WM. , ■i.vsa^^v.fina imaa Prefented to The Cornell Unlver'sity, 1869, BY Goldwin Smith, M. A. Oxon., Regius Profeffor of Hiftory in the Univerfity of Oxford. The date shows when this volnme was taken. To renew this book copy the, call Noi aocl give to the librarian. JJ- HOME USE RULES L1..0., XJX" All books subject to recall All borrowers must regiS' ter in the library to borrow books for home use. ""iT"'^ ' ' ^^ books must be re- ""'^^'^ Si H 1 9 Ii9 Cc jB-- ^"f"*^ at end of college year for inspection and repairs. Lihiited books must be T' returned within the four week limit and not renewed. IBIjjjM qS N TE1igI^l3f ^ A l ^V^"L04K '° """"* "'"" '" ^-ims^ before leaving town. Officers should arrange for the return of books wanted during their absence from town. Volumes of periodicals and of pamphlets are held in the library as much as uAuyd^^tt|L^^^C^^^Possible. For special pur- ;iT..^:".... .Ml poses they are given out for a limited time. Borrowers should not use their library privileges for the benefit of other persons. Bock^ of special value ,and gift books, whbh tHe' giver wishes 't, are not allowed to circulate. Readers are asked to re- port all cases of books marked or mutilated. Bo not deface books by marks and writixm, Cornell University Library PQ 6267.E3K35 1852 3 1924 027 721 970 f 9 MODERN POETS AND POETRY OF SPAIN. By, JAMES KENNEDY, Esq., HER BRITANNIC MAJESTY'S JUDGE IN THE MIXED COURT OF JUSTICE AT THE HAVANA. LONDON: LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, AND LONGMANS. 1853. UN!vER3ITY| PRINTED UY RICHARD TAYLOR, BED LION COURT, FLEET STREET. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE GEOEGE, EARL OF CAELISLE, My Loud, I HAVE sought permission to inscribe your Lordship's name on this page, as a favour appro- priate to my work, under the considerations in which it originated. I began these translations, partly as a means of acquiring an accurate knowledge of the Spanish lan- guage, and partly as a relaxation from other studies and pursuits, about the time when your Lordship, in the course of your statesmanlike visit to America, made, in 1843, a lengthened stay in Cuba, studying the circumstances of those countries, which are soon, perhaps, to take a yet more prominent place, than they do at present, in the history of the world. a3 IV The discussions I heard respecting that visit — for it was then considered an extraordinary one — raised in my mind many suggestions, as to the benefits that must accrue to the public from the observations of individual travellers. Accordingly as each one might have his special object in view, his sphere of action or opportunities of learning, so the knowledge he ac- quired might be proportionately imparted. The com- munity at large had always evinced the greatest in- terest in the accounts given by travellers of their visits to foreign countries, as was shown by the favourable reception uniformly given to their works. Of these many that were published were well deserving of the popularity they obtained, especially as with regard to Spain there were several that left little for any future writer to supply of ordinary information. In one respect, however, all such works appeared to me to be deficient, though their failure was almost unavoidable, in the case of transient visitors, in their being unable to convey any adequate idea of the state of mental culture among the people they visited. Yet this, to a philosophic reader, would be un- doubtedly the truest test of the state of civilization to which any nation had attained. Such a reader would not be contented with merely a recital of the every- day occurrences of travelling, nor yet mth general or statistical information respecting any people, obtained from ordinary sources. He would rather seek to follow them into the occupations of private life and into their favourite courses of thought and feeling, judging of these by the studies of their better classes of society, in their hours of relaxation or for domestic enjoyment. As the sagest of the Roman emperors, M. Antoninus, observed, To know any people's minds and inclinations, we should examine their studies and pursuits, to riyefioviica avTWV Siaj3/\e7re, /coi touc (f)povifiovc, Sia fxev (j)evyovcnv, Sia Be SuoKovaiv. Few persons going abroad for a short period, or for a specific purpose, could be expected to acquire such an intimate knowledge of the literature of any country as to be able to render a satisfactory account of it. Where, however, any one had the means and the leisure to do so, that seemed to me the task most worthy for him to undertake. As a servant of the public, I considered this more pecuharly a duty ; and I therefore ventured, by extending my studies, to attempt giving a compre- hensive view of Modern Spanish Poetry, and so com- plete the representations of Spanish society and man- ners given by other writers. This I thought best to be done, first, by compiling some critical and biogra- phical notices of the principal modern poets; and, next, by endeavouring to transfuse into Enghsh verse the most favourable specimens of their productions, by which the English reader might in some degree be enabled to judge of their merits. Such was the task I then set before me, the results of which I now offer to the public as my con- VI tribution to the store of general knowledge. Por such a work there can be little merit claimed, except that for patient industry. But as a naturahst or col- lector of works of art patriotically endeavours to bring home the most valuable productions or treasiires of other countries, so I trust that this work may also be favourably accepted, as a praiseworthy attempt to enrich our Enghsh literature with what was most interesting in the Spanish. I have relied on your Lordship's approval of the design, from your well-known anxiety and constant efforts to improve the moral and social condition of the people, by literary as well as by legislative means. Sharing in the public respect for those efforts on their behalf, and with much thankfulness for the sanction afforded me, I have the honour to subscribe myself, Your Lordship's Most obedient, Humble Servant, J. KENNEDY. London, May 6, 1852. INTRODUCTION. IHOSE writers are very mucli mistaken who supposej that, consequent upon the long domination of the Moors in Spain, there are to be found in Spanish Hterature any of the ex- uberances of style which are considered the principal charac- teristics of Eastern poetry. In all the Moorish ballads that have been handed down to us, those characteristics, both in thought and expression, abound as much as in the poems of more Eastern nations. But in even the earliest Spanish ballads, contemporary with the Moorish, a very decided dif- ference is to be observed, as they show, on the contrary, a simplicity of expression and propriety of thought, which pre- sent an extraordinary contrast, not only to the Moorish, but also to the early poetry of other European countries. This favourable distinction has continued to the present day. The poetry of the Northern nations of Europe has been marked by extravagances throughout, as contrary to common sense as to good taste and nature. That of the French school has been distinguished by an affectation, a sentimentality and INTRODUCTION. straining after effect^ to say nothing of its peculiar ribaldry and licentiousnessj all equally removed from the true feeling of poetry. Even the Italians, in their poetical virorks, have indulged in strange absurdities, the more remarkable from the good taste that has pervaded their other works of genius. It is only in Enghsh literature that we can find writers im- bued with the same vigour of thought and depth of poetic feeling as the Spanish, and it is therefore only with them that the latter can be classed in considering the relative merits of the poetry of different modern nations. If the character of the poetry may be taken as the criterion by which to judge of the degree of civilization to which any people had attained in the earlier period of their history, Spain has a good right to claim the first place among the nations of Europe, when emerging from that period deno- minated the Dark Ages. While the popular poetry of other nations at that period was almost entirely occupied vrith childish stories of giants and supernatural beings, or in mag- nifying the outrages of their heroes, and even of their oui- laws, as if they were honourable exploits, instead of merely murder and rapine, the Spanish bards were engaged in cele- brating the patriotism and prowess of their Christian war- riors in strains not unworthy of the deeds they commemo- rated. Those strains have been made sufficiently well-known to the English reader by the labours of Southey and Lock- hart, for which the student of Spanish literature must feel the utmost respect and gratitude, as well as by those of Eodd, Bowring and others. From their translations the character of those warriors vrill be found to have been distinguished, differently from those of other nations in that age, for the milder virtues combined with pure chivabous enterprise. If, as apparently was the case, the great cham- pion, known as the Cid, especially was deserving of the emi- INTRODUCTION. ix nently honourable character depicted for him by the poets, the popular feeling must have attained something of the same tone when he was adopted as the first object of national regard. Coming of a chivalrous race, engaged in a sacred warfare, the Cid combined in his character all that was most noble in human conduct, and gave to his countrymen a fame which they knew full well how to appreciate. Thus the spirit which the ballads breathed in recounting his exploits was one in unison with that of the people. Each Spaniard of after-times, in hstening to those recitals, felt he had no need to connect himself with fabulous narratives. He could say, like Diomede, — " Of this race and blood do I boast myself to be"— Tavrrjs tol yeverjs TC Koi alfiaros ev)(^ofiai civai, and so feeling could identify himself truly with his heroes. Formed originally of very different races, Celts and Goths, mixed with the descendants of Romans and Phoenicians or Carthaginians, the Spaniards had against the Moors become amalgamated into one people, whose great bond of union was their religion more even than their country. This holy cause ennobled their conduct, and gave them higher aims and mo- tives than any ordinary warfare could do ; so that acting con- stantly under the sense of such feelings, their national cha- racter assumed the staid bearing, which has always since so favourably distinguished it. Hence also the national litera- ture, even in its lightest productions, assumed the tone of high moral and practical tendency which it has generally borne, far removed from the comparatively triiling topics which formed the staple subjects of the literature of neigh- bouring countries. There is another mistake into which some writers have fallen, in supposing that Spain owed her civihzation entirely to the Moors. The Arab conquest undoubtedly entailed on INTKODUCTION. her for many ages a succession of enlightened as well as war- like rulers, who are justly to be classed among the greatest patrons of literature and art ; but they fostered rather than founded the sciences that afterwards flourished under their rule, and which they found preparing to burst forth in the country they conquered. Though their forefathers might have come from the seats of learning in the East, such as they then were, the immediate conquerors of Spain were natives of the neighbouring parts of Africa, where the sci- ences had not flourished in any remarkable degree before the conquest, and where they did not rise subsequently to any eminence. The learned Lampillas, who has given us a very able Vindication of Spanish Literature, in answer to the at- tacks of some Italian critics, might justly have gone further than he has done as to its merits under the Moorish domina- tion. Rather than as owing her advances in learning and civilization to the Moors, it is more probable that these were the remains of former civilization, existing among the Roman colonies on the dissolution of the empire. At that time Spain was essentially inhabited by descendants of Romans, as it still continues to be, mainly, to the present day. Latin had become the language of the country, and the best of the later Latin authors, Seneca, Lucan, Martial, Quinctilian and others, were natives of the Peninsula. The Romans had planted sixty-seven colonies there, and in the time of Vespa- sian could enumerate 360 cities inhabited by them. These would undoubtedly retain their municipal institutions, and were perhaps more retentive of Roman manners than were even the towns of Italy. The original inhabitants had been driven into the mountains of Catalonia, Cantabria and Lusi- tania. They were of Celtic origin, and their descendants in those provinces still show that origin by a different pronun- ciation of the language imposed on the country by the Ro- INTRODUCTION. XI mans j while the Castillians, being of purer descent from them, speak even now a language little different from that in com- mon colloquial use under the Emperors. The lower orders, in fact, speak an idiom nearer to it than do the educated classes, showing that the main race of the people, in Madrid for in- stance, remains essentially Roman. In Betica or Andalusia and the South of Spain, the descendants of Eomans had be- come incorporated with those of Phoenician or Carthaginian and a few Greek colonists, forming together a race perhaps still more civilized than the new-comers. Thus the Moors found the people they had conquered in a high state of civili- zation, scarcely affected by former conquests, and they had only the merit of accepting and continuing the mental cul- ture which they found there, and which they had not pos- sessed in their native deserts. The Goths and Vandals had swept like a hurricane over Spain j but they passed over it without leaving any consider- able traces of their conquest. This is clear from the circum- stance of so few Northern words remaining in the language of the country. At the entrance of the Moors into Spain, the dominant party there was certainly of Gothic descent; but they had already lost their Northern idioms, and were immerged in the mass of the people they had conquered, in the usual course of such events, as the Scandinavians soon did in Normandy and the Normans in England. When the races had begun to amalgamate in Spain, the distinctive lines might have been longer discernible in the South, if it had not been for the Moorish invasion. This soon repeated the events of former conquests, in the extermination of the fighting men and the enslaving of the other classes, who became feudatories or worse. Those who escaped to the mountains of the North constituted a nucleus of resistance, which was no doubt much strengthened in their subsequent contests by the aid of the INTRODUCTION. Christian population left of necessity among the Moors, who thus became dangerous as internal enemies, though they had been tolerated at first as valuable dependents. The war that then arose in Spain, and continued for upwards of 600 years, was imbued, on the part of the Christians, with all those ingre- dients of religious as well as patriotic feeling that render wars remarkable for desperate conflict. On the part of the Moors, it is but justice toward them to say, that for chivalrous honour and bravery they proved themselves in no respect inferior to their opponents, who, thus engaged in generous rivalry, be- came distinguishable for the same virtues. The circumstances of the wars between the Christians and the Moors were too near to the every-day experience of the people to allow of any imaginary addition to the legends of the times, and they were too engrossing in importance and interest to require any heightening. The ballads founded upon them, therefore, assumed almost the matter-of-fact air of history, and this seemed hence to become the characteristic of all the subsequent literature of Spain. It is true that romances abounded in which giants and other absurdities of knight-errantry might be found, but they were principally of foreign origin, and did not become incorporated in the na- tional poetry. This national poetry was always true to its mission, for it may be observed that the poets of Spain have seldom or never gone beyond their own history for their heroes ; they have rather instinctively followed the maxim of the great lyrist of old, not to select objects of admiration from strangers, but to seek them at home, — Ou8' dWoTpimu cpares 'A.v8pl (j)cpeiv Kpfira-ovfs, O'lKodev pdrfve. Thus also they were secure of the sympathy of their audience, and found patriotism the best inspirer of j)oetry. INTRODUCTION. None of the Spanish poets^ of either former or present timesj can be said to have attained the highest rank ; yet as they have always shown a predilection for subjects of real in- cident and passion or feeling, they have gained, in perhaps a greater degree than those of any other modem nation, that hold upon the popular affections which arises from all earnest participation in kindred sentiments. This might arise partly from the national character developed, as before intimated, in the Moorish wars, and partly from the personal tendencies of the respective individuals. Whilst in other countries the poets were generally to be found among the classes dependent upon the rich and powerful, in Spain they were persons gene- rally of the highest classes. Some were of royal rank, others were eminent as statesmen, and others, if not of the same high station, were yet equally engaged in military service or the active business of life. Three of the most favourite poets, Gar- cdasso de la Vega,,Manrique, and Cadahalso, died the death of soldiers from wounds received in warfare. Ercilla, author of the chief poem in the Spanish language, which may be con- sidered an Epic, was a participant in the wars he so graphi- cally describes. Cervantes received three wounds at the battle of Lepanto, by one of which he lost an arm. Calderon de la Barca passed many years of his life in the campaigns in the Low Countries, where he gained great military reputation ; and Lope de Vega was one of the few adventurers in the " In- vincible Armada" who were fortunate enough to return to their native country. Such men were not likely to indulge in dreamy idealities, or idle reveries, and fantastic imagina- tions, the offspring of morbid temperaments and sedentary habits. On the contrary, they were only calculated to adopt that peculiar manliness of style and sentiment, which their successors, from example, from national character, and from being placed in similar circumstances of life, have continued. XIV INTRODUCTION. Howfar those circumstances have affected the modem litera- ture of Spain may be best seen from the memoirs hereafter detailed of the principal poets individually. Our present purpose in this Introduction is only to make general obser- vations to lead to the conclusions that may be deduced from them. Spaiuj as it has been already observed^ cannot boast of having ever produced a poet of the highest class, meaning by that term, one of such high creative genius as to stamp his character, not only on the literature of his own age and country, but also on that of all successive ages within his possible influence. Of such poets the world has only seen four or five at the utmost, with the exception of the inspired writers, referring to Homer, Dante, Shakespeare, Milton, and perhaps we may add, Byron. With these, Virgil and other imitators must not be classed, however great the talents they may have displayed, nor yet other writers of greater originality and even genius, who have, however, confined themselves to minor works or those on less important subjects. Of such writers of great original genius, who did not aim at works of the highest order, Spanish literature may claim as many as that of any other country. With them the English reader has been made acquainted more fully than with the writers of most other modern countries, by the works of Bouterwek and Sismondi, translated respectively by Mrs. Eoss and Wil- ham Roscoe, and now by the more comprehensive work of Mr. Ticknor (New York, 1849 ; London, 1850), who has sup- plied the deficiencies the others had left in the course of their inquiries. Of these works Sismondi's is little more than a repetition of Bouterwek's, without the acknowledgement made which was in justice due to his original. That however was in reality so jejune in treating of the materials at the command of the writer, as almost to warrant the use of his ma- INTRODUCTION. XV terials for a livelier production. Another work has been lately published on Spanish literature by Mr. A. F. Foster (Edinburgh, 1851), compiled in like manner from former writers, which, for succinct and able treatment of the subject, may perhaps be recommended as the one best suited to the general reader. But Mr. Ticknor's book must remain the great work of re- ference to the older Spanish authors, as he has left little for future writers to supply respecting them. Yet neither has he gone scarcely any further than Bouterwek, who wrote at the beginning of this century, and since whose time so many writers have arisen in Spain superior to any perhaps that have preceded them. In such works we have more cause to congratulate ourselves on having any one to under- take the labour of going over so wide a field, than to com- plaia of his stopping short at a point where less was known of Spanish literature, and where it became so much more in- teresting as connected with our own times. But as all the compilers now -mentioned have so confined their labours to works written previously to the present century, it may be considered acceptable, in continuation of them, that the pre- sent essay should be offered to the public. This is, however, also undertaken on a more extended and somewhat different plan ; not merely giving short notices of the several authors and their works, as in the nature of a catalogue or dictionary, but taking only the principal poets for a particular account of their history, and giving translations from their works most characteristic of their genius or best suited for translation, for the purpose of enabling the critical notices respecting them to be better understood. In treating of the literature of any country historically, it may perhaps be considered necessary to give a catalogue of every person who has published a book of any pretensions to notice, whatever the different gradations of talent between INTRODUCTION. the authors; but for the general reader, the better course seems rather to be to pass by those works which the nation had not accepted as to be incorporated in the national Htera- ture, and to dwell extendedly on those which, by repeated editions, were entitled to be considered of that character. Bouterwek^s work on Spanish literature, which appears to have been his own performance, and which certainly does great credit to his industry, is an exempHfication of the former course. The volume on Portuguese literature, under his name, which he acknowledges to have been the contribu- tion of a friend, is not so liable to the same objection, and may be considered written according to the other. It* is so difficult a task, and so enviable a lot for any one to attain to excellence above his fellows, that beyond its being due to his own merits, it is an advantage to others to show them by his example the way to attain to the same eminence. Johnson, in his Lives of the English Poets, has given us a work ad- mirable for its criticisms as well as for the other lessons it conveys for general conduct in life ; but those criticisms would have lost much of their effect, if they had not had ap- pended to them the works to which they referred. Biogra- phy, to be worthy of study, should be something more than a mere enumeration of those particulars of a man's life which are of the common class of every-day events, so as to be the reflex of every one's in his station. If any man's life be at all more memorable than that of ordinary mortals, the means by which he obtained his reputation alone merit a lengthened consideration for an example for others. With authors those claims must rest on their writings, which will speak for them- selves ; but this cannot be the case with foreign authors, as few readers of other nations can ever be expected to have ac- quired their language so perfectly as to understand the essen- tial beauty of their poetry. To enable such readers therefore INTRODUCTION. XVU to understand their works^ or even the criticisms upon them, a translation is necessary, on which again much depends, not only in respect of faithfulness but also of felicity of transcript, to render the beauties of the original sufficiently perceptible. Many rules have been given by critics for the benefit of translators from the earliest times till now, to which it is not necessary here to refer further than to state the plan upon which these translations have been made. In a didactic or historical work, the more precisely the translation is made according to the letter of the original, the greater merit may it be con- sidered to possess. But in works of imagination, especially of poetry, it may be more important to attend to the spirit of the original than to the literal construction. The main thoughts contained in each passage should be as faithfully given in the one case as in the other, though it may not be necessary, and sometimes not even becoming, to have the same regard to details. With poetry, the translator should make it his great aim to consider how his author would have expressed the same thoughts if he had been writing in English verse, and thus mould the original ideas into synonymous poetical expressions, as far as the idioms of the two languages and the requirements of metre will allow. It would be a poor vanity in a translator to think of improving on his original, so far as to make any alteration or addition merely for that purpose. But where any words admit of synonyms with dif- ferent shades of meaning, it is certainly his right, if not his duty, to adopt the one he thinks most suitable. Sometimes it may seem to him accordant with good taste to make a more decided alteration, and in every language there are many ex- pressions sufficiently poetical and appropriate, which if con- strued literally into another would appear otherwise. These the author, it may be supposed, would have altered himself, under the same circumstances, and the other, therefore, in so b INTRODUCTION. doingj would be only acting on his presumed wishes. In all cases much must be left of necessity to the translator's judge- ment, and he, with every care he can take, must still be con- tent to share, with Pope and Dryden and the greatest masters of rhyme, the consciousness of scarcely ever being able fully to convey the conceptions of a foreign author. The shackles of rhyme also require something to be sacrificed to them, so as of themselves alone to prevent any exact copy being given in verse. Yet still acting on the above considerations, and by rejecting expletives in some cases and adding a few in others, in following up the train of ideas suggested by the original, we may hope to succeed perhaps not only in giving the meaning, but something also of the spirit even of foreign authors. It is fortunate for any writer to have his works sent forth to the world in any language of more than usual ascendency, such as the Latin or English, whereby to obtain for himself, if he can claim it, the most extended reputation. But it is more fortunate for a translator under similar circumstances, because languages of such a character are almost of necessity mixed languages, acquiring from that cause an extraordinary nerve and richness, which render translations into them to be made more easily and satisfactorily than from them into a poorer. The English is essentially suited for such a purpose, as, being compounded of the French and German languages, it becomes a double one, combining the nerve of the one with the facility of expression of the other, and the copious- ness arising from the union of both. The Latin is still more a mixed language, the roots of which are yet to be developed, notwithstanding all the labours of philologists, who have erred in wandering after imaginary extinct languages for its derivations, instead of looking into those yet existing. Con- sidering the Spanish to be the direct descendant of the Latin, INTRODUCTION. it may be a matter of surprise that, though a very sonorous language, it cannot be termed a rich one. Abounding in long words (sesquipedalia verba), it loses in precision and strength vrhat is gained in sound, and thus the ideas are en- cumbered when simplification was required. The compara- tively monosyllabic character of the English language has in this respect an immense advantage for the translator, as it enables him to give the sentiments of the original more con- cisely than one from it into another. Having also more synonyms with different shades of meaning, a greater preci- sion may be lost or gained, according to the circumstances and the judgement applied to them. Thus a translation may sometimes be even superior to the original, from its giving the ideas more distinctly, and as it is the test of good writing to find how it reads in another language, so with really superior authors it may be a matter of little importance in what ver- sion their thoughts are expressed. " Words are the daughters of earth, but thoughts are the sons of heaven." It is not presumed hereby that the following translations all come under this consideration, but with the advantages above ex- pressed, it may be hoped that, as exotics in a greenhouse, these flowers of Spanish poetry may be found pleasing repre- sentations of what they were in their native soil, even if they cannot be made entirely denizens of our own. Differing entirely from those writers who suppose that the best days of Spanish literature have gone by, and believing, on the contrary, that it never has been more truly original and flourishing than during the present and preceding ages, it might be justly considered presumptuous in any new author to present such opinions to the world without showing the grounds on which they were founded. Bouterwek and his copyist, Sismondi, together with their criticisms on the several Spanish poets, contented themselves with giving merely a few b2 INTRODUCTION. lines from the more favoured ones in their original language, without any translation whereby to enable those ignorant of it to judge even of the thoughts they contained. They thus resemble the wiseacre in Hierocles (the S^oXao-TtAro?, which word Johnson has strangely translated ' pedant/ taking the primary for the intended meaning); who brought a stone as a description of a building. In so doing, they have seldom given even favourable specimens ; but if they had, there are few authors who can be rightly estimated by isolated pass- ages, or even by any one short poem. Almost all authors are unequal in their productions, and many seem, by an acci- dental felicity, to have produced some one effusion to which none of their other efforts could ever approach. As instances of this, we may note Heber's 'Palestine;' Pringle's lines, ' Afar in the Desert,' and Leyden's ' Ode to an Indian Gold Coin,' which Colton has pronounced, in his opinion, "to come as near to perfection as the sublunary Muse can arrive at." It is only by several well-sustained efforts that any author has a right to be placed among poets, and it would not be just, therefore, to judge of any without such a consideration of their productions. In all the translations here given, the most characteristic specimens of the style of each writer have been sought, particularly those containing what seemed to be his favourite course of thought, while .selecting entire, though generally short, poems for that purpose. With the exception of the Duke de Rivas, the poets enumerated in this work have not published poems of any great length, and therefore the plan adopted may be considered altogether appropriate to the object in view. With regard to the metres chosen, no rule has been at- tempted of taking the original strictly for a guide, where the style of verse, in a different language, would not admit of it INTRODUCTION. XXI easily. Perhaps the truest definition of Poetry may be given in the words of our great poet — " Thoughts that voluntary move Harmonious numbers — " for it may be observed, that the finest passages are generally the easiest for translation and for rhyme. Thus keeping the original constantly in view as the guide, the verse has been adopted as the thoughts seemed to indicate the metre most appropriate. With the disadvantage of rhyme, in a foreign language, no apology is requisite for the ruggedness of any lines which the critic may point out. I difiier totally from those writers, Coleridge and others, who afiiect a contempt for finished ver- sification, and rely entirely on the brilliancy of their ideas. Whatever is worth doing at all is worth doing well, according to the writer's best capability, ■ and the reader's ear ought surely to be as much consulted as his mind is sought to be engaged. Those who have had to write " nonsense verses " at school or college, have no right to excuse themselves from labouring to make their lines run smoothly. If, therefore, any of the following translations are not so rendered, it will occasion the writer much regret that his best efforts for that purpose have been unsuccessful. Another complaint may be anticipated, that this work does not comprehend authors either in prose or the drama. The fault, if it be one, must be admitted, with the observation, that the task undertaken was felt sufficient of itself to require the best exertions of the writer. According to the plan laid dovm of giving only entire pieces, in the case of including either prose or dramatic writers, the work would have been increased to an inordinate extent, or the plan must have been adopted of giving extracts, which would be contrary to the XXU INTRODUCTION. opinion expressed of the best course to be pursued. If this attempt should meet with public approbation, some one else may be induced to continue the further service. If it should not, the labour expended on a larger work would be so much more given in vain. In the one case, the failure might be ascribed to having attempted too much; in the other, the approbation might not have been gained but for the efforts having been directed undividedly to what was thus only within the reach of accomplishment. In sequence of the remark before made, of the manly style of thought, feeling and expression which had characterized the older Spanish writers, from their having been persons generally who had engaged in the active affairs of life, the reader may perhaps feel interested in tracing how the same causes have produced the same effects with their successors. From the memoirs hereafter detailed, it may be seen that no fewer than six out of the twelve had to suffer the evils of exile for public or private opinions, of whom three so died unhap- pily in foreign countries. Three others, though not actually exiled, were subjected to long and cruel imprisonment for the same causes, while two out of the remaining three had to take their share of burdens in the public service during the troubled state of the country. Such men could have no mawkish sentiments to develope, and no fantastic feelings to indulge. What they felt, they felt deeply ; what they observed, they observed distinctly, and thus were enabled to give their thoughts and feelings clearly and strongly. But in addition to the causes assigned for the superior character of modern Spanish poetry in particular, there is one other to be suggested, the association of which may per- haps occasion some surprise, though it may not be for that the less indubitable. This is the fact of the later Spanish writers having, perhaps unconsciously, but unmistakenly. INTRODUCTION. taken better models than their predecessors by preferring the study of English literature to that of the French. This fact, though without the full inference that might have been drawn from it, has been observed by a German author, F. J. Wolf, of the Imperial Library at Vienna, who has published a col- lection of modern Spanish poetry, with biographical notices, Paris, 1837, in two volumes — ' Floresta de Rimas Modernas Castellanas.' It is an interesting collection, but being all given in the Spanish language, is only available to those who are acquainted with it. In the introduction to this work. Wolf treats of the " efforts of Melendez and the Salamanca school to give a new splendour to Spanish poetry, partly by the study and imitation of the ancient and good Spanish writers, taking advantage of the national forms, and partly by making it more profound and substantial, imitating not only and ex- clusively the French, but also and especially the English." (Page 15.) During the early part of the last century, consequent upon the accession of the Bourbons to the throne, the writers of verse in Spain, who obtained most favour among their con- temporaries, formed their style avowedly upon the model of what was called the French school, and thus taking examples unworthy of imitation, became still more wretched as copyists. Towards the end of the century, however, a feeling arose, on the other side, in favour of the study of English literature, which has led to the happiest results. Of the twelve poets whose lives and poems it is the purpose of this work to deli- neate, no fewer than ten may be observed acquainted in no inconsiderable degree with the best English authors and pro- ficient in the Enghsh language. Two only, Breton de los Her- reros and Zorrilla, seem not to have extended their studies so far. With the peculiar humorous vein of the former, perhaps the deficiency may not be considered as leaving any merit XXIV INTRODUCTION. to be supplied. But it does seem a matter of regret that a person of Zorrilla's exalted genius should have confined his studies so much to French writers, and so have deprived him- self of the expansion necessary for the highest flights of poetry. France has never produced a great painter or a great poet. The very language, so monotonous and unmusical, in having the accent almost invariably on the last syllable of the words, seems opposed to rhythmical cadence, and not to admit of the highest excellence either in oratory or poetry. Whatever may be the cause, it is evident that such excellence has not been attained in the language, and therefore the best works in it cannot be models for imitation when they are only themselves of an inferior value. Beyond the writers enumerated hereafter, whose memoirs and writings are to be considered worthy of fuller notice, there are several others who, as especially coming under the consideration above suggested, may here be noticed in further corroboration of the statements we have made. 1. Juan de Escoiquiz, tutor to Ferdinand VII., one of the most upright, if not most successful, public men of his time, published, in 1798, an epic poem ' On the Conquest of Mexico,' which showed considerable poetical ability, though it did not obtain much popular favour. In 1797 he published a trans- lation of Young's ' Night Thoughts,' from the English into Spanish verse, and in 1814 a translation of Milton's ' Paradise Lost.' Of the former, a translation in prose had been pre- viously published by Cristoval Caldera. Escoiquiz died in 1814. 2. Jose de Cadalso or Cadahalso, born 1741, was a person of rank and fortune, who had travelled much in his youth, and become proficient in various foreign languages and lite- ratures, especially the English. He wrote several works, both in prose and verse, which were received with great INTUODUCTION. favour at the time, and have been repubhshed frequently since his death. The last edition was in 1818, in three vo- lumes, under the editorship of the late learned Navarrete, who appended to them an interesting biography of the au- thor. Among the miscellanies are several translations from the English, which language, we are informed, Cadalso not only studied himself assiduously, but induced Melendez Valdes to adopt for peculiar study also. This eminent poet ' was in early hfe so assisted by Cadalso as to have been pro- nounced his " best work," and he, as may be seen hereafter, seems sedulously to have followed the good counsels and ex- ample given him by his friend. Cadalso, like so many other of the principal poets of Spain, had embraced a military career, in which, having been ordered with his regiment to the siege of Gibraltar, he there received a wound of which he died a few days after, the 27th February, 1782. His death was a great loss to Spanish literature, and it was equally lamented by the English in the besieged fortress, by whom he was much esteemed from previous friendly communi- cations. 3. The Conde de Noronia, bom 1760, died 1816, another poetical writer of considerable reputation, was also engaged in military service, in which he attained high rank, and with the division of the Spanish army under his command, gained the victory at the battle of San Payo over the French. He was appointed ambassador successively at Berne and St. Pe- tersburgh, and was celebrated as a diplomatist for his know- ledge of English and other languages. Notwithstanding an active life in the pubUc service, he found leisure for literary pursuits, and in 1800 pubhshed a collection of poems in two volumes. Among these are to be observed several transla- tions from the English, of which one of Dryden's celebrated ' Ode for St. Cecilia's Day,' rendered into Spanish verse with XXvi INTRODUCTION. much spirit, deserves particular mention. The best of his poems seems an ' Ode on the Death of Cadalso/ by whose side he was present when he received his wound. The Conde further attempted an epic, in twelve cantos, entitled ' Om- miada/ detailing the events in the reign of Abderaman, the last of the Ommiades, which poem was published in two vo- lumes in 1816. For the purpose of assisting him in this work, he had translated several pieces from the Arabic and other eastern languages into Spanish verse, published since at Paris in 1833. 4. Juan Maria Maury, who died in 1846, was another writer of considerable talent. He was sent early in life to France, and completed his education in England, becoming thereby well acquainted with the language and Hterature of both countries. His principal work is a poem entitled, ' Es- vero y Almedora,' in twelve cantos, published at Paris in 1840. It is founded on the adventures of a passage-at-arms, held against all comers, in 1434, at the bridge of Orbiza, near Leon, and contains several interesting scenes spiritedly de- scribed. His earliest work was a poem he called 'British Aggression,' published in 1806, the sentiments of which he seems afterwards to have considerably modified. Maury ap- pears to have been a person of very amiable character, and much esteemed by all who knew him, judging by the manner in which Del Rio and others write respecting him. In his latter years he resided almost entirely at Paris, and gained for himself the extraordinary merit of being esteemed also a correct writer of French verse, by his translations of the prin- cipal Spanish poets into that language. This work, published in two volumes at Paris in 1826, entitled, 'Espagne Poetique, Choix de Poesies Castellanes depuis Charles Quint jusqu'k nos jours,' is, as the name imports, a selection of Spanish poetry with critical and biographical notices, made with much INTHODUCTION. XXVll taste and judgement^ and forming altogether a very interest- ing work for the French student of Spanish literature. It is dedicated to his friends Arriaza and Quintana, in a poetical epistle, from which the following extract may be considered acceptable in corroboration of the previous remarks : — " Sans doute, Emmanuel, aux champs de Tamise Triomphe une vertu qu'aillenrs tu crus permise, Et qui Ik fier gdnie a vavi le trident. Jeune j'y respirai I'orgueil independant ; La, j'admirai I'accord, merveille alors unique. Qui regie et garantit, sur le sol britannique Au trone ses splendeurs, aux grands I'autorite, Aux citoyens leurs droits, qu'on nomma liberte, Et le temps destructeur y consacre, y conserve Le plus beau monument eleve par Minerve." 5. Jose Joaquin Mora, born at Cadiz, 1783, and yet hap- pily surviving, is another modern poet of great merit. When the French invaded Spain, he entered a regiment of dragoons in the national cause, and was made prisoner in 1809, in con- sequence of which he was detained in France sis years. He took advantage of this residence in that country to pursue his studies, and on the return of peace he undertook the editor- ship of the ' Scientific and Literary Chronicle of Madrid,' which, in 1820, he converted into ' The Constitutional.'' In 1833 he had to emigrate to London, where he wrote and published several periodical and other works, under the auspices of Messrs. Ackerman, besides various translations. He afterwards went to Buenos Ayres, Chili and BoHvia, from which last republic he returned to London as Consul-General, and pubhshed, in 1840, his principal work, entitled ' Spanish Legends.' This work, which is highly praised by Ochoa, gives, as the title imports, descriptive accounts of various events in the history of Spain, according to what seems to be the favourite formula of modern Spanish poetry. Another work he published, in 1836, entitled 'Poetical Meditations,' is XXVlll INTRODUCTION. founded principally on Blair's celebrated poem, ' The Grave/ Wolf pronounces him excelling in his satirical essays, which, he says, are full of grace and ease. In addition to the writers mentioned above, and those whose works form the main purpose of this work hereafter in detail, many others have appeared, both during the latter part of the last century and during the present^ who have shown much talent, and have been deservedly received with much favour by their countrymen. It will be sufficient for us here to give the names of Cienfuegos, Tapia, Lista, Gal- lego, S. Bermudez de Castro, Garcia Gutierrez and Pastor Diaz among them ; and to meet any observation that may be suggested on account of no fuller notice being taken of them, it may be allowed me to state, that I have notwithstanding read and examined carefully all their works, and those of many others whose names it is needless to recapitulate. I would further add, that in so doing, although there was cer- tainly much in them to admire, yet there was nothing in them, in my judgement, suited for translation to interest English readers, whose tastes it was my duty principally to consult. Some of those just mentioned and others omitted, I have personally known and appreciated in private life, but in all the selections and criticisms made or repeated, I have allowed no consideration to weigh with me, except the respect due to superior merit alone. So much of this superior merit seemed to me to exist in modern Spanish literature, that I ventured to think the English public would receive favour- ably this attempt to make them acquainted vnth it. If it should fail, the blame must attach to the translator ; if it be received favourably, there is yet a rich mine of intellectual wealth in store to reward the labours of those who choose to undertake it. The student who wishes to follow in the same course, will INTRODUCTION. XXIX find the way much prepared for him in the various collections of ancient and modern poetry lately published. Those by Maury and Wolf have been already mentioned. Quintana has, in the late edition of his great work, brought down the series of national poets to the beginning of this century ; and Ochoa has, lastly, given a very valuable addition to his other labours of criticisms and compilation, in his Notices for a Library of contemporary Spanish writers; — 'Apuntes para una BibUoteca de Escritores Espanoles contemporaneos,^ in two volumes, Paris, 1847. Ferrer del Rio has also con- ferred a great service on the national literature, by giving a series of biographical sketches, ably written, of the principal Spanish writers of the present day, 'Galeria-de la Literatura Espanola,' published by Mellado, at Madrid, 1846. From these works, when no other authority is mentioned as of distinct character, the notices in this work have been com- piled, except in a few instances, which will be found also generally stated when they have been obtained from private information. The facts, of necessity, could not but be learned from such sources, and the translator is only answerable for the selection of those he thought worthy of being repeated, and the arrangement, in addition to the criticisms that coin- cided with his own judgement, for his adoption. In conclusion of these introductory remarks, it now only remains necessary further to observe, that the rules of Spanish versification are very similar to the English, being dependent upon accents, according to the rhythm adopted on certain syllables of each line, whether alternately or further removed. The rule as to rhyme is also the same, admitting of single or double rhymes, used in one case or the other, according as the accent is on the last syllable of the final word or the pen- ultimate. The latter, however, is more common in Spanish INTRODUCTION. than in English, where it seems only suited for the livelier strains of verse. But in addition to the usual method of using rhymes, de- pendent in English and most other languages upon the con- sonants rather than the vowels, the Spaniards have a form of verse of which the rhyme is dependent on the vowel only, and the consonants may be entirely dissimilar. This form of verse they call Asonantes, in contradistinction to the other, which they call Consonantes, or full and perfect rhyme. Thus in the first stanza of the ' Alcazar of Seville,' the words pro- lijas and cornisas are Consonantes or full rhymes, but in the following verses miran and distintas are Asonantes, as also risa and evitan. The Spaniards conceive the Asonantes to be a form peculiar to themselves, but it is one common to many other nations, in the earlier stages of poetical compo- sition. In the earliest Spanish poems, asonants and conso- nants were used together promiscuously, as may be observed particularly in the early poems in the Galician dialect; and it is curious to trace in this respect, as well as in many of their words, vestiges of their Celtic descent, this same form being also one of the prominent features of Celtic versi- fication. In their modern asonante verse, the Spanish poets usually exclude consonantes, and that form continues in much favour, probably on account of the words in their lan- guage, as in the Latin, having generally so much the same sound as to make a variation pleasing to the ear, to break the monotonous effect of a too frequent recurrence of similar ter- minations. For this reason, no doubt, it was that the Latin poets did not adopt the system of rhymes, and for the same also it is common now in Spanish poems to have lines occa- sionally to which no other line presents a rhyme, giving thereby a pleasing effect to the whole. In our language, on INTRODUCTION. XXXI the contrary^ where, from the ruggedness of its character, the terminations vary so exceedingly as to make them often even difficult to be found for the purposes of rhyme, the recurrence of rhyme gives a more pleasing sound to the ear from the degree of surprise that is thus occasioned. In Spanish they might easily be made of one vowel termination for a long poem, so that the difficulty in it is to avoid the too frequent recurrence of the same sound. Martinez de la Rosa has boasted of the variety of rhymes in Spanish ; but he refers to double as well as single rhymes, and in this and in other respects is carried away by his ardour, in admiration of his country^ s language, much further than the facts will be found to support him. Thus he also praises the number and variety of metres used in it as extra- ordinary, when in fact they are no more so than any other neighbouring language could present. It may be justly con- ceded, that poetry has been cultivated lately in Spain with much assiduity and success ; but there is no peculiarity in the language to give it an advantage over others in respect to metres. The strict censorship which has weighed down the energies of the country, with regard to most subjects of public discussion, has had the effect of directing talent to the cultiva- tion of poetry, as almost the only road to literary reputation. This it is, combined with the sensitive character of the na- tion, that has made their poets attain the eminence we are bound in justice to award them ; and it is fortunate for them that they have in their language so admirable an exponent of their genius, as it must in fairness be allowed, though the merit still remains pecuUarly their own. The following is a summary Hst of the principal Modern Spanish Poets whose memoirs and writings it is the object of this work more particularly to make known to the English public, given with a statement of dates respecting their lives, xxxii INTRODUCTION. for the purpose of enabling the reader to compare more easily the periods in which they flourished. They are, it will be observed, twelve in number, and the Ust has been divided into two parts, as marking an evidently distinctive character of the poetry in the former and latter part of the epoch which they have rendered memorable. PART I. I. JovBLLANOs Born 1744. Died 1811. Age 67. II. Iriarte Bom 1750. Died 1791. Age 41. III. Melendez Valdes . . . Bom 1754. Died 1817. Age 63. IV. Leandro Moratin . . . Bom 1760. Died 1828. Age 68. V. Arriaza Bora 1770. Died 1837. Age 67. VI. Quintana Bom 1772. Living 1851. Age 79. PART II. VII. Martinez de la Rosa . . Bom 1789. Living 1851. Age 62. VIII. The Duke DE RivAS . . Bom 1791. Living 1851. Age 60. IX. Breton de los Herreros Bom 1796. Liviag 1851. Age 55. X. Heredia Bom 1803. Died 1839. Age 35. XL EsPRONCBDA Bom 1810. Died 1842. Age 32. XII. ZoRRiLLA Bom 1817. Living 1851. Age 34. PRELIMINARY NOTE. For readers unacquainted with the Spanish language, it may be perhaps most advisable, in this place, to affix a few short instruc- tions for the proper prouunciation of such names and words as are to be found in the following pages. 1. The vowels in Spanish have each invariably their peculiar sound ; not as in Enghsh, where each has two or more sounds, making them in fact so distinct as strictly requiring to be de- signated by different characters, or after the manner of the Hebrew points. Thus a has always the broad open sound found in the English words arm, arrack. e, long or short, as in the English words ere, ever. i and y, as in machine, syntax. o, long or short, as in ore, host, hostage. u has uniformly the sound of oo in food. The Celtic sound of this vowel, preserved in France and Portugal, is unknown in Spain, and also in the Basque or Biscayan language. 2. Of the consonants, 6 has a softer sound than in English, and approaches to v, which again is made to sound like b. Thus the city of the Havana is, in Spanish spelling. La Habana, and the river Bidasoa is written Vidasoa. c, before a, o, u, is to be pronounced hard, as in English ; before e or i, it is to be sounded like th in thin, though in the provinces c xxxiv PRELIMINARY NOTE. this pronunciation is giving way to the French and English mode of sounding the letter. Thus the name of the great Roman orator is pronounced Thithero. ch has always the soft sound it usually has in English, as in chat, check, chin, choke, chum. d, at the end of a word, is generally pronounced like th : thus Madrid is Madrith ; ciudad, a city, is pronounced thiudath ; other- wise, both d and t are spoken as inEnghsh, or slightly more den- tally. f has the same sound as in English. g is an aspirate, like our h, more or less guttural, according to the word. The soft sound of this letter, as in gem, left by the Celts in Italy and Portugal, is unknown in Spain, as is also the soft sound of the letter^'. h may be said to be invariably a silent letter, and seems only used to prevent two vowels running into each other, so as to form a diphthong. j is a very harsh guttural, like the Hebrew Cheth. Thus Juan (John) is to he pronounced strongly, Hwan ; Jose (Joseph) also strongly, Hose. The letters k, I, m, n, p, are the same as in English. 5 or qu has the sound of our k : thus que (that) is the same as the Italian che. r, s, t have the same sounds as in English, except that the first has one somewhat rougher, especially when two come together. IE is a strong guttural, for which _;' is now generally used, as Don Quijote. z is pronounced as th : thus Cadiz is soimded Cadith. The Spaniards consider their II and n, or n with a circumflex, distinct letters, but they are in fact only the letters Z or w vrith the sound of i after them, as in the English words million, minion, being the same sound that the French and Italians express by gn, or gl. Several names may be found in the body of this work PRELIMINAKY NOTE. XXXV altered according to our mode of spelling, though in the headings retained as in the original, as Padillia instead of Padilla. For the sake of preserving the sound free from constant explanation or confusion, the like course has been sometimes adopted with regard to other words, as, for instance, the name of the river Genii or XenU, represented in EngUsh as Henil. Two or more vowels coming together are enunciated so as to lOrm one syllable generally in Spanish, and especially in poetry, yet nevertheless so as to allow of each vowel to be sounded di- stinctly, as each syllable is also. With regard to accents, the general rule is, that it should be placed on the penultimate syllable. There are many exceptions, but in print these are always marked by the accent (') on the vowel indicated, except in words of two syllables, which, if ending in a consonant, have generally the accent on the last syllable, if ending in a vowel, on the first, without being notified. From these notices it may be observed, that the Spanish lan- guage is remarkable for two sounds, the guttural and the predo- minatmg ih, which distinguish it from the two sister dialects of Italy and Portugal, while it is deficient in the soft sound of g and j, found so frequently used in the latter. These two assimilate so much to each other that natives of either country understand those of the other readily, while they cannot those of Spain, show- ing that the influence of the Gothic and Moorish invaders was im- pressed there on the pronunciation of the common language, though it was not extended to altering materially the language itself. Besides the soft sound of the g, there are two other sounds un- known in Spanish, though common in Portugal and France, left by their former Celtic inhabitants, those of the sh or French _;, and the disagreeable nasal pronunciation of the letter n. The lat- ter is very slightly given in Bon, and a few other words, but the other is unknown. In Portuguese it is so prevalent that they even use it for Latin words which it would be difficult to recognize at first as the originals from which the others were derived ; thus the words pluvia, plorare, transformed in Spanish into lluvia, c2 XXXVl PRELIMINARY NOTE. llorar, are in Portuguese further transformed into chuva {shuva), chorar (shorar). The natives of Galicia speak a dialect more aUied to Portuguese than the Spanish, being of more decided Celtic descent, like the Portuguese, than the rest of the people of the Peninsula. The natives of Catalonia speak a dialect half French, half Spanish, virhich may be considered the representative of the ancient Proven9al or Limoisin. It is very guttural as well as nasal. The Basque or Biscayan language is entirely distinct from the modern Spanish, and also from the Latin, the Celtic, or that of any neighbouring country, and is well deserving of study. It has no harsh or disagreeable sounds in it, and abounds in vowels, many words having not a single consonant in them. r E lit errataS Page-ll, line 18, instead of" make it a well," read " use it for a well.' — 60? — 7, suffice read sufSces. — 66; — 11, sensibly read sensitively. — 157, — 23, sage read shade. — 271, — 29, nineteen read eighteen. — 301, — 12, • Corsair read Corsairs. Page 145, line 4, " has been announced," &c. This statement is erroneous, the reference having been made to Mr. J. Russell's Life of Gonzalo de Cor- dova, translated from Quintana's first volume, London, 1851. CONTENTS. Page Dedication iii Introduction. On the character of Spanish Poetry, Ancient and Modern. — Causes affecting it suggested from considera- tions of Roman civiUzation, Moorish wars, and personal history of the principal Poets. — Works on Spanish litera- ture : Remarks on translation and language. — References to other modern Poets. — Spanish metres and versification vii Preliminary Note. On the pronunciation of Spanish names and words xxxiii PART I. I. GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. Memoir of 3 Epistle to Cean Bermudez, on the Vain Desires and Studies of Men 18 To Galatea's Bird 30 To Enarda.— 1 32 To Enarda.— II 33 XXXvhi CONTENTS. Page II. TOMAS DE IRIARTE. Memoir of 37 Epistle to Don Domingo de Iriarte, on his Travelling to various Foreign- Courts 46 The Bear, the Monkey and the Hog 63 The Ass and the Flute 55 The Two Rabbits 56 The Lamb and his Two Advisers 58 The Flint and the Steel 59 III. JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. Memoir of 61 Juvenilities 77 The Timid Lover 79 My Village Life 81 Remembrances of Youth 84 Of the Sciences 87 The Disdainful Shepherdess 90 IV. LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. Memoir of 95 Dedication of the Mogigata to the Prince of the Peace 106 Epistle to Don Gaspar de Jovellanos, sent from Rome 108 V. JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRUZA. Memoir of 113 Tempest and War, or the Battle of Trafalgar 1 23 The Parting .^ 132 VI. MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. , Memoir of 141 To the Spanish Expedition for the Promotion of Vaccination in America, under Don Francisco Balmis 162 On the Battle of Trafalgar 158 CONTENTS. XXXIX PART II. VII. FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. Page- Memoir of 169 Remembrance of Spain, written in London in 1 8 11 1 83 Return to Granada, October 27, 1831 185 Epistle to the Duque de Frias, on the Death of the Duquesa 190 Anacreontic 199 Bacchanalian 200 VIII. ANGEL DE SAAVEDRA, DUKE DE RIVAS. Memoir of 203 The Alcazar of SeviUe 224 IX. MANUEL BRETON DE LOS HERREROS. Memoir of 249 Satirical Letrillias. — III • 268 Satirical Letrillias.— IV 260 Satirical Letrillias.— VII 262 X. JOSE MARIA HEREDIA. Memoir of 265 Sonnet. Dedication of the Second Edition of his Poems, to his Wife 275 To his Horse 276 The Season of the Northers 277 Poesy, an Ode 280 Ode to Night 285 xl CONTENTS. Page XI. J0S6 DE ESPRONCEDA. Memoir of 2.91 To Spain, an Elegy. London, 1829 305 The Condemned to Die 308 The Song of the Pirate 314 To Harifa, in an Orgy 318 XII. JOSE ZORRILLA. Memoir of 323 The Christian Lady and the Moor 336 Romance, The Waking 339 Oriental Romance, Boabdil 343 The Captive 345 The Tower of Munion 347 The Warning 350 Meditation 352 NOTES 357 MODEEN POETS ■^- AND POETEY OE SPAIN. PART I. B GASPAE, MELOHOR DE JOVELLANOS. An able and distinguished writer in the Madrid Keview has observed, that if the question were asked as to which is the first great name in modern Spanish Kterature, the answer must unquestionably be — JoveUanos. It seems, therefore, only a just deference to his merits, though it is but a fortuitous coincidence in the order of dates, that we have to place his name first' in the series of modern Spanish poets. It is, however, to his State Papers and his writings on Political Economy that he principally owes his reputation ; though it is a proud consideration for Spanish literature, that, as re- gards him, as well as Martinez de la Rosa and the Duke de Rivas, she has to place the names of eminent statesmen among her principal poets. JoveUanos was born the 5th of January, 1744, at Gijon, a town in the Asturias, of which his father was Regidor or one of the chief Magistrates. His family connections were of the class called Nobles, answering to the Noblesse of b2 4 CASPAR MELCHOB DE JOVELLANOS. France, and were moreover very influential and sufficiently wealthy. To take advantage of the preferments these offered him, he was destined in early youth, being a younger son, for the church, in which he entered into the first orders for the purpose of holding several benefices that were given him. He studied consecutively at Oviedo, Avila and Osma, where he distinguished himself so much to the satisfaction of those interested in his fortunes, that he was removed, in 1764, to the University of Alcala de Henares, and shortly afterwards to Madrid to study law. His friends and relatives, having become aware of his great talents, had now induced him to abandon the clerical profession and engage in secular pur- suits. A person of his rank iii those days was not at liberty to practise as an advocate, though the young Noble, under court favour, might administer the law ; and thus he was, in 1767, when only in his twenty-fourth year, appointed judge of criminal cases at Seville. In this office he conducted him- self with great ability and humanity, appearing to have been the first to abandon the employment of torture for obtaining confessions, which system has scarcely yet been discarded on the Continent. As characteristic of him, it may here be added, that he is reported to have been the first of the higher magistrates in Spain who gave up the use of the official wig ; so that his unusual dress, combined with his youth, made him on the bench more observed than perhaps even his talents would at first have rendered him. Whatever objections might have been made, if cause could be found, he seems, after having served nearly ten years as judge in the criminal courts, to have been advanced, with the approbation of all parties, to the office of judge in civil cases, also at Seville. This was an office much more agreeable to his inclinations, though the salary was no higher than what he had previously enjoyed. He had, however, other duties GASPAK MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 5 also entrusted to him of minor character^ though of propor- tionate emolument, and thereupon he resigned his benefices in the church, which he had held till then, and to the duties of which he had strictly attended. Beyond this act of dis- interestedness, he seems to have given his brother magistrates no inconsiderable inquietude at the same time by refusing- some emoluments of office to which they considered them- selves entitled. But their minds were soon relieved from the apprehensions his conduct might occasion them, as at the end of four years he was, in 1778, appointed judge of criminal cases at Madrid j an office generally considered of eminent promotion, but which he accepted with regret. In after times, every letter and every notice of Jovellanos that could be found was eagerly sought and treasured up ; and from these and his own memorandums, it appears he had good reason to consider the years he passed at Seville as the happiest of his life. Honoured in his public capacity and beloved in his social circle, he passed whatever time he could spare from his official or private duties in lite- rary pursuits. It was then he wrote or prepared most of the lighter works which entitle him to be ranked among the poets of the age ; the tragedy of " Pelayo," and comedy of " The Honourable Delinquent," both which were highly esteemed by his countrymen, as well as most of his minor poems. He did not however confine himself to such recreations, but at the same time entered on graver studies for the public ser- vice, on which his fame was eventually established. Shortly after Jovellanos joined the courts at Seville, he had for one of his colleagues Don Luis Ignacio Aguin-e, a person of high literary attainments, who had travelled much, and brought with him, as stated by Bermudez, many works in English on Political Economy. To understand these, Jovel- lanos immediately, under Aguirre's guidance, proceeded to 6 GASPAR MEIiCHOR DE JOA'^ELLANOS. learn the English language, of which he soon obtained a competent knowledge. He then studied the science, then newly dawning, from the works his friend afforded him, and made himself a master of it, so as to give him a name among the most eminent of its professors. Not contented with these pursuits, his active mind was still further engaged in whatever could tend to the benefit of society in the place of his labours. He seems indeed to have always had before him the consideration of what might be the fullest duties his station imposed on him, beyond the mere routine of official services. Not confining himself to these, much less giving himself up to passive enjoyments, however harmless or honourable in themselves, he seemed then and through life as ever acting under the sense of a great responsibility, as of the requirements of Him "who gave his servants authority, and to every man his work." Thus he instituted a school at Seville for children, reformed the course of prac- tice at the hospitals, attended to the keeping of the public walks and grounds in good order, and was foremost in every case where charity called or good 'services were required. Artists and men of genius found in him a friend, who, by advice and other aid, was always ready to their call ; and it was observed that his only passion was for the purchase of books and pictures, of which respectively he formed good collections. On giving up his duties at Seville, Jovellanos travelled through Andalusia, and, as was his custom in all the places he visited, made notes of whatever useful information he could obtain respecting them, many of which were afterwards published in a topographical work he assisted in bringing forward. On arriving at Madrid, where his fame had pre- ceded him, he was at once chosen member of the different learned societies, to several of which he rendered valuable GASPAK MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 7 services. At Seville he had already prepared a sketch of his great work, entitled " Agrarian Law," in which he treated of the law and tenure of land, its cultivation, and other topics connected with it. This work he then published in an ex- tended form, in which it has been reprinted several times, separately as well as in his collected works. In the several societies he also read many papers, one of which, " On Public Diversions," deserves to be named particularly, as containing much curious information, as well as many excellent sugges- tions for public advantage, on points which statesmen would do well to remember more frequently than they are in the habit of doing. On leaving Seville, Jovellanos regretted that he had to engage again in criminal cases, for which he had a natural aversion. After fulfilling these duties at Madrid a year and a half, he therefore sought another appointment, and obtained one in the Council of Military Orders, more agreeable to his inclinations. In this office it was his duty to attend to the affairs of the four military orders of Spain, and in his visits to their properties and other places on their behalf, he was entrusted with various commissions, which he fulfilled with his accustomed zeal. In those visits he had to go much to his native province, and he took advantage of his influence to make roads, which were much needed there, and the benefits of which he Uved to see appreciated. He incited the mem- bers of the Patriotic Society of Oviedo, and others connected with the Asturias, to explore the mineral wealth of the country, rich in mines of coal and iron, then scarcely known. For the study of such pursuits he founded the Asturian Institute, and raised subscriptions to have two young men educated abroad in mathematics and mining, who were afterwards to teach those sciences at the Institute. Every day of his life indeed seems to have been employed on some object of public a GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. utility, or in studies connected with such objects j following the ancient maxim to do nothing trifling or imperfectly : — M.r]Sev ivepyrjfia eiKfj, fxrjSev aXXa<; rj kuto, dewprjfia crvfi- ifKripwrmov t^9 rk'xyr]^ ivepyeWco. Though exact in the fulfilment of his ofiicial duties, and other various commissions entrusted to him by the govern- ment to report on the state of the provinces, it is wonderful to consider the industry with which he followed other pur- suits. He studied botany and architecture, on which he wrote several treatises ; and though each of those subjects would have been a sufficient task for ordinary men, to him they were only relaxations from his favourite science of political economy. Bent on the promotion of law and other reforms in the state, he became connected with the Conde de Cabarrus, who, though a Frenchman by birth, had obtained high employments in Spain, and who, as a person of superior talent and discern- ment, was also convinced of the necessity of such measures. As too often is the case with able and honest statesmen, the Conde de Cabarrus fell, whUe attempting to effect these re- forms, under the intrigues of his enemies, and Jovellanos be- came involved in his disgrace. He had been sent, in 1790, into the provinces in fulfilment of the duties of his office ; when, having heard on the road of his friend's ill fortune, he returned at once to offer him whatever assistance he might have in his power. He had, however, no sooner arrived in Madrid, where the Conde was under arrest, than, without being allowed to communicate with him, Jovellanos received a royal order to return immediately to his province. The terms in which this order was conveyed convinced Jovellanos that he was to share in the disgrace of his friend, and to consider himself banished from court. He therefore proceeded philosophically to settle himself in his paternal abode with his brother, their father being now deceased, with GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 9 his books and effects, and engaged in the improvement of their family estates. His expectations proved correct, as in this honourable exile he had to pass seven years, though not altogether unemployed, as he had several commissions en- trusted to him similar to those he had previously discharged. But still Jovellanos, unbowed by political reverses, continued the same ardent promoter of public improvement. For the Asturian Institute, which he had founded for the purpose of teaching principally mineralogy and metallurgy, and which he personally superintended, he wrote his very able work on Public Instruction, and compiled elementary grammars of the French and English languages, in which he showed him- self proficient to a degree truly astonishing. In his official duties, having to go carefully in inspection over the Asturias and other neighbouring provinces, he noted his observations in diaries, which have been fortunately pre- served, and which contain much valuable information. In these he has gathered all he could learn relative to the pro- ductions of the provinces, and the state in which he found them and the people, as embodied in his reports thereon to the government, with an account of the ancient remains and public buildings, making copies of whatever he found most interesting in the archives of the several convents, cathedrals and corporations. Some of these copies now possess a peculiar value, from the damages that have since accrued to many of the originals from time and the events of the subsequent wars. If it were not for the disparagement of being considered in banishment, Jovellanos could have felt himself contented. He had not only honourable employment, as before stated, but he also received several notices of approbation from the government, especially as regarded the Institute, to which notices he perhaps paid a higher regard than they deserved. He seems himself to have felt this ; for in one of his letters he 10 CASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. writes — " I will not deny that I desire some public mark of appreciation by the government, to gain by it that kind of sanction which merit needs in the opinion of some weak minds. But I see that this is a vain suggestion, and that posterity will not judge me by my titles, but by my works/' This was written on a rumour having reached Gijon of the probability of his being soon restored to favour at court. Those under whose intrigues he had fallen had now passed away in their turn : a favourite of a more powerful grade was in the ascendant, Godoy, the Prince of the Peace, to whose mind had been suggested the advisability of gathering round him persons of acknowledged probity and knowledge, for the support of his government. Jovellanos had returned home, in October 1797, from one of his journeys of inspection, when he found the whole town in a state of rejoicing. On inquiring the cause, he was told it was because news had been received of his nomination as ambassador to Russia. A few days afterwards the rejoicings were renewed, on the further intelli- gence of his being nominated a member of the government itself, as Minister of Grace and Justice. In this office it might have been hoped that a happier career was before him ; but evil fortune on the contrary now followed him, and more fatally than ever. His former banish- ment from court was owing to the endeavours he had made to remove those abuses into which all human institutions have a tendency to fall, rendering frequently necessary a cor- rection of those abuses, to preserve what was most valuable in' the institutions themselves. His next misfortune arose from personal differences with the reigning favourite, whose greater influence it was his error not to have perceived. Jovellanos had been restored to favour at the instance of Godoy ; but as this was without his seeking, he felt himself under no obligation to maintain him as the head of the go- GASPAR MELCHOK DE JOVELLANOS. 11 vernment, for which he was totally unfit. Jovellanos joined in an opposition to him, which for a short time succeeded in depriving Godoy of office. But his influence at court con- tinued, and thus Jovellanos was in his turn dismissed, after holding the office of minister only about eight months, and ordered to return to Gijon. Unhappily the favourite carried his resentment further; and Jovellanos was, on the 13th of March, 1801, arrested in his bed at an early hour of the morning, and sent as a pri- soner through the country to Barcelona, thence to Mallorca, where first in the Carthusian convent, and afterwards in the castle of Bellver more strictly, he was closely confined, with- out any regard paid to his demands to know the accusation against him. Here his health was severely afiected, as well as his feehngs outraged, by the unjust treatment to which he was subjected. Still he was not one to sink under such evils. He was rather one of those " who, going through the valley of misery, make it a well." He turned accordingly to the resources of literature, and employed himself in writing and translating from Latin and French several valuable treatises on architecture, and other works, on the history of the island, and of the convent, besides several poems, among which the Epistle to Bermudez, his biographer, deserves particular notice. Another work he then wrote is no less deserving of men- tion, showing the attention he had paid to English affairs, entitled " A Letter on EngUsh Architecture, and that called Gothic," in which he treated of English architecture from the time of the Druids, dividing it into the Saxon, Gothic and modern periods. He describes the buildings according to the epochs, especially St. Paul's and others of the seven- teenth century, coming down to the picturesque style of gardening then adopted in England, with notices of the different sculptors, painters and engravers, as well as archi- 13 GASPAK MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. tects, and also of the authors who had written on the Fine Arts in England. This work has not been pubUshed, but Bermudez states he had the manuscript. After being seven years a prisoner, Jovellanos was in 1808 released on the abdication of Charles IV. and the consequent fall of Godoy. This release was announced to him in terms of official brevity, and he replied by an earnest demand to be subjected to a trial, for the purpose of having the cause of his imprisonment made manifest. Before, however, an answer could be returned, Ferdinand had, under Napoleon's dicta- tion, also ceased to reign, and Jovellanos was called upon to take a prominent place in the intrusive government of king Joseph. This he could not be supposed from his antecedent character to be willing to accept. On the contrary, being chosen by the National party a member of the Central Junta, he engaged with his accustomed energy on the other side until the Eegency was formed, principally under his influence, to carry on the struggles for independence. On this being effected, Jovellanos wished to retire to his native city apart from public affairs. At his advanced age, with cataracts formed in his eyes, and after his laborious life and painful imprisonment, rest was necessary for him ; but he could not attain it. One of his first efforts in the Central Junta was to draw up a paper on the form of government to be adopted, and this he strongly recommended to be founded as nearly as possible on the model of the English constitu- tion. But he was far too enlightened for the race of men with whom he had to act, and his prepossessions for EngHsh institutions were made a reproach against him, observes the editor of the last edition of his works, even by those who were striving to introduce the principles of the Constituent Assembly into Spain. The miserable intrigues and jealousies of the leading mem- GASFAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 13 bers of the National party caused Jovellanos much anxiety. But he had fulfilled his duties as a Deputy, and those having ceased, he left Cadiz in February, 1810, to return to the Asturias, in a small sailing vessel. After a long and danger- ous passage, during which they were in great danger of shipwreck, they arrived at Muros in Galicia, in which pro- vince he had to remain more than a year, in consequence of the Asturias being in the possession of the French, to whom he had now become doubly obnoxious. In July, 1811, however, the French having left that part of Spain, Jovellanos was enabled to return to his native city, where he was again received as he always had been with every token of popular respect. He seems to have been always looked upon there with undeviating favour and grati- tude, as their most honourable citizen and public benefactor. No one knew of his coming, says his biographer, but he was observed to enter the church, and kneel before the altar near his family burying-place, when the whole town was roused simultaneously, and a spontaneous illumination of the houses took place, with other tokens of public congratulations and rejoicing. Here he now hoped to have a peaceful asylum for his latter years, engaged in the objects of public utility for which he had formerly laboured. But those labours were to be begun again. His favourite " Asturian Institute," which he truly said, in one of his discourses, was identified with his existence, had been totally dismantled and used for barracks by the French. Having obtained authority from the Regency to do so, he began to put the building again into repair, and collect together the teachers and scholars. Having done this, he announced by circulars that it would be reopened the 30th of November following, when the news of the French returning compelled him again to fly on the 6th of 14 GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. that month. He set sail in a miserable coasting vessel for Ribadeo, where a ship was ready to take him to Cadiz or England as he might desire, in virtue of instructions given by the Regency, and in accordance with the English govern- ment. But further misfortunes only awaited him. The vessel in which he had to take refuge was cast on shore in a storm near the small port of Vega, on the confines of Asturias ; and there, worn out with fatigue, and under a pulmonary affection, brought on by exposure to the weather, he died the 27th of November, 1811, a few days after his landing. The news of his death was spread rapidly through Spain, notwithstanding the interrupted state of communications, and was everywhere received with regret as a national cala- mity. Those who had opposed his views did justice to the uprightness of his motives and character; and the Cortes, now assembled, passed a decree, by which in favour of his patriotism and public services, he was declared Benemerito de la Patria. This beautiful and classical acknowledgement of his worth was then also remarkable as a novelty, though it has been since rendered less honourable, by being awarded to others little deserving of peculiar distinction. The hfe of Jovellanos, as intimately connected with the history of his country, is well deserving of extended study. But our province is rather to consider him as a poet. Emi- nent as a statesman for unimpeachable integrity and for wise administration of justice, he carried prudent reforms into every department under his control, in which, though sub- jected to many attacks, he proved himself, by a memoir published shortly before his death, in justification of his public conduct, to have been fully warranted. This memoir, for heartfelt eloquence, deserves to be ranked with Burke^s Letter to the Duke of Bedford. Jovellanos has been com- pared by his countrymen to Cicero. A writer in the Foreign GASPAE MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 15 Quarterly Review has instituted an ingenious parallel between him and Montesquieu. With either, or with Burke, he may be observed to have possessed the philosophy and feeling, which give eloquence its chief value and effect. As a prose writer, Jovellanos, for elegance of style and depth of thought, may be pronounced without a rival in Spanish hterature. As a dramatist, he only gave the pubhe a tragedy and comedy, both of which continue in much favour with the pubhc. The latter, " The Honourable De- linquent " is particularly esteemed ; but it is a melodrame rather than a comedy, according to our conceptions. It turns on the principal character having been forced into fighting a duel, and who, having killed his opponent, is sentenced to die ; but after the usual suspenses receives a pardon from the king. There are several interesting scenes and much good writing in the piece; but no particular delineation of cha- racter, to bring it any more than the other into the higher class of dramatic art. It has, however, been observed, that it only needs to have been written in verse to make it a per- fect performance, and this alone shows the hold it must have on the Spanish reader. As a poet, Jovellanos is chiefly to be commemorated for his Satires. Two of these, in which he lashes the vices and follies of society at Madrid, — " girt with the silent crimes of capitals," — are pronounced by the critic in the Madrid Review to be "highly finished" compositions. They were, in fact, the only poems he himself published, and those anonymously. With the strength of Juvenal, they have also his faults, and abound too much in local allusions to be suited for transla- tion. In somewhat the same style were several epistles he addressed to difierent friends, of which the one written to his friend and biographer Bermudez has been chosen for this work, as most characteristic of the author. Like his 16 GASPAR MELCHOB DE JOVELLANOS. Other Satires, it is written in blank verse ; which style, though not entirely unknown in Spain, he had the merit of first bringing into favour. He probably gained his predilection for it from his study of Milton, for whose works he .had great admiration, and of whose Paradise Lost he translated the first book into Spanish verse. The Epistle to Bermudez is remarkable as written with much earnestness, in censure not only of the common vices and follies of mankind, but in also going beyond ordinary satirists into the sphere of the moralist, to censiu'e the faults of the learned. What our great modern preacher Dr. Chal- mers has termed the " practical atheism " of the learned, was indeed the subject of rebuke from many English writers, as Young and Cowper, but may be looked for in vain in the works of others. Jovellanos had no doubt read the former, at least in the translation of his friend Escoiquiz, and medi- tated on the sentiment, — "An undevout astronomer is mad," even if not in the original. It can scarcely be supposed that he was so well acquainted with English literature as to have read Cowper; but there are several passages in his Epistles of similar sentiments. The praise of wisdom especially, in the one to Bermudez, — by which we may understand, was meant the wisdom urged by the kingly preacher of Jeru- salem, or the rule of conduct founded on right principles, in opposition to mere learning, — is also that of our Christian poet : — Knowledge and wisdom, far from being one, Have ofttimes no connexion. Knowledge dwells In heads replete with thoughts of other men ; Wisdom in minds attentive to their own. In his hours of leisure, Jovellanos employed himself in composing occasional verses at times, for the amusement of the society in which he lived, without thinking of their being GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 17 ever sought for publication. These, however, have been lately gathered together with much industry and exactness in the last edition of his collected works, published by Mellado at Madrid in five volumes, 1845. As the last and fullest, it is also the best collection of them, four other editions of them previously pubhshed having been comparatively very deficient with regard to them. Besides those, there were various re- prints of several others of his works, which were all received with much favour, both in Spain and abroad. JoveUanos was never married, and in private life seems to have considered himself under the obligations of the profes- sion for which he was originally intended. His character altogether is one to which it would be difficult to find a parallel, and is an honour to Spain as well as to Spanish literature. His virtues are now unreservedly admitted by all parties of his countrymen, who scarcely ever name him except with the epithet of the illustrious JoveUanos, to which desig- nation he is indeed justly entitled, no less for his writings, than for his many public and private virtues and services to his country. These may be forgotten in the claims of other generations and succeeding statesmen ; but his writings must ever remain to carry his memory wherever genius and worth can be duly appreciated. The charge of writing a memoir of JoveUanos was entrusted by the Historical Society of Madrid to Cean Bermudez, who fulfilled it with afiectionate zeal, Madrid, 1814 j several other notices of his life have appeared in Spain, including that by Quintana, which has been copied by Wolf. The English reader will find an excellent one in the Foreign Quarterly Review, No. 10, February, 1830; and the Spanish scholar a further very eloquent encomium on his talents and merits in Quintana's second Introduction to his collection of Spanish Poetry. JOVELLANOS. EPISTLE TO CEAN BERMUDEZ, ON THE VAIN DESIRES AND STUDIES OF MEN. Arise, Bermudo, bid thy soul beware : Thee raging Fortune watches to ensnare ; And, lulling others^ hopes in dreams supine, A fell assault she meditates on thine. The cruel blow which suffer'd from her rage Thy poor estate will not her wrath assuage. Till from thy breast her fury may depose The blissful calm to innocence it owes. Such is her nature, that she loathes the sight Of happiness for man in her despite. Thus to thine eyes insidious she presents The phantasies of good, with which she paints The road to favour, and would fain employ Her arts thy holds of virtue to destroy. Ah ! heed her not. See her to rob thee stand Ev'n of the happiness now in thy hand. 'Tis not of her ; she cannot it bestow : She makes men fortunate ; — but happy ? No. GASPAR MELCHOB, DE JOVELLANOS. 19 Thou think'st it strange ! Dost thou the names confound Of Fortune with feUcity as bound ? Like the poor idiots, who so foohsh gaze On the vain gifts and joys which she displays, So cunning to exchange for real good. cheat of human wisdom ! say withstood. What does she promise, but what beings born To our high destiny should hold in scorn ? In reason^s balance her best offers weigh, And see what worthless lightness they betray. There are who, burning in the track of fame, Wear themselves ruthless for a sounding name. Buy it with blood, and fire, and ruin wide ; And if with horrid arm is death descried. Waving his pennon as from some high tower. Their hearts swell proud, and trampling fierce they scour The field o'er brothers' bodies as of foes ! Then sing a triumph, while in secret flows The tear they shed as from an anguish'd heart. Less lofty, but more cunning on his part, Another sighs for ill-secure command : With flatteries solicitously plann'd, Follows the air of favour, and his pride In adulation vile he serves to hide, c 2 20 CASPAR MELCHOa DE JOVELLANOS. To exalt himself; and if he gain his end His brow on all beneath will haughty bend ; And sleep, and joy, and inward peace, the price To splendour of command, will sacrifice : Yet fears the while, uncertain in his joy. Lest should some turn of Fortune's wheel destroy His power in deep oblivion overthrown. Another seeks, with equal ardour shown, For lands, and gold in store. Ah ! lands and gold. With tears how water' d, gain'd with toils untold ! His thirst unquench'd, he hoards, invests, acquires ; But with his wealth increased are his desires ; And so much more he gains, for more will long : Thus, key in hand, his coffers full among ; Yet poor he thinks himself, and learns to know His state is poor, because he thinks it so. Another like illusion his to roam From wife and friends, who flying light and home. To dedicate his vigils the long night In secret haunts of play makes his delight, With vile companions. Betwixt hope and fear His anxious breast is fluctuating drear. See, with a throbbing heart and trembling hand. There he has placed his fortune, all to stand GASPAR MELCHOK DK JOVELLANOS. 21 Upon the turning of a die ! 'Tis done : The lot is cast ; what is it ? has he won ? Increased is his anxiety and care ! But if reversCj Heaven ! in deep despair, O'erwhelm'd in ruin, he is doom'd to know A life of infamy, or death of woe. And is he happier, who distracted lies A slave beneath the light of beauty's eyes ? Who fascinated watches, haunts, and prays, And at the cost of troubles vast essays, 'Mid doubts and fears, a fleeting joy to gain ? Love leads him not : his breast could ne'er profane Admit Love's purer flame; 'tis passion's fire Alone that draws him, and in wild desire He blindly headlong follows in pursuit : And what for all his toils can he compute ? If gain'd at length, he only finds the prize Bring death and misery ev'n in pleasure's guise. Then look on him, abandon'd all to sloth. Who vacant sees the hours pass long and loth O'er his so useless life. He thinks them slow, Alas ! and wishes they would faster go. He knows not how to employ them ; in and out He comes, and goes, and smokes, and strolls about, 22 GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. To gossip ; turns, returns, with constant stress Wearying himself to fly from weariness. But now retired, sleep half his life employs, And fain would all the day, whose light annoys. Fool ! wouldst thou know the sweetness of repose ? Seek it in work. The soul fastidious grows Ever in sloth, self-gnawing and oppress'd. And finds its torment even in its rest. But if to Bacchus and to Ceres given. Before his table laid, from morn to even. At ease he fills himself, as held in stall : See him his stomach make his god, his all ! Nor earth nor sea suffice his appetite ; Ill-tongued and gluttonous the like unite : With such he passes his vain days along. In drunken routs obscene, with toast and song. And jests and dissolute delights ; his aim To gorge unmeasured, riot without shame. But soon with these begins to blunt and lose Stomach and appetite : he finds refuse Ofifended Nature, as insipid food. The savours others delicacies viewed. Vainly from either India he seeks For stimulants; in vain from art bespeaks Fresh sauces, which his palate will reject ; His longings heighten' d, but life's vigour wreck'd; GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVBLLANOS. 33 And thus worn out in mid career the cost, Before life ends he finds his senses lost. bitter pleasures ! 0, what madness sore Is theirs who covet them, and such implore Humbly before a lying deity ! How the perfidious goddess to agree But mocks them ! Though perhaps at first she smile, Exempt from pain and misery the long while She never leaves them, and in place of joy Gives what they ask, with weariness to cloy. If trusted, soon is found experience taught What ill-foreseen condition they have sought. Niggard their wishes ever to fulfil. Fickle in favour, vacillating still. Inconstant, cruel, she afBicts today. And casts down headlong to distress a prey, Whom yesterday she flattered to upraise : And now another from the mire she sways Exalted to the clouds ; but raised in vain. With louder noise to cast him down again. Seest thou not there a countless multitude. Thronging her temple round, and oft renew'd. Seeking admittance, and to offer fraught With horrid incei^se, for their idol brought ? Fly from her; let not the contagion find The base example enter in thy mind. 24 GASPAK MELCHOa DE JOVELLANOS. Fly, and in virtue thy asylum seek To make thee happy : trust the words I speak. There is no purer happiness to gain Than the sweet calm the just from her attain. If in prosperity their fortunes glide, She makes them free from arrogance and pride ; In mid estate be tranquil and content ; In adverse he resign' d whate'er the event : Implacable, if Envy's hurricane O'erwhelm them in misfortunes, even then She hastes to save them, and its rage control ; With lofty fortitude the nobler soul Enduing faithful ; and if raised to sight. At length they find the just reward requite. Say is there aught to hope for prize so great As the immortal crown for which they wait ? But is this feeling then, I hear thee cry. That elevates my soul to virtue high. This anxious wish to investigate and know. Is it blameworthy as those passions low ? Why not to that for happiness repair ? Wilt thou condemn it ? No, who would so dare, That right would learn his origin and end ? Knowledge and Virtue, sisters like, descend From heaven to perfect man in nobleness ; And far removing him, Bermudo, yes ! GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 25 From vice and errors they will make him free. Approaching even to the Deity. But seek them not, in that false path to go Which cunning Fortune will to others show. Where then ? to Wisdom's temple only haste ; There thou wilt find them. Her invoke ; and traced. See how she smiles ! press forward ; learn to use The intercession of the kindly Muse To make her be propitious. But beware. That in her favour thou escape the snare. The worship, which the vain adorer pays. She never him propitiously surveys, Who insolently seeking wealth or fame. Burns impure incense on her altar's flame. Dost thou not see how many turn aside From her of learning void, but full of pride ? Alas for him, who seeking truth, for aid Embraces only a delusive shade ! In self conceit who venturing to confide, Nor virtue gain'd, nor reason for his guide. Leaves the right path, precipitate to stray Where error's glittering phantoms lead the way ! Can then the wise hope happiness to feel In the chimseras sought with so much zeal ? Ah, no ! they all are vanities and cheats ! See him, whom anxious still the morning greets, 26 GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. Measuring the heavens, and of the stars that fly The shining orbits ! With a sleepless eye. Hasty the night he reckons, and complains Of the day's light his labour that detains ; Again admires night's wonders, but reflects Ne'er on the hand that fashion'd and directs. Beyond the moons of Uranus he bends His gaze ; beyond the Ship, the Bear, ascends : But after all this, nothing more feels he : He measures, calculates, but does not see The heavens obeying their great Author's will. Whirling around all sUent ; robbing still The hours from life, ungratefully so gone. Till one to undeceive him soon draws on. Another, careless of the stars, descries The humble dust, to scan and analyse. His microscope he grasps, and sets, and falls On some poor atom ; and a triumph calls. If should the fool the magic instrument Of life or motion slightest sign present. Its form to notice, in the glass to pore. What his deluded fancy saw before ; Yields to the cheat, and gives to matter base The power, forgot the Lord of all to trace. Thus raves the ingrate. GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 27 Anotter the meanwhile To scrutinize pretends^ in learning's style, The innate essence of the soul sublime. How he dissects it, regulates in time ! As if it were a subtile fluid, known To him its action, functions, strength and tone ; But his own weakness shows in this alone. 'Twas given to man to view the heavens on high. But not in them the mysteries of the sky j Yet boldly dares his reason penetrate The darksome chaos, o'er it to dilate. With staggering step, thus scorning heavenly light, In error's paths he wanders, lost in night. Confused, but not made wise, he pores about. Betwixt opinion wavering and doubt. Seeking for light, and shadows doom'd to feel, He ponders, studies, labours to unseal The secret, and at length finds his advance ; The more he learns, how great his ignorance. Of matter, form, or motion, or the soul. Or moments that away incessant roll. Or the unfathomable sea of space. Without a sky, without a shore to trace. Nothing he reaches, nothing comprehends. Nor finds its origin, nor where it tends ; 28 GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. But only sinking, all absorbed, may see In tbe abysses of eternity. Perhaps, thence stepping more disorder'd yet, He rushes his presumptuous flight to set Ev'n to the throne of God ! with his dim eyes The Great Inscrutable to scrutinize ; ' Sounding the gulf immense, that circles round The Deity, he ventures o^er its bound. "What can he gain in such a pathless course But endless doubts, his ignorance the source ? He seeks, proposes, argues, thinking vain. The ignorance that knew to raise, must fain Be able to resolve them. Hast thou seen Attempts that e^er have more audacious been ? What ! shall an atom such as he excel To comprehend the Incomprehensible ? Without more light than reason him assign'd. The limits of immensity to find ? Infinity's beginning, middle, end ? Dost Thou, Eternal Lord, then condescend To admit man to Thy councils, or to be With his poor reason in Thy sanctuary ? A task so great as this dost Thou confide To his weak soul ? 'Tis not so, be relied. My friend. To know God in His works above. To adore Him, melt in gratitude and love ; • GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 39 The blessings o'er thee lavishM to confess. To sing His glory, and His name to bless ; — Such be thy study, duty and employ ; And of thy life and reason such the joy. Such is the course that should the wise essay, While only fools will from it turn away. Wouldst thou attain it ? easy the emprise ; Perfect thy being, and thou wilt be wise : Inform thy reason, that its aid impart Thee truth eternal : purify thy heart. To love and follow it : thy study make Thyself, but seek thy Maker's light to take : There is high Wisdom's fountain found alone : There thou thy origin wilt find thee shown ; There in His glorious work to find the place 'Tis thine to occupy : there thou mayst trace Thy lofty destiny, the crown declared Of endless life, for virtue that's prepared. Bermudo, there ascend : there seek to find That truth and virtue in the heavenly mind. Which from His love and wisdom ever flow. If elsewhere thou dost seek to find them, know. That darkness only thou wilt have succeed. In ignorance and error to mislead. Thou of this love and wisdom mayst the rays Discern in all His works. His power and praise 30 GASPAR MELCHOK DE JOVELLANOS. That tell around us, in the wondrous scale Of high perfection which they all detail ; The order which they follow in the laws, That bind and keep them, and that show their cause. The ends of love and pity in their frame : These their Creator's goodness all proclaim. Be this thy learning, this thy glory's view ; If virtuous, thou art wise and happy too. Virtue and truth are one, and in them bound Alone may ever happiness be found. And they can only, vidth a conscience pure. Give to thy soul to enjoy it, peace secure ; True liberty in moderate desires. And joy in all to do thy work requires ; To do well in content, and calmly free : All else is wind and misery, vanity. TO GALATEA'S BIRD. SILLY little bird ! who now On Galatea's lap hast got, My unrequited love allow To envy thee thy lot. GASPAR MELCHOR DK JOVELLANOS. 31 Of the same lovely mistress both Alike the captives bound are we ; But thou for thy misfortune loth, Whilst I am willingly. Thou restless in thy prison art, Complaining ever of thy pains ; While I would kisses, on my part, Ev'n lavish on my chains. But, ah ! how different treating us. Has scornful Fate the lot assign'd ! With me she 's always tyrannous. But with thee just as kind. A thousand nights of torment borne, A thousand days of martyrdom, • By thousand toils and pains, her scorn I cannot overcome. Inestimable happiness, A mere caprice for thee has got ; So bathed in tears, in my distress, I envy thee thy lot. And there the while, with daring heel. Thou tread'st in arrant confidence. Without a heart or hope to feel. Or instinct's common sense. 32 GASPAB MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. In the embraces, which my thought. Not even in its boldest vein, Could scarce to hope for have been brought, Presumptuous to attain. TO ENAEDA.— I. Lovely Enarda ! young and old All quarrel with me daily : Because I write to thee they scold. Perhaps sweet verses gaUy. "A judge should be more grave," they say. As each my. song accuses ; " From such pursuits should turn away As trifling with the Muses." " How wofully you waste your time ! " Preach others ; but, all slighting. The more they scold, the more I rhyme ; Still I must keep on writing. Enarda's heart and mind to praise. All others far excelling. My rustic pipe its note shall raise. In well-toned measures telling. GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. 33 I wish, extolling to the skies. Her beauty's high perfection To sing, and all her witcheries Of feature and complexion : With master pencil to portray Her snowy neck and forehead. And eyes that round so roguish play. And lips like carmine florid. And let the Gates go at will. To where they most prefer it. Who withering frowns and sneerings still Give me for my demerit. In spite of all, with wrinkled pate. The censures each rehearses, Enarda I will celebrate For ever in my verses. TO ENARDA.— II. Cruel Enarda ! all in vain. In vain, thou view'st with joyful eyes The tears that show my grief and pain, Thyself exulting in my sighs. 34 GASPAR MELCHOR DE JOVELLANOS. The burning tears that bathe my cheek, With watching shrunk, with sorrow pale, Thy lightness and caprice bespeak, Thy guilt and perfidy bewail. Those signs of sorrow, on my face. Are not the obsequies portrayed Of a lost good, nor yet the trace Of tribute to thy beauties paid. They are the evidence alone There fix'd thy falsehood to proclaim ; Of thy deceits the horror shown. Of my delirium the shame. I weep not now thy rigours o'er. Nor feel regret, that lost to me Are the returns, which false before Thou gavest, or favours faithlessly. I weep o'er my delusions blind ; I mourn the sacrifices made. And incense to a god unkind On an unworthy altar laid. I weep the memory o'er debased Of my captivity to mourn. And all the weight and shame disgraced Of such vile fetters to have borne. CASPAR MELCHOR DTD JOVELLANOS. 35 Ever to my lorn mind retm-nM Are thoughts of homage offer'd ill^ Disdains ill borne, affection spurn'd, And sighs contemn' d, recurring still. Then, ah, Enarda ! all in vain Thou think' st to please thee with my grief : Love, who now looks on me again With eyes of pity and relief, A thousand times has me accost. As thus my tears to censure now, " To lose them thou hast nothing lost ; Poor creature ! why then weepest thou ?" d2 II. TOMAS DE IRIARTE. Of all the modem Spanish poetSj Iriarte seems to have ob- tained for his writings the widest European reputation. He was born the 18th September 1750, at Teneriffe in the Canary Islands, where his family had been some time settled, though the name shows it to have been of Basque origin. His uncle, Juan d^ Iriarte, also a native of the same place, was one of the most learned men of his age, and to him the subject of this memoir was indebted for much of the knowledge he acquired, and means of attaining the eminence in literature he suc- ceeded him in possessing. Juan de Iriarte had been partly educated in France, and had afterwards resided some time in England, so as to acquire a full knowledge of the language and literature of those countries. He was also a proficient in classical learning, and wrote Latin with great precision, as his writings, published by his nephew after his death, evince ; Madrid, two volumes, 4to. 1774. Having been appointed keeper of the Royal Library at Madrid, he enriched it with many valuable works, in upwards of 2000 MSS. and 10,000 volumes. He was an active member of the Royal Spanish Academy, and one of the principal assistants in compiling the 38 TOMAS DE IRIARTE. valuable dictionary and grammar published by that learned Society, as well as other works. At the instance of this uncle, Tomas Iriarte went to Madrid in the beginning of 1764, when not yet fourteen years of age, and under that relative's able guidance completed his studies, learning at the same time the English and other modern languages. He was already far advanced in a know- ledge of classical literature, and it is stated that some Latin verses he wrote, on leaving his native place, showed such proficiency as to surprise his friends, and make them enter- tain great expectations of his future success. Some of his Latin compositions, published afterwards among his works, prove him to have been a scholar of very considerable ac- quirements. Classical literature does not seem in modern times to be much studied in Spain, and Iriarte is the only distinguished writer among the modern Spanish poets who can be pointed out as conspicuous for such attainments. Thus they have failed in apprehending one of the chief beau- ties of modern poetry, so remarkable in Milton and Byron, and our other great poets, who enrich their works with re- ferences that remind us of what had most delighted us in those of antiquity. In 1771 his uncle died, and Tomas Iriarte, who had already been acting for him in one of his offices as Interpreter to the Government, was appointed to succeed him in it. He was afterwards, in 1776, appointed Keeper of the Archives of the Council of War ; and these offices, with the charge of a paper under the influence of the government, seem to have been the only public employments he held. From one of his epistles, however, he appears to have succeeded to his uncle's property, and thus to have had the means as also the leisure to give much of his time to the indulgence of literary tastes. He was very fond of paintings and of music, to which he TOMAS DE I.RIARTE. 39 showed his predilection, not only by his ability to play on several instruments^ but also by writing a long didactic poem on the art, entitled ' Musica/ This he seems to have con- sidered as giving him his principal claim to be ranked as a poet, though the world preferred his other writings. When yet under twenty years of age, Iriarte had already appeared as a writer of plays, some of which met with con- siderable approbation. Of these it will be sufficient for us here to observe, that Moratin, the first great dramatic poet of Spain in modem times, pronounced one of them, 'The Young Gentleman Pacified,-' to have been " the first original comedy the Spanish theatre had seen written according to the most essential rules dictated by philosophy and good criticism." Besides several original plays, Iriarte translated others from the French, from which language he also translated the 'New Eobinson' of Campe, which passed through several edi- tions. From Virgil he translated into Spanish verse the fiirst four books of the Mneid, and from Horace the Epistle to the Pisos. These, though censured by some of his contempo- raries so as to excite his anger, were altogether too superior to those attacks to have required the vindication of them he thought proper to publish. Horace seems to have been his favourite author ; but he had not learned from him his philo- sophical equanimity, wherewith to pass over in silent endu- rance the minor miseries of life. Thus he allowed himself, throughout his short career, to be too much afiected by those ungenerous attacks, which mediocrity is so apt to make on superior merit. The names of those censurers are now prin- cipally remembered by his notices of their writings ; an ho- nour, which men of genius, in their hours of irritation, too often confer on unworthy opponents. Thus a large portion of his collected works consists of these controversial notices. 40 TOMAS BE IRIARTE. which, as usual in such cases, only impair the favourable effect produced by the remainder on the mind of the reader. Those works were first published in a collected form in six volumes, in 1786; afterwards in eight volumes, in 1805. From Iriarte's poetical epistles, which are eleven in num- ber, he appears to have been a person of a very kindly dispo- sition, as Quintana describes him, living in friendly inter- course with the principal literary characters of Spain, espe- cially with the amiable and ill-fated Cadahalso, to whom, in one of those epistles, he dedicated his translations from Ho- race. The others also are mainly on personal topics, and display his character advantageously, though, as poetical compositions, they have not been received so favourably as some of his other works. The fame of Iriarte may be said to rest on his literary fables, which have attained a popularity, both at home and abroad, equalled by few other works. They are eighty-two in number, and all original, having, as their title indicates, a special reference to literary questions, though they are also all sufficiently pointed to bear on those of ordinary life. Like Sir Joshua Reynolds's Discourses on Painting, they convey general instructions to all, while professing an application to one particular pursuit. They are written with much vivacity and ease, yet vrith an appropriate terseness that adds to their effect. Martinez de la Rosa, equally eminent as a statesman, a poet and a critic, observes of them, that if he had not left compositions of any other class, they would have extended his reputation as a poet ; and adds, " that they abound in beauties, though frequently wanting in poetical warmth, so as to re- commend this valuable collection, unique in its class, as one of which Spanish literature has to be proud." Of these fables, first published in 1782, so many editions have appeared, that it would 'be a very difficult task to enu- TOMAS DE IRIARTE. 41 merate them. There is scarcely a provincial town in Spain, of any consequence, in which they have not been reprinted. Several editions have appeared in France, two in New York, and three in Boston, where they have been used in teaching Spanish. Several of the fables have been imitated by Florian, and translations have been made into other languages. Of these translations, one in French verse was published by M. LanoSj Paris, 1801, and another, in prose, by M. L^Homandie, ibid. 1804: into German they were translated by Bertuch, Leipzic, so early as 1788, and into Portuguese, by Velladoli, in 1801. I am not aware of more than one edition of them in En- gland, that published by Dulau, 1809; but there have been no fewer than three translations of them into English verse ; first by Mr. Belfour, London, 1804, another by Mr. Andrews, ibid. 1835, and a third by Mr. Rockliff, ibid. 1851. The same popularity attended another work which Iriarte prepared for the instruction of youth, named ' Historical Lessons,^ published posthumously, about twenty editions of which have since appeared, principally from its having been adopted as a text-book for schools. Of this also an edition has been published in London by Boosey, and a translation into English. Iriarte's industry appears to have been of the most practical character, and his endeavours were as wisely as they were unremittingly directed to make his countrymen wiser and better in their future generations. If a man's worth may be estimated by such labours, few persons have ever lived who were so entitled to the gratitude of posterity, as few have ever effected so much as he did in the short career that was afforded him. In private life, in the leisure allowed from his studies and duties, he indulged much, as has been already stated, in the recreation of music; and in praise and explanation of that 42 tomas de iriartb. favourite art he wrote his largest work, ' Music/ a didactic poem, in five cantos. Of this work, which was first published in 1780, the fifth separate edition appeared in 1805^ since which I have not heard of any other. It has, however, had the good fortune to be translated into several foreign languages ; into German by Bertuch, in 1789 ; into Italian by the Abbe Garzia, Venice, 1789 ; into French by Grain vUle, Paris, 1 800 ; and into EngUsh by Mr. Belfour, London, 1807. The last- mentioned translation is made with much exactness and ele- gance into heroic verse ; though, as the original had the fault usual to aU didactic poems of not rising to any high poetical power, the translation must share the fault to at least an equal extent. In the Italian version, a letter is quoted from the celebrated Metastasio, in which he speaks of the style of Iriarte's poem as " so harmonious, perspicuous and easy, as to unite the precision of a treatise with the beauties common to poetry." It is said also that Metastasio further pronounced the poem to be " not only excellent, but to be considered un- common, in having successfully treated a subject so difficult, and apparently so little adapted to poetry." It is to be ob- served that Iriarte had warmly eulogized Metastasio in the book, so as to merit the commendation. The first canto is con- fined to treating the subject artistically, and will therefore prove less to the taste of the general reader than the other cantos, which are of a .more interesting character, and may be read with pleasure by persons who do not understand music as a science. The third canto especially is written with much spirit in its praise, as connected with devotion. The second canto treats of the passions as they may be expressed by music, including martial music. The fourth minutely dis- cusses theatrical music, with its excellences and defects. The fifth explains it, as calculated for the amusement of TOMAS DE laiARTE. 43 societies, or individuals in solitude. The poem concludes with pointing out what ought to be the study of a good com- poser, and by a proposal for the establishment of an academy of musiCj or scientific body of musicians, anticipating the benefit to science that would result from such an institution. This poem, the ' Musica,^ and the Epistles, are written in a very favourite style of versification in Spain, denominated the Silva, which consists of lines of eleven syllables, varied occa- sionally with others of seven, rhyming at the pleasure of the writer. The ' Literary Fables ' are written in various metres ; Martinez de la Rosa observes in upwards of forty different kinds, appropriate to the characteristics of the subjects, which naay be more perceptible to a native ear than to a foreigner's. It is certainly true that this gives a variety to the work which is well suited to the purposes the author had in view. He was wise enough to know that truths hidden in the garb of fiction will often be felt effectually, where grave precepts would not avail, Kai irov n Koi ^pSrcov (j)pevas 'Ynep Tov d\7)d^ \6yoVy AcSaibaKjievoi ^evSeiri noiKiKois 'E^aTraTavTi p.v6oi, and thus conveyed his lessons in examples, with a moral, which could be quickly understood and easily remembered. With regard to the objection made to these fables, that they are often deficient in poetical warmth or colouring, it may be observed that the subjects would scarcely admit of any. Iriarte was certainly a writer of more poetic taste than talent, and it must be acknowledged that his genius, judging by the works he left, was not one to soar to the higher flights of poetry. He felt this himself, as he intimates in his Epistle to his brother; and, choosing a subject like Music for a di- dactic poem, or writing familiar epistles on occasional sub- 44 TOMAS DE IRIARTE. jects, did not give himself much scope for fancy, much less for passion. But as applied to the fables, the objection was un- necessary. If they desei-ved praise for their vivacity of style, that very circumstance, independent of the subjects, rendered them passionless, awaQewaTa, as Longinus remarks, where stronger feelings could scarcely be brought into connexion with such discussions. The great difficulty in such cases is, when metres are chosen to suit the subject, abounding in pyrrhics, trochees, and such measures, as the same great critic adds, to guard, lest the sense be lost in too much re- gard to the sound, raising only attention to the rhythm, in- stead of exciting any feeling in the minds of the hearers. Of the five fables chosen for translation, the two first were taken from Bouterwek, and the third on account of its having been particularly noticed by Martinez de la Rosa. The Epistle to his Brother was selected partly on account of its notices of other countries, as a foreigner's judgement of them ; and partly as being most characteristic of the writer, showing his tastes and dispositions more perhaps than the rest. The reader generally feels most interested in such parts of the works of favourite writers, especially when their private history gives the imagination a right to ask sympathy for their sufferings. Nothing is to be found in Iriarte's works to show any peculiar opinions on religion, though the tendency of his mind is everywhere clearly seen, as leading to freedom of thought, instead of subjection to dogmas. In his poem on Music, as already intimated, some devotional rather than free- thinking principles are developed ; yet it is said that it was from a suspicion of his being affected by the French philo- sophy of the day he fell under the censure of the Inquisition, and was seized in 1786, and imprisoned three years in the dungeons of that institution. What was the particular offence TOMAS DE I11IA.BTE. 45 imputed to him has not been stated. It could be no question of a political character, for he was in the employment of the government, and was amenable to it for any misdeeds. It probably was from some private cause, under the cloak of a question of faith, that he had to undergo this imprisonment, during which it is said he had to submit to severe penances before he could obtain his liberty. After he had obtained it, he returned to his studies and wrote further, a monologue, entitled ' Guzman,' and some Latin maccaronic verses on the bad taste of some writers then in vogue. But his spirits were no doubt broken down, as his health and strength were undermined ; and thus it was that he died two years after, though his death was imputed to his sedentary habits and gout, the 17th of September, 1791, when he had just completed his forty -first year. This untimely death was a serious loss to Spanish litera- ture. With his great and varied acquirements and unre- mitting industry, the world might have expected stiU more valuable works from him, when, at the age of thirty-six, in the best period of a man's existence for useful labours, he was cast into that dungeon, from which he seems to have been permitted to come out only to die. The last Auto da fe in Spain was celebrated in 1781 ; but the Inquisition had other victims whose sufierings were no less to be deplored, though not made known. If Iriarte was one, he had un- questionably the consciousness of being enabled to feel, though not dying "an aged man," yet that in his comparatively short life, he had not lived in vain for his own good name, and the benefit of posterity. TOMAS DE IRIARTE. EPISTLE TO DON DOMINGO DE IRIARTE, ON HIS TRAVELLING TO VARIOUS FOREIGN COURTS. He who begins an instrument to play. With some preludings, will examine well How run the fingers, how the notes will swell, And bow prepares, or breath for his essay ; Or if to write the careful penman's aim, He cuts and proves his pen, if broad or fine ; And the bold youths, to combat who incHne, Strike at the air, as trial of the game : The dancer points his steps with practised pace ; The orator harangues with studied grace ; The gamester packs his cards the livelong day ; I thus a Sonnet, though worth nothing, trace. Solely to exercise myself this way. If prove the Muse propitious to my lay. TOMAS DE IBIARTE. 47 It seems to me, dear brotherj that Apollo A course divine now does not always follow, Nor please to dictate verses of a tone. Worthy a sponsor such as he to own ; But rather would be human, and prefer To prose in rhymes of warmthless character ; Without the enthusiasm sublime of old. And down the wings of Pegasus would fold, Not to be borne in flight, but gently strolPd. You who forgetful of this court now seek Those of the east and north to contemplate. Forgive me, if in envy I may speak. That to indulge it has allow'd you fate The tasteful curiosity! to view With joy the land, so famed and fortunate. Which erst a Tully and a Maro knew. To which jEmilius, Marius service paid. Which Regulus and the Scipios obey'd. Long would it be and idle to recall The triumphs, with their blazonries unfurl'd. Matchless of her, that once of Europe all Was greater part, metropolis of the world. 48 TOMAS DE IRIABTE. I only ask of you, as you may read. How in AvernuSj destined to succeed, Anchises show'd iEneas, in long line. The illustrious shades of those, who were to shine One day the glory of the Italian shore. Now you, more favoured than the Trojan chief. Not in vain prophecy, but tried belief, From what you see, by aid of history's lore. To admire the lofty state which Rome possess'd. The which her ruins and remains attest. From our Hispanian clime I cannot scan With you the column of the Antonine, The fane or obelisk of the Vatican, Or the Capitol, and Mount Palatine ; I cannot see the churches, or the walls. The bridges, arches, mausoleums, gates. The aqueducts, palaces, and waterfalls. The baths, the plazas, porticos, and halls. The CoUseum's, or the Circus' fates ; But still the immortal writings 'tis for me. Of Livy, Tacitus, Cicero, to see ; I see Lucretius, Pliny, Juvenal, Augustus, Maro and Msecenas all ; With their names is the soul exalted high, Heroic worth and honour to descry ; TOMAS DE IRIARTE. 49 And so much more that model imitates A nation now, so much more to be gain'd. Is seen it but to approach the lofty heights Of splendour, wealth, fame, power, that Kome attain'd. From the benignant lands that richly gleam Beneath the Tiber's fertilizing stream, You next will pass, where borfie as he arose. Through colder realms the mighty Danube flows. Girded in pleasant borders 't is for you The Austrian Vienna there to view ; To admire the monarch, warlike, good and wise. With the magnanimous Prussian king who vies An army brave and numerous to sway ; Chosen and hardy, forward to obey. Whom as companions honour'd he rewards. And not as slaves abased a lord regards. There agriculture flourish you will see ; Public instruction is promoted free ; The arts extended rapidly and wide ; And these among, in culture and esteem. That with which Orpheus tamed the furious pride Of forest beasts, and cross'd the Lethe's stream : There all the tales of wonderful effect. Of music's art divine, with which are deck'd The ancient Greek and Latin histories. No longer will seem fables in your eyes. 50 TOMAS DE IKIARTE. When near you may applaud the loftinesSj The harmony^ and the consonance sublime. All that in varied symphonies to express Has power the greatest master of our time ; Haydn the great, and merited his fame, Whom to embrace I beg you in my name. But now the confines of the GSrman land I see you leaving, for the distant strand Of Britain's isle your rapid course to take, And tour political around to make. There in the populous court, whose walls' long side Bathes the deep Thames in current vast and wide, A nation's image will before your eyes In all things most extraordinary rise. Not rich of old, but happy now we see By totally unshackled industry. A nation Uberal, but ambitious too ; Phlegmatic, and yet active in its course j Ingenuous, but its interests to pursue Intent ; humane, but haughty ; and perforce Whate'er it be, the cause it undertakes. Just or unjust, defends without remorse. And of all fear and danger scorn it makes. There with inevitably great surprise. What in no other country we may see, You will behold to exert their energies Men act and speak with perfect liberty. TOMAS DE lEIARTE. 51 The rapid fortune too you will admire Which eloquence and valour there acquire ; Nor power to rob has wealth or noble birth The premiums due to learning and to worth. You will observe the hive-like multitude Of diligent and able islanders, Masters of commerce they have well pursued, Which ne'er to want or slothfulness defers ; All in inventions useful occupied. In manufactures, roads, schools, arsenals. Experiments in books and hospitals. And studies of the liberal arts to guide. There you will know in fine what may attain An education wise ; the skilful mode Of patriotic teaching, so to train Private ambition, that it seek the road Of public benefit alone to gain : The recompense and acceptation just. On which founds learning all its hope and trust j And a wise government, whose constant aim Is general good, and an eternal fame. Midst others my reflections I would fain. In some description worthy of the theme, (If it were not beyond my powers) explain. The varied scenes, enchantment all that seem, E 3 52 TOMAS DE IRIARTB. Which the Parisian court on your return Prepares, and oiFers you surprised to learn. Polish'd emporium of Europe's courts, The which with noble spectacles invites. With public recreations and resorts. That give to life its solace and delights j Brilliant assemblages ! and these among. The chief and most acceptable to gain. Of all to this new Athens that belong. To enjoy the fellowship of learned men ; With useful science, or with taste alone. Who enlighten foreign nations, and their own. But I, who from this narrow corner write. In solitude, while shaking off the dust From military archives, ill recite What I, travelling Secretary ! trust Yourself will better practically see. Whilst I can only know in theory. Continue then your journey on in health ; From tongue to tongue, from land to land proceed : To be a statesman eminent your meed. Acquire each day with joy your stores of wealth. Of merit and instruction ; I the while. As fits my mediocrity obscure. Will sing the praise of quiet from turmoil ; Saying, as Seneca has said of yore ; — TOMAS DE miARTE. 53 " Let him, who power or honours would attain, On the high court^'s steep precipice remain. I wish for peace, that sohtude bestows, Seeluse to enjoy the blessings of repose. To pass my life in silence be my fate, Unnoticed by the noble, or the great : That when my age, without vain noise or show, Has reachM the bounds allotted us below. Though a plebeian only to pass by. Perhaps I yet an aged man may die. And this I do believe, no death of all Than his more cruel can a man befall, Who dying, by the world too truly known. Is of himself most ignorant alone." TABLES. THE BEAR, THE MONKEY AND THE HOG. A Bear, with whom a Piedmontese A wandering living made, A dance he had not learn'd with ease. On his two feet essay'd : 54 TOMAS DE IRIABTE. And, as he highly of it thought. He to the Monkey cried, " How 's that 1" who, being better taught, " 'Tis very bad," replied. " I do beUeve," rejoin'd the Bear, " You little favour show : For have I not a graceful air, And step with ease to go ?" A Hog, that was beside them set, Cried, " Bravo ! good ! " said he ; " A better dancer never yet I saw, and ne'er shall see." On this the Bear, as if he turn'd His thoughts within his mind. With modest gesture seeming learn'd A lesson thence to find. " When blamed the Monkey, it was cause Enough for doubting sad; But when I have the hog's applause. It must be very bad ! " As treasured gift, let authors raise This moral from my verse : 'Tis bad, when wise ones do not praise ; But when fools do, 'tis worse. TOMAS DE laiARTE. 55 THE ASS AND THE FLUTE, This little fable heard, It good or ill may be ; But it has just occurrM, Thus accidentally. Passing my abode, Some fields adjoining me, A big Ass on his road Came accidentally; And laid upon the spot, A I'lute he chanced to see, Some shepherd had forgot. There accidentally. The animal in front. To scan it nigh came he, And snuffing loud as wont. Blew accidentally. The air it chanced around The pipe went passing free, And thus the Flute a sound Gave accidentally. 56 TOMAS DE IRIARTE. " ! then," exclaim'd the Ass, " I know to play it fine ; And who for bad shall class The music asinine ?" Without the rules of art, Ev'n asses, we agree. May once succeed in part, Thus accidentally. THE TWO RABBITS. Some shrubs amidst to shun The dogs he saw pursue, I will not call it run. But say a rabbit flew. From out his hiding-place A neighbour came to see, And said, " Friend, wait a space : What may the matter be ?" " What should it be ?" he cried ; " I breathless came in fear. Because that I espied Two scoundrel greyhounds near." TOMAS DE IRIARTE. 57 "Yes/' said the other, "far I see them also there ; But those no greyhounds are ! " "What?"— "Setters, I'll declare." " How, setters do you say ? My grandad just as much ! They are greyhounds, greyhounds, they ; I saw them plainly such." " They are setters ; get along : What know you of these matters ?" — " They are greyhounds ; you are wrong :" — ■ " I tell you they are setters." The dogs while they engage In these contentious habits, Come up, and vent their rage On my two thoughtless rabbits. Who minor points affect. So much about to quarrel, And weightier things neglect. Let them take the moral. 58 TOMAS DE IRIARTE. THE LAMB AND HIS TWO ADVISERS. A FARM there was, with a poultry-yard, Where roved an old bantam about ; And laid at his ease, a pig was barr'd In a sty close by without. A lamb moreover was raised up there ; We know it does so befaU : Together in farms these animals fare. And in good company all. " Well, with your leave,'^ said the pig one day To the lamb, " what a happy life ! And healthful too, to be sleeping away, One's time without cares or strife ! " I say there is nothing, as I am a pig, Like sleeping, stretch'd out at ease ; Let the world go round with its whirligig. And cares just as it may please." The other the contrary chanced to tell The same little lamb, to take heed ; " Look, innocent ! here, to live right well. Sleep very little indeed. TOMAS DE IRIAllTE. 59 " Summer or winter, early to rise Witli the stars the practice seek ; For sleeping the senses stupefies. And leaves you languid and weak." Confused, the poor lamb the counsels compares. And cannot perceive in his mind, That contrary each advising declares, But how he himself is inclined. And thus we find authors the practice make. To hold, as infallibly true, The rules they fancy themselves to take. And in their own writings pursue. THE FLINT AND THE STEEL, Cruelly bent, it chanced the Flint Ill-treated the Steel one day ; And wounding, gave it many a dint. To draw its sparks away. When laid aside, this angry cried To that, " What would your value be Without my help ?" the Flint replied, " As much as yours, sir, but for me." 60 TOMAS DE laiARTE. This lesson I write, my friends to incite ; Their talents, however great. That they must study with them unite, To duly cultivate. The Flint gives light with the help of the Steel, And study alone will talent reveal ; For neither suffice if found apart. Whatever the talent or the art. III. JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. For a hundred years after the time of Calderon de la Barca, who died in 1687, there appeared in Spain no writer of sufficient merit to be classed among those eminent cha- racters, who had done so much honour to Spanish literature in the seventeenth century. Verses were published in suffi- cient abundance, which foimd readers and even .admirers, merely from the necessity the public felt of having something to read and to admire, as of the fashion of the day. But they were written with a perversion of taste and a deficiency of talent, which was truly astonishing, in the successors of such authors, as had immediately preceded them. This depression of literature, however, could not be ex- pected to continue long, among a people of such imaginative and deep passioned character as the Spanish, whose native genius was by far too buoyant, to be affected for any length of time by inferior models, even under dynastic influences. Accordingly, towards the end of the eighteenth century, it might have become apparent to an attentive observer, that another order of writers was about to be called forth, and that the nation was prepared to welcome the advent of true 62 JUAN MBLENDEZ VALDES. genius whenever it was to be recognized. Learned societies had been established throughout Spain; education on a sound basis had been sedulously promoted; and the country was wealthy, and sufficiently flourishing to give incitement to the arts, which are the attendants of public prosperity. At this epoch appeared Melendez Valdes, the restorer of Spanish poetry, as his admirers with much justice termed him ; who then showed by his writings, that the old inspira- tion of the national genius was yet capable of being revived in all its former grace and strength; and who by the in- fluence of his example further roused the energies of other men of genius to follow in his steps. This highly gifted poet was born the 11th of March, 1754, at Eibera del Fresno in the province of Estremadura, where his parents were of what was called noble families, and, what was more important, in respectable circumstances. The good disposition noticed in the son determined them to destine him for study, and to award him a becoming education. Thus, having learned the rudiments of Latin at home, he was sent to study philosophy, or what was called philosophy, at Madrid, under the charge of the Dominican Fathers of St. Thomas, where his application and advancement gained him the esteem of his tutors and fellow-pupils. Thence he was sent by his parents in 1770 to Segovia, to study with his only brother, who was private secretary to the bishop of that city, and with whom he was confirmed in that fondness for reading, and taste for acquiring books, which might be called the passion of his whole life. The bishop, who was a distant relation, pleased with his talents and inclination for study, sent him in 1772 to Salamanca, the alma mater of Spain, and assisted him to proceed in the study of law, in which he distinguished himself wherever he had an opportunity ; so that, says his biographer, " appearing absorbed in the pursuit JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 63 of that career^ no one would have judged him the same young man, whose indination for poetry and learning was soon after to place him at the head of the elegant literature of his country." Fortunately for Melendez, continues his biographer, there happened then to be at Salamanca Don Jose de Cadalso, " a man celebrated for extensive erudition, combined with more than ordinary talent for poetry and letters, and a zeal for the glory and advancement of his country, learned in the school, and under the inspiration of virtue. Generous and affable, always lively, and at times satirical without branching off into maliciousness, his conversation was kind and instructive, and his principles indulgent and steadfast." This eminent individual, already well known in the literary world by several works published in 1773 and 1773, immediately recognized the value of Melendez : he took him to his house to live with him, showed him the beauties and defects of the older writers, taught him how to imitate them, and opened to him the road to become acquainted with the literature of the learned nations of Europe. "He afforded him an instruction yet more precious, in the beautiful example he gave him to love all writers of merit, to rise superior to envy, and to cultivate letters without degrading them by unworthy disputations. The eulogies Cadalso bestowed on his contemporaries are a public testimony of this noble character ; and the works of Melendez, where there is not a single line detracting from the merit of any one, and his whole literary career, exempt from all attack, show how he profited by the lessons of his master." The Anacreontic style, in which Cadalso excelled, was also that first cultivated by Melendez ; and the former, seeing the progress of his pupil, and the first efforts of his Muse, un- reservedly acknowledged him his superior, and in prose and 64 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. verse announced him as the restorer of good taste and the better studies of the University. This kindly union was maintained until the death of Cadalso, at the siege of Gibraltar; and the "Elegiac song of Melendez on this mis- fortune, will be, as long as the Spanish language endures, a monument of affection and gratitude, as well as an example of high and beautiful poetry." Beyond the instructions which he received from Cadalso, Melendez was aided by the example and counsels of other di- stinguished persons then residing at Salamanca, among whom were two, favourably known as writers of verse, Iglesias and Gonzalez. These, though they were soon eclipsed by the young poet, admitted him to their friendship. By the latter he was brought into communication with the illustrious Jovellanos, then Judge of the High Court at Seville; and between them soon was instituted a correspondence, which has been in great part preserved, though as yet unpubUshed ; a valuable monument, says Quintana, in which are seen, " livingly portrayed, the candour, the modesty and virtuous feelings of the poet, the alternate progress of his studies, the different attempts in which he essayed his talents, and above all, the profound respect and almost idolatry with which he revered his Maecenas. There may be seen how he employed his time and varied his tasks. At first he appUed himself to Greek, and began to translate Homer and Theo- critus into verse ; but learning the immense difficulty of the undertaking, and not stimulated to it by the bent of his genius, he shortly abandoned it." He then dedicated himself to the English language and literatui-e, for which he was said to have ever had an exceed- ing great predilection, observing, " that to the Essay on the Human Understanding, he should owe all his life the httle he might know how to acquire." As books came to his hands. JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 65 he went on reading and forming his judgements upon them, the which he transmitted to his friend. Thus "by all the means in his power he endeavoured to acquire and increase that treasury of ideas, which so much contributes to perfec- tion in the art of writing, and without which verses are nothing more than frivolous sounds." His application to study, however, soon proved more than his health and strength would permit. He was obliged to leave Salamanca, and repair to the banks of the Tormes, which he has made famous in song, and there, by long atten- tion to the regimen imposed on him, he fortunately recovered. About this time his brother died in 1777, their parents having' died previously ; and Melendez suffered much grief, as might naturally be expected, on being thus left alone of his family, the more painful in his state of health. Jovel- lanos urged him to join him at Seville, but he declined the invitation, observing, that " the law of friendship itself, which commands us to avail ourselves of a friend in necessity, also commands that without it, we should not take advantage of his confidence." Study, to which he now returned to engage himself with more intensity than ever, was the best alleviant of his sorrow, and time as usual at length allayed it. " He then gave him- self up to the reading and study of the English poets : Pope and Young enchanted him. Of the former, he said that four lines of his ' Essay on Man ' were worth more, taught more, and deserved more praise than all his own compositions." The latter he attempted to imitate, and in effect did so, in the poem on ' Night and Solitude,' but in remitting it to his friend, expressed with much feeling his sense of its deficien- cies compared with the original. Thomson also he studied, and Gesner, in his lonely exercises by the Tormes, and ac- knowledged how much he was indebted to the former for 66 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. many thoughts with which he subsequently enriched his pastoral poems. Thus having prepared himself to appear before the literary world as a candidate for fame, an opportunity soon occurred for him to obtain distinction. The Spanish Academy had been proposing subjects for prizes, and then having given one for an Eclogue, ' On the happiness of a country life,' Melendez felt himself in his element, and sent in his Essay for the prize. This succeeded in receiving the first. The second was awarded to Iriarte, who showed his mortification on account of the preference, more sensibly than was be- coming, under the circumstances. In the following year, 1781, Melendez went to Madrid, where his friend Jovellanos had already been appointed Councillor of the Military Orders, when for the first time they met. Melendez was already in the road to fame, which his friend had foretold for him; and Jovellanos, delighted with the realization of his hopes and endeavours, received him into his house, introduced him to his society, and took every opportunity of advancing his interests. It was the custom of the Academy of San Fernando to give triennial celebrations, with much solemnity, for the distribution of prizes, when eloquence, poetry and music were tasked to do honour to the fine arts. One of these celebrations was about to take place ; Jovellanos was engaged to pronounce a dis- course, and Melendez was invited to exercise his genius on the same subject, as the first literary characters of preceding times had already given the example. Melendez acceded, and delivered accordingly his Ode on the Glory of the Arts, which was received with rapturous admiration, and ever since seems to have been considered his masterpiece. In the midst of these successes, Melendez received the Professorship of Humanities in his University, and in the JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 67 following year, 1783, proceeded to the degree of Licentiate, and in 1783 to that of Doctor of Law, having shortly before the last married a lady of one of the principal families of Salamanca. But as his professorship gave him little occupa- tion, and his marriage no family, he remained free to con- tinue his favourite studies. In 1784, on the occasion of peace being made with En- gland, and the birth of twin Infantes, to give hopes of secure succession to the throne, the city of Madrid prepared magni- ficent celebrations of rejoicings, and among the rest, a prize was proposed for the two best dramatic pieces that might be offered within sixty days, under the condition that they should be original, appropriate, and capable of theatrical pomp and ornament. Out of fifty-seven dramas that were offered, the prize was awarded to the one sent in by Me- lendez, ' The Bridals of Comacho the Rich,' a pastoral comedy, which, however, though abounding in poetical pass- ages, was found on representation wanting in effect, so as to be coldly received on the stage, where it has not since been attempted. This ill-success gave occasion to several detractors of Melendez to pour forth the effusions of envy or disappoint- ment against him, to which he gave no other answer than by the publication of his poems in a collected form. This was in 1785 ; and the manner in which they were received, it could be said, had had no parallel in Spain. Pour editions, of which three were furtive, were at once taken up, and all classes of persons seemed to have the book in hand, com- menting on its excellences. The lovers of ancient poetry, who saw so happily renewed the graces of Garcilasso, of Leon and Herrera, and "even improved in taste and per- fection," saluted Melendez as the restorer of the Castillian Muses, and hailed the banishment of the prosaic style which 'f2 68 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. had previously prevailed. The applauses extended beyond the kingdom, and found especially in Italy the admiration repeated, as well as in France and England, vrhere several of the poems are said to have been imitated. Great as was his success in literature, it was not enough provision for his daily needs, notwithstanding the help of his professorship ; and Melendez accordingly applied for and ob- tained an office as a local judge at Zaragoza, of which he took possession in September 1789. The duties of this office were too onerous to admit of much study ; but he was soon removed, in 1791, to the chancery of Valladolid, where he had more leisure, and where he remained till 1797, when he was appointed Fiscal of the Supreme Court at Madrid. During this time he wrote apparently little ; but he prepared, and in 1797 published, another edition of his works with two additional volumes, enriched with many new poems, in which he " had elevated his genius to the height of his age;" — " descriptive passages of a superior order, elegies powerful and pathetic, odes grand and elevated, philosophic and moral discourses and epistles, in which he took alternately the tone of Pindar, of Homer, of Thomson, and of Pope, and drew from the Spanish lyre accents she had not previously learned." But notwithstanding the great merit of many of these poems, the biographer of Melendez had it to confess that this publication was not. so favourably received as the first had been ; and attempts to account for it partly by the cir- cumstances of the times, and partly by what was new not being on the whole so finished and well -sustained in interest as his former poems. Some of them also met with decided dis- favour ; especially one, ' The Fall of Lucifer/ which showed that his genius was not of the severer cast calculated for graver and higher subjects allied to the epic, any more than JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 69 to the dramatic. But the merits of Melendez in his own sphere are too great, and his fame is too well-founded to lose by acknowledgements which must be made in truth and justice. It is not improbable that he had been urged by his admirers to these attempts, to which his own inclinations would not have led him, and it might thus have been the easiness of his disposition that made him yield to suggestions which ended in faUure. In the prologue which he affixed to this edition, Melendez attempted to prove that poetic studies derogated nothing from the judicial dignity, and that they had no incompati- bility with the duties and talents of a public man or man of business. But without following him or his biographer into such a discussion, we may concede the point so far, that any one undertaking responsible duties from the State, is bound to give them his best and undivided energies. If, however, he has any hours of leisure free from those responsibilities, it is surely only an extension of his duty for him to employ them in attempting to make his fellow-men wiser and better, or happier, in the manner most congenial to his disposition or talents. Melendez certainly had no need to exculpate himself in this respect, having been "long remembered at Zaragoza and VaUadolid as a model of integrity and applica- tion, for his zeal in arranging amicably all disputations in his power, for his affability and frankness in listening to complaints, and for the humane and compassionate interest with which he visited the prisoners, accelerating their causes, and affording them assistance, with an inseparable adhesion to justice." It was for his detractors, — and Melendez had them, notwithstanding the amiability of his character and the supe- riority of his talents, — to make these objections, if they could have done so. His resorting to such apologies only gave 70 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. the appearance of a consciousness of weakness, which was not becoming either in the one character or the other. Shortly after the publication of this edition, Melendez went to Madrid to take possession of his new office. The advanced age of his predecessor in it had for some time prevented his due attention to its duties, so that Melendez had many arrears to dispose of in addition to the ordinary services, through all which he laboured with much assiduity and credit. But they were the last satisfactory events of his life, which was hence- forth to be passed in reverses and misery. Yet at that time he seemed to be in the height of prosperity. Holding an elevated post under the government, of which his friend Jovellanos was a member, and respected both at home and abroad as one of the first literary characters of the age, he might have justly hoped to be free from any of the darker misfortunes of life. This exemption, however, was not to be his lot, serving under a despotic government, of which the head, Charles IV., was one of the weakest-minded of mortals, guided by a favourite such as Godoy. When Jovellanos fell under this favourite^s resentment, to make the blow inflicted on that illustrious individual more poignant, it was extended to others, whose only fault was that they shared his esteem. Melendez was ordered away from Madrid within twenty-four hours, though his friends procured for him soon after a com- mission from the government as inspector of barracks at Me- dina del Campo, where he gave himself up again to study and such duties as were assigned him. Beyond these, however, he particularly exerted himself, it is recorded, in attending to the sick at the hospitals, providing that they should not be sent out into the world, as had often been previously the case, imperfectly cured or clothed, and unable to effect their livelihood. JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 71 In this humble occupation he might have been supposed exempt at least from further malignity, but unfortunately some sycophant of power thought it would be pleasing to the favourite to have a frivolous accusation forwarded against him, which had the effect of his being sent on half salary to Zamora. There he was fortunate enough to have the in- trigues against him made known, and in June 1803, he re- ceived a royal order to have his full salary allowed, with liberty to reside where he pleased. He would have preferred Madridj but he found it most prudent to return to Salamanca, and there, arranging his house and library, began to enjoy a more peaceful life than what he had passed since he left the University. The literary world might now have hoped for further efforts of genius in this asylum, and perhaps some superior work worthy of his talents and fame ; but his spirits had been broken down by adversity and injustice, and his attention was distracted by hopes and fears, from which he could never free himself. A poem on Creation, and a translation of the ^neid, were the fruits of six years' retirement from the world ; and he proposed another edition of his works, which however he did not accomphsh, on the rapid succession of events which again called him forth to a short period of active life, and subsequent years of suffering. The revolution of Aranjuez brought Melendez to Madrid, in the hopes of recovering his former employments ; but in the troubled state of the country, he soon wished to return to his house, without being able to effect it. The French had now made themselves masters of the capital, and Me- lendez was unfortunately induced to take office under them. This conduct was contrary, not only to the course taken by Jovellanos and his other friends, but also to the whole tenor of his former life and opinions. His easy temper, which had 73 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. at all times led him submissive to the wishes of those who had his confidence^ no doubt on this occasion had been in- fluenced by persons near him, and he might have thought it a hopeless struggle to contend with Napoleon. Having however engaged in this unpatriotic service, he was sent as a commissioner, on the part of the intrusive go- vernment, to the AsturiaSj where the people had already risen in vindication of the national independence. Melendez and his colleague were seized by the populace, notwithstanding the efforts of the local authorities, who had placed them for security in the prison, the doors of which were forced, and they were led out to be put to death. All entreaties were in vain. Melendez protested his attachment to the national cause, and even began reciting some patriotic verses he had been writing, but the excited multitude would not hear him. They added inssults to menaces, and as a great favour only permitted them to confess before they should be executed. Thus a little time was gained; but this was at length con- cluded and they were tied to a tree, and the party prepared to shoot them, when a dispute arose whether they should be shot from in front or behind as traitors, a piece of etiquette in such cases considered of importance. The latter counsel prevailed, and the prisoners had to be loosened and tied again accordingly, when the authorities and religious orders of the place, with a particular Cross famous among them, ap- peared approaching for their rescue. The people hereon be- came calmed, and Melendez and his colleague were taken bacli to the prison, whence they were soon permitted to re- turn to Madrid. On the success of the Spanish army at Bailen, the French retired from the capital, and Melendez remained at Madrid, hoping, through the influence of Jovellanos, to be taken into favour with the constitutional party. But fortune again JUAN MBLENDEZ VALDES. 73 seemed to side with the French, and they returned to Ma- drid, when Melendez was again induced to join them, and ac- cepted office as Councillor of State and President of a Board of Public Instruction. Thus he inevitably compromised him- self in a cause which was not that of his heart or principles, and whose apparently irresistible strength could only have excused his adhesion to it. This supposition, however, also proved erroneous ; and when the French armies had to aban- don Spain, Melendez, with their other principal adherents, had to fly with them also, having had the further misfortune to have his house plundered, and his valuable library destroyed, by the very marauders for whose sake he had lost all his hopes of the future at home. Before entering France, Melendez, kneeling down, kissed the Spanish soil, saying, "I shall not return to tread thee again." His apprehensions, notwithstanding his anxiety to do so, proved correct. He passed four years in France, re- siding at Toulouse, Montpelier, Nismes and Alaix, as circum- stances compelled him, in great privation and with bodily sufi'erings, the more aggravating, in his advanced age, the bitter remembrances of the past. A paralytic affection first incapacitated him from all exertion, and finally, an apoplectic attack terminated his existence, at Montpelier, on the 24th May, 1817, in the arms of his wife, who had followed him through all the vicissitudes of life, and surrounded by the companions of his exile. A monument was afterwards placed to his memory in the cemetery by the Duke de Frias. Notwithstanding the indecision of his character in public life, Melendez was in private remarkable for laborious appli- cation to his studies and duties. His reading was immense, and his desire unceasing to be useful, and to contribute, by all the means in his power, to the well-being of his fellows. His kindness of heart is conspicuous in all his writings, which 74 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. also portray the diffidence of his own powers, ascribed to him by his biographer. His principal objects of veneration seem to have been the writings of Newton and Locke. The former, as the " Great Newton/' is often named by him. Pope he took for his model avowedly in poetry, and he strove to imitate the moral and philosophic tone of that great poet's writings, whose elegance of style he certainly rivalled. Nothing in Spanish verse had been ever produced to equal the sweetness of his verses, their easy tone, and sparkling thoughts and expression. He was much attached to drawing, but had no inclination for music, not even to the charms of song, the more singular in one whose ear for the melody of verse appears to have been so sensitive. To the very last he seems to have been endeavour- ing to improve his poems, which have been thus observed to have often lost in strength and expression what they gained in cadence. "The principles of his philosophy were benevolence and toleration; and he belonged to that race of philanthropists who hope for the progressive amelioration of the human race, and the advent of a period, when civilization, or the empire of the understanding, extended over the earth, will give men that grade of perfection and felicity compatible with the faculties and the existence of each individual. Such are the manifestations of his philosophic poems, and such a state he endeavoured to aid in producing by his talents and labours." His influence as a poet has certainly been very great. All the writers in Spain, who immediately succeeded him, espe- cially Quintana, showed evident proofs of having profited by the lessons his example gave them, and those lessons seem to have sunk deeply into the minds of successive generations, so as to leave no doubt of their continuing in the same course. After his arrival in France, Melendez wrote a few short JUAN MBLENDEZ VALDES. 75 poemSj which, notwithstanding his age and failing health, showed his spirit was still the same, and his imagination as lively as ever. At Nismes he prepfired an edition of his works, which the Spanish government published at their cost after his death, when they also gave his widow the pension allotted for her, as according to her husband's former rank. This edition has been the one subsequently several times re- printed, with a biography by the eminent Quintana, worthy of himself and of his master. The prologue to it, by Me- lendez, is very interesting, and from it we learn, with regret, that upon the destruction of his library, "the most choice and varied he had ever seen belonging to a private individual, in the formation of which he had expended a great part of his patrimony and all his literary life," he had lost what he con- sidered some of his best poems, and some tracts, in prose, which he had prepared for the press, on Legislation, on CivU Economy, the Criminal Laws, on Prisons, Mendicancy and other subjects. The misfortunes of Melendez were certainly much to be lamented, but throughout them he could unquestionably con- sole himself with the conviction of having been actuated ever by upright motives, and of leaving to his country an impe- rishable name. His literary career had been an eminently successful one, and he had felt the full enjoyment of fame. In the prologue, above mentioned, he refers very feelingly to the reverses to which he had been subjected, but also with apparent satisfaction to the various editions and notices of his works, published both in Spain and abroad. In leaving revised his works, published afterwards by the government, Madrid 1820, Melendez left also this positive direction: "Although I have composed many other poems, these appear to me the least imperfect, and I therefore forbid the others to be reprinted under any pretext. I earnestly 76 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. request this of the editor, and expect it of his probity and good feehng, that he will fulfil this, my willj in every re- spect." In accordance with this request, many of his earlier works have been, with much propriety, omitted, and the re- mainder have been considerably corrected; at the same time that a great number of poems are added, that had not been previously published. The best edition of his works is that by Salva, Paris 1832. Melendez enjoyed in his day a higher reputation than readers at present are willing to concede him, comparing him with the other poets that have since appeared in Spain. But the merits of wi-iters should be considered, in justice, rela- tively only to those who have preceded them, and by this standard he is certainly fully entitled to the eulogiums which his contemporaries awarded him. MELENDEZ VALDES. JUVENILITIES. When I was yet a child, A child Dorila too, To gather there the flowerets wild, We roved the forest through. And gaily garlands then. With passing skill display' d. To crown us both, in chUdish vein. Her little fingers made. And thus our joys to share. In such our thoughts and play. We pass'd along, a happy pair, The hours and days away. But ev'n in sports like these. Soon age came hurrying by ! And of our innocence the ease Malicious seem'd to fly. 78 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. I knew not how it was. To see me she would smile ; And but to speak to her would cause Me pleasure strange the while. Then beat my heart the more, When flowers to her I brought ; And she, to wreathe them as before, Seem'd silent, lost in thought. One evening after this We saw two turtle-doves. With trembling throat, who, wrapt in bliss, Were wooing in their loves. In manifest delight. With wings and feathers bow'd, Their eyes fixM on each other bright, They languish' d, moaning loud. The example made us bold. And with a pure caress. The troubles we had felt we told. Our pains and happiness. And at once from our view Then, like a shadow, fled Our childhood and its joys, but new. Love gave us his instead. JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 79 THE TIMID LOVER. In tlie sharp pains the tyrant Love Since first I saw thee made me feel, To thee a thousand times above, I come those pains to heal. My village girl ! but soon as nigh To thee I find my way. If e'er so bold to be I try, I know not what to say. My voices fail, and mournful sighs. Malicious phrenzy watching o'er. The place of them alone supplies ; While mocks my efibrts more The traitor god, when anxious by My thoughts to speak I pray; If e'er so bold to be I try, I know not what to say. Then feels his fire so strong my soul, Meseems to die my only fate. My tears in torrents freely roll, And with deep groanings wait. 80 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. To move thy feeling heart's reply ; But vainly, all astray, If e'er so bold to be I try, I know not what to say. I know not what, in trembling fear. That seals my lips, as yet to learn A foolish hope, thou mayst ev'n here My hapless love discern. I feel T must for ever fly From thy side far away ; If e'er so bold to be I try, I know not what to say. Alas ! if thou couldst, my adored ! But hear those sighs, and thoughts expvess'd, What happiness 'twould me afford ! I should be, Phyllis, blest. But woe is me ! beneath thine eye. To sink in mock'd dismay, If e'er so bold to be I try, I know not what to say. JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 81 MY VILLAGE LIFE. When able happily am I To my poor village to escape, From all the city's noise to fly, And cares of every shape ; Like a new man my spirits give Me then to feel, ia joyous link ; For only then I seem to live. And only then to think. The insufferable hours that there In weariness to me return' d. Now on a course so gently bear. Their flight is scarce discern' d. The nights that there in sloth and play Alone their occupations keep. Here with choice books I pass away, And in untroubled sleep. With the first dawn I wake, to change Kejoiced the soft bed's balmy rest. Through the life-giving air to range. That free dilates the breast. 82 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. It pleases me the heavens to view. Overspread with red and golden glows, When first his lustres to renew, His splendours Phoeb,us shows. It pleases me, when bright his rays, Above the zenith fiery shine. To lose me in the thick wood's maze, And in their shade recline. When languidly he hides his head. In last reflection, even then The mountain heights I eager tread, To follow him again. And when the night its mantle wide Extends around of beaming lights^ Their motions, measuring as they glide, My watchful eye recites. Then to my books return' d, with awe, My wondering thoughts, to trace, rehearse The course of that portentous law, That rules the universe. From them, and from the lofty height Of such my thoughts, I then descend To where my rustic friends await, My leisure to attend. JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 83 And with them taking up the part^ They give me in their toils and cares To share, with jokes that merry start, Away the evening wears. About his crops one tells me all, Another all about his vines. And what their neighbours may befall Each many a tale combines. I ponder o'er each sage advice; Their proverbs carefully I store ; Their doubts and quarrels judge concise, As arbitrator o'er. My judgements all extol they free, And all together talking loud ; For innocent equality Reigns in their breasts avow'd. Then soon the servant comes to bring The brimming jugs, and next with these The mirthful girl supplies the ring With chestnuts, and the cheese. And all, in brotherly content. Draw nearer round, to pass untold The sparkling cups, that wine present Of more than three years old. g2 84 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. And thus my pleasant days to pass, In peace and happiness supreme, (For so our tastes our pleasures class,) But like a moment seem. REMEMBRANCES OF YOUTH. Like a clear little stream. That with scarcely a sound, Through the plain among flowers. Glides whirling around, So the fugitive years Of my easy life sped. Amidst laughter and play. Like a dream have fled. On that dream to look back. Oft in wonder I dwell ; Nor to tear me have power From its pleasing spell. On each side in soft ease, With friends cherished and gay, In diversions and dance. In banquets and play, JUAN MELENDEZ VALDBS. 85 With roses Cytheran Sweet martyrdoms twine, Of the blinded ring join'd To deliriums of wine. And hopes so fallacious. Bright castles that shone In the air as upraised, By the wiads overthrown. With the Muses to crown The grave tasks, that are born Of wisdom, with laurel Their sons to adorn : Here a thousand retreats Of charm' d leafy arcade. That to slumber beguile. In freshness and shade : There beyond in the bowers Of sweet Cnidus arise. As of fear and desire. Half mingled, the sighs : There the broad river spreads, Showing soft its delights, To oblivion of all Whose crystal invites ; 86 JUAN MELENDEZ VA.LDES. With a gaze of desire The fair banks I descend. And to the false waters My thirsty lips bend j For a full draught I seek. But feel suddenly by. Disenchant me the call Of a friendly cry : — " Where impelled dost thou go. In such bUnd madness, where ? 0, fool ! round thy footsteps Hid dangers are there ! " The wild fancy restrain, Light ill-omen'd is this. Where but lures thee to whelm A fatal abyss. " Of thy happier years Is the verdure dispelled. And what were then graces Now vices are held. " Thou art man ! it befits Thee repenting in truth. To gild virtuous with toils The errors of youth ! " JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 87 I yield, from the current I tremblingly fly : But with eyes looking back, Repeat with a sigh, — " If to fall be a sin. What hast thou, Nature, meant ? The path made so easy. So sweet the descent ? " How blest are the creatures, With instincts secure, Whom to swerve from the right No perils allure ! " OF THE SCIENCES. I APPLIED myself to science. In its great truths believing. That from my troubles I hence Some ease might be receiving. ! what a sad delusion ! What lessons dear I learn'd me ! To verses in conclusion. And mirth and dance I turn'd me. 88 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. As if it were that life could Produce so little trouble. That we with toils and strife would Make each one of them double. I stand by smiHng Bacchus, In joys us wont to wrap he ; The wise, Dorila, lack us The knowledge to be happy. What matters it, if even In fair as diamond splendour, The Sim is fix'd in heaven ? Me light he 's born to render. The moon is, so me tell they. With living beings swanny ; " There may be thousands," well they Can never come to harm me ! From Danube to the Ganges, History tells how did he The Macedonian launch his Proud banner fierce and giddy ! What 's that to us, to entice us, If only half this valley, To feed our lainbs suffice us. With all our wants to tally ? JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 89 If not, leave all to justice : Give me some drink, o'erpower'd With but to name this goddess, I feel myself a coward. They much who study ever Have thousand plagues annoy them ; Which in their best endeavour Their peace and joy destroy them : And then what do they gather ? A thousand doubts upspringing. Which other puzzlings farther Them other doubts are bringing. And so through life they haste on, One enviable truly ! Disputes and hates to waste on. And ne'er agreeing throughly. My shepherd girl ! but bring me Then wine abundant very. And fear not songs I '11 sing thee. As endlessly and merry. 90 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. THE DISDAINFUL SHEPHERDESS. If, as thou sayst, thou lovest me well, Dear girl, those scomfulnesses cease ; For love can ne'er in union dwell With such asperities. Show sharp disdain, to phght if e'er Another proffers thee his troth ; To two at once to listen fair Is an offence to both. Let one be chosen, so to prove How great your happiness may be ; Thou calmly to enjoy his love. And he to love thee free ; Above all maids to extol thee most ; And thou to tenderness incline, To yield repaying him the boast His love gives forth for thine. Reserve and rigour to preside In love, is like the ice in spring, That robs fair May of all its pride. The flocks of pasturing : JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 91 But kindness, like the gentle rain, Which April gives to glad the field, Which makes all flourishing the plain, And seeds their stores to yield. Be not disdainful then, but kind : Know not to certain beauteous eyes Alone all beauty is confined. Or locks of golden dyes. Vain puff'd-up beauty will appear, But like some showy ivy stem ; They may surprise, but fruitless, ne^er Have any valuing them. If joiu'd with kindness, like the vine It seems, with fruitful stores arrayed ; Where all contentedly recline. Beneath its peaceful shade : And whose green stems, the elm around. When twining with adorning grace Its leaves, will hold it also bound. Firm in its fond embrace. Flower of a day is beauty^s bloom ; Time leaves it soon behind : if e'er Thou doubt'st my word, let Celia's doom The lesson true declare. 92 JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. Celiaj for witching beauty famed Once far and wide, so foolish proud, A thousand captives who contemned That all before her bow'd, Now worn by years would blindly try Who to her service may be won ; But finds all from her turn to fly, To look at her finds none. For with her snow and rose the beams And lustre of her eyes are flown, And like a wither'd rose-tree seems. Sad, wrinkled and alone. ^Tis but ingenuous kindness true. The maid that loves in honour's bonds. Who listens to her lover sue. And tenderly responds ; Who at his pleasantries will smile, Who dances with him at the feast, Eeceives the flowers his gift, the while His love with like increased ; Who him her future husband sees. Is neither coy nor feels ashamed. For he as hers, and she as his. The village through are named, JUAN MELENDEZ VALDES. 93 That always like the dawn will seem, When calm its Ught shines o'er the plain, And keeping all beneath her beam Bound captive in her chain : Years without clouding pass away ; Care to oppress her ne'er affects ; Ev'n rivaby forgives her sway. And envy's self respects. Her cheerfulness and happy vein, Being to latest age to share. Delight of all the shepherd train. Enchantment of the fair. Be then, my Amaryllis ! kind ; Cease those disdainfulnesses, cease ; For with thy pleasing grace combined Such harshness ill agrees. The heavens ne'er form'd thee perfect thus. Surpassingly of matchless cost. That such high gifts should ruinous Be miserably lost. Be kind, receive thy lover's vow. And all the village thou wilt find. Who murmur at thy coldness now. To praise thee then as kind. 94 JUAN MEIiENDEZ VALDES. Thus sang Belardo, at her door. His shepherd girl to wait upon. Who scornful; from her casement o'er. Bids him be silent and begone. IV. LEANDRO EEENANDEZ MORATIN. Spanish writers have in general too mucli overrated the merits of their national dramas, and foreigners have too often repeated the eulogies, as if they were deserved. Like those of antiquity, the Spanish, though they abound in passages of much poetry and feeling, are almost entirely deficient in that delineation of individual character, which constitutes the highest class of the art. Thus all the representations may be observed of the same description of personages and inci- dents, given often with much ingenuity, bat also often in the worst taste, and always betokening a Hmited power of inven- tion. Of this school Calderon de la Barca was the great type, both as regards his merits and defects. Lopez de Vega too, though his comedies are more representations of manners and every-day life than Calderon' s, only showed his capability of something better, if he had allowed his genius to seek a reputation for perfectness, rather than for fecundity. The in- ferior order of writers mistook the errors of these for excel- lences, and thus exaggerjited them. There were not, however, wanting in Spain persons of better judgement, who observed those errors with a view to 96 LEANDKO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. correct them, and among whom the prominent place is due to the two Moratins, father and son. Of these the former seems to have been the first of his countrymen who openly de- nounced the wrong tendencies of the national dramatists; and the latter, following in the same track, may be pro- nounced the great reformer of the Spanish stage, to whom it owes some of its best productions. The elder Moratin was one of the ablest writers of verses in Spain during the last century, before the new sera of poetry arose, and his merits, if not of themselves superior to those of his contemporaries, have had an advantage over them, in connexion with the reputation of the son, who has rendered them more celebrated by a pleasing memoir of his father, prefixed to his works. From this we learn, that if the father did not attain a high rank himself as a poet or dramatist, yet he well deserves to be remembered as a bold and judicious critic, who, both by precept and example, efiiected much good in his own day, and still more by instill- ing good lessons into the mind of the son, so as to enable him to attain his merited success. In the words of this memoir, " Calderon at that time en- joyed so high a reputation, that it appeared a sacrilegious hardihood to notice defects in his comedies or sacramental pieces, which, repeated annually on the stage ^th every pos- sible pomp and appliance, delighted the vulgar of all classes, and perpetuated the applauses of their famous author. Mo- ratin published three Discourses, which he entitled, ' Exposi- tion of the Misconceptions of the Spanish Theatre,' written with the good judgement of a man of taste, and with the zeal of a citizen interested in the progression and literary glory of his country. In the first he showed the defects in which the old plays abounded; as also the modern, with which poets, without rule or plan, supplied the players, sanctioning every LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. 97 time more irregularity and ignorance. In the two foUowingj he proved that the Autos of Calderon, so admired by the multitude, ought not to be suffered in a country that prided itself as civilized. It is unnecessary to say what opposition these discourses encountered; it is enough to add, that the third was scai'cely published when the government prohibited the repetition of what he had condemned : — a memorable epoch in the annals of the Spanish stage, which can never re- member, without praise, that judicious and intrepid writer to whom it owed so useful a reform." Of this able critic, Leandro Moratin was the only son that survived childhood. He was born at Madrid, the 10th of March, 1760, and in his earliest years is described as having been remarkable for infantile grace and vivacity. At (our years of age, however, he unfortunately had a severe attack of the smallpox, which not only left its disfigm-ing mai-ks on his countenance, but also seemed to have changed his character, making him the rest of his life shy and reserved. As he grew up he shunned all playfellows; like Demophilus, he was a man among boys, — Ketvo? yap iv iraurlv veos — and devoting himself to drawing and making juvenile verses, pm-- sued his favourite studies in secret, so that even the father seemed not to have been ever fully aware of the bent of his son's genius. The elder Moratin, whose father had been jewel-keeper to Isabel Farnesi, widow of Philip V., had been brought up to the profession of the law, in which he had not acquired any eminence, though he had some as an author. Seeing his son's talent for drawing, he had fii-st intended him to take advantage of it as an artist, but finally placed him with a brother, Miguel de Moratin, who was a jeweller, to learn his occupation. In his earlier years the younger Moratin had been only at an obscure private school in Madrid, but he had H 98 JLBANDllO FERNANDEZ MOEATIN. good examples and lessons at home, and recourse to his father's library, where he found all the best works in Spanish literature, for secret study, beyond the tasks set in routine for his education. In 1779 the Spanish Academy, in the course of its objects for the promotion of literary pursuits, had offered, as a subject for a prize poem. The Taking of Granada; when the Accessit was awarded to a competitor who had signed himself Efren de Lardnoz y Morante. On this person being called for, Leandro Moratin, to the surprise of his father, presented himself as the author, producing the rough copy of the verses he had sent. This was naturally a source of great delight to the father, who might thus foresee, in hope at least, his son's future success. But he did not live to witness it, having died the following year, at only forty-two years of age, leaving a widow dependent on his son's labours as a working jeweller. At this business he continued, therefore, combining however with it his former studies, as far as his leisure permitted him. In 1782 he obtained the honour of another Accessit from the Academy for a Satire on* the vicious practices introduced into the Spanish language, and a greater feeling thereupon arose in his favour from literary persons who remembered his father, with the respect due to his merits. Hence, also, Leandro Moratin, notwithstanding his natural reserve, was drawn from his retirement into the company of several young men of kindred tastes and pursuits, whose conversation and society had great and good effect on his mind and future efforts. In 1785 he published an edition of his father's poems, with reflections, which may be considered his first essay on criticism and declaration of opinion on matters of taste, ac- cording to the precepts of the purest classicism, then so much in fashion. From his earliest years he had been much at- LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. 99 tached to the theatre, then sunk to the low state which he so feehngly describes in the preUminary discourse to his Come- dies, subsequently published ; and having witnessed his father's anxiety to reform its abuses, he felt it a sort of inheritance left him to attempt the task. He had already begun one of his plays, which however he had not sufficient leisure to com- plete, on account of the demands for his daily labour ; but about this time his mother died, and Leandro had then only his own wants to consider. At the same time the good and great Jovellanos, whose notice he had attracted, proposed him as secretary to the Conde de Cabarrus, then going to Paris on a special mission, where accordingly Leandro went with that able and enlight- ened statesman, in January 1787, returning to Madrid in the January following. Shortly after the Conde and Jovellanos fell into ill-favour at court, and all their friends were involved in their fall. Moratin took shelter in the obscurity of his original occupation, and so escaped notice. He completed his play, but could not get it rep];esented, and in the course of delays had the hcense for it withdrawn. He wished to be exempt from labour for maintenance, to give himself up to his favourite studies, but sought in vain for other means of attaining this end than from the favour of the government. A change in the ministry having now occurred, he wrote a petition, in verse, to the Conde de Florida Blanca, in which, humorously depicting his wants, he asked a small benefice in the church. This, though a very small one, was granted him, and thereupon he had to take the first orders of the tonsure. Shortly afterwards, Godoy, Prince of the Peace, came into power, and beciame a still more effectual patron for Moratin, on whom he conferred other benefices and favours, to the amount of about £600 a year sterling, so that he be- ll 2 100 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. came at oncCj for his position in life, wealthy, and enabled to devote himself entirely to literature. It has been the fashion lately for all parties to decry Godoy, and there can be no doubt that he was guilty of much mis- conduct in the exercise of power. But he was in this only acting according to the circumstances in which he was placed, and the favourite and minister of a weak-minded and despotic monarch could not be expected to have acted much otherwise than he did. In the memoirs he published in his later years in his justification, Godoy has, in a tone of apparent sincerity and earnestness, sometimes amounting even to eloquence, shown that often he could not have acted otherwise, and that his faults were the faults of his position, while his merits were his own. He declares that he was the first minister in Spain who curbed the power of the Inquisition, and that he had never instituted any prosecution for private opinions. His treatment of Jovellanos he might well excuse to himself, as a return for hostility manifested to him under circum- stances that he might consider to warrant it. But of other eminent men of learning and of the arts he was the munifi- cent patron, of Melendez among others, and of Moratin more especially. The former dedicated to him the second edition of his works, and Moratin now one of his plays, which had been received with much favour. From this dedication, a judgement may be formed by the translation, of the spirit of Moratin, that, while under the sense of great obligations, he did not condescend, like other poets, to flatter his Maecenas's vanity by ascriptions of descent from ancient kings or other fictions; but dwelt only on his personal qualities, and the great power which he undoubtedly possessed, as exercised in his favour. The same spirit Moratin showed in his letter to Jovellanos, in which adulation could less be imputed LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. 101 to him, as that illustrious individual was in disgrace at court, and no longer the dispenser of the favours of the govern- ment. But Moratin showed the independence of his character still more decidedly, in refusing the request made by Godoy that he should write eulogistic verses on a lady of the court ; and it is to the honour of Godoy, we are informed, that though he was at first angry at the refusal, he passed it over without subsequent notice. To another request made by Godoy, for an ode on the Battle of Trafalgar, Moratin acceded, though it is stated with considerable disinclination to the task. He could not, he re- phed at first, celebrate a lost battle, and as Hermosillia tells us, could not hide from himself the ridiculousness of having to represent a complete defeat as a glorious triumph, though the " dreaded Nelson " had fallen in it. He felt bound, how- ever, to obey the favourite and to reconcile his task to justice, wrote his ' Shade of Nelson,' in imitation of the Prophecy of Nereus, and of the Tagus by Fray Luis de Leon. In this poem, he represents Nelson appearing the same night on the heights of Trafalgar, and foretelling England's approaching ruin, notwithstanding the victory which had been gained " so dearly, as to be in reality a discomfiture." He observes, that " Napoleon, having overcome the Austrians, would now turn all his energies to the conquest of England, while Spain would raise a mightier fleet to join him. He therefore coun- selled his countrymen to abandon their ambitious projects and make peace, and to create disunion in foreign countries by corrupting their cabinets, for the purpose of maintaining their preponderance." The thoughts are expressed in elegant poetical language, but the whole argument shows how little feeling he had in favour of the subject. In the last edition of his works prepared for publication before his death, he 102 LEANDKO FERNANDEZ MORAXIN. took care to have it omitted^ but it has been again inserted in subsequent editions. Prior to tbis, however, he bad had a full opportunity of judging- the character of the English nation. He had ob- tained permission to go abroad from Godoy, who also muni- ficently gajre him the means for that purpose. He first went to Paris, where he had scarcely arrived, in September 1792, when hearing a great tumult in the streets, and looking out for the occasion of it, he saw the head of the Princess de Lamballe borne along by the infuriated multitude on a pike. Horror-struck at the sight, he immediately left Paris for London, as, says his biographer, " anxious to contemplate for the first time true liberty arrayed in popular forms, without the mortal convulsions of licentiousness, or the withering foot-marks of oppression." Here he stayed about a year, taking notes of the lively impressions made on him of the ''character, ideas, traditions, legislation, and political and commercial tendency of that singular nation, so worthy of being studied." It may be allowed us to regret that those notes were never published, and perhaps the censor's license for them could not have been obtained. The only fruit of his visit was a translation of Hamlet, which he published in 1798, on his return. On leaving England, Moratin psissed through Flanders and some parts of Germany and Switzerland to Italy, whence, after visiting all the principal cities there, he returned to Spain in December 1796. Previous to his amval in Madrid, he had been appointed Secretary Interpreter of languages, a valuable appointment in itself, but still more so to him, as it left him sufficient leisure for study. He took advantage of this to proceed with several dramas with which he enriched the Spanish stage, and had projected others which he felt under the necessity of abandoning. In several of his pieces, and LEANDRO PEttNANDEZ MORATIN. 103 especially in the Mogigata^ whicli Maury translates La Fe- melle TartuflPe, he had offended the clerical party, so that he was denounced to the Inquisition, and though preserved from their power under the protection of Godoy, he was subjected to many and great annoyances. In consequence of these, he determined to give up further writing for the stage, content- ing himself with producing afterwards only some translations from the French, and with preparing his most valuable work, 'On the Spanish Theatre.' This work treats the subject histo- rically, and abounds with much interesting information as well as sound criticisms. On it he passed the latter years of his life, so that it was not published until after his death. Shortly after his return from Italy he was named one of a commission to reform the stage, and on this proving insuffi- cient for the purposes intended, he was appointed Director of Theatres by royal order. No one, it might be thought, could be better adapted for this office, and it would have seemed one agreeable to his inclinations ; but he declined it, preferring to effect the reforms he recommended by example rather than by exercise of authority. The events of the ]9th March, 1808, deprived Godoy of his power, and the French armies soon after entered Madrid. Moratin had remained at his post in the execution of the duties of his office, and became involved in the course of pro- ceedings, the final character of which he could not foresee. He was set down as one of the French party, and so exposed to public obloquy, that when the French had to evacuate Madrid, he felt himself under the necessity of going with them. When they returned he returned with them, and was appointed, by Joseph Buonaparte, Chief of the Eoyal Library, an appointment which was most congenial to his taste, and which would have been exceedingly appropriate for him to accept, had it been only from the national government. 104 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. As it was, he had to fly from Madrid a second time with the intruders, and henceforth there was nothing for him in hfe but privations to endure. Some houses which he had bought had been seized, and one of them sold. Another, which was restored to him, had been much injured, and his books and property destroyed. His benefices were denied him; a merchant, with whom he had entrusted his money, became bankrupt ; and a dependent, in whom he had confided, by his defalcation brought a further heavy loss on his means. He had at first retired to France, but having been excepted from the list of the proscribed by Ferdinand VII., he returned to Spain, and for a length of time resided at Barcelona. But the Inquisition was attempting to rise again into power, and Moratin, naturally of a timid disposition, felt himself marked out for a victim. He cordd not submit to live subject to be watched and kept in constant alarm ; and even when this oiBce was finally put down, he felt the frequent recurrence of public commotions more agitating than he could endure. He therefore determined again to retire to France, first to Bay- onne, in 1833, and afterwards to Bordeaux, to live with a friend, named Silvela, who had a seminary at that place, and in whose society he felt sure of enjoying domestic happiness. Through his whole life, Moratin seems to have required the aid of friends on whom to rely for daily needs and atten- tions ; and it was fortunate for him, in his advanced age and under the pressure of infirmities, to possess such a resting- place as in Silvela's establishment. Shortly after this friend removed to Paris, where also Moratin followed him, and there he died, the 31st June, 1828. He was buried in the ceme- tery of Pere la Chaise, in one of the lines to the right of the chapel, between the remains of Moliere and Lafontaine, where a simple monument, with a cinerary urn, marks his grave. " There," says his biographer, " in a foreign land, lies a ccle- LKANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. 105 brated Spaniard, to whom his country did not offer sufficient security to allow him to die tranquilly in her bosom. A man averse to all party feeling, obedient to existing authority, whe- ther of fact or of right, absorbed in his studies, teacher from his retirement of the purest morality, incapable of injuring any one, or of exciting disorder even indirectly, he had to wander forth many years, not proscribed, but driven away by apprehensions too justly entertained." After his death there were several editions of his works pubhshed, both in France and Spain : the last one in the col- lection of Spanish authors by Rivadeneyra, Madrid 1848, as the last seems most correct and complete. This republication is more interesting, as also containing, in the same volume, the works of his father, Nicolas Moratin. It is to be re- gretted that other works of his, yet existing in manuscript, have not been added, especially the account of his travels. Moratin was an exceedingly careful writer, and very fasti- dious in the correction of his verses. His admirers, especially those of the classic school, have praised him as a great lyric poet, even superior to Melendez. This, however, he felt was not justj and without derogating from his merits, we must pronounce him far inferior to that eminent poet, whose works surpassed all that had preceded him in Spanish poetry. The fame of Moratin must rest on his plays, into which, however, it is not the object of this work to enter, confined as it is to lyric poetry. They are only five in number, and, like Sheri- dan's, are remarkable for neatness and elegance of dialogue, as much as for incident and character. The Spanish theatre owes all its subsequent merit to Moratin; he reformed the taste of the times by giving the stage better works than it had previously possessed, and assuredly was thus one of the greatest public benefactors of his age. LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. DEDICATION OF THE COMEDY OF THE MOGIGATA TO THE PKINCE OF THE PEACE. This moral fiction, which the facile Muse, Thalia kind inspired, and which await The numerous crowds that throng the Spanish scene. Therein acquiring voice, and life, and form, To thee I now present, with feelings pure Of gratitude and love. By other path The difficult height of Pindus to ascend, In vain have I aspired, in vain ; and oft Have wept me baffled, o^er the bold attempt. How often, striking the Aonian chords, To win her have I sought, so fleeting, coy, The beauty that in silence I adore ! To imitate the voice and harmony. Which Echo erst repeated in the woods Of green Zurgiien : oft as Clio waked LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MOUATIN. 107 The trampet that diffuses martial rage, I wish'd, with her sublimest ardour fired, To celebrate the lofty deeds of Spain : From her proud neck as beating, broken off. The barbarous yoke ; the conqueror in turn Conquered on the burning sands of Libya : Numantia with the miseries appeased. Proud Rome was doomed to know, abandon'd prey To frightful mihtary outrages : Cortes, in the valley of Otumba, Lord of the golden standard, at his feet The sceptre of the West ! but angrily, Menander's muse offended, soon reproved My error, and the lyre and pastoral pipe Snatch'd from me, and the clarion of Mars. " Follow," she said to me, '' the only track Which my voice indicates, if thou wouldst seek The honour, that despite of silent death. May make thy name immortal. I in love A thousand times upon thy infant hp Have printed a soft kiss, and bade thee sleep To the repeated heavenly tones I raised. Thou my delight wast ever, and my care ; And the propitious gifts, which Nature shed On thee, it was my joy to cultivate. Now with loud festive acclamation sounds 108 LEANDKO FERNANDEZ MOBATIN. Thy country's scene in thy just praise^ on high Thy glory to affirm. Thou follow on To sacred Helicon^ which Cynthia bathes With her immortal light, the Muses' crown Of ivy and of laurel there to gain." Be not offended. Sir, if e'er so poor The tribute that I dedicate ; and what Could worthy be the greatness of thy name ? The gift is humble, the desire is rich j And not sufficing more my sterile vein. What I can give I offer. Prostrate thus. On the rude altars he has raised, is wont The husbandman to heap the simple fruits Of his fields gather'd round ; and offering them To the high tutelar deity he adores. Spreads them forth grateful, incenses and flowers. EPISTLE TO DON GASPAR DE JOVELLANOS, SENT FROM ROME. Yes ! the pure friendship, that in kindly bonds Our souls united, durable exists, Illustrious Jovino ! nor can time. LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. 109 Nor distance, nor the mountains us between, Nor stormy seas hoarse roaring, separate Remembrance of thee from my memory. The sound of Mars, that now sweet peace awhile Suspends, has long unhappy silence placed On my affection. Thou I know content Livest in obscure delicious quietude, For ever with untiring zeal inspired To aid the public weal ; of virtue e'er. And talent, the protector and the friend. These verses which I frame unpolish'd, free. Though not corrected with thy learned taste, In truth announce to thee my constant faith. And so may Heaven but soon to me return The hour again to see thee, and relate Familiarly discoursing, to my view Whatever of its varied scenes the world Presented. From my native shores to those "Which bathes the Seine, blood-stain^'d and turbulent ; The daring Briton's, master of the sea. To the bold Belgian's ; from the deep-flowing Rhine To the high tops of Apennine snow-crown'd. And that height- further, which in burning smoke Covers and ashes over Naples wide. The different nations I have visited. 110 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. Acquiring useful knowledge, never gained By learned reading in retired abodes. For there we cannot see the difference great Which chxaate, worship, arts, opinions. And laws occasion. That is found alone, If thou wouldst study man, in man himself. Now the rough Winter, which augments the waves Of Tiber, on his banks has me detain'd. Inhabitant of Rome. ! that with thee 'T were granted me to rove through her, to scan The wonderful remains of glories past. Which Time, whose force can naught resist, has spared ! Thou nursling of the Muses and the Arts, Faithful oracle of bright history. What learning thou wouldst give the affluent lip ; What images sublime, by genius fired. In the great empire^s ruin thou wouldst find ! Fell the great city, which had triumph' d o'er The nations the most warlike, and with her Ended the Latin valour and renown. And she who to the Betis from the Nile Her eagles proudly bore, the child of Mars, The Capitol with barbarous trophies deck'd. Conducting to her car of ivory bound Great kings subdued, amid the hoarse applause Of wide-throng'd forums, and the trumpet's sounds, LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. Ill Who to the world gave laws, now horrible Night covers her. She perish' d, nor expect More tokens of her ancient worth to find. Those mouldering edifices, which the plough Breaks through in shapeless masses, once they were Circuses, strong palaces, and theatres ; Proud arches, costly baths, and sepulchres ; Where thou mayst hear perchance, for so 't is said. In the deep silence of the gloomy shade, A funeral lament, they only tell The glory of the people of Quirinus. And this to future races but remains The mistress of the world, illustrious Rome ! This and no more remain'd ? of all her arts And dreaded power ? What could not aught avail Her virtue, wisdom, valour, all conjoint. With such her opulence, the law severe To mitigate, or stay the blows of fate ? Alas ! if all is mortal — if to Time Alike the strong wall and the tender flower Must yield — if that will bronze and porphyry break. Destroying them and burying in dust. For whom so guards unhappy Avarice His treasuries untouch'd ? for whom foretells Immortal fame, the adulation vile 112 LEANDRO FERNANDEZ MORATIN. That crimes and violence traitorous exalts ? For wliat so hastening to the tomb runs on The human race, revengeful, envious, And haughty ? Why, if all that e'er exists^ And what man sees is all but ruins ? all. For never to return the hours fly past Precipitate, and to their end but lead. Of the most lofty empires of the earth, The perishable splendour. The Deity, That hidden animates the universe. Alone eternal lives, and He alone Is powerful and great. JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. In the history of the literature of every country, it is interest- ing to observe with what noiseless steps true genius generally proceeds to win popular favour, compared with the means to which mediocrity resorts for whatever share of notice it can attain. There are some writers who, with great talent, have some counterbalancing deficiency, respecting whose merits more discussion will be consequently excited, than respecting the superior quahties of others, not liable to the same obser- vations. To obtain that kind of notoriety, it is often requisite to belong to some school or party, whose praise will give a temporary importance to works written, according to their taste or system, while those out of their pale wiU be passed over with at best only cold commendations. In Spain, as else- where, poetry has had its classical and romantic schools, and the merits of all writers, belonging to one or the other of them, were fully set forth by their respective partisans ; while, if there happened to be one who could not be claimed by either, like Arriaza, he was allowed to pass comparatively unnoticed by the critics of the day. Of this very pleasing author no detailed biography has 114 JUAN BAUTISTA DB ARRIAZA. been published ; and his claims to be considered one of the first modern poets of Spain seem to be scarcely recognized by his countrymen, who read with surprise the commendations passed on him abroad. Thus they have allowed seven edi- tions of his works to be circulated and exhausted, without satisfying our curiosity by any of those particulars of private life, with which we love to consider the characters of worth and genius. All we are informed of him, in the short notices given of Arriaza by Wolf, Maury and Ochoa, is, that he was born at Madrid, in the year 1770, where the last-mentioned writer also says he died, in 1837. From his name, it would seem that he was of Basque de- scent, and his family connections must have been "noble'' and influential, from his career through life, though we have no account given of them. We learn, however, that he was educated at the Seminary of Nobles at Madrid, whence he was afterwards sent a cadet to the Military College at Se- govia, and that he finally entered the navy. In one of his Epistles, in verse, he informs us that he was engaged in the expedition to Oran, and thence sailed to Constantinople, of which he gives a poetical description. In 1798 he had to quit this service, on account of a disease of the eyes ; and he then published the first edition of his poems. In 1803 he was appointed Secretary of Legation at London, and there wrote his principal poem, ' Emilia,' which was published at Madrid in the year following. The subject was the wish of a lady of fortune to bring up orphan children and others to the study of the fine arts; and it contains many fine passages, but was left unfinished. In 1805 he went to Paris, where also he resided some time. On his return to Spain, he took part in the struggles against the French, having entered the ranks as a soldier, and having by his verses also vehemently instigated his countrymen to JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. 115 rise against the invaders. Of all the poets of the day, he seems to have been the most prolific in those patriotic effusions, which, no doubt, agreeing so well with the national temperament, had no small effect in keeping up the spirit of the Spanish people throughout the war. When the French entered Madrid, Arriaza, while engaged in resisting them, had a brother killed by his side, fighting in the same cause, to whose memory he has given a tribute of affection accord- ingly among his verses. In the subsequent discussions in Spain respecting the go- vernment, Arriaza took part with those who advocated the rights of the absolute king. For this advocacy, on the re- turn of Ferdinand VII. to full power, he received his reward, having been appointed Knight of the Order of Charles III., and Secretary of Decrees, besides receiving several other minor favours and offices. Henceforth Arriaza seems to have passed his life at court, in the quiet enjoyment of literary pursuits. He might be considered the Poet Laureate of Spain, as he seems to have allowed scarcely any opportunity to pass by unhonoured, of paying homage to the court in celebration of birthdays and other such occasions. His works abound with these loyal effusions, though they might generally have been better omitted. It must, however, be said, in justice, that he was evidently sincere in those principles, to which he adhered under all circumstances, even when the Constitutionalists were in the ascendent. Once only he was betrayed into an eulogium of the other line of opinions, which had an effect rather ludi- crous, so far as he was concerned in it. In 1830, when the constitution of 1812 had been anew promulgated, a friend of his, Don Luis de Onis, was appointed minister from Spain to Naples, and a banquet having been given him on his depart- ure, Arriaza was induced to write verses on the occasion, i2 116 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. whichj full of apparent enthusiasm, abounded in spirit and beautiful images, beyond his usual facility and fulness of ex- pression. Carried away, no doubt, by the contagion of the company, he gave way to what, in soberer mood, he would have thought most dangerous doctrines. He painted the envoy as going " to Parthenope to announce our revolution ; '•" adding, " To Parthenope that is now groaning beneath flowery chains, and to whom, though her syrens celebrate her in songs of slavery, thou wilt be the Spanish Tyrtseus, and raise them to the high employ to sing of country and virtue ; " praising the heroism of Riego as to be offered as an example, " to throw down the holds of oppression." The Neapolitan government obtained notice of this composition, and actually used it as sufficient cause for objecting to receive Don Luis as Spanish minister, " because he was coming to inculcate revolutionary principles." Arriaza heard with horror that he was stigmatized as a liberal, and was urgent to disclaim such opinions, not- withstanding what he had written. Don Luis meanwhile was detained at Rome, until, by a strange coincidence, the revolution broke out at Naples also, and he entered the city almost as in fulfilment of the prophecy, that he was to be the harbinger of it. The best edition of Arriaza's works is that of 1839, printed at the Royal Press of Madrid, of which the one of Paris, 1834, is a reprint. They consist of almost all varieties of song, and are almost all equally charming. His satirical pieces even are light and pleasing, as well as his anacreontic and erotic effusions, while his patriotic songs and odes breathe a spirit well suited to the subjects. Maury, who has made him better known abroad by his praises than others, his contemporaries, seems to have regarded him with especial favour. He says of him : — " Depuis Lope de Vega, M. d' Arriaza est le seul de nos poetes qui nous semble JUAN BAUTISTA DE AKEIAZA. 117 penser en vers. La nature le fit poete, les evenements Font fait auteur. II etait arrive k sa reputation litteraire sans y pretendre, il Taccrue pour ainsi dire k son corps defendant." In truth he seems to have poured forth his verses without effortj as a bird does its song, with a simplicity and truthfulness which went to the heart of the hearer, and left in it a sensation of their being only the echoes of its own. As Maury has well observed, "parlent h la raison et h I'esprit, comme au coeur et k I'imagination, elles offrent en meme temps aux amateurs de la langue Castillane les sons harmonieux et les tournures piquantes qui la distinguent avec une grande elegance de diction et une clarte rare chez la plupart de nos ecrivains." It is true that his style is exceedingly easy, and the ex- pression generally very clear, but it must also be acknow- ledged, on the part of the translator, that obscurities are frequently to be found in his lines, when he must discover a meaning for himself. It was Arriaza's own doctrine in the prologue to his works, " that there can be no true expression of ideas where there does not reign the utmost clearness of diction; that what the reader does not conceive at the first simple readiag, cannot make in his imagination the prompt effect required, and much less move his heart in any way. This clearness," he observes, " should also be associated with a constant elegance of expression ; though he does not consider this elegance to consist in a succession of grammatical in- versions, or revolving adjectives, or metaphor on metaphor, but the mode most select and noble of saying things be- comingly to the style in which they are written.^' Arriaza was eminently what the French call a poete de societe; and thus his verses were favourites with the higher classes particularly. He abjured the practices of the Roman- ticists who affected to despise the shackles of metre, as if the melody of verse, being merely mechanism, were of inferior 118 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ABRTAZA. consideration. On tlie contrary, he intimates that he considers it of primary importance, as if " whether a statue should be made of wax or marble." Thus he made cadence a principal study, and his verses becoming thereby better adapted for music, obtained greater vogue in the higher circles by means of accompaniments. Some even seem to have been expressly written for that purpose j for instance, among other pieces of a domestic character, one, a very pleasing Recitative, in which his wife and daughter join him in thanksgiving for his reco- very from a dangerous illness. Though generally far from being impassioned, some of his verses are fuU of tender feel- ing, as the 'Young Sailor's Farewell.' This may be pro- nounced the most popular piece of modem poetry in Spain, being most in the memories of those whom he himself calls "the natural judges in these matters, the youth of both sexes, in whose lively imagination and sensible hearts may find better acceptation, the only two gifts with which I may rejoice to have endowed my verses, naturalness and har- mony." Arriaza must have acquired in his youth the rudiments of a sound education, and he was distinguished in later life for a knowledge of the French, Italian and English languages. Still he was not considered by his contemporaries as a person of extensive reading ; and thus we do not find in his works any allusions or illustrations of a classical character, though it is almost ludicrous to observe with what pertinacity he introduces the personages of the heathen mythology, on all occasions where he can do so. Some of his ideas also run into the ridiculous, as in one of his best pieces, ' La Profecia del Pirineo,' he says, that on the heroic defenders of Zaragoza "there were at once on their faithful brows raining bombs and laurels." The Ode to Trafalgar, notwithstanding its being liable to JUAN BAUTISTA DE AURIAZA. 119 the observation above madcj of too frequent invocations of the Muses, is an admirable exemplification of an appropriate poem on such a subject. This battle, no doubt on account of its decisive effect, has been more celebrated than others. But it must be acknowledged to have been an unequal fight between the British and the Spanish portion of the allied fleet, as the former were in a high state of discipline, and the latter were newly levied and hurried out of port, before the officers and men had become sufficiently acquainted with one another to take their respective parts, with the precision necessary for such an occasion. Yet it is well known that the Spaniards fought with desperate and unswerving courage throughout, and their poets were therefore well warranted in taking the subject, as one doing honour to the national bravery. The circumstances of the battle have lately again come into discussion in Spain, with naturally considerable warmth, on M. Thiers, in his History of the Consulate and the Em- pire, having been guilty of the extraordinary error to allege that the Spanish fleet fled, the greater part of them, from the battle, when, in fact, it was only the division of the French Admiral Dumanoir that had done so. This he did " for the purpose of preserving a naval division for France," as Dumanoir himself afterwards stated, in his justification, though he was disappointed in that patriotic wish, having been met a few days after by Sir Robert Calder's squadron, when all his four ships were taken in a less renowned combat. The translation of the Ode has been made as nearly into the same metre with the original, as the forms of verse used in the two languages would admit. That of the ' Farewell ' may be considered in the same light also, though the original has the first and fourth lines rhyming together, and the second with the third. This is an old and common form in Spanish 120 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARBIAZA. poetry, and agrees well with our alternate lines of eight and six syllables, which Johnson considered "the most soft and pleasing of our lyric measures." In the Ode, it is interesting to observe not only the manly style of sentiment throughout, but also the absence of any ungenerous feeling against the English. Arriaza had, however, both as a seaman and a di- plomatist, while resident in England, had sufficient opportu- nities of learning to think more justly of the Enghsh charac- ter than some other writers of the Continent. Beyond his poems, Arriaza wrote several political pam- phlets. The first was pubhshed at Seville in 1809, after the battle of Talavera,. when the English, notwithstanding the victory, had to retreat into Portugal, giving occasion to the French party in Spain to allege that they were about to abandon the country to the French, and keep possession of the principal ports. In this pamphlet, which he entitled the 'Pharos of PubHc Opinion,' Arriaza combated these suspi- cions, and by a strenuous assertion of the good faith of the English, succeeded in disabusing the minds of his country- men of what he termed " such malignant insinuations." The second pamphlet he termed 'Virtue of Necessity,' shortly after the disastrous battle of Ocania; and its object was to stimulate the English government and nation to give more assistance than they had yet done, by money and other- wise. He proposed in return to give the English free right of commerce with the Spanish colonies in America, at least for a stated period, observing that they already had extensive dealings with them by contraband, and that the free com- merce would make the English neutral, at least, in the ques- tion of the colonies wishing to declare themselves independent, while otherwise it would be their interest to have them inde- pendent. This pamphlet especially is full of sound states- manlike ideas, and proves how well he was acquainted with jrAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. 131 the state of public feeling in England, on the several parti- culars respecting which he was writing. A third pamphlet he wrote in Enghsh, and published it in London in 1810, where he was then sent on the part of the Spanish government. This he entitled ' Observations on the system of war of the Allies in the Peninsula;' and he endea- voured in it to urge the English to send more troops to the Peninsula, at certain points, where he considered they would be of most avail in disconcerting the plans of the French, and assisting the Guerrilla warfare the Spaniards were carrying on. He explained the determined fidehty of the Spaniards to the cause of their independence, but showed they would be insufficient to effect it, without the assistance he came to seek. This pamphlet was favouo-ably received in England, and was noticed in Parliament j and the author had the good fortune to hope that his efforts had been successful, as he says, " The English government then sent greater reinforce- ments to their army, which emerging from its inaction, acquired the superiority preserved until the happy conclu- sion of the war." For these and other writings, Arriaza received the thanks of the Regency in the name of the king, and had just cause to consider that a sufficient counterbalance to the misrepre- sentations made of his conduct in France, and elsewhere, by the opposite party. In a note affixed to the last edition of his poems, he complains that in a work pubhshed in France, ' Biography of Contemporary Characters,' there was an article respecting him " fuU of errors, even regarding the most public circumstances of his life," which he seems to have considered written from party feeling. If his surmises were correct, it is the more to be regretted that he did not take the best means of correcting those misrepresentations, by- giving an authentic biographical account of his career in reply. He might 122 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. thus not only have done justice to himself, but also have satisfied the desires of his admirers, who would naturally have felt sufficient interest in his fame to have rejoiced in those details. Whatever may be the course which a man of genius takes in public life from honest principles, he may always rely on finding in literature a neutral harbour where he may retire in confidence from all turmoils, and expect full justice awarded to his motives and memory. In the midst of poli- tical contentions, where so much always depends on circum- stances with which we are little acquainted, it is often diffi- cult at the time to know what is the proper course to follow. It is enough for us that those we admire have ever been di- stinguished for their sincerity and uprightness in the conduct they pursued. With regard to Arriaza, our greatest regret must be that, with his apparently extreme facility of versification, and capa- bility of elevating his mind to the conception of nobler sub- jects, he confined his genius so much to trivial events of the day, and thus wrote for his contemporaries instead of for posterity. JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. TEMPEST AND WAR, THE BATTLE OF TRAFALGAR. ODE. I FAIN would sing of victory j But know, the God of harmony, Dispenser of renown, For fortune's turn has little care, And bids superior valour bear. Alone, the immortal crown. See in his temple, shining yet. Those at Thermopylse who set Of manly fortitude Examples rare, or 'neath thy wall "Who, sad Numantia, shared thy fall, But falling unsubdued. 134 JUAN BAUTISTA DE AERIAZA. There are to whom has fate bestow'd The lot, that always on the road Of docile laurels borne. Success should fly their steps before. And in their hands events in store Should lose each cruel thorn. As heroes these the vulgar choose. If not as gods, but I refuse Such homage for the mind ; And in BeUona's doubtful strife. Where fortune's angry frowns are rife. There heroes seek to find. ! true of heart, and brave as true ! Illustrious CHo, turn thy view Afar the vast seas o'er j For deeds, in spite of fate abhorr'd, Than these more worthy to record Ne'er pass'd thy view before. To abase the wealthy Gades, see, From haunts of deep obscurity. The feUest Fury rise ! And from her direful hand launch'd forth. Transformed the forests of the North, She floating walls supplies. JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. 125 Her envy is the city fair Of Hercules, so proudly there, Couch'd on the Atlantic gates ; Girt by the sea, that from the west Comes fraught with gold, and her behest Before her bending waits. With venal aid of hate assists Unfruitful England, throne of mists. Whose fields no sun behold ; Which Plora with false smile has clad In sterile green, where flowers look sad. And love itself is cold. Greedy the poison gold to seize. They with the monster Avarice, The peace of Spain abhor ; And by their horrid arts increased. Turn ev'n the treasures of the East To instruments of war. Their proud Armada, which the main Tosses to heaven, or threats in vain To engulf, they mustering show : Ye suffer it not, ye pupils brave Of the Basans, and to the wave Launch yours to meet the foe. 126 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. As by conflicting winds close driven. The dark clouds o'er the vavdt of heaven Across each other fly ; And troubling mortals with the roar, The electric fluids flashing o'er Dispute the sway on high. So from both sides the battle roU'd, The sails their wings of flame unfold, And ship to ship they close ; Combined, ! day of hapless fame. Four elements with man proclaim The unequal war that rose. Who in the whirlwind of dense smoke, To Mars that in fit incense woke. Prom hollow ordnance sent. With iron flames, a countless host. Sounds that unhinging shakiag cross'd The eternal firmament, — Who in that lake of fire and blood, Midst crashing masts and raging flood Of havoc and its train, — Who by the light the picture shows. May not your blood-stain'd brows disclose, ! noble chiefs of Spain ? JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. 137 With crimson dyed, or with the brand Of sulphurous powder, firm ye stand, As in the conflict dire. The sacrilegious giants rear'd. Serene the shining gods appear' d. Midst roUing clouds of fire. Shouts forth your courage hoarsely high Bellona's metal roar, the cry The combat to inflame ; Nor fear ye mortals, when ye view The streams of blood the waves imbue. Your prowess that proclaim. With iron clogg'd the air, the breath Is drawn each with a dart of Death, Whose skeleton immense Eises exulting o'er the scene, To see such fury rage, and glean His devastation thence. ! how he crops youth's fairest flowers, Or grief o'er life for ever lowers ! See there for vengeance strains One arm for one that off is torn, Or when away the head is borne, Erect the trunk remains. 128 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. But, ah ! what fiery column broke There to the windj and mid dense smoke Then to the abyss down threw Heads, bodies, arms and woods confused. And hands yet with the swords unloosed They for their country drew ! Struck by the sound groans Trafalgar ; Olympus shakes as in the war The savage Titans waged. When through the waves their forges loWi ^tna, Vesuvius, and untold Volcanoes burning raged. Trembling the monsters of the deep Against each other beating, sweep Off to the Herculean Strait ; In horror heaven is clouded o'er, Lashing the seas the north winds roar. In shame infuriate. Of its own rage, the foaming brine, Is born the tempest, fearful sign Of more disastrous night j Mars at the view restrains his cry ; Bark Scylla and Charybdis high, The fiends whom wrecks delight. JUAN BATJTISTA DE ARRIAZA. 129 Swift as a thunderbolt ye comej The unhappy relics to consume Of fire, ye winds and waves ! 0, Night ! who may thy fearfulness, Thy vast amount of woes express. Without the tear it craves ! Yield to the cruel element At length the ships, that long, unbent Its haughtiest rage defied; Men sink yet living, and for e'er Closes o'er them their sepulchre, The insatiable tide. Save him, Minerva ! who around From East to West, the earth's wide bound, Was happier once thy care ! Urania, this thy votary save ! 0, Love ! how many fond hearts crave That one's last sigh to share ! Some to their much-loved country swim. That horror-struck retires, and dim In quicksands seems to fly; Hid by the waves them death unveils, And to the wreck'd-worn seamen's wails They only fierce reply. 130 JUAN BAUTISTA DE AERIAZA. Never may Time, in his long flight, Join day more terrible and night : But who in such a strife, Who constant overcame such fate. Where may we danger find so great For dauntless heart in life ? 0, Clio ! where ? yet midst that rage. With golden pen and deathless page. Thou lovest the brave to greet ; Gravina, Alava, each name Write, and Eseanio's, echoes fame Olympic vrill repeat. And others, but my voice repels The love that in my memory dwells ; O, Cosmo ! hard thy lot ! O, Muses ! him the laurels give, Whose friend is only left to live. And weep him unforgot. Tried adverse fortune to endure. Your valour proved sublime and pure, 0, Mariners of Spain ! Your life yom* country's shield and strength. Defended and avenged at length. She will be yet again. JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARMAZA. 131 The Lion and the Eagle yet May have them Neptune's arm abet, Now England's slave and boast ; Who from her lofty poops shall view Your troops resistless pouring through In torrents on her coast. Suffice it now, as tribute paid. Her great Chief's death ; the Thames to shade, Doubling with grief her gloom : That cover'd thus with honoured scars. She sees you wait, in happier wars. The combat to resume. Ye go, as on the Libyan shore The lion walks, that fiercely tore The hunter's cunning snare ; That not ingloriously o'erborne. Calmly and fear'd, though bleeding, worn — Regains his sandy lair. K 3 ]32 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. THE PARTING. Sylvia ! the cruel moment 's near, When I must say farewell ! For hark ! the cannon's sounds we hear Of my departure tell. Thy lover comes to give thee now The last adieu, and part ! With sorrow overcast his brow. And sorrowful his heart. Come, object of my love divine ! Reach me those beauteous arms : Woidd fate my happy lot assign My home and rest thy charms. The blow that threatens its decree To give, I should not meet ; For sooner then than part, 't would see Me dying at thy feet. ! had our passion equal force. Or been of equal growth. The grief of absence might its course Divide between us both ! JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. 133 But thou a face indifferent, Or pleased, dost give to view, Whilst I have not ev'n breath content To say to thee. Adieu. A gentle river murmui'ing by. In calmness bathes the plain. And of its waters the supply Sees beauteous flowers attain ; In silence thou, my lonely grief. Dost bathe my wretched breast. And Sylvia's pity in relief For me canst not arrest. But what, my Sylvia, dost thou say ? What means that tender sigh ? Why do I see, mid tears that stray. Shine forth thy beaming eye ? As opens to the sun opposed On some clear day the cloud, And his rays make the drops disclosed To sparkle as they flow'd. On me dost thou those languid eyes Turn with that tender gaze ? Loses thy cheek its rosy dyes. Nor beauty less displays ? 134 JUAN BATJTISTA DE AERIAZA Thy ruby lips a moment brief Thou opest, and sorrow seals ! How fair the very show of grief Itself in thee reveals ! Insensate ! how I wildly thought My bitter griefs would gain Some ease, if thou wert also taught A portion of my pain ! Pardon the error that deceived, O, Sylvia ! I implore ; Me more thy sorrow now has grieved, Than thy disdain before. My bliss ! I pray no more to swerve ! Calm those heart-breaking pains : Thy grief to have, does not deserve All that the world contains. May all life's hours, in calm serene. Be ever pass'd by thee ; And all that darker intervene Reserved alone for me ! For me, whose lonely wretched doom By heaven has been decreed To bear fate's cruelty and gloom, Wherever it may lead. JUAN BAUTISTA DE AURIAZA. 135 But not on thee, so lovely born, Form'd of a power divine, To hold ev^n fate a subject sworn To every will of thine. Whilst thou my absence mayst lament, Thy comfort mayst descry. By fate a thousand lovers sent More to thy choice than I. Some one she pleases me above To favour chance may show ; But one to love thee as I love. That none can ever know. 'T was not thy graces won my heart, Nor yet thy faultless face ; But 't was some sympathy apart I might from birth retrace. I long a picture loved to draw Of charms I fancied true. And thy perfections when I saw. The original I knew. No traveller upon the ground By sudden hghtning thrown. The blow could more at once confound. Left helpless and alone. 136 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. Than I to see that beauteous brow. In hapless love was lost ; At thy feet forced at once to bow, To adore whate'er the cost. But I depart, alas ! the pain No words can e'er express ; Heaven only knows it that can scan The inmost heart's recess ; And saw the hours of deep delight. So ftdl now long pass'd by, That all my wishes' utmost height Heap'd up could satisfy. Now while the breezes fair avail. The waves are gently stirr'd. And of the mariners the hail Confused afar is heard : Now from the deep's tenacious hold The anchor's fangs they heave. And all conspiring are enroU'd Me swifter death to give. Now with a vacillating foot The slender boat I tread. Soon destined from the bank to shoot. As to the great bark sped. JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIAZA. 137 Sylvia, in this sad moment's pause, ! what a mournful crowd Of thoughts around thy lover close. To assault him and o'ercloud ! The sweet requital in return Thou givest my love I know ; And kind remembrances discern All thy affections show ; Whilst here each proof assures me well That naught thy heart can move ; But in my absence, who can tell If thou wilt faithful prove ? For those divine attractions whence Now all my joys arise. Perhaps may fate the cause dispense Of all my miseries ; And whilst I absent and forlorn My pledges lost deplore. Some rival gains of me in scorn The enchantments I adore ! But no, my bhss, my glory ! ne'er Were given the winds in vain Those vows, which envied me to share The universe my gain. 138 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRTAZA. Let us time's tyranny defy. And distance, constant thus Remaining in that changeless tie, That then united us. When rises first the beamy sun. When sets his beauteous ray. When moon and stars their courses run. On thee my thoughts will stay. From that enchanting form my heart No moment will be free ; And traitress thou, when I depart Wilt ne'er ev'n think of me ! At lonely hours across my thought GuK'd in the ocean vast. The scenes to memory will be brought With thee I saw and pass'd. Then will my sorrows make me feel My lot more dark to be. And thou more cruel than the steel Wilt ne'er ev'n think of me ! " There first her matchless form I saw ; There first my faith I swore ; And from her flattering lips could draw The happy 'Yes' they wore !" JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARRIASiA. 139 As these reflections by me file, Kise griefs in like degree ; And thou, who knows, if thou the while Wilt e'er ev'n think of me ? Then as I hours of glory call Those when I thee beheld ; And of my griefs the sources all When from thy sight repelFd ; A thousand times the thoughts enhance The doom 't is mine to see, Meanwhile who knows, if thou perchance Wilt e'er ev'n think of me ? When in the heavens I view unfurl'd The awful signs arise, With which the Ruler of the world Poor mortals terrifies j When sounds are in the deepest caves Of horrid thunderings nigh, And of the seas the troubled waves Rage furiously on high ; When by the south wind is impell'd The proud Tyrrhenian main, As if from its deep bosom swell'd To assault the starry train ; 140 JUAN BAUTISTA DE ARBIAZA. When the despairing steersman turns To prayer^ instead of skill, Seeing his bark the ocean spurns The plaything of its will ; Amid the hoarse and troubled cries The people raise around, While shines the sword before their eyes Of death, to strike them bound ; Ev'n then will I my love's farewell In that dark hour renew. And to the winds my sighs shall tell — Sylvia ! my life. Adieu ! VI. MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. Connecting the present age of modern Spanish poetry with that of the past generation, by a happily protracted existence, as well as by the style and tone of his writings, the venerable subject of this memoir still survives, to close a life of active usefulness in a healthy and honoured old age. Quintana was born at Madrid, the 11th April, 1773, of a respectable family of Estremadura. He received his pri- mary education in classical learning at Cordova, whence he proceeded to Salamanca, and graduated there in canon and civil law. In this university he had the advantage of study- ing under Melendez Valdes, by whom he was soon favourably noticed, and was made known to the illustrious Jovellanos, by whose counsels also he had the good fortune to be assisted. Thus his natural disposition for the study of elegant hterature was encouraged, both by precept and example, under two such able directors, to take a higher course than the mere study of law, for which profession he was destined. Having been admitted an Advocate of the Supreme Court, he has held various appointments, as fiscal of the tribunal of commerce, and censor of theatres; afterwards chief clerk 143 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. of the Siecretary-General to the Central Junta of Government, secretary of decrees and interpretation of languages, member of the censorship to the Cortes, and of the commission for the formation of a new plan of education. In the last, he was charged with the duty of drawing up a report of all the works on the subject presented to the government, which was, in 1835, approved of by the Cortes. In the two former of these emplojrments he was interrupted by the French invasion, when he took an active part against the invaders. Receiving afterwards the other offices mentioned, he wrote many of the proclamations and other addresses which were put forth on the part of the national government, during the struggle for independence. Throughout those eventful times, he was in the most advanced rank of the party that advocated constitutional rights, so that when Ferdinand VII. returned to the possession of absolute power, in 1814, he was, amongst the proscribed, made a prisoner, and confined in the castle of Pamplona. There he was kept six years, without being allowed to com- municate with his friends, or make use of his pen. On the constitutional government becoming re-established, he was released, and restored to his offices as secretary for the inter- pretation of languages, and member of the board of censors. In 1821, the directorship-general of public education having been formed, he was made president, until 1823, when the constitution was again set aside, and he was again deprived of his employments. Hereupon Quintana retired to Estremadura to his family, and lived there till the end of 1838, when he was permitted to return to Madrid, to continue his labours and literary studies. The following year he was named member of the board for the museum of natural sciences, and in 1833 was re- established in his former employment, as secretary for inter- MANUEL JOSB QUINTANA. 143 pretations, for which his knowledge of the French, Enghsh and other languages rendered him qualified, and also reap- pointed president of the council of public instruction. He was shortly after appointed preceptor to her present Majesty, Queen Isabel II., and although ever maintaining strong libe- ral principles, has been since, under the administration of Narvaez, named a senator of the kingdom. Quintana first appeared as an author in 1795, when he published a small volume of poems, among which was an Ode to the Sea, considered one of his best compositions. The greater part, however, of them were of unequal merit, and those have been omitted in subsequent editions : the next one was published in 1803, and it has been reprinted with additions several times. The best and most complete edition of his poetical works was published at Madrid, in ^ 182D^n two volumes, entitled, ' Poems, including the patriotic odes and tragedies, the Duke of Viseo, and Pelayo.' Of this edition five or six surreptitious reprints have been made at Bordeaux and elsewhere, the laws regarding copyright having only lately been made accordant with justice in Spain as regards authors, though they do not yet extend them protection against piratical republications from abroad. The tragedy of the ' Duke of Viseo,^ imitated from the En- glish, the ' Castle Spectre ' of Lewis, was brought forward in 1801, and that of ' Pelayo ' in 1805. The latter, on a favourite subject of their ancient history, was received with much favour by his countrymen, as were also many of his patriotic odes and poems, written in a spirit accordant with the national feeling. Most of these were at the time inserted in two periodical works he had under his direction ; the first, ' Varie- dades de Ciencias, Literatura y Artes,' and the second, the 'Seminario Patriotico,' which was of a political character. 144 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. and established to promote, and sustain the spirit of inde- pendence, against the French invasion. Beyond his original poems, Quintana has done an im- portant service to Spanish literature by publishing ' A Col- lection of select Spanish Poetry,' altogether in six volumes, Madrid, 1830-33, with critical and biographical notices, re- printed in Paris by Baudry, 1838. These notices are written in a tone of great impartiality and fairness, and are preceded by a Dissertation, as an Introduction, on the History of Spanish Poetry, which, written as it is with eminent ability, Mr. Wiffen has shown great judgement in translating, prefixed to his very correct and elegant version of the works of Garcilasso de la Vega, London, 1833. Besides this valuable collection of Spanish poetry, Quintana has favoured the public with a work in three volumes, — 'Lives of celebrated Spaniards,' of which the first volume was published in 1807, the other two in 1830 and 1833 respectively. The first volume, which has been translated into English by Mr. Preston, London, 1823, contains the lives of the earlier heroes of Spanish history, — the Cid Campeador, Guzman the Good, Roger de Lauria, the Prince of Viana, and Gonzalo de Cordova ; all bearing impressions of the en- thusiastic and poetic feelings, characteristic of the compara- tively youthful period of life at which they were written. It was Quintana's intention to have proceeded with a series of > like biographies ; but the subsequent public events, in which he had to take so active a part, interrupted the task, and when he resumed it, after the lapse of twenty years, it was under the influence of other feelings. He then proceeded principally with the lives of persons distinguished in American history ; the second volume containing those of Vasco Nunez de Balboa and Francisco Pizarro ; and the third volume those MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 145 of Alvaro de Luna, and Bartolome de las Casas. Of these two volumes, the former has been translated into English by Mrs. Hobson, Edinburgh, 1833 ; and of the third a transla- tion has been announced, London, 1851 j both, and the latter especially, well deserving of study. In the first volume, treating of heroes, whose history, almost lost in the obscurity of remote times, might be con- sidered among the fabulous legends prevailing everywhere in the first formations of society, it seemed only appropriate to give a colouring of poetry, to characters of whose actions nothing could be judged, except by their outward bearing. But in the others he could write as a philosophic historian, inquiring into the motives of actions, and teaching lessons of public morality by individual examples. The life of Alvaro is thus particularly interesting, depicting the caprices of fortune, as they affect The wish indulged in courts to shine, And power too great to keep or to resign. In the other lives he maintains the high tone of feeling shown in his beautiful Ode to Balmis, the philanthropic introducer of vaccination into America, where the ravages of the disease, so graphically described by Humboldt, had made this benefit more peculiarly desirable. The generous sentiments expressed in this ode are such as to do honour not only to Quintana, but also to the nation, where they are in the present generation adopted, as we find them repeated emphatically by so popular a writer as Larra. More than thirty years had elapsed after writing that ode, when Quintana, in the Life of the enthusiastic Las Casas, proved his consistency of character and principles, by main- taining them in a work of historical character, as he had done in poetry in his youth. In the prologue to the third volume he says, " The author L 146 MANUEL JOSE QTJINTANA. will be accused of little regard for the honour of his country, when he so frankly adopts the sentiments and principles of the Protector of the Indians, whose imprudent writings have been the occasion of so much opprobrium, and of sub- ministering such arms to the detractors of Spanish glories. But neither the extravagance or fanatical exaggerations of Las Casas, nor the abuse which the mahgnity of strangers have made of them, can erase from deeds their nature and cha- racter. The author has not gone to imbibe them from sus- picious fountains ; nor to judge them as he has done, has he regarded other principles than those of natural equity, or other feelings than those of his own heart. Documents care- fully appended for this purpose, and the attentive perusal of Herrera, Oviedo, and others our own writers as impartial and judicious as those, give the same result in events and opinions. What then was to be done ? To deny the impressions received, and repel the decision which humanity and justice dictate, on account of not compromising what is called the honour of the country ? But the honour of a country consists in actions truly great, noble and virtuous of its inhabitants; not in gilding with justifications, or insufficient exculpations, those that unfortunately bear on themselves the seal of being iniquitous and cruel. To strangers who to depress us, accuse us of cruelty and barbarity in our discoveries and conquests of the New World, we might reply with other examples on their own part, as or more atrocious than ours, and in times and under circumstances sufficiently less excusable " The great ■ glories and usefulnesses, which result from expended conquests and dominations, are always bought at a great price, whether of blood, or violence, or reputation and fame : unhappy tribute to be paid even by nations the most civilized, when the impulse of destiny bears them to the same situation. Glorious, without doubt, was for us the discovery MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 147 of the New World ! But at what cost was it bought ! For myself what affects me, leaving apart as not required here the question of the advantages which Europe has derived from that singular event, I will say, that wherever I find, whether in the past or the present, aggressors and aggrieved, oppressors and oppressed, on no account of ulterior utility, nor even of national consideration, am I able to incline myself to the former, or to fail in sympathizing with the latter. I may have put therefore into this historical question more entireness and candour than is commonly expected, when referring to-our own conduct, but no odious prejudices, nor an inclination to injure or detract. Let us everywhere give some place in books to justice, now that unfortunately it is wont to have so little left it in the affairs of the world." Holding such high opinions in all his writings, it may be seen that the youth of Spain cannot have a better guide to take for private study than those writings, the best prepara- tives for honourable exertion in life; and Quintana^s own history shows, that whatever misfortunes may befall any one individually, he does not labour or suffer in vain, who labours or suffers honestly in a just cause. In another part of the same prologue, Quintana says of his own lot, " Of this variety of circumstances and continued alternations, from good to ill, and from ill to good, not small has been the part fallen to the author of this work. Drawn by the force of events from his study and domestic lares, flattered and excessively exalted now, afterwards borne down and contemned, falling into im- prisonment and proceeded against capitally, destined to a long and perhaps indefinite detention, deprived during it of communications and even of his pen, released from it, when he least hoped, to rise and prosper, and descending again soon to be endangered, he has experienced all, and nothing now can be to him new. Let it not be supposed from this L 2 148 MANUEL JOSE QQINTANA. that he puts it forth here as a merits and less, that he pre- sents it in complaint. For of whom should I complain ? Of men ? These in the midst of my greatest calamities, with very few exceptions, have shown themselves constantly re- gardful, benevolent, and even respectful towards me. Of fortune ? And what pledges had she given me to moderate for me the rigour with which she treated the rest ? Were they not of as much or more value than I ? Political and moral turbulences are the same as the great physical dis- orders, in which the elements becoming excited, no one is sheltered from their fury." Resigning himself thus to his fate, Quintana seems to have learned the philosophical secret of preserving his equanimity in all the vicissitudes of life, to the enjoyment of a tranquil old age. The privilege of attaining this is a favour to every one, to whom it is granted ; but its highest enjoyments must be consequent only on a life of active usefulness, with a con- science void of offence. The man of cultivated mind, who has been called upon to do or to suffer more than others his fellows in the turmoils of the world, may then be supposed to receive his greater reward in the remembrances of scenes, happier perhaps in the retrospect than in the reality, which may have given them even the semblance of a longer exist- ence. As perspectives appear lengthened, according to the number and variety of objects that intervene to the view, so life itself may appear to have been longer or shorter, accord- ing to the memory and character of events witnessed in its course. Described as a person of athletic form, yet unbowed by the burden of fourscore years, Quintana, as before observed, still survives, to receive the honour justly due to him for his honourable exertions through life, the remembrances of which may thus give him more pleasurable enjoyments, than can be supposed to fall to the lot of ordinary mortals. MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 149 As a poetj if a foreigner may be allowed to express an opi- nion, for which he has no native authority to adduce, Quiu- tana may be said to be more eloquent than poetical. As QuintiUan said of Lucan, both also natives of Spain, " ut dieam quod sentio, magis oratoribus quam poetis annume- randus." Quintana's eloquence consists in earnestness more than in flights of fancy. His favourite subjects were the glo- ries of his country ; ■ and his patriotic odes, in which he endea- voured to incite his countrymen to imitate the examples of their forefathers, have been pronounced his best compositions. He has as a poet paid his tribute of admiration to beauty and the arts ; but his whole soul seems to be poured forth when pathetically mourning over the dimmed glories of his country, as when at the thought " of our miserable squadrons flying before the British," he turns to the PadiUias and Guzmans of former days, " when the Spaniard was master of half of Europe, and threw himself upon unknown and immense seas to give a new world to men." As a patriotic poet Quintana has been compared to Be- ranger, and is said to have had the same power over the minds of his countrymen. If the parallel be correct, it may be curious to consider how characteristically these two poets ap- peal to the feelings of their admirers j one by songs and in- cidents, which though often trivial, yet speak to the heart in its most sensitive points, while the other proceeds to the same object by martial odes of commanding austerity. Besides the Ode to Balmis, the other one in this work, on the Battle of Trafalgar, has been chosen for translation, as most likely to interest the English reader, though it may not be in itself so much to be admired as some others of his poems. The reader will perhaps observe a constrained style in it, even beyond that of translatidn, — sentiments forced, as if the subject had not been taken voluntarily. It must not therefore be looked 150 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. upon as a favourable specimen of Quintana's genius^ like the Ode to Balmis, which more fully shows the character of his mind. Quintana, more than other poets of his time, has written in one style of verse, as in imitation of the Pindaric ode, or of our Gray and- Dryden. Thus with free metres and often unfettered by rhyme, he has a staid measured tone, well suited to the subjects he has generally adopted. They are con- sidered in Spain as of an elegiac character ; and as accordant with them, they have fallen in the translation into the form of our elegies, or the heroic lines with alternate rhymes, the style of verse which Dryden, a high authority on such a ques- tion, pronounced " the most magnificent of all the measures which our language afibrds." Much as Quintana has published, both of his own works and of the works of others, for the advancement of sound learning and moral instruction, we have still great cause to regret that the circumstances of the times in which he has lived have prevented him from publishing more. Not only has he been interrupted in the course of those instructive biographies, of which we have such valuable beginnings, but we might have hoped, if he had lived in more peaceful times, that he would have given the world some work, of a character more distiactively his own, to place his name still higher in the history of elegant literature. It was one of the maxims of the wise JoveUanos, " that it was not sufficient for the pur- poses of good government to keep the people qiiiet, but that they ought to be kept contented." Without this condition the other cannot be expected ; and for all public commotions, therefore, the rulers are always most responsible, as unmindful of this truth. The greatest evil is, when the whole literary world has thus also further cause to complain of their mis- deeds, as affecting those who were endowed with talents of a MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 151 higher order, such as to make all men interested in their well-being. It is to be hoped that we are now, under the benignant reign of Isabel the Second, entitled to expect a more liberal government, and the advent of a still brighter sera for the literature of Spain. Taking the space of eighty years, as comprehending the period during which modern Spanish poetry has been pecu- liarly distinguished for superior excellence, we may now make a further division of this period, into the former and latter parts of it. All the poets, whose lives we have hitherto traced, wrote their principal works previously to the year 1810 ; after which time we have a succession of writers, whose genius may perhaps be found to take a yet wider range of thought and feeling, consequent on the extended field of knowledge, which later events presented to their observation. MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. TO THE SPANISH EXPEDITION FOR THE PROMOTION OF VACCINATION IN AMERICA, UNDER DON FRANCISCO BALMIS. Fair Virgin of the world, America ! Thou who so innocent to heaven display'st Thy bosom stored with plenty's rich array. And brow of gentle youth ! Thou, who so graced The tenderest and most lovely of the zones Of mother Earth to shine, shouldst be of fate The sweet delight and favour'd love it owns. That but pursues thee with relentless hate. Hear me ! If ever was a time mine eyes. When scanning thy eventful history, Did not burst forth in tears ; if could thy cries My heart e'er hear unmoved, from pity free MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 153 And indignation ; then let me disclaim'd Of virtue be eternally as held. And barbarous and wicked be one named As those who with such ruin thee assail'd. In the eternal book of life are borne, Written in blood, those cries, which then sent forth Thy lips to Heaven, such fury doom'd to mourn. And yet agaiast my country call iu wrath. Forbidding glory and success attend The fatal field of crimes. Will they ne'er cease ? WUl not the bitter expiation end Sufficed of three eventful centuries ? We are not now those who on daring's wing. Before the world, the Atlantic's depths disdain' d. And from the silence found thee covering, That fiercely tore thee, bleeding and enchain'd ! " No, ye are not the same. But my lament Is not for this to cease : I could forget The rigours which my conquerors relent. Their avarice with cruelties beset : The crime was of the age, and not of Spain. But when can I forget the evils sore WTiich I must miserably yet sustain ? Among them one, come, see what I deplore, ]54 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. If horror will not you deter. From you, Your fatal ships first launched, the mortal pest. The poison that now desolates me flew. As in doom'd plains by ruthless foes oppress'd, As serpent that incessantly devours, So ever from your coming, to consume Has it raged o^er me. See here, how it lowers ! And in the hidden place of death and gloom. Buries my children and my loves. Aflbrds Your skill no remedy ? ! ye, who call Yourselves as of America the lords. Have pity on my agony. See, fall Beneath your insane fury, not sufficed One generation, but a hundred slain ! And I expiring, desolate, unprized, Beseech assistance, and beseech in vain." Such were the cries that to Olympus rose, When in the fields of Albion found remote, Variola's fell havocs to oppose. Kind Nature show'd the happy antidote. The docile mother of the herd was found Enrich'd with this great gift ; there stored attent Where from her copious milky founts around She gives so many life and aliment. Jenner to mortals first the gift reveal'd : Thenceforward mothers to their hearts could press MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 155 Their children without fear to lose them heal'd ; Nor feared thenceforward in her loveliness The maiden, lest the fatal venom spoil Her cheek of roses, or her brow of snow. All Europe then is joinM in grateful toil. For gift so precious and immense to know, In praises loud to echo Jennei-'s name ; And altars to his skill to raise decrees, There to long ages hallowing his fame. Beside their tutelar divinities. Of such a glory at the radiant light, With noble emulation filFd his breast, A Spaniard rose, — " Let not my country slight," He cried, " on such a great occasion's test. Her ancient magnanimity to employ. ^ 'T is fortune's gift discovering it alone ; That let an Englishman his right enjoy. Let Spain's sublime and generous heart be shown, Giving her majesty more honour true, By carrying this treasure to the lands Which most the evil's dire oppressions knew. There, for I feel a deity commands. There will I fly, and of the raging wave Will brave in bearing it the furious strife ; America's infested plains to save From death, as planting there the tree of life." 156 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. He spoke, and scarcely from his burning lip These echoes had beneficently flow'd, When floating in the port, prepared the ship, To give' commencement to so blest a road. Moved spreading her white canvas to the air. On his fate launch'd himself the aeronaut. Waves of the sea, in favouring calmness bear. As sacred, this deposit to be brought Through your serene and liquid fields. There goes Of thousand generations long the hope ; Nor whelm it, nor let thunder it oppose ; Arrest the lightning, with no storms to cope. Stay them until that from those fertile shores Come forth the prows, triumphant in their pride. That fraught remote with all their golden stores. With vice and curses also come allied. Honour to Balmis ! 0, heroic soul ! That in such noble toil devotest thy breath. Go fearless to thy end. The dreadful roll Of ocean always hoarse, and threatening death ; The fearful whirlpool's aU-devouring throat. The cavem'd rock's black face, where dash'd by fate, Break the wreck'd barks, the dangers they denote Greatest are not most cruel thee that wait. Prom man expect them ! Impious, envious man, In error wrapp'd and blind, will prove him bent, MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 157 When hush'd against thee is the hurricane. To combat rough the generous intent. But firmly and secure press forward on ; And hold in mind, when comes for strife the day. That without constant, anxious toil, can none Hope glory's palms to seize, and bear away. At length thou comest ; America salutes Her benefactor, and at once her veins The destined balm to purify deputes. A further generous ardour then regains Thy breast ; and thou, obedient to the hand Divine that leads thee, turn'st the sounding prow Where Ganges rolls, and every Eastern land The gift may take. The Southern Ocean now Astonished sees thee, o'er her mighty breast Untiring passing. Luzon thee admires. Good always sowing on thy road impress'd : And as it China's toilsome shore acquires, Confucius from his tomb of honoured fame, If could his venerable form arise. To see it in glad wonder might exclaim, " 'T was worthy of my virtue, this emprise ! " Right worthy was it of thee, mighty sage ! Worthy of that divine and highest light, 158 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. Which reason and which virtue erst array'd To shine in happier days, now quench'd in night. Thou, Balmis ! never mayst return ; nor grows In Europe now the sacred laurel meet With which to crown thee. There in calm repose, Where peace and independence a retreat May find, there rest thee ! where thou mayst receive At length the august reward of deeds so blest. Nations immense shall come for thee to grieve, Raising in grateful hymns to Heaven address'd Thy name with fervorous zeal. And though now laid In the cold tomb's dark precincts thou refuse To hear them, listen to them thus convey'd At least, as in the accents of my Muse. ON THE BATTLE OE TRAFALGAR. Not with an easy hand wills Eate to give Nations, or heroes, power and renown : Triumphant Rome, whose empire to receive A hemisphere submissively bow'd down. MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 159 Yielding itself in silent servitude^ How often did she vanquish'd groan ? repell'd As she her course of loftiness pursued ! Her ground to Hannibal she scarcely held ; Italian blood of Trevia the sands. And wavy Thrasymenus deeply dyed, And Roman matrons the victorious bands Of Cannae nigh approaching them descried, As some portentous comet fearful lower. Who drove them thence ? Who from the Capitol Turn'd on the throne, that founded Dido's power. The clouds that threatened then o'er them to roll ? Who in the fields of Zama, from the yoke They feared, with direful slaughter to set free, At length the sceptre of great Carthage broke. With which she held her sovereignty, the sea ? Unswerving courage ! that alone the shield That turns adversity's sharp knife aside : To joy turns sorrow ; bids despair to yield To glory, and of fortune Jearns to guide The dubious whirlwind, victory in its train ; For a high-minded race commands its fate. 0, Spain ! my country ! covering thy domain. The mourning shows how great thy suffering state ; But still hope on, and with undaunted brow. From base dejection free, behold the walls 160 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. Of thy own lofty GadeSj which avow Thy strength, though fate them now awhile appals ; Which though affrighted, hlushing in their shame, As bathing them around the waves extend. Yet loud thy sons' heroic deeds proclaim. Far on the sounding billows they defend. From the proud castled poop that crowns his high Indomitable ship, the Briton round Look'd, on his power and glory to rely. And boastful cried, " Companions renown'd ! See, there they come : new trophies to attain Wait your unconquer'd arms ; the feeble pines That Spain prepares for her defence in vain : Fate from our yoke exemption none assigns. We are the sons of Neptune. Do they dare To plough the waves before us ? Call to mind Aboukir's memorable day ! to share Another such a triumph : let us find One moment as sufficing us to come. To conquer, and destroy them.. Grant it me. Kind fate ! and let us crown'd with laurels home Our wealthy Thames again returning see." He spoke, and spread his sails. With swimming prows Opening the waves, they follow him elate. MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 161 Conquerors of winds and waves. With dauntless brow The Spaniards view them, and in calmness wait, Contemning their fierce arrogance, and high Their bosoms beating with indignant rage. Just anger ! sacred ardour ! " There come nigh Those cruel foes, who hasten war to wage. And spin our blood, when we reposed secure Beneath the wings of peace. They who are led By avarice vile ; who friendship's laws abjure ; Who in their endless tyranny o'erspread Would hold condemn'd the seas ; who to unite. As brothers, pride and insolence of power With treachery and rapacity delight ; Who " — ^but with mantle dark night brings the hour To enwrap the world. Wandering round the shrouds Are frightful shades, dire slaughter that portend And fearful expectations raise. Through opening clouds The day displays the field, where wildly blend Fury and death ; and horrid Mars the scene Swells loud with shouts of war, upraised in air His standard high. To answer intervene From hollow brass the mortal roarings glare. The echo thunders, and the waves resound. Dashing themselves in rage to Afric's shore : In confiict fly the ships to ships around. By rancour moved. Less violent its store M 163 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. Of heap'd-up ice in mountains, the South Pole Emits immense, loud thundering through the waves To glide, and on the adventurous seaman roll. Nor with less clamour loosen'd from their caves Rush the black tempests, when the East and North, Troubling the heavens enraged in furious war. And dire encounter, all their strength put forth. And shake the centre of the globe afar. Thrice the fierce islander advanced to break Our squadron's wall, confiding in his might : Thrice by the Spanish force repulsed, to shake His hopes of victory he sees the fight. Who shall depict his fury and his rage. When with that flag before so proud he saw The flag of Spain invincible engage ? 'T is not to skill or valour to o'erawe, Solely he trusts to fortune for success. Doubling his ships, redoubhng them again. From poop to prow, from side to side to press. In an unequal fight is made sustain Each Spanish ship a thousand, thousand fires ; And they with equal breath that death receive So send it back. No, not to my desires. If heaven would grant it me, could I achieve The task that day's heroic deeds to tell, Not with a hundred tongues ; hid from the sun MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 163 By smoke, Fame's trumpet shall their praises swell, And bronze and marble for their names be won. At length the nioment comes, when Death extends His pale and horrid hand, to signalize Great victims. Brave Alcedo to him bends. And nobly Moyua, with Castanios, dies. And Alcaic,, Churruca, also ye ! Of Betis and Guipuzcoa the pride. ! if Fate knew to spare, would it not be Enough to soothe, upon your brows allied Minerva's olive with Mars' laurels seen ? From your illustrious and inquiring mind What could the world, or stars, their mysteries screen ? Of your great course the traces left behind The Cyclades are full, nor less the seas Of far America. How seeks to mourn. New tears from her sad heart her grief to appease, The widow'd land such heroes from her torn ; And still she sheds them o'er your cruel fate. ! that ye two could live, and I in place Of grief, of sorrowing song, to consecrate To you the funeral accents that I raise. Might have opposed my bosom to the stroke. And thus my useless life my country give ! That I might thus your cruel lot revoke. To bear the wounds, so that ye two might live ! M 2 164 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. And she might proudly raise her front anew, Victorious crown'd with rays of glory bright, Her course 'gainst arduous fortune to pursue, Triumphant in your wisdom and your might. Yet fell ye not, ye generous squadrons ! there. Without revenge and slaughter. Spreading wide, Kivers of English blood your powers declare. And Albion also horror-struck descried Mountains of bodies weigh, a heavy pile. On her so proud Armada. Nelson, too ! Terrible shade ! 0, think not, no, that vile My voice to name thee, e'er an insult threw On thy last sigh. As English I abhor. But hero I admire thee. O, thy fate ! Of captive ships a crowd, the spoils of war. The Thames awaits, and now exults elate To hail with shouts the conqueror's return ! But only pale and cold beholds her Chief ! Great lesson left for human pride to learn. And worthy holocaust for Spanish grief. Yet still the rage of Mars impels the arm Of destiny ; mow'd down unnumber'd lives. By fury launch'd, voracious flames alarm ; On every side planks burning. Loosely drives MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. 165 Each ship a fierce volcano ; blazing high Through the wide air 't is raisedj and thrown again With horrid bursting in the seas to lie, EnguK'd. Do other havocs yet remain ? YeSj for that Heaven, displeased to see such foes. Bids the inclement north winds rise to part The furious combatants, and day to close In stormy night. 'T is order' d, and athwart They throw themselves the miserable barks. Lashing the waves on high with cruel wings. As each this new unequal combat marks For ruin, falls the mast, and over swings Trembhng beneath the assault. The hulls divide. And where the gaping seams the waves invite. They enter, while the dying Spaniards cried, " ! that we were to perish, but in fight ! " In that remorseless conflict, high in air. Then shining forth their glorious forms displayed The mighty champions, who of old to bear The trident and the spear, supreme had made Before the Iberian flag the nations bow. There Lauria, Trovar, and Bazan were seen. And Aviles, their brother heroes now Of Spain to welcome, and in death convene. " Come among us," they cried, " among the brave You emulate. Already you have gain'd 166 MANUEL JOSE QUINTANA. Your fair reward. The example that you gave Of valour, Spain in constancy sustained Her warriors shows, inciting to prepare For other conflicts they undaunted greet. Look to the city of Alcides ! there Gravina, A\a.vk and Escanio meet ! Cisneros and a hundred more combine There in firm column, with proud hopes to bless Our native land. Come, fly ye here, and shine In heaven their stars of glory, and success." MODEEN POETS AND POETRY OP SPAIN. PART II. VII. ERANCISOO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. Throughout the civilized world, and even beyond it, this eminent statesman has long been heard of, as one who, vifhile devoting his life faithfully to promote the welfare of his own country^ had exerted himself no less assiduously for the gene- ral interests of mankind. As an orator, a statesman and a poHtical writer, he has thus obtained a deservedly high Euro- pean reputation, due to his services and merits. In Spain he is further known as one of the first literary characters of whom his country has to boast, and as a dramatist and lyric poet of a very superior order. Martinez de la Rosa was born the 10th March, 1789, at Granada, where also he received his education, completing it at the University in that city. Before the age of twenty he had gone through the usual course of study in the ancient and some of the modern languages, in philosophy, mathe- matics, canon and civil law, with such success as to have been enabled to undertake a professorship of philosophy there, perfecting himself in the art of oratory, in which his natural talents already had become manifest, as they soon afterwards gave him the means of greater distinction. From those pur- 170 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. suits he was called away^ in 1808^ on the occurrence of the French invasion^ to take an active part in the struggle for national independence, into which he entered with youthful ardour, by public declamations, and by writing in a periodical instituted to maintain it. As the French arms advanced victoriously, Martinez de la Rosa, with others of the party who had been most conspicuous in their opposition to them, had to take refuge in Cadiz. He was first employed to proceed to Gibraltar, as his future colleague, the Conde de Toreno, had been sent to London, to obtain a cessation of hostilities, in the war then yet existing between England and Spain, and concert measures of alliance against the French. In this mission he had the desired suc- cess, having further obtained from the governor of Gibraltar arms and ammunition, which enabled the Spanish forces under Castanios to march and obtain, at Bailen, the memo- rable triumph of the 19th July, 1808. In consequence of this victory, the French had to evacuate Madrid, and the Central Junta was formed, superseding the first actors in the conflict. On this, Martinez de la Rosa took advantage of the circumstances to go to England, and observe there himself, says his biographer, the celebrated Pacheco, "in its birth- place, where it was natural, complete and necessary, that re- presentative system, which the spirit of reform wished to bring over for the people of the Continent." Wolf says he had there a diplomatic commission, adding, that he took ad- vantage of it " to familiarize himself with the English consti- tution, for which he always had a great predilection." Whether he had public duties entrusted to him or not, Martinez de la Rosa seems then to have stayed some time in London, studying the workings of the parliamentary system, the good fruits of which he, as Mirabeau had before him, found in his legislative career. There he printed, in 1811, FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 171 his poem, Zaragoza, written in competition for the prize offered by the Central Junta, in celebration of the defence of that city in 1809, and there also he wrote several other poems. The one of Zaragoza seems not to have been reprinted in Spain till the publication of his collected poems in Madrid in 1833, and no adjudication ever was made on the compositions prepared at the suggestion of the Junta, but it is stated that the judges had unanimously agreed to confer on him the premium offered in the name of the nation. In 1811 the French armies had driven the assertors of national independence from all the other principal parts of Spain to Cadiz, and there the Cortes were convoked to meet. There then, Martinez de la Rosa returned, and though not yet of the age required by law to be chosen a Deputy, he took part in all the deliberations of the national councils, and was appointed Secretary to the commission on the freedom of the press. Meanwhile the siege of Cadiz was commenced by the French and pressed unremittingly ; but the spirit of the defenders did not fail them. Martinez de la Rosa and Quin- tana continued their literary labours, and the former pro- duced a comedy and a tragedy, both of which were received with much favour. The latter continues a favourite on the stage, on a subject well chosen from Spanish history, and en- titled the ' Widow of Padillia.' To use his own words, " It was represented, for the first time, in July 1812, and in days so unfortunate, that it could not be produced even in the theatre at Cadiz, on account of the great danger from the bombs of the enemy, which had nearly caused, a little before, the destruction of the building, crowded at the time with a numerous audience. For this reason they had to erect a theatre of wood in another part of the city, at a distance from where the French artillery had directed their aim." Shortly after this the siege was raised, and the French 173 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. having again evacuated Madrid, the Cortes were convoked to assemble there, when Martinez de la Rosa was elected Deputy for his native city. He had throughout the struggle joined the most active members of the hberal party, Arguelles, Quintana and others, who, all honourable and patriotic cha- racters, had acted in perfect sincerity in forming the Consti- tution of 1813, as it was called, which they hoped would secure the future freedom of the country. In this, however, they found themselves mistaken ; the re- presentative system had scarcely time to develope its advan- tages, when it was overthrown entirely on the return of Fer- dinand to Spain, who, by his decree of the 4th of May, 1814, annulled the Constitution, and dissolved the Cortes. Had he been contented with this, as in re-assumption of the regal authority exercised by his predecessors, the liberal party might have had only to lament the abrupt termination of their hopes. But, unfortunately, proceedings still more arbi- trary were commenced against their leaders individually, of a nature unknown, even in Spain, till then, and in comparison with which the rule of the Prince of the Peace was a pattern of toleration. As those leaders had not been guilty of any act which could make them amenable to any legal tribunal, Ferdinand VII. took on himself to pass the sentences he chose to inflict on them for the opinions they had held, and the conduct they had pursued, in the momentous struggle for national independence, resulting in his restoration. The par- tisans of the Absolute King wished to extort from Martinez de la Rosa a retractation of the opinions he had maintained ; but they miscalculated his character. He refused to hsten to their overtures, and he was sentenced to ten years' impri- sonment in the penal settlement of Gomera in Africa. In 1830 a reaction took place, and the constitutional party again obtained possession of the government. Martinez de FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 173 la Rosa had then passed six years of unjust imprisonment, when he was recalled to Spain, and was received, in his native city, with triumphal arches erected to welcome him, and other tokens of public respect and rejoicing. At the first election of deputies afterwards for the Cortes, he was sent with that character from Granada, but his sentiments on pubhc affairs had become considerably modified. Others of the liberal party had returned from exile or imprisonment with exaspe- rated feelings ; but Martinez de la Eosa had employed his time more philosophically, in considering the means that should be adopted, to use his own expression, " for resolving the problem, most important for the human race, how to unite order with hberty." Avoiding all extreme opinions, he gave his support to the ministry he found existing and their successors, as the means of preserving order, until they fell under the combination of unworthy jealousies among their own party, and the constant attacks of those holding the ex- treme opinions of democracy and absolutism. On the 1st March, 1831, Martinez de la Rosa was called on to form a ministry, which duty he finally undertook, though he had at first strenuously declined it. He had good reason to decHne it, as the king himself was throughout that period plotting against his own ministers and government, to re-establish himself in absolute power. At the end of June, Martinez de la Rosa found himself under the necessity of tendering his resignation, and insisting upon its being ac- cepted, though both the king and the council at first refused to do so. The moderate course which he wished to follow pleased neither party ; and even he, who had suffered six years of unjust imprisonment in the popular cause, was now looked on as a traitor by the people, and ran great risk of being murdered in a public commotion raised in the city. Had he chosen to take a more decisive part, either on the one side or 174 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. the other, the weight of his character would no doubt have given it the preponderance. As it was, the question was de- cided by the invasion of the French under the Due d'Angou- leme, who restored Ferdinand VII. to his former authority. When the French entered Spain, the constitutionahst go- vernment had retired to Seville; but Martinez de la Rosa had been obliged, from illness, to remain at Madrid. There being called upon to give in his adhesion to the authority imposed by foreign arms on the nation, he declined to do so, and thought himself fortunate in having no severer penalty to suffer thereupon, than to have his passport given him to go from Spain, while others had to suffer so much more severely. He then retired to Paris, where he resided eight years, paying occasional visits to Italy, and though not pro- scribed directly as an exile, yet he was not allowed to return to his country. During those eight years he devoted his leisure to hte- rary pursuits, and composed most of those works on which his fame must permanently rest ; such as his poem, ' Arte Poetica / his very beautiful ' Ode on the Death of the Duchess de Frias,' and several plays; among them the 'Tragedy of the Conspiracy of Venice,' considered the best of all he had written. Thus occupied in endeavouring to make future generations wiser and better, Martinez de la Rosa gained increased respect at home with his increased reputation abroad ; and on the moderating of the fii'st angry party-feel- ings in Spain, was at the end of eight years allowed to return to Granada. The events of 1830 had produced the effect in Spain of milder councils being adopted in the government, which pre- vailed still more on the Queen Christina assuming power, first on the illness of the king, and afterwards as Regent on his death in 1833. Martinez de la Rosa had then been per- FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 1 75 mitted to return to Madrid, and in this latter year he pub- lished the first collection of his poems, dedicating himself to writing at the same time his ' Life of Perez del Pulgar,' one of the old warriors of Spain, and other works. From these labours he was then called to undertake again the duties of government. The existing ministry formed under a former line of policy, was not suitable to the exigences of the times, rendered still more pressing now by the pretensions of Don Carlos to the throne. It was necessary to oppose those pre- tensions, by obtaining the zealous aid of the constitutional party; and Martinez de la Eosa was chosen as the leader, embodying in himself the characteristics of moderation and just principles, to form a ministry. It does not become a foreigner, least of all in a purely literary work, to enter in judgement on any questions of a political nature. The best-intentioned persons in the world may take different views of the same question, under the same emergences, and the wisdom of any particular measure is not always to be judged of by the result. In the conflicts of contending parties, the most unscrupulous and daring may often succeed, where wiser and better men may fail. Of Martinez de la Eosa, his biographer has observed, that " he was one of those men who would not conspire even for good ends unlawfully; and that if he could not obtain what he wished by just means, he would cross his arms, and leave the rest to Providence." The events of those years present much ground for regret for all parties, and it is a truly honourable consideration for such a one as Martinez de la Eosa, that, acting according to the best of his judgement on many very difficult occasions, he might have been com- pelled to yield to force and violence, without any imputation on his probity or statesmanship. But if it be beyond our consideration of duty to enter on 176 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. questions of internal polity, there are two others, connected with his administration, to which we may venture to refer, as to be judged of by those great principles of right and justice, which are applicable to all times and all countries, and be- come thus fairly subject to commendation or censure, as affecting the general interests of mankind. Though Martinez de la Rosa bad been one of the principal actors among those who had established the Constitution of 1813, for which also he suffered as a prisoner and an exile, he learned soon to perceive that it required considerable modifications in a country like Spain, where the people were not fully prepared to receive it. One of his first measures then was to promulgate what might be termed a new Consti- tution, called the Estatuto Real, the general wisdom and propriety of which may be admitted, or at least not disputed, while one part of it may be pronounced indefensible. This was in the design to subvert the ancient rights of the Basque people, by amalgamating their provinces into the kingdom, without obtaining or asking their assent. This was a mea- sure unjust in itself; and because unjust, also impolitic ; lead- ing to a long-protracted struggle, in which the whole force of Spain being employed, army after army was destroyed, and general after general disgraced, by a comparatively in- considerable number of undisciplined peasantry. When En- gland sought to incorporate the Parliaments of Scotland and Ireland into that of the United Kingdom, it was sought by what might be called legal, though not always honourable means. On the same principle, the consent of the Basques ought to have been obtained by the Spanish government, rather than the attempt made, furtively or forcibly, to deprive them of their ancient privileges. On another great question affecting humanity, it is pleasing to consider Martinez de la Rosa among the foremost cha- FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 177 racters of the age, in attempting the suppression of the slave trade with Africa. In 1817 a treaty was made between En- gland and Spain to suppress this traffic, which, after the expe- rience of a few years, it was found necessary to make more stringent. Propositions to this eiFect were therefore made year after year to successive Spanish governments by the Bri- tish, but in vain, until in 1835 Lord Palmerston was successful enough to find in him a minister of Spain, who had the courage to consent to those suggestions. The treaty of that year was then entered into, and signed on the part of the two coun- tries, by Sir George Villiers, now Earl of Clarendon, and Martinez de la Rosa, which has had the desired effect of pre- venting the trade being protected by the Spanish flag. But this able statesman has done still more, to entitle him to the respect of all who look with interest on this important ques- tion. One of the stipulations of the treaty declared that a penal law should be passed in Spain, in accordance with it, to punish all Spanish subjects found infringing it. This stipulation no other Spanish minister could be found to fulfil ; and after the lapse of ten years, having again come into power, it was left for him in good faith to accomplish the engagement he had previously undertaken. Accordingly in 1845, he passed a law, answering the purposes required, which received the approbation of the British government, and which seems to have been so far effective in its application. Great, undoubtedly, is the praise due to those philanthropic statesmen, who, even at the Congress of Vienna, agreed to protect the liberty of Africa. But much greater must be . acknowledged due to one who, unsupported almost in his ovra country, having to oppose himself to a strong colonial in- terest, and the cry they raised against him of acting in sub- servience to a foreign power, yet had the moral courage to follow the dictates of justice and humanity, on behalf of an N 178 I'RANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. injured race, notwithstanding all the enmity he had to en- counter in so doing. In 1836 Martinez de la Rosa had to yield his place in the government to other hands; and in 1840 he thought proper to retire again to Paris, engaging himself in those literary pursuits from which he had latterly heen estranged. It is not our province to follow his political course, through the different public questions on which he had to act. During the four intermediate years various ministries were formed, to some of which he had to give an honourable support, to others as honourable an opposition; but the Regency of Espartero he avoided to acknowledge. When this fell under the attack of Narvaez, he came forward again into public hfe, and accepted office for a short time in the government ; but seemed resolved to take the first opportunity of giving up the post of active exertion for one of more private character, though of no less pubhc utility. Accordingly, on the acces- sion of Pius IX. to the Papacy, he was appointed Ambassador to Rome, which important office he still continues to hold, for the advantage of the Roman Catholic church itself, as well as of his own country, in the several questions that have come since under discussion, subject to his intervention. As a politician, Martinez de la Rosa has been conspicuous for constant rectitude and consistency of principles. " Not even in moments of the utmost defamation," says his biographer, " has a word been ever raised against his purity of conduct, nor have his greatest enemies ever permitted themselves to impugn in the least his intentions." As an orator, he has had few to equal him in his time, none to surpass him ; but - his eloquence has been modelled by his character to persuade and defend rather than attack ; and thus, if not abounding in brilliant sallies, it has been found of more essential service to the cause of good government. FRANCISCO MARTINEZ ME LA ROSA. 179 Beyond the ' History of Perez del Pulgar,' Martinez de la Rosa Las written several other works in prose, one of which, the latest, entitled ' Spirit of the Age,' is in fact, so far as yet published, a History of the French Revolution, preceded by a few general observations on political questions. It has already advanced to six volumes, and becoming a political and philosophical history of contemporaneous events, may be extended to the utmost limits. A novel which he wrote earlier in life, 'Donna de Solis,' is acknowledged a failure, as showing " that no man, however eminent, can write suc- cessfully on all kinds of subjects.^' The principal literary success which Martinez de la Rosa has had, seems to have been as a dramatist ; but into those works it would be impossible to enter, to treat them with justice, except by making them a prominent subject of con- sideration. His poems, published as before stated in 1833, contain compositions in various styles, from the light Ana- creontic to the project of an Epic Poem on the Wars of Granada, of which, however, he has only published fragments. Besides a translation of Horace's ' Art of Poetry,' he has also given the world an ' Ars Poetica,' for the benefit of his own countrymen, which he has enriched with many excellent notes and criticisms. Some of the rules laid down in this ' Ars Poetica ' are well worthy of study, as giving room for reflection, for carrying their suggestions even further than he has done. Thus, while insisting on the young poet depending on the excellency of his ear for the melody of verse, instead of having to count the syllables for the requisite purpose, he obsei'ves, that as the ancients regulated their metres by time, making so many long or short feet of equivalent measure, of which the judge- ment must depend on the cadence, so in the verses of the best Spanish poets, there are often some lines containing N 2 180 FEANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. three or four more syllables than others, to which they form the counterpart, and which are read in the same measure, with increased pleasure for the variation. The same observation may apply to English verse, though perhaps not so fully. Many of our syllables containing shortly sounded vowels, such as a Hebrew scholar might call Sheva and its compounds, pronounced distinctly, but two in the time of an ordinary syllable, may be found to give an elegance to the line, which would sound faulty with only one of them. But we may go further, and observe, that as in music the melody may be continued by the pause, instead of a note in the bar, so in a line, a pause with one or more long syllables may have the effect of a syllable, instead of the sound or foot to make up the measure. Readers of poetry will not require to be reminded of instances of this adapta- tion of sounds, and if they notice any such lines in these translations, they will perceive that they have been written in accordance with the precepts referred to. It must be acknowledged, that in the generality of his poems, Martinez de la Rosa has not risen to any such height of sublimity or fancy as to give him a place in the superior class of poets. But one of the latest critical writers, Ferrer del Rio, who has given a more disparaging estimate of his poetical talents than justice might award, pronounces the ' Epistle to the Duke de Frias ' as a composition for which "judges the most grave and least complaisant might place him on the top of Parnassus." The ' Remembrance of Spain,' Del Rio declares to be poor in images, without feeling or depth, but with much of pastoral innocency. The ' Return to Spain * is, according to him, a mere itinerary of his travels, more than an expression of pleasure on escaping from past evU. But in the ' Epistle to the Duke de Frias,' he finds " true-felt inspiration, an appropriate expression, and a plan well traced IHANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA KOSA. 181 out/' — "without vagueness or artificial labour, but with phrases that soften and ideas that satisfy the mind," be- coming the subject. Another anonymous critic finds the writer dwelling too much on the remembrance of his own sorrows, instead of ofi«ring consolation to the mourner, and some incongruity in felicitating him on having witnessed the last pangs of mor- tality. But these topics, on such an occasion, are true to nature. Grief is apt to be egotistical, and the mind cannot but dwell on the subject in which it is absorbed. Nor is the other a less natural suggestion; and thus we may observe, that the great master of antiquity represents the sweetest of his characters lamenting that she had not been by the side of her lord at such a time, as the height of her misfortune, to receive his last embrace, and his last word to be remembered ever after : — ""EiKTop, ifLOL fie fjLtxKKTTa XeXeiyjreTat aXyea Xvypd. Ov yap /xot 6vr]ffK(ou Xe^^av e/c x^lpas Spe^as' Ov 8c TL p.01 f iVeS TtVKlVOV CTTOS, OV Tc Kev alfi Me[jLP^lji.7]v PVKTas Te Koi rffiara 8aKpv)(€0V(Ta. In this ' Epistle to the Duke de Frias,' Martinez de la Kosa has also introduced, as a fit consideration in his grief, the same topic of the instability of earthly things, which " the Roman friend of Rome's least mortal mind " offered him on a similar occasion of sympathy. But it also seems a favourite subject of our poet's thoughts at all times, as befitting the philosopher and the scholar, to dwell on the passing nature of worldly greatness, and so lead the mind to higher sugges- tions than those of the present moment. These ideas he has carried further in another work he has published, ' Book for Children,' in which, like many other eminent characters, who have given the aid of their talents to the development of juvenile minds, he has inculcated lessons of virtue, and the 183 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA KOSA. instinct of good taste, with the feehngs of patriotism and rehgion, as the basis of moral well-being, Martinez de la Rosa published his works in a collected form first, in five volumes, 1827-30, at Paris, where they have been again lately reprinted. Besides these, there haye been two editions in Spain, one at Madrid and the other at Barcelona. From Her Catholic Majesty he has received the decoration of the Golden Fleece, the highest order of Spain, besides other similar honours. But the world at large wiU consider his greatest honour to consist in having raised him- self from mediocrity of station, by his talents and exertions, to the high position he has attained "vpithout stain or re- proach," while, by his literary works, he has enabled all man- kind to become benefited by his genius, and interested in his fame. EEANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. REMEMBRANCE OF SPAIN, WRITTEN IN LONDON IN 1811. I SAW upon the shady Thames Unnumber'd ships with riches fraught ; I saw the power the nation claims Immense, the greatness it has wrought. And arts that such renown have brought. But the afflicted mind exhaled A thousand sighs ; again to view The flowery banks the wish prevail' d. Where glides the Douro calmly through. Or Henil's streams their course pursue. I saw the proud Court's ladies forth Their wealth and grandeur gaily show ; I saw the beauties of the North, Their bright complexions white as snow. Commingling with the rose's glow. 184 I'RANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. Their eyes appear'd of heavenly blue, Their tresses of the purest gold ; Their stately forms arose to view, Beneath the veil's transparent fold. As vt^hite and lovely to behold. But what avail the gay brocade. The city's silks, and jewels' pride ; Or charms in rosy smiles array'd. With brilliant gaiety supplied. That all to beauty are allied ? When but is seen my country girl. Clad in her robe of simple white. Shamed are the needless silk and pearl ; And by her pure and blooming light Confused hides beauty at the sight. Where shall I find in icy clime Her black and beaming eyes of fire ? That whether scornfully the time. To look, or kindly they desire, To rob me of my peace conspire ? Where the black hair that may like hers In hue with ebony compare ? Where the light foot that never stirs. When bounding o'er the meadows fair. The lowly flowers that blossom there ? FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DB LA ROSA. 185 Maids of tte Henil ! dark ye be ; But ne^er would I exchanged resign Your charms for all that here I see, Proud Albion shows, of brows that fine Ev'n as the polish'd ivory shine. 0, father Douro ! gentle stream. Whose sands a golden store supply, Deign of my heart the wish supreme To hear, thy sacred margins by. That it may be my lot to die ! RETURN TO GRANADA, OCTOBER 27, 1831. My loved country ! thee again I come at length return'd to see ; Thy beauteous soil, thy fields where reign Plenty and joy unceasingly ! Thy radiant sun, thy peaceful skies. Yes ! there extended o'er the plain. From hill to hill, I see arise 186 I'aANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA llOSA. The far-famed city ! Noble towers^ Midst groves of ever-blooming flowers ; Kissing her walls are crystal streams, Her valley lofty heights surround, And the snow-topp'd Sierra gleams, Crowning the far horizon's bound. Not vain thy memory me pursued Where'er I stray'd; with that imbued. Troubling my hopes,. my joys, my rest, The thoughts my heart and soul oppress'd. On the cold margin of the Thames, Or Seine, I thought of thee, and sigh'd Again to view the bank that gems Thy Henil's or thy Douro's tide. And if perchance my voice essay'd Some gayer song, for short relief. Soon for lament the attempts I made Were check' d, and doubled was my grief. Vain the delicious Arno show'd. Offering to me her fruitful shore. Of peace and loves the soft abode. With flowers enamell'd o'er. " More blooming are the plains where flows The gentle Henil through, FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 187 And lovelier still Granada shows Her pleasant site to view ! " Murmuring such words in mournful thought, I oft with tearful eyes repined^ Upraised to Heaven, as memory brought My fathers^ homes and hearths to mind. At times the solitary view Of rural scenes more seem'd to soothe ; From cities terror-struck I jBiew, And breathless, anxious, o'er the uncouth Rough Alps I took my way. But not so pure, so vivid show'd Their snowy tops the sun's bright ray, As from our snow Sierra glow'd The streams of light, the god of day O'er earth and heaven bestow'd. My griefs Pompeii flatter'd more : Its fearful ruins, silent streets. Deserted porticos, retreats Of men with grass run o'er. And in my troubled mind began Grave thoughts to rise, how vain is all The power of miserable man. To abase his fame, his pride to gall, How fate delights ! and works that vast 188 FRANCISCO MAKTINBZ DE LA ROSA. He rears, and dares eternal call, Throws over with a blast ! Today the traveller, as he roves Along the Tiber, has to trace Through ruins, where that was high Jove's Triumphant city had its place ! The plough breaks up the fruitful mould. The sacred relics now we see Of Herculaneum that enfold. As in a darksome tomb ! If be Pompeii's walls still standing, yet Are their foundations undermined By age, and as the rude winds threat. They tremble to their fall inclined. Thus in my youth I saw the tower Of the superb Alhambra lower. Broken, and imminent appal The Douro threatening with its fall. Each rapid moment of my hfe Hasten'd the term with ruin rife ; And of the Alcazar's sovereign pride. Where once the Moorish power enchain'd Their fame as left to ages wide. Mine eyes may soon not find descried Its ruins ev'n remain'd. FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 189 As that dark image o'er me glooms. My heart sinks heavy iu my breast ; I bow myself before the tombs. In tears with grief oppressed. What is thy magic ? what may be The ineffable enchantment found, 0, country ! 0, sweet name, in thee ? Ever so dear to man the sound ! The sunburnt African will sigh For his parch'd sands and burning sky, Perchance afar, and round the plains However blooming he disdains. Ev'n the rude Laplander, if fate In luckless hour him off has torn From his own soil, disconsolate WiU to return there longing mourn ; Eijvying the eternal night's repose, His iceboun^ shores and endless snows. And I, to whom kind fate assign'd My birth within thy happy fold, Granada ! and my growth as kind Within thy blissful bounds to mould. Far from my country, and beset With griefs, how could I thee forget ? 190 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. On Africa's inhuman shore, To the wreck'd seaman rough and drear, Thy sacred name I o'er and o'er Repeated, which the waves to hear Back to the Spanish regions bore. On the far Pole's dark furious sea. By the Batavian's energy Bridled, again thy name was heard : Heard it the Rhone, the foamy Rhine, The Pyrensean heights the word Repeated with the Apennine, And in Vesuvius' burning cave Then iirst the sound the echos gave. EPISTLE TO THE DUQUE DE FRIAS, « ON THE DEATH OF THE DUQUESA. From the dark gloomy borders of the Seine, Where with black clouds around the heaven extends. The earth o'erwhelm'd with snow, the heart with pain, Thee thy unhappy friend his greeting sends ; FttANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA EOSA. 191 To thee still more unhappy ! nor deters Him er'n the fear to touch the wounds unheal' d, Yet bleeding sore, or see thee how it stirs Fresh tears to bathe thine eyes thy sorrows yield. What would he be, if man were not to weep ? A thousand times I 've thank'd our God, who gave The heart to soothe its griefs in tears to steep ; As rain we see subdue the raging wave. Weep then, ay, weep ! others, and abler friends As faithful, with success may in thine ears Make heard the voice that stoic virtue lends j But I, who in the world my cup of tears Oft to the dregs have drain' d, no cure could find For grief, but what from grief I might derive ; When with vain struggling tired, the powerless mind Submissive ceased beneath the weight to strive. Dear friend ! wilt thou believe me ? time will come, When the sharp edge of sorrow worn away, That grief and anguish now so burdensome. At length a placid sadness will allay ; In which absorb'd, as yet o'erwhelm'd, the soul Folds itself up all silently to bear ; Nor seeks nor envies, as around they roll. The world's delights or pleasures more to share. 192 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. Thou doubt'st perchance ; and once there was a time I also doubted it ; and endless thought My deep affliction, and insulting crime To tell me to an end it could be brought. And yet it was ! for so from God to man That is another mercy, which alone. Amidst so many woes 't is his to scan, Aids him this weary life to suffer on. Hope then, believe my words, and trust in me : Who in this world the unhappy privilege Has bought so dear to speak of misery ? These many years that saw it me assiege, Saw me no day but as the plaything vile Of a dire fate, that like a shrub amain The hurricane tears up, and raised awhile It fiercely dashes to the earth again. I know it true, against the blows of fate, When that against ourselves they only glance, The firm heart shielded can withstand its hate ; But so it is not oft : and thou, perchance, Mayst think 1 never one have lost I loved More than my life. If sorrow will give truce Thee for a moment, turn thine eyes disproved To an unhappy orphan, weak, recluse, FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 193 And soiTOwing solitary in the world, Without scarce one to whom to weep his woe ; For to the grave relentless death had hurl'd, One after one, all he was born to know. In the same season, thou wilt see sufficed Thy loss to open forth the wounds I bear, I lost a mother kind, and idolized. My joy, and comforter in every care ; On her steps my reaved father to the grave Soon followed, and both sank o'erwhelm'd in tears. Calling my name afar ; the cries they gave Fell on my heart, but not upon my ears. I ran, I flew, I came, but all in vain : Both now beneath the fatal stone reposed. And I my height of anguish to attain. But found the covering earth yet newly closed. Thou in thy grave affliction more hast found Thee to console, if possible ; (how turn Rebels against me thy own woes around ! From my rude voice perforce thou hast to learn That he who fortune flatter'd not before. Will neither flatter grief) thou in thy loss Hast found a thousand comforts, which forbore My cruel fate to grant my path across ; 194 FRANCISCO MAETINEZ DE LA KOSA. Thou soothing saw'st thy wife in her last pains ; Her last sigh couldst receive ; couldst press her hands. Her arms raised to thee, and her pledge remains In thine, her daughter still thy love demands. But I, not veishing it, am in thy breast A dagger striking, thus again to view That fatal night's dark image to suggest. When life with death its fearful struggles drew. Now ended are her pains, for ever o'er ! Herself she pray'd for it, with pious eyes To heaven, and hope, amidst the pangs she bore. Shone on her brow serene in death to rise. ! were it given us to penetrate The secrets of the tomb, how oft our grief Would it not soften down, however great f In this same moment who of the belief Could not assure thee, while thou dost lament. Unhappy, thy lost wife's untimely doom. That she is there enjoying permanent A lot more happy than this side the tomb ? Thou, silent, lowly bendest down thy head ; But thou mayst not be silent ; answer me ; Sound, if thou darest it, the abyss to tread. That separates thy lost loved wife from thee. I'RANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 195 Take through eternity thy course, and then Tell me of where she is, what is her state ? Happy or miserahle ? or again. We should rejoice in, or lament her fate ? To thee I may repeat it, others gay Will laugh at my dark fancy ; not long past The time I was by that enchanting bay Of the Tyrrhenian sea ; the city vast, Mother of pleasures, I forsook, and bent, AbsorVd, my feeble steps, where lowly lies Pompeii; palaces with gardens blent And fountains brilliant, shone before my eyes ; But deeper penetrates the mind, and sad. Slowly along I went with heavy heart : Flowers amid lava grew ! and rich, and glad Today the scenes on every side impart The towns and villages, which others hide That stood as happy there a former day ; Those now that flourish built up by the side Of some forgotten that have pass'd away. At length I came where we the walls descry Of the deserted city, which the abode Proclaimed it was of men in times gone by ; Their sepulchres stood bordering the road ! o 2 196 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. There for a resting-place the traveller stays, For shade and for repose : the gate now gain'd. Awhile the vacillating foot delays To enter, as if fearing it profaned Too bold the mansions of the dead. No word, No sound, no murmur. It would seem that there Ev'n Echo's self is mute, no answer heard I Slowly I through the narrow streets repair Without a human footstep ! Porticos And plazas by no living beings trod, Walls with deserted hearths, and temples rose And altars, without victims or a god. How little, mean and miserable seem'd The world before mine eyes, when there I stood ! A bitter smile upon my features gleam' d. To think of man's ambition, schemes of blood. And projects without end, when by a blast, Like smoke, their good and evil are represt ; Ashes a mighty city overcast, As light dust covers o'er some poor ants' nest ! Thus wrapp'd in mournful thoughts, I paced along That vast and silent precinct, as behind Roves some unbodied shade the tombs among ; The ties me yet to this low earth that bind FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. ] 97 I felt to loosen, and the soul set free Launched itself forth, ev'n into endless space. Leaving behind it ages. — Couldst thou see What is this wretched life, compared its trace With that immensity, most surely, friend. In thine eyes would remain congeal'd those tears. Which now profuse thou shedd'st, and thou wouldst bend Down on the earth thy gaze, where soon appears, Thyself must see, the end of all our toil ; The rest that she enjoys beyond the sky. For whom thou weep^st, whilst o^er this care-worn soil Dragging hfe's heavy burden, as do I. Yet till 't is granted thee to meet again Thy lost adored, the moments consecrate Of absence to her memory that remain : Thy heart let her remembrance animate ; Let thy lips ever her dear name repeat : Nor how forget that clear ingenuous mind. That heavenly beauty, generous soul, to meet So rare ! the world admired such gifts combined. But now I see thee to the dusky grove Of cypress and rose-bay trees take thy way ; On thy right-hand a crown is hanging, wove Of mournful everlastings ; nor astray 198 FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. Thine eyes scarce raising, fearing to behold The monument of thine eternal grief, That guards her ashes ! Different she consoled, Hastening in charity, as for relief The poor unhappy and the orphans knew ! For whom she ever show'd a parentis care : They who partook her gifts and kindness true, Now in long files and slow, thy griefs to share Silent and mournful on thy steps attend. Around her tomb ; dost thou not hear them ? theirs. Theirs are the tearful sobbings that ascend, And cries that interrupt the funeral prayers. Not ev'n a flower to deck her sepulchre. Have I to send thee ! flowers may not be grown To bud in beds of ice ; or if they were. They soon would wither at my touch alone. FKANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. 199 ANACREONTIC. Let the thunder burst, Pour out and drink the wine ! Thou never saw'st a thunderbolt Strike the tender vine. Vesuvius himself To Bacchus tribute pays. And spares the vineyard flourishing, Where his lava sways. In Italy in vain I hero sought or sage ; Mine eyes but dusty ruins found. Mouldering with age. Of Rome the image scarce Remains to be portray'd ; A tomb is Herculaneum, Pompeii is a shade. But I found Falernum, His nectar rich remained, And in memory of Horace, A bottleful I drained. 200 ruANCisco maetinez de la kosa. BACCHANALIAN. In chorus we sing, of wine, sweet wine. Its power benign, and its flavour divine. Against power so sweet , No guard is secure. Nor gate, nor yet wall. Nor will castle endure. Nor doubtings, nor watchings, How strict or demure. Chorus. With thee the fair maiden Shows herself fairer. With thee has the matron New beauty to glare her ; Ev'n the sad widow Finds love an ensnarer. With thee the poor captive. Though heavy his chains. Ne'er feels in his feasting Or torments or pains. But a plac^ with his lord As an equal he gains. Chorus. Chori FRANCISCO MARTINEZ DE LA ROSA. With thee the worn seaman The south wind defies, While echoes the thunder . He singing rephes, And of winds and the waves Will the fury despise. 201 Chorus. Thou hast power o'er the lip Of the fool and the sage. From the breast to root out Gall, venom and rage. What rancour and envy Would hide, to assuage. With thee will the coward Of courage make show. The niggard so vile Learn bounteous to grow, And the feeble and old Fresh vigour to know. Thy colour so pure Outrivals the flowers. Thy odorous essence The rich myrrh's showers. The rosemary honey Thy taste overpowers. Chorus. Chorus. Chorus. 303 FRANCISCO MAETINEZ DE LA ROSA. Oblivion thou givest To troubles and sorrow, Joys fleeting a show Of eternal to borrow, And robb'st of its horrors The fate of tomorrow. In chorus we sing, of wine, sweet wine. Its power benign, and its flavour divine. VIII. ANGEL DE SAAVEDEA, DUKE DE RIVAS. There are few persons to whom Fortune can be said to have " come with both hands full/' more truly than to the illus- trious subject of this notice; even the very reverses of life, which have fallen to his lot, have come like favours ; as they have been incurred honourably, and have proved the har- bingers of many advantages. Angel de Saavedra was bom at Cordova, the 1st March, 1791, the second son of Don Juan Martin de Saavedra, Duke de Rivas, and Donna Maria Ramirez, Marchioness of Andia, Grandees of Spain, both persons not less eminent for private virtues than for their exalted rank. He received his primary education under his father's care ; but he dying in 1802, Angel was then removed to the College of Nobles at Madrid. In accordance with the privileges then enjoyed by youths of noble birth, he was, while yet a child of ten months, nominated a cornet of cavalry, and held a commis- sion as captain when but seven years old. At that age, pur- suing his studies, it was observed that he did not show much 204 THE DUKE DE RIVAS. application or inclination for abstruser subjects; but his quick- ness of apprehension, and felicity of memory gave him a supe- riority over his companions, many of whom were distinguished for much greater industry. History and poetry were, from his earliest years, his favourite subjects of study ; and in ori- ginal compositions and translations from the classics, he then already began to show the bent of his genius. At the same time he also began to show his great talent for drawing, in which art, no less than in poetry, he has so much excelled; and it is recorded that for the greatest punishment to be awarded him for juvenile delinquencies, it was found suffi- cient to take away his pencils, and forbid his taking his drawing lesson for the day. In 1806 the regiment, to which he was attached, had orders to join Napoleon's army in Germany, with the Spanish con- tingent ; whereupon the Duchess de Rivas, as her son's guard- ian, procured his exchange into the Royal Guard, by which he lost rank, having now only that of a sub-lieutenant, in the rank as a guardsman. Having joined this corps in the be- ginning of 1807, it was the lot of Don Angel to witness the scenes which then occurred in the palace, little creditable to any of the parties, including the arrest of the Prince of the Asturias, afterwards Ferdinand VII., and the proceedings against him. It was perhaps fortunate for the young guards- man that he was so soon called into active service. A privi- leged corps is always a dangerous trial for a young man entering into life ; though, in addition to his own right-mind- edness, he had the good fortune to be joined to the Flemish battalion of the guard, where he became intimate with a young Belgian officer of kindred tastes and character, who, by example and association, confirmed him in his incHnations.. He also became acquainted with some other young men who had the conducting of a literary periodical, to which he con- THE DUKE DE RIVAS. 205 tributed several articles, both in prose and verse. For a young man of sixteen, desirous of distinction, this was a privilege which could not fail of producing good results in subsequent improvement, if his early efforts were found to be approved, as an encouragement to continue them. From such occupations was Saavedra called away soon, to engage in the important events, upon which the future fate of his country was to depend. Napoleon^s troops had crossed the Pyrenees, and under pretence of marching through the country to Portugal, had seized upon the principal fortresses of Spain. The Court of Madrid, aware too late of the treachery intended, was thrown into irremediable confusion, heightened by the internal dissensions of the royal family. The troops at Madrid were summ'oned in haste to the king at Aranjuez, when Saavedra among them witnessed the piti- able scenes, which ended in the abdication of Charles IV. and the declaration of Ferdinand VII., in whose escort he re- turned to Madrid. But the French armies were already in possession of the country, and had the royal family in their power. They soon had further possession of Madrid, and the guards, in which Saavedra's elder brother, the Duke de Rivas, was also serving with him, were ordered away to the Escurial, as the French leaders were aware of the part they had taken at Aranjuez, and were fearful of their influence with the people, in the course of resistance then widely spreading against the invaders. Murat, then chief of the French forces, and of the pro- visional government, had good reason to fear that so in- fluential a body as the Royal Guards, all composed of indivi- duals of rank, might be induced to take part with the insur- rectionists in the rising struggle; and he therefore sent to them to the Escurial, one of the principal Spanish officers, also one of the Royal Guard, who had attached himself to 306 THE DUKE DE BIVAS. the French interest, to persuade the others to join the same cause. This officer having accordingly come to the Escurial, called together the members of the guard, and stating to them that the students of the Militaiy College at Segovia were in a state of rebellion against the authorities, expressed Murat's wish that the guards should join the French troops to suppress the movement, to prevent further ill-consequences. The assembly received the proposal at first in silence and perplexity. But it was one of those occasions when a right mind and strong heart availed more than conventional dig- nity ; and thus, though perhaps the youngest person present. Angel de Saavedra rose up, and with all the impetuosity of youth, declared in impassioned language, that " none of the guard would do treason to their country, or become an in- strument of foreign tyranny, for the oppression and punish- ment of their companions in arms." He therefore, in the name of his comrades, gave a positive refusal to the man- date. In this, his first harangue, the spirit was as noble, as the sentiments were bold and patriotic. The manner in which it was received showed that it was also in unison with the feelings of the rest of the guard, and Murat's messenger was obUged to content himself with attempting to reprove the young officer, who had ventured to speak before others, so much his superiors in rank and service. But his efforts were of no avail, and he had to return to Madrid, with the infor- mation that the guards were also apparently about to join the national party. These passed the night in watch, with their arms and horses prepared, for whatever might be the result. In the morning they received orders to return to Madrid, and obeying the order, at halting for the night, came to deliberate on the course they should adopt. Some thought it would be better to disperse, and go to their re- THE DUKE DE RIVAS. 207 spective provinces, to join the several parties already armed in resistance against the invaders. Others, among whom were the two brothers, Saavedra and the Duke de Rivas, thought it would be better for them to keep united, and join as a body, with their standards, the first effective Spanish force they could meet. Unfortunately there was no one of suffi- cient authority present to command ; and the first suggestion, where most of them naturally wished to share the fates of their families, prevailed. Accordingly they dispersed, and the two brothers entered Madrid secretly, finding that those who remained together were too few to remain as a body, against the numerous bands of the enemy spread over the country. The first wish of the brothers was to join Palafox at Zara- goza, and they started for that purpose with false passports ; but found the road too closely beset by the French. In one place, however, they met with a mischance on the other side ; where the people, now risen against the invaders, fancied that the travellers who were going armed so mysteriously, were emissaries of the French, and would listen to no declaration to the contrary. Fortunately there happened to be in the town a comrade of the guard, well known there, who hearing the uproar, came and recognized the prisoners, and assuring the multitude of their true character, made them be received with as much enthusiastic welcome, as they had just before been with violence. Turning from this course, the two brothers then hastened back to join the forces under Castanios, flushed with their triumph at Bailen ; and at Sepulveda, Angel Saavedra had his first encounter in fight with the French. With the army he joined, he found about 200 of his comrades of the guards^ and these, as a body, now effected much service in the various skirmishes and actions that took place. They had these with 208 THE DUKE DE RIVAS. varied success at Ucles, Tudela, and other places, where the two brothers distinguished themselves by their activity and bravery. At Tudela the Duke had his horse killed, and received several contusions, which resulted in a fever, on account of which his brother had to take him to their mother's care at Cordova. Having recovered from this, they again joined the army, and were present at "the memorable battle of Talavera," after which they had to share in the several encounters of Caminias, Madrilejos and Herencia. But now a severer trial awaited them. On the 18th of November, 1809, on the eve of the disastrous battle of Ocania, the French and Spanish forces had an encounter at Antigola, when the Koyal Guards, under the Duke de Rivas, though pressed by superior num- bers, charged three times on the enemy, before they retired, with the loss of one-third of their number, to Ocania. In this skirmish. Angel Saavedra had his horse kUled at the beginning of the affray, and then had to fight hand to hand at a disadvantage. Thus he soon received two wounds in the head, and another in the breast from a lance which prostrated him, and left him insensible, while the combatants were riding over him and others laid in the same state. About the middle of the night he recovered his sensibility, and found he had been robbed of his clothes. He attempted to rise, but fell down again, unable to move. Happily for him he had sufficient strength to call to a man he saw near, who proved to be a Spanish soldier seeking for spoils, and he, learning the name of the wounded officer, put him on his horse, and took him to his brother. The Duke, who had already been searching for him, and had sent others out for the same purpose unavaiUngly, now hastened to procure for him medical assistance. With much difficulty he found a surgeon, who, on seeing the patient, declared the case hope- THE DUKE DE IIIVAS. 209 lesSj and left him to attend to others. The cold air had arrested the bleeding, which now burst forth from the motion of the horse and the warmth of the room used for the hospital, so as to leave him apparently dying. The Duke was in de- spair, when the people about him brought the barber of the place to dress the wounds, which he did with great skill, giving him hopes of success in saving his brother's life. As the morning broke, the drums were heard beating for action, announcing the advance of the enemy. The Duke had barely time to procure a common cart of the country into which to place his brother, who was found to have no fewer than eleven wounds upon him, and send him away with seven other wounded companions, before he had to join his troop. Going slowly along, the seven died by his side one after another, and in a few hours they were overtaken by fugitives, whose flight showed the ill-fortune of the day. Saavedra might have shared this ill-fortune further ; but one of the escort knew the country well and took him along by- paths to a retired place, where his wounds were again dressed, and afterwards to Baeza, in which city he found better attend- ance. There, after three weeks, all his wounds were healed, except the one in the breast, and one in the hip, from which he was lame for some years afterwards. He then was enabled to proceed to his mother at Cordova, and there was received, in his native place, with marks of public respect, which could not fail of being very gratifying to his feelings, though at the expense of so much suffering. In the beginning of 1810 the French came marching to- wards Cordova, and Saavedra and his mother fled to Malaga. He had frequent bleeding, apparently from the lungs, and his medical advisers were fearful that any extraordinary exer- tion would have a fatal result. Before they could embark at Malaga for any other place, the French had got possession of .210 THE DUKE DE RIVAS. the city, and Saavedra and the Duchess had to take refuge, disguised, in a fisherman's hut. In this extremity they were found by a Spanish officer in the French interest, who had formerly shared their hospitality at Cordova, and he repaid it now by procuring for them passports and giving them the means to get to Gibraltar, whence they passed over to Cadiz, then the last hope of Spain. Arrived at Cadiz, Saavedra was received with the consider- ation due to his merits. He was put into active service, as far as his strength would allow, and on the staff his talents for drawing as well as for ready composition were found of great value. Many of the military reports were written by him ; and he also wrote a defence of the military estabUsh- ments against a pamphlet which had been pubhshed, con- ducting at the same time a military periodical, published weekly, at Cadiz, throughout 1811. Thrown into association with such men as the Conde de Noronia, Arriaza, Quintana, and Martinez de la Rosa, his love for poetry was further ex- cited, and he composed verses like them, some of which have been preserved among his later works, while he has allowed others to be forgotten. He continued also cultivating his taste for drawing, attending the schools at Cadiz to draw from life as well as from the models; while at leisure mo- ments on duty he amused himself with sketching portraits of his comrades, or of the scenes presented to their view. But his military duties did not cease at Cadiz. Having been sent out on important commissions with orders, he was led away by his ardour to join in the encounter which took place with the French at Chiclana, in forgetfulness of the commission with which he was charged. Afterwards a divi- sion of the army being found in a state of resistance to the orders of the Regency, on account of their general refusing to acknowledge the Duke of Wellington as commander-in- THE DUKE DE RIVAS. 311 chief, Saavedra was sent with full powers to arrest the dis- order. This he did effectually, drawing the division out of Cordova in good order, after deposing the general and other chiefs of the insurrection, who but for this might have brought further reverses on the Spanish arms, such as so many other incapable of&cers had done previously, influenced in like manner by their presumption and self-conceit. Saavedra, so far from joining in the vanity and folly of those of his countrymen, who fancied themselves competent to act independently of the British commander, on the contrary, sought to be employed on the staff under the immediate orders of Lord Wellington, but he could not effect it. The wound in his breast again occasioned large effusions of blood from the mouth, and he was obliged to return to Seville, and ultimately was quartered at Cordova. When the war came to an end, he, under these circumstances, retired from military service with the rank of lieutenant-colonel. While at Cadiz, Saavedra had joined, unreservedly, in the councils of those who framed and attempted to establish in Spain the constitution of 1813. When Ferdinand VII. returned and set it aside, he therefore fully expected that he would be included in the proscription directed against Mar- tinez de la Rosa and others who had distinguished themselves in the assertion of liberal opinions. But instead of this, the king, who probably considered him more of a military than a political character, received him favourably, and gave him the rank of colonel, assigning him Seville for his residence. There accordingly he retired, and while Spain was subjected to the rule of absolutism, employed himself in literary pursuits and drawing, for which the magnificent paintings of Murillo and other Spanish masters in that city gave one of his inclinations so great an incentive. In 1813 he published a volume of poems, and in the following six years brought forward several p2 312 THE DUKE DE RIVAS. plays, some ef which were represented at Seville with consider- able applause, and one had the " marked honour of being pro- hibited by the censorship." These he republished in a second edition of his works at Madrid in 1821, but though favourably received at the time, they are all acknowledged now to be of little merit. In fact, at that time, having studied principally the later poets of the classical school as it was termed, his mind had not yet attained that expansiveness and vigour which subsequent years of study were destined to give it. In 1820 Saavedra happened to be in Madrid, probably en- gaged in superintending this edition of his works, when the events of that year brought into power the party with whom he had been associated at Cadiz at the time of the siege. With characteristic ardour he entered again into close alliance with them, resuming the principles he had previously main- tained with them. But though now those friends were in office, he sought nothing for himself further than leave to travel into neighbouring countries, which permission he had sought in vain from the previous government. This favour he now obtained, with full salary allowed, and a commission to examine the military establishments of other nations, and to report to the government on their advances and improve- ments. He went accordingly to Paris, and after a careful attention to the duties entrusted to him, was about proceed- ing to Italy, when he was called back to Spain to engage in a new career of public importance. Before going to Paris, Saavedra had paid a short visit to his native city, and there formed a close intimacy with Alcala Galiano, one of the most learned and talented men of his age, who, with Don Javier Isturitz (the present respected Minister of her Catholic Majesty at London), was now at the head of the government. Galiano, by the fascination of his eloquence, had completely won the good feelings of the young poet, and THE DUKE DK RIVAS. 313 inspired by the desire of having so able and popular a follower in the legislature, had procured his election as Deputy to the Cortes from Cordova. Flattered by the favour shown him by his fellow-townsmen, Saavedra entered with his accus- tomed ardour on his duties, and was appointed Secretary to the Cortes, where he came forward as one of the most vehe- ment speakers in the maintenance of liberal opinions. But those opinions were not responded to by the great mass of the people, and were opposed by the foreign courts of Europe. Saavedra had voted for the removal of the court to Seville, and there further voted for the suspension of the king and his transference to Cadiz, when the entry of the French army re-established Ferdinand on his throne. On the 1st October, 1832, Saavedra and Galiano had to take flight from Cadiz to Gibraltar, where he remained till the foUowmg May, when he proceeded to London to join the other emigrants there, Isturitz, Galiano, the celebrated Arguelles, whom his coun- trymen, on account of his remarkable eloquence, have termed the divine, and others. Even during his short political career, Saavedra had con- tinued his literary pursuits, and now in London he renewed them, writing his poem ' Florinda ' and minor pieces, as well as continuing his recreative art of drawing. For his participation in the proceedings against the king, he had been sentenced to death, and his property had been sequestrated. This same measure had been visited on his brother, the Duke de Rivas, who had taken part also in the proceedings, and thus Saavedra had become reduced to very straitened circumstances. Their mother, with natural feeling, forwarded him all the supplies in her power; but these were scanty, and it was necessary for him to seek means of subsistence for himself. He therefore determined on going to Italy to perfect himself in the art of painting, as the best means of employment left him, finding 214 THE DUKE DE RIVAS. the climate of England also too rigorous for his consti- tution. As the Spanish emigrants were forbidden to go to Italy, the Duchess de Rivas besought the Pope's Nuncio at Madrid to grant her son a passport and obtain for him permission to go there for the purposes specified. The Nuncio having communicated with Rome, was enabled to reply, that "as Don Angel Saavedra engaged neither to speak nor to write on political subjects in Italy, nor to frequent English society, his passport would be granted him, assuring him he would there find hospitality and protection.'^ The required securities having been given, and the Nuncio's authorization obtained, on which he had himself written, " Given by express order of His Holiness," Saavedra left London in December, 1824, for Gibraltar, where he remained tUl the June following. In the meantime he there married, according to previous arrange- ment, Donna Maria de la Encarnacion Cueto, daughter of a distinguished colonel of artillery, and then, with his young wife, proceeded to Leghorn. Arrived at this city, and pre- senting his passport to the Roman consul, he was told that, notwithstanding the assurances given him, he was now for- bidden to go to Rome; besides which he received an order from the Tuscan government to leave their territorities within three days. Finding all remonstrances useless, Saavedra now, in right of a passport from Gibraltar, applied for aid to the British consul, who took him to his house, and as the only means of putting him in safety, embarked him on board a small Maltese vessel then about to sail for that island. After a protracted voyage, with wretched accommodations and sub- jected to great peril in a storm, when the men abandoned their tasks, and the captain and Saavedra had to compel them by blows even to resume their labours, they at length reached Malta. Here Saavedra intended to have remained THE DUKE DE RIVAS. 215 only until he could obtain the means of returning to Gib- raltar ; but the advantages of climate^ of cheapness of living, and the reception he met with from the English authorities, induced him to continue there, until his stay at length ex- tended to five years' residence. Fortunately for him, there happened then to be residing at Malta Mr. J. H. Frere, formerly British Minister at Madrid, vrho, in addition to a highly cultivated taste and great gene- ral knowledge, was well conversant with the Spanish lan- guage and literature also in particular. With this gentleman Saavedra soon entered into terms of intimate friendship, and was taught by him to turn his thoughts from the tame class of poetry he had copied from the French school, and elevate his mind to the high tone of the older poets of Spain, as well as to the study of English literature. These lessons he followed, and thus proved another instance of the remark of Plutarch, that the Muses often suggest the best and most approved productions of genius, taking exile as their means to aid them : Kat r^ap roi'} •jraXaioi'; (w? eoiKev) ai Moverat to KoXKidTa T&v avvTar/fiaTcov koL BoKO/jLCOTaTa,