is feared, however, that nothing can be expected from those who to all appearance are working for the downfall of the Empire. As an evidence of this, we may refer to the patriotic appeal made by Lord Roberts, on Monday, November 23, in the House of Lords, calling attention to the defenceless state of the country, and urging the necessity for greatly strengthening its weakened forces. In order to combat and neutralize the effect of this appeal it was replied to a day or two afterwards by a counter-appeal from one hundred and fifty members of the House of Commons, constituting the anti-English party, > praying for a further reduction in the already weakened Army and Navy ! It would seem that they are determined to leave no stone unturned in order to ensure the success of a German invasion. Besides these reductions, the efficiency pay and the pensions of soldiers in the regular Army have been cut THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS 223 down, and only one-tenth are allowed to cfuaJify for pensions by long service, the effect of which must be to reduce efficiency and to greatly check- recruiting'; while, by the onerous conditions imposed on the Volunteers; . and the withdrawal of previous grants for rifle practice ' and drill, their numbers have been reduced by one-third. Even this did not satisfy the Pro-Boers. Their avowed object was to reduce the Army and Navy as far as possible, and they woijld, if they could, have abolished both ser- vices and left the country absolutely defenceless against- fdreign invasion. ' ; The Daily Mail wrote on January ist, 1907: "The Premier's letter to the Cobden Cliib is a sign that a fresh attack upon the National defences is impending. It has been followed by an article in The Speaker which virtually calls upon the Ministry to disband the Army and Navy.'? Simultaneously the whole machinery of the Liberal party has been directed against Liberals, such as Mr. Carlyon Bellairs, who have had the r^re courage to set patriotism before party. The past year has witnessed a serious reduction, in the Army, and a distinct weakening of the Navy. With the best intentions in the world Mr. Haldane finds his best efforts to create a national army thwarted and resisted by his own party." < It is also to be noted that the weakening of the defences of the country is being done little by little in a cautious way, denying one day what becomes an accomplished- fact a little later, and that this policy suggests a set pur- pose and design on 4fee part of the anti-English party, carried out so as not to awaken the alarm of the nation. i ■ ' One of the forts at the mouth of the Thames has been dismantled, and the quick-firing guns in the^ Gravesend forts, which were placed there in order to defend the mouth of the Thames against the attack of torpedo vessels, have been quietly removed. ^ There could not be" evefl any real saving of expense by doing thisj 'and its;pnly effect is to seriously weaken i\}.e. defences of one • Daily. Mail, November loth, igoS.- H 286 ROME AND GERMANY of the most vital points of the kingdom, and one most exposed to hostile attack. Equally suicidal is the dismantling of the land defences of the principal naval ports. Mr. Arnold Forster writes : " They have wholly or partially dismantled the few forts we possessed. They have allowed the land defences of the great naval forts to be abandoned. Many people believe that Portsmouth, Plymouth, and Chatham are fortresses. But they are nothing of the kind. There is not a gun or a round of ammunition in the whole of the landward forts, and the less said about the seaward forts the better."! With regard to this it may be remarked that when the gims were already in position there was little or no expense involved in keeping them there. There was in short no object or reason in rendering these great fortresses useless, unless it is to invite their capture. The once powerful land defences of these places en- close a large extent of country and would form entrenched camps, each capable of sheltering a considerable army, and, in the event of a successful invasion, they would be of incalculable importance to us, for the importation of greatly needed -^ supplies, as well as of reinforcements from India and the Colonies, and as places behind which our defeated forces might concentrate ^ and recover strength. They have therefore been marked out by German strategists as among the first points of attack, in the case of a successful invasion, and now that they have been rendered defenceless ;their capture would be an easy matter. It is also a fact which may have considerable influence in the future that the Jesuits have settled themselves in the neighbourhood of Plymouth and Portsmouth, and especially in the Isle of Wight. It is evident that the assistance of a secret enemy in such a place as the Isle of Wight would render the capture of the island a very easy master by a hostile power which had temporarily • Article on " Our Military Need," by Mr. Arnold Forster, M.P. Standayd, October a 3rd, 1908. THE ANTI-ENGtANDERS 227 obtained the command of the sea ; in which case all the^ weakened sea -defences of the Solent and- Spithead would be tutned and taken in reverse as well as likny •of ' the land defences, and the dockyard and fortress would be at the mercy of the invaders. Similar results mi^ht also be obtained at Plymouth, and very likely at Doyer also, through the assistance of these seeiret enemies whom, in spite of' the laws" against our doing so, we have allowed t« come in and dwell^in oxir midst, While so complete is their influence in the country 'that any attempt to turn them out now would be useleSs.- Mr. Forster further remarks : "They haVe deliberately destroyed the elaborate arid perfect system of mine defences- constructed with admirable skiU by the Royial Engineers." ^ These 'mine defences are those defending the sea approaches of the great navll Ports, which in the absence of the fleet would have practically secured these ports from attack and capture by sea. ■ One of the Spithead Forts was' lately advertised to be let, on the plea that ! the guns on Culver Cliffs now comffia;nd the water in its front. But to do awaly with this' Fort; breaks the chain of defence, and moreover, it would be invaluable if awned with quick-firing guns for repelling a torpedo fl'eet's rush into the harbour. It is ■manifest also ' that, in letting it to a private person, nothiiig' 'would be easier -than for a friend of Germany with an English name to take it and even secretly arm it, so as to secure a m'ost formidable protection to the ships of an enemy in the very heart een iqnite sufficient to prevent 238 ROME , AND : The, cost of its snijall garrison, of some fifty men was insignificant, ,an4 .wholly 'dispiroportionate to the value and importance of the island in time. of war. ; For it is not nierely ,a coaling station^ but a ^andingspl^ace for the deep sea cable from England to the Cape, an^ this cable, from,>the Habihty of the Sjiez- Canals cable to beiCut or injured, might , be of vast importance to us. ■ cm N®w,; however, thE^t St. Helena is deffeflceless, what, is to prevep,t an enemy'? fast cruiser in time of war seizing ,1;he, island and not only stopping the .communication between England and tiie Gape, but making use of the cable fpr sending f^lse messages tp the; Cape,, such as directing the movemenjt.of tropps and vessels with fat4l j^fe^J? This,\considering Qerm^ny's position in. South ..West AfricE^ and h§r intention flt-utihsing her force? there for the invasion of ^he Gape in case of war with' England, is exactly what she would dp; It would seem indeed that .jn^ithis, as in other ca^es,. the power behind .the Goverg- ,anent is doijig what it can toiaeiUtate German success. Again, there ^has been np more serious blow to, the •j4ef,ensive,; resources of the .MngdQm than, the partial ^.&l§>sing;. down of the works fat oijr great Military and Naval Arsenal, atiWpolwichiiand the consequent dismissal pfjthousands of skilled workmen, who, in the moment of Rartipnal n,eed, coijld, not be replaced. The dismissal of these' skilled workmen, many ofrwhom have been, over twenty years in ,thQ;^overnBB(ent service and have been trained to a particular class of work, has produced the greatest distress and misery upon what had hitherto been a flourishing ccanmunity, and this has been done by a party whoprofessed to legislate for the benefit of the working classes. But beside this, it is a step towards the virtual ruin and destruction of the 'Arsenal; which, it may be said, furnishes the very life-blood of the country's defence$, suppljfing hitherto its guns and munitions of war. For not only will it be impossible t9 obtain the skilled and THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS 529 trained .workmen math© time of national danger, but many htmdreds of th-smsands of pounds' wortiiof expensive :inachinery,.willi thrbugh disuse, become shortly little better .than scrap iron. . '. n -: i i - ' " We have some of the most effective machinery in ithe world," sajd an arsenal worker, " and many 'of the most 'trusted workmen are taking iheir skiU and adaptability in the use of it to bther nations, and mind this, 'they are itrepkcceable should another war break out and a- demand arise for fresh ammunition." ■ i ■ 'oiSome of the men have gofle to the United iStates, some to Germany; andiothers to, the arsenals of, other nations, where.tlieir traim^ng will be utilised to prepare armaments ;that may one, day be used against. this country. ^, The seriousness of the sittiation frctoi a national* point of view, called :for.1ii a protest from " The / executive committee on Arsenal discharges./' who. said: '.'If, after iiaving - brought together a staff of liighlj^ skilled and trustworthy men;, the Government sends them adrift to aU parts of the world, difficulties would be' imposed upon them; in a time of national emergency, which must produce disastrous results.." u - ■■ , " The ruin that is being wrought to Machinery of the jnost valuable character is .incalciiilable. In one shop alone 580 machines; are standing idle. The unused machinery is depreciating at a rapid rate, despite- the strenuous efforts of the supervisors."^ ': oJ'- ; It is pretended that this depletioa of: -the country's great Arsenal is done for the sake of economy, but no jnore deadly blow has been struck, at the country's ■defensive power by the ProrBoer party;; who throughout have manifested their hostility to everything; (for the defeiice of their country. : - , T ■ ■ Similar reductiqnfi, .producing similar distress and dire poveTty among the wqrkrpen, have been made in the great Naval dockyards at Portsmouth, Plymouth, Chatham, and Pembroke, with the result that the construction of certain bg,^tleships and cruisers has been suspended, and it Jias > Dml^ BxfTMSf AfK* iijth, ifoj. 230 ROME AND GERMANY been impossible to complete the urgently required refit- ment and repair of ships in commission in the-required time. How great the danger to which the country would be exposed from these reductions in case of war is evident. - ,' ■" , ■ -; c.i i Moreovesr, whole squadrons of liseful'fightiiig ships have been abolished. . These ships would have been most useful for th^defeiic^ of our coasts and woiild have set free 'the more modem vessels for their legitimate wdrk of attacking the enemy, instead of being tied to our coasts" in a state of comparative inactivity. In other nations, Germany for instance, thiese iDlder ships are retatfred'for this purpbse. and are not withdrawn from the battle fleet until their place has been taken f by new ones. To .throw such vessels, costing miilidns sterling, upon the " scrap heajp," when they might be of incalculable service in emergency seems to' be little short of madness. V In addition to this, numbers of our ^ips have been provided with merely nucleus crews," a large number of whom are untraiiied boys, so that in the; event > of war breaking out they would be, not only unready, bbt* the men required to make up their full complement; when obtained, would be without the triaiiiing on which the efficiency of' ships • of war depend^ "and whidi was the principal secret of British viGtorieS'/: in the past. - ■ ■ It is also a serious fact that the staffs^ of thei, training .and gunriery ships- are being gradually reduced, for a more certain means for- destroying the efficiency of- the fleet could not be conceived. * The extra sixpence per diem awarded to gunners for efficiency -in shooting-has also been withdrawn, which must further tend to diminish efficiency. It. would seem that having redaiced the niunber of the ^ips of war as much aspbssible>. the objtect ''4'his depletion of our naval strength has been due td'the action of the First Sea Lord of the Admiralty, Sir John Fisher, whose policy in this, as in other matters, has been to many people imcomprCihensible, ,,^ ' See articles in the Standard, " Whittling down the Navy," May 28th, 29th, 30th, 1907. '• THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS 231 now is to take measures for weakening the efficiency of the remainder ! * Defeat ,is also being prepared for in another way. While we have a considerable preponderance of battle- ships over those of other nations, there is a most serious deficiency of cruisers, destroyers, and torpedo vessels, which are so necessarj.' for the efficiency of a fleet. A fleet composed merely of battleships, and without fast cruisers to act as scouts eirid vedettes, and a proportionate number of. destroyers and torpedo vessels, is practically at the mercy of an enemy amply provided with these auxiliaries, and, like the Russian fleet at Port Arthur, is in Hnminent danger of destruction. Moreover, with our vast trade, upon which the food supplies and very exists ence of the nation depends, numerous fast cruisers are absolutely necessary for the defence of our mercantile marine. Under these circumstances, the building of battleships only is merely a means of blinding the. nation to the intrinsic weakness of the fleet upon which the safety of the nation depends. In consequence, however, of the continued protest of the patriotic Press and its exposure of the alarming state of weakness to which the Navy had been reduced, the Government have at last refused to accede to the demaiids of their Prp-Boer supporters for further reductions, and has declared its intention of building a larger num- ber of warships, including cruisers, in the future. But the nuniber of cruisers to be commenced are wholly ' Since this was -written, the Home fleet has been rendered mora efficient, but it still consists of only twelve battleships as against the German fleet of sixteen battleships. At the same time, the Channel fleet, which had hitherto been a powerful reserve force, has been reduced to five battleships with nucleus crews, which would be perfectly useless at tlie outbreak of war. The remaining seven battleships have been attached to the Atlantic fleet, which is generally at such a distance that it would be unable to reinforca 5ie Home fleet if the latter was suddenly attacked. This redistribution of our battleships, by getting rid of the Channel fleet and stationing the whole defensive force in more or less proximity to the German ports, has made its possible overthrow, if attacked without warning, a much more simple matter for the Germans. 232 ROME AND GERMANY insufficient, and even these will take time td complete. In the meantime, the measures taken to impair' the efficiency of the fleet and to man large numbers of the vessels of the Fleet with nucleus or untrained crews still remain in force, while, owing to the reductions' in the naval dockyards, ^seven out of the fourteen battleships of the Channel fleet were a short time ago under, or await- ing repair. Are we to suppose that Germany, if she intends' to attack us, will wait until all the evil done by the anti- English party has been remedied by a powerful Imperialist Government ? Is it not evident that her sole hope of success would be to seize the moment when the efforts of the anti'English party had reduced the defences of the country to the lowest ebb, and before a patriotic Govern- ment, on its accession to power, had time to strengthen them ? This, therefore, will be the moment, and not some years hence, which will' be the most 'favourable for Germany to carry out her plans for the invasion of this country, and if so, even the feeble steps which are how being taken by the Govemmeht to increase the strength "of the British Navy may prove to be too late. Perhaps some of the enemies in our midst know that this will be the case, and have therefore no objections to any efforts which mzynow be made to remedy our navabweakness. In the meantime, our programme for building armoured •hips has been reduced, and for the yeats 1966 to 1909 it 16 actually less than that of Germany, who; duiihg^that' period, will build 183,430 tons to Great Britain's 150,800 tons. This, including the loss of the Montague, 14,000= tons, will make Germany's excess no l^ss than 47,000 tons. During the same period Germany ,, will build thirty-six destroyers to Great Britain's twenty-four. Besides this, Germany has comnienced her building programme for each year ^t the beginning of the year, while the building of our ships has been, and is being, unaccpuntably delayed, so that Germany is practically one year's prograinme in advance of usi When it is considered that many of our ships are under- THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS 233 ittanined ; that on the score of economy the personnel of the Navy has beea reduced by 3,000 men ; that on the same iplea many seamen are kept on shore where they are losing their seamanship, while in other ways their efficiency is being reduced ; that the naval stores are being- used up without being replaced;^ and that, on account of reductions in the naval dQckya.rds, repairs can be done so slowly that a large proportion of our shipSiaire ineffective ; it is evident that everything is being done, in comphance with the demands of the anti-English party, to ensure naval disaster should our Home .fleet be suddenly and unexpectedly attacked a year or two hence by the whole naval fQrce of Germany. Is it not also to be feared that those who are preparing the way for the subjugation of the nation and the ruin of the Empire may be reserving their final stroke for render- - ing the country defenceless to >the last ? ' Such would be the despatch of the Atlantic Fleet, through their secret influence, and on the plea, of threatened, and perhaps prearranged, trouble in the East, to the Mediterranean. The way being thus cleared, Germany, also on some prc' arranged pretence, ' might declare war and, without any warning, make a night attack with her numerous torpedo vessels on the scattered and unprepared vessels of our Home fleet, and this attack, if only pairtially successful, '1 would probably so cripple our fleet as to render it wholly unable to withstand the subsequent attack of the already superior German fleet. As might be expected, the party who are engaged in depleting the defences of the country and leaying it exposed to foreign invasion, absolutely repudiate the danger of invasion. As in the caseof the evidences of Boer conspiracy and treachery, they meet the clearest evidences of German hostihty and ambition with blunt denials, and raise altogether false issues by proving, what every one ' See letter by Imperial Maritime League, Nat. Review, ' June, igo8, and letter by Mr. Lord, Standard,' Septemher 8th, iigbSj • According to a well-informed writer in the National Review, Germany's ultimatum declaring war with this country is already prepared. See Ignotus, National Review, October, 1908,. p. aoa. 234 ROME AND GERMANY knows, that Germany has no justifiable cause of enmity against Great Britain, while they entirely ignore the enormous incentive to German ambition in the fact that a successful invasion of Great Britain would give to Ger- many, at little risk to herself, the Empire of the world. They wholly ignore also the bitter hostility that has broken out throughout Germany on former occasions, and the fact that it is the avowed policy of thie leaders of the war party in that country to repress any evidence of that hostility for the present, and therefore the Pro-Germans in this country do what they can to assist that policy by pointing to Germany's present assurances of peace and by laughing to scorn any danger from German ambition. On the same principle, they condenm, with a show of much indignation, those in this country who have drawn attention to the evidences of German hostility and ambition, and the danger with which this country is threatened, and pretend that, by warning the country of this danger and urging it to put its defences in order, they are inciting, the angar of the Germans and creatiiig the very hostility they deprecate I Anything more false can hardly be conceived. The Germans might indeed fear lest these warnings should have the effect of rousing the British nation from its lethargy and of thus defeating their ambitious designs, and it is probable that this is the real cause of the indignation of certain Pro-Germans in this country towards any one who utters these warnings. Their efforts, aided by the whole Pro-Boer Press, ' secular and religious, * to blind the nation to the danger, have been so far successful that a very large number of people, including many who have their country's welfare at • The religious Pro- Boer Press includes various Protestant : jo^irnals which, while Opposing the saicerdotalism of Romie, seem to be wholly ignorant of her equally deadly political aims. When it is considered, however, that the control of the Press is an object to which the Jesuits devote theirchief energies, it is highly probable that the Protestantism of some of these journals is merely a cloak under cover of which they advocate principles and measures CRlfulated to prepare the way for the accomplishment of Rome's ambit ioQ. THE ANTI-ENGLANDERS 235 heart, have come to-the condusion that there is nothing to be feared for the present, and have joined in the general expressions of belief in German, friendship. In so doing, they are aiding .the poliqy of, their country's enemies and ; making:4t, easier for them^ to. carry out further suicidal "economies." Yet the. bitter hostility which: was aroused against this country throughout the whole of Germany, by. meaps of slanders and misrepresentations, at, the time, of the Boer war, shows how ea^y. it might be again inflamed to a; white heat by means of similar agencies and means "at the time appointed." Moreover, the sud4en outburst of German hostility, in April, 1907, ought to haveppened people's eyes to the fires which still slumber beneath the present surface of . amity and peace. , Nothing is more ominous than the general blindness of the nation to the threatened daaiger, for, both in nations and individuals, it would seem to be the invariable precursor of judgment and calamity. " Quem Deus vult perdire primus dementis " may prove to be as applicable to Britain in 1910-11 as it was to France in 1870-71. For, as in the case of Britain at the present moment, the majority of the French nation, for some years previous to the invasion, had despised every warning of those who foresaw the coming storm, and, in spite of the efforts and protests of the Emperor and others, had systematic- ally cut down the army and undermined its efficiency, and thus prepared the way for their country's crushing defeat and humiliation. Our most deadly enemies are those who exist secretly in our midst. The educated Roman Catholics of Great Britain are, as a rule, loyal and patriotic and whoUy opposed to the pohtical and anti-Enghsh designs of Rome and the Jesuits, ^ but the Englishman who has become a Jesuit ceases to be an Englishman save in name; patriotism, and even other natural affections, cease to have any influence on him ; his whole mind and energies are absorbed in the aggrandizement of his own order ' As was the case in the reign of Elizabeth. See ante, page 38. 236< ROME AND GERMANY ■ and of the prieStliood of Rome, and htis even willing' to hunible' his country td the' dust in the interests of RoiJie; It is said that the late notofiotts Pro-Boer, Sir Wilfrid' Lawson> the determined supporter of everything for weakening his country's power and defences, obtainted hi* seat in Parliament entirely through the Roman CatWdlics, chiefly 'Irish' ' Nationalists, who voted' solid for him. Therefore aS it' is ijie priests who cibntS-blthe Roirita CathoMc"- vote, it shows that, whether -cbhsciouslj^-ot' unconsciously. Sir Wilfrid Lawson was fhfe 'selected agent of ""Rome 'for carr57ing out her policy. • It is probable, however, that the majority of the a^ti^ Englanders are people'whbse vanity, envy, and mahce, or gteed and am'bition, or rhistaken piety, have been so worked upon by secret agents of the., Jesuits, either- indirectly, or by their own personal influence, that they have become their ignorant, biit none the less willing £tnd' effective tools. On the other hand, we caii hardly doubt that apiong these anti-Englanders there are members, or affiliated members, of the lesmt Society. CHAPTER XI The An-ti-Engi,anders and 3fpE Revolutiunists f;'. IT is of importance to note that .the principal syppopters \, of the Bro'-Boeis an4 aniti-Englanders a,re. Socialists, Anarchists, ..^d. even, ; the criminal, classes, and it, bfijcomes m,pjre and more evident every dfiy, that the aims ; of the; leading Pro-Boers, or of those who directtheir policy, are essentially-revolutionary, viz.,.the destnjbtjpn- of the Empire and the institutions of the country. Their aims and sjrmpathies being thus, identicaliwith thppe of tli% Socialist^ and Anarchists, we find that these were stheir : most enthusiastic supporters during the- South; African ,war. •■.-.: 'm;'. ■ ,■„ , ■ ,.Mr. Arthur Goodrich, who is, well acquainted with. the Anarchists and Socialists pf, London, wrote, in 1901 :. " There is one subject on wliich I can speak with - authority, and that is the composition of the ,' Little Englander ' party in this country. 'The ' Concihation Comnjiittpe,' ^^rad the ' Stop-therWar , Committee,' would have us belieyje that, their ticket audiences are comprised, of, highly cpnscientiptis people, who, placing honesty, justice, and aU the. rest of it abpve politics,, look upon;;the present war with hpifror. Mr. Courtney and his. friends may .believe this, .^ut. if they do, they: are wrong. The i^ajprity of, persons who sp frantically cheer Messrs. Courtney and Stead at .their pjeetings, are, Anarchists, , Socialists, and discontented foreigners. How do .1 know. them ? Because I have- been to Prp-Bqer n^eetings and seen them.( , 1 ^ ' ■)' -..i 1' < ' f ' i • "The meeting. at the Queen's Hall, about \yhich so much fuss was made, considering it was held in the sma^L * 337 238 ROME AND GERMANY hall, was literally packed \yith Socialists and Anarchists. They knew me and I knew them! Indeed I may say that no one knows the Anarchists and Socialists of London better than myself . A few years ago I delivered a series of lectures against the principles of Socialism, which at that time had not been found out. The general public seldom put in an appearai!ice, but the Socialists and Anarchists invariably mustered in strong force. " Like the gfeneral public, I have often wondered' who the Little Englanders really are ; but it was not until I attended One of Mr. Cburtney's meetings' that I leamt.]^^ Looking round on -entering I -discovered thai nearly all the aiudience were^ known to me. ' Amazed to find the Cohtfnehtd,l Press chronicling meetings composed bf Socialists and Anarchists as the protest' of honest #tizens, I went to other Pro-Boer meetings. In every case Socialists and Anarchists formed the bulk of the aiadience, aiid the support they accord Mr. Courtney and his friends is, not because they belidve the war to be one of greed, but because they want to see the country dragged into a Continental war." ^ This, as we hav6 sefen, was the object of Rome at the time. ' Whether, therefore, the Pro-Boers and Socialists were the secret aUies, or the ignorant tools of Rome, they were doing all in their power to ensure the success of her ambition. The intimate relationship of the Pro-Boers to these revolutionary classes was made still more evident by the S3mipathy betrayed by them for Anatchists when th* public ' indignation excited against the latter, by the niurdet- of Mr. McKihIey, produced a general outcry for their stern suppression ; and the Daily Teligraph called attention to the significance 'Vphich attached to the efforts of the Pro-Boers at that time " to 'deprecate any systetnatic attempt to suppress anarchial priPpagdndi^m" '" W6 are told " (by the Pro-BderS), ^^ays the Daily Telegraph, " almost in so many words, that it is better' that an * Letter. of Arthiir doodrich, St. James's Ganette, April i6th 1901. ' A^TI-ENGLANDERS AND REVOLUTIONISTS 239 occasional ruler should be assassinated than that the reactionary police should be armed with powers to stamp -out anarchism."* The Pro-Boers have not indeed advocated murder for the attainment of their ends, as that would too plainly deny their pretence of Christian' piety ; but they approved, or excused the treachery and the murders perpetrated by th« Boers, and rejoiced at our reverses and the slaughter of our soldiers ; and it is only too evident that although their weapons may be different, yet that their general aims and sjnnpathies were the same as those of the revolutionary classes who supported them. ' Their alliance with the criminal classes is equally evident. The Emperor of Austria at the time of the Boer war remarked : " Why, all the tag-rag and bobtail of Europe seem to be banded against England ! " And a Viennese paper, Die Informatione, said : " As in the war with Prussia, Napoleon had all the German criminals on his side, so, at the present moment, the great army of the diclassh, the whole of the international demimonde, is mobilized against England. Wherever there is a cashiered officer, an expelled official, he is psychically or morally to be found in the anti-English camp. That the murderer Brusewitz should have placed his sword at the disposal of the Boers is more than -a. mere chance, it is, s© to speak, a psychological necessity .... all the reactionaries and absolutists on the one hand, and all the revolutionaries and red-republicans on the other, are anti-English." * The Daily News also remarks : " It cannot be questioned that in France, at least, Orleanists, anti-Semites, and the Strolche in general, to use the Imperial phrase, are arrayed on the side of the Boers. Anti-Semitism, indeed, seems to have invaded even our own Pro-Boer enthusiasts."' Great Britain is the one power in the whole world which is pre-eminently the home of true freedom and the Upholder of law and order, so that the justice and ' Dmily Telegraph, September lath, 1901. • Daily News, February a6th, 1900. » Ibid. 240 ROME AND GERl^IANY . ; . generosity of her rule has evoked the honest admiration of just men in other countries. To quote the calm con- clusion of an American writer; "English rule in r the Tropics has been the rule, of a just, law-abiding people. Greater far than, any glory that has beeatiiwon by English arms are the triumphs of English justice and, orde.r. and arts of peace._ Wherever England has gone ^she has carried the majesty of the law. Men live in-Egypt^ at the, Cape, arid India under a jurisprudence which recog- nizes! no caste..: The adventurer goes ,to Capetown, but the njagistrat? goes ,also. . The DutGhman remains under English rule, but becomes the .political equal of any Englishijian.^. Under that rule, lifej. liberty, and property in savage countries hav« been secure, and the world is better for the object-lesson and the even and exact justice which has been taught by England's example." ^ Yet it is, this country which \is the object of the hatred of th^ leading • Pro-Boers, Socialists, Anarchists, and the criminal classes generally, as well as of Rome and the Jesuits. Whatever their, minor differences they are ail united in theii; desire to weaken its power ,and effect its overthrow. It would seem indeed that it is jrust because Great Britain is the home of Kberty and.justice that they hate her. But Great Britain is also the, champion of the Bible and Protestantism, while Rome is the uncompromis- ing enemy of both, and every thorough Socialist and aU Anarchists ^are, bitter opponents of Christianity. It is evident, therefore, that this animosity against, Christian truth is the underlying cause of Socialist and Jesuit hatred to Protestant Britain. It rnarks their true character. . They are not on the side of righteousness but of unrighteousness. We must, conclude that this is equally the,charactei:^tic of. th^ leading Prp-Boers who are identified with these classes in their hatred of Britain. In fact, it will probably be found that, in proportion as people are animated, not by mere intellectual unbelief, but- by actual hostility* to the Woird ,of God and to true reUgion, so are they instinctively attracted by an anti-English poUcy and l;ielp » Harper's Weekly, New York. - ANTI-ENQLANDERS AND. REVOLUTIONISTS 241 to swell the ranks of those who, in more or less, ignorance, are serving as tools of the Jesuits for the ruin of their country. They may repudiate Romanism, but although ,,they may ,npt . recognize the fact, they are the natural allies of Rome. . , . . '•:,„ ; Aniongst them, however,, we must include the followers of a .religion of sentiment and cant, based upon the letter, or the perverted, meaning, of a few passages of Scripture. For such persons have no love;of the truth, but . reject, or explain awaj', every jSassage and warning which- .interferes • with their false confidence, and affe.as truly hostile to the truth" as its more open enemies.^ ; ; j.i : , . „ ni There is another feature, in the. policy of the anti- , .Euglanders which .indicates that their aims- are: identical with those of the Jesuits. The., purpose, of the Jesuits is to stir up revolution in the countries opposed to. them by secretly working upon < the./ discontent of the- . masses.. Any . measure, therefore, which would tend to ameliorate the condition of the working-classes, or reduce the number of unemployed and the con- seqijent discontent, would be strongly opposed by the secret agents of the Jesuits, while, on the other hand, they would take every means to increase that discontent, ,. i,. • J :This also; appears to he more 'or less the policy of the -5S?iti-Bnglish party which virtually controls the policy^ of the Government. For instance, the discharge of so many thousands of workmen froiij Woolwich Arsenal and from the naval dockyards has been productive of much suffering ^and discontent., SO' also the placing of the contract for the Arniyi.!horse-shoes in America, instead of among the British firms which had hitherto madeithemv took from Etritish workmen another sburce of employment, and as it is asserted that- the American shoes were not only greatly inferior, but that. they could have been supphed just as cheaply hy! the British firms, the plea of economy is a doubtful exciise. As jemarked by a fnember of the Laljour » S«e Chapter viii, pp. j8j-i88. ' . i 242 ; ROME AND GERMA>fy Congress on September 3rd; 1907, when referring to this, " The cl9.im of the Government to be a friend of labour is a farce." * Under the new aliens law of the present Government the numbers of aliens who have entered Great Britain have greatly increased, and these by underselling British labour have deprived British workmen of employment as well as ruined many small traders. The withdrawal of the shilling per ton duty on coal for «xport has led to large purchases for foreign consumption, which has had the effect of seriously raising the price in this country of a commodity which is such an indispens- able necessity to the poor, and cannot fail to increase the amount of distress aanong them in severe weather i The measure has also had a most depriessing effect on trade and on employment,' For many industries have been obUged to reduce their output and dismiss large numbers of their workmen, because the increased price of coal has made the cost of production so great as to be no longer remunerative. It is a measure^ therfefore, which is calculated to greatly increase the discontent in the working-classes, and this is the particular aim of the Socialist and revolutionary agitators with whom the anti-English party appears to be closely allied> In addition to this, the measure has sacrificed, solely for the benefit of the foreigners, revenue at the rate of over three millions per annum, hitherto paid by the foreigner. For the coal exported in 1907 was sixty- three millions of tons. • In the face of this, it would look as if the plea of economy for weakening the defences of the country was a mere pretence, for whatever saving has been effected by this means has been sacrified by the withdrawal of the coal tax. We may also mention the " Employers' Liability " Act in its application to domestic servants, or to any one regularly employed. It cannot fail to cause great distress among many of the middle and lower classes, who would f » Mr. Dyson. Report in the DdUy Exprus, September 4th, 1907.. • "The National Deficit," Dettty Exprm, January 31st, 1908. ANTI-ENGLANDERS AND REVOLUTIONISTS 243 be ruined if they had to pay for the maintraiance of servants injured or disabled while in their service. The extreme latitude given by the Act to claimants, who are allowed to make claims six months after they have leftthe service of their employers, as well as other opportunities for maldng false claims, and the uncertainty as to who may make these. , claims, must also produce constant costly litigation, which the householder of small means would be unable to meet. The liabilities to which employers are exposed by the Act wiU also cause them to avoid giving employment whenever they, can do so, and to be very careful as to whom they employ. This has already greatly reduced employ- ment eind added to the general discontent. It is right that employers of large numbers of workmen* engaged in more or less dangerous occupations, should make provision for those who are injured in their service, and the magnitude of their business enables them to do this without serious inconvenience. But in the case of the ordinary servant, the danger of injury or disablement is no greater than if he or she were working in their own homes, and the introduction of the principle into the domestic circle, where the liabihty incurred cannot be met in a large number of cases, must not only produce the greatest distress, but must tend to generate distrust and alienation between masters and servants and to set class against class — and this is the aim of the Jesuits. It appears to be equally the policy of the Pro-Boers and anti-Englanders to oppose any measure which promises to decrease the suffering and discontent of the working- classes. Their opposition to Tariff Reform is an instance of this. There are many honest people who are opposed to Tariff Reforrn. Free Trade is the trajditional policy of their party, and although it no longer exists in the sense in which it was originally understood, they support the term as a party Shibboleth without considering the changes that have taken place. The question of Tariff Reform has also been so confused by conflicting state- ments that it is difficult for many people to judge of its 244 ROME AND GERMANY merits, while others have heafd biily one side of ihS question. H, however, the_,ques1:ion was merely one 'of political econofny on which people might b^' expected to differ, it' vi^ould not be necessary to refer to it hete. But it ' is riiuch morethan this. The supporters of Tariff Reform' are called by "their opponents Tories, and Conservatives, T)ut the terms are niisapplied. There are, no doubt, a certaih number of" Tories and' even some Roman Catholics 'who siipport Tariff Reform, but the great bnlk of its advocates are Liberals of the' old type anxious to promote Reform arid the welfare of the people, and to relieve the distress consequent' on the want of employftierit, which they believe, whether' rightly or wrongly. Would be' 'greatly decreased by protecting British Industries against Imfair foreign competition. They are conservative only in their oppositi6n to' actual 'irevolution' and in their- desire to' c6ns6lidate the Empire and defend the country against foreign aggression. ■ • , ■ ( On the other hand, the term "Liberal" is equally misapplied to many of their opponents who have nothing in corrinion with the old Liberal party, but are the sup- porters of Socialism and revolution, encouragers of sedi- tion and rebellion both at home and abroad, "frierids of every enemy of Great- Britain, and would, if they could, strip the country of its defences' and leave it Open to foreign aggression. At the same time, they are, without exception, advocates of Home Rule for Ireland, an essentially Jesuit agitdtion for pladng that country under the powef of tlie Rornish priesthood, knd are the opponents of all Protestkhi and siipportei's of all Rdimaft' CathoUc legislation.^^ They are,' in "short, whether - consciously or ■unconsciously, carrying ''dtit in every detail'the policy of the Jesuits fot the ruin of tlfeir country. Novv^'one of the principal objects ^f the Jesuits is to work upon and increase the discontent of the masses in order to bring about revolution. When, therefore, we see men who have shown themselves tb be consistently ' See Chapter xvii. -. . , ANTI^NGLANDERS AND REVOLUTIONISTS 24s enemites oi their own country and friends of Romanisra, bitterly ; apposing a measure which is professfedly fofi the relief of that discontefit, we: are forced to 'conclude that their oj^osifion to it is due to the fact that' they reoogriize that it would do so; ' and that they are either adlies, or. the ignorant tools of secrfet Jesuits in their midst who,' by faJlacies tod misrepresentations^ inflame their; passions and direct their'policy. This is also' con- firmed by the fact that, as in the case of the falsehoods and calumnies by which they got into power, they have csnfeistiaitly made use of misrepresentation and exaggera- tion in their oppositioh to iTariff Reform. . I' On the face of it, Fiscal Reform is for the benefit of the working-classes, for the protection of those industries which are essentially. British and characteristic of British genius andx resources of' the country. Ae long as other countries adopted Free Trade, Free Trade and free competition were economically sound. But Free Trade ceased to exist when every other country protecteddts own industries and made it impossible for the working-nien in this cotttitiy to compete with them ori equal terms. Moreover; employers of labour in foreign* countries under' protection were not only, able to undei;sell goods imported from this country and obtain; sole praseSsion of the markets of their own country; but, after having made, ample T»rofits by this means, it was well worth their, while to sell their goods at httle over cost, price in, oversea markets which had hitherto been sup- plied by British manufacturers, and even in Britain itself, in i order to undersell the British producer. ■. By this means, they would not only capture these markets, but gradually weaken or destroy the British industries which would be unable to compete with them at such unremunerative pricesj > . • This, is -what has been, and is being done by the great ptotfected icountriesj .» Germany ' and the United States, who have,' by this means, captured imarkets which, had previously been British, and the process is still going on. Now it is evident that, if many of the great British 246 ROME AND GERMANY^ industries were destroyed or greatly diminished in volume, the wealth of the country would be reduced in a like proportion, and the state of the British who were once the great manufacturing people of the world, wpuld gradually become httl^ better, as far as wealth and pur- chasing power are concerned, than that of a savage race dependent on the mere produce of the soil. This is a sufificient answer to the argument of free- traders who pretend that the evil of the dumping procesa of protected countries, by which a British industry is; weakened or destroyed, is neutralized by the fact, that the British purchaser would be enabled to buy goods cheaperr than they can be produced : in this country. But the reduced price would be merely temporary, while the steady reduction in the wealth ol the country by the destruction of its industries must in time so reduce the purchasing . power of the people that even the cheapest goods would be beyond their power to buy. The manifest way of rectifying*^ this would be to place such a tax on those foreign protected goods which under- sell essentially British industries as would make tiie competition between the foreign and British workmen fair and equal. This would, in effect, be to restore the conditions of mutual free trade. Such a course would not only lead to a great development of British industries and greatly increase the demand for British labour, but these taxes, being paid by the foreigner, would con- siderably increase the revenue of the nation, and not only ^ relieve the British taxpayer and furnish funds for the betterment of the working-classes, but enable the country to provide for its efficient defence and leave no excuse for reducing its Army and Navy, its fortifications and armaments. Such a policy seems, on the face of it, to be so reason- able and fair, and to promise such great benefits ta the British working-classes, that it might be supposed it would at least have received a fair hearing and full con- sideration. But the good results which it promised would be the very antithesis of anti-English policy, and from ANTI-ENGLANDERS AND REVOLUTIONISTS 247 the first it has been bitterly opposed by the leading •Socialists and by every anti-Englander and Pro-Boer, not by fair argument, but by misrepresentation, exaggera- tion, and invective. In order to obtain the support of the masses and inflame class hatred against the measure, the opponents of Tariff Reform to whom we refer have spread abroad the statement that it was a device of the Tories for the benefit of capitahsts and employers of labour. This statement is exactly similar to that made use of by the Pro-Boers at the time of the South African war for the purpose of encouraging the Boers and weakening the British Government, viz., that the war was got up by, and undertaken in the interests of, capitalists. In both cases the statements were cleverly calculated to appeal to the lower classes, who, often suffering from want and rebeUing against their lot and regarding with envy their more prosperous countr57men, are only too ready to beUeve the' fallacy that the rich are the cause of the poverty of the poor. For they do not consider that as long as men exist with varying degrees of capacity, health, energy, and mental intelligence and are subject to constant vicissitudes of good and bad fortune, there must, of necessity, be a richer and a pogrer. a higher and a lower class. Both statements have in consequence been eagerly accepted by numbers, including many who, sympathizing with the poor and looking only at the superficial side of the question, were equally ready to accept the faHacy ; and it is this statement with regard to the pretended originators oi Tariff Reform that may be said to be the chief cause of the opposition tp the measure. But both statements are equally false, and from their similarity there can be httle doubt that both emanated from the same source, viz., that which spread abroad, both iii this country and on the Continent the other falsehoods and calumnies respecting the Boer war and Chinese slavery. In the first'place it is not the employers but the work- men who have cliiefly suffered from the decay of British industries owing to the competition of protected countries. 248 ROME AND GERMANY The employer is able to transfer his capital to other industries when this or that British industry threatens to fail, or he can transfer the industry itself to foreign pro- tected countries, where he is able to obtain the profits he was unable to obtain in this country. This is exactly what has been done in many cases, and capital which, if spent in England, would have provided employijient fof British workers,, has been transferred to other countries and ha« contributed to their wealth and prosperit5rr On the other hand, the British workman, trained to a particular sort of work, cannot do this, and must either ■take some Jess remunerative employment for which he is not fitted, or starve. - The pretence, in short, of the supporters of Free Trade, that if an industry was destroyed- the workmen engaged in it would easily find other employment, was decisively liegatived in the case of the discharged workmen from Woolwich Arsenal. The Daily ExpressmdLA& the greatest efforts to -obtain empl057ment for them in private work- shops, such as Armstrong and Co., Vickers, etc., but in every case the reply received was that they could hardly find employment for their own workmen. The result has been that the most highly-skilled of the discharged men who could afford to do so have emigrated to foreign countries, and the others are reduced to & state •:■:■ i ■ - Jt is difficult to see what reasonable objection coujd be rnadeto these proposals; while ■ the gireat Imperial advan- tages ito lie, gained by them would; seem to xecon^mend them to every Englishman who desired' the weltEajre. and prosperity of his nation and; Empire ;, and the import- ance of the closer union with the ; Colonies would be especially evident to those who recognize- in the^fenvy and jealousy With which .Great Britain is regarded by so many foreign nations, and in those outbujgts 'Of hostility wh'ich at different times have brought- her to the . verge of war, a serious danger, and, the possibility in the near future of a hostile con^bination against her. _ But, on this very account we njight expect tl\at those who aim at weakening their country's power would do all .they could to. oppose a measure which would, so greatly ephanse its p«wsr'aa: I But what is it that binds the people-., of a: country (together, that niakes the natutalized foreigner wholly English in his sympathies, and in a generation or two makes ^ose who have settled in the country as English, or more so, than the. English themselves 5: Is it not the recognition that;itheir. ainis and, interests: are identical, and that in defence of those interests they must' stand shoulder to shoulder ? Take away this identity of interest on the part of Britain . and her Colonies, or let their interests in some one point be diametrically opposed; and they must eventually «Jtift apart. This was illustrated by the case of: the Northern and Southern States of the American Republic when, in spite of racial and even family ties, their antagonistic views and interests on the slavery question produced the most" bitter hostility, separation; and civil: war. i • But if th^ object of the Socialists and anti-Englandors is io weaken and disintegrate the Empire, it was only natural that they should oppbse a measure which would so greatly tend to strengthen and consolidate it. ;In'thair violent advocacy of Free Trade tliey were fully aware of 254 ROME AND GERMANY the statement made by Cobden, the Apdstle of Free Trade. " The Colonial System," he wrote, " with all its dazzling appeals to the passions of the people, can never be got rid of except by the indirect process oj Free Trade, which will gradually and imperceptibly loose the bands which unite our Colonies to us."^ .'■;;.' There is some lexcuse for the views held by Cobden half a century ago, when our weak Colonies seemed- to be only an encumbrance. But now that these Colonies have become flourishing nations' and the strength and very existence of the British Empire is seen to depend on Imperial Union, those who consistently oppose every- thing which would consolidate that Union can only be animated by enmity to the Empire and the desire for its idownfall. i We have seen that the purpose of the Jesuits is to foment sedition and revolution in every country which stands in the way 'of their ambition. It is therefore significant that, with the advent of a Government arid Parliament a large portion of whom are supporters of an anti-English and revolutionary pbhcy; rebellion and sedition, entirely the work of agitators, should have brolcen out simultaneously in all the most important portions of our Empire — in South Africa (Natal), in Egypt, and in India-^and that these risings have received the undisguised sympathy of the anti-Englanders and Socialists in Britain. It indicates that the aims of the Jesuits and those of the "Empire wreckers" and Revolutionists in this country are identical. ' We have shown reasons for concluding that the Zulu rising was due to Jesuit action, and -ilthough there is little doubt that the Egyptian sedition was the work of Turkish agitators backed up by their German allies, yet it is hardly conceivable that Jesuits should haVe taken no part in creating a sedition in such accordance with their policy, and which they would have been well able to do in the disguise of Turks or Eg5^iians. * Quoted" by Daily Bxpreasl February aist, 1907. ANTI-ENGLANDERS AND REVOLUTIONISTS 355 British rule in Egypt has been just,. wise, and bene- ficent, and for the interests of the country and its people. By its means, Egypt has been raised from a state of barbarism and penury to one of wealth and prosperity, from a state in which the down-trodden Fellaheen were half-starved, oppressed, and robbed of their slender earnings by grasping Pashas, to one of liberty in which they enjoy the fruits of their labour in 'peace, protected by British law from all extortion and injustice, ^yhile they are steadily growing in affluence in consequence of the vast improvements in irrigation and agriculture made by the British Government. Would it not seem the grossest ingratitude for them to turn against the hand that had nourished them ? Would it not also be the greatest folly ? For, what could they expect, if Turkish and Egyptian officials replaced the British, but a return to the old system of tyranny, bribery, and extortion from which they had j?een re- deemed ? This is fully recognized by enlightened Egyptians who, while desirous of doing all that is possible to educate and improve the people, support British rule as the best for Egyptian interests ; protest against the agitators who are trying to incite the people to rise against the Government ; deny their claims to represent the Eg3'ptian people'; and urge that " // the kirns of the agitators wert realized, Egypt would revert td that state of tyranny, eorrtipiion, and despotism which prevailed prior, to the British occupation." * Tliere was nothing spontaneous in this rebellion against British rule. It was due solely to the few agitators who, in strict accordance with Jesuit methods, worked upon the passions of the ignorant Fellaheen and strove to sow discontent among them. The occupatiqp of Egypt gives command of the Red Sea route to India, and is therefore of great importance to the British Empire. It is certain, therefore, that the Jesuits would not fail to seize the opportunity afforded « Address by Mohammed Wahid to Sir Edward Grey. The Standard, July 33rd, 1907. 35« ROME ANp GERMANY them mi weakening that Empire by stirring up sedition in Egypt directly they could be assured of the support of a powerful party in England devoted to their policy. That support is now •^being given, and in spite of the protest of honest Egyptians against the agitators in Egypt, a banquet in honour of these agitators was given not long ago by the leading anti-Englanders and Sociahsts in this country, i • ' Jesuits have been found in the disgiiise of Indian fakirs and Brahmin and Buddhist priests, as in the case of the Jesuits De Nobilii and Andrew Schall,'^ aiid we may presume therefore that, under the cover of these disguises, there may be Jesuits among the agitators of the Bengali rising in India, carrying out there also their fixed puf- pose, viz., to bring about the gradual disintegration of the British Empire.' In short, the gross caluihnies made use of for the promotion of sedition in India, such as the poisoning of the wells by the Government, and the (Ks- tribution of pills containing plague germs in order to spread the disease, are strictly in accordance with Jesuit ratethods. * The Bengali plan of campaign was — ist, "to make British rule in India as unpopular as possible by spreading broadcast, by speeches, by perambulating missionaries," and in writing, misrepresentations, and falsehoods about eur administration and ourselves." 2nd, " To excite the ignorant masses to such a pitch that the Government wotdd be forced to take action and thereby lay itself open to ' charges of despotic and Russian methods," 3rd, " To foment discontent, to such an extent that our rule "woiild become unpopular, but to limit the discontent to the portions of India under English administration, while the native states remained peaceful-ahd contented." Finally, " When this had been accomplished, to obtain » Daily Express, July 23rd, 1907. . ! . , •" The Secret History of Romaftisin," pp. ago-aga. * A man of the ch^iracter of the notorious KHshnavafma, W^6 has spread every sort of falsehood and paluinny against the|British in India, and who was the idstigatof of the miirder of , Sir Curzon Wylie, would be a perfect tool in the hands of the Jesuits. ANTI-ENGLANDERS AND REVOLUTIONISTS '257 the "support of English Radicals and persuade tBem to transfer the administration of India to natives." , In the Punjab, however, where the peeple have always been most faithful to the British and have no appreciation of the doctrine " India for the Indians," other methods were used. It was there that the stories about spreading the plague and the poisoning of the wells were chiefly circulated. "A set of emissaries wandered about the villages \ persuading the ignorant countrymen, whose credulity is a byword, that the plague which was scouring the Pimjab was directly spread and fostered by the Gov^ment with a view* of reducing the population; the Englishman's well-known immunity from the disease 'being advanced as a proof of his power to create or prevent it at will." ^ What has been said about Egypt equally applies to India. India has prospered under British rule. The 'tyranny, oppression, ind corruption from which the people suffered under their native rulers no' longer £xist. Equal justice is administered to Englishmen and Indians, ahke ; the sacrifice of. hving wives at the death of their husbcinds has been put a^stop to ; murder which ran riot in the old days has been greatly suppressed ; the industries and trades and the agricultural resources of .the country have been enormously developed, and the social state of the whole population has been raised. If the British Government was replaced by native rulers, the country would speedily relapse to its previous state of misery and misrule. For, although there may be exceptions among some of the educated Hindus, yet bribery, corruption, and oppression are so engrained in the Oriental mind that they would certainly become ram- peftit again if the power to exercise them was bestowed upon native rulers.. The febellion aga!nst British rule in India has been produced by the sa,me methods as in Egypt, viz.,- by sigitators who have made use of every kind of- falsehood and misrepresentation to inflame the passions and exciti » Letttr 1»y " Aatl«-I«4i»ii " 1* The St*Hdard, July sqth, igof. 358 ROME AND GERMANY the discontent of the ignorant masses, while, as in the case of Egypt, they did not commence their agitation until they c6uld count uppn the support of their anti-English and Socialist allies in Great Britain; who have made use of precisely the same methods for setting the masses against the upper classes in Britain itself. There is, in short, such uniformity of principle and method in the means used to excite sedition and rebellion throughout t}ie British Empire that it indicates combined and concerted action. We find also the Socialist, Mr. Keir Hardie, tising similar means for fanning^ the discontent in India, as when he (;o!i";pared the effwts of the police to suppress the native riots and protect the lives and properties of peaceful citizens, to the lust, rapine, and murder which characterized the Armenian atrocities ! It is only natural that we should ask, " Who are these people who are so faithfully supporting and carrying out the policy and ambition of Rome and the Jesuits, -and where do they get the funds to enable them to do so ? " It is remarkable that among these agitators in India ' there should be certain Japanese religipnists like Mr. Harada Tasiikii, who told. a number of educated Hiridus that he strongly syinpathized ^ith them, and hoped the day would come when India would be an independent "and self-governed country, that is, when British rule had been overthrown. ^ Now the Japanese are our warm friends and allies, and have not only eve"ry reason to be grateful to us for our friendship during' the crisis through which they passed in their war with Russia, but, con- sidering the enmity with which they are regarded by such formidable opponents as Germany and Russia, not to speak of their growing difficulties with the United States, it is evident that our alliance must be of paramount importance to them. , They would therefore be the last people, either to forfeit our friendship, or to weaken our power, by stirring up sedition and rebellion in India. " We are forcecl therefore to conclude that Mr. Harada Tasuku and other Japanese religionists are exceptions to the rest » " Another View of Japaai)"- aiticle in Daily J^ail^ June 3rd, 1907. ANTI-ENGLANDERS AND REVOLUTIONISTS "isg, and must have fallen under some outside influence hostile to us, and this, together with the fact that they, are religionists, the class alv/ays made use. of by the Jesuits, suggests that this hostile influence must enianate from that Society. Moreover, -nothing would be more in aCtordance with the purpose of the Jesuits than to create discord between Great Britain and Japan. It is significant that the Bengali rising was arranged to take place on the Jubilee anniversary of the commence- ment of the Indian mutiny in 1857. It has always been believed by many people that the Jesuits were chiefly resppnsible for the sedition in India at that time. That rising was also brought about by falsehoods spread by agitators who represented the English as engaged in a plot for the destruction of the cherished caste of the Hindu troops by forcing them to contaminate themselves with bullocks' fat. The Jesuit origin of the rebellion is also indicated by the fact that when Napoleon III. (at tftSt time England's firm friend) offered to assist us in putting ^doym the . revolt with French troops "and to expedite the transit tif British reinforcements by allowing them a free passage throiigh France, (he Ultramontane clergy implored him to intervene in favour of the Sepoys and to seize the moment of our weakness and calamity to drive us out of India. ^ When then we see similar falsehoods and misrepresentations repeated in an exaggerated form, not only in India, but by Irish Roman Catholics, as in the inflammatory letter of Mr. O'Donnel to the Indian Sociologist, we can hardly doubt that Rome and the Jesuits are at the bottom of the present agitation. Ireland, Egypt, India, and South Africa are evidently the most important portions of the British dominion where, by stirring up sedition and rebellion, the power and prestige of the Empire could be most effectually weakened, and it would seem that the sedition, in India especially, has been fomented with the object of inducing * See Pamphlet by -Montalembert, Un debat sur L'lnde, in which the autlior strongly condemns the action of these clericals and exposes ifs wickedness, a«« ROMS ANB lailMANY US to send additional troops there and still further weaken our Home Army, in order to ensure the success of a German Invasion. These seditions, in short, appear to be due to a wide- spread conspiracy to effect tjie downfall of the Empire. There is no portion of the Empire which is not the saat of unrest and rebellion since the present Government and Parjiament came into power. Even Great Britain itself is torn by strife, its constitution and institutions are threatened, racial distinctions, which really do not exist, are being urged in order to create disunion, the religious belief and the moral character and virihty of its people have been undermined, and the envy, hatred, and malice of the masses are being inflamed in order to set them against law and order and their own country. Like Jerusalem of old, Great Britain would seem to be "en- cbmpassed with armies " seeking her destruction. It is highly significant also that the eneniies of their own country and creators of "sedition and revolulfton should - be practically confined to Great Britain and France, the two countries which, by their opposition to Rome, have incurred her hostility ! ." By their fruits ye shaH know them." On the one hand, we see the Jesuit* and their affiliated orders banished from Continental countries on account of the sedition and. dangerous intrigues against the welfare and prosperity of ijvery State in . which they dwelt. On the other hand, we see these same Jesuits congregated in our own country and know that the chief object of their ambition is the humiliation and Overthrow of the British Empire. When, therefore, coincidently with their entry into this country, we see everything being done to bring about that result by persons actuated by a seemingly causeless hatred of their own country and of every great Englishman who upholds the power and integrity of the Empire ; adopting the very slanders and falsehoods fabricated by Rome and the Jesuits, and makingruse of them for the purpose of deceiving" the people and ob- taining their support to an anti-English policy ; ANTI-ENGLANDERS AND REVOLUTIONISTS a6i seeking to weaken or destroy the defences of the country ; to blind the nation t6 the danger arising-from German hostility and ambition ; to foster and increase the discon- tent of the working-classes and to oppose every measure which would - mitigate it ; encouraging . sedition and rebellion throughput the Empire an4 seeking to separate or alienate the Colonies from the Mother Courrtry ; always the friends and . supporters of every enemy of Britaiii ; and withal covering their true motives by a hypocritical pretence of piety and rectitude^it is difficult to believe that, among those who are so ^solutely identified with the Jesuits in their animosity, their aims, and their sinister methods, there are not lay members of • that Society using every effort to carry out. the ambition of Rome. • . ^ Mr. Froude, in his "• History of England," quotes the following prophecy dating from the times of the Reforma- tion*': — . "The. pride of : France, The Treason pi England, And the Waf of Ireland • "Shall never have efld." We might expect that this prophecy would have an especial fulfilment at the present time when so many must have fallen under the 'fatal influence of the Jesuits^ and when the growing infidelity and moral decay in the nation has destroyed patriotism and every generous -im- pulse in numbers, and developed all their most selfish passions. As an illustration of this we may refer to a letter of Mr. WilHam' Le Queux to The Standard, in which he quotes a statement made to him- by ah old friend and ex- diplomatist of Germany. His friend " ridiculed the manner in which the British swallowed our Pro-German pills, as he termed- them. He declared that his Govern- ment were in intimate relation with more than' one British military or naval oficer of, high standing, adding that whenever Germany desired to exercise a certam influence » Froude, " History of England," vol. I. p. 330. 262 ROME AND GERMANY upon the P,ress and through it. on public opinion, one or another of these officeTs was instructed to write a letter, to the editor on the. subject in the sense desired by Berlin." Mr. Le Queux adds, " One has only to glance at the files of the leading Londoff'daily newspapers and the result will be astounding." ^ But if there are traitors to their country in services in which the traditional high sense of honour might be supposed to render such a thing impossible, we may be certain that there are similar instances of treachery in other ^jlaces of power and responsibility. Irrespective of the regular Pro-Boer anti-English party, are there not .individuals who, if 'not traitors in intention, are so ob-. sessed by the desire for position, profit or notoriety, and so dead to patriotism, that they are ready, to sacrifice the best interests of their country to their own selfish vanity, ambition, or nialice ? Of whom it inay be said that the enemies of Britain could not wish for better allies. » Tht Standard, JunsiaSth, igog. CHAPTER XII " Socialism. " f IBERTY-, Equality, and Fraternity," which were I the watchwords'of the French revolutionists, are J«rf equally those of modem-Socialism. In themselves • they seem to be praiseworthy principles, for as long as Liberty does not include licence to do evil, and Equality • means equal rights and privileges for all classes, and Fraternity implies the recognition of the common brother- hood of the rich and poor, they are sentiments which any just and liberal-minded man might support. • But they were very differently interpreted by the ignorant and brutalized mob of Paris in 1793, and by the demagogues who urged them on. Hatred of the classes above them was their ruHng motive, and the result of their temporary accession to power was a reign of anarchy, plunder, and murder. Yet there was no . little excuse for the fury which animated them. For the lower classes in France had suffered greatly from the tyranny, oppression, and cruelty of the upper classes, by whem they were treated as serfs, and as this was also the case among some of the other Latin nations, the revolution spread more or less among them also. In Great Britain, at that time, however, revolution found few supporters, because the ciyil and religious liberties which the nation enjoyed, the justice of its laws, and the fraternity ^hich already existed between the jipper and lower classes, gave httle cause for discontent. So also, since then, and during the whole of the last century, the. legislation of the country has continued to 26-^ 364 ROME AND GERMANY remove abuses, to do away with class privileges, and to secure larger rights for the working-classes and better protection for the poor. The Sociahsm of the French revolutionists called forth such a powerful reaction in favour of law and order that the nation was glad to accept for the time the auto- cratic rule of' Napoteon; But Sofcialism still had its votaries in France and other countries, even although the working-classes were no longer subject to the oppression from which they formerly suffered. The spirit of revolt remained, but it took another form. Envy of the ricli and- prosperous, and discontent at the inequalities of fortune, kept up this spirit among the idle, the vicious, and the criminal classes, and their arguments naturajly appealed to many among the working-classes who suffered from undeserved poverty and distress due to misfortune or want of ^ployment. For these, being ignorant of the fact that inequaUties of fortune must always exist in every conceivable form of society, were ready to believe that the wealth of the rich was the cause of their own poverfy. Socialist lagitators have also existed in Great Britain since the French revolution, but, until quite lately, their- appeals met little, response from the masses, except in times of distress consequent on mercantile depression and dear food, as in the revolutionary wave which swept over Europe in 1848. It is very remarkable, however, that of late years, in spite of continuous legislation for the improvement of the condition of the working-classes and the poor, and an amount of private -benevolence which has no parallel in any other country, revolutionary Socialism has assumed greater proportions in this country than in any other ! For many years it has been working beneath the surface, propagated aniong the masses by agitators, and con- tinually gaining converts, not only among the idle, the vicious, and the unfortunate, but among many, who S5nnpathised with the latter and who failed to recoguiee the fallaciM of tht SodaJist propigAnda, SOCIALISM a6s The effortt-of agitators hav* also been assisted of lat« by the distress that now exists in Great Britain in con- sequence of the number of the unemployed. For in spite of the mercantile prosperity of the country, its present, industries are insufficient to give employment to all. The admission into the country of ahens who are able to work at lower wages than the British workmen has also deprived many thousands of the einployment they would otherwise have been able to obtain. But the improvidence and almost entire absence in the British workmen of the thrift^ which characterizes the working-classes of France and Germany must also be taken into consideration, and this defect, together with the growing love of pleasure and self-indulgence, cannot fail to contribute to the increasing distress. The Socialistic and revolutionary policy of the present Government has also driven British capital out of the country and depreciated the value of all British se- curities, and there are at present numbers of people who, in consequence of the general sense of insecurity, will have nothing to do with industrial enterprises in this coimtry. As a consequence of these adverse conditions, there is an excess of labour available over and above the amount required for the existing industries of the kingdom, which not on|y necessitates a latge number of unemployed, but is taken advantage of by unscrupulous persons to em- ploy what is known as " Sweated Labour." For knowing that there are numbers, especially women with families dependent on them, who are ready to work for any wages rather than earn none at all, they cut them down to the point o£ starvation in order that they them- selves may make high profits. In no case does this apply to any of the regular industries of the Kingdom, and laws ought to be passed to prevent or limit the • An employer of labour, a builder, stated that he could never depend upon getting maiiy of his workmen two weeks running, because after receiving their wages on Saturday night they would spend them on eating and drinking, and not come to work again until their money was nearly exhausted. a66 ROME AND' GERMANY grasping rapacity 'of 'these extortioners. .At the same time it should be remembered that " sweated labour " is simply one of the evidences of the insuflieiency • of the existing industries to afford employment for all. It is the policy of the agitators who are really seeking to bring about revolution, to retain, and do all in their power to increase and magnify these causes of distress, ~ and by dwelling upon the cases of underpaid labour, as if they applied to all industries, together with the general poverty and distress, to inflame the discontent of the working-classes ajid imbue them with envy and hatred of the upper ' classes who they represent to be the cause of that distress. The Socialists openly proclaim that- their ultimate object is the spoliation of the rich, and the. division of their property among the masses, so that all, whatever their incapacity, ignorance, sloth, or improvidence, will share equally wit'h the able and energetic. Their aim is to obtain supreme power in the State and the possession of all great commercial under- takings, such as railways, mines, factories, etc., with the profits therefrom, which have hitherto gone to the share- holders and others who organized them and supplied the capital for carrying them out. Their intention, in shortj is to abolish all private ownership of property, the possession of which, they stigmatise as a crime, to' do away witlj all private enterprise and means of groduce tion, which are to be carried on in the future by the State as a co-operative commonwealth in which "there ' shall "be no competition. ' It is asserted that under ihese conditions there will be employment for all, and therefore thrift,' economy, and saving are condemned in unmeasured terms as folly and a "device of capitalists for acquiring private property. It is evident ^hat such a programme strongly appeal^ to the greed of the idle, thriftless, and vicious, and creates envy and malice against the upper and ruling classes. These are the. passions which the agitators seek to excite in the minds of the lower classes, while, by means of falla^cies and misrepxesentations, they pretend SOCIALISM 267 that the, social revolution will be the regeneration of the world and the panacea for all e^^s'ting evils. Such fallacies enable many Socialists, while in reality governed by envy, malice, and greed, to persuade them- selves that they are acting- for the public good. On the other hand, there is no doubt that tbefe arp some honest men whose sense of injustice has been inflamed b}' the misrepresentations of Socialism, and who, led away, by its 'roseate promises and unable to perceive their fallacy really beheve that Socialism will regenerate the world. But the least considejation shows that Socialism, if fully canned otit, would be destructive of ail national wealth and prosperity, because destructive of all energy, enterprise, and thought. For who would give his labour and thought, and sacrifice his health and comfort, for the' attainment of any object; if he Avas not allowed to retain the fruits of his-effortsand self-denial ? Why should the agriculturist rise up early and go to bed late, ot the inventor, the physician, and the scientist, devote their ifiirids and energies to the pursuit of knowledge for the benefit of mankind, if they are to' be robbed of the reward which success now commands, in order to provide for the incapable, improvident, and the haters of honest work ? Even ifr in a Socialistic community, laws were made obliging all to work, the majority of those 'v\^o now give all their time and energies to their calling and profession would limit their -efforts to the. amount just sufficient to satisfy the law, and such a thing as enterprise,- energy, and self-denial would be unheard of and uiiknown. But worse still would be the mental apathy which would spread over the nation, and which no laws could check or pro- vide against. , Would the talente(i 'designers of buildings, railways, bridges, engines, ships, and air the various- works which are the sources of national v/ealth and civilization, dev6te the strenuous thought »nd labour which these designs entail if they were to receive no more for their tlfought and labour than the ordinary working man ?, And yet, if 268 ROME AND GERMANY they were paid in proportion to their abihties, the posses- sion of private property and a rich, class would again exist, and the first principles of Socialism would be •overthrown. If, on the other hand, they were to receive no mote than arty one else, these' triumphs of mental energy and talent would soon cease to be produced. This would equally be the case with every other means of production requiring mental effort and abihty which, without the stimulus for their exercise which now exists, must decay and perish. Take away all incentive'- to individual energy and enterprise, and every great industry would decay. All effort for the development of the country's resources would cease, and both inventions and all mental activity would disappear. Man, in short, would sink to the level of the brutes, and with the destruc- tion of the sources of wealth, the country would be wholly imable to support its present .population. Socialism carried out to its logical conclusion would be national suicide. . . The attainment of Socialistic ideals would also be the destruction of liberty. For if all mercantile and industrial operations were to be wholly under State control, and no one -was to be .permitted, by 'individual energy and enterprise, to undertake them on his own account, in order, by so doing, to put by money for the support- of his wife and children after his ' death, his talents and energies would be crushed, and he himself would become the slave of a system from which, at the most, he could expect a competence while he lived. The condition of people under an Eastern despotism would be freedom compared to such a state. "Collectivism," says M. Faguet, the French" critic of Socialism, " means slave labour." * The workers, in short, would • be the serfs of the .few who had obtained positions of authority and who ruled the country, and would be . in, much the same condition as the slaves of the Southern States of America Ijefore their emancipation, for, like them, they would merely receive just the amount » Quot«d by D»ily Mmil, S«pt»i«b«r aftth, J^J. SOCIALISM a69 of food and lodging sufficient for thenij in return for the labour given to the State. But without the lash of the slave driver each worker would do as Uttle work as he could, and not only would wealth, but the production of even the ordinary necessities of life, diminish in volume. If, under present conditions, the industries of the eountry are insufficient to afford employment for all, what would it be under Communism ? Again, witfe the disappearance tif wealth and private • property there would be no demand for the thousand and one comforts and articles of luxury and art, the produc- tion of which now give ernployment to, multitudes of workers, and these also -would disappear. If, then, even the production of the necessaries of life tended to diininish also, .what would be/ the condition of the people? It would, as shown by M. Faguet, " be dne of, ■permanent want traversed by constant cries of famine." But the whole Socialist programme is based on fallacies and misrepresentations which are used to blind the work- ing-classes to its true aims in order to gain their support. T.ake, for instance, the assertion which is made in oirder to excuse the spoliation of the rich, viz., that the possession oi property and wealth is a crime, and that all such wealth belongs of right to the working-men, because they, by the labour of their hands, are the real producers of that wealth. The Socialists speak as if bodily, labour was the only labour worthy of the name, although this is to bring man down to the level of a beast of burden. The sophistry of this assertion is patent. The wealth produced by- manual or bodily labour is a very small proportion of the whole amount of wealth produced. It is the brain or mind of man which "is the great wealth producer. This is evident among the working-classes" themselves. The skilled artisan can command a far higher wage than any simple labourer, and his skill is the result ef mental capacity and application, and not of mere th«w» and rautclea. The •njiflctf and tke arekitect, te whose brains we «we 2^0 ; ROME AND GERMANY the knowledge of the way to construct canals, bridges, railways, houses, etc., are still more highly paid because the brain capacity required to excel in this .sort of work is possessed by comparatively few, while the ^ labour- it entails is far more exhausting than any mere manual labour. This is equally true of the invehtoi:, to whose brain-work we owe every sort of machine and appUance for the benefit of the human race and the production of wealth ; as in the case of the steam-engine, which is equivalent to the possession of hundreds or thousands of horses, and does its work infinitely better and quicker than it could be done by them. Then there are the geologists and mineralogists^ to whose studies we owe the discovery of coal and the mineral wealth of ihe earth, the historiJin, the author, the scientist, the mathematician, and the physician, without whose 'brains there would be no knowledge, (5r civilization, or, remedy for disease and pain. . , ' These are some of the chief producers of wealth, and while their work is far more exhausting and- prejudicial to health than that of the sorcalled " working-man," they do little or no manual labour. • But, in addition to these,, there are others, such as the trader, the merchant, the explorer, and adventurer, who, , by knowledge, thrift,, and economy, energy and enterprise, make wealth. The man, who having by economy, saved money, and with it buys the prqduce of a distant country, who in fcfrmer times risked his life and health, in long voyages, and' sojourning in unhealthy climates in order to obtain their produce ; the explorer who equally risks his life and health and devotes his time and energies in discovering the products and resources of distant lands, are also some of the chief- contributors to the wealth of their own country. .And although they do not produce this wealth by mere manual labour, it would be not only absurd, but false, to say that the trader is not justly entitled to the fmits of his energy, self-denial, . enterprise, and thought, or that a .miner or prospector who, at the risk of his life, discovers, excavates; and SOCIALISM 371' brings home gold' and other precious things from wild and inhospitable countries, is not equally entitled to -the fruits of his energy, enterprise, and knowledge. Have not they right also to leave their earnings for the pro- vision of their widows And children ? What claim to these earnings hav« those who have done nothing whatever to earn them ? It is thought, organization, energy, and enterprise, which are the real producers of wealth, or, in a word, brains and character. It is unnecessary to multiply oiases, but it is evident, not only that brains and energy, mental capacity and force of character are the chief producers of wealth, but that the wealth of a country consists of the accumulated ' producrts of the mental character and energies of the people ; that so far from worki'ng-men being the chief producers of wealth, they are themselves one of its pro- ducts. For it is the wealth, spent in the country which gives rise to the. manufacture or production of the multitude of articles of use, refinement, and luxury, and thus pr6vides employment for the working-classes. It is this wealth, the ctccumulated product of the brains and energies of generations; Which the Socialist proposes to seize and distribute amon^ those at the present day who have done little or nothing to produce it ; and by forbidding its acquirement by private individuals in the future, to destroy all energy and enterprise. It may be further remarked, as all experience shows, that when everything" is under the complete control of a democratic body, which is the object of the Sociahsts, utter 'corruption, bribery; waste, inefficiency, and the misapplication of public money must be the result. The Tammany of New Yofk is an illustration of this, and the same is true of many of the municipal bodies of the great cities of democratic America. It is also the case with some of the municipal bodies of our own country, the bribery, corruption, and extravagance, of which, for their own profit, and the parripering of every hater .of honest work, have lately been brought to light in the case of the London County .Council, Poplar, etc. Human nature 372 ' ROME ANB GERMANY being what it is, this result is only to be expected; The transfer of power and the control of the sources of wealth to the leaders of SociaUsm and to the lower clashes, who would naturally be strongly tempted by the opportunity of filling their o^vn pockets at the expense of others, is' to give free reign to .bribery and corruption. Deprived of ,. the salutary checks exercised by competition, and of the criticism and protest of those whose means, position, instincts, and education, place them above temptation of bribery and greed, there is nothing to prevent wholesale corruption. No one has done so much to cast a false glamour over Socialism as the late Mr. Herbert Spencer by his Altruistic theories. But great as was his ability in dealing with a certain class of philosophy, he was essentially a materia- list and devoid of the higher faculties of reasoning and induction which deal with moral causes and human motives and passions. This is evident from his writings. Not only was he incapable of appreciating the force of those facts and moral deductions which are irresistible proof to others of the existence of a righteous' Creator and Governor of. the world, but in his social ideals he utterly ' ignored the influence of human motives and iticlinations. His Altntism is based on the moral faUacji that each man would seek his neighbour's good because, if all did so, all would benefit by it. But human nature would have to be greatly changed before any one would consent always to surrender his own private good for the sake of the community. There is such a thing as Christian Altruism, and it is a perfect Altruism because it is done wilHngh' and from the heart. But where the Christian motive is wanting,' Altruism is a delusion. A person will deny, himself and suffer pain, and sacrifice riches, comfort, and health for those he loves, but there is not one in a thousand who could be expected to do so for those he neither knows nor cares for. . .^ . The fallacy of Socialist principles has been proved by actual experiments. Robert Owen, a Welshman, who died about half-a-centnry ago, believed in the doctriril of SOCIALISM tfi vniversal brotherhood, and thought that m«a c«uld i4 trained to love one another! For this purpose hie estab- lished a Sociahstic community at New Harmoiiy, Indiana, in which all were to live under equal conditions, and it was laid down that eVery one should render his or her best service for the good of the whole. It was also a principle that there should be no rewards or punishments or praiseor blame. After two years Owen had f o acknow- ledge that the experiment had failed. The children in point of morals ran riot. The idle did theii: share of work more in the line of destruction than construction, and Macdonald, one of the disciples of Owen, said he' " was. hopeless ; he had imagined mankind better than they are ! " About the same time, Abraham Cobmbe, an admirer of Owen, endeavoured to establish a Socialistic settlement at. Orbistori, near Glasgow. The result was the same. The communal . children quarrelled and ftbbed. The men " worked only by fits and starts, and in the intervals gave themselves up to a languor and hstlessness which no words cotjd overcome. They wanted to take as much as they could and give as' little in return as possible." The stimulus for exertion was wanting, There was also the attempt of some three or four hundred Australians a few years ago to found a com- munistic settlement in Paraguay. They had everything in their favour, a free grant of a hundred square' leagues of land, a fine healthy' climate, .and money advanced by Government. They soon quarrelled, however. Some returned to Australia, and the remainder separated into two groups, one living as communists, the other as free men. After fourteen yea,rs the communists were repre- sented by only half-a-dozen men and women living a hard life, supported principally by maize and mandioca, while the others, three years ago, , consisted of twentyrfive families living a prosperous life near Ajoz. . Both Owen and Coombe were wholly ignorant of human nature. Without the stimulus afforded by the right to acquire property and provide for the future of 274 ROME AND GERMANY wives, and childfen,. men will not work, and if all are ■ supposed tp labour -for the good of all, each individual will do as little as he can arid prefer to depend on the . labour of others. ' ■- But' the ideals of Socialism could never be really attained. So long as. the human race exists there will always be m?en with greater capacities, energies, and better luck and opportunities than others.,. No attempts at levelling dswn can prevent this, and if the ideals of Socialism were established to-morrow, they would quickly ' • be ■ overthrown, and the men with greater capacities, enterprise, and good fortune, would rise above the rest and form a superior class. Moreover, the existence of a richer class creates a demand for luxuries and things of art. and beauty which elevate and j^fine the race and give leisure and oppor--^ tunity for mental development and the pursuit of know- ledge, and it is just these things which make the differenqe between'a -state of civilisation and progress and' a state of barbaristn and stagnation. It must also be remembered that, under conditions of social confidence, the Wealth of' the rich is not hoarded, but spent, and goes to increase the sources of employment and benefit the working- classes. In short, the greater the wealth of the country the more extensive are the sources of •emplo5mient to which it gives rise, provided the industries which afford that emplojonent are properly protected; The 'pretence of the Socialists that capitalists are the enemies of labour and fhe cause of the distress among the working-classes, is one of the principal fallacies made use of to excite the envy and discontent of the latter. There may be friction af times between capital and labour, as in cases where labour is' paid below its fair valu6, or when it demands wages which make the industry no longer remunerative. But it is the interest of both to work in harmorty as being mutually dependent on each other. Without capital neither the natural products of the ■;. SOCIALISM ■ 275 country could be developed, nor the great industries established, which give emplo5mient to the working- classes. Hence in countries where there is httle available capital, the rnines and other natural products are either undeveloped, or are nearly always worked by English or American companies or capitalists. Capital expended in industries, or in developing the natural! -products of a country, produces, increased capital and continually adds to the wealth of the country,, the bulk of which under favourable circumstamces would be expended in starting new industries -and increasing the sources of employment. Moreover, the capitalists whom the Socialist agitators hold up as objects of envy and hatred are not, as a rule, wealthy individuals;- but the British public itself^ For nearly all the industries of the coilntry are in the hands of companies, among the principal shareholders of which are people of mpderate means and numbers of the middle class, and even working-men themselves. t- ' Foremost among those who are held up" to hatred by the Socialist agitators are the people who have acquired wealth by South African mining. ,But the greater porfioh of the shares in these mines are held by the general public, and both in the case of the small and the large share-, holders, the profits" from these -mines are spent in Great Britain, and are a direct additioil to the wealth /■of the country and to the means of employment. If then the anti-]Einglanders and Socialists, in addition to driving capital out 01 Great Britain, succeed in ruining or depreciating the South African gold industry, they will seriously diminish the wealth of the country and rob the working-man . of still further means of employment. ^ The con trast~ between the luxury of the rich and the ■ distress of the poor may indeed excite t*he envy and ' k it not a-littlesignificant tTiat the animus of Socialists sho>Jf' be only directed against those who have made fortunes hy^South African mining Bind not against thoge who have made^-mem in Australia, Klondyke, etc. ! The true explanation. of t>is may per haps be gathered ffom what is said in the nexftluipter. See page 300.. ' Wf6 ROME AND GERMANY discontent of the latter at' the inequalities of fortune, but no social revolution, or attempts at leyelling down, can remedy this. It is the. result of natural laws over which man has no control, and to say that capitalists and the rich are the cause of the poverty of the poor is about as correct as to say that tlie fish with plenty of food in some deep pool of a river was the cause of the distress of another fish in a. shallow pool half dried up by the heat of the sun. A man, perhaps, after years of toil, hardship, and disappointment, strikes a rich vein of gold and makes his fortune, either by working it himself, or forming a company to do so, and this, in genera^ terms, is the history of a large proportion of the fortunes made by mining. But to say that the good fortune of some is the cause of the ill-luck of others is absurd. Socialists would correct these in- equalities of fortune by insisting that the gold found by the lucky prospector should be shared equally by aU. But couM such a law- be carried out, little or no gold would be found, for no one would undertake the toil and labour of searching for it if nearly the whole was to be taken frorh hifli when he found it.' A richer class has, however, its responsibilities,- and as their stake in the country, and in the preservation of law and order is greatest, it is right that' the chief burden of providing for the defence and government of the country should fall upon them. This is the principle of taxation already followed in Great Britain, although it is possible that it might be more fully carried out so as to afford greater relief to the poorer classes. Although the inequalities of fortune between the rich and poor are made use of by agitators to excite discontent among the latter, such agitation would entirely fail to produce discontent if there were sufficient emplo5nnent for all. For it is a fact that great riches, which carry with them an especial burdeii, have very little attraction to thfc vast majority of working-men, or even to the fclassee above them, provided they have a siifficient •ompetenee suitable t© their cireumstancse and position. SOCIALISM «77 These inequalities of fortune must always exist in every nation where men are free to acquire wealth by their individual energies and enterprise, and to prohibit its acquirement would kill the greater portion of the indus- tries of the nation. For there would be no demand for the costly houses and other buildings, the rich furniture, expeasive carriages, and all the works of art and luxury, and only the bare necessities of life would be sought. Moreover the food products of the coimtry«are wholly unable to support the dense and increasing population of Great Britain, which has in consequence to depend largely on the products of other countries. These are paid for by the products of its industries, and if these industries were seriously diminished in number or volume, semi-starva- tion would be the result. There are many, who are strongly opposed to what are termed "Labour Saving Appliances," such as the various inventions and machines which often do the work of fifty men or more at an insignificant, cost. It is true that their adoption has sometimes deprived honest Svorkmen of the employment by which they.-, had hitherto been supported. Admitting, however, the extreme hardship of such cases j what would be the effect if the use of these inventions was prohibited ? It would be the destruction of the wealth of the country. For Great Britain may be said to owe the greater portion of her wealth to the mechanical and inventive genius of her people, and the chief part of this increased wealth is spent in the-coufttry and gives employment to tens of thousands of workmen. If the inventions and machines which are the cause of that wealth were destroyed, half the population would starve from the cessation of all those industries which there would be neither the wealth "nor the. means and apphances, to carry on. Even when labour-saving appliances produce distress at first among a few, they eventually create increased sources of employment for thousands of others. • It is evident, therefore, on this ground alone, tliat to prohibit, er rMtmin tke u«e •f, thtee sources »f WMiltk '278 ROME' AND GERMANY and employment w6uld be fatal to the interests of the working-classes themselves, and the hardsfcp of those who suffer at the outset from these inventions should rather be met by laws making some special provision for the sufferers. But, at the present day, labour-saving machines are chiefly used to develop a business and increase the \«oIume of production at the same cost as before, without re- ducing the number of workmen employed, and if the workmen are retained, arid receive the same, or perhaps higher wages than men' of the same trades in ' other industries, they have no cause' to complain simply because their etnployers are made rich ; nor have they any right to claim a share in the extra profits produced by the new machinery, in the -invention of which they have had no share. \ It is clear, in short, that the profits of an invention are due to the inventor, or, the owner of the invention, arid that the discoverer of an invention is as much entitled to the profits derived from it, as the miner who strikes a rich vein of gold on his " claim " is entitled to the gold he has discovered. ' , To say that those who make fortunes by these in- ventions do so at the expense of the workers, or that they are the cause of the distress am,oiig them, has not even a shadow of truth in the majority ofxases. It is no more true than to say that the man who discovers, gold is the cause of the failure of others to do so. > . But the very livehhood and existence of the majority of the working-classes is dependent on these inventions. It is not nierely that they are indirectly benefited by the iiicreased wealth produced by these inventions, but these inventions are the direct and principal cause of their emplpyfnent. For there is hardly a single -gre,at industry thit could be carried on at all. without these labour- saving machiries which do the chief portion of the work and enable it to be done at a profit ; while a multitude of .industries have been- actually treated by these in-^entions, without which they could never have been undertaken. SOCIALISM 279 If, then, all the principal industries of the kingdom are. dependent on these machines for their very existence,' the working-classes are equally dependent on them. For without these machines there would be few, if any, ihdiistries and httle or no employment. These' inventions are one of the princijaal examples of wealth acquired by brains' or intellect, rather than by manual labour ; and among these inventions we must include, not only mMhines, but all these discoveries', chemical, geological, and mechanical, which have also been the. means of creating industries. Moreover, in the case of labour-saving machines, the chief foHion of the work of production is done by them, and they are thus an illustration of the utter fallacy of the pretence that even th6 annual increase to the wealth of the country is pro-, duced by. inanual labour or the working-classes alone. The latter do a portion only of the work, and without these inventions and discoveries there would be no industries and therefore nothing .for the working-classes to do. But, as. Under Socialism, the possession of private property would be prohibitecl, invention would disappear, because no one would be allowed to profit by the fruits of his invention ; and with the disappearance of invention, the chief source of wealth- and of employment would also disappear. • Socialist agitators are fond of saying that employers of labour keep the chief portion of the profits. But in a very . large proportion of industries this is wholly false. Thus-' Mr. Hyndrnan, the Socialist agitator, in a recent article contributed to The National Review, in which, he makes the usual. attack on capital and capitalists as defrauding the working-classes of their just share in the profits of their labour, states in support of this that the workers employed in the various industries of Canada and the United States receive only one-sixth of the profits ob- tained, and that the same is probably the case in Great Britain. * This is palpably false with regard to all the chief labour * The National Review] March, igo8. t8* ROME AN© ©BRMANY employing industries of Great Britain, and of Canada ako. For, to take such a prosperous and thoroughly modem undertaking as the Canadian Pacific Railway. The working expenses during the year 1906-7 amounted to 65 per cent, of the gross profits, and to this must be added a sum, which in the preyious year amounted to five million dollars, appropriated out pf the surplus profits for •".additions' and improvements," that is, expended on labour. This would make the amount expended on labour of all kinds well over 70 per cent. Of the remaining profits 12 per cent, .was absorbed by " fixed charges " and contjibution to the pension fund ; about 5 per cent, was carried to " reserve " and 13 per cent, went to capital, that is to the shareholders, who provided the whole of the money for the construction and development of the railway. But this 13 per cent, only provided for a 4 per cent, dividend on the preference shares and 6 per cent, dividend on the ordinary shares, which was no great remuneration considering the years which the ordinary shareholders had to be satisfied with a much lower interest on their capital: Take again the case of the production of a coal mine. Out of every ;fioo gross profit nearly 60 per cent, is paid for labour and 30 per cent, for management, insurance, . upkeep of plant, etc., leaving only about. 10 per cent, net profit to the owners. It is therefore evident that a very small rise in wages would sweep away all profits and make it no longer worth while for any one to spend the capital, as. well' as the time and energy required for working a coal mine. Or such a rise in wages would oblige the owner to raise the price of coal, which would not only cause much suffering to the poor throughout the kingdom, but would also, cripple or destroy many industries using large quantities of coal, because they could no longer be worked at a profit. The same is the case with all, or nearly all, the great labour employing industries of Great Britain. The chief portion of the profits go to the workers and only a very small proportion to capital. Thus a large nimiber of SOCIALISM 281 industries pay only 4 to 7 per cent, profit, and as 4 or 5 per cent, can be safely obtained by investments in foreign government loans, the extra i or-2 per cent, is a very small recompense for the time, labour, risk, and anxiety which are involved in establishing and conducting an industrial enterprise. In short, considering the risks to which these ' industries are exposed from, a fall in prices, foreign com- petition, and the ever-increasing demand for higher wages, it would seem to be unwise to start any industry Avithout the prospect of obtaining at least 10 per cent, profit. Some industries make only i or 2 per cent, profit, and some none at all. The latteV are continued, partly because employers do not wish to throw away the ex- pensive plant in which their capital is invested, an,d partly in the hope of better times coming. Under such circumstances it is only the workmen who are benefited by these industries. * Injudicious strikes for higher wages or shorter hours are therefore a fatal mistake, for their only effect is to drive trade out of the country and decrease the means of emplo5mient. Such strikes are probably the suggestion of Socialist agitators, who care nothing for the workers and only aim at increasing the existing discontent. There are certain trades and industries in which a larger proportion of the gross profits go to the employers or shareholders, because these profits are due "to special knowledge, or to some valuable chemical or scientific discovery which can be worked at a small cost and requires a comparatively small amount of labour. Or the prrofits of an industry may be greatly increased, without in any way diminishing the amount and cost of the labour employed, by the adoption of some labour-saving machineiy which greatly increases the volume of pro- duction at no greater cost than before. In neither case do the workers, suffer, and the extra profits are solely due to brain power or inventive genius. Frcwn what has been said, it is clear that', with a very f«w •xeeptiens, the pr«t«nc« that eapitalists or cmplof sts 382 ROME AND GERMANY of labour are the cause of the distress among the working- classes, and that they griftd them down and pay them insufficient wages in order that they may roll in riches, is at the present day wholly false, and is merely one of the , fallacies made use of by Socialist agitators to excite dis- content. The cry is often raised against the apparent injustice of the rich rolling in luxury while the unemployed poor are starving. But what is the remedy, for this ? Shall the rich distribute their riches amongst the poor in order to provide them with food and shelter ? This would be chanty, and' although the Socialist agitators urge -the unemployed to take whdt they require by force from the rich, they utterly repudiate the idea of receiving it as a fruit oi benevolence. They are so far right, inasniuch as general and indiscriminate charity tends to increase pauperism and destroy enfergy and self-dependence. But so also would robbery and spoliatiol* ! They demand workr for the unemployed. This is exactly what the rich, create by spending their riches in the country. . The only thing- is that the employment thus provided, is insufficient. What is evidently required is the increase of the industries in the kingdom, which can. only be effected by protecting them against unf&.ir foreign competition. Ir> the mean- time, in order to relieve the present distress, there are works of great national importance, such a"s the construc- tion of the ship canal across Scotland, and the increase of, instead of cutting down, our dockyards and arsenals, &c., &c., which would give emplo5mient to thousands of work- men. * But this is the last thing we can expect from the present Government. • It is important here to point out the radical distinction between the aims of Socialism and those of Reform, the necessity of which is recognised by all who desire their •country's welfare. Socialism, if carried out, would be destructive of national wealth and prosperity and. of all mental energy, thought, and' enterprise, and could only result in increased misery and want. ' But for this the leaders of SocialiaH SOaALISM , 38s care nothing. They do not seek the good of their country and countrymen. Their aim js to produce revolution and the overthrow of all existing institutions and laws,, the result of which would be anarchy. In order to attain this, they seek to inflame and increase the discontent of tjje masses by fallacies and misrepresentations, and their proposed spoliation of the 'rich, is merely a bait to gain the support of the idle, the vicious, and the ignorant. Reform, " on the other hand, . while recognising the necessity, of protecting property and the right of every ■ man to retain the fruits of his labour and enterprise, seeks not only to remove every burden which presses unfairly on the working-man and to promote his well- being, but to develop the resources and increase the wealth and prosperity of the nation generally. It is clear, for instaftce, that the burden of taxatioii should fall ch^fly on the rich in .a graduated scale, and •that the taxes on articles of food, or necessity, -such as tea, sugar, and. tobacco, which /re now paid by the pdor as well as by the rich, should be readjusted. The heavy burdens on land which make farming so unprofit- able should be done , away with as far as ;^ossible,- and every measure employed to bring the people back to the ■ land. British industries ought also to be protected against unfair foreign competition, and the increased revenue derived from Tariff Reform, "which would be paid by the foreigner, shoiild be utiHsed for providing for free education. Old Age Pensions, &c., &c. It should be remarked, however, _that the System of Old Age Pensions advocated by Socialists, by which all, however idle, self-indulgent, and improyident they may be, are to profit equally with the hard-working arid thrifty, would be not only unfair to the latter, but would merely encourage idleness and improvidence, and thus destroy in time the energy and self-reliance which has hitherto been so characteristic of the British character. It would, in- short, have the same effect as the free gilts of food issued to the people in the later, days of the a84 ■ ROME AN© GERMANY Roman Empire, which so enervated and degraded them and destroyed _ the old Roman .spirit of hardihood and self-reliance, that, in' spite of the aid of fcweign mercen- aries, they succumbed with hardly a struggle to the dominion of more virile nations, who treated them as serfs and helots. If, however, the British working-man was encouraged, to contribute a very small fraction of his earnings to an Old Age Pension Fund by the knowledge that it would be so supplemented by the State that he would be secure against want in his old age, it would be a stimulus to energy, thrift, and self-reliance. Nor would it cost any- ' thing like the enormous yearly sum required -for universal ' pensions, which could nof be levied without causing a revolution. But revolution is what the leaders of Socialism aim at, and their advocacy of universal pensions is merely a bribe to obtain the support of the idle and improvident. Socialists also pondemn and intend to seize and con- fiscate all incomes derived from investments. It is the produce of capital, and " capitalists must perish." Hete, again, they strike just asmuch at' the hard-working and ■thrifty in the middle and lower classes who have invested their savings in the Post. Office and other savings banks. In fhe Trustees Savings and Penny Banks there are fifty-three millions, representing the savings of one and a quarter millions of poor people. • In the Post Office Savings Bank there are over 152 millions, chiefly repre- sented by the savings of the middle and lower classes. . The building societies represent sixty-eight millions of these savings. The Industrial, the Provident, the Friendly Societies, and the Trade Union Benefit Funds represent seventy-five rnillions of similar savings, -about fifteen millions of which are invested in Consols. ^ These all represent the savings of the poor, but besides these, there are multitdes of investors in a somewhat better position, who have placed their savings in railways, » Daily Express, July 35th, 1907. SOCIALISM aSfi »aiud«, waterworks, and industrial undertakings, where they get a better interest for their money. One and all are capitalists in a small way, and the social revolution would of necessity sweep away the savings which they have laid up for their old age, and ruin them as well as the larger capitalists. Investment is not merely the means whereby a man can provide for his old age and for his family when he is no longer able to earn money ; it is one of the chief means by which the trades and industries of a country, and therefore the sources o,f employment, are increased. The person who has neither the time, nor the knowledge and ability, to spend his savings in mercantile enterprise lends it to those who have that knowledge and abiMty, but who without the capital to buy the necessary " plant " would be unable to start the industry. This is the case vvith the -majority of British mdustries, the capital for which is supplied by the British public. Capital is also as necessary to enable the clever artisan to set up in business for himself, as for the establishment of an iron industry, .and, both in one case and in the other, the ability to borrow money is a boon for which a moderate interest is gladly paid, and both .borrower and lender are benefited. It is the same in principle as for a man to hire a spade or other tool for a. few pence to enable him to earn a week's wages. Socialism, by denying the right to acquire, and ac- cmnulate private property, strikes not only at the wealthy capitahst, but at all classes of the community, including the clever and hard-working artisan who is putting by money for provision in old age and for the sake of his family. Many of these workers have indeed risen to affluence, and some have become millionaires. .Is it to be expected that such persons, or any one who by energy, and ability has acquired even a small amount of property, wiU consent to be, robbed of it by Socialism ? These fruits of a man's own exerticm ate doubly dear to him, and he will resist any attempt to deprive him of ?86 . ROME AND GERMANY ; them and to take from him all hope and enterprise in life in order to make him the apathetic slave of a communistic society. Any attempt therefore to establish Socialism by force, tod rob-theable and. energetic of the fruits of their labour,, enterprise, and thoiJght, must meet with determined resistance from the energetic and successful, and could only lead, to anarchy, and bloodshed. This result indeed is fully recognised and calmly contemplated by the leading agitators in this country, who assert that the sacrifices of thousands of their fellow-countrymen's lives will be a small' price , to pay for the pretended regeneration of Society. These are the people who affect a sentimental horroiiof war and " militarism " when it is a question of the defence of their own country against a foreign foe, ■ but who will not hesitate to wade to power through^ the blood of their own countrymen and renew again tlie reign of anarchy and terror which folloTyed the French Revolution. Thus we fii?d the Socialist M.P., Mr. Grayson, urging- the strikers of Belfast to provide themselves with weapons against the military who were called in to protect life and property. It, was a direct incitement to civil war, the encouragement of the- mob to attack life and property, and Ihe condemnation of any attempt to resist them. Such persons,, if they- attain to power, will r not hesitate to follow. the example of Robespierre^ Danton, and Marat. Again, one of the chief doctrines of leading Socialists is the necessity of doing away with marriage and family ties. " The unions of the future," it is said, " ought to be founded on free choice, and to be broken when, the sentiments that inspired them no longer exist." ^ " Hu- man beings must be in a- position to act as freely where the strongest impulse is concerned as in the case of any other natural affection. No one had to give an account of himself or herself and no third person has the slightest right to interfere."" "Free as the wind," writes Mrs. ' Benoit Malan. ■ . • "Woman in the Past; Present, and Future," p. 239, Bebel. ■ SOCIALISM ^' 287 • Snowden, " the Socialist wife will be bound only by natural love for her husband and children." 1 We may add that the husband will of bourse be equally free, and is far more likely to take adva.ntage of his freedom than his wife, who, in the. majority of cases, will be left in sorrow and misery. . , As a necessary consequence of these^ doctrines of free loye, the children of these temporary unions would be an encumbrance. Therefore it is provided that " Property in children would cease. to exist, and every infant born into the world would be bom in full citizenship." In other words children would become the property, of the State, which would undertake to rear and provide tor them. "Thus a new development of the family would take place, an association terminable at the neieds of either party.'' ^ -_ " : It is evident that the destruction of marriage and family ties would open wide the door to lawlessness andhist and bring man down to the level of the brutes. The natural affections, which the ties of the family involve, call forth all that is best in human nature, pity, sympathy for the weak and suffering, self-sacrifice, and self-denial. These natural affections are, in fact, the nursery and -foundation of all righteousness, ajid it is because family ties have been so respected hitherto by the British race, that British homes are the seat of the £riton's affection, the one point to which the wanderer in distant lands reverts in distress and suffering, or at the moment of death. In no other nation has the word Home such a sacred meaning and such a powerful influence. It is equally evident that all patriotism "begins in the love of home, and Britons, if they will fight for nothing else, will fight, to the death for their hearths and homes. Moreover, the desire to provide for those depending on him begets in a man the desire for property, so that those he loves may not be left in want and misery at his death. The necessity also of protecting his home and • Daily Express, October 4th, 1907. • "Socialism, its Growth and Outcome," p. 199, William Morris 288 ROME AND GERMANY • family from the lawless and criminal makes him a friend and upholder of law and order, aiid the opponent of those revolutionary doctrines which, if carried out, would destroy everything in which his dearest affections are centred. But patriotism, the principles of righteousness, law, and order, and the possession of property, are wholly opposed to the principles of the Socfkl Revolution which the leaders of Socialism are seeking td bring about, and by doing away with marriage and family ties, they strike at the very "foundation of- these things. Moreover, by substituting for them the principles of " free love," they hold out a bait which cannot fail to appeal to the animal passions of numbers, and thus obtain their support for their revolutionary aims. For revolution and the overthrow of all law, order, ah^ rehgion, "and not the welfare, of the working-classes, is the real aim of the leading Socialist agitators. CHAPTER XIII The Socialists and the Jesuits THE aims of the leading Socialists "and those of the Jesuits are identical, and the Socialist agitators in this coiintry are carrying out in every detail the policy and methods of the Jesuits for fomenting revolution and for bringing about the downfall of the British Enipire.. The Jesuits are the avowed authors, of sedition in every country opposed to them. Their object is not only to imbue Catholics with hatred of Protestants, but to inflame the masses with a similar hatred of the upper and ruling classes, in order to bring about the great revolution which is to wrap the world in the flames of anarchy, and by the aid of the ignorant masses whom they hope to control effect its conquest and re-establish their dominion anew on its ashes. ^ In order to generate this sedition and revolution the policy of the Jesuit is to "work upon the discontent of the masses," * that is. to say, to magnify, by fallacies and misrepresentation, whatever discontent already exists, and to excite the envy, mahce, arid cupidity of the working- classes in order to indute them to rise against and overthrow the classes above them. This is equally the policy of Socialist agitators in this country. We hive remarked that it is rather extraordinary that the spirit of revolution should have attained a greater development in Great Britain at the present moment than in any other country ; because in Britain there is the greatest liberty, the justest laws, and the mor>t wide- > Ante, page 40. * Ante, page 37. . K ^^9 ago Rome and GERMANY spread benevolence for the poor and those in distress of any country in the world, and therefore the least cause for discontent and revolution. But, as already pointed out, Great Britain was nevertheless the object of the malice of the reactionary and clerical, as well as of the revolutionar}' and the criminal classes throughout Europe during the Boer war. It is the chief bulwark of the Bible and Protestantism, and therefore the chief obstacle to the ambition of Rome and the Jesuits, and the chief object of their animosity. We might therefore expect that the efforts of the Jesuits to excite sedition and rebellion would be concentrated against Great Britain. Moreover, although the existing Socialism was weak in this country thirty years ago and its adherents few, it offered a basis for the Jesuits to work upon in order to carry out their purpose, and these masters of the art of playing upon the passions of the ignorant were well able,^ by sophistries and misrepre- sentations, to gradually magnify and develop it until it obtained the dimensions it has now assumed. In accordance with this, it is significant that the rise of revolutionary Socialism in this country dates from the time that the Jesuits and their aiFiliated orders, banished from other countries, poured into Britain. We have seen that the propagation of athei§m' and unbelief is a principal feature of Jesuit activity, because unbelief in God is the foundation of the spirit of rebellion against law and order, and the preparation for the great revolution by which the Jesuits hope to revenge them- selves on the peoples and Governments which have rejected them. The Socialist agitators are equalty alive to the importance of destroying belief in God, and every thorough Socialist is invariably an Atheist and a, hater of the God revealed in the Bible. This fact is indeed denied by some, and the denial may be true in individual cases. But the Socialists, as a whole, do not conceal their antagonism to Christianity, and their desire to eliminate it from the teaching of the^young. As we shall point out, the policy of certain Socialist leaders is SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 291 to conceal their true aims at first, in order to obtain the suffrages of honest men, and although there may be Socialists whose aims at present are more moderate than those of the rest, yet the policy of concealment, in order to avoid awakening too much hostility until they have gained more power, indicates that the views of the majority are the same as those of their acknowledged leaders. An instance of this policy of concealment came to light after the late Kirkdale election, when an attempt was made to repudiate the charge of Atheism ; but the attempt failed, and although Tariff Reform was an im- portant factor in obtaining the return of the Unionist candidate, Mr. McArthur, it was generally recognized that the election was a fight between religion and Atheistic Socialism, and that, without the support of the Pro- testants, Mr. McArthur would not have been returned. It is perfectly plain, in fact, that Atheism is recognized as the foundation of Socialism by all leading Socialists. Mr. Leatham writes : ' I feel called upon to attack Christianity as I would any other harmful delusion. I do not beheve in the theology of Christ any more than I do in His Sociology. It is.no use pretending that Socialisni wiU not profoundly revolutionize religious thought. If the triumph of the Socialist ideal does not crush super- natural religion we shall still have a gigantic fabric of falsity and convention upon which to wage war. Happily Christianity becomes less and less a power every day." Mr. Bernard Shaw says : " Popular Christianity has for its emblem a gibbet, for. its sensation a sanguinary execution after torture, for its central mystery an insane vengeance bought off by a trumpery expiation." Karl Max asserts : " The idea of God must be destroyed. The root of liberty, equality, and fraternity is Atheism." In Mke manner Professor Schoeffle says : " Atheism is the keynote of Socialism." In Justice we read, " The respectable minister of Christ's gospel to-day would send his Christ to gaol for 292 ROME AND GERMANY a month's hard labour as a rogue and a vagabond if in these degenerate days he attempted to do as he did in Old Judea.", We are told by Belfort Bax that " The Churches would have no future under Socialism," while Mr. Mae- pherson says, " We must substitute Socialism for the Ten Commandments." In short, Mr. Thomas Kirkup, the leading Socialist historian, in his article on Socialism in the Encyclopcedia Britannica, states that the Marxian Socialism, which is the Socialism of to-day, " is prevail- ingly atiieistic." Thus, Mr. Robert Blatchford, in The Clarion, which is the chief organ of Socialism in Great Britain, writes : "I deny the existence of a heavenly Father. I deny the efficiency of prayer: I deny the -Providence of God. I deny the truth of the Old Testament and the >Jew Testa- ment. I deny the truth of the Gospels. I do not believe that any miracle was ever performed. I do not believe that Christ was divine, I do not believe that He died for men. I do not believe that He ever rose from the dead., I am strongly inclined to believe that He never existed at all. This is not a humane and civilized nation, and never will be while it accepts Christianity as its religion. Let the hcly have their heaven, I am a man and an infidel." 1 How false the pretence of certain so-called Liberal papers that Socialism is not Atheistic was shown by Mr. Bruce Glazier in the Labour Leader. Mr. Glazier is no friend of religion, but he regretted the exposure of Socialistic Atheism as a principal cause of the Socialist defeat at Kirkdale, and condemned the outspoken Atheistti of Mr. Blatchford, and especially the leaflets distributed among the electors with quotations from Mr. Blatthford's articles, in which that writer states that he does not believe in Christianity, and denies categorically every article of the Christian faith, Mr. Glazier asks, " How can we reply to that leaflet ? " and he admits that " they could not affirm that the Socialist movement was in no way responsible for the * Daily Express, October 4th, 1907. SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 293 propagation of the views contained in it. Nor could they deny that a special edition of Mr. Blatchford's paper, The Clarion, which had for months been engaged in attacking Christianity, had been distributed from the labour committee rooms." He is compelled, in short, to admit that Socialism and Atheism are allied, and suggests that " efforts should be made {0 hide the fact from the people they are trying to win over." The more honest Socialists, such as Mr. Blatchford, also admit that infidelity lost Socialists the Kirkdale seat, but, unhke Mr. Glazier, he adds that " to hedge upon the religious question will be to court defeat. Upon this question the Socialists and Labourites will be compelled to make a plain pronouncement. The Labour men who will not attack the so-called religions because they are Christians wiii have to be converted. . . . The people must be saved from themselves. They must be taught to think. Boy, run up to^the fore peak arid nail the Jolly Roger to the mist;" ^ Mr. Blatchford rightly recognizes that Christianity is the greatest foe to Socialism, and he therefore declares, " I will fight against Toryism, Liberalism and Christianity. as long as I have the use of my hands." Whatever they may pretend, the aims of the leading Socialists are practically the same as those of the Anar- chists. The object of both is to overthrow law and order and the ruling classes, to seize the property of the rich, to abolish the rights of property and of marriage, do away with home and family ties, and to destroy religion ; and although the Socialist may not at present advocate the murder of individuals, he is just as ready to shed the blood of those who stand in his way. The Atheism of the Anarchist is identical with that of the Socialist. " The first thing," said a leading Anarchist at Berne, " that men must do before they could be free, • Daily Express, October 5th, 1907. The " Jolly Roger," is a same for the pirate flag of rapine and murder. A fit emblem of revolutienary Socialism 294 ROME AND GERMANY is to tear out of their minds the idea of the existence of a God, which was the most silly superstition ever invented. Secondly, they must get' rid of the fiction of right. Thirdly, the rights of property, marriage, and other social institutions must be got rid of; But if only the first two beliefs are destroyed, all the others would snap like threads." In order to ensure the success of Socialism, belief in the Bible as the revelation of the true God and of true righteousness must be destroyed, and when the masses have been taught to reject its truth and authority the chief witness for God in the world will be slain, and the great obstacle to the Social Revolution will be overthrown. Behef in the Bible is also the great obstacle to Rome's dominion and superstition, . and ilx the war which the Socialists are waging against its truth and inspiration they are simply carrying out tlie purpose and ambition of Rome. The hostility of Socialists to Christianity in this country has not the excuse of being directed against a religion of tyranny and superstition, as in the case of the French Revolution. It is directed against Protestant Christianity, which, in spite of some errors, has been productive of an amount of benevolence and care for the poor, the sick and the suffering, which has no precedent in the history of other nations. But Protestant Christianity is the chief object of Rome's hostility and in this, as in other respects, the aims of Rome and the Sociahsts are identical. One of the chief objects of the Jesuits is to propagate the doctrines of infidelity among the rising generation, and for this purpose they seek to obtain control of the instruction of the young in oirder " to raise up a race wortliy of tlie dark ages " ; that is to say, to animate them with hatred of all laws, human and divine, and thus sow the seeds of revolution. ^ This is exactly what has been done in the Sunday schools lately under the control of the Progressive Socialists of the London County Council, as well as in other schools throughout the country, in 'See ante, page 170. SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 295 which the children are taught to hate the rich and all in authority, and to reject the doctrines of Christianity. Since the daily papers have taken up the mattef and fully exposed the sinister aims of Socialism, and thereby aroused the indignation of honest men, many protests have been made from professed Socialists repudiating these sinister aims, and endeavouring to represent SociaHsm as a purely benevolent movement for the benefit of humanity and in no way opposed to family relations, or to the rehgious convictions or the liberty of the individual. . But of what use is this repudiation when all the principal Socialist writers, who by their books and pubhcations have created the Socialist movement and made Socialism what it is, have, without exception, openly advocated these sinister aims ? Everything points, however, to the fact that Socialism is a conspiracy founded upon falsehood and fallacy, and is under the secret direction of able and astute men practised in the art of chicanery and deceit. The object sought to be attained by repudiating its pernicious aims and repre- senting them as wholly beneficent, is, of course, to gaiil the support and disarm the opposition of honest men. This, as we have seen, is the method by which SociaHsm is propagated. The ravening wolf is at first made to appear as a Iamb. It is also one of the established principles of the Jesuits, however often their statements are shown to be false, to continue to reiterate them, knowing that, while few will be acquainted with proofs of their fallacy, numbers, ignorant of these proofs, will accept without question their constantly repeated assertions. This is also the principle followed by the leaders of Socialism, and their methods and those of the Jesuits are in this respect the same. Those who are engaged in repudiating the more sinister aims of Socialism must be fully aware of their real tiature, and their denials must be regarded as made at the instigation of the secret organizers of the Socialist conspiracy. The Atheism which is being propagated throughout the 296 ROME AND GERMANY world and is preparing the masses for revolution, is not a mere intellectual unbelief, but is based on the endeavour to make a God, who is the righteous' judge and governor of the world, hateful and repugnant. Where this hatred is engendered, it is naturally directed against all who believe in God and uphold the principles of law, order, and justice, all of which are expressive of the righteous- ness of God. For just as true Christianity is productive of love and benevolence to men, so the Atheism, which springs from hatred to God, can only produce envy, hatred, and malice towards men. In short, the purpose of the Socialist agitator is to stir up this hatred with the object of bringing about actual war, and this hatred is taught, even to the little children in the schools, as the foundation of Socialist morality. "We preach the Gospel of hatred because under the cir- cumstances it seems the only thing we can preach. To talk about the Gospel of Love is simply solemn rubbish." {The Class War, pamphlet by the Independent Labour Party.) In like manner, they do not conceal the fact that their pbject is to foment discontent in order to produce a. bloody revolution. " We are accused of preaching dis- content and stirring up actual conflict. We do preach discontent, and we mean to preach discontent, and we mean, if we can, to stir up actual conflict." (Mr. Hyndman.) " Let the Socialists in Parliament and the local bodies introduce any general attack upon private enterprise, as they must sooner or later do, ■ when they are strong enough, and then we shall see war. If men fight for territory, the Flag or patriotism, will they not fight with tenfold more tenacity for their living?" {The Class War.) It is thus perfectly clear that these, agitators in jireach- ing the Gospel of hate and discontent with the objection fomenting revolution and civil war, are carrjjjng out in every particular the avowed design of the Jesuits and using their exact methods. It is evident that the true Socialist has no love for his fellow-men. Patriotism, which consists of a man's love SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 297 for his country and countrymen, and a desire for their welfare, is openly abjured by him. His aim is to crush all in a position superior to his own, and to effect this he openly preaches rebellion and civil war, and declares his readiness to wade through the blood of his fellow- coantrymen in order to attain Tiis object. For this purpose he not only endeavours to engender discontent among the masses and inflame their hatred, but to excite their cupidity by the hopes of plunder and by proposing legislative measures which will enable them to live at the expense of the rich. These proposals are the bribes offered to working-men in order to obtain their support in bringing about the great Revolution ; and in order to give their dupes confidence in their' promises, they are couched in terms of boastful assertion, expressive of the most assured success. " I have tried," says Mr. Keir Hardie, " to make my class the ruling class, and it is going to happen." Such confident assertions strongly appeal to the imaginations of those with whom the wish is fa:ther of the thought, and the prospect of having at their disposal the accumu- lated wealth of the nation cannot fail to attract, not merely the idle and improvident, but also the triminal classes, who always form the chief factor in revolution. On the same principle, Mr. Charles Shaw, secretary of , the Clarion Scouts, writes to The Express, which has a large circulation among the working-classes, stating the minimum demands of the Socialists, such as free food for the children, which will reheve working-men of the cost of their maintenance ; work for every man at a living wage whether it pays or not ; old-a%e pensions for all, including the idle and vicious, etc., and to which the work- ing classes " shall hot contribute one farthing." But he says that these are merely preliminary measures. Con- fiscation of the wealth of the rich is the ultimate aim, and for this wealth he says : " The Sociaiist bloodhound has got the scent strong in its nostriSs, and It will pursue its objective implacably and unerringly."^' ' Daily Exprns, January 25th, igo8. 298 ROME AND GERMANY In like manner, The Social Democratif Federation asserts, " Sooner or later the workers must come to recognize that nothing short of the expropriation of the capitalist class (i.e., the appropriation of their wealth), and the ownership by the community of all the means of pro- duction, can put an end to their abject economic condition." Besides these appeals to the cupidity of the idle and vicious, it is evident that the prospect of a reign of free love offers to those who are unrestrained^ by conscience or religion, a powerful inducement to join the ranks of Socialism. But these promises of plunder are merely glittering baits. They can have no real fulfilment, for with the prohibition of private enterprise and the rights of pro- perty and the destniction of the richer class, the wealth of the country would rapidly disappear and the funds necessary to support the working-classes in comparative idleness would be unobtainable. Moreover, the aims of the Socialists could not be attained without a bloody revolution, in which the greater portion of the property of the rich, industrial works, and all the chief means of emplo}7ment, would be destroyed, credit and investment and nearly every form of property would cease to have any value, and the actual gold in the country would only auffice for a hmited time to pay for the necessary food supplies from abroad. Even if, under a Commune, a number of industries were eventually re- established, the greater portion of them, for the reasons before stated, would only be worked at a loss. The soil itself would remain, but even with the most perfect organization and knowledge, which could not be expected from the ignorant, it could only support a portion of the population. The social revolution would indeed bring appalling misery to all classes, but the working-classes would not be the least to suffer. If the working-classes in Britain suffered from oppres- sive tyranny and injustice, as was the case in France before the Revolution, there would be excuse for the SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 299 Socialist propaganda, but this is not the case, and al- though in this world there must always be some suffering consequent on incapacity, illness, and misfortune, as well as from idleness and vice, yet the distress, especially in Britain, may be reduced to a minimum by judicious legislation. This, however, is the very last thiilg that the Socialist agitator wishes for. His object is to pro- duce revolution, and he simply makes use of the working- man as a tool for carrying out his designs, but for his true interests he cares nothing, and therefore opposfes everything which would tend to lessen the existing distress and discontent. Hence, when in consequence of an appeal to the public, funds ~were raised to give meals to school children of necessitous and deserving working-men in London, it only aroused the anger of the Socialists, because it relieved distress and therefore diminished discontent. "Damn their charity," -was the comment of a leading SociciUst. A similar indifference to the interests of working-men was seen in the tyranny the Socialists exercised over the working-men who opposed their revolutionary aims and which called forth the protest of the Trades Unions. ^ It is also witnessed in the hostility of all leading Socialists to Tariff Reform, which would so greatly increase the sources of emplo5mient and decrease distress and dis- content ; and it is also seen by their opposition to the emigration of the unemployed to Canada, where every hard-working man is sure of a livelihood, and has even a fair chance of rising to affluence. We find the same endeavour to check and throw dis- credit on emigration among the leading Pro-Boers, as in the case of that eminent Pro-Boer, the editor of Truth, who, a few years ago, with the object apparently of discouraging emigration, " made attacks of the most slanderous and untruthful nature " upon Mr. Aspdin and his colleagues of the Canadian Farm Pupil Association, established for the guidance and help of emigrants. The » See letters from Trades Union Working-men to the Daily Express, September, 1906. 300 ROME AND GERMANY attacks called forth indignant protest and the sworn statements of witnesses, " proving the attacks to be pure calumnies." * Emigration would not only strengthen the oversea Empire of Britain, but by diminishing the number of unemployed at home, reduce the poverty and discontent. Both these results are wholly opposed to the aims of the Sociahsts, for their object is not only to cultivate and increase the discontent of the masses, but, like the anti- Englanders, their policy, as we shall point out, is to weaken and overthrow the British Empire. We have seen that, so far, the aims of the leading- Socialists in this country, and the means they employ to attain theni, are identical in every respect witlj, those of the Jesuits. Their object is to bring about the great Social revolution which the Jestiits are engaged in foment- ing. Like the Jesuits, they work upon the discontent of the masses in order to bring about this result. Like the Jesuits, they seek to animate the lo'^er classes with hatred of the upper classes, in order to accomplish their purpose. Like the Jesuits, they propagate the doctrines of Atheism as the means of cultivating the revolutionary spirit. Like the Jesuits, their aim is to obtain control of the education of the young in order to sow the seeds of Atheism and revolutiort ; and, like the Jesuits, they make use of deceit and subterfuge to conceal their real designs. In addition to this, they are animated, like the Jesuits, by a bitter hostility to the power and integrity of the British Empire. For the true aim of the Socialist leaders is the ruin of their country. Their pretended S5mipathy for Chinese coolies, Zulu rebels, and Eg5^tian murderers was transparently false. The undisguised wrath of the Socialist leaders when the Chinese slavery lie was exposed is a conclusive proof that they cared nothing- for the Chinese coolies themselves, and only made use of the calumny with the hope of wrecking a great British industry, and thereby weakening or overthrowing British power and influence in South Africa. » Leaflet by Mr. Aspdin," Truth Unmasked," February loth.igoS. SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 301 In like manner, it was evident that their efforts, sup- ported by the leading Pro-Boers, to stop the military preparation of their countrymen in Natal, who were fighting for their lives and those of their wives and children against a murderous black race, and their sup- port of the murderers and torturers of their own country- men, were not because they cared for the Zulus, but because they wished to hamper, in every possible way, their countrymen's efforts, and to incite and to encourage the Zulus to " whip the British back to the Thames." In this they so far succeeded, that their manifesto was at once made known to hundreds of educated Kafi&rs, and was rapidly disseminated by them throughout the Trans- vaal, exciting the spirit of rebellion there also. This was followed by outrages on white men and women, which obhged the whole white population to arm. It is also a significant fact that, besides the wholly groundless mis- representations concerning the cutting off of the dead Bambata's head, which was necessary for identification, they circulated other calumnies, saying that the British in Natal had burned the native churches, and that the black rising was organized by interested parties in order to afford an excuse for driving the natives from their land. * Similar support was given by the Socialists to the Egyptian murderers with the view of encouraging the widespread sedition in Egypt, which had been brought about by Turkish agitators at the instigation of Ger- many. So dangerous was this encouragement that it called forth the earnest protest both of Sir Edward Grey, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, and of Enghshmen resident in Egypt, who recognized that such encourage- ment might, in Egypt also, bring about a repetition of the Indian Mutiny. Again, as might be expected, they S5mapathized with the sedition in India, and by attacking the Government of that country, and spreading calumnies against it, did what they could to encourage revolt. In short, like the Radical anti-^Englanders and Pro-Boers, the Socialists ' Daily Telegraph, May 5th, 1906. 302 ROME AND GERMANY are the friends of every enemy of their country, and staunch supporters of every rebellion and sedition which threatens the disintegration of the Empire. But their support of the Chinese slavery lie, of the rising of the Zulus against the British in South Africa, and of the sedition and rebellion in Egypt and India, was in no way essential to their Socialistic aims in Britain. It was simply carrying out in every detail the avowed policy of Rome and the Jesuits for the overthrow of the British Empire. ' In these respects the Socialists were warmly upheld by the Pro-Boer supporters of the Government, a large number of whoni, and even some members of the Govern- ment itself, are members of the National Democratic League and the Land Nationalization Society, both of which are Socialist organizations.^ These members obtained their seats as Liberals, but have since done everything in their power to forward the aims of the Revolutionists? Moreover, although some of the measures of the Govern- ment have been spoken of as " weak concessions " to the Socialist members, they have more the appearance of being dictated by a secret sympathy with Revolution. It is also significant that, when the Sociahst Sunday Schools for sowing the seeds of revolution and under- mining Christianity were suppressed by the present London Council, it called iorth the greatest resentment on the part of the leading Pro-Boer £ind anti-English papers, The Daily News, Chronicle, Star, Tribune, etc. * These papers reflect the views of the party behind the Government, which implies that the latter are by no means opposed to Atheism and Revolution. It is on'ty to be expected that the majority of Socialists should be bitterly opposed to the existence of any Army and Navy, and eagerly support every measure for reducing the defences of the country, and that they should make full use of the pretence that a national army engenders " militarism." By these means they are ensuring the ' Daily Express, report, July 24th, 1907. • Daily Express, June 13 th; 1907. SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 303 success of a German invasion, a result to which many of them openly declare themselves supremely indifferent ; they deride the very idea of patriotism, and use every means to bring it into contempt.^ They have also a further reason for getting rid of the Army. For the Army, like the Police, is available for upholding law and order, and therefore a serious obstacle to the success of the revolution which they are fomenting. The Socialists are therefore making every effort to excite sedition and discontent among the troops, and circulars have lately been distributed amongst the rank and file at Aldershot inveighing against the injustice of courts-martial,, urging the men to oppose discipline, telling them that they are pariahs bereft of the rights of citizenship, and demanding the total abolition of the Army. It is evident that, if their plots and conspiracies succeed, it would be safe to predict that the British Empire wiU one day fall by the . sword of Germany as did that of Rome by the sword of the Goths. This is fully recognized by them. In short, Mr. Keir Hardie, when prophesying the triumph of Socialism, also predicted that the British Empire would fall as did that of Imperial Rome, a result which is the cherished hope and ambition of Papal Rome and the Jesuits. There seems reason to believe that the Socialists have also been endeavouring to undermine the loyalty of the police. It would indeed be strange if they had not taken measures to tamper with these protectors of law and order. On several occasions when Socialist agitators, preaching sedition and revolution, have been opposed by patriotic and loyal citizens, the latter have been sternly repressed by the police, and while the Socialists were freely allowed to fly the red flag of revolt, the police prohibited the exhibition of the Union Jack by the patriots. We must conclude that the police, in these cases, were acting under instructions, and these instructions must have been issued by the Government, or possibly by Socialists {or Jesuits P) who had obtained positions of authority in the police force. * As in the case of the Socialists at the Kirkdale Election. 304 ROME AND GERMANY It is not indeed necessary to suppose that the Socialist leaders are themselves Jesuits ; although it would not be difficult for secret members of that Society, without betrajdng their identity, to act as public Socialist agitators with a pretended sympathy for the working-classes and, from that position, propagate the fallacies and misre- presentations on which Socialism is founded/ It is also a principle of the Jesuits to insinuate themselves, in the disguise of working-men, into the clubs and societies' of the latter, in order to inflame their discontent. In this way it would be easy for these astute plotters to so work upon -the ignorance, the vanity or greed, or envy and malice, or even sense of injustice, of numbers, more especially of those without belief in God, as to animate them with envy and hatred of the classes above them. Such persons, ignorant that the triumph of Socialism would only bring-about the ruin of their country, and, after a short-lived orgy of anarchy and plunder, untold misery to the working-classes themselves, would become perfect tools in the hands of the Jesuits for bringing about the great revolution the latter are using every means to foment. The fact that such extreme Socialists as Messrs. Hynd- man and Blatchford , recognize the danger to which the nation is exposed from German ambition, and have urged the necessity of taking efficient means for defending the country against invasion, shows that they, at any rate, do not desire the conquest and ruin of their country by a foreign power, which is the object of the Jesuits. They may wish to crush and overthrow its rulers and upper classes themselves, but the fact that when it comes to the overthrow of their country by a foreign power, they refuse to carry out the fuU programme of the Jesuits, indicates that, at the most, they are only unconscious .tools of that Society, and might be less so if they recognized hoW, in other respects, they were simply carrying out its designs. This, however, cannot be said of sohie other Socialist leaders, and when we see how exactly they Support every SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 305 detail of Jesuit policy, not only with regard to the propa- gation of Atheism, stirring up sedition, and inflaming the passions of the masses at home, but also with regard to the means adopted for weakening and disintegrating the British Empire abroad ; that for the latter purpose they even went out of their way to attain their ends ; when also we see them making use of the very weapong of the Jesuits, subterfuge and deceit, and spreading calumnies and falsehoods, in support of sedition and rebelhon in British dependencies, fighting, in short, against the welfare and lives of their own countr5mien and men of their own class in those dependencies, it is difficult not to believe that amongst them there must be Jesuits in disguise, or men in the closest touch with Jesuit advisers who supply them with arguments, sophistries, and false statements, for the purpose of their policy. Sociahsm is only to a small degree spontaneous in this country, where the causes which led to the French Revolution do not exist. It is, as we have said, the result of a conspiracy conducted by able and erudite men who have sought to reproduce artificially the same state of feeling among the working-classes as that which animated the masses in France in 1789. As in France, the way has been first prepared by the philosophers, such as Herbert Spencer and others, who, like Voltaire, Rousseau, &c., have undermined religious behef, preached " the rights of man " and advocated Socialistic changes. Their argu- ments, reproduced among the working-classes, have excited in them a growing contempt for religion, and the soil thus prepared has been utilized of late years by clever and unscrupulous propangandists for sowing the seeds of a bitter revolutionary spirit. The sophistries and mis- representations made use of to deceive the masses and inflame their passions are artfully chosen and .cleverly insimmted. The organization by which meetings are held all over the kingdom, books and pamphlets distributed, and the promptness with which bodies of men are as- sembled when required to attack and shout down the opposers of Socialism, is complete and perfect, and it 3o6 ROME AND GERMANY is clear that there is no lack of funds to support the movement. But so far from the movement being spontaneous, as was the case in the French Revolution, a large proportion of the working-classes are still wholly opposed to it, and it is inconceivable that it has been originated and carried out by the working-men themselves. The means by which the movement has been developed indicates rather the work of a powerful secret society, acting in perfect unison, and witt a clearly defined purpose, and that pur- pose is the avowed purpose of the Jesuits. The methods employed for the propagation of Socialism are also essentially Jesuitical. It has been pointed out that the French Revolution owed its success to the support it received from honest and patriotic men who recognized the abuses from which the working-classes suffered and sympathized with their distress, bvit failed to recognize that, in giving power to the ignorant masses they were preparing the way for a reign of anarchy and murder. The lessons of the French Revolution, and the necessity for obtaining the support of honest and respectable persons, are fully appreciated by those who direct the Socicdistic propaganda, and, therefore, when seeking to influence people who respect law and order, they carefully keep out of sight, or scomidly deny, the real and sinister purpose of the Social Revolution, painting Socialism in roseate hues, dwelling upon the distress of the unemployed and their discontent (which they are using every means to inflame), and making it appear that Sociahsm is the only remedy. In this way, numbers of honest people become their dupes, and are induced to give their support to men who are really the bitter enemies of their country and are working for its ruin. For this purpose also, they have got the Liberal Press to insert articles advocating, little by utile, the doctrines of Socialism under the name of " Liberalism," in order to gradually educate and influence their readers. Thus Mr. Bernard Shaw, in one of the Fabian tracts, speaks of SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 307 " collaring the Star " in this way, and stated that, " Be- fore the year was out we had the assistant editor, Mr. H. W. Massingham, writing as extreme articles as Hyndman had ever written in Justice, ^ until the capitahst proprietors woke up to our game and cleared us out ; our pohey has been to try and induce some of these regular papers to give a column or two to Socialism, calling it by what name they please, and I have no hesitation in saying that the effect of this policy, as shown in the Manchester Sunday Chronicle, The Star, and the London Daily Chronicle has done more for the cause than all the time and money that has been wasted on Justice," Socialists were also urged to join Liberal and Radical Associations, or if they preferred it. Conservative Asso- ciations. " On these bodies we made speeches and moved resolutions, or better still, got the Parliamentary candidate for the constituency to move them, and secured reports and encouraging little articles for him in The Star. We permeated the party organization, and pulled all the wires we could lay our hands on with our utmost adroitness and energy, and we succeeded so far that in 1888 we gained the solid advantage of a Progressive majority, full of ideas that would never have come into their heads had not the Fabian put them there, on the first London County Council." * It is only too evident that the Socialists (or it might possibly be more correct to say the Jesuits) have captured some of the leading Liberal journals, which they influence and control in the guise of Liberals and Protestants, and the same would appear to be the case in some professedly Protestant periodicals which introduce a diluted Socialism under cover of religious professions. These Liberal papers take care to deny and repudiate (for the present) the more extreme Socialist doctrines, such as Atheism and the abrogation of marriage and family ties, but their undis- » Mr. Massingham is well known as a virulent Pro-Boer and Anti-Englander, and in that capacity has done as much by his articles to forward the aims of Rome as any man. • " The Fabian Society. What It has Done." Fabian Tract, No. A.I. Dublished in i8q3. 3q8 ROME AND GERMANY guised support of Socialists shows that they have no real antagonism to these things. The Socialists themselves attempt , to deny that these doctrines are part of their creed when they find that they create hostility, but such denial must be recognized as merely a part of the policy of propagating their doctrines little by little, and under cover of Liberalism and benevolent reforms, in order to entrap the ignorant and unsuspecting. Both they, and the Liberal journals which support them, might say with Dr. Newman when he posed as a Protestant, that such " economy' in writing and speaking " is " necessary for our Position." ^ In short, their policy is pr-ecisely the same as that of Rome for Romanizing the Church of England. In that case, the Jesuits were instructed to~ enter the Church in the guise of Protestants, and then cautiously, and little by little, to introduce the rites and doctrines of Romanism, by which it was expected that numbers would find them- selves Catholics before they were aware of their perver- sions. In the same way many have been led to adopt and support Socialism under the hame of Liberalism and Reform. The methods of the Socialists in the workshop are thus described by a worker in one of the largest West End firms : " Their craftiness is evidenced in the stealthy way in which they seek their opportunities. With an ever watchful eye on the foreman, or person in authority, some remark is made, or some topic ]?roached that it is known will lead to controversy, and having then set the ball rolling, the propagandist holds aloof only to note the probable converts among the disputants, arid having fixed on one or two whom he hopes to make his prey, he seizes on some remark or statement made by one or the other, or both, and makes it the text of a Socialist sermonette." * With reference to this we may recall the fact that it is one of the recognized methods of the Jesuits to adopt the disguise of working-men and enter into their societies and ' See ante, page 9. > » Letter by a workman, to Daily Express, July 29th, 1907. SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 309 associations in order to foment sedition and revolution among them. ^ It may also be remarked that Socialist writers con- stantly propagate their doctrines under the cover of words with a double meaning, so |hat while both the context and the natural sense of their statements teach or insinuate the doctrines, they wish to enforce, they are able, when challenged by honest men, to fall back upon the other meaning of their words and pretend that that was what they intended. But principles advocated by means of falsehoods, mis- representations, fallacies and calumnies, and" supported by men who use subterfuge and deceit, and disguise their identity and aims in order to obtain the support of the ignorant, must stand condemned in the sight of every honest man. How much more must this be the case when there is such strong evidence that behind the move- ment, directing its policy and devising its sinister methodSj are the Jesuits, the bitter and uncompromising foes of Protestant Britain. . We may also mention the fact that the principal Socialists in Parliament voted, against Mr. Corbett's Bill for the inspection of Roman Catholic convents in Great Britain, this being the only country in which these house§ are not subject to Government inspection. Is it not remarkable that Socialists, who are so 'bitterly hostile to religion and Christianity, and professedly opposed to every form of oppression and coercion, should make this exceotion in favour of Romanism, and in the case of institutions in which the secret tyranny ■ and cruelty carried on has constantly been broughtto light! The alliance of the Socialists, or of those who direct their policy, with Rome was equally manifested by their support of the Bill for doing away with Roman Catholic disabilities. The measure which specified these disabilities was passed by Protestant legislators to guard against Rome obtaining again a dominant influence in the councils of the nation. Yet thirteen of the leading Socialists voted for the removal ' Ante, page 170. 310 ROME AND GERMANY of this safeguard and only four labour members voted against it. When therefore we see that these Socialists are also supporters of the Jesuit agitation for Home Rule in Ireland, there can be no reasonable doubt that Socialism in Great Britain is under the direction of secret members of the Jesuit society. In addition to this, we find that Socialism is receiving the warmest support from the Romanizing clergy in the Church of England, amongst whom, there can be no doubt, there are Jesuits who have entered the Church for the express purpose of perverting it. The support being given by ministers of religion to the opponents of all religion is a seeming anomaly, and has been pointed out in the Patriotic Press in the hope, app'arently, that, by opening the eyes of these clergy to the true character of Socialism, they may be dissuaded from supporting it ! But is it not a little absurd to suppose that these divines are not fully aware of the fact that Atheism is the foundation principle of their friends, who weU know that, until the authority of the Bible is destroyed, the Social Revolution can make Lut httle headway ? If then these clerical supporters of Socialism are fully aware of its principles, it is only reasonable to conclude that, in supporting it, they recognise that they are carr5ang out the purpose of Rome. The Socialists receive equally warm support from certain ministers in the Nonconformist churches, many of which, like the Church of England, are leavened with Romanism. ' Thus, both from the pulpit and the Press, support is given to the Socialistic propaganda, and under the cover of the term Christian Socialism it is pretended that the forced spoliation of the rich and division of their wealth by the working-classes is carrying out that prin- ciple of Christian kindness and disregard of worldly riches which led the early Christians to willingly dis- tribute their goods among their poorer brethren. By this'means they give the seeming sanction of religion to the socialistic propaganda, and obtain the support of » See Chapters xvi., xvii. SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 311 many jvbo do not perceive the fallacy of the argument and its travesty of true Christianity. In short, the support given by the leaders of religious thought to Socialism has been, and must be in the future, a powerful factor in obtaining the support of the ignorant but pious sentimentalist, and it may be safely asserted that, without that support. Socialism would have little chance of success. It is a principle of the Jesuits to advocate their policy under the disguise of religion, nor does it matter to them that the leading Socialists, being wholly opposed to religion, repudiate and despise the assistance of their clerical supporters. For the aims of the Socialists are identical with that of the Jesuits, viz., the overthrow of the authority of the Bible and the fomenting of revolution with a view of bringing about the ruin of the British Empire. It must never be forgotten that this is the avowed object of the Jesuits, and that they are also the authors of sedition and discontent among the working-classes all . over the world. "As for the populace, let us work on their discontent. The people are the vast domain we have to gain." "Do you wish to excite trouble, to provoice revolution, to produce the total ruin of your country? Call in the Jesuits."' This is what 'England has done, or allowed to take place, and she is reaping as she has sown. What would be the result of the triumph of Socialism ? If, through the support gfven to them by the well- meaning people who are blind to .he real aims of Socialism, the Socialist leaders succeed in att; ining to power, we may be certain that they will quickly ihrow off the mask and stand forth in their true colours as revolutionists, the enemies of all law, order, religion, and righteousness, and of marriage and family ties. The protests of the moderate party will then be as vain as were those of the Girondists in the French Revolution, and, as in their case, » The Abb6 Martial Marcet de la Roche Arnaud, ante, p. 39. 312 ROME AND GERMANY will be as ruthlessly crushed by means of the censor- ship of the Press, the gag, and the gibbet or the guillotine. For the reign of tyranny and terror in 1793 and that of the Commune in 1871 are regarded by the Socialist leaders of to-day as typical instances of Sbcialisnii in power. 1 In other words, their Socialist Utopia is the rule of an ohgarchy composed ef unscrupulous a:gitator8, supported by the criminal classes and the worst elements among the masses, who will crush all who are even suspected of opposing them by imprisonment and" death. In the event of the triumph of Socialism the natibfl will have to submit to the vindictive tyranny of the Jacobins they have placed in power, and the great revolu- tion, which for years the Jesuits have been secretly plotting to bring about, will be an accomplished fact. To quote their own words r " When the ebullition which we are secretly fomenting shall have reached a sufficient point, the cover shall be suddenly removed, and we shall pour our liquid fire upon those political meddlers who are ignorant and unsuspecting enough to serve as tools in our hands, and our efforts will result in a revolution worthy of the name which shall combine in one universal conquest all the conquests that have been made." For there can be little doubt that the overthrow of law, order, and religion in Bijtain would be. the signal for their overthrow in every other country and nation, and in the reign of anarchy and terror which must then ensue, the Jesuits will reap their vengeance upon the peoples who have rejected them, and by the aid of the proletariat re-establish their dominion. But before their triumph can be attained the Bible, as the Word of God, must first be. rejected by the great mass of the British nation, and when this has come to pass, the falling away foretold by, the Scriptures will be completed, and the great sign of the end- wiU be before our eyes. Since the aboV6 was written it has become evident that * Belfort Bax, quoted by Mi. Arnsld Faister, "Letters en Socialism," No. vii. SOCIALISTS AND JESUITS 313 eertain members ti the present Sovernment and a large portion of their supporters are wholly Socialistic and revolutionary, which is equivalent to saying that they are representatives of Jesuit policy for bringing about revolt^- tion and the downfall of the nation and Empire. All their measures point to this conclusion, and although some may support these measures in ignorance of their true tendency, it is difficult to suppose that this is the case with others, more especially with those who have always shown them- selves enemies of their country and friends of Rome. Their later measures have aimed at placing the. country under a bureaucracy of their own choosing for the enforce- ment of arbitrary and oppressive laws against which there, would be no appeal, and which, if carried out, would give them a power as great as that of the Russian bureau- cracy. It is equally "the aim of Rome and the Jesuits to attain this supreme power. For once they, or their representatives, had obtained complete control of the executive for the enforcement of oppressive and tyrannical laws, they would be able to crush all opposition and re-establish once more "the stake, the censorship, the gag and flames." ^ Moreover the Jesuits speak as if they were certain of effecting this conquest and, like the Socialists and Revolutionists, the means by which they hope to attain power is by working upon the discontent of the masses through whose support they hope to rule. " The people, the people is the vast domain we have to gain." Considering therefore the identity of the aims and methods of the Jesuits and the Revolutionists is it not possible that the leaders of the revolutionary party may turn out to be the accredited agents of Rome and the Jesuits, and that when they have consolidated their power they may throw off their present thin disguise and stand forth as the open supporters not merely of the tyranny of SociaUsm, but of the tyranny of an Atheistic religion of which the Jesuits will be the high priests ? For the religion of the future is not to be the Romanism • Ante, page 6. 314 ROME And Germany of the past, but a religion which is to be based on the rejection of the Bible and Christianity and a union with the false religions of the world. • This consummation is the more likely from the fact that a vast number of people in this country, including most of the Nonconformist Radicals, have ceased to be Pro- testants or to have any real behef in the Bible, but are nevertheless S37mpathisers with the religious piety of Romanism and other false religions, while the enthusiastic votaries of Spiritualism and Theosophy are said to number millions. * • Spiritualism, as might be shown, is simply the revival of one of the leading features of the ancient Paganism. CHAPTER XIV Religious Decay in Nonconformitt A LARGE proportion of well-to-do tradesmen and members of the middle-classes generally are strongly opposed to Socialism and revolution, and wholly patriotic in their desire for the welfare and prosperity of their country and Empire. On the other hand, there are many in these classes in whom the Socialistic and revolutionary spirit is even more strongly de- veloped than in the woi'king-classes. They are also the principal supporters of that anti-English policy which is preparing the way for the disruption of the Empire and overthrow of the nation. ,^ These, -almost without exception, belong to one or other of the Nonconformist Churches. For although a large number of Nonconformists have no sympathy with the revolutionary and anti-English spirit, the very con- trary is the case in some of their communities, and that spirit would appear to emanate from, and to 'be chiefly nourished by, these communities. It is important there- fore to enquire into the reason and origin of this attitude on their part. The Nonconformists are the successors of the Puritans and Reformers to whom we owe the civil and religious liberties of the nation, and, like the latter, the Noncon- formists have, in times past, been the foremost in pro- testing against and opposing the superstitions of Rome. Like the Puritans and Reformers, they suffered in times past from the persecution of the Church and State simply because they rejected such doctrines of Romish origin as were still retained by many in the Church of England, 315 3i6 ROME AND GERMANY and sought to conduct their worship without those ritual forms and ceremonies, many of them of Pagan origin, which they rightly regarded as inconsistent with the worshipping of God " in spirit and in truth." • Those who opposed this civil and religious tyranny were earnest, God-fearing men, animated by the tradition- al English love of justice, and that respect for law and order which is the great bulwark of true liberty. But we see that the love of justice and hatred of oppression has degenerated into more or less licence and lawless- ness in some of their descendants, both in this country and in America. Although they now enjdy complete civil and religious liberty, and the tyranny and in- justice which had called forth the resistance of their forefathers no longer exists, the spirit of resistance remains. Because, however, it is no longer tempered by a love of justice and religious principle, it manifests itself in a revolt against the laws which, as a safeguard of Society, put a restraint on the indulgence of the selfish passions aftd inclinations of human nature. Thus in France, which/^just before the revolution, had been inoculated from America with the spirit' of liberty and revolt against oppression, that spirit took the form of- unbridled licence and lawlessness^ because it was unac- companied and untempered by any sense of justice and righteousness or of the fear of G6d. It is evident that this must always be the case when full power and liberty are given to a people uncivilised and ungovemed by the principles of justice and righteousness, 'and therefore unfitted to use that power. It would be the same in principle, and its effects quite as serious, as if a multitude of savage wild beasts were to be let loose upon a peaceful society. Something of the same nature has been at work among the Nonconformist bodies in this country. As is the case in every religious community, there have always been among them worldly and unspiritual pro- fessors and some who have displayed a spirit of fanaticism and Pharisaism in their antagonism to all vi^o differed DECAY IN NONCONFORMITY 317 from them ; but, on the other hand, there were probably no rehgious communities among whom there were so many true Christians whose single-minded earnestness and spirituahty exercised a profound influence en the conscience and moral character of the rest of the nation. But as time went on, perfect religious liberty wa« secured throughout Great Britain. All persecution ceased, and in place of being in a weak minorit}', many of the Nonconformist communities became rich and powerful bodies, and able, as at the present day, to exercise an effective influence in the State. But with the increase of worldly power and prosperity, moral and spiritual decay set in. For it would seem that true Christianity can only thrive in proportion as those who profess it partake of the earthly condition of its Founder. When Christians were " a sect everywhere spoken against" and the Apostles . were regarded by the world around them as " the off-scouring of all things," Chris- tianity remained pure, and exercised a mighty spiritual influence on all with whom it came into contact. But when persecution ceased, and it became the religion of the State and of the Roman Empire, it speedily becanife' corrupted by Pagan errors and superstition, and th«!' rulers of the Church became haughty, ambitious, and worldly, and persecutors of all who differed from therh. So it was with many in the Nonconformist Churches. When persecution ceased and Romanism seemed to be confined to a few persons insignificant in numbers, or, in a modified form, to a small minority in the Church of England, its evil was no longer before their eyes, and their protest against ^rror .and superstition became gradually less, while in "proportion to their increasing worldly prosperity so did worldliness and spiritual lethargy creep over them. From that time, although the Bible had become a household book in Britain, and some of the leading doctrines of the Reformers were still retained and hon- oured in most of the Nonconformist Churches, the Truth itself as revealed by Christ gradually became, to many. 3i8 ROME AND GERMANY ■ of little or no importance, and provided they accepted certain dogmas which they considered sufficient for salvation, they entirely disregarded every warning and exhortation with regard to the difficulty of finding the truth, the general deception of the world, its inability to receive th^ Spirit of Truth, and the urgent necessity of seeking that truth. At the present day, all the more solemn warnings of Christ and the Apostles are either wholly ignored by a large portion of the religious world, or so toned down, or explained away, as to be without effect, with the result that the leading doctrines of Christianity have been either perverted or travestied by false teachers, or by those who, without true faith, eagerly seize upon any sophistry to eliminate the offence from the teaching of Christ and make " the strait and narrow way which leadeth unto Life " broader and more easy. The effect- of this has been not only to make Christianity itself contemptible in the eyes of numbers, but to implant a subtle spirit of unbelief in^ the minds of those who profess to believe in it. Thus, the religious creed of some of the Nonconformist Churches, in its cruder and more popular form, is a travesty of Christian truth, and tends to destroy all true faith. It is, in short, the negation of faith, and is near akin to Atheism, and is indeed a pre- paration for it. For it tends to remove the fear of God as the Judge and Punisher of sin, and to enable its fol- lowers to dismiss all thought of Him from their minds. To such persons God and' Christ, become mere names, and the Bible, a book to which they may accord an out- ward respect, but the teaching of which has no real value to them, save so far as it seems to support their false confidence. The arguments in support of scepticism and infidelity naturally find a receptive soil among those who accept this teaching, and all the more so, because the imperfect Jcnowledge and education of so many renders them unable to discern their fallacy. The doctrines of infidelity are also being directly preached from the pulpits of numerous DECAY IN NONCONFORMITY 319 Nonconformist Churches, and some Nonconformist minis- ters have even boasted that they have been among the first to free themselves from the superstitious belief in many of the miracles and stories of the Bible. The result is that, in spite of true spiritual religion among many, and a good deal of outward piety among others, unbelief in the Bible and contempt of all religion is growing rapidly among the rernainder. ^ But, as already pointed out, unbelief, by removing the fear of God and the restraint of conscience, is the pre- paration for that spirit of selfishness, egotism, and envy, ■which rebels against human laws and authority, and the inequalities of wealth and social position. It is no wonder, therefore, in spite of the presence of very many true Christians in the Nonconformist Churches, that, owing to the decay of true religion and the increasing unbelief and worldlihess of the majority, the aims and energies of many have been easily directed towards selfish and unspiritual ends, and that even many professedly religious people, whose belief is of that superficial and deadening character to which we have referred, support the same revolutionary measures for the ruin of the nation and disintegration of the Empire as those advocated by Atheistic Socialists and anti-Englanders, and are found in close alliance with those who are so clearly enemies of God and of righteousness. The foundation of this revolutionary and anti-English sfiirit is to be found, no^ doubt, in the traditional an- tagonism of the Nonconformists to the Church of England, and therefore to the State which supported it. This antagonism was indeed justified in former days, not merely on account of religious differences, but on account of the actual severities and injustice which the Noncon- formists suffered, from the dignitaries of the Church. Although these causes of enmity no longer exist, and no * This unbelief is not indeed confined to Nonconformist com- munities, but is spreading throughout the nation, and is, no doubt, the manifestation of that " falling away " which was to be the sign and harbinger of the Great Day of the Lord. — 2 Thess. ii. 3. 320 ROME AND GERMANY ana Miffers iratn reJigious tynnnj uid persecution at th« present day, yet the fact that a large proportion of the clergy of the Church of England are reTintroducing the superstitions, idolatries, and priestly assumptions^ against which our forefathers protested, and suffered for so' doing, might be exjiected to call forth the protest .of .every true Christian and every true lover, of his country, who recog- nises how entirely their present liberties and prosperity have been dependent on the overthrow of that idolatry. No doubt, the true Christians and sincere Protestants among the Nonconformists do recognise and . protest against this evil. But, on the other hand, there are a large number of Nonconformists who, having little or no religious belief, are profoundly indifferent to the truth, and to the necessity of witnessing against Romanist error, while as a consequence of their unbelief they have become- imbued with the revolutionary spirit, and with envy and hatred of the upper classes. They may, be bitterly opposed to the Church of England, but it. is not; as with others, because of the ritualism of its clergy, but on account of its superior social and political position, and is simply the outcome of the spirit of revolt against all superiority. Many of them, indeed, instead of being opposed to Romanist errors and superstitions, are, as we Shall. point out, among the warmest apologists of that Church, while hot only do many of the Nonconformist ministers carefully imitate the dress and appearance of the ritualistic clergy, but in a large number of cases. they- adopt their ritual, and in many Noncotiformist churches the interior arrangenients,, ornaments, altars, etc., are simply replicas of those of Rome and Ritualism.^ In faet, some Nonconformist ministers, when invited to do so, have absolutely refused to join in any protest against Romanist institutions and ritualistic practices. In other respects their nonconformity is only in the most superficial sense religious, and they have become practically political bodies, while their pulpits are made use of as rostrums, simply for advocating principles which have nothing to > See Chapter xviL do with religion or nonconformity, but are wholly un* Christian, anti-English and revolutionary. This development, however, has not been spontaneous, tor although the way has been prepared for it by Unbelief and the decay of true religion, yet the result would seeiil to be chiefly due to the false teaching and misrepresen- tations of some of the leading Nonc(jiforinist ministers! Chapter xV The Nonconformist Socialists WHEN we come to look at the matter more- closely, it becomes evident that the growing revolutionary spirit among many of the Nonconformists is due, as in the case of the Socialists, to the influence of a few demagogues who have obtained positions as ministers among .them, and by their superior talents, energy, or other means, have becoipe their acknowledged leaders. These, by seeking to inflame the social ambition of their congregations, by false and exaggerated i;epresenta- tions of their political and social disabilities, which they endeavour to associate with Protestant principles, and by gross slanders and misrepresentations have easily been able to revive the traditional antagonism of the Nonconformists to Church and State, and to direct it — not to opposing superstition and idolatry, to which some of these Non- conformist ministers are more than friendly — but against everything which tends to the welfare and prosperity of the nation and Empire. They have induced numbers, in short, to aim at the subversion of the great institutions of the State, the levelling of the rich and upper classes, the disintegration of the Empire, the encouragement of treason and sedition, and to hate, and endeavour to over- throw all who seek the prosperity of their country and uphold its laws. There is nothing of religion or Christ- ianity in this, nor has it the excuse of being opposition to tyranny and injustice. It is simply a war against their own country and against the " Higher powers " which " are ordained of God." But the followers of these ministers, unable to recognise the subtle fallacies and 322 ■' THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 323 exaggerations which underlie their arguments, and the falsehoods by which they are supported, blindly follow their guidance, and believe that, in opposing everything promoted by the true lovers of their country, they are opposing those who are inimical to their own social and political interests. The result of this is that many Nonconformist com- munities have become mere political associations; for the furtherance of revolutionary aims, and these political aims are not only admitted but defended by some Noncon- formist ministers, and that with a virulence opposed alike to Christianity aqd common fairness. Dr. Aked says : " We have abandoned any pretence that we are not political. Man cannot be saved alone, he must be saved in society. Social redemption demands social effort." ^ Here, by a play upon words, he makes it appear that redemption from sin and social redemption, or rather social exaltation, are parts of the same thing, in order to give the sanctity of religion to wordly ambition. Man can be saved alone from sin, and his social, status does not affect such salvation ; on the contrary, social exaltation, which is what Dr. Aked aims at, is implied in Scripture to be a hindrance and not a help to that salvation (i Cor. i. 26, 27). How completely the worldly and unspiritual aims of some of the leading Nonconformist ministers have affected their followers, may be judged from the utterance of one who yvrote, " In Heaven's name let us realize before it is too late that religion is concerned, not with the next world, but with this world." ^ This no doubt is the view taken by Rome and the Jesuits, but it is not that of Christ, who said, " My kingdom is not of this world; if My kingdom were of this world then would My servants fight ! " 3 Nor was it that of the Apostle Paul, who said, " Our citizenship (Politeuma) is in Heaven " ; and who • Letters of Dr. Aked' and A, Samuels, Daily Mail, April 131!) and 23rd, 1906. ' " Idiotes," The Standard, Jufy nth, 1908. Jolin xviii. 36. 324 ROME. AND GERMANY summed up the character of those who were " enemies of the Cross of Christ," and •" whose end is degtruction " as they " who mind (or care for) earthly things." ^ Dr. Aked and certain other Nonconformist ministers, are avowed Socialists ; their aims are wholly worldly and revolutionary, dictated by envy and ma:lice, and their objecti s to overthrow the upper and richer classes and the institutions of the country. Their aims and principles are als& identical in every respect with those of the Pro- Boers .and anti-Englanders. , '■ This was made perfectly clear at the time of the last election, when .opposition to Tariff Reform, undisguised hatred of Mr. Chamberlain and Lord Milner, condemna- tion of the war in South Africa, false charges against our soldiers and the Government, desire for Boer suprernacy and the separation of South Africa from the Empire, rabid vituperation of mine owners aAd the propagation of the Chinese slavery lie, were among the chief subjects of pulpit oratory. ^ Their aims, and the aims of those whose election they obtained^ are now recognised to be wholly anti-Ejiglish and revolutionary, while in support of them they made "free use of the very calumnies and falsehoods propagated by Rome and the Jesuits, and manifested a bitter malic6 against^ those who have done their best for the welfare and prosperity of their country and Empire. This, they pretended, was fighting against injustice ! But their true character was more especially revealed by the fact that, in order to obtain. the support of, their hearers and give an appearance of righteousness to their designs, they perverted religion and Christianity, and pro- faned, for political purposes, the name of God and of Christ, in a way which called forth the protest of every pious Nonconformist. Their hearer-s were told that no man could vote for • Col. iii. I, 2 ; Phil. ii. 18, 20. ' See letterj of Nonconformists protesting against-the political tyi anny exercised by the ' Nonconformist leaders, Daily Mail, April &th to May ist, igo6. THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 325 Tariff Reform antj remain true to Nonconformity ! The followers of Mr. Chamberlain were told that they were "choosers of Barabbas." Those who refused to vote Radical were warned that they " perjured their immortal souls," and that they were " false men and hypocrites." In one instance, those who refused to do so were asked : " Will you crucify afresh the Lord of Glory ? If you vote as you say you are going to do, you are putting' another nail into the hands of the Nazarene." On another occasion they were told that Christ wished them to vote for Radicals, " that as they voted God voted, that God meant them to vote Liberal, and that if any had an inclination to vote for a Conservative candidate they should regard it as a temptation sent by the Devil which vfas to, be resisted." ' Their anti-English animus was shown by the propaga- tion from their pulpits of all the calumnies and falsehoods of the Jesuits' press against Great Britain, and in favour of the Boers, and which, together with the Chinese Slavery lie, were repeated again and again after their falsehood had been exposed, and so bitter were they, that any member of their congregation who ventured to protest was practi- cally excommunicated. One tradesman was ostracised and his goods boycotted because he protested against a virulent Pro-Boer sermon. The Rev.' Walter Friend, Congregational minister of Durban, was howled down at a Congregational meeting in this country in April, 1901, because he defended the cause, of the British in South Africa. In another case an old woman whose whole life bore evidence to her Christian character, and who had a son serving in-_South Africa, was declared to be unfit to take the Sacrarijent because she ventured to ask the minister of her chapel not to pray so much against her country from the pulpit. ^ There are also cases in which Nonconformist ministers' who could not subscribe to the anti-English and revolu- tionary principles of other Nonconformists have been obliged to give up their livings, while others in their old » Letters, the Standard, June 30th, July 3, July 17th, igo8. 336 ROME AND GERMANY age have been ruiiied because they refused to countenance practices opposed to truth gjid rectitude. ^ Equally unchristian and unrighteous was the thanks- giving service for the defeat of Mr. Balfour at Man- chester, and, as if to condemn such an unrighteous use of religion for political purposes, it was promptly followed by liis return by an overwhelming majority in London. Still mo're anti-Christian was the prayer offered up at one Nonconformist meeting " that Mr. Balfour and his accomplices may be speedily called to that place of con- dign punishment which is specially reserved for those who persecute thy saints. ' ' The falsehood and misrepresentation of the latter portion of the prayer is characteristic, and reminds one of the cant of the Jesuits who, although the chief persecutors of the true saints, have constantly pre- tended that they themselves were persecuted. ^ The bitter venom of the prayer also shows the true spirit of its authors. One writer, in defence of this prayer, said that it was no more political tyranny than the Anathemas of the Pope. Nothing could be truer. It was the same thing ! The perverted use of rehgion by thesse Nonconformist ministers to coerce those who declined to support their anti-English policy is precisely the same in principle as that by which the Church of Rome gave effect to its persecuting decrees. It simply anathematised and ex- communicated those whax)pposed its tyranny and super* stition in order to make tliem pariahs and outcasts in the sight of other men. This is exactly what these Nonconformist ministers have done as far as they dared. Those who did not agree with their political aims have been hounded out of the Nonconformist Churches through the hostility created against them by the religious invectives of these ministers. All who did not agree with them were requested to " go out." } Catherine Macdonald Wilson. Letter to Daily Mail, April 25th, 191)6. " See <»Mte, page 8! THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 327 The anti-English and revolutionary principles of the leaders of Nonconformist Socialism called forth numerous letters in The Standard from other Nonconformists, who protested, not only against the use of the pulpit for political purposes, but especially against its use for advocating principles which were both anti-English and unrighteous, and against the religious tyranny which was brought to bear on those who ventured to oppose those principles. ^ The rabid opposition on the part of many Nonc5tI^ formist ministers, to a purely secular measure like Tariff Reform, is so contrary to their office and callmg that it suggests some sinister influence. We are told that one Nonconformist who ventured to support Tariff Reform was ifeolated at the Lord's table and treated as a pariah ; while in another case a manufacturer in East Anglia, simply because he advocated Tariff Reform, was told by the minister of his church that " he hoped that he would never see such a iraiior in his chapel again. ^ Some have even asserted that under Protection Germans have been forced to eat potted dog, and similar falsehoods were made use of at the bye-election at Hereford, where leaflets against Tariff Reform were circulated drawing harrowing pictures of the imemployed in the great Protectionist countries, Germany and the United States (although in those countries there are practically no imemployed), while at the same time a campaign of slander was carried on against the Unionist candidate. It would seem indeed that falsehood and slander are as. much the pecuhar and characteristic weapons -of the anti- English party as they are of the Jesuits. The above and other falsehoods used to throw dis- credit, on Tariff Reform were remarkably exposed by the book embodying the experience of the British workmen who visited Germany in order to report upon the condition of working men in a country with high protective tariffs. They report : — " Not only is there no poverty or distress, ' Letters in The Standard, Inly and August, 1908. • " Charity," Daily Mail, April igth,- 1906. 338 -ROME AND GERMANY but every sign of increasing prosperity. Occupation is to be had everywhere for asking. Instead of there being a crowd of unemployed, employers are clamouring on aU sides. for skilled labour. The German workman is neither starved, nor ill-fed, nor badly housed." ' The result of this tour was that those who made it. were converted to Tariff Reform and they strongly recommended the protection of British industries on the German principle. Tariff Reform has no conceivable bearing on either Christianity or Nonconformity, and the opposition to it by professed ministers of the Gospel is itself an anomaly. Moreover, in using the " anathemas of the Church " to silence those who support it, they have acted in strict accordance with the methods of the Romish priesthood, and have done exactly what Jesuits who had assumed the disguise of Protestants would have done- in order to carry out their designs. When, therefore, it is considered that in all other respects they have adopted the methods and policy of the Jesuits, one cannot but regard their extraordinary and unchristian - hostility to Tariff Reform as due to the influence of secret members of the Jesuit Society, who recognise that if it was adopted it would defeat their designs and save the country from revolution. The systematic and tyrannical pressure, supported by a pretencfe of religion, which has been made use of by these Nonconformist ministers for poUtical ends, is .identical with that used by the Roman Catholic priest- hood of Ireland. Thrf^ majority of Nonconformists have always rightly protested against " the Priest "in Politics," as exemplified by the priesthood of Ireland, who make use of their pulpits to preach sedition and incite to violence. But the Nonconformist Socialists are just as truly " Political Priests," and, as remarked by one of the Nonconformists who protested, against their poUtical tyranny, " The Free Church Council is an * " Life and Labour in Germany." Review by The Standard, April 17 th and i8th, 1907. THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 329 organization of priestcraft for wielding political power." ^ Their methods^ and aims are, in short, identical with those of the Jesuits and the affiliated orders of that- society in Continental countries, where their .constant efforts to excite sedition and overthrow the Govern- ment and institutions of the State, obhged the State, as in the ca^e of France, to pass laws for their sup- pression. It is also significant that they are warm allies of the Irish Nationalists and priesthood, and strong advocates of Home Rule for Ireland ; so much so, indeed, that all who venture to oppose it are condemned as " Traitors." ^ Home Rule would place Ireland under ^ the complete dominion of Rome and the Jesuits, the most bitter enemies of Britain, while it would give over the Pro- testants and Nonconformists in that country to the tender mercies of the Roman Catholic priesthood. But to this these Nonconformist ministers are wholly indifferent, from which it would seem that, whatever their outward profession, they are, in their hearts, "no more friends of Britain, or of Protestaijitism than the Jesuits themselves. We may call them indeed " Nonconformist Jesuits," for whether -actual Jesuits or. not, their methods and policy are, in every respect, identical with the methods and policy of that Society. The worldliness and decay of true religion is even more niarked in the Nonconformist Churches of the United States, because the thin veneer of religion, which is used by certain Nonconformist leaders in Britain, is dispensed with in the United States, where unbelief is more open and a pretence of religion less needed. The minister of a Congregational Church in Chicago was dismissed at the age of 60 as too old, and the reason given was this : " What an up-to-date Church wants is not a preacher, but a husky, hustling pro- moter, who knows how to get money and his picture in the papers ; one who can start a sensation occasionally and let the world know the Church is still kicking. Not one » "Garnina," Daily Mail, April 17th, 1906. This no doubt applies chiefly to the leaders, whose violent oratory carries away their colleagues. * The Standard, July 24th, 1908. 330 ROME AND GERMANY who preaches a lot of outworn righteousness^'' * Such a pubhc statement would stUl call forth protest in England, but it shows to what Nonconformist religion is tending, or rather to what some of its leaders are bringing it. It would appear that the bulk of those anti-English members who constitute the power behind the Govern- ment, obtained their seats through the support given them from Nonconformist pulpits. Mr. Silvester Home and other Nonconformist ministers scoured the country at the time of the last general election in order, to infliience the voters, and by calurimies and misrepresentations regard- ing the South African war, both from public platforms and from the pulpit, completely deceived' a large portion of the electorate. The walls of Nonconformist chapels were also made use of for displaying pohtical cartoons, such as those representing fictitious pictures of the pretended Chinese Slavery. * These tactics proved successful, and the leaders of the movement celebrated their victory by a complimentary dinner in March, 1906, at which a letter was read from Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman acknow- ledging that the success of the Liberal (really the anti- English) party was chiefly due to their efforts. * The aims of these Nonconformist ministets being identical with those of the Socialists, prominent SociaHsts are invited to lecture in their chapels on Sunday after- noons. * Like the Socialists also, we find them supporting rebellion and sedition in various parts of the British dominions,, as^ in the csise of the Zulu rising and the sedition in Egypt, taking the part, in short, of their country's enemies against their own couiitrymen. We have seen that unbelief and atheism are the basis of the revolutionary spirit, and the only soil on which » Letter froiq New York, September i8th; Daily Express September 19th, igo6. " This desecration of houses of worship for political purposes rendered them liable to taxation, which was levied in the case of Dr. Clifford's Chapel, with the result that the cartoons were removed. Letter, The Standard, June 31st, igo8. • Letter, The Stfindard, June 31st, 1908. . * Letters, "B. J.'Pinkey," The Standard, July aoth, and "Non- conformist," The Standard, July 28th, 1908. ■ THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 331 that spirit can flourish, as in the case of the leading Socialists, who are almost all Atheists ; in like manner we find that the leading Nonconformist Socialists are preachers of infidel and anti-Christian doctrines, and that they have imbued a large majority of their congre- gations with the same unbelief and its accompanying spirit of revolution. While exercising religious tyranny on all who venture to uphold the welfare and prosperity of their country and Empire, they not only offer no protest against those who deny the Incarnation, Atonement, and Resurrection, but do their best to undermine belief in those doctrines. Considering their alliance with Atheistic Socialism, this was onljr to be expected, and perhaps the most notable effect of their te&.ching is the growing unbelief among their followers in the divinity of Christ. . This unbelief is not always openly avowed, but it is none the less evident from the caxe with which the majority of their followers avoid admitting that divinity. It is probably in con- sequence of this that few of them ever speak of Christ as " Our Lord," but use the term " The Man of Nazareth." Such an expression, when habitually used, must also tend to gradually weaken all real belief in Christ as the Son of God, which is the foundation of Christian faith. As an illustration of this unbelief, we are told that at a meeting of the P.S.A. at Bloomsbury Central Baptist Chapel, on July 13th, a Freethinker from Lancashire lectured there, and said that he~i)eheved that ";humanity had suffered from too much reliance on Christ." " His testimony," we are informed, "was received vfiih.respect and applause." ^ But with the loss of belief in Christ as the Son of God, the authority and influence of His words must be destroyed, together with the authority of the Bible gener- ally. It must cease to be regarded as the Word of God, and when this is the case, the whole fabric of Christ- ianity and revealed religion is undermined, and needs but a touch to fail altogether. ' Baptist Times, July 17th ; The Standard, July 33rd, 1908. 33^ R6ME AND GERMANS This is the state of many Nonconformist communities, and it is no wonder, therefore, that a spirit of revolt arid of envy and hatred of the classes above them, which is the result of, unbelief, should be steadily growing among them. The destruction of belief in the Bible also produces a further effect. It destroys Protestantism. Hence the Jesuits, by undermining belief in the • Bible, not only develop the revolutionary spirit, but remove .also the great obstacle to the resuscitation of their influence and dominion in ;this country. ^ This is precisely what the Nonconformist ministers are doing by undermining the doctrines of Christianity while appearing to suppqrt certain Protestant aims ; and in this, as in other respects, they appear to be carrying out the policy of the Jesuits. The sympathy of many Nonconformists with Atheistic Socialism was shown at the election of the Spcialist and Atheist, Charles Btadlaugh, at Northampton. He was not only supported by the bulk . of the Nonconformists of that town, but they hounded out of the place a Non- conformist minister because he opposed his election. " On another occasion we find a Nonconformist minister speaking of Mr. Robert Blatchford as " one of the great- est of men,"? and as Mr. Blatchford is an avowed infidel, it plainly indicated th6 nature of the speaker's sympathies. ' As an illustration of the anti-Christian doctrines which are taught from many of the Nonconformist pulpits^ we may refer t6ithe ''New Theology " promulgated by the Rev. R. Campbell, of the City Temple. He rejects the history of the fall of man as folly, repudiates the Scrip- tural .definition of sin, denies the iri.camation and re- surrection of Christ and the Atonement, and represents^ the Bible as mere literature to be read like any other • See anie, pages 17-22. ' Letter by " A Churchman," who refers to the appeal made by . Admiral King- Hall on behalf of this minister, Daily Mail, April 30th, 1906. • Letter by " A Working Man," The Standard, July 14th, 1908. THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 333 book. ' Man, he says, is his own Saviour, and so far from spiritual things being fooHshness to men by nature (i Cor. ii. 14), he says that the seat of religious authority is within, and each individual is able to recognise the Truth from whatever source it comes. Finally, he asserts that the aims of the New Theology are identical with those of the Socialists, and that they are two parallel movements "towards the same end which he calls " the Gospel of the Kingdom of God." He was consequently asked to contest Cardiff in the Socialist interest, and he fulfilled .Mr. Keir Hardie's Socialistic engagements in Wales during the absence of that Socialist in India. Mr. Campbell is an instance of those Nonconformist ministers who, while seeking to undermine Christian doctrines, preach Socialism from the pulpif; and the same thing is being donfe by other Nonconformists. For instance, that prolainent Nonconformist, Dr. Clifford, asserted in a sermon preached in Westbourne Park Chapel that " what Mr. Campbell was preaching to-day he bad been preaching for a long period," ^ and both he and Dr. Horton filled Mr. Campbell's pulpit during the absence of that minister. Dr. Clifford is also a -Socialist, a member of the Fabian Society, and a supporter of its anti-Christian and revolu- tionary teaching. He preaches from the pulpit the over- throw of the upper classes, and especially of the House of Lords, because, we presume, it is the only check to the revolutionary measures whJch might otherwise be enacted without the consent of the people. In his sermon of New Year's Day, 1908, he said : " The upper ten must not be allowed to paralyse the popular witt. If we flinch we are lost : if we hesitate we are doomed. It is a sacred fight of humanity against the long misrule of hereditary and self -elected and self-interested and misplaced men. Let courage mount to the" occasion and England will be liberated once and for all from an oppressive oligarchy. It is democracy against a favoured clique. ^ . » Daily Express, January 21st, 1907. ' New Year's Day, 1908. 334 ROME AND GERMANY Considering that the Government of Great Britain is already democratic and representative of the people, and that in no country in the world is there such perfect liberty and even justice for all, irrespective of class and position, the sophistty and misrepresentation of this incendiary language is evident. It is in keeping with the usual pretence of Socialist agitators that the people are suffering from tyranny and injustice, in order to inflame their passions and increase their discontent. The Rev. Silvester Home is another Nonconformist Socialist. He stood as the Socialist candidate for election to -the London County Council, the Socialist members of which, when they were in power, made use of the Sunday- schools for training the children in the doctrines of infidelity and "lawlessness. Moreover, in these elections the same blasphemous perversions bf Scripture and ChristiAity were made use of in the Nonconformist pulpits for the support of the Socialist candidates as were used by them for the support, of Radical and anti-English members at the last General Election. "It is with regret and disgust," writes The Standard, " that we see reUgion being dragged into the party conflict. Some of the leadhig Nonconformists— to their honour be it said — have protested against their pulpits being turned to electioneering, purposes, but too many chapels belonging to the Free Church have been lent to an unscrupulous! and. blasphemous 'agitation. Pamphlets have been circulated broadcast in which the most sacred name in the world!s history has been pro- faned. We are told that ' The Man of Nazareth would have voted for the unification of London,' and this is not an extreme specimen of the cant and rant which has been put fo^rth on the Progressive side."* The same sort of hypocritical cant has been made use of by the priesthood of Rome to excuse their superstitions and perseputibns, as when -thanksgivings were offered up to Christ for the slaughter of the Huguenots on St. Bartholomew's Day, which was an assumption that » 'Ihe Standard, March and, 1907. THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 335 Christ Himself blessed the murders. Just also as Satan appealed to the Word of God when he deceived our first parents and when he tempted Christ, so do the priest- hood of Rome support their errors and superstitions by quotations from the letter of the same Word, ther&by giv- ing these errors an appearance of sanctity and authority tc the ignorant. For, as stated by the apostle, " the ministers of Satan " are always made to appear "as the ministers of righteousness." The Nonconformist Socialists act on the same principle, and especially in. the support of Socialism. They appeal to the Bible and have invented the term " Christian Socialism," pretending that Christ was a Sociahst and claiming His authority for their doctrines. There is indeed such a thing as Christian Socialism, but it is the antithesis of modern Socialism. Christ and the apostles, knowing that differences of capacity, health, and fortune must always produce rich and poor among mankind, urged their followers to give according to their abihty to those in need, to " give alms of such things as they had." ^ This law of love, or kindness, is, and always has been, gladly followed by true Christians^ as in the days of the apostles, not merely because worldly riches have no fascination to those whose affections are set upon things above, but because they possess the spirit of Christ, which is the spirit of love. . -» The attempt to associate Sociahsm with this spirit of charity in order to give it a fictitious Christian garb is to put evil for good and darkness for lights For the charity or benevolence, which leads many to give willingly to the poor, is, by the Socialists, despised and condemned. Their object is to seize by force the wealth of others and oblige the rich to surrender their riches. Christ warned His disciples to " beware of covetous- ness," and the Apostle Paul said, "Ye know that no covetous man who is an idolater hath any inheritance in the Kingdom of God."^ But covetousness is the chief and most powerful motive by which the Socialist is > Luke xi, 41, ' Eph. v.'j. 336. ROME AND GERMANY actuated. How completely opposed to the spirit of Christ is their proposed enforced division of the wealth of others among themselves, is shown by our Lord's reply to the man who asked Him to bid his brother " divide the inheritance " with him. Such a division in this case would seem to have been only fair. Nevertheless, Christ rephed to him, " Man, who made me a judge and divider over you ? Take heed, and beware of covetousness." ^ For the desire for worldly possessions was wholly opposed to the spirit which was to actuate His disciples, and Christ's rebuke must equally apply to those who covet the Worldly power and positions which are also objects of Socialist ambition. " He that hateth -his brother is a murderer, and ye know that no murderer hath eternal life abiding in hitn." * But envy and hatred of all in a bettei; position than them- selves are the leading, characteristics of most SociaUsts, and those with which they seek to imbue the whole of the working-classes. They preach "the gospel of hate," and iftcite to civil war and bloodshed, without which they would be unable to possess themselves of the wealth of pthers. This is an essential feature of the Socialist pro- gramme, and yet, while their Nonconformist allies preach disarmament, the abolition of the Army and Navy, and the duty of submitting unresistingly to spohation by a foreign iavader, ^ they are the warm supporters of those who. advbcate war and bloodshed in order that they may pillage their own countrymen ! Can hypocrisy go farther ? They are the advocates of peace and the duty of turning their cotmtrymen's other cheek to those who smite them, when, by so doing, they invite invasion and the spoliation of their country. At the same time, they are the friends of would-be murderers when those to be murdered are their own countrymen. They are squally the advocates of a hypocritical piety of non-resistance, and friends of violence and murder, provided that in botll cases the result is injury to Britain and the British ! The Apostle Paid exhorts Christians ; " Let every soul » Luke xii. 13-15. • i John iii. 15. » Vidf next chapter. THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 337 be subject to the higher powers. For there is no power but of God ; the powers that be are ordained of God." " Submit yourselves," says St. Peter, " to every ordinance of man for the Lord's sake, whether it be to the king as suprenie, or unto governors as unto them who are sent by him for the punishment of evil-doers, and for the praise of them that do well." * But the object of the Socialists is to effect the overthrow of the throne and the ruling powers, and to seize the government of the country them- selves. For this end they bririg " raUing accusation " and slanders against those who uphold law and order and seek the power and prosperity of the country and Empire. This is the particular characteristic of the false teachers who were to " creep in privily " in order" by " feigned words " to undermine the Christian faith. They were to " despise dominion and speak evil of dignities." ^ Accord- ingly we find that this has been the leading characteristic of the Jesuits who, from the first formation of the Society, until now, have been the foremost in promoting sedition and rebellion against rulers and governors, and in speak- ing evil of dignities in every country opposed to their ambition. It is equally a leading characteristic, of the Nonconformist allies of Socialism. The sacredness of the marriage tie is solemnly asserted by Christ and the Aj)ostles, and the» relative duties jj,of husbands and wives and parents and children are particularly enforced. * But the Socialist altogether repudiates the marriage tie, and denies the duty of parents to children and of children to parents. Patriotism also, which is one of the strongest natural affections, and springs out of the love of family and home, is equally repudiated by the Socialist, and. this contempt of the natural affections of human jiature is stated to be one of the marks of those who ate the enemies of God and of righteousness. They are " without natural affection." " Finally, Socialism is the avowed enemy of Christianity, and its foundation principle is Atheism. 1 Rom. xiii. i ; i Peter ii. 13-14. • Peter ii. 3, 10, 11 ; Jude 4, 8, 9, 10, ' Eph, v., vi, * Rotn. i, 31. 33* ROME And (JERMANY Socialism is, therefore, in no way related to, but is, in every respect, the antithesis "of Christianity, and ita clerical supporters 'who invite advanced Sociahsts to lecture in their chapels, and are themselves endeavouring to undermine the leading doctrines of Christianity, must be equally regarded as the enemies of God and of righteous- ness, whatever their outward professions may be. Whether they openly advocate all the doctrines of Socialism, or avoid doing so for the present, their aUiance with Socialists marks their true character. They " are partakers of their evil deeds." ^ The cry of the Sociahsts is " Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity/' which was that of the leaders of the French Revolution, resulting, as we know, in a reign of anarchy and murder. This is equally the cry of the Noncon- formist Socialists, * but we are warned what it means. The liberty they aim at is freedom from the laws pro- tecting the rights and property of the individual which are the bulwarks of .British' liberty, and without whifh there could be np peace, or prosperity, or enterprise. The equality they aim at is to bring down to their own level all who are in a better position than thenjiselves, and the seizure, and distribution of their property among them- selves. And their fraternity' is merely a name for their endeavour to est^Pblish a brotherhood, actuated by a common envy, hatred, and malice^ towards the classes above them. One Nonconformist apologist pretends that they are opposing injustice and despotism. But where is the despotism in England? And what might we expect ii these agitators of revolution and haters of their own countrymen themselves obtained power ? Evidently the despotism of the Jesuits, or else that of thie Jacobins of France, whose tjTanny and cruelty in the French Revolu- tion, during their short reign of terror, far exceeded that of the worst of the Roman Emperors. The case of Mr. Richard Biggs, Liberal inember for Appleby, Westmoreland, is an illustration of .tb^ bittei » 2 John, ib, II. "Dr. Aked, Daily J\iail, April lath, igo6, THE NONCONFORMIST SOCIALISTS 339 aninaus which lies behind the Nonconforrtjist Socialism. The arguments in favour of Fiscal Reform had led him to change his opinion about it, and the exposure of the Chinese " Slavery " lie had opened his eyes. He also found himself unable to agree with the Liberal Govern- ment with regard to the Aliens and Education Bills, and, therefore, as an honest man, confessed his views to his constituents, and resigned his seat. For so doing he was assaulted more than once, and severely beaten, every sort of calumny was spread concerning him, and repeated threats to murder him were made. The police told him that they could not protect him, and begged him to leave the district. So he and his newly-married wife had to fly from their own home. Such unreasoning animosity and injustice is not English and could not have arisen spontaneously. It was evidently the work of agitators, who by calumnies and lies poisoned the minds of ignorant people and incited them to murder. Now Westmoreland is one of the principal seats of Roijian Catholic and Jesuit influence, and the above method for getting rid of people who stand in their way ' is peculiar to the Jesuits, whose plan, as Macaulay said, is to " arm the hand of the assassin."'^ This was the case with .Ravaillac, whom they incited to murder the King, Henry IV. of France, for supporting the Protestant cause, and the various religious fanatics whom they induced to undertake the murder of Queen Elizabeth, Lord Burleigh, and otheris. In all these cases, the Jesuits appear to have so worked upon the imagination, credulity, and the passions of persons of unbalanced minds that they became their willing tools. This has undoubtedly been the characteristic of the perpetrators of some of the recent murders of crowned heads and rulers, and there seems good reason to believe that some of these murders, as for instance, that of King Humbert of Italy, President McKinley, and the late attempted murder of King Alfonso of Spain, the supporter of the religious hberty hated by Rome, were effected by persons whose minds ' Ante, page 32. 340 ROME AND GERMANY had been hypnotized by sophistries and lies. The principles of anarchy and revolution, of which .the Jesuits are the avowed authors, would be just what they would use to turn the weak-minded fanatic with criminal tendencies into a perfect tool for carrying out their purpose. In connection with this it is ifhportant to notice that every kind of calhmny and falsehood has been made use of by the Nonconformist Sociahsts to engender hatred and distrust of Mr. J. Chamberlain, solely because he is an Imperialist, and seeks the good of his country and the consolidat on of the Empire. He was accused of bringing about the South African war for his own private benefit, although it was evident that neither he nor any one -else could have prevented it, save by Submitting to terms which would have handed over South Africa to the Dutch and, placed^ the British colonists at their mercy. When Michael Fargeron was charged with the murder of Mr. Jung, one of the founders of the International, he confessed that Mr. Jung had incited him to murder Mr. Chamberlain, by saying to hirn, " Don't you think all the misery of the (South Africain) war is due to Mr. Charh- berlain, and that he deserves to be stabbed just to make him feel a little of the misery he has inflicted on others." * Now this was precisely the same calumny as that made use of by some of the Nonconformist leaders to stir up hatred against Mr. Chambedain. -" He did not care," they said, " how much blood was spilt so long as it was not his own," and that he had started the war in order to make a profit out of it by the sale of war material. ^ It was the, same sort of incitement as that referred to by Fargeron and as that which led to the murder of Presi- dent McKinley. Those who made use of these slianders in order to undermine the influence of a man who vfSLS seeking to uphold and solidify the British Empire were, whether in ignorance or of design, adopting the methods, and I carrying out the policy of the Jesuits for bringing about the downfall of that "Empire. ' Daily Telegraph, September 12th, 1901. * Daily Telegraph, September i 2th, igoi . • " Brecenian," Daily Mail, April 24th, 1906. The nonconformist socialists 341 A minister of the Free Church writes : " The Free Church is the headquarters in the campaign- of cant and inveterate and unreasoning hatred of Mr. Chamberlain." * Its hostihty to Tariff Reform and Colonial Preference was equally unreasoning and inveterate, and this strange animus and hatred displayed by professed ministers of Christ is only explicable on the assumption that they have fallen under the influence of Jesuit advisers. The Rev. Silvester Home, the Socialist candidate for the London County Council, wrote that : " Since 1900 Nonconformity had recovered its soul, and that its con- science is now proved by the late election to be the national conscience." * But what had hatred of Mr. Chamberlain and Tariff Reform to do with conscience? In 1900, the majority of Noneonformifets, recognizing the necessity of prosecuting the South African war with vigour, supported the tJnionist Government, and the change in the Nonconformist conscience has been wholly due to the falsehoods and slanders against our soldiers and the Government which, ever since then, have been propagated from Nonconfonjiist pulpits, and finally to the lie concerning the Chinese coolies. By these means they have obtained the return to Parliament of members devoted to an anti-English policy, and these having got into power, care very little that a large proportion of their constituents have since had their eyes opened to the falsehoods by which they had been deceived.' For it is very doubtful whether even a majority of the Nonconformists are still supporters of these anti-English members, and there is, unquestionably, a strong minority of pious and patriotic Nonconformists who are strongly opposed to the revolutionary and anti-Enghsh principles of many of their ministers, and who utterly condemn the worldly and unchristian use of their pulpits for advocating such sinister political aims. Very many » Daily Mail, April 6th, 1906. • Letter of Dr. Home to Daily Mail, April 9th, 1^906, 342 ROME AND GERMANY have, in consequence, ceased to attend the chapels where such doctrines are preached,, and it is probable that, as in the case of the supporters of the Pro-Boer leaders men- tioned . by Mr. Goodrich, many of the present followers of the Nonconformist Socialists are neither Christians nor Nonconformists, but Atheists, Revolutionists, and Anarchists. * As might be expected, these anti-English and revolu- tionary doctrines have had most effect upon those whose belief in God and the Word of God has been undermined. But a similar although less open imbelie/may be found among many of those religious sentimentalists already referred to, ^ and who abound in all religious sects at the present day. These, while making a great show of piety, tacitly despise, or ignore, ^11 the most important sayings of Christ and even in some cases sit in judgment upon and reject other portions of the Bible as unworthy of credence. They make their own fallible judgments the final' court of appeal, and form their opinions according to the outward and superficial aspect of things and their own sentimental ideas of right and wrong, and being actuated by a spirit of revolt against anything that appears to their sentiments, to be injustice, whether in the Bible or the ordinances of man, they are easily led to support revolutionary measures which ; are really inimical to the welfare of the nation, but which enable them to figure as friends of the poor. These appear to be the salient characteristics of those of the better class who support a revolutionary and anti-English policy and, as previously pointed out, the underlying principle of their religion is a subtle spirit of revolt and of unbelief in the Word of God. * » Ante, pages 23.7, 238. " Chap. Tiii. pp. 183-187. • See Chap. xi. pp. 240, 241. CHAPTER XVI Anti-Militarism WE have seen that the aims of the clerical supporters of Socialism are wholly anti-English. Socialism founded on fallacies, misrepresentations, and false- hoods is merely a means to an end, and the true pur- pose of those who are behind the moyement, and are its principeil instigators, is to divide the nation against itself, weaken and. disintegrate the Empire, and prepare the way for its ,downfall. The danger which threatens this country from Ger- many's ambition and. hostility and her ceaseless war- like preparations, is so evident that it is impossible not to suspect many, who are doing their utmost to deny and repudiate that danger, of sinister designs. For by blinding the nation to its danger, and thus hindering it from taking such defensive measures as would meet it, they are not only inviting, biit ensuring the success ■of a German invasion. Foremost among those who are taking every means to deny this danger, and to repudiate German hostility, are the Nonconformist Socialists, and so strongly do they sympathise with German ambition, that a». demonstration was lately got up by them in a prominent Free Church Chapel in favour of strengthening the German Fleet ! ^ Such action was wholly uncalled for, even if Germany had the most peaceful intentions, but, in view of the reiterated expressions of German hostility and ambition, it must be regarded as practically an open avowal of hostility to Great Britain. » Whitefield's Chapel, May 30th, The Standard, June 29th, jgoS. 343 344 ROME AND GERMANY A Nonconformist protester against these ministers writes : " For nine years the Free Church Council has been in existence. It has filled our churches with envy, hatred; and all uncharitableness. It has introduced the most brutal kind of anti-Nationalism into our churches, and it is at present working hard to get up a Pro-German ■party under the cloak of religion, ready in any future war to play the shameful part played by the Pro-Boers six years ago." ^ It should be remembered that thes^ are exactly the same people who sided against their country and did all they could to help the enemy at the time of the Boer war, and now that a far greater danger threatens the ' country from Germany, they are doing all they can to forward Germany's ambition. They are always friends of Britain's enemies and the most oitter foes of Britain. It is not true of any class of Eriglishmeii as a whole . that they are really enemies of their own country, and the protest against the danger of German invasion by such advanced Socialists as Messrs. Hyndmaji and Blatchford shows that neither Socialists nor Radical Nonconformists are, of themselves, anti-English, but that behind Socialism and its cleAcal supporters there is an influence at work which is wholly inimical to Great Britain. The chief object of the enemies of Britain is to induce the nation to weaken its Army and Navy and national defences. No sooner therefore does any one, recog- nizing the danger to which the country is exposed from its defenceless condition, urge the necessity of strengthen- ing its defensive forces, than ' the cry is at once raised that he is seeking to promote a " spirit of militarism." Such a charge, on its very face, is wholly absurd and uncalled for. There is no thought, or wish, on the part of those who are anxious about their country's safety to make Great Britain a great miUtary power like Germany, and, least of all, have they any thought of aggression against other countries. Their only wish is to protect » Letter to Th^ Standard, August 4th, 1908, ANTI-MILITARKM |45 theif 6Vvil C6tiniry against the aggression of other countries. Their aim is defence, not conquest ; nor is it probable that there is a single Englishman who has any' wish whatever beyond the protection of his country and its trade, upon which the very existence of the nation and Empire depends. This is so palpable that we are forced to conclude that those who raise the cry of " militarism," whenever any ' attempt is made to strengthen the defences of the king- dom, are actuated by hostility to Great Britain,' and, as it is the object of our secret enemies \o strip the country of its defences, it seems evident that these anti-militarists are either acting in concert with those enemies, or are their ignorant tools. The foremost of the anti-mihtarists are those Noncon- formist Pro-German ministers whose aims in every other respect are anti-English. It is especially from them that the cry against militarism emanates, and, as usual, they support it by a cloak of religion. They were the first to repeat and promulgate the false- hoods and slanders against Great Britain originated by the Jesuit Press on the Continent during the Boer war, and, at the same time, they sought to prevent any measures being taken for the defence of their own country- men and the British Colonies in South Africa by inveigh- ing^ against " the wickedness of war." They said, in short, that, instead of standing up in defence of our Colonies and Colonists, it was the duty of the nation, as a Christian people, to " resist not evil," but when struck upon one cheek to turn the other to those who smote them. Now, apart from the fact that a precept given to the individual Christian to guide him in his personal and social relations with others, cannot, from its very nature, apply to a great and powerful nation, its meaning is wholly perverted by the use thus made of it to dissuade a nation from taking up arms in defence of its own people. We know that in this, as in other cases, it is not the exact letter of His words that Christ wished His followers 346 ROME AND GERMANY to obey, but that they, should act in accordance with the spirit of those words. The spirit of His meaning is plainly indicated by the context. What Christ con- demned was the spirit of revenge or retaliation for injuries received. Instead of following the old law of " eye for eye and tooth for tooth," His followers were to be ready to submit to fiu"ther injury rather than revenge it. It was a prohibition against retaliation for injury done, or, as the Apostle Paul said, they were to " recompense no man evil for evil." But to say that the precept prohibited the Christian from taking any measures for preventing or defending himself against injury, is to add a meaning to Christ's words which they were never intended to have. Thus, in the case of the similar prohibition which follows. If a person, by false evidence, claimed and obtained a Christian's coat, the latter was to be wiUing to let him have his cloak also, rather than retaliate for the loss he had suffered. But if the Christian was able to bring the clearest evidence that the coat claimed belonged to him, it would be manifestly foolishness, and not Christ- ianity to withhold that evidence. To state the truth under such circumstances would in no way_ be opposed to the Christian spirit, while, not to do so, would be to encourage crime. In like manner, the Christian is justified in protecting himself against robbers and murderers. For this purpose he is entitled, as in the case of St. Paul, to caU in the aid of the Civil Power, which, in protecting him against his assailants, may have to use force and violence, and for which he is just as responsible as if he used them him- self. ^ In short, the person who resists such criminals acts as a representative of the Civil Power for the de- fence of law and order, and the Civil Power is especially jrdained of God for the punishment of evil-doers. ^ The justification of defence in sUch cases is still more evident when another person, and not the Christian him- self, is threatened with injury. For a Christian to stand > As in the case of the Jews who made use of the Civil Power against Christ. • Rom. xiii. ANTI-MILITARISM 347 by and see another person robbed and murdered without attempting to defend him, when he had the power to do so, would not be Christianity, but wickedness, and he would rightly be regarded as an a,ccessory to the crime. How much more wicked would it, be if a person not only refused to help ,his brother when attacked, but actually did what he could to assist His opponent ; or, in other words, turned his brother's left che,ek to be smitten by the robber. ! : Yet this is just what was done by those who made use of Christ's precept to prevent, as far as possible, any efforts being made for the defence of their countrymen in South Africa against Boer aggression, and thus to assist that aggression. It was not their own cheeks that they proposed to turn to the smiter, but the cheeks of their brethren ! But the hypocrisy of these Christian Ministers is still more evident when- it is considered that, instead of obey- ing the injunction to give their cloaks to those who rob them of their coats, they advocate the overthrow of the upper classes and the spoliation of the rich, and are the friends and allies of those who openly advocate violence and war in order to attain these ends. > They preach a pretended piety of non-resistance when, by so doing, they can injure their country and countrymen, and at the same time seek to bring about revolution and civil war. Surely .the words of the Psalmist apply to them, "The words of his mouth were smoother than butter, but war was in his heart ; his words were softer than oil, yet were they drawn swords."^. , At the present moment, a similar perverted meaning of Christ's precepts is niade use of by these ministers to hinder the nation, as far as possible, from taking measures for its defence against foreign invasion. At the very time that they are undermining the doc- trines of Christianity, they insist that Great Britain, as a Christian natiQn> should " act upon the principle of peace and love which would conciHate the world — ^not by • Psalm Iv. 3j. - 348 ROMfe AND GERMANY being prepared for war, but by frankly not being prepared, and by making it plain that as a country it had decided to suffer rather than to fight, or even to contemplate: fight." In the first place, the British, as a nation, are only nominally Christian. Although there are many true Christians among them, and numbers who support and act upon the broad principles of righteousness and justice, there are also multitudes who are followers of Romanism, Ritualism, Spiritualism, and other forms of superstition, and a large proportion of the remainder have ceased to have any real belief in the leading doctrines of Christianity, or in the Bible as the Word of God. It is clear, in short, from the statements of Christ and the aoostles, that no national conversion of any people was to take' place during the present dispensation, but that true Christians were to be always comparatively few in number in the midst of a World more or less hostile to them. Precepts, therefore, for the guidance of the individual Chfistian were never intended to apply to such nations, nor was it possible from their very nature that they could apply to them. But the British, like the Jews ever since their return from Babylon, are a Protestant nation, and they also recognise and obey the broader principles of righteous- ness, justice, and mercy enjoined ift the moral law given to Israel of old. They have, in short, obeyed the com- mands given ' to Israel under the old covenant, in the justice of tlieir laws, and in their numerous benevolent institutions, far exceeding those of any country, and which have no doubt been largely due to the efforts of the true Christians among them. In obediense to the commands under the old covenant, they have also shown kindness and given protection to the strangers -within their gates and to all who have fled to their shores for refuge. They have also exercised a just rule over subject races, whose moral conditions and material prosperity they have always laboured to improve. They have also suppressed robbery, t5a'anny, slavery, and injustice, wherever their rule extends, and, finally, they have refused to permit any national acknowledgment of idolatry. ANTI-MILITARISM 349 The nation which acts thus, stands in the same moral relation to God as did Israel, and must be judged on the same principles. So long, therefore, as Great Britain exercises her power in the way mentioned, she may~ expect, like Israel, to receive the blessing of God and increasing- power and prosperity. For she receives her power from God for the express purpose of resisting evil, and in so doing she may be said, in very truth, to be "fighting the battles of the Lord ' ' against the powers of evil. The words of the Apostle Paul on this point are clear : " Let every soul be subject to the higher powers. For there is no power but of God. The powers that be are ordaineiJ of God. Whosoever therefore resisteth the ,poweF resisteth the ordinance of God, and shall receive to themselves damnation (or judgment). For rulers are not a terror to good works but to the evil. Wilt thou not therefore be afraid of the power ? Do that which is good and thou shalt have praise of the same. For He is the minister of God to thee for good. But if thou do evil, be afraid, for He beareth not the sword in vain. For He is the minister of God, a revenger to execute wrath upon him, that doeth evil."* If then rulers bear the sword as ministers of God to put down robbery, oppression, and violence, it is the duty of a State by its magistrates and police to oppose and punish those who seek to defraud, rob, or murder others ; to make war, in short, upon the criminal classes by whom the lives and properties of peaceful citizens are endangered; and the State which, having the power, fails to do this, has betrayed its trust, and oy the just judgment of God must expect to decay and perish. It is equally clear from this that it is the duty of a State to defend the lives and properties of its people against aggression by a foreign invader who is merely a robber and murderer on a large scale. The people who fight against such evil and unjust aggression, whether of criminals in their midst, or of foes without, fight in a righteous cause, and as long as they » Rom. xiii. 1-4. 350 » ROME AND GERMANY abstain from idolatry and uphold justice and righT, God Himself will be on their side and will give them the victory i- if they seek His aid. We have ample warrant for beheving this in the history of Israel, of Whom it is written that " the things which happened to them " were " ensamples," or types of God's dealings with men, and are recorded " for our admonition." ^ Israel, on account of their power and prosperity, con- sequent on the favour.of God, were, like the British at the present day, the object of envy and jealousy to the nations around them. But, as long as they kept the covenant commandments of God, they were prpmised : "Ye shall chase your enemies and they shall fall before you by the sword. And five of you shall chase an hundred and a hundred shall put ten thousand to flight, and your enemies shall fall before you by the sword." * This was exemplified in the case of Barak* Jephtha, Gideon, David, and others ; and as a typical case, we may refer to the help given to King Asa against the mighty host of the Ethiopians when he cried unto God : " Lord, a is nothing with Thee to help, whether with many or with them that have no power : h^lp us, O Lord, our God ; for we rest on Thee, and in Thy Name we go against this multitude. O Lord, Thou art our God ; let not man pre- vail against Thee."* On another occasion, when attacked by Bajisha, this same King Asi was rebuked by the prophet " because," said the prophet, " thou has relied upon the King of Syria, apd not relied upon the Lord thy God., Were not the Ethiopians and Lubims a huge host, with very many chariots and horsemen ? and yet, because thou didst rely upon the Lord, He delivered them into thine hand. For the eyes of the Lord run to and fro throughout the whole earth, to shew Himself strong in the behalf of those whose heart is perfect toward Him." * » I Cor. X. II. • Levit. xxvi. 7, 8. * 2 Chron. xiv. 9-15. * 2. Chron. xvi. 7-9. It would be well for those who fear God in the nation to remember the example of King Asa in the days which are to come. ANTI-MILITARISM 351 Hence the apostle, writing to the Hebrew Christians, calls to their remembrance, as examples of faith, those who, in former times, by depending on the help of God, were able to " subdue kingdoms ; out of weakness were made strong, waxed valiantin fight, turned to flight the armies. of the ahens."* God set His seal on the righteousness of their cause by marvellously helping Israel in their conflicts with their' enemies whenever they sought His aid. But has He not equally -endorsed the righteousness of the British cause when they have fpught against unjust aggression and against the' upholders of tyranny and superstition ? Was He not on the side of Cromwell and his Ironsides when they fought for civil and religious liberty and sought His aid ? Did He not also marvellously help our fore- fathers in their conflict with the mighty Spanish Armada, which represented the forces of tyranny and superstition ? His hand was' as clearly, against the Spaniards on that occasion as it was against the Egyptians when they sought t 3 Sam. i. 18. 356 ROME AND GERMANY It is perfectly true that military training and discipline} by the self-restraint, respect for law and order, and the manhness of character which it produces, is not the kind of soil in which a false piety and sickly sentimentalism can take root and flourish, but it is the soil wliich is most receptive of truth and true. Christianity. This has been illustrated in the case of our seamen and soldiers, and those who in actual war suffered constant hardships and were constantly brought face to face with danger and death. These things brought out in them all the nobler qualities of human nature, patience, endurance, kindliness, and self-sacrifice ; for the stern realities of life and death open men's eyes to the true nature of cant and hypocrisy, and prepare them to accept with eagerness truth and true righteousness. The same is more or less true of the working-man, with whom a religion of sentiment and cant has little effect. It is only those who have little or no experience of the stem realities of life, whose Hves are spent in pleasure, or in the pursuit of their own selfish interests, or who are blinded by a false Christianity, who are deceived, and willingly deceived, by a piety of cant and false sentiment. If it is possible for their eyes to be opened to its unreality and hypocrisy, it will only be ^ the discipline, and experience of hard- ship and affliction. In short, it may be said that the only way to arrest the moral, and religious decay of the nation and open the eyes of thosQ whose conscience is now blinded by a false religion and hypocritical piety, is for them to be forced to experience personally the horrors and hardships of war. For the stern discipline of war undertaken in a just cause, such as defence of their country, would wither- up and sweep away this false piety and sickly sentiment, and prepare the hearts of mjaltitudes to listen to and receive the truth. War is one of God's four sore judgments, but terrible as it is, it is an affliction which purifies and ennobles the nation subjected to it. " / found," said Ruskin, " that all great nations learnt their truth of word and strength of ANTI-MILITARISM 357 thought in war; that they were nourished in war and starved by peace ; taught by war and deceived by peace ; trained by war and betrayed by peace ; in a word they were born in war and expired in peace." The anti-English party which came into power through the Nonconformist vote, obtained by falsehood and mis- representation, have effected the triumph of Rome's policy by placing the British, in South Africa under the power of the Boers and Dutch. Nevertheless the latter, who have profited by this, do not hesitate to express their C57nical contempt of those by whom the result hcis been attained. Speaking of the constant interference in affairs of the Colonies and the spirit of disunion which the anti-English party have generated, one Boer writer says : " Every- where the "word ' separation ' has become common, and ' The United States of Africa ' will not be the only sovereign power to sever its connection with a dissolving Empire inhabited by people who are too apathetic and too self-indulgent to undertake the highest and noblest duty of citizenship, viz., military training. Colonials only feel contempt far_ those British poUticians and poltroons who decry compulsory military .training and the maintenance of a powerful Navy. You shut your eyes to every real danger, and therefore you will disregard my warning that the formation of the United States of South Africa will be but a stepping-stone to union with another nation — not British — which needs a magnificent field of work for its prolifiri, industrious, thrifty, and patriotic population, all of whom are trained fighting men. " A few more months of Liberal misrule and down goes the British Empire in a sea of blood. Then the free-bom Britons who scorn military service may per- haps wake up, but it wiU be too late. The Briton will have to wear another uniform — not British — then." ^ * Letter of a Boer in Cape Colony, The Standard, Deceimber, 1906. CHAPTER XVII ' Jesuit Influence in the Nonconformist Churches WE have seen that some of the principal leaders of Nonconformity -have perverted Scripture and Christianity and blasphemed the name of Christ in order to obtain supporters to a worldly and unrighteous policy opposed to the welfare and, prosperity of their country and Empire. They have sympathized with and supported sedition and rebellion in various parts of the Empire, and are the friends and warm supporters of Atheistic Socialists, whose object is to excite sedition and 'revolution, over- throw religion and the institutions of the State, and bring about the fall of the British Empire. They are equally the friends of Irish Roman Catholics and supporters of Home Rule, which will place Ireland under the dominion of Rome and make it a gathering place for the enemies of Britain-, while it will hand over the Protestants and Nonconformists in that country to the mercy of the Irish priesthood. Their unreasoning and inveterate hatred of Mr. Cham- berlain and bitter animus against Tariff Reform is wholly inexplicable on any principle of religion, or as having any bearing on the interests of Nonconformity. But it is in strict keeping with their anti-imperial and revolu- tionary policy of which Mr. Chamberlain was one of the most powerful opponents, while Tariff Reform and Colonial Preference would tend to solidify the Empire and remove the chief causes of discontent, which it is the object of the revolutionists to inflame. These Nonconformist ministers have also been the fore- 358 JESUIT INFLUENCE 359 most in endeavouring to prevent any effective measures being taken for the defence of the kingdom and empire, and for this purpose have made use of hypocritical travesties of Christian precepts. They have also used every means to weaken our hold on. South Africa and separate it from the Empire. Finally, they have sought to undermine the doctrines of Christianity and thus overthrow belief in the Bible, the effect of which is to/destroy all protest against .the superstitions of Romanism, to produce Atheism and its accompanying lawlessness, and, by creating a spirit of revolt against rulers and governors and the upper classes, divide the nation, against itself. In all these things, whether in ignorance or designedly, they have been forwfirding the avowed ambition of Rome, and in support of their anti-English policy they have been the foremost in propagating the very falsehoods and calumnies of the Jesuits, while, in their religious tyranny towards members of their congregations who refused to support their policy, they have adopted the very ta-ethods of the priesthood of Rome. The anti-English spirit would seem to have first originated with, and been chiefly nourished by these mwiiisters. From the first, they opposed the Boer war, and denoimced it from their pulpits as " a wicked war," " a war of aggression " which they pretended would be followed by the loss of liberties at home ; although they must have been fully aware that the war was a war of aggression on the part of the Boers themselves, that it was the result of a long cherished ambition to drive- the British out of South Africa, and that the Boers had been making vast preparations for it years before, counting upon the assistance of Germany and a possible coalition against us of European powers, whose hatred had been inflamed by the slanders propagated by the Continental press under the control of the Vatican and the Jesuits ; and these slanders were first propagated in this country by the Nonconformist ministers themselves, either from the pulpit, or through the medium of the Pro-Boer papers. 36o ROME AND GERMANY Not only did they deny the outrages and cruelties of the Boers upon defenceless British men and women, the barbarous' torture of natives who were suspected of friendliness to the British, the wanton destruction of British homesteads and property in Natal, the shooting of wounded men at Kimberley in cold blood, the treacher- ous use of the white flag, but they brought charges against the British of doing the very things of which the Boers had been guilty, and while denouncing every measure of the Government for bringing the war to a successful conclusion, used every argument to en- courage the Boers to continue their -resistance and to prolong the war. The Scotsman writes of Dr. Chfford : " He does not hesitate to say and print for the perusal of the Boers things which are boldly untrue. He says, for example, that our Government is unwilling to make peace, that it is incapable of carrying on war according to the accepted rules of fair fight, that it has advanced from illegality to illegality, that the policy of our Government is the extermination of the Boer as far as it can be effected, and when that fails, he is to be banished and his property confiscated." ^ "The charge of " methods of barbarism " made use x>i by Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman appears to have been supplied by another Nonconformist minister, while from many of the pulpits in Wales Mr. Chamberlain was declared to be a traitor to his country, who had started the war and kept it going in order that his relations in the gunpowder trade might fill their pockets. All these and other calumnies, although fully exposed at the time, are being reiterated or imphed by them. When the Boers were beaten these Nonconformist ministers, in combination with Ritualist and Romanist priests, issued a manifesto which, as the Scotsman re- marks, was^ a direct incentive to the Boers to continue the war, and was recognised as such, and protested against by one of the few truly Christian ministers of the Dutch • Seetsman, August 15th, 1901. JESUIT INFLUENCE 361 Church in South Africa as " furnishing arguments to the leaders of the Boers to continue the war." ^ Faihng to effect this they sought to induce the Government to make peace oh the. Boer terms, * which would liave given the latter every facility for renewing the war with a better chance of success on a future occasion. This, as we have seen, was the final object sought to be attained by the Pro-Boers, and was clearly based on the hope that the racial hostihty of the Boers and Dutch might yet be inflamed and utilized for the purpose of depriving us of South Africa. In accordance with this, we find the Rev. Page Hopps writing to the Boers that theyhad been " the victims of a great criine in the conspiracy against and assault upon your two most interesting Republics," and reminding them that " this world is a world of con- 'Stant change, and that Africa for the Afrikanders may yet describe the ultimate result."' His letter is an instance of the way in which these Clerical Patriophbbes, in suave and unctuotis language, charged the British with the very conspiracy that, for years, the Boers had been forming to drive the British out of South Africa, and with the very assault which the Boers themselves were the first to make upon Natal. The chief hope of the Pro-Boers for wresting South Africa from the Empire lay in the return of a Radical Parliament to power. Mr. W. T. Stead, during his visit to South Africa, nearly two years before the last General Election, made an inflammatory speech at Stellenbosch in which he condemned the Cape Government for not op-posing the landing of the British troops who were sent to defend the Colony in 1899, urged the Afrikanders to speak of the Ojange River Colony as theX3rahge Free State, asked them to sing the " VolksUed," and finally encouraged them to place their hopes in a Radical Government which, he prophesied, would come into power with a majority of •The Rev. Mr. Botha, Daily Telegraph, September a8th, 1901.. • Scotsman, August 15th, 1901. » Daily Mail, June 19th, 1903. 363 ROME AND GERMANY 100 to 150. ^ Such an attitude was only what we might expect from one who by slander and misrepresentation sought to imbue the French with hatred of his own coun- try. The foretold result has taken place, and it has been due chiefly to the Nonconformist vote, directed, as we have seen, by Nonconformist ministers who perverted Scripture and Christianity to their purpose, and made free use of calumny and misrepresentation. Nor has the Government, or rather the party behind the Government, failed to fulfil Mr. Stead's anticipation. For they have taken every means to give the Boers and Dutch, the paramount power" in South Africa, and every facility for wresting, at some future date, the country from the British Empire, which- is simply to carry out the original design of Rome and the Jesuits. Mr. Stead's confident prediction suggests that he was fully aware of the means that were to be taken to raider a large number of the Nonconformists subservient to this policy. The main cause of their success was the Chinese Slavery lie which was first promulgated by them, and also by certain Rituahstic bishops of the Church of iJnglaiyi. * Dr. . Clifford, who was one of the first propagators of this falsehood, Stigmatised Chinese labour as " building the Empire on the blood of souls." " It is a wanton iniquity," he said, " it is a shuffling of the meanest kind to say that it is not slavery. Let Britishers bring to a speedy and final end this return to bairbarisrn." ' The absolute baselessness of this calumny has been shewn by Sir West Ridgeway, * and if there was abso- lutely no foundation for the calumny, what was the character and motive of those who originated it ? ' Daily Telegrapji, April 21st, 1904. • -Mr. Birfell, when defending himself against the charge of making use of the Chinese Slavery lie at the elections, quoted Dr. Gore and an archbishop as his ^authorities. ''Speech; February 22nd, 1906. • " John Chinaman on the Rand," Daily Mail, February 32nd, 1906. * Ante, pages 2o9,'2ib. JESUIT INFLUENGE 3J63 It is worthy of note also that, after the exposure in. this country of the falsehoods concerning Chinese slavery, they should have immediately reappeared in China, in a still more exaggerated form for the purpose of stirring up the hostility of the Chinese against the British, and- we find the Chinese themselves stating that their authority for these lies was Professor Clifford ! Dr. Clifford was also one of the chief promulgators of the slanders against our soldiers during the South African war. But it is a characteristic 'tactic of Pro-Boer and Socialist agitators that they invariably accuse their opponents of the very methods in which they themselves are adepts. Dr. Clifford does the same,, as in the case of the defeat of the Socialists in the London County Council Eiectipns, in which he accused the anti-Socialists with a wealth of invective of every sort of calumny and falsehood- He said, " The retilrn of the Moderates was due to_ a campaign of slander and lying unprecedented in Fnglai^d. Never has there been such colossal fertility in falsehood. The organisation of shameless mendacity by sugges- tion and suppression was perfect and entire, wanting nothing," &c. ^ There was -apparently no foundation for this sweeping denunciation, arid if not, it was merely on a par with his statements concerning Chinese slavery and the South African war. We need hardly be surprised that these Nonconformist ministers should have sympathized with the Zulu rebels, whose rising in Natal, the one thoroughly British Colony, would, if successful, have been the final blow to British supremacy in South Africa. Hence the wrath of these ministers at the prompt way in which the British in Natp,l met the rebellion by the execution of the Zulus who had been guilty of the barbarous torture and death of Eijglishmen. Thus the Nonconformist Socialist, Dr. Aked, venting his anger upon the clergyman who, in accordance with his Christian office, addressed these Zulus before their » Sermon, New Year's Day, 1908. 364 ROME ANb GERMANY execution, said that " he hoped they would despise him and his rehgion and his God. "^ Dr. Aked's S5anpathy with the rebels and the vindictive animus which he betrayed by this remark against men of his own race who were face to face with a danger threatening the destruction of their homes, their wives, and children, by a foe practised in the art of torture, was, to say the least, passing strange. As these Nonconformist ministers have been carrying out the policy, and using the weapons of Rome and the Jesuits for the downfall of the British Empire, and as their aims are apparently identical with those of Rome, it might be expected that they would .constantly be found associated with the adherents of that Church. This is the case. The Daily Telegraph drew attention to " the evidence of a secret compact made between the Irish Roman Catholics and the Radical Nonconformists on the subject of Catholic education, whereby a special pro- visipn was to be made for Catholic schools ; to the report that Mr. Bryce was prepared to endow a Catholic Uni- versity, and to the confederation of Catholic members with Nonconformists like Dr. Clifford." '' This was also the case with the manifesto in 1901 inciting the Boers to continue the war, the signatories to which were these' Nonconformist ministers and Roman Catholic and Ritualist ■priests. * ■ Again, at the last-General Election, we find Dr. Clifford as the chief supporter of the Roman Catholic member for South Monmouthshire, and addressing from the Roman Catholic platform a large meetfng in his favour. This- and other instances of sympathy with Roman Catholics naturally caused the Daily Telegraph to express its surprise that " the Nonconformist, Dr. Clifford, should so constantly be found as the associate and supporter of Roman Catholics." * We may also mention Dr. Whyte, of Edinburgh, who, ' Speech of Dr. Aked, reported in a Manchester paper. Letter by a Wesleyan to Daily Mail, April 25th, 1906. * Daily Telegraph, January 17th, 1906. * Scotsman, October 15th, 1901. * Daily Telegraph, January 17th, 1906. JESUIT INFLUENCE 365 like Dr. Clifford, was one of the principal signatories of the manifesto to the Boers. He published a book a few years ago full of eulogies of Cardinal Newman, a man who, by the use of subterfuge and deceit, was one of the most successful agents of Rome in perverting the Church of England. Yet this is the person whom' a Noncon- formist minister and professed Protestant regards as " a saint who inspires him with admiration, hope,', and love ! " ^ Such sympathy with a-teacher of religious error is, according to the Apostle John, an evidence of moral identity. * We also learn that the Socialist preacher, the Rev, R. Campbell, whose anti-Christian doctrines and principles are cordially supported by Dr. Clifford, was lately received in atidience by the Pope; to whom he knelt in audience, kissing the Pope's ring in token of his allegiance. ' We are not surprised, therefore, that he should be a warm advocate of the union of the Churches of Britain with that of Rome, which has for years been the great ambition of the Ritualists. It is also significant that the Roman Catholic Home Ruler, Mr. Dillon, was invited by Mr. Silvester Home to lecture in Whitefield's Tabernacle. A few years before Mr. Home had attended a lecture by Mr. Dillon and took part in the outburst of applause which, was produced by Mr. Dillon's reference to the number of British soldiers slain in the South African war ! As remarked by one writer to the Standard, the sympathy between the two was shown by " the willingness of both at all times and in all places to preach down the British Em- pire." Mr. Home introduced Mr. Dillon to his congre- gation by sasdng that he had admired Mr. Dillon for twenty years. * Such an alliance between ^Nonconformists, once the bulwark of Protestantism, and Irish Roynanist^, who are > " Newman," by Alexander Whyte, D.D. Oliphant, Anderson, and Terrier, Edinburgh. See review by the Christian World, December 5th, 1901. • a John 10-11. ' The Chriitian Worlds May 5th, 1904. ♦ Letter by " Noaeo«forMi8t," The Standard, July 17th, 1908. 366 ROME AND GERM^^Y the bitter enemies of Great 'Britain and of Protestantism, vp'ould:' have been inconceivable and impossible 'not many years ago, 'and would be still utterly repudiated by every tru'e' Pbrotesfant Nonconformist. As in the case of' 'Dr. Whyte, we must also conclude that Mr. Horne, the friend and admirer of an anti-Protestant hater of England, whom, he invites to speak in his own house of God, must, in his heart, be a participator in his principles and a sytiipathi^er with his religion. The abdve are some of the instances of a strong sym- pathy on the part of certain prominent Nonconformists- with Rome and Romanists, and it is e^adent that those in whom this sympathy exists woTiid be peculiariy open to Jesuit influence an.d liable to become the zealous allies, or it may be^ ignorant tools of that Society. It is possible that many Nonconformist ministers have merely followed the lead of the few, and have accepted, without question, the falsehoods and misrepresentations which have been thfe cause- of their anti-English attitude. It may he, therefore, that such persons, if they recognised that tliey had been made tools of by the Jesuits, would change their policy and opinions, but this would certainly 'not be the case with those who have been designedly acting in their interests. The hundred and odd members of Parliament refetred to by the' National Review ^ have been the foreniost supporters of the anti-English and revolutionary peiKcy which is in such striking accordance with that of Rome and the Jesuits ; and as they obtained their seats-chiefly throligh the slanders and misreptesentatiofls • propagated by' these Nonconformist ministers,' we must conclude that they represent the aims and policy of those ministers rather than the views of their own constituents, who weire more or less deceived. The opposition of these members, to the Bill for the inspection of Convents is therefore. significant. Mr. T. L. . Corbett introduced a motion in Parliament, June ,26th, 1906; calUng attention to the enormous increase of • Ani«, pages ao8, 209. JESUIT INFLUENCE 367 convents and monasteries in Great Britain since the year 1850, and to tHe fact that, while imevery Roman. Catholic country they were subject by the Government to inspec- tion, they were free frorii any supervision in this country. That this should be the case in Protestant Britain only, and not in Roman Catholic, countries, is in itself an anomaly, and the stories of the cruelties and deceits and immoralities practised in these houses, both in ^ this country and on the Continent, which from time to time have been exposed, are ample justification for the Govern- ment supervision which is exercised in every country but our own. The indignation excited arnong British Pro- testants by this state of things is well known, and has constantly called forth their protest. One would there- fore have thought that a Bill like that mentioned, suggest- ing the, advisability of the supervision of these houses, would have been warmly welcomed by the members of a Pariiam«nt, the majority of whom are representatives of the Nonconformist bodies, once the backbone of Pro- testantism. But. the very contrary was the case. The whole anti-English party, who obtained their seats by means of the Nonconformist vote, were the foremost in opposing the Bill, which was rejected. by 231 votes to 72. It. would appear from this, that these representatives of Nonconformity, and the anti-Englanders generally, are among ihe staundhest supporters of Rome ! . Mr. Corbett introduced a second BiU for the same purpose in June, 1907, but it was again rejected on February 25th, 1908, by a majority of fifty, and among those who opposed it were prominent Nonconformists and Socialists and, the ■whole anti-English party. A further evidence of the close sympathy of this party with Romanism, was the Bill introdued by Mr. Redmond for doing away with all Roman Catholic disabilities, together with that portion of the. Coronation oath wljich secures the Protestant succession to the throne. This also was .supported by: the anti-English party and by many Noiicoriforinists. In addition to the Socialists, forty Radical members, 368 ROME AND GERMANY representing for the most part the anti-English party, voted in favour, of the Bill, while on the other hand IU3 less than forty-three Unionists voted against it. which, considering the weakness of the Unionist party and the small numbers of all parties presenton the occasion, indi- cates that the bulk of the Unionist party is strongly Pro- testant. It is also a further proof that Rome has warm adherents among the Revolutionary and anti-English party. A considerable portion of the editorial staft of the leadmg Pro-Boer and Radical papers are Roman Catholics, and we may be certain therefore that there are also Jesuits on those staffs, although of- course they do not disclose their identity. We might therefore expect that these papers, even while professing certain Protestant principles, >vould gradually and cautiously seek to influence their readers in favour of Romanism. As an illustration of this we may refer to an attack made by a Radical paper on " Rome and Germany," not for ex- posing the character and.designs of the anti-English party, but for exposing the designs of Rome and the Jesuits while, at the same time, it warmly defended modern Romanism. I It would seem, in short, that although their real princi- ples are as opposed as the poles, Rome and Radicalism are at present allied; It is simply an evidence of the success of the Jesuit policy of making use of the easily deceived masses for the furtherance of their sinister designs. As already remarked, protest against Rome is practically dead among many of the Nonconformist Radicals, and their antagonistti to the Church of England is simply due to the spirit of revolt against any form of power and superi- ority. Their animosity is similar, in short, to that displayecj by the French Revolutionists towards the priesthood qf Rome, but is different in this respect, that the Britisti revolutionists have not the grievous wrongs and t5n:annvt to complain of which the French had suffered at the hands of their priesthood. On the other hand, the priests of Ronie jn this country. JESUIT INFLUENCE 369 unlike those of the Church of England, have no visible power or authority and do not therefore excite Radical animosity, and it has not therefore been difficult to en- gender among many Radicals a feehng of friendship and S5mipathy for a religion and people in which they see no harm. This result is also greatly assisted by the priests themselves, who take every opportunity of gaining the Goniidence and earning the gratitude of the lower classes. By these means the Sympathies of a large number of Radicals have gradually been *enhsted in favour of Romanism, and nowhere is this so evident as in certain Nonconformist communities. It was said that some Protestant members of Parlia- ment refrained from voting in favour of Mr. Corbett's bin for the inspection of convents lest they should offend their Nonconformist constituents. It may also be mentioned that at a lecture given in the Congregational Church at Tooting by Mr. D. Stevenson Hyslop on the errors of Romanism, it was stated that the remarks of the speaker were not by any means unanimously ap- proved, and that the subject was likely to give offence to many. If so, we must conclude that these Congrega- tionalists are not only not opposed to Romanism, but are inclined to be offended at anything said against it ! The Weekly Mail, which reported the lecture, also gave ex- pression to its disapproval of it by entitUng it " Extra- ordinary Attack on Roman Catholicism." ^ On another occasion, fhe Rev. G. Armstrong Bennett was^ " savagely rebuked by a Wesleyan Methodist for stating that Romanism was a system of baptised heathen- ism masquerading " under the Christian name." Yet this is simply a statement of fact, for, as acknowledged by many Romanists themselves, there is hardly a rite or doctrine of that Church which is not derived from Paganism. Mr. Bennett was also attacked in the Methodist Recorder by Mr. George A. Macdonald, a professed Protestant, who warmly defended the Roman Catholic Church, saying, » Wtekly Mail, May 35th, 1907. i7o, ROME AND GERMANY 1st, that the British Churches are merely oiffshoots of it ; 2nd,, that we owe the Bible to it ; 3rd, that its religious belief is practically identical with that of the Protestant Churches ; 4th, tjiat, eyen if some errors and superstitions exist, the Church of Rome itself must not be .judged by them. ^ A more Jesuitical misrepresentation of fact can hardly, be imagined, i.' CJiristianity existed in Britain long before it was perverted by Romanism in the sixth century by the mp;ak Austin, aiid Protestant Christianity, so far as it has not been perverted, is the product of the Reforma- tion, not of Roman Catholicism. 2. We derive the Bible, iiot from Ropie, but from the early Church bpf ore it was corrupted by .the errors and idolatries of modem Romanism. 3. The religious belief of the Protestant Churches is diametrically opposed to, and a protest against the sviperstitions and idolatries of Rome. 4. Thqse .superstitions and idoMries are not the belief and practice of a few, bUft are the authori§e4 teaching of the whole Rojman Catholic Jaierarchy. Yet Mr. Macdonald's misrepresentatioi;! met with no protest whatever from the " Pratesjtant " editor of the Methodist Recorder ! ■y^^e may afeo refer to a letter to the Church Times of Deqembef 13th, 1907, by the Rev. Richard Lee, a Con- gregationalist minister, in wnich be makes a scathing attack on The Protestant Alliance and strongly defends Ritualism. He holds up to scorn, and contrasts with the. devQtioq. and earnestness of many Ritualists, the unspirit- ual religion of majiy Protestants. But he fails to reco"g- nise t];iat devotion to error, however earnest, can never produce true righteousness, and that the Protestjuit who opposes Rituahsm and superstition, although he may fall short of true Christianity in its 'highest sense, is nearer the Kingdom of Heaven than those who support them (Mark xii. 33, 34). These facts should be taken into consideration by those honest NQpconformists who find themselves associated with aii4 give their support to nien who, instead of being » Reported in the Protestant Alliance Magazine, October, 1907. JESUIT INFLUENCE 371 opponents of Romanism, are more or less in sympathy with it, are the allies or tools of the Jesuits, and are friends and siipportei-s of Atheistic Socialists -and of those who seek to bring about revolution and the downfall of their country. It should also be remembered that the dangers which threaten this country at the present day are not merely the perversion of Protestantism by Romanist doctrines and rituai, nor is it only the downfall of the nation and empire which the anti-Englanders and revolutionists are doing their best to bring about, but it is also the attainment of supreme power by the Jesuits through the assistance of the proletariat and the triunaph of revolutionary Atheism, the red spectre which is to overwhelm the nations in blood during the last days. We have seen how greatly Romanism must have leavened Nonconformist belief, and it indicates the pHresenee of many secret agents of Rome in the Non- conformist communities who have obtained positions of influence in the Churches, or on the staffs of Noncon- formist journals, for the purpose of cautiously advocating the religion, and forwarding the designs of Rome. "Rome has made every effort to pervert the Church of England by introducing, little by little. Catholic ritual and superstition through the agency of false teachers, whose methods of secrecy and deceit are in exact accord- ance with the instructions given by the Council of Trent to the Jesuits, and no one can doubt that at the present moment many of- the English clergy are members of that Society, while the great success of their efforts is only too evident. It would be the height of folly, therefore, as befOTe remarked, to suppose that Rome has not made similar efforts, by means of similar agents, posing as Protestants, to pervert the Nonconformist Churches. The accomplishment of this perversion is also the hope and ambirion of the Romanising clergy in the Church of Englaiid. ^ • Ante, pp. 8, 10. ■ ■ ' 372 ROME AND GERMANY We see the fruits of their efforts, not merely in the cessation of protest against Romanist superstitions, and the actual support of Romanism by many, noris it only in the general growth of scepticism and unbelief, and the prevalence of a spurious piety which has taken the place of true righteousness and love of the truth ; but these fruits are chiefly seen in the support given by the Nonr conformist Churches to a Sociahst, Revolutionary, and anti-EngHsh policy, opposed to their own good and to the welfare of their country, and by which they are simply carrying out the hostile ambition of Rome. It is in tlais respect, rather than in the adoption of Roman ritual and superstition, that we see the great change which has taken place in Nonconformist religion, and this Sociahst and anti-English pohcy was clearly better adapted to Nonconformist sentiment and less likely to create offence than anything like excessive ritual, to which they are traditionally hostile. At the same time, the introduction of a spurious piety has prepared numbers of Nonconformists to regard with sympathy and affection the similar piety of the Romish devotee, and has done much to bridge the gulf between an effete Protestantism and. Romanism. Moreover, the introduction of Romish doctrine and ritual in the Nonconformist churches has not by any means been neglected.. Much of the ritual and do,ctrine of Rome has been cautiously introduced here and there. The old -doctrines of salvation by grace, which were the central feature of Nonconformist faith, are, not only seldom preached, but vehemently condemned by many, and Arminianism, or the doctrine that salvation is primarily dependent on man himself, is substittlted for them. In the Congregational hymn-book the Lord's Table is called an Altar, and the real presence in the Sacrament is either openly inculcated or insinuated. In the Baptist h5nnn-book the Lord's Table is called an Altar throne. There are anthems for memorial services, which, as in the case of the early Church, prepared the way for prayers for the dead and JESUIT INFLUENCE 3^3 ultimately for the worship of the saints, or the spirits of the pious dead. Prayers for the dead are also directly taught by the Congregationalists as in the hymn, Dear thoughts that once our union made, Death does not disavow ; We prayed for them while here they stayed, And what shall hinder now ? Our Father, give them rest alway And portion with the blest ; Oh pity where they went astray, And pardon e'en the rest. There are also Communion anthems, one of which is a translation of the Romish " Salutans Hostia," sung in the Mass previous to the blessing of the consecrated Wafer, while another is a translation of the "Ave Verum," sung after the consecration of High Mass: Baptismal regeneration is also implied in these h5mins, while there are Litanies for Penitence, anthems for Ash Wednesday, Holy Week, Lent and Saints' diays, all of which are of Romish origin and borrowed by Rome from Paganism, and were repudiated for that reason by the Reformers, the Puritans, and the old Nonconformists.^ The sign of the Cross, which is of purely Pagan origin, and was one of the principal things which caused the separation of the Nonconformists from the Church, has. also been introduced. In a Baptist Cathedral at Paisley, costing £500,000, the East end is sumptuously decorated as in Ritualistic Churches, and there is an altar of hewn stone approached by seven steps, decorated with flowers, and an " agnus Dei " in the centre, and there is a surpliced choir (com- pare Exodus XX. 25, 26). It may, also be remarked that Mr. Runcmian, M.P., speaking in the House of Commons, referred to the doctrine of " Baptismal Regeneration " 51s the doctrine of the Baptists, which, he said, they did not wish to force upon other people.* Now this is % doctrine of the > Uttw ky " N«BWaf*niitt," Tht SUmd»rd, July and, 19Q8. 374 ROME AND GERMANY Church of Rome and the Anglican High Chjirph>. against which Evangelicals, both within and without 4he., Chjurch of Enigiand, have always protested, as being pne of the foundation errors of Romanism, and one upon which the whol^ principle of " Catholicism " is'based. For denying it the ]p«aptists, in particular, were persecuted and put to death in the days of the Reformation. Ye.t it is evident, from the importance now attached by Baptists to adult baptism, that it' may not have been difficult to gradually introduce it among them as one of the most effective means of underrhining their Protestaritism. It would also appear that the Churches in which these innovations have taken place, are, liearly in every case, those of the Baptists and Congregationajists, and that the Nonconformist ministers who are doing; their best to undermine the doctrines of Christianity, and to advocate revolutionary and anti-English principles, belong to' one or other of these two communities. ^ The same innovations are talking place in the Scottish Presbyterian Church. At the Presbyterian Church . of St. Giles in Edinburgh there is an elabqrate altar covered with green and gold tapestry, and in pther Presbyterian. ChurcheiS the tables are draped to resemble Catholic altars. At Craithie Church prayers for the dead were receritly offered and the sacrament extolled after the manner of the Ritualists. At the Presbyterian Church of St. Margaret, BamhiH. in Scotland, there is early communion and an altar, with flowers and lamps, after the manner of the Romish, and Pagan Rituals. The Virgin is,, also mentioned in prayer, and so are the faithful departed. Protest was indeted m,adp by some of the congregation against these things,, but without avail " It would appear, in fact, that there is " a movement in ' Letter by Mr. Joseph Banpister, The Standai'd, July, 4.th, ifioS. }- Quoted from " Romanism in the, State and Nonconformist Churches," by the'Rev. F. Bickford Heard. W. S. MstrliaStCq., 43, ImperiaLDuili^ings, I^dgate.Circusl . JESUIT INFLUENCE JJ'S the Scetch Church, apparently gaining in nuihbcrs abd influence, which has turned its back upon Protestant and Evangehcal truth." Several societies have be6n formed to aid this move- ment, amongst which may be mentioned " The Church Service Society " for the introduction of forms of prayer, the " Ecclesiological Society " for intiroducing Symbolism into, pubhc worship, and the " Scottish Church Society " for the defence of Catholic doctrine. It is stated of the latter : " Its aims and acts may be not unfairly described as designed to do for the Presbyterian Church in Scotland . what the Tractarians did at Oxford." St. Cuthbeft's Church in Edinburgh is mentioned as an illustration of the innovations which are being introduced. " Besides an elaborate chancel, choir stalls, prayer desk,- lectern, &c., there is a large stone altar with a bas-relief , group of images of full life-size behind, lighted up with electric light, and a cruciiix above in stained glass. The. sermon consisted of quotations from Cicero, Aristotle, and others, without a single reference even to the name of the Lord Jesjis Christ," This service has been copied in other churches, and Professor Cooper says : " We have been approxjmatfng in many ways both in 'worship and, doc- trine," that is, to the Scottish Episcopal Church, the object, being union with that Church. Concerning the latter Church, it is stated that " six out of its eight bishops belong to one or other of the Romanizing SQcieties established by the Ritualists in the Church; of England," and that at- ih.6 Episcopal Church of St. Michael's " a Guild of AU Souls jnass is conducted monthly, and confessions are boldly advertised in the Parish Magazine."^ It will be seen from the above, that the methods adopted in the Scottish Presbyterian Church, hitherto the most Protestant of all Churches, are exactly in accordance with the instructions of the Council of Trent to the Jesuits for the Romanizing of the Church of England, \ Rggprtihy J- A.,I{£nsit, in the English Qhurchnian, June i6tli igo8. 376 ROME AND GERMANY and with the principles advocated and carried ©«t by Dr. Pusey and the Tractarians. ' We may also gather, from the studied silence with regard to all reference to Christ in the sermon mentioned above, that the doctrines of Christianity are being quietly undermined in the Scottish Presbyterian Church in the same way as in other Nonconformist Churches. It is evident that, when this undermining process is sufficiently advanced, there will remain no barrier to the long sought- for union of the Churches of Britain with the idolatrous Churches of Rome and Eastern Europe on a common basis of unbelief; Mr. Heard also mentions some instances of ritualism in other Nonconformist Churches. Thus at Brijtton Independent Church there is an intoned service, arid the east end is separated from the body of the church by a Romish rood screen. In the church hall are many pictures of the Virgin and saints. Again, an advanced Ritualistic Church furnisher lately received a letter from a Wesleyan minister requesting that his cfiurch should be fitted up exactly like a Ritualist church. " Choral evensong was announced to be sung at another, and at the Gothic Tabernacle, known as Christ Church, Westminster, there are twelve steps to the altar and a reredos, while a semi^-choral celebration of the Sacrament takes place on the first Sunday in the month, and in the hymn-book is a hymn addressed to St. Michael and All Angels, which is nothing more or less than " worshipping of angels " (Col. ii. i8). These are merely a few, of the cases which have come under the pergonal notice of the Nonconformist minister from whom they are quoted, * and, as there must be many others, they are sufficient indication of what is taking place in the Nonconformist Churches generally, as well as a further and incontrovertible proof of the » Ante, pp. 8, lo, * " Romanism in .the State and Nonconformist Churchw," by the Rev. F. Bickford Heard. JESUIT INFLUENCE 377 presence of numerous Jesuits among the Nonconformist communities. It is no wonder therefore that protest against Romanism has virtually ceased in many of the Nonconformist Churches, and that the conscience of numbers, being blinded by a false piety, they are easily led to devote all their attention to the attainment of selfish aims and to support measures for the ruin of their coilntry and the . furtherance of the ambition of Rome. - Finally, it is important to recognise the enormous influence exercised by the Press on pubhc opinion, and which the Jesuits, by their secret agents, have never failed to take full advantage of for the promotion of their policy. There are, in the first place, a large number of Roman Catholics who are employed as sub-editors or contributors to the leading public journals, a list of whom is given in the CathoUc JY^'^ Who, ^ and although there are English CathoUcs who are loyal and patriotic Englishmen and wholly opposed to the political designs of the Jesuits, there are numbers who are not so, but are wholly under the guidance and influence of Jesuit, confessors, and therefore prepared to carry out in every detail Jesuit policy. This is clearly the case with the Pro-Boer and anti-English papers, before alluded to, which are under Catholic control and are practically organs of the Jesuits. Hence their opposition to Tariff Reform, their support of Socialistic and Revolutionary principles, their attempts to induce the Government to cut down the defences of the kingdom, their constant repudiation of aay danger from German hostility and ambition, and their virulent abuse of every patriotic Englishman. The Jesuits are also able to exercise a powerful and sinister influence oh the public'by means of secret members of the order, who, by their talents and erudition, obtain important positions on the staffs of every pubhc journal of importance. This undoubtedly has been one of the > Article by A. le Lievre, Secrttary to lh» Prot««t«mt Press Bureau, The Vangumrd, Februfiry, if*t, pp. 9, i«. 378 ROME AND GERMA^TY principal means rtiade use of for leaveniiig N(5HCbnf6tWist opinion, and we see evidence, of their present, hot merely in the anti-English bias of certain Nonconformist journals, but in the expression of praise and adinitation for Roinan Catholic piety and devotion which these journals hoM up for imitation by their readers. The influence exercised by the Jesuits in this way is equally seen irtlhe attitude constantly adopted by a con- siderable section of the general Press which is not avowedly Pro-Boer or anti-English, It is seen sometiffles in the cautious advocacy in articles and ireviews of socialistic, revolutionary, or Romanist principles, but more generally in the deiiial of any necessity, for taking exceptional measures for the defence of the country, in the misrepre- sentation, without actual falsificatioft, of its existing defences, and in the deprecation of every warning regard- ing the German danger. All this, advocated in moderate language, and with an appearance of fairness and just discrimination, has had the effect of completely hypnotis- ing a large portion of the nation. The apathy with which most people regard the dasger that threatens the country has &e appearance of a moral blindness judicially inflicted, and the moral convejrei by the allegorical painting of Gilbert Holiday depicting a sleeping Parliament while the handwriting on "the wail pronounces its fate ^ might more fittingly be extendesd!, to the whole nation. But when a laige^ portion of the Pjress are crying " Peace, Peiace, when there is no Peacej"'this is only what we must expect and with . it the accom- paiiying doom— Afe»e Mene Tekel Upharsin. » See illustration in the Graphic, Noveinber 21st, 1908, CONCLUSION The evidence collected in the foregoing pages 'seems to be incontestable proof that a vast conspiracy has been going on for years beneath the surface for the purpose of bringing about the downfall of the Britjsh Empire. This is the avowed ambition of Rome and the Jeguits, and there cannot be any doubt that the latter, banished from other countries and concentrated in this country, have been devoting all their secret energies, resources, and, astute- ness to the accomplishment of this purpose. The means which, they use to attain their ends is to secretly foment revolutipn and sedition by undermining the religious behef and the moral character of the people ; by sowing the seeds of atheism ; by working upon the discontent of the working-classes, and by imbuing them with envy and hatred of the upper classes and of all law and order in order to divide the kingdom against itself, and by using other means to weaken and disintegrate the Empire and prepare the way for its downfall. At the same time, their plan is to obtain a powerful body of adherents devoted to their, policy, or as their unsuspecting tools, in every class and order of Society and every public office, and on the staff of every journal of importance, in order to direct and influence pubHc opinion, and to blind the people to the true purpose of the means they are them- selves taking for their own ruin. Finally, the weapons of their warfare are calumny, falsehood and misrepresenta- tioii, and the propagation of subtle fallacies to deceive the ignorant. We see the fruits of their activity in the attack, which is being made on the truth and authority of the Bible, belief in which.has hitherto, been the foundation of British 379 38» ROME AND GERMANY liberties and prosperity ; in the coiisequent growing un- belief and infidelity and its accompanying lawlessness ; in the growing selfishness and love of pleasure ; in the decay of patriotism and hardihood ; in the opposition to every measure for the country's defence., under the hypocritical plea of opposing " militarism " ; in the perversion of true religion ; in the substitution of cant and a false senti- mentalism and emotional piety for the love of the truth and true righteousness ; and in the increase of Roman- ism itself and the growing popularity of those appeals to the senses and imagination which are the secret of its fascination. We also see, coincident with the return to Parliament of a po\yerful party devoted to an anti-English and revo- lutionist policy, and elected by jneans of falsehood, the appearance on the scene of a powerful revolutionary society, hitherto kept in the background, and the simul-. taneous outburst of rebellion and sedition in every part of the Empire. These facts are strong indications of a secret and carefully prearranged flan. We see, in short, the destinies of the nation more or less at the mercy of a party seemingly devoted to the policy of Rome and the Jesuits, and receiving the strenu- ous support of certain leaders of religion who sympathise with Rome ; a party which is animated by hatred of their country and , countr}Tnen ; opposing everything which might mitigate the discontent -of the rriasses or conduce to the prosperity of the Empire ; seeking to overthrow the institutions of the State ; to weaken and undermine the strength and efficiency of its defences and to blind the nation to its danger ; sympathising with sedition and rebellion, and opposing, their own country- men in our oversea dependencies ; and withal, making free use of calumny and misrepresentation, the special weapons of the Jesuit. • . It has always been inconceivable to most people how Englishmen could be enemies of their own country and be actuated by a Seemingly causeless hatred of everything which conduces to its power and prosperity. What CONCLUSION 381 benefit can th«y hope to gain by the ruin of the Empire ? The excuse of ignorance and blindness may indeed be made for the unreflecting multitude who are misled by the sophistries of their teachers, but this excuse cannot be made for the leaders ; nor can the plea of party juiimuB account for the fact that they, and they only, irSvariably make use of falsehoods and misrepresentations to support their aims, and that those, aims are for the ruin of their own country. But this action is perfectly explicable when we con- sider .that they are carrying out in every detail the policy of Rome emd the Jesuits for the overthrow of the British .Empire ; that the Jesuits banished from every- other country as enemies of, and the authors of sedition and rebellion in, those countries, are now concentrated in Britain ; and that their policy is to insinuate themselves into every class and order of the State and Society as sympathisers with the people they are seeking to ruin, in order to obtain among them agents for carrying out their ambition. It is folly, therefore, not to conclude that those, although Englishmen in name, who are foremost in bringing about that ruin, are either members, or affiliated members, of that Society," or are those whose vanity, ambition, malice, envy, or cupidity have been so worked upon by the Jesuits that they have become their ignorant but willing agents — " political meddlers who are ignorant and unsuspecting enough to become our tools." The statement of Ranke concerning the Jesuits in Belgium may equally apply to Great Britain : "By con- trolling the elections they rule the chambers, and by the chambers they govern the kingdom." * Britain at the present moment is governed by the Jesuits, her most bitter enemies, while by their secret control of the Press they are able to blind a large portion of the nation to the true purpose of the measures which are being taken for its ruin. What is to be the end of these things ? » Ante, page 87, 382 ROME AND GERMANY " There is nothing hid which shall not be revealed," and the time will no doubt come when the agencies by which so many are blinded and- deceived will be madfr manifest. But it seems evident that a large proporti®ii- of those who are deceived are self-deceived. They are deceived because the deception appeals to their envy, vanity, greed, or other selfish passions, while numbers: gladly accept the cant and false piety by. which they blind themselves to their true motives. It is. they theia- selves who. have " sown the wind," and they must ex;p(gct to "reap the whirlwind." The storms of calamity which threaten our country are twofold and they are intimately connected. There iS' firstly, the danger of the overthroyir of the nation and - empire by the sword of Germany after a period of terrible. cfHiflict and suffering ; and secondly, there is the danger that the Jesuits, or their i representatives, by the aid- of th^ir numerous sympathisers and adherents and the great - mass of the Proletariat, may effect their anticipated con- quest and attain supreme power as leaders and_aposties;of the Atheistic revolution, the result of which would be the remorseless suppression by fire and sword of all, who ventured to oppose them. In either case, the calamity would simply be in strict accordance with the judgments of God on those who have forsaken Ilim, as in t;he case of Israel, of whom it is written — "He gave them into the hand of the heathen and they that hated them ruled over them. Their enemies also oppressed them and they were brought- into, subjection' under their hand." * It is manifest that the first calamity, by crushing the forces available for the defence of law and. order-, ; would prepare the way for the second, and; it is therefore just as much the policy of our enemies to reduce our defences aod blind the -people to, the danger of a German invasionj as to foment liie discontent of the masses. Considering also the alliance of Germany and Rome and that German success woilldso greatly be tdue to J^snit * Psa. cvi. .^i, .^2. CONCLUSION ! 383 intrigue, tKeie can be little dotibt that, in the event of a German conquest of Britain, German power would be made use of to place the government of the country in the hands of the representatives of Rome. It is probable that the German danger is the most imminent, and it is daily being bfoyght* nearer by the intrigues of traitors and by the policy of those who have become the blind and ignorant tools of the Jesuits. • " All the sinners of rrty people shall die by the sWord. who say the evil shall not come nigh us nor overtake us," 1 and nothing is more marked' than the way in which the very people who are helping forward their country's ruin, resolutely shut their eyes and close their ears to every warning pf the coming danger, in order that they may pursue without restraint their selfish and unpatriotic aims. ^; There are, indeed, hofiest and patriotic persons Who, although they recognise the danget of foreign invasion and the means which their countrymen are taking to invite it and render its success certain, yet hope that it will meet with the same fate as that of the Spanish Armada, which Spain, at the instigation of Rome, pre- pared for our destruction, and to which an invasion by Germany, aided by Rome, would seem to be a parallel. But the circumstances of the two cases are widely different. Britain in 1588 was ruled by a Protestant Queen and Government, and not only was she supported by more than a quarter of the nation, consisting of stattacJh and resolute Protestants united in their abhorrence of Romish tyranny and superstition, and among whom were some of the ablest men of the time, but the greater portion of the Roman Catholics in the kingdom were also warmly patriotic, opposed to Romish tyranny and cruelty, and to Rome's assumptions of dominion over their country, while they equally suffered frbfti the dissensions and the misery and unrest caused by the numerous Jesuit con- spiracies throughout the country.* In opposing Spain, ' Amog ix. 10. ' See antt, page 38. 384 ROME AND GERMANY the servant of Rome and chief representative of Romish superstition and cruelty, Britain stood on the side of God, and was fighting the batcles of the Lord. Because this was the case, she was helped in the most marvellous way, and God, by ihe winds and waves, f ough't on her side. But, at i.he present time, we are living under a Govern- ment which seems to be doing all it can to forward the designs of Rome, - and to weaken and disintegrate the Empire. Protest against Romish superstition and idolatry is confined to a comparatively small body, chiefly composed of laymen, while Romanism is not only rapidly spreading in the Church of England and among the upper classes, but it has also leavened the Nonconformist communities, a large portion'of whom seem to have neither Ipve of the truth nor hatred of error. The rehgious classes generally are blinded by a spurious piety and a form of godliness without its power ; millions, ever growing in number, are votaries of spiritualism and other Pagan superstitions ; the pursuit of pleasure and selfish interests has enervated the national character ; and finally a rapidly increasing unbelief in the Bible as the Word of God is the pervading characteristic of the whole nation. In short, instead of the growing belief in the truth and hatred of superstition which characterised the nation in the time of Elizabeth, we see before our eyes on all sides, in the only nation which had hitherto preserved its belief in the truth, that "falling way" which the Bible tells us is to characterise the close of the present dispensation, ' while, as ai necessary accompanitnent of this, we see law- lessness, selfishness, , and moral enervation undermining the national character and taking the place of the patriot- ism, courage, and hardihood which animated all classes in the days of the Armada. The nation which by the providence of God and the knowledge and belief of the truth had been delivered from the dominion and superstitions of Rome, and which has reaped the fruit of that deliverance in civil and religious liberty and unexampled riches, power, and • a TkMf. ii. 3. CONCLUSION 383 prosperity, is ceasing to believe in the Bible which has been the foundation of its liberties and prosperity, and the people are not only abandoning their protest against the errors and idolatries of Rome, but adopting them. But by rejecting the Word of God they are rejecting the God of their fathers, the God who has given them their power and wealth, while, as a consequence of this unbelief and indifference to the truth, free admission into the country has been allowed, against the express laws of the kingdom, to the Jesuits eind their affiliated orders. What wonder, therefore, that, as predicted of Israel, if they despised the commandments of God, " the poison of serpenis of the dust " ^ has entered into the veins of the body Qorporate ; and that, as the forerunner and a warning of greater judgments, the nation should begin to experience the conditions which befell Israel before they were cast away, when " there was no hire for man, nor any hire for beast r neither was there any peace to him that went out or came in because of the affliction : for I set all men every one against his neighbour." * For the moral and religious decay in Great Britain is an exact parallel to that of Israel before their national overthrow, and every believer in the Word of God and in the records of His judgments must recognise that such decay is the certain precursor of judgment and retri- bution, although, as in the case of the Amorites, whose judgment was deferred imtil " their iniquity was full," the judgment of Britain may be deferred until the national xmbelief and falling away is complete. On this ground alone, it is to be feared that the long cherished and carefully thought-out ambition of Germany and Rome for the humihation of this country will be accomphshed in an invasion which must result in the death of thousands, and bring ruin and desolation to a multitude of English homes. When this comes to pass, those who now condemn all war, however just, and every measure for their country's defence, will have war forced upon them, and will recognise, » Deut. xxxii. 24. • Zech. viii. 10. N 3^6 ROME^ AND GERMANY too late, thcCt they themselves, the wilhhg tools- of their couixtry's enemies, have been the foremost in pre- paring the way for their own ruin, and have cunningly " laid in wait for their own blood." For those who despise God and reject His Word must expect to be rejected by God ; as it written ,: — ; " Because I have called, and ye refused ; I have stretched out My hand and no man regarded. But ye have set. at nought all My counsel, and would none of My reproof. I also will laugh at your calamity ; I will mock when your fear cometh. When your fear cometh. as desolation and your destruction cometh as a whirlwind ; when distress- arid anguish: cometh upon iyou. Then sjiall they caJl upon -Me, but -I will not answer ; they shaU seek Me early, , but shall not find Me. For that they hat^d, knowledge,, and did hot choose the fear of the;Lord " (Pr-oy. i. ?4-29). Whether the result of this invasion, as predicted by many, will be -the humiliation and downfall of the British Empire and the fruition of :the Jong-prepared triumph of Jesuit ambition ; or whether the country, after sore stress and conflict, -may emerge Tshattersd but victorious ftom the Ordeal, and whether-^as suggested by Ruskjn — it may be the means Of the nation's regeneration — rthis is in the hands of Him " who ruleth in the kingdom of men and giveth it to whomsoever He will." In any case, it is to be feared that the words of the ptophet inust apply : ►" Watchman, what of the night P The morning cometh, but alsQ the night." Everyone should read — England's Arch- Enemy: THE KAISER, A Striking Indictment. By OLIVER BAINBRIDGE. Price 6d. Post Free 7d. Every Churchman should get — Under the Papal Crown; "•;"" By CLEMENT HARDING. Price 1/- Nett. Dear Mr. 'Harding, — I have carefully read your MS. " Under the Papal Orown," and I think it is certain to prove useful. I^ is brilliantly written, and I cannot but admire your style. Per- sonally I agree with all your views on the subject. — Yours sin- cerely, Walter Walsh. / " A wide circulation of this book should do good at this present time."—" Belfast News-Letter." " I am deeply interested in the book entitled ' Under the Papal Crown.' It confirms and strengthens the convictions of Ulstermen in a very striking way. I shall be glad to mention the book, and hope that it may have a wide circulation." — (Very Rev. Dr. Montgomery, to the Publisher.) " A slashing assault on the Home Rule case." — "Pall Mall." London. The Light of thy Truth. By E. J. ADAMS, L.R.C.P. Crown 8vo, Bevelled boards, Cloth, 2/» nett. An earnest plea for deeper thought concerning matters of Religion, viewed from the standpoint of Christianity as taught in the Bible in contrast with Modern Philosophy. With references, quotations and carefully selected poetical illustrations. The Trail of the Jesuit. By CLUNIE MAXTON. Cr. 800, Cloth extra, 6/=. " Miss Maxton's first novel showed distinct promise, and there is an improvement both in manner and matter in the present romance .... The dialogue is bright and crisp." — " Dundee Advertiser." " The tale is exciting enough, and the author can write very well." — " Dundee Courier." " Miss Maxton can depict character and tell a tale effec- tively." — " Birmingham Daily Post." "An extremely good story."— " '^'"«=-'-^ ^-'" '^'■' ^" ■