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CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 III III III II 
 
 1924 
 
 102 201 450 
 
I Cornell University 
 9 Library 
 
 The original of tiiis book is in 
 tine Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924102201450 
 
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CORNELL 
 
 UNIVERSITY 
 LIBRARY 
 
SLAVERY AND SECESSION 
 
 AMERICA, 
 
 HISTORICAL AND ECONOMICAL 
 
 THOMAS ELLISON, F.S.S., etc. 
 
 ATTTHO : OF "A HANP-EOOK OF THE COTTON TRADE." 
 
 WITH MAP AND APPENDICES. 
 
 LONDON: 
 SAMPSON LOW, SON & CO., 47 LUDGATE HILL. 
 
 \_TJie Author reserves the Right of Translation.'] 
 
^ 
 
 
 lonbon: printed bt ir. cr.owES and sons, stamfood street. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 When the momentous importance of the subject discussed in the 
 following pages is considered, no apology is needed for their 
 production. 
 
 The object of the Author has been to trace the origin and 
 development of that antagonism between the Northern and 
 Southern Sections of the American Eepublic which has brought 
 a,bont the present deplorable internal strife, and which, it seems 
 probable, will result in the dissolution of the Union, 
 i The reader will perceive that I look upon slavery and secession 
 ^ the relation of cause and effect. I believe, and think I have 
 shown, that the latter is solely the offspring of the former. 
 
 Some people say that slavery has had nothing to do with origi- 
 nating the present difficulties, but that it is the desire of the 
 South to be free from the protective tariffs of the North which 
 has caused it to rebel against the Union ; whilst others say that 
 I either slavery nor free-trade have had any hand in the matter, 
 but that the whole affiiir is the work of a band of exasperated 
 politicians, who have decided to deluge their country with blood 
 
IV PEEFACB. 
 
 rather than submit to the constitutional defeat which they,' 
 experienced in November last, when Abraham Lincoln was 
 placed at the head of the poll and declared President of the 
 United States. There is doubtless some truth in these notions, | 
 but their advocates ignore the fact that slavery is at the bottom 
 of both. I 
 
 We have the word of Southerners themselves that it is the -. 
 fear of Northern interference with slavery alone which has 
 been the cause of the present hostile attitude of the cotton States. 
 Two years ago it was foreseen that an anti-slavery President 
 would reign at Washington, and Messrs. Davis and Stephens 
 (now President and Vice-President respectively of the Southern 
 Confederacy) declared that in case events should turn out as 
 anticipated, the Union would be dissolved, simply because under 
 a Eepublican Executive the " property " of the South would no 
 longer be secure. ' 
 
 In March, 1860, the first number of " The Plantation, a! 
 Southern Quarterly Eeview," made its appeai-ance in Georgia, 
 and in the Prospectus of the work we were told that, unless a 
 change took place in the opinions of the world outside the free 
 States concerning the true status and relations of negro slavery! 
 the Union would be dissolved, " and dissolved in blood ;" and the 
 editor, in his "salutatory," remarks that, "unless there is a speedy 
 and great revolution in public opinion in the Northern Stateb 
 upon the subject of slavery, war — bloody war — between tHe 
 North and South is inevitable." * 
 
 Slavery, and slavery alone, then, is the cause of the revolt (if 
 the Southern States. 
 
PREFACE. V 
 
 In writing " Slavery and Secession in America," tlie Author 
 has been careful to consult the best and latest authorities on the 
 question, and has quoted freely (with acknowledgment) from the 
 speeches and writings of Americans actively engaged on the one 
 side or the other of the contest. I may state that I have, here 
 and there, made use of two articles written by myself; the one 
 for the Westminster Quarterly Beview of January, 1861, and the 
 ather for Meliora of April, 1860. 
 
 \ 
 
 I Liverpool, 3rd June, 1861. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 , PAET I. 
 
 \ mSTOEY or THE EISB AND PEOQEESS OF SLAVEET IN THE 
 i' UNITED STATES. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 FEOM THE ESTTEODUCTION OF THE INSTITUTION TO THE CLOSE OF 
 THE EIGHTEENTH CENTUET. 
 
 Section 1. — Origin and perpetuation of the Institution, 3 ; Diversity of tastes 
 
 between tlie New England and Southern Colonists, 4. 
 ."Section 2. — Declaration of Independence ; Subsequent Progress of Freedom in the 
 
 North, and apparent tendency thereto in the South, 6 ; Revival of Pro-slavery 
 
 notions ; their power and final success in securing the Eecognition of Slaveiy by 
 
 the Constitution, 7. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 FEOM THE PUEOHASE OF LOUISIANA TO THE MISSOUEI 
 OOMPEOMISB. 
 
 Scctiim 1. — Louisiana Debates, 12; Josiah Quincy on the tactics of Slave- 
 owners, 13; Increase in the Slave Population, 13; Influence of the demand for 
 Cotton in consolidating Slavery, 14; Effect of the invention of the Saw-gin, 16. 
 
 Section 2. — The Admission of Louisiana, 17; The Admission of Missouri, 17; 
 Opposition of the Free States ; Debates in Congress, 17; Mr. J. W. Taylor on 
 the spread of Slaveiy, 18 ; Mr. Jaa. Tallmadge, jun. on the threats of the Slave- 
 holders, 19 ; Temporary victory of the Anti-slavery Party, 20 ; The action of the 
 Senate; Compromise of the North, 21 ; Admission of Arkansas and Florida, 22. 
 
Vlll CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTEE III. I 
 
 CONTINUED PEOGRESS OF SLAVEET. THE rNFLUENOB OF THE ' 
 
 ANTI-NBGEO PEEJUDICE OF THE NOETH, AND THE COALITION OF I 
 
 NOETHBEN AND SOITTHBEN POLITICIANS IN AtTGHBU'TINa THE } 
 
 POWBB OF SLAVBDOM. i 
 
 Situation of the Free Negi-o ; tis non-improvement and the cause, 24 ; The origin 
 and object of the Colonization Society ; its Failure ; Rise of the Modem Abo- 
 litionists, 25; The alliance of Northern and Southern Whigs, 26; The j 
 interdependence of the States, 27 ; South Carolina and President Jackson in 
 1832, 28. 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. ' 
 
 I 
 
 FROM THE ANNEXATION OF TEXAS TO THE KANSAS TEOITBLES. i 
 
 Section 1. — Invasion of Texas, 30 ; Opposition of the Anti-slavery Pai-ty to the ' 
 Admission of the State ; their Defeat, 31 ; Further Mexican acquisitions ; the 
 attempt of the Southerners to repeal the Missouri Compromise, 31 ; Admission of 
 Cidifornia, 32 ; The Fugitive Slave Law (or Compromise of 1 850), 32 ; Its onerous 
 provisions, and consequent indignation of the Free States, 33. 
 
 Section 2. — Fm-ther successes of the Pro-slavery Party ; the Missouri Compromise 
 repealed, 34 ; Uprising of Northern Politicians ; destruction of Party alliances, 
 35 ; Speech of Senator Wade, 35 ; Speech of Mr. Upham, 37. 
 
 Section 3. — The Disturbances at Kansas, 38 ; A sketch of the "Border Ruffians,'' 
 38 ; Illegal doings of the Slave-holders, 40 ; Final triumph of Freedom, 41. 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 1 
 
 1 
 
 NOETH AND SOUTH IN BATTLE AEKAT ; INTOLEEANCB OP 
 SLAVBDOM ; PEBPAEING FOE THE STOEM. 
 
 The Presidential Election of 1856 ; Else of the Republican Pai'ty ; its Principles, 
 misunderstood in the North, and misrepresented in the South, 42 ; The success 
 of Buchanan the result of an alliance between the Plebeianism of the Free States 
 and the Aristocracy of the Slave States, 43 ; The supremacy of the South doomed ' 
 violence and intolerance of Slave-holders in consequence, 44 ; Then- treatment of 
 the Free Negroes resident in their States, 45 ; Their high-handed conduct 
 towards White Citizens and travellers, 48. I 
 
I CONTENa?S. 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 THE PBESIDENTIAL ELECTIONBEErNQ CAMPAIGN OP 1860 ; DBPBA'] 
 1 OP THE SOUTHERN OAKDIDATES. 
 
 Section 1. — The "Democratic" Nominations; Split of the Party ; Difference betwee 
 i the Platforms of the rival Sections, 51 ; Opinions of Mr. Douglas, 54 ; Opinio) 
 ' of Mr. Breckenridge, 55. 
 
 Section 2. — The " Republican '' Nominations, 55 ; Choice of the Convention, 5' 
 ;' Platform of the Party, 56 ; Its Policy as to Slavery, 58. 
 ! Section 3. — The "Constitutional Union" Nominations, 58 ; Objects of the Uni 
 ' Party, 59. 
 
 Section 4. — The Election and its result as stated in the Electoral Vote, 60 ; 
 
 I popular Vote, 62. 
 
 PAET II. , 
 
 HISTOET OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. / 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 i MOVEMENTS OP THE SOUTH : MEETING OP CONGEESS, 
 
 I / 
 
 Section 1. — Doings of South Carolina; the Secession feeling ripe, 65;; Speech 
 
 of the Hon. R. B. Rhett, 65 ; Action of Mississippi, Virginia and Georgia, 67. 
 
 Section. 2. — Opinions of the Southern Press for and against Secession, 67. 
 
 Section 3. — The general sentiment of the South against Secession, 69 ; The Mer- 
 
 ^ cantile and Moneyed Interests especially Conservative, 70 ; But overruled by the 
 violent Pro-slavery Agitators, 71. 
 
 Action 4. — Meeting of Congress ; the Message of President Buchanan ; its feeble- 
 ness and inconsistency ; the cause of the same, 72 ; The South defended and 
 the North reviled, 73 ; Effects of the Message upon the Disunionists, 74. 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 SECESSION AND THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 S ession Unconstitutional, 76 ; The Union intended to be perpetual, 76 ; The 
 
 ites not smereign in the strict sense of the term, but dependent, 77 ; The 
 
 ■vemment of the United States the Supreme Power, 77 ; Opinion of President 
 
 chanan, 78 ; Opinion of Attorney-General Black, 78 ; Opinion of President 
 
 , 79 ; Opinion of Senator Doolittle, 79 ; Opinion of Senator Wade, 80 ; 
 
 of Senator Crittenden, 81 ; The duty of the Executive in case of Rebellion, 
 
CONTENTS. I 
 
 81 ; What tlie Constitution will allow to be done with fa recreant State, 82 -, t 
 The advisability of Peaceful Separation should the Disunion feeling take , 
 possession of more than one or two States, 83 ; Senator Douglas on the wicked- i 
 ness and impossibility of coercion, 85; Senator Iverson on the same, 85 ; The 
 idea of Secession repugnant to the whole course of Legislature, and the general j 
 consent of the People, since the Revolution, 87. j 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 SECESSION DE FACTO. | 
 
 tian 1. — Moyements of Soutli Carolina ; Passage of the Secession Ordinance. 
 
 1 ; The groundlessness of the " Declaration of Independence," 90 ; European' 
 
 linion on the Action of the Palmetto State, 93 ; Arrival of the Sout!'^ 
 
 rolinian Commissioners at Washington ; their reception, and their abusiv.^ 
 
 conduct towards the President, 95 ; The movements of Major Anderson, Com-" 
 
 mander of the Forts round Charleston, 97 ; Refusal of the Charlestonians to' 
 
 alloNV the Major to take in Supplies for his Men ; the " Star of the West " 
 
 Government Transport fired into by the Secessionists, 97 ; The patriotic 
 
 conduct of Anderson under the circumstances, 98 ; Second Mission of the South! 
 
 Carolinian Commissiooers to Washington; its Failure, 99; South Carolina ceased 
 
 to be Independent ; is absorbed into the Southern Confederacy, 99. 
 
 Section il. — Revolutionary movements of other States ; the Secession of, 
 Missouri, Alabama, Florida, and Georgia, 100 ; The Georgian Ordinance, 101 ;1 
 The Ordinance and Secession of Louisiana, 101 ; The Secession of Texas, 102. 
 
 Section 3. — The Border Slave States on the side of Union and Moderation ; 
 why, 102 ; Message of Governor Hicks of Maryland, 103. 
 
 Section 4. — Proceedings of the Southern Congress ; Number of Piepresentatives ; 
 Work of the First Week, ] 04 ; The " Constitution " prohibits the Revival of tb ! 
 African Slave Trade ; why we think that such a Prohibition would not ' ' 
 heeded, 107; "South Carolina's nose out of joint," 108; Speech of Vici ' 
 President Stephens, 109; Speech of President Davis, 110; Southern Tariff an; ' 
 Loan, 112. 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 EEMEDIAl MBASUEES. 
 
 The Necessity for some Constitutional Arrangement being made to cam '^ 
 
 Slavery Question out of Congi'ess, 113. 
 Section 1, — President Buchanan's Amendments, 114; Their in.abilitv n 
 
 the object sought, 115. 
 
'innyniyers^ /'/ 
 
 ^ fe 
 
 LBtTOCT.DaZlMt St 
 
SLAVEEY AID SECESSION 
 
 AMERICA. 
 
CONTENTS. XI 
 
 Section 2. — The Crittenden Resolutions, 116; The right of the Slave-holders to 
 a share in the present Territories of the Union, 118 ; Bat the unreasonableness of 
 their request to be allowed to carry their Institution into Territories which may 
 be hereafter acquired, 119 ; The reason why the Slave-holders wish to augment 
 their Possessions, 119. 
 
 Section 3. — Senator Douglas's Amendments, 121 ; The illiberality and intolerance 
 of his proposed treatment of the Free Negroes of the North, 122. 
 
 Section -t. — Senator Rice's Proposition to divide the Territories, 124; Its un- 
 objectionable character, 125 ; Mr. Adams on the frivolous Complaints of Slave- 
 holders about being excluded from the Territories, 125. 
 
 Section 5. — President Buchanan's Second Message ; the contrast which it exhibits 
 to his December one, 127 ; His Appeal to Congress for something to be done, 
 128. 
 
 Section 6, — Senator Seward's suggestions; his remarks on the Benefits of the 
 Union, 128 ; The Amendments he would be willing to vote for, 130. 
 
 Section 7. — The Reports of the House Committee of Thirty-three ; the Majority 
 Report, 131 ; The Minority Reports, 132. 
 
 Section 8. — The Border States Compromise, 133; The suggestions of Messrs. 
 Etheridge and Kellogg, 133; The bitterness between North and South on the 
 increase j all ideas of Compromise given up by both, 133. 
 
 Section 9. — The Peace Conference of Virginia, 134; The Resolutions which it 
 adopted, 135 ; Their reasonableness, 137. 
 
 Section 10. — Closing Proceedings of the 36th Congress, 137 ; An Amendment to 
 the Constitution passed, 139. 
 
 Section 11. — President Lincoln's Inaugural Address, 140. 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 THE TIBS OF THE UNION ; EFFECTS OF THBTE SBVEEANOB. 
 
 Section 1. — Extent of the Disunion Sentiment, 143 ; Opinions of the Ultra- Abolition 
 Party, 143 ; Moderation the characteristic of the Majority of the People, 144. 
 
 Section 2. — Commercial Advantages of the Union; Rise of the present Inter- 
 dependent Relations between the several Sections of the Union, 145. 
 
 Section 3. — The Industrial Links of the Confederation ; the connexion between the 
 Manufacturing, Fanning, and Planting Interests, 147 ; The Value of the 
 Connexion to the Cotton States, 151. 
 
 Section 4.- — -The prospects of Cotton with Disunion ; Inability of the South to 
 retain the Monopoly of the Supply should Secession be accomplished, 153; 
 The Fanaticism of the Slave-holders in the matter of Cotton, 156 ; Manchester no 
 occasion to be afraid if she will only take caie of her own interests, 157 ; 
 niustrations drawn from former Short^supply Seasons, 158 ; And from the effect 
 
XU CONTENTS. 
 
 of the Eusso-Tnrkish War in destroying the Monopoly of the Russian Hemp and 
 Linseed Trades, 159 ; The Coffee Trade of St. Domingo lost to it through Revolu- 
 tion, 160. 
 
 Section 5. — Will Slavery be more secure by Dissolution, 161 ; No Fugitive Slave 
 Law, 161 ; No more Annexations ; Balance of Power, 162 ; The weakness of the 
 hold of Slavery in the Border States would be increased yearly, and in a short 
 time Emancipation would take place, 162; No possible chance of the South 
 Reviving the External Slave Trade, 163. 
 
 Section 6. — The improbability of Peaceful Secession, 164. 
 
 Section 7. — The Poverty of the New Confederacy, 165. 
 
 PAET III. 
 
 A OOMPAEATIVE VIEW OP THE IlfELUENOE OF FEEB AND SLAVE 
 INSTITUTIONS IN PROMOTING OE EETAEDING THE GENERAL PEO- 
 GEESS OF THE TWO SECTIONS OF THE COUNTEY, AS EXEMPLIFIED 
 IN THE PEBSBNT CONDITION OF THE NOETHEEN AND SOUTHEPuN 
 STATES. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 POPULATION AND TBEEITOET. 
 
 Area and Population of the seven original Free States in 1790 and 1860, 171 ; 
 Ditto of the six original Slave States, 172 ; Free States admitted since the ratifica- 
 tion of the Constitution, and theii- Population in 1860, 171 ; Slave States, ditto, 
 173 ; Present compai-ative Area and Population of tlie two Sections, 173 ; Superior 
 Progress of the North, 173 ; Gradual decadence of the South in Political Power, 
 and its effect, 175 ; The Causes of Southern retardation ; First, the absence of 
 Immigration and all the benefits which it confers, in consequence of the degraded 
 status of the poor White in the Southern States, 176 ; And, secondly, the positive 
 Emigration of the Free Labouring Population and Small Capitalists, 178 ; Climate 
 not the cause of slow Progress of Southern Population ; the South quite as healthy 
 as the North, 180 ; One-sixth of the White Population of all Ages engaged in 
 out-door labour, 182 ; Testimony of Mr. Darby, suiTeyor of Louisiana; of an 
 European mechanic, 182; Of Dr. Barton of New Orleans, of Mr. Olmsted, 
 and of Mr. Stirling, 183. 
 
CONTENTS. XIU 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 THE SOCIAL, EDrOATIONAl, ANB KELIGIOtJS CONDITION OP THE 
 WHITE POPULATION. 
 
 Ignorance the great support of Slareiy, 185 ; Miserable Condition of the Southern 
 poor Whites, 186 ; The great gulf between them and the SlaTe-holders, 188 ; 
 The poor Educational Provision made for the former, 189 ; Ineffectual attempts 
 to ameliorate their Condition, and the cause of the same, 190; The evil effects 
 of Slavery upon the social being of the Slave-owners, 1 92 ; The characteristics 
 of Southern Breeding, 193; Theperversionof Christianity, 194; Slavery and the 
 Bible, 195 ; Statistics of Northern and Southern Eeligion, 197, 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 OTDirSTEIAL PEOGEBSS ; STATISTICS OF COMMEBCB ; NAVIGATION, 
 nrLANB AND OCEANIC ; AGEICULTURE ANB MANUFACTUEES. 
 
 Comparative Table of the Imports and Eiports of the Free and Slave States, 
 200 ; Value of Cotton and Tobacco Exported from the latter, 201 ; Who are 
 the Subjects of King Cotton, 201 ; Per capita Imports and Exports of North 
 and South, 202 ; Agricultural Products of North and South, 203 ; Animal 
 Products of North and South, 204 ; Manufactured Products of North and South, 
 204 ; YaJue of entire Industiy of North and South, 204 ; Deficiency of the Slave 
 States, Total and per Head, 205 ; Shipping, Railways, and Canals of the two 
 Sections, 205; Value of Real and Personal Property of the two Sections, 206; 
 Capital engaged in Manufacturing Pursuits in the two Sections, 206 ; Capital 
 Invested in Railways in the two Sections, 206 ; Value of Church Property and 
 Income of Schools in the two Sections, 207 ; Value of Fai-ms, Farming 
 Implements and Machinery in the two Sections, 207 ; Banlring facilities of North 
 and South, 208. 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 FEEE V. SLAVE AGEICTJLTUEB. 
 
 The Slave States have never pretended to compete with Northern Manufactures, 
 but have always asserted their superiority as Agricultural Communities, 210 ; 
 The Hon. J. N. Sandige on the extent of Northern and Southern Agriculture, 
 211 ; The Fallacy in his figures exposed, 211 ; The true figures given, 212 ; The 
 Facts according to a Statement drawn up by Mr. Andrews at the instance of the 
 American Government^ and whose Returns are considered more tnathful than 
 thoseof DeBow, 213 ; Area of the Free and Slave States, the Proportion occupied 
 and the Proportion under actual Cultivation, 213 ; The total and per-acreage Value 
 of the Farms, 214 ; The Inferiority of Southern Agricnltural Machinery, and the 
 
XIV CONTENTS. 
 
 Cause, 214; The Average per-acreage Produce of Growths common to North and 
 South, 216 ; Amount of Wheat produced in the two Sections in 1840 and 1850, 
 
 217 ; Amount of Indian Com, &c., 218 ; Why Slave Latour is retained in the 
 South ; First, because of the reluctance of Free Whites to labour along with Slaves, 
 
 218 ; Secondly, the degenerating effect of Slave example upon those who do not , 
 object so to labour, 218 ; Thirdly, because Slavery directly is cheaper, 219 ; 
 Fourthly, in consequence of the Capital of the Community being monopolized by 
 the Owners of Negroes, and who are thereby enabled to prevent the rise of a Rival 
 Interest, 220 ; Fifthly, because Slavery is fashionable, 221 ; Lastly, because of the 
 power of King Cotton, 221 ; Value of the Internal Slave Trade, 223 ; Slavery 
 Profitable only to the extent in which it is occupied in Cotton Cultivation, 224 ; 
 Because of the increased demand for the staple, the cheapness and proliiicacy of 
 Southern soil ; but when the rich soUs of the Cotton States become exhausted, and 
 in need of improved modes of culture. Slave Labour will fail to maintain itself, 
 224 ; The South as rich as it is, not because of Slavery, but in spite of it, 225 ; 
 The Institution doomed, 226. 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 FUETHBE TACTS AJSTD AEGTTMENTS IN PEOOF OF THE SUPEEIOEITT 
 OF FEEE INSTITtTTIONS ; THE SOUTH AWAEE OF ITS INFEEIOEITY. 
 
 The great Contrast between Northern and Southern Progress, 228 ; The former 
 and present Comparative Condition of Virginia and New York, 230 ; The former 
 and present Comparative Condition of North Carolina and Indiana, 231 ; The 
 former and present Comparative Condition of South Carolina and New Jersey, 
 232 ; The Panaceas advocated by South Carolina, 233 ; The Progi-ess of Georgia 
 and Illinois compared, 234 ; The Slave-holders blinded by self-interest, but the 
 lUiddle Class becoming aware of the real Cause of their Country's slow J'rogress, 
 236 ; The marked Contrast between those portions of the Border States whose 
 industiy is carried on by Free Labour, and those portions whose industry is carried 
 on by Slaves, 238 ; A gi-eat Awakening taking place in consequence of this, 
 240. 
 
CONTENTS. SV 
 
 PAET IV. 
 
 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 THE DrPFICTJXTIES IN THE PATH OF FREEDOM. 
 
 Must be met, or feai'ful consequences will ensue, 245 ; The ban of Christendom 
 upon Slavery, 246 ; Extreme Abolition views deprecated, 246 ; Slave-holding 
 not a sin per se, but not so Slave-dealing and Slave-breeding, 247 ; The 
 financial obstacle to Emancipation, 248 ; The Slave unfit for Freedom, 249 ; 
 The Negro not naturally lazy, 251 ; Colonization impossible, 254 ; Amalgama- 
 tion, 255 ; The Freedom of the present Generation of Slaves must be provided 
 for, 257. 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 THE PRiOTICABILITT OF EMANCIPATION. 
 
 Restriction the first step, 260 ,• The treatment of the American and West Indian 
 Slave-holders and their results compared, 261 ; The Progress of Slavery 
 checked, 263; No more Slave States, 264; Effects of the Eestriction of 
 Slavery, 264; Emancipation to be achieved by degi'ees, 265 ; The Laws of Cuba 
 and the Southern States as to Emancipation, and the status of the Free Negro 
 compared, 266 ; The Prohibition of Slave-dealing to be the primary practical 
 step towards Freedom, 267 ; The Slave not " property," 267 ; Piece-work, 268 ; 
 The Government to watch over the rights of the Negro, 268 ; Favourable effects 
 of Emancipation upon the People of both Sections of the Union, 270 ; And upon 
 the Progress of Freedom in the West Indies and the Brazils, 270 ; Fate of the 
 Slave-holders if they refuse to reform their domestic Institution, 271. 
 
 STJPPLEMENTAET CHAPTEE TO PAET IH. 
 
 COTTESE OF EVENTS DtJEINa THE FIRST THEBE MONTHS OF 
 
 PEEsrDENT Lincoln's administration. 
 
 Uncertainty of affairs during the first month, 275 ; Unreasonable abuse of the 
 Government, 276 ; The peculiar position of the Administration in consequence of 
 the Treason of the late Cabinet, &c., 277 ; Energetic warlike movements of 
 Lincoln and their misinterpretation, 277 ; Movements of Jefferson Davis, 278 ; 
 
^■Vl CONTENTS. 
 
 Attack and Fall of Fort Sumpter, 279; Major Anderson's Report, 280; Dr. 
 Russell's Description of the Condition of the Fort afiter the Battle, 281 ; Effects 
 of the Fall of Fort Sumpter upon the North, 282 ; Proclamation of President 
 Lincoln, 283; Enthusiastic respond thereto by the People of the Free States, 284; 
 Commencement of the march of Troops South ; despicable conduct of a Balti- 
 morean mob, 284 ; Vote of the Legislature on Secession, 285 ; Action of the 
 " Southern Confederacy ;" Northern Debts repudiated, 285 ; Letters of Marque 
 promised, 286 ; Blockading Proclamation of President Lincoln, 287 ; Doings of 
 Virginia; Harper's Ferry deserted by the Federal Troops, and .Norfolk Navy 
 Taa-d, &o., destroyed, 288 ; A further levy of Troops by the Government, 289 ; 
 Secession of Arkansas, Tennessee, and North Carolina, 290 ; Militia power" of 
 the two Sections, 290 ; Meeting of the Southern Congress, 290 ; Address of 
 Jefferson Davis, 291 ; Duty of President Lincoln, 291 ; Opinions of the United 
 States Government on the extent of the Disunion feeling in the South, and on 
 the probability of the Rebellion being speedily crushed, 292 ; Policy of European 
 Powers ; Cassius M. Clay and his absurd Letter and Speech, 294 ; The North 
 right and the South wrong, 294. 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 (A.) Constitution of the United States, 299. 
 
 (B.) Constitution of the Seceding or " Confederated States of North America," 
 311. 
 
 (C.) Constitution of the Confederate States ; wherein it differs from the Constitu- 
 tion of the United States, 323. 
 
 (D.) The Republican National Platfoim, 1860, 325. 
 
 (E.) The Democratic National Platform, 1856 and 1860, 327. 
 
 (F.) The Constitutional Union Platfoi-m, 1860, 334. 
 
 (G.) That portion of President Buchanan's Message of December 3, 1860, which 
 treats of the National Crisis, 334. 
 
 (H.) President Lincoln's Inaugural Address, 346. 
 
 (I.) The Tariffs of the United States for 1857 and 1861, and the Tariff of the 
 Southern Confederacy, compared, 353. 
 
 (J.) A Comparative View of the Area, Population, Government, Finances, Wealth, 
 Agriculture, Manufactures, Commerce, and Banking facilities of the Free 
 and Slave States, 361. 
 
 (K.) Census of the United States for 1850 and 1860, 370. 
 
PART I. 
 
 HISTOKT OF THE EISE AND PEOGEESS OP 
 SLAVEET IN TEE UNITED STATES. 
 
PART I. 
 
 HISTORY OP THE EISE AND PEOGEBSS OF SLAVERY IN 
 THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 FeOSI the IsTRODtrOTION OP THE INSTITUTION TO THE CLOSE 
 
 OF THE Eighteenth CsNTrEY. 
 
 Section 1. Origin and Perpetuation of the Institution, — Diversity 
 of Tastes between the New England and Southern Colonists. 
 
 To Spain] belongs the honour of the discovery of the great 
 American Continent, and the first revelation of its vast natural 
 capabilities and immense native wealth to admiring Europe. 
 To the same nation is due the unenviable distinction of having 
 introduced therein the inhuman institution of negro slavery ; 
 but at the door of Great Britain lies the sin of its perpetuation, 
 for notwithstanding the protestations of the early English 
 settlers, the trade, owing to its lucrative nature, was taken under 
 the patronage of royalty and commerce, and forced upon the 
 unwilling colonists. 
 
 But the rapid development of agriculture under the stimulus 
 of a growing European demand for the peculiar products of the 
 
 b2 
 
* RISE AOT) PEOGRESS OF SLAVERY 
 
 country, and tlie consequent increasing necessity for additiona 
 labour, gradually reconciled the colonists to the abnormal soci- 
 ology. Hence, in process of time, what was once held to b( 
 a crime of the greatest magnitude assumed the aspect of £ 
 justifiable undertaking. The qualms of conscience were quieted 
 by the notion that the condition and prospects of the negro were 
 physically, socially, and religiously improved by a transference 
 from barbaric Africa to civilized and Christianized America ; 
 whilst the supposed peculiar adaptation of the negro constitution 
 to the climate of the New World, and the araadaptability of the 
 European constitution to the same climate, were urged and 
 accepted as potent reasons why the trade should be encouraged 
 to the utmost extent. 
 
 Under these circumstances the traf&c was carried on vigorously, 
 and the deportation of Africa's sable sons to the various districts 
 on the opposite side of the Atlantic were numbered by tens of 
 thousands annually.' 
 
 Nevertheless, though the trade flourished greatly, the colonists 
 were far from being unanimous in their opinions as to its law- 
 fulness or desirability ; a strong anti-slavery under-current was 
 present, and only waited for a favourable opportunity to give prac- 
 tical expression to its existence and power. As at the present time, 
 this anti-slavery feeling, though represented in all of the settle- 
 ments, was more apparent in the northern than in the southern 
 colonies ; owing mainly to the wide difference in the political 
 and religious birth and education of the original immigrants of 
 the two sections. The districts of New England, on the one 
 hand, being peopled by men expatriated by the political and 
 
IN THE TINITED STATES. 5 
 
 religious persecutions which they were subjected to in the 
 mother country, and who had landed upon the shores of the 
 western world with the determination of founding a community 
 in which the civil and religious liberty of its citizens should be 
 maiataiaed inviolate ; while, on the other hand, the early arri- 
 vals south of the Potomac were composed in part of the imem- 
 ployed scions of British aristocracy, vsdth a sprinkling of the 
 mercantile-speculative class, and in part of the convict and 
 scapegrace portion of the lower classes : thus introducing that 
 dual condition of society — patrician and plebeian — which has 
 existed in the South to the present day. 
 
 We find, therefore, that though duriag the struggle for indepen- 
 dence there was a hind of union between the States, the compact, 
 morally speaking at least, ceased to exist when the heads of the 
 new nation met in convention for the purpose of framing a con- 
 stitution. During the revolutionary war, the entire population, 
 white and black, were bound together in the prosecution of a 
 common cause, for the attainment of a common object — -the 
 individual as well as the national liberty of the whole people, 
 without distraction of colour or circumstance : even Virginia, 
 the very year that the Declaration of Independence was made, 
 passed a law prohibiting the external slave trade, and which it 
 was understood would be followed by enactments aiming at the 
 destruction of the domestic institution. Whilst the war was 
 going on, the selfishness of slave-holders was dormant, and the 
 idea of perpetuating the vile institution was never broached ; 
 but no sooner had the contest terminated, than discord appeared 
 in the camp of the republic : for while some of the States, in the 
 
O RISE AKD PROGRESS OF SLAVERY 
 
 most honourable manner, proceeded to provide for the emanci- 
 pation of their slaves, as a meet reward for their patriotism, 
 others of them, to their eternal disgrace, sought rather to con- 
 solidate and intensify the sufferings of the imfortanate negroes, 
 who, though they had fought and bled for the liberation of the 
 commonwealth, were deprived of aU share in the glorious results 
 of the successfal issue. The consequence of this was an actual 
 division of the States iato two sections — ^the one North and free, 
 and the other South and slave — between whom there has since 
 been an unintermittuig contest for supremacy. 
 
 Section 2. Declaration of Independence. — Subsequent progress oj 
 Freedom in the North, and apparent tendency thereto in tin 
 South. — Revival of Pro-slavery notions ; their power and findi 
 success in securing the recognition of Slavery hy the Constitution. 
 
 The Declaration of Independence was made on the dth oi 
 July, 1776, but there was no regular federal constitution framed 
 until 1787, and that did not come into execution until 1789. 
 During the interval the country was governed by a Congress oi 
 Confederation, which sat sometimes at New York and sometimee 
 at Philadelphia. 
 
 Down to the latter date freedom had made considerable pro- 
 gress. In 1776, as observed above, Virginia abolished the 
 external slave trade. In 1780, Massachusetts and Pennsylvania 
 passed emancipatory measures, and were followed by Connecticut 
 and Ehode Island in 1784. In 1785 an AboHtion Society was 
 organized at New York, but emancipation did not take place in 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 7 
 
 that State until 1799 — seven years subsequent to New Hamp- 
 shire, but five years before New Jersey. 
 
 In 1783 tbe old Congress met for the purpose of considering 
 the subject of " ways and means," and to apportion between the 
 several States the liabilities incurred during the war just then 
 brought to a close. The basis adopted was that of population. 
 The first question that presented itself was the manner in which 
 the slaves should be counted, or whether they should be counted 
 at all. The slave States maintained that the blacks ought not 
 to be counted, on the ground that they were " property " and 
 not " persons ; " but the free States held the reverse : the slaves, 
 they said, were " persons" and not " property," and ought there- 
 fore to be counted. After considerable discussion, however, a 
 compromise was adopted : the matter being settled by reckoning 
 three-fifths only of the slaves as a basis of population. 
 
 In 1784 Virginia and some other States ceded to Government 
 a large tract of territory to the west of the Ohio, to be appro- 
 priated for the benefit of the national treasury. No sponer had 
 the Congress met to consider the organization and settlement of 
 these territories, than the question arose as to whether they 
 should be occupied by slave or free labour. Here, again, the 
 North and South were at issue, and the struggle continued for 
 three years without any conclusive result. On the 1st of March, 
 1784, a conmuttee was appointed to report on the matter. Mr. 
 Jefferson was the leading member, and the origiaator of the 
 main article of the Eeport, which was as follows : — 
 
 " After the year 1800 of the Christian era, there shall be neither slavery nor 
 involontary servitude in any of the said States otherwise than in punishment of 
 
O EISE AM) PROGBESS OF SLAVEBY 
 
 crimes, whereof the party shall have been duly convicted and to have been per- 
 sonally guilty." 
 
 The object being to exclude slavery from all the then territories 
 of the Union, which might be admitted into the Confederation of 
 States in future. On the 19th of April this proposition was 
 rejected by Congress. The friends of liberty made one more 
 effort in. March, 1785, but were again defeated. The slave- 
 holders of those days wanted just what their descendants are 
 agitating for now — the right to carry their " property " into the 
 common territories of the Union, with the sanction, and imder 
 the protection of the Federal Government. During the debates 
 some of the representatives of the slave-holding States were 
 most violent in their denunciations; and not a few of them 
 threatened withdrawal from the Union if their views were not 
 adopted. Indeed, things were brought to such a pitch, that it 
 was found impossible to carry on the government of the 
 country. 
 
 As a last resort, a convention was called in order to form a 
 £rmer government, and reconsider the subject of the territories. 
 The first thing to do was to organize a system of representation. 
 It was settled that population should be the basis. Then 
 reappeared the vexed question as to how the slaves were to be 
 counted. The matter had been settled, in respect of taxation, 
 by counting five negroes as three persons. The South was 
 willing to adopt the same plan, as a basis of representation ; 
 but the North objected, on the same grounds that the South 
 had previously demurred, when the subject of taxation was 
 under consideration. Finally, on the 9th July, 1787, another 
 
m THE UNITED STATES. » 
 
 special committee was formed; the result was the birth of 
 a new compromise, which obtained the concurrence of both 
 the contending parties: the South, on its part, laying aside 
 its claim to carry slavery into the territories north and west 
 of the Ohio, provided that every facility should be given to 
 slave-holders in pursuit of " fugitives from labour " from out of 
 the slave States, and who might have secreted themselves 
 in the said territories; and the North, on its part, accepted 
 the " fugitive slave " clause and the three-fifths calculation of 
 the slaves as a basis of representation. The following is the 
 article in its entirety : — 
 
 " Article the Sixth. — There shall he neither slavery nor involuntary servi- 
 tude in the said territoiy, otherwise than in punishment of crimes, whereof the 
 party shall have been duly convicted : Provided always, That any person escaping 
 into the same, from whom labour or service is lawfully claimed in any one of the 
 original States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed and conveyed to the 
 person claiming his or her labour or service as aforesaid." 
 
 It was likewise arranged that the external trade should not 
 be abolished before the 1st January, 1808, but that Congress, 
 in the mean time, might levy a tax on such importations, of not 
 exceeding ten dollars per person. 
 
 By these arrangements the pro-slavery party was for a time 
 appeased, and the aboKtionists satisfied. The latter considered 
 that they had obtained more advantageous terms than their 
 opponent : consoling themselves with the idea that slavery 
 would cease to exist soon after the prohibition of the external 
 trade. Their hopes were strengthened by the progress already 
 made in the direction of emancipation by many of the States, 
 and by the partial measures introduced by some of the 
 
10 
 
 EISE AOT) PKOGEESS OF SLAVERY 
 
 remaining ones, wliich seemed to indicate that they would, 
 ere long, foUow the example of their more liberal confederates ; 
 for several of the Southern States had already passed laws for 
 the prohibition or the restriction of negro imports. Even South 
 Carolina, which had been especially strenuous in its opposition 
 to Jefferson's territorial motion, and which has since become 
 notorious for its acts of nullification, had prohibited the trade 
 for twelve months ; an experiment which it afterwards repeated 
 annually until 1804 ; but in that year the demand for labour 
 began to increase, from causes which we will presently allude 
 to, and from thence to 1st January, 1808, 33,775 slaves were 
 imported into the port of Charleston. 
 
 So far it is clear that the giant minds of the American 
 Eepublic looked upon slavery as an anomaly in their land, 
 the eradication of which was only a matter of time. That such 
 was the opinions of Washington, Jefferson, Madison, &c., is 
 clear from the ambiguous manner in which the institution 
 is alluded to in the " Constitution." In that document, neither 
 the word slave nor any of its derivatives is to be found. The 
 thing was abhorred, and, though tolerated, was not sanctioned. 
 The following are the only references made to the subject. 
 We have italicised the euphemisms with which the framers of 
 the famous document sought to hide the monster iniquity. 
 The patriots who defied the power of the British Empire 
 shrank from fairly meeting the selfish clique of man- 
 stealers : — 
 
 " Aktiole I., Section 2. — Eepresentation and direct taxes shall be apportioned 
 amongst the several States which may be included within this Union, according to 
 their respective numbers, which shall be deteimined by adding to the whole 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 11 
 
 number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years and 
 excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons." 
 
 " Article I., Section 9. — The migration or importation of such persons as 
 any of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited 
 by the Congress prior to the year One thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax, 
 or duty, may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each 
 person." 
 
 " Article IV., Section 2. — 'So person held to service or labour in one State under 
 the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regu- 
 lation therein, be discharged from such sei-vice or labour ; but shall be delivered 
 up on claim of the party to whom such service or labour may be due." 
 
12 
 
 EISE AKD PBOGEESS OF SLAYEEY 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 Feom the Purchase op Louisiana to the Missouri 
 Compromise. 
 
 Section 1. Louisiana Debates. — Tactics of Slave-owners. — Increase 
 in the Slave Population. — Influence of the demand for Cotton 
 in consolidating Slavery. 
 
 About the beginiiiiig of the present century the French posses- 
 sion of Louisiana was offered for sale to the American Govern- 
 ment. The best friends of the Union objected to the purchase 
 of the territory at all ; but their opposition was useless ; for in 
 addition to an united South, which had an eye to the extension 
 of its favourite " institution," certain ambitious representatives of 
 the North voted for incorporation : the district to be parcelled out 
 into States, and admitted into the Confederation as soon as they 
 attained the population, &c., required by law. In 1803, therefore, 
 the contract was concluded and a consideration of ^^15,000,000 
 paid to France. But there was no provision made as to whether 
 the constitutions of the new States were to be slave or free ! Such 
 was the state of utter indifference into which the anti-slavery 
 party had fallen, and the false security into which the measures 
 of 1787 had thrown them. 
 
 The slave States were now all-powerful ; for, notwithstanding 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 13 
 
 their inferiority in population, they were, by the three-fifths 
 calculation of their slaves, entitled to a representation nearly 
 equal to that of the free States. Besides which the poli- 
 ticians of the country had become completely demoralized; 
 self-interest, in its lowest form, had taken the place of the 
 patriotism which had animated the great lights of the revolution. 
 Josiah Quincy, in speaking of the Louisiana BUI, thus describes 
 the means employed in securing its passage through Congress : — 
 
 " The passage of the Loaisiana Admission Bill was effected by acts which slave- 
 holders well knew how to select and apply. Sops were given to the congressional 
 watch-dogs of the free States. To some, promises were made by way of opiates ; 
 and those whom they could neither pay nor drug were publicly treated with inso- 
 lence and scorn. Threats, duels, and violence were at that day, as now, modes 
 approved by them to deter men from awakening the free States to a sense of 
 danger. From the moment the Act was passed, they saw that the free States were 
 shorn of their strength ; that they had obtained space to multiply their slaves at 
 their will ; and Mr. Jefferson had confidently told them that, from that moment 
 the 'constitution of the United States was blank paper;' but more correctly there 
 was no longer any constitution. The slave-holders from that day saw they had 
 the free States in their power ; and that they were masters, and the free States 
 slaves ; and have acted accordingly. From the passage of the Louisiana Bill 
 until this day, their policy has been directed to a single object, with almost unin- 
 terrupted success. That object was to exclude the free States from any share of 
 power, except in subserviency to their views j and they have undeniably, during 
 the subsequent period of our history (the administration of John Quincy Adams 
 only excepted), placed in the chair of state, either slave-holders or men from the 
 free States who, for the sake of power, consented to be their tools — ' Northern men 
 with Southern principles ' — in other words, men who, for the sake of power or pay, 
 were willing to do what they would set them upon." * 
 
 We have already remarked that it was the general opinion 
 that the existence of slavery depended upon the importation 
 of negroes from Africa, and that so soon as such importation 
 
 * Address Illustrative of the Nature and Power of the Slave States, and the 
 Duties of the Free States ; delivered at Quincy, Massachusetts, June 5, 1856 
 (quoted by Chambers : American Slavery and Colour, p. 31). 
 
14 RISE AOT) PKOGEESS OF SLAYEEX 
 
 ceased the institution would gradually die out ; for it was 
 supposed that such a scarcity of the " article " would foUow 
 upon prohibition as would so enhance its price as to compel 
 planters to resort to free labour as the cheaper method of 
 cultivating their crops; subsequent events have proved (what 
 might have been demonstrated a priori) the fallacy of the 
 supposition. In 1790 the number of slaves in the States was 
 697,897 ; in 1820, 1,538,064 ; and at the present time, 
 4,000,000. 
 
 But already a new power had begun to exercise its potent 
 influence upon Southern politicians. Down to the period of 
 the convention of 1787 the planters of the Southern States 
 had been engaged principally in the cultivation of rice and 
 indigo, then the best-paying growths ; but the profits of the 
 trade were lessening yearly in consequence of the competition 
 of India, then beginning to be felt. The cotton plant, now 
 the great staple of Southern agriculture, was then only 
 cultivated to a limited extent ; the process of cleajiing the fibre 
 being so slow and expensive as to render the production of 
 the plant, on a large scale, impossible; for notwithstanding 
 the increased demand for cotton from England, consequent 
 upon the then recent great improvements in the machinery 
 for spinning, the exports from the United States in 1793 only 
 amounted to 187,000 lbs. ; whilst the imports into England 
 from the West Indies, Turkey, India, &c., during the previous 
 year, reached 28,706,675 lbs. 
 
 Hargreaves' "Jenny" was invented in 1767, Ajkwright's 
 "Throstle" in 1769, and Crompton's "Mule" in 1775, in 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 15 
 
 wliich year, likewise, steam power was for the first time applied 
 to cotton macMnery. In 1787 Dr. Cartwriglit brought out Lis 
 " power loom.'' One year later the trade, becoming alarmed 
 respecting the future supplies of raw cotton, had called 
 the attention of the East India Company to the increasing 
 requirements of the manufacture, and the capability of India 
 for meeting those wants, if the growth of the fibre was 
 but encouraged. No one, for a moment, expected that any 
 assistance would come from America. 
 
 The following table will give the reader an idea of the rapid 
 progress of the trade from 1764 to 1798 :— 
 
 Tear. 
 
 1764 
 1775 
 1781 
 1785 
 1791 
 1798 
 
 Imports of Cotton 
 
 into 
 
 Great Britain. 
 
 lbs. 
 3,870,392 
 
 4,764,589 
 
 5,198,878 
 
 18,400,384 
 
 28,706,675 
 
 31,880,641 
 
 Price of 
 West Indian. 
 
 per lb. 
 
 lid. to 28i. 
 20d. to 30d. 
 ISd. to 55d. 
 
 Price of 
 American Uplands. 
 
 per lb. 
 
 (1793) 13d. to 22d. 
 nd. to 60d. 
 
 Here we find the price gradually advancing, notwithstanding 
 the increased supplies. The receipts from North America in 
 1764 were about 1,000 lbs. ; in 1770 about 2,000 lbs. ; in 1784 
 about 14,000 lbs., and in 1791, 189,316 lbs. only were exported 
 from the United States. The invention of the saw gin by Eli 
 Whitney, however, in 1793, introduced a new order of things. 
 By the primitive rollers, one hand could clean only a few 
 pounds of wool daily ; but by means of the new gin three to 
 
16 
 
 RISE Am) PEOGEESS OP SLAYEBY 
 
 four hundred pounds could be turned out in the same space of 
 time. The effect of Whitney's ingenuity -was instantaneous : the 
 export of cotton during 1794 — that is, one year after the 
 invention— being 1,601,760 lbs. against only 187,000 in 1793 ! 
 In 1800 the shipments were 17,789,800 lbs., and in 1806 
 nearly one half of the cotton imported into Great Britain was 
 the produce of the United States. Not only was the supply 
 large, but it was in quality superior to anything our spinners 
 had been used to, and it speedily took the place of the com- 
 moner grades of West India. As early as 1801, Messrs. Ewart, 
 Eutson & Co., the eminent Liverpool merchants, remarked : — 
 
 " The quantity produced in Georgia and Carolina and on the banks of the 
 Mississippi, in favourable seasons, will, in point of weight, exceed that of all 
 the West Indies put together, and will have a serious tendency to depress the 
 value of our own West India cottons. The consumption of New Orleans and 
 inferior Georgia is become very great, and already precludes the sale of middling 
 and inferior West India at the proportionate prices we have formei-ly been 
 accustomed to."* 
 
 In the mean time the trade was making rapid progress all over 
 Em-ope. Cotton machinery on the English principle was intro- 
 duced into Prance in 1789 ; in Saxony in 1799 ; in Belgium 
 in 1804, and in Holland a few years later. 
 
 The first mill was erected in the United States in 1791 ; 
 cotton goods were manufactured at Boston in 1808, and in 1815 
 the power loom was in full play there. The exports of cotton 
 wool from America increased from 17,789,800 lbs. in 1800 to 
 93,900,000 lbs. in 1810, and 127,800,000 lbs. in 1820. No 
 wonder therefore that the slave-trade increased in activity and 
 
 * Prices Current for Jamaica, ^c, Nov. 2, 1801. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 17 
 
 that the slave-holders grew more uninanageable, and sought 
 with such vigour to augment the extent of their territory, and 
 thereby increase the weight of their influence in the Congress 
 of the Union. These facts will enable the reader the better 
 to understand the course which events took subsequently to 
 the passage of the Louisiana Bill. 
 
 Section 2. Tlie Admission of Louisiana, Missouri, and Arhansas. 
 — The Missouri Debates and Compromise. 
 
 In 1812 the first portion of the newly-acquired territory was 
 admitted into the Confederation as a State, with the name of 
 Louisiana. The inhabitants were guaranteed all the privileges 
 which they had enjoyed under the dominion of the French, 
 among which privileges the institution of slavery was numbered. 
 The State beiag the most southern portion of the territory, and 
 thus a sufficient distance from the free States, the Northern 
 representatives offered no opposition to the passage of the Bill 
 of Licorporation. 
 
 Li 1818 the inhabitants of Missouri (another portion of the 
 Louisiana Estate) presented their petition to Congress for ad- 
 mission into the Union on equal terms with the citizens of 
 Louisiana. The abolitionists now began to be alarmed at the 
 great and rapid strides which slavery was making, and resolved, 
 if possible, to prevent its further extension. Pity that the dis- 
 covery had not been made sooner ! The admission of Missouri 
 with a slave constitution was therefore strongly opposed by the 
 representatives of the free States. After a considerable amount 
 of time had been spent in debating the terms of the Constitution, 
 
18 
 
 RISE AM) PROGRESS OF SLAVERY 
 
 Mr. Tallmadge, jtm., of New York, moved the following amend- 
 ment thereon in March, 1819 : — 
 
 " And provided that the introductiou of slavery, or invohmtary servitude, be 
 prohibited, except for the punishment of crimes, whereof the party has been duly 
 convicted ; and that all children bom within the said State, after the admission 
 thereof into the Union, shall be declared free at the age of twenty-five years." 
 
 Mr. J. W. Taylor, of New York, addressing the House on this 
 amendment, thus advocated the cause of freedom : — 
 
 " If slavery shall be tolerated, the country will be settled by rich planters, 
 with their slaves; if it shall be rejected, the emigrants will chiefly consist of the 
 poorer and more laborious classes of society. If it be true that the prosperity and 
 happiness of a country ought to constitute the grand object of its legislatoi's, I 
 cannot hesitate for a moment which species of population deserves most to he 
 encouraged by the laws we may pass. Gentlemen, in their zeal to oppose the 
 amendment, appeared to have considered but one side of the case. If the rejection 
 of slavery will tend to discourage emigration from the South, will not its admission 
 have the same effect in relation to the North and East ? Whence came the 
 people who, with a rapidity never before witnessed, have changed the wilderness 
 between the Ohio and Mississippi into fruitful fields ; who have erected there, in 
 a period almost too short for the credibility of futm-e ages, three of the fairest and 
 most flourishing States in our Union ? They came from the Eastei-n hive ; from 
 that source of population which, in the same time, has added more than one hundred 
 thousand inhabitants to my native State, and furnished seamen for a Large portion 
 of the navigation of the world ; seamen who have unfurled your banner in every 
 port to which the entei'prise of man has gained admittance, and who, though poor 
 themselves, have drawn rich treasures for the nation from the bosom of the deep. 
 Do you believe that these people will settle in a country where they must take 
 rank with negro slaves ? Having neither the ability nor the will to hold slaves 
 themselves, they labour cheerfully while labour is honourable : make it disgraceful, 
 they will despise it. Ton cannot degrade it more eSectually than by establishing 
 a system whereby it shall be performed principally by slaves. The business in 
 which they are generally engaged, be it what it may, soon becomes debased in public 
 estimation. It is considered low and unfit for freemen." * 
 
 This movement drew down the fiercest denunciations from 
 the opposition. All manner of things were threatened — from 
 
 * Abridgment of the Debates of Congress from 1789 to 1854. By Thomas 
 H. Benton. Vol. vi. 1817-1821. Appleton and Co., New York, 1858. 
 
m THE UNITED STATES. 19 
 
 the personal castigation of particular indiyiduals to the disso- 
 lution of the Union. Mr. James Tallmadge, jun., of New 
 York, expressed himseK vigorously in reply to the threats of 
 the fire-eaters : — 
 
 *' Sir, the honourable gentleman from Missouri (Mr. Scott), who has just 
 resumed his seat, has told us of the Ides of March, and has told us to ' Beware of 
 the fate of Csesar and of Rome.' Another gentleman (Mr. Cobb), from Georgia, 
 in addition to other expressions of great warmth, has said, ' that if we persist the 
 Union will be dissolved ;' and, with a look fixed on me, has told us, ' we had 
 kindled a fire which all the waters of the ocean camiot put out, which seas of 
 blood can only extinguish.' 
 
 *' Sir, language of this sort has no effect on me; my purpose is fixed, it is 
 interwoven with my existence, its durability is limited with my life, it is a great 
 and glorious cause, setting bounds to a slavery the most cruel and debasing the 
 world ever witnessed ; it is the freedom of man ; it is the cause of imredeemed 
 and unregenerated human beings. 
 
 " Sir, if a dissolution of the Union must take place, let it be so 1 If civil war, 
 which gentlemen so much threaten, must come, I can only say, let it come ! My 
 hold on life is probably as frail as that of any man who now hears me ; but, while 
 that hold lasts, it shall be devoted to the service of my country — to the freedom 
 of man. If blood is necessary to extinguish any fire which I have assisted to 
 kindle, I can assure gentlemen, while I regret the necessity, I shall not forbear 
 to contribute my mite. Sir, the violence to which gentlemen have resorted on this 
 subject will not move my purpose, nor drive me from my place. I have the 
 fortune and the honour to stand here as the representative of freemen, who possess 
 intelligence to know their rights, who have the spirit to maintain them. What- 
 ever might be my own private sentiments on this subject, standing here as the 
 representative of others, no choice is left to me. I know the will of jaj consti- 
 tuents, and, regardless of consequences, I will avow it ; as their representative, 
 I will proclaim their hatred to slavery in every shape ; as their representative 
 here will I hold my stand, until this floor, with the constitution of my country 
 which supports it, shall sink beneath me. If I am doomed to fi.ll, I shall at 
 least have the painful consolation to believe that I fall, as a fragment, in the 
 ruins of my country. ..... 
 
 " Sir, has it already come to this, that in the Congress of the United States — 
 that in the legislative councils of republican America, the subject of slavery has 
 become a subject of so much feeling, of such delicacy, of such danger, that it 
 cannnot safely be discussed ? Are members who venture to express their senti- 
 ments on this subject to be accused of talking to the galleries, with intent to excite 
 a servile war, and of meriting the fate of Arbuthnot and Ambrister ? Are we to be 
 told of the dissolution of the Union, of civil war, and of seas of blood ? And yet, 
 
 o2 
 
20 msE Am) peogkess of slavery 
 
 with such awful threateniugs before us, do gentlemen in the same breath insis- 
 upon the encouragement of this evil, npon the extension of this monstrous scouigi 
 of the human race ? An evil so fraught with such dire calamities to us as indivi' 
 duals, and to our nation, and threatening in its progress to overwhelm the civi 
 and religious institutions of the country with the liberties of the nation, ought ai 
 once to be met and to be controlled. If its power, its influence, and its impending 
 dangei-s have already arrived at such a point as that it is not safe to discuss ii 
 on this floor, and it cannot now pass under consideration as a proper subject foi 
 general legislation, what wiU be the result when it is spread through your widelj 
 extended domain ? Its present threatening aspect, and the violence of its supporters, 
 so far from inducing me to yield to its progress, prompts me to resist its march 
 Now is the time. It must now be met, and the extension of the evil mus1 
 now he prevented, or the occasion is irrecoverably lost, and the evil can nevei 
 be contracted." 
 
 So great was the influence of the anti-slavery party that the 
 amendment passed the House, on the 16th February, 1819, by a 
 vote of eighty-seven against seventy-six on the first clause, 
 (which is italicized), and eighty-two to seventy-eight on the 
 second clause; and the BiU, including the amendment, was 
 ordered to be engrossed by a vote of ninety-seven against 
 fifty-six. No one was more astonished at the victory than 
 the Northerners themselves ; — as to the sla,ve-holders, they 
 became almost frantic ; but they trusted to the Senate, and 
 were not disappointed ; for that august body, on the 27th 
 February, struck out the offensive proviso by a vote of 
 thirty to seven against the first clause, and twenty-two to 
 sixteen on the second one. The Bill was therefore sent 
 back to the House ; but the Eepresentatives refused to move : 
 confirming their former position, by a vote of seventy-eight 
 to seventy-six, on the 2nd March. On the same day the 
 Senate passed the following resolution : " That the Senate 
 adhere :" to which the House replied by passing a similar 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 21 
 
 vote for itself : Yeas 78, Nays 66. The BiU therefore was 
 lost. On the meeting of Congress in December, 1819, the 
 strength of each of the contending parties was found to be pretty- 
 nearly equal, and the prospects of the settlement were con- 
 sequently as far off as ever. On the 8th December a petition 
 was presented by the people of Maine (an offshoot of 
 Massachusetts), praying to be admitted into the Union as a 
 State. The BiU passed to the Upper House and was referred to 
 a Senatorial Committee on the 4th January, 1820. On the 
 6th January the committee made their report, with amend- 
 ments, authorizing the admission of Missouri likewise. But 
 the amendments, making no mention of slavery, were objected 
 to ; the Senate however supported them : yeas 25, nays 18. 
 It now became clear, to the leaders of both parties, that some 
 half-way measure would be the only method of settling the 
 dispute, hence the support which welcomed the celebrated 
 amendment of Mr. Thomas, since known as the "Missouri 
 Compromise." The motion was first brought forward in the 
 Senate on the 3rd February, but was not finally agreed to 
 until the 2nd March ; the closing votes were — Senate, Yeas 90, 
 Nays 87 : House, Yeas 134, Nays 42. The following is the 
 famed provision, and its fugitive slave clause : — 
 
 " And be it further enacted, That in all tte territory ceded by France to the 
 United States, under the name of Louisiana, which lies north of 36° 30' north 
 latitude, not included within the limits of the State contemplated by this Act, 
 slavery and involuntary servitude, otherwise than in the puni.shment of crimes 
 whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted, shall be, and is liereby, for 
 ever prohibited : Provided always. That any person escaping into the same from 
 whom labour or service is lawfully claimed in any State or territoiy of the 
 United States, such fugitive may be lawfully reclaimed, and conveyed to the 
 person claiming his or her labour or sei-vice as aforesaid,'* 
 
22 
 
 KISB AND PKOGEESS OF SLATEEY 
 
 Thus was slavery once more triumpliant. Tlie idea currenl 
 now was that no more would be heard of the vexed question 
 The North was content with the decision : hence the territorj 
 of Arkansas, intermediate between Louisiana and Missouri. 
 was received into the confederation without any opposition, 
 in 1836 ; and the State of Florida (acquired from Spain in 
 1821), equally amicably, in 1845 ; both with slave constitu- 
 tions, owing to their geographical position being to the south 
 of the compromise line. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 23 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 CONTDTOED PbOGEESS OP SlATBET. ThB InFLUBNOB OB THE 
 
 AnTI-NeGEO PeEJTJDICE OB THE NoETH, AND THB OOALITION 
 OB NOETHEEN AND SoUTEDEEN POLITICIANS IN AUGMENTING 
 THE POWBE OB SlAVEDOM. 
 
 The Southerners were thus becoming more and more powerful, 
 and the institution of slavery more widely spread ; but notwith- 
 standing the progress already made, the slave-holders were far 
 from being satisfied. The continued increasing demand for 
 cotton stimulated their appetites for more territory, not only 
 to prevent the too rapid concentration of the slave population, 
 but to acquire fresh lands to replace the plantations, which had 
 been so impoverished by excessive and non-rotative culti- 
 vation that they were scarcely half as productive as formerly. 
 In 1820, the total exports of cotton from the United States 
 reached 127,800,000; ia 1825, 176,450,000; and in 1830, 
 298,459,000 lbs. 
 
 In addition to the increasing demand for the great staple of 
 the South, two other circumstances had for some time exercised 
 considerable influence in consolidating the power of slavery. 
 First, the prejudice of the North against its free coloured 
 inhabitants ; and, second, the coalition of Northern and Southern 
 politicians for mutual advantages. 
 
24 EISE AND PROGEESS OF SLAVEBY 
 
 The degraded condition of the negro, in consequence of the 
 pernicious influence of slavery, had given the European popula- 
 tion a very poor notion of his natural capabilities ; and even 
 after emancipation had set in, the prejudice of caste seemed 
 rather to strengthen than otherwise, and, despite his new 
 condition, the African did not improve. His friends defended 
 him, and justly attributed his demoralised condition to the 
 baneful surroundings of slavery, which had deprived him of the 
 best phases of humanity. He would improve by degrees, said 
 they. The second generation will be better than the first, and 
 the third than the second, and so on. But the rising genera- 
 tion of whites inherited the anti-negro notions of their fathers ; 
 the black was still despised, and denied the social, civil, 
 political, and even religious rights of citizenship. So that 
 even when he did show some signs of improvement he found it 
 impossible to establish a position in society for himself. At 
 first he did not raise himself, because he could not ; now he 
 cannot, though he would. He is, as under slavery, the drudge 
 of the whites, and has no incentive to industry and advance- 
 ment. He is consequently content to rest satisfied with a bare 
 subsistence obtained in the most menial employments. The 
 best phases of manhood are kept under by the absence of 
 motive for their development — hence the inferiority of the race. 
 The white, in fact, is jealous ; and should there appear an 
 African genius in the free States he would find no encourage- 
 ment, but would be opposed by the majority, and receive the cold 
 shoulder of all. Can we wonder therefore that he still continues 
 a very burden to society ? Or can we wonder that the South, 
 
m THE xnsriTED states. 25 
 
 seeing the miserable condition of the free negroes of the North, 
 should use all the means in their power to prevent the spread of 
 emancipation ? The opinion indeed was gaining ground, even 
 at the North, that the two races could not exist together, save in 
 the relationship of master and servant, superiors and inferiors. 
 Out of this feeHng sprang the Colonization Society which was 
 organised in 1817, with the object of drafting off the free ne- 
 groes to Africa, and so removing the opposition of the South to 
 emancipation. The cause of the Society was for some time 
 espoused by many of the leading abolitionists of the North and 
 slave-owners of the South, and had the intentions of the Society 
 been properly followed up, there is no doubt that a great 
 amount of good would have been the result. But the partner- 
 ship did not exist long, for it was discovered that the slave- 
 holders joined the association simply for the purpose of ridding 
 themselves of their free negroes, and so enable themselves to 
 secure the perpetuation of their " institution ;" besides which it 
 was found that the free negroes in many instances objected to 
 removal. It is not surprising therefore that, from 1817 to 1833, 
 only 8,500 coloured emigrants left the shores of the United 
 States ; and it is as little surprisiag that the advocates of 
 emancipation cut aU connexion with the pseudo-philanthropic 
 association. The great split took place in 1838 (desertions had 
 been going on for half a dozen years previously), when the great 
 Abolition Society was formed, with the motto of immediate 
 emancipation. Agencies of the Society were established through- 
 out the free States, and the agitation was carried to the doors of 
 Congress itself; but though the people of the North were 
 
26 EiSE JlND pkogkess of slaveex 
 
 enthusiastic, tlie politicians were not ; for, being bound to the 
 South by constitutional and personal compacts, there was always 
 a sufficient number of Northern votes given to slave-holders to 
 enable them to keep out the thin edge of the wedge of abolition. 
 The power of slavery had become so great that moderate men 
 had long given up the idea of " immediate abolition," and they 
 now sought its geographical restriction as the only hope of 
 freedom. 
 
 The second circumstance alluded to above as having furthered 
 the interests of the pro-slavery party, was the alliance between 
 Northern and Southern politicians for the purposes of mutual 
 advantages. The South is strictly an agriciiltural country, and 
 under slavery can never be anything else. Hence her commer- 
 cial interests would be best forwarded by an entire freedom of 
 trade with the manufacturing world. But the North is a 
 manufacturing community, and requires a protective tariff in 
 order to enable it to compete with the cheap fabrics of Europe. 
 Such a tariff is therefore introduced into Congress. The South 
 grumbles, but requiring the aid of at least some Northern votes 
 to secure the integrity of the " domestic institution," Southern 
 slave-holding Whigs have always exchanged votes with North- 
 em protectionist Whigs. So we find that certain Northern 
 representatives supplied the votes whereby the various " com- 
 promises," and other measures palpably Southern, were passed 
 and maintained; and that certain Southern representatives 
 supplied the votes whereby the protectionist measures of the 
 North were made law. True, there have always been dissen- 
 tients in both sections ; but an imited North with but a little 
 
m THE UNITED STATES. 27 
 
 Southern help could keep down the free-trade predilections of the 
 South, and an united South with but a little Northern assistance 
 could keep in abeyance Northern anti-slavery measures. By 
 this means the interdependence of the two sections has been 
 secured : the North supplyiag grain, animalfi, machinery, and 
 manufactures to the South ; and the South supplying raw cotton, 
 minerals, sugar, and rice to the North. Hence, looking at the 
 matter from a more comprehensive point of view, it has been 
 remarked : — 
 
 " That slavery is not a self-sustaining system, independently remuneratiTe ; but 
 that it attains its importance to the nation and to the world by standing as an 
 agency, intermediate between the grain-growing States and foreign countries. As 
 the distillers of the West transformed the surplus grain into whiskey, that it 
 might bear ti'ansport, so slavery takes the products of the North and metamorphoses 
 them into cotton, that they may bear export." * 
 
 This connexion was pretty nearly broken off in 1832 by the 
 disaffection of the South, which attributed its comparatively 
 inferior condition and slow progress to the federal protection 
 of Northern interests. The Southerners had several times 
 in previous years expressed themselves strongly on the matter, 
 but they were always overwhelmed by the Northern iaterest. 
 
 The war of 1812-15, by cutting off the supplies of foreign 
 manufactures, had been the means of calling into existence 
 a number of native manufactories in the North. The same 
 cause had increased the debt of the Union to something over 
 £27,000,000. On the conclusion of peace the Government 
 called upon Congress for powers to raise the funds required to 
 
 Cotton is King. By an American. Cincinnati, 1855. P. 122, 
 
28 KISE AND PEOGEESS OE SLAVEEX 
 
 meet tte national liabilities. The Northern manufacturers 
 claimed that the revenue should be levied in such a way as to 
 protect their productions against the competition of European 
 fabrics. Their request was granted. The same principle 
 was acted upon in all the subsequent revisions of the tariff; 
 but the opposition of the free-traders of the South, though at 
 first feeble, gained strength as time grew, until, in 1831, when 
 the national debt had been almost entirely paid off and the 
 revenue of the country was considerably over the expenditure, 
 the Southerners made a most decided stand, and demanded a 
 reduction of the tariff. John C. Calhoim, previously an ultra- 
 protectionist, and South Carolina led the van of opposition. 
 The Palmetto State went through the preliminaries of secession, 
 and various treasonable ordinances were passed. Calhoun 
 resigned his of&ce of Vice-President of the United States, and 
 was spoken of as the probable first President of the new 
 confederacy. But General Taylor took energetic measures for 
 putting down the conspiracy. The first day of February, 1833, 
 had been appointed by the South Carolinian nuHificators when 
 they would resist the collection of the Federal revenue ; but 
 the Government was prepared, and the day came — and passed — 
 without witnessing any demonstration ! And though a species 
 of compromise was subsequently adopted, it left the ^principle 
 of protection untouched. President Jackson, years after these 
 occmTences, declared that if the South CaroHnians had 
 attempted to carry out their threats, he would have seized 
 Calhoun and his fellow-conspirators and hung them. " They 
 should," said he, "have been a terror to traitors to all time, 
 
m THE imiTED STATES. 29 
 
 and posterity would liave pronounced it the best act of my 
 life." Wtat a contrast to the conduct of President Buchanan 
 in 1860, especially when it is considered that whilst South 
 Carolina in 1832 had some grounds for dissatisfaction, in 
 1860 the case was almost the reverse ! But of this more 
 
30 EISB AOT) PEOGEESS OP SLAVEEY 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 Feom the Annexation or Texas to the Kansas Thoubles. 
 
 Section 1 . The Invasion of Texas. — Its Annexation. — The Fugitive 
 Slave Law : its onerous provisions, and their effect upon the 
 North. 
 
 Having by tlie annexation of Florida absorbed tbe wbole of the 
 country on the Atlantic coast, the attention of the Southerners 
 was now turned towards the West. Indeed, during the negotia- 
 tions with Spain respecting Florida, the American Government 
 had advanced a claim to the Mexican State of Texas, but aban- 
 doned it as one of the conditions of the cession of Florida. 
 When the people of Mexico, however, had succeeded in throwing 
 off the yoke of Spanish rule, the aggrandizing propensities of 
 the Americans raised once more the spirit of covetousness. 
 The usual preHminaries of spoliation were at once commenced : 
 crowds of imscrupulous adventurers flocked into the unoffending 
 country, and by their overbearing conduct soon so irritated the 
 native government as to bring about the war which finally 
 resulted in the triumph of the " filibusters," and the expulsion of 
 the Mexican authorities. 
 
 Before Texas had fallen into the hands of the United States 
 
m THE UNITED STATES. 31 
 
 slavery had been expelled the country. The new masters, how- 
 ever, though boasting a superior civilization, and a purer reli- 
 gion, speedily reintroduced the barbaric institution. Great 
 opposition was made to the admission of the State into the Con- 
 federation. The advocates of freedom deluged the Congress 
 with adverse petitions ; Daniel Webster and others denounced 
 the whole proceeding as a crime of such magnitude as to be 
 without precedent in modem history ; every one saw that the 
 acq^uisition of a district large enough for half a dozen States 
 would give to the slave-holders a dangerous preponderance in 
 the council of the nation. But Southern interests prevailed, and 
 Texas was duly received into the Union in 1845. 
 
 Subsequently to this date a difference of opinion arose be- 
 tween the American and Mexican Governments as to the precise 
 geographical boundaries of the new State. The dispute brought 
 on another war. The Mexicans, as might be expected, were 
 defeated, and the Americans, in addition to gaining their point 
 in respect of the boundaries of Texas, became masters by pur- 
 chase of the whole country through to the Pacific. 
 
 At the close of the war the Government introduced a Bill in 
 Congress applying for powers to raise funds wherewith to clear 
 off the obligations to Mexico. This brought on a discussion on 
 the question, whether the new acquisitions — denominated Cali- 
 fornia, New Mexico, and Utah — were to be governed by slave or 
 free constitutions. The anti-slavery party endeavoured to pro- 
 cure the passage of a motion excluding the " institution " from 
 the territories, but were unsuccessful. 
 
 In 1847 the district of Oregon was organized as a free terri- 
 
32 EISE AND PEOGEESS OF SLAYEET 
 
 tory, but not without opposition ; for though, by its geograpHca 
 position, it bad been guaranteed to freedom by the ordinance o 
 1787, and again by the compromise of 1821, the slave-holder; 
 had the audacity to endeavour to introduce their odious institu 
 tion into its constitution ; and, failing this, attempted to extent 
 the Missouri line of 36° 30' to the Pacific. Had they succeedec 
 in this latter matter, it would have profited them little, siac( 
 the State of Califomia in 1850 made choice of free institutions. 
 In the year just named the discussions on the organization o1 
 the territories of New Mexico and Utah were renewed. ThingE 
 assumed a very awkward aspect : the free soilers were strong 
 and determined, and their opponents equally so. The issue 
 would doubtless have been serious, had not the ingenuity oi 
 Clay bolstered, and only bolstered, matters up by a new com- 
 promise. In this measure there were several old disputes 
 settled, besides the matter under discussion. Clay's proposition 
 was, that the new territories should be organized on the basis of 
 what was facetiously called " squatter sovereignty," that is, that 
 the settlers or " squatters " be allowed to choose their own con- 
 stitution. This was the concession of the South. The free 
 States on their part accepted the Fugitive Slave Clause, by which 
 they bound themselves under heavy penalties to deliver up all 
 runaways from the slave States. Constitutionally the slave- 
 owners had held this right from the year 1787, as we have 
 already shown (§ 2, Chap. I.) ; but their attempts at reclamation 
 had always been frustrated. The new Bill, however, was worded 
 in such a manner, and had attached to it such onerous penalties, 
 that escape was not only barely possible, but the free coloured 
 
m THE UNITED STATES. 33 
 
 population of the North were in great danger of being kidnapped 
 and carried into slavery. The officers of the States, by this law, 
 are bound to turn slave-hunters, or be mulcted in the sum of 
 J? 1000 (£208), and bystanders axe commanded to assist in the 
 pursuit. The negro when caught is denied a hearing— Ms testi- 
 mony is refilled. The commissioner is to decide the case sum- 
 marily ; and if the verdict be in favour of the claimant, his fees 
 are double what they will be if the pursuer is defeated. 
 
 It is not surprising therefore that the passage of the " Fugitive 
 Slave Bill " created great indignation in the free States. The 
 ultra anti-slavery party were especially roused, and in defiance 
 of the law, convened nullification mass-meetings throughout the 
 North. During the years 1851-52 Mrs. Stowe, with the same 
 object in view, published her great work, by weekly instalments, 
 in the Washington National Era. In the latter year " Uncle 
 Tom " was issued in a complete form, and 150,000 copies were 
 sold during the first nine months of its existence. The plot was 
 dramatised, and in that shape electrified immense audiences in 
 all the principal cities of the North. The result was that the 
 " Fugitive Slave Law " became what it now is — a dead letter. 
 
 The moderate and conservative elements of the public were 
 perhaps equally annoyed. They did not fail to perceive that 
 the " squatter sovereignty " clause of the late Act virtually 
 demolished the " Missouri Compromise " of 1821 ; whilst in the 
 matter of fugitives from slavery they considered the law a 
 stretch of the " Constitution." They admitted that the South 
 was entitled to claim its runaways ; but they denied that the 
 slave-holders had any right to compel the free men of the North 
 
34 KISE AND PEOGEESS OP SLATEEX 
 
 to become their assistants in man-hunting. If, said they, you 
 can find your slave in our territory, and can prove his identity 
 before an impartial tribunal, and will satisfactorily answer all 
 objections which the negro himself may urge in defence of his 
 liberty, we will allow you to carry Tn'm back with you to slavery. 
 Not otherwise. 
 
 Section 2. Kansas-Nebraska Act. — Debates iliereon. — Bepeal 
 of the Missouri Gompromise. — Its effects upon the Politicians of 
 the Free States. — Annihilation of the old Parties and Party 
 Compacts. 
 
 The successes of the slave-holders in 1850 emboldened them to 
 endeavour to add still further to their possessions ; so when the 
 measures for organizing the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, 
 both north of 36° 30', and therefore entitled to freedom, came 
 before Congress, they succeeded in passing a Bill on the same 
 basis as the New Mexico and Utah measure. This victory was 
 a hard-fought one, and may be said to have been the last triumph 
 of the South. The North was now fairly roused, and the conduct 
 of its representatives was for the first time thoroughly censured. 
 The occurrence was the death-blow to the coalition which had 
 existed between the Northern and Southern Whigs — indeed 
 Whiggery itseK disappears from the stage after this date, and 
 the great Eepublican party commences its onward career. 
 
 The Kansas-Nebraska Act expressly declares the Missouri 
 Compromise in the matter of slavery to be " inoperative and 
 void." Down to 1854 the compact had been kept inviolate, for 
 the New Mexico and Utah measures did not directly affect it — 
 
m THE UNITED STATES. 35 
 
 tliose territories being below the compromise line. The admis- 
 sion of Missoiu'i and Arkansas was one of the conditions of the com- 
 promise, and the fi-amers of it never dreamt that the territories 
 north of the line would be interfered with. The admission of 
 Texas in 1845 was rendered comparatively easy by the existence 
 of the known compact. The North aU along had been too con- 
 ciliatory — too faithful to the South ; but when the slave-holders 
 had secured the whole of the territory south of the Hne, they 
 repudiated the existence of the compromise, and declared it 
 unconstitutional on the ground that Congress had no right to 
 interfere with the constitutional organization of the territories ! 
 They had truckled to Northern Protectionists, courted Northern 
 Whigs, whilst it suited their purpose ; but when they had con- 
 solidated their power and increased their territory geographi- 
 cally to far above the free States, they cut the connexion of their 
 Northern tools. This was more than even Whiggery could 
 stand ; and the leading men of the party at the North declared 
 that they could no longer ally themselves with the Southern 
 section of the Whig family, because of their recreant policy. 
 One of the best speeches delivered during the debates was that 
 by Senator Wade of Ohio, made in the evening in which the 
 Kansas-Nebraska Bill was passed. At Washington his oration 
 was called the new -declaration of independence. The address, 
 in substance, for the original is too long to insert entire, was as 
 follows : — 
 
 " The humiliation of the North is complete and oyervvhelming. No Southern 
 enemy can wish her deaper degradation. But the North will not tamely submit 
 
 d2 
 
36 EISE AND PEOGEESS OF SLATEBY 
 
 to the great insult. I have all my life belonged to the great national Whig partj 
 and have never failed to support her regular candidates, slave-holding or nor 
 slave-holding, and have encountered not a little opposition when supportin 
 Southern men, defending myself by appealing to that honour and magnanimity c 
 soul which I believed always actuated Southern gentlemen. But I will sin tht 
 lio more ! The result of this debate has shown me that the Southern Whig 
 have, in direct contravention of the party compacts, forced upon the consideratio 
 of the Senate a question of the most dangerous and purely sectional character. Th 
 opinion of no Northern man was asked. The fate of the ten-itoiies is to b 
 settled without any consultation with the North. The iirst intimation given wa 
 that the Southern Whigs were a unit on the subject of repealing the Missoui 
 Compromise. This conclusion had been arrived at in secret conclave, and befor 
 there had been any debate or deliberation on the subject. No doubt the qnestioi 
 was asked — what shall we do with the Northern Whigs? and no doubt th 
 answer was — consign their territory to slavery before they know it. The Soutl 
 decided to cut all political connexion with us, and have thereby rendered th 
 existence of a national party impossible. I have long laboured to prevent th 
 approach of a direct sectional issue between North and South. But the Soutl 
 have made up that issue — they have put the North at defiance, and declai'ec 
 sectional war for the mastery. I accept the issue. Slavery must now hec&in- 
 general or it must cease to he at all. Should any evil result the South alone ar 
 responsible. When this Bill was first laid upon our tables I pointed out t< 
 Southern Whigs the disastrous consequences which would follow should it h 
 passed, and that no Northem AVhig could vote for it without betraying hi. 
 constituents ; but it was of no avail. We are despised, and regarded as mei 
 without spirit or courage to maintain our rights. Had this not been the casi 
 the South would not have dared to repeal this old time-honoured guai'antee o 
 freedom ; and that, too, without consulting us. Henceforth there can be n( 
 further political conneiLion with the Whigs of the South. An impassable gul 
 separates us. The North must pass under the yoke again. But not for long 
 Her turn for political power may come next. No man can see the consequence o 
 the deed about to be done. The future of the Republic is shrouded in gloom 
 Let every man do his duty, and may God prosper the right. We must drivi 
 slavery back, and confine it to the States where it now exists. There must bi 
 no more slave territoi-y, no more slave States. All further compromises are a' 
 an end. The war must be carried on by the North with a resolute and un 
 compromising obstinacy, until things shall be put in statu quo ante bellum. '. 
 will appeal to the people, and stimulate them to action, until this vile judgmen- 
 shall stand reversed. In the mean time consoled by the assurance that if ofl^ence: 
 must come, thei-e is woe for those through whom they come." 
 
 Tte closing remarks of an exhaustive speecli delivered bj 
 
m THE OTrrrED states. 37 
 
 Mr. Upiam, of Massaoliusetts, are worthy of perusal. They axe 
 as follows : — 
 
 " But if you pass the Bill, or if it is defeated, in spite of the combined 
 Sonthern vote, there will be an end of all compromises. Some of them may 
 remain in the letter of the Constitution, but it will be a dead letter; their moral 
 force will be gone for ever. The honourable member from South Carolina 
 (Mr. Brooks), to whose frank and manly speech we listened with so much interest 
 some weeks since, intimated that perhaps it would be well to abandon the policy 
 of compromises, and for the two gi-eat conflicting interests to meet face to face, 
 and end the matter at once. I have suggested the reasons why, heretofore, 1 have 
 contemplated such an issue with reluctance. But if the South say so, so let it be. 
 Southern gentlemen have expressed, in the course of this debate, reliance upon 
 a conservative class of our Northern people, who, they flatter themselves, will 
 come to their aid in this controversy. Let me assure them that no such class of 
 men can be found now. Those persons who have been most steadfast in standing 
 by the rights of the South, under the compacts, are the most wounded, the 
 most justly incensed, at this attempt to repeal and repudiate a solemn promise. 
 Heretofore the South has profited by our divisions. Those divisions have arisen, 
 to a great degree, from the restraining and embarrassing influence of a sense of 
 obligation on our part to adhere to the engagements, and stand up to the bargains 
 made hj the fathers, and renewed, as I have shown, by each succeeding generation. 
 But let those engagements be violated, let those bargains be broken by the South, 
 on the ground of unconstitutionality, or any other pretence, from that hour she 
 becomes a unit, and indivisible ; from that hour ' Northern men with Southern 
 principles ' will disappear from the scene, and the race of doughfaces be extinct 
 for ever. I do not threaten. I pretend to no gift of prophecy. Any man can 
 interpret the gathering signs of the times. All can read the handwriting on the 
 wall. The veiy intimation that the Missouri Compromise is proposed to be 
 repealed by Southern votes, in defiance of the protest of four-fifths of the 
 Northern representatives, has rallied the people of the free States as they never 
 have been rallied before. Their simultaneous and indignant protests pour in upon 
 your table, in petitions, resolutions, and remonstrances, without number and 
 without end. They are repeated in popular assemblages from the sea-shore to the 
 Rocky Mountains, and in the newspaper press of all parties, and all creeds, and all 
 languages. Ton have united the free States at last by this untimely, unprovoked, 
 and astounding proposal. If you execute it by the passage of the Bill, they will 
 be united for ever in one unbroken, universal, and uncompromising resistance of 
 the encroachments of the slave power eveiywhere, and at all points, whether 
 north or south of 36° 30'. Their unalterable determination is heard over the 
 whole breadth of the laud : rising from the shores of the western lakes, the 
 thunder tones of an indignant people roll over the continent ; they sweep through 
 
38 mSE AND PEOGEESS OF SLATBEX 
 
 the valley of the Connecticut, encircle the shores of Ehode Island — the early aj 
 constant homes of freedom — and the sandy cape of Massachusetts, which welcom' 
 the pilgrim to his first refuge and rest, and they reverherate among the grani 
 peaks of New Hampshire. Mount Washington proclaims, and Jefferson ai 
 Adams echo it back from their venerable summits, ' What has been pledge 
 TO FREEDOM SHALL BE EEEE FOE EVER.'" 
 
 Section 3. The Kansas disturbances. — Doings of Slave-holders. 
 
 TJbe Act passed, and tte preliminaries of organization wer 
 commenced. Settlers flocked into the new territories from a] 
 directions ; but the Northern States managed to contribute th 
 majority, and it seemed very probable that at no very distaD 
 period Kansas would be admitted into the Union as a free State 
 But this the Southerners were determined if possible to prevent 
 for which purpose they employed the most disgraceful and un 
 constitutional means. Had the settlers been allowed to choos 
 their own delegate to Congress, a man of anti-slavery principle 
 would have been fixed upon ; but as soon as the day appointee 
 arrived a pro-slavery candidate was put in nomination by th< 
 slave-holders of the neighbouring State of Missouri, and hii 
 return was secured by a band of paid ruffians from out the saic 
 State. This brought the two parties into mortal conflict. Th( 
 only way of retrieving their position now left to the settlers was 
 the securing of an anti-slavery legislature. To give the readei 
 an idea of the kind of individuals employed by the Southerners tc 
 do their unholy work, we will quote a description of them given 
 by Ml-. PhiUips :— 
 
 " Most of them have beeu over the plains serei'al times ; if they have not been 
 over the plains the probability is, they have served through the war in Mexico, oi 
 seen ' a deal of trouble in Texas,' or at least run up and down the Missouri river 
 
KT THE UNITED STATES. 39 
 
 often enough to catcli imitative inspiration from the cat-fish aristocracy. I have 
 often wondered where all the hard customers on the Missouri frontier came from. 
 They seem to have congregated here by some law of gravity unexplainable. 
 Perhaps the easy exercise of judicial authority in frontier States may explain their 
 fancy for them. Amongst these worthies, a man is estimated by the amount of 
 whisky he can drink ; and if he is so indiscreet as to admit he ' drinks no liquor,' 
 he is put down as a dangerous character, and shunned accordingly. Imagine a 
 fellow, tall, slim, but athletic, with yellow complexion, hairy-faced, with a dirty 
 Hannel shirt, red, or blue, or green, a pair of commonplace, but dark-coloured 
 pants, tucked into an uncaiain altitude by a leather belt, in which a dii-ty-handled 
 bowie knife is stuck rather ostentatiously, an eye slightly whisky red, and teeth 
 the colour of a walnut. Such is yom- border ruffian of the lowest type. His body 
 might be a compound of gutta-percha. Johnny-cake, and badly-smoked bacon ; his 
 spuit, the refined part, old Bom'bon ' double rectified ;' but there is every shade 
 of border mffian. Your judicial ruffian, for instance, is a gentleman ; that is, as 
 much of a gentleman as he can be without transgressing on his more purely 
 legitimate character of border ruffian. As ' occasional imbibing ' is not a sin, his 
 character at home is iiTeproachable ; and when he goes abroad into the territory, 
 for instance, he does not commit any act of outrage, or vote himself, but after 
 ' aiding and comforting ' those who do, returns, feeling every inch a gentleman. 
 Then there ai-e your less conservative border ruffian gentlemen. They are not so 
 nice in distinctions, and, so far from objecting, rather Hke to take a hand them- 
 selves ; but they dress like gentlemen, and are so after a fashion. Between these 
 and the first-mentioned laj-ge class there is every shade and variety ; but it takes 
 the whole of them to make an effective biigade ; and then it is not perfect without 
 a barrel of wliisky. The two gentlemanly classes of niffians are so for political 
 effect, er because they fancy it is their interest. The lower class are pro-slavery 
 ruffians merely because it is the prevalent kind of rascality ; the inference is that 
 they would engage in any other affair in which an equal amount of whisky might 
 be drunk, or as great an aggregate of rascality be perpetrated." 
 
 Such is a sketcli of the scoundrels against whom the peaceful 
 citizens of Kansas had now to do battle for their liberty. 
 
 The 30th March, 1855, was the day appointed by the Terri- 
 torial Government on which the settlers were to choose a legis- 
 lature. By a census which was taken, the number of inhabitants 
 was ascertained to be 8,501 souls, out of which 2,905 were 
 entitled to vote. 
 
 * T/io Conquest of Kansas by Missouri and her Allies, By W. Phillips. Boston, 
 1856. 
 
40 RISE AND PEOGEESS OF SLAVERY 
 
 " As the great day approached, parties of Missourians entered the territoiy, and 
 planted themselves at every polling-place, with the avowed design of voting for 
 candidates who would make Kansas a slave State. As many as 5,000 of these 
 desperadoes, equipped with arms, and bringing tents and provisions, thus toolf their 
 gi-onnd, resolved to commit a grossly illegal act, by representing themselves as 
 actual inhabitants of the territory."* 
 
 After tte election was over it was found tiat 6,218 votes had 
 been polled ! out of wHch 4,908 were illegal ! Out of tlie total 
 number of representatives elected, eleven were refused certi- 
 ficates by tte provisional governor. A new election took place 
 two montbs later than the above date, to fill up the vacancies ; 
 but the actual result did not alter the position of affairs, for the 
 pro-slavery party had still the advantage, and the upshot was 
 the formation of a constitution in accordance with their views. 
 This precious cabal was nicknamed the " Bogus Legislature,'' and 
 had not long been in existence before it came into collision with 
 the territorial governor. Its proceedings were entirely repu- 
 diated by the legitimate settlers of the territory, who set to work 
 and formed a rival government, afterwards known as the 
 " Topeke Legislature :" the proceeding, however, was not tole- 
 rated by Congress, and an end was put to its existence, by force, 
 in 1856. Things were still in a disorganized state, when a new 
 convention, held at Lecompton in November, 1857, framed what 
 has been since known as the " Lecompton Constitution." This 
 constitution was a sort of compromise between the " Bogus " and 
 " Topeke " Legislatures ; but was disliked by the Kansans, be- 
 cause of its pro-slavery character. After considerable debating, 
 
 * American Slavery and Colour. By W. Chambers. London, 1858. 
 
IN THE TOUTED STATES. 41 
 
 the Congress, in April, 1858, decided that tlie State siould be 
 admitted into the Union, and be at liberty either to accept or 
 reject the " Lecompton Constitution." The constitution was 
 rejected, and one in conformity with the will of the people, 
 known as the " Lavenworth Constitution " — a section of which 
 provides that " There shall be no slavery in this State and no 
 involxmtaiy servitude, unless for the punishment of crime, 
 whereof the parties shall have been duly convicted " — passed 
 both Houses of Congress during the late Session, and Kansas is 
 now the thirty-fourth State of the Union. It is very probable 
 that Nebraska will shortly follow her example and be received 
 into the Confederation as a free State. Missouri is now encom- 
 passed on three sides by the free States of Kansas, Iowa, and 
 Illinois, and must soon succumb to the surrounding influences. 
 
42 EISE AKD PKOaUESS OF SLAVEEY 
 
 OHAPTEE V. 
 
 NoETH AND South m Battle Aeeat. — Intoleeancb or 
 
 SlATEDOM. — PEEPAErtCG FOE THE StOEM. 
 
 The foregoing review shows the career of slavery down to the 
 Kansas troubles to have been a most successful one ; but the 
 defeat of the " border ruffians," and the frastration of the political 
 measures of their employers, commenced the era of reaction. 
 The slave-owners did not fail to perceive that their opponents 
 were gaining rapidly in strength and numbers, and would cer- 
 tainly ere long overpower them. 
 
 Henceforward all minor questions were ignored by both sec- 
 tions of the Union. Slavery restriction became the aim of the 
 North, and slavery diffusion the object of the South. Free 
 Kansas or slave Kansas was the question placed before the 
 people for their decision at the Presidential election of 1856. 
 Three Candidates were entered for the race : Buchanan — Demo- 
 crat, advocate of squatter sovereignty and federal protection of 
 slavery in the territories; Fremont — Eepublican and Free- 
 soiler ; and Fillmore, the nominee of the Union men and the 
 Doughfaces or peace-at-any-price party, who had been terrified 
 by Southern threats of disunion. 
 
 Though a great change had taken place ia the feeling of the 
 
IN THE tlNITED STATES. 43 
 
 free States, still the Eepublican paxty was only partially organ- 
 ized, and its principles were exaggerated and misrepresented by 
 both Democrats and Unionists. Tbe slave oligarchy was con- 
 scious of its inability, unassisted, to elect a President after its 
 own beart, and having disgusted the intelligent and consistent 
 citizens of the North by its high-handed proceedings in the 
 Kansas-Nebraska affairs, it resorted to the Democratic mobs of 
 the free States, and secured their votes by telling them (though 
 they knew to the contrary) that the Eepublican party meant to 
 increase the Federal at the expense of the State power, thus 
 infringing upon the States' rights principle, which is the corner- 
 stone of American Democracy and the idol of its partizans. Thus 
 there were Northern Democrats and Southern Aristocrats joined 
 together each for the accomplishment of selfish ends. The slave- 
 holders had no sympathy for Democracy proper, for they did not 
 tolerate it in their own States. The plebeians of the North had 
 no love for slavery, and would not permit its existence in their 
 own States ; but they dreaded the existence of a strong central 
 government, and consequently sought to deprive it of everything 
 but the name. 
 
 " The aristocrats of the South," say Mr. Stirling, " have been for some time 
 aware that it is only through the agency of the ignorant Democracy of both 
 sections of the empire that they can carry out their objects with regard to slavery. 
 Heuce they adhere stedfastly to this party, some of them conscientiously, in 
 accordance with their State-rights prepossessions, and others, I believe, simply from 
 interested views with regard to slavery. It must be humbling, we should think, 
 for the educated and refined patricians of the South to let themselves be dj-agged 
 through the dirt of Democratic pohtics for a shabby pecuniaiy purpose ; but what 
 will not men do when they consider* their interests to be at stake ?"* 
 
 * Stirling's Letters from the Slave States, p. 84. 
 
44 EISE AND PEOGBESS OF SLAVEEY 
 
 The same author describes the Democrats of the North as 
 being composed chiefly of the canaille of the large cities : — 
 
 " Irish Repealers are the natural enemies of all governments ; they will always 
 be found, therefore, on that side which is said to he the most hostile to law and 
 lawgiTers ; and such they account the Democratic party. Interest detennines the 
 Southern Democracy, ignorance leads the Democracy of the North/' * 
 
 In addition to the assistance derived from this moboeracy, the 
 election of Buchanan was furthered by the effect which the 
 secession cry had in driYing many of the Northerners to vote 
 for Fillmore, and thus lessen the chances of Premont's success ; 
 whilst to crown aU — 
 
 " It is notorious that in the North Buchanan sni free Kansas was the rallying 
 cry, while in the South it was Buchanan and slave Kansas. "f 
 
 By such means, backed by the powerful assistance of " fifty 
 thousand office-holders and dependents on executive favour " 
 spread over the whole Union, who in most cases would have 
 lost their situations had Fremont been elected, the return of 
 Buchanan was secured. A great pro-slavery triumph doubtless, 
 but the last one ! Of this the slaveocracy itself was convinced ; 
 and hence the constant agitation which has disturbed the tran- 
 quUlity of the country during the last four years. 
 
 The unlawful interference with the rights of the peaceful 
 settlers of Kansas — the attempts at Cuban annexation — the 
 endeavotu's to legalize the external slave trade — the con- 
 temptible proceedings respecting the "right of search," by 
 which the slave-holders sought to make political capital at the 
 North, even at the risk of forcing the country into war with 
 
 * Stirling's Letters from the Slave States, p. 86. f ■^''"^- P- 93. 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 45 
 
 Great Britain— the immanly assault on Senator Sumner by the 
 dastardly Brooks, the incarnation of modern Southernism — the 
 manner in which the coward was feted by Southern audiences, and 
 his exploit applauded by Southern newspapers — the disgraceful 
 proceedings enacted in the matter of the election of Speaker of 
 the House of Representatives at the beginning of the Congress 
 of 1859-60, and whereby two months of the session were wasted 
 in violent and factious opposition to the will of the majority- — 
 are Mr samples of the conduct of slavedom in these latter times 
 — in themselves spasmodic struggles against the doom of disso- 
 lution, signs of an approaching decay ; but still acts which have 
 undoubtedly lowered the reputation of American statesman- 
 ship, and damaged the character of the Union in the eyes of all 
 Europe. 
 
 The unsuccessful issue of the contest for the Speakership was 
 fresh and most conclusive evidence to the slave-holders that their 
 tenure of office — long held and abused — ^was drawing to a close. 
 Hence, though secession had often been threatened, there had, 
 down to the year 1860 (with the exception of the abortive 
 attempt of South Carolina in 1832-3), been no official declara- 
 tion made in the matter. But during the period between the 
 election of Speaker Pennington and that of President Lincoln, 
 the question was fully discussed by most of the slave States' 
 Legislatures — South Carolina taking the lead. 
 
 Pending the result of the Presidential election, the Southerners 
 had for some time been making preparations for the worst. Like 
 good despots, they commenced setting their house in order for the 
 new state of things. Fully aware that the defeat of their candi- 
 
46 KISE AND PKOGRESS OF SLATEEX 
 
 date was tolerably certain, and apprehensive of tlie effect whicli 
 sucli an occurrence might have upon the stability of their 
 favourite institution, and the autocratic character of their rule, 
 they not only employed new vigour in carrying out the various 
 anti-emancipatory measures — the enactments relating to slave 
 passports, and those prohibitory of slave gatherings— but they 
 passed laws for the expulsion of all free negroes, and adopted 
 means for the exclusion of aU free opinions from their dominions. 
 In March, 1859, the Arkansas Legislature passed a Bill for the 
 expatriation of all free coloured persons from that State. The 
 following is a summary of the measure from the Little Hock 
 Gazette newspaper : — 
 
 " They have until Januaiy, 1860, to dispose of their property, and make other 
 arrangements for leaving. If they do not go then, it is made the duty of sheriffs 
 to seize them and hire them out to the highest hidder for one year, giving them the 
 net proceeds of their lahour to enable them to leave the Stat«. The Bill provides 
 that such free negroes as desire t« remain may choose masters, the County Court 
 having them appraised, and the master or mistress they have chosen paying halt 
 their value into the common school fund of the county." 
 
 The Government has taken care that the measure should not 
 become a dead letter, as will be seen from the following extract 
 from T]^e Times of January 21st, 1860 : — 
 
 " Forty free negroes, who have heen expelled from Arkansas under the terms ot 
 the recent legislative enactment, which prescribed that in the event of their non- 
 departm'e they should he sold into slavery, arrived at Cincinnati on the 3rd inst., in 
 a destitute condition. They were met by a committee appointed for the pm-pose by 
 the coloured population of Cincinnati. It was reported that the upward-bound 
 boats on the Mississippi river were crowded with these fugitives, flying from their 
 homes. A meeting had been held in Cincinnati to devise means of aiding the twelve 
 families expelled from Kentucky in conseciuence of anti-slavery views." 
 
 A similar measure passed the Legislature of Missouri on the 
 
IN TSE XmiTED STATES. 47 
 
 llth of January, 1860. The following summary of its provi- 
 sions is from the New Torh Tribune : — 
 
 " * Tte 1st Section prohibits tlie emancipation of a slave, unless tte master gives 
 bond with sureties, to remove the slave out of the State within ninety days. 
 
 " ' Sec. 3 dooms to slavery every free negro who shall be a resident of the State 
 after September, 1861, and over 18 years of age. 
 
 " ' Sec 4 requires the sheriff to bring every such negro before a magistrate, 
 who, on proof of his freedom, gives the sheriff a certificate, who, thereupon, must 
 proceed to sell the free negro at auction. 
 
 *' ' Sec. 5. The purchaser to have the same rights to the negro as if he had 
 always been a slave. 
 
 " * Sec. 7. The proceeds to be paid into the county treasury. 
 
 " ' Sec. 8. The sheriff to notify free negroes before September, 1860, of the Act. 
 
 " ' Sec. 9. Free negroes under 18, after September, 1860, to be bound out as 
 apprentices until 21 by the County Court, and allowed twelve months after that 
 time to leave the State. 
 
 " ' Sec. 11. Should such free negro be found in the State after that time, he shall 
 be sold as provided in Section 4. 
 
 " * Sec. 15 punishes the officer who neglects his duty. 
 
 " ' Sec. 17. Any free negi-o who comes into the State, and remains in it twelve 
 hours, is subject to be sold as a slave.' " 
 
 Like enactments have been made law in other States. In the 
 
 spring term of 1859 the following " presentment " was made by 
 
 a South Carolinian jury : — 
 
 " Presentment of the Geaud Jdet, at Spbinq Teem, 1859. — We 
 further present the free negroes of the district as a nuisance, and recommend that 
 the Legislatui'e pass some law that will have the effect of relieving the community 
 of this troublesome population." 
 
 And the Cherau Gazette, commenting on the same, made the fol- 
 lowing remark : — 
 
 " We are pleased at this act of the grand jury, and hope other grand juries will 
 follow the example, and thus impress the matter upon our law-makers until they 
 shall be forced to abate the nuisance." 
 
 The Louisiana Legislature has recently refused to pass the 
 
 extreme measure, but the following law came into force in 
 
 September, 1859 :— 
 
48 EISE AOT> PEOGEESS OF SLATEEY 
 
 " All free persons of colour, arriving in port from abroad, must immediately be 
 lodged in gaol, and remain there until the departure of the boat or vessel in which 
 they came ; masters of steamboats and ships must report to the chief of police all 
 such persons belonging to their crews, or passengers, or incur severe penalties. It 
 wUl be well for all masters of vessels and steamboats trading with this State to 
 bear in mind the provisions of this law, as it will save them from much trouble, 
 and perhaps pecuniary loss. The evils attending the increase of a free negro 
 population, and more particularly the intercourse of free persons of colour from 
 abroad with our slaves, caused the passage of this stringent law." 
 
 Independently of the Mgh-lianded conduct manifested towards 
 the free colotired population, tte wMte inhabitants, and all 
 travellers from the North, and from Europe, are subjected to a 
 system of espionage which has no parallel in the most despotic 
 countries on the Continent. All discussion is interdicted ; and 
 the man who dares to express his antipathy of slavery, is soon 
 in receipt of a " warning " or a castigation from the mobs of 
 "white trash" in the pay of the planters. In the higher classes 
 of society the question of freedom, if introduced by some visiting 
 friend, is generally quietly got rid of by changing the subject of 
 conversation. Mr. Stirling relates the following occurrence as 
 having taken place whilst he was journeying per rail from 
 Montgomery to Macon, in February, 1857 : — - 
 
 " A Scotch lady who had married a South Carolinian, and lived sixteen yeai's in 
 the South, was giving me rather an animated and not very flattering account of 
 slave life, especially in a religious point of view, when I noticed an elderly man, 
 who had been seated at some distance behind as, move quietly up and take 
 possession of the seat behind us. I at once broke oiF the conversation, havino- no 
 doubt that he had caught stray words, and wished to play the eavesdropper. On 
 mentioning my suspicions to the lady and her daughter, they ac^reed we could not 
 be too cautious, as some persons who had expressed themselves too freely at Macon 
 had been escorted to the station by a party of the inhabitants and forced to take 
 their departure. In politics there is no toleration in the South. The slave-owner 
 regards a wandering Abolitionist with about the same goodwill that a manufacturer 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 49 
 
 of gimpowder would a stranger who should visit his establishment with a lighted 
 cigar in his mouth."* 
 
 Tte experience of Chai-les Mackay, who visited the States 
 two years later, is thus told : — 
 
 " The traveller from New England and other fi-ee States uo sooner penetrates into 
 the slave land than he sees all around him the prooft that slavery is omnipresent." 
 " Thought is not free. You may talk of the dissolution of the Union as desirable 
 and probable, abuse the President and the ministers, speak ill of Congress collectively 
 and individually, be profane or immoral in your speech, but you must not say a word 
 against the sanctity of the ' domestic institution.' "f 
 
 This English testimony is fully borne out by the following 
 extract from the New York Merald of January 4th, 1860J a Demo- 
 cratic and notoriously pro-slavery organ : — 
 
 " We are daily receiving information, from public and private somxes, which 
 shows that a reign of terror is approaching in this country pregnant with the 
 most disasti'ous results to both North and South. Travellers from the Northern 
 sections of the Union are not only looked upon with suspicion in the Southern 
 States, but in many sections of that region they are stopped in their travels and 
 obliged to give a satisfactory account of themselves and their business. If they 
 have not some local acquaintance who can vouch for them, they are followed 
 through all their in-goings and out-comings, and not unfrequently find themselves 
 face to face with a vigilance committee, charged with the presei-vation of public 
 order and the expurgation of the commimity from Northern Abolitionists. This 
 is particularly the case with the travelling agents of Northern manufacturers and 
 merchants, who, in consequence of the prevailing excitement, are looked upon 
 with great suspicion. There are numerous concerns in this portion of the country 
 which have sent out agents, and made great preparations to meet their orders 
 from the South for goods, who already find themselves in pecuniary embai-rassment, 
 fi-om the fact that their agents, instead of sending home orders for goods, wiite 
 the most doleful letters in regard to their business prospects. Thus, the commer- 
 cial connections between the North and the South are being gradually severed, 
 under the growing influence of the terror that Northern agents of the aboMtionised 
 black republican party are busily fomenting a sei-vile war in the South, and every 
 Southern man feels that it is not slavery alone, but the lives of himself and his 
 
 * Letters from the Slave States, pp. 200, 201. 
 f Life and Liberty in America, vol. ii., p. 38. 
 
50 BISE AMD PROGRESS OF SLAVERY 
 
 beloTed wife and children, that are inToIred. Our black republican contemporaries 
 hare been raising a lamentable hue and cry over the recent lynching of one James 
 Power, at Columbia, South Carolina. Power is a native of Ireland, a stonecutter, 
 and, with a number of other men of his trade, of different nationalities, was 
 employed in the construction of the new State House at Columbia, when the pro- 
 slavery committee of vigilance of the said town got wind of some remarks of 
 Power of an abolition character. The results were, an unsuccessful attempt 
 of Power to escape, his capture, the iirfliction of twenty-nine lashes upon his bare 
 back, after which he was served with a coat of tar and feather, and in this 
 condition was sent down by railroad to Charleston, where he was conducted to 
 prison, and thence,, after a confinement of several days, shipped to New York. 
 Twelve families have been obliged to fly from Madison County." 
 
 THs intolerant rule has been still fortiier intensified as the 
 chances of pro-slavery success gradually lessened. 
 
IN THE tJHITED STATES. 51 
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 The Pkesidentiai Eleotiomebeing Campaign op 1860.- 
 Defeat op the Sotjthben Candidates. 
 
 Section 1. The Nominations. — Democratic. 
 
 In tte spring of 1860 the various political parties in the 
 several States commenced proceedings for the choice of 
 delegates to represent them at the forthcoming conventions to 
 be formed for the piirpose of framing, what is called, the 
 " platform " or declaration of principles, and for the nomination 
 of candidates for the Presidential election which was to take 
 place on the 6th November. 
 
 The Democrats were the first in the field, and opened 
 their Convention at Charleston on the 22nd April. Discord 
 appeared in the camp on the first day of meeting, owing to 
 the endeavour of the ultra pro-slavery party to introduce 
 into the national platform principles at variance with the 
 former declarations of the party, and in opposition to the 
 ideas of the moderate Democratic delegates. The bone of 
 contention was the subject of slavery in the territories. 
 Sixteen of the coramittee of delegates, of one from each State 
 
 E 2 
 
52 RISE AND PEOGRESS OP SLAVERY 
 
 delegation, being tte representatives of all the free States 
 except California and Oregon, desired the matter to be left 
 as stated in the platform of 1856, which maintained the 
 doctrine of congressional non-interference, and which claimed 
 for the settlers in the territories the right of admitting or 
 excluding the "institution" as they saw fit. Nevertheless, 
 after debating the question for some time, the Northerners 
 proposed the following resolutions : — 
 
 " Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic party, as to the nature 
 and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and 
 duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution 
 of slavery within the territories ; 
 
 " Mesohedi That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of constitutional law. 
 
 " Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete 
 protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or 
 foreign." 
 
 But the overture was rejected by the remaining seventeen 
 delegates. They entirely repudiated the doctrine of " squatter 
 sovereignty,'' and declared that they would vote for no platform 
 which did not recognize the right of slave-holders to carry 
 their property into the common territories of the Union, there 
 to he protected hy the Federal Government, against even the 
 enactment of the Territorial Legislature. From this sprung 
 what was called the majority platform as follows : — 
 
 " Sesohed, That the platform adopted at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the fol- 
 lowing explanatory resolutions : — 
 
 *' That the Democracy of the United States hold these cardinal principles on the 
 subject of slavery in the territories : First, that Congress has no powe' to abolish 
 slavery in the territories ; Second, that the Territorial Legislature has no power 
 to abolish slavery in any territory, nor to prohibit the introduction of slaves 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 53 
 
 ^■herein, nor any power to exclude slavery therefrom, nor any power to destroy or 
 impair the right of property in slaves by any legislation whatever. 
 
 " Hewlved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to protect, when 
 necessary, the rights of person and property on the high seas, in the territories, or 
 wherever else its constitutional authority extends." 
 
 The two sections agreed as to the propriety of enforcing 
 the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law; and they 
 were equally agreed as to the desirability of acquiring the 
 Island of Cuba ; but the difference in the two modes of 
 expressing the latter idea is significant. The moderate 
 Democrats simply remark that they "are in favour of the 
 acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be 
 honourable to ourselves and just to Spain ;" whilst the ultra- 
 Democrats " earnestly recommend the acquisition of the Island 
 of Cvha at the earliest practicahle period." 
 
 The two sets of resolutions were next carried into the 
 meeting of the ftdl Convention ; but though the extreme 
 Southerners failed in carrying their slave code, they prevented 
 the passage of the compromise clause of the minority platform ; 
 the remaining resolutions however were passed, and the Con- 
 vention proceeded to ballot for a candidate for President, but 
 were foiled, for the two-thirds majority requisite for a choice 
 were steadfastly refused by the malcontent slave-holders. The 
 last ballot for Mr. Douglas was 166 against 88 : a transfer 
 of five votes would have settled the question. But the Con- 
 vention was adjourned to the 18th June, on which date it was 
 to reassemble at Baltimore. 
 
 During the interval strenuous efforts were made to close 
 up the spHt, but without success, for the second meeting was 
 
54 RISE AOT) PROGEESS OF SLAVERY 
 
 as uproarious as tlie first, and the result was the nomination 
 of two sets of candidates as follows : — 
 
 " Squatter sovereignty " Democrats. 
 
 Pbesident — Stephen A. Douglas, Illinois. 
 
 Vioe-Pebsidbnt — HerscheU V. Johnson, Georgia. 
 
 TTltra Pro-Slavery and Cuban Annexation Democrats. 
 Pebsident — John C. Breckenridge, Kentucky. 
 Vice-Peesident — Joseph Lane, Oregon. 
 
 On the 23rd June, in a speech delivered at Washington 
 accepting the Baltimore nomination, Judge Douglas remarked : — 
 
 " The safety of the Union depends upon a strict adherence to the doctrine of 
 non-intervention. Intervention means disunion. Intervention, whether by the 
 North or by the South, whether for or against slavery, tends directly to disunion. 
 Upon this identical question, an attempt is now being made to divide and destroy 
 the Democratic party ; because the minority of interventionists could not intimidate 
 the majority into an abandonment of the doctrine of non-intervention, they have 
 seceded from the organization of the Democratic party, and are endeavouring to 
 fonn a new party in hostility to it. Secession from the Democratic party means 
 secession from the Federal Union, Those who enlist under the secession banner now 
 will be expected on the 4th of March next to take up arms against the constituted 
 authorities in certain contingencies. We have been told that in a certiiin event 
 the South must finally, must forcibly resist the inauguration of the President elect, 
 while we find those who are loudest in their threats of such resistance engaged in 
 the scheme to divide and destroy the Democratic party, and thereby secure the 
 election of the Republican candidate. Does not this line of policy look to disunion ? 
 Intelligent men must be presumed to understand the tendency and consequences of 
 their own actions. Can the seceders fail to perceive that their eifoits to divide 
 and defeat the Democratic party, if successful, must lead directly to the secession 
 of the Southern States, I trust that they will .=iee what must be the result of 
 such a policy, and return to the organization and platform of the pai'ty before it 
 is too late to save the country. The Union must be preserved. The Constitution 
 must be maintained inviolate. And it is our mission, under Divme Providence, as 
 I believe, ti save the Constitution and the Union from the assaults of Northern 
 abolitionists and Southern disunionists," 
 
 And Breckenridge, in his letter of acceptation dated July 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 55 
 
 6t]i, gives his opinion on the functions of Congress as to 
 slavery in the territories : — 
 
 " The questions touching the rights of persons and property, which have of late 
 been much discussed, find in these resolutions a constitutional solution. Our 
 Union is a Confederacy of equal sovereign States, for the purposes enumerated in 
 the Federal Constitution. Whatever the common Government holds in trust for 
 all the States mnstbe enjoyed equally by each. It controls the territories in trust 
 for an the States. Nothing less than sovereignty can destroy or impair the rights 
 of persons or property. The Territorial Governments are subordinate and tem- 
 pm-ary, and not sovereign ; hence they cannot destroy or impair the rights of 
 persons or property. While they continue to be territories they are under the 
 control of Congress ; but the Constitution nowhere confers on any branch of the 
 Federal Govei-nment the power to discriminate against the rights of the States or 
 the property of their citizens in the territories. It follows, that the citizens of all 
 the States may enter the territories of the Union with their property, of whatever 
 kind, and enjoy it during the territorial condition without let or hindrance, either 
 by Congress or by the subordinate Territorial Governments." 
 
 Section 2. The Sepublican Nominations. 
 
 The Eepublican Convention met at Chicago on the 16th of 
 May, and presented a marked contrast to the noisy and disunited 
 cabals at Chajleston and Baltimore. Two days were occupied 
 in arranging preliminaries, and on the 18th the election of can- 
 didates was proceeded with. The general opinion for some 
 months had been that Mr. Seward of New York would be the 
 chosen candidate, but his party had considerably overrated their 
 strength. There were thirteen candidates first balloted for, but 
 the result showed that the real contest was between Seward and 
 Lincoln (of Illinois) : the friends of the remaining candidates, 
 seeing the hopelessness of their success, mostly transferred their 
 suffrages to the two leaders, Lincoln obtaining the larger share, 
 
56 EISE AOT) PEOGBESS OF SLAVEEY 
 
 as will be seen from the votes given in each of the three ballots 
 taken : — 
 
 First Second Tliird 
 
 Candidates. 3J^^^(_ Ballot. Ballot. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln 173i .. 181 .. 354 
 
 „ Seward 102 .. 184i .. HOJ 
 
 „ Bates 48 .. S5 .. — 
 
 „ Cameron 50 J .. 2 .. 
 
 „ M'Lean 12 .. 8 .. i 
 
 „ Chase 49 .. 42J .. — 
 
 „ Wade 3 .. — .. — 
 
 „ Dayton 14 .. 10 .. 1 
 
 „ Read 1 .. — •• — 
 
 „ Fremont 1 .. — •• — 
 
 „ Collander 10 .. — .. — 
 
 „ Sumner 1 .. — .. — 
 
 „ Clay — .. 2 .. — 
 
 Whole Number of Votes ..465 .. 465 .. 466 
 
 Necessary to a choice . . ..233 .. 233 .. 234 
 
 The third ballot, as at first announced, stood : 230J for Lincoln 
 and 235|- for the other candidates ; bnt the votes of a number of 
 States, in all 123 J, were changed in favour of Lincoln, at the request 
 of the delegates. Thus the final ballot was : Lincoln, 354; Seward, 
 1104- ; Dayton,!; M'Lean, J — total 466. Lincoln therefore was 
 declared the choice of the Convention. The meeting then pro- 
 ceeded to elect the candidates for the Vice-Presidency, and Han- 
 nibal Hamlin of Maine was fixed upon at the close of the second 
 ballot. 
 
 The platform of the Eepublican party opens by declaring its 
 adherence to the great principles contained in the Declaration of 
 Independence, and embodied in the Federal Constitution. 
 " That all men are created equal, and that they are endowed by 
 their Creator with certain inalienable rights ; that amongst 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 57 
 
 these are life, Kberty, and the piirsuit of happiness." It 
 declares that as it is to the Union of the States that the nation 
 owes its great progress, and its increasing importance amongst 
 the nations of the earth, all attempts at dissolution must be 
 imperatively opposed. It acknowledges the " States' rights '' 
 principle, denounces the interference of one State with the 
 affairs of another, and the meddling of Congress with the 
 internal government of any. It rebukes the then present Govern- 
 ment for its corruption and maladministration, and for the 
 manner it had winked at recent reopenings of the African 
 slave trade. It repudiates the " new dogma " that the Consti- 
 tution favours the introduction of slavery into the territories, 
 and declares that as the normal condition of the said districts 
 is that of freedom, no government, either Congressional or 
 Territorial, has the right to " give legal existence to slavery in 
 any territory of the United States." It brands the recent vetos 
 of the governors of the territories of Kansas and Nebraska, of 
 the Abolition Acts passed by the Legislatures of those territories, 
 as nothing less than deception and fraud, and demands the 
 immediate admission of Kansas as a free State. The remaining 
 clauses of the document relate to finance, improvement, public 
 works, and foreign affairs. A reprint of the entire manifesto will 
 be found in the Appendix, along with the platforms of the Demo- 
 cratic and Union parties, in the form they were finally agreed to. 
 A comparison of each of the four documents with the " Con- 
 stitution of the United States," likewise reprinted in the Appen- 
 dix, will tend to lead all Englishmen, at all events, to favour the 
 Eepublican programme. In principle it is strictly constitu- 
 
58 RISE AHD PEOGEESS OF SLAVEEY 
 
 tional, and the carrying out of its ideas would be emi- 
 nently calculated to preserve the Union and promote the 
 prosperity of the entire people. 
 
 In the matter of slavery, as it at present exists, the policy of 
 the party is non-intervention. The slave-holders are guaran- 
 teed the integrity of their institution within their own States, and 
 the resumption of all fugitives is provided for. The objection- 
 able feature, from a Southern point of view, is the doctrine of slave 
 restriction, and it is the presence of this feature which has 
 produced the treasonable demonstrations at the South. Slavedom 
 is fully aware that diffusion is essential to the perpetuation of its 
 power, and slave-owners know likewise that, deprived of expan- 
 sion, their labour system would soon cease to be a paying insti- 
 tution. After all, we do not think that either North or South, 
 singly, have any right to monopolize the territorial domains of 
 the Union. 
 
 Section 3. The Constitutional Union Party 
 
 held its Convention at Baltimore, and on the 20th May, 1860, 
 nominated Mr. John Bell of Tennessee as its candidate for the 
 Presidency, and Mr. Edward Everett of Massachusetts for the 
 Vice-Presidency. Mr. Bell and his supporters deprecate all 
 discussion of the slave question : Congress, they say, ought to have 
 nothing to do with it ; the matter ought therefore to be dismissed 
 from the Halls of the National Legislature, and the attention 
 of the Government confined to topics of more general and vital 
 interest. Good theoretic philosophy, but unfortunately not 
 practicable in the present state of the Union. However willing 
 
IN THE UNITED STATES. 59 
 
 Mr. Bell might be to ignore tlie great slavery controversy, 
 slavedom at present would not allow him to do it. 
 
 The policy of the Unionists is well stated in the following 
 extract from the Address of ike Union Electoral Committee to the 
 Union Men of New Yorh : — 
 
 '* The issues that formerly divided parties seem to have become entirely obsolete. 
 There is no longer any partisan controversy upon the subject of a national bank, 
 internal improvements, the acquisition of territory, or a protective tariff. Some 
 of these questions indeed survive, but they survive as differences between indi- 
 viduals, and no longer indicate the boundaries of parties. One only question, the 
 question of slavery, agitates the American people, and lies at the foundation of all 
 our party divisions. And even upon this subject the controversy is mainly 
 restiicted to a single phase of the question. It is universally admitted that there 
 is no power in the general government to legislate upon the subject of slavery in 
 the States of the Union, whether to establish, or abolish, or regulate, or interfere 
 with it in any manner whatsoever. Upon this whole subject the States, con- 
 fessedly and beyond controversy, are sovereign. But the question that disturbs 
 the hannony, and threatens the existence of the Union, is the less important one of 
 slavery in those territorial possessions which are not yet sufficiently populous to 
 be admitted as States into the Union, and over which Congress is vested with 
 general legislative powers. What shall be the condition of those territories, and 
 who shall determine it ? That is the question upon which the whole controversy 
 hinges. And hence have arisen the sectional hatreds, the violence of mobs, the 
 disruption of religious societies and of parties, and the schemes of disunion that 
 thi'eaten the existence of om- fabric of free Government. The opening of that 
 question was, as has happily been said, the opening of Pandora's box; to close it, 
 is to close the only serious controversy that disturbs the peace of the Union. 
 
 " Upon this qaestion, so fruitful of evil, we have no less than four parties, all 
 of which propose different remedies and modes of settlement.. 
 
 " We have a Northern Sectional party, that demands that Congress shall pro- 
 hibit slavery in all the territories of the United States. 
 
 " A Southern Sectional party, that demands that Congress shall uphold slavery 
 in all the teiTitories of the United States. 
 
 '' A pai-ty that demands that Congress shall not interfere with slavery in the 
 teiTitories at all, but that the people of the territories shall determine the question 
 themselves. 
 
 " And lastly, we have a party established for the very purpose of crushing 
 agitation and restoring harmony, and which, in the mode by which it seeks to 
 accomplish this object, differs materially from all the other parties. This Union 
 party has laid down no platform, and established no test, other than are contained 
 
60 
 
 EISE AOT) PROGRESS OF SLAVERY 
 
 in the solemn declaration of its attachment to the Union, fidelity to the Consti- 
 tution, and obedience to the laws. Platforms upon the subject of slavery are 
 of modem origin, and experience shows that instead of settling disputes, their 
 tendency is to engender and increase them. Our fathers tolerated, without 
 attempting to smother or disguise, the natural and almost unavoidable differences 
 that exist between Northern and Southern men upon this question. To that old 
 and approved practice the Union party has returned." 
 
 Seotion 4. The Election. 
 
 The election came off on the 6tli of November, and, as is well 
 known, the Eepublican candidates obtained the victory. The 
 following is from the ofELcial statement of the result made by 
 the Electoral College : — 
 
 
 PRFSmKWT, 
 
 VlCE-PflESn>EKT . 
 
 FREE STATES. 
 
 3 
 
 
 1 
 
 to 
 
 t 
 
 
 03 
 
 1 
 
 > 
 
 i 
 
 ■s 
 
 •-0 
 
 Califoniia 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 Illinois 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 35 
 
 23 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 5 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 
 '■ 
 
 ■3 
 
 •■ 
 
 4 
 
 6 
 
 11 
 
 13 
 
 4 
 
 8 
 
 13 
 
 6 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 4 
 
 35 
 
 23 
 
 3 
 
 27 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Maine 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 New Hampshire . . . . 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 New Yorlc 
 
 Ohio 
 
 3 
 
 Oregon 
 
 
 Pennsylvanuia 
 
 Khode Island 
 
 Vermont 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 " 
 
 TotiJ . . 
 
 180 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 180 
 
 
 •• 
 
 3 
 
IK THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 61 
 
 
 Pbesident. 
 
 Vioe-Phesident. 
 
 SLAVE STATES. 
 
 B 
 S 
 
 II 
 
 n 
 
 1 
 'til 
 
 1 
 
 .i 
 1 
 
 
 1 
 
 a 
 
 1 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Arkansas 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Florida 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Missouri 
 
 North Carolina . . . . 
 South Carolina . . . . 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Texas 
 
 
 
 9 
 4 
 3 
 3 
 10 
 
 6 
 8 
 
 7 
 
 10 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 15 
 
 ■ 
 
 9 
 
 
 
 9 
 4 
 3 
 3 
 10 
 
 6 
 
 8 
 7 
 
 10 
 8 
 
 4 
 
 12 
 
 12 
 15 
 
 
 9 
 
 Virginia 
 
 
 Total .. 
 
 
 72 
 
 39 
 
 9 
 
 
 • 
 
 72 
 
 39 
 
 9 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 
 Total Numier 
 of Votes. 
 
 Given to 
 
 
 Lincoln. 
 
 Breckenridge. 
 
 Bell. 
 
 Douglas. 
 
 FreeStatAs .. 
 Slave States . . 
 
 183 
 120 
 
 180 
 
 72 
 
 39 
 
 3 
 
 9 
 
 Total 
 
 303 
 
 180 
 
 72 
 
 39 
 
 12 
 
 Thus it will be seen that whilst the North almost plumped 
 for Liacoln — three votes only being given to Douglas — the 
 South divided its vote in the proportion of 60 per cent, for 
 Breckenridge and ultra pro-slaveryism, 32^ per cent, for BeU 
 and the Union, and 7i per cent, for Douglas and squatter 
 sovereignty. 
 
 The " popular vote" differed in detail from the above. The 
 following are the figures : — 
 
62 
 
 EISE AND PEOGEESS OF SLAVEET. 
 
 
 EEFtJBLICiN, 
 
 Democrat. 
 
 Democeat. 
 
 Union. 
 
 FEEE STATES. 
 
 Lincoln. 
 
 Douglas. 
 
 Breckenridge. 
 
 BeU. 
 
 CaliforEia .. .. 
 
 39,173 
 
 38,516 
 
 34,334 
 
 6,817 
 
 Connecticut .. .. 
 
 43,792 
 
 15,522 
 
 14,641 
 
 *3,291 
 
 Illinois 
 
 172,161 
 
 160,215 
 
 2,404 
 
 4,913 
 
 Indiana 
 
 139,033 
 
 115,509 
 
 12,295 
 
 5,306 
 
 Iowa 
 
 70,409 
 
 55,111 
 
 1,048 
 
 1,763 
 
 Maine 
 
 62,811 
 
 26,693 
 
 6,368 
 
 2,046 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 106,533 
 
 34,372 
 
 5,939 
 
 22,331 
 
 Micliigan . . . . 
 
 88,480 
 
 65,057 
 
 805 
 
 405 
 
 Minnesota . . . . 
 
 22,069 
 
 11,920 
 
 748 
 
 62 
 
 New Hampshire . . 
 
 37,519 
 
 25,881 
 
 2,112 
 
 441 
 
 New Jersey . . . . 
 
 58,324 
 
 *62,801 
 
 
 .. 
 
 New York .. .. 
 
 353,804 
 
 *303,329 
 
 
 
 Ohio 
 
 231,610 
 
 187,232 
 
 11,405 
 
 12,194 
 
 Oregon * 
 
 5,270 
 
 3,951 
 
 5,006 
 
 183 
 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 268,030 
 
 16,765 
 
 *178,871 
 
 12,776 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 12,244 
 
 *7,707 
 
 
 .. 
 
 Vermont 
 
 33,808 
 
 6,849 
 
 218 
 
 1,969 
 
 Wisconsin . . . . 
 
 86,110 
 
 65,021 
 
 888 
 
 - 161 
 
 Total .. 
 
 1,831,180 
 
 1,202,451 
 
 277,082 
 
 74,658 
 
 SLAVE STATES. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Alabama . . . . 
 
 
 13,651 
 
 48,831 
 
 27,875 
 
 Arkansas . . . . 
 
 
 5,227 
 
 28,732 
 
 20,094 
 
 Delaware . . . . 
 
 3,815 
 
 1,023 
 
 7,337 
 
 3,864 
 
 Florida 
 
 
 367 
 
 8,543 
 
 5,437 
 
 Georgia 
 
 .. 
 
 11,590 
 
 51,889 
 
 42,886 
 
 Kentucky . . . . 
 
 1,364 
 
 25,651 
 
 53,143 
 
 66,058 
 
 Louisiana . . . . 
 
 
 7,625 
 
 22,681 
 
 20,204 
 
 Maryland . . . . 
 
 2,294 
 
 5,966 
 
 42,482 
 
 41,760 
 
 Mississippi . . . . 
 
 
 3,283 
 
 40,797 
 
 25,040 
 
 Missouri . . . . 
 
 17,028 
 
 58,801 
 
 31,317 
 
 58,372 
 
 North Carolina . . 
 
 .. 
 
 2,701 
 
 48,539 
 
 44,990 
 
 South Carolina . . 
 
 Elec; 
 
 ors chosen by 
 
 the Legislatur 
 
 e. 
 
 Tennessee . . . . 
 
 
 11,350 
 
 64,709 
 
 69,274 
 
 Tezas 
 
 .. 
 
 
 47,548 
 
 *15,438 
 
 Virginia 
 
 1,929 
 
 16,290 
 
 74,323 
 
 74,681 
 
 Total 
 
 26,430 
 
 163,525 
 
 540,871 
 
 515,973 
 
 Grand Total .. j 
 
 1,857,610 
 
 1,365,976 
 
 847,953 
 
 590,631 
 
 Thus Lincoln obtained a majority over Douglas of 491,634:, 
 over Breckenridge of 1,009,657, and over BeU of 1,266,979 votes. 
 
 * Fusion votos. 
 
PART II. 
 
 mSTOET OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
PAET 11. 
 
 HISTOET OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 Movements at the South. — Meetinq op Congress. 
 
 Section 1. Doings of Sovih Carolina, SfC. 
 
 is soon as the result of the election was known, South. Caro- 
 ina commenced her career towards secession. The people 
 lad been worked up to the highest pitch of excitement by the 
 ireasonable tirades of the leading fire-eaters, and the call for a 
 iecession Convention was eagerly seconded. The Bill was 
 Dassed unanimoufily on the 10th November (the Convention 
 Doing appointed to meet on the 17th December). At the close 
 )f the proceedings the Hon. E. B. Ehett delivered himself 
 rf a characteristic oration, from which we quote the following 
 
 " And now they have consummated their scheme of tyranny, by electing a 
 Slack Republican President to rule you. So long have you submitted, that they 
 lave lost all respect for you. They despise and contemn you. They think you a low, 
 iegi-aded, mean-spirited set of semi-barbarians, with very little more ourage than 
 
66 HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 your own negroes ; and they have had the audacity, the insolence, the u^rarallelec 
 the audacious insolence, to suppose that we of the South — we South Carolinians- 
 would submit to a Black Kepublican President and a mulatto ! Well, my friend 
 what are we going to do ? Or, rather, what hare we done ? Why, we ha-5 
 dissolved this Union with our oppressors. We have said to the North, we are dor 
 with you. I read somewhere, the other day, that South Carolina was like a spoi! 
 and fretful child, and needed spanking. Do you hear that, feUow-citizens ? Som 
 Yankee says that South Carolina needs spanking, and is a spoilt child I 
 
 " Fellow-citizens, I can teU them that we are the Samson that wiU take hold c 
 the pOlars of the temple of their idolatry, and pull it down upon them, and crus 
 them beneath its fragments. Could I raise my voice, until its tones reached th 
 majesty of thunder, I would cry in notes of thunder, until it rolled over ever 
 village and city and hamlet of the North : ' This Union is dissolved V Had I th 
 power, I would go and write on the walls of their banqueting halls — ' this Unio: 
 is dissolved ! ' I would go to the fanatic, the manufacturer, to the plunderer wh 
 has fattened upon us like the vulture upon garbage, and I would tell him ii 
 trumpet tones — ■' This Union is dissolved ! ' I would go to the politician, th 
 cunning trickster who has deceived them, and not in the tones of thunder, bu 
 would whisper in his ear in the still small voice of conscience — ' This Union i 
 dissolved ! ' 
 
 "And now, feUow-citizens, let me tell you what will follow the dissolution of th 
 Union, and mark my words : — when the cotton States go out of this Union a 
 they all finally will, two consequences will ensue at the North : first, the peopl 
 at the North, finding the protection to their manufactures which the tariff afford; 
 them gone — finding that instead of Northern shipping doing all the caiTyino' o 
 the South, European shipping will underbid it, and throw it out of employment— 
 wiU turn upon the Abolition politicians and demand bread. Why, what do thea 
 politicians teach them now ? Is it not that the country owes to every Tanke( 
 both a farm and a support ? Is it not that they have a right to expect fl-om thi 
 government a farm in the West ? And when they begin to starve, will they no' 
 ciy aloud for bread ? Yes, fellow-citizens, and the first gi-eat consequence of i 
 dissolution of the Union will be, that they wiU rise upon those who have deceivec 
 them, and crush the Abolition party to the dust ! And then, mark you, wil 
 spring up a great Union party at the North. They wiU make a tremendous effort 
 to reconstruct this Confederacy. They will say to the South, — Why, look here, yoi 
 men of the South, there has been a mistaJie. We didn't iutend to hurt you 
 e-xcept a little bit. To be sure we have been living on you for forty years. But we 
 didn't think you minded it much. We have called you, too, all sorts of bao 
 names. But come, now, we'U take all that back. Let us make friends. Come, 
 return to our fraternal embrace. What do you want ? There, now, stick it io 
 the Constitution." 
 
 Tlie ideas expressed towards the close of the extraci 
 
HISTOBY OF THE SECESSIOH MOVEMENT. 67 
 
 aie very populax at the Sonth. At tlie commencement of the 
 crisis, most of the leading politicians advocated the immediate 
 secession of the whole of the slave States en masse ; with the inten- 
 tion of subsequently applying for readmission into the Union. 
 Later on the governors of Mississippi, Virginia, and Georgia 
 called for similar Conventions. The object of Lincoln and 
 bis party, said the first, was to override the Constitution, and to 
 employ the Tederal power to destroy the peace, property, and 
 prosperity of the South ; the proclamation of the second was 
 more moderate, and suggested a Convention of the people for the 
 purpose of cahnly considering the condition of pubHc afiairs, and 
 deciding what action it was necessary to pursue imder the 
 circumstances ; but the governor of Georgia declared for 
 immediate secession, and in a speech made on the 12th No- 
 vember, he said that should Georgia see fit to secede, he would 
 resist to the last extremity any attempt made to coerce her back, 
 and remarked, in conclusion, that every Georgian that was MUed 
 in the act of resistance should be avenged with the death of two 
 of those whom he was fighting. 
 
 Section 2. Opinions of the Press. 
 The press, the great exponent of public opinion everywhere, but 
 still proverbially extravagant and bombastic in America, was, if 
 anything, still more violent. The Mobile Register (November 17) 
 declared a common government for North and South impossible. 
 The Petersburg (Virginia) recommended its readers to " trust in 
 God and keep their powder dry." The New Orleans Crescent 
 (November 9th) remarked that : — 
 
 F 2 
 
68 HISTOBX OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 " The people of the North, in electing Mr. Lincoln, have perpetrated a deliberat 
 cold-blooded insult and outrage npon the people of the slave-holding States." 
 
 The Southern Gonfederacy (Georgia) suggested non-iiitercoTir& 
 witt the free States in matters of trade ; that the debts due tc 
 Northerners should be repudiated; and that the Senator am 
 Members of Congress resign at once, or be considered arran 
 hypocrites and paltry peace fanatics. 
 
 We give these extracts as samples representative of th< 
 opinions of a large number of Southern newspapers ; but a gooc 
 portion of the South- Western, and nearly all of the frontie: 
 slave States' editors, advocated moderation and caution, and fo; 
 the most part condemned the precipitate action of Soutl 
 Carolina. The Canton Citizen (Mississippi), November 10th 
 declared its unwillingness to join any party "that does no; 
 carry the flag, and keep step to the music of the Union." The 
 Slemphis Enquirer (Tennessee), November 13th, was of thi 
 opinion that secession was not demanded by the general senti- 
 ment of the South. The St. Louis Bepuhlican, though regretting 
 the election of Mr. Lincoln, considered that if he stood by the 
 Constitution the South would have nothing to fear : it would 
 be time enough for the South to strike if its rights were 
 positively interfered with. The Missouri Statesman was satis- 
 fied with the election, because it was perfectly constitutional ; 
 it is the large negro-mongers of the North, and the aboHtion 
 traitors of the North who are the enemies of the Confedera- 
 tion ; the people, the honest, patriotic, tax-paying masses of all 
 parties love the Union, and will not allow it to be dissolved 
 because of the election of a President distasteful to a minority. 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 69 
 
 The Border State (Maryland) considered tlie whole afiair but a 
 tempest in a tea-pot, a fit subject for ridicule. 
 
 Section 3. The general sentiment of the South against Secession. 
 
 The public opinion of the South, when the first surprise caused 
 by Lincoln's election had cooled down, was decidedly against 
 disunion ; and the people of America have to thank President 
 Buchanan for the change which subsequently took place in 
 the Southern mind. 
 
 "When the news of Lincoln's success first reached Washing- 
 ton, the effect was electric on the host of office-holders resident 
 in the city; they became most infuriated, and declared for 
 secession forthwith, some of them going so far as to afBrm 
 their readiness to resist by force the inauguration of the 
 snccessfal candidate. But on the following day there was 
 a complete calm, if not reaction. The correspondent of the 
 New TorTc Herald (a Democratic organ), writing on the 
 8th November, remarked that, in the really influential circles 
 of Washington, all was calmness and composure. The excite- 
 ment was confined to political clubs and committees. Two 
 or three ardent young fellows, connected with some of the 
 departments, appeared in the neighbourhood of the General 
 Post Office, with dismiion cockades in their hats, but were 
 laughed at for their pains, and quietly disappeared. The 
 same writer also declared that it was the prevailing opinion 
 that at heart the discontented States, whatever they might say, 
 or however they might bluster, did not mean to secede. The 
 
70 HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 strong common sense of the people would not allow thing/ 
 to come to a crisis. " The love of the Union is still provec 
 to be a deep-seated and ineradicable sentiment in the hearts 
 of the people, even of the seceding States. Letters from everj 
 one of them attest this. Disunion is looked on with abhorrence, 
 apart from aU considerations of its absolute impracticability.' 
 The mercantile and moneyed interests were, and axe still, 
 adverse to disTinion : even in Chaxleston, said the Herald! t 
 correspondent on the 15th November, " the business men, and 
 artizans, and mechanics, and all the professional classes, arc 
 decidedly opposed to secession." 
 
 Southern Conservatives urged South CaxoUna to stay her 
 proceedings, and wait the result of Lincoln's inauguration. 
 Tn the mean time they suggested a conference of all the slave 
 States, to calmly discuss the question at issue between North 
 and South, and to draw up a statement of Southern grievances, 
 for presentation to Congress, as the only conditions on which 
 the slave States could remain in the Union. The principal 
 conditions claimed were — the repeal of the Northern statutes 
 nullifying the Fugitive Slave Law ; the right of slave-owners 
 to carry their " property " into the common territories of the 
 Union ; the passing of a law rendering it illegal for Congress to 
 interfere with the internal slave trade, or with slavery in the 
 Federal forts, &c., &e. 
 
 But South CaroUna was implacable. She had, in reality, 
 no fondness for the Union, but, on the contrary, had long had 
 a desire, and been preparing her population, for secession. 
 Her ambition was to exist as an independent nation, and she 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 71 
 
 was determined not to let the first plausible opportimity pass 
 by without endeavouring to accompUsL. her purpose. Besides 
 all this, her politicians had committed themselves to a treason- 
 able policy, and were bound, for the sake of consistency, and to 
 avoid being pointed at as cowards and blusterers — venders of 
 bunkum — to make a demonstration. Hence everything was 
 precipitated, and long before the meeting of the secession 
 Convention, the preliminaries of dissolution were commenced. 
 Federal ofBcers resigned their posts. The national banner was 
 degraded, and the. Palmetto flag flaunted in its stead. The 
 " mean whites," officered by the Brooks type of slave-owners, 
 formed themselves into the nucleus of a revolutionary army ; 
 " rank and file " being alike animated by the basest of motives. 
 Moderate men remonstrated, but in vain, and very soon all 
 freedom of opinion and discussion was interdicted. All who 
 did not go with the insurgent tide were branded as abolitionists, 
 and threatened with expulsion from the State. 
 
 The objects of the Unionists being thus frustrated, the 
 several States concluded to act by themselves ; and for this 
 purpose extraordinary Conventions were appointed to meet, 
 consider, and decide the course each State would pursue 
 independently of the rest, in the event of no compromise being 
 adopted by Congress before the dth of March. 
 
 In the mean time, aU parties looked forward with anxiety to 
 the appearance of President Buchanan's Annual Message, for 
 upon the tenor of that document, it was acknowledged on 
 all sides, depended the course of events in the future. 
 
72 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 Section 4. Meeting of Congress. — President's Message. 
 
 The Congress assembled on the Srd December and the Annua 
 Presidential Message was delivered to both Houses on thi 
 following day. 
 
 Such a feeble, vacillatiag, inconsistent, pusiUanimous, and 
 glaringly partiizan document was perhaps never delivered bj 
 any previous occupant of the White House. That portion ol 
 the Message which relates to the great crisis will be found 
 in the Appendix to the present work. A perusal of it left the 
 impression on our mind that the whole was an elaborate 
 defence of the South ; but still we were led to believe that so 
 irresolute and contradictory a document could not have been 
 the production of one mind, or the manifesto of an united 
 Cabinet. The paper bears internal evidence of having been 
 weU. patched; and from the rumours of a ministerial crisis 
 which were current just before the Message was delivered, and 
 the fact that several of the ultra-Southern members of the 
 Government soon after resigned, there is every reason to 
 believe that President Buchanan had been compelled, by the 
 pro-secession portion of his Cabinet, to append his. signature to 
 a meaningless and unintelligible concourse of words. It is 
 not surprising therefore that the document gave general 
 dissatisfaction. 
 
 Throughout the Message the free States are reprimanded, 
 and the slave States condoled. The crisis is traced to " the 
 long-continued and intemperate interference of the Northern 
 people with the question of slavery in the Southern States," 
 
HISTOET OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 73 
 
 and to the Northern " incessant and -violent agitation," which 
 has produced a " malign influence on the slaves," and deprived 
 the family altars of the South of all sense of security. The 
 Message dwells pathetically upon the condition of Southern 
 matrons, who retire at night in dread of what may befal them- 
 selves and children before the morning ; and boldly asserts, 
 that if the demands of the slave-holders are not listened to, 
 " disunion will become inevitable." But Mr. Buchanan trusts 
 that such a calamity will not befal the great nation ; stiU he 
 seems to have no faith in the North's willingness to meet the 
 difSculty fairly and honestly, and adopt such means as shall 
 place the Southern " institution," as it exists in the States, beyond 
 the power of Congressional interference. The North alone is 
 branded as the aggressor, and the injured innocence of the South 
 as the aggrieved. Like a spoilt child, the South must have all 
 it demands. The twenty minions of free men must submit to 
 the wilfulness of about half a million of slave-holders. The 
 Eepublican party must give up its victory, and quietly and 
 submissively submit to the yoke of slavedom. During the past 
 twenty-five years, the South has been the victim of Northern 
 virulence — the hunted lambs of Northern wolves. Not a word is 
 said of Texan filibusterers, of the imposition of slavery upon 
 people who had previously banished the barbarism from their 
 shores; not a syllable respecting the repeal of the Missouri 
 compromise, except in justification thereof ; no mention of the 
 villainous perpetrations in Kansas, the pillagings and murders 
 committed by "border ruffians;" no account of the Walker 
 exploits ; the invasion of Cuba ; the revival of the execrable 
 
74 HISTOET Off THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 external slave traffic. No— on the contrary, tte Message asks 
 tliat the South be let alone ! It must be allowed to spread the 
 blighting influence of its infamous " institution," all over the 
 territories, under the patronage of the central Government, and 
 in defiance of the inhabitants of those territories, and the remon- 
 strances of two-thirds of the entire nation. " Unless this shall 
 be done without unnecessary delay, it is impossible for any 
 human power to save the Union." " The injured States would 
 be justified in revolutionary resistance to the Government of 
 the Union ;" and though such a step would be rebellion to the 
 Government, the Constitution does not allow the " powers that 
 be " to punish the traitors 1 Can we be surprised that such 
 an exposition of the " Constitution " was received with approba- 
 tion by the discontented States, and that the effect of it was 
 to precipitate the revolution — State after State following the 
 lead of South Carolina, whose secession ordinance was passed 
 on the 17th December. How different was the conduct of 
 General Jackson on a similar occasion in 1833 ! Though 
 a Southerner, Tie proposed no compromises or constitutional 
 amendments, but at once called upon Congress for increased 
 powers and means to put down the rebellion, and was prepared, 
 had his request been refused, to take upon himself the respon- 
 sibility of quelling the sedition. Instead of refusing to send 
 down reinforcements to the Federal forts, he filled the 
 military posts of Charleston with troops, and blockaded the 
 harbour with a naval squadron. All the world knows the 
 result. 
 
 That portion of the Message relating to the crisis, which 
 
HISTOEY OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 75 
 
 will be foTmd reprinted in the Appendix, was referred, for 
 consideration, to two special conunittees : one of the Senate, 
 composed of thirteen members ; and one of the House of 
 Representatives, composed of thirty-three members — one from 
 each State of the Union. 
 
76 HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 SeOBSSION and the CoNSTITtTTION. 
 
 Has any State the right, of its own sovereign will and pleasure, 
 to secede from the Union, in accordance with the Constitution, 
 and without doing violence to the Constitutional rights of 
 the other memhers of the Confederacy? The great bulk 
 of the American people, with President Buchanan, whose 
 laet Annual Message goes fully into the matter, say no ; the 
 slave-holders say yes. 
 
 The Constitution is silent on the subject ; and it is evident 
 that the framers of that document never once thought that 
 such a doctrine would have been broached. The very cause 
 that called for the present " Constitution" was the inadequacy 
 of the old Articles of Confederation to bind the States together. 
 Down to 1787 the State Government did not owe implicit 
 obedience to the Federal power : any individual State could « 
 acquiesce in, or reject, the measures of the Central Government 
 as it chose. It is not surprising, therefore, that the Govern- 
 ment of the country could not be properly carried on. To 
 remedy the evil, a Convention of the people of all the States 
 was called, and the result was the unanimous adoption of the 
 " Constitution of the United States of America " as it now stands. 
 
HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 77 
 
 The preamble of this celebrated instrument states the object 
 of the framers to be the formation of a more perfect Union, and 
 the thirteenth article declares that " the articles of this 
 Confederation shall be inviolably observed by every State, 
 and the Union shall he perpetual," It was not the concoction of 
 a clique, nor the exposition of a mere delegation from each of 
 the States ; but the expression of all the people in all the 
 States. It was as literally the creation of the people as were 
 the constitntions of the several States, and is as binding upon 
 each individual of the separate States as their own provincial 
 laws ; nay more — no members of the States' Legislature, no 
 official of the States' judicatory, can enter upon their duties 
 until they have taken oath, or afSrmation, to support the 
 National Constitution, which is declared to be the supreme law 
 of the land, to which the laws of the separate States must 
 conform. "No State can enter into any treaty, alliance, or 
 confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin 
 money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and 
 silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of 
 attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the law of 
 contracts." Moreover, " without the consent of Congress, no 
 State shall lay any imposts or duties on any imports or exports, 
 except what may be absolutely necessary for the execution of 
 its inspection laws ;" and if they exceed this amount, the excess 
 shall belong to the United States. And "no State shaU, 
 without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage ; 
 keep troops, or ships of war, in time of peace ; enter into any 
 agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign 
 
78 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 power ; or engage in war, imless actually invaded, or in 
 such imminent danger as will not admit of delay." (See 
 " Constitution" in Appendix). 
 
 " In short," says President Buclianan — 
 
 " The GoTemment created by the Constitution, and deriTing its authority from 
 the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the same right to 
 exercise its power over the people of all these States, in the enumerated cases, that 
 each one of them possesses over subjects not delegated to the United States, but 
 ' reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.' 
 
 " To the extent of the delegated powers the Ccnstitutjon of the United States is 
 as much a part of the constitution of each State, and is as binding upon its people 
 as though it had been textually inserted therein. 
 
 " This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful Government, invested with 
 all the attributes of sovereignty over the special subjects to which its authority 
 extends, /lis framers never intended to implant in its bosom the seeds of its own 
 destruction, nor were they at its creation guilty of the absurdity of providing for 
 its own dissolution/;;- It was not intended by its framers to be the baseless fabric 
 of a vision, which, at the touch of the enchanter, would vanish into thin air, but 
 a substantial and mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time and 
 of defying the storms of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots of that day 
 have indulged fears that a Government of such high powers might violate the 
 reserved rights of the States, and wisely did they adopt the rule of a strict 
 construction of these powers to prevent theldanger. jBut they did not fear, nor 
 had they any reason to imagine, that the Constitution would ever be so interpreted 
 as to enable any State, by her own act, and without the consent of her sister 
 States, to discharge her people from all or any of their federal obligations;^ 
 
 Attorney-General Black, in reply to a communication 
 
 received from the President in November last, tlms defines the 
 
 relation between the State and Federal Governments : — • 
 
 ''' Within their respective spheres of action the Federal Government and the 
 Government of a State are both of them independent and supreme, but each is 
 utterly powerless beyond the limits assigned to it by the Constitutionl If Congress 
 would attempt to change the law of descents, to make a new rule of pei"sonal 
 succession, or to dissolve the family relations existing in any State, tlie act would 
 be simply void, but not more void than would be a State law to prevent the 
 recapture of fugitives from labour, to forbid the can-ying of the mails, or to stop 
 the coUection of duties on imports. The will of a State, whether expressed in its 
 constitution or laws, cannot, wliile it remains in the Confederacy, absolve her 
 
HISTOKY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 79 
 
 people from the duty of obeying the just aiid constitutional requirements of ftie 
 Central Government. Nor can any act of the Central Government displace the 
 jurisdiction of a State, because the laws of the United States are supreme and 
 binding only so fer as they are passed in pursuance of the Constitution. I do not 
 say what might be effected by mere revolutionary force : I am speaking of legal 
 and constitutional right." 
 
 Clearly, then, secession is revolution, treason, rebellion 
 against the Constitution, and, by inference, punishable as the 
 law provides. Of course, if the Constitution has been violated, 
 or if it has been Msely interpreted or nullified, either by the 
 general Government, or any of the States which have taken 
 part in the compact — such revolution would <be justifiable, 
 but still it would be revolution ; to call it by any other name 
 is simply a perversion of nomenclature. But let Americans 
 themselves speak. 
 
 General Jackson in his Special Message, delivered to 
 Congress on the 16th January, 1833 — pending the action of 
 South Carolina — expressed himself in most unequivocal 
 language : — 
 
 ^' The right of the people of a single State to absolve themselves at will, and 
 without the consent of the other States^ from their most solemn obligations, and 
 hazard the liberty and happiness of the millions composing this Union, cannot be 
 acknowledged. Such authority is believed to be utterly repugnant both to the 
 principles upon which the general Government is constituted and to the objects 
 which it was expressly formed to attain." 
 
 Mr. Doolittle made the following pertinent remarks on the 
 subject, in the Senate, on the 27th December last : — 
 
 " But I say the Constitution of the United States speaks in language clear 
 enough that it is not in the power of one out of ten, or of one hundred, or of all 
 the citizens of a Statf:, to annul an act of Congress, because the Constitution of 
 the United States, ano an act in pursuance of it, is a supreme law of that State, 
 and binding upon e^ei-y citizen of tliat State, and every citizen must act at his 
 peril. Now, if this ioctrine is true, that a State by its own mere motion can 
 
80 HISTOET OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 assettible in convention a mass of its citizens, by resolutions dissolve its connexion 
 with the Federal Government, and put an end to the supremacy of the Constitution 
 and laws of the United States, several other consequences must follow. If one 
 State can secede from all the rest, I suppose the Senator from Louisiana will not 
 deny but that all the rest can secede from one, and that of necessity gives to this 
 Government the power to expel a State. Tour right of secession involves the 
 right of expulsion. Let us go a little further, and see how this doctrine would 
 apply in time of war. We were engaged in a war with Great Britain in 1812, 
 and the New England States, it is said, were rather disaffected, and met in Con- 
 vention at Hartford. Now, if the doctrine of the gentleman is correct, any of the 
 New England States conld have resolved itself out at its pleasure and gone over 
 to the enemy. Our fortresses in Boston Harbour, which we had manned, built, 
 and filled with munitions and guns, they might have withdrawn from and 
 surrendered to the enemy, and turned our own guns upon us. This is the con- 
 sequence of this doctrine. But, again, take it in time of peace. Apply the 
 doctrine to Pennsylvania, that she, by a simple resolution of her people, can 
 withdraw from the United States. She conld out off all the mail routes going 
 across Pennsylvania, and we could not go from Virginia to New York without 
 going across a foreign country. So, too, with Illinois ; if this doctrine is correct, 
 we of the North-West could be cut off entirely from the East ; and, especially if 
 the Union is to be broken up, we could not go to New York except by leave of 
 Illinois, or without going through the State of Kentucky; and you propose to 
 make that a foreign jurisdiction." 
 
 Judge Wade of Ohio said : — 
 
 " It is claimed that you have a right to secede at your pleasure. I cannot find 
 any warrant for doctrine like that in the Constitution. In my judgment, it 
 would be subvemve of constitutional obligations. If that is so, we have no 
 Government. It would reduce this Union to a mere conglomeration of States, 
 to be held together at the will of any captious member of it. The State of South 
 Carolina is a small State ; but, probably, if she was sunk by an earthquake, we 
 should hardly find it out, except by the unwonted harmony that would prevail in 
 this chamber. I say this from no Ul will. I think she is unwise. I would be 
 willing to let her go out if we could do so without an example fatal to all 
 government. But, standing here, my wishes must be controlled by constitution.'il 
 duty. I don't see how any man can contend that a S':ate can go out of the 
 Government at pleasure. The question was reviewed thirty years ago, and 
 received a verdict which it was supposed had set it at rest for ever. By General 
 Jackson, and the men who surrounded him, it was prono>mced a delusion, and 
 utterly disruptive of all Governments. Yet, here it is to-day, blooming and fresh. 
 i\lr. Calhoun, even, held to the doctrine that we have powtr to make wai' on a 
 State. You will find this doctrine in his long letter to Go vemor Hamilton. I 
 acknowledge, to the fullest extent, the right of revolution, if you so call it — a 
 
HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 81 
 
 light to destroy the Government and erect another on its ruins more in accordance 
 with your wishes. But when yon undertake it you undertake it with this pro- 
 vision, — if you are successful, all is right. You are heroes. But, if you are 
 defeated, you are rebels. That is the character of revolutions ; if successful, all 
 well ; if unsuccessful, the Government treats them as traitors." 
 
 And Senator Grittenden of Kentucky, on the 7tli January, 1861, 
 was equally explicit : — 
 
 " He did not believe in the doctrine of secession. It was a new doctrine ; and 
 an attempt to secede with the bold front of resolution is nothing but lawless 
 violation of the law and the Constitution. But he only wanted to bear his 
 testimony to the Constitution, and to let it he known that the Constitution cannot 
 be broken. If a State wishes to secede, let them proclaim revolution boldly, and 
 not attempt to hide themselves under little subtleties of law and claim the right of 
 secession. A constitutional right to breai the Constitution was a new doctrine. 
 He argued that Mr. Webster always went against any right of secession. On one 
 side was an asked concession, and on the other side was civil war." 
 
 The duty of Grovemment then, in case of rebellion, or, more 
 euphemistically, secession, is clear — to enforce the laws. But the 
 position of the executive in this respect is peculiar. 
 
 The President is bound " to take care that the laws be faith- 
 folly executed" in all the States ; but the duty must be 
 performed through the recognized Federal officials resident in 
 the States. The anomalous case of a State without Federal 
 officers, either through resignation or ejectment, is however 
 unprovided for. If the United States fanctionaries are opposed 
 in carrying out the Federal laws, the President can caU out the 
 militia or employ the army and navy to quell the rebellion ; 
 but the case is different when an entire State, miHtia and 
 Federal officers and all, are up in arms against the Government, 
 and declare their "independence." Under such circumstances 
 the action of the executive is rendered possible only by an 
 armed invasion of the delinquent State ; and such a mode of 
 
 o 
 
82 HISTOKT OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 asserting the dignity of tlie Government would be a violation of 
 tlie whole spirit of the Constitution. 
 
 When the people of the independent colonies met together in 
 convocation for the purpose of uniting themselves under a com- 
 mon Government they subscribed to the Articles of Confedera- 
 tion voluntarily ; and had one State out of the original thirteen 
 decided to remain by itself it could have done so — the twelve 
 could not have compelled it to join them. Hence, though the 
 United States adopted a common flag, a common currency, 
 common laws, and common institutions, and thus became a 
 nation in every sense of the word, the compact was voluntarily 
 dissoluble by the same power that formed it ; viz., a Convention 
 of the whole people. The Constitution (Article 5) gives such a 
 Convention power to amend it, and consequently to amend it 
 out of existence. But the case is different when only a minority 
 of the States seek to demolish the Union : having subscribed to 
 its Articles, they must abide by them ; to do otherwise would be 
 revolution. 
 
 Then comes the question — ^what is to be done with a recreant 
 State ? So far as the executive is concerned it must act purely on 
 the defensive. The President must protect the Federal property, 
 such as forts, arsenals, &c., and collect the national revenue. 
 Should any State take possession of the former, as several of the 
 Southern States have already done, the President can recover 
 and retain them by force, but nothing more ; the State must 
 not be invaded, unless the people of the remaining States, 
 thinking that their interests might be interfered with by 
 allowing the existence of a foreign country in their midst. 
 
HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 83 
 
 amended the Constitution in such a manner as to admit of the 
 executive resorting to the dread work of conquering and holding 
 the rebellious State as a province. 
 
 Should any State refuse to comply with the Federal revenue 
 laws, the President can blockade the ports of the offender, 
 establish the custom-house on board a man-of-war, and collect 
 the revenue from all arriving vessels as they enter the haxbour. 
 
 The Government can thus hem in a State and then wait 
 patiently for the result. Such a condition of things could not 
 exist for long ; the seceders would not submit for any length of 
 time to such a serpent coil ; some fighting would probably 
 take place, but the result would be the victory of the national 
 arms. 
 
 Such a method of coercion would not be very difficult to carry 
 out against a single State, or even against two or three States ; 
 but it would be almost, if not quite, impossible to deal in a 
 similar manner with one-half the present slave States, much 
 less the entire South. Doubtless, the united North could 
 subdue the united South if it willed to do so ; but it could not 
 be expected that the defeated States would be reconciled to the 
 Union by such means. They would give a kind of aUegiance to 
 the Federal power, but it would be imder protest, and therefore 
 but transient. They would have no love for the Union, and 
 would take the earliest favourable opportunity of breaking it 
 up. Their pride, wounded by defeat, would never let them rest 
 until they had achieved their independence. If therefore the 
 Union cannot be preserved by peaceful means, by mutual con- 
 cessions ; if the same influences which called it into being — 
 
 g2 
 
84 HISTOBT OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 mutual interests and reciprocal affections— no longer exist, 
 the Confederacy had better be peaceably dissolved. 
 
 The following extracts from the speeches of Senators Wade, 
 Douglas, and Iverson, are worthy of perusal. 
 
 Mr. Wade, EepubHcan, in the United States Senate, Decem- 
 ber 18th, 1860 :— 
 
 " He did not see a cause to apprehend that any party intended to make war on 
 the seceding States ; he only asserted the right to do so if they saw fit. He would 
 not, however, counsel or advise any paiiy to do it. He would he very tender with 
 the rights of the people who were ahout to break up the Goveminent under which 
 they had deliberately come to the conclusion they could not live — but he appre- 
 hended that the position of the Eepublicans would compel them to take austere 
 ground. Although a State secedes, they cannot recognize her right to go out of 
 the Union until she gains the consent of the Union. The duty of the chief 
 mao-istrate is to execute the law m every part of the Government. He cannot be 
 released from this obligation. Nothing in the Constitution of the United States 
 will warrant his saying that a single star has fallen. He is sworn not to know 
 that a State has seceded, and to pay no respect to resolutions that declare she has 
 done so. In doing this it does not follow that he must mate war upon her ; but 
 he should exercise every Federal right over her, the most important of which is 
 the collection of the revenue. There are many rights for the benefit of the people 
 of a State might be dispensed with. If they do not want the mails carried the 
 President could abolibh the post-ofEces. They might not, perhaps, elect oflScers 
 to send here, but they could do as they liked about that. They have a right to be 
 perfectly represented here ; but if they choose to forego that privilege it is not 
 incumbent upon the President to force them to send representatives here. But the 
 chief magistrate must collect the revenue precisely the same as in every other 
 State. No State can be released from that obligation, for the Constitution demands 
 it. What follows ? If the seceding State shuts up her ports of entry, so that 
 ships cannot discharge their cargoes, then ships will cease to go there ; or, if the 
 Government blockades her ports to collect revenue, she will not have gained her 
 independence by secession. If she will feel contented to Uve under this equivocal 
 state of things, all will be well, but she cannot do so. What will she do ? She 
 must take the initiative and declai-e war upon the United States. Then force 
 must be met by force, and she must hew out her independence by violence and 
 war. There was no other way under the Constitution, that he knew of, if a State 
 secede and declare war. He did not suppose that there was a lawyer on the floor 
 but who will say that the act of levying war is treason against the United States. 
 That is the result, and we may as well look the matter in the face." 
 
HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 85 
 
 Mr. Douglas, Squatter Sovereignty Democrat, and late 
 
 candidate for the Presidency, in tte United States Senate, 
 
 January 3rd, 1861 : — 
 
 " There is no other way or recourse left, to enforce the law in a seceding State, 
 except to make war and bring the State within your possession first and then 
 enforce the law afterward. A war between eighteen States on the one side, and 
 fifteen seceding States on the other, is, to me, a revolting thing. For what 
 purpose is the war to be waged ? Ceiiainly not for the purpose of preserving the 
 Union. I have too much respect for gentlemen on the other side of the chamber, 
 collectively and individually, to believe there is one among them who does not 
 know what war is. Ton cannot expect to exterminate ten millions of people, 
 whose passions are excited with the belief that you mean to invade their homes 
 and Ught the flames of insurrection in their midst. Ton must expect to 
 exterminate them, or subjugate them, or else, when you have got tired of war, to 
 make a treaty with them. No matter whether the war lasts one year, or seven 
 years, or thirty years, it must have an end at some time. Sooner or later both 
 parties will become tired and exhausted ; and when rendered incapable of fighting 
 any longer, they wiU make a treaty of peace, and that treaty will be one of 
 separation. The history of this world does not furnish an example of a war of 
 sections, or between States of the same nation, where the war ended in recon- 
 ciliation. Such a war always ends in a treaty of peace, and a final eternal 
 separation. I don't understand, then, how a man can claim to be a friend of the 
 Union, and yet be in favour of war upon ten millions of people in the Union. You 
 cannot cover it up much longer under the pretext of love for the Union. Now, the 
 question must be met, and whatever concessions I am called upon to make, I 
 choose to make voluntarily, before blood is shed, and not afterward. No man has 
 more pride of country than I. It humbles my pride to see the authority of the 
 Government questioned, but we are not the first nation whose pride has been 
 humbled. Republics, empires, and kingdoms alike, in all ages, have been subject 
 to the same humiliating fact. But where there is a deep-seated discontent pervad- 
 ing ten millions of people, penetrating every man, woman, and child, and involving 
 everything dear to them, it is time for inquiring whether there is not some cause 
 for the feeling." 
 
 Mr. Iverson, Breckenridge Democrat, of Georgia, in the 
 
 United States Senate, on January 28th, 1861, when announcing 
 
 the secession of his State from the Union : — 
 
 " By the secession of the Southem States, and the formation of a Southern 
 Confederacy, two great and momentous alternatives will devolve on the Federal 
 Government. Tou may acquiesce in the revolution, and acknowledge the inde- 
 
86 HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 pendence of the great Confederacy, or you may make war on the seceding States and 
 attempt to force them back. If you acknowledge our independence, and treat us as 
 one of the nations of the earth, you can have friendly relations and interoom-se with 
 us. You can have an equitable diyision of the public property, and of the existmg 
 public debt of the United States. But if you make war upon us we will seize and 
 hold all the public property in our borders and in our reach, and we will never 
 pay one dollar of the public debt, for the law of nations will extinguish all private 
 and public obligations between the States. The first Federal gun that is fired upon 
 the seceding States — the first drop of blood of any of our people shed by the Federal 
 troops — will cancel every public and private obligation of the Sonth which may be 
 due either to the Federal Government or the Northern people. We care not in 
 what shape or form, or under what pretext, you undertake coercion. We shall 
 consider all efforts to exercise authority over us as acts of wai", and shall meet and 
 resist them accordingly. Tou may send armies to invade us by land, or you may 
 send ships to blockade our ports and destroy our trade and commerce with other 
 nations. You ihay abolish our ports of entry, and, by an Act of Congress, attempt 
 to collect the Federal revenue by ships of war. You may do all or any of these, or 
 similar acts. They will be acts of war, and so understood and considered, and in 
 whatever shape you make war we will fight you. You boast of your superior 
 numbers and strength, but remember that ' the race is not always to the swift, 
 nor the battle to the strong.' You have 100,000 fighting men. So have 
 we. And, fighting upon our own soil, and to preserve our rights, and vindicate 
 our honour and defend our homes, our firesides, our wives and children, from 
 the invader, we shall not be easily conquered. You may possibly overrun us, 
 desolate our fields, bum our dwellings, lay our cities in ruins, murder our people, 
 and reduce us to beggary, but you cannot subdue and subjugate us to your will. 
 Your conquest, if you gain a victory over us, will amount to but little. You 
 will have to keep a standing army of 100,000 men, costing millions of money, 
 only to keep us in subjection. You may whip us, but we will not stay whipped. 
 We will rise again and again to vindicate our rights and liberty, and to throw off 
 your oppressive and accursed yoke, and we will never cease the strife until our 
 whole white race is extinguished, and our fair land given over to desolation. You 
 will have ships of war — we may have none. You may blockade our ports and 
 lock up our commerce. We can live, if need be, without commerce. But when 
 you shut up our commerce from the looms of Europe we shall see whether other 
 nations will not have something to say and something to do upon that subject. 
 ' Cotton is Eing,' and will oblige you to raise your blockade and draw off your 
 ships. I know that great hopes are raised, and great efforts made, to retain the 
 border States in the Union. But let coercive measures be commenced against 
 the Southern Confederacy, or any of the seceding States, and all such hopes will 
 vanish into thin air. The first act of Federal legislation looking to coercion, the 
 first Federal gun fired, the first Federal ship which takes its station off a Southern 
 port, will bring all the States, including Maryland, laggard as she seems to be in 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 87 
 
 the vindication of a sound independence, into obedience and alliance with her 
 Southern sisters ; and thus united, they "will resist and defy all your efforts. 
 There are also those who, surrendering all hope of preventing the destruction of 
 the Union, and recognizing the existing state of facts, yet hope to see it recon- 
 structed. Sir, a war between the two sections will for ever close the door to any 
 such project." 
 
 Hence, thougli secession be revolution, the Government, 
 should the mania spread, would experience great difficulties 
 in restoring order. The only way to save the Union is for 
 Congress to take into consideration the avowed grievances of 
 the discontented States, and redress them ; the strong love 
 for the Confederation which exists throughout the country 
 would then annul the secession ordinances. Should any one 
 State persist in asserting its separate existence, as very 
 probably South CaroHna would do, the indignation of the 
 sister States would speedily adopt measures for bringing 
 her to reason. 
 
 That the Union was never intended to be destroyed" is 
 clear from the whole course of legislature and the general 
 consent of the people since the revolution. The territory of 
 Louisiana (which now comprises the three States of Louisiana, 
 Arkansas, and Missouri) was purchased by the Federal Govern- 
 ment out of fands obtained from all the then existing States ; 
 the intention was to obtain possession of both banks and the 
 month of the great Mississippi, for the benefit of the States 
 through which it runs, and for this object g 15,000,000 were 
 paid to the French First Consul. WiU any one maiatain that 
 under such circumstances any one of the three States named, 
 owing as they do their very existence to the Federal Govern- 
 
88 HISTOBX OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 ment, have the constitutional right to withdraw from the Union 
 at any time they please ? 
 
 Again, take the case of Florida. That peninsula down to 
 1819 was id the possession of Spain ; but the United States, 
 thinking very naturally that the key to the Gulf of Mexico 
 ought not to be in the keeping of a foreign power, bullied 
 Spain into selling it, and afterwards expended a further very 
 large sum for the removal of the aboriginal Indians farther 
 west. Extensive forts, &c., were also erected at the Federal 
 expense, and the State has never yet paid its way. Tet the 
 50,000 white inhabitants who compose its population have 
 presumed to secede from the Union, and rob the Government 
 of its property 1 
 
 Look, again, at the possessions obtained from Mexico. The 
 war vrith that unfortunate country cost the United States 
 thousands of lives, and g 120,000,000 in hard cash, three- 
 fourths of both which were furnished by the Northern States 
 of the Union, under the impression that the acquisition of 
 the territories bordering on the Pacific would be of benefit 
 to them; yet the doctrine of constitutional secession would 
 allow California, or any other States that may be formed 
 out of the district, to leave the Union at will. Once more — it 
 was with the assistance of Federal men and money that 
 Texas was enabled to achieve its independence from Mexico ; 
 but it was with the strict understanding that Texas should 
 be incorporated with the Confederation ; yet her citizens now 
 have the effrontery to claim a deed of separation ! 
 
HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 89 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 Secession db Facto. 
 
 Sbotion 1. Movements of South Carolina. 
 
 We have already ^stated that the Legislature of the Palmetto 
 State had passed a Bill calling for a Convention of the people 
 to take into consideration the relations between that State 
 and the Federal Govemment, and to decide the course of 
 action to be adopted to meet certain impending difficulties. 
 
 The Convention, as previously appointed, assembled at 
 Columbia, the capital of the State, on the 17th December, 
 but on the following day adjourned to Charleston. On the 
 19th the members had got fairly at work, and on the 20th, 
 soon after noon, the Ordinance of Secession was passed 
 unanimously. The announcement was received with uproarious 
 applause by aU present, and the multitudes in the city echoed 
 the timiult. In the evening Charleston presented a busy 
 eight, the citizens thronged the streets, and gave vent to 
 their joy in every possible shape. 
 
 The "Declaration of immediate causes which induce and 
 justify the Secession of South Carolina from, the Federal Union" 
 sets out by asserting the right of any community to alter 
 
90 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 or abolist its form of govemment, when that government has 
 become destructive of the ends for which it was established, 
 and then proceeds to notice the particular causes which justify 
 South Carolina in withdrawing from the American Confederacy. 
 It asserts the original and present sovereignty of the States, 
 and maintains that as these States formed themselves into an 
 Union on certain conditions, any one of them can retire from 
 Confederation when it can be shown that those conditions have 
 not been strictly observed. It refers to the fact that the Union 
 was formed only when the consent of two-thirds of the States 
 had been obtained; but omits to notice the corollary which 
 foUows therefrom, that the same consent is required for its 
 dissolution. No ; South Carolina is an independent State, and 
 can " set up on her own accomit " without going through the 
 formality of consulting her sister confederates. The document 
 closes with an appeal to Divine aid in the accomplishment of 
 its treasonable purposes ! 
 
 The whole is a miserable attempt to justify a foregone 
 conclusion. 
 
 Three imaginary grievances are dilated upon. 1st. The 
 nullification of the Fugitive Slave Law by counter-legislative 
 enactments in the free States. 2nd. The rapid progress of 
 free opinions in the North ; the growing popularity of the 
 idea that slavery is sinful and must be put down; and the 
 election of Mr. Lincoln to the Presidency. 3rd. The exclu- 
 sion of the South from the common territories. 
 
 Whatever may have been the loss to South Carolina from 
 the non-rendition of slaves from the free States, there was a 
 
HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 91 
 
 constitutional remedy for the same. The laws of the United 
 States, [if properly carried out, wiU insure the return of all 
 ■'fugitives from labour ; " any enactments of the separate States 
 to the contrary notwithstanding. If some of the free States 
 have, as asserted, made " laws which either nullify the Acts of 
 Congress, or render useless any attempt to execute them,'' the 
 proper remedy is for Congress to assert its dignity, and demand 
 the repeal of such laws. A little quiet remonstrance on the 
 part of the Government would soon settle the matter. 
 
 But after all, though the border slave States may very 
 possibly have suffered from negro desertion, it is questionable 
 if South Carolina ever experienced the loss of more than one 
 or two runaways since the formation of the Union. It is 
 easy to imagine the " underground railway " to be in active 
 operation in conveying " passengers " from Virginia, Kentucky, 
 or Missouri ; but it would be nothing short of a miracle for a 
 negro to escape from a State so remote from the frontier of 
 the free States as South Carolina. Such an one would have 
 to pass through the slave States of North Carolina and Vir- 
 ginia or Kentucky, and in every step he would be subjected to 
 the rules of the passport system. South Carolina's complaint 
 on this score is therefore unfounded and extremely frivolous. 
 
 There is, perhaps, more reason in the second count. It 
 would be contrary to human nature to suppose that the slave- 
 holders, after having held the of&ces, and disposed of the 
 patronage of the Federal Government for so many years, would 
 quietly and submissively retire into private life at the bidding 
 of their political opponents, whose great crime consisted in the 
 
92 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 belief tliat slavery is sinful. Besides wMcli, the slave-holdei 
 were conscious that during their long tenure of office they ha 
 behaved in the most intolerant manner towards the fre 
 States— had bullied them into compromises, and then repudiate 
 them — had maltreated their citizens — and had attempted t 
 deprive them of their constitutional rights in the territories 
 and they naturally expected that the new comers would inau 
 gurate a policy of retaliation ; that the time had come whei 
 the South was to be punished for its offences. 
 
 But here again the Constitution would have preserved them 
 and however prone the new administration might have beei 
 to interfere with the integrity of the institution of slavery, anj 
 practical action in that direction would have been, and is still 
 impossible, unless with the consent of the slave-holders them- 
 selves. Before slavery can be touched, the Constitution mus1 
 be amended, and that can only be done with the consent o) 
 three-fourths of the whole number of States. (See Article V. oi 
 Constitution.) Such a combination would include seven oi 
 the slave States. It will be seen, then, how idle are the fears 
 of South CaroHna on account of EepubHcan hostility to negro 
 bondage. 
 
 Lastly, it is said that it is the intention of the Lincolnites 
 to deprive the South of the right to settle ia the territories of 
 the Union. Another groundless fear — groundless because of 
 the utter inability of the anti-slavery party to repeal the laws 
 which guarantee the protection of Southern "property" in all 
 the territories whilst they are territories. 
 
 Taking all things into consideration, therefore, the plea of 
 
HISTOKY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. ''',93 
 
 South Carolina for the justification of ter conduct is most 
 puerile. How much better and more manly, as weU. as more 
 constitutional, it would have been had she waited until the new 
 President had had an opportunity of giving to the world a 
 declaration of his principles and intentions. Any unconstitu- 
 tional announcement, or overt act, aimed at the stability of 
 Southern rights, would have justified South Carolina and the 
 remainder of the slave States in withdrawing from the Con- 
 federation. She would then have received the sympathy of all 
 impartial men on both sides of the Atlantic ; for, however the 
 iostitution of slavery may be denounced iu England, there 
 are few people amongst us who would give their sanction to 
 forced and immediate emancipation. As it is, the proceed- 
 ings of the Palmetto State are looked upon by many as some- 
 thing bordering upon the farcical. Her declarations and 
 ordinances are read sometimes in an ironical, and sometimes 
 in a serio-comic tone. Some people pity her ; others look 
 upon her with contempt. The majority say — let her alone, 
 and experience will show her the folly of her doings ; the 
 muscular minority suggest that she get a sound thrashing. All 
 are disgusted. 
 
 After the passage of the Ordinance of Secession, the Con- 
 vention appointed Commissioners to bear a copy of it to 
 each of the slave-holding States, and to invite each or any of 
 them to join South Carolina in the formation of a Southern 
 Confederacy — taking as the basis of Government the existing 
 Constitution of the United States. Commissioners were also 
 appointed by the " Committee on Foreign Eelations " (!) to 
 
94/ HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOYEMENT. 
 
 proceed to Washington with a copy of tlie Ordinance o 
 Secession : — 
 
 " To be laid before the President of the United States, with the request that th 
 same shall be communicated to the Congress now in Session." 
 
 And also : — 
 
 " To treat for the delivery of the forts, magazines, and lighthouses, and othe 
 real estate and appurtenances thereto, within the geographical limits of Sout 
 Carolina ; and also for an apportionment of the public debt, and for a division o 
 all other property held by the Government of the United States as agent of th 
 confederated States of which South Carolina was recently a member, and general]; 
 to negotiate as to all other measures and arrangements proper to be made ani 
 adopted in the existing relation of the parties, and for the continuance of peace anc 
 amity between this Commonwealth and the Government of Washington." 
 
 The Commissioners appointed were E. W. Barnwell, J. H 
 Adams, and James L. Orr. Their first commimication to th( 
 President is dated December 29th, 1860. In it, aftei 
 annotmcing that South Carolina had " resumed the powers she 
 delegated to the United States, and had declared her perfecl 
 sovereignty and independence,'' they go on to state that they 
 were prepared to enter upon negotiations for the settlement oJ 
 all questions raised by the new state of things, with the earnest 
 desire to avoid hostilities, and to inaugurate the new relations 
 so as to secure mutual respect, general advantage, and a future 
 of goodwill and harmony. They then complain of the conduct 
 of Major Anderson, who had been very wisely strengthening 
 his position ia the Charleston forts, and close by refusing to 
 enter into any discussions until the said conduct be explained, 
 and the troops withdrawn from the forts. 
 
 The President, in his reply, referred them to his Message 
 delivered on the 3rd of December, in which he declared that the 
 
HISXOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 95 
 
 Executive has no authority to acknowledge the independence of 
 any State ; he consequently could not meet the South Carolinian 
 Commissioners as deputies from a seceding State, but was willing 
 to communicate anything they might have to say to Congress, in 
 the capacity of " private gentlemen of the highest character." 
 He acknowledged that Major Anderson had somewhat exceeded 
 his orders, which were to make no movement at all save when 
 attacked, and stated that when he learned that the Major had 
 removed from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumpter, his first impulse 
 was to order him to retrace his steps, and await further orders. 
 " But," continues the President — 
 
 " before any step could possibly have been taken in '^this direction, we received 
 information that the * Palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, 
 and a large military force went over last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie.' Thus 
 the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanations, 
 and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not 
 only without, hut against my orders, on the very next day after the night when 
 the removal was made, seized by a military force two of the Federal forts in the 
 harbour of Charleston, and have covered them under their own fla^ instead of that 
 of the United States. 
 
 " At this gloomy period of our history, startling events succeed each other 
 rapidly. On the very day, the 27th inst., that possession of these two forts was 
 taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over the Federal custom-house and post-office 
 in Charleston ; and on the same day every officer of the customs — collector, naval 
 oflicer, surveyor, and appraiser — ^resigned their offices. And this, although it was 
 well known from the language of my Message that, as an executive officer, I felt 
 myself bound to collect the revenue at the port of Charleston, under the existing 
 laws. In the harbour of Charleston we now find three forts confronting each 
 other, over all of which the Federal flag floated only four days ago ; but now, 
 over two of them, this flag has been supplanted, and the Palmetto flag has been 
 substituted in its stead. It is under all these circumstances that I am urged im- 
 mediately to withdraw the troops from the harbour of Charleston, and am in- 
 formed that, without this, negotiation is impossible. This I cannot do — this I 
 will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible contin- 
 o^ency. No such allusion has been made in any communication between myself 
 and any human being. But the inference is that I am bound to withdraw the 
 troops from the only fort remaining in the possession of the United States in the 
 
96 HISTOKT OF THE SECESSION MOTEMENT. 
 
 harbour of Charleston heoause the officer there in command of all of the forts 
 thought proper, without instructions, to change his position from one of them to 
 another, 
 
 ;;, " At this point of writing I have received information by telegraph from Cap- 
 tain Humphreys, in command of the arsenal at Charleston, that ' it has to-day 
 (Sunday, the 30th) been taken by force of arms.' It is estimated that the muni- 
 tions of war belonging to this arsenal are worth half a million of dollars. 
 
 " Comment is needless. After this information, I hare only to add that, while 
 it is my duty to defend Fort Sumpter as a portion of the public property of the 
 United States against hostile attacks, from whatever quarter they may come, by 
 such means as I possess for this purpose, I do not perceive how such a defence can 
 be construed into a menace against the city of Charleston." 
 
 Tlie rejoinder o£ the Commiseioners was characteristic. They 
 stated that they had no special solicitude as to the character in 
 which they might be recognized, satisfied as they were of the 
 unquestionable right of their State to act as it had done. They 
 accused the President of misquoting their letter ; expressed their 
 astonishment that he would not listen to their demands ; and 
 declared themselves ready for war if he chose to force that 
 issue upon them. 
 
 The Washington correspondent of the New York Herald 
 (pro-slavery Democratic organ) wrote on the 2nd of January as 
 follows : — 
 
 " The Cabinet had rather a protracted session to-day. The reply of the South 
 Carolina Commissioners to the President's letter was received at a late hom'. The 
 document is unbecoming ambassadors from the great State of South Carolina. It 
 is replete with abuse of the President, and contains not a single point in regard to 
 the issues involved between the State of South Carolina and the Executive. The 
 President intends to treat it with contempt, and will exclude it from the corre- 
 spondence which he intends to send to the Senate. Their cause must be a bad 
 one when they resort to abuse of the Executive. The President's letter to them 
 was courteous and dignified. Their reply is insolent and undignified." 
 
 The document was returned on the 3rd of January, with the 
 following endorsement thereon : — 
 
HISTOET OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 97 
 
 " Executive Mansion, Wednesday, 3.30. 
 " This paper, just presented to the President, is of such a character that he 
 declines to receive it." 
 
 The "three private gentlemen of the highest character" left 
 soon after for Charleston. 
 
 The House of Eepresentatives showed their approbation of 
 the conduct of Major Anderson, hy the passage of the following 
 resolution — Teas 124, Nays 56 : — 
 
 " Resolved, — That we fully approve the bold and patriotic act of Major An- 
 derson in withdrawing from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumpter, and the determination 
 of the President to maintain that fearless officer in his present condition, and we 
 will support the President in all constitutional measures to enforce the laws and 
 preserve the Union." 
 
 Among those who voted "Tea" were several Southei-n 
 members. 
 
 A few days after the departure of the Commissioners, the 
 President ordered reinforcements to be sent to Major Anderson. 
 The precipitate action of South Carolina demanded that some- 
 thing should be done. The first fruits of the new movement was 
 the resignation of Mr. Thompson, Secretary of the Interior. On 
 the 9th of January the " Star of the West " arrived off Charleston 
 with men and provisions for Fort Sumpter ; but was prevented 
 from accomplishing its mission by the State authorities, who 
 opened fire upon her from the forts on Morris Island, and com- 
 pelled her to put back to sea. 
 
 Many people think that Major Anderson would have been 
 perfectly justified in retaliating, which he could easily have 
 done from his commanding position. A few shots from Fort 
 Sumpter would have settled matters. But he scorned to imitate 
 
 H 
 
98 HISTOEY OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 the barbarity of South Carolina, and contented himself by- 
 remonstrating with the governor. The following is a copy of 
 his letter to Governor Pickens : — • 
 
 '' " To HIS EXOKLLEKCT THE GOVEENOK OF SOtlTH CAROLINA. 
 
 " Sir, — Two of your batteries fired this morning on au unarmed vessel bearing 
 the flag of my GoTernment. As I have not been notified that war has been de- 
 clared by South Carolina against the United States, I cannot but think this a 
 hostile act, committed without your sanction or authority. Under that hope I 
 refrain from opening fire on your batteries. I have the honour, therefore, re- 
 spectfully to ask whether the above-mentioned act — one which I believe without 
 parallel in the history of our country or any other civilized government — was 
 committed in obedience to your instructions, and notify you, if it is not dis- 
 claimed, that I regard it as an act of war, and I shall not, after reasonable time 
 for the return of my messenger, permit any vessel to pass within the range of the 
 guns of my fort. 
 
 " In order to save, as far as it is in my power, the shedding of blood, I beg you 
 will take due notification of my decision for the good of all concerned. Hoping, 
 however, your answer may justify a further continuance of forbearance on my 
 part, I remain, respectfully, 
 
 " EGBERT ANDERSON." 
 
 The governor replied by justifying the conduct of the garrison 
 on Morris Island, and by declaring that any attempt made to 
 reinforce the forts by United States troops would be considered 
 an act of hostility, and wotdd be met accordingly. Major 
 Anderson rejoined that, under the circumstances, he would refer 
 the matter to his Government, and await instructions. With 
 this object in view. Lieutenant Hall left Sumpter for Wash- 
 ington on the 12th of January ; Colonel Hayne, on the part of 
 Governor Pickens, left Charleston on the same day. They 
 arrived at the capital on the 14th, and on the 15th held 
 interviews with the President. 
 
 Their mission, however, did not change the face of affairs ; 
 Colonel Hayne was told distinctly that the Government would 
 
HISTOKX OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 99 
 
 not give up Fort Sumpter, and instructions were forwarded to 
 Major Anderson to defend liis position in every emergency. 
 Colonel Hayne saw very clearly that it was useless for him to 
 carry out the extreme instructions of Governor Pickens. 
 Instead, therefore, of demanding the imconditional surrender 
 of Port Sumpter, he simply suggested that such a surrender 
 would be most advisable on the part of the United States 
 Grovemment, as it would lessen the chances of a collision 
 between the Federal and State troops, and throw the respon- 
 sibility of shedding blood upon the incoming administration. 
 But President Buchanan, with a firmness which exhibited a 
 strong contrast to the sentiments of his (?) Message of the 3rd 
 of December, showed his determination to be neither bullied 
 nor coaxed into treason. 
 
 On the 28th January, however, the South Carolina Legislature 
 confirmed its instructions to Col. Hayne, and ordered him to 
 make a final demand for the forts, telling him to wait a reason- 
 able time for an answer, and then, to inform the President that 
 Fort Sumpter, if not peacefully surrendered, must be taken. 
 This ultimatum was delivered to the President on the 2nd Feb., 
 but Mr. Buchanan refused to change his former decision, and 
 the Commissioner returned to Charleston on the 8th Feb. 1861. 
 In the mean time the delegates of the seceded States had formed 
 themselves into a "Southern Confederacy" at Montgomery, 
 Alabama ; and the negotiations respecting Fort Sumpter were 
 thereby taken out of the hands of South Carolina. 
 
 h2 
 
100 HISTORY OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 Section 2. Bevolutionary Movements of other States. 
 
 Man is always more prone to imitate a bad example than a 
 good one— it is more natm-al and less troublesome to fallen 
 humanity — hence the eagerness with which the lead of South 
 Carolina was followed by several other slave States. The most 
 popular opinion amongst the slave-holders prior to the action of 
 the Palmetto State was, that their grievances could be better 
 redressed by combined than separate action. The current idea 
 was to call a Convention of all the Southern States to decide 
 upon a common course of conduct ; but the rashness of South 
 Carolina forced the rest of the States to hurry out of the Union, 
 each independently of the rest. 
 
 The secession ordinances of Mississippi, Alabama, and Florida 
 were signed on the 11th January. For some days previously 
 the Federal officers, one after another, had been sending in their 
 resignation to Government ; whilst the States' troops had em- 
 ployed themselves in taking possession of the national forts 
 and other property of the United States. 
 
 Georgia took the final step on the 19th January, the ordinance 
 of secession passing by a vote of 208 against 89 ; but the 
 minority signed the document a few days afterwards; for though 
 they differed with the 208 members as to the mode in which 
 redress was to be sought, they declared their determination to 
 stand by Georgia in asserting its rights. 
 
 A motion to postpone the operation of the ordinance until the 
 3rd March was lost by about thirty majority. The following 
 is a copy of the ordinance of secession : — 
 
HISaX)KY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 101 
 
 " An ordinance to dissolve the Union between the State of Georgia and other 
 States united with her under the compact of Government entitled the Constitution 
 of the United States. 
 
 " We, the people of the State of Geoi'gia in Convention assembled, do declare 
 and ordain, and it is hereby declaimed and ordained, that the ordinances adopted by 
 the people of the State of Georgia in Convention in 1788, whereby the Consti- 
 tution of the United States was assented to, ratified and adopted, and also all Acts 
 and parts of Acts of the General Assembly, ratifying and adopting amendments 
 to the said Constitution, are hereby repealed, rescinded, and abrogated. 
 
 " And we do further declare and ordain that the Union now subsisting between 
 the State of Georgia and other States, unda' the name of the United States, is 
 hereby dissolved, and that the State of Georgia is in full possession and exercise 
 of all those rights of sovereignty which belong and appertain to a free and 
 independent State." 
 
 The Louisiana Convention met on tlie 23rd January. The 
 members passed a resolution thanking the governor for taking 
 possession of the forts and arsenal at Baton Eouge on the 
 11th inst. 
 
 On the 26th the President declared Louisiana a free and 
 sovereign republic. The foUowing ordinance of secession being 
 passed by a vote of 113 to 17 : — 
 
 ** Whereas it is manifest that Abraham Lincoln, if inaugurated as President of 
 the United States, will keep the promises he has made to the Abolitionists of the 
 North ; that those promises, if kept, will inevitably lead to the emancipation and 
 misfortune of the slaves of the South, their equality with a superior race, and 
 before long to the iiTeparable ruin of this mighty Republic, the degi-adation of the 
 American name, and corruption of the American blood ; 
 
 " Fully convinced, as we are, that the slavery engrafted on this land by France, 
 Spain, England, and the States of North America is the most humane of all 
 existing servitudes; that to the slave of the South it is far preferable to the 
 condition of the barbai-ians of Africa or the freedom of those who have been 
 liberated by the powers of Europe ; that it is in obedience to the laws of God, 
 recognised by the Constitution of our country, sanctioned by the decrees of its 
 tribunals ; that it feeds and clothes its enemies and the world, leaves to the black 
 labourer a more considerable sum of comfort, happiness, and liberty than the 
 inexorable labour required from the free servants of the whole universe ; and that 
 each emancipation of an African, without being of any benefit to him, would 
 necessarily condemn to slavery one of our blood and our race (\ 
 
102 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 " Confident that we have strictly, faithfully, and ever discharged all the duties 
 and ohligations imposed upon us by the Constitution of our country ; that, on 
 the contrary, the members of the Republican party have already trampled under 
 their feet, and have announced their determination to disregard Constitution, laws, 
 ohligations, and the judgments of the courts of the Eepublic ; and that they will 
 soon have the power, as they always had the will, to destroy our individual and 
 national existence; tlierefore be it 
 
 "Resolved, by the Convention, — That our honour, our legitimate pride, the 
 interests of our slaves and of mankind, command that we should declare that 
 Louisiana owes allegiance only to her laws and to her God, and that she is 
 compelled hj the injustice and bad faith of her sisters of the North to abandon 
 a Union which she has loved, still loves, and deeply regi-ets." 
 
 The Convention of Texas adopted a secession ordinance on 
 the 1st Feb. by a vote of 166 against 7. On the 23rd Feb. 
 the action of the Convention was submitted to the people for 
 ratification, and the ordinance was endorsed by the popular vote. 
 
 Section 3. The Border Slave States. 
 
 The action of the frontier slave States has been all along on 
 the side of moderation. Statistics prove that their citizens are 
 more intelligent than those of the States farther South, and 
 history shows that they have always been moderate and con- 
 servative in their politics — despising the fast notions and mobo- 
 cracy of the North on the one hand, and the foe-eating and 
 filibustering doctrines of the South on the other. 
 
 In case of secession the sympathies of the border States would 
 be divided, the farming and manufacturing interests being in- 
 clined to the North, and the planting and slave-holding interests 
 to the South. A large section of the people do not believe that 
 there is any legitimate cause for the present disturbance. The 
 following extract from the address of Governor Hicks of Mary- 
 
HISTOKY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 103 
 
 land to the people of liis State, giving his reasons for refusing 
 
 to take part ia the secession movement, may be taken as the 
 
 opinion of the majority of the citizens of the border slave 
 States : — ■ 
 
 " I firmly believe that a division of this Government would inevitably produce 
 civil war. The secession leaders in South Carolina and the fanatical demagogues 
 of the North have alike proclaimed that such would be the result, and no man of 
 sense, in my opinion, can question it. What could the Legislature do in this crisis, 
 if convened to remove the present troubles which beset the Union ? We are told 
 by the leading spirits of the South Carolina Convention that neither the election of 
 Mr. Lincoln, nor the non-executiou of the Fugitive Slave Law, nor both combined, 
 constitute their grievances. They declare that the real cause of their discontent dates 
 as far back as 1833. Maryland and every other State in the Union, with a mild 
 voice, then declared the cause insufficient to justify the course of South Cai'olina. 
 Can it be that this people, who then unanimously supported the cause of General 
 Jackson, will now yield their opinions at the bidding of modem secessionists ? I 
 have been told that the position of Maryland should be defined, so that both sections 
 can understand it. Do any really misunderstand her position ? Who that wishes 
 to understand it can fail to do so ? If the action of the Legislature would be 
 simply to declare that Maryland is with the South in sympathy and feeling ; that 
 she demands firom the North the repeal of offensive, unconstitutional statutes, and 
 appeals to it for new guarantees that she will wait a reasonable time for the North 
 to pm-ge her statute books so as to do justice to her Southern brethren, and if her 
 appeals are vain, will make common cause with her sister border States in resistance 
 to tyranny if need be, it would only be saying what the whole countiy well 
 knows, and what may be said much more effectually by her people themselves in 
 their meetings than by the Legislature, chosen eighteen months since, when none 
 of these questions were raised before them. That Maryland is a conservative 
 Southern State all know who know anything of her people or her history. The 
 business and agricultural classes, planters, merchants, mechanics, and lahauring 
 men, those who have a real stake in the communiiy, who would be forced to pay 
 the taxes and do the fighting, are the persons who should he heard in preference 
 to excited politicians, many of whom, having nothijig to lose from the destruction 
 of the Government, may hope to derive some gain from, the ruin of the State. 
 Such men will naturally urge you to pull down the pillars of this ' accursed 
 Union,' which their allies at the North have denominated a ' covenant with hell.' 
 The people of Maiyland, if left to themselves, would decide, with scarcely an 
 exception, that there is nothing in the present causes of complaint to justify 
 immediate secession ; and yet, against our judgments and solemn convictions of 
 duty, we are to be precipitated into this revolution because South Carolina thinks 
 differently. Arc we not equals? Or shall her opinions control om' actions? 
 
104 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 After we have solemnly declared for ourselves, as every man must do, are we to 
 be forced to yield our opinions to those of another State, and thus in effect obey 
 her mandates ? She refuses to wait for our counsels. Are we bound to obey her 
 commands ? The men who have embarked in this scheme to convene the Legis- 
 lature will spare no pains to carry their point. The whole plan of operations, m 
 the event of the assembling of the Legislature, is, as I have been informed, already 
 marked out, the list of ambassadors who are to visit the other States is agreed on, 
 and the resolutions which they hope will be passed by the Legislature, fully 
 committing this State to secession, are said to be already prepared. In tlie course 
 of nature I cannot have long to live, and I fervently trust to be allowed to end my 
 days a citizen of this glorious Union. But should I be compelled to witness the 
 downfall of that Government inherited from our fathers, established as it were 
 by the special favour of God, I will at least have the consolation at my dying 
 hour that I neither, by word or deed, assisted in hastening its disruption." 
 
 The general opinion is that, should a Southern Confederacy 
 be formed, Virginia & Co. would cast their lot with the new 
 nation. But great endeavours will be made to preserve the 
 Union, as with dissolution there might come a revival of the 
 external slave trade, by which the frontier States would be 
 deprived of a remunerative market for their surplus negro 
 population. The existence of a foreign country on their 
 northern frontier would endanger the safety of their pro- 
 perty ; whilst the free-trade predilections of the cotton States 
 would not agree with the notions and interests of Missouri, 
 Kentucky, Virginia, and Maryland manufacturers. 
 
 All this accounts for the strenuous exertions of the Northern 
 slave States to get back the seceders into the Union. 
 
 Section i. Proceedings of the Southern Congress. 
 The Convention of the seceded States met at Montgomery, 
 Alabama, on the 4th February, 1861. The Hon. E. M. Barnwell 
 of South Carolina was appointed temporary chairman, and 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 105 
 
 A. E. Lamer, Esq., of Georgia, temporary secretary. The 
 proceedings were opened with prayer by the Eev. Dr. B. Manly. 
 Forty-two delegates were present, viz., ten from Georgia, nine 
 from Alabama, eight from South Carolina, sis each from 
 Louisiana and Mississippi, and three from Florida. Each 
 signed his name to the roll of Convention, and the chairman 
 then declared the meeting ready for business. 
 
 The Hon. Howell Cobb of Georgia was appointed President, 
 and J. J. Hooper secretary. 
 
 On the 5th congressional priaters were appointed ; a resolu- 
 tion was passed inviting the clergy of the city to open the Con- 
 vention with prayer ; and a committee of thirteen, composed of 
 two members from each State elected by their fellow delegates, 
 and a chairman chosen by the Convention, was appointed to 
 report a plan for a Provisional Government. 
 
 On the 6th, a communication was received from North 
 Carolina to the effect that, having agreed to meet the Virginian 
 Commissioners at Washington, on the 4Ah. February, " for the 
 purpose of effecting an honourable adjustment of aU the diffi- 
 culties that distracted the country, upon the basis of the 
 Crittenden resolutions, as modified by the Legislature of 
 Virginia," she could not, and, " as part of the Federal Union, 
 had no right to send delegates " to the proposed Montgomery 
 Convention, fixed for the 14th February. 
 
 On the 7th, the Alabama Legislature placed the sum of 
 5500,000 (£104,000), by way of loan, at the disposal of the 
 Southern Congress, "for placing the seceding States in a 
 better condition of defence against any attack that may be 
 
106 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 made upon them by the Federal Government of the United 
 States." 
 
 On the 8th, the Congress was in secret session. On the 9th, 
 the Hon. Jefferson Davis of Mississippi was elected President, 
 and the Hon. Alexander H. Stephens of Georgia, Vice-President 
 of the Southern Confederacy. 
 
 On the morniag of the 9th, the " Constitution of the Pro- 
 visional Government of the Confederated States of America" was 
 made public. It generally follows the Constitution of the 
 United States ; but there are some exceptions. The following 
 is the Preamble : — 
 
 " We, the deputies of the soyereign independent States of South Carolina, 
 Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana, involving the favour of the 
 AJmighty thereby in behalf of the States, ordain and establish this Constdtuticn 
 for a Provisional Governinent of the same, to continue one year from the inaugu- 
 ration of President, or until a permanent Constitution or Confedei-ation be put 
 into opeiation." 
 
 The seventh section prohibits the external slave trade : — 
 
 " Article First. — The importation of African negroes fi-om any foreign 
 country, other than the slave-holding States of the United States, is hereby 
 forbidden, and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent 
 the same, 
 
 " Aetiole Second. — Congress shaU also have power to prohibit the intro- 
 duction of slaves from any State not a member of this Confederacy." 
 
 The object of these clauses is twofold — ^first, to bUnd the 
 world as to the real intentions of the Southern Confederacy ; 
 and, second, to give a sop to the border slave States, whose only 
 inducement to retain the iastitution of slavery is the profit 
 derived from supplying the Southern labour demand, and which 
 a revival of the external slave trade would destroy. So Virginia 
 and Company are first coaxed, by being assured that they shall 
 
HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 107 
 
 have the exclusive privilege of negro-breeding if they join the 
 cotton States, and then threatened, by being told that, if they do 
 not join the Southern Confederacy, it will be in the power of 
 Congress to exclude the importation of slaves from States not 
 forming a part of the new Union. 
 
 It is possible that the Convention may have been sincere in 
 its interdict of the African slave trade ; but there is nothing in 
 the past history of Southern tactics which warrants us in 
 placing faith in anything the slave-holders may say. A revival 
 of the execrable traffic has been advocated for many years past, 
 especially by the fanatics of South Carolina, and the mean 
 whites of the whole country who are anxious to become " nigger " 
 owners, and so raise their status in society, but to whom 1000 
 to 1500 dollars is an insurmountable obstacle. 
 
 " IVee trade " with Africa has long been advocated as the only 
 panacea of Southern retrogression ; and seeing that the avowed 
 object of the cotton States in seceding from the Union is to 
 form a Eepublic whose labour is to be performed by slaves of 
 the African race, we have no hesitation in declaring the pro- 
 mised abstinence from fresh importations to be unmitigated 
 hypocrisy, and most transparent deceit. The New York Herald 
 of the 13th Feb. 1861, in an article on the '^Future of the two 
 Confederacies " remarked : — 
 
 " If the Southern Confederacy only adopt some humane system it may draw 
 labour to any extent from Africa, which cannot be done under the laws of the 
 old Confederacy. On the other hand, unless by the annejation of Canada and the 
 other British provinces, if they should decide to throw off the yoke of England, 
 and join their fomiues with the Noi-thei-n United States of America, the North can 
 only increase her resources and her population by the importation of free labour 
 on the wages principle, whereas the South can draw upon Africa unpaid labour 
 
108 HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 almost without limit, and thus, while increasing her population, develop all her 
 latent resources to the utmost." 
 
 We could add numerous clippings from^Soutliem newspapers, 
 demanding tliat " Africa and America be allowed to reciprocate 
 blessings," but tbe reader will be well aware of tbe longiags of 
 slave-bolders in this direction. 
 
 The " Constitution " tben provides for tbe rendition of 
 fugitive slaves, or tbeir equivalent in money. 
 
 One article orders that immediate steps be taken for the 
 settlement of all matters between the new Confederacy and the 
 original Union, relating to the public property, debt, &c. 
 
 Another clause gives the Congress power to lay and collect 
 taxes, duties, imposts, &c., for the purpose of raising a revenue 
 necessary to carry on the Government. The import duties to be 
 uniform in aU the States ; and, it was understood, the same on 
 Northern produce as on imports from Europe, &c. 
 
 The fact that the Congress had avowed its intention of pro- 
 hibiting negro imports, and hinted at indirect taxation as a 
 means of raising a revenue, produced considerable dissatisfaction 
 ia South Carolina, whose object in seceding was entire free 
 trade with all countries, Africa included, and there is some talk 
 of her adhering to her original intention of " going it alone." 
 Besides this, the taking out of her hands the Fort Sumpter 
 settlement, and the exclusion of her citizens from all the 
 high of&ces of state in the new Union, had wounded her pride 
 not a little. The fact is that she took the lead in the revolution 
 with the idea of retaining it, and making Charleston the New 
 York of the South. The remaining States, however, have out- 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 109 
 
 witted her. They went to work quietly and business like, and 
 in the choice of their national leaders shunned the blustering 
 and blundering orators of the Palmetto State. Henceforth then 
 South Carolina, as the New York Herald says, is a cipher : — 
 
 " The new Southem Confederacy has already used her up. She has lost her 
 independence. It has been swallowed up in the superior power and authority of 
 the United States South. She cannot now make war or peace, or send ambassadors, 
 or attack forts. She must do as she is ordered, or be squelched ; and this time 
 she cannot get out of the Union. She is surrounded on every side, and Fort 
 Moultrie, or Fort Pinckney, or the batteries on Morris Island, or even Fort Sumpter, 
 if she had it, wiU avail her little against a land attack from the Confederate army, 
 should she attempt to nullify the laws of the Union or proclaim her independence. 
 
 " The statesmanlike manner in which the Southern Confederacy at Montgomery 
 have formed the new Gbvei-nment presents a strildng contrast to the mad pro- 
 ceedings of the Palmetto State. It commands the respect of the whole country 
 North and South, and will command the respect of Europe, and the independence 
 of the Confederacy will be acknowledged by all, while South Carolina and her 
 gasconade will be beard of no more. The glimmer of her little flickering candle 
 will be lost in the effulgence of the sunlight of the Southem Union. We pity her 
 sorrows. What will become of her now ? In avoiding imaginary evils, she has 
 fallen upon evils she knew not of. It is out of the fi-ying-pan into the fire. She 
 can no longer strut about with a little petty brief authority, and she must be 
 exceedingly civil to the new Federal power. If she should again lack up her 
 heels, and send a commissioner to Jefferson Davis to arrange about the forts, the 
 Southem President would arrest biTn for treason as quick as lightning, and have 
 him hanged, instead of parleying with him like poor Buchanan, For Jefferson 
 Davis is a man of pluck and a man of power, a man of talent and a statesman." * 
 
 On the 11th Feb. Mr. Stephens acknowledged his acceptance 
 of the Yice-Presidency, but decHned making any statement as 
 to the position of affairs, or the conduct which should rule the 
 Government, until the arrival of the President. Meanwhile, 
 however, he suggested that the Congress might very profitably 
 turn its attention " to such as providing necessary postal 
 arrangements, making provision for the transfer of the custom- 
 
 * New York Herald, Feb. 13, article headed " South Carolina's nose out of joint." 
 
110 HISTOET OF THE SECESSION MOYEMENT. 
 
 house from tlie jurisdiction of the separate States to the Con- 
 federacy, and the imposition of such duties as are necessary to 
 meet the present expected exigencies." A duty of ten per cent, 
 ad valorem would, he thought, be amply sufficient to meet aU 
 their present requirements. 
 
 Next day the following Cormnittees were announced as com- 
 pleted : — 1. Executive Government Department; 2. Foreign 
 Affairs ; 3. Finance ; 4. Commerce ; 5. Judiciary ; 6. Navy ; 
 7. Army; 8. Post-Office; 9. Patents; 10. Territories; 11. 
 PubKc Lands; 12. Indian Affairs ; 13. Printing; 14. Accoimts ; 
 15. Engrossments. Thus in one week after the first day of 
 meeting the whole machinery of a complete Government was at 
 work. 
 
 On the 12th, the following resolutions were passed : — 
 
 " That the Committee on Foreign (!) Affairs be requested to inquire into the 
 propriety and necessity, so soon as the President is inaugurated, of a commission 
 to the GoTernment of the United States of America ; and 
 
 " That this Government take under its charge the questions and difficulties now 
 existing between the sovereign States of this Confederacy and the Government of 
 the United States, relating to the occupation of the forts, arsenals, navy yards, 
 and other public establishments ; and the President of this Congress is directed to 
 communicate this resolution to the governors of the States." 
 
 The business transacted down to the 18th Feb. was com- 
 paratively imimportant ; but on that day President Davis 
 arrived at Montgomery, and delivered his inaugural address. 
 
 He opened by defending the secessionists on the grounds 
 that the Northern half of the old Confederacy had violated the 
 original compact by depriving the South of the rights to which 
 it was entitled, and that the Government having therefore ceased 
 to accomplish the ends for which it was designed should be 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. Ill 
 
 abolished. He hoped that the heginning of their career as a 
 separate Confederacy would not he obstructed hy hostile opposition ; 
 hut if such should he the case, they must he prepared to meet the 
 emergency, and maintain hy the final arhitrament of the sword the 
 position which they had assumed amongst the nations of the earth. 
 They did not desire wax. As an agricultural people, whose 
 chief interest was the export of a commodity required in every 
 manufacturing country, their true policy was peace, and not 
 only peace, but the freest trade with all countries which their 
 necessities would permit. They had no manufactures to protect 
 nor navigation to succour, consequently there could be but little 
 rivalry between them and any manufacturing and navigating com- 
 munity, such as the North-eastern States of the American Union ; 
 and it would follow therefore, mutual interest would invite 
 goodwill and kind offices. The South had vainly endeavoured 
 to obtain its lawfal rights while associated with the late Union, 
 and she had therefore concluded to seek a separate existence, not 
 as a choice, but as a necessity ; and henceforth her energies 
 must be directed to the conduct of her own affairs, and the per- 
 petuity of the new Confederacy. He therefore advised the 
 immediate organization of the Executive departments having 
 the charge of foreign intercourse, finance, military affairs, and 
 postal service ; that for the defence of the Confederated States 
 there be, in addition to the States' militia, formed a well- 
 '.nstruded, disciplined national army, more numerous than would 
 isually he required on a peace establishment ; and that for the protee- 
 ion of their harbours and commerce a navy should be obtained. 
 But notwithstanding h:s strong advocacy of a separate 
 
112 HISTOET OF THE SECESSION MOYEMENT. 
 
 existence for slave States, and his expressed determination to 
 defend sucli a position at all hazards, Mr. Davis ^stUl hankered 
 after his first love, and thought it not improbable that the 
 North might seek to agaia unite its fortunes with the South 
 Under the new regime. In case that such a desire might be 
 expressed, he made adequate provision for its acceptance ; but 
 still such an union was neither practicable nor desirable, unless 
 it could be formed upon the terms of the slave Confederacy. 
 
 The Congress now commenced its work in right earnestness, 
 and in the most businesslike fashion. A tariff, similar in scale 
 to that of the United States Bill of 1857, was adopted. Mili- 
 tary preparations on a large scale were commenced ; and 
 arrangements were made for commencing immediate action on 
 the 4th March, should the new administration of thfe old 
 Union refuse to acknowledge the independence of the " Con- 
 federated States." Permission was also given to the President 
 to borrow the simi of ;§ 15,000,000, to be repaid in ten years — 
 principle and interest at the rate of eight per cent, to be 
 liquidated out of a fund to be raised by a levy of -|- cent per lb, 
 on cotton exported after the 1st August, 1861. 
 
 The proceedings of the Congress up to the hour of going tc 
 press will be found in a supplementary chapter at the close o: 
 the present volmne. We may state here, however, that th( 
 permanent Constitution (which differs slightly from the jprovi- 
 sional one noticed above) of the Southern Confederacy wai 
 finally agreed upon on the 11th March ; and that a reviset 
 tariff has since been adopted. Copies of both documents wil 
 be found in the Appendix. 
 
HISTOKY OF THE SECESSION MOTEMENT. 113 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 Eemediaii Mbasuebs. 
 
 We tave already shown in the First Part of the present work 
 what an important share of the time of the American Legislattire 
 has been eonsiimed in discussions on the vexed question of 
 slavery extension, and how often the peace of the nation has been 
 imperilled thereby. Repeated attempts have been made to banish 
 the subject for ever from the national Congress, as the only 
 means of preserving the Union. The great fear of the founders 
 of the Confederacy was the division of the Eepublic into two 
 hostile geographical sections — one free and the other slave. 
 Such a state of things they well knew would not long be com- 
 patible with union. Two systems so inherently antagonistic 
 cannot be peaceably ruled by one and the same executive. 
 Either the one or the other must succumb. 
 
 Hence the constant struggle which has been going on between 
 North and South during the last three quarters of a century. 
 The South all along has been folly aware that the safety of its 
 peculiar institution could only be secured by a pro-slavery 
 Government at Washington ; consequently aU their exertions 
 have been used in securing Federal power ; and with the assist- 
 
 I 
 
114 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOTEMENT. 
 
 ance, first, of Northern Protectionists and, next, of Northern 
 Democrats, they have, untU within the last year, succeeded, 
 wonderfully, in accomplishing their object. 
 
 But now it is plain that the administration of the Government 
 is for ever gone out of the hands of the slave-holders, and they, 
 fearing that with the loss of power will follow the doom of 
 slavery, have concluded that their iuterests can only be secured 
 by retiring from the Confederation, and establishing an inde- 
 pendent Government. 
 
 The moderate party in the South, however, think that such 
 an alternative is not necessary for the protection of their 
 rights ; they bcKeve, indeed, that the Union is their only safe- 
 guard, provided that the Constitution can be so amended as to 
 exclude the subject of domestic slavery from the jurisdiction of 
 Congress, and for the future to render the mere mention of the 
 institution unnecessary. No arrangement, imless it accomplish 
 this object, will give peace to the country ; and if no such 
 an adjustment can be come to, the sooner the rival interests 
 separate the better. 
 
 By this test we will now consider the various projects of 
 conciliation which have been offered to the country. 
 
 Section 1. President Buchanan's Amendment. 
 
 First of all come the amendments which formed part of the 
 Message of President Buchanan, delivered to Congress on the 
 3rd of December, 1860, as follows : — 
 
 " 1. An express recognition of the right of property in slaves in the States where 
 it now exists or may hereafter exist. 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 115 
 
 " 2. The duty of protecting this right in all the common territories throughout 
 their territorial existence, and until they shall he admitted as States into the 
 Union, with or without slavery, as their Constitutions may prescrihe. 
 
 " 3. A like recognition of the right of the master to have his slave, who has 
 escaped from one State to another, restored and ' delivered up ' to him, and of the 
 validity of the Fugitive Slave Law enacted for this purpose, together with a 
 declaration that all State laws impairing or defeating this right are violations of 
 the Constitution, and are consequently null and void." 
 
 Neither the first nor the second of these propositions are calcu- 
 lated to bring abont the desired object. The mere recognition 
 of the right of property in slaves in the territories now existing 
 wonld not be incompatible with a peaceful Union, but to carry 
 a ffiTnilar recognition to territories which may hereafter exist 
 would introduce the subject into Congress on the first annexation 
 of a new district to the national domains, and the sectional 
 fight would be renewed in aU its vigour, with the evil conse- 
 quences which have always attended its revival. The object of 
 the Missouri Compromise of 1820 was to carry the discussion 
 of slavery out of the national council, but everyone knows with 
 what result. Fresh territories brought new troubles. 
 
 Neither would the second suggestion secure the desired 
 aim. The idea of protecting the right of a particular interest 
 implies a constant and ever-present superintendence, and con- 
 sequently the liability of having the matter brought before the 
 Government almost daily, and thus keeping the rival parties in 
 a state of unintermitting fermentation, much to the detriment of 
 peaceful association and a proper attention to the vital interests 
 of the general community. The policy of Government with 
 respect to slavery in the territories should be non-intervention. 
 
 As to the third recommendation, however we may disagree 
 
 i2 
 
116 HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 with tte idea of one man having the right of property in the 
 person of his feUow-man, stiU the fact that that right is recog- 
 nized by the " Constitution " as existing in one part of the 
 Union, demands that the other part should not be allowed to 
 interfere with that right. The slave-owners alone are respon- 
 sible for the sin, and they alone have the legal right to 
 discontinue the evil. The recognition of such a right having 
 been allowed by Congress, need not again be introduced iuto 
 either House of the Federal Legislature ; for should any of the 
 free States refuse to acknowledge the validity of a fugitive 
 slave law, the Supreme Court would be able to settle the 
 dispute by a civil process. 
 
 The President's suggestions, as we have already stated, were 
 referred to two special committees — one of the Senate and one 
 of the House of Eepresentatives. Neither committee, however, 
 oould agree to any plan of adjustment. The former disagreed 
 so cordially that they broke up without suggesting anything ; 
 whilst the latter produced one Majority Eeport, and some four 
 or five Minority Eeports. 
 
 Section 2. The Crittenden Besolutions. 
 
 But though the committee of the Upper House produced no 
 official fruit, one of the members of it — Mr. Crittenden of Ken- 
 tucky — on the 18th of December, introduced to that august 
 body the propositions since so well known as the " Crittenden 
 Eesolutions :" in effect they were as follows : — 
 1. In all territory now held, or hereafter acquired, 36° 30" 
 
HISTOEX OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 117 
 
 nortt latitude, slavery to be prohibited ; soutli of tliat line, 
 slavery to be recognized by Congress, and protected by the 
 Territorial Government during its continuance. States 
 parcelled out of such territory to be admitted with or without 
 slavery as the people shall provide. 
 
 2. Congress shall have no power to abolish slavery in places 
 under its exclusive jurisdiction, and situate within the limits 
 of States that permit the holding of slaves. 
 
 3. Congress shall not have power to abolish slavery within the 
 , district of Columbia, so long as it exists in the adjoining 
 
 States of Virginia and Maryland, nor without the consent 
 of the inhabitants, nor without just compensation be first 
 made to such owners as do not consent to such abolishment. 
 Officers of Government, and members of Congress, to have 
 the privilege, should they require it, of being accompanied 
 with their slaves to and from said district. 
 
 4. Congress to have no power to interfere with the internal 
 slave trade. 
 
 5. (i.) Owners of fugitive slaves to be paid for the same, when 
 their arrest is obstructed by violence or intimidation, or 
 when after arrest they are rescued by force. The payment 
 to be made by the United States, and afterwards recovered 
 from the parties offending. 
 
 (n.) Congress to declare the laws now in force for the 
 recovery of fugitives to be strictly constitutional : not to be 
 modified or repealed, but to be faithfully observed; and 
 that laws ought to be passed for the punishment of those who 
 hinder or defeat the due execution of said laws. 
 
118 HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 (m.) That all State laws which conflict with the Fugitive 
 Slave Acts, or any other oonstittitional Acts of Congress, are 
 nuU and void by the plaia provisions of the Constitution oi 
 the United States. But that the existence of such law6 
 having obstructed the Acts of Congress, and led to the 
 discord and commotion now prevailiag, that Congress 
 earnestly recommend the repeal of those laws to the several 
 States which have enacted them. 
 
 (rv.) That the Fugitive Slave Law of 1850 be so amended as 
 to mate the fee of the commissioner uniform, whether he 
 allows or rejects the claims of a slave-owner. 
 (v.) That the laws for the suppression of the African slave 
 trade be strictly observed, and, if necessary, made more 
 effectual. 
 6. No futjire amendment of the Constitution shall affect the 
 above articles ; nor give authority to Congress to interfere 
 with slavery in any of the States where it is, or may be, 
 permitted to exist. 
 
 The new feature in this measure is the proposition to carry 
 the Missouri compromise line through to the Pacific. To do 
 this would be neither unjust nor unconstitutional as the law 
 now stands, so far as the present States and territories are 
 concerned. The slave States have a right, according to the 
 national compacts, to share in the territorial possessions of the 
 Union. They paid their quota of men and money in obtaining 
 those territories, and ought therefore not to be excluded from 
 all participation in the benefits arising from their possession. 
 Supposing the districts south of the proposed line to choose 
 
HISTOKY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 119 
 
 slave institutions, the balance of power would still be in favour 
 of the North, for whilst the slave States would only gain a 
 territory of about 280,000 square miles, the free States would 
 receive about 900,000 square miles. 
 
 The objectionable phase is that which permits the introduc- 
 tion of slavery into territories wJiich may he hereafter acquired. 
 Such a proviso the South has no right to claim, and the North 
 cannot allow without eating the humblest of humble pie, and 
 sacrificing the rights of humanity. Slavery, according to the 
 teachings of history, is an abnormal condition of society, and 
 though it may be for a time tolerated in any country, because 
 of the. grave obstacles which present themselves to abolition, it 
 ought not to be introduced into any coimtry at present free 
 from its blighting influence. No ! the shameful proceedings 
 enacted in the case of Texas must not, shall not, be repeated in 
 a second field. 
 
 It is easy to divine the anxiety of slave-holders to add to 
 their possessions. It is only by diffiision that their domestic 
 institution can be rendered safe and profitable. Lieutenant 
 Maury, in an article on Southern Direct Trade published in 
 De Bow's " Industrial Eesources of the South," thus remarks 
 on the future of skvery : — 
 
 " The fact must be obvious to the far-reaching minds of our statesmen, that 
 unless some means of relief be devised, some channel afforded, by which the South 
 can, when the time comes, get rid of the excess of her slave population, she will 
 be ultimately found, with regard to this institution, in the predicament of a man 
 with a wolf by the ears ; too dangerous to hold on any longer, and equally 
 dangerous to let go. To our mind, the event is as certain to happen as any event 
 which depends on the contingencies of the future, viz., that unless means be 
 devised for gradually relieving the slave States from the undue pressure of this 
 dass upon them, unless some way be opened by which they may be rid of their 
 
120 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOTEMENT. 
 
 surplus black population, the time will come — it may not be in the next nor in the 
 succeeding generation, but, sooner or later, come it will, and come it must — when 
 the two races will join in the death-struggle for the mastery." 
 
 In addition to the danger to be apprehended from the rapid 
 increase and concentration of the population of the servile race, 
 restriction would speedily demonstrate the unprofitableness 
 of the institution. It is only by periodical migrations from 
 old lands to new that slavery can be made to pay. Condemn 
 a planter and his negroes to a perpetual existence on one 
 plantation, and free labour would soon beat them out of the 
 market, and so seal the doom of slavery. Mr. Olmsted, in his 
 " Journey in the Back Country," bears testimony to the deso- 
 lating influence of slavery, and attributes the profitableness of 
 the institution to the facility with which the planter can 
 replace his used-up fields with virgin soil : — 
 
 " The present faciUty of acquiring land in the cotton States, the capital needed 
 for its purchase not exceeding, for fresh soil, on an average, three dollars an acre, 
 and the large outlay of capital needed to obtain labour, necessarily induces that 
 mode of agriculture which has desolated so large a portion of the seaboard slave 
 States. Twenty slave labourers will cost over twenty thousand dollars. They 
 will cultivate four hundred acres of land, which costs less than a tenth of that 
 sum. Knowing that he can buy as much more as he wants, at an equally low 
 rate, why, when the production of his land decreases, should the slave-owner 
 drain it, or manure it, or ' rest ' it, or vary his crops to prevent further exhaustion ? 
 It will cost twenty dollars' worth of labour to manure an acre. Why make this 
 expenditure, when he can obtain other land at five dollars an acre (fenced and 
 ready for the plough), which, without manure, will return just as much cotton 
 for the same amount of labour (in cultivation merely) as this with it ?"* 
 
 The Hon. C. C. Clay of Alabama thus describes the per- 
 -nicious influence of slavery in his native county of Madison : — 
 
 " In traversing that county, one will discover numerous farmhouses, once the 
 
 A Journey in the Back Country, 1860. Page 374. 
 
HISTORY 01" THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 121 
 
 abode of industrious and intelligent freemen, now occupied by slaves, or tenantless, 
 deserted and dilapidated ; he will observe fields, once fertile, now unfenced, 
 abandoned, and covered with those evil harbingers — foxtail and bromsedge." . . . 
 " Indeed, a country in its infancy, where, fifty years ago, scarce a forest tree 
 had been felled by the axe of the pioneer, is ali-eady exhibiting the painful signs of 
 senility and decay, apparent in Virginia and the Carolinas." 
 
 But notwittstanding the exhausting effects of slavery, there 
 are numerous cases in existence where plantations deserted by 
 slave-owners have been taken in hand by free white farmers 
 and worked with profit. 
 
 Section 3. Senator Douglas's Amendments. 
 The next series of amendments proceeded from Mr. Douglas. 
 They (like Mr. Crittenden's) were introduced in the first 
 instance to the Senate Select Committee of thirteen, and 
 afterwards to the Senate itseK. He proposed : — 
 Sec. 1. That Congress shall not legislate for the territories 
 at all in the matter of slavery ; but that the Territorial 
 Government shall be formed on the basis of the Act of 1850, 
 and that the validity of their legislative enactments shall be 
 finally determined by the Supreme Court. That no new 
 territory shall be organized until it contains 20,000 white 
 inhabitants ; nor admitted into the Union until it shaU. contain 
 the requisite population for a representative in Congress. 
 Sec. 2. Substantially the same as Mr. Crittenden's Nos. 2 and 3. 
 Sec. 3. African slave trade to be suppressed. 
 Sec. 4. The second clause of the second section of the fourth 
 axticle of the Constitution shall be construed to include aU 
 crimes committed within and against the State or place from 
 
122 HISTOEY OP THK SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 which the fugitive fled, whether the acts charged wer 
 criminal or not in the place where the fugitive was found. 
 Sec. 5. The elective franchise and the right to hold office 
 whether federal, state, territorial, or municipal, shall no 
 be exercised by persons of the African race, in whole o: 
 ia part. 
 Sec. 6. The United States shall have power to acquire district! 
 of country in Africa or South America for the colonization 
 at the expense of the Federal Treasury, of such free negroes 
 and mulattoes as the several States may desire to hav« 
 removed from within their limits, and from the district ol 
 Columbia, and such other places as may be under the juris- 
 diction of Congress. 
 Sec. 7. Substantially the same as Mr. Crittenden's No. 5. 
 
 The first section is simply a plea for the Senator's favourite 
 doctrine of " squatter sovereignty,'' and is in reality not an 
 amendment, but an explanation of the Federal law as it now 
 stands. Left to themselves in the matter of slavery, the 
 subject of slavery iu the territories need never be called up in 
 Congress. Mr. Douglas says nothing respecting territories to 
 be hereafter acquired. 
 
 The fourth section introduces a novelty which might lead 
 to difficulties. 
 
 The fifth section reduces the already practical disabilities of 
 the free negroes to a legal form. As it is, though nominally 
 enjoying all the rights of friemen, they are really deprived of 
 them by the intense anti-negro prejudice of the white citizens. 
 But stni, though the adoption of Mr. Douglas's amendment 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 123 
 
 would not practically render the condition of the free negro 
 any worse than it now is, yet the passage of such a resolution 
 by the Northern portion of the Confederacy would be a direct 
 infringement of true republican theory, and a disgrace to a 
 community of free men. We have no love for universal 
 suffrage, for we believe that not a few of the woes of the Union 
 have arisen from that cause ; but still we would make no 
 invidious distinctions. If a n)an is to be deprived of the right 
 of voting, let it not be >)ecause he happens to have a darker 
 skin than his neighbour. There are many free -liegroes and 
 mulattoes in the North, of the highest respectability and moral 
 and mental worth, who are far more worthy of a voice in the 
 national Government than thousands of the white population. 
 Besides all this, we don't know whether the passage of such a 
 law would not be an infringement of the States' Eights prin- 
 ciples, about which there is so much talk. 
 
 The sixth section is still more onerous than its predecessor, 
 and, like it, should be left to the action of the individual States. 
 We question very much whether any of the free States would 
 vote for the passage of such an expatriation act. Such an 
 enactment would be unjust in the extreme. Imagine a well-to- 
 do " coloured person," the owner of lands and dimes far exceed- 
 ing the property of the majority of his white neighbours, 
 and whose contributions to the National and State exchequers 
 considerably overtopped theirs, being singled out by some 
 Government official, incited by ^ jealous neighbour, as a fit ob- 
 
 i' 
 
 ject of legal resentment and ban^hment from his native country , 
 Ostensibly because one or both C)f his parents happened to be of 
 
121 HISTOKT OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 African origin, though really to satisfy a malicious desire. Bu 
 there is one reason why we think that Mr. Douglas's suggestioi 
 would meet with but little favour in the North. The negrc 
 race, though ^despised and degraded in status, is a necessarj 
 element of the population. They and the more recent Irisl 
 arrivals are the only people who are not contaminated with the 
 extreme, not to say the absurd, freedom, equality, and fraternity 
 notions of the white natives a,ii3ioM,er immigrants. An American 
 "help," (for they despise the idea j,nd name of "servant,") 
 according te.^all European travellers and most of the United 
 States aristocracy and hotel-keepers, is the veriest nuisance. 
 They must be addressed with all the deference accorded to their 
 masters and mistresses. They must have free range of the 
 house, go out and come in when they please, hold their parties, 
 and be asked no questions. Now we honour the man or the 
 woman who refuse to be mere slaves and drudges, but there is 
 a difference between "dignity" and "impudence." The negro 
 knows his place and his work, and keeps the one and does 
 the other, and his services are therefore in great call in the 
 Northern States, and consequently not to be dispensed with. 
 
 Section 4. Senator Bice's Proposition. 
 
 On the 28th December, in the Senate Committee, Mr. Eice 
 proposed that the whole of the territories of the Union be 
 admitted at once as two States — one comprising the district 
 north of 36° 30" north latitu<?le, to be caHed " the State of 
 Washington," and the other th comprise the district south of 
 that line, and to be called " tho'State of Jefferson " — both States 
 
HISTOK.X OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 125 
 
 to be subdivided as the population iacreased. But no agreement 
 could be come to. 
 
 No constitutional objection can be urged to a settlement on 
 this basis, and such a course would put an end to the dispute at 
 once. If anything, the North would have the advantage by 
 such an arrangement ; for though the territories south of the 
 proposed line of division would be nominally handed over to 
 slavery, yet the South would obtain no real gain, inasmuch as 
 the land is said to be unadapted for the cultivation of the great 
 slave products — cotton, sugar, and rice ; that, therefore, slavery 
 would be unprofitable, and that consequently the tendency of 
 the State Government would be towards free institutions. 
 According to the law as it is now interpreted by the Supreme 
 Court, the slave-holder has a right to carry his " property " into 
 any of the territories of the Union, and there hold it in spite 
 of the inhabitants until the district is admitted into the Union 
 as a State ; but by Messrs. Crittenden's and Eice's propositions 
 being made law, slavery in all of its phases would be kept 
 below 36° 30". 
 
 Speaking of the frivolous complaints of slave-holders about 
 being excluded from the territories, Mr. Adams of Massachusetts, 
 whose father and grandfather were Presidents of the United 
 States, thus remarked on the 31st Jan. 1861 : — ■ 
 
 ** Who excludes the slave-holders with their slaves ? Have they not obtained an 
 opinion from the Supreme Court which will in effect override any and every effort 
 of Congi'ess against them ? They can, if they choose, now go wherever they like 
 on the public domain. There is no majority in Congress itself to prevent their 
 going, even if it had the power. Why do they not use that right ? The reason 
 is plain — it is not for their interest to go so far North. They will not leave the 
 rich bottom lands still open for the profitable cultivation of the cotton plant in 
 
126 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 the South to go to a comparatively arid region farther off. The slave-holder follows 
 his own interest in applying his labour in that way that will yield the best result. 
 If he were compelled by law to remove to any pait of the territory from which he 
 now complains that he is excluded, he would be apt to regard the decree as a 
 greater outrage than any he now enumerates. The law of political economy regu- 
 lates this matter much better than any specific statute. It guides this species of 
 laboui- to the most suitable place, and that place is not the territory of the United 
 States. I understand the validity of this reasoning to be so far conceded that the 
 acrgrieved parties are willing to surrender aU of it that lies north of the old Com- 
 promise line to a perpetual prohibition of slavery therefrom. This limits their 
 complaint of exclusion to the remaining region south of that line. If we exclude 
 the Indian reservations, which are covered by solemn treaties, this leaves nothing 
 but the tract of land which goes under the names of New Mexico and Amona. It 
 is from this tract that they complain of exclusion. It is for this tract that they 
 demand a constitutional guarantee of protection to slavery, and in case of refusal 
 they are ready to dissolve the Union. Now, I would ask, how stands the fact ? 
 This territory has been organized more than ten years. It has been freely opened 
 to slave-holders with their slaves daring aU that period. Slavery has enjoyed all 
 the protection that a government favourable to it in all its ' branches has been able 
 to extend over it. The territorial organization has nursed the bantling by eveiy 
 artificial process, even to the concoction of a terrible slave code, which has but one 
 obstacle to its exercise, and that is the absence of all desire to execute it, as well 
 as the want of slaves to whom to apply it. So it has been stretched over upon 
 white people. What more could have been done for protection if your constitu- 
 tional amendment had been in operation ? Wbat more could be done if it were 
 adopted now ? New Mexico is under the shield of the Supreme Court. Congress 
 cannot prohibit slavery there in the face of that tribunal. New Mexico has now 
 twenty-two slaves on a surface of over two hundred thousand square miles of' her 
 extent, and of these only twelve are domiciled ; the remainder are but transient- 
 residents. New Mexico shows, then, at this moment all that ten years of 
 protection of slavery has made her. She has a slave code and twelve slaves ; and 
 yet you want more protection, and you threa.ten a dissolution of the Union if you 
 do not get it — forgetting, I apprehend, that if you execute your threat, instead of 
 getting more you may lose all that you have already obtained. If New Mexico has 
 gamed only one slave a year during all the time you have had t« put tliem there, 
 it is scarcely lilrely that the number will increase after youi' protecting care sliall 
 have been totally withdrawn. I thin]; it needs no further argument to show that 
 the question, whether this shall or shall not be slave territory, is like tliat alluded 
 to by the Eomau poet, ' de lana caprina ;' or, in other words, of getting wool out 
 of a goat. I say, then, in answer to the demand of a constitutional guai-antee of 
 protection to slavery in New Mexico, that you are asldng for what in substance 
 you enjoy already, and what is good for nothing to you if you get it. You will 
 not go with your slaves to New Mexico, for the excellent reason that you ai'e doing 
 
HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 127 
 
 jetter with them nearer home. Tet still, as this is all the territory left, about 
 which there is any contention hetween ns, the Committee come forward with an 
 ntermediate proposal to settle it once for all by making it a State. This puts an 
 Hid to farther sti'ife about prohibition or protection. The people of the territory 
 lave already the right granted to them on the statute book of determining the 
 juestion for themselves. You have on your side possession, which they say makes 
 line points in the law ; we have on ours the aridity of the surface unfavourable to 
 ill forms of agricultural labour, and therefore unpropitious to slavery." 
 
 The fact is that the cry about the territories is, to use am 
 expressive American term, mere " bmikum " — it means nothing, 
 but accomplishes the object in -view. The slave-holders feel 
 that slavery is doomed if they do not expand still further South. 
 They know that the North will not permit the annexation of 
 any more slave territory, so they have resolved to "do it them- 
 selves." The dreams of the new Confederacy are of Cuba and 
 Central America. 
 
 Section 5. President Buchanan's Second Message. 
 
 On the 9th January the President forwarded to both Houses 
 of Congress a special Message, urging upon them to lay aside 
 every other consideration, and to do something to save the 
 Union. The document exhibited quite a contrast to the Mes- 
 sage of December 3rd ; and the feature is doubtless traceable to 
 the absence of Messrs. Cobb, Thompson, and Floyd from the 
 Cabinet, the said treasonable trio having resigned during the 
 month, after making everything comfortable for the South in 
 the shape of money and ammunition supplies. 
 
 The President spoke strongly for the Union, which he said 
 had been crowned with the most glorious results, to themselves 
 and to the world. He prayed the Congress therefore not to let 
 
128 HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 it perisli for want of prompt and effectual preventative measurei 
 
 He thouglit ttat the South misapprehended the sentiments c 
 
 the majority of the Northern people, and he suggested that a 
 
 appeal be made to the ballot box before it would be too lat« 
 
 and continued as follows : — 
 
 " I therefore appeal through you to the people of the country to declare in thei 
 might that the Union must and shall be preserved by all constitutional means, 
 most earnestly recommend that you devote yourselves to the question, how thi 
 can be accomplished in peace. All other questions, when compared with this, sin 
 into insignificance. The present is no time for palliatives. Prompt action is re 
 quired. A delay in Congress to prescribe or recommend a distinct and practica 
 proposition for conciliation may drive us to a point from which it will be almos 
 impossible to recede. A common ground on which conciliation and haimony ma; 
 be produced is surely not unattainable. The proposition to compromise by lettini 
 the North have exclusive control of the temtory above a ceitain line, and to givt 
 Southern institutions protection below that line, ought to receive universal appro 
 bation. In itself, indeed, it may not be entirely satisfactory, but when the alter 
 native is between reasonable concession on both sides and destruction of the Union 
 it is an imputation on the patriotism of Congress to assert that its members wil 
 hesitate a moment. Even now the danger is upon us." 
 
 Section 6. Senator Seward's Suggestions. 
 
 Mr. Seward rose to express his views on the Message ; but a 
 call was made for the correspondence between the President 
 and the South Carolina authorities. A long discussion ensued, 
 seasoned with the usual amount of personal invective and 
 general discord, and finally Mr. Davis of Mississippi got the 
 floor on the 11th, and the debate on the Message commenced. 
 Mr. Hunter of Virginia made the speech of the day, and advo- 
 cated the Crittenden compromises, or something like them. 
 
 On the 12th Mr. Seward made a great oration. He opened 
 by declaring himself for the Union, but said that the Con- 
 federation could not be preserved by a mere expression of sen- 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 129 
 
 timent, neither by mutual criminations of the different inte- 
 rests — debate had been exhausted — opinions had become dogma- 
 tical. The Union could not be saved by proving secession 
 illegal or unconstitutional. Persons bent on that fearful step 
 would not stand long enough on forms of law to be dislodged, and 
 loyal men would not need such narrow ground to support them. 
 Moderation and mutual concessions, but still concessions which 
 would not sacrifice honestly cherished principles, alone would 
 be effectual. He allowed the sovereignty of the States, but stUl 
 maintained that the Union was equally sovereign in matters 
 over which it had jurisdiction, and which sovereignty could not 
 be destroyed except by the voluntary consent of the people of 
 the United States. To the people therefore he appealed. The 
 Union was formed for mutual safety, and had been eminently 
 successful in raising the nation to the highest pitch of pros- 
 perity. Disunion would be a great calamity to the nation and 
 to maJiMnd. The Union preserved them from internal and 
 external war and strife ; disunion would render them liable to 
 both. The country contained aU the elements of progress, and 
 the interdependence of the different sections — ^manufacturing, 
 mining, and agricultural — had been the cause of the rapid pro- 
 gress of the Eepublic. The Union gave them a position of the 
 first rank in the scale of nations ; but disunion would weaken 
 and reduce them iu the estimation of European powers ; whilst 
 a plurality of nationalities would lead to the establishment of 
 conflicting passions and interests, which would be as prolific of 
 wars as the same causes had been amongst the peoples of the 
 Old World. But notwithstanding all the noise that had been 
 
 K 
 
130 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 made, he felt asstired that the people were for the Umon, an< 
 therefore he suggested that the ballot box be allowed to settl 
 the question. So far as he himself was concerned, though h 
 brought forward no plan of conciliation, he was willing to voti 
 for the following amendments : — • 
 
 " First — A faithful observance of the Fugitive Slave Law, with snch modifica 
 tions of the law as will not ohlige private persons to assist in its execution, and a 
 will protect free men from being carried off into slavery. In this propositioi 
 is embraced the repeal of all laws of the States, whether free States or slav 
 States, which relate to this class of persons (negroes), contravening the Constitu 
 tion of the United States or the laws of Congress. [This work of repeal include; 
 Northern Personal Liberty Bills and Southern police regulations in reference t' 
 Northern citizens of colour, and Southern State laws, present or prospective, con 
 niving at the African slave trade.] 
 
 " Second — A constitutional amendment for ever denying to Congress the powe; 
 to interfere with slavery in any State. 
 
 " Third — While he never wiU, directly or indirectly, give his vote to establisl 
 or sanction slavery in any of the territories, Mr. Seward, after admitting Kansa 
 with her anti-slavery constitution, would be ready to lump and admit all the re 
 maining territories in two other States, if the thing were practicable and could bi 
 done constitutionally. 
 
 " Fourth — If these measures were practicable, he would prefer a differeni 
 course, to wit — When ' these eccentric movements of secession and disunion shal 
 have ended,' and ' calmness shall have once more resumed its sway over the public 
 mind, then, and not until then — one, two, or three years hence ' — he says, ' j 
 should cheerfully advise a convention of the people, to be assembled in pursuance 
 of the Constitution, to consider and decide whether any, and what, amendments oi 
 the organic national law ought to be made.' 
 
 " Fifth — He is in favour of two Pacific railways (as a lobby compromise), ' on( 
 of which shall connect the ports around the mouths of the Mississippi, and the 
 other the towns on the Missouri and the lakes with the harbours on our Western 
 coast.' "* 
 
 Thus both the President and Mr. Seward desire to let the 
 responsibility of an adjustment rest with the people. 
 
 * Synopsis by Nev: York Herald. 
 
EISIOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 131 
 
 Section 7. The Reports of the Committee of Thirty-three. 
 The Senate Committee, as we have seen, dissolved without 
 coming to any practical conclusion ; but the House Committee, 
 though agreeing to differ, split itself into five or six different 
 sections and brought forth as many reports. 
 
 The first one was termed the " Majority Report," and was 
 voted for by the EepubHcans. It treats the subject of fugitive 
 slaves much after the same manner as Mr. Seward ; denounces the 
 idea that the Northern people have any thoughts of interfering 
 with the institution of slavery as established ; and attributes 
 the disturbances at the South to the impression that the late 
 election victory was won by a party advocating extreme aboli- 
 tion views, and which intended, through Congressional action, 
 to abolish slavery in the States where it now exists. To do away 
 with this unfounded prejudice the Committee was prepared to 
 submit an amendment to the Constitution for ever prohibiting 
 the interference of Congress with slavery, unless with the consent 
 of the whole of the States of the Union ; and to rid the Federal 
 Grovemment of the controversy, it suggested that New Mexico 
 be at once admitted as a State under a slave code. In the 
 mean time they declared that there existed no cause for dis- 
 union ; and that the Government must enforce the laws, and 
 protect the national property. They then recommended the 
 free States to revise their statutes, so as to remove aU obstruc- 
 tion to the action of the Fugitive Slave Law ; whilst at the same 
 time they demanded that the rights of Northern citizens and 
 free negroes should be respected during their sojourn in the 
 
 Southern States. 
 
 E 2 
 
132 HISTOEY OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 Wiat was called the Minority Eeport was signed by Messrs 
 Taylor of Louisiana ; Ptelps of Missouri ; Eust of Arkansas 
 Whiteley of Delaware ; and Winslow of North Carolina. Ii 
 declared positively that, throngh party misconstruction and per- 
 version, the Constitution had ceased to accomplish the mosi 
 important ends aimed at by its adoption; and that to bring 
 about a solution of the present difficulties, and so enable the 
 people of the two sections of the country to continue united 
 under a common government, it would be necessary to pass a 
 series of constitutional amendments similar to those offered by 
 Mr. Crittenden. If a constitutional majority could not be 
 obtained for those resolutions the dissolution of the Union was 
 certain. The report then recommended the calling of a 
 Convention of the States for the purpose of arranging terms for 
 a peaceable separation. 
 
 A second Minority Eeport, signed by Messrs. Washburn of 
 Wisconsin, and Taffan of New Hampshire, maintained that a 
 faithful observation of the Constitution as it at present stands, 
 was amply sufficient to meet all present and pending difficulties. 
 A third Eeport, signed by Messrs. Burch of California, and Stout 
 of Oregon, professes little faith in the ability of politicians to 
 bring peace to the country, and suggests that the people, " the 
 source of Federal power," be appealed to. A fourth Eeport, 
 signed by Messrs. Lave of Georgia, and Hamilton of Texas, 
 advocates Union on the basis of the Crittenden Eesolutions. A 
 fifth, from Mr. Adams of Massachusetts, gives the matter up in 
 despair. 
 
HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 133 
 
 Section 8. The Border States' Gompromise. 
 
 Finding tie two committees to be making such poor progress, 
 a niunber of the representatives of the States of Delaware, 
 Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, &c., formed them- 
 selves into a committee, and agreed on the 5th of January upon 
 recommending (1), a revised fugitive slave law, less distaste- 
 ful to the Northern people than the existing one, and which 
 would secure the free coloured inhabitants against kidnapping ; 
 (2), non-interference by Congress with slavery as it exists in the 
 slave States, or in places imder Government jurisdiction ; (3), the 
 integrity of the internal, but the prohibition of the external 
 slave trade ; (4), the adoption of the line of 36° 30" through 
 the territories — the district North to be free, and the district 
 South to be parcelled out into States containing 60,000 square 
 miles, to be admitted into the Union when they contained the 
 population requisite for one member of Congress, with or with- 
 out slavery, as they desired — the safety of the institution 
 during the territorial existence to be guaranteed. 
 
 This measure, however, received but little favour. A similar 
 plan was introduced by Mr. Etheridge into the House of 
 Representatives on the 7th of January, and stiU another one 
 by Mr. KeUogg on the 1st of February ; but both without 
 obtaining any favour. In feet both North and South seemed 
 alike indifferent as to the fate of the Union. The seceded 
 States had declared that they were " out," and intended to remain 
 so. The EepubHcans, imder such circumstances, refused to 
 vote for any project which had the appearance of a compromise. 
 
134 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 Section 9. The Peace Conference of Virginia. 
 At this jimcture of affairs Virginia stepped forward, and 
 offered her mediation in order to stay, if possible, the further 
 progress of disunion. Her Eeport was commtmicated to Con- 
 gress by President Buchanan on the 28th of January. Mr. 
 Buchanan, in a message accompanying the Eesolutions, thus 
 summarised their contents, and expressed himself as to the im- 
 portant results which the proposed conference might realize : — 
 
 " The Resolutions, it will be perceived, extend an invitation to all States, 
 whether slave-holding or non-slave-holding, as are willing to unite with Vii"ginia 
 in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies, in the spixit in 
 which the Constitution was originally formed, and consistently with its principles, 
 so as to afibrd to the people of the slave-holding States adequate guarantees for 
 the security of their rights, to appoint commissioners to meet on the 4th day of 
 February next, in the city of Washington, similar commissioners appointed by 
 Virginia, to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some suitable adjustment, 
 
 *' I confess I hail the movement on the part of Virginia with great satisfaction, 
 From the past history of this ancient and renowned Commonwealth we have the 
 fullest assurance that what she has undertaken she will accomplish, if it can be 
 done by able, enlightened, and persevering efforts. It is highly gratifying to 
 know that other patriotic States have appointed and are appointing commissioners 
 to meet those of Virginia in council. When assembled they will constitute a 
 body entitled in an eminent degree to the confidence of the country." 
 
 The Convention met as appelated on the 4th of February, Ex- 
 President Tyler, "who had left his dignified and honoured 
 retirement, in the hope that he might render service to his 
 country in its hour of peril," in the Chair, and, pending the 
 decision arrived at, nothing further was done either in or out of 
 Congress. The States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, 
 Massachusetts, Ehode Island, Connecticut, New York, New 
 Jersey, Pennsylvania, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North 
 
HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOYEMENT. 135 
 
 Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, Illi- 
 nois, Iowa, Wisconsin, and Kansas, sent deputations. Of the 
 seceded States Greorgia expressed her willingness to abide by 
 the decision of the Conference ; but South Carolina, with her 
 usual amount of fire-eating folly and contemptuous fanaticism, 
 flatly refosed to have anything to do with the proceeding. " The 
 separation," said her Legislature, " of South Carolina from the 
 Federal Union is final, and she has no further interest in the 
 Constitution of the United States ; and that the only appro- 
 priate negotiations between her and the Federal Government 
 are as to their mutual relations as foreign States." 
 
 The Conference had a lengthy and somewhat stormy sitting, 
 and for over three weeks it was doubtful whether any agree- 
 ment would be arrived at. However, on the 27th February, the 
 following Eesolutions were agreed to and presented to Congress. 
 We print them in full because it is probable that they will 
 form the basis of future negotiation between the two sections : — 
 
 ** Sec. 1. In all the present territory of the United States north of the parallel 
 of 36° 30' of north latitude, inToluntary servitude, except in punishment of 
 crime, is prohibited. In all the present territory south of that line the status of 
 persons held to service or labour, as it now exists, shall not be changed. Kor 
 shall any law he passed by Congress or the Territorial Legislature to hinder or 
 prevent the taking of such persons from any of the States of this Union to said 
 territory, nor to impair the rights arising from said relation. But the same shall 
 be subject to judicial cognizance in the Federal Courts, according to the course of 
 the common law. When any such territory, north or south of said line, with 
 such boundary as Congress may prescribe, shall contain a population equal to that 
 required for a member of Congress, it shall, if its form of government be re- 
 publican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, 
 with or without involuntary servitude, as the Constitution of such State may 
 provide. 
 
 " Sec. 2. No territoiy shall be accepted by the United States, except by dis- 
 covery and for naval and commercial stations, depots, and transit routes, without 
 
136 HISTORY OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 the concuiTence of a majority of all the senators from the States which allow 
 involuntary sei-ritude, and a niajority of all the senators from the States which 
 prohibit that relation ; nor shall territory he acquired by treaty, unless the votes 
 of a majority of the senators from each class of States hereinbefore mentioned 
 be cast as a part of the two-thirds majority necessaiy to the ratification of such 
 
 ' Sec. 3. Neither the Constitution, nor any amendment thereto, shall be con- 
 strued to give Congress power to regulate, abolish, or control, within any State or 
 territory of the United States, the relation established or recognised by the laws 
 thereof, touching persons bound to labour or involuntary service, in the district of 
 Columbia, without the consent of Maryland and without the consent of the 
 owners, or making the owners who do not consent just compensation ; nor the 
 power to interfere with or prohibit representatives and others from bringing with 
 them to the city of Washington, retaining and taking away, persons so bound to 
 labour or service ; nor the power to interfere with or abolish involuntary service 
 in places under the exclusive jurisdiction of the United States within those States 
 or territories where the same is established or recognised ; nor the power to 
 prohibit the removal or transportation of persons held to labour or involuntary 
 sei-vice, in any State or territory of the United States, to any other State or 
 territory thereof, where it is established or recognised by law or usage ; and the 
 right, during transportation by sea or river, of touching at ports, shores, and 
 landings, and of landing in case of distress, but not for sale or traffic, shall exist ; 
 nor shall Congress have power to authorise any higher rate of taxation, on persons 
 held to labour or service, than on land. The bringing into the district of 
 Columbia of persons held to labour or service for sale, or placing them in depots, 
 to be afterwards transfen-ed to other places for sale as merchandize, is prohibited, 
 and the right of transit thi'ough any State or territory against its dissent, is 
 prohibited. 
 
 " Sec. 4. The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth article of the 
 Constitution shall not be construed to prevent any of the States, by appropriate 
 legislation and through the action of their judicial and ministerial officei-s, fi-om 
 enforcing the delivery of fugitives from labour to the person to whom such 
 services or labour are due. 
 
 " Sec. 5. The foreign slave trade is hereby for ever prohibited ; and it shall be 
 the duty of Congress to pass laws to prevent the importation of slaves, coolies, or 
 persons held to service or labour, into the United States and the territories from 
 places beyond the limits thereof. 
 
 " Sec. 6. The first, third, and fifth sections, together with this section, six of 
 these amendments, and the third paragraph of the second section of the first 
 article of the Constitution, and the third paragraph of the second section of the 
 fourth article thereof, shall not be amended or abolished without the consent of 
 all the States. 
 
 " Sec. 7. Congress shall provide by law that the United States shall pay to 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOYEMENT. 137 
 
 the owner the full value of his fugitives from labour, in all cases where the 
 marshal, or other officer whose duty it was to arrest such fugitive, was pre- 
 vented from so doing by violence or intimidation from mobs or riotous assemblages, 
 or when, after arrest, such fugitive was rescued by like violence or intimidation, 
 and the owner thereby prevented and obstructed in the pursuit of his remedy 
 for the recoveiy of such fugitive. Congress shall provide by law for securing 
 to the citizens of each State the privileges ami immunities of the several 
 States," 
 
 It will be perceived that the Eesolutions contain aU the best 
 features of the adjustments previously brought forward. There 
 was some difficulty experienced in getting the word " present " 
 inserted before the word " territory " in the first section ; and its 
 presence leaves no room for future quibbling. Should any new 
 territory be annexed to the Union, the slave-holders would have 
 no claim to carry their " property" therein ; but should they anti- 
 cipate any grievance therefrom, the second section of the amend- 
 ment famishes them with a remedy. The effect of the passage 
 of this second clause would probably be to prevent any further 
 additions to the possessions of the Union — a result anything but 
 undesirable, so far as the interests of freedom are concerned. Still 
 it would perhaps be better if the Constitution could be so amended 
 as to prohibit the acceptance of any new territory, except for 
 naval and commercial purposes, imless the inhabitants of such 
 territory were prepared to come into the Union at once as a State^ 
 with institutions acceptable to its own population. 
 
 Section 10. The Closing Proceedings of the 3&th Congress. 
 
 In the Senate on the 27th February, the Eesolutions of the 
 Peace Conference were ordered to be printed by a vote of 26 
 to 21. On the 28th the discussion thereon recommenced. Mr. 
 
138 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 Seward proposed that the Legislatures of the various States be 
 called to tafee the subject into consideration. Mr. DooHttle 
 suggested that the following important proviso be added to the 
 first section : — 
 
 " Provided, That this section shall take effect on the express condition that no 
 State, or any part thereof, heretofore admitted, or hereafter to be admitted, should 
 have power to withdraw from the jurisdiction of the United States ; and that the 
 Constitution he the supreme law of the land, anything contained in any Consti- 
 tution or ordinance of any State or Legislature to the contrary notwithstanding." 
 
 On the 1st March, Mr. Hunter of Virginia, moved to strike out 
 the first article of the Peace Congress propositions, and insert 
 the first article of the Crittenden Eesolutions ; but he was over- 
 ruled on the grounds that Congress had no right to amend the 
 propositions in such a manner. They should be taken as they 
 stood, or rejected. Mr. Crittenden, amidst considerable ap- 
 plause, stated his willingness to vote against his own Eesolutions 
 and in favour of those of the Peace Congress, as he considered 
 that the latter gave the South the best possible security for 
 their rights. The debate was continued on the 2nd, 3rd 
 (Sunday), and 4th (Monday morning) March, without any con- 
 clusive result. The nearest approach made was on a motion to 
 pass the Crittenden Eesolutions, which was lost by a majority 
 of one — the vote being 19 Yeas against 20 Nays. The Consti- 
 tutional amendment, given on page 139, passed by the House 
 on the 28th February, was, however, ratified. 
 
 In the House of Eepresentatives on the 27th February, a 
 motion was made, " recommending to the several States of the 
 Union that they, through their respective Legislatures, request 
 Congress to call a Convention of all the States for the purpose 
 
HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 139 
 
 of amending the Constitntion in such manner, and with regard 
 to such objects, as will more adequately redound to the wants 
 and offer more sufficient guarantees to the diversified and 
 growing interests of the Government, and of the people com- 
 posing the same," but was rejected. Mr. Kellogg then brought 
 forward his amendments, but they were rejected ; Yeas 38, Nays 
 158. The next vote was on the Crittenden Eesolutions, which 
 were rejected by a majority of 33, viz., 80 against 113. The 
 Majority Eeport of the Committee of Thirty-three was then 
 taken up, and, after some discussion, passed to a third reading — 
 136 against 53. A summary of the Eeport is given under § 7 of 
 the present chapter. The following amendment to the Consti- 
 tution was then proposed for recomonendation to the Legisla- 
 tures of the several States : — 
 
 ** Tliat no amendineiit shall be made to tlie Constitution, whicli will authorize 
 or give Congress power to abolish or interfere within any State with the domestic 
 institutions thereof, including that of persons held to labour or servitude by the 
 laws of said State." 
 
 But it was negatived — 120 against 71. On the 28th, a motion 
 was made, and passed — 128 against 65 — ^to reconsider the vote, 
 and the result was the passage of the above Resolution by a vote 
 of 133 against 65. The announcement was received with 
 tremendous applause from all parts of the House. On the 
 1st March the Majority Eeport was brought up for a third 
 reading, but was tabled by a vote of 114 against 71. "Anamend- 
 ment of the Act for the Rendition of Fugitives from Laboirr," 
 in accordance with the suggestions of the Majority Eeport, 
 then passed a first reading — 92 against 82. The remainder of 
 
140 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 the session was consumed in little else than talk, and on the 
 4th the thirty-sixth Congress of the United States came to 
 a close. 
 
 Section 11. President Lincoln's Inaugural Address. 
 
 Every attempt to restore peace to the Union by means of 
 congressional action had thus failed. The treasonable, high- 
 handed, and most mireasonable attitude assumed by the seceded 
 States, had disgusted every moderate and sensible man in 
 the Congress ; and the consequence was that the majority in 
 both Houses were indisposed to pass any measure aldn to 
 conciliation. 
 
 This result had been long anticipated by the people ; and 
 the nation had for some time been anxiously awaiting the 
 delivery of the new administration's inaugural manifesto. The 
 all-important event took place on the 4th March ; and a copy of 
 Mr. Lincoln's Address will be found in the Appendix. 
 
 The new President confined his Address to a consideration of 
 the great topic of the day. He took exactly the same view as 
 his predecessor as to the legality of secession. He took oath 
 to preserve the Union, and therefore he could not constitution- 
 ally recognize the right of a State to withdraw from the 
 Confederation and cease to fulfil its obligations to the Central 
 Government. He had been constitutionally elected to preside 
 over the Government of the whole Eepublic, and therefore he was 
 not in a position to recognize any other authority than that of 
 the people who elected him. Besides all this, he considered 
 that secession was imcalled for, revolutionary, and not calculated 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 141 
 
 to realize the objects of those who were dissatisfied with the 
 Union. He should therefore perform all the duties of his high 
 office ; and, without infringing upon any of the lawful rights of 
 any of the States, should collect the public revenue, and protect 
 the national property in aU the States. He trusted that this 
 declaration would not be regarded as a menace, but only as the 
 declared purpose of the Union that it would eonatitutionally defend 
 itself. 
 
 Eespecting the grievances of slave-holders, he considered that 
 the safety of their vital interests were guaranteed by the Consti- 
 tution as it stood ; but whether they were or not, he had no 
 power to change the dictum of that instrument — the people alone 
 could do that. He was aware that many worthy and patriotic 
 citizens were desirous of having the national Constitution 
 amended ; and though he had himself no recommendation of 
 amendments to make, he freely recognised the full authority of 
 the people over the whole subject to be exercised in either 
 of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself; and he 
 should, under existing circumstances, favour rather than oppose 
 a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. 
 He ventured to add, that to him the Convention mode seemed 
 preferable in that it allowed amendments to originate with the 
 people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or 
 reject propositions originated by others not specially chosen for 
 the purpose, and which might not be precisely such as they 
 would wish themselves to accept or refuse. 
 
 The Message recognised the constitutional right of slave- 
 
142 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 owners to reclaim fugitives from labour, and also the lega 
 inability of Congress to interfere witb slavery in the State 
 wherein that institution at present exists. 
 
 The territories were dismissed in a very few words. " Mub 
 Congress protect slavery in the territories ? The Constitutioi 
 does not expressly say." On this question the Congresfi decidei 
 by majorities and minorities, and the minorities must abide by th( 
 
 result, or else there is no Government. To do otherwise woulc 
 
 lead to anarchy and despotism. 
 
 Many people found fault with Mr. Lincoln for not suggesting 
 
 some mode of adjustment ; but clearly he was not bound to do 
 
 anything of the kind. In leaving the matter to the people 
 
 he acted in a manner at once the most prudent and most 
 
 constitutional. 
 
 The latest information respecting the crisis, up to the hour of 
 
 going to press, wUl be found in a supplementary chapter at the 
 
 close of the present volume. 
 
HISTORY OP THE SECESSION MOYEMENT. 143 
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 The Ties op the UifiON. — Eitbots op thbie Severance. 
 
 Section 1. Extent of the Disunion Sentiment. 
 
 Speaking generally, the North, West, and Middle States are in 
 favour of marataining the Confederation, and the South of 
 dissolving it. We say speaking generally, for there is a small 
 minority in the Northern, and a large minority in the Middle 
 (border slave) States, who advocate disunion ; and a large 
 minority in the Southern (or seceded) States who deprecate it. 
 
 The Northern minority is composed of the ultra-abolitionists 
 who think that slavery would perish, or at least begin to perish, 
 with final secession. At a meeting of the Anti-Slavery Society, 
 held at New York May 13th, 1857, the Eev. O. B. Frothingham 
 said — " They demanded justice for the slave at any price — of 
 Constitution, of Union, of country." " He believed that this 
 Union effectually prevented them from advancing, in the least 
 degree, the work of the slave's redemption." At the same 
 meeting William Lloyd Gfarrison remarked — " So long as this 
 blood-stained Union existed there was but little hope for the 
 slave." The same celebrated orator, a short time previously, 
 said — " This Union is a lie ; the American Union is a sham. 
 
144 HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 an imposture, a covenant with death, an agreement with hell." 
 "Let the slave-holding Union go, and slavery wiU go with the 
 Union down into the dust." 
 
 The Conservative majority in the border slave States, and 
 the Union-loving minority in the extreme South, consist of the 
 mercantile and thinking portion of the Southerners, who fear 
 that the political and commercial progress of the whole people 
 would be retarded by dissolution. 
 
 The opinions of these latter are identical with the notions of 
 the great majority of the Northern and Western States' citizens, 
 and, together, may be said to compose at least three-fourths of 
 the entire population of the United States. 
 
 These people divest the disunion question of its adventitious 
 surroundings. They do not allow their minds to be biassed 
 by either Northern or Southern fanaticism. They view the 
 subject from every stand-point, examine it in all its bearings, 
 and see in secession something both uimatural and impolitic. 
 
 In their estimate the Confederation is not a mere artificial 
 partnership, capable of being annulled at any time without 
 injury to the good of human progress and general well-being ; 
 but a natural association of varying but interdependent interests, 
 instinctively and irresistibly drawn together by ties of mutual 
 necessities, the severance of which would be doing violence to 
 the dictates of nature, and the best interests of civilization. 
 Facts bear them out. 
 
HISTOBY OF THE SEC.t oION MOVEMENT. 145 
 
 Section 2. Gommercial Advantages of Union. 
 
 Prior to the era of independence, and subsequently, down 
 to the wax of 1812-15, the people employed ttemselves cHefly 
 in agricultural pursuits ; and, taking into consideration the 
 want of capital and the sparseness of the population, they 
 could not have better occupied their labour. Down to the year 
 1815 the disturbed state of Europe, by drawing away the 
 labour of the nations from productive (chiefly agricultural) to 
 unproductive employments, had created a large demand for 
 American agricultural commodities ; but with peace came a 
 cessation in the European demand for American provisions ; 
 and it soon became apparent that either a new market must 
 be found for the farm products of the Union, or else that 
 less of those particular commodities must be produced. The 
 rapid increase in population, and the consequent addition to 
 the stock of labour wanting remunerative employment, made 
 this still more imperative. 
 
 But already a remedial influence had commenced its work. 
 The embargo and war periods, ranging between 1808 and 1815, 
 had, by excluding foreign manufactures from the ports, given 
 oeing to nxmierous manufacturing establishments in the North- 
 Eastern States. By this means a new direction was given to a 
 portion of the capital, and a new field of employment to a por- 
 tion of the labour of the Eepublic ; besides which an important 
 as well as certain home market was created for the products of 
 the farmer. It is not surprising therefore that the Government 
 was supported by the people in its work of protecting the infant 
 
146 HISTOBY OF TH SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 manufactures of the Union from the influence of foreign 
 competition. The only parties who objected to the new order 
 of things were the planters of the Southern States, for they had 
 not been slow in discovering that it paid them better to cultivate 
 cotton than to grow corn and raise live stock, especially as 
 these latter could be obtained from the Western States at 
 cheaper rates than they could produce them themselves ; and 
 they naturally concluded that any system of economy which 
 increased the demand for provisions, would raise their price 
 in the general market, and thereby curtail the profits of cotton 
 planters, not growing their own food. But (as explained in 
 Part I., Chap. III.) the South willingly suffered what little 
 loss, if any, it sustained in this way, in return for assistance 
 received from Northern manufacturers towards increasing and 
 consolidating its slave system ; besides which the fact was 
 that the South was the most available market for the pro- 
 ducts of the Western States ; the Mississippi and its tri- 
 butaries bringing the two sections of the country into close 
 proximity at a cheaper rate than the inefficient, artificial- 
 navigationary-connecting links between the West and East. 
 This facility of communication between the West and South 
 neutralized the effects of the Eastern demand ; the balance of 
 transit charges against the East rendering it more profitable 
 for the Western farmer to land his produce in the Southern 
 States. 
 
 Thus in process of time, the coimtry resolved itself naturally 
 into three great sections ; the Eastern States becoming 
 principally manufacturing, the Western chiefly farming, and 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOYEMENT. 147 
 
 the Southem, almost exclusively, planting ; all intimately 
 connected and mutually dependent. This triple alliance has 
 been further and farther consoKdated, year by year, and by 
 it the capital and labour of the nation have been enabled to 
 take a direction, at once the most profitable and best calculated 
 to develop the peculiar natural resources and capabilities of the 
 different sections of the Union. Hence President Buchanan 
 remarked, in his special Message of the 9th January, 1861 : — 
 
 ** If we descend to considerations of purely material interest, when, in the 
 history of aU time, has a confederacy been bound together by such strong ties of 
 zantual interest? Each portion of it is dependent upon all, and all upon each 
 portion, for prosperity and domestic security. Free trade thi'oughout the whole 
 supplies the wants of one portion from the productions of another, and scatters 
 wealth everywhere. The great planting and farming States require the aid of the 
 commercial and navigating States to send their productions to domestic and foreign 
 marliets, and furnish the naval power to render their transportation secure against 
 all hostile attacks." 
 
 Section 3. The links of the Confederation. 
 
 It is curious and instructive to trace this Union of interests 
 in its various ramifications. Speaking in the gross the case 
 may be said to stand thus : — 
 
 The feirmer supplies grain to the manufacturer, miner, and 
 
 planter, and receives payment partly in sugar, rice, and tobacco 
 
 supplied, and foreign produce paid for, by the planter, and 
 
 partly in clothing, machinery, &c., made by the manufacturer. 
 
 The surplus produce of the farmer is partly exported, and 
 
 partly converted into spirits, or metamorphosed into wool 
 
 and live stock, which in their turn are disposed of, partly to 
 
 the planter and partly to the manufacturer. 
 
 l2 
 
148 HISTOBY OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 The manufactxirer supplies the planter with clothing, baggiog. 
 machinery, tools, &c., and receives in return raw materials, &c.. 
 produced, or foreign produce paid for, by the planter. The 
 surplus manufactures are exported. 
 
 The planter supplies cotton, rice, sugar, and tobacco to the 
 farmer and manufacturer, and then appropriates the remainder 
 of his produce in meeting the balance of trade against the 
 whole Union, or, more strictly, against the North and West. 
 
 Each interest, of course, first supplies its own wants of its 
 own particular produce. 
 
 It is found that the South {i.e. planters) consumes more 
 Western (i.e. farmers) and Northern (i.e. manufacturers) pro- 
 duce than the West and North consume of Southern produce. 
 
 It is also foimd that foreign countries consume more Southern 
 produce than the South consumes of foreign produce. 
 
 And it is also found that the North and West consume more 
 foreign produce than foreign nations consume of Northern and 
 Western produce. 
 
 The South is thus debtor to the North and West, and 
 creditor to foreign countries, whilst the North and West are 
 debtors to foreign countries, and creditors to the South. In 
 the end, the balance is adjusted by the North and West drawing 
 upon the South, in favour of foreign nations. 
 
 Or again, foreign nations do not want (that is, comparatively) 
 Northern or Western produce : hence the balance against the 
 North and West ; but they do want Southern produce : hence 
 the balance in favour of the South. So the South takes the 
 Northern and Western produce, which should be taken by 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 149 
 
 foreign nations to make the balance straight, converts it into 
 cotton, and exports it. 
 
 We will endeavour to mate the above propositions plainer 
 by an analysis of last year's trade. 
 
 The total value of the imports into the Union ia 1860 was 
 g 362,160,000, or not qnite g Hi per head of population. 
 Supposing these imports to be equally distributed over the 
 Union, but reckoning the per capita consumption of the slaves 
 at about one-fourth that of the free citizens, the appropriation 
 would be about as follows : — 
 
 Total import ^^362,160,000 
 
 Taken by the populaUon of the North at) ^242,320,000 
 
 a little oTer g 12'80 per head . . .. j -^ ' 
 
 Taken by the free popula-1 
 
 tion of the South, at> ^107,840,000 
 
 about ^12-80 per head J 
 
 Taken ty the slaves atl 12,000,000 ^119,840,000 ^362,160,000 
 
 about g 3 per head . . J ' »- . > j^ , , 
 
 This division gives to the North two-thirds, and to the South 
 one-third of the total imports. A large portion of the South's 
 share is received via the North ; the direct imports of the slave 
 States being very small. We have not the figures at hand for 
 1860 ; but for 1859 they were as follows : — 
 
 Total import into the Union .. .. ^338,762,997 
 „ „ Free States .. 305,807,716 
 
 „ „ Slave States .. 32,955,281 
 
 Turning to the export trade of the country, we find that the 
 total value of the entire shipments of the Union in 1860 was 
 g 400,120,000; if from this amount we deduct g 17,335,000 
 
150 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOTEMEKT. 
 
 for foreign produce re-exported, and i' 66,545,000 for specie 
 iind bullion, there remains the sum of / 316,240,000 as repre- 
 senting tlie value of domestic produce exported. 
 
 Supposing both sections of the Union to furnish their due 
 quota of the nation's exports, and assuming that quota to be 
 in the same proportion as that suggested respecting the imports, 
 ■viz., two-thirds by the North, and one-third by the South, the 
 figures would stand as follows : — 
 
 Exports of Nortliern produce .. ^^ 210,826,600 
 Southern do. .. 105,413,400 
 
 Total .. ^316,240,000 
 
 Whereas the actual figures were about as follows : — 
 
 Exports of Northern produce .. / 97,677,000 
 „ Southern do. 
 
 viz. : — 
 Cotton .. / 191,806,500 
 Tobacco .. „ 15,906,500 
 Other articles „ 10,850,000 
 
 218,563,000 
 
 Total .. / 316,240,000 
 Showing a balance in favour of the South, after paying for its 
 consumption of foreign goods, of B 113,149,600. To this sum, 
 however, must be added about / 30,000,000 for sugar, tobacco, 
 and rice sold to the North and West, and about ^ 38,000,000 for 
 cotton consumed by Northern spinners,* thus raising the amount 
 of Southern produce exported abroad, or sold to the North and 
 West, to $ 181,509,600, over the consumption of foreign pro- 
 
 * The actual number of bales of cotton taken for consumption by the States 
 north and west of Virginia during the year ending August 31st, 1860, was 
 792,521 ; these, at an average weight of 447 lbs. per bale, and lOf cents per lb. 
 — the average weight and price of the crop — cost 38,082,615 dollars. 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 151 
 
 duce by the South, whicli amount may therefore be taken as the 
 value of Northern and Western manufactures and provisions con- 
 sumed by the slave States. What may be the exact proportions 
 of the two kinds of products consumed it is impossible to say, 
 but we shall not be far astray if we assume them to be in 
 the ratio of one-fourth provisions and three-fourths manu- 
 factures— i. e. / 45,377,400 and <? 136,132,200 respectively. 
 
 In all this the South imagines that it is doing a favour to the 
 North and West at its own expense, whereas the transaction is 
 mutually beneficial, though if anything more profitable to the 
 South than the North and West, inasmuch as the articles which 
 the South takes from the North and West are sold to the South 
 at a cheaper rate than it could produce them itself, whilst it 
 obtains a second profit in the remunerative character of its 
 cotton transactions with the foreigner. The connection has 
 been beneficial to the South in another way : it has enabled the 
 planters to obtain and keep the monopoly of supplying the 
 cotton spinners of Europe with their essential raw material. 
 The extent to which the labour of the Southern States has been 
 drawn from other employments to the cultivation of the cotton 
 plant may be inferred from a glance at the following table : — 
 
 
 TEAES. 
 
 Crop of Cotton in 
 lbs. weight. 
 
 Number of 
 Slaves. 
 
 Ponnds weight 
 produced per Slave. 
 
 
 
 1820 
 
 167,652,682 
 
 1,538,098 
 
 109 
 
 
 
 1830 
 
 331,227,300 
 
 2,009,000 
 
 165 
 
 
 
 1840 
 
 790,260,000 
 
 2,487,000 
 
 275 
 
 
 
 1850 
 
 1,020,550,000 
 
 3,296,000 
 
 314 
 
 
 
 1860 
 
 2,158,900,000 
 
 3,999,000 
 
 540 
 
 
152 HISTOEY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 Had the cotton planters been forced to produce all the pro- 
 visions they needed for home consumption, it is clear that they 
 could not have made such rapid progress as they have done in 
 the cultivation of cotton ; they would consequently have failed 
 to meet the requirements of manufacturers; other sources of 
 supply would have sprung up ; and the Southern States would 
 have lost or, rather, never obtained their present virtual mono- 
 poly of the trade. 
 
 The sensible portion of the cotton planters are fuUy alive to 
 the danger which would threaten their supremacy were they 
 forced to curtail their production — hence the endeavours to 
 persuade the Western free States to join them in secession. 
 At a caucus of Southern Senators held at Washington on 
 the 8th December last, the correspondent of the New TorJc 
 Herald in his despatch of that day stated : " The current of 
 opinion seemed to set strongly in favour of a reconstruction of 
 the Union without the New England States ;" and Gov. Letcher 
 of Virginia, in his Message of the 7th January, recommended 
 that a new Union be formed minus New England and Western 
 New York. The planters are aware that they can obtain manu- 
 factures as cheap from Europe as from the North; but they 
 know that they cannot obtain food in the same manner or pro- 
 duce it themselves as cheaply as it can be obtained from the 
 free States ; and they know full well that secession would drive 
 the trade of the West wp the Mississippi instead of down, whilst 
 the tendency of labour and capital towards agricultural employ- 
 ment would be checked and directed towards the opening up of 
 communications between the East and West, and in increasing 
 manufacturing products for export. 
 
HISTORY OF THE t'BOBSSION MOVEMENT. 153 
 
 Sbction i. The Frospecis of Cotton. 
 
 Soutliem politicians of the secession school state that when 
 separated from the Union they will open their ports freely to 
 foreign manufactures ; but will, if the Western States refuse to 
 join them, themselves produce all the provisions they require 
 for home consumption. 
 
 Now, admitting the practicability of carrying out this idea, 
 what would be the effect on the cotton-producing power of the 
 country ? The last crop of cotton was an exceedingly large one, 
 viz., 4,829,770 bales, inclusive of the amount taken direct from 
 the plantations and consmned in the interior, and at an average 
 of 447 lbs. per bale and lOf cents per lb. was worth ^232,082,523 
 (£48,350,525) ; and the value of the provisions purchased from 
 the free States, as previously estimated, ;? 45,377,400. Had 
 the slave States therefore raised all the provisions they required 
 for home consumption, from their own lands, there would have 
 been 45,377,400 worth less of cotton grown, or about 
 3,928,000 bales, instead of 4,829,770 bales. With the consum- 
 mation of a Southern Confederacy, therefore, we may anticipate 
 a fallin g off of something like twenty per cent., or one-fifth, in 
 the extent of the future crops, compared with what the yield 
 would have been had there been no disturbing influences in 
 action. 
 
 What might be the whole effect of the change it is difficult to 
 say, but it may be safely expected that a reduced supply of so 
 essential an article of commerce and manufacture as is that of 
 cotton would greatly enhance its price, the result of which 
 
154 HISTOEX OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 would be an expansion of the growtli in otter cotton-producing 
 countries. 
 
 A higli range of prices for two or three seasons in succession 
 would enable capitalists to introduce an improved mode of 
 culture in India, and to open up the resources of Africa, and 
 permanently establish the cotton trade in that continent. For, 
 once placed on a secure footing by the introduction of European 
 money and superintendence, the trade would be able to meet 
 any fall in prices which might subsequently take place. All 
 that is wanted is a start. But with plenty of American cotton 
 there will be no inducement for capitalists to employ their 
 means in a new and distant field with the prospect of an 
 extremely poor dividend, if not a positive loss. Give them high 
 prices, however, imtU they are fairly at work, and they will 
 then — by reason of knowledge and skill acquired, and expe- 
 rience gained — successfully compete with the would-be Southern 
 Confederacy, at any range of prices, however low. 
 
 " Possession is nine points of the law ;" and so long as the 
 Southern planters continue to bring into the market a large 
 supply of good cotton at a cheap rate, it will be impossible for 
 any outsider to make headway against them. The superior 
 quality and peculiar characteristics of American cotton, its 
 better adaptability for many purposes than the produce of other 
 countries, became very apparent to our spinners sixty years ago ; 
 hence the imports from the West Indies, Brazils, &c., were less 
 patronized than formerly, and gradually fell behind their youth- 
 ful competitor. The growth of the United States became the 
 favourite raw material of " Manchester ;" improvements in 
 
HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 155 
 
 machinery were made to suit its peciiliar staple ; new mills 
 sprimg up in every direction, having their mechanism formed 
 for the consumption of Am.erican cotton only : the spinning of 
 other kinds being impossible without incurring a considerable 
 expense in alterations. Thus everything combined to strengthen 
 the position of " King Cotton," and he has reigned supreme, 
 without fear of dislodgment. But let him put his subjects oh 
 diort supply, and his throne would soon become very insecure ; 
 various individuals would attempt to undermine his power ; but 
 that Prince whose produce most resembled the fruit of the 
 failing monarch would have the best credentials for succeeding 
 him. The nearest approach at present known is the cotton of 
 Africa ; and there is every reason for believing that, with an 
 adequate demand, our supplies from that quarter could be 
 indefinitely increased. But so long as our spinners have a 
 prejudice against every other produce except that of the United 
 States, and so long as that prejudice is kept alive by a full 
 supply from America, neither Africa, India, nor any other place 
 will be able to shake the throne of the slave-holding Autocrat. 
 But reduce our imports from the Southern States from 75 per 
 cent, of the whole arrivals, which is the present ratio, to 50 or 
 55 per cent., which it is probable would be the effect of seces- 
 sion, and other countries would have an opportunity of making 
 their claims good. 
 
 The result shortly would be to keep down prices to a mode- 
 rate, though sufficiently remunerative, level, and to do away with 
 the ruinous fluctuations the trade is now subjected to by reason 
 of the fickleness of the American crops. 
 
r 
 
 156 HISTOET OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 Looking at the matter from these points of view tlie aspect is 
 not very flattering to tlie prospects of " King Cotton." Of course, 
 " different people have different opinions," and Southern planters 
 ridicule the idea of competition. Indeed some of them think 
 that a permanent reduction in the amount of the cotton crops 
 would be a benefit rather than otherwise. At the Southern 
 Commercial Convention held in May, 1858, a Eeport was pre- 
 sented recommendiag the revival of the African slave trade as a 
 means of adding to the deficient labour supply of the planters, 
 and was opposed by a Mr. Pryor, on the grounds that the South 
 did not want more labour. 
 
 " The South had the monopoly of the supply of cotton, and it was better to 
 produce a small quantity at a high price than a large quantity at a low price. 
 The idea that any other country could come into competition with us in this^line he 
 regarded as baseless." " The interest of the South was to keep the price of cotton 
 high. The evil which the cotton-producing States had to dread was an over- 
 supply of cotton. Queen Elizabeth used to say that an ungovemable beast must 
 be stinted in its provender. To keep a curb in the mouth of the manufacturing 
 interest, care must be taken not to glut it with cotton." 
 
 The same idea was thus unfolded by Governor Hammond, 
 of South Carolina, in the United States Senate, March 4th, 
 1868 :— 
 
 " The SoutK is perfectly competent to go on one, two, or three years without 
 planting a seed of cotton. I believe that if she was to plant but half her cotton 
 for tliree years to come, it would he an immense advantage to her. I am not so 
 sure hut that after three years* total abstinence she would come out stronger than 
 ever she was before, and better prepared to enter afresh upon her great career of 
 enterprise. What would happen if no cotton was famished for three years ? I 
 will not stop to depict what every one can imagine ; but this is certain— England 
 would topple headlong and carry the whole civilized world with her, save the 
 South.'* 
 
 Save the South 1 Her mortgaged plantations could lie fallow, 
 and her negroes could give full vent to the lazy qualities their 
 
HISTOEX OF THE SECESSION MOTEMENT. 157 
 
 masters upbraid them of. The food and clothing of one mil- 
 lion labourers, the probable number employed in cotton-growing, 
 would not cost much — merely about as much as the United 
 States revenue ! In fine, the people, black and white, could 
 exist without working at all ! It is a mistaken idea to 
 suppose that it is as necessary to the South to produce and 
 sell cotton, or anything else, as it is to England to buy and 
 consume it ! 
 
 To such an extent is the South buoyed up by these fanatical 
 notions that it supposes that, should the Federal Government 
 blockade the ports of the seceded States, England would 
 demand the immediate removal of the obstructions, on the 
 grounds that Lancashire and Yorkshire would be rioting for 
 food. Fanaticism could go no further. Great Britain has no 
 need for apprehension; and the Southern States are mistaken 
 if they suppose that present or future complications will com- 
 pel our Government to barter its honour in order to preserve 
 its pocket. 
 
 Even if no extraordinary exertions were made to increase our 
 supplies from other quarters, there would not be much difficulty 
 in meeting and remedying any sudden emergency. A cotton 
 famine has often been impending, but we have always been able 
 to avert such a calamity. Looking over the statistics of the 
 past ten years, we find that in 1853 our cotton imports from the 
 United States showed a falling off, compared with the previous 
 year, of 107,178,74=8 lbs. ; but an increase of 96,915,628 lbs. from 
 the East Indies. In 1857 there was a decrease in the arrivals 
 from the United States of 125,281,968 lbs. ; but in the same 
 
158 HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 year the receipts from otlier quarters stowed an increase as 
 
 follows :^ 
 
 From India 69,831,520 lbs. 
 
 „ the Brazils 8,089,128 ., 
 
 „ the West Indies, &c. .. 2,567,616 „ 
 
 Total ., 80,488,264 lbs. 
 
 Certainly a long way from making np the deficiency from 
 America, but enough to prevent the occurrence of circum- 
 stances such as South CaroKna and Co. would have us look 
 for. Any permanent falling off in the American supply would 
 be met with even greater certainty than the temporary defi- 
 ciencies here noticed. All that the cotton growers of India 
 and Africa want is the certainty of a market for their produce ; 
 but so long as America holds possession of the market, and, 
 by virtue of that possession, dictates not only the price of its 
 own produce but also that of other coimtries, there is no 
 inducement for Indian or African expansion. All agriculturists 
 in case of failing crops look to an advance in prices in the 
 general market for a mitigation of their losses ; but the Indian 
 cotton planters are deprived of this ordinary means of partial 
 reimbursement by the action of the American crops — the 
 price of Indian cotton is ruled, not by the supply of Indian 
 cotton, but by the supply of American cotton. 
 
 Thus the cotton planters of the South hold their monopoly 
 on a certain condition — that they keep up the supply : let them 
 fail in this one particular and they lose their position, and with 
 that loss decline in poKtical importance. 
 
 A mutual exchange of commodities is beneficial to all nations, 
 
HISTOKT OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 159 
 
 but it does not necessarily follow that if one nation deprives 
 the remainder of the usual supply of a particular article that 
 the vacuum cannot be fiUed up by other countries. When the 
 Eusso-TurMsh vs^ar broke out in 1854 everybody expected that 
 we should have to put ourselves on short allowance for hemp, 
 &c., and linseed. But what were the facts? The following 
 tables explain : — 
 
 Quantity op Hemp, Jute, and other Fibres of the nature oe Hemp, 
 Impoeted ikto the United KiNaDOM. 
 
 TEAES. 
 
 Feom Edssia. 
 
 Eeom India. 
 
 Total 
 
 1846-53 average 
 1853 only .... 
 1856-59 average 
 
 lbs. 
 69,682,312 
 93,673,664 
 69,019,636 
 
 Per 
 cent of 
 Total. 
 
 60 
 
 66 
 
 87 
 
 lbs. 
 38,760,792 
 35,664,112 
 91,433,692 
 
 Per 
 cent, of 
 Total. 
 
 33 
 24 
 48 
 
 from all 
 
 Countries. 
 
 lbs. 
 
 115,949,414 
 
 141,438,416 
 
 189,404,324 
 
 Import of Linseed into the United Kingdom. 
 
 TEAES. 
 
 Feom Ecssia. 
 
 Feom Ikdia. 
 
 Total 
 
 1853 
 1859 
 
 lbs. 
 765,019 
 665,387 
 
 Per cent. 
 
 of 
 
 TotaL 
 
 74 
 53 
 
 lbs. 
 
 151,113 
 526,566 
 
 Percent. 
 
 of 
 Total. 
 
 15 
 42 
 
 from all 
 Conntries. 
 
 lbs. 
 1,035,335 
 1,270,911 
 
 Here it vdll be perceived that during the eight years prior to 
 the war 60 per cent, of our total import of hemp, &c., was from 
 
 jf^ggia ^in the last year of the eight 66 per cent. — and the 
 
 supplies from India 33 and 24 per cent, respectively ; whilst for 
 the four years ending 1859 our purchases from Eussia reached 
 
160 HISTOKT OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 only 37 per cent, against our import from India of 48 per cent, 
 With respect to Linseed, in 1853, tte year before the war. 
 Eussia supplied us with nearly three-fourths of our total 
 imports — India a little over one-eighth ; but in 1859 oui 
 receipts from Eussia were only 53 per cent., while from 
 India they were 42 per cent, of the total imports from all 
 quarters. 
 
 Take another illustration. At the close of the last century 
 the coffee consumers of Europe depended upon St. Domingo for 
 nearly the whole of their favourite beverage ; but the disturb- 
 ances of 1792 almost destroyed the trade of the country, and 
 transferred the coffee branch of it to the BrazUs, where it stUI 
 remains. In 1806 the crop of the latter country was only about 
 30,000 bags; last year (1860) it reached about 4,000,000 
 bags ! Seventy years ago the exports of coffee from St. Do- 
 mingo amounted to about 77,000,000 lb. ; last year to less than 
 a fourth of that quantity. 
 
 There is nothing therefore in what may be called analogous 
 history which countenances the notion that if America gives us 
 less cotton we cannot enlarge our supplies from other countries. 
 The conduct indeed of many of the planters themselves dis- 
 proves the idea. The exertions which they have made from 
 time to time to extend their " institution '' to the free territories 
 of the West, and thereby increase the production and keep down 
 the price of food, and the attempts made to revive " free trade " 
 with Africa, are evidences of this. They know that dear food 
 and dear labour mean dear cotton ; that dear cotton means 
 increased production of the fibre in other countries, and that 
 
HISTOKY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 161 
 
 increased production in otter countries means tlie downfall of 
 American monopoly. 
 
 Section 5. Will Slavery be more secure hy Dissolution f 
 
 It is the failure to give a pro-slavery policy to the acts of the 
 Federal Government which has caused the cotton States to 
 renounce their allegiance to the Union. They perceive that 
 there are poor hopes of their peculiar institution spreading 
 itself beyond its present limits so long as the free States have 
 a voice in the matter, and they imagine that withdrawal from 
 the Confederation is the only way to preserve their labour 
 system and insure future extension. 
 
 Now the questions present themselves — would slavery be 
 safer out of the Union than in it ? Would the South be 
 strengthened by secession ? We think not, for the following 
 reasons. 
 
 In the first place, the security of the slave-owners' "property" 
 would be considerably lessened. There would be no fugitive 
 slave law acknowledged by the North. The " underground 
 railroad," now only a secret association supported by a few 
 anti-slavery enthusiasts, in defiance of Federal law, would 
 become a national institution, and the "passengers," now 
 numbered by units, would be counted by thousands. This 
 would breed ill-feeUng between the two confederacies ; the 
 probable result would be war, and the certain effects defeat of 
 the South, and a further negro " stampede." 
 
 Secondly, should secession take place, the geographical 
 
162 HISTOKT OP THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 extent of the two sections would be pretty nearly equal. The 
 free States, hemmed in by Canada on the North and the slave 
 Confederacy on the South, would have no room for expansion, 
 and should the Southern Confederacy attempt to extend its 
 empire the movement would be opposed by its neighbour. 
 The Governments of England and France endeavoured to in- 
 troduce the doctrine of the "balance of power" into American 
 politics when Texas was annexed in 1846, but failed; now, 
 however, the retention of the balance would be a constant theme 
 of debate, if not of strife. The sickly EepubHcs of Central 
 America would be protected by England and France, and Cuba 
 would be lost for ever to the South. 
 
 Thirdly, the labour supply of the cotton planters would be 
 curtailed not only by rapid " emigration " North, but by 
 decreased production in the South ; for there is every reason 
 to believe that though the border States might at first favour 
 the South, yet the time would shortly come when the free 
 citizens would sweep the black code from their statute books 
 and join themselves to the North. Slavery for agricultural 
 purposes is abeady unproiitable in these States, and the system 
 is only retained by the influence of a powerful oligarchy of 
 slave-breeders, who reap a lucrative revenue from their 
 infamous traffic with the cotton States. The climate of the 
 fi'ontier States is essentially different from that of the cotton 
 States. The principal products are wheat, Indian corn and 
 tobacco, and the two former are largely, the first almost solely 
 cultivated by free white labour. The following table shows the 
 gradual reduction which has taken place in the proportional 
 
HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENO?. 
 
 163 
 
 number of slaves to the free population in the States named, 
 the last ten years : — 
 
 Pee Cent, of Slaves to Total Population. 
 
 STATES. 
 
 Delaware . . 
 Maryland . . 
 Kentucky . . 
 Missouri 
 Virginia 
 
 I860. 
 
 1-3 
 5-1 
 
 19'T 
 9-6 
 
 31-1 
 
 1S50. 
 
 2-5 
 15-5 
 21-4 
 12-8 
 83 '2 
 
 It is not improbable therefore that we may, before long, hear 
 of an emancipatory scheme being adopted ia some or all of the 
 above States ; indeed, the subject has already been broached. 
 The Washington correspondent of the New Torh Herald, in his 
 despatches of the 13th and 22nd January, 1861, drew attention 
 to a project on foot for purchasing aU the slaves of Delaware, 
 Maryland, and Missouri for ^91,000,000. The suggestion 
 originated ia Maryland, and was favourably discussed by 
 EepubHcans, who, though they were opposed to recognizing 
 property in man, yet seemed willing to yield that point. 
 
 Should any of the border States side with the North, the 
 " nigger " consumers of the cotton States would in seK-defence, 
 undoubtedly, endeavour to reopen intercourse with Africa, 
 and thus a new cause of trouble would be started, and the 
 South would receive a wholesome lesson in civilized morality. 
 La the shape of a thorough castigation. It would bluster, and 
 threaten, and fame ; but its paroxysms would only add to its 
 
 m2 
 
164 HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 own suffering; it wotild sink into almost unfatliomable debt, 
 and lose the sympathy of all Christendom — except as a 
 repentant. 
 
 Thus the South has everything to lose and nothing to gain 
 by secession ; but everythiug to gain and nothing to lose by 
 remaining in the Union. 
 
 Section 6. What of Peaceful Secession ? 
 
 But suppose that it were possible for the two sections to 
 peaceably separate, and to inaugurate a system of reciprocal 
 treaties, which some thini could be done — what then ? Where 
 would be the gaia ? The South would be free from the dread of 
 Northern interference with its peculiar institution — true. But 
 is it not so now? Does not the Constitution prohibit the 
 meddling of Congress with the internal affairs of the States ? 
 "What guarantees would slavery out of the Union have which it 
 has not already got in the Union ? " Can aliens," asks President 
 Lincoln, " make treaties easier than friends can make laws ? 
 Can treaties be more faithfully enforced between aliens than laws 
 can amongst friends ?" Why then break up the " noble 
 EepubKc," the " grand experiment of self-government ?" Why 
 sink the Union, which has been the marvel of the 19th century, 
 the hope of fi-eedom, the dread of despots, and bring forth two 
 rival Confederacies, perhaps more — for the principle of rightful 
 secession once conceded we might have five, ten, twenty, or even 
 thirty petty governments — for the sake of a myth ? Why compel 
 the people to support two governments instead of one ? Two 
 armies instead of one ? Two navies instead of one ? Two 
 
HISTOKY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 165 
 
 corps diplomatiq^ne instead of one ? Especially as tlie rivalry 
 which would undoubtedly exist between the two governments 
 would necessitate that each hold an army and navy considerably 
 larger than those of the old Union. Well might Mr. Lincoln 
 
 ** Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national 
 febric, with all its benefits, its memories and its hopes, would it not be well to 
 ascertain why we do it ? WiU you hazard so desperate a step while there is any 
 portion of the ills you fiy from that have no real existence ? Will you, while the 
 certain ills you fly to are greater than all the real ones you fly from ? WiU you 
 risk the commission of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in the Union 
 if all constitutional rights can be maintained. Is it trae, then, that any right, 
 plainly written in the Constitution, has been denied ? I think not. Happily the 
 human mind is so constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing 
 this. ThinV j if you can, of a single instance in which a plainly written provision 
 of the Constitution has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a 
 majority should deprive a minority of any clearly written Constitutional right, it 
 might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution : certainly would, if such right 
 were a vital one. But such is not the case." * 
 
 Section 7. Financial Obstructions. 
 
 Then comes the little matter of money. If the seven cotton 
 States decide upon refusiag all overtores, how are they to 
 support their dignity ? This question of the sinews of war 
 has always been a sore trouble to revolutionists. Already 
 not a few of the citizens of the seceded States are very much 
 discontented with the new order of things. Talking about what 
 they could, or would do, as to ways and means, was very 
 harmless and very cheap, but the doing is what they did not 
 seem to contemplate. Soon after the passage of the secession 
 
 * Inaugural Address, delivered March 4th, 1861. 
 
166 HISTOKY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 ordinance by South Carolina, the Convention set to work to 
 raise a revenue, and a correspondent of the New Torlc Herald, 
 writing from Washington on the 20th January, remarks 
 that : — - 
 
 " SlaTe-holders, who formerly had to pay a tax of seveaty-five cents on each 
 of their slaves, are now taxed sixteen dollars on each. It was in this way that 
 ex-Governor Aiken was taxed fifty thousand dollars, which he infoimed the autho- 
 rities he could not pay, because he had not the money. The reply to this excuse 
 was that he could sell his niggers ; and it is reported that he sold part to pay the tax, 
 and moved most of the others to Virginia, and left for Europe himself. Another 
 statement is that two booksellers were taxed one thousand dollars each. They 
 refused to pay. The reply was : ' Tour books are worth the money.' ' They are 
 worth a great deal more,' responded the dealers. They packed up their stock and 
 left Charleston, passing here a day or two since, en route North." 
 
 Another of the "discontented," Judge Eobert Lyon of 
 Abbeville Court House, South Carolina, wrote the following 
 letter to a friend in Texas : — 
 
 "Abbeville Court Souse, Thursday, Jan. 24, 1861. 
 " Dear Sir, — I desire you to procure for me, and send by mail, a Texas 
 almanac. Six months since 1 felt perfectly willing to remain in South Carolina ; 
 but I can remain here no longer. At the election of Lincoln we all felt that we 
 must resist. In this move I placed myself amongst the foremost, and am yet 
 determined to resist him to the bitter end. I had my misgivings, at first, of the 
 idea of separate secession, but thought it would be but for a short time, and at 
 small cost. In this manner, together with thousands of other Carolinians, we 
 have been mistaken. Everything is in the wildest commotion. My bottom land 
 on Long Cane, for which I could have gotten thirty dollars per acre, I now 
 cannot sell at any price. All our young men, nearly, are in and around 
 Charleston. Thither we have sent many hundreds of our negroes (I have sent 
 twenty) to work. Crops were veiy short last year, and it does now seem that 
 nothing will be planted this coming season. All are excited to the highest pitch, 
 and not a thought of the future is taken. Messengers are running here and there, 
 with and without the governor's orders. We have no money. A forced tax is 
 levied upon every man. I have furnished the last sm-plns dollar I have. I had 
 about 27,000 dollars in the banlc. At first I gave a cheque for 10,000, then 
 5,000, then the remainder. It is now estimated that we are spending 25,000 
 dollars per day, and no prospect of getting over these times. It was our full 
 
HISTOBY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 167 
 
 understanding, when we went ont of the Union, that we would have a new 
 gorernment of all the Southern States. Our object was to bring about a collision 
 with the authorities at Washington, which all thought would make all join us. 
 Although we have sought such collision in every way, we have not yet got a 
 fight, and the prospect is very distant. I want the almanac in order to see from 
 it what part of Texas may suit me. I want to raise cotton principally, but must 
 j'aise corn to do me. I cannot live here, and must get away. Many are leaving 
 now; at least 10,000 negroes have left already, and before long one-third of the 
 wealth of South Carolina will be in the West. I desire you to look around and 
 help me to get a home. As ever yours, 
 
 « EGBERT LYON." 
 
 So mucli for " direct taxation " — tlie favourite theory of tie 
 Soutt. 
 
 The " Souttem Confederacy," appreciating the difficulties of 
 the case, have resolved upon obtaining the Federal revenue by 
 indirect means. The Times New York correspondent, in 
 his letter of the 27th February, sums up very briefly the 
 financial difficulties of the new Confederacy : — 
 
 " Two or three months since I indicated what I thought, with good ]'eason, 
 would be regarded by them as one of their principal soui'ces of revenue — an 
 export duty on cotton. I see that the measure is already brought forward, but 
 the more it is considered the more objectionable it becomes. Independently of 
 any other reasons, the difficulty in collecting it would be reason enough for 
 abandoning it. It would require a strong custom-house force on the line of every 
 railway leading into the United States, as well as at every port. Suppose it to be 
 abandoned, and an import duty to be relied on. This is open to the same 
 objection — the difficulty of coUeotion along such a line of inland frontier, and to 
 the farther objection that South Carolina secedes expressly because she desires 
 complete free trade. Suppose that they resort to a direct tax — the favourite 
 theory of the South. This is an expensive and difficult way of collecting a 
 revenue in a country so sparsely settled as these States. That is a reason why 
 the Government should avoid it. But for the people there is a still stronger 
 reason — ^the absolute inability to pay such taxes. Though rich in cotton those 
 States are not rich in coin. The representative of values naturally seeks the 
 channels of commerce where it is most wanted. There is not coin enough in all 
 those States for the operations of the Government, let alone the business of the 
 people. If it be said that these difficulties are temporary, and that a loan will 
 
168 HISTORY OF THE SECESSION MOVEMENT. 
 
 meet them, capitalists will ask what security is offered by a Confederacy one- 
 third of which is composed of the repudiating States of Florida and Mississippi ? 
 Lastly, can these States get along withont money ? With a long inland fi-ontier 
 to protect from inyasion without and from the escape of slaves within, a long 
 sea-coast to defend in war and light in peace, and an army of ambassadors, 
 governors, senators, and other public functionaries to be taken care of, I think not, 
 no matter how peacefully disposed the United States are. And if the free States 
 and the border slave States can agree to live together the other States must 
 eventually return to theii' allegiance. But the feeling at this time, so fai- as I 
 can learn it through the public debates, the newspapers, and the multitude of 
 private letters which have been shown to me, is decidedly adverse to a return to 
 the Stars and Stripes." 
 
PART III. 
 
 A COMPAEATIVB VIEW OF THE INPLUENCE OP FREE 
 AND SLAVE INSTITUTIONS IN PEOMOTING OE EE- 
 TAEDING THE GENEEAL PEOGEESS OP THE TWO 
 SECTIONS OP THE COUNTET, AS EXEMPLIFIED IN THE 
 PEESENT CONDITION OP THE NORTHEEN AND SOUTH- 
 EEN STATES. 
 
PAET III. . 
 
 A COMPAEATIVE VIEW OP THE INPLUENCE OV FREE 
 AND SLAVE INSTITUTIONS IN PKOMOTDTG OB EE- 
 TARDING THE GENERAL PROGRESS OP THE TWO SEC- 
 TIONS OP THE COUNTRY, AS EXEMPLIFIED IN THE 
 PRESENT CONDITION OF THE NORTHERN AND SOUTH- 
 ERN STATES. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 Population akd Tbbeitoet. 
 The first census of the United States was taken in 1790, tte 
 last in 1860. The following were the geographical extent and 
 population of the thirteen original Provinces, in each of the 
 two years, distinguishing the figures of those States which 
 either had adopted, or ultimately did adopt, free Constitutions 
 from those which retaiaed the slave system : — 
 
 FEEE STATES. 
 
 New Tork 
 Ma£sacliusetts 
 New Hampshire 
 New Jersey . . 
 Connecticut 
 Ehode Island . . 
 Pennsylvania .. 
 
 Total 
 
 Area in 
 square 
 zuiles. 
 
 46,000 
 7,800 
 9,280 
 8,320 
 4,674 
 1,306 
 
 47,000 
 
 124,380 
 
 Population. 
 
 1790. 
 
 340, 120 
 378,717 
 141,899 
 184,139 
 238,141 
 69,110 
 434,373 
 
 1,786,499 
 
 1860. 
 
 3,851,563 
 1,231,494 
 326,072 
 676,034 
 460,670 
 174,621 
 2,916,018 
 
 9,636,472 
 
 Increase in population in 70 years , 
 Increase per cent. ditto 
 
 7,849,973 
 439 
 
172 
 
 THE PEOGEBSS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 SLAVE STATES. 
 
 Virginia . . . . 
 Delaware . . . . 
 Maryland .. .. 
 North Carolina 
 Soutli Carolina 
 Georgia . , . . 
 
 Total 
 
 Area in 
 square 
 miles. 
 
 61,352 
 2,120 
 11,124 
 50,704 
 29,385 
 58,000 
 
 212,685 
 
 Population. 
 
 1790. 
 
 Y48-,308 
 59,098 
 319,728 
 393,751 
 249,073 
 82,548 
 
 1,852,506 
 
 1,593,199 
 112,353 
 731,565 
 
 1,008,342 
 715,371 
 
 1,082,736 
 
 5,243,566 
 
 Increase in population in 70 years 3,391,060 
 
 Increase per cent. ditto 183 
 
 Balance against the Free States, 179o| Tefruf °° 88 'sOS 
 
 Balance of population in /auoar of the Free States, ) . „„ 
 
 1860 ( *>dy^>yut' 
 
 Since tie adoption of the Constitution, twenty-one new- 
 States tave been admitted into the Union, twelve of whict have 
 allied themselves to the free States, and nine to the slave States, 
 as follows : — 
 
 FEEE STATES. 
 
 Vermont . . . . 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Indiana . . . . 
 lUinois . . . . 
 
 Maine 
 
 Michigan . . . . 
 
 Iowa 
 
 Wisconsin . . . . 
 California . . . . 
 Minnesota 
 Oregon . . . . 
 Kansas . . . . 
 
 Total 
 
 Year of 
 admission. 
 
 1791 
 1802 
 1816 
 1818 
 1820 
 1836 
 1846 
 1848 
 1850 
 1858 
 1859 
 1861 
 
 Area in 
 square miles. 
 
 10,212 
 
 39,964 
 
 33,809 
 
 55.405 
 
 31,766 
 
 56,243 
 
 50,914 
 
 53,924 
 
 155,980 
 
 166,025 
 
 185,030 
 
 114,798 
 
 954,070 
 
 Population, 
 1860. 
 
 315,827 
 
 2,377,917 
 
 1,350,802 
 
 1,691,233 
 
 619,958 
 
 754,291 
 
 682,000 
 
 768,485 
 
 384,770 
 
 172,793 
 
 52,, 566 
 
 143,645 
 
 9,314,287 
 
FREE AND SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 
 
 173 
 
 SLATE STATES. 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Mississippi . . . 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Missouri 
 
 Ariiansas 
 
 Florida 
 
 Texas 
 
 Total . 
 
 Year of 
 admission. 
 
 1782 
 1796 
 1811 
 1817 
 1819 
 1821 
 1836 
 1845 
 1846 
 
 Area in 
 square miles. 
 
 37,680 
 45,600 
 41,255 
 47,156 
 50,722 
 67,380 
 52,198 
 59,268 
 237,504 
 
 638,763 
 
 Population, 
 1860. 
 
 1,145,567 
 1,146,640 
 666,431 
 886,658 
 955,917 
 1,201,214 
 440,775 
 145,685 
 600,956 
 
 7,189,843 
 
 Balance in favour of the Free States |^^™*^^7^ ;_• 2,?24;444 
 
 RECAPITULATION. 
 
 
 Free States. 
 
 Slate States. 
 
 
 Area. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Area. 
 
 Population. 
 
 Area and popu-f 1790 
 lation .. ..1 1860 
 
 124,380 
 1,078,450 
 
 1,786.499 
 18,950,759 
 
 212,685 
 851,448 
 
 1,852,506 
 12,433,409 
 
 Increase — Total . . . . 
 Ditto per cent. 
 
 954,070 
 768 
 
 17,164,260 
 961 
 
 638,763 
 301 
 
 10,580,903 
 571 
 
 Prom the two first of the foregoing tables we gather, that at 
 the commencemeiit of the era of independence the slave States 
 had the advantage of the free States both in the extent of their 
 geographical area and the amount of their pc^pulation ; but that 
 during the seventy years between 1790 and 1860 the free 
 States have in respect of population left their companions far 
 behind : the progress being 439 per cent, in the seven original 
 free States, against only 183 per cent, in the sis original slave 
 States, notwithstanding the greater extent of territory possessed 
 
174 THE PKOGBESS AHD CONDITION OF THE 
 
 by the latter. The average per centage of increase in both 
 sections was 312. Had the progress of the South been equal to 
 this average, the population of the six States named woiild have 
 been, in 1860, 7,632,306 persons, instead of only 5,243,566. The 
 loss to the South therefore down to 1860 amounted to 2,388,740 
 persons ! 
 
 Turning to the second and third tables, we' find that the 
 free States have added 954,070 square miles to their territory, 
 and 9,314,287 persons to their population ; but the slave States 
 only 638,763 square miles and 7,189,843 persons. Down to 
 1850 the South had the advantage in territorial possessions, 
 for in that year their area exceeded that of the North by 
 394,831 square miles ; but the rapid progress of Northern 
 population has had the effect of entirely changing the relative 
 positions of the two sections ; so that in 1861 the possessions of 
 the free States exceed those of the slave by 227,002 square 
 miles. 
 
 The average increase in the population of the whole Union, 
 exclusive of territories, from 1790 to 1860 was 754 per cent. ; 
 for the North 961 per cent.; and for the South 571 per cent. Had 
 the Southern States progressed in the same ratio as the whole 
 Union, their citizens in 1860 would have numbered 15,820,350 
 persons, instead of only 12,433,400, or 3,386,950 less. The 
 actual iacrease of the free over the slave States was 6,583,357. 
 
 The effect of this has been a reduction, every decade, in the 
 political power of the slave-holders. The following table shows 
 the number of representatives which the two sections were 
 entitled to send to the Lower House of Congress in 1776, 1821, 
 
FEEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 
 
 175 
 
 1841, and the number to which they have a right in the pre- 
 sent year : — 
 
 
 Free States . . 
 Slave States .. .. 
 
 Total 
 
 Vie. 
 
 1821. 
 
 1841. 
 
 1861. 
 
 
 
 35 
 30 
 
 124 
 92 
 
 136 
 91 
 
 150 
 84 
 
 
 
 65 
 
 216 
 
 227 
 
 234 
 
 
 Thus, from close on one-half the total representation, the 
 slave States have dwindled down to only a little over one-third. 
 For a long period the South, spite of this retrogressive move- 
 ment, succeeded, by means of clever party manceuvring, 
 thorough organization, and unity of purpose, in sowing dis- 
 sension in the rants of its powerful rival, and so securing for 
 itself almost tminterrupted possession of political power and 
 patronage. Latterly, however, it became very apparent to 
 the slave-holders that their influence in the National Council 
 chambers was fast decreasing, whilst the numbers of their 
 opponents were slowly but surely approaching the two-thirds 
 majority, by means of which the anti-slavery element might 
 accomplish the ultimate destruction of the Southern institution. 
 It is the consciousness of this iacreasiag power of the North 
 which has caused the cotton States to seek the safety of their 
 labour system by seceding from the Union. The more 
 moderate of the slave-holders ask for new guarantees, in the 
 shape of constitutional amendments, but the ultra-Southerners 
 think that the Union is incompatible with slavery. 
 
 How much better it would be for them to go to the root of 
 
176 THE PEOGEESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 their disease, and attack the cause, instead of applying abortive 
 remedies to the effects of their national declension. That 
 slavery is the cause there can be no doubt ; the soil, climate, 
 and general natural resources of the States south of the 
 Potomac being infinitely superior to those north of that 
 river. 
 
 The natural increase in the Southern native population has 
 probably been as rapid as that of the Northern : the cause of the 
 superior progress made by the latter is the fact that it has had 
 almost the entire benefit of the immense and continuous 
 European immigration. The South has long perceived this, 
 and her representatives have often tried to limit the political 
 privileges of aliens. In 1836, vrhen the Bill for the admission 
 of Michigan vras under consideration in the Senate, Henry Clay 
 moved that aliens should not be permitted to enjoy the right of 
 suffrage ; but the amendment vras rejected by a vote of 22 against 
 14. A similar amendment made during the Kansas-Nebraska 
 debates was passed on the 2nd March, 1854 — Yeas 23, Nays 21 ; 
 but the House of Eepresentatives on the 22nd May, same year, 
 rejected the Senate's decision by a vote of 115 against 96. 
 Subsequently the Upper House agreed : there being only seven 
 dissentients. These figures shovr the strength of the anti-aHen 
 element in the Congress. The fact that the free States, with 
 few exceptions, favoured the immigrants, and the slave States, 
 without any exception, voted against them, leave the motives 
 of the North and South beyond doubt : the object of the one 
 was to augment the political power of freedom, and the aim of 
 the other to restrict that power. The number of immigrants 
 
FREE AND SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 177 
 
 into the TJmted States during the ten years ending 1855 was 
 2,523,758 ; equal to one-half the present population of the 
 would-be Southern Confederacy. In speaktng of this foreign 
 element, slave-holders have never been particularly choice ia 
 their language. The Hon. A. H. H. Stuart of Virginia, in 
 one of a series of letters under the worn de plume of " Madi- 
 son," describes the immigrants as " the most ignorant of their 
 countrymen — those who fly feom starvation in their native 
 land — whose highest aspiration is to satisfy the cravings of 
 nature— -who are ignorant of our laws, of our language, and of 
 our institutions — and whose idea of liberty is comprehended in 
 the licence to drint all the whisky they can get, and to indulge in 
 the luxury of riots and the gratification of provincial animosities 
 without hindrance from the officers of the law.'' Tet it is a 
 fact that it is these immigrants who have built up the great States 
 of the far west — the conservative power of the Union. It is 
 not surprising, therefore, that the immigrants have mostly taken 
 up their quarters where they may obtain a position free from 
 the contaminating influence of slavery and its black code. 
 
 That immigration has been valuable to the Union no one but 
 a slave-holding fanatic will deny. On this subject we quote the 
 following from an admirable treatise on immigration, by Louis 
 Schade of "Washington, written four or five years ago : — 
 
 *' If immigi'ation had been cut off in 1790, our population in 1850 would have 
 been about what it actually was in 1820. Immigi'ation, then, has put us thirty 
 years forward in this important element of national prosperity. Our increase in 
 all the departments of national progress has been in the exact ratio of our increase 
 in population. Whilst the latter has increased sixfold, our commercial exports 
 have increased in the same period eightfold, and our imports threefold." *' From 
 1840 to 1845 our imports increased 200 per cent., our exports 300 per cent., our 
 
178 THE PEOGBESS AND CONDITION OP THE 
 
 commercial fleet 100 per cent., and our revenues more than 300 per cent. Since 
 1840 immigration has been chiefly directed to this country. Compare, again, 
 1850 with 1855, and the blindest man will perceive that the sudden rise of wealth 
 and power this country owes chiefly to immigration. But for the influence of 
 immigration, the wonderful woriis of improvement, which have added so much to 
 our national wealth and prosperity, could not have been accomplished. To this 
 we are indebted, in an eminent degree, for the thousands of miles of railroad and 
 canal communication which now cover our vast domain like a network, and furnish 
 ready and profitable facilities for realizing the benefits of the productive energies 
 and enterprise of every industrial pursuit. To this we are indebted for the 
 reduction of the vast wilderness of the west and north-west to the dominion ot 
 civilization and industry, swelling the amount of our annual revenues, increasing 
 to an almost limitless extent in commercial wealth, and placing us in the front rank 
 of nations as an agricultural, manufacturing, and commercial people. To immi- 
 gration we ai-e indebted in no smaU degree for the rapid addition of State after 
 State to the Confederacy, until we have spanned the continent with more than 
 double our original number." 
 
 From tMs element of progress tlie Soutli has been almost 
 entirely debarred. The natural tendency of immigration is to 
 spread itself over the cojmtry ; bnt the tide is as effectually 
 turned back from the slave States as if the margin of the free 
 States was on the Gulf of Mexico. 
 
 In addition to this negative cause of Southern retardation 
 there is the effect produced by the positive emigration from 
 South to North. According to the census tables of 1850, 
 there were 609,223 natives of the slave States residing in the 
 North against only 205,924 natives of the free States residing 
 in the South ; showing a balance against the South of 403,299 
 persons ! We are not without an explanation of this phenome- 
 non. " Virginia," said Dr. Duffner in 1847, himself a slave- 
 holder and a native of the " Old Dominion " — 
 
 " Virginia has sent — or rather, we should say, she has driven — from her soil 
 at least one-third of all the immigrants who hare gone from the old States to tlie 
 new. More than another third have gone from the other old slave States. Many 
 
FREE AND SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 179 
 
 of these multitudes who haye left the slave States have shunned the region of 
 slavery, and settled in the free countries of the west. These were generally 
 industrious and enterprising white men, who found by sad experience that a 
 country of slaves was not a country for them. It is a truth, a certain truth, that 
 slavery drives free labourers, farmers, mechanics and all — and some of the best of 
 them too — out of the country, and fills their places with negroes." 
 
 Professor Benjamin S. Hedrick, of North Carolina, who, as 
 Mr. Helper tells ns, was a few years ago " peremptorily dis- 
 missed from his post of analytical and agricultural chemist in 
 the University of North Carolina, ignominiously subjected to 
 the indignities of a moh, and then savagely driven heyond the 
 borders of his native State," in a letter of vindication says : — 
 
 *' Of my neighbours, friends, and kindred, nearly one-half have left the State 
 since I was old enough to remember. Many is the time I have stood by the 
 loaded emigrant waggon, and given the pai-ting hand to those whose faces I was 
 never to look upon again. They were going to seek homes in the free west, 
 knowing as they did that free and slave labour could not both exist and prosper 
 in the same community. If any one think that I speak without knowledge, let 
 him refer to the last census. He will there find that in 1850 there were fifty- 
 eight thousand native North Carolinians living in the free States of the west ; nearly 
 three thousand in Indiana alone. There were at the same time one hundred and 
 eighty thousand "Virginians hving in the free States. Now if these people were so 
 much in love with the ' institution,' why did they not remain where they could 
 enjoy its blessings ?" 
 
 The cause of this is the degradation of labour by its being 
 associated with slavery. When any species of labour is once 
 performed by slaves it is entirely deprived of that dignity which 
 of right belongs to it ; and so we find that in the Southern 
 States the white man disdains to "work like a nigger;' 
 labour of all kinds is " low and unfit for freemen ;" and no 
 matter how moral, or intelligent, or well-to-do in the world a 
 man may be, he is accoimted as nobody, in either social or 
 political circles, unless he is the owner of a few negroes. This 
 
 N 2 
 
180 THE PROGRESS AND CONDITION OP THE 
 
 aocoimts for the favour whicli the suggestion of a revival of tte 
 external slave-trade meets witli the more ambitious of the poor 
 whites, knowing, as they do, that a man's respectability, in the 
 South, is estimated not so much by his moral conduct, or his 
 possessions in dollars and cents, as ia the North, but by the 
 number of slaves he may hold. The most insignificant white 
 man, therefore, will live ia the most penurious style in order to 
 save money for iavestment in the favourite " property ;" whilst, 
 should any one of kaown wealth abstain from patronizing the 
 current labour system he will be closely watched, and if any- 
 thing falls from his lips capable of being construed as adverse 
 to the institution, he wiU receive a notice to gather up his 
 chattels and quit. 
 
 Of course the slave-holders deny that their institution has 
 anything to do with the slow progress of Southern population : 
 their answer is that they are deprived of the aid of foreign 
 immigrants by the action of Northern politicians. " Tou," say 
 they to the free States, " have the benefit of an xmlimited labour 
 supply, suitable to your cHmate, whilst you won't allow us to 
 obtain a similar supply for ourselves from the only country 
 whose inhabitants are capable of standing the fatigue of out- 
 door labour in our climate. It is a mere farce to tell us that 
 we can have our share of the annual arrivals of Irish and 
 German immigrants — the climate of our States is imcongenial 
 to the European races, but is peculiarly adapted to the consti- 
 tution of the negro." 
 
 This notion of the unhealthiness of the Southern climate is 
 as current ia England as it is in America ; but, if we are to be- 
 
FREE AND SLATE STATES COMPARED. 181 
 
 Heve the tesidmony of travellers, and the facts obtained by the 
 census, no opinion is more wide of the truth. 
 
 On the average of years the proportion of deaths to the 
 number of persons Hving is positively more iu the Northern 
 than 'in the Southern States. For instance, the mortaKty in 
 1850 in the seven origiual free States was 1 in 68-66 persons 
 Hving ; but in the six origiaal slave States only 1 in 78'30. 
 The highest average ia the old free States was 1 in 81" 63 in 
 Pennsylvania; the highest in the old slave States 1 in 91-93 in 
 Greorgia. In Florida and Texas, the most Southern of the slave 
 States, the figures were 1 in 93-67 and 1 in 69-79 respectively; 
 and in Maine and Massachusetts, the most Northern of the free 
 States, 1 in 77-29 and 1 in" 51-23 respectively. Taking the 
 whole of the States existing in 1850, and leaving out those of 
 Vermont and "Wisconsia (1 in 100-13, and 1 in 105-82), the 
 mortality was 1 iu 71-54 in the North, and 1 in 71-82 in the 
 South, the latter again having the advantage. The .most un- 
 healthy of the slave States ^is Louisiana — 1 in 42-85 ; the most 
 unhealthy of the free States, Massachusetts — 1 in 51-23. In 
 Charleston, South Carolina, Dr. Nott ascertained from personal 
 observations and inquiries, extending over a period of six years, 
 that the average mortality of the city was 1 in 51 ; and that 
 whilst the deaths amongst the whites averaged only 1 in 58, 
 those amongst the blacks averaged 1 in 44. 
 
 From the accounts which slave-holders give us of their cli- 
 mate we would suppose it impossible for the white man to 
 occupy his time regularly in out-door manual labour, without 
 certain injury to his constitution ; yet we find, according to the 
 
182 THE PKOGBESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 census tables, that in 1850, out of a wMte population of 
 6,184,477 persons of all ages and both sexes, there were 
 1,019,020 males, over fifteen years of age, engaged in out-door 
 labour in the slave States— 805,052 being employed in purely 
 agricultural pursuits. 
 
 Mr. Darby, the surveyor and geographer of Louisiana, dur- 
 ing his professional labours in Southern Alabama, Mississippi, 
 Louisiana, and Texas, between the years 1805 and 1815, tra- 
 velled no less than twenty thousand miles on foot through 
 those States. 
 
 " During the whole of this period," he remarks, " I was not confined one 
 month, put all my indispositions together, and not one moment hy any malady 
 attributable to climate. I have slept in the open air for weeks together in the 
 hottest summer nights, and endured this mode of life in the most matted woods, 
 perhaps, in the world. During my survey of the Sobine river, myself and the 
 men that attended me existed for several weeks on flesh and fish, without bread or 
 salt, and without sickness of any kind. That nine-tenths of the distempers of 
 warm climates may be guarded against I do not harbour a single doubt.'* 
 
 Mr. Olmsted, in his " Journey in the Seaboard Slave States," 
 whilst at New Orleans, made the acquaintance of an English 
 mechanic, and during a conversation with him the mechanic 
 remarked that : — 
 
 *' White working men were rapidly displacing the slaves in all sorts of work, 
 and he hoped and believed it would not be many years before every negro would 
 be driven out of the town. He thought acclimated white men could do more 
 hard work than negroes, even in the hottest weather, if they were temperate and 
 avoided stimulating food. That, he said, was the general opinion of those who 
 stayed over summer. Those who drank much whisky and cordials, and kept up 
 old habits of eating, just as if they were in England, were the ones who complained 
 most of the climate, and who thought that white men were not made to work in 
 it. He had stayed as late as July and returned in September, and he never saw 
 the day in which he could not do as much work as he did in London."* 
 
 Journey in the Scahoard Slave States, pp. 586 and 589. 
 
FEEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPAEBD. 183 
 
 Dr. Barton, of New Orleans, in a paper read before tte 
 Academy of Science of that city, says : — 
 
 " The dass of diseases most fetal to the South are mainly of a 'preventible ' 
 nature, and embrace fevers and intestinal diseases, and depend mostly on con- 
 ditions under the control of man, as drainage, the removal of forest growth, of 
 personal esiposure, and hygiene. The climate further north is too rigid the 
 greater part of the year for personal exposure to the open air, so essential to the 
 enjoyment of health ; and when the extremes are great and rapid another class of 
 maladies predominate — the pulmonary, as well as others arising from crowding, ■ 
 defective ventilation, and filth — exacting preventive measures from the public 
 authorities with as much urgency as the worst fevers of the South." 
 
 Speaking of the cultivation of cotton, Mr. Olmsted remarks : — 
 
 *' The more common and popular opinion is, that the necessary labour of cotton 
 tillage is too severe for white men in the cotton-growing climate. As I have caid 
 before, I do not find the slightest weight of fact to sustain this opinion. The 
 necessary labour and causes of fatigue and vital exhaustion attending any part or 
 all of the process of cotton culture does not compare with that of om- July 
 harvesting ; it is not greater than attends the cultivation of Indian corn in the 
 usual New England method."* 
 
 Throughout the South the heavy work connected with the 
 construction of railways, street paving, building, &c., is per- 
 formed chiefly by white people. A raUroad contractor in one 
 of the best cotton districts told Mr. Olmsted that he had begun 
 his work with negroes, but was substituting Irish and German 
 labourers for them as rapidly as possible, with great advantage.^ 
 
 We must make one more quotation and then go on to the 
 next chapter. It shall be from Stirling's "Letters from the 
 Slave States," published in 1857 :— 
 
 " It is said white men cannot labour' in a tropical climate. But the Southern 
 States are not a tropical region, neither is cotton a tropical product. It flourishes 
 
 * See Olmsted's Journey in the Back Country, pp. 343 and 349. 
 t Ibid., p. 349. 
 
184 THE PBOGEESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 only in the belt between the tropical and temperate zones. In that delightful 
 climate white men work well and pleasantly. White men labour all the day long 
 in Louisiana at the heaviest work. Nay, in Texas, the most southerly of the 
 slave States, cotton is even now produced by free (German) labour ; and better 
 cotton, too, than any grown by slave labour. This cuckoo-cry of climate is a 
 mere pretence, and is become a weariness to all men. The white race can labour 
 anywhere. Free white men do labour in all climates ; in Asia, South America, 
 and burning Africa itself; why not in North America? The rice swamps? some 
 one says. And what then ? The whole rice production of the United States is 
 only worth some 4,000,000 dollars per annum. That is not a consideration on 
 which to base a national policy. As to sugar its days are already numbered. No 
 nursing can prolong its sickly existence. The next 'amended tai-iff" will remove 
 that stumbling-block from the path of American statesmanship."* 
 
 Witli respect to the rice CTilture of South Oarolina, Mr. Olmsted 
 is of opinion that its present imhealtliiness might be consider- 
 ably modified by the introduction of improved agricultural ma- 
 chinery ; and then, as to labour, he deprecates the suggested 
 revival of African imports, and remarks that a sufficient supply 
 of good and free labour could be obtained from the rice regions 
 of China. 
 
 * Letters, Sic, pp. 308 and 309. 
 
FEEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 185 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 The SooiAii, Edtjcational, and Ebligious Condition ot the 
 White Population. 
 
 One of the most cogent arguments against American slayery is 
 that founded on the pernicious influence which the institution 
 has, not only upon the actual victims, hut also upon the white 
 population in the midst of whom they live and by whom they 
 are governed. 
 
 Slavery, like despotism, cannot long exist in the midst of a 
 well or even moderately educated and enterprising community ; 
 but while ignorance rules the masses the governing class can 
 maintain its position, monopolize the wealth of the country, 
 and legislate for its own exclusive benefit. "If a man be 
 robbed let him not know it and he is not robbed." It is the 
 spread of tnowledge which has destroyed the majority, and 
 weakened the remainder, of the despotisms of Europe — anni- 
 hilated the feudalism of the West, and abolished the serfdom of 
 the East. As the various peoples have gradually emerged from 
 the gloom of intellectual and spiritual darkness they have begun 
 to realize their abject position, their grievances and their wrongs ; 
 
186 THE PEOGBESS AHD CONDITION OF THE 
 
 and, one by one, tte various obstacles to tbeir progress bave been 
 removed — not willingly and by the constituted government, but 
 forcibly and by the people themselves. History is filled with 
 illustrations of this. Progress has had to struggle against 
 the same difficulties in aU countries — despotism and ignorance, 
 deception and superstition, authority and subjection. So long 
 as all knowledge, and the means of obtaining knowledge, are 
 confined to a privileged few, and that few interested in the 
 maiutenance of the constituted order of things, their dictates 
 will be accepted as final by the uninstructed masses, whose 
 reverence for knowledge and orthodosy will demand implicit 
 faith in the logic of their instructors ; but with the poptdariz- 
 ing of education, the introduction of a free press, and the conse- 
 quent diffusion of information, the people will soon become 
 acquainted with the difference between their real position, and 
 their position by right ; and they wiU not remain contented 
 untU the established order of things is disturbed. The great 
 aim of all systems of government by might, therefore, is to see 
 that the governed do not become too intelligent. The slave- 
 holders of America have no need to trouble themselves in 
 accomplishing this object, so far as their partictdar interest is 
 concerned. The tendency of their "institution'' is to bring 
 about the desired result. 
 
 We have seen how slavery in the South operates in discourag- 
 ing the immigration of foreigners, and promoting the emigration 
 of natives. The most enterprising of the emigrants into the 
 United States shun the slave States, and the most intelligent 
 and industrious of the Southern non-slave-holding whites aban- 
 
FEEE AUD SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 187 
 
 don the land of tteir birth and settle in the free States and 
 territories of the North and North-west. The primary cause 
 of this is the dishonourable position which slavery has given to 
 the principal labour market of the South. From the fact of 
 the soil being almost entirely cidtivated by slaves, and these 
 slaves the progeny of an inferior race of people, agricultural 
 labour, and many of the ruder mechanical employments, are 
 shunned by the white or superior race as occupations degrad- 
 ing to their caste. But the only portion of the white popula- 
 tion which is capable of maintaining an independent position 
 axe the slave-holders, and those non-slave-holders engaged in 
 professional or mercantile pursuits. Still the poor white citi- 
 zens are compelled, from necessity, to engage in some species 
 of labour. Many of them work on small plots of ground 
 owned or rented by themselves, or occupy their limited means 
 in carrying on some retail business, such as grocery and provi- 
 sion stores, grogeries, &c. Large nmnbers content themselves 
 with lounging about the country, and subsisting on fishing and 
 hunting, and the proceeds of odd jobs on plantations here and 
 there. All of them are held in great contempt by the slave- 
 holding class. The planters look upon their presence not only 
 as extremely pernicious to slave discipHne, but also, as Mr. 
 Olmsted testifies — from the fact of their being idle most of 
 their time, and when working, working only for their own benefit 
 and without a master- — as calculated to tempt the slaves to 
 neglect their duty and to run away and live a similar life of 
 vagabondage. " Hence, one of the acknowledged advantages of 
 very large and isolated plantations ; and hence, in fact, the 
 
188 THE PEOGEESS AND OOKDITION OF THE 
 
 desire of every planter to get possession of the land of any 
 poor non-slave-holding white."* 
 
 There is thus almost as great a social gulf between the plant- 
 ing interest and the poor whites, as exists between the slave- 
 owner and his slave. Indeed, if anything, the plebeian has less 
 sympathy shown him than the slave — both, from their low 
 position, are perhaps equally despised by the Southern pseudo- 
 aristocracy. It is this diversity of interest, this want of 
 sympathy between the upper and lower classes, together with 
 the poverty of the bulk of the people, and the sparseness of 
 the population, which has rendered the introduction of a gene- 
 ral system of education impossible. The " mean whites " thus 
 mostly grow up in idleness and ignorance, and the mercantile, 
 professional, and slave-ovming interests, almost monopolize what 
 means of education exist. These latter give the tone to Southern 
 Kterature and learning : — 
 
 " All the institutions of learning of the higher class are fiUedwith students who 
 are, or soon expect to be, owners of slaves, I reside not far from Chapel Hill, the 
 Unirersity of the State ; and among the hundreds who have graduated from that 
 College I scarcely know one who was not an advocate of slavery. During the late 
 Presidential contest, one of the professors was dismissed for merely expressing a 
 preference for the election of the Republican candidate. All the students are 
 taught that slavery is of Divine origin, and that it is their duty as citizens, 
 Christians, and patriots to defend and retain it. In the meantime the great mass 
 of the poor whites go with but little schooling, and hence the gi'eat lack of mental 
 activity among the larger portion of the population of North Carolina and of the 
 South generally."! 
 
 Eeferring to the census tables for 1850, we Md that 8'37 per 
 
 * A Journey in the Back Country, pp. 449 and 4-50. 
 
 f See a letter from a North Carolinian, quoted in Helper's Impending Crisis of 
 the South, p. 401. (Hundredth thousand, New York, 1860). 
 
FREE AND SLATE STATES COMPARED. 189 
 
 cent, of the native white population, and 9'09 per cent, of the 
 foreign white population of the South over 20 years of age, were 
 unable to read or write; against only 2'40 and 6'37 per cent, re- 
 spectively, in the North. In Virginia the proportion was nearly 
 20 per cent., and in North Carolina over 25 per cent. ! The num- 
 ber of schools in the free States was 62,433, or one for every 215 
 persons ; but in the slave States only 18,507, or one for every 
 346 persons, exclusive of 3,200,000 slaves : the number of 
 pupils in the former 2,769,901, but only 581,801 in the latter. 
 The income of the public schools of the North was ;^6,780,337, 
 and of the private academies ^2,457,534 ; in the South the in- 
 come of the former was ^2,719,534, and of the latter #2,079,724. 
 This inadequate provision for the education of the lower classes, 
 who from their poverty are shut out from the " private " scho- 
 lastic establishments, accounts for the low average educational 
 condition of the Southern whites. The slave-holders provide well 
 for the tuition of their own order, but care little for that of the 
 class below them. Again, the number of newspapers and peri- 
 odicals published in the North was 1,790, and their total annual 
 circulation 334,146,281 copies; but in the South there were 
 only 704 publications, with a circulation of only 81,038,693 
 copies. Leaving out the slaves, we find that the foregoing 
 figures gave nearly 25 newspapers to each inhabitant (men, 
 women, and children) of the North, but only about 12J to each 
 inhabitant of the South. Once more, the number of public 
 libraries in the free States was 14,911; in the slave States 
 695 ! The number of volumes in the fonner 3,888,234, and in 
 the latter 649,577. 
 
190 THE PEOGEBSS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 It is not STirprising, therefore, that the bulk of the people 
 are so lethargic, unenterprisirig, and, as the Southerners them- 
 selves say, in their most expressive vernacular, " mean." Their 
 condition has been described by a native of South Carolina as, 
 if anything, more degenerate than the mixed races of Central 
 America.* A writer in De Bow's " Eesources of the South and 
 West " remarked, that he had observed an evident deterioration 
 was taking place in the character of the poor non-slave-hold- 
 ing whites : " the younger portion of it being less educated, less 
 industrious, and, in every point of view, less respectable than 
 their ancestors."! Governor Hammond, of South Carolina, has 
 declared that of the three hundred thousand white inhabitants 
 of his native State there were not less than fifty thousand whose 
 industry was not adequate to procure them, honestly, such sup- 
 port as every white person is, and feels himself, entitled to. 
 The Hon. J. H. Lumpkin, of Georgia, speaks of the poor whites 
 as " degraded, haK-fed, half-clothed, ignorant, and vpithout any 
 just appreciation of character." 
 
 This deplorable state of things has often formed a portion of 
 the subjects talked of in gubernatorial State Messages. Some 
 half-dozen years ago, Governor Seabrook of South Carolina 
 remarked that education had been provided by the legislature 
 but for the wealthy citizens ; for the middle and poor classes 
 nothing had been done ; and Governor Adams, in 1855, urged the 
 legislature to save the poor of the land from being hopelessly 
 doomed to ignorance, poverty, and crime. 
 
 * See Olmsted's Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, p. 505. 
 
 + Art. Domestic Manufactures of the South and West, by Mr. Tarver. 
 
FKEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 191 
 
 But no really efficient system of education can be introduced 
 under tte present social regime. The indifference of the people 
 alone will neutralize all the efforts of the reformers. What is 
 wanted is regular, remunerative, and honourable employment. 
 The poor whites, in their present position, do not feel the want 
 of education : with them learning is of no value. They have no 
 steady habits of industry, and, until they have, there will be no 
 possibility of any improvement in their social condition. They 
 are too proud, and rightly so, to work with the slave, but they 
 do not object to employ themselves in occupations other than 
 those engaged in by slaves. The evil is the lack of such occupa- 
 tions. It has been several times suggested that the introduction 
 of a native manufacturing system would meet the difficulty, and 
 there is no doubt that it would. But the slave-holders know 
 well that such a proceeding would sap the foundation of their 
 " institution." Their great aim is to prevent the concentration 
 of the white inhabitants. They dread the effect which would be 
 produced by the existence of large coromunities of intelligent 
 freemen, such as exist in the North, and therefore Southern 
 manu&ctures are discouraged. Such establishments, it is said, 
 would become hotbeds of crime ! It is plaiu however that the 
 slaveocracy is wise in its generation. The first effect of such a 
 new order of things would be to restrict the employment of 
 slaves to callings purely agricultural — field labour. The white 
 mechanics of all kinds would " strike " against the introduction 
 of slave labour into their domain, and, from little to more, the 
 end would be that all skilled labour, and aU occupations con- 
 nected with manufactures, building, &c., would be shut out from 
 
192 THE PKOGEESS AND CONDITION OP THE 
 
 slavery. In course of time, with the increase in the numbers 
 and influence of the non-slave-holding citizen^ the power of the 
 slave-holders would be weakened, and ultimately the South 
 would be ruled by the former instead of the latter, and, little by 
 little, the slaves would become more and more intelligent, and 
 the whites less and less pro-slavery, until the security of the 
 " property " would be gone. 
 
 Thus far we have only alluded to the evil influence of slavery 
 upon the social welfare of the non-slave-holding poor of the 
 South, but the institution is no less pernicious in its moral effects 
 upon the upper classes of society — the slave-holders themselves. 
 Constantly associated with a depraved and irresponsible race of 
 beings, whose mental powers are doomed to inactivity, whose 
 finer feelings are blunted and destroyed, but whose grosser 
 nature is brought out in all its repulsiveness, the children of 
 the slave-holders cannot fail to be injuriously affected. Their 
 young hearts rather invite than otherwise impressions of the 
 immoral sayings and doings of their companions — their nurses 
 and playmates. " Cotdd we," said a writer in the Southern 
 Cultivator of June, 1855 : — ■ 
 
 " Could we, in all cases, trace effects to their real causes, I doubt not but many 
 young men and women, of respectable parentage and bright prospects, who have 
 made shipwreck of all their earthly hopes, have been led to the fatal step by seeds 
 of corruption which, in the days of childhood and youth, were sown in their hearts 
 by the indelicate and lascivious manners and conversation of their fathers' 
 negroes," 
 
 As the child grows in years it soon begins to imitate not only 
 the loose morality of the slaves, but commences to assume the 
 haughty mien of its parents. There is the miniature cowhide to 
 
FBEB AND SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 193 
 
 flog the riBing generation of bondsmen, and the elder slaves 
 are often " shown who is their master," and are frequently cas- 
 tigated either by or through the petulant and wilful prospective 
 slave-holder. This schooling effect of the institution is indeed 
 actually approved of by the aristocratic slave-holders, who like 
 to see the " governing " faculties of the young Southerner fully 
 developed. Professor Tucker, in his " Treatise on Political 
 Economy," remarks : — 
 
 " The liabit of command to which the master has heen familiarized from his 
 infancy peculiarly fits him for many of the higher duties of civilized life. He is 
 thus likely to hecome better quahfied for exercising authority, both in the army 
 and navy, and even in the civil departments. It is, perhaps, thus that the Southern 
 States have famished more than their proportion of those who have held the 
 higher offices of Government.** 
 
 It is this also, the Professor ought to have added, which makes 
 impatience, intolerance, and impetuousness, personal character- 
 istics of Southern politicians ; and which produces Sumner out- 
 rages, duels, and congressional scenes and melees. 
 
 '* No one/' says Stirling, '* can study the social condition of the slave States of 
 the South without being struck with' the prevalence of bloody duels." * * * * 
 " When Herr von Hinckeldey, the Prussian Minister of Police, was shot last year 
 (1856) by a reckless young aristocrat, the whole of Europe rang with indignant 
 denunciation ; while here citizens murder each other, with double-barrelled guns, 
 at the rate of some twelve per annum, and the fact is recorded as coolly as the 
 arrival of a Cunard steam-ship, or the variation of a cent a pound in the price of 
 cotton."* 
 
 " A gentleman of veracity, now (1860) residing in the Sonth, told me (Mr. 
 Olmsted) that among his friends he had once numbered two young men, who 
 were themselves intimate friends, till one of them, taking offence at some foolish 
 words uttered by the other, challenged him. A large crowd assembled to see the 
 duel, which took place on a piece of prairie ground. The combatants came armed 
 with rifles, and at the first interchange of shots the challenged man fell disabled 
 
 Letters from the Slave States, pp. 266 and 269. 
 
194 THE PEOGKESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 by a ball in the thigh. The other', throwing down his rifle, walked towards him, 
 and kneeling by his side, drew a bowie-knife and deliberately bntchered him. 
 The crcmd of bystanders not only permitted this, but the execrable assassin still 
 lives in the community, has since married, and, as far as my informant could 
 judge, his social position has been rather advanced than otherwise, from thus 
 dealing with his enemy. In what other Ei^lish — in what other civilized, or half- 
 civilized community would such a cowardly atrocity have been endured?"* 
 
 Mr. Olmsted thus stuns up the ruling characteristics of 
 
 Southern breeding : — 
 
 "Every wish of the Southerner is, for the moment at least, more imperative 
 than of the Northerner, every belief more undoubted, every hate more vengeful, 
 every love more fiery. Hence, for instance, the scandalous fiend-like street fights 
 of the South. If a young man feels offended at another he does not incline to a 
 ring and a fair stand-up set-to, like a young Englishman ; he will not attempt to 
 overcome his opponent by logic ; he will not be content to vituperate, or to cast 
 ridicule upon him | he is impelled straightway to kill him with the readiest deadly 
 weapon at hand, and with as little ceremony and pretence of fair combat as the loose 
 organization of the people against violence will allow. He seems crazy for blood. 
 Intensity of personal pride — pride in anything a man has, or which connects itself 
 with him, is more commonly evident ; hence intense partizanship ; hence rashness 
 and over-confidence; hence visionary ambition; hence assurance and violence in 
 debate ; hence assurance in society : no matter how ignorant, how out-of-place, 
 self-assurance seldom fails — partizan assurance never."f 
 
 And this must ever be the condition of a society where'the 
 basest features of human nature have no check, but, on the con- 
 trary, are urged into full and fiendish development — so long as 
 the first principles of humanity axe daily violated by the man 
 floggings and woman beatings, the libertinism and other vil- 
 lainies of the slave system of the South. 
 
 Can we be astonished that in the midst of such a community 
 the spirit and principles of Christianity, the nominal religion of 
 the nation, are virtually set aside, and the precepts of an in- 
 
 * A Journey in the Back Ccfimtry, pp. 118 and 119 (Note), 
 t Ibid., pp. 414 and 415. 
 
FEEE iND SLAVE STATES COMPABED. 195 
 
 ferior and abrogated code of etliics adopted as a standard of con- 
 duct ? The Bible as a wbole, if honestly interpreted, is an anti- 
 slavery book ; and though there are certain passages contained 
 in the Old Testament which permitted slavery in a semi-civilized 
 age, there are none which recommend the institution to the 
 adoption of the people ; whilst, should there be any capable of 
 such a construction, they are clearly nullified, so far as Christians 
 are concerned, by the doctrines enunciated in the New Testament. 
 True, our Saviour did not denounce the institution by name, for 
 probably he was never brought into direct contact with it ; but 
 it is unquestionable that the existence of practical Christianity 
 is impossible where slavery exists. This to our minds is clear, 
 not only from the effects of the necessary accompaniments of 
 the system, but chiefly from the fact that in all countries where 
 the Christian religion has obtained a secure footing, slavery has 
 been, or is being, gradually abolished. The slave-holders are 
 themselves fully aware of this tendency of Christianity towards 
 universal freedom ; they know that aU Christendom abhors their 
 institution, and they are vainly attempting to show that the 
 Bible and slavery are not antagonistic. But the two sytems 
 cannot exist long together in the one nation ; either the one or 
 the other must give way — and we know which ! 
 
 Prior to the introduction of Christianity, slavery was, more or 
 less, an universal institution, was legal, and no existing system 
 of theology or ethics was hostile to it. A man might, with cer- 
 tain restrictions, make the flesh and blood of his fellow-beings 
 the subject of barter, and stOl not offend against any written or 
 conventional law of religion or morality. Hebrew slavery was 
 
 2 
 
196 THE PEOGEESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 probably the mildest form of bondage wMch existed, yet, sueli as 
 it was, it was altogether different from American slavery. The 
 negro is a slave for life ; the maximum bondage of a Hebrew 
 captive was fifty years, for the year of Jnbilee brought universal 
 freedom. In America emancipation is forbidden, but the Hebrew 
 slave could be redeemed. The negro cannot possess property in 
 his own right, but the IsraeHtish slave could : the latter, socially 
 and religiously, was treated far better than the former. Man- 
 stealing, under the theocracy, was expressly prohibited, and 
 yet a large party of professing Christians in America are agitat- 
 ing for a revival of the African slave trade — the most execrable 
 of aU maji-steaHng. Have our Southern friends ever read 
 1 Tim., Chapter I. ver. 9 and 10 ? If not, they had better do so, 
 and they will see ia what q^uestionable company St. Paul places 
 them. 
 
 Under the Hebrew commonwealth there were other things 
 permitted, as well as slavery, ecLually revolting to the religion 
 of Christ ; such, for instance, as polygamy, and the barbarous 
 modes of carrying on warfare against an enemy — the 'vd.^ilesale 
 extermination of men, women, and children. These were the 
 fruits of the imperfect civilization of the time, or the results, as 
 our Saviour tells us, of the " hardness of the people's hearts." 
 But when humanity was prepared for a change, after a rough 
 schooling of some two thousand years, Judaism was supplanted 
 by Christianity, and the slave-holders of America have now no 
 more right to quote Hebrew domestic usages in justification of 
 modem negro slavery than polygamists have to quote Solomon 
 and his thousand wives, or modern warriors would have to ex- 
 
TEEE AND SLiVB STATES COMPAEED. 197 
 
 terminate a conquered people, simply because Joshua annihilated 
 the Canaanites. The Jewish theocracy was the form of govern- 
 ment best adapted to the rude condition of society, and to the 
 limited capacities of the people. It was an educative system, 
 rudimentary and preparatory to something better, and was en- 
 tirely abrogated by the introduction of Christianity. Under 
 the old regime the Creator was worshipped in farm amidst the 
 pomp of an imposing external ritual ; but under the new, in 
 spirit and in truth. The ruling principle of intercommunica- 
 tion between nations and individuals was, an eye for an eye, and 
 a tooth for a tooth ; but now every man is to love his neigh- 
 bour as himseK, and all men are to do unto others as they 
 would they should do unto them. If, in either of these two 
 golden rules, without which Christianity would be lifeless, 
 the slave-holders can find a sanction for man-stealing, slave- 
 dealing, or slave-breeding, we will give up the controversy. 
 
 Facts show the religious condition of the South to be very 
 destitute compared with the state of the North. The ministers 
 are badly paid, their average education is very low, and their 
 numbers are altogether inadequate to the requirements of the 
 people ; and all this notwithstanding the large missionary aid 
 which they receive from the free States. The value of church 
 property ia the slave States, in 1850, was ^21,674,581 ; in the 
 free States ^^67,773,477. The single State of New York nearly 
 equalled the whole South, viz., ;^21,539,561. In the same year 
 the Northern States contributed ^715,620 for the Bible cause ; 
 but the Southern only ^163,390 : New York alone exceeding 
 the whole South by upwards of ^100,000. Tor the tract 
 
198 THE PEOQEESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 cause there was contributed ^129,590 by the free States ; but 
 only /39,103 by the slave States. The contributions for mis- 
 sions in general reached ^668,123 in the North, but only 
 ^6,924 ! in the South ; for home missions, ^197,630 in the 
 former, but only ^270 ! in the latter. For the Sunday-school 
 cause, ^61,175 were given by the free States, and ^9,207 by 
 the slave. Such are the fruits of Southern religion. " Do men 
 gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles ?" 
 
FBBE AND SLATE STATES COMPAKED. 199 
 
 CHAPTEE III. 
 
 Industrial Peoqeess. — Statistics of Commeeob ; Navigation, 
 Inland and Oobanio ; Ageicultueb akd Manufactuebs. 
 
 In no respect is the superiority of free over slave institutiona 
 so marked as in the facts exMbited by tlie official tables of tbe 
 trade and commerce of the two sections of the American Union. 
 As might be expected from a people v^hose labouring popular, 
 tion are slaves, having no interest whatever in the welfare of 
 the conntry ; and the greater part of whose free population are 
 poor, ignorant, unambitious, and entirely under the control of 
 the slave-holders, who, by monopolizing the capital of the 
 country, filling the offices of State from amongst their own 
 ranks, and legislating for their own exclusive benefit, do all 
 in their power to keep the non-slave-holding freemen poor and 
 dependent, and so prevent their rise into wealth and political 
 importance, to the danger of the " institution," — as might be 
 expected from a people so situated, the character and extent of 
 their industry are very inferior to those of the free and enter- 
 prising citizens of the truly EepubHcan North. 
 
 The follovraig table exhibits the extent of the import and 
 
200 
 
 THE PEOGEESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 export trade of the free and slave States during the years 1828, 
 1841, 1854, and 1859 :— 
 
 
 
 FREE STATES. 
 
 
 
 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 
 
 1828 
 
 74,038,543 
 
 40,484,067 
 
 114,522,610 
 
 
 
 1841 
 
 108,088,736 
 
 52,938,198 
 
 161,026,934 
 
 
 
 1854 
 
 278,669,994 
 
 161,795,730 
 
 440,465,724 
 
 
 
 1859 
 
 305,807,716 
 
 168,718,424 
 
 474,526,140 
 
 
 SLAVE STATES. 
 
 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 
 
 1828 
 
 14,471,271 
 
 31,780,519 
 
 46,251,790 
 
 
 
 1841 
 
 19,857,441 
 
 68,913,604 
 
 88,771,045 
 
 
 
 1854 
 
 25,892,389 
 
 114,000,590 
 
 139,892,979 
 
 
 
 1859 
 
 32,955,281 
 
 187,626,686 
 
 220,581,967 
 
 
 Thus, it will be perceived that, the import trade of the free 
 States has always been, in value, something like half as much 
 again as the joint imports and exports of the slave States. 
 The large export trade of the South is owing entirely to the 
 accident of cotton, and should the slave States lose the mono- 
 poly of that culture they would cut just as poor a figure in re- 
 spect of exports as they do now of imports. 
 
 The following table shows the proportion which cotton bore 
 to the total exports of the South in the years above named : — 
 
FREE KKD SLATE STATES OOMPAEED. 
 
 201 
 
 EXPORTS FROM THE SLAVE STATES. 
 
 
 Cotton. 
 
 Tobacco. 
 
 Other Articles. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 1828 
 
 22,487,229 
 
 5,269,960 
 
 4,023,330 
 
 31,780,519 
 
 184-1 
 
 54,330,341 
 
 12,576,703 
 
 2,006,560 
 
 68,913,604 
 
 1854 
 
 93,596,220 
 
 10,016,046 
 
 10,388,324 
 
 114,000,590 
 
 1859 
 
 161,434,923 
 
 21,074,038 
 
 5,117,725 
 
 187,626,686 
 
 Cotton is king, but who are Ms subjects ? Pro-slavery 
 orators ■wonld have us believe that the whole civilized world 
 depends for its existence upon Southern cotton ; and they talk 
 of bringing abolition England to her senses by cutting off the 
 supply of the staple. We grant that the loss of the American 
 crop would be attended with serious consequences to " Man- 
 chester ;" but what would become of the South ? The effect, 
 so tax as Great Britain would be concerned, would only be 
 temporary, and would soon be remedied by increased supplies 
 from other quarters ; but the effect in America would be per- 
 manent — the trade once lost could never again be brought to 
 its present influential position. It is clear that the production 
 and sale of cotton by the Southern States is more essential to 
 their well-being than the consumption of it is to England ; to 
 the planters cotton is money, and under slavery they could pro- 
 duce no other commodity, raw or manufactured, which would 
 be in equal demand in foreign countries. Under freedom they 
 might be able to consume their own cotton, and so enter into 
 competition with England and the Continent for the custom of 
 the world. Slavery exists on cotton, and could not exist on any- 
 
202 
 
 THE PEOGEESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 thing else, and cotton is dependent on the outer world ; but the 
 outer world, though much indebted to cotton in general, is not 
 absolutely dependent on American cotton in particular. 
 
 If we divide the joint import and export figures, as given 
 above, by the population of the two sections, we will find the 
 trade of the North to be ;^25-04 per head, but of the South 
 only ^17-73 per head ; but to do fall justice to the South we 
 must add the amount of the intersectional trade, viz., about 
 ^200,000,000, imports and exports together : the figures would 
 then stand thus : — - 
 
 IMPORTS AND EXPORTS, 3859. 
 
 FitEE States. 
 
 Dollars. 
 674,526,140 
 
 Per Capita. 
 
 Dollars. 
 35-60 
 
 Slate States. 
 
 Dollars. 
 420,581,967 
 
 Per Capita. 
 
 Dollars. 
 33-82 
 
 The difference against the South then was ^22,037,393 ; for 
 had her population been as enterprising and as industrious as 
 the people of the North, her total imports and exports in 1859 
 would have been ^442,629,360, instead of #420,581,967. 
 
 We will now compare the results of the entire industry of 
 the free and slave States in 1850, the last year for which we 
 have the complete figures, the census tables of 1860 not being 
 yet published : — 
 
FREE AM) SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 
 
 203 
 
 VALUE OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS, 1850. 
 
 ARTICLES. 
 
 Free States. 
 
 Slate States. 
 
 Wheat 
 
 Rye 
 
 Oats 
 
 Barley 
 
 Indian com 
 
 Potatoes (Irish and sweet) , . , 
 
 Buckwheat . , 
 
 Hay 
 
 Hops .' 
 
 Clover and grass seeds 
 
 Beans and peas . . 
 
 Garden products 
 
 Orchard products 
 
 Wine 
 
 Cords of wood 
 
 Flax seed . . 
 
 Flai 
 
 Hemp 
 
 Maple sugar , . . 
 
 Cane ditto 
 
 Molasses 
 
 Cotton 
 
 Rice 
 
 Tobacco . . . . 
 
 Residuum of crops : corn-fodder, straw, 
 seeds, cotton, manure, &c., and value 
 of small crops such as carrots, onions, 
 &o., and orchard, garden, and animal 
 products of cities and towns 
 
 Total 
 
 Dollars. 
 72,319,491 
 
 6,919,403 
 
 29,009,701 
 
 5,576,277 
 
 121,367,588 
 
 24,289,553 
 
 6,669,482 
 
 88,855,627 
 
 1,212,117 
 
 2,758,202 
 
 968,953 
 
 3,780,832 
 
 6,374,757 
 
 349,358 
 
 12,767,597 
 
 538,384 
 
 ,- 294,823 
 
 29,793 
 
 1,608,240 
 
 110,187 
 
 1,032,667 
 
 73,725,718 
 
 Dollars. 
 27,903,426 
 
 884,532 
 
 14,964,892 
 
 113,335 
 
 174,496,135 
 
 21,659,924 
 
 316,171 
 
 7,964,448 
 
 11,823 
 
 420,276 
 
 4,773,144- 
 
 1,377,260 
 
 1,365,927 
 
 88,504 
 
 7,232,403 
 
 305,076 
 
 .. 476,021 
 
 5,217,246 
 
 104,284 
 
 12,378,850 - 
 
 2,429,149 
 
 98,603,155 
 
 4,000,000 
 
 12,949,398 
 
 46,274,282 
 
 460,558,750 
 
 446,309,661 
 
204 
 
 THE PKOGEESS AKD CONDITION OF TIHB 
 
 VALUE OF ANIMAL PEODUCTS, 1850. 
 
 Abtioles. 
 
 Free States. 
 
 Slate States. 
 
 Wool 
 
 Dollars. 
 11,895,554 
 
 2,734 
 
 39,372,933 
 
 5,203,879 
 
 1,102,242 
 
 2,453,422 
 
 918,371 
 
 5,630,745 
 
 92,750,598 
 
 56,990,247 
 
 Dollars. 
 3,837,966 
 
 Silk cocoons 
 
 2,687 
 
 Butter 
 
 Cheese 
 
 Bees'-wax and honey 
 
 10,759,959 
 
 62,225 
 
 1,274,365 
 
 2,704,073 
 
 Feathers 
 
 1,081.629 
 
 Milk 
 
 1 369.255 
 
 Annual increase of live stock 
 
 82,249,402 
 54,386,377 
 
 
 Total 
 
 216,320,725 
 
 157,727,938 
 
 VALUE OF MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS, 
 
 1850. 
 
 
 Feee States. 
 
 Slate States. 
 
 All kinds 
 
 Dollars. 
 845,872,665 
 
 Dollars. 
 167 906 035 
 
 
 
 VALUE OF ENTIRE PRODUCTS, 1850. 
 
 Free States 
 
 Slave States 
 
 Balance in favour of the Freel 
 States .. / 
 
 Total. 
 
 Dollars. 
 1,522,752,140 
 
 771,943,634 
 
 750,808,506 
 
 Pee 
 Capita. 
 
 Dollars. 
 113-09 
 
 80-30 
 
 32 '79 
 
 TliTis, on tte average, each individual in the slave States pro- 
 duces more than one-fourth less than each inhabitant of the free 
 
FKEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 205 
 
 States, and that notwithstanding the manifest superiority of the 
 Southern soU and climate. The deficiency of the South, at 
 ;g32*79 per head, amounts to ,^315,207,286 I or more than 
 three times the value of the cotton crop ! 
 
 Eeferriag to the figures relating to navigation, oceanic and 
 inland, we find that Northern ship-owners and ship-builders 
 almost monopolize the former. Thus, in 1859, the shipping 
 belongingto the free States amounted to 4,185,855 tons measure- 
 ment, against only 958,957 tons possessed by the slave States. 
 In 1856 there were 423,856 tons of shipping built iathe Norths 
 but only 45,537 tons in the South ; in 1858, 198,385 tons in 
 the former, and 43,902 tons ia the latter. 
 
 Eailways, canals, and river navigation, are necessary agents in 
 the proper development of the natural resources of a country, 
 and in giving a healthy impetus to manufactures and commerce ; 
 besides which their construction and maintenance gives perma- 
 nent employment to a large number of officials and labourers. 
 The free States appreciate the utility of these agencies, and 
 accordingly we find that ia 1859 they had 19,657 miles of rail- 
 ways and 4,120 miles of canals, whilst the slave States pos- 
 sessed only 9,729 miles of railways and 1,053 miles of canals ! 
 We are not astonished, therefore, to find that in 1859 the cost 
 of transporting Southern mails was ^3,910,808 more than the 
 receipts, whilst in the North the deficiency was only ,^566,813, 
 or, leaving out CaUfomia, viz., ^665,193, a positive surplus of 
 ,^98,380. 
 
 " Money makes the mare to go," says the proverb ; and it is 
 the poverty of the slave States which is the cause ofthe slow pro- 
 
206 THE PEOGEESS AND CONDITION OP THE 
 
 gress of tte Southem nag. In 1850 the value of the real and 
 personal property of the North was ^4,102,162,098 ; but of the 
 South only ^2,936,090,736, wcZaswe of ^1,600,000,000 invested 
 in negroes : leaving out the latter amount the wealth of the 
 Southerners was only ^1,336,090,737. The citizens of New 
 York were worth ^1,080,309,216, or only ;^255,781,521 less 
 than the wealth of the entire South, exclusive of slaves ! 
 
 In the same year the revenue of the free States was 
 ^18,725,211, and their expenditure ^17,078,733 ; but of the 
 slave States only 1^8,34:3,715, and ^7,549,938 respectively ! The 
 revenue of Pennsylvania alone was ^7,716,552, and its expen- 
 diture ;^6,876,480. 
 
 The greater part of the small annual surplus cash of the 
 slave-holders is sunk in negroes, and there remains but little 
 for employment in other investments. Hence we find that 
 whilst the free States employed ^430,240,051 in carrying on 
 various species of manufactures, the slave States had only 
 ;^95,029,879 so engaged, of which more than one-third fell to the 
 share of Virginia and Maryland ! Of the three free States, New 
 York, Pennsylvania, ajid Massachusetts, the first exceeded the 
 whole of the Southern States, and the two last closely ap- 
 proached thereto : the figures being ^99,904,405, ^94,473,810, 
 and #83,357,642 respectively. 
 
 The cost of the railroads formed down to 1859 was 
 #878,078,865 in the North, but only #339,463,065 in the South ; 
 of the latter a good portion was defrayed by Northern capital, 
 whilst the engiues, cars, and mechanics employed, were mostly 
 from the free States. The cost of the railways in New York 
 
FEEE AND SLATE STATES COMPARED. 
 
 207 
 
 andPeimsylvaiiia alone was ^286,586,882, or only ^52,876,183 
 less than the entire of slavedom. 
 
 We have already spoken of the scanty provision made for- 
 the education, religious and secular, of the Southern people, so 
 the reader will be fully prepared for the following figures : 
 value of church property in the free States ^^67,773,477, in 
 the slave States ^21,674,581 ; being ^3-57 per head in the 
 former, and ;^1"74: per head in the latter : annual income of 
 public schools — in the one ^^6,780,337, and in the other 
 |'2,719,534:, or ^0-35 per head in the North, but only ^0-32 
 per head in the South, exclvsive of 3,945,000 slaves, since the 
 Southerners do not profess to educate them. The value of the 
 church property in the single State of New York was only 
 |'135,020 short of the entire South. 
 
 Southerners are often boasting of their assumed agricultural 
 superiority over the North ; but what do they think of the 
 following statistics ? — 
 
 CASH VALUE OF FARMS, FARMING IMPLEMENTS, AND 
 MACHINERY, 1850. 
 
 Free States . . . . 
 Slave States . . . . 
 
 Balance against thel 
 Slave States . . J 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 2,233,054,619 
 1,184,765,954 
 
 1,048,288,665 
 
 "Comparisons are odorous," as Mrs. Malaprop says. We 
 shall have a word or two further, on this agricultural question, 
 in the next chapter. 
 
208 
 
 THE PKOGEESS AND CONDITION OP THE 
 
 Ttere is one more branch of tte subject to notice before 
 closing the present chapter, viz., the comparative moneyed 
 facilities of the two sections. The last complete returns we 
 have at hand are dated January 1st, 1857 ; but they are sufficiently 
 recent for our purpose, and we glean the following tables 
 therefrom : — 
 
 Free States. 
 
 Number 
 of Banks. 
 
 CapltaL 
 
 Loans 
 land DiBCOTints. 
 
 Maine 
 
 New Hampshire . . . 
 Vermont 
 Massachusetts . . . . . 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 New York 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 PennsylTania 
 
 Illinois 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Ohio 
 
 Michigan 
 
 Wisconsin 
 
 Nebraska Territory 
 
 Total . 
 
 Slave States. 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Maryland 
 
 Virginia 
 
 North Carolina 
 
 South Carolina 
 
 Georgia 
 
 Alabama 
 
 Mississippi 
 
 Louisiana 
 
 Tennessee 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Missouri . . . . . . . 
 
 Total . 
 
 76 
 49 
 41 
 
 172 
 98 
 71 
 
 311 
 46 
 71 
 42 
 46 
 61 
 4 
 49 
 i 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 8,135,735 
 
 4,831,000 
 
 3,856,946 
 
 58,598,800 
 
 20,275,899 
 
 18,913,372 
 
 96,381,301 
 
 6,582,770 
 
 23,609,344 
 
 5,872,144 
 
 4,123,089 
 
 6,742,421 
 
 841,489 
 
 2,955,000 
 
 205,000 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 13,277,620 
 
 8,846,421 
 
 7,302,951 
 
 101,132,792 
 
 28,679,343 
 
 28,511,149 
 
 205,892,499 
 
 13,380,085 
 
 52,287,234 
 
 4,740,671 
 
 7,039,691 
 
 15,223,241 
 
 1,903,603 
 
 5,280,634 
 
 418,097 
 
 1141 
 
 261,924,310 
 
 493,916,031 
 
 275 
 
 11 
 
 1,428,185 
 
 31 
 
 12,297,276 
 
 57 
 
 13,863,000 
 
 28 
 
 6,425,250 
 
 20 
 
 14,837,642 
 
 23 
 
 15,428,690 
 
 4 
 
 2,297,800 
 
 1 
 
 336,000 
 
 19 
 
 21,730,400 
 
 40 
 
 8,454,423 
 
 35 
 
 10,596,305 
 
 6 
 
 1,215,405 
 
 108,910,376 
 
 3,021,378 
 22,293,554 
 24,899,575 
 12,636,521 
 28,227,370 
 16,649,201 
 
 6,545,209 
 
 657,020 
 
 31,200,296 
 
 16,893,390 
 
 23,404,551 
 
 4,112,791 
 
 190,540,856 
 
FREE AND SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 209 
 
 The foregoing table exhibits the poverty and dependence of 
 the South in a most striking manner. It would be absurd to 
 suppose that the small capital possessed by Southern banks is 
 sufficient of itself to carry on the commercial transactions and 
 public works of the slave States. The deficiency is made up 
 by loans from Northern bankers.* 
 
 * A Bant statement for the year 1860 will be found in the Appendix. 
 
210 THE PKOGKBSS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 Free v. Slave Ageiotjltueb. 
 
 The facts given in the previous chapter leave no doubt on the 
 mind as to the superior industry which the people of the North 
 bring to bear upon the natural resources of their share of the 
 United States territory, when compared with the labour results 
 of the South, thus proving that, of the two economies, freedom 
 is the more profitable to all concerned. 
 
 The slave States have never pretended to compete with, or 
 even at aU. approach, the manufacturing system of the free 
 States. They pride themselves on being an agricultural com- 
 munity; and though some express a desire to extend their 
 manufactures, the wish is by no means general. They rely 
 upon the money power of their cotton crop for their clothing 
 and machinery, knowing that in exchange for that commodity, 
 they can at all times obtain such manufactured articles as they 
 may require, from either the North or Europe. 
 
 Looking at the total value of the agricultural products of the 
 North and South, the comparison, at first sight, taking into con- 
 sideration the lesser population of the latter, does not seem un- 
 favourable to slavery. The Hon. J. N. Sandige of Louisiana, 
 in a speech delivered in the House of Eepresentatives on the 
 
FEEB AM) SLAVE STATES COMPAKED. 211 
 
 SOth of March, 1858, endeavoTired to show that the fer capita 
 agricultural produce of the South exceeded that of the North by 
 ^13-30, thus :— 
 
 
 
 
 
 Dollars 
 
 
 
 1 of agricultural products 
 
 -United ! 
 
 North . 
 
 States 1,164 
 
 ,457, 
 
 ,783 
 
 Total valne 
 
 . .. 603. 
 
 ,775, 
 
 ^ 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 .Soiith . 
 
 . .. 560: 
 
 ,682, 
 
 763 
 
 
 
 
 Average production 
 per head. 
 
 
 
 
 Population * 
 
 Dollars. 
 
 
 
 
 United States . 
 
 . 23,191,876 
 
 50-20 
 
 
 
 
 North 
 
 . 13,527,220 
 
 44-70 
 
 
 
 
 South 
 
 . 9,664,656 
 
 58-00 
 
 
 
 These figures ignore altogether the wide difference between 
 the character of Northern and Southern industry. Mr. Sandige 
 assumes that agriculture is the chief occupation of the people of 
 hoth sections, whereas such is the case only in the South : the 
 value of the manufactured products of the North being consider- 
 ably greater than that of agriculture. The true method would 
 have been to have divided the agricultural products, not by the 
 total population, but by that portion of it engaged in farming and 
 planting pursuits. Of coiurse it is impossible to ascertain the 
 exact number so employed in each section, but still a sufficiently 
 close approxima,tion can be had. 
 
 The total number of free white males, over fifteen years of 
 age, returned as foUowrng some employment, in 1850, was, for 
 the Union, 7,772,459; for the free States 5,371,876; and for 
 the slave States 2,400,583. Out of these 3,706,775 figured 
 under the head "Agriculture," of which 2,509,126 lived in the 
 North, and 1,197,649 in the South. But in addition to the 
 
 p 2 
 
212 
 
 THE PEOGKESS Am) CONDITIOIT OF THE 
 
 latter there were the 3,200,304 slaves almost whoUy employed 
 or dependent on planting or farming work. Taking these 
 figures as the basis of calculation, and assuming seven-eighths 
 only of the slaves to be engaged in agricultural employments, 
 we arrive at the following result : — 
 
 Total number returned as employed . . . . 
 
 (Number . . 
 Per cent, . . 
 
 Total free population 
 
 Proportion dependent upon agriculture .. 
 Add seren-eighths of slaves in South . . . . 
 
 Total number of individuals engaged in 
 agricultural pursuits 
 
 Value of products 
 
 Total 
 Per head . . 
 
 FitEE States, 
 
 5,371,876 
 2,509,126 
 
 13,527,220 
 6,053,414 
 
 6,053,414 
 
 f 603, 779, 018 
 $99-74 
 
 Slate States, 
 
 2,400,583 
 1,197,649 
 
 50 
 6,464,352 
 3,232,176 
 2,800,266 
 
 6,032,442 
 
 $560,682,765 
 $92-94 
 
 Here, then, instead of a balance of ^13-30 per head in favour 
 of the South, we have ^6-80 on the other side, equal to a total 
 deficiency on the part of the slave States of ^^41,020,605, or 
 more than four-tenths the value of the cotton crop of 1850, 
 
 Mr. Sandige's figures were taken from De Bow's " Compen- 
 dium of the Census,'' the correctness of which has often been 
 impugned. In 1852 the United States Government published 
 a " Eeport on Trade and Commerce." The work was compiled 
 under the superintendence of Mr. Andrews ; and in it there is 
 a table which gives the value of the different agricultural pro- 
 ducts of the various States of the Union in the year 1850. 
 These figures differ materially from those of De Bow. The 
 
FEEE ANB SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 
 
 213 
 
 reader may see them placed side by side in Chase and Sanborn's 
 "Statistical View of the Condition of the Free and Slave 
 States," pages 36 and 37. The totals of the two are as fol-' 
 lows (both sets of figures inclnde several items of Northern 
 and Southern produce not taken iuto account by Mr. Sandige, 
 but the relative position of the sections is not very materially 
 altered thereby) : — 
 
 TOTAL VALDE OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS. 
 
 According to De Bow . . 
 Ditto Andrews 
 
 Difference in favour of Free States 
 Ditto against Slave States - . 
 
 Free States. 
 
 Dollars. 
 709,177,527 
 
 846,585,297 
 
 137,407,770 
 
 Total difference in favour of Free States 
 
 Slave States. 
 
 Dollars. 
 634,570,057 
 
 627,101,818 
 
 7,468,739 
 
 144,876,509 
 
 TaMng Andrews' statements instead of those quoted by 
 Sandige, and dividing them by the agricultural population 
 of the North and South, the result is as follows : — 
 
 Nokth. South. 
 
 Total valne of products . . 
 Population engaged . . . . 
 Production per head . . . . 
 
 I 846,585,297 
 
 6,053,414 
 
 S 139-86 
 
 I 627,101,318 
 
 6,032,442 
 
 $ 103-95 
 
 The balance against the South, therefore, is ^35"91 per head, 
 or ^216,624,992 ia all. Tacts like these require no comment. 
 
 The total area of the free States, in 1850, was 392,962,080 
 acres, and of the slave States 544,391,130 acres, showing a 
 balance in favour of the latter of 152,864,638 acres. Of the 
 former, 392,231,880 acres, or 28-56 per cent., were occupied, and 
 
214 THE PKOGEESS AOT) COOTJITION OF THE 
 
 of the latter 180,572,292, or 33-17 per cent. The number of 
 acres actually under cultivation was 58,832,050 in the free 
 States, or 14-72 per cent, of the whole area, and 64,361,327 in 
 the slave States, or only 10-09 per cent, of the entire area. 
 
 The value of the farms in the free States was ^^2,147,218,478, 
 and in the slave States #1,119,380,109, or ^19-00 per acre of 
 hni occupied in the former, but only #6-09 in the latter ! The 
 value of the farming implements and machinery in the North 
 was #85,836,141, and in the South #65,385,845. 
 
 The average size of the farms in the South is much larger than 
 the average eztent of those in the North ; yet the value of the 
 implements and machinery upon each farm averages only 36 
 cents in the former, against 77 cents in the latter. This fact 
 is a most important phase of the subject. It is notorious that 
 slavery, and the laws which prohibit the mental culture of the 
 negro, have so degraded his nature as to render the introduction 
 of improved agricultural practice and machinery impossible. 
 The tendency of the slave system is to render the labourer 
 indolent, careless, and wasteful of both time and materials. 
 The negro is perfectly mindless, and altogether incapable of 
 receiving instruction in the higher branches of scientific farm- 
 ing. When Mr. Olmsted was in Virginia, in 1853, he visited a 
 farm on the St. James river which was cultivated solely by 
 slave labour, and he remarked : — 
 
 *' Here I am shown tools that no man in his senses with us would allow a 
 labourer, to whom he was paying wages, to be encambeied with; and the 
 excessive weight and clumsiness of which, I would jndge, would make work at 
 least ten per cent, greater than those ordinarily used with us. And I am assured 
 that, in the careless and clumsy way they must be used by the slaves, anytliing 
 
FEEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 215 
 
 lighter or less rude could not be furnished them with good economy, and that such 
 tools as we constantly give our labourers, and find our profit in giving them, 
 would not last out a day in a Virginia cornfield, much lighter and more free from 
 stones though it be than ours."* 
 
 The same author, whilst in South Carolinaj found that in cer- 
 tain parts of the State the plough was an almost unknown instru- 
 ment of tillage : — + 
 
 *' On one farm he had described to him, as a novelty, a plow, with ' a sort of 
 wing, like, on one side,' that pushed off and turned over a slice of the ground ; from 
 which it appeared that he had until recently never seen a mould-board ; the 
 common plows of this country being constructed on the same principles as those of 
 the Chinese, and only rooting the ground, like a hog or a mole, not clearing and 
 turning."J 
 
 The real cause of this was pithily given by a Virginian to- 
 bacco planter : " Tou can make a nigger work, hut you cannot 
 make Mm think." No ; education and a proper amount of self- 
 interest alone can make a labourer a profitable and intelligent 
 servant. In slavery, however, this is out of the question : a 
 reflective slave is a dangerous " article.'' " Negro property as it 
 increases in intelligence decreases in security ; as it becomes of 
 greater value, and its security more important, more regard is 
 naturally paid to the means of suppressing its ambition and 
 dwarfing its intellect." § 
 
 Hence "a well-informed capitalist and slave-holder" remarked 
 that — 
 
 *' In working niggers, we must always calculate that they will not labour at all 
 except to avoid punishment, and they will never do more than just enough to save 
 themselves from being punished, and no amount of punishment will prevent their 
 working carelessly and indifferently. It always seems on the plantation as if they 
 
 * A Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, pp. 46 and 47. 
 t Ibid., p. 397. t ^bid; p. 402. § 2bid., p. 281. 
 
216 THE PBOGBESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 took pains to break all the tools and spoil all the cattle they possibly can, even 
 when they know they'll be directly punished for it."* 
 
 In a country where such a condition of things exists it is not 
 astonishing that the soil does not give up the same amount of 
 produce, as under the more careful and thorough cultivation 
 practised by free and intelligent labourers. Thus according to 
 De Bow's tables, as quoted by Mr. Helper in his " Impending 
 Crisis of the South,'' p. 64, the average actual crops per acre of 
 ai^ticles produced in both sections of the Union were as fol- 
 lows : — 
 
 Wheat Bushels per acre 
 
 States. 
 
 SLA^'E States. 
 
 12 
 
 9 
 
 27 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 11 
 
 31 
 
 20 
 
 125 
 
 113 
 
 Rye ,. 
 
 Indian corn .... ,, 
 
 Irish potatoes.. .. „ 
 
 Were it not for the constant calling in of new farms and 
 plantations the average would have been still further against 
 the slave States. Taking the seven original free States, except 
 Ehode Island, for which there axe no returns, and the six ori- 
 ginal slave States, and comparing their per acreage produce of 
 wheat and Indian com, we have the following result : — 
 
 Produce per Acre, in Bushels, 
 Feee States. Wleat. Indian Corn. 
 
 New Tork . . . 
 Maasachusetta . 
 New Hampshire 
 New Jersey . . . 
 Connecticut 
 Pennsylvania 
 
 12 27 
 
 16 31 
 
 11 30 
 
 11 33 
 
 40 
 15 20 
 
 * Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, p. 105. 
 
FREE AOT) SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 
 
 217 
 
 
 Produce per Acre, in Bushels 
 
 Slave States. 
 
 Wheat. Indian Corn. 
 
 Virginia 
 
 7 18 
 
 Delaware 
 
 11 20 
 
 Maryland 
 
 13 23 
 
 Kortli Carolina . . . . 
 
 7 17 
 
 South Carolina .. .. 
 
 8 11 
 
 Georgia 
 
 5 16 
 
 There are three States in the South whose average per acreage 
 produce of wheat exceeds the mean average of the Worth, viz., 
 Maryland 13, and Florida and Texas 15 each; but there are 
 none of the Northern States so low as the mean average of the 
 South, though there are five States which exceed the Northern 
 average of 12 bushels. The lowest average in the free States is 
 Michigan — 10 ; the lowest in the slave States, Alabama and 
 Georgia, both 5 ! One State in the South produces more than 
 30 bushels of Indian com per acre, but in the North there are 
 nine such. 
 
 The following table furnishes particulars of the produce of 
 the two principal growths of the twenty-seven States which ex- 
 isted in 1840, compared with the produce of the same States 
 in 1850 :— 
 
 Wheat. 
 
 
 1840. 
 Bushels. 
 
 Per Cent, of 
 whole. 
 
 1850. 
 Bushels. 
 
 Per Cent, of 
 whole. 
 
 Free States .. 
 Slare States .. 
 
 54,413,502 
 30,042,549 
 
 65 
 35 
 
 66,358,811 
 27,861,050 
 
 70 
 30 
 
 Total .. .. 
 
 84,456,051 
 
 100 
 
 94,219,861 
 
 100 
 
218 THE PROGRESS AND CONDITION OE THE 
 
 Indian Corn. 
 
 
 1840. 
 Bushels. 
 
 Per Cent, ot 
 whole. 
 
 1850. 
 Bushels. 
 
 Per Cent, of 
 whole. 
 
 Free States .. 
 Slave States . . . 
 
 123,342,958 
 251,504,343 
 
 33 
 67 
 
 233,036,102 
 340,966,597 
 
 41 
 59 
 
 Total .. .. 
 
 374,847,301 
 
 100 
 
 574,002,699 
 
 100 
 
 Here it will be perceived that tlie slave States in 1840 pro- 
 duced 35 per cent, of the total yield of wheat, but only 30 per 
 cent, in 1850 ; and that during the ten years, whilst the crops of 
 the free States exhibit an increase of 22 per cent., those of the 
 slave States show a decrease of 7 per cent. ! In 1840 the latter 
 produced 67 per cent, of the total crop of Indian corn, but only 
 59 in 1850 : the increase in the North being about 88 per cent., 
 but in the South only 35 per cent. 
 
 Thus, then, the superiority of freedom is clear and unmistake- 
 able ; and the question naturally arises — why, under the circum- 
 stances, has free labour failed to supplant the labour of slaves ? 
 There are several reasons. First, there is the reluctance of the 
 majority of free men to enter into competition with the slave, so 
 that the latter virtually monopolizes the principal outlet for 
 labour — he retains possession because no one practically desires 
 to dislodge him. 
 
 Secondly, the few who do not object to employ themselves in 
 avocations commonly followed by slaves are degenerated by the 
 pernicious effects of immediate contact with servility : — 
 
 '' The labourer, who, in New York, gives a certain amount of labour for his 
 wages ia a day, soon finds in Virginia that the ordinary Tneasure of labour is 
 
FEEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 219 
 
 smaller than in New Tork ; a ' day's work ' or a month's does not mean the same 
 that it did in New York. He naturally adapts his wai-es to the market. Just as 
 in New Tork a knavish custom having been some time ago established of selling a 
 measure of three-quartei-s of a bushel of certain articles under the name of a bushel, 
 no man now finds it to his advantage to offer them by the full bushel at a corre- 
 spondingly hieber price. Though every one cries out against the custom, and 
 demands a bushel for a bushel, few are willing to pay proportionally for it; few 
 are willing to sell it without being paid more than proportionately, on account of 
 theii" deviation from custom, and the custom must be reformed very slowly. So 
 the labourer, finding that the capitalists of Virginia are ■ accustomed to pay for a 
 poor article at a high price, prefers to furnish them the poor article at their usual 
 price, rather than a better article, unless at a moi e than correspondingly better 
 price."* 
 
 Thirdly, slave labour, directly, is cheaper : that is, it takes less 
 of the capital of the general community to clothe and feed a slaye 
 than it does to clothe and feed a freeman. Perhaps in food 
 the consimiption will not greatly vary ; still there will be some 
 difference, owing to the consumption of articles of luxury by the 
 freeman, and which the slave is deprived of. But in clothing 
 the difference will be very great. Probably $2i to $3 per annum 
 will be the full extent of the average cost of clothing a slave ; 
 but the freeman wiU consume five or six times as much. This of 
 itself reacts unfavourably upon society, insomuch as it restricts 
 the demand for skilled labour, and prevents the general progress 
 of the people at large. It enables the slave-holder to obtain more 
 than his legitimate share of the annual profits of the community. 
 The middle, or non-slave-holding class of freemen have no 
 opportunities for amassing wealth, for there is no outlet for 
 their labour sufficiently remunerative to leave a margin " to put 
 by ;" they have as much as they can do to make both ends meet. 
 
 * Olmsted : Journey in the Seaboard Slave States, p. 209. 
 
220 THE PKOGBESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 It is the natural effect therefore of tlie slave economy that the 
 gross labovir results of the South is only ;^61"60 per head, 
 against ;^80-35 in the North, and it must ever be so, so long as 
 the South continues slave, and society continues to be composed 
 of its present threefold elements : — one-fourth (perhaps less) 
 slave-holders and their families, who monopolize the wealth and 
 power of the country ; one-half non-slave-holding freemen, poor 
 and unambitious ; and one-fourth slaves, ignorant and debased. 
 Fourthly, the immense capital wielded by, or at the com- 
 mand of the slave-holders, enables them to buy up and occupy 
 the best situated (for communication with navigationary outlets) 
 and most fertile lands ; whilst the limited means at the disposal 
 of the great majority of the non-slave-holding whites compels 
 them to be content with either the sterile soils of the hill dis- 
 tricts or the used-up plantations of slave-holders. A writer in 
 De Bow's " Eesources of the South and West " remarks, speak- 
 ing of the " South-west :" — 
 
 " In the more southern portion of this region the non-slave-holders possess 
 generally but verj small means, and the land which they possess is almost univers- 
 ally poor, and so steiile that a scanty subsistence is all that can be derived from 
 its cultivation ; and the more fertile soil, being in the hands of the slave-holders, 
 must ever remain out of the power of those who have none." 
 
 And the Hon. C. C. Clay of Alabama, in an Address* delivered 
 before the Chunnenuggee Horticultural Society in 1855, said : — ■ 
 
 " The cotton-growing portion of the valley of the Mississippi, the very garden of 
 the Union, is year by year wrested from the hands of the small farmer and 
 delivered over to the great capitalists." " All the great cotton lands were first 
 
 * Published in Se Bow's Review for December, 1855. 
 
FREE AND SLATE STATES COMPARED. 221 
 
 opened up by industrious settlers, with small means and much energy. No 
 sooner is their clearing made, and their homestead growing into comfort, than the 
 great planter comes from the east with his black horde, settles down in the 
 district, and absorbs and overruns eyerything." 
 
 And thus the free settlers are forced on to the West. 
 Hence the deserted Tillages which meet the eye everywhere. 
 Hence the general ignorance and lack of religion amongst the 
 people, — ^for what would he the use of schools and churches to 
 a race so sparsely situated, and so nomadic in its habits ? 
 
 Fifthly, slavery predominates because it is fashionable. The 
 poor white despises labour because it is dishonourable ; the rich 
 white gives no employment to white labour because it is fashion- 
 able " to have niggers round about." Mr. Olmsted, in " A Letter 
 to a Southern Friend," remarks : — 
 
 " It is fashionable with you to own slaves, as it is with the English to own land, 
 with the Arabs, horses; and as beads and vermilion have a value among Indians, 
 which seems to us absurd, so, among you, has the power of commandiDg the 
 service of slaves. Consequently, you are willing to pay a price for it which, to 
 one not educated as you have been, seems absurdly high."* 
 
 Besides this, the "institution " has given a domineering tone to 
 the upper class, and bred amongst employers of labour a " habit 
 of command " which the poor freeman will not submit to. The 
 slave may be driven in approved style ; not so the freeman : the 
 latter must be treated with proper respect or he wiU. soon assert 
 his independence. This is distasteful to the high aristocrat, and 
 he prefers to hold his labourers in the shape of " property," to 
 be used according to his will and pleasure. 
 
 Lastly, there is the influence of cotton. " King Cotton " is 
 
 * A Jourrmy through Texas, pp. 16 and 17. 
 
222 THE PEOGKESS AOT) CONDITION OF THE 
 
 the great upholder of slavery, both in the non-cotton-growing 
 slave States and in those whose principal produce is that staple. 
 The " institution " has long been demonstrated unprofitable for 
 the purposes of agriculture in the border slave States. Nume- 
 rous instances have occurred in which large plantations have 
 been divided and disposed of to small farmers, mostly employ- 
 ing free labour, and which have, in consequence, yielded more 
 than double the amount of produce raised when the soil was in 
 the hands of planters and their negroes : those farms cultivated 
 entirely by free labour realizing the largest average returns. 
 
 The gradual decrease in the slave population of two of the 
 border States (Delaware and Maryland), and the slow progress 
 made in the remainder, shows that the system is in course of 
 extinction. The small relative annual increase in the number 
 of slaves in these States is the result, not of a declining fecun- 
 dity,, but the effect entirely of the large yearly deportations 
 South to meet the demands of the cotton planters. Were there 
 no outlet for the surplus negro population of Virginia, Kentucky 
 and their neighbours, it would be impossible for their owners to 
 find them profitable employment, the popularity of the institu- 
 tion would decline, and every effort would be made to restrict 
 the progress of the evil. Slavery, however, though unremune- 
 rative for general industrial purposes, is highly profitable as a 
 labour-producing system for the new and fertile lands of the 
 South and West, and is retained solely in view of the constancy 
 of the negro demand from those districts. 
 
 Some idea of the extent and value of this " export " business 
 may be formed by a glance at the following figures : — 
 
FEEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 
 
 223 
 
 
 1860. 
 
 1S60. 
 
 Total Slave population of the South 
 
 3,200,304 
 
 3,949,557 
 
 Increase per cent., 1850 to 1860 
 
 Slare population of the following importing 
 States, whose agricultural produce is princi- 
 pally cotton : — 
 
 Alabama 
 
 342,844 
 
 47,100 
 
 39,310 
 
 881,682 
 
 244,809 
 
 309,878 
 
 58,161 
 
 23-40 
 
 435,132 
 111,104 
 
 Florida 
 
 61,753 
 462,230 
 
 
 332,550 
 
 
 436 696 
 
 Texas 
 
 180 388 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 1,423,784 
 
 2,019,853 
 
 Increase per cent., 1850 to 1860 
 
 Slave population of the above-named States in 1860, had the 
 increase during the previous decade been in the same 
 ratio as the total of the Union, viz., 23 "40 . - . . 
 
 Difference : being the number of negroes / Total . , 
 imported from the slave-breeding States \ Annual 
 
 Value at f 1000 per head { InniaV 
 
 41-10 
 
 1,756,840 
 
 263,013 
 26,301 
 
 f 263,013,000 
 $ 26,301,000 
 
 Thus in round numbers 263,000 slaves, valued at ^263,000,000, 
 were purchased by the seven cotton States in ten years ! or 
 26,300 negroes, worth ^26,300,000 dollars per annum ! 
 
 With such a lucrative trade ia their hands can we wonder at 
 the border States clinging to slavery ? or can we be surprised 
 that their sympathies are with the States which have lately 
 seceded from the Union. They are willing subjects of King 
 Cotton ; and the fact that they are so is one reason why the 
 cultivation of cotton by slave labour is so profitable as it is. 
 Cut off the cotton planters' external labour supply, and his 
 
224 THE PEOGBESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 negroes would soon advance to sucli a price as would eat up 
 his substance and make it positively more profitable for him 
 to liberate them at once. 
 
 That cotton cultivation by slave labour, under present cir- 
 cumstances, is profitable there can be no doubt ; but it does not 
 follow that free labour if adopted would not pay equally as 
 well, if not better. 
 
 It is in cotton only that the system is really remunerative, 
 and there are three primary causes of this : first, the ever-in- 
 creasing demand for the staple, and its consequent maintenance 
 at a high range of prices ; secondly, the cheapness and proli- 
 ficacy of the soil ; and, thirdly, the small amount of laboiu- 
 required to till the groimd, owing to its fertility, and the very 
 limited amount of intelligence which suffices for the cultivation 
 of the crop. But soil will wear out with incessant culture ; 
 and improved soil will require improved modes of farming, and 
 improved modes of farming presupposes intelligent labour, and 
 intelligent labour is incompatible with slavery : — 
 
 " The negro slave indicates infallibly a rich soil. He can exist nowhere else, his 
 function in political economy being to destroy everything which is destructible, and 
 to improve nothing. The Valley of the Nile could sustain him in undiminished 
 numbers, the bounty of nature which enriches it being annual and perennial. But 
 wherever the soil is exhaustible, he will exhaust it. With the census enumerations at 
 vaiious periods, wherever slavery has been permitted by law in the United States, the 
 original fertility of different districts can be deduced from the numbers of slaves 
 as accurately as from the best-considered reports. The permanency of this fertility 
 may be deduced from the permanency of the slave population, but with less accu- 
 racy ; it being a disturbing element in the calculation, that slaves are in some 
 places maintained chiefly with reference to breeding, and scarcely at all with refer- 
 ence to the profits of their labour. The slave-holder takes the best lands — first 
 because he has the means to command Ins choice, and next, because none but the best 
 lands can bear the bui'denshe imposes upon them. His mission being, not to amelio- 
 
FEEE AMD SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 225 
 
 rate, but to devastate, he never goes upon land which needs improvement in order to 
 be made profitahli, but devolves upon free labour the necessity of both reclaiming 
 natural wastes, and of restoring fields blasted by servile cultivation."* 
 
 Unless the Southern States are prepared to sink to tte 
 level of the Central American Eepublics, ttey must educate 
 their labouring population, and to educate their labouring 
 population will be the first step towards emancipation. Some 
 time it must come to this — the danger is that the slaves will 
 not wait the time of their owners. 
 
 The agriculture of the country at present is prosperous, not 
 becaibse of slavery, but in spite of it. Mr. Olmsted spent much 
 time in inquiring into this subject, and his conclusion is thus 
 summed up : — - 
 
 ** Slave labour is to-day undoubtedly profitable to certain owners of slaves in 
 Mississippi. It was undoubtedly profitable to roll tobacco in casks one hundred 
 miles to market at on3 time in Virginia. It would probably be profitable in 
 Illinois to reap wheat with sickles, and thrash it with flails, and market it by 
 waggons, if there were no horse-reaping machines engaged in supplying the 
 demand for wheat ; but there is many hundredfold of wealth in Illinois to-day 
 than there would have been had sickles, flails, and waggon-trains been held to 
 there with the same bigotry as is slavery in Mississippi ; and if it could be made 
 certain that ten years hence the present labour system of Mississippi would be 
 superseded by the free-labour system, I have little doubt that twenty years hence 
 the wealth of Mississippi would be at least tenfold what, under the present system, 
 it is hkely to be, and the whole country and the whole world be some degrees 
 happier than it is now likely to be."t 
 
 Great Britaia flourished under the old fiscal laws ; but will 
 any one, now-a-days, say that English commerce thrived because 
 of trade and navigation protection and monopolies ? Look at 
 the foUowing figures, which give a view of the progress of British 
 
 * T/ie Progress of Slavery in the United States. By G. M. Weston, p. 19. 
 t A Jmmey in the Back Country, p. 296. 
 
226 
 
 THE PEOGEESS AOT) CONDITION OF THE 
 
 commerce for the past thirty-one years — tte seventeen first, 
 years of protection, and the fourteen last, years of free trade. 
 We give the figures relating to exports only, for the real or 
 declared value of imports was not ascertained in any year 
 earlier than 1854 : — 
 
 Declared Value op Exports. 
 
 1830 
 1835 
 1840 
 1846 
 
 Protection period. 
 
 38,271,597 
 47,372,270 
 51,406,430 
 57,786,876 
 
 1847 
 1851 
 1856 
 1860 
 
 Free Trade period. 
 
 £ 
 
 58,842,377 
 
 71,367,885 
 
 95,688,085 
 
 135,842,817 
 
 A yoimg country, like a young man, may be prodigal of its 
 wealth and resources, and may transgress nature's laws for a 
 time ; but there is a limit to improvidence, and though nature 
 will suffer a great deal, she will not be outraged without redress. 
 She may be tardy in presenting her little account, but sooner 
 or later she will demand her due, and exact her penalty ; like 
 Shylock, she wiU have her /aZZ pound of flesh. 
 
 Slavery may exist, and even " pay," for a time, in a thinly 
 populated country and on a fertile soil, but it cannot exist 
 under any other circumstances ; for as the population increases, 
 and the soU becomes exhausted, slave labour will decline or 
 "move on." It is ia this way that the institution has been 
 abolished in the Northern States of America, and is growing 
 less popular in the middle States ; and it is the same influence 
 which causes the present Southern planters and their slaves to 
 gravitate towards the West : free labour taking up the soil as 
 the slave-holders leave it. 
 
FREE AND SLAVE STATES COMPAKED, 227 
 
 The prosperity of slavery, if there be such a thing, is transient, 
 and confined to a small section of the people — the actual slave- 
 holders — to the exclusion of the many ; but the prosperity of 
 freedom is substantial and progressive, and extends to the -whole 
 community. The sum total of the industry of a nation of slave- 
 holders and their slaves, will ever be less than the sum total of 
 the industry of a free and enterprising people, of equal popu- 
 lation. And whilst, as time wears on, the former will retrograde, 
 the latter will progress— the one sink, and the other rise, in the 
 scale of nations. It is the accident of cotton, and the connec- 
 tion with the North, which has prevented the Southern States of 
 the American Union from sinking to the level of third or fourth 
 rate communities. 
 
 Q 2 
 
228 THE PKOGEBSS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 CHAPTBE V. 
 
 Paethee Pacts and Aeguments in Peoof or the Stjpbeioeity of 
 Peeb Institutions. — The South awaeb ov its Infeeioeitt. 
 
 The unequal race between tlie two sections of the Eepublic, as 
 just delineated, has long been apparent to the intelligent and 
 thinking portion of the planters and fanners of the South. At 
 the commencement of their career the slave States had the 
 advantage over the free States in all the elements of national 
 progress ; their population was larger, and the soil and climate 
 of their possessions far superior ; but during the eighty years 
 of its existence the South has been far outstripped by its vigour- 
 ous rival. Northern population increases half as fast again, and 
 its density in 1850 was double that of the South. The free 
 States have fifty per cent, more of improved lands, and notwith- 
 standing the comparative sterility of their soil, the yield, pei 
 acre, of products common to both is 50 to 75 per cent, greatei 
 than in the slave States ; whilst the value of the agricultural and 
 manufactured products of the former are nearly double the total 
 industry of the latter. 
 
 But, independently of the facts brought to light by the census 
 tables, the Southerner is daily confronted with practical evidenct 
 
FEEE AND SIAVB STATES COMPAKED. 229 
 
 of the superior industrial position of the North. He sees that, 
 spite of the extent and value of the South's foreign trade, the 
 people grow no richer. 
 
 One would naturally suppose that a country producing and 
 selUng annually from ^^150,000,000 to ^200,000,000 of cotton, 
 sugar, tobacco and rice, should be a land of nabobs and million- 
 aires; a nation, as Mr. Tarver remarks,* where the planters dwell 
 in palaces, upon estates improved by every device of art ; a land 
 intersected with a network of canals, turnpikes, and railways, 
 and every other improvement designed for use or ornament ; a 
 country where splendid edifices dedicated to religion and learn- 
 ing are everywhere to be found ; a people, in fact, amongst whom 
 all the axts of advanced civilized life exist in the highest state of 
 perfection and grandeur. But, instead of this, the traveller in 
 the Southern States is familiarized with a state of things which 
 betoken a condition of a third or, at all events, a second rate 
 civilization. What are considered to be wealthy planters dwell 
 in habitations of the most primitive character, surrovmded by 
 cotton fields or exhausted plantations, washed into gullies and 
 abandoned. Eailways are rare, canals rarer, rivers unimproved, 
 and roads almost impassable. Churches are often mere over- 
 grown log huts, and schools the same. Literature and the fine 
 arts are entirely discarded. 
 
 The patriotic Southerner feels the reality of all this ; and as 
 he compares the degraded condition of the South with the thriv- 
 ing and wealthy communities of the North, his heart sinks with- 
 
 * In De Bow's Industrial Resources of the South- West. 
 
230 THE PKOGEESS ■ AND CONIITION OP THE 
 
 ill Hm — ^he is galled and' a'shamed of jhis country's manifest in- 
 feriority. The Virgiaian'goesbaclr-tdtlie days of the revolution, 
 when his State was the empire commonwealth of the Union, and 
 as he draws his eye down the page 'of history he sees her gradu- 
 aUyfallinto the rear, until, froiri .the "^rsi in 17S0, she is in 1860 
 the fifth in point of population:! 'and by the next decade will 
 probably be stiU further reduced.: He finds that in 1791 the 
 exports of the "old dominion "'were valued at ^3,130,865, and 
 those of New York at |;2,505,465 ; but that in 1852 the latter 
 had risen to ^87,484,456, and the former fallen to ^2,724,657 ! 
 and that, whilst in 1791* the imports of Virginia and New York 
 were pretty nearly equal, the figures in 1853 were ^399,004 and 
 ^178,270,999 respectively !* WeU might Governor Wise remark, 
 when addressing the Virginian electors in 1855 : — 
 
 " Commerce lias long ago spread her sails, and sailed away from you. Tou 
 have not, as yet, dug more than coal enough to warm yourselves at your own 
 hearths ; you have set no tilt-hammer of Vulcan to strilfe blows worthy of gods in 
 yom' iron foundries ; you have not yet spun more than coarse cotton enough, in 
 the way of manufacture, to clothe your own slaves. You have had no commerce, 
 no mining, no manufactures. You have relied alone on the single power of agri- 
 culture, and such agriculture ! Youi' sedge-patches outshine the sun. Your 
 inattention to your only source of wealth has scared the very bosom of mother 
 earth. Instead of having to feed cattle on a thousand hills, you have had to chase 
 the stump-tailed steer through the sedge-patches to procure a tough beef-steak. 
 The present condition of things has existed too long in Virginia. The landlord 
 has skinned the tenant, and the tenant has skinned the land, until all have grown 
 poor together." 
 
 The reflective North Carolinian has an equally melancholy 
 retrospect. His State commenced in 1790 with a population 
 inferior only to Virginia and Pennsylvania ; but in 1860 she stood 
 
 See Helper's Inypending Crisis of the South, pp. 18, 19. 
 
FREE Airo SIM.VE STATES COMPAKED. 
 
 231 
 
 fwdfth in the list I and now its citizens have the unenviable dis- 
 tinction of being, on the !aYerage,"th^e, most ignorant and least in- 
 dustrious of all the people.of the 'United States. In 1850 : — 
 
 The native white population was '. . .." 550,267 
 The number under '20 years of age . . , ■ . 301,106 
 The number over 20 years of age .. .. 249,161 
 The number of the -last named who couldl 
 not read and w,iite • j 
 
 73,226 
 
 Being more than one-fourth. of :the native white adults.* 
 
 In the same year the. per. acreage crops of the following 
 growths, compared with the average of the free States and the 
 average of the whole slave States, ..was :^— 
 
 
 r Wheat. .;■ 
 
 . -.dats. • 
 
 Rye. 
 
 Indian 
 Corn. 
 
 Potatoes. 
 
 Free States ..Bushels. 
 Slave States . . „ 
 North Carolina „ 
 
 12 
 9 
 7' 
 
 . 27 
 17 
 10 
 
 18 
 11 
 15 
 
 21 
 20 
 17 
 
 125 
 
 113 
 
 65 
 
 The total population of North Carolina in 1790 was 393,751, 
 and. the extent of her territory 50,704 square miles, or 32,450,506 
 acres. Indiana, one of the free Western States, containing 
 83,809 square miles, or 21,637,760 acres, was admitted into the 
 Union in 1816, and in 1830 her population was only 343,031 per- 
 sons. But in 1850 Indiana had 5,046,543 acres of improved 
 land, out of her total of 21,637,760 acres, whilst North Carolina 
 had only 5,453,975 acres out of 32,450,506. In the same year 
 the cash value of the farms of the former was ^136,385,178, but 
 
 * See Olmsted's Journey in the Sea-board Slave States, p, 367. 
 
232 THE PKOGEBSS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 of tie latter only ^67,891,766. In 1860 the populations of the 
 two States were— Indiana 1,350,802, and North Carolina 
 1,008,842 ! 
 
 Turning to South CaroHna, we find that she possesses a terri- 
 tory measuring 29,385 square miles, or 18,805,400 acres, and 
 that her people in 1860 numbered 705,371 souls— 308,186 free, 
 and 407,185 slave. The Palmetto State considers herself to be 
 the very model of slaveocracy, and in all movements having 
 for their objects the consolidation of African slavery she has 
 always taken the lead. One would, therefore, expect that, from 
 the eagerness -with which she clings to her social system, she 
 had found, and was prepared to show by her own experience, 
 that slavery was eminently calculated to develop the industrial 
 resources of a nation, and increase its status and influence among 
 the commonwealths of the world. 
 
 South Carolina has almost the monopoly of the rice culture, 
 and she stands fourth in the list of cotton-producing States : her 
 statistics ought, therefore, to look well. Let us see. We will 
 compare her condition with that of New Jersey, a Kttle Stxte of 
 8,320 square miles, or less than one-third the size of South 
 CaroKna. Seventy years ago the population of the former 
 ■was 184,139 persons, and of the^ latter 249,073; in 1860 
 the citizens of New Jersey had increased to 676,084, or 81 to 
 the square mile, and those of the Palmetto State to 715,371, or 
 only 24 to the square mile. In 1850 the value of the farms of 
 the free State was /120,237,511 ; but of the slave State only 
 ^82,431,684 ; and in 1854 the average value of the farms per 
 acre was |f28-76 in the former, but only ^1-32 in the latter ! In 
 
FREE AOT) SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 233 
 
 1850 New Jersey had 8,370 native white adults unable to read 
 and write— South Carolina 15,580! New Jersey had 1,473 
 public schools and 77,930 pupils— South Carolina 724 of the 
 former and 17,380 of the latter. And aU this in the face of the 
 fact that South CaroUna was almost twice as wealthy as New 
 Jersey ; the value of the real and personal estate of the latter 
 being only ^153,151,619, against ^288,257,694 of the former : 
 the secret of all, however, being that, of South Carolina's two 
 hundred and eighty-eight miUions, ;^192,492,000 were sunk in 
 negroes. How different would have been the present condition 
 of the " gallant little State," as Calhoun used to call her, if her 
 citizens had followed the example of New Jersey, and invested 
 their cash in the best-paying and most profitable enterprises, 
 instead of keeping it locked up in human merchandize ! 
 
 South Carolinians are aware of their inferior progress, and 
 often deplore it ; but hitherto they have failed to recognise the 
 true cause of their depression. They are mortified by their 
 dependence upon Northern and European manufacturers for 
 nearly the whole of their clothing, machinery, farming imple- 
 ments, &c., and, times out of number, they have endeavoured to 
 release themselves of the " yoke," as they call it. Tears ago, 
 they believed that the cause of aU was the protective tariffs of 
 the North, whereby Tankeedom was fostered and Southemdom 
 made bankrupt. But latterly they have given up that idea, and 
 now seek secession, and a revival of the African slave-trade, as 
 the two only methods of recuperation. For the last quarter of 
 a century South Carolina has been railing against the Union 
 as the cause of her ignominious condition, and ceased not to 
 
234 THE PKOGEESS AlO) CONDITION OF THE 
 
 upbraid tlie Confederation, and breed discontent between the 
 Nortt and Soutli, until she has finally brougbt the two sections 
 into mortal conflict, and introduced all the horrors of civil 
 war. 
 
 Georgia is considered to be the most go-ahead State of the 
 South. Of the seceded States she stands at the head ; and in 
 case that the proposed Confederacy is consummated, the general 
 opinion is that she will undoubtedly take the lead : Savannah, 
 and not Charleston, will become the New York of the South. 
 In wealth she is second only to Virginia. In the value of her 
 exports in 1859 she ranked third in amount. A larger portion 
 of her people are employed in manufacturing pursuits than in any 
 of the six other dissentient States. She has a larger amount of 
 capital invested in those pursuits, and the value of her products 
 is only slightly exceeded by Louisiana. Out of the 4,203 miles 
 of railways in the " Southern Confederacy," Georgia possesses 
 1,240, and in them she has invested ^25,687,220. But, notwith- 
 standing her creditable position, when compared with other slave 
 States, she is far distanced by all of the Northern States of eqrial 
 population and territory, and exceeded by some of the smaller 
 ones. Illinois and Georgia are pretty nearly of the same extent 
 geographically, and in 1850 were about equal in population. 
 But though Illinois was only admitted into the Union in 1818, 
 and, until withia the last decade, has always been second in 
 point of population, her industry has already overtaken that of 
 the empire-State of the talked-of Southern Union. Here are 
 the figures for the year 1850 : — 
 
FREE AND SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 
 
 235 
 
 !1850 
 1830 
 1810 
 
 . J Square miles 
 
 I Acres 
 
 Acres of improved land 
 
 f Farms 
 Farm implements and 1 
 machinery J 
 
 Value of enumerated agiicultural and 1 
 animal products . ; J 
 
 Value of manufactured products 
 
 Value of real and personal estate (exclusive) 
 of slaves) j 
 
 Cost of railroads to 1858-59 
 
 Geobgia. 
 
 Illinois. 
 
 906,185 
 
 851,470 
 
 516,823 
 
 157,455 
 
 252,433 
 
 12,282 
 
 58,000 
 
 55,405 
 
 37,120,000 
 
 35,859,200 
 
 6,378,479 
 
 5,089,545 
 
 $95,753,445 
 
 $96,133,290 
 
 $5,894,150 
 
 $6,405,561 
 
 $51,720,000 
 
 $68,950,000 
 
 $7,086,525 
 
 $17,236,073 
 
 $144,584,714 
 
 $156,265,006 
 
 $25,687,220 
 
 $107,720,937 
 
 The geographical position of Georgia, for commercial pur- 
 poses, is superior to that of lUiiiois. The latter is far inland, 
 whilst the former is on the margin of the Atlantic Ocean ; yet, 
 in 1859, the one possessed 73,485 tons of shipping, and the other 
 only 40,478 tons. 
 
 Greorgians see all this ; but, like South Carolinians, they ignore 
 the cause, and they are indignant if you throw out a hint that 
 their abnormal social system is at the bottom of the mife- 
 chief. They believe themselves to be the victims, not of slavery, 
 but of Yankee cupidity, and that the only remedy is to cut all 
 connection with the Northern States. 
 
 It is the knowledge of their slow progress which has made the 
 doctrine of secession so popular in the seceded States. Ardent 
 
236 THE PROGRESS iND CONDITION OF THE- 
 
 politicians, eager for fame and power, tell the multitude that 
 dissolution would open to them a career of prosperity such as 
 they can never enter whilst united with the free States ; and the 
 multitude, feeling their present degraded condition, are eager to 
 grasp at the first panacea offered. We speak now of the million, 
 the poor whites, who know nothing of political affairs except 
 what they glean from a few pro-slavery newspapers, or what is 
 told them by pro-slavery orators ; and their ignorance is so great 
 that they give credence to the boldest assertions made respecting 
 the power and intentions of the people of the free States. 
 
 There is, however, spread over the South an influential 
 middle-class, who, besides seeing the backward state of their 
 country, have an idea of the real cause, but have not sufiS.cient 
 power to turn their knowledge to practical account. This section 
 of the people is largely represented in the border States and in 
 Arkansas, and is not without followers in the seceded States, 
 especially Texas and Louisiana. The reason is, that they are 
 more intelligent and less prejudiced than the bulk of the people, 
 and come oftener into contact with the superior economy of 
 freedom. They discard the notion of the essential inability of 
 the South to compete with the North in manufactures, and do 
 not hesitate to attribute their stationary condition to the inciibus 
 of slavery. Cassius M. Clay, of Kentucky, may be taken as 
 representing the advance-guard of this Southern party of pro- 
 gress. In a speech delivered at New York, on the 24th Oct., 
 1856, Mr. Clay thus remarked on the South's consciousness of 
 its inferiority, and the fruitless attempts which it has made to 
 ameliorate its condition : — 
 
FKEE AND SLAYB STATES OOliPAEED. 237 
 
 " If there are no manuffictares, there is no commerce. In vain do the slave- 
 holdei's g'O to Knoxville, to Nashville, to Memphis, and to Charleston, and resolve 
 that the)' will have nothing to do with these aholition eighteen millions of Northern 
 people ; that they will build their own vessgls'j^manufacture their own goods, ship 
 their own products to foreign countries, and,break down New York, Philadelphia, 
 and Boston ! Again they resolve, andre-resolve, and yet'there is not a single ton 
 more shipped, and not a single article fidded.to the wealth of the South. But, 
 gentlemen, they never invite such men as I am to attend their conventions. They 
 know that I wonld tell them that slavery is the cause of their poverty, and that I 
 would tell them that what they ai'e aiming, at is the dissolution of the Union — that 
 they may be prepared to strike for that whenever the nation rises. They well 
 know that by slave labour the very propositions which they make can never be 
 realized j yet, when we show these. things, they cry out, * Oh, cotton is king.' 
 But when we look at the statistics, we find that so far from cotton being king, 
 grass is king. There are nine articles of. staple productions which are larger than 
 that of cotton in this countiy.** 
 
 Dr. Eii£&ier, of Virginia, in 1847, in an " Address to the 
 People of West Virginia, showing that slavery is injurious to 
 the public welfare, and that it may be gradually abolished, 
 without detriment to the rights and interests of slave-holders," 
 thus alluded to the common notion that the North is responsible 
 for Southern retrogression : — 
 
 " Our great Virginia, with all her natural facilities for trade, brings to her ports 
 only about one five-hundredth part of the goods, wares, and merchandize imported 
 into the United States. Shall we be told that the cause of this decline of Virginia 
 commerce is the growth of Northern cities, which, by means of their canals and 
 railroads and vast capital, draw off the trade fi-om the smaller ports to themselves ? 
 and what then ? The cause assigned is, itself, the effect of a prior cause. We 
 wonld ask those who take this superficial view of the matter, why should the great 
 commercial party be all outside Virginia, and near or in the iree States ? M'hy 
 should every commercial improvement, eveiy wheel that speeds the movements of 
 trade, serve but to carry away from the slave States more and more of their 
 wealth for the benefit of the great Northern cities ?" 
 
 No better proof can be had of the blighting and retarding 
 influence of slavery than is furnished by the comparative con- 
 dition of different portions of the border slave States : those 
 
238 
 
 THE PKOGEESS AND CONDITION OF THE 
 
 counties adjoining the free States exhibiting a marked contrast 
 to the districts more remote. Tate Maryland, for instance. In 
 1790 the population of this State was 205,418 whites and 
 103,344: slaves; in 1850, 417,943 whites and 91,368 sla-ses : the 
 white population had thus doubled itself, whilst the slave had 
 decHned 11,976. But nearly the whole of the increase in the one. 
 and the decrease in the other, was in the counties bordering upon 
 Pennsylvania, as will be seen from the following figures : — * 
 
 
 Area. 
 
 1790. 
 
 1850. 
 
 
 Whites. 
 
 Slaves. 
 
 Whites. 
 
 Slaves. (' 
 
 Border counties . . 
 EemainiDg counties 
 
 4,474 
 6,650 
 
 97,664 
 107,754 
 
 19,041 
 84,303 
 
 305,282 
 112,661 
 
 1 
 18,430 ; 
 
 72,938 ^ 
 
 It would, probably, be impossible to find another distiact o:l 
 country in the world where the population has remained as 
 stationary as in Southern Maryland : indeed, adding freemen 
 and slaves together, there has been a positive decrease of 8,458 
 persons ! The reader will perceive that the cause canncit be 
 the scarcity of room, for the depopulated counties cor tain 
 2,176 square miles of territory more than the border coun- 
 ties. Neither can it be attributed to the geographical posi- 
 tion of the slave counties ; for, for commercial purposes, they 
 are the best situated in the State : — 
 
 " No region on the face of the glohe contains more adminihle advantages oi 
 climate, fertility, saluhrity and position. The eastern shore fronts both upon 
 
 * From The Progress of Slavery in the United States. By G. M. Weston. 
 p. 17. (Washington, 1858), 
 
FREE AND SLAVE STATES COMPARED. 239 
 
 Chesapeake Bay and upon the Atlantic Ocean. The westem shore fronts upon 
 Chesapeake Bay, while its long southern border is washed by the majestic Potomac, 
 which men-of-war can ascend more than one hundred miles from the bay. Bot?i 
 shores are penetrated by numerous navigable streams, and creeks, and inlets, making 
 an aggregate of water-line superior to that of any State in the Union. Proximity 
 and easiness of access to New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, on the north, and 
 the steady growth of Washington on the south, afford the best markets, and ought 
 to stimulate agriculture to its highest perfection."* 
 
 But the region is slmnned. by the only system of economy 
 capable of really developing its resom'ces. The northern portion 
 of the State is fast becoming free ; but its political influence is 
 counterbalanced by the representative power held by the slave- 
 holders, in virtue of the three-fifths calculation of their slaves. 
 The flourishing condition of the border counties is seen in the 
 greater value of their farms ; the per acre average being ^29-63 
 agaiast ^13-83, or less than one-half, in the districts cultivated 
 by slave-labour. The same phenomena is observable in Dela- 
 ware ; the average value of the farms per acre being, for the two 
 counties adjoining Pennsylvania and New Jersey, and contaiaing 
 one per cent, of slaves, ^31"59, and for the remaining county, 
 having six per cent, of slaves, only ^7-79. | But the last decen- 
 nial census shows that, in both Delaware and Maryland, the 
 iostitution is ia process of gradual extinction. 
 
 This innovating principle is present likewise in Missouri, 
 Virginia, Kentucky, and Tennessee ; in the whole of which the 
 proportion of the slave population to the total has been lessening 
 every decade. Slavery, when brought face to face with freedom, 
 is forced to succumb ; hence, in all of the States just named, 
 
 * The Progress of Slavery in the United States. By Weston, p. 18. 
 t Ibid., p. 7. 
 
240 THE PKOGRESS AKD CONDITION OF THE 
 
 the institution is gradually retiring towards the South. The 
 northern and eastern frontier counties are almost entirely occu- 
 pied by farmers who employ nought but free labour. The effects 
 are, a superior average intelligence, more comfortable dwellings, 
 and a vast increase in the wealth of the community. Farms in 
 Western Virginia,, where there exist but few slaves, were valued 
 in 1850 at |^12'98 per acre ; but in the eastern districts, where 
 slavery predominated, only ^8'42 per acre, and that notwith- 
 standing the greater fertility of the soU of the latter. In the coun-, 
 ties of Kentucky, adjoining Ohio, and having only 10 per cent; 
 of slaves, the value of the farms averaged /18-27 per acre ; in thel 
 counties adjoining Indiana, having a slave population of 21 peri 
 cent., the value was only ^10-44. Mr. Stirling, during hi^ 
 journey through Tennessee, in 1857, was struck with the thriving 
 appearance of the eastern portion of the State, compared with 
 the middle and western regions, and found an explanation of the 
 circumstance in the fact, that the least prosperous districts were 
 those having the largest proportion of slaves ; the figures being 
 for the east 8'6 per cent., for the middle 27'9 per cent., and for 
 the west 31-7 per cent.* 
 
 These facts, together with those given in the previous four 
 chapters, have not failed to have their due effect upon the great 
 bulk of the citizens of the border States, as well as a consider- 
 able number of those of the States further south — slave-holding 
 citizens as well as non-slave-holding. They see the agricultural 
 superiority of the North, and trace it to the independence and 
 
 * Letters from the Slave States, p. 323. 
 
FEEE AND SLAVE STATES COMPAEED. 241 
 
 mental cultivation of the labourers, whose freedom carries with 
 it social and other responsibilities unknown to the slave, and 
 far more stimulating than the lash. They perceive, also, tWt 
 whilst the slave cares little for either the quantity or the quality 
 of the work which he performs, the seK-interest of the freeman 
 prompts him to accomplish the greatest results iu the least pos- 
 sible time, and in the best possible manner. ' 
 
 Hence there are many Southerners who ar-e' heartily tired of 
 their position, and who would willingl/ give their support to 
 any measures calculated to relieve them. But the opposition of 
 the most influential of the pbiv-^^^holders, together with the great 
 social, industrial, and Imancial difficulties which present them- 
 selves on the very threshold of emancipation, have, hitherto, 
 prevented the reform party from accompKshing any practical 
 step towards general freedom. 
 
PART ly. 
 
 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 p. 2 
 
PART IV. 
 
 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 CHAPTEE I. 
 
 The DrPFicuiTTES in the Path of Feeedom. 
 
 Thebe are doubtless great obstacles to the introduction of eman- 
 cipation ; but, great as tbey are, tbey must be met and over- 
 come, or fearful consequences will ensue. " If," says Mr. Stirling, 
 "tbe South cannot find a solution of this slave question, God will 
 find one for them, and that, trust me, will be a violent one."* 
 There may not be much difficulty experienced in keeping 4,000,000 
 of human beings in the vilest bondage, ignorant as they are, and 
 spread over a vast extent of territory ; but what will be the state 
 of affairs in twenty years hence, when the slaves will number 
 7,000,000, or in twenty years later, when they will reach 
 12,000,000, and when intelligence, spite of all precaution, will 
 be more widely diffused than it is now ? If freedom, present or 
 prospective, is not presented to the slaves the time will come 
 when they wiU take it. It may not be in the present generation. 
 
 * Letters from the Slave States, p. 52. 
 
246 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 but who will say tbat it will not be in tlie next ? Every year of 
 procrastination will add to the difficulties of the question ; and it 
 the slave-holders of the present day desire to have the blessings, 
 and not the execrations of posterity, they will face the evil at 
 once, and sow the seeds of gradual and peaceable emancipation. 
 
 The ban of Christendom is upon slavery ; and though the pro- 
 posed Southern Confederacy may possibly obtain a recognitioii 
 of its independence, it may rest assured that it will never have 
 the good wishes of the freedom-loving peoples of Europe, so long 
 as it retains in its constitution " the wild and guilty fantasy that 
 man can hold property in man."* But let the Southerners 
 express a wUlingness to relinquish their domestic institution, 
 let them be no longer the apostles of a vile sociology, the per- 
 petrators of the uncleannest of all unclean things, and they will 
 soon have the sympathy, co-operation, and material assistance 
 of the great and good in the world in ridding themselves of the 
 sin of human bondage. 
 
 Although from our inmost soul we abhor aad detest slavery, 
 yet we feel convinced that the ends of freedom will not be gained 
 by the advocacy of ultra-abolition views. The slave-holders of 
 America may be persuaded practically to adopt emancipatory 
 ideas, but they will repel every movement savouring of compul- 
 sion : they cannot be dragooned on to the side of freedom. Their 
 seK-respect will not allow them to be coerced into liberating their 
 slaves. For our own part, we advocate moderate measures. 
 
 We believe that slavery is a sin ; that to reduce a free man to 
 
 Lord Brougham. 
 
EMANCIPATION. 247 
 
 the condition of bondage is a crime of the deepest die; but still, 
 so far as American slavery is concerned, we cannot hold that the 
 present generation of slave-holders are entirely responsible for 
 the existence of the institution ; and neither can we, consecLuently, 
 affirm that slave-holding is a sin per se. In discussing this ques- 
 tion it should not be forgotten that the institution is an entailed 
 one ; that many of the present inheritors of property in negroes 
 would rather have had their money invested in some other and 
 safer security ; and that though some " sell out," aU cannot do 
 so. That the negro has no right to be held, even, in bondage we 
 believe to be a cardinal truth ; but still it is unquestionable that 
 any attempt made to enforce that truth, by extreme abolition 
 measures, would be futile. Indeed, whether the seceded States 
 remain out or rejoin the American Union, the attempt can never 
 be made. The slave States themselves are alone responsible for 
 the existence of slavery within their borders, and they only can 
 initiate and cany out an emancipatory code. Though we have 
 spoken thus leniently of slave-holding, we dare not extend the 
 same lenity to either slave-Sreediragr or slsLYe-dealing. We know 
 that these latter caUings are denied ; but though there may not 
 be many (for there are some) people who literally and avowedly 
 rear negroes for sale, still it is unquestionable that the main sup- 
 port of slavery in the border States is the extent and value of the 
 domestic slave trade : — 
 
 "The King of Dahomey, on a certain occasion, admitted that he took captives in 
 war, and that he sold into slavery the captives so taken ; he admitted that the sale 
 of the slaves afforded him his principal revenue ; but he denied that he ever went 
 to war for the pnrpose of procuring captives to be sold as slaves, and for the truth 
 of this denial he vouched his own honour and the honour of all his ancestors. 
 
248 EMANOrPATION. 
 
 The King of Dahomey, however, has found it impossible to allay the suspicions of 
 mankind ; and it will be equally impossible for Virginia, so long as the selling oi 
 slaves is her principal business, tp avoid the imputation that she breeds them for 
 sale, and especially when so many of her citizens do not scruple to avow it."* 
 
 But slave-holding is no longer sinless when a fair and reason- 
 able opportunity has been offered and refused for the emancipa- 
 tion of the slave. The immediate liberation of the present ser- 
 vile population of the United States would, we are certain, be 
 fraught with serious consequences, and it is for this reason that 
 we say that slave-holding is not a crime per se ; but if the slave- 
 owners refuse to entertain a reasonable scheme of mamunission — 
 if, for instance, the Legislature of Missouri was to pass an eman- 
 cipatory code, such as to be perfectly satisfactory to the ma- 
 jority of the slave-owners, and if the minority, being dissentients, 
 instead of complying with the law, were to evade it by emigrat- 
 ing with their " property " from the State before the provisions 
 of the Act came into operation, they would as clearly be guilty 
 of the crime of man-stealing as the King of Dahomey ; the sin 
 would be as great as if they had taken so many people bom to 
 freedom, and carried them into slavery. 
 
 ^Foremost amongst the obstacles to freedom is the money part 
 of the c[uestion. No scheme of emancipation will be entertained 
 by even the least conservative of the slave States which does 
 not in some way provide for the compensation of the masters. 
 The negro is the principal species of Southern property. Of 
 the ;^2,936,090,737 of real and personal estate possessed by the 
 South in 1850, ^1,600,000,000, or more than one-half, was the 
 
 * Weston's Progress of Slavery, ^c, p. 42, 
 
EMANCIPATION. 249 
 
 value of the slaves (3,200,000), calculated at an average of ^500 
 per head. But during the last decade the value of slave pro- 
 perty has increased about 100 per cent., and the number to only 
 a few short of 4,000,000. If we say that the advance in price 
 has been only 50 per cent, the average value would be ^^750 aU 
 round, old and young : this would give the enormous sum of 
 #3,000,000,000, or £660,000,000 ! Total and immediate eman- 
 cipation, without compensation, therefore, is impossible. 
 
 Governor Hammond has thus alluded to this branch of the 
 topic, in a letter to Thomas Claikson, some yeajs ago ■.-^- 
 
 " Supposing that we were all convinced, and thouglat of slavery precisely as you 
 do, at what era of ' moral suasion ' do you imagine you could prevail on us to give 
 up a thousand millions of dollars in the value of our slaves, and a thousand millions 
 of dollars more in the depreciation of our lands in consequence of the want of 
 labourers to cultivate them ? Consider ; were ever any people, civilized or savage, 
 persuaded by any argument, human or divine, to surrender, voluntarily, two thou- 
 sand million dollars ? Would you think of asking five miUions of Englishmen to 
 contribute, either at once or gradually, four hundred and fifty miUions of pounds 
 sterling to the cause of philanthropy? . . . Ton see the absurdity of such an idea. 
 Away, then, with your pretended ' moral suasion.' You know it is mere non- 
 sense." 
 
 Besides the financial crisis which would be the result of a 
 forced abolition after the Lloyd Grarrison and Helper fashion, 
 there would be the difficulty of dealing with a mass of beings in 
 a state of comparative barbarism — the negroes, from no fault 
 of their own, but owing to the prohibitory laws and pernicious 
 influence of slavery, being wholly uneducated, and altogether 
 without any notion of responsibility. The negro slave is a very 
 different being from what he is generally represented in this 
 country. It is a remarkable fact that the majority of English 
 visitors to the slave States of America return home with consi- 
 
250 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 derably modified views as to the abilities and condition of the 
 negro. The same is the case with intelligent travellers from the 
 North. Mr. Olmsted, in his last volume, says : — 
 
 " The field-hand negro is, on an average, a very poor and a veiy bad creature, 
 much worse than I had supposed before I had seen him and grown familiar with 
 his stupidity, indolence, duplicity and sensuality. He seems to be but an imperfect 
 man, incapable of taking care of himself in a civilized manner, and his presence in 
 large numbers must be considered a dangerous circumstance to a civilized people. 
 
 " A civilized people, within which a large number of such creatures has been 
 placed by any means not within its own control, has claims upon the charity, the 
 aid if necessaiy, of all other civilized peoples in its endeavours to relieve itself from 
 the danger which must be apprehended from their brutal propensities, from the 
 incompleteness of their human sympathies, their inhumanity, from their natural 
 love of ease, and the barbaric want of forethought and providence, which would 
 often induce desperate want amongst them. Evidently the people thus burthened 
 would have need to provide systematically for the physical want^ of these poor 
 creatures, else the latter wonld be liable to prey with great waste upon their 
 substance."* 
 
 But the evils which it is here contemplated would follow 
 immediate liberation, could be provided against by a system of 
 gradual emancipation. The lazy inclinations of the negroes, 
 their improvidence, their animal propensities, their general 
 rascality, and their confused notions of meum and tuwm, are the 
 results, not of their nature, but of their condition as slaves. They 
 have not only no inducement to improve themselves, but they 
 are positively prevented from doing so. Give the negro an 
 interest in the results of his labour — throw open to him the 
 various avenues of knowledge, and the A&ican population of 
 America would present a very different aspect than it does now. 
 
 The slave is lazy, it is said : why shoidd he be industrious ? 
 Will he gain by the employment of extra exertions ? The slave 
 
 * A Journey in the Back Country, p. 432. 
 
EMANCIPATION. 251 
 
 is not remunerated according to his serrices. If a negro be 
 inteUig. nt, industrious, and faithful to his owner, he derives no 
 benefit from such conduct ; it simply adds a few hundred doUars 
 to his value as an article of commerce, and, if his master be poor, 
 increases his chances of being sold, and, probably, falling into 
 the hands of a tyrannical owner. There are plenty of Mr. 
 Shelbys and Mr. Haleys in the South. But, it is replied, the 
 negro is naturally a laizy being, and will not work except when 
 forced to do so — no amount of money will stimulate him to 
 acquire habits of industry. Here we join issue : for experience 
 shows that, with fair treatment and fair pay, the negro wiU work, 
 and work hard too. Mr. Olmsted was told by tobacco manu- 
 fecturers in Virginia that the negroes " could not be driven to do 
 a fair day's work so easily as they could be stimulated to it 
 by the offer of a bonus for all they would manufacture above a 
 certain number of pounds."* A sugar-planter of Louisiana 
 adopted the plan of, at Christmas, dividing amongst his slaves a 
 sum of money equal to one dollar for each hogshead of sugar 
 made during the year : the labourers had thus a direct interest 
 in the economical direction of their labour, and the advantage 
 of the arrangement was said to be very evident. This plan is 
 not uncommon throughout Louisiana, and the negroes of that 
 State are, therefore, more industrious than the general run of 
 ^ves in other portions of the South ; they are also more intel- 
 ligent, because the laws of the State are much more favourable 
 to them than the enactments of the other States. "Men of 
 
 * A Journey in the Sea-hoard Slave States, p. 127. 
 
252 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 sense," says Mr. Olmsted, -writing from Louisiana, " have dis- 
 covered that when they desire to get extraordinary exertions 
 from their slaves, it is better to offer them rewards than to whip 
 them : to encourage them rather than to drive them." The same 
 mode of treatment has also a beneficial influence upon the 
 morality of the slave. Where the masters are most considerate 
 and liberal towards their slaves, there the slaves show them- 
 selves worthy of trust most.* 
 
 The free negro population of the States is often brought for- 
 ward as evidence of the natural inability of the African to raise 
 himself in society ; but here again the low status is not the effect 
 of any essential inferiority of the negro, but of the mode in 
 which his advancement is opposed by the white people. Still, 
 persecuted and despised as they are, their condition will bear 
 examining, which is more than can be said for a large number 
 of the white population. Eespecting the free negroes of New 
 York, Mr. Ohnsted says that among the thousands of applicants 
 for charity during " the famine " he did not see one free negro ; 
 and the cause was attributed to the fact that the African was 
 more provident, and always managed to keep himself more 
 decent and comfortable than the poor whites, f Mr. Stirling was 
 agreeably surprised with the intelligence and prosperity of the 
 Northern free coloured people, and found some with whom he 
 conversed to be men of superior minds and some education.f 
 
 In addition to the readiness of the negro to work, and his 
 
 * A Journey in the Sea-board Slave States, pp. 108, 447, 660 and 669. 
 t Ibid., p. 704. % Letters from the Slave States, p. 53. 
 
EMANOrPATION. 253 
 
 capacity for taking care of himself, evidence is not wanted to 
 show that he is not deficient in mental powers. All over the 
 Sonth Mr. Olmsted was shown specimens of slaves who had 
 exhibited great aptitude ia mastering various mechanical trades, 
 and in learning to read and write ; proving that the elevation of 
 the negro is not that impossible thing his self-laudatory white 
 fellow-man would have us believe. One Mississippi planter told 
 Mr. Olmsted that negroes, when they had the opportunity, 
 learned quicker than white men ; a second testified that they 
 were naturally ingenious, " more so than white folks ;" and a 
 third, of larger experience, said, " he knew hosts of negroes who 
 showed extraordinary talents, considering their opportunities : 
 there were a great many in this part of the country who could 
 read and write, and calculate mentally, as well as the general 
 run of white men who had been to schools."* In South Carolina 
 a rice planter " pointed out some carpenter's work, a part of 
 which had been executed by a New England mechanic and a 
 part by one of his own hands, which indicated that the latter was 
 much the better workman." Several similar cases are mentioned 
 by Mr, Olmsted in his " Journeys." 
 
 But though there' are many exceptions to the generally de- 
 graded condition of the slaves, still they are far from being suf- 
 ficiently numerous to justify an imiversal emancipation. The 
 great majority of the negroes are better off in bondage than they 
 would be if Kberated without preparation for the change. The 
 
 * A Journey in the Back Ccfwntry, pp. 143, 151, 181. Sea-ioard Slave 
 States, p. 426. 
 
254 EMASrCIPATION. 
 
 slaves must be educated, civilized, and, above all, Okristianized, 
 before tbey are sent into the world to seek their own livelihood : 
 otherwise, freedom would be the ruin of the South, and a curse 
 to the slaves themselves. Slavery, and its effects, are the growth 
 of centuries, and cannot be eradicated in a day, unless by e 
 miracle. 
 
 A wholesale expatriation has been suggested by some as the 
 best remedy of the South ; but such a movement would be im- 
 possible, and if possible would be impolitic. That the negro 
 race had never any business on the American continent we firmly 
 beKeve ; but stOl a large portion of the race is there, and there 
 it will have to remain, for two very potent reasons : first, that 
 the majority would object to removal ; and, secondly, that their 
 labour is required for the cultivation of the land. 
 
 Notwithstanding the political and social disabilities of the 
 free negroes of the North, they still cling to the land of their 
 birth, and would resent any attempt at forced transportation. 
 And so it is with the slaves. Their love of country is embodied 
 in their simple, but beautiful melodies, and their fondness for the 
 land of their birth is even more intense than that of the white 
 man. At a public meeting held at New Bedford, Massachusetts, 
 on the 16th June, 1858, the free coloured men expressed their 
 anti-colonization notions very decidedly. One of the resolutions 
 passed at the meeting was as follows : — 
 
 " We believe the design is, now more than ever before, to make our grievances 
 permanent, by greatly multiplying the disabilities under which we labour ; never- 
 theless, we are determined to remain in this country, our right and title being as 
 clear and indisputable as that of any class of people." 
 
EMANCIPATION. 255 
 
 With gradual emancipation the prejudices of caste would be 
 overcome by degrees ; the lowest type of the African would die 
 out, and the remainder, through the mulatto population, would 
 in time disappear by admixture with the white races. We know 
 that this idea is indignantly repelled by Americans, and that the 
 majority of them say that amalgamation is impossible ; but we 
 know likewise 1;hat amalgamation does take place, and that to a 
 large extent. In the year 1850 there were 434,495 free coloured 
 people in the United States, and out of these 150,095, or more 
 than one-third, were mulattoes or half-breeds, leaving 276,400 
 only of the true negro type, or, rather, modified negro type, for 
 the real " Congo nigger " has died out some years past. But a 
 fact noticed at the census of 1850 leads us to infer that the 
 above figures convey only a partial idea of the assimilating pro- 
 cess going on. Mr. De Bow foimd that between the years 1840 
 and 1850 there had been a large decrease in the coloured popu- 
 lation of New Orleans, and he suggests that the circumstance 
 might be traceable to two causes : first, an error in the census 
 figures of 1840 ; and, secondly, the returning in 1850 in the 
 " white " colnmn of a mmiber of the mulatto inhabitants, or their 
 progeny, which, of right, belonged to the " coloured " column, 
 either themselves or their parents being returned in the latter 
 column in 1840 : the cause of the change being the impossibility 
 of distinguishing them from the pure whites. Now, it is known 
 that the free coloured population of the whole Union increased at a 
 less rate than either the slaves or whites : may not the cause be 
 the same throughout the States as at New Orleans ? If not, what 
 is the cause ? It won't do for the white people to blame the 
 
256 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 census compilers, for probably if they were tbe most sMUed 
 ethnologists the result would not be materially altered. 
 
 The slave population itself does not escape this amalgamating 
 process. It is no uncommon occurrence for a run-away slave to 
 be advertised as one " who will endeavour to pass himself off for 
 a white man," whose hair is " long," and whose face is " pale." 
 On a large plantation in Mississippi Mr. Olmsted saw a slave 
 girl perfectly white, " with hair straight and sandy ;" and he was 
 told that " it was not imcommon to see slaves so white that they 
 could not be easily distinguished from pure-blooded whites." 
 An overseer on the above estate told Mr. Olmsted that he had 
 never been on a plantation before that had not more than one white 
 slave on it.* A Virginian, writing to Mr. Helper, states, that 
 should an advocate of amalgamation make his appearance in that 
 State he would certainly be in receipt of a coat of tar and feathers ; 
 but that, spite of the hate of the iAeor?/, the ^J-acfjce of amalgamation 
 was common : — " In some of our towns and villages more than 
 half the coloured population are of mixed blood ; and such is 
 the state of things, to a greater or less extent, throughout the 
 entire South, as far as I have travelled. Thus, in this respect, 
 truth compels me to make the humiliating concession, that 
 Virginia practice is worse than Massachusetts theory."] Mr. 
 William Chambers, in his " Slavery and Colour in America^" 
 remarks that, " the prodigious and irregular amalgamation of 
 races in the South, with the deterioration and helplessness of 
 
 * A Journey in the Back Ccnmtry, p. 90. 
 
 t See Helper's Impending Crisis of the South, p. 399. 
 
EMlIJCrPATION. 257 
 
 the less affluent class of whites in the slave-holding States, has, 
 as may be supposed, led to a pretty nearly pure, nay, absolutely 
 pure breed of white slaves." 
 
 Thus, disagreeable as the idea may be to the white people of 
 America, amalgamation does take place, and it is simply nonsense 
 on their part to say it can't. 
 
 Lastly, no scheme of manumission would be successful which 
 did not provide for the prospective liberation of the present 
 generation of slaves. The Northern States mostly procured the 
 freedom of their negroes by declaring all bom after a certain 
 specified date to be free ; but the carrying out of the same idea 
 in the present slave States would be impracticable. When the 
 free States introduced their emancipatory measures, the amount 
 of their slave population was a mere fraction compared with 
 that of the South at the present time. The total number of 
 slaves in the North in 1790 did not reach 50,000, and they were 
 spread over a large extent of territory. But the Southerner has 
 to deal with 4,000,000, so concentrated as to outnumber the 
 white population in some districts. This difficulty presented 
 itself to De Tocqueville, thirty years ago : — 
 
 " It is evident," says he, *' tliat tLe most Southern States of the Union cannot 
 abolish slavery withont incurring veiy great dangers, which the North had no 
 reason to apprehend when it emancipated its black population. We have already 
 shown the system by which the Northern States secured the transition from slavery 
 to freedom, by keeping the present generation in chains, and setting their descend- 
 ants free ; by this means the negroes are gradually introduced into society ; and 
 whilst the men who might abuse their freedom are kept in a state of servitude, 
 those who are emancipated may learn the art of being free before they become their 
 own masters. But it would be difficult to apply this method to the South. To 
 declare that all negroes bom after a certain period shall be free, is to introduce the 
 principle and notion of liberty into the heart of slavery : the blacks whom tlie law 
 
258 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 thus ■maintains in a state of slavery from which their children are delivered are 
 astonished at so unequal a fate, and their astonishment is only the prelude to 
 impatience and irritation. Thenceforward slavery loses, in their eyes, that hind 
 of moral power which it derived from time and habit; it is reduced to mere 
 palpable abuse of force. The Northern States had nothing to fear from the 
 contrast, because in them the blacks were few in number, and the white population 
 was very considerable. Sut if this faint dawn of freedom were to show two 
 millions of men their true position, the oppressors would have reason to tremble. 
 After having enfranchised the children of their slaves, the Europeans of the South- 
 ern States would very shortly be obliged to extend the same benefit to the whole 
 black population."* 
 
 It is clear, then, that abolitionists, to be successful, must pro- 
 vide, not only for the freedom of the futiu-e progeny of the 
 slaves, but must likewise make provision for the liberation of 
 the negroes now in bondage. It is evident that, from the 
 freq^uent occurrence of insurrections in all parts of the South, 
 the Government experiences considerable difficulty in its endea- 
 vours to preserve the peace. Probably the majority of the 
 slaves, from their ignorance and the destruction of every feeHng 
 akin to aspiration, are content with their situation ; but there is, 
 doubtless, a large number who are hoping and waiting for a 
 favourable opportunity to shake off their chains, and whose first 
 movement would stir up the more indolent. To tell them, there- 
 fore, that they must be content to remain in bondage all their 
 Hves, but that their children shall be free, would only tend to 
 exasperate the character of their position, and render them more 
 miserable than ever. They would not fail to perceive that they 
 were held as slaves, not by right, but by might. Hitherto, sup- 
 
 ■* Democracy in America. By Alexis de Tooqueville, translated by Henry 
 Reeve, Esq. London, 1835. Vol. ii., pp. 346 and 347. 
 
EMANCIPATION. 259 
 
 ported by hope, they liave borne their bonds with wonderful 
 patience ; but now, deserted by that " anchor of the soul," they 
 would be driven to distraction, and, by their unrestrained feelings, 
 forced into a terrible rebellion — a rebellion of such a magnitude 
 and determined a character as could only be carried on by men 
 having everything to gain and nothing to lose. 
 
 The accomplishment of emancipation, it will be seen, then, 
 is no easy matter ; but still the object can be attained if the 
 proper means be adopted. "We have no exclusively infallible 
 panacea, or entirely original scheme, to offer ; but the sugges- 
 tions contained in the following chapter may not be considered 
 unworthy of consideration. 
 
 s 2 
 
260 EMiNCIPATION. 
 
 CHAPTEE II. 
 
 The Pbaoticabiiity op Emajtcipation. 
 
 The first step towards the final eradication of an evil is to re- 
 strict it. if a fire breaks out ia a tiiickly-popiilated comnmnity, 
 the first care of the firemen is to secure the safety of the sur- 
 rounding property from the impending danger ; this done, his 
 exertions are then turned upon the scene of destruction, until 
 the devastating element is finally subdued. So it is with 
 slavery : if ever the institution is to be got rid of, a Hmit must 
 be put to its extension. Slavery limited would be more easily 
 dealt with than slavery imlimited. The founders of the Ameri- 
 can EepubHc saw this, and, as a first movement, abolished the 
 importation of negroes, expecting that with the cutting off of 
 the external supply the profits of domestic slavery would be 
 reduced, and the inducements for its further extension vpith- 
 drawn. But subsequent experience has shown that there was a 
 vitality in the system which had never been anticipated, and 
 that, thrown upon its own resources, the institution has flourished 
 even greater than during the period of " free trade." 
 
 The primary cause of this was the growing importance of the 
 cotton cultitte, which, by increasing the demand for slaves at the 
 
EMANCIPATION. 261 
 
 very time when the external supply was cut off, enhanced the 
 value of those in the country, and induced their owners to treat 
 them with greater care than probably they had previously been 
 used to. So long as the import trade was brisk, it mattered 
 very little how the negroes were treated ; for, if " used up,'' 
 they could be easily and cheaply replaced ; but deprived of a 
 constant means of repairing the wear and tear of life, the slave 
 consumers soon saw that the " using-up " system would not 
 pay : hence the rise of the modem " breeding " economy, which, 
 as already explained, soon became the principal avocation of the 
 northern, or border, slave States. 
 
 Much has been written about the Ul-treatment of the slaves in 
 the United States ; but we believe that the American slave-owners 
 have never, either before or since the abolition of the external 
 traffic, even approached the barbarity of the British slave-owners 
 of the West Indies. The vital statistics of the United States show 
 that the deaths amongst the slaves have never exceeded the births ; 
 whilst in most of the West India Islands the births have rarely, 
 if ever, exceeded the deaths ; so that whilst, in the one case, the 
 population has been increasing hand over hand, in the other, 
 down to the year of emancipation, the tendency was the reverse. 
 
 In 1790 the number of slaves in those States of the Union 
 which retained the institution was 648,640 ; in 1810 they had 
 risen to 1,160,111, being an increase of 79 per cent. In 1830 
 the number was 2,002,965, or 73 per cent, more than twenty 
 years previously : the decline of 6 per cent, being the result 
 mainly, no doubt, of the extinction of the import trade in 1808. 
 Thus proving that even before the last-named event, the South- 
 
262 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 emers did not " consume " their negro imports as fast as they 
 arrived. 
 
 Now, compare this with the figures relating to Jamaica. Mr. 
 Martin, in his "History of the Colonies of the British Empire," 
 says that, for the first three-quarters of the eighteenth century, 
 half a million of negroes were imported into Jamaica, of which 
 130,000 were re-exported, but that of the remaiuder not more 
 than 19,000 were alive in 1775. " For at least fifty years it was 
 computed that Jamaica required an annual supply of 10,000 
 slaves to provide against the wear and tear of life that went on !" 
 In 1788 the number of slaves was 256,000 ; by 1808 they had 
 risen to 323,827 ; they progressed slowly until 1817, when the 
 maximum number was reached, viz., 346,150 ; but from that date 
 the course was downwards : the figures for 1826 being 331,119, 
 though only 4,782 manumissions had taken place, and for 1837, 
 the year of emancipation, 311,692. Had the negro population 
 of Jamaica been as prolific from 1817 to 1837 as that of the 
 United States from 1810 to 1830, their numbers in 1837 would 
 have been — after allowing 10,000 for manumissions — 591,539, 
 instead of only 311,692. What a tale of cruelty and oppression 
 do these figures tell ! 
 
 Most of the West India Islands figure little better than 
 Jamaica : some quite as bad. Barbadoes, however, stands out 
 an exception : her slaves in 1817 numbered 77,494 ; in 1823, 
 78,816; iu 1829,81,902; and in 1837, 82,807; whilst about 
 5,000 manumissions had taken place — 2,628 occurred between 
 1817 and 1832, of which 1,089 were in the last three years ; 
 and it is a fact that at the present time this island is the most 
 
EMANCIPATION. 263 
 
 prosperous of all our West Indian colonies. Verily, every sin 
 has its Nemesis, and every virtue its reward 1 
 
 As soon as the abolitionists of America discovered the non- 
 realization of their anticipations from the discontinuance of the 
 African slave-trade, and became aware of the inmiense strides of 
 progress slavery was making notwithstanding the prohibition, 
 they at once turned their attention to other means of stemming 
 the tide, viz., geographical restriction and negro emigration. 
 For the first half of the present century the contest was carried 
 on with vigour ; but the leaders of the cause of freedom were 
 but coldly supported by the Northern people, and the victory 
 was uniformly on the side of the South ; for, during the sixty 
 years ending with 1850, the territory of slavedom, and the num- 
 ber of slaves, increased about fourfold ; and the power of the 
 slave-holders — the fruit of superior tact and unity of purpose — 
 had defeated the efforts of the free-soUers to prevent the incor- 
 poration of new slave States ; and the African colonization 
 scheme proved a signal failure. 
 
 But the overbearing attitude of the slave-holders between 
 1850 and 1860, has at last aroused the free States to a 
 sense of their duty, and the long-talied-of restriction of the 
 possessions of slavery may now be said to have arrived ; for, 
 whatever may be the result of the present sectional dispute — 
 whether there be one or two Confederacies — the Southerners 
 may rest assured that the maximum dominion and power of 
 slavedom has been reached. Whether the South remains in the 
 Union, or is allowed to go out of it, not one yard more of slave 
 territory wOJ be added to its domains. 
 
264 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 The slave-holders already possess the whole of the lands which 
 can be profitably cultivated by their system of labour. Great 
 efforts have been made to give the institution a firm footing in 
 the territories of New Mexico and Utah ; but the entire power 
 of the South has failed to accomplish that object. During the 
 ten years ending 1860, the number of slaves in Utah only in- 
 creased from 26 to 29 ; and at the last census there were but 24 
 slaves in New Mexico, of whom one-half only were domiciled : 
 simply because free labour pays better, and there are no cotton, 
 rice, and sugar lands to work up and abandon, as in the Atlantic 
 and Gulf States. 
 
 The Southerners thought that they would get California ; but 
 the people of that State disappointed them, and the incipient 
 States of New Mexico and Utah will follow the example of the 
 gold regions ; and Western Texas, now peopled by slavery-hating 
 Germans, will slide off in the same direction ; so that, probably, 
 in another decade — or, at all events, two decades — we shall see 
 slavedom completely surrounded by thriving communities of 
 freemen. 
 
 It is possible that no immediate effect would follow the restric- 
 tion of the territory of niggerdom ; but in time, the slave popu- 
 lation would increase to such an extent as to reduce its value as 
 "property;" the tendency of which would be to lessen, and 
 finally to do away with, the profits of slave-breeding. The 
 cotton States would find themselves fully stocked with labour, 
 and entirely independent of external assistance, and would, con- 
 sequently, cease to be consumers of the produce of the breeding 
 States, except at — to the latter — mu-emunerative prices. The 
 
EMANCIPATION. 265 
 
 slave-owners of the border States would soon become bvirthened 
 with a large surplus stock of negroes, and in the absence of a 
 remunerative market, either at the South or at home, would no 
 longer resist the introductiom of an emancipatory code. 
 
 Whatever may be the future relations between the present 
 free and slave States, whether they continue together under a 
 common Government, or exist as separate Confederacies, the 
 South will have to work out its own redemption ; not enly because 
 of the supremacy of each State in the management of its own 
 domestic affairs, but because of the high spirit of the Southerners, 
 which will prevent them from allowing any interference, or 
 accepting any assistance, other than moral approbation, from 
 outsiders. 
 
 The nature of the case demands that the reform, to be effec- 
 tual in securing the best good to both masters and slaves, should 
 be introduced by degrees. The change from serfdom and 
 feudalism, iu Europe, to freedom, was so gradual, and spread 
 over so great a length of time, that it is impossible to trace the 
 transition point. Lord Macaulay, speaking of the social progress 
 of England, says : — 
 
 " The change, great as it was, was the effect of gradual dcTelopment, not of de- 
 molition and reconstraction. The exorbitant power of the Barons was gradually 
 reduced, and the condition of the peasants gradually elevated." " That reyolution 
 which put an end to property in man, was silently and imperceptibly effected.*'* 
 
 The first step would be to clear away all obstacles to the 
 introduction of the new era. The laws which prohibit individual 
 emancipation ; those which refuse negro (free or slave) evidence 
 
 History of England, vol. i., pp. 21 and 23. 
 
266 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 in the courts of justice ; and all those wliich support the shameful 
 proposition that " the black man has no rights which the white 
 man is bound to respect," must be immediately repealed, or the 
 amelioration of the race wiU be impossible. 
 
 The laws of Cuba are far more favourable towards the slave 
 than are those of the Southern States of America. One-fourth of 
 the negroes in the island are free, and any slave desiring to pur- 
 chase his own freedom, or who can find any one else willing to 
 do so for him, can go to a magistrate, have himseK valued, and 
 close the contract, even though his owner may object thereto. 
 There is no occasion for the liberation-money to be paid down 
 at once ; it may be paid in instalments of not less than fifty 
 dollars each. When once free, the negro can attain to a better 
 position in society than can his brethren in America : — 
 
 " In point of privilege," says Mr. Dana, "the free blacks are quite the equals 
 of the whites. In courts of law, as witnesses or parties, no difference is known ; 
 and they have the same rights as to the holding of lands and other property."* 
 
 In Southern law-courts the case is the reverse of this : no 
 black man can be a competent witness against a white man : — 
 
 " This principle,'' says a writer in The North American Review, for May, 1853, 
 " is founded on the vulgar idea that a suit at law is a hostile attack, and, therefore, 
 that the evidence of a negro supporting such an attack is derogatory to the dignity 
 of the white man." " The fii"st object of all legal proceedings is to investigate the 
 facts, in order to apply the law — to discover the truth ; and this principle shuts 
 out the truth. Cannot a negro tell what he knows, and describe what he has seen 
 or heard?" " Is there any danger that he will be too easily believed, when his 
 testimony is against a white man ? and are not the iniles of evidence sufficient to 
 protect the jury from felsehood and deception ?" 
 
 Having paved the way by removing all obstructions, the move- 
 
 To Ciiba and Back, p. 217. 
 
EMANCIPATION. 267 
 
 ment should be followed up by more positive measures. Of course 
 isolated individual efforts would be powerless. To insure success 
 to the undertaJdng the reform must be systematized, and made 
 legal by the State Government. The total prohibition of slave- 
 dealbig, in aU its phases, would, perhaps, be the best introductory 
 enactment. No slave should be sold, except with the consent 
 of the negro interested, who, there is no doubt, might torn a 
 transfer of his person considerably to his own advantage, either 
 by agreeing with his new master for a limited, instead of a life 
 period of servitude, or by receiving a money bounty, to be in- 
 vested towards purchasing his entire emancipation. This would 
 put a stop to the separation of families ; it would also bring an 
 end to negro speculations, and do away with slave auctions, and 
 the brutal scenes witnessed thereat. 
 
 The erroneous and odious principle which treats the negro 
 as "property" must be eradicated. No man has a right to 
 hold property in the person of his fellow-man, in the sense in 
 which the word property is conventionally understood : — 
 
 '* A slave," says a writer just quoted, " is not property, because he is a man. A 
 man cannot be the subject of property, though his labour may. He is not a thing. 
 Even in the lowest forms of humanity he has intellect, passions, sentiments, con- 
 science, which establish his brotherhood with all men,, which establish the theoretic 
 equality of man as man, and separate him from the lower animals and material 
 things. To man, to the race of men, the earth was given as an inheritance. What- 
 ever he can mate, or modify, or add value to, is property. Biit man was not given 
 to man to possess. He is not a product of industry, but himself a producer."* 
 
 Henceforward the use of the term " slave " should be discon- 
 tinued, and the negro denominated in the phraseology of the 
 
 Tlie North American Review, vol. Ixxvii., p. 479. 
 
268 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 " Constitution," as a "person held to hire," " held to labour," &c., 
 having his conduct ruled by laws similar to those which touch 
 the condition of apprentices. The obligations between masters 
 and servants should no longer be one-sided and arbitrary, but 
 mutual : the negro rendering service to the farmer or planter, in 
 return for protection, comfortable board and lodging, and edu- 
 cation religious and secular. 
 
 Instead of the present forcing system, a scale of piece-work 
 should be adopted ; the servant to be paid for any extra exer- 
 tion, the money to be appropriated by himself towards the pur- 
 chase of his liberty. By the introduction of some such a plan 
 as this, the most intelligent of the slaves would become free in 
 a very short space of time ; whilst the least intelligent and most 
 indolent would probably continue in a state of apprenticeship 
 throughout their lives ; and the difficulty of dealing vdth a mul- 
 titude of half-civilized Africans, which would arise if they 
 were liberated en masse, would be obviated. 
 
 Under the code suggested, both the contracting parties should 
 be amenable to the State authorities. The law should be ordered 
 so as to secure the master his full due, but at the same time to 
 see that the rights of the servant be respected. Anything in 
 the shape of cruelty to the servant should be severely punished ; 
 in extreme or oft-repeated cases by the emancipation of the 
 victim. On the other hand, provision should be made for the 
 protection of the master, and power should be given to him to 
 sell a wilfully vicious negro. The domestic relations amongst 
 the negroes must be respected ; and any offence in this direction 
 be met by the same penalties provided for the protection of the 
 
EMANCIPATION. 269 
 
 white man. The authority of the master over the young chil- 
 dren of his servants should be secondary to that of the parents. 
 AJI children bom during the servitude of their parents should 
 be considered free, provided their maintenance in food and 
 clothing, and the expense of their education, are borne by their 
 parents ; but if the provision of these necessaries falls to the lot 
 of the master, he should be reimbursed by the service of the 
 child, until it had attained the age of twenty-one years. 
 
 "With the introduction of ameliorative measures, similar ia 
 spirit, if not in letter, to the above outline, there would follow 
 not only a great change in the relations between the present 
 slave-owners and their slaves, but there would likewise be in- 
 augurated a happy reconciliation between the free and slave sec- 
 tions of the American States. The change in the former respect 
 would be silently, and almost imperceptibly made ; but the 
 effect upon the people of the Northern and Southern States 
 would be instantaneous. The negro, no longer a " slave," but a 
 " labourer," or an " apprentice " — no longer under the arbitrary 
 control of his master, but under the protection of the Govern- 
 ment and laws of the land — would be raised in the scale of 
 society, and labour in general would be rendered more honour- 
 able in the estimation of the white population. The odium of 
 slavery would be gone, and the Northern abolitionist lecturer 
 would be obliged to give up the " stump," and find some other 
 subject to " ventilate." The people of the slave States could 
 say of the negroes : " We have this race amongst us ; they are 
 bound to us, and we to them, for good and for evil. To get rid 
 of them is impossible : to emancipate them equally so. It would 
 
270 EMANCIPATION. 
 
 involve calamities far worse than slavery to us and to them. The 
 only thing that remains for us to do is to take care of them — 
 to govern them for our welfare and their own ; and that we are 
 doing — that we mean to do."* The people of the free States, 
 knowing that the position of the negro was improved, that his 
 grievances were redressed, and that his absolute freedom could 
 be obtained by his own exertions if he chose, would give up 
 their violent denunciations of the Southerners : convinced that 
 the masters had done all that lay in their power to better the 
 condition of the blacks, they would give their undivided support 
 to the new code ; and feeling that the former had rights as 
 well as the latter, they would see that, so far as they were con- 
 cerned, both were protected ; and, though they refuse to return 
 fugitive slaves, they would wiUingly hand over fugitive labourers 
 or runaway apprentices. The present want of cordiality between 
 the two sections would cease instantly, and ultra-abolitionism 
 would become as unpopular as extreme pro-slaveryism is now. 
 Northern and Southern citizens, instead of irritating each other 
 by intemperate sectional and personal criminations, would give 
 their entire attention to promoting the general welfare of the 
 whole Union. Secession would cease to exist, because it would 
 have nothing to live upon. 
 
 The abandonment of the doctrine that slavery is right per se, 
 and beneficial in fact, would lead the way to the final destruc- 
 tion of the institution, not only in the Southern States, but Hke- 
 vrise in Cuba and the Brazils. The laws of the former island are 
 
 * The Nctrth American Beview, vol. lisvii., p. 486. 
 
EMANCIPATION. 271 
 
 highly favourable to emancipation, and under them slave labour 
 would cease to exist in the course of a generation or two ; but 
 they are rendered nugatory by the constant importation of new 
 stock from Africa, which villainous trade cannot be put a stop to 
 without the hearty co-operation of America along with the great 
 EuropeEtn Powers. The Cubans know that though their traffic 
 is denounced by England and Prance, it is winked at by the 
 American government. But let them have the physical and 
 moral opposition of the three greatest nations on the earth to 
 contend against, and they would soon be obliged to succumb. 
 And then, as to the Brazils, that empire would not be long in 
 following the example of the United States ; for already the 
 social position of the free negro is far more honourable in the 
 former country than in the latter, which of itself is a strong 
 emancipatory element. 
 
 But, in conclusion, if the slave-holders of America refuse to 
 reform their domestic institution, they must be content to be in 
 receipt of the well-merited contempt of the entire of Christen- 
 dom. As the upholders of the last relic of barbarism they must 
 never expect to take rank with the civilized nations of the globe. 
 " They must remain in a state of moral isolation from the rest 
 of mankind, and behold pointed against them the whole artillery 
 of the literature and opinion of the world." Whilst socially, 
 religiously, commercially, and politically, their movements will 
 partake rather of retrogression than progression. 
 
SUPPLEMENTAEY OHAPTEE TO PAET III. 
 
 COnESE OF EVENTS DURING THE PIEST THREE MONTHS 
 OP PEBSIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTEATION. 
 
SUPPLEMENTAEY CHAPTEE TO PABT III. 
 
 CouBSB OF Events duking the First Three Months of 
 
 Peesidbnt Ldstooln's Administration. 
 For something like a month after the iaaugm-ation of President 
 Lincoln the course of events was not marked by any important 
 movement — ^matters were rather drifting than being impelled. 
 The whole political atmosphere was in a state of intense excite- 
 ment and expectation ; and the public one day had no means of 
 judging what might be the events of the next twenty-four hours. 
 Everything was in the dark. President Lincoln and. his Cabinet, 
 contrary to general American precedents, and much to the 
 annoyance of the newspaper correspondents — who, ia conse- 
 quence, drew freely upon their imagination for matter to fill up 
 their daily letters — ^kept their own coimsels ; and even when, 
 indirectly, anything they said did ooze out, no one seemed to be 
 able to interpret the oracle. Several attempts were made to 
 draw the Administration out, but the only answer that could be 
 obtained was, that the policy of the Government was announced 
 in the President's inaugural Message. Here the public was just 
 as far off as ever : what it wanted was an explanation of the 
 inaugural. People read it, and re-read it, and yet without being 
 able to arrive at any conclusion satisfactory to themselves. Some 
 
 T 2 
 
276 COTJKSE OP E'^rENTS DUEING THE FIBST THEEE 
 
 said it meant coercion, others concession — some peace, others 
 war. Many who read it to-day, and pronounced it a pacific 
 document, reversed their opinion with a second reading on the 
 morrow, and vice versa. 
 
 Various reports, got up by the writers of " sensation " para- 
 graphs, contributed to increase the excitement and augment the 
 impatience of the public : to-day a ray of brightness would 
 appear amidst the predominating gloom — to-morrow, all would 
 be darkness agaia. Now Forts Sumpter and Pickens were to be 
 evacuated, now they were to be reinforced ; now the Southern 
 Commissioners were to be negotiated with, now they were to be 
 refused an interview; now the revenue was to be collected at 
 the South, now it was not ; now the ports of the seceding States 
 were to be blockaded, now they were not. And every report was 
 given on the " best," or the " highest," or the most " imques- 
 tionable " authority. 
 
 With such an equivocal state of things, it is not surprising, 
 perhaps, that the press of both America and this country, with 
 few exceptions, denounced what they called the " inactivity," 
 " timorousness,'' " suicidal imbecility," and so forth, of the Go- 
 vernment; but subsequent events have shovm that President 
 Lincoln was quietly feeling his way and maturing his plans, 
 and that the leading organs of both sides of the Atlantic have 
 been wofuUy mistaken in their estimations of the ability and 
 intentions of the Eepublican Cabinet. 
 
 The peculiar circumstances of the case required that the 
 Government should perform its operations as unostentatiously as 
 possible. Situated as it was amidst doubtful friends, and closely 
 
MONTHS OF PKESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 277 
 
 scrutinized by its most bitter enemies, it was necessary tbat it 
 should be guarded in its expressions and actions. Besides, its 
 energies had been crippled, to a very great extent, by the treach- 
 erous doings of Floyd and Co., who, before resigning their port- 
 folios under Buchanan, had placed all the arms and ammuni- 
 tion they could lay their hands upon, without exciting suspicion, 
 either within easy reach of the Southerners, or almost beyond the 
 reach of the Grovemment : thus devolving upon the new Admi- 
 nistration an immense amount of labour, requiring much time for 
 its performance, which would otherwise have been unnecessary. 
 All this could have been prevented had Buchanan done his duty. 
 He has much to answer for ! 
 
 The one object held ia view by Lincoln, from the first, was 
 the preservation of the Union. This he was desirous of attaining 
 by peaceful means, if possible ; but if not possible by peaceful 
 means, he was determined to employ force : this is clear. But 
 such was the helpless condition of Government at the com- 
 mencement of its career, that to have laid bare the plans it in- 
 tended to carry out, xmder certain contingencies, would have 
 resulted in certain disaster to the Union. Por whilst the 
 Secessionists had been long preparing for war, the Government 
 was as unprepared as it possibly could be. 
 
 To suppose that Lincoln and his Cabinet, for a moment, ever 
 contemplated to allow the seceding States to peacefully with- 
 draw from the Union is absurd ; yet down to the beginning 
 of April this was a very current idea ; and even when it was 
 announced, on the 2nd of April, that the Federal army and navy 
 were being hurriedly put on a war footing, that preparations 
 
278 COUKSE OF EVENTS DUEING THE FIRST THREE 
 
 for a gigantic military and naval expedition were being made, 
 the opinion was very general that the movement was for the 
 purpose of opposing the designs of Spain upon St. Domingo ; 
 and a large portion of the public, especially in the border States, 
 looked upon the outbreak of war with a foreign power as just the 
 thing to rally the discontented elements of the Union round the 
 national flag, and by means of a war in the Gulf with a common 
 enemy, sink the internecine strife, and make way for a glorious 
 reconciliation of the South to the old Confederation. Others. 
 again, with more reason, thought that the ships and troops being 
 got ready were intended for the assistance of General Houston, 
 in Texas, who was being threatened by invasion from some oi 
 the Mexican States. 
 
 But Jefferson Davis and his co-operators did not fail to appre- 
 hend the real purport of the Government's intentions, and they 
 proceeded forthwith to strengthen their various mili tary posi- 
 tions, and resolved at once to bombard Forts Sumpter and 
 Pickens, should their immediate evacuation be refused by the 
 United States troops garrisoned therein, and then march north 
 with their victorious legions (for they never anticipated defeat). 
 As a preliminary, the supplies to the former fort, hitherto re- 
 ceived from Charleston, were cut off. This precipitated affairs. 
 On the 8th April it was known at Charleston that the Govern- 
 ment intended to send provisions and reinforcements to Majoi 
 Anderson, and to place them in Port Sumpter at all hazards. 
 For that pxirpose three vessels of war, three transports, two 
 steam-tugs, containing a large quantity of stores, ammunition, 
 and 1,380 men and troops, left New York and Washington; 
 
MONTHS OF PBESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 279 
 
 but before they had arrived at their destination hostilities had 
 commenced. 
 
 On the 11th April General Beaureguard, on the part of the 
 Southern Government, demanded the evacuation of the fort, to 
 which Major Anderson replied, " It is a demand with which I 
 regret that my sense of honour and my obligations to my Government 
 preverU my compliance." Fire was then at once opened, and Fort 
 Sumpter was briskly shelled and cannonaded on its north, east, 
 and south sides. Major Anderson replied vigorously ; but owing 
 to the smaUness of his garrison, the very imperfect condition of 
 his means of defence, and the limited supply of ammunition at 
 his disposal, he was not able to withstand the overwhelming 
 onslaught of his assailants, and in less than two days was forced 
 to succumb, though with all honour to himself and his little band 
 of patriots. In the mean time the relief fleet had arrived ; but, 
 osdng to a storm outside the harbour, had not been able to com- 
 plete its arrangements for assisting the gallant Major : it is said, 
 lowever, that had he been able to hold out twelve hours longer, 
 ihe history of the siege of Fort Sumpter would have been dif- 
 ferently written. 
 
 At first it was said that the garrison were taken prisoners to 
 Morris Island, but that Major Anderson had the honour con- 
 ferred upon him of being made the guest of General Beaureguard, 
 to whom, "as the representative of the Confederate Govern- 
 ment," he surrendered his sword, but who politely refused to 
 receive it. It was said also that Fort Sumpter was completely 
 knocked to pieces; that no defending force, however strong, 
 could have held out much longer than did Major Anderson; 
 
280 COURSE OF EVENTS DUKING THE FIRST THREE 
 
 and it was also said tliat not one of tte besieging force was 
 injured — not one Idlled, not one wounded. But the whole oi 
 these reports were the " inventions of the enemy." The brave 
 little band never touched the shore, and were never for one 
 moment in the position of prisoners; the sword of their 
 heroic commander never left the hand of its owner ; and the 
 honour of the national flag was maintained unsuUied, as will be 
 seen on perusing the following report of the Major : — 
 
 " Steamship Baltic, off Sandy Hook, April 18, ISfil. 
 " Sir, — Having defended Fort Sumpter for thirty-four hours, until the quai'ters 
 were entirely burned, the main gates destroyed by fire, the gorge wall seriously 
 injured, the magazine suri'ounded by flames, and its door closed from the effects of 
 the heat, four barrels and three cartridges of powder only being available, and no 
 provisions but pork remaining, I accepted terms of evacuation, offered by General 
 Beaureguard, being the same offered by him on the 11th inst., prior to the com- 
 mencement of hostilities, and marched out of the fort, Sunday afternoon, the 14th 
 inst., with colours flying and drums beating, bringing away company and privaie 
 property, and saluting my flag with fifty guns. 
 
 " Robert Andeeson, Major First Artillery. 
 " Hon. S. Cameron, Secretary of War, Vftshington, D. C." 
 
 As to the condition of Port Sumpter, Dr. Eussell, The, Times 
 special correspondent, who visited the scene of action a few days 
 after the battle was over, gives a true version of the aspect of 
 things, in his letter of the 21st April, from which we make the 
 following extract : before giving which, however, we may re- 
 mark, that whilst Major Anderson had only 79 soldiers and 30 
 labourers at his command, the assailants had 5,125 men en- 
 gaged at the various batteries, and 6,877 more in and about 
 Charleston, whose services, if needed, would have been avail- 
 able at the shortest notice : — 
 
MONTHS OF PEESrOENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 281 
 
 " The walls of the fort are dented on all sides by shot marks, but in no instance 
 was any approach made to a breach, and the greatest damage, at one of the 
 angles on the south face, did pot extend more than two feet into the masoniy, 
 which is of very fine brick. The parapet is, of course, damaged, but the casemate 
 embrasures are uninjured. On landing at the wharf we perceived that the granite 
 copings had suffered more than the brickwork, and that the stone had split up and 
 splintered where it was struck. The ingenuity of the defenders was evident even 
 here. They had no mortar with which to fasten up the stone slabs they had 
 adapted as blinds to the windows of the unprotected south side, but Major Ander- 
 son, or his subordinate. Captain Foster, had closed the slabs in with lead, which he 
 procured from some water piping, and had rendered them proof against escalade, 
 which he was prepared also to resent by extensive mines laid under the wharf and 
 landing-place, to be fired by Iriction-tubes and lines laid inside the work. He had 
 also prepared a number of shells for the same purpose, to act as hand-grenades, with 
 friction-tubes and lanyards, when hurled down from the parapet on hu; assailant*. 
 The entrance to the fort- was blocked up by masses of masonry, which had been 
 thrown down from the walls of the burnt barracks and officers' quai-ters along the 
 south side. A number of men were engaged in digging up the mines at the 
 wharf, and others were busied in completing the ruin of the tottering walls, which 
 were still so hot that it was necessary to keep a hose of water playing on part of 
 the brickwork. To an uninitiated eye it would seem as if the fort was untenable, 
 but, in reality, in spite of the destruction done to it, a stout garrison, properly 
 supplied, would have been in no danger from anything, except the explosion of the 
 magazine, of which the copper door was jammed by the heat at the time of the 
 surrender. Exclusive of the burning of the quarters and the intense heat, there 
 was no reason for a properly handled and sufficient force to surrender the place. 
 It is needless to say Major Anderson had neither one nor the other. He was in 
 all respects most miserably equipped. His guns were without screws, scales, or 
 tangents, so that his elevations were managed by rude wedges of deal, and his 
 scales marked in chalk on the breach of the guns, and his distances and bearings 
 scratched in the same way on the side of the embrasures. He had not a single 
 fuse for his .shells, and he tried in vain to improvise them by filling pieces of 
 bored-out pine with caked gunpowder. His cartridges were out, and he was com- 
 pelled to detail some of his few men to make them out of shirts, stockings, and 
 jackets. He had not a single mortar, and he was compelled to the desperate expe- 
 dient of planting long guns in the ground at an angle of 45 degrees, for which he 
 could find no shell, as he had no fuses which could be fired with safety. He had 
 no sheers to mount his guns, and chance alone enabled him to do so by drifting 
 some large logs down with the tide against Sumpter. Finally, he had not even one 
 engine to put out a fire in quarters. I walked carefully over the parade and could 
 detect the marks of only seven shells in the ground, but Major Whiting told 
 me the orders were to burst the shells over the parapet so as to frustrate any 
 attempt to work the bax'bette guns. Two of these were injured by shot, and one 
 
282 COUESB OF EVENTS DUBING THE FIEST THEEE 
 
 was overturned, apparently by its own recoil, but there was no injury done inside 
 any of the casemates to the guns or works. The shell sphnters had all disap- 
 peared, carried off, I am told, as 'trophies.' Had Major Anderson been 
 properly provided, so that he ccfuld have at once sent his men to the guns, opened 
 fire from those in barbette, throvm shell and hot shot, kept relays to all his case- 
 mates, and put out fires as they arose from red-hot shot or shell, he must, I have 
 no earthly doubt, ham driven the troops off Morris Island, burnt out Fort Moul- 
 trie, and silenced the enemy's fire. His loss might have been considerable ; that 
 of the Confederates must have been very great. As it was, not a life was lost by 
 actual fire on either side. A week hence and it will be impossible for a fleet to do 
 anything, except cover the descent of an army here, and they must lie off, at the 
 least, four miles from the nearest available beach." 
 
 Dr. Eussell, it -will be seen, corroborates the report that 
 "nobody was killed." Of course TJie Times' correspondent 
 could only write from information given by parties on the spot, 
 and they would take care that lie should have no opportunity or 
 reason, if they could prevent it, for questioning their dicta. 
 Several statements have appeared in the New Tork journals that 
 some hundreds were killed, and we believe that Dr. Eussell will 
 yet ferret out the truth. 
 
 When the news of the fall of Fort Sumpter reached the North 
 the indignation of the people was completely roused. So long 
 as the Southerners had maintained a purely defensive policy, 
 they had the sympathy of a large number of the citizens of the 
 free States ; but the first aggressive movement, with the threat of 
 still further ones, had the effect of sinking all party distinctions, 
 and of uniting the whole people in the defence of the honour of 
 the national flag. The North all along had been slow to move, 
 but when it did move it was with an enthusiastic celerity, such 
 as the most sanguiae Unionists had never anticipated. The fact 
 that the Union was really in danger seemed now for the first 
 time to impress itseK upon the minds of the people, and letters 
 
MONTHS OF PEESrOENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 283 
 
 jErom all quarters were sent to the President urging him to take 
 energetic measures for the preservation of the Confederacy. On 
 the 15th April the first war proclamation was issued by the 
 President as follows : — 
 
 " By the Peesident of the United States. 
 " A Pkoclamation. 
 
 " Whereas the laws of the United States have been for some time past, and now 
 are opposed, and the execution thereof obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, 
 Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, by combinations too 
 powerful tr'be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the 
 powers vSted in the maffshals by law ; 
 
 " Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincob, President of the United States, in 
 virtue of the power in me Tested by the Constitution and the laws, have thought 
 fit to call forth, and hereby do call forth, the militia of the several States of the 
 Union, to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress said combinations, 
 and to cause the laws to be duly executed. 
 
 " The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the State 
 authorities through the War Department. I appeal to all loyal citizens to favour, 
 facilitate, and aid this effort to maintain the power, the integrity, and the existence 
 of our national Union and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress 
 wrongs already long enough endured. 
 
 " I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby 
 called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places, and property which 
 have been seized from the Union ; and in every event the utmost care will be 
 observed, consistently with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any 
 destruction of, or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens 
 in any part of the country ; and I hereby command the persons composing the 
 combinations aforesaid to disperse and retire peaceably to their respective abodes 
 within twenty days from this date. 
 
 " Believing that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary 
 occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, 
 convene both Houses of Congress. The senators and representatives are therefore 
 summoned to assemble at their respective Chambers at twelve o'clock noon, on 
 Thursday, the 4th day of July next, then and there to consider and determine 
 such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to 
 demand. 
 
 " In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the 
 United States to be affixed. 
 
284 COURSE OF EVENTS DUBING THE FIRST THEEE 
 
 " Done at the City of Washington this loth day of April, in the year of our 
 Lord 1861, and of the Independence of the United States the 85th. 
 " By the President, 
 
 " Abraham Lincolit. 
 " William H. Sewaed, Secretary of State." 
 
 The call of " Old Abe " was promptly responded to. Men 
 and money poured in from all quarters, five or six times the 
 number of men required came forward to offer themselves for 
 service, and the patriotic contributions of the States and indi- 
 vidual citizens amounted to over ^23,000,000 in less than three 
 weeks. 
 
 The first regiment that moved South was one from Massa- 
 chusetts. On its arrival at Baltimore, an organized mob of 
 indigenous rowdies opposed its passage through the city. At 
 first the brave sons of the little Bay State bore the affront very 
 patiently, but before they reached the railway station whence 
 they were to depart for Washington, they had to turn upon, and 
 disperse, their contemptible assailants. The result was the loss 
 of several lives, of whom two belonged to the Massachusetts 
 men. 
 
 This occurrence, as might be expected, created a great sensa- 
 tion throughout the North, and a second Massachusetts regiment 
 was soon ready to resent the insult. In the mean time the 
 governor of Maryland, though he had no sympathy with the 
 Baltimorean mob, suggested to the United States Government 
 the propriety of bringing no more troops through the State, or, 
 at all events, through the rebellious region, but President Lin- 
 coln repKed that, reluctant as he was to be the cause of annoy- 
 ance to the Maxylanders, the city of Washington must be made 
 
MONTHS OF PKESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTRATION. 285 
 
 secure against threatened invasion, to do whicli a large supply 
 of troops would be necessary, and as such troops could not be 
 brought by any other route than one through Maryland, through 
 Maryland they would have to come at all risks. 
 
 For some days the mob held the rule ; the rails and bridges 
 en rovite from Pennsylvania to Washington were torn iip and 
 destroyed, and a regular reign of terror existed at Baltimore. 
 Shortly, however, a reaction took place, the loyal citizens be- 
 came the masters, and on the 29th April, when a secessionist 
 vote was put to the Legislature, it was rejected by a majority of 
 40 — 53 against 13. In the mean time troops continued to arrive 
 from the North daily, and by these the roads were soon placed 
 in good condition, and guarded from the possibility of injury, 
 should any further rioting take place. 
 
 The energetic movements of the Government, and the patriotic 
 uprising of the free States, had the effect of still further stimu- 
 lating the exertions of the rebels, who previously had been 
 labouring under the hallucination that they had such a number 
 of supporters in the North as would prevent Lincoln from de- 
 fending the Union. Jefferson Davis made a proclamation, stat- 
 ing his iutention of issuing letters of marque. The Southern 
 Congress had already passed a resolution which was tantamount 
 to a repudiation of Northern debts, and now they proposed to 
 give a premium to robbery on the high seas. The following are 
 the resolution and proclamation alluded to : — 
 
 " The CoiiECTiON of Debts in the Confederate States. 
 
 " The CoDgress of the Confederate States do enact, That in the event of a conflict 
 of arms between the Confederate States and the United States, or of refusal on 
 
286 COUBSB OF EVENTS DURING THE FIEST THEEE 
 
 the part of the authorities of the United States to recognize the independence o 
 the Confederate States, or to receive the Commissioners sent by the latter to trea 
 with the former in relation to the several matters of the controvei-sy existinj 
 between them, the courts of the Confederate States shall not take cognizance o 
 any ciTil case in which the plaintiff is or may be in either of the said United State 
 or either one of them, or any citizen or citizens thereof, or assignee or assignees 
 or endorsee or endorsees, or any such person. 
 
 " Section 2. — All pending cases in which the plaintiff shall be in either of th 
 classes aforesaid, shall, upon the happening of either of the contingencies aforesaid 
 be dismissed on motion, and all process, mesne or final, which shall have beei 
 issued at the suit of such plaintiff, shall be ai-rested and decided inoperative." 
 
 " Proclamation op the Peesideni of the Coheedeeat'b States m 
 
 America. 
 
 " Whereas, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, has, by procla 
 mation, announced intention of invading the Confederacy with an armed force foi 
 the purpose of capturing its fortresses, and thereby subverting its independence anc 
 subjecting the free people thereof to the dominion of a foreign power ; anc 
 whereas, it has thus become the duty of this Government to repel the threatenec 
 invasion and defend the rights and liberties of the people by all the means whicl 
 the laws of nations and usages of civilized warfare place at its disposal. 
 
 " Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States o: 
 America, do issue this, my proclamation, inviting all those who may desire, bj 
 service in private anned vessels on the high seas, to aid this Government in re- 
 sisting so wanton and wicked an aggression, to mate application for commission; 
 or letters of marque and reprisal, to be issued under the seal of these Confederat* 
 States ; and I do further notify all persons applying for letters of marque, to maki 
 a statement in writing, giving the name and suitable description of the character 
 tonnage, and force of the vessel, name of the place of residence of each owner con- 
 cerned therein, and the intended number of crew, and to sign each statement, anc 
 deliver the same to the Secretary of State or collector of the port of entry of thes) 
 Confederate States, to be by him transmitted to the Secretary of State, and I d( 
 furthei' notify all applicants aforesaid, before any commission or letter of marqui 
 is issued to any vessel, or the owner or the owners thereof, and the commander foi 
 the time being, they will be required to give bond to the Confederate States, witl 
 at least two responsible sureties not interested in such vessel, in the penal sum ol 
 five thousand dollars, or if such vessel be provided with more than one hundrec 
 and fifty men, then in the penal sum of ten thousand dollars, with the condition 
 that the owners, officers, and crew who shall be employed on board such com- 
 missioned vessel shall obsei-ve the laws of these Confederate States, and the in- 
 structions given them for the regulation of their conduct, that shall satisfy all 
 damages done contrary to the tenor thereof by such vessel during her commission 
 
MONTHS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTBATION. 287 
 
 and deliver up the same when revoked by the President of (iie Confederate States. 
 And I do farther specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, ciril and military, 
 under the authority of the Confederate States, that they be vigilant and zealous in 
 the discharge of the duties incident thereto ; and I do, moreover, exhort the good 
 people of these Confederate States, as they love their country — as they prize the 
 blessings of free Government — as they feel the wrongs of the past, and those now 
 threatened in an aggravated form by those whose enmity is more implacable, 
 because unprovoked — they exert themselves in preserving order, in promoting 
 concord, in maintaining the authority and efficacy of the laws, and in supporting, 
 invigorating all the measures which may he adopted for a common defence, and by 
 which, under the blessings of Divine Providence, we may hope for a speedy, just, 
 and honouralXe peace. 
 
 " In witness whereof I have set my hand, and have caused the seal of the Con- 
 federate States of America to be attached, this seventeenth day of Apiil, in the 
 yeai- of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one. 
 
 " Jeffeeson Davis. 
 " EoBEET Toombs, Seci-etary of State." 
 
 This doctanent called forth a proclamation from President 
 Lincoln, blockading the forts of the seceding States, which is thus 
 BTiTnTtiarized by the correspondent of the New York Herald : — 
 
 " Washington, April 19, 1861. 
 ** The President has issued a proclamation stating that an insurrection against 
 the Government of the United States has broken out in the States of South Caro- 
 lina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana, and Texas, and the law of 
 the United States for the collection of the revenue cannot be effectually executed 
 therein conformably to that provision of the Constitution which requires duties to 
 be uniform throughout the United States, and further, that a combination of per- 
 sons engaged in such insurrection have threatened to grant pretended letters of 
 marque to authorize the bearers thereof to commit assaults on the lives, vessels, 
 and property of good citizens of the country lawfully engaged in commerce on the 
 high seas and in the waters of the United States, and whereas, the President says, 
 an executive proclamation has already been issued requiring the persons engaged in 
 these disorderly proceedings to desist, therefore calling out a militia three for the 
 paroose of repressing the same and convening Congress in extraordinary session to 
 deliberate and determine thereon. The President, with a view to the same pur- 
 poses before mentioned, and to the protection of the public peace, and the lives and 
 property of its orderly citizens pursuing their lawful occupations, until Congress 
 shall have assembled and deliberated on the said unlawful proceedings, or until the 
 same shall have ceased, has further deemed it advisable to set on foot a blockade of 
 the ports within the States aforesaid in pursuance of the laws of the United States 
 
288 COUKSE OF EVENTS DUEING THE PIEST THREE 
 
 and the law of nations in such cases provided. For this purpose a competenl 
 force will be posted so as to prevent the entrance and exit of vessels from the ports 
 aforesaid. If, therefore, with a view to violate the blockade a vessel shall attempt 
 to leave any of the said ports, she will be duly warned by the commander of onj 
 of the said blockading vessels, who will endorse on her register the fact and date 
 of such warning, and if the same vessel still again attempt to enter or leave the 
 blockaded ports, she will be captured and sent to the nearest convenient port for 
 such proceedings against her and her cargo as may be deemed advisable." 
 
 In addition to the hostile demonstrations on the part of the 
 avowed rebels, the border States, long wavering, began to gra- 
 vitate towards the South. On the very same day (significant 
 fact !) that Davis issued the above proclamation, Governor 
 Letcher, of Virginia, announced his intention of resisting what 
 he termed the invasion of Virginian soil by the Northern troops, 
 and on the 19th the United States troops at Harper's Ferry, being 
 pressed by the State militia, were obKged to destroy the 
 arsenal, containing 15,000 stand of arms and a large quantity 
 of war material in general, and retire to Pennsylvania ; on the 
 same day the custom-house at Eichmond was seized, and on the 
 20th the Gosport navy-yard, Norfolk, was destroyed to prevent 
 the property contained therein falling into the hands of the 
 Secessionists. Eleven vessels of war, measuring 21,398 tons, 
 and carrying 606 guns, were burnt. Later on, the forts and 
 other Federal property in North Carolina were seized by the 
 authorities of that State. These movements caused the Govern- 
 ment of Washington, on the 29th April, to issue a further block- 
 ading proclamation, closing the ports of Virginia and North 
 Carolina. 
 
 The war having now fairly set in, it only remained that it be 
 prosecuted vigorously : with this object in view, a further levy 
 
MONTHS OF PEESEDENT LINOOLN's ADMINISTEATION. 289 
 
 of troops, roilitia and regiilars, was made on the 3rd May, as 
 follows : — 
 
 " Bt the President op the United States : 
 
 " Whereas, existing exigencies demand immediate and adequate measures for the 
 protection of the national Constitution and the preservation of the national Union 
 by the suppression of the insurrectionary combinations now existing in several 
 States for opposing the laws of the Union and obstructing the execution thereof, to 
 which end a military force, in addition to that called forth by my proclamation of 
 the fifteenth day of April in the present year, appears to be indispensably necessary ; 
 now therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States and Commander- 
 in-Chief of th* Army and Navy thereof, and of the Militia of the several States 
 when called into actual service, do hereby call into the service of the United States 
 forty-two thousand and thirty-two volunteers, to serve for a period of three years 
 unle^ sooner discharged, and to be mustered into service as infantry and cavalry. 
 The proportions of each arm and the details of enrolment and organization wiU be 
 made through the Department of War ; and I also direct that the regular army of 
 the United States be increased by the addition of eight regiments of infantiy, one 
 regiment of cavalry, and one regiment of artillery, making altogether a maximum 
 aggregate increase of twenty-two thousand seven hundred and fourteen, officers 
 and enlisted men, the details of which increase will also be made known through 
 the Department of War ; and I further direct the enlistment, for not less than one 
 nor more than three years, of eighteen thousand seamen, in addition to the present 
 force, for the naval service of the United States. The details of the enlistment 
 and organization will be made known through the Department of the Navy. The 
 call for volunteers hereby made, and the direction for the increase of the regular 
 army, and for the enlistment of seamen hei'eby given, together with the plan of 
 Drganization adopted for the volunteers and for the regular forces hereby autho- 
 rized, will be submitted to Congress as soon ss assembled. In the mean time I 
 jamestly invoke the co-operation of aU good citizens in the measures hereby 
 idopted for the effectual suppression of unlawful violence, for the impartial en- 
 forcement of constitutional laws, and for the speediest possible restoration of peace 
 md order, and, with those, of happiness and prosperity throughout the country. 
 
 " In testimony whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the 
 CTnited States to be affixed. 
 
 " Done at the City of Washington this thii-d day of May, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the Independence of the 
 Jnited States the eighty-fifth. 
 
 " Abraham Lincoln. 
 " By the President, 
 
 " William H. Seward, Secretary of State." 
 
290 COUBSE OP EVENTS DUEING THE FIBST THBEE 
 
 One by one the border States are giving up their.allegiance to 
 the Union. Arkansas passed a secession ordinance on the 6th 
 May, and Tennessee a similar one, subject to ratification by the 
 people, on the 8th June. North Carolina, in addition to joining 
 the Southern Confederacy, passed a law authorizing a loan oi 
 $ 5,000,000 to be devoted to war purposes. Missouri, Kentucky, 
 Maryland, Delaware, and Western Virginia are now the only 
 slave States owning allegiance to President Lincoln, and that oi 
 a very cold nature. 
 
 The "Southern Confederacy" has not been behind its 
 opponent in making preparations for a determined struggle. Sc 
 far, both men and money seem to be forthcoming on a large 
 scale ; but still nothing adequate to meet the wealth and legions 
 of the North. Up to the date on which we write (June 3), th« 
 accounts from the South state that Jefferson Davis had 150,00C 
 men at his command, fully provided for a campaign of twelve 
 months ; in the North, however, there were at least double thai 
 number already in arms. The total militia power of the tw( 
 sections is about 3,500,000, of which 2,500,000 belong to th( 
 free States, and 1,000,000 to the slave States (inclusive of th( 
 whole of the border States). 
 
 At the opening meeting of the Southern Congress on the 29tl 
 April, an Act was passed recognizing the existence of war witl 
 the United States, and authorizing the issue of letters of marque 
 One section of the enactment gives an allowance of thirty dayi 
 to all Northern vessels then in Southern ports, to enable then 
 to return home ; and another section lays down the doctrine tha 
 free ships make free goods. 
 
MONTHS OF PKESIDENT LINOOLN's ADMINISTBATION. 291 
 
 On the same day Mr. Davis delivered a lengthy Message to the 
 Congress. The document is merely a rehash of vrhat has been 
 said before on the troubles of the Union ; and the fact that it 
 says nothing new, and is extremely verbose in saying it, are the 
 reasons why we do not reproduce it here. The Message is more 
 remarkable for what it does not than for what it does say. 
 It ignores the real cause of the present crisis, and endeavours to 
 throw all the blame upon the shoulders of the Washington 
 Government ; whereas, if the Government has sinned at all, it 
 has been in being too lenient to the Southern conspirators. 
 Lincoln, from the very first, has acted purely on the defensive, 
 but Davis has acted purely on the aggressive. Federal property 
 has been plundered and destroyed to an enormous extent. The 
 Government and its flag has been insulted on every available 
 occasion, and Washington itself has been threatened with bom- 
 bardment, whilst many of the people in the slave States have been 
 coerced into submission by the demagogues. Clearly the war has 
 been originated by the Southerners, and upon their heads must 
 fall the consequences of their evil doings. Some of our English 
 newspapers, in bemoaning the present crisis and impending 
 horrors, seem to think that the fault lies with the Lincoln Go- 
 vernment, and they upbraid it for not submitting to the demands 
 of the rebels. These papers seem to forget that President Lin- 
 coln took oath to maintain the Union and the Constitution, and 
 that consequently hs cannot, either directly or indirectly, even 
 entertain the idea of dissolution, no more than our own beloved 
 Sovereign could entertain the idea of allowing a division of the 
 British empire without the permission of the people of England. 
 
 u 2 
 
292 COUESE OF EVENTS DTJBDTG THE FIRST THBBE 
 
 If tte people of the Northern States of America say that the 
 Union shall 'be maintained, and if they are willing to pay the 
 cost of said maintenance, Abraham Lincoln, whatever may be 
 the tdtimate result of his endeavours, will be compelled, at all 
 events, to try to put down the rebellion in the South, and if he 
 shrinks from doing his duty, some one else will be appointed to 
 replace him ; if, on the other hand, the people do not continue 
 their present hearty support of the President, why,i it wOl not 
 be his feult if the Union is dissolved. 
 
 The United States Government believes that the quelling of the 
 Southern rebellion is not such a difficult thing as is sometimes 
 represented. The uprising, it says, does not extend to the whole 
 Southern people, but is the work entirely of a band of disap- 
 pointed and defeated politicians. These men have usurped the 
 reins of Government, and now tyrannize over the more peaceful 
 and Union-loving people, and they are so thoroughly organized 
 that they can prevent the expression of opinions contrary to their 
 notions. The Administration believes that the South is not an unit 
 in the desire for secession ; that the real disunion party is a very 
 small minority ; that there is a strong anti-secession section which 
 is coerced ; and that the great bulk of the people are deluded by 
 their leaders. These latter are the victims of the foxilest mis- 
 representations as to the intentions of the Northern States, and 
 their misgivings as to the results of war are silenced by the pro- 
 mulgation of the most absurd statements as to the intentions of 
 the European powers. The peace-loving people of the South 
 back the secessionists, because they are under the impression that 
 Lincoln purposes to invade their territory with an army of " blood- 
 
MONTHS OF PEESrOENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTBATION. 293 
 
 thirsty abolitionists '' (to use their own phrase), whose work it 
 ■will be to liberate ttie blacks, and carry fire and sword to the 
 very hearths of the white people. It is lamentable that such 
 atrocious falsehoods should be believed ; but so it is, and no one 
 on the spot dare attempt to undeceive the multitude, whilst all 
 information from the free States is carefully excluded from the 
 " Southern Confederacy." 
 
 Then, again, as to the effects of war upon the agriculture 
 and commerce of the Southern States, the citizenstare told, (by 
 Major Wise, for instance, in De Bow's Southern Quarterly Review 
 iar January, 1861), that if the United States Government dared to 
 blockade the Southern ports, England and France would demand 
 the instant withdrawal of the hostile squadrons. It seems in- 
 credible that intelligent Southerners should allow themselves to 
 be crammed with such stuff. 
 
 President Lincoln believes that, when he has relieved the 
 South of the presence and power of the leading traitors, there 
 will be a general reaction in favour of the old Union; that 
 when the people have been shown the true character of the seces- 
 sion movement, they will hurl the leaders of the rebellion from 
 their position with probably less ceremony than would be em- 
 ployed by the United States Government. 
 
 AH this remains to be seen. The prognostications of the 
 Republican Cabinet may turn out to be well-founded — we hope 
 they may. We cannot, however, close our eyes to the fact that, 
 whatever may be the real leanings of the whole people of the 
 South, they appear to be, and act as if they were, determined upon 
 consummating their independence. At present, judging from the 
 
294 COURSE OF BYENTS DUEING THE FIKST THKEB 
 
 information wMoli lias reached this side of the Atlantic, the 
 prospects of reunion are, to say the least, very doubtful. 
 
 However, there can be no question that the Government has 
 a right to put down the rebellion ; and no foreign power has 
 any business to interfere between the belligerents. Neutrality 
 is at once the duty and the interest of European nations. 
 
 Just now the sympathies of England and Prance are with- the 
 North ; but the latter will not improve its position by giving 
 expression to* " tall talk," as to the policy which should govern 
 the great powers of the Old World. Great Britain can afford 
 to treat the impotent threats of Cassius M. Clay with contempt ; 
 and the American Ambassador to the Court of St. Petersburgh 
 may rest assured that his unfortunate letter to The Times, and 
 his absurd speech at Paris, have done more damage to the 
 cause of the free States than all the fulminations of Jefferson 
 Davis put together. His attempt at flattering the Emperor 
 Napoleon had the effect of making him look supremely ridicu- 
 lous in the eyes of all sensible people, and resulted in calliag 
 down upon him a severe castigation from the press both of 
 London and Paris. "La France n'^coutera que la voix de la 
 justice et du droit," said the Pays, and Mr. Clay may rest 
 assured that the same sentiment will govern the conduct of 
 England. 
 
 At present there is no doubt that justice and right are on 
 the side of the North. One great proof of the innate weak- 
 ness — ay, badness — of the cause of the Southern Confederacy 
 is the fact that it has refused to accept all constitutional reme- 
 dies for its real or supposed grievances, and has preferred 
 
MONTHS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S ADMINISTEATION. 295 
 
 to hew itself out of tie Union amidst the blood and carnage 
 of ciyil war. Ther§ was no need for the sword to have been 
 drawn ; the ballot-box could have settled the question, if only 
 it had been allowed fair play. If the slave-owners are honest, 
 if their cause is founded on justice and the common weal of 
 the Southern people, why have they refused to allow their own 
 people to vote on the adoption or not of the new Constitution ? 
 If their grievances are what they avow them to be, why not put 
 them in a series of constitutional amendments, and lay them 
 before the people of the whole Union, to accept or reject as they 
 pleased ? If, under such circumstances, they failed in obtaining 
 redress, then the world would wish them God-speed in defend- 
 ing their rights by means of the sword. As it is they are rebels ; 
 and even if they succeed in establishing their separate existence, 
 the civil wax which they have inaugurated will ever remain a foul 
 blot upon their fame. 
 
 Wth June, 1861. 
 
Page 21, lines 20 and 21, for Senate, yeas 90, ruxys 87, read Senate unanimous, 
 „ 28, line 17, for General Taylor, read General Jacison, 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 (A.) 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 Preamble. 
 
 We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, 
 establish justice, ensure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, 
 promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our 
 posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of 
 America. 
 
 Article I. — Of the Legislature. 
 
 Section I. — 1. AU legislative powers herein granted, shall be vested in a 
 Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 Section II. — 1. The House of Eepresentatives shall be composed of members 
 chosen every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors ia 
 each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous 
 branch of the State Legislature. 
 
 2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained to the 
 age of 25 years, and been seven years a citizen of the United States, and who 
 shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be 
 chosen. 
 
 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States 
 which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, 
 which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, in- 
 duding those bound to sei-vice for a term of years, and excluding Indians not 
 taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made 
 within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and 
 within every subsequent term of fen years, in such manner as they shall by law 
 
 X 2 
 
300 APPENDIX. 
 
 direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty 
 thousand, hut each State shall have at least one representative ; and until such 
 enumeration shall he made, the State of New Hampshire shall he entitled to 
 choose three ; Massachusetts eight ; Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one ; 
 Connecticut five ; New York six ; New Jersey four ; Pennsylvania eight ; Delaware 
 one ; Maryland six ; Virginia ten ; North Carolina five ; South Carolina five ; 
 and Georgia three. 
 
 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the executive 
 authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill up such vacancies. 
 
 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers, and 
 shall have the sole power of impeachment. 
 
 Section HI. — 1. The Senate of the United States shall he composed of two 
 senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years ; and each 
 senator shall have one vote. 
 
 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, 
 theyshall be divided, as equally as may be, into three classes. The seats of the 
 senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, oi 
 the second class at the expiration of the fomth year, and of the third class at the 
 expiration of the sixth year, so that one- third may be chosen every second year ; 
 and, if vacancies happen, by resignation or otherwise, during the recess of the 
 Legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments 
 until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. 
 
 3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirtj 
 years, and been nine years a citizen of the United States, and who shall not, wher 
 elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. 
 
 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, bui 
 shall have no vote, unless they he equally divided. 
 
 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore 
 in the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of Presideni 
 of the United States. 
 
 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sittint 
 for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of th( 
 United States is tried the Chief Justice shall preside, and no person shall be convictec 
 without the coucurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 
 
 7. Judgment in case of impeachment shall not extend farther than to remova 
 from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust o: 
 profit, under the United States ; but the party convicted shall nevertheless b 
 liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and punishment accordim 
 to law. 
 
 Section IV. — 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections fo 
 senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislatur^ 
 thereof ; but the Congress may, at any time, by law make or alter such regulation 
 except as to the places of choosing senators. 
 
APPENDIX. 301 
 
 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting 
 shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall by law appoint a 
 different day. 
 
 Section V. — 1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and 
 qualifications of its own members; and a majority of each shall constitute a 
 quorum to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and 
 may be authorised to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner 
 and under such penalties as each house may provide. 
 
 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for 
 disorderly behaviour, and with the concurrence of two-thirds expel a member. 
 
 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time 
 pnblish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy ; 
 and the yeas and nays of the members of either House, on any question, shall at 
 the desire of one-fifth of those present be entered on the journal. 
 
 4-. Neither House, during the session of Congress shall, without the consent of 
 the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in 
 which the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Section VI. — 1. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation 
 for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the 
 United States. They shall in all cases except treason, felony, and breach of the 
 peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the Session of their 
 respective Houses, and in going to or returning from the same ; and for any 
 speech or debate in either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. 
 
 2. No senator or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, 
 be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States which shall 
 have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased, during such 
 time ; and no person holding any office under the United States shall be a member 
 of either House during his continuance in office. 
 
 Section VH. — 1. All Bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of 
 Representatives, but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on 
 other BUls. 
 
 2. Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the 
 Senate shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the United 
 States : if he approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it, with his ob- 
 jections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the ob- 
 jections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such recon- 
 sideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, 
 tocether with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be 
 reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law ; 
 but in all such cases, the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and 
 nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered 
 m the journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be retunied by the 
 President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to 
 
302 APPENDIX. 
 
 him, the same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Con- 
 gress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. 
 
 3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of the Senate and 
 House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjoummentji 
 shall be presented to the President of the United States ; and before the same shall 
 take effect, shall be approved by him, or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed 
 by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules 
 and limitations prescribed in the case of a Bill. 
 
 Section VIII. — 1. The Congress shall have power — To lay and collect taxes, 
 duties, imposts, and excises ; to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and 
 general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, imposts, and excises, shall be 
 uniform throughout the United States. 
 
 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States. 
 
 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and 
 with the Indian tribes. 
 
 4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the sub- 
 ject of bankruptcies throughout the United States. 
 
 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix tht 
 standard of weights and measures. 
 
 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and currenf 
 coin of the United States. 
 
 7. To establish post-ofEces and post-roads. 
 
 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing, for limited 
 times, to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and 
 discoveries. 
 
 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme courts. 
 
 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, anc 
 offences against the law of nations. 
 
 11. To declare war, gi'ant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules con- 
 cerning captures on land and water. 
 
 12. To raise and support armies ; but no appropriation of money to that us( 
 shaU be for a longer term than two years. 
 
 13. To provide and maintain a navy. 
 
 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces 
 
 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union 
 suppress insurrections, and repel invasions. 
 
 16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and fo] 
 governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States 
 reserving to the States respectively, the appointment of the' officers, and tht 
 authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Con 
 gi'ess. 
 
 17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such distric 
 (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular States and the ac 
 
APPENDIX. 303 
 
 ceptance of Congress, become the seat of Govemment of the tJnited States ; and to 
 exercise like autiiority over all places purchased, by the consent of the Legislature 
 of the States in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, 
 arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings, and 
 
 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for canying into exe- 
 cution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the 
 Government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. 
 
 Section IX. — 1 . The migration or importation of such persons as any of the 
 States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the 
 Congress, prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, but a tax or 
 duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each 
 person, 
 
 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when, 
 in cases of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may requii-e it, 
 
 3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, shall be passed. 
 
 4. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the 
 census or enumei-ation hereinbefore directed to be taken. 
 
 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State. No pre- 
 ference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports for 
 one State over those of another : nor shall vessels bound to or from one State, be 
 obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties ia another. 
 
 6. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appro- 
 priations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and 
 expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 
 
 7. No title of nobility shall he granted by the United States, and no person 
 hold in g any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the 
 Congress, accept of any present, emoliiment, office, or title of any kind whatever, 
 from any king, prince, or foreign state. 
 
 Section X. — 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ;■ 
 grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money ; emit bills of credit ; make 
 anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of 
 attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts; or 
 grant any title of nobility. 
 
 2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties 
 on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessaiy for executing its 
 inspection laws, and the neat produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State 
 on imports or expoits, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the United States, 
 and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. 
 No State shall, without the consent of the Congi-ess, lay any duty on tonnage, keep 
 troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with 
 another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, 
 or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. 
 
304 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Aetiole 11. — Of the Execatme. 
 Section I. — 1. The exeoutiye power shall be vested in a President of thi 
 United States of America. He shall hold his office during the term of foai 
 years, and, together with the Vice-President, chosen for the same term, he electee" 
 as follows : 
 
 2. Each State shall appoint, in such maimer as the Legislature thereof maj 
 direct, a number of electors, equal to the whole number of senators and repre- 
 sentatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no senator oi 
 representative, or person holding any office of trust or profit under the TJnitec 
 States, shall be appointed an elector. 
 
 3. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for twc 
 persons, of whom one at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same State wit! 
 themselves. And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and of the num. 
 ber of votes for each ; which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed t< 
 the seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the President of tht 
 Senate. The President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and Hous< 
 of Representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted 
 The person having the greatest number of votes shall be the President, if such 
 number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if there b( 
 more than one who have such a majority, and have an equal number of votes, thei 
 the House of Representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, one of them foi 
 President ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the five highest, on th( 
 list, the said House shall, in like maimer, choose the President. But, in choosin£ 
 the President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each 
 State having one vote ; a quorum for this pui'pose shall consist of a member oi 
 members from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall b< 
 necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice of the President, the persoi 
 having the greatest number of votes of the electors shall be the Vice-President 
 But if there should remain two or more who have equal votes, the Senate shal 
 choose from them, by ballot, the Vice-President. 
 
 4. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors and the da} 
 on which they shall give their votes ; which day shall be the same throughout thi 
 United States. 
 
 5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen of the United States a1 
 the time of the adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to the office of Presi- 
 dent, neither shall any person be eligible to that office who shall not have attained 
 to the age of thirty-five years, and been fourteen years a resident within the 
 United States. 
 
 6. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resignation, 
 or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same shall de- 
 volve on the Vice-President, and the Congress may, by law, provide for the case o) 
 removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the President and Vice-President. 
 
APPENDIX. 305 
 
 dedaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall act accord- 
 ingly, until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. 
 
 7. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, 
 which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall 
 have been elected, and he shall not receive within that period any other emolument 
 from the United States, or any of them. 
 
 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall take the following oath 
 or affirmation: — " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithftdly execute the 
 office of President of the United States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, 
 protect, and defend, the Constitution of the United States." 
 
 Section II. — 1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and 
 navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States, when called into 
 actual service of the United States j he may require the opinion, in writing, of the 
 principal officer in each of the executive departments, upon any subject relating to 
 the duties of their respective offices ; and he shall have power to grant reprieves 
 and pardons for offences against the United States, except in cases of impeachment. 
 
 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to 
 make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur : and he shall no- 
 minate, and by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint ambas- 
 sadors, other public ministers and consuls, judges of the supreme court, and all 
 other officers of the United States, whose appointments are not herein otherwise pro- 
 vided for, and which shall be established by law. But the Congress may, by law, 
 vest the appointment of such inferior officers as they think proper in the President 
 alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 
 
 3. Tbe President shall have power to fill up all vacancies that may happen during 
 the recess of the Senate, by gi-anting commissions which shall expire at the end of 
 their next Session. 
 
 Section III. — 1. He shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information 
 of the state of the Union, and recommend to their consideration such measures as 
 he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordinary occasions convene 
 both Houses, or either of them, and in case of disagreement between them, with 
 respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he shall 
 think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public ministei"s ; he shall 
 take care that the laws be faithfully executed ; 4nd shall commission all the officers 
 of the United States. 
 
 Section IV. — 1. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the 
 United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for and conviction of 
 treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 
 
 Abticle III. — Of the Judiciary. 
 
 Section I. — 1. The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one 
 supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, 
 ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold 
 
306 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 their offices during good behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for their services 
 a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continuance in office. 
 
 Section II.— 1. The judicial power shall extend to aU cases in law and 
 equity, arising under this Constitution, the laws of the United States, and treaties 
 made, or which shall be made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambas- 
 sadors, other public ministers and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime 
 jurisdiction ; to controversies to which the United States shall be a party ; to 
 controversies between two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another 
 State ; between citizens of different States ; between citizens of the same State 
 claiming lands under grants of different States ; and between a State, or the citizens 
 thereof, and foreign states, citizens, or subjects. 
 
 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and 
 those in which a State shall be a party, the supreme court shall have original 
 jurisdiction. In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court shall have 
 appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions, and under 
 such regulations as the Congress shall make. 
 
 ■ 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall he by jury, 
 and such trial shall he held in the State where the said crimes shall have been 
 committed ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such 
 place or places as the Congress may by law have directed. 
 
 Section III. — 1. Treason against the United States shall consist only in levy- 
 ing war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and com- 
 fort. No person shall he convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two 
 witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open c-ourt. 
 
 2. Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason ; but no 
 attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the 
 life of the person attainted. 
 
 Aetiole IV. — Miscellanecms. 
 
 Section I. — 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public 
 acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may 
 by general laws, prescribe the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings 
 shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 Section II. — 1 . The citizens of each State shaU be entitled to all privileges 
 and immunities of citizens in the several States. 
 
 2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime, who 
 shall flee from justice, and be found in another State, shall, on demand of the 
 executive authority of the State from which he fled, be delivered up, to be re- 
 moved to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
 3. No person held to service or labour in one State under the laws thereof, 
 escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
 discharged from such service or labour ; but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
 party to whom such service or laboui" may be due. 
 
APPENDIX. 307 
 
 Section III. — 1. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union ; 
 but no new State shall be formed or erected within the jurisdiction of any other 
 State, nor any State be formed by the junction of two or more States, or parts of 
 States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the States concerned, as well as of 
 the Congress. 
 
 2. Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all needful rules and 
 regulations respecting the territory or other property belonging to the United 
 States ; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so construed as to prejudice any 
 claims of the United, or of any particular State. 
 
 Section IV. — 1. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this 
 Union a Eepublican form of GoTemment, and shall protect each of them against 
 invasion ; and on apphcation of the Legislature, or of the Executive, (when the 
 Legislature cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 
 
 Aeticle V. — Of Amendments. 
 
 1. Congress, whenever two-thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary, shall 
 propose amendments to this Constitution ; or, on the application of the Legislatures 
 of two-thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention for proposing amend- 
 ments, which, in either case, shall be valid to all intents and purposes, as part of 
 this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures of three-foui-ths of the several 
 States, or by Conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other mode of 
 ratification may be proposed by the Congress ; provided, that no amendment 
 which may be made prior to the year one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall 
 in any manner affect the first and fourth clause in the ninth section of the first 
 Article : and that no State, without its consent, shall he deprived of its equal 
 suffrage in tie Senate. 
 
 Abticle TL — Miscellaneous. 
 
 1. All debts contracted and engagements entered into, before the adoption of 
 this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States under this Constitution, 
 as under the Confederation. 
 
 2. This Constitution, and the laws of the United States which shall he made in 
 pursuance thereof, and all ti'eaties made, or which shall be made, under the 
 authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the 
 judges in every State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws 
 of any State to the conti-ary notwithstanding. 
 
 3. The senators and representatives before mentioned, and the members of the 
 several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial oflScers, both of the 
 United States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or atErmation to 
 support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifi- 
 cation to any office or public trust under the United States. 
 
308 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Article VII. — Of the Eatifioation. 
 The ratification of the Conventions of nine States shall be sufficient for the 
 establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the same. 
 
 Done in Convention, by the unanimous consent of the States present, the seven- 
 teenth day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred 
 and eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United States of America, the 
 twelfth. In witness whereof, we have hereunto subscribed our names. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, 
 President and Deputy from Virginia, 
 
 DELAWARE. 
 
 George Read, 
 Gunning Bedford, jun. 
 John Dickinson, 
 Richard Bassett, 
 Jacob Broom. 
 
 MARYLAND. 
 James M'Renry, 
 Daniel of St. The. Jenifer, 
 Daniel Carrol. 
 
 VIRGINIA. 
 John Blair, 
 James Madison, jun, 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA. 
 William Blount, 
 Richard Dobbs Spaight, 
 Hugh Williamson. 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA. 
 John Rutledge, 
 C. Cotesvvorth Pinciuiey, 
 Charles Pinckney, 
 Pierce Butler. 
 
 GEORGIA. 
 William Few, 
 Abraham Baldwin. 
 
 Attest^ WILLIAM JACKSON, Secretary. 
 
 NEW HAMPSHIRE. 
 John Langdon, 
 Nicholas Gilman, 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 Nathaniel Gorman, 
 Rufus King. 
 
 CONNECTICUT. 
 William Samuel Johnson, 
 Roger Sherman. 
 
 NEW YORK. 
 Alexander Hamilton. 
 
 NEW JERSEY. 
 William Livingston, 
 David Bearly, 
 William Paterson, 
 Jonathan Dayton. 
 
 PENNSYLVANIA. 
 
 Benjamin Franklin, 
 Thomas Mifflin, 
 Robert Morris, 
 George Clymer, 
 Thomas Fitzsimons, 
 Jared IngersoU, 
 James Wilson, 
 Govemeur Moiris. 
 
APPENDIX. 309 
 
 AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Article I. 
 
 Connress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibit- 
 ing the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech or of the press ; or 
 the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for 
 a redi'ess of grievances. 
 
 Aeticle II. 
 
 A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free state, the right 
 of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 
 
 Article III. 
 
 No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered in any house without the 
 consent of the owner ; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by 
 law. 
 
 Article IV. 
 
 The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, 
 against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and no warrants 
 shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affinnation, and par- 
 ticularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be 
 seized. 
 
 Article V. 
 
 No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, 
 unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases aiising in 
 the land or naval forces, or in the militia when in actual service in time of war, 
 or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence to be put 
 twice in jeopardy of life or limb ; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, to 
 be witness against himself ; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without 
 due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use without 
 just compensation. 
 
 Article VI. 
 
 lu all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and 
 public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall 
 have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, 
 and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be confronted 
 with the witnesses against him ; to have compulsoiy process for obtaining wit- 
 nesses in his favour ; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence. 
 
 Article VII. 
 
 In suits at common law, when the value in controversy shall exceed twenty 
 dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact tried by jury 
 
310 APPENDIX. 
 
 shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States than according to 
 the rules of the common law. 
 
 Article VIII. 
 Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and 
 unusual punishments inflicted. 
 
 Article IX. 
 
 The enumeration in the Constitution of certain rights shall not be construed to- 
 deny or disparage others retained by the people. 
 
 Akticle X. 
 .-The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited 
 by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people. 
 
 Article XI. 
 The judicial power of the United States shall not be construed to extend to any 
 suit in law or equity commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
 by citizens of another State, or by citizens or subjects of another State, or by citizens 
 or subjects of any foreign state. 
 
 Article XII. 
 
 Section I. — The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by 
 ballot for President and Vice-President, one of whom at least shall not be an 
 inhabitant of the same State with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the 
 person voted for as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice- 
 President ; and they shall make distinct lists of all pereons voted for as Presi- 
 dent, and all persons voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for 
 each, which list they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to the seat of 
 Government of the United States, directed to the President of the Senate : the 
 President of the Senate shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Represen- 
 tatives, open all the certificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person 
 having the greatest number of votes for President shall be the President, if snch 
 number be a majority of the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person 
 have such a majority, then from the persons having the highest numbers, not 
 exceeding three, on the list of those voted for as President, the House of Represen- 
 tatives shall choose immediately by ballot the President. But in choosing the 
 President, the votes shall be taken by States, the representation from each State 
 having one vote ; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a member or members 
 from two-thirds of the States, and a majority of all the States shall be necessary to 
 a choice, and if the House of Representatives shall not choose a President whenever 
 the right of choice shall devolve upon them, before the fourth day of March next 
 following, then the Vice-President shall act as President, as in the case of the death 
 or other constitutional disability of the President. 
 
APPENDIX. 311 
 
 Section II. — The persoa having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President 
 shall be the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of 
 electors appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest 
 numbers on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President : a quorum for the 
 purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority 
 of the whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 
 
 Section III. — But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President 
 shall be elected to that of Vice-President of the United States. 
 
 Aeticle XIII. 
 
 (Passed March 3rd, 1861.) That no amendment shall be made to the Consti- 
 tution, which will authorize or give Congress power to abolish or interfere 
 within any State with the domestic institutions thereof, including that of persons 
 held to labour or servitude by the laws of said State. 
 
 (B.) 
 
 CONSTITtrriON OF THE SECEDING OR " CONFEDEEATED STATES 
 OF NORTH AMERICA." 
 
 Peeamble. 
 
 WEj the people of the Confederate States, each State acting in its sovereign and 
 independent character, in order to form a permanent Federal Government, establish 
 justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves 
 and our posterity — invoking the favour and guidance of Almighty God — do ordain 
 and establish this Constitution for the Confederate States of America. 
 
 Aeticle I. 
 
 Section I. — All legislative powers herein delegated shall be vested in a Con- 
 gress of the Confederated States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of 
 Representatives. 
 
 Section II. — 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members 
 chosen every second year by the people of the several States ; and the electors in 
 each State shall be citizens of the Confederate States, and have the qualifications 
 requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature ; but no 
 person of foreign birth, and not a citizen of the Confederate States, shall be allowed 
 to vote for any officer, civil or political, state or federal. 
 
 2. No person shall be a representative who shall not have attained the age of 
 twenty-five years, and be a citizen of the Confederate States, and who shall not, 
 when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. 
 
 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States 
 
312 APPENDIX. 
 
 which may be included within this Confederacy according to their respective 
 numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, 
 including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not 
 taxed, three-fifths of all slaves. The actual enumeration shall be made within 
 thi-ee years after the first meeting of the Congress of the Confederate States, and 
 within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law 
 direct. The number of representatives shall not exceed one for every fifty thousand, 
 but each State shall have at least one representative ; and until such enumeration 
 shall be made, the State of South Carolina shall be entitled to choose six, the State 
 of Georgia ten, the State of Alabama nine, the State of Florida two, the State of 
 Mississippi seven, the State of Louisiana six, and the State of Texas six. 
 
 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, tie executive 
 authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fiU such vacancies. 
 
 5. The House of Representatives shall ohoose their Speaker and other ofiicers, 
 and shall have the sole power of impeachment, except that any judicial or other 
 federal officer resident and acting solely within the limits of any State, may be 
 impeached by a vote of two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature thereof. 
 
 Section III. — 1. The Senate of the Confederate States, shall be composed of two 
 senators from each State, chosen for six years by the Legislature thereof, at the 
 regular Session next immediately preceding the commencement of the term of 
 service, and each senator shall have one vote. 
 
 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, 
 they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the 
 senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the 
 second class at the expiration of the foiurth year, and of the third class at the 
 expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year ; 
 and if vacancies happen by resignation or otherwise during the recess of the 
 Legislature of any State, the executive thereof may make temporary appointments 
 until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fiU such vacancies. 
 
 3. No person shall be a senator who shall not have attained the age of thirty 
 years, and be a citizen of the Confederate States, and who shall not when elected 
 be an inhabitant of the State for which he shall be chosen. 
 
 4. The Vice-President of the Confederate States shall be President of the Senate, 
 but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. 
 
 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore 
 In the absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall exercise the office of Presi- 
 dent of the Confederate States. 
 
 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting 
 for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the 
 Confederate States is tried the Chief Justice shall preside, and no person shall be 
 convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 
 
 7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend farther than to removal 
 from office and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honour, trust or 
 
APPENDIX. 313 
 
 profit tinder the Confederate States ; but the parly convicted shall nevertheless 
 be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment, according 
 to law. 
 
 Section IV. — 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for sena- 
 tors and.representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof, 
 subject to the provisions of this Constitution ; but the Congress may, at any time, 
 by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the times and places of choosing 
 senators. 
 
 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year ; and such meeting 
 shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall, by law, appoint a 
 different day. 
 
 Section V. — 1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and 
 qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum 
 to do business ; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be 
 authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and imder 
 such penalties as each House may provide. 
 
 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members 
 for disorderly behaviour, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds of the whole 
 number, expel a member. 
 
 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time 
 publish the same, excepting such pai-ts as may in their judgment requii'e secrecy, 
 and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at 
 the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 
 
 4. Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, vrithout the consent of 
 the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in 
 which the two Houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Section VI. — 1. The senators and representatives shall receive a compensation 
 for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the treasury of the 
 Confederate States. They shall, in all cases, except treason and breach of the 
 peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the Session of their 
 respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same, and for a:ny 
 speech or debate in either House they shall not be questioned in any other place. 
 
 2. No senatK)r or representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, 
 he appointed to any civil ofiice under the authority of the Confederate States which 
 shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased 
 luring such time ; and no person holding any office under the Confederate States 
 shall be a member oi either House during his continuance in office. But Congress 
 nay, by law, grant to the principal ofiicer in each of the executive departments a 
 seat upon the floor of either House, with the privilege of discussing any measures 
 ippei-taining to his department. 
 
 Section VII. — 1. All Bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of 
 Representatives ; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on 
 ither Bills. 
 
 T 
 
314 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 2. Eveiy Bill which shall have passed both Houses shall, before it becomes 
 law, be presented to the President of the Confederate States. If he approve, h 
 shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House i; 
 which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on thei 
 journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds o 
 that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the objec 
 tions, to the other House, by whom it shall likewise be reconsidered, and i 
 approved by two-thirds of that House it shall become a law. But in all such case 
 the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names l 
 the persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the journal of eac 
 House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returaed by the President within te 
 days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same sha] 
 be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by thei 
 adjournment, prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. The Pre 
 sident may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appropriation i: 
 the same Bill. In such case he shall, in signing the Bill, designate the appropria 
 tions disapproved, and shall return a copy of such appropiiations, with his objec 
 tions, to the House in which the Bill shall have originated ; and the same proceed 
 ings shall then be had as in case of other Bills disapproved by the President. 
 
 3. Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of both House 
 may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment), shall be presented t 
 the President of the Confederate States ; and before the same shall take effecl 
 shall be approved by him ; or being disapproved by him, may be repassed by two 
 thirds of both Houses according to the rales and limitations prescribed in case of 
 Bill. 
 
 Section VIII. — The Congress shall have power — 
 
 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises for revenue necessary t 
 pay the debts, provide for the common defence, and carry on the Government c 
 the Confederate States ; but no bounties shall be granted from the Treasury, no 
 shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laid to promot 
 or foster any branch of industry ; and all duties, imposts, and excises shall b 
 uniform throughout the Confederate States. 
 
 2. To boiTow money on the credit of the Confedei'ate States. 
 
 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States 
 and with the Indian tribes ; but neither this, nor any other clause contained i 
 the Constitution, shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress t 
 appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce 
 except for the purpose of furnishing hghts, beacons, and buoys, and other aids t 
 navigation upon the coasts, and the improvement of harbours, and the removin 
 of obstructions in river navigation, in all which cases such duties shall be laid o: 
 the navigation facilitated thereby, as may be necessary to pay the costs and expense 
 thereof. 
 
 4. To establish unifoiTO laws of naturalization, and uniform laws on the suhjec 
 
APPENDIX. 315 
 
 jf bankruptcies, throughout the Confederate States ; but no law of Congress shall 
 lischarge any debt contracted before the passage of the same. 
 
 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the 
 standai-d of weights and measures. 
 
 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current 
 »in of the Confederate States. 
 
 7. To establish post-offices and post routes ; but the expenses of the Post-office 
 Department, after the first day of March, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred 
 md sixty-three, shall be paid out of its own revenues. 
 
 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for hmited 
 jmes to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and 
 hscoveries. 
 
 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court. 
 
 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and 
 )ffences against the law of nations. 
 
 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules con- 
 «ming captures on land and water. 
 
 12. To raise and support ai'mies ; but no appropriation of money to that use 
 hall be for a longer term than two years. 
 
 13. To provide and maintain a navy. 
 
 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval 
 brces. 
 
 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confede- 
 ate States, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions. 
 
 16. To provide for oi^anizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for 
 loveming such part of them as may be employed in the service of the Confederate 
 'itat«s ; reserving to the States, respectively, the appointment of the officers and 
 he authority o/ training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by 
 ^gi'ess. 
 
 17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district 
 not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of one or more States and the 
 cceptance of Congress, become the seat of Government of the Confederate States ; 
 nd to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legis- 
 iture of the State in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, 
 rsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings ; and 
 
 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into 
 secution the foregoing powers, and aU other powers vested by this Constitu- 
 ion in the Government of the Confederate States, or in any department or officer 
 hereof. 
 
 Section IX. — 1. The importation of negroes of the African race from any 
 jreign country other than the slave-holding States or territories of the United States 
 f America is hereby forbidden ; and Congress is required to pass such laws as 
 lall effectually prevent the same. 
 
 Y 2 
 
316 APPENDIX. 
 
 2. Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slav 
 from any State not a member of, or territory not belonging to, this Confederacy. 
 
 3. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unle 
 when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. 
 
 4. No bm of attainder, or ex post faoto law, or law denying or impairing tl 
 right of property in negro slaves, shall be passed. 
 
 5. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid unless in proportion to tl 
 census or enumei'ation hereinbefore directed to be taken. 
 
 6. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State, except I 
 a vote of two-thirds of both Houses. 
 
 7. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue i 
 the ports of one State over those of another. 
 
 8. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in consequence of appr 
 priations made by law ; and a regular statement and account of the receipts ar 
 expenditures of all public money shall he published fi-om time to time. 
 
 9. Congress shall appropriate no money from the treasury except by a vote i 
 two-thirds of both Houses, taken by yeas and nays, unless it be asked and estimatt 
 for by some one of the heads of department, and submitted to Congress by the Pri 
 sident ; or for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies ; or fi 
 the payment of claims against the Confederate States, the justice of which sha 
 have been judicially declared by a tribunal for the investigation of clain 
 against the Government, which it is hereby made the duty of Congress i 
 establish. 
 
 10. All Bills appropriating money shall specify in Federal currency the exa 
 amount of each appropriation and the purposes for which it is made ; ai 
 Congress shall grant no extra compensation to any public contractor, office 
 agent, or seiTant, after such contract shall have been made or such servi. 
 rendered. 
 
 11. No title of nobility shall be granted by the Confederate States; and i 
 person holding any office of profit or trust under them shaD, without the consei 
 of the Congress, accept of any present, emoluments, office, or title of any kii 
 whatever from any king, prince, or foreign state. 
 
 12. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, c 
 prohibiting the free exercise thereof ; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of tl 
 press ; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the Gover 
 ment for a redress of grievances. 
 
 13. A well-regulated militia being, necessary to the security of a fi*ee state, t] 
 right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 
 
 14. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house witho' 
 the consent of the owner ; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescrib 
 by law. 
 
 15. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers ai 
 effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated ; and i 
 
APPENDIX. 317 
 
 warrantB shall issue bat upon probable cause, supported by oath or afHrmation, 
 and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to 
 be seized. 
 
 16. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous 
 crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases 
 arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service, in 
 time of war or public danger ; nor shall any person be subject for the same offence 
 to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb, nor be compelled, in any criminal case, 
 to be a witness against himself ; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, 
 without due process of law ; nor shall private property be taken for public use 
 without just compensation. 
 
 17. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy 
 and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime 
 shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained 
 by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation ; to be 
 confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for 
 obtaining witnesses in his favour, and to have the assistance of counsel for his 
 defence. 
 
 18. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed $ 20, 
 the right of trial by jury shall be preserved ; and no fact so tried by a jury shall 
 be otherwise re-examined in any court of the Confederacy than according to the 
 rules of the common law. 
 
 19. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel 
 and unusual punishments inflicted. 
 
 20. Every law, or resolution having the force of law, shall relate to but one 
 subject, and that shall be expressed in the title. 
 
 Section X. — 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; 
 grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; make anything but gold 
 and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, or ew 
 post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts ; or grant any title of 
 nobility. 
 
 2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or 
 duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for 
 executing its inspection laws ; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid 
 by any State on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the 
 Confederate States ; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control 
 of Congress. 
 
 3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, 
 except on seagoing vessels, for the improvement of its rivers and harbours navi- 
 gated by the said vessels ; but such duties shall not conflict with any treaties of 
 the Confederate States with foreign nations ; and any surplus of revenue thus 
 derived shall, after making such improvement, be paid into the common treasury ; 
 nor shall any State keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any 
 
318 APPENDIX. 
 
 agreement or compact with another State or with a foreign Power, or engage i 
 war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admi 
 of delay. But when any river divides or flows through two or more State 
 they may enter into compacts with each other to improve the navigatic 
 
 thereof. 
 
 Article II. 
 
 Section I. — 1. The executive power shall he vested in a President of tl 
 Confederate States of America. He and the Vice-President shall hold their offio 
 for the tei-m of six years ; but the President shall not he re-eligible. The Pres 
 dent and Vice-President shall be elected as follows : 
 
 2. Each State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature thereof m£ 
 direct, a number of electors equal to the whole number of senators and represe 
 tatives to which the State may be entitled in the Congress ; but no senator i 
 representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit under the Confedera 
 States, shall be appointed an elector. 
 
 3. The electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by ballot for Pr 
 sident and Vice-President, one of whom, at least, shall not be an inhabitant of tl 
 same State with themselves ; they shall name in their ballots the person voted f 
 as President, and in distinct ballots the person voted for as Vice-President, and th( 
 shall make distinct lists of all persons voted for as President, and of all perso 
 voted for as Vice-President, and of the number of votes for each, which li 
 they shall sign, and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the Government of the Conf 
 derate States, directed to the President of the Senate ; the President of the Sena 
 shall, in the presence of the Senate and House of Representatives, open all the ce 
 tificates, and the votes shall then be counted ; the person having the greatest nui 
 ber of votes for President shall he the President, if such number be a majority 
 the whole number of electors appointed ; and if no person have such majority, the 
 from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceeding three, on the list 
 those voted for as President, the House of Representatives shall choose immediatel 
 by ballot, the President. But in choosing the President, the votes shall be tak 
 by States, the representation from each State having one vote ; a quorum for t 
 purpose shall consist of a member or members from two-thirds of the States, and 
 majority of all the States shall be necessary to a choice. And if the House 
 Representatives shall not choose a President, whenever the right of choice sh: 
 devolve upon them, before the 4th day of March next following, then the Vic 
 President shall act as President, as in the case of death or other constitutioual di 
 ability of the President. 
 
 4. The person having the greatest number of votes as Vice-President shall 
 the Vice-President, if such number be a majority of the whole number of electt 
 appointed ; and if no person have a majority, then, from the two highest numbc 
 on the list, the Senate shall choose the Vice-President. A quorum for the purp< 
 shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of senators, and a majority of t 
 whole number shall be necessary to a choice. 
 
APPENDIX. 319 
 
 5. But no person constitutionally ineligible to the office of President shall be 
 eligible to that of Vice-President of the Confederate States. 
 
 6. The Congress may determine the time of choosing the electors, and the day on 
 which they shall give their Totes, which day shall be the same throughout the 
 Confederate States. 
 
 7. No person, except a natural-born citizen of the Confederate States, or a citizen 
 thereof at the time of the adoption of this Constitution, or a dtizen thereof born in 
 the United States prior to the 20th of December, 1860, shall be eligible to the office 
 of President ; neither shall any person be eligible to that ofEce who shall not have 
 attained the age of thirty-fire years, and been fourteen years a resident within the 
 limits of the Confederate States, as they may exist at the time of his election. 
 
 8. In case of the removal of the President from office, or of his death, resigna- 
 tion, or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said office, the same 
 shall devolve on the Vice-President ; and the Congress may, by law, provide for 
 the case of removal, death, resignation, or inability both of the President and Vice- 
 President, declaring what officer shall then act as President, and such officer shall 
 act accordingly, until the disability be removed or a President shall be elected. 
 
 9. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation, 
 which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he 
 shall have been elected ; and he shall not receive within that period any other 
 emolument from the Confederate States, or any of them. 
 
 10. Before he enters on the execution of his office he shall take the following 
 oath or affirmation : — 
 
 " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that 1 will faithfully execute the office of Pre- 
 sident of the Confederate States, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, pro- 
 tect, and defend the Constitution thereof.'* 
 
 Section 11. — 1. The President shall be commander-in-chief of the army and 
 navy of the Confederate States, and of the militia of the several States, when 
 called into the actual service of the Confederate States. He may require the opinion, 
 in writing, of the principal officer' in each of the executive departments upon any 
 subject relating to the duties of their respective offices ; and he shall have power 
 to grant reprieves and pardons for offences against the Confederate States, except in 
 cases of impeachment, 
 
 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, to 
 make treaties, provided two-thirds of the senators present concur ; and he shall 
 nominate, and, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, shall appoint 
 ambassadors, other public ministers, and consuls, judges of the Supreme Court., and 
 all other officers of the Confederate States, whose appointments are not herein 
 othei-wise provided for, and which shall be established by law ; but the Congress 
 may, by law, vest the appointment of such inferior officers, as they think proper, 
 in the President alone, in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 
 
 3. The principal officer in each of the executive departments, and all persons 
 connected with the diplomatic service, may be removed from office at the pleasure 
 
320 APPENDIX. 
 
 of the President. AH other civil officers of the executive department may be re 
 moved at any time by the President, or other appointing power, when their sei-vice 
 are unnecessary, or for dishonesty, incapacity, inefficiency, miscondnct, or neglec 
 of duty ; and when so removed, the removal shall be reported to the Senate, to 
 gether with the reasons therefor. 
 
 4. The President shall have power to fill all vacancies that may happen durin; 
 the recess of the Senate, by granting commissions, which shall expire at the end o 
 their next session ; but no person rejected by the Senate shall be reappointed ti 
 tne same office during their ensuing recess. 
 
 Section III. — 1. The President shall, from time to time, give to the Congres, 
 information of the state of the Confederacy, and recommend to their consideratioi 
 such measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient ; he may, on extraordi- 
 nary occasions, convene both Houses, or either of them ; and in case of disagreemem 
 between them with respect to the time of adjournment, he may adjourn them tc 
 such time as he shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors and other public 
 ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed, and shall com- 
 mission all the officers of the Confederate States. 
 
 Section IV". — 1. The President, Vice-President, and all civil officers of the Con- 
 federate States shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of. 
 treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors. 
 
 Aetiole III. 
 
 Section I. — 1. The judicial power of the Confederate States shall be vested in one 
 superior court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may, from time to time, 
 ordain and establish. The judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall 
 hold their offices during good behaviour, and shall, at stated times, receive for 
 their services a compensation, which shall not be diminished during their continu- 
 ance in office. 
 
 Section II. — 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases arising under this 
 Constitution, the laws of the Confederate States, and treaties made or which shall be 
 made under their authority; to all cases affecting ambassadors, other pubhe 
 ministers and consuls ; to all cases of admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to con- 
 troversies to which the Confederate States shall be a party ; to controversies 
 between two or more States ; between a State and citizens of another State, where 
 the State is plaintiff; between citizens claiming lands under grants of different 
 States, and between a State, or the citizens thereof, and foreign States, citizens, 
 or subjects ; but no State shall be sued by a citizen or subject of any foreign 
 State. 
 
 2. in all cases affecting ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, and 
 those in which a State shall be a party, the supreme court shall have original 
 jurisdiction. In all the other oases before mentioned the supreme court shall have 
 appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such 
 regulations as the Congress shall make. 
 
APPENDIX. 321 
 
 3. The trial of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be by jury, and 
 such trial shall be held in the State where the said crime shall have been com- 
 mitted ; but when not committed within any State, the trial shall be at such place 
 or places as the Congress may by law have directed. 
 
 Section III. — 1. Treason against the Confederate States shall consist only in 
 levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and 
 comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two 
 witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open court. 
 
 2. The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no 
 attainder of treason shall work corruption of blood, or forfeiture, except during the 
 life of the person attainted. 
 
 Aeticle IV. 
 
 Section I. — 1. Full faith and credit shall be given in each State to the public 
 acts, records, and judicial proceedings of every other State. And the Congress may, 
 by general laws, prescribe the mamier in which such acts, records, and proceedings 
 shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 Section II. — 1. The citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges 
 and immunities of citizens in the several States, and shall have the right of transit 
 and sojourn in any State of this Confederacy, with their slaves and other property ; 
 and the right of property in such slaves shall not be thereby impaired. 
 
 2. A person charged in any State with treason, felony, or other crime against 
 the laws of such State, who shall flee from justice and be found in another State, 
 shall, on demand of the executive authority of the State from which he fled, be 
 delivered up to be removed to the State having jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
 3. No slave or other person held to service or labour in any State or terri- 
 tory of the Confederate States, under the laws thereof, escaping or lawfully carried 
 into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged 
 from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the party to 
 whom such slave belongs, or to whom such service or labour may be due. 
 
 Section III. — 1. Other States may be admitted into this Confederacy hy a vote 
 of two-thirds of the whole House of Representatives and two-thirds of the Senate, 
 the Senate voting by States ; but no new State shall be formed or erected within 
 the jurisdiction of any other State ; nor any State be formed by the junction of two 
 or more States, or parts of States, without the consent of the Legislatures of the 
 States concerned, as well as of the Congress. 
 
 2. The Congress shall have power to dispose of and make all needful rules and 
 regulations concerning the property of the Confederate States, including the lands 
 thereof. 
 
 3. The Confederate States may acquire new territory, and Congress shall have 
 power to legislate and provide governments for the inhabitants of all territory be- 
 loDgii\g to the Confederate States lying without the limits of the several States, and 
 may permit them, at such times and in such manner as it may by law provide, to 
 
322 APPENDIX. 
 
 form States to be admitted into the Confederacy. In all such territory the institu- 
 tion of negro slavery as it now exists in the Confederate States shall be recognised 
 and protected by Congress and by the temtorial Government, and the inhabitants 
 of the several Confederate States and territories shall have the right to take to such 
 territory any slaves lawfully held by them in any of the States or territories of tht 
 Confederate States. 
 
 4. The Confederate States shall guarantee to every State that now is, or here- 
 after may become, a member of this Confederacy a Republican form of Govern- 
 ment, and shall protect each of them against invasion ; and on application of tht 
 Legislature (or of the Executive when the Legislature is not in Session) against 
 domestic violence. 
 
 Article V. 
 Sectiok" I. — 1 . Upon the demand of any three States, legally assembled in 
 their several Conventions, the Congress shall summon a Convention of all the States, 
 to take into consideration such amendments to the Constitution as the said Statf 
 shall concur in suggesting at the time when the said demand is made ; and should 
 any of the proposed amendments to the Constitution be agreed on by the said Con- 
 vention — voting by States — and the same be ratified by the Legislatures of two- 
 thirds of the several States, or by Conventions in two-thirds thereof — as the one oi 
 the other mode of ratification may be proposed by the general Convention — they 
 shall henceforward form a part of this Constitution. But no State shall, without 
 its consent, be deprived of its equal representation in the Senate. 
 
 Article VI. 
 
 1. The Government established by this Constitution is the successor of the Pro- 
 visional Government of the Confederate States of America, and all the laws passed 
 by the latter shall continue in force until the same shall be repealed or modified : 
 and al) the ofBcers appointed by the same shall remain in oSjce until their succes- 
 sors are appointed and qualified or the offices abolished. 
 
 2. All debts contracted and engagements entered into before the adoption of this 
 Constitution shall be as valid against the Confederate States under this Constitu- 
 tion as under the Provisional Government. 
 
 3. This Constitution and the laws of the Confederate States, made in pursuance 
 thereof, and all treaties made, or which shall be made, under the authority of the 
 Confederate States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; and the judges in every 
 State shall be bound thereby, anything in the Constitution or laws of any State to 
 the contrary notwithstanding. 
 
 4. The senators and representatives before mentioned and the members of the 
 several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the Con- 
 federate States and of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to 
 support this Constitution ; but no religious test shall ever be required as a qualifica. 
 tion to any office or public trust under the Confederate States. 
 
APPENDIX. 323 
 
 5. The enumeration, in the Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed 
 to deny or disparage others retained by the people of the several States. 
 
 6. The powers not delegated to the Confederate States by the Constitution, nor 
 prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States, respectively, or to the 
 people thereof. 
 
 Article VII. 
 
 1. The ratification of the Conventions of five States shall be sufiicient for the 
 establishment of this Constitution, between the States so ratifying the same. 
 
 2. When five States shall have ratified this Constitution, in the manner before 
 specified, the Congress under the provisional Constitution shall prescribe the time 
 for holding the election of President and Vice-President ; and for the meeting of the 
 electoral college ; and for counting the votes and inaugurating the President. They 
 shall also prescribe the time for holding the first election of members of Congress 
 under this Constitution, and the time for assembling the same. Until the assembling 
 of such Congress, the Congress under the provisional Constitution shall continue to 
 exercise the legislative powers granted them, not extending beyond the time limited 
 by the Constitution of the provisional Government, 
 
 Adopted unanimously, March 11, 1861. 
 
 (C.)* 
 
 CONSTITUTION OF THE CONFEDERATE STATES. 
 
 Wherein it dipfees with the Constitution of the United States. 
 We note the principal points of difference between the permanent Constitution of 
 the Confederate States and the Constitution of the United States of America, as 
 follows : — 
 
 1. The preamble invokes " the favour and guidance of Almighty God." 
 
 2. Any judicial or other federal officer, resident and acting solely within the 
 limits of any State, may be impeached by a vote of two-thirds of both branches of 
 the Legislature of such State. 
 
 3. Congress may, by law, grant to the principal officer in each of the executive 
 departments a seat upon the floor of either House, with the privilege of discussing 
 any measures appertaining to his department, 
 
 4. The President, may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other 
 appropriation in the same Bill. 
 
 5. The general welfare clause is omitted, 
 
 6. No bounties can be granted from the treasury, and no duties or taxes on 
 
 * From the New York Herald of March 27th, 1861. 
 
324 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 importations from foreign nations shall be laid to promote or foster any branch of 
 industry. 
 
 7. Congress shall have no power to appropriate money for any internal improve- 
 ment intended to facilitate commerce, except for the purpose of furnishing lights, 
 beacons, buoys, and other aids to navigation on the coasts, and the improvement of 
 harbours, and the removing of obstructions in rivers, and in all such cases such 
 duties shall be laid on the navigation facilitated as may be necessary to pay the costs 
 and expenses thereof. 
 
 8. The expenses of the Post Office Department, after the 1st of March, 1863, 
 shall be paid out of its own revenue. 
 
 9. The importation of negroes of the African race from any foreign country, 
 other than the slave-holding States and Territories of the United States, is 
 forbidden. 
 
 10. Congress shall have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any 
 State not a member of or Territory not belonging to the Confederacy. 
 
 11. Congi'ess shall appropriate no money, nnless it be asked and estimated for by 
 some one of the heads of departments, and submitted by the President, unless by a 
 vote of two-thirds of both Houses, taken by yeas and nays — or to pay its own 
 expenses — or claims adjudicated against the Confederacy. 
 
 12. Congress is required to establish a tribunal to adjudicate claims against the 
 Government. 
 
 13. Congress can grant no extra compensation to any contractor, officer, agent 
 or servant, after contract made or service rendered. 
 
 14. Eveiy law shall relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in 
 the title. 
 
 15. When any river divides or flows through two or more States they may enter 
 into compacts to improve its navigation. 
 
 16. The President holds his office for six years, and is not re-eligible. 
 
 17. Upon removal of civil officers in the executive department, except Cabinet 
 officers, and officers connected with the diplomatic service, the President shall 
 report the removal to the Senate, with his reasons therefor, 
 
 18. The citizens of one State cannot sue the citizens of another State in the 
 Federal coui'ts. 
 
 19. Citizens of each State shall have the right of transit and sojourn in any 
 State of the Confederacy with their slaves and other property, and the right of 
 property in slaves shall not thereby be impaired. 
 
 20. Other States shall be admitted by a vote of two-thirds of the whole House of 
 Representatives, and two-thirds of the Senate voting by States. 
 
 21. The institution of negro slavery shall be recognized and protected in the 
 ten'itory, by Congress and the Territorial Governments. And the citizens of all 
 the States shall have the right to take tlieir slaves to the territory. 
 
 22. The Constitution shall be amended upon the demand of any three States for 
 a Convention of aU the States suggesting the amendments. And if the Conven- 
 
APPENDIX. 325 
 
 tion of all the States concur in the amendments, and they are ratified by two- 
 thirds of the State Legislatures or Conventions, they shall be a part of the 
 Constitution. 
 
 23. Congress shall pass no law impairing or denying the right of property in 
 negro slaves. 
 
 (D.) 
 
 THE KEPUBLICAN NATIONAL PLATFORM, 
 Adopted at Chicago, "1860. 
 Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives of the EepuhHoan electors of the 
 United Stat«s, in Convention assembled, in discharge of the duty we owe to our 
 constituents and our country, unite in the following declarations : 
 
 1. That the history of the nation, during the last four years, has fully established 
 the propriety and necessity of the organization and perpetuation of the Republican 
 party, and that the causes which called it into existence are permanent in their 
 nature, and now, more than ever before, demand its peaceful and constitutional 
 triumph. 
 
 2. That the maintenance of the principles promulgated in the Declaration of 
 Independence and embodied in the Federal Constitution, " That all men are created 
 equal ; that they are endowed by their CreatK)r with certain inalienable rights ; 
 that among these are life, liberty, and the pui'suit of happiness ; that to secure these 
 rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the 
 consent of the governed," is essential to the preservation of our Republican in- 
 stitutions ; and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the States, and the 
 Union of the States, must and shall be preserved. 
 
 3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes its unprecedented increase in 
 population, its surprising development of material resources, its rapid augmentation 
 of wealth, its happiness at home and its honour abroad ; and we hold in abhorrence 
 all schemes for Disunion, come from whatever source they may : And we con- 
 gratulate the country that no Republican member of Congress has uttered or 
 countenanced the threats of Disunion so often made by Democratic members, with- 
 out rebuke and with applause from their political associates ; and we denounce 
 those threats of Disunion, in case of a popular overthrow of their ascendancy, as 
 denying the vital principles of a free government, and as an avowal of contemplated 
 treason, which it is the imperative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke 
 and for ever silence, 
 
 4. That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and especially the 
 right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions according to 
 its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of powers on which the 
 perfection and endurance of our political fabric depends ; and we denounce the 
 
326 APPENDIX. 
 
 lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Territory, no mattei 
 under what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes. 
 
 5. That the present Democratic Administration has far exceeded our worsf 
 apprehensions, in its measmeless subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, 
 as especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the infamous Lecompton 
 Constitution upon the protesting people of Kansas ; in constraing the personal 
 relation between master and servant to involve an unquahfied property in persons : 
 in its attempted enforcement, everywhere, on land and sea, through the interventior 
 of Congress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme pretensions of a purely local 
 interest ; and in its general and unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a 
 confiding people. 
 
 6. That the people justly view with alarm the reckless extravagance which 
 pervades every department of the Federal Government ; that a return to rigid 
 economy and accountability is indispensable to arrest the systematic plunder of the 
 public treasury by favoured partisans, while the recent startling developments oi 
 frauds and corruptions at the Federal metropolis, show that an entire change of 
 administration is imperatively demanded. 
 
 7. That the new dogma, that the Constitution, of its own force, carries slavei'y 
 in any or all of the Territories of the United States, is a dangerous political heresy, 
 at variance with the explicit provisions of that instrument itself, with contempo- 
 raneous exposition, and with legislative and judicial precedent j is revolutionary in 
 its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony of the country. 
 
 8. That the nominal condition of all the territory of the United States is that oi 
 freedom ; that as our Eepublican fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all 
 our national territory, ordained that " no person should be deprived of life, liberty, 
 or property, without due process of law," it becomes our duty, by legislation, 
 whenever such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision of the Consti- 
 tution against all attempts to violate it ; and we deny the authority of Congress, 
 of a territorial legislature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to slavery 
 in any Territory of the United States. 
 
 9. That we brand the recent reopening of the African slave-trade, under the 
 cover of our national flag, aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against 
 humanity and a burning shame to our country and age ; and we call upon Congress 
 to take prompt and efficient measures for the total and final suppression of that 
 execrable traffic. 
 
 10. That in the recent vetoes, by their Federal Governors, of the Acts of the 
 Legislatures of Kansas and Nebraska, prohibiting slaveiy in those Territories, we 
 find a practical illustration of the boasted Democratic principle of non-intervention 
 and popular sovereignty, embodied in the Kansas-Nebraska Bill, and a demonstra- 
 tion of the deception and fi-aud involved therein. 
 
 11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately admitted as a State under the 
 Constitution recently formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the House 
 of Representatives. 
 
APPENDIX. 327 
 
 12. That, while providing reTenue for the support of the general Government 
 by duties upon imports, somid policy requires such an adjustment of these imposts 
 as to encoui-age the development of the industrial interest of the whole country ; 
 and we commend that policy of national exchanges which secures to the working 
 men liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative prices, to mechanics and manu- 
 factures an adequate rewai-d for their skill, labour, and enterprise, and to the nation 
 commercial prospei'ity and independence. 
 
 13. That we protest against any sale or alienation to others of the public lands 
 held by actual settlers, and against any view of the homestead policy which regards 
 the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty ; and we demand the passage 
 by Congress of the complete and satisfactory homestead measure which has already 
 passed the House. 
 
 14. That the Republican party is opposed to any change in our naturalization 
 laws or any State legislation by which the rights of citizenship hitherto 
 accorded to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or impaired ; and in 
 favour of giving a full and eGScient protection to the rights of all classes of citizens, 
 whether native or naturalized, both at home and abroad, 
 
 15. That appropriations by Congress for river and harbour improvements of a 
 national character, required for the accommodation and secmity of an existing 
 commei'ce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified by the obligations of 
 Government to protect the lives and property of its citizens. 
 
 16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imperatively demanded by the 
 interestof the whole country; that the Federal Government ought to render imme. 
 diate and efficient aid in its construction ; and that, as preliminary thereto, a daily 
 overland mail should be promptly established, 
 
 17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive principles and views, we invite 
 the co-operation of all citizens, however differing on other questions, who substan- 
 tially agree with us in their affirmance and support. 
 
 (E.) 
 
 THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC PLATFORM, 
 Adopted at Cincinnati in 1856, and Readopted with Amendments 
 
 IN 1860. 
 Besohed, That the American Democracy place their trust in the intelligence, the 
 patriotism, and the discriminating justice of the American people. 
 
 Resolved, That we regard this as a distinctive feature of our political creed, 
 which we are proud to maintain before the world as a great moral element in a 
 form of government springing from and upheld by the popular will ; and we con- 
 trast it with the creed and practice of Federalism, under whatever name or form. 
 
328 APPENDIX. 
 
 which seeks to palsy the will of the constituent, and which conceives no imposturi 
 too monstrous for the popular creduHty. 
 
 Resolved, therefore, That, entertaining these "views, the Democratic party of thi; 
 Union, through their delegates, assemhled in general Convention, coming together n 
 a spirit of concord, of devotion to the doctrines and faith of » free representativi 
 Government, and appealing to their fellow-citizens for the rectitude of their inten- 
 tions, renew and reassert before the American people, the declarations of principle: 
 avowed by them, when, on former occasions, in general Convention, they hav* 
 presented their candidates for the popular suffrage. 
 
 1. That the Federal Government is one of limited power, derived solely from th( 
 Constitution, and the grants of power made therein ought to be strictly constmec 
 by all the departments and agents of the Goverrmient, and that it is inexpedien' 
 and dangerous to exercise doubtful constitutional powers. 
 
 2. That the Constitution does not confer upon the general Government th( 
 power to commence and carry on a general system of internal improvements. 
 
 3. That the Constitution does not confer authority upon the Federal Government 
 directly or indirectly, to assume the debts of the several States, contracted foj 
 local and internal improvements, or other State purposes, nor would such assump 
 tion be just or expedient. 
 
 4. That justice and sound policy forbid the Federal Government to foster om 
 branch of industry to the detriment of another, or to cherish the interests of on( 
 portion of our common country to the detriment of another ; that every citizen and 
 every section of the country has a right to demand and insist upon an equality of rights 
 and privileges, and a complete and ample protection of persons and property from 
 domestic violence and foreign aggression. 
 
 5. That it is the duty of every branch of the Government to enforce and 
 practise the most rigid economy in conducting our public affairs, and that no mors 
 revenue ought to be raised than is required to defray the necessary expenses oi 
 the Goverament, and provide for the gradual but certain extinction of the public 
 debt. 
 
 6. That the proceeds of the public lands ought to be sacredly applied to the 
 national objects specified in the Constitution, and that we are opposed to any law 
 for the distribution of such proceeds among the States, as alike inexpedient in policy, 
 and repugnant to the Constitution. 
 
 7. That Congress has no power to charter a National Bank ; that we believe 
 such an institution one of deadly hostility to the best interests of tiiis country, 
 dangerous to our Republican institutions and the liberties of the people, and calcu- 
 lated to place the business of the country within the control of a concentrated 
 money power, and above the laws and will of the people ; and the results of the 
 Democratic legislation in this and all other financial measures upon which issues 
 have been made between the two political parties of the country, have demonstrated 
 to candid and pi-actical men of all parties their soundness, safety, and utility in all 
 business pursuits. 
 
APPENDIX, 329 
 
 8. That the separation of the moneys of the Government from banking institu- 
 tions is indispensable to the safety of the funds of the Government and the rights of 
 &e people. 
 
 9. That we ai-e decidedly opposed to taking from the President the qualified veto 
 power, by which he is enabled, under restrictions and responsibiUties amply suffi- 
 cient to guard the public interest, to suspend the passage of a Bill whose merits 
 cannot secure the approval of two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, 
 until the judgment of the people can be obtained thereon, and which has saved the 
 American people from the corrupt and tyrannical dominion of the Bank of the 
 United States, and from a con-upting system of general internal improvements. 
 
 10. That the liberal principles embodied by Jefferson in the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence, and sanctioned in the Constitution, which makes ours the land of liberty 
 and the asylum of the oppressed of eveiy nation, have ever been cardinal principles 
 in the Democi-atic faith ; and ev^iry attempt to abridge the privilege of becoming 
 citizens and the owners of soil among us ought to be resisted with the same spirit 
 which swept the alien and sedition laws from our statute-books. 
 
 And whereas, Since the foregoing declaration was uniformly adopted by our 
 predecessors in national Conventions, an adverse political and religious test has been 
 secretly organized by a party claiming to be esclusively Americans, and it is proper 
 that the American Democracy should clearly define its relations thereto ; and 
 declare its determined opposition to all secret political societies, by whatever name 
 they may be called. 
 
 Hesolved, That the foundation of this Union of States having been laid in, and its 
 prosperity, expansion, and pre-eminent example in free government, built upon 
 entire freedom in matters of re'ligious concernment, and no respect of persons in 
 regard to rank, or place of birth, no paxty can justly be deemed national, constitu- 
 tional, or in accordance with American principles, which bases its exclusive 
 organization upon religious opinions and accidental birthplace. And hence a 
 political crusade in the nineteenth century, and in the United States of America, 
 against Catholics and foreign-born, is neither justified by the past history or future 
 prospects of the counti-y, nor in unison with the spirit of toleration and enlightened 
 freedom, which peculiarly distinguishes the American system of popular govern- 
 ment. 
 
 Resolved^ That we reiterate with renewed energy of purpose the well-considered 
 declarations of fonner Conventions upon the sectional issue of domestic slavery, and 
 concerning the reserved rights of the States — 
 
 1. That Congi'ess has no power under the Constitution to interfere with or 
 control the domestic institutions of the several States, and that all such States are 
 the sole and projier judges of everything appertaining to their own affairs not 
 prohibited by the Constitution ; that all efforts of the abolitionists or others made 
 to induce Congress to interfere with questions of slavery, or to take incipient steps 
 in relation thereto, ai*e calculated to lead to the most alarming and dangerous con- 
 sequences, and that all such efforts have an inevitable tendency to diminish the 
 
 7. 
 
330 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 happiness of the people, and endanger the stability and permanency of the Union, 
 and ought not to be countenanced by any friend of our political institutions. 
 
 2. That the foregoing proposition covers and was intended to embrace the whole 
 subject of slavery agitation in Congress, and therefore the Democratic party of th( 
 Union, standing on this national platform, will abide by and adhere to a faithfu. 
 execution of the Acts known as the Compromise measures, settled by the Congresi 
 of 1850, " the Act for reclaiming fugitives from service or labour " included, whid 
 Act being designed to carry out an express provision of the Constitution, cannot, 
 with fidelity thereto, be repealed, or so changed as to destroy or impair it£ 
 efEciency. 
 
 3. That the Democratic party will resist all attempts at renewing in Congress, 
 or out of it, the agitation of the slavery question, under whatever shape or colom 
 the attempt may be made. 
 
 4. That the Democratic party will faithfully abide by and uphold the principles 
 laid down in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798 and 1799, and in the 
 report of Mr. Madison to the Virginia Legislature in 1799 — ^that it adopts these 
 principles as constituting one of the main foundations of its political creed, and Ie 
 resolved to carry them out in their obvious meaning and import. 
 
 And that we may the more distinctly meet the issue on which a sectional party, 
 subsisting exclusively on slavery agitation, now relies to test the fidelity of the 
 people. North and South, to the Constitution and the Union — 
 
 1. Resolved, That claiming fellowship with, and desiring co-operation of all who 
 regard the preservation of the Union under the Constitution as the paramount issue, 
 and repudiating all sectional parties and platforms concerning domestic slavery_ 
 which seek to embroil the States and incite to treason and armed resistance to law 
 in the Tenitories, and whose avowed purpose, if consummated, must end in civil 
 war and disunion, the American Democracy recognize and adopt the principles 
 contained in the organic laws establishing the territories of Nebraska and Kansas, as 
 embodying the only sound and safe solution of the slavery question, upon which 
 the great national idea of the people of this whole country can repose in its deter- 
 mined conservation of the Union, and non-interference of Congress with slavery 
 in the Territories or in the District of Columbia. 
 
 2. That this was the basis of the (iompromises of 1850, confirmed by both the 
 Democratic and Whig parties in national Conventions, ratified by the people in 
 the elections of 18S2, and rightly applied to the organization of the Territories 
 in 1854. 
 
 3. That by the uniform application of the Democratic principle to the organiza- 
 tion of Territories, and the admission of new States, with or without domestic 
 slaveiy, as they may elect, the equal rights of all the States will be preserved 
 intact, the original compacts of the Constitution maintained inviolate, and the 
 perpetuity and expansion of the Union insured to its utmost capacity of embracing, 
 in peace and harmony, every future American State that may be constituted or 
 annexed with a Republican form of Government. 
 
APPENDIX. 331 
 
 Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the Territories, includ- 
 ing Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the legally and fairly expressed will of the 
 majority of the actual residents, and whenever the number of their inhabitants 
 justifies it, to form a Constitution, with or without domestic slavery, and be ad- 
 mitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with the other States. 
 
 Eesohed, finally. That in view of the condition of the popular institutions in 
 the Old World (and the dangerous tendencies of sectional agitation, combined with 
 the attempts to enforce civil and religious disabilities against the rights of acquiring 
 and enjoying citizenship in our own land), a high and sacred duty is involved with 
 increased responsibility upon the Democratic party of this country, as the party of 
 the Union, to uphold and maintain the rights of every State, and thereby the 
 Union of the States — and to sustain and advance among us constitutional liberty, 
 by continuing to resist all monopolies and exclusive legislation for the benefit of 
 the few at the expense of the many, and by a vigilant and constant adherence to 
 those principles and compromises of the Constitution — ^which are broad enough and 
 strong enough to embrace and uphold the Union as it was, the Union as it is, and 
 the Union as it shall be — in the full expression of the energies and capacity of this 
 great and progressive people. 
 
 1. Resolved, That there are questions connected with the foreign policy of this 
 country, which are inferior to no domestic question whatever. The time has come 
 for the people of the United States va declare themselves in favour of free seas, and 
 progi'essive free trade throughout the world, and, by solemn manifestations, U> 
 place their moral influence at the side of their successful example. 
 
 2. Resolved, That our geographical and political position with reference to the 
 other States of this continent, no less than the interest of our commerce and the 
 development of our gi-owing power, requires that we should hold sacred the prin- 
 ciples involved in the Monroe doctrine. Their bearing and import admit of no 
 misconstruction, and should be applied with unbending rigidity. 
 
 3. Resolved, That the great highway, which nature as well as the assent of 
 States most immediately interested in its maintenance has marked out for free 
 communications between the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, constitutes one of the 
 most important achievements realized by the spirit of modem times, in the un- 
 conquerable energy of our people ; and that result would be secured by a timely 
 and efficient exertion of the control which we have the right to claim over it, and 
 no power on earth should be suffered to impede or clog its progress by any inter- 
 ference with relations that it may suit our policy to establish between our Govern- 
 ment and the Government of the States within whose dominions it lies ; we can 
 under no circumstances surrender our preponderance in the adjustment of all ques- 
 tions arising out of it. 
 
 4. Resolved, That in view of so commanding an interest, the people of the 
 United States cannot but sympathize with the efforts which are being made by the 
 people of Central America to regenerate that portion of the continent which covers 
 the passage across the interoceanic isthmus. 
 
 z 2 
 
332 APPENDIX, 
 
 5. liesohed. That tlie Democratic party will expect of the next Administratioc 
 that every proper effort be made to insure our ascendancy in the Gulf of Mexico, 
 and to maintain permanent protection to the great outlets through which are 
 emptied into its waters the products raised out of the soil and the commodities 
 created by the industry of the people of our West«m valleys and of the Union at 
 large. 
 
 Resolved, That the Administration of Franklin Pierce has been true to Demo- 
 cratic principles, and therefore true to the great interests of the country ; in the 
 face of violent opposition, he has maintained the laws at home, and vindicated the 
 rights of American citizens abroad ; and therefore we proclaim our unqualified 
 admiration of his measures and policy. 
 
 AMENDMENTS OF THE BRECKENRIDGE PARTY, 
 
 Adopted at Chaeleston and Baltimore, 1860. 
 
 Sesohed, That the Platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be 
 affirmed, with the following explanatory Resolutions : 
 
 1. That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress, is pro- 
 visional and temporary ; and during its existence, all citizens of the United States 
 have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without theii 
 rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional 
 or Territorial legislation. 
 
 2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, tc 
 protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and 
 wherever else its constitutional authority extends. 
 
 3. That when the settlei-s in a Tenitoiy having an adequate population, form a 
 State Constitution, in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and. 
 being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with 
 the people of other States ; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into 
 the Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution 
 of slavery. 
 
 4. That the Democratic party are in favour of the acquisition of the Island of 
 Cuba, on such terms as shall be honourable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the 
 earliest practicable moment. 
 
 5. That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of 
 the Fugitive Slave Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and 
 revolutionary in their effect. 
 
 G. That the democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty 
 of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether 
 at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-bom citizens. 
 
 Wiereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age in a political, commercial, 
 postal, and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific 
 and Atlantic coasts ; therefore, be it 
 
APPENDIX. 333 
 
 Itesolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every 
 means in their power to secure the passage of some Bill to the extent of the 
 constitutional authority of Congi'ess for the construction of a Pacific railroad 
 from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment. 
 
 AMENDMENTS OF THE DOUGLAS PARTY, 
 Adopted at Chaeleston and Baltimore, 1860. 
 
 1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, 
 hereby declare our affirmance of the Resolutions unanimously adopted and declared 
 as a Platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the 
 year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, 
 when apphed to the same subject matters ; and we recommend, as the only further 
 Resolutions, the following : 
 
 Inasmuch as diiferences of opinion exist in the Democratic party as to the nature 
 and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and 
 duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution 
 of slavery within the Territories : 
 
 2. Resolved, That the Democratic party will abide by the decisions of the 
 Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of constitutional law. 
 
 3. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and com- 
 plete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native 
 or foreign. 
 
 4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, 
 and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific 
 States ; and the Democratic party pledge such constitutional Government aid as 
 will insure the construction of a raili'oad to the Pacific coast, at the eaj'liest prac- 
 ticable period. 
 
 5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favour of the acquisition of 
 the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honourable to ourselves and just to 
 Spain. 
 
 6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful 
 execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the 
 Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect. 
 
 7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true interpretation of the Cin- 
 cinnati Platform, that, during (the existence of the Territorial Governments, the 
 measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution 
 on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic rela- 
 tions, as the same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally detenmined by the 
 Supreme Court of the United States, shall be respected by all good citizens, 
 and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the general Govern- 
 ment. 
 
334 APPENDIX. 
 
 (F.) 
 
 THE CONSTITUTIONAL UNION PLATFORM (BELL- EVERETT), 
 
 Adopted at Baitimobb, 1860. 
 
 Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that Platforms adopted by the partisan 
 
 Conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, 
 
 and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation 
 
 and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties ; therefore, 
 
 Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no 
 political principle other than THE CONSTITUTION OP THE CoUKTEY. THE UNION 
 OF THE States, and the Enforcement of the Laws, and that as representa- 
 tives of the constitutional Union men of the country in National Convention 
 assembled, we hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect, and defend, separately 
 and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety, against 
 all enemies at home and abroad, believing that thereby peace may once more be 
 restored to the country, the rights of the people and of the States re-established, 
 and the Government again placed in that condition of justice, fi-atemity and 
 equality, which, under the example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemnly 
 bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, 
 establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, 
 promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and 
 our posterity. 
 
 (G.) 
 
 THAT PORTION OF PRESIDENT BUCHANAN'S MESSAGE OF DECEM- 
 BER 3, 1860, WHICH TREATS OF THE NATIONAL CRISIS. 
 
 Fellow Citizens of the Senate and House op Refeesentatives, — 
 
 Throughout the year since our last meeting the coimtry has been eminently 
 prosperous in all its material interests. The general health has been excellent, 
 our harvests have been abundant, and plenty smiles throughout the land. Our 
 commerce and manufactures have been prosecuted with energy and industry, 
 and have yielded fair and ample returns. In short, no nation in the tide of time 
 has ever presented a spectacle of greater material prosperity than we have done 
 until within a very recent period. 
 
 Why is it, then, that discontent now so extensively prevails, and the Union 
 of the States, which is the source of all these blessings, is threatened with de- 
 struction? The long-continued and intemperate interference of the Northern 
 people with the question of slavery in the Southern States has at length produced 
 its natural effects. The different sections of the Union are now arrayed against 
 
•APPENDIX. 335 
 
 each other, and the time has arrived, so much dreaded by the Father of his 
 countrj, when hostile geographical parties have been formed. I have long fore- 
 seen and often forewarned my countrymen of the now impending danger. This does 
 not proceed solely from the claim on the part of Congress or the Territorial Legis- 
 latures to exclude slavery from the Territories, nor from the efforts of different 
 States to defeat the execution of the Fugitive Slave Law. All or any of these 
 evils might have been endm-ed by the South without danger to the Union (as 
 others have been), in the hope that time and reflection might apply the remedy. 
 The immediate peril arises not so much from these causes as from the fact that 
 the incessant and violent agitation of the slavery question throughout the Noi-th 
 for the last quarter of a century has at length produced its malign influence on the 
 slaves, and inspired them with vague notions of freedom. Hence, u, sense of 
 secmity no longer exists around the family altar. This feeling of peace at home 
 has given place to apprehensions of servile insurrection. Many a matron through- 
 out the South retires at night in dread of what may befall herself and her children 
 before the morning. Should this apprehension of domestic danger, whether real or 
 imaginary, extend and intensify itself until it shall pervade the masses of the 
 Southern people, then disunion will become inevitable. Self-presei-vation is the 
 first law of nature, and has been implanted in the heart of man by his Creator for 
 the wisest purpo.se ; and no political Union, however fraught with blessings and 
 benefits in all other respects, can long continue, if the necessary consequence be 
 t« render the homes and the firesides of nearly half the parties to it habitually and 
 hopelessly insecure. Sooner or later the bonds of such a Union must be severed. 
 It is my conviction that this fatal period has not yet aixived ; and my prayer to 
 God is that He would preserve the Constitution and the Union throughout all 
 generations. 
 
 But let us take warning in time, and remove the cause of danger. It cannot 
 be denied that, for five and twenty years, the agitation at the North against 
 slavery in the South has been incessant. In 1835 pictorial handbills and inflam- 
 matory appeals were circulated extensively throughout the South of a character to 
 excite the passions of the slaves, and, in the language of General Jackson, " to 
 stimulate them to insun'ection, and produce all the horrors of a sei*vile war," 
 This agitation has ever since been continued by the public press, by the proceed- 
 ings of State and county Conventions, and by aboUtion sennons and lectures. 
 The time of Congress has been occupied in violent speeches on this never-ending 
 subject ; and appeals in pamphlets and other forms, endorsed by distinguished 
 names, have been sent forth from this central point and spread broadcast over the 
 Union. 
 
 How easy would it be for the American people to settle the slavery question for 
 ever, and to restore peace and harmony to this disti'acted country ! 
 
 They, and they alone, can do it. AU that is necessary to accomplish the ob- 
 ject, and all for which the slave States have ever contended, is to be let alone, and 
 permitted to manage their domestic institutions in their own way. As sovereign 
 
6db APPENDIX. 
 
 States, they, and they alone, are responsible before God and the world for th 
 slavery existing among them. For this the people of the North are not mor 
 responsible, and have no moi'e right to interfere than with similar institutions i; 
 Russia or in Brazil. Upon their good sense and patriotic forbearance I confess 
 still greatly rely. Without their aid it is beyond the power of any President 
 no matter what may be his own political proclivities, to restore peace ani 
 harmony among the States. Wisely limited and restrained as is his power, unde 
 our Constitution and laws, he alone can accomplish but little, for good or for evil 
 on such a momentous question. 
 
 And this brings me to observe that the election of any one of our fellow 
 citizens to the ofEce of President does not of itself afford just cause for dissolving 
 the Union. This is more especially true if his election has been effected by mer( 
 plurality, and not by a majority of the people, and has resulted from transien- 
 and temporajy causes, which may probably never again occur. In order t* 
 justify a resort to revolutionary resistance, the Federal Government must b( 
 guilty of a deliberate, palpable, and dangerous exercise of powers not granted bj 
 the Constitution. The late Presidential election, however, has been held in strict 
 conformity with its express provisions. How, then, can the result justify ? 
 revolution to destroy this very Constitution ? Reason, justice, a regard for tht 
 Constitution, all require that we shall wait for some overt and dangerous act or 
 the part of the President elect before resorting to such a remedy. 
 
 It is said, however, that the antecedents of the President elect have been sufficient 
 to justify the fears of tlie South; that he will attempt to invade their Constitu- 
 tional rights. But are such apprehensions of contingent danger in the future suffi- 
 cient to justify the immediate desti*uction of the noblest system of government evei 
 devised by mortals ? From the very nature of his office, and his high responsibili- 
 ties, he must necessarily be conservative. The stern duty of administering the vast 
 and complicated concerns of this Goverament affords in itself a guarantee that he 
 will not attempt any violation of a clear constitutional right. After all, he is no 
 more than the chief executive officer of the Government. His province is not to 
 make, but to execute the laws ; and it is a remarkable fact in our history that, not- 
 withstanding the repeated efforts of the anti-slavery party, no single Act has ever 
 passed Congress, unless we may possibly except the Missouri Compromise, impairing 
 in the slightest degree the rights of the South to their property in slaves. And it 
 may also be observed, judging from present indications, that no probability exists 
 of the passage of such an Act, by a majority of both Houses, either in the present 
 or the next Congress. Surely, under these cii'cum stances, we ought to be restrained 
 from present action by the precepts of Him who spake as nevei' man spake, that 
 " sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof." The day of evil may never come, 
 unless we shall rashly bring it upon ourselves. 
 
 It is alleged as one cause for immediate secession that the Southern States are 
 denied equal rights with the other States in the common Territories. But by what 
 authority are these denied ? Not by Congress, which has never passed, and I believe 
 
APPENDIX. 337 
 
 never will pass, any Act to exclude slavery from these Territories, and certainly 
 not by the Supreme Court, which has solemnly decided that slaves are property, 
 and, like all other property, their owners have a right to take them into the com- 
 mon Territories, and hold them there under the protection of the Constitution. 
 
 So far, then, as Congress is concerned, the objection is not to anything they have 
 already done, but to what they may do hereafter. It will surely be admitted that 
 this apprehension of future danger is no good reason for an immediate dissolution 
 of the Union. It is true that the Territorial Legislature of Kansas, on the 23rd of 
 Februaiy, 1860, passed in great haste an Act, over the veto of the Governor, de- 
 claring that slavery *' is, and shall be, for ever prohibited in this Territory." Such 
 an Act, however, plainly violating the rights of property secured by the Constitu- 
 tion, will surely be declared void by the judiciary whenever it shall be presented in 
 a legal form. 
 
 Only three yeai-s after my inauguration, the Supreme Court of the United States 
 solemnly adjudged that this power did not exist in a TeiTitorial Legislature. Yet, 
 such has been the factious temper of the times that the correctness of this decision 
 has been extensively impugned before the people, and the question has given rise to 
 angry political conflicts throughout the country. Those who have appealed fa'om 
 this judgment of our highest constitutional tribunal to popular assemblies would, 
 if they could, invest a Temtorial Legislature with power to annul the sacred 
 rights of property. This power Congress is expressly forbidden by the Federal 
 Constitution to exercise. Every State Legislature in the Union is forbidden by its 
 own Constitution to exercise it. It cannot be exercised in any State except by the 
 people in their high sovereign capacity when framing or amending their State Con- 
 stitution. In hke manner it can only be exercised by the people of a Territory 
 represented in a Convention of delegates for the purpose of framing a Constitution 
 preparatory to admission as a State into the Union. Then, and not until then, are 
 they invested with power to decide the question whether slavery shall or shall not 
 exist within their limits. This is an act of sovereign authority, and not of sub- 
 ordinate TeiTitorial Legislation. Were it otherwise, then, indeed, would the equality 
 of the States in the Territories be destroyed, and the rights of property in slaves 
 would depend, not upon the guarantees of the Constitution, but upon the shifting 
 majorities of an in-esponsible Territorial Legislature. Such a doctrine, from its 
 intrinsic unsoundness, cannot long influence any considerable portion of our people, 
 much less can it afford a good reason for a dissolution of the Union. 
 
 The most palpable violations of constitutional duty which have yet been com- 
 mitted consist in the Acts of different State Legislatures to defeat the execution of 
 the Fugitive Slave law. It ought to be remembered, however, that for these Acts 
 neither Congress nor any President can justly be held responsible. Having been 
 passed in violation of the Federal Constitution, they are, therefore, nuU and void. 
 AU the courts, both State and national, before whom the question has arisen, have 
 from the beginning declared the Fugitive Slave Law to be constitutional. The single 
 exception is that of a slave court in Wisconsin, and this has not only been reversed 
 
338 APPENDIX. 
 
 by the proper appellate tribunal, but has met with such universal reprobation that 
 there can be no danger from it as a precedent. The validity of this law has been 
 established oyer and over again by the Supreme Court of the United States with 
 perfect unanimity. It is founded upon an express provision of the Constitution 
 requhring that fugitive slaves who escape from service in one State to another shall 
 be " delivered up " to their masters. Without this provision it is a well-known 
 historical fact that the Constitution itself could never have been adopted by the 
 Convention. In one form or other under the Acts of 1793 and 1850, both being 
 substantially the same, the Fugitive Slave Law has been the law of the land from 
 the days of Washington until the present moment. Here, then, a clear case is pre- 
 sented, in which it will be the duty of the next President, as it has been my own, 
 to act with vigour in executing this supreme law against the conflicting enactments 
 of State Legislature. Should he fail in the performance of this high duty, he will 
 then have manifested a disregard of the Constitution and laws, to the great injury 
 of the people of nearly one-half of the States of the Union. But are we to presume 
 in advance that he will thus violate his duty ? This would be at war with every 
 principle of justice and of Christian charity. Let us wait for the overt act. The 
 Fugitive Slave Law has been carried into execution in every contested case since 
 the commencement of the present Administration, though often, it is to be legretted, 
 with great loss and inconvenience to the master, and with considerable expense to 
 the Government. Let us trust that the State Legislatures will repeal their uncon- 
 stitutional and obnoxious enactments. Unless this shall be done without unnecessary 
 delay, it is impossible for any human power to save the Union. 
 
 The Southern States, standing on the basis of the Constitution, have a right to 
 demand this act of justice from the States of the North. Should it be refused, then 
 the Constitution, to which all the States are parties, will have been wilfully vio- 
 lated by one portion of them in a provision essential to the domestic security and 
 happiness of the remainder. In that event, the injured States, after having first 
 used all peaceful and constitutional means to obtain redi'ess, would be justified in 
 revolutionary resistance to the Government of the Union. 
 
 I have purposely confined ray remarks to revolutionary resistance, because it has 
 been claimed within the last few years that any State, whenever this shall be its 
 sovereign will and pleasure, may secede from the Union, in accordance with the 
 Constitution, and without any violation of the constitutional rights of the other 
 members of the Confederacy ; that as each became parties to the Union by the vote 
 of its own people assembled in Convention, so any one of them may retire from the 
 Union in a similar manner by the vote of such a Convention. 
 
 In order to justify secession as a constitutional remedy, it must be on the prin- 
 ciple that the Federal Government is a mere voluntary association of States, to be 
 dissolved at pleasure by any one of the contracting parties. If this be so, the Con- 
 federacy is a rope of sand, to be penetrated and dissolved by the first adverse 
 wave of public opinion in any one of the States. In this manner our thirty- three 
 States may resolve themselves into as many petty, jarring, and hostile Republics, 
 
APPENDIX. 339 
 
 each one retiring from the Union, without responsibility, whenever any sudden ex- 
 citement might impel them to such a course. By this process a Union might be 
 entirely broken into fragments in a few weeks, which cost our forefathers many 
 years of toil, privation, and blood to establish. 
 
 Such a principle is wholly inconsistent with the history as well as the character 
 of the Federal Constitution. After it was framed, with the greatest deliberation and 
 care, it was submitted to Conventions of the people of the several States for ratifi- 
 cation. Its provisions were discussed at length in these bodies, composed of the 
 first men of the country. Its opponents contended that it conferred powers upon 
 the Federal Government dangerous to the rights of the States, while its advocates 
 maintained that, under a fair construction of the instrument, there was no founda- 
 tion for such apprehensions. In that mighty struggle between the first intellects 
 of this or any other country, it never occun-ed to any individual, either among its 
 opponents or advocates, to assert, or even to intimate, that their efforts were all 
 vain labour, because the moment that any State felt herself aggrieved she might 
 secede from the Union. What a crushing argument would this have proved against 
 those who dreaded that the rights of the States would be endangered by the Con- 
 stitution ! The truth is, that it was not until many years after the origin of the 
 Federal Government that such a proposition was first advanced. It was then met, 
 and refuted, by the conclusive arguments of General Jackson, who, in his Message 
 of the 16th of January, 1833, transmitting the nullifying ordinance of South Caro- 
 lina to Congress, employs the following language: — " The right of the people of a 
 single State to absolve themselves at will, and without the consent of the other 
 States, from their most solemn obligations, and hazard the liberty and happiness of 
 the millions composing this Union, cannot be acknowledged. Such authority is 
 believed to be utterly repugnant both to the principles upon which the general Go- 
 vernment is constituted, and to the objects which it was expressly formed to attain." 
 
 It is not pretended that any clause in the Constitution gives countenance to such 
 a theory. It is altogether founded upon inference, not from any language con- 
 tained in the instrument itself, but from the sovereign character of the several States 
 by which it was ratified. But is it^^beyond the power of a State, like an individual, 
 to yield a portion of its sovereign rights to secure the remainder ? In the language 
 of Mr. Madison, who has been called the Father of the Constitution, " it was 
 formed by the States — that is, by the people in each of the States — acting in their 
 highest sovereign capacity, and formed, consequently, by the same authority which 
 formed the State Constitutions. Nor is the Government of the United States, 
 created by the Constitution, less a Government, in the strict sense of the term, 
 within the sphere of its powers, than the Governments created by the Constitutions 
 of the States are within their several spheres. It is, like them, organized into 
 legislative, executive, and judiciary departments. It operates, like them, directly 
 on persons and things, and, like them, it has at command a physical force for 
 executing the powers committed to it." 
 
 It was intended to be perpetual, and not to be annulled at the pleasure of any 
 
340 APPENDIX. 
 
 one of the contracting parties. The old Articles of the Confederation were entitlec 
 " Articles of Confederation and Perpetual Union between the States ;" and by th( 
 13th Article it is expressly declared that " the Articles of this Confederation shal 
 be inviolably observed by every State, and the Union shall be perpetual." Th( 
 preamble to the Constitution of the United States, having express reference to thi 
 Articles of Confederation, recites that it was established " in order to form a mors 
 perfect Union." And yet it is contended that this " more perfect Union" does not 
 include the essential attribute of perpetuity. 
 
 But that the Union was designed to be perpetual appears conclusively from th( 
 nature and extent of the powers conferred by the Constitution on the Federal Go- 
 vernment. These powers embrace the very highest attributes of national sove- 
 reignty. They place both the sword and the purse under its control. Congress hat 
 power to make war, and to make peace, to raise and support armies and navies, and 
 to conclude treaties with foreignjGovernments. It is invested with the power tc 
 coin money, and to regulate the value thereof, and to regulate commerce with 
 foreign nations, and among the several States. It is not necessary to enumerate 
 the other high powers which have been conferred upon the Federal Government. 
 In order to carry the enumerated powers into effect, Congress possesses the exclu- 
 sive right to lay and collect duties on imports, and, in common with the States, to 
 lay and collect all other taxes. 
 
 But the Constitution has not only conferred these high powers upon Congress, 
 but it has adopted effectual means to restrain the States from interfering with their 
 exercise. For that purpose it has, in strong prohibitory language, expressly de- 
 clared that " no State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation ; grant 
 letters of marque and reprisal ; coin money; emit bills of credit; make anything 
 but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts ; pass any bill of attainder, ex 
 post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts." Moreover, " without 
 tlie consent of Congress, no State shall lay any imposts or duties on any imports or 
 exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection 
 laws ;" and if tlrey exceed this amount, the excess shall belong to the United 
 States. 
 
 And " no State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of ton- 
 nage ; keep troops or ships of war in time of peace ; enter into any agreement or 
 compact with another State, or with a foreign Power ; or engage in war, unless 
 actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay." 
 
 In order stiU further to secure the uninterrupted exercise of these high powers 
 against State interposition, it is provided " that this Constitution and the laws of 
 the United States which shall be made'in pursuance thereof, and all treaties made, 
 or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the 
 supreme law of the land, and the judges in every State shall be bound thereby, 
 anything in the Constitution or laws of one State to the contrary notwith- 
 standing." 
 
 The solemn sanction of religion has been superadded to the obligations of official 
 
APPKNDIX. 341 
 
 duty, and all senators and representatives of the United States, all members of State 
 Legislatures, and all eiecutiTe or judicial officers " both of the United States and 
 of the several States, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this Consti- 
 tution." 
 
 In order to carry into effect these powers, the Constitution has established a 
 perfect Government in all its forms — legislative, executive, and judicial ; and 
 this Government, to the extent of its powers, acts directly upon the individual 
 citizens of every State, and executes its own decrees by the agency of its own 
 officers. In this respect it differs entirely from the Government under the old 
 Confederation, which was confined to making requisitions on the States in their 
 sovereign character. This left it in the direction of each whether to obey or to 
 refuse, and they often declined to comply with such requisitions. It thus became 
 necessary, for the purpose of removing this barrier, and " in order to form a more 
 perfect Union," toestablisha Government which could act directly upon the people 
 and execute its own laws without the intermediate agency of the States. This has 
 been accomplished by the Constitution of the United States. 
 
 In short, the Government created by the Constitution, and deriving its authority 
 from the sovereign people of each of the several States, has precisely the same right 
 to exercise its power over the people of all these States, in the enumerated cases, 
 that each one of them possesses over subjects not delegated to the United States, 
 but " reserved to the States respectively, or to the people." 
 
 To the extent of the delegated powers, the Constitution of the United States is as 
 much a part of the Constitution of each State, and is as binding upon its people, 
 as though it had been textually inserted therein. 
 
 This Government, therefore, is a great and powerful Government, invested with 
 all the attributes of sovereignty over the special subjects to which its authority 
 extends. Its framers never intended to implant in its bosom the seeds of its own 
 destruction, nor were they at its creation guilty of the absurdity of providing for 
 its own dissolution. It was not intended by its framers to be the baseless fabric 
 of a vision, which, at the touch of the enchanter, would vanish into thin air, but a 
 substantial and mighty fabric, capable of resisting the slow decay of time, and of 
 defying the storms of ages. Indeed, well may the jealous patriots of that 
 day hare indulged fears that a Government of such high powers might violate 
 the resei-ved rights of the States, and wisely did they adopt the rule of a strict 
 construction of these powers to prevent the danger. But they did not fear, nor had 
 they any reason to imagine, that the Constitution would ever be so interpreted as 
 to enable any State, by her own act, and without the consent of her sister States, 
 to discharge her people from all or any of their Federal obligations. 
 
 It may be asked, then, are the people of the States without redress against the 
 tyranny and oppression of the Federal Government ? By no means. The right of 
 resistance on the part of the governed against the oppression of theu' Governments 
 cannot be denied. It exists independently of all Constitutions, and has been exer- 
 cised at all periods of the world's history. Under it old Governments have been 
 
342 APPENDIX. 
 
 destroyed, and new ones have taken their place. It is embodied in strong an 
 express language in our own Declaration of Independence. But the distlnctio 
 must ever be observed, that this is revolution against an established Govemmen- 
 and not a voluntary secession from it by virtue of an inherent constitutional righ- 
 In short, let us look the danger fairly in the face ; secession is neither more nc 
 less than revolution. It may or it may not be a justifiable revolution, but still it i 
 revolution. 
 
 What, in the mean time, is the responsibility and true position of the Executive 
 He is bound by solemn oath before God and the country "to take care that th 
 laws be faithfully executed," and from this obligation he cannot he absolved by an; 
 human power. But what if the performance of this duty, in whole or in part, ha 
 been rendered impracticable by events over which he could have exercised no cor 
 trol ? Such, at the present moment, is the case throughout the State of Sout 
 Carolina, so far as the laws of the dnited States to secure the administration ( 
 justice by means of the Federal jurticiai-y are concerned. All the Federal officer 
 within its limits, through whose agency alone these laws can be carried into execu 
 tion, have already resigned. We no longer have a district judge, a district attoi 
 ney, or a marshal in South Carolina ; in fact, the whole machinery of the Federa 
 Government necessary for the distribution of remedial justice among the people ha 
 been demolished, and it would be difficult, if not impossible, to replace it. 
 
 The only Acts of Congress on the statute-book bearing upon this subject are thos 
 of the 28th of February, 1795, and 3rd of March, 1807. These authorize th 
 President, after he shall have ascertained that the marshal, with his posse comitatut 
 is unable to execute civil or criminal process in any particular case, to call fort! 
 the militia and employ the army and navy to aid him in performing this service 
 having first, by proclamation, commanded the insurgents " to disperse and retir 
 peaceably to their respective abodes within a limited time.'' This duty cannot bi 
 possibility be performed in a State where no judicial authority exists to issue pro 
 cess, and where there is no marshal to e.'.ecute it, and where, even if there wen 
 uch an officer, the entire population would constitute one solid combination t{ 
 resist him. 
 
 The baj'e enumeration of these provisions proves how inadequate they are, with- 
 out further legislation, to overcome a united opposition in a single Slate, not t( 
 speak of other States who may place themselves in a similar attitude. Congress 
 alone has power to decide whether the present laws can or cannot be amended, si 
 as to carry out more eifectually the objects of the Constitution. 
 
 The same insuperable obstacles do not lie in the way of executing the laws for th( 
 collection of the Customs. The revenue still continues to be collected as hereto- 
 fore, at the custom-house in Charleston; and should the collector unfortunatelj 
 resign, a successor may be. appointed to perform this duty. 
 
 Then, in regard to the propei"ty of the United States in South Carolina, this haf 
 been purchased for a fair equivalent " by the consent of the Legislature of tht 
 State," " for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals," &c., and over these tht 
 
APPENDIX. 343 
 
 authority " to exercise exclosiTe legislation" has been expressly granted by the 
 Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to 
 expel the United States from this property by force ; but if in this I should prove 
 to be mistaken, the officer in command of the forts has received orders to act 
 strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency the responsibility for consequences 
 would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants. 
 
 Apai-t from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Ex- 
 ecutive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal 
 Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. 
 He possesses no power to change the relations heretofore existing between them, 
 much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest 
 a mere executive officer with the power of recognising the dissolution of the Con- 
 federacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblance to the 
 recognition of a foreign de facto Government, involving no such responsibility. 
 Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, 
 therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole question in all its bearings. 
 The course of events is so rapidly hastening forward, that the emergency may soon 
 arise when you may be called upon to decide the momentous question whether you 
 possess the power, by force of arms, to compel a State to remain in the Union. I 
 should feel myself recreant to my duty were I not to express an opinion on this 
 important subject. 
 
 The question, fairly stated, is — Has the Constitution delegated to Congress the 
 power to coerce a State into submission which is attempting to withdraw, or has 
 actually withdrawn, from the Confederacy ? If answered in the affirmative, it 
 must be on the principle that the power has been conferred upon Congress to de- 
 clai'e and to make war against a State. After much serious reflection, I have 
 arrived at the conclusion that no such power has been delegated to Congi-ess, or to 
 any other department of the Federal Government. It is manifest, upon an inspec- 
 tion of the Constitution, that this is not among the specific and enumerated powers 
 granted to Congress : and it is equally apparent that its exercise is not " necessary 
 and proper for carrying into execution " any one of these powers. So far from Ibis 
 power having been delegated to Congress, it was expressly refused by the Conven- 
 tion which framed the Constitution. 
 
 It appears from the proceedings of that body, that on the 31st of May, 1787, 
 the clause " authorizing an exertion of the force of the whole against a delinquent 
 State '* came up for consideration, Mr. Madison opposed it in a brief but power- 
 fill speech, from which I shall extract but a single sentence. He observed : — " The 
 use offeree against a State would look more like a declaration of war than any in- 
 fliction of punishment, and would probably 1>e considered by the party attacked as 
 a dissolution of all previous compacts by which it might be bound." Upon this 
 motion the clause was unanimously postponed, and was never, I believe, again pre- 
 sented. Soon afterwards — on the 8th of June, 1787 — when incidentally adverting 
 to the subject, he said : — " Any Government for the United States, formed on the 
 
344 APPENDIX. 
 
 supposed practicability of using force against the unconstitutional proceedings o 
 the States would prove as -visionary and fallacious as the GoTernment of Congress ' 
 — evidently meaning the then existing Congress of the old Confederation. 
 
 Without descending to particulars, it may be safely asserted that the power U 
 make war against a State is at variance with the whole sphit and intent of th 
 Constitution. Suppose such a war should result in the conquest of a State, how 
 are we to govern it afterwards ? Shall we hold it as a province, and govern it b) 
 despotic power ? In the nature of things we could not, by physical force, coutro. 
 the will of the people, and compel them to elect senators and representatives^^ 
 Contress, and to perfoi-m all the other duties depending upon their own volition 
 and required from the free citizens of a free State as a constituent member of th( 
 Confederacy. 
 
 But, if we possessed this power, would it be wise to exercise it under existing 
 circumstances ? The object would, douhtless, be to preserve the Union. Wai 
 would not only present the most effectual means of destroying it, but would banisli 
 all hope of its peaceable reconstruction. Besides, in the fraternal conflict a vsLSi 
 amount of blood and treasure would be expended, rendering future reconciliation 
 between the States impossible. In the mean time, who can fortell what would be 
 the sufferings and privations of the people during its existence ? 
 
 The fact is that our Union rests upon public opinion, and can never be cemented 
 by the blood of its citizens shed in civil war. If it cannot live in the affections oi 
 the people, it must one day perish. Congress possesses many means of preserving 
 it by conciliation ; but the sword was not placed in their hands to preserve it by 
 force. 
 
 But may I be peiinitted solemnly to invoke my countrymen to pause and 
 deliberate before they determine to destroy this, the gi'andest temple which has ever 
 been dedicated to human freedom since the world began ? it has been consecrated 
 by the blood of our fathers, by the glories of the {past, and by the hopes of the 
 futm'e. The Union has already made us the most prosperous, and, before long, 
 will, if preserved, render us the most powerful nation on the face of the earth. Iri 
 every foreign region of the globe the title of American citizen is held in the highest 
 respect, and when pronounced in a foreign land it causes the hearts of our country- 
 men to swell with honest pride. Surely, when we reach the brink of the yawning 
 abyss, we shall recoil with hoiTor from the last fatal plunge. By such a dread 
 catastrophe the hopes of the friends of freedom throughout the world would be 
 destroyed, and a long night of leaden despotism would enshroud the nations. Our 
 example for more than eighty years would not only be lost, but it would be quoted 
 as a conclusive proof that man is unfit for self-government. 
 
 It is not every wi-ong — nay, it is not every grievous wrong — which can justifiy 
 a resort to such a fearful alteniative. This ought to be the last despei'ate remedy 
 of a despairing people, after every other constitutional means of conciliation had 
 been exhausted. We should reflect that under this free Government there is an 
 incessant ebb and flow in public opinion. The slavery question, like everything 
 
APPENDIX. 345 
 
 human, will have its day. I fii-mly believe that it has already reached and passed 
 the culminating point. But if, in the midst of the existing excitement, the Union 
 shall perish, the evil may then become irreparable. Congress can contribute much 
 to avert it by proposing and recommending to the Legislatures of the several States 
 the remedy for existing evils which the Constitution has itself provided for its own 
 presei-vation. This has been tried at different critical periods of our history, and 
 always with eminent success. It is to be found in the 5th Article providing for its 
 own amendment. Under this Ai'tide amendments have been proposed by two- 
 thii-ds of both Houses of Congress, and have been " ratified by the Legislatures of 
 three-fourths of the several States, " and have, consequently, become parts of the 
 Constitution. To this process the country is indebted for the clause prohibiting 
 Congress from passing any law respecting an establishment of religion, or abridging 
 the freedom of speech, or of the press, or of the right of petition. To this we are also 
 indebted for the Bill of Rights, which secures the people against any abuse of power 
 by the Federal Government. Such were the apprehensions justly entertained by the 
 friends of State rights at that period as to have rendered it extremely doubtful 
 whether the Constitution could have long survived without these amendments. 
 
 Again, the Constitution was amended by the same process after the election of 
 President Jefferson by the House of Representatives, in February, 1803. This 
 amendment was rendered necessary to prevent a recm'rence of the dangers which 
 had seriously threatened the existence of the Government during the pendency of 
 that election. The Article for its own amendment was intended to secure the 
 amicable adjustment of conflicting constitutional questions, like the present, which 
 might arise between the Governments of the States and that of the United States. 
 This appears from contemporaneous history. In this connection I shall merely call 
 attention to a few sentences in Mr. Madison's justly celebrated Report, in 1799, to 
 the Legislature of Virginia. In this he ably and conclusively defended the resolu- 
 tions of the preceding Legislature against the strictures of several other State 
 Legislatures. ' These were mainly founded upon the protest of the Virginia Legis- 
 lature against the " Alien and Sedition Acts," as "palpable and alarming infractions 
 of the Constitution." In pointing out the peaceful and constitutional remedies — 
 and he referred to none other — to which the States were authorized to resort on 
 such occasions, he concludes by saying " that the Legislatures of the Stiites might 
 have made a direct representation to Congress with a view to obtain a rescinding 
 of the two offensive Acts, or they might have represented to their respective Sena- 
 tors in Congress their wish that two-thirds thereof would propose an explanatory 
 amendment to the Constitution ; or two-thirds of themselves, if such had been tlieir 
 option, might, by an application to Congress, have obtained a Convention for the 
 same object." 
 
 This is the very course which I eaniestly recommend in order to obtain an 
 " explanatoiy amendment" of the Constitution on the subject of slavery. This 
 might originate with Congress or the State Legislatures, as may be deemed most 
 advisable to attain the object. 
 
 2 A 
 
346 APPENDIX. 
 
 This explanatory amendment might be confined to the final settlement of the tru 
 constraction of the Constitution on three special'points ; — 
 
 1. An express recognition of the right of property in slaves in the States wher 
 it now exists or may hereafter exist. 
 
 2. The duty of protecting this right in all the common territories throughou 
 their territorial existence, and until they shall be admitted as States into the Unioi 
 with or without slavery, as their Constitutions may prescribe. 
 
 3. A like recognition of the right of the master to have his slave, who ha 
 escaped from one State to another, restored and *' delivered up " to him, and of th 
 validity of the Fugitive Slave Law enacted for this purpose, together with a declt 
 ration that all State laws impairing or defeating this right are violations of the Cor 
 stitution, and are consequently null and void. 
 
 It may be objected that this construction of the Constitution has already bee 
 settled by the Supreme Court of the United States, and what more ought to b 
 required ? The- answer is, that a very large proportion of the people of the Unite 
 States still .contest the correctness of this decision, and never will cease froi 
 agitation and admit its binding force until clearly established by the people of ti 
 several States in their sovereign character. Such an explanatoiT' amendment woult 
 it is believed, for ever terminate the existing dissensions and restore peace an 
 harmony among the States. 
 
 It ought not to be doubted that such an appeal to the arbitrament establishe 
 by the Constitution itself would be received with favour by all the States of tl 
 Confederacy. In any event it ought to be tried in a spirit of conciliation before an 
 of these States shall separate themselves from the Union. 
 
 (H.) 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S INAUGURAL ADDRESS, 
 Delivered Maeoh 4th, 1861. 
 
 Fellow-Citizens op the United States: — 
 
 In compliance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear befor 
 you to address you briefly, and to take in your presence the oath prescribed by th 
 Constitution of the United States to be taken by the President before he enters o 
 the execution of his office. 
 
 I do not consider it necessary at present for me to discuss those matters c 
 administration about which there is no special anxiety or excitement. 
 
 Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the Southern States that, b 
 the accession of a Republican Administration, their property and their peace, an 
 personal security are to be endangered. There has never been any reasonabi 
 cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary hi 
 all the while existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in nearly al 
 
APPENDIX. 347 
 
 the public speeches of him who now addresses you. I do but quote from one of 
 those speeches when I declare that " I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to 
 interfere with the institutioq of slavery in the States where it exists ; I believe 
 I have no lawful right to do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those who 
 nominated and elected me did so with a full knowledge that I had made this and 
 noany similar declarations, and had never recanted them. And more than this, 
 they placed in the platform for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and to 
 me, the clear and emphatic Eesolution which I now read ; — 
 
 "Besolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of the States, and 
 especially the right of each State to order and control its own domestic institutions 
 according to its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power on 
 which the pei-fection and endurance of our political fabric depend, and we denounce 
 the lawless invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or territory, no matter 
 under what pretext, as the gravest of crimes." 
 
 I now reita-ate these sentiments, and in doing so I only press upon the public 
 attention the most conclusive evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the 
 property, peace, and security of no section are to be in anywise endangered by the 
 now incoming Administi-ation. I add, too, that all the protection which, con- 
 sistently with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be cheerfully given 
 to all the Stat«s, when lawfully demanded, for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one 
 section as to another. 
 
 There is much controversy about the delivering up of fugitives from service or 
 labour. The clause I now read is as plainly written in the Constitution as any 
 other of its provisions : — 
 
 " No person held to service or labour in one State, under the laws thereof, 
 escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be 
 discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
 party to whom such service or labour may be due.** 
 
 It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended by those who made it 
 for the reclaiming of what we call fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the law- 
 giver is the law. All members of Congress swear their support to the whole 
 Constitution, to this provision as much as any other. To the proposition, then, 
 that slaves, whose cases come within the tenns of this clause, " shall be delivered 
 up,** their oaths are unanimous. Now, if they would make the efPort in good 
 temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, frame and pass a law by 
 means of which to keep good that unanimous oath ? There is some difference of 
 opinion whether this clause should be enforced by national or by State authority ; 
 but surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave is to be sur- 
 rendered, it can be of but little consequence to him or to others by which autho- 
 rity it is done. And should any one, in any case, be content that this oath shall 
 go unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it shall he kept ? 
 Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the safeguards of hberty known 
 in civilized and humane jurisprudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, 
 
 2 A 2 
 
348 appendix:. 
 
 in any case, surrendered as a slave ? And might it not be well at the same tim 
 to provide by law for the enforcement of that clause in the Constitution whic. 
 guarantees that " the citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privilege 
 and immunities of citizens in the several States ?" I take the official oath to-da; 
 with no mental reservations, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution o 
 laws by any hypercritical rules ; and while I do not choose now to specify par 
 ticular Acts of Congress as proper to be enforced, I do suggest that it will be mucl 
 - safer for all, both in official and private stations, to confonn to and abide by all thos- 
 Acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any of them, trusting to find impunit; 
 in having them held to be unconstitutional. 
 
 It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a President under on; 
 National Constitution. During that period fifteen different and greatly distin- 
 guished citizens have in succession administered the executive branch of Govern- 
 ment. They have conducted it through many perils, and generally with grea' 
 success. Tet, with all this scope for precedent, I now enter upon the same task 
 for the brief constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiai* difficulty. 
 A description of the Federal Union, heretofore only menaced, is now formidablj 
 attempted. I hold that, in contemplation of universal law and of the Constitu- 
 tion, the Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied if not espvessec 
 in the fundamental law of all national governments. It is safe to assert thai 
 Government proper never had a provision in its organic law for its own termina- 
 tion. Continue to execute all the express provisions of oui' National Constitution, 
 and the Union will endure for ever, it being impossible to destroy it except by somt 
 action not provided for in the instrument itself. Again, if the United States be 
 not a Government proper, but an asssociation of States in the nature of a contract 
 merely, can it as a contract be peaceably unmade by less than all the parties whc 
 made it ? One party to a contract may violate it — break it, so to speak — but does 
 it not require all to lawfully rescind it ? 
 
 Descending from these general principles, we find the proposition that, in legal 
 contemplation, the Union is perpetual, confirmed hj the history of the Union 
 itself. 
 
 The Union is much older than the Constitution. It was formed, in fact, by tht 
 Articles of Association in 1774. It was matured and continued in the Declaration 
 of Independence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith of all the then 
 thirteen States expressly plighted and engaged that it should be perpetual, by the 
 Articles of Confederation in 1778 ; and finally, in 1787, one of the declared objects 
 for ordaining and establishing the Constitution was to form a more perfect Union. 
 But if the destruction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States be law- 
 fully possible, the Union is less than before, the Constitution having lost the vital 
 clement of perpetuity. 
 
 It follows from these views that no State, upon its own mere motion, can law- 
 fully get out of the Union ; that resolves and ordinances to that effect are legally 
 void, and that acts of violence within any State or States against the authority of 
 
APPENDIX. 849 
 
 the United States, are insuiTectionary or revolutionary, according to circumstances, 
 I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution and the laws, the Union is 
 unbi-oken, and to the extent of my ability I shall take care, as the Constitution 
 itself eipressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union be faithfully executed 
 in all the States. Doing this I deem to be only a simple duty on my part. I 
 shall perfectly perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my rightful masters, the 
 American people, shall withhold the requisition, or in some authoritative manner 
 direct the contrary. I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only as the 
 dedai-ed purpose of the Union that it will constitutionally defend and maintain 
 itself. 
 
 In doing this, there need be no bloodshed or violence, and there shall be none, 
 unless it is forced upon the national authority. The power confided to me will be 
 used to hold, occupy, and possess the property and places belonging to the Govern- 
 ment, and collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what may be necessary for 
 these objects, there will be no invasion — no using of force against or amongst the 
 people anywhere. 
 
 Wiere hostility to the United States shall be so great and so universal as to 
 prevent competent resident citizens from holding the Federal offices, there will be 
 no attempt to force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. While the 
 strict legal right may exist of the Government to enforce the exercise of these 
 offices, the attempt to do so would be so irritating and so nearly impracticable 
 withal that I deem it better to forego for the time the uses of such offices. 
 
 Tbe mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished in all parts of the 
 Union. 
 
 So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that sense of perfect security 
 which is most favourable to calm thought and reflection. The course here indi- 
 cated will be followed unless current events and experience shall show a modi- 
 fication or change to be proper, and in every case and exigency my best discretion 
 will be exercised accordingly to the circumstances actually existing, and with a 
 view and a hope of a peaceful solution of the national troubles and the restora- 
 tion of fraternal sympathies and affections. That there are persons in one section 
 or another who seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any pretext 
 to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if there be such, I need address no 
 word to them. 
 
 To those, however, who really love the Union, may I not speak f Before 
 entering upon so grave a matter as the destruction of our national fabric, with all 
 its benefits, its memories, and its hopes, would it not be well to ascertain why we 
 do it ? Will you hazard so desperate a step while there is any portion of the ills 
 you fly from that have no real existence ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly 
 to are greater than aU the resil ones you fly from ? Will you risk the commission 
 of so fearful a mistake ? All profess to be content in the Union if all constitutional 
 rights can be maintained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in the 
 Constitution, has been denied ? I think not. Happily the human mind is so 
 
350 APPENDIX. 
 
 constituted that no party can reach to the audacity of doing this. Thinlt, if yot 
 can, of a single instance in which a plainly written proTJsion of the Constitutioi 
 has ever been denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should depriV' 
 a minority of any clearly-wiitten constitutional right, it might, in a moral poin 
 of Tiew, justify revolution ; certainly would, if such right were a vital one. Bu 
 such is not the case. 
 
 All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are so plainly assured ti 
 them by affirmations and negations, guarantees and pi-ohibitions, in the Constitu 
 tion, that controversies never arise concerning them. But no organic law can eve: 
 be fi-amed with a provision specially applicable to every question which may occu: 
 in practical administration. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document u 
 reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible questions. Shal 
 fugitives from labour be surrendered by National or by State authority ? The Con 
 stitution does not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the territories '. 
 The Constitution does not expressly say. From questions of this class spring al 
 om* Constitutional controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities ant 
 minorities. 
 
 If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, or the Government mus" 
 cease. There is no alternative for continuing the Government but acquiescence oi 
 the one side or the other. If a minority in such a case will secede rather thai 
 acquiesce, they make a precedent which in turn will ruin and divide them, for i 
 minority of their own will secede from them whenever a majority refuses to b( 
 controlled by such a minority. For instance, why not any portion of a new Con- 
 federacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily secede again, precisely as some portion; 
 of the present Union now claim to secede from it ? AH who cherish disunioi 
 sentiments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing this. Is there sue! 
 perfect identity of interests among the States to comprise a new Union as tc 
 produce harmony only and prevent renewed secession ? Plainly, the central ideE 
 of secession is the essence of anarchy. 
 
 A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always 
 changing easily, with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the 
 only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does, of necessity, fly tc 
 anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a 
 permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible. So that, rejecting the majority 
 principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left. 
 
 I do not forget the position assumed by some, that constitutional questions are 
 to be decided by the Supreme Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be 
 binding, in any case, upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of that suit, while 
 they are also entitled to very high respect and oonsidei'atiou in all parallel cases by 
 all other departments of the Government ; and while it is obviously possible that 
 such decision may be erroneous in any given case, still the evil effect following it 
 being limited to that particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled and 
 never become a precedent for other cases, can better be bome than could the evils 
 
APPENDIX. 351 
 
 of a different practice. At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if 
 the policy of the Government upon the vital questions affecting the whole people is 
 to be irrevocably fixed by the decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are 
 made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, the people will have 
 ceased to be their own masters, having to that extent practically resigned their Govern- 
 ment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. Nor is therein this view any assault 
 upon the court or the judges. 
 
 It is a duty from which they may not shrink to decide cases properly brought 
 before them, and it is no fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to 
 political purposes. One section of our country believes slavery is right, and ought 
 to be extended, while the other believes it is wi'ong, and ought not to be extended. 
 This is the only substantial dispute ; and the fugitive slave clause of the Constitu- 
 tion, and the law for the suppression of the foreign slave trade, are each as well 
 enforced, perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the moral sense of 
 the people imperfectly suppoils the law itself. The great body of the people abide 
 by the dry, legal obligations in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, I 
 think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse in both cases after the 
 separation of the sections than befoi'e. The foreign slave trade, now imperfectly 
 suppressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction in one section, while 
 fugitive slaves, now only partially surrendered, would not be surrendered at all by 
 the other. Physically speaking, we cannot separate — we cannot remove our re- 
 spective sections from each other, nor build an impassable wall between them. A 
 husband and wife may be divorced and go out of the presence and beyond the reach 
 of each other ; but the different parts of our country cannot do this. They cannot 
 but remain face to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue 
 between them. Is it possible, then, to make that intercourse more advantageous 
 or more satisfactory after separation than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier 
 than friends can make laws ? Cau treaties be more faithfully enforced between 
 aliens than laws can among friends ? Suppose you go to war ; you cannot fight 
 always, and when, after much loss on both sides and no gain on either, you cease 
 ficrhting, the identical questions as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. This 
 counti-y, with its institutions, belongs to the people who inhabit it. Whenever they 
 shall oi'ow weary of the existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional 
 right of amending, or their revolutionary right to dismember or overthrow it. 
 I cannot be io-norant of the fact that many worthy and patriotic citizens are de- 
 sirous of having the National Constitution amended. While 1 make no recom- 
 mendation of amendment, I freely recognize the full authority of the people over the 
 whole subject, to be exercised in either of the modes prescribed in the instrument it- 
 self ; and 1 should, under existing circumstances, favour rather than oppose a fair 
 opportunity being afforded the people to act upon it. I will venture to add that to 
 me the Convention mode seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate 
 with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them to take or reject pro- 
 positions originated by others not specially chosen for the purpose, and which 
 
352 iPPENDK. 
 
 might not be precisely such as they would wish themselves to .iccept or refuse, 
 understand a proposed amendment to the Constitution— which amendment, how 
 ever, I have not seen— has passed Congress, to the effect that the Federal Govern 
 ment shall never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, including tha 
 of persons held to service. To avoid misconstruction of most I have said, 1 depar 
 from my purpose not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that 
 holding such a provision as now implied to be constitutional law, I have no ob- 
 jection to its being made express and irrevocable. The chief magistrate derives al 
 his authority from the people, and they have conferred now upon him to fix thr 
 terms for the separation of the States. The people themselves also can do this i 
 they choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to ad- 
 minister the present Government as it came to his hands, and to transmit it mum 
 paired by him to his successor. Why should there not be a patient confidence ii 
 the ultimate justice of the people ? Is there any better or equal hope in the world : 
 In our present differences, is either party without faith of being in the right? 1 
 the Almighty Ruler of nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your sidi 
 of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that justice will surely pre 
 vail by the judgment of this great tribunal — the American people. By the frami 
 of the Government under which we live, this same people have wisely giver 
 their public servants but little power for mischief, and have, with equal wisdom 
 provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very short intervals 
 While the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no Administration, by any ex- 
 treme wickedness or folly, can very seriously injure the Government in the shon 
 space of four years. 
 
 My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon this whole subject 
 Nothing valuable can be lost by taking time. 
 
 If there be an object to huny any of you, in hot haste, to a step which yoi 
 could never take deliberately, that object will be frustated by taking time ; but ni 
 good object can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatisfied still havi 
 the old Constitution unimpaired, and, on the sensitive point, the laws of your owi 
 framing under it, while the new Administration will have no immediate power, ii 
 it would, to change either. If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold 
 the right side in the dispute, there still is no single reason for precipitate action. 
 Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, and a fii-m rehance on Him who has nevei 
 yet forsaken this favoured land, are still competent to adjust in the best way all 
 our present difSculty. 
 
 In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countiymen, and not in mine, is the mo- 
 mentous issue of civil war. The Government will not assail you. You can have 
 no conflict without being yourselves the aggressors. You have no oath registered 
 in heaven to destroy the Government, while I shall have the solemn one to "pre- 
 serve, protect, and defend" it. I am loth to close. We are not enemies, but friends. 
 We must not be enemies. Though passion may have strained, it must not break 
 our bonds of affection. The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 353 
 
 field and patriotic grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this broad 
 land, will yet swell the chorus of the Unionj when again touched, as surely they 
 mil be, by the better angels of our nature. 
 
 (I-) 
 
 THE TARIFFS OF THE UNITED STATES FOR 1857 AND 1861, AND 
 THE TARIFF OF THE SOUTHERN CONFEDERACY, COMPARED. 
 
 The following comparative view is from the New York IVibune of the 26th of 
 March, 1861. Only the principal articles are gfven, but the general reader will 
 find all the information he requires. All the figures under 1857 are per cent. 
 ad valorem : — 
 
 Acids 
 
 Ale and beer, in bottles . . 
 Ale and beer, in casks 
 Anchovies, in oil 
 Anchors, anvils 
 Arms, fij-e and side . . 
 
 Axes, axletrees 
 
 Bacon and hams 
 Bagging, cotton 
 Bags, grass, wool, leather 
 Bags, carpet, gunny, hemp 
 Balsams, medicines . . 
 
 Barley 
 
 Baskets, all sorts 
 Bed ticking, cotton . . 
 
 Beef 
 
 Bees'-wax 
 
 Blankets , 
 
 Bleaching powdere . . 
 Boards and planks . . 
 Bonnets, all sorts 
 Boots, mohair and silk 
 
 Blank books 
 
 Books, all other 
 
 Brandy 
 
 Boxes, wood and paper 
 Brass, manufactures of . . 
 Brass, plates and wire 
 Brass in bars and pigs 
 
 United 
 States. 
 1867. 
 
 4 
 24 
 24 
 30 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 15 
 24 
 19 
 24 
 15 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 
 4 
 15 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 
 8 
 30 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 Free 
 
 10 per cent. 
 25c. per gall. 
 15c. „ 
 30 per cent. 
 $1-50 per 100 lb. 
 30 per cent. 
 2c. per lb. 
 2c. per lb. 
 IJc. per lb. 
 30 per cent. 
 20 „ 
 30 „ 
 
 15c. per bushel. 
 30 per cent. 
 
 2c. per lb. 
 
 Ic. per lb. 
 
 10 per cent. 
 [See note.] 
 15c. per 1001b. 
 20 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 Free. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 15 „ 
 $ 1 per gallon. 
 30 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 30 „ 
 10 „ 
 
 Southern, 
 
 10 per cent. 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 25 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 Free. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 20 „ 
 Free. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 
 15 „ 
 Free. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 
 15 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 25 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
354 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Britannia ware 
 
 Bronze, manufactured 
 Bronze, metal and leaf 
 
 Buttons 
 
 Butter 
 
 Cables and cordage 
 
 Candles, wax, sperm 
 
 Caps of all sorts . . . . , . 
 
 Carpets, of wool 
 
 Carriages and parts 
 
 Cayenne pepper 
 
 Chains, iron 
 
 Cheese 
 
 Chinaware ajld porcelain 
 
 Chocolate 
 
 Cigars 
 
 Cinnamon 
 
 Clocks 
 
 Clothing, ready made 
 
 Cloves 
 
 Coal, bituminous 
 
 Coral 
 
 Coral manufactures 
 
 Cochineal 
 
 Coal and coke 
 
 Cocoa and cocoa-nuts 
 
 Codfish, dry 
 
 Coffee, in American bottoms . . 
 
 Confectionary 
 
 Copper, sheets, bolts 
 Copper, vessels, wire 
 Copper, pigs and bars 
 
 Cordials, all kinds 
 
 Com, Indian 
 
 Cotton, manufactured, unbleached 
 Cotton, light manufactured yaiii 
 Cotton, unmanufactured .. 
 Currants and prunes 
 
 Cutlery 
 
 Dates 
 
 Diamonds and gems, unset 
 Diamonds — glaziers' 
 Diamonds and gems set .. 
 
 Drugs, medicinal 
 
 Drugs, crude, for dyeing ,. 
 Dyewoods 
 
 United 
 States, 
 186?. 
 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 19 
 15 
 19 
 15 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 
 4 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 30 
 
 4 
 24 
 24 
 
 4 
 24 
 15 
 24 
 
 4 
 24 
 
 4 
 
 15 
 
 Free 
 
 24 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 
 Free. 
 
 30 
 
 15 
 
 19 
 
 24 
 
 Free. 
 
 8 
 24 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 12 
 24 
 15 
 
 Free. 
 Free. 
 
 United States, 1861. 
 
 lb, 
 
 30 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 10 „ 
 30 „ 
 
 4c. per lb. 
 
 2*0. „ 
 
 8c. „ 
 30 per cent. 
 [See note.] 
 30 per cent. 
 
 3 to 4c. per lb. 
 
 IJ to 2Jc. per" 
 
 4c. per lb. 
 30 per cent. 
 20 „ 
 [See note.] 
 10c. per lb. 
 30 per cent. 
 25 to 30 per cent. 
 4c. per lb. 
 $ 1 per ton. 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 Free. 
 
 50c. per ton. 
 Free. 
 
 50c. per 100 lb. 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 25 „ 
 25 „ 
 
 2c. per lb. 
 50c. per gallon. 
 10c. per bush. 
 [See note.] 
 [See note.] 
 Free. 
 
 2c. per lb. 
 30 per cent. 
 
 ^c. per lb. 
 
 5 per cent. 
 12 „ 
 25 „ 
 20 „ 
 Free. 
 Free. 
 
 Southern. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 25 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 Free. 
 
 25 per cent, 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 5 „ 
 25 „ 
 Free. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 15 „ 
 Free. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 15 
 20 
 
 5 
 10 
 10 
 15 
 15 
 10 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 355 
 
 Earthenware 
 
 Ebony 
 
 Emery . . ... - . 
 
 Engravings 
 
 EnvelojieSj paper 
 
 Essences 
 
 Feathers, for beds . . 
 Feathers, ornamental 
 Figs 
 
 Fish, pickled 
 
 Fire-crackers 
 
 Fire-brick 
 
 Flannels, all kinds . . 
 Flax, mmianufectured 
 Flax, manufactured . . 
 
 Floor-cloths 
 
 Flowers, artificial 
 Fruits, in brandy or sugar 
 Fruits, ripe or dried . . 
 Furniture, household 
 Furs on the skin, undressed 
 Furs, dressed on the skin . . 
 Fur hats and bodies . . 
 
 Garden seeds 
 
 German silver 
 
 Goats' hair, best 
 
 Grindstones 
 
 Gimps and fringe, cotton.. 
 
 Gimps of silk 
 
 Gimps of thread and linen 
 
 Gin 
 
 Ginger, green and preserved 
 
 Glassware 
 
 Glass, cut, ornamental 
 Glass, plate, window 
 Gloves, all sorts 
 
 Guano 
 
 Gunpowder 
 
 Gold and silver leaf .. : 
 Gold ornaments 
 Grass cloth, mats, rope . . 
 Goats' hair, manufactured 
 Gutta percha, crude . . 
 Gutta percha, manufactured 
 Hair, under 20c. per lb. . . 
 
 United 
 States, 
 1857. 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 24 
 19 
 24 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 
 15. 
 
 19 
 Free 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 30 
 8 
 
 24 
 8 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 Free. 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 Free. 
 
 24 
 
 19 
 
 15 
 
 30 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 
 30 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 Free. 
 
 15 
 
 12 
 
 24 
 
 19 
 
 19 
 4 
 
 15 
 Free. 
 
 United States, 1861. 
 
 25 per cent. 
 
 Free. 
 
 Free. 
 
 10 per cent. 
 
 30 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 20 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 3c. per lb. 
 ($1, $2 to |31 
 t per bbl. j 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 20 „ 
 
 25 to 30 per cent. 
 
 $15 per ton. 
 
 25 to 30 per cent, 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 30 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 10 „ 
 
 i „ 
 30 „ 
 30 „ 
 30 „ 
 
 40c. per gallon. 
 10 per cent. 
 25 „ 
 30 „ 
 
 1 to 5c. per sq. ft. 
 30 per cent. 
 Free. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 20 „ 
 30 „ 
 25 „ 
 25 „ 
 Free. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 Free. 
 
 Southern. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 
 15 
 10 
 15 
 10 
 15 
 15 
 20 
 20 
 20 
 15 
 10 
 15 
 10 
 Free. 
 
 1 5 per cent. 
 10 
 10 
 15 
 20 
 15 
 25 
 15 
 15 
 25 
 15 
 15 
 5 
 
 Free. 
 
 10 per cent. 
 20 
 15 
 15 
 10 
 15 
 10 
 
356 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Aetioles. 
 
 Hair, alpaca, goat, over 20c. 
 
 Hair cloth 
 
 Hair, curled, for beds 
 Harness and saddlery 
 
 Hats, all soils 
 
 Hat bodies 
 
 Hemp, nnmanufactured . . 
 
 Hemp, Manilla 
 
 Hides, raw or salted . . , . . 
 Horn manufactures . . 
 
 Hops 
 
 Honey 
 
 Hose of all sorts 
 
 Ice 
 
 India-rubber 
 
 India-rubber goods .. 
 
 Iron 
 
 Iron, manufactured . . 
 
 iTory 
 
 Ivory, manufactures of .. 
 
 Japanned ware 
 
 Jeweb-y, all kinds 
 Jute .. .. : 
 
 Jute carpeting 
 
 Lace, worsted and sUi 
 
 Laces, insertings 
 
 Lard 
 
 Lead, unmanufactured 
 Lead, manufactures of 
 
 Leather, sole 
 
 Leather, upper and patent 
 Leather, manufactured 
 Lemons, limes, oranges . . 
 
 Linens 
 
 Linseed 
 
 Linseed oil 
 
 Logwood 
 
 Looldng-glasses and plates 
 
 Matting, cocoa 
 
 Manures 
 
 Maps and manuscripts 
 
 Mahogany 
 
 Marble, unmanufactured . . 
 Marble, manufactm-es of . . 
 
 Millinery 
 
 Molasses 
 
 United 
 States, 
 1857. 
 
 24 
 19 
 15 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 24 
 19 
 4 
 24 
 15 
 24 
 24 
 
 Free. 
 
 4 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 Fi'ee. 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 19 
 24 
 19 
 24 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 19 
 24 
 8 
 15 
 
 Free. 
 15 
 
 Free. 
 24 
 15 
 
 Free. 
 
 15 
 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 
 United States, 1861. 
 
 Free. 
 
 25 per cent. 
 
 20 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 20 to 30 per cent. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 $ 35 per ton. 
 
 qpl5 „ 
 
 5 per cent. 
 
 30 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10c. per gallon. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 Free. 
 
 Free. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 
 [See note.] 
 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 25 „ 
 $10 per ton. 
 20 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 20 „ 
 
 2c, per lb. 
 
 lo. „ 
 30 per cent. 
 20 „ 
 
 25 to 30 per cent. 
 30 per cent. 
 10 „ 
 
 25 to 30 per cent. 
 16c. per bush. 
 20c. per gallon. 
 Free. 
 
 1 to 5c. per sq. ft. 
 20 per cent. 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 30 „ 
 2c. per gallon. 
 
 Southern. 
 
 10 per cent. 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 $ 2 per ton. 
 10 per cent. 
 
 15 „ 
 
 5 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 20 „ 
 
 15 „ , 
 Free. 
 
 15 per cent, 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 5 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 10 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 20 „ 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 357 
 
 Articles. 
 
 United 
 States, 
 1867. 
 
 United States, 1861. 
 
 Southern. 
 
 Musical Instruments . . 
 
 Music 
 
 Nails, except copper . . 
 
 Nankeens 
 
 Needles 
 
 Newspapers 
 
 Oalvum and punk 
 
 Oats 
 
 Oatmeal 
 
 Oilcloths 
 
 Oil — olive, bottles . . 
 Oil — palm and seal . . 
 Oil — sperm and whale 
 
 Opium 
 
 Osier or willow 
 
 Osier manufactures . . 
 Paints — dry and in oil 
 Paper sheathing 
 
 Palm leaf 
 
 Palm leaf, manufactured . 
 
 Paper 
 
 Paper-hangings 
 
 Papier mache' 
 
 Paring and roofing tiles . 
 
 Peas 
 
 Pencils — lead and chalk . 
 
 Pens — ^metal 
 
 Pianofortes .. - -. 
 
 Pickles 
 
 Pineapples, plums, pranes 
 
 Pineapples 
 
 Plants, living 
 
 Platdna 
 
 Platina, manufactures of . 
 
 Playing card'i 
 
 Plums 
 
 Pimento pepper 
 
 Pins 
 
 Pitch and tar 
 
 Plated wares 
 
 Potash 
 
 Potatoes 
 
 Preserves 
 
 Prunes 
 
 Pumpkins 
 
 Railroad iron 
 
 15 
 
 4 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 
 8 
 Free. 
 15 
 15 
 24 
 24 
 
 4 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 24 
 15 
 15 
 Free. 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 24 
 15 
 15 
 24 
 15 
 15 
 24 
 
 8 
 
 8 
 Free. 
 
 >j 
 
 24 
 
 24 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 24 
 15 
 24 
 15 
 24 
 30 
 
 8 
 15 
 24 
 
 20 per cent. 
 10 „ 
 
 Ic. per lb, 
 30 per cent. 
 20 „ 
 20 „ 
 Free. 
 
 10c. per bush. 
 10 per cent. 
 20 to 30 per cent. 
 30 per cent. 
 10 „ 
 20 „ 
 $1 per lb. 
 20 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 20 „ 
 10 „ 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 30 „ 
 30 „ 
 20 „ 
 30 „ 
 30 „ 
 30 „ 
 20 „ 
 30 „ 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 
 lo. per lb. 
 
 2c. per lb. 
 30 per cent. 
 20 „ 
 30 „ 
 10 „ 
 10c. per bush. 
 30 per cent. 
 
 2c. per lb. 
 10 per cent. 
 $12 per ton. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 10 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 10 
 10 
 
 Free. 
 ?j 
 
 15 per cent. 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 10 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 20 
 15 
 Free. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 15 
 15 
 20 
 10 
 10 
 10 
 10 
 20 
 20 
 20 
 20 
 15 
 15 
 20 
 10 
 10 
 20 
 20 
 Free. 
 10 per cent. 
 
358 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Aeticles, 
 
 United 
 States, 
 1857. 
 
 United States, 1861. 
 
 Southern. 
 
 Eags 
 
 Eatans, reeds 
 
 Eaisins 
 
 Ribbons, except cotton 
 Eice and paddy 
 
 Eosin 
 
 Eum 
 
 Eus&ia duck and crash 
 
 Eye 
 
 Rye flour 
 
 Salt 
 
 'Saltpetre 
 
 Sauces 
 
 SheUs .: 
 
 Shells, manufactured 
 
 Silk, raw 
 
 Silk, partly manufactured 
 
 Silk, woven 
 
 Silk, sewing and shawls . . 
 Silk, small wares of . . 
 Silver ware, or plated 
 Soaps of all kinds 
 Soap stock and grease 
 Spices, all kinds . . 
 Spirits, distilled 
 Steel, cast shear, German .. 
 Spelter, pigs, bars, sheets . . 
 
 Starch 
 
 Sponges 
 
 Stone, building 
 
 Steel in bars 
 
 Steel wire, chains 
 Stereotype plates, type 
 
 Stoneware 
 
 Sugar, raw 
 
 Sugar, manufactured 
 
 Tallow 
 
 Teas of all kinds 
 
 Timber, hewn or sawed . , 
 
 Tin, in bars and pigs 
 
 Tin plates and sheets 
 
 Tin, other manufactured . . 
 
 Tobacco, manufactured .. 
 
 Tobacco, in the leaf . . 
 
 Toys, all kinds 
 
 Turpentine, spirits . . 
 
 4 
 Free. 
 
 8 
 19 
 15 
 8 
 30 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 8 
 24 
 4 
 24 
 Free. 
 12 
 19 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 8 
 4 
 30 
 12 
 4 to 8 
 15 
 8 
 ! to 15 
 15 
 24 
 15 
 24 
 24 
 24 
 8 
 Free. 
 
 15 
 Free. 
 
 30 
 24 
 24 
 15 
 
 Free. 
 
 1 to 2 c. per lb. 
 20 per cent. 
 
 § to 1 e. per 1. 
 20 per cent. 
 40o. per gallon. 
 25 per cent. 
 15c. per bush. 
 10 per cent. 
 
 4 to 6c. per bush. 
 10 per cent. 
 30 „ 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 Free. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 20 to 30 per cent 
 30 per cent. 
 30 
 30 
 30 
 10 
 
 2(K- „, 
 40 to 50c. per gall. 
 20 to 30 per cent. 
 
 1 to IJc. per lb. 
 20 per cent. 
 
 10 „ 
 10 „ 
 IJ to 2c. ner lb. 
 
 2 to 2Jc. " „ 
 20 per cent. 
 Free to 20 per c. 
 |c. per lb. 
 
 2 to 4c. per b. 
 
 Ic. per lb. 
 
 Free. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 
 Free. 
 
 1 per cent. 
 
 30 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 25 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 20 „ 
 
 Free. 
 
 10 per cent. 
 20 „ 
 15 „ 
 [Note.] 
 15 per cent. 
 25 „ 
 15 „ 
 Free. 
 
 3c. per bush. 
 
 Free. 
 
 20 per cent. 
 
 10 
 
 15 
 
 10 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 15 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 20 
 
 10 
 
 20 
 
 25 
 
 10 
 
 5 
 15 
 10 
 
 5 
 10 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 20 
 20 
 10 
 
 4c. per lb. 
 10 per cent. 
 
 5 
 10 
 15 
 25 
 10 
 15 
 15 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 359 
 
 Aeticles. 
 
 Umbrellas, parasols 
 
 Vai'nishes 
 
 Vegetables, prepared 
 Velvet, silk, and binding . . 
 
 Velvet, cotton 
 
 Vitriol, oil of 
 
 Watei:s, mineral 
 
 Walking-sticks 
 
 Watches 
 
 Watch materials 
 
 Whalebone, foreign fishing 
 
 Wheat 
 
 Wheat flour 
 
 Whisky 
 
 Wines of all kinds .'. 
 
 Wire, iron, steel, copper, brass 
 
 Wood, rose, satin 
 
 Wood, cabinet, manufacture of 
 Wool, under 20 cents per lb. . 
 Wool, over 20 cents per lb. 
 
 Wool, cai'ded 
 
 Woollen bags, cloth 
 
 Woollen yara 
 
 Wbi-sted stuffs and yarns . . 
 Worsted, manufactures of 
 
 Zinc, in pigs 
 
 Zinc, in sheets 
 
 Zinc, manufactures of 
 
 Zinc, oxyde of 
 
 United 
 Slates, 
 1861. 
 
 24 
 15 
 30 
 19 
 24 
 
 4 
 24 
 24 
 
 8 
 
 4 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 30 
 30 
 24 
 
 8 
 24 
 Free. 
 20 
 24 
 24 
 19 
 19 
 24 
 
 4 
 12 
 24 
 15 
 
 United States, 1861. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 20 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 30 „ 
 
 25 „ 
 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 30 „ 
 
 15 „ 
 
 15 ,. 
 
 20 „ 
 
 20c. per bush. 
 
 10 per cent. 
 
 33* „ 
 
 40 „ 
 
 [Note, Iron.} 
 
 Free. 
 
 30 per cent. 
 
 [See note.] 
 
 1 c. per lb. 
 1 J c. per lb. 
 30 per cent. 
 IJc. per lb. 
 
 SoTithera. 
 
 15 per cent. 
 15 
 20 
 20 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 20 
 10 
 10 
 15 
 Free. 
 » 
 25 per cent. 
 25 
 15 
 10 
 25 
 10 
 10 
 10 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 5 
 15 
 
 5 
 
 Note. — Blankets, worth not over 28 cents per lb., 5 cents per lb., and 1 per 
 cent, ad valorem. Over 23 cents and not over 40 cents per lb., 6 cents per lb. and 
 25 per cent. ; over 40 cents per lb., 12 cents per lb. and 20 per cent. 
 
 Carpets. Wilton, &c., worth over $1J per square yard, 50 cents per square 
 yard ; and 25 per cent, ad valorem, whenever that rate exceeds 50 cents per squai-e 
 yard ; if valued under ,f 1 J per square yard, 40 cents per square yard ; Brussels 
 and tapestry, 30 cents per square yard ; treble ingrain and worsted chain Vene- 
 tian, 25 cents per square yard ; drugget, hocking and felt, 20 cents per square 
 yard ; of hemp or jute, 4 cents per square yard ; all kinds not above specified, 
 30 per cent. 
 
 Cigars in the new Northern tariff, valued at $5 or under per thousand, 20 
 cents per lb. and 20 per cent. ; over $5 and under $10 per thousand, 40 cents 
 
360 APPENDIX. 
 
 per lb. and 10 per cent. ; over |10 per thousand, 60 cents per lb. and 10 pel 
 cent. 
 
 Chthmg, if of wool, an addition of 12 cents per lb. 
 
 Cotton in the United States tariff of 1861 : Bagging IJ to 2 cents per lb. ; 
 woven shirts, drawers, 25 per cent. ; gimps, laces, cords, embroideries and thread. 
 30 per cent. ; laces, braids, 20 per cent. ; unbleached cloths, 1, 2 and 4 cents per 
 square yard, according to fineness ; bleached, § cent per yard additional duty : 
 printed or coloured, 1 per cent, additional ; unbleached, not in above, 25 per 
 cent. ; bleached, not in above, 30 per cent. ; hatters' plush, 20 per cent. 
 
 Iron, in the same tariff, is as follows: Anchors, $1'50 per 100 lbs.; anvils, 
 $1-25 do. ; band and hoop f 20 per ton; bar, generally, $15 per ton; black 
 sheet, $20 to $30 ; blooms, $15; boiler plate, $20; bolts, brads, tacks, butts, 
 hinges, malleable castings, chains, do. coated with zinc or galvanized, gas tubes, 
 hammers, wrought nails, tin plates galvanized, smooth sheet, rivets, spikes, steam 
 tubes, 2 cents per lb. ; cast pipes, J cent per lb. ; hollow ware, 2J cents per lb. ; 
 trace and some other chains, 1^ cent per lb. ; cables, 1^ cent per lb. ; chains under 
 No. 9 gauge, 25 per cent.; pig iron, $6 per ton; pig, advanced, $15; railroad 
 bars, $12; railroad chairs, $25; rolled iron, $20; washers and nuts, $25; 
 wire, 15 per cent., and 75 cents to $2 per 100 lbs., according to size; screws, 
 8 cents per lb. ; horse-shoe nails, 3J cents per lb. 
 
 Wool and Woollen Manufautures, in the same tariff, are : Wool, 18 cents or less 
 per lb,, 5 per cent. ; from 18 to 24 cents, 3 cents per lb. ; over 24 cents, 9 cents 
 per lb. ; wool on skins, 1 5 per cent. ; clothing, ready made, blankets for printers, 
 delaines and bareges, uncoloured, yam under 50 cents per lb., 25 per cent. ; em- 
 broidered, coloured or printed, yarn exceeding No. 14, worsted, woven shirts, socks, 
 gloves, 30 per cent. Manufactures not named, 25 per cent. ; shawls, 25 per cent. ; 
 yarn under $1 per lb., 15 per cent. ; over $1 per lb. 25 per cent. Beside these 
 levies there is an addition of 12 cents per lb. on clothing, shawls, yarn, and une- 
 nuraerated articles. 
 
 nice and Paddy do not appear in our copy of the .Southern tariff. 
 
J62 APPENDK. 
 
 A Comparative View of the Area and Population, 1860. 
 
 FEEE STATES. 
 
 NEW TOEK, first settled by the Dutch . 
 MASSACHUSETTS, settled by the Puritans 
 NEW HAMPSHIEB, settled by the Puritans 
 NEW JERSEY, settled by the Dutch . . 
 CONNECTICUT, settled by the Puritans . 
 RHODE ISLAND, settled by Roger Williams 
 PENNSYLVANIA, settled by William Fenn 
 VEPoMONT, admitted Into the Union . . 
 
 OHIO Ditto 
 
 INDIANA, . . Ditto 
 ILLINOIS, . . Ditto 
 MAINE, . . . Ditto 
 MICHIGAN, . . Ditto 
 
 IOWA Ditto 
 
 WISCONSIN, . . Ditto 
 CALIFORNIA, . Ditto 
 MINNESOTA,! . Ditto 
 OREGON, . . . Ditto 
 KANSiS, . . . Ditto 
 
 Total . . 
 
 SLAVE STATES. 
 
 VIRGINIA, first settled by the English . . 
 
 DELAWARE, settled by the Swedes and Finns 
 
 MARYLAND, settled by the Irish Catholics 
 
 NORTH CAROLINA, settled by the English 
 
 SOUTH CAROLINA, settled by the Huguenots 
 
 GEORGIA, settled by General Oglethorpe 
 
 KENTUCKY, admitted into the Union 
 
 TENNESSEE,. 
 
 LOUISIANA, . 
 
 MISSISSIPPL 
 
 ALABAMA, . 
 
 MISSOURI, . 
 
 ARKANSAS, . 
 
 FLORIDA, . 
 
 TEXAS, . . 
 
 Ditto 
 Ditto 
 Ditto 
 Ditto 
 Ditto 
 Ditto 
 Ditto 
 Ditto 
 
 
 Date 
 
 AREA. 
 
 POPULATION, 
 
 1860. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Settle- 
 
 Total. 
 
 Occupied. 1850. 
 
 
 
 
 
 ment or 
 Admis- 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 sion 
 
 
 
 
 
 Free. 
 
 Slave. 
 
 Total. 
 
 
 into the 
 
 Square 
 
 Acres. 
 
 Acres 
 
 Acres Un- 
 
 
 
 
 
 Union. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 
 Improved. 
 
 improved. 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 2 
 
 3 
 
 4 
 
 5 
 
 6 
 
 7 
 
 8 
 
 
 1 614 
 
 46,000 
 
 29,440,000 
 
 12,408,964 
 
 6,710,120 
 
 3.887.542 
 
 
 3,887,542 
 
 
 1620 
 
 7,800 
 
 4,992,000 
 
 2.133.436 
 
 1,222,576 
 
 1,231,06? 
 
 
 
 1,231,065 
 
 
 1623 
 
 9,280 
 
 5,939,200 
 
 2,251,488 
 
 1,140,926 
 
 326,072 
 
 
 
 326,072 
 
 
 1624 
 
 8,320 
 
 5,324,800 
 
 1,767,991 
 
 984,955 
 
 672,031 
 
 
 
 672,031 
 
 
 16!; 
 
 4,674 
 
 2,991,360 
 
 1,768,178 
 
 615,701 
 
 460,151 
 
 
 
 460,151 
 
 
 I5j6 
 
 1,306 
 
 835,840 
 
 356,487 
 
 197.451 
 
 174,621 
 
 
 
 174,621 
 
 
 1682 
 
 47,000 
 
 30,080,000 
 
 8,628,619 
 
 6,294,728 
 
 2,906,370 
 
 
 
 2,906,370 
 
 
 1 191 
 
 10,212 
 
 6,535,680 
 
 2,601,409 
 
 1,524.413 
 
 315,116 
 
 
 
 315,116 
 
 
 1802 
 
 39,964 
 
 26,576,960 
 
 9.851.493 
 
 8,146,000 
 
 2.339.599 
 
 
 
 2,339,599 
 
 
 l8lf> 
 
 33,809 
 
 21,637,760 
 
 5.046,543 
 
 7.746.879 
 
 I. 350. 479 
 
 
 
 1,350,479 
 
 
 l3lB 
 
 55.4°5 
 
 35,359.200 
 
 5.039.545 
 
 6,997,867 
 
 '•I'J'"! 
 
 
 
 1,7", 753 
 
 
 1820 
 
 31,766 
 
 20,330,240 
 
 2,039,596 
 
 2,515,797 
 
 628,276 
 
 
 
 628,276 
 
 
 1836 
 
 56,243 
 
 55.995.520 
 
 1,929,110 
 
 2,454,780 
 
 749,112 
 
 
 
 749,112 
 
 
 1845 
 
 50.914 
 
 32,584,960 
 
 824,682 
 
 1,911,382 
 
 674.948 
 
 
 
 674,948 
 
 
 1848 
 
 55.924 
 
 34,511,360 
 
 1,045.499 
 
 I, 931,159 
 
 775.873 
 
 
 
 775.873 
 
 
 1850 
 1858 
 1859 
 
 155,980 
 
 81,259 
 185,030 
 
 99,827,200 
 52,005,760 
 118,419,200 
 
 32,454 
 
 3,861,531 
 
 380,015 
 162,022 
 52,464 
 
 
 
 380,015 
 
 162,022 
 
 52,464 
 
 
 1 861 
 
 114,798 
 
 73,470,720 
 
 
 
 107,110 
 
 
 107,110 
 
 
 
 993,684 
 
 636,857,760 
 
 57.725,494 
 
 54,256,265 
 
 18,904,619 
 
 • • 
 
 18,904,619 
 
 
 1607 
 
 61,352 
 
 39,165,280 
 
 10,360,135 
 
 15,792,176 
 
 1,105,196 
 
 490,887 
 
 1,596,083 
 
 
 1627 
 
 2,120 
 
 1,356,800 
 
 580,862 
 
 375,282 
 
 110,420 
 
 1.798 
 
 112,218 
 
 
 1635 
 
 11,124 
 
 7,119,360 
 
 2,797.905 
 
 1,836,445 
 
 599,846 
 
 87,188 
 
 687,034 
 
 
 1650 
 
 50. 7°4 
 
 32,450,560 
 
 5.453,975 
 
 15,543,008 
 
 661,586 
 
 331.081 
 
 992,667 
 
 
 1670 
 
 29.585 
 
 18,805,400 
 
 4,072,651 
 
 12,145,049 
 
 301,271 
 
 402,541 
 
 703,812 
 
 
 11}} 
 
 58,000 
 
 37,120,000 
 
 6,378,479 
 
 16,442,900 
 
 595.097 
 
 462,230 
 
 1,057.327 
 
 
 1782 
 
 37,680 
 
 24,115,200 
 
 5,968,270 
 
 10,981,478 
 
 930,223 
 
 225,490 
 
 1.155.713 
 
 
 1796 
 
 45,600 
 
 29,184,000 
 
 5,175.173 
 
 13,808,849 
 
 834.063 
 
 275,784 
 
 1,109,847 
 
 
 1811 
 
 41.255 
 
 26,403,200 
 
 1,590,025 
 
 3,399,018 
 7,046,061 
 
 376,913 
 
 352.520 
 
 709,433 
 
 
 1817 
 
 47.156 
 
 30,179.840 
 
 3,444,358 
 
 354,699 
 
 436.696 
 
 791.395 
 
 
 1819 
 
 50,722 
 
 32,027,490 
 
 4,435,614 
 
 7,702,067 
 
 529,164 
 
 435.132 
 
 964,296 
 
 
 1821 
 
 67,380 
 
 43,123,200 
 
 2,938,425 
 
 6,794.245 
 
 1,058,352 
 
 114,965 
 
 1,173,317 
 
 
 1836 
 
 52,198 
 
 33,406,720 
 
 781,530 
 
 1,816,684 
 
 324.323 
 
 in, 104 
 
 435.427 
 
 
 1845 
 
 59,268 
 
 37,931,520 
 
 349.049 
 
 1,246,240 
 
 78,686 
 
 61,753 
 
 140,439 
 
 
 1846 
 
 237.5°4 
 
 152,002,560 
 
 643.976 
 
 10,854,363 
 
 420,651 
 
 180,388 
 
 601 ,039 
 
 
 
 851,448 
 
 544,391.130 
 
 54,970,427 
 
 125,783,865 
 
 8,280,490 
 
 3,949,557 
 
 12,230,047 
 
 '■' On, page 1V2 the area of Minnesota is set down at 166,025 sq. miles ; but 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 363 
 
 Militia Foecb, Government, and Finances. 
 
 
 
 GOVERNMENT AND FINANCE, 
 
 I860. 
 
 HiUtia 
 Force, as 
 
 Seat of 
 
 
 Salary ol 
 
 Go- 
 vernor. 
 
 State. 
 
 per Army 
 Register 
 for 1861. 
 
 
 
 
 Govemment 
 
 Name of Governor 
 
 Income. 
 
 Expenditure. 
 
 Debt. 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 f 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 9 
 
 10 
 
 U 
 
 12 
 
 13 
 
 14 
 
 15 
 
 418,486 
 
 Albany . . 
 
 E. D. Morgan . . 
 
 4,QOO 
 
 4.782,144 
 1,045,566 
 
 5,106,083 
 
 32,441,944 
 6,363,184 
 
 161,192 
 
 Boston . . 
 
 J. A. Andrew. . 
 
 3,500 
 
 1.303,784 
 
 3J,S38 
 
 Concord . . 
 
 J. Goodwin . . 
 
 1,000 
 
 206,890 
 
 184,445 
 
 None. 
 
 81,984 
 
 Trenton . . 
 
 C.S. Olden. . . 
 
 1,800 
 
 207,737 
 
 200,993 
 
 95.000 
 
 5l,6jo 
 
 Hartford . . 
 
 W. A Buckingham 
 
 1,100 
 
 769,594 
 
 723.835 
 
 None. 
 
 17,826 
 
 Newport . . 
 
 W. Sprague . . 
 
 1,000 
 
 264,777 
 
 269,095 
 
 386,311 
 
 iSo.ooo 
 
 Harrisbnrg . 
 
 N. G. Cortier . . 
 
 4,000 
 
 3,826,350 
 
 3.879.654' 
 
 38 638,961 
 None. 
 
 2J.915 
 
 Montpelier . 
 
 E. Fairbanks . . 
 
 1,000 
 
 241,089 
 
 230,489 
 
 279,809 
 
 Columbus . . 
 
 W. Dennison, Jun. 
 
 1,800 
 
 3,520,153 
 
 3.522.995 
 
 17,223,153 
 
 SJ.9U 
 
 Indianapolis . 
 
 H. S. Lane . . 
 
 3,000 
 
 1,288,445 
 
 1,218,185 
 
 10,286,856 
 
 400,000 
 
 Springfield . 
 
 B. Tales . . . 
 
 1,500 
 
 753,011 
 
 761,977 
 
 11,138,454 
 
 13, SSI 
 
 Augusta . . 
 
 J. Washburn, Jun. 
 
 1,500 
 
 431,700 
 
 394.008 
 
 I. 137. 387 
 
 109,750 
 
 Lansing . 
 
 A. Blair . . . 
 
 1,000 
 
 692,482 
 
 721.437 
 
 2.337.630 
 
 
 DesMoinfs . 
 
 S. J. Kerkwod. . 
 
 2,000 
 
 777.033 
 
 751.403 
 
 322,295 
 
 51,321 
 
 Madison . . 
 
 A. W. RandaU . 
 
 1,250 
 
 919.464 
 
 713,853 
 
 100,000 
 
 297, 7 JO 
 
 Sacramento . 
 
 J. G. Downey . . 
 
 6,000 
 
 1,184,221 
 
 1,109,143 
 
 3,092,622 
 
 24.990 
 
 St. Paul . . 
 
 A. Ramsay. . . 
 
 1,500 
 
 557,818 
 
 547,488 
 
 2,563,653 
 
 
 Salem . . . 
 
 J.Whiteaker . . 
 
 1,500 
 
 67.565 
 
 71,062 
 
 
 
 Lavenwortb . 
 
 S. Medary . . . 
 
 2,500 
 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 
 ■■.429,63(1 
 
 , . 
 
 21,594,039 
 
 21,709,929 
 
 126,127,450 
 
 
 
 
 
 £4,498,758 
 
 £4,522,901 
 
 £26,276,552 
 
 I4J,I55 
 
 Kichmond. . 
 
 J. Letcher . . . 
 
 5,000 
 
 4.326,549 
 
 4.222,536 
 
 33,005,159 
 
 9,229 
 46,864 
 
 Dover . . . 
 
 W. Barton . . . 
 
 l,3}3 
 
 60,725 
 
 41.927 
 
 None. 
 
 Annapolis 
 
 T.H. Hicks . . 
 
 3,600 
 
 1,048,339 
 
 1,306,043 
 
 14,854,204 
 
 79,448 
 
 Raleigh . . 
 
 J. W. Ellis . . 
 
 3,000 
 
 2,813,016 
 
 2,676,923 
 903,698 
 
 13,978,505 
 
 j6,ooo 
 
 Columbia . . 
 
 F. W. Kokena . 
 
 3,800 
 
 958.307 
 
 6,192,743 
 
 78,700 
 
 MiUedgeville. 
 
 J. E. Brown . . 
 
 4,000 
 
 1,165,162 
 
 1,179,110 
 
 3,170.750 
 
 88,979 
 
 Frankfort 
 
 B. MagotBn . . 
 
 2,500 
 
 983,623 
 
 883,887 
 
 5,574,244 
 
 71,252 
 
 NashviHe . . 
 
 J. G. Harris . 
 
 3,000 
 
 1,848,094 
 
 1,707,287 
 
 16,643,607 
 
 91,524 
 
 Baton Rouge . 
 
 T. 0. Moore . . 
 
 4,000 
 
 2,538,703 
 
 2,396,135 
 
 10,023,903 
 
 i6,o84 
 
 Jackson . . 
 
 J.J. PetteiB . . 
 
 4,000 
 
 624,020 
 
 707,015 
 
 7,271,707 
 
 76,662 
 
 Montgomery . 
 
 A. B. Moore . . 
 
 4,000 
 
 912,722 
 
 939.744 
 
 5,098,000 
 
 118,047 
 
 Jefferson City 
 
 0. F. Jackson . . 
 
 J, 000 
 
 1. 71';. 389 
 
 1,068,834 
 
 19,038,000 
 
 47,750 
 
 Little Book . 
 
 H. M. Sector . . 
 
 2,500 
 
 484,911 
 
 411,571 
 
 3,092,622 
 
 12,122 
 
 Tallahassee . 
 
 M. S. Perry . . 
 
 1,500 
 
 125.438 
 
 90,484 
 
 158,000 
 
 41, ISO 
 
 Austin . . 
 
 S. Houston. . . 
 
 3,000 
 
 424,720 
 
 1,005.588 
 
 None. 
 
 983,366 
 
 , . 
 
 20,041,718 
 
 19.545.782 
 
 138,101,444 
 
 
 
 
 
 ^.175.357 
 
 £4.072.037 
 
 £28,771,134 
 
 1,766 sq. miles have to be taken off to form the territory of Dakotah, &c. 
 
364 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Value of Real and Personal Property ; Canal, Railway, am 
 
 
 Value 
 
 Canals 
 
 Eafl- 
 
 AGEICULTUKAL STATISTIC; 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 
 
 of Real and 
 Personal 
 Property, 
 
 in 
 Opera- 
 tion in 
 
 waysin 
 Opera- 
 tion in 
 
 No. 
 of Farms 
 
 Average 
 No. of 
 
 Cash Valne 
 of 
 
 Cash Value 
 of Imple- 
 
 Average 
 Valne 
 
 AverE 
 
 Vah 
 
 oflm] 
 
 
 1855. 
 
 1868. 
 
 1859. 
 
 and 
 
 Acres 
 
 jbarms. 
 
 ments and 
 
 of 
 
 men 
 
 
 
 
 
 Planta- 
 
 to each 
 
 
 Machinery. 
 
 Farms. 
 
 aodl 
 
 
 
 
 
 tions. 
 
 Farm. 
 
 
 
 
 chine 
 
 
 $ 
 
 Miles. 
 
 Miles. 
 
 
 
 i 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 f 
 
 
 16 
 
 17 
 
 18 
 
 19 
 
 20 
 
 21 
 
 22 
 
 23 
 
 24 
 
 
 I, J64, 154,625 
 
 1,040 
 
 2,756 
 
 170,621 
 
 "3 
 
 554.546,642 
 
 22,084,926 
 
 3,250 
 
 121 
 
 
 597>9J6,995 
 
 79 
 
 1,428 
 
 ^4,069 
 
 '2 
 
 109,076,347 
 
 2,209,584 
 
 3,202 
 
 9- 
 
 
 103,804,526 
 
 2 
 
 5*1 
 
 29,229 
 
 116 
 
 55,245.997 
 
 2,314,125 
 
 1,890 
 
 ? 
 
 
 179, 750, 000 
 
 149 
 
 If 
 
 23,905 
 
 "5 
 
 120,237,511 
 
 4.425,503 
 
 5,030 
 
 18 
 
 
 203,759,831 
 
 
 665 
 
 22,445 
 
 Io5 
 
 72,726,422 
 
 1,892,541 
 
 3,240 
 
 8. 
 
 
 91,599,850 
 
 '6 
 
 63 
 
 5,385 
 
 103 
 
 17,079.802 
 
 497,201 
 
 3.170 
 
 9 
 
 
 1,031,731,304 
 
 I.M9 
 
 J, 081 
 
 "7,577 
 
 117 
 
 407,876,099 
 
 14,722,541 
 
 3,197 
 
 II 
 
 
 91,165,680 
 
 I 
 
 537 
 
 29,763 
 
 139 
 
 63,367,227 
 
 2,739.282 
 
 2,129 
 
 9 
 
 
 860,877,354 
 
 796 
 
 3,008 
 
 143,807 
 
 125 
 
 358,758,603 
 
 12,750,585 
 
 2,495 
 
 8 
 
 
 301,858,474 
 
 543 
 
 1,327 
 
 93,896 
 
 136 
 
 136,385,173 
 
 6,704,444 
 
 1,453 
 
 7 
 
 
 SJS.mAl't 
 
 102 
 
 2,752 
 
 76,208 
 
 158 
 
 96,133,290 
 
 6,405,561 
 
 1,261 
 
 a 
 
 
 131,128,186 
 
 50 
 
 544 
 
 46,760 
 
 97 
 
 54,861,748 
 
 2,284,557 
 
 1,173 
 
 4 
 
 
 n6,59! = 58o 
 
 2 
 
 1,132 
 
 34,089 
 
 129 
 
 51,872,446 
 
 2,891,371 
 
 1,521 
 
 8 
 
 
 110,000,000 
 
 
 395 
 
 14,805 
 
 185 
 
 16,657,567 
 
 1,172,869 
 
 1. 125 
 
 7 
 
 
 87,500,000 
 
 2 
 
 826 
 
 20,177 
 
 4,4^6 
 
 28,528,563 
 
 1,641,568 
 
 1.414 
 
 8 
 
 
 165,000,000 
 
 
 22 
 
 872 
 
 3,874,081 
 
 103,483 
 
 4,443 
 
 II 
 
 
 20,000,000 
 
 
 
 157 
 
 184 
 
 161,948 
 
 15,981 
 
 1,031 
 
 10 
 
 
 7,775,000 
 
 
 
 1,164 
 
 372 
 
 2,849,170 
 
 183,423 
 
 2,448 
 
 15 
 
 
 2,350,000 
 
 
 
 
 
 • • 
 
 
 
 
 
 5,800,322,679 
 
 4,120 
 
 19.657 
 
 874,929 
 
 124« 
 
 2,150,238,636 
 
 85,039.545 
 
 2.457 
 
 97 
 
 
 £1,208,400,558 
 
 
 
 
 
 £447,966,382 
 
 £17,716,571 
 
 £511 
 
 £v 
 
 
 530,994,897 
 
 189 
 
 1,525 
 
 77.013 
 
 340 
 
 216,401,543 
 
 7,021,772 
 
 2,810 
 
 9 
 
 
 30,466,924 
 
 14 
 
 117 
 
 6,063 
 
 158 
 
 18,880,031 
 
 510,279 
 
 3,114 
 
 8 
 
 
 261,243,660 
 
 191 
 
 833 
 
 21,860 
 
 212 
 
 87,178,545 
 67,891,766 
 
 2,463,443 
 
 3,988 
 
 II 
 
 
 239>''03,372 
 
 14 
 
 770 
 
 56,963 
 29,697 
 
 359 
 
 3,931,532 
 
 1,492 
 
 6 
 
 
 303,4,4,240 
 
 S3 
 
 807 
 
 541 
 
 82,431,684 
 
 4,136,354 
 
 2.751 
 
 13 
 
 
 500,000,000 
 
 28 
 
 1,241 
 
 51,759 
 
 441 
 
 95.753,445 
 
 5.894.150 
 
 1,850 
 
 II 
 
 
 411,000,198 
 
 487 
 
 458 
 
 74,777 
 
 227 
 
 155,121,262 
 
 5,169,039 
 
 2,073 
 
 6 
 
 
 321,776.810 
 
 
 1,062 
 
 72.735 
 
 261 
 
 97,851,212 
 
 5,360,210 
 
 I.M5 
 
 7 
 
 
 270,425,000 
 
 25 
 
 419 
 
 13,422 
 
 372 
 
 75,814,398 
 
 11,576,938 
 
 5,648 
 
 ae 
 
 
 251,525,000 
 
 
 355 
 
 33.960 
 
 309 
 
 54,738,634 
 
 5,762,027 
 5,125,663 
 
 1,612 
 
 17 
 
 
 279,233,027 
 
 5^ 
 
 798 
 
 41,946 
 
 l^ 
 
 64,323,224 
 
 1.533 
 
 J2 
 
 
 2ii.948,7il 
 
 
 723 
 
 54,458 
 
 63 .225,543 
 
 J. 981, 525 
 
 1,161 
 
 7 
 
 
 64,240,726 
 
 
 38 
 
 17,758 
 
 146 
 
 15,265,245 
 
 1,601,296 
 
 860 
 
 9 
 
 
 49,461,461 
 
 
 289 
 
 4,304 
 
 371 
 
 6,323,109 
 
 658,795 
 
 1,469 
 
 15 
 
 
 240,000,000 
 
 
 284 
 
 12,198 
 
 942 
 
 16,550,008 
 
 2,151,704 
 
 1,357 
 
 17 
 
 
 J. 977, 354. 046 
 
 1,053 
 
 9.729 
 
 568,9x3 
 
 315= 
 
 1,117,749,649 
 
 65.345.627 
 
 1.875* 
 
 9« 
 
 
 £828,615,4261 
 
 
 
 
 
 £232,864,510 
 
 £13,613,672 
 
 £390 
 
 f2( 
 
 • These fignres are inclusive of slaves, worth about ^2,464,000,000, or £513,333,330; say 3,52C 
 at ^700 each, ^ Exclusive of California, Oregon, Minnesota and Kansas. 
 
 3 Exclusive of Texas. * Exclusive of Louisiana. 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 365 
 
 
 AamctTLTURAL Statistics. 
 
 
 
 
 
 FOR 1850, (being the latest complete Beturos published). 
 
 
 Bushels 
 
 of 
 
 ■Wheat 
 
 Produced. 
 
 Bushels 
 
 of 
 
 Oats 
 
 Produced. 
 
 Bushels of 
 Indian Cora 
 Produced. 
 
 Pounds of 
 Butter and 
 
 Cheese 
 Produced.; 
 
 Pounds of 
 Tobacco 
 Produced. 
 
 Tons of 
 
 Hay 
 
 Produced. 
 
 Pounds of 
 
 Wool 
 Produced. 
 
 
 25 
 
 26 
 
 27 
 
 28 
 
 29 
 
 30 
 
 31 
 
 
 13,121,498 
 
 26,552,814 
 
 17,858,400 
 
 129,507,507 
 
 83,189 
 138,246 
 
 3,728,797 
 
 10,071,301 
 
 
 31, 2n 
 
 1,165,146 
 
 2.345,49° 
 1,573.670 
 
 15,159.512 
 
 651,807 
 
 585,136 
 
 
 185,658 
 
 973,381 
 
 10,173,619 
 
 50 
 
 598,854 
 
 1,108,476 
 
 
 1,601,190 
 
 41,762 
 
 3,378,063 
 
 8,759.704 
 
 9,852,966 
 
 310 
 
 435,950 
 
 375.396 
 
 
 1,258,738 
 
 1,935,043 
 
 11,861,396 
 
 1,267,624 
 
 516,131 
 
 497,454 
 
 
 49 
 
 215,232 
 
 539, 2°I 
 
 1,312,178 
 
 
 74.418 
 
 129,692 
 
 
 15,367,691 
 
 21,538,156 
 
 19,835,214 
 2,032,396 
 
 42.383,452 
 
 912,651 
 
 1,842,970 
 
 4,481,570 
 
 
 535,955 
 
 2.307,734 
 
 20,858,814 
 
 . 
 
 866,153 
 
 3.400,717 
 
 
 14,487,351 
 
 13,472.742 
 
 59,078,695 
 
 55,268,921 
 
 10,454,449 
 
 1,443,142 
 
 10,196,371 
 
 
 6.214,458 
 
 5,655,°I4 
 
 52.964,363 
 
 13,506,099 
 
 1,044,620 
 
 403,230 
 
 2,610,287 
 
 
 9.414,575 
 
 10,087,241 
 
 57.646,984 
 
 13,804,768 
 
 841.394 
 
 601,952 
 
 2,150,113 
 
 
 296,259 
 
 2,181,037 
 
 1,750,056 
 
 11,678,265 
 
 
 755.889 
 
 1,364,034 
 
 
 4,925,889 
 
 2,866,056 
 
 5,641,420 
 
 8,077.390 
 
 ' {.MS 
 
 404.934 
 
 2,043,28s 
 
 
 i,5!0,58l 
 
 1,524,345 
 
 8,656,799 
 
 2,381,028 
 
 6,041 
 
 89,055 
 
 373,898 
 
 
 4,286,131 
 
 3.414,672 
 
 1,988,979 
 
 4,034.033 
 
 1,268 
 
 275,662 
 
 253.963 
 
 
 17,228 
 
 
 12,236 
 
 855 
 
 1,000 
 
 2,038 
 
 5.520 
 
 
 1,401 
 
 30^582 
 
 16,725 
 
 
 
 
 85 
 
 
 211,943 
 
 61,214 
 
 2,918 
 
 . . 
 
 '■525 
 
 . . 
 
 29,686 
 
 
 72,270,830 
 
 96,682,167 
 
 242,636,293 
 
 349,860,803 
 
 14,752,412 
 
 12,690,982 
 
 39,676,982 
 
 
 
 
 
 Bales of 
 
 
 Pounds of 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Cotton 
 
 
 Pace 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Produced, 
 
 
 Produced. 
 
 
 
 11,212,616 
 
 10,179,144 
 
 35,254,319 
 
 3.947 
 
 56,803,227 
 
 17,154 
 
 2,860,765 
 
 
 482,511 
 
 604,518 
 
 3,145,542 
 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 57.768 
 
 
 4,494,680 
 
 2,242,151 
 
 10,749,858 
 
 , 
 
 21,407,497 
 
 
 477.438 
 
 
 2,130,102 
 
 4,052,07a 
 
 27,941,051 
 16,271,454 
 
 50,545 
 
 11,984,786 
 
 5,465^868 
 
 970,738 
 
 
 1,066,277 
 
 2,322,155 
 
 300,901 
 
 74,285 
 
 159,930,613 
 
 487,233 
 
 
 1,088,534 
 
 3,820,044 
 
 30,080,099 
 
 499.091 
 
 423,924 
 
 38,950,691 
 
 990,019 
 
 
 2,142,822 
 
 8,201,311 
 
 58,672,591 
 
 758 
 
 55,501,196 
 
 5,688 
 
 2,297.433 
 
 
 1,619,386 
 
 7,703,086 
 
 52,276,223 
 10,266,373 
 
 194,532 
 
 20,148,932 
 
 258,854 
 
 1,364,378 
 
 
 417 
 
 89,637 
 
 178,737 
 
 26,878 
 
 4.425,349 
 
 109,897 
 
 
 137,990 
 
 1,503,288 
 
 22,446,551 
 
 484,292 
 
 49,960 
 164,990 
 
 2.^719,856 
 
 559.619 
 
 
 294,044 
 
 2,965,696 
 
 28,754,048 
 
 564.429 
 
 2,312,252 
 
 657,118 
 
 
 2,981,652 
 
 5,278.079 
 
 36,214,537 
 
 
 17,113,784 
 218,936 
 
 700 
 
 1,627,164 
 
 
 199,639 
 
 656,183 
 
 8,893.939 
 
 '65,'344 
 
 63,179 
 
 182,595 
 
 
 1,027 
 
 66,586 
 
 1,996,809 
 6,028,876 
 
 45,131 
 
 1,075,090 
 
 23,247 
 
 
 41,729 
 
 199,017 
 
 58,072 
 
 88,203 
 
 131,917 
 
 
 27,893,426 
 
 49,832,973 
 
 348,992.271 
 
 '.445,779 
 
 184,983,906 
 
 215,313,497 
 
 12,797,329 
 
 The total amount of butter and cheese produced in the Slave States in 1860 was 
 68,634,2:14 lbs.; and the total amount of hay, 1,137,784 tons. 
 
 2 
 
366 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Statistics of Domestk 
 
 STATISTICS OF DOMESTIC 
 
 COTTOH. 
 
 Invested. 
 
 Bales of 
 
 Cotton 
 
 Consumed. 
 
 Value 
 of all Raw 
 Material 
 
 Value 
 of Entire 
 Products. 
 
 Capital 
 Invested. 
 
 Wool Used, 
 lbs. 
 
 Value 
 of Raw 
 Material 
 
 32 
 
 4,i';6,92o 
 
 28.455,630 
 
 10,950,500 
 
 1,483,500 
 
 4,219,100 
 
 6,675,000 
 
 4,528,925 
 
 202,500 
 
 297,000 
 
 43,000 
 
 3,329,700 
 
 33 
 
 37,778 
 223,607 
 83,026 
 14,437 
 39,483 
 50,713 
 44,162 
 
 2,M3 
 
 4,270 
 675 
 
 31,531 
 
 34 
 
 1.985,973 
 11,289,309 
 4,839,429 
 666,645 
 2,500,062 
 
 3,484,579 
 
 3,152.530 
 
 114,415 
 
 237,060 
 
 28,220 
 
 1, 573, no 
 
 35 
 
 3,591.989 
 
 19,712,461 
 
 8,830,619 
 
 1,109,524 
 
 4,257,522 
 
 6,447,120 
 
 5,322,262 
 
 196,100 
 
 394,700 
 
 44,200 
 
 2.596.356 
 
 33 
 
 4,459.370 
 
 9,089,342 
 
 2,437,700 
 
 494,274 
 
 3,773,950 
 
 1,013,000 
 
 3,005,064 
 
 886,300 
 
 870,220 
 
 171,545 
 154,500 
 467,600 
 94,000 
 10,000 
 31,225 
 
 37 
 
 12,538,786 
 22,229,952 
 3,604,103 
 1,510,289 
 9,414,100 
 4,103,370 
 7,560,379 
 2,328,100 
 1,657,726 
 
 413,350 
 
 396,964 
 1,438,434 
 
 162,250 
 14,500 
 
 134,200 
 
 38 
 
 3,838,25 
 8,671,67 
 1,267,32 
 548, 3e 
 3,325,7c 
 
 1,463, 9<: 
 3,282,71 
 830,68 
 578,42 
 120,48 
 115,36 
 495.94 
 43,40 
 3,50 
 32.63 
 
 64,361,77s 
 
 £13,408,703 
 
 531,92s 
 
 29,871.332 
 
 52,502,853 
 
 26,958,090 
 
 67,506,503 
 
 366,223,194 £10,938,094 £5,616,268 
 
 24,618,611 
 £5,128,871 
 
 1,908,900 
 460,100 
 
 2,321,000 
 
 1.058,800 
 857,200 
 
 1,736,156 
 239,000 
 669,600 
 
 38,000 
 651,900 
 
 102,000 
 16,500 
 80,000 
 
 17.785 
 4,730 
 24,28; 
 13,617 
 
 9,929 
 20,230 
 3,760 
 6.411 
 
 430 
 5,208 
 2,160 
 
 170 
 
 6do 
 
 828,375 
 312,068 
 [,232,579 
 531.903 
 295,971 
 900,419 
 180,907 
 297,500 
 
 21,500 
 237,081 
 86,446 
 8,975 
 30,000 
 
 1,486,384 
 538,439 
 
 2,220,504 
 831,342 
 748,338 
 
 1,135,044 
 273,439 
 510.624 
 
 30,500 
 
 382,260 
 
 142,900 
 
 16,637 
 
 49,920 
 
 392,640 
 
 148,500 
 
 244,000 
 
 18,000 
 
 68,000 
 
 249,820 
 
 10,900 
 
 8,000 
 
 :,5;4,"o 
 
 393,000 
 
 430,300 
 
 30,000 
 
 153,816 
 
 673,900 
 
 6,200 
 
 80,000 
 
 488, 89< 
 
 204, 17; 
 
 165,568 
 
 13,95c 
 
 30,392 
 205,287 
 
 1.675 
 
 16,000 
 
 10,139,156 
 £2,112,324 
 
 109,31s 
 
 4,963.724 
 £1,034,109 
 
 9,366,331 
 £1,951,318 
 
 1,159,860 
 £241,637 
 
 3,351,326 
 
 1.135,943 
 
 £236,654 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 367 
 
 MANUFACTtTBES, 1850. 
 
 MAmjFACTUKEB, 1850. 
 
 
 lEOH. 
 
 MAlTUFACrmiES OP ALL KlHCS. 
 
 Value 
 of Entire 
 Products. 
 
 Capital 
 Invested. 
 
 Value 
 of Eaw 
 Material. 
 
 Value 
 of Entire 
 Products. 
 
 Hands 
 Employed. 
 
 Capital 
 Invested. 
 
 Value 
 of Annual 
 Products. 
 
 $ 
 
 $ 
 
 f 
 
 $ 
 
 
 $ 
 
 f 
 
 39 
 
 40 
 
 41 
 
 42 
 
 43 
 
 44 
 
 45 
 
 T,ojo,6o4 
 
 6,358,782 
 
 3,553,109 
 
 7,943,868 
 
 199,349 
 
 99.904,405 
 83,357,042 
 
 237.597,249 
 
 12,770.565 
 
 2,578,350 
 
 1,464,839 
 
 2.959,078 
 
 165,938 
 
 151,137,145 
 
 2.127.74! 
 
 238.700 
 
 187,560 
 
 388,110 
 
 27,092 
 
 18,242,114 
 
 23,164,503 
 
 1,164,446 
 
 2,577,095 
 
 954,705 
 
 1,876,247 
 
 37.311 
 
 22,184,730 
 
 39.713,586 
 
 6,465,216 
 
 I, 335,900 
 
 999,374 
 
 2,064,560 
 
 47.770 
 
 23.890,348 
 
 45,110,102 
 
 2,381,825 
 
 636,800 
 
 370,017 
 
 951,105 
 
 20,881 
 
 12,923,176 
 
 22,093,258 
 
 5,321,866 
 
 19, 61;, 415 
 
 11, 59!, 285 
 
 20,329,301 
 
 146,766 
 
 94,473,810 
 
 155,044,910 
 
 I. 579. 161 
 
 357.920 
 
 266,972 
 
 692,817 
 
 8,445 
 
 5.001,377 
 
 8,570,920 
 
 1,111,027 
 
 4,187,450 
 
 2,434,320 
 
 5.401,392 
 
 51,489 
 
 29,019,538 
 
 62,647,259 
 
 205,802 
 
 171,900 
 
 95.743 
 
 219,190 
 
 14,342 
 
 7,941,602 
 
 18,922,651 
 
 206,572 
 
 325,400 
 
 187,830 
 
 511.385 
 
 12,065 
 
 6,385,387 
 
 17,236,073 
 
 nS3,300 
 
 364,100 
 
 127,509 
 
 301,616 
 
 28,078 
 
 14,700,452 
 6,534,250 
 
 24,664,135 
 
 90,242 
 
 210,450 
 
 105,865 
 
 300,697 
 
 9,290 
 
 10,976,894 
 
 13,000 
 
 5.500 
 
 2,524 
 
 8,500 
 
 1,707 
 
 1,292,875 
 
 3,551,783 
 
 87.991 
 
 131,350 
 
 95,180 
 
 243,195 
 
 6,089 
 
 3.382,148 
 
 9,293,068 
 
 
 5,000 
 
 8,530 
 
 20,740 
 
 3,964 
 
 1,006,197 
 
 12,862,522 
 
 41,309,363 
 
 39,098,110 
 
 22,447,362 
 
 44.211,801 
 
 780,576 
 
 430,240,051 
 
 842,586,058 
 
 £8,606,117 
 
 £8,145,439 
 
 £4,676,533 
 
 £9,210,791 
 
 • • 
 
 £89,633,343 
 
 £175,538,762 
 
 841,013 
 
 1,776,171 
 
 1,046,769 
 
 2,451,335 
 
 29,109 
 
 18,109,993 
 
 29,705,387 
 
 251,010 
 
 388,500 
 
 173.352 
 
 322,462 
 
 3,888 
 
 2.978,945 
 
 4,649.296 
 
 295,140 
 
 2,57J,75o 
 
 1,277.526 
 
 2,554,527 
 
 30.124 
 
 14.753.143 
 
 32.477.702 
 
 23.750 
 
 139,500 
 
 64,35s 
 
 92,347 
 
 12,444 
 
 7,252.225 
 
 9,111,245 
 
 
 185,700 
 
 29,123 
 
 87,683 
 
 7,009 
 
 6,056,865 
 
 7,063,513 
 
 87.750 
 
 70,200 
 
 
 118,884 
 
 8,378 
 
 5,460,483 
 
 7,086,525 
 
 318,819 
 
 1,602,900 
 
 7361485 
 
 1,648,053 
 
 24,385 
 
 12,350,734 
 
 24,588,483 
 
 6,310 
 
 1,915,950 
 
 730,551 
 
 1,611,043 
 
 12,032 
 
 6,975,279 
 
 9,728,438 
 
 
 255,000 
 
 75,300 
 
 312,500 
 
 6,437 
 
 5,318,074 
 
 7,320,94a 
 
 , 
 
 100,000 
 
 50.370 
 
 117,400 
 
 J, 173 
 
 1,883,420 
 3,450,606 
 
 2,972,038 
 
 . 
 
 230,125 
 
 111,855 
 
 301,126 
 
 16,850 
 
 4.538,878 
 
 56,000 
 
 848,100 
 
 254,990 
 
 719,795 
 
 9.079.695 
 324,065 
 
 23,749,265 
 607,436 
 
 , 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 903 
 
 
 
 , , 
 
 . 
 
 1.^6 
 
 547,060 
 
 668,338 
 
 15,000 
 
 16,000 
 
 8,400 
 
 55,000 
 
 539.290 
 
 1,165,538 
 
 1,894,792 
 
 10,101,896 
 
 4,559,081 
 
 10,392,155 
 
 161,725 
 
 95,029,877 
 
 165.433,030 
 
 £394,748 
 
 £2,104,561 
 
 £948,808 
 
 £2,165,032 
 
 
 ^19,797.891 
 
 £34,465,214 
 
368 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 
 
 
 Commerce, 
 
 1859; 
 
 Baneb, 1861. 
 
 
 
 COMMEECB, 1869. 
 
 BANKS, 
 Dates nearest to January 1, 1861. 
 
 
 
 
 
 No. of 
 
 
 
 Loans 
 
 
 Tomiage. 
 
 Exports. 
 
 Imports. 
 
 Banks 
 
 and 
 
 Branches 
 
 Capital. 
 
 Deposits. 
 
 and 
 Discounts. 
 
 
 No. 
 
 f 
 
 $ 
 
 
 f 
 
 $ 
 
 f 
 
 
 46 
 
 47 
 
 • 48 
 
 49 
 
 50 
 
 51 
 
 58 
 
 
 1,628,651 
 
 "7.539.825 
 
 229,i8r,349 
 
 303 
 
 111,441,320 
 
 104,070,273 
 
 200,351,332 
 
 
 829, 0J3 
 
 18,158,818 
 
 43,184,500 
 
 174 
 
 64,519,200 
 
 27,804.699 
 
 107,417,323 
 
 
 34>485 
 119,61s 
 
 9.793 
 
 23,227 
 
 52 
 
 5,016,000 
 
 1,187,991 
 
 8,591,688 
 
 
 21,938 
 
 5,046 
 
 49 
 
 7,884,412 
 
 5,741,46s 
 
 14,909,174 
 
 
 115,786 
 
 1,144.311 
 
 491,067 
 
 74 
 
 21,512,175 
 
 5,574,900 
 
 27,856,785 
 
 
 40.471 
 
 310,813 
 
 1,819,068 
 
 91 
 
 20,865,569 
 
 3,553.104 
 
 26,719,877 
 
 
 284,743 
 
 5.375,226 
 
 14,520,331 
 
 90 
 
 25,565,582 
 
 26,167,843 
 
 50,327,157 
 
 
 7,633 
 
 1,136,565 
 
 1,802,668 
 
 46 
 
 4,029,240 
 
 787.834 
 
 5,946,523 
 
 
 125,057 
 
 263,011 
 
 267,846 
 
 52 
 
 6,890,839 
 
 4,039,614 
 
 11,100,462 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 
 37 
 
 4,343,210 
 
 1,700,479 
 
 7,675,861 
 
 
 73,485 
 
 1,269,385 
 
 ■931588 
 
 74 
 
 5,251.225 
 
 697,037 
 
 387,229 
 
 
 739,845 
 
 3,240,839 
 
 2,157,086 
 
 58 
 
 7,506,890 
 755,455 
 
 2,411,022 
 
 12,654,794 
 
 
 74>37o 
 
 3,624,624 
 
 1,067,339 
 
 4 
 
 375,397 
 
 892,949 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 12 
 
 460,450 
 
 527,378 
 
 724,228 
 
 
 24 > 864 
 
 699,088 
 
 28,945 
 
 108 
 
 7,520,000 
 
 3,085,813 
 
 7,592,361 
 
 
 80,650 
 
 15,919,188 
 
 11,163,558 
 
 • 
 
 No returns. 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 No returns. 
 
 
 "7,166 
 
 5,000 
 
 ' 2)097 
 
 , 
 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 
 
 • • 
 
 
 
 I 
 
 52,000 
 
 2,695 
 
 48,256 
 
 
 4.185,855 
 
 168,718,424 
 
 305,807,716 
 
 1,235 
 
 293,713,578 
 
 187,727.544 
 
 484,195,999 
 
 
 • • 
 
 £3S,H9fin 
 
 £63,709,940 
 
 • • 
 
 £61,190,328 
 
 £39.109,905 
 
 £108,874,166 
 
 
 84,496 
 
 6,722,162 
 
 I,ti6,i93 
 
 65 
 
 16,005,156 
 
 7,729,652 
 
 24,975,792 
 
 
 22,9J9 
 
 49.511 
 
 529 
 
 12 
 
 i,64o,7j5 
 12,568,962 
 
 976,226 
 
 3.150,215 
 
 
 251,000 
 
 9.236,399 
 
 9,713,921 
 
 31 
 
 8,874,180 
 
 20,898,762 
 
 
 42,918 
 
 435,409 
 
 168,645 
 
 30 
 
 6,626,478 
 
 1.487,273 
 
 12,213,272 
 
 
 62,567 
 
 17,972,580 
 
 1,438,535 
 624,645 
 
 20 
 
 14,962,062 
 16,689,560 
 
 4,165,515 
 
 27,801,912 
 
 
 40,478 
 
 15,562,154 
 
 29 
 
 4,738,289 
 
 16,776,282 
 
 
 29,626 
 
 . 
 
 . 
 
 45 
 
 12,835,670 
 
 5,562,892 
 
 25,284,869 
 
 
 13,046 
 
 
 
 34 
 
 8,067,037 
 
 4,324,799 
 
 11,751,019 
 
 
 219,881 
 
 101,666,538 
 
 18,349,515 
 
 13 
 
 24,496,865 
 
 19,777,812 
 
 35,401,609 
 
 
 3.194 
 
 
 
 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 
 
 52,821 
 
 28,933,662 
 
 778,164 
 
 8 
 
 4,901,000 
 
 4,851.153 
 
 13,570,027 
 
 
 60.759 
 
 
 
 38 
 
 ' 9,082,951 
 No returns. 
 
 3,357,176 
 
 No returns. 
 
 15,461,192 
 No returns. 
 
 
 20,209 
 
 3,192,362 
 
 286,971 
 
 2 
 
 300,000 
 
 129,518 
 
 464,630 
 
 
 12,187 
 
 3,855,909 
 
 468,162 
 
 • • 
 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 
 No returns. 
 
 
 916,121 
 
 187,626,686 
 
 32,945,281 
 
 327 
 
 128,176,517 
 
 66,074,585 
 
 207,749,581 
 
 
 • • 
 
 £39,088,892 
 
 £5,863,600 
 
 • • 
 
 £26,703,441 
 
 £13,765,538 
 
 £43,281,162 
 
APPENBIX. 
 
 369 
 
 THE TERRITORIES. 
 
 In addition to the States above particularized, there are eight districts of land 
 
 known by the generic name of " The TeiTitories," which will be fititled to admis- 
 
 • sion into the Union as soon as they attain the population necesraiy for one repre- 
 
 sentative in Congress, These Tenitories are as follows ; — 
 
 ; 
 
 
 Absa. 
 
 POPHLATIOK, 1860. 
 
 
 Free. 
 
 Slave. 
 
 Total 
 
 Coloi-ado 
 
 Dakotah 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 Neveda 
 
 185,000 
 135,000 
 283,000 
 175,000 
 
 256,000 
 
 187,000 
 123,000 
 
 34,197 
 4,839 
 
 28,832 
 6,857 
 
 93,517 
 
 40,266 
 11,578 
 
 N 
 
 10 
 
 24 
 29 
 
 34,197 
 4,839 
 
 28,842 
 6 857 
 
 New Mexico .... \ 
 Arizona.. J 
 
 Utah 
 
 93,541 
 40 295 
 
 Washington 
 
 11,578 
 
 Total .. .. 
 
 Add:— 
 Free States 
 
 Slave States 
 
 District of Columbia , . 
 
 1,344,000 
 
 993,684 
 
 851 ,448 
 
 60 
 
 220,086 
 
 18,904,619 
 
 8,280,490 
 
 71,895 
 
 63 
 
 3,949,557 
 3,181 
 
 220,149 
 
 18,904,619 
 
 12,230,047 
 
 75,076 
 
 Total Area and Popula-1 
 tion of the United} 
 States j 
 
 3,189,192 
 
 27,477,090 
 
 3,952,801 
 
 31,429,891 
 
370 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 CENSUS OF THE UNITED STATES, 1850 and 1860. 
 
 When Chapter I.- of Part III. was being written the official Eetums of Population 
 were not published,i and the figures there given were compiled from the Eetums of 
 the separate States, but since then the Federal Census Department at Washington 
 has issued its official, statenaent. We have divided the document into three por- 
 tions, in order to show at a glance the relative populations of the North, Border, 
 and Southern States: — 
 t 
 FREE STATES AND TEERITOEIES. 
 
 
 I860. 
 
 1860. 
 
 
 380,015 
 
 460,151 
 
 1,711,753 
 
 1,350,479 
 
 674,948 
 
 107,110 
 
 628,276 
 
 1,231,065 
 
 749,112 
 
 162,122 
 
 326,072 
 
 672,031 
 
 3,887,542 
 
 2,339,599 
 
 52,464 
 
 2,906,370 
 
 174,621 
 
 315,116 
 
 775,873 
 
 34,197 
 
 4,839 
 
 28,842t 
 
 6,8.57 
 93,541]: 
 40,295§ 
 11,578 
 
 92,597 
 
 Connecticut 
 
 370,792 
 851,470 
 
 Indiana 
 
 Iowa 
 
 988,416 
 192,214 
 
 Maine 
 
 583 169 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 994 514 
 
 Michigan 
 
 397 654 
 
 
 6,077 
 
 New Hampshire 
 
 New Jersey 
 
 317,976 
 ■489,555* 
 3,097,394 
 
 Ohio 
 
 1 980 329 
 
 Oregon 
 
 13 324 
 
 
 2,311,786 
 
 Rhode Island 
 
 147,545 
 
 Vermont 
 
 314 120 
 
 
 305,391 
 
 Colorado Territory 
 
 Dakotah „ 
 
 Nebraska „ 
 
 
 Neveda ,, 
 
 
 New Mexico „ 
 
 61,547 
 
 Utah „ 
 
 11,38011 
 
 Washington „ 
 
 
 
 Total 
 
 19,124,86811 
 
 13,527,250** 
 
 236 slaves. \ 10 slaves. % 24 slaves. § 29 slaves. 
 
 II 26 slaves. ^ Inclusive of 63 slaves. ** Inclusive of 262 slaves. 
 
APPKNDIX. 
 BORDER SLAVE STATES. 
 
 371 
 
 
 I860. 
 
 1850. 
 
 
 Free. 
 
 Slave. 
 
 Free. 
 
 Slave. 
 
 *Arkansas . . . . 
 
 324,323 
 
 111,104 
 
 162,797 
 
 47,100 
 
 Delaware .. .. 
 
 110,420 
 
 1,798 
 
 89,242 
 
 2,290 
 
 Kentucky .. .. 
 
 930,223 
 
 225,490 
 
 771,424 
 
 210,981 
 
 Maryland .. .. 
 
 599,846 
 
 87,188 
 
 492,666 
 
 90,368 
 
 Missouri . . . . 
 
 1,058,352 
 
 114,965 
 
 594,622 
 
 87,422 
 
 *Noi-tli Cai-olina 
 
 661,586 
 
 331,081 
 
 580,491 
 
 288,548 
 
 Tennessee .. .. 
 
 834,063 
 
 275,784 
 
 763,258 
 
 239,459 
 
 *Virginia . . . . 
 
 1,105,196 
 
 490,887 
 
 949,133 
 
 472,528 
 
 District of CoO 
 Inmbia .. ../ 
 
 71,895 
 
 3,181 
 
 48,000 
 
 3,687 
 
 Total .. 
 
 5,695,904 
 
 1,641,478 
 
 4,451,633 
 
 1,442,383 
 
 SOUTHERN, OR SECEDING, SLAVE STATES. 
 
 Alabama . . . . 
 Florida .. .. 
 Georgia . . . . 
 Louisiana .. .. 
 Mississippi 
 South Carolina 
 Texas 
 
 529,164 
 78,686 
 595,097 
 376,913 
 354,699 
 301,271 
 420,651 
 
 435,132 
 61,753 
 462,230 
 332,520 
 436,696 
 402,541 
 180,388 
 
 428,779 
 48,135 
 524,503 
 272,953 
 296,648 
 283,523 
 154,431 
 
 342,844 
 39,310 
 381,682 
 244,809 
 309,878 
 384,984 
 58,161 
 
 Total .. 
 
 2,656,481 
 
 2,311,260 
 
 2,008,972 
 
 1,761,668 
 
 Grand Total ofl 
 United States J 
 
 27,477,020 
 
 3,952,801 
 
 19,987,593 
 
 3,204,313 
 
 * These States have joined the " Southern Confederacy " since its first forma- 
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