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The original of tliis book is in 
 tlie Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924030483519 
 
The Princeton University Library adds to its publica- 
 tions on American History a book on "The Federalist 
 Party in Massachusetts to the Year 1800," by Dr. Anson 
 Ely Morse, now professor in Marietta College and for- 
 merly fellow at Princeton. The work was prepared as 
 doctor's thesis, but has been extended by an immense 
 quantity of notes and a dozen appendices, many of which 
 amount in themselves to short monographs and which are 
 crammed with references to contemporary newspapers 
 and other sources. 
 
 It is written in a distinctly vivid style for a work of 
 this character, and the explanatory matter is relegated 
 to the very full notes. It is not only a contribution to 
 the political history of the period, but it is a brilliant 
 contribution to the culture history of the time. The allu- 
 sions, and the quotations in the notes supporting these 
 allusions, give a far more clear and interesting picture 
 of the times than the intentionally popular books on the 
 manners of the times, while the bibliography and the 
 references in the notes make the book indispensable to 
 every serious student of the political or of the social his- 
 tory of the times. Published by the Princeton University 
 Library. Price, $2.00 net. 
 
The 
 
 Federali^ Party in Massachusetts 
 
 to the Year 1800 
 
 BY 
 
 ANSON ELY MORSE, Ph. D. 
 
 Associate Piofessor of History in Marietta 
 College and sometime Fellow in Princeton 
 University %C( %c %t/ %e/ %e. %e< 
 
 PRINCETON : 
 
 The University Library 
 1909 
 
5' gfa - 
 
 A.3.A-\17^ 
 
 Press of 
 HAZLETT, HARRISON & CO. 
 Trenton, N. J. 
 1909 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Preface 3 
 
 Chapter I. The Social Background 5 
 
 Chapter II. Political Parties and Conditions in 
 
 Massachusetts, 1775-1780 11 
 
 Chapter III. The Parties of Hancock and Bow- 
 
 doin. Shays ' Eebellion 26 
 
 Chapter IV. The Adoption of the Federal Con- . 
 stitution in Massachusett.s 40 
 
 Chapter V. The Triumph of Hancock, 1788 to 
 
 1793 54 
 
 Chapter VI. The French Eevolution as viewed 
 
 by the People in Massachusetts '..... 67 
 
 Chapter VII. The French Eevolution as 
 
 viewed by the Clergy in Massachusetts ... 88 
 
 Chapter VIII. The Political Power of the 
 
 Clergy 116 
 
 Chapter IX. The Grrowth of the Federalist 
 
 Party in Massachusetts, 1793 to 1796 140 
 
 Chapter X. The Clergy and the Democrats. . . 163 
 
 Chapter XI. The Triumph of the Federalist 
 
 Party, 1796 to 1800 174 
 
 Chapter XII. Bibliography 189 
 
Appendix A. Commotions before Sliay's Re- 
 bellion 206 
 
 Appendix B. Shays' Eebellion 207 
 
 Appendix C. The Election of 1787 209 
 
 Appendix D. The Aftermath of Shay's Eebel- 
 lion 211 
 
 Appendix E. Hancock 's Bargain with the Fed- 
 eralists 212 
 
 Appendix F. The Treatment of Lincoln by 
 
 Hancock 214 
 
 Appendix G. Civic Feasts and Other Extrava- 
 gances 215 
 
 Appendix H. Sermons Descanting on the Lack 
 
 of Eeligion 216 
 
 Appendix I. The Attacks upon Paine and the 
 
 Age of Eeason 217 
 
 Appendix J. Influences of the Clergy in New 
 
 England 219 
 
 Appendix K. Democratic Attacks upon the 
 
 Clergy 220 
 
 Appendix L. Alarm over Eeligion in New 
 
 England 221 
 
 Appendix M. Eepublican Attachment to 
 
 France 223 
 
 Appendix N. "Dangers'' to Congregational- 
 ism 22i 
 
 Appendix 0. " Weapons ' ' Against Ecclesiasti- 
 cal Authority 225 
 
 Index 226 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 This Thesis was prepared to complete the require- 
 ments for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy at 
 Princeton University. 
 
 The subject was suggested by the work done in 
 the American History Seminars of Professor F. J. 
 Turner of the University of Wisconsin during the 
 years 1903-4 and 1904-5. While studying the Fed- 
 eralist party in Massachusetts for the years 1816 to 
 1824, the writer was struck by the fact that the 
 strength of that party lay in a great measure in the 
 western half of the state. In as much as a previous 
 srtudy of Shays' Eebellion, for a Master of Arts' 
 Thesis, had shown that section to be the radical 
 democratic portion of the state,^ the questions arose 
 as to when this change had occurred and what was 
 the powerful factor which brought about such an 
 overturn. The answer, as it seems to the writer, is 
 to be found in the following pages. 
 
 Among the many librarians from whom have been 
 received courtesies and facilities for research are 
 those of the Congressional Library, the Pennsylvania 
 Historical Society, the Lenox Library, the Connecti- 
 cut Historical Society, the New England Historic 
 and Genealogical Society, the Boston Public Library, 
 the State Library of Massachusetts, the libraries of 
 Princeton University, the University of Wisconsin 
 and Amherst College, and especially the American 
 Antiquarian Society of Worcester, Massachusetts. 
 
 (1) The writer follows the usage of the time in employing the terms democrat 
 and republican Interchangeably in the foUowijag pages. Abraham Bishop, tha 
 leading democratic politician of Connecticut of the Jeffersonlan period, In his 
 Oration an the Extent and Power of Political Delusion delivered In New 
 Haven, September, 1800, (Philadelphia, 1800) asserts on page 7 (foot note) 
 that he has made use of both words as their significance is exactly the same. 
 The attempt of the federalists to use the epithet, democrat, as a term of 
 reproach for the members of the Republican party was mot very successful. 
 
It is a very great pleasure also to express deep 
 appreciation of tlie critical aid given by Professor 
 E. S. Corwin and Dr. Ernest C. Eichardson of 
 Princeton University and Professor Anson D. Morse 
 of Amherst, Mass., but above all my thanks are due 
 to my wife for her unwearied assistance. 
 
 Anson Ely Moese. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE SOCIAL BACKGEOUND. 
 
 The social development of New England, like its 
 history, was due largely to three principal causes; 
 the homogeneity of the people for nearly two cen- 
 turies, the geographical isolation of the country in 
 which they settled, and most important of all, the 
 intensity of religious enthusiasm and the identity of 
 religious convictions. 
 
 In any investigation of the various phases of the 
 history and development of New England we find 
 that the predominating feature is religion. It per- 
 meated New England life in all its relations, civil as 
 well as personal. The significance and consequence 
 of this feeling cannot be overestimated. It explains 
 in large part the cause for settlement, the early 
 theocratical form of government, the rooted policy 
 of opposition to England, the zeal for education, the 
 growth in isolation, the leadership of the American 
 Eevolution, and the inherent antagonism to the 
 South. 
 
 As the social structure of any people depends 
 largely on its ethnical composition, so the fact that 
 for nearly two centuries the population of Massa- 
 chusetts remained almost purely English, is of great 
 significance. This remarkable homogeneity was due, 
 at first, to the circumstances by reason of which the 
 Pilgrims and Puritans emigrated from England and 
 the purpose for which they exiled themselves to a 
 new country. With the overthrow of the Royalist 
 and the triumph of the Puritan party, the motive 
 for leaving England was gone. The only source of 
 
immigration tlms failing, Massachusetts had to de- 
 pend for development upon the natural increase of 
 her own population.^ Had there not been the vio- 
 lent opposition to immigration on religious grounds, 
 which in itself was effectual— as witness the unfor- 
 tunate intrusion of the Quakers— the harshness of 
 the climate, the barrenness of the soil, and the fact 
 that commerce, until the 18th century, offered noth- 
 ing but ordinary gains, all these, would have ef- 
 fectually deterred the stranger from venturing into 
 the midst of the Puritan zealots.^ Furthermore, New 
 England was large enough for her surplus popula- 
 tion until the Revolution. Connecticut, to be sure, 
 on account of her position, sent not a few of her sons 
 to Long Island and their intrusion into Pennsyl- 
 vania caused serious friction. But as a rule, Massa- 
 chusetts and Connecticut sent their excess to people 
 the New England wilderness. The orthodox settled 
 Western Massachusetts, Vermont, New Hampshire, 
 and Maine, while the unorthodox unsettled Rhode 
 Island." The full settlement of Vermont* was not 
 
 (1) It was only after the Revolution that any considerable infiltration oc- 
 curred. Thus the Hampshire Gazette, February 5, 1794, announces: "As, of 
 late. Strangers have frequently arrived in this part of the country . . The 
 Massachusetts Society for the Information and Advice for Foreigners . . (has been 
 formed at Boston.)" 
 
 (2) He who braved the opposition was coldly received. "In 1663, [at North- 
 ampton] three acres of land were granted to Cornelius the Irishman; provid- 
 ing, however, that he should not 'be capable of acting in any town affairs.' " 
 Dwight: Travels, 1:350. 
 
 (3) "It was said, that, if any man happened to lose his religious opinion, 
 he might be sure to find it again at some village in Rhode Island." HigginsoQ: 
 The Puritan Minister. Atlantic Essays, p. 219. The contempt of orthodox New 
 England for "little Rhody" is well expressed by such terms as "The Sink of 
 New England" and "Rogue Island." Rev. H. Channing to D. Daggett, Lyme, 
 Conn., Sept. 28, 1787: "Rhode Island will reject the proposed constitutioin, for 
 
 the D 1 hath great wrath, knowing that his time is short. They are a 
 
 wretched people & have no prospect of speedy relief, unless there be a union 
 of the other states. In this case I should hope to see them governed." Proc 
 Am. Antlq. Soc. N. S. IV (1885-7) 370. See Remarks on the American Uni- 
 versal Geography. By J. F, [Boston, 1793], who attacks the author's aspersions 
 on the irreliglon and ignornaice of Rhode Island, pp. 40-S. The attitude of 
 Rhode Island during Shays' Rebellion was highly unsatisfactory to the Massa 
 chusetts authorities. See the answer of Gov. Collins to Gov. Bowdolu \m 
 Herald, April 9, 1787. See an attack on Rhode Island In Ibid, May 28, 17S7 * 
 
 (4) "The whole number of inhabitants [of Vermont] Im 1771, must have 
 been about seven thousand." Williams: Vermont, 2d ed. 11:478. In 1781 tha 
 Vermont delegates to Congress said concerning the number of Inhabitants— nroh 
 
 ably with am eye more to making an impressioin than telling the truth •'Wr. 
 
 estimate them at about thirty thousand," Vt. Hist. Soc, Coll. II: les 
 
accomplished until after the Revolution and Maine 
 received her largest access of population after 1800.^ 
 New England, as a whole, had no interests in com- 
 mon with the rest of the colonies except the ties of 
 blood and speech. The struggle for existence and 
 salvation with which she was occupied seemed to 
 concern herself alone. 
 
 Of scarcely less importance in her development 
 was the geographical position of New England. 
 Although its isolation is less marked now by reason 
 of the railroads, it exists and is felt to this day.^ 
 New England was a territory whose trade, of neces- 
 sity, had to be carried on by sea rather than land. 
 Access to the westward was rendered exceedingly 
 difficult by the mountainous character of that part 
 of Massachusetts and Connecticut which borders on 
 the state of New York. Lines of trade ran to the 
 "West Indies, Canada, including Nova Scotia, and to 
 Europe, rather than to the other colonies. 
 
 Thus New England was a geographic as well as an 
 ethnic unit, in which these and other causes con- 
 tributed to isolate her and to evolve manners, morals, 
 habits, interests and speech, not only dissimilar from 
 the rest of the continent, but almost sufficient for the 
 forming of a distinct nation and country. This 
 separateness of character, developing during the 
 course of two centuries, finds its conscious enuncia- 
 tion in the many utterances of leading men,'^ and 
 especially in its rivalry with the South. Indeed the 
 
 (5) This is sliowu by tlie rapid increase in the incorporation of the towns 
 aftHr 1800. Cf. Williamson: Hist, of Maine, passim. 
 
 (6) It has been pointed out by Professor Barrett Wendell, that the demand, 
 especially by Massachusetts, for reciprocity with Canada and Nova Scotia is 
 clearly "due to this isolated geographical position of New England. This fact 
 is recognized by the traveller, Fearsou, who says: "Boston Is not a thriving, 
 I. 0. an Increasing town; It wants a fertile back country, and it is too far 
 removed from tht Western States to be engaged in the supply of that new 
 and vast emporium, except, indeed, with inhabitants, a commodity which, I am 
 informed, they send in nuHibers greater than from any other quarter." Travels, 
 p. lOS. 
 
 (7) Cf. Adams: Documents relating to New Etngland Federalism, passim. 
 Also Austin: Lite of Gerry, 1:174, 178, esp. 291. 
 
idea of the "New England nation" plays a part, by 
 no means unimportant in the various disunion proj- 
 ects until the close of the War of 1812.^ 
 
 From 1775 to 1800, in Massachusetts, the problem 
 of the readjustment of the social structure underlies 
 the political questions and divisions of this moment- 
 ous period. The fundamental interpretation of jDarty 
 activities for these twenty-five years is therefore to 
 be found in the attempt to replace the loss of the 
 Tory party by those conservative elements which, 
 at first, gathered about Bowdoin and the Essex Junto 
 and later became the Federalist party. The growth 
 and triumph of this party is the more remarkable, 
 in as much as it was contemporaneous with, but 
 directly antagonistic to, the tide of democracy then 
 sweeping the country. Moreover this Federalism — 
 while the party existed — became permanently en- 
 trenched in Western Massachusetts, that portion of 
 the state above all possessed by the extremest forms 
 of democracy less than a decade before. 
 
 What then wrought this change, so abiding, that 
 the Federalist party in Massachusetts was enabled to 
 sway the state for a generation, long after the last 
 
 (8) The dislike of Vlrgrlnla, as representing the South, Is constantly crop- 
 ping out. Hampshire Gazette, August 12, 1795. Independent Chronicle. 
 October 2G, December 7, 17£K); January 12, 1797. While the feeling has existed 
 since colonial times, it grew very rapidly after the Bevolution. especially from 
 1800 until after the War of 1812. See address by "Falkland" [Fisher Ames] 
 an a "Separation of the States. And its Consequences to New England." From 
 the Columbian Centinel, quoted In the Hampshire Gazette, Sept. 28, 1808. Ibid, 
 May 5, 1802: "If New England Is to be 'La Vendee of America;' we felicitate our- 
 selves on the fortress, which your state has erected [1. e., the election of Gov, 
 Strong]. ..tlie spirit of domination In Virginia. . .has always existed...! trust 
 the day is not distant when this truth will produce Its proper effects, in pro- 
 moting the union of New England." Ibid, Jala. 27, 1802: "His [Gov. Monroe] 
 account of the Virginia Militia shows... It is not good for much... the Militia 
 of New England Is... well organized, armed and disciplined and... [is ready] to 
 .. .malnt[ain] those rights and liberties they have so often fought and bled 
 for." Sec also Federal Spy, Feb. 23, 1802. Also In the Hampshire Gazette, 
 Oct. 5, 1802, from the Centinel. After a discussion of New York state, whose 
 interests were considered to be identical with New England and "a great 
 majority of [whose] people... are either natives, or immediately descended 
 from New-England..." there is a striking comparison between New England and 
 New York — and the South In population, resources and wealth. The article ends 
 with a most significant parallel drawn between the population of New York and 
 New England at that date, and the white population o( the thirteen colonies in 
 1775, which is shown to be at least equal. See also F. Ames to C. Gore, Oct. 3, 
 1803. Works, pt. 1, pp. 324-5; same to T. Pickering, Dedham, Dec. 22 1806' 
 Works: pt. 1, p. 380. 
 
federalist organization in other states had disap- 
 peared f Simply that Massachusetts was still homo- 
 geneous, still English and more, still Puritan, espe- 
 cially in the western half; and consequently, under 
 the leadership of the Congregational divines, was to 
 be driven by the atheism born largely of the French 
 Revolution into federalism. 
 
 This Thesis, in short, is a study of the genesis and 
 development of the Federalist party in Massachu- 
 setts, from 1775 to 1800, the growth being largely 
 due to the social and religious conditions in that 
 state. 
 
 The result of the so-called Party Revolution of 
 1800 which ended the national importance and 
 leadership of the federalists was not destructive of 
 the power of that party in Massachusetts. Neverthe- 
 less it had the same narrowing blighting effect on the 
 state as it did on the national party. As a matter 
 of fact New England's interests and sympathies 
 seemed to antagonize and separate her from the rest 
 of the nation. 
 
 Her leaders, at least, were occupied from 1800 
 until after the War of 1812 in an extraordinary 
 course of opposition to the government, in which 
 they may have obeyed the letter of the law, but 
 broke the spirit persistently, openly and defiantly. 
 
 After the War of 1812, Massachusetts turned its 
 attention from incipient rebellion to manufacturing. 
 This brought her in line with modern development 
 and activities, destroyed her isolation, enlarged her 
 sympathies, joined her interests with the growing 
 west. Then the Federalist party in Massachusetts 
 found itself with its cherished but antiquated ideals, 
 its notions hopelessly at variance with the rest of the 
 nation, as much out of date as the small clothes. 
 
 (9) Delaware Is a possible exception. See Leutscliev: Early Pol. Machinery In 
 the U. S., pp. 145-150. 
 
10 
 
 three-cornered hats and perukes of the Colonial 
 times, a period which it was seekiag to perpetuate 
 in government and society. And so, in the year 1825, 
 its party existence practically came to an end. 
 
 But in each of these later phases the really vital 
 elements which sustained the party are to an im- 
 pressive degree the same social and religious influ- 
 ences which gave it birth and growth. 
 
CHAPTEE II. 
 
 POLITICAL PARTIES AND CONDITIONS IN MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 1775-1780. 
 
 With the appeal to arms in 1775, the patriotic 
 party^ found itself without political opponents. 
 From the Tory leaders shut up in Boston under the 
 protection of Gage's army, no political opposition 
 was to be feared. 
 
 Whatever remnant was left of this faction, the tide 
 of sentiment was running too strongly for them 
 openly to withstand it. Armed opposition was out 
 of the question. The fate of the Mandamus Coun- 
 sellors, the Addressers of Gage, and the Remonstra- 
 tors to the Solemn League and Covenant left no cour- 
 age to further provoke the anger of the people. The 
 ease with which this party was excluded from the 
 field of politics is explained by the fact that it was 
 without a definite policy, without machinery of any 
 sort, and had depended too entirely on the power of 
 Great Britain and the supposed loyalty of her sub- 
 jects in Massachusetts; while the triumph of 
 the Whigs was due in large part to the political 
 
 (1) A direct outgrowth of the so-called popular party which had been more or 
 less active since 1691. It had found ample occasion for the display of Its talents, 
 in tlie interminable warfare directed against the royal governor, which kept the 
 relations in a constant condition of irritation. (Gushing: Transition from Pro- 
 vincial to the Commonwealth Government in Mass. Columbia Studies. VII: 
 No. 1, pp. 20-7.) A great victory was worn in the passage of the act erecting a 
 Land Bank. (Douglas: Fiiaancial Hist, of Mass. Columbia Studies. I: No. 4, 
 pp. 127-180. Felt: Hist. Account of Mass. Currency, pp. 107-8.) The weakness 
 of the conservatives is shown in their failure to prevent this act. Only the 
 Interposition of Great Britain, by a parliamentary device, destroyed this dan- 
 gerous proposition. The general lack of economic knowledge at this time Is 
 strikingly brought out by the attempt of the merchants — in the so-called Silver 
 Soheme — -(Wells: S. Adams, 1:8) to remedy evils in monetary stringency by 
 the same fallacious methods. By this time, 1740, It would seem that the lines 
 between tlie popular and the conservative parties were being sharply drawn. It 
 needed but Otis' speech on the Writs of Assistance to transform the popular 
 iinto the patriotic party. 
 
12 
 
 machinery whicli they developed with a complete- 
 ness and effectiveness that has rarely been equalled. 
 
 To offset this wisely directed activity, the Loyal- 
 ists did almost nothing to build up a party beyond 
 the writing of newspaper articles and some pamph- 
 lets. They believed the reiterated and solemn pro- 
 testations of the Whigs that nothing treasonable was 
 contemplated; that nothing like independence was 
 aimed at. They paid too little heed to the fact that 
 in New England the ministers were still paramount ; 
 that the church and state were still closely united 
 and that politics was as fully discussed iu the pulpit 
 as religion and morality. 
 
 Thus the skirmish at Lexington marked, as one 
 of the political, results, the destruction of the Tory 
 party in Massachusetts, and when the fleet of Howe 
 hastily left Boston harbor for Halifax on March 
 17th, 1776, it bore away with it the more active por- 
 tion of that discredited and defeated party. The 
 collapse of this party was so sudden and complete 
 that it might be thought it had never "possessed any 
 real vitality. Such, however, was not the case. As 
 far as actual voting strength went, its numbers were 
 small, smaller indeed than in many of the colonies. 
 But judging by the names of those who fled with 
 Howe and those who were proscribed, it is clear that 
 the party had wielded a great influence.^ The num- 
 ber of Tories who remained in Massachusetts must 
 have been inconsiderable. As the only British army 
 which marched through Massachusetts was that of 
 Burgoyne's, as prisoners of war, there was no op- 
 portunity for the manifestation of loyalty, such as 
 was offered so frequently in many of the other states 
 during the Kevolution. Public opinion in ]\Iassa- 
 chusetts was too nearly unanimous to allow any open 
 
 (2) Sabine: Loyalists, passim. 
 
13 
 
 disaflfection. Without doubt there were not a few 
 who, fearing their neighbors more than their king, 
 made a virtue of necessity, and paid their taxes and 
 requisitions with feigned cheerfulness.^ Although 
 impotent for mischief, rumor made them the 
 authors of many a fancied plot, and, later, dema- 
 gogues used the discredited name as a club to beat 
 down the fair reputation of many a real patriot. 
 
 Despite the odium which still clings, perforce, to 
 those sufferers for conviction's sake and bad judg- 
 ment, we must recog-nize that the Tory minority, 
 small as it was, embraced an important part of the 
 education, ability, wealth and character of the 
 colony. This element, essential in any government, 
 is far more necessary in a republic, and especially 
 in one which is in the process of formation. What- 
 ever judgment history may pass upon the Whig atti- 
 tude towards them and however it may question the 
 expediency and justice of the legislation enacted dur- 
 ing this period, it is undeniable that the lack of this 
 element is clearly seen in the weakness of govern- 
 ment, which existed in Massachusetts until the rati- 
 fication of the Federal Constitution. Undoubtedly 
 the slowness and unwillingness of the people to 
 strengthen the hands of the state and Federal gov- 
 ernments was at least partly due to the destruction 
 of this same conservative element. 
 
 The axiom, that a party without opposition soon 
 begins to disintegrate into its natural elements, was 
 confirmed by the history of the patriot party from 
 1775 to 1780. When the war broke out, both politi- 
 cally and morally the party had reached its height. 
 There was no further development of political ma- 
 chinery. That most formidable and successful extra- 
 legal institution, the Committee of Correspondence, 
 
 (3) King to K. Southpate. Newburyport, Aug. 27, 1777. King had been ac- 
 cused of being a Tory. He lays down rules for avoiding suspicion. Among them 
 are "the cheerfulness of paying your Taxes;" King: King, 1:27. 
 
14 
 
 lost its purely political aspect and became an indis- 
 pensable adjunct to Congress and the Massacliusetts 
 legislature in carrying on the war. Led from 1765 
 to 1775 by a man who, whatever his faults, kept his 
 eye single to a pure love for the rights of his coun- 
 try and democracy, by 1780 the party has become 
 dominated by another whose chief recommendations 
 are large pecuniary sacrifices and engaging per- 
 sonal qualities. 
 
 The fact that John Hancock could supplant Samuel 
 Adams in the favor of the people, testifies to the 
 degree of that demoralization which is usually 
 attendant upon war. This cannot be fully attributed 
 to the fickleness of the people. Neither is it due 
 wholly to the excess of that spirit of democracy, 
 which, under the leadership of Shays, was soon to 
 threaten the existence of the state government. It 
 was due more to a general lowering of morality, and 
 the rise of a spirit of lawlessness bred by impa- 
 tience of wholesome restraints, and the desire to live 
 in a state of nature untrammelled by the duties of 
 citizens.* Common honesty was at a discount. Con- 
 gress, as well as the states, set an evil example in 
 disregarding obligations and plighted faith. Patriot- 
 ism was made the pretext for the refusal to pay debts 
 to British merchants. For the creditor to demand 
 payment, was to be denounced as a Tory. Numerous 
 were the estates of Loyalists which were bought for 
 a song by ardent patriots. Forestalling was so com- 
 monly practiced that conventions of towns, the 
 legislature and even the New England states in con- 
 vention assembled, tried in vain to prohibit this 
 iniquitous practice by regulating prices.^ As the war 
 
 (4) See F. B. Haynes (MS. Thesis, Harvard University) The Struggle for the 
 Constitution iin Massachusetts, for an account of chronic lawless attitude of the 
 so-called "Berkshire Constitutionalists" throughout the War and of Hampshire 
 County until 1777. See also Smith: Hist, of Plttsfleld, Chaps. XVIII, XIX, XX. 
 
 (5) Barry: Hist, of Mass. 111:134-5. Austin: Gerry, 1:254, 259, 264. The 
 clergy denounced this. See, e. g., Keltetlas, A., Reflections on Extortion. . .In 
 a Sermon preached at Newburyport, 1788. 
 
15 
 
 went on, large and increasing bounties had to be 
 offered to obtain enlistments.*' In short, as a French 
 officer, a capable observer, remarks in reference to 
 Massachusetts, "Four years of war have somewhat 
 strained the springs of patriotism . . . the commer- 
 cial spirit and luxurious tastes are gradually stifling 
 the love of independence. Republicans here, like 
 Carthaginians, know to a penny the value of life and 
 liberty."^ 
 
 The disintegration made slow progress, for the 
 heavy pressure of war kept the party together. A 
 common sentiment for independence, even a common 
 fear of defeat worked powerfully to keep differences 
 in abeyance. Nova Scotia was uncomfortably near. 
 The threatened return of plundered Loyalists stimu- 
 lated to unwonted exertions of patriotism those in 
 honest and peaceable possession of sequestered 
 estates.^ 
 
 Despite the fact that the all absorbing question of 
 war quickly quenched any burning discussion over 
 policies on which the party might split, yet in these 
 five short years may be seen the beginning of the 
 three parties which divided Massachusetts until the 
 epoch of the French Revolution, The division in the 
 Massachusetts delegates to Congress early became 
 manifest. The feeling of resentment and jealousy 
 toward Hancock, which the other delegates, notably 
 Adams and Gerry, were unable to hide, struck a 
 deeper note than personal dislike.® It denoted the 
 struggle for the first place in the confidence and 
 affections of the people. Parties of that time, since 
 
 (0) Barry: Hist, of Mass. 111:140-2. Austin: Gerry, 1:254, 257-S, 394, footnote. 
 
 (7) Durand: Documents on the Am. Revolution, pp. 18-19. 
 
 (8) "A Bill lately passed the lower house for admitting them [the refugees] 
 according to the Treaty, but It was stopped at the Seinate. . .The clamors of a 
 few, who have plundered their Effects, and fear their admission lest a restora- 
 tion should be the consequence, wrought upon the timid..." S. Hlgginson to 
 J. Adams, Dee. 30, 1785. Am. Hist. Assn. Rep. I (1896) 727. The same charge 
 is made In the Centinel, Dec. 10, 178o. 
 
 (9) Wells: S. Adams, 11:382-7. 
 
16 
 
 they were largely devoid of political macMnery, 
 depended more on the personal popularity of their 
 leaders. 
 
 Massachusetts, from 1630, has been dominated by 
 the town and city of Boston, whose importance has 
 always overshadowed the colony and state. Second 
 only in importance to Boston, in point of abilities, 
 was Essex county. The Eevolution marked the end 
 of one social order and the creation of another, and 
 it was from Essex that the new leaders largely 
 came.^'' Social leadership was synonymous with 
 political during the colonial period, and until the end 
 of the federalist. The loss of the conservative ele- 
 ments was but slowly replaced, during the Revolu- 
 tion, by the gradual growth of a conviction that there 
 was need of some check to the over-rapid advance 
 of democracy, an advance which was destroying the 
 efficiency of government. This feeling became crys- 
 tallized in the famous Essex Junto." Its members 
 "more fully . . . represented the Puritan character 
 . . . Strong, honest . . . they were sagacious in 
 civil . . . life. But their intellectual vigor and clear 
 perceptions were in many instances combined with 
 great mental narrowness and rigidity. ' '^^ Such were 
 the men'^" who, for nearly half a century in the politi- 
 cal history of Massachusetts, had to be reckoned 
 with, if not obeyed. It was this "Junto" to which 
 John Adams ascribed his defeat. Jefferson, in the 
 plenitude of his power, was humbled and defeated 
 by it in his pet scheme of the Embargo. And if there 
 was a definite attempt to sever New England from 
 the Union, its instrumentality must be recognized. 
 
 (10) Memorial Hist, of Boston. 111:191. 
 
 (11) For the origin of the name see Lodffe: Cabot, pp. 19-22. To the write'r's 
 knowledge the first time that the name appeared in the inewspapers was during 
 the spring gubernatorial campaign of 1800. See, e. g., Ind. Ch., March 3, ISOO. 
 
 (12) Lodge: Cabot, p. 18. 
 
 (13) The men who composed the "Junto" were Theophilus Parsons. George 
 Cabot, I^^sber Ames, Stephen Hlgginson. the Lowells, Timothy Pickering, Jona- 
 than Jaclison, Caleb Gushing, Ti-lstam Dalton, Benjamin Goodhue, et al., all hail- 
 ing from Kssex County. 
 
17 
 
 Isolated in New England, circumscribed by her nar- 
 row boundaries, the leaders were consumed by fierce 
 hatred of Virginia and the South. In their feelings 
 there was more than a tinge of religious bigotry.'^ 
 The Essex Junto shows the Federalist party at its 
 best as well as at its worst.^^ 
 
 It was on April 15th, 1778, at Ipswich, at a meet- 
 ing of delegates^" representing twelve towns of the 
 county of Essex, that what may be called the birth of 
 the Federalist party took place. This county con- 
 vention seems to have been dominated by Theophilus 
 Parsons, who, though a young man at that time, was 
 yet thoroughly conversant with the principles of gov- 
 ernment, which are still accepted in the United 
 States.^'' The surprising fact is not that he was in- 
 terested in polity, but that his discernment was so 
 great at that early period. Not only in this county 
 convention did he take the leading part, but he 
 served with distinction in the state convention of 
 1780, which gathered together a noteworthy assem- 
 blage of statesmen. 
 
 To combat the proposed adoption of the constitu- 
 tion formulated by the legislature of Massachusetts, 
 which had resolved itself into a convention for this 
 express purpose, a committee of these delegates — 
 Parsons, Goodale, and Putnam — were requested "to 
 attempt to ascertain the true principles of govern- 
 ment; to state the non-conformity of the constitu- 
 tion prepared by the convention of the state to those 
 princijjles; and to delineate the outlines of a consti- 
 tution conformable thereto; and report the same to 
 
 (14) See, e. g., the Federal Spy, May 11, 1802. 
 
 (IB) It was "the extreme New England member of that brilliant, iDTalnablc. 
 Intolerant and finally intolerable [Federalist] party." Am. Hist. Assn. Eep. I 
 (1896) 708. 
 
 (16) Parsons: Parsons, pp. 49-50. Of the twenty-sevein delegates present, six 
 achieved later a national fame and were prominent members of the Essex 
 Junto:— R. Goodhue, T. Dalton, J. Jackson, T. Parsons, C. Cushlng and J. 
 Greenleaf. 
 
 (17) Ibid, p. 48. 
 
18 
 
 this body."^'=' Tlieir report was embodied in a 
 pamphlet which is commonly called "The Essex 
 Result. ' '^^ This outline of the principles of govern- 
 ment exposed the glaring deficiencies and weakness 
 of the so-called Constitution of 1778.^°- It was so 
 successful in this that it was largely instrumental in 
 causing the rejection of the constitution by a large 
 majority. But it was constructive also, for it drew 
 up a system of government which was remarkable 
 for its clear insight into the very nature and essence 
 of a republican government. Except for its pro- 
 visions concerning the weight that property should 
 play in qualification for suffrage and office-holding, 
 its principles are recognized as valid to-day as they 
 were then. 
 
 It is interesting to note in the convention which 
 drew up the Constitution of 1780, the fact that the 
 conservatives were able to carry the day more in 
 accordance with their wishes than with regard to 
 the desires of those in favor of a weak and, in gen- 
 eral, democratic government. The partial check to 
 this latter tendency cannot be disguised. However, 
 it was a long time before the federalists or believers 
 in strong government could control the state. The 
 roll call of the two committees which framed the two 
 constitutions^^ is sufficient to mark this change. In 
 this Convention of 1779-80, the Essex Junto effi- 
 ciently seconded John Adams* scheme of govern- 
 ment. To their aid John Adams bears a character- 
 istic witness: "I had at first no support but from 
 the Essex Junto, . . . they supported me timorously 
 and at last would not go with me to so high a mark 
 
 (18) Ihld, p. 51. 
 
 (19) Ibid, pp. 47-51. It is given in entirety in ibid, Appendix, No. 1 pn 
 359-402. 
 
 (20) Cushiiiig; Transition from Provincial to Commonwealth Government in 
 MassachusettB. Columbia Studies. VII: No. 1, pp. 194-214. 
 
 (21) Ibid, p. 208, footnote, p. 232, footnote, whlcli refers to the Journal of the 
 Convention, pp. 28-30. 
 
19 
 
 as I aimed at, which was a complete negative in the 
 governor upon all laws. They made me, however, 
 draw up the constitution, and it was finally adopted, 
 with some amendments very much for the worse. . . 
 A foundation was here laid for much jealousy and 
 unpopularity, against me, among the demoeratical 
 people in this State. "^^ 
 
 The first election for governor under the new state 
 constitution was held on September 4th, 1780.^^ The 
 vote is instructive.^* It shows, on the one hand, the 
 popularity of John Hancock, how completely he was 
 master of the Whig party ,^° which had become the 
 Popular or, better, the " Hancockonian party;" on 
 the other hand, it shows just as clearly the weakness 
 of the opposition elements. Hancock was opposed 
 by two factions — for their number can hardly dig- 
 nify them with the name of party — one having for its 
 head James Bowdoin, the other being led by James 
 Warren and Elbridge Gerry. At this time parties 
 were without political machinery except of the 
 crudest sort. Popularity rather than principle gave 
 permanence and strength to a party. The Hancock- 
 onian party, which ruled Massachusetts until 1793, 
 fell to pieces under the leadership of Samuel Adams, 
 unable to withstand the loss of the popular leader. 
 How, then, was John Hancock able not only to be 
 elected governor when he chose, but to dictate who 
 should be exalted and who should be abased in the 
 affections of the people? As the 'boss" of the state 
 until his death, he failed only once to carry out his 
 own wishes.^" In 1780 he blasted Samuel Adams' 
 
 (22) Jolm Adams: WorUs, IX:61S. 
 
 (28) Barry: Hist, of Mass., 111:180. ^^ , 
 
 (24) Hancock received 11,451 votes; Bowdoin, 1.141. MS. Massachusetts elec- 
 tion returns. , .^ , 
 
 (2.'j) "Mr. Hancock kept aloof. In order to be governor." John Adams: Works, 
 IXiOlS. 
 
 (20) This was In 1T85, when the Senate elected James BowQoln as governor, 
 instead of his candidate Oushlng. 
 
20 
 
 reputation for the time being.^'^ His machinations 
 against the latter were so successful, that even in 
 his beloved home town of Boston, which he had ruled 
 without a rival, Adams failed of election to the com- 
 paratively paltry office of the "Boston seat."^^ Han- 
 cock was elected governor until his death, except for 
 two years,^" when he declined the election because 
 he apparently sensed the storm which arose and cul- 
 minated under the leadership of Shays. In the year 
 1789, falling out with the lieutenant-governor in a 
 quarrel, in which the legislature, at first through 
 honesty, sided against. him, he not only made the 
 legislature face about, but he actually induced the 
 people to elect another lieutenant-governor, Samuel 
 I Adams, the next year."" No man, who opposed him, 
 \ prospered, where the people of the state had oppor- 
 ' tunity to express their predilections. Bowdoin, 
 Samuel Adams, Lincoln, "Warren and Gerry, men of 
 ability, political experience, of fine principles and 
 steady patriots beyond suspicion, were as nought in 
 the eyes of the people unless Hancock sanctioned 
 them. To the question whence came the astonishing 
 ability to make or mar the political fortunes of all 
 
 (27) R. H. Lee to S. Adams, Philadelphia. Jan. 29, 1783: "you will not be a 
 Itttlc surprised to hear that the following Information was given to the House of 
 Delegates in Virginia... 'that it wag the public conversation at Philadelphia 
 that there was a british Party on the continent, at the head of which [were] 
 Messrs. Adiims, Messrs. Lees & Mr. Laurens'. . .he [Col. Griffon] heard this re- 
 port about two years ago In Boston, & lately in Philadelphia. That it came 
 from Mr. Hancoclc's Party." S. Adams MSS., N. T. Public Library. Besides this 
 accusation, another whicli had great weight, was that Adams was connected 
 with, if not the leader, of the Cabal, which was formed against Washington in 
 the years 1777 to 1778. Wells t S. Adams, 11:499-512. However, In 1781, Adams 
 regained his popularity sufflciently to be elected to the legislature. Continental 
 Journal, May 17, 1781. 
 
 (28) J. Warren to S. Adams, Boston, Nov. 2, 1780: "Neither your beloved 
 town, the county, the State, inor the two Houses have shown any gratitude for 
 your many and great services; and, in the choice of Secretary, [you] could not 
 be supported in competition with Mr. A." This was Mr. John Avery, whose 
 patriotism had not been conspicuous. Wells; S. Adams, 111:116. J. Warren to 
 S. Adams, Boston, Sept. 17, 1780: The elections "seem calculated for that In- 
 terest and to render their Idol [Hancock] as iracontrollable as possible. . .the 
 Influence of all that dont worship devoutly may be very small, and you and I 
 may have none at all." Ibid, pp. 117-8. Also S. Adams to Gerry, Philadel- 
 phia, Nov. 27, 1780. Austin: Gerry, 1:359-363. 
 
 (29) 1785, 1786. 
 
 (30) The defeat of Lincoln that year, at the polls. Is a remarkable tribute to 
 Hancock's mastery of the affections of the people. 
 
21 
 
 men in the state, the answer is to be found above all 
 in his surpassing reputation for patriotism.^^ The 
 first election turned on this very question as to 
 which, Hancock or Bowdoin, had shown more. The 
 former's sacrifices of property — which he could well 
 afford — had been greater than that of any other 
 man. 
 
 His unparalleled popularity^^ was also due to his 
 affable manners, to his hospitality, and to his posi- 
 tion as the representative of the bygone colonial 
 aristocracy.-'^ However, popularity and patriotism 
 were not the only means relied upon by Hancock 
 to insure his power and the contitiuation thereof. 
 Patronage, chiefly in the shape of justices of peace, 
 was dispensed with a skillful and lavish hand.^* His 
 wealth, being freely used in the subtler forms of gen- 
 erous, not to say prodigal hospitality,^^ in no wise 
 lessened his reputation. For his purse was always 
 open to his "friends."^" He does not seem to have 
 been a man of sturdy principles, since his policy 
 
 (31) Hancock's reputation for patriotism was largely based, especially after 
 the ReTolutlon, on the famous order which excepted him and Samuel Adams from 
 pardon. Wells: S. Adams, 11:309-310. lo addition his sacrifices and losses In 
 Boston were not forgotten, while his presidency of the Continental Congress 
 which adopted the Declaration of Independence enhanced his reputation im- 
 mensely. Bowdoin of course had nothing so spectacular to offer. 
 
 (32) Hancock's popularity was not wholly a natural growth. One of his 
 methods to gather and Insure a surpassing popularity is discovered by "Wm. 
 Pynchon, June 25, 1778: "Mr. Hancock calls on his debtors and desires pay- 
 ment in paper currency, preferring that to silver money — the difference in the 
 exchange being at 3%. and from that to 5 paper dollars for one of silver. Does 
 
 Mr. H mean... to become popular and obtain votes at the choice of governor 
 
 next May?" Diary, pp. 54-5. [In the Ceintlnel, March 31, 1787, it is asserted that 
 he sunk'£26,000 in this way.] As the proposed Constitution of 1778 was defeated, 
 Hancock's generosity went unrewarded until 1780. 
 
 (33) The great chainge which was to come over the attitude of the people in 
 this respect, is shown by the assertion that Governor Gore lost his election in 
 1808 owing to his progress through the state in imposing style. Lunt: Old 
 New England Traits, p. 21C. 
 
 (34) This form of patronage was often exercised by the royal governors. See 
 Gerry's slap at Hancock's methods. Austin: Gerry, 1:363-4. Also Continental 
 Journal, Nov. 29, 1781; Ind. Ch., Jan. 24, 1782; Salem Gazette, Jan. 17, 24, 1782; 
 Amory: Sullivan, 1:110. 
 
 (35) Qulncy: Hist, of Harvard College, 11:207. 
 
 (36) "Did Brutus... in the infancy of the Commonwealth, and before any army 
 of the Tarqulns was subdued, acquire fame and popularity by largesses? No! 
 These arts were reserved for Caesar, In the last expiring moments of the re- 
 public." Letter to Gerry. Austin: Gerry, 1:279. See also Am. Herald, Dec. 
 3, 1787. 
 
22 
 
 was to cater to the stronger party .^^ It is hard to 
 judge of his abilities, for he wrote nothing and his 
 chief advisors, Samuel Adams and James Sullivan, 
 were unusually astute and clever politicians.^® 
 
 It was in James Bowdoin that the Essex Junto 
 found a leader, whose sympathies and views largely 
 coincided with their own. An early and firm patriot, 
 his services in the Council had been invaluable, 
 and his steady opposition to Hutchinson^^ had the 
 greater weight, inasmuch as he was a conservative 
 by nature, wealth, and position. His inability to 
 accept the nomination to the first Continental Con- 
 gress through the ill health of his wife and himself,^^ 
 was made the basis for later totally unfounded 
 charges against his patriotism.^^ To Bowdoin must 
 be assigned the highest praise for the admirable 
 
 (37) Surrounded from his entrance Into politics by the shrewdest advisors. 
 Hancock never made a serious false step. After some wavering, he espoused the 
 Patriot cause. When the Declaration of Independence became inevitable, he was 
 the first to sign. Wells: S. Adams, 11:385. The excuse of his ill health elicited 
 but scant sympathy from the "linowing ones" as early as 17S1. In "1781, Mrs. 
 Adams. . .wrote 'a repeal of the obnoxious tender act has passed the House and 
 Senate. The Governor, as has been heretofore predicted, when ainythlng not quite 
 popular is in agitation, has the gout and is confined to bed.' *' Adams: Three 
 Episodes in Massachusetts History, 11:892. See also T. Pickering to J. Adams, 
 Aug. 6, 1822. Worlis, 11:512. 
 
 (38) Wlioever wrote the famous Amendments whicli Hancock pre^nted to the 
 Convention in 1788, no one claims the honor for Hancock. Parsons: Parsons, pp. 
 70-87. See Amory; Sullivan, 1:222-4. However the Massachusetts federalists 
 themselves were earlier sharply divided on this point. Hamilton: Works, 1:476. 
 As for his Boston Massacre Oration, opinion is divided between Dr. Cooper and 
 Samuel Adams. Wells: Adams. 11:138-140; Warren: Life of John Warren, p. 
 328. His messages to the legislature were said to be written by Dr. Cooper or 
 Dr. Thatcher. Wm. Pynchon's Diary, p. 78; Warren: Life of John Warren, p. 328. 
 Hancock evidently also made use of Dr. Warren's pen. Ibid, pp. 327-8. Even 
 before the Revolution his lack of talents seems well known. Letter of J. 
 Andrews, April 14, 1774: "Have inclos'd tlie anniversary oration delivered by 
 Col. Hancock, Its generally allowed to be a good composition and asserted to 
 be his own production, . ." Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. 18G4-Gi5, p. 327. S: Ereck 
 to Knox, Boston, Jan. 30, 17ni. Knox MS8. New England Historic Geuoalogi- 
 cal Society. [Hereafter all referetnces to the Knox Mss. will have this Society 
 understood.] "On Wednesday last. . .his Excellency the Governor deliver'd a 
 lengthy Speech to both houses, it was a very good one... the question has been 
 frequently qskod, who wrote it — " Jotun Adams is said to have called him "the 
 empty barrel" in a moment of happy inspiration. Mem. Hist, of Boston, 111:201. 
 His more favorable comments were made in his old age and when Hancock's 
 enemies had become his bitter foes. See Works, X:259-261; and Correspondence 
 between Adams and Cunningham, p. 216. 
 
 (39) Wells: S. Adams, 11:250. It Is sigalficant that Bowdoin's name is second 
 on this "black list" (S. Adams being first), while Hancock comes ninth. See 
 also ibid, 1:406-7, 474. 
 
 (40) Adams: Familiar Letters of John Adams and his Wife, p. 63. Also S. 
 Dexter to Bowdoin. Woodstock, Jan. 26, 1779. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. 1862-1863, 
 pp. 359-360; Bowdoin to T. Pownall, Boston, May 17, 1779. Ibid, 1860-1862, pp. 
 241-4. Same to same, Boston, Nov. 20, 1783. Ibid, pp. 245-6. 
 
 (41) Continental Journal, May 4, 1781. 
 
23 
 
 discharge of his duties as chief executive. The 
 crushing of a rebellion for the avowed purpose of 
 overturning or destroying the state government, in 
 which at least two-thirds of the people were sympa- 
 thetic and the legislature largely likewise, demanded 
 the highest kind of ability, tact, firmness and moral 
 stamina.^^ 
 
 The third element was led by Elbridge Gerry and 
 James Warren, and, up to the time of his reconcilia- 
 tion with Hancock, Samuel Adams. Until the agita- 
 tion over the adoption of the Constitution put Gerry 
 and Warren at the head of the antifederalists, these 
 men were personal friends of Bowdoin.*^. While, in 
 principle, these two factions were at opposite poles, 
 yet they joined forces in fighting Hancock.^^ Gerry 
 and Warren represented the stern and uncompromis- 
 ing reimblicanism of that day. They were later the 
 out-and-out antifederalists. They disliked and fear- 
 ed Hancock, chiefly because they suspected in 
 him a design to corrupt the people and to elevate 
 himself to a position inconsistent with a republican 
 form of government.*® 
 
 Such were the political forces and tendencies 
 which divided Massachusetts in 1780.'"' Two of 
 
 (42) See Wlnthi-op: Washington, Bowdoin and Franklin, Boston, 1870. 
 
 (43) rn the Jotters oC R. 11. Lee and Gerry to Samuel Adams they constantly 
 write in the following strain: "This is communicated in Confldetnce to yourself 
 to bo imparted only to Friends Mr. Illgginson, Mr. Osgood and General Warren 
 fl;iid Mr, B'oivdo'n." Gorry to S. Adams, Annapolis, May 7, 1784. S. Adams. 
 Mss., N. Y. Public Library. Also Gerry to Bowdoin. New York, Dec. 6, 1785. 
 Mass. ITIst. Soc. Coll., 7tli Ser. VI. pt. 2, pp. 83-4. For the change In friendship 
 with Warren see Adams: Life in a N. B. Town, pp. 128, 150. 
 
 (44) Anstin: Geny. I:3.j4. 
 (4.T) Ibid. ] :r!.''in-,'!ll.">. 
 
 (40) "The state is divided into two parties; one calls Itself Republican and 
 is composed of everybod.v wlio holds offlce. and is led by Bowdoin and Adams 
 The opposition pjii'ty. the true Itepnblican party Is led by Hanco(c)k. He Is 
 the King of the Rabble (Roi des llalles) or the American Beaufort. His credit, 
 with the masses is trreat; liis policy is shrewd and even crafty. He is the more 
 opposed to Adams because they were once friends, and to Bowdoin because he Is 
 a rival. He befriends ns only because he lintes them." Durand: Docs, on the 
 Am. Rev., pp. 18-10. Supposed to have been written by Chevalier de Flenry. a 
 French offleer stationed in America in 1779. See Stevens' Facsimiles, No. 161C, 
 where the original as well as a translation of the document is given. For another 
 view of tlie leaders in Massachusetts see Ibid, No. 487. 
 
 This rivalry between Hancock and Bowdoin extended to the choosing of a clergy- 
 man at "Dr. Cooper's." J. Eliot to J. Belknap, Boston, Feb. 6, 1784. Belknap 
 Papers. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Oth Ser. IV. pt. Ill, pp. 270-1. See for the begin- 
 ning of the rivalry, Quincy: Hist, of Harvard College, II: 207. 
 
24 
 
 these parties being founded on principles were des- 
 tined to survive. Bowdoin and his friends became 
 the Federalist party. Gerry and his friends became 
 first Antifederalists and afterwards led the Demo- 
 cratic-Republican party. 
 
 By general consent there were two men, and two 
 only, who were candidates for the first gubernatorial 
 honors. The decision of the people lay between 
 Hancock and Bowdoin.*'^ Gerry never received a 
 large popular vote until party discipline had become 
 more perfected and party machinery more devel- 
 oped. So overwhelming was the vote for Hancock,'** 
 the opposition elements acquiesced in the emphatic 
 decision of the people, and Bowdoin, whose health 
 seemed to forbid any such strain, declined the lieu- 
 tenant-governorship in a handsome letter to the leg- 
 islature.*" His resignation was based on his un- 
 questioned ill health, for there follow at that time no 
 accusations or charges of pique or ill feeling. It 
 was quite otherwise with James Warren, who also 
 refused that office.^" He was compelled in his letter 
 of refusal to deny the insinuations made against 
 him of hostility towards the new governor.^^ The 
 election seems to have given general satisfaction 
 
 (47) J. \i1ams: Works, IX: 511; Adams: ramiliar Letters of Jobm Adams 
 and his Wife. pp. 176-7. 
 
 (48) Tlie electioneering, if there was mncli, was not carried on in the news- 
 papers. TIw' only appeal in the Massachu.setts Spy Is apparently aimed against 
 Hancoct: "Consider it not the business of election to repair injured fortunes 
 [Hancock's liad suffered severely during the war], inor to reward past services 
 
 . . Let not the (]uestion be who has, but who will, best advance the general 
 Interest." Aup. 31, 1780. The only reference to the election itself in the 
 Worcester paper is that in Boston town meeting Hancock had "858 votes out of 
 923." No mantlon is made of the vote in Worcester. Mass. Spy, Sept. 14, 1780. 
 
 (49) Ibid, Nov. 9, 17SU. ' 
 
 {50) It took nearly three weeks to elect a lieutenant-governor. Oct. 25, 1780. p. 
 11. Announcement that there is no choice by the people. Oct. 27. p. 18. The 
 House sends up Bowdoin and Azor Orne. Senate elects B'owdoln. Oct. 31. 
 p. 37. This day Bowdoin declines both the election to the lieutenant-governorship 
 and to the Senate. Nov. 7, p. G9. J. Warren and Azor Orne sent up to the 
 Senate, p. 72. Warren is elected. Nov. 8, p. SO. Warren desires a few days 
 for consideration. Nov. 10, p. 87. Declines. Nov. 13, p. 96. T. Gushing and 
 Artemaa Ward sent up. Nov. 14, p. 97. Senate chooses T. Gushing. Nov. 14, 
 !>. IS. MS. Ilnu^i* .Toi.i-nal. 17SU-1781. This ended the search for lieutenant-gov- 
 ernor, for Gushing accepted. 
 
 (51) Mass. Spy, Nov. 23, 1780. This letter was dated Nov. 10th. 
 
25 
 
 and Hancock was the recipient of a number of ad- 
 dresses of congratulation from numerous associations, 
 commercial as well as judicial.^^ 
 
 (52) See the Mass. Spy, Oct. 26, Dec. 6, 1780. For a full and lively account of 
 the inaugural ceremonies, see Gordon: Hist, of the Independence of Am. Ill: 
 497-9. 
 
CHAPTEE III. 
 
 THE PARTIES OF JSANCOCK AND BOWDOIN. SHAYS ' RE- 
 BELLION. 
 
 . In the financial troubles, which plagued the coun- 
 try and especially Massachusetts during and after 
 the Eevolution, is tp be found the chief reason for 
 the growth of the conservative wing which Bowdoin 
 led. For the first five years of the state government 
 m Massachusetts, Hancock was elected by large ma- 
 jorities.^ Nevertheless, the opposition increased 
 slowly but surely, and the cause seems to have been 
 the dissatisfaction of the creditor class, due to the 
 unwillingness of the dominant party to take effectual 
 means for the restoration of the public credit.^ That 
 class, however, which earliest identified itself with 
 those who held that Congress needed greater powers 
 was the merchant class. This order saw clearly the 
 uselessness of efforts on the part of' a single state 
 to regulate commerce. Therefore, when in 1784 the 
 question of the five per cent, impost was before the 
 legislature, the members took sides as what may be 
 called a "Federal" or an " Antif ederal " party f and 
 the merchants as a rule were "Federalists." 
 
 The importance of the election for governor in 
 1785 was fourfold. In the first place it developed 
 such an acrimonious party spirit that the harmony, 
 which had outwardly prevailed up to this time, was 
 completely at an end. Secondly it revealed the con- 
 servative forces as a strong, able and aggressive 
 
 (1) The following vote for governor was cast in ITSl. Total vote, SoSu: Han- 
 cock, 7996; Bowdoin, 3M. In 17S2, total vote, ""W: Hancock, 5S.m; Bowdoin, 
 1155. The votes for 1783 and 1784 were not recorded. [See Bibliography.] Judg- 
 ing by the accessible votes, not only was great apathy shown, but Hancock 
 was posing popularity. However, the opposition was rather well scattered. 
 
 (2) .Sullivan to B. Lincoln, Aug. 4, 1781. Amory: Sullivan, II: 381. 
 
 (3) King: King, I: 14-1.'), foot note. 
 
27 
 
 party, though still greatly in the minority; and it 
 welded them together, so that, when the struggle over 
 the adoption of the Constitution came, they were ajDle 
 to work more effectually. In the third place, the 
 telling charge of Toryism was revived as a political 
 weapon. Finally it gave the first and only check 
 to the influence of Hancock. This, however, was but 
 temporary. In fact, the extravagance of the accusa- 
 tions recoiled upon the heads of the accusers and 
 enhanced the popularity of the people's idol. 
 
 Of Hancock's political sagacity -^and foresight, 
 there is no better proof than his resignation early in 
 1785.'' It was in every way opportune, for the eco- 
 nomic situation of both the people and the state of 
 Massachusetts was well nigh, desperate. This was 
 due to several causes. One, and by no means the 
 least important, was the failure during the past year 
 to collect the taxes. Large arrears were still owing 
 from previous years. How much of this negli- 
 gence is chargeable to Hancock and his administra- 
 tion and how much to the difficulties of circum- 
 stances, is not certain. At any rate the treasury 
 of the Commonwealth was nearly empty. Beset by 
 the impatient creditors of the state on the one side, 
 and on the other, frightened by the angry mutterings 
 of the poverty stricken and distressed people in the 
 back counties,^ Hancock became convinced that his 
 precarious health rendered him unfit to occupy the 
 exposed position of governor in the face of the on- 
 coming storm. Accordingly, on January 29th, his 
 resignation was tendered to the legislature.* His 
 
 (4) Salcni Gnzptte, March I, 1785. j 
 
 (5) Since the beprlnning of tlie Revolution the Inhabitants of western Maasa- 1 
 chusetts hail not been great respecters of the law. la addition to their refusal to I 
 permit court.s to convene at various times, lawless outbreaks had taken place, \ 
 notably In 17S2 nud 1783. The danger of serious uprisings was perceived by \ 
 many thoughlfnl persons. N. Dane to King, Oct. S, 1783: "We all believe our \ 
 Continental Government may In time be amended . . particularly as to the 1 
 mode of suppressing revolts In the respective governments." King: King, 1:70. 
 
 (6) Gerry to King, Boston. March 28, 1785. Gives a curious account of the 
 resignation. King: King, 1:76. Also 0. Gore to King, Boston, March 20, 1786. 
 Ibid, I: 81. 
 
28 
 
 action was exceedingly well timed. It gave ample 
 space for the lieutenant-governor, Gushing, the man 
 whom he had chosen for his successor, to become ac- 
 quainted with his duties, and likewise for the people 
 to become accustomed to the thought of him as 
 governor. 
 
 The withdrawal of Hancock offered the first real 
 opportunity to the friends of Bowdoin to elevate 
 their favorite to the gubernatorial chair. However, 
 until the eve of election, the contest, to judge from 
 the newspapers, was just the sort of a mild and 
 dignified affair that had been customary up to this 
 year. But suddenly Hancock and his party seemed 
 to have awakened to the fact that Gushing was in 
 grave danger of losing the election. Furious attacks 
 were begun at once on everything British — the 
 "British factors'" being the especial point of attack. 
 Bowdoin was assailed as a Tory, and denounced 
 bitterly because of his relationship with John Tem- 
 ple.^ Vigorous were the attempts made to revive the 
 old excitements and methods of the pre-Eevolution- 
 ary days. The aid of the "Mohawk Indians" was 
 offered to expel the obnoxious British agents,® and 
 hardly a voice was raised in defence of this hated 
 class. 
 
 (7) "Every capitol is crowded witli British apents, sent over to collect debts 
 contracted long before the \var, oppress the debtor, aiod purchase the public 
 securities from all persons whose necessities oblige them to sell, at the mon- 
 strous discount of seventeen shillings and six pence on the pound." Warren, 
 Hist, of the Am. Revolution, 111:344. Another view is: "Those [London mer- 
 chants] . . who still have a hanlierl/ag after it [American trade], apprized by 
 woeful experience of the risks their property is e-iposed to In the hands of Amer- 
 ican RIercliants, use the precaution of sending out supercargoes and agents; and 
 this . is . one of the principle grievances which the pious people of Boston 
 labor under." Am. Herald, July 18, 1785, from the Bahama Gazette. See also 
 Ibid, Jan. H3, 1786, from a late London paper. 
 
 (8) John Temple was Bowdoin's son-in-law. Although a native born American, 
 he had spent nearly all his mature life In England rendering valuable services to 
 America during and before the war. But he was suspected in 1778 of bringing 
 proposals for peace from Great Britain. He was accused of beiing a Tory and 
 had great trouble in gaining permission to reside in Massachusetts in 1782. 
 Bowdoin and his friends naturally espoused Temple's cause. This contest but 
 deepened the conflict between Hancock and Bowdoin. Amory: Sullivan 1- 134-8- 
 II: 388; Mass. Hist, See. Coll. Cth Ser. IX: XV-XVII. See Plain Statemrat of 
 Pacts anil Dates concerning Jlr. Temple [Signed "Narrator"], and A Statement 
 refuting certain Statements in James Sullivan's Charges against Mr. Temple. Bos- 
 ton. May 25, 1783. Copies are In the Massachusetts Historical Society 
 
 (9) Centlnel, April 9, 1785. 
 
29 
 
 This rancorous method of campaigning naturally 
 led to bitter resentment and retaliation.^^ Disdain- 
 ing to pay attention to Cnshing^^ — who was simply 
 denounced, in passing, as a servile tool — the attack 
 singled out as the real leader of the campaign of 
 defamation, Hancock.^^ j^^ unsparing terms, his 
 weaknesses were set forth and his *'boss rule" de- 
 nounced.^^ At the same time Bowdoin's patriotism, 
 which had been decried and even called in question, 
 was stoutly maintained.^^ 
 
 The popular election did not settle the question — 
 the law demanding a majority vote — for Bowdoin 
 received 3,519 votes, Gushing 3,005.^^ The decision, 
 therefore, went to the legislature. The agitation 
 against the '* British factors" began anew.^^ It is 
 difficult to avoid the suspicion that this campaign of 
 agitation and boycotting had more a political end in 
 view than anything else.^^ It was early found easier 
 
 (10) Ibid, March 20, 1785. Am. Herald, March 28, 3785. A hand bill was 
 circulated by Bowdoin's friends just before the date of electloil, (A copy 
 Is In the Mass. Historical Society.) addressed "To the Hanest Electors of this 
 Day." It is chiefly a eulogy of Bowdoin but also contains some cautious hints: 
 "Be cool, my Friends . . lest you be misguided . . It may be by Sycophants and 
 t'arasltes, by near Relations, or by interested Persons, who have enjoyed emolu- 
 ments from the gracious Hands which your own former suffrage put In the power 
 of their Patrons to extend." 
 
 (11) Gerry to King, Marblehead, April 7, 1785. Kliag: King, I: 86-7. C. 
 Gore to King, Boston. March 20, 1785, Ibid, p. 81. 
 
 (12) Am. Herald, April 4, ITSn. 
 
 (13) It is evident that Stephen Iligginson Is the leader In this campaign 
 against Hancock. At best Higginson was unpopular on account of his connection 
 with British merchants. He is deiaouned in most violent terms as the "Salem 
 Wizard." Am. Herald, April 11, 1785. Also in the Centlnel, May 7, 1785; April 11, 
 1789. Judging from the phraseology and the facts, it Is probable that "ClviB" 
 Is none other than Higginson, for the resemblance between these two long 
 articles and the famous attacks on Hancock by "Laco" is marked. Continental 
 Journal, May 19, 26, June 2, 178.5. There are also in the Cemtinal — May 21. 
 25, 1785 — two articles by "Philo-Civis" and a "Brother Elector" which are of 
 the same tenor. It is certain, however, that whereas before this he had been 
 elected to the legislature and a delegate to Congress, he never had an office 
 after this time. Gerry to King, Boston, May 19, 1785: "H. [ancock] is at- 
 tacked in very plain terms . . Civis . . Is well Informed of H.'s [Haincock's] 
 pretensions to Merit." King: King, 1:99. 
 
 (14) Am. Herald, April 4, 1785. 
 
 (15) MS. Mass. election returns. The total vote was 9,005. 
 (10) Centlnel. April 9. 13, 10. 1785. 
 
 (17) 1. Hancock is moderator of the meeting which Is held to discourage 
 these British factors and the excitement subsides after the legislature makes 
 Its choice. 2. A great struggle takes place In Boston over the two lists, chiefly. 
 It would seem, because Hancock Is on one of them. 3. Om May 25th, the day 
 before the electiom in the legislature, there comes out In the Centlnel an elaborate 
 account of the funeral procession of the "Bowdoinitlsh Coalition w^hlch will 
 parade at 4 o'clock." 4. It is only after this election that Hancock publishes a 
 letter In which he deprecates the attacks on Bowdoin and disavows any connec- 
 tion with them. 
 
30 
 
 to bring pressure to bear upon the legislature than 
 upon the voters at large. On April 15th, ' ' a meeting 
 of merchants, traders, and many other gentlemen 
 of the town" was held in Boston — Hancock presid- 
 ing as moderator — to consider what discourage- 
 ments should be given to "British factors. "^^ The 
 results of the deliberations recall pre-revolutionary 
 meetings, boycotts,^^ committees to correspond with 
 the merchants in the seaports, a petition to Con- 
 gress, a committee to wait upon those who rented 
 any place to factors^" — in short, all the machinery so 
 effectual a decade before was set in motion.^^ 
 
 The battle was now transferred to the election of 
 Boston's representatives to the legislature.^^ The 
 lines were sharply drawn on the two lists prepared."^ 
 Great alarm was aroused in Bowdoin's friends over 
 the fact that Hancock was nominated as one of the 
 "Boston Seat," since it was asserted that a deep 
 laid plot was maturing for the exclusion of Bowdoin 
 
 (IS) Salem Uazette, April 19. 1783. How thorough going the Intentions were 
 can be gleaned from two letters of Knox. The first on April 18, 1785. to H. 
 Jaclison: The Merchants "resolved. . .to have no dealings whatever with any 
 Britisli Merct.^ Agents or Factors that do or may reside in this State — that 
 we will not receive lliem to Board — Speak, or have amy connections with them 
 ..not let them a House Shops — Stores, or Wharfe — no Trucliman to truclc for 
 them, unless to carry their goods on board some vessell to transport them out 
 
 of the State in consequence . . tlie poor D Is are pacliing up . ." Knox 
 
 MSS. XVII1:21. The other sliows less unainimity. To Gibbs. April 21: --the 
 Trades met today to consider what Is to be done . on their part as there 
 seems to be a Jarr between the Merchaintile Interests & others . . the Select- 
 mem mot this morning to point out who of the British . Factors &c. continue 
 among: us." Ibid, XVIir.2r{. 
 
 (10) In the newspaper advertisements of dry goods In April and May, It is 
 significant that the word "European" Is used almost exclusively. See a mock 
 advertisement of "Whackum & Co." Centinel, May 4, 178,3: "N. B. Those 
 who through an Ill-timed fear, have come in at the back door may now avoid 
 such unnecessary precautions." [This "Whackum & Co." was a certain Lewis 
 * Co. Ibid. Jan. 31, 1789.] See a violent attack by "Joyce, jun" on "THOSE 
 PERSONS WHO CLANdestlnely received prohibited goods at Two o'clock on 
 Saturday Night." Am. Herald, May 2, 1785. 
 
 (20) The program of the "Patriots" encountered many snags. See the -Am, Her- 
 ald, May 2, 0, 1785; Centinel, April 30, May 4, 1785; but their chief difficulty 
 was with the "ladies . . whose unpardonable desire to purchase their [British 
 factors'] accursed commodities and who to gratify their Immoderate attachment 
 to dress, would willingly sacrifice the community." Knox to Jackson, Boston, 
 ^lay 1, 1785: "the fire and wrath against Whackum & others is much abated." 
 Knox MSS. XV1II:2!J. 
 
 (21) Salem Gazette, M.iy 3, 1785. Ships loaded with British goods were not 
 permitted to land their cargoes. Am. Herald. May IG. 1785. 
 
 (22) Iliid, April 25, 17S3. See also the Centinel, April 27, 1785. 
 
 (23) Ibid, May 7, 1785. 
 
31 
 
 from the chair.^* Another rumor was bruited about 
 that after being elected, Gushing would decline in 
 favor of Hancock.^^ The vote of the House was in 
 favor of Gushing, 134 to 89,'" but the Senate insisted 
 on Bowdoin by a vote of 18 to 10,^^ and the House 
 acquiesced.^* 
 
 The disturbed state of trade with foreign nations 
 gave Bowdoin the opportunity to address the legis- 
 lature on the measures called for by the situation.^^ 
 His message, the 31st of May, 1785,^° has the high 
 distinction of being the first step taken in an official 
 way to hold a convention for the purpose of giving 
 greater powers to the government of the union. His 
 words are quite worth while quoting. After reciting 
 the difficulties under which commerce in the United 
 States labored, he goes on to say: "The United 
 States have the same right, and can, and ought to 
 regulate their foreign trade... it is a misfortune 
 that Gongress have not yet been authorized for that 
 purpose by all the states. . .It is of great importance, 
 and the happiness of the United States depends upon 
 it that Gongress should be vested with all the powers 
 necessary to preserve the Union, to manage the gen- 
 eral concerns of it, and secure and promote its com- 
 mon interest. That interest . . . the Confederation 
 does not sufficiently provide for ; ... This matter, 
 ■gentlemen, merits your attention; and if you think 
 that Gongress should be vested with ampler powers, 
 and that special delegates from the states should be 
 
 (24) Ibirt, May 14, 1785. 
 
 (25) Ibid, May 25, 1783. 
 
 (2(!) Am. Hurald. June 27. 178.". 
 
 (27) Gprry to Kins, Boston, May 27, 1785: "I most heartily congratulate 
 you on the . . election of Mr. Bowdoin. The most vigorous Exertions were 
 made on both sides, & he was, sent up by 86 votes . . the Senate being: doubt- 
 ful, tliey appointed me a Member and . . (being) notifled . . at Marblehead 
 about Ave o'clock yesterday moruirag, I came . to take my seat . ." King: 
 Kins, 1:100. 
 
 (28) Centinel, May 28, 1785; Salem Gazette, May 31, 1785. 
 
 (29) Tlie regulation of commerce through a general uulon of the colonies was 
 ndvocated by Bowdoin as early as 1754. Wlnthrop: Address on James Bow- 
 doin, pp. 15-17. 
 
 (30) Salem Gazette, June 7, 1785. 
 
32 
 
 convened to settle and define them, you will take the 
 necessary measures for obtaining such a Convention 
 or Congress, whose agreement, when confirmed by 
 the states, would ascertain these powers. "^^ As a 
 result of this message the legislature passed, on 
 July 1st, a series of resolutions embodying Bow- 
 doin 's recommendations.^" On the same day the gov- 
 ernor enclosed these in a letter, which he forwarded 
 to the Massachusetts delegates in Congress.^^ Like- 
 wise he wrote to the governors of the other states, 
 asking that they use their best offices, should these 
 resolutions be acted upon by Congress, in enlisting 
 the support of their respective states.^* The fate of 
 this communication is interesting. Bowdoin's letter 
 of July 1st reached the delegates Glerry, Holten, and 
 King the first of August! In their reply of August 
 18th they admit that "we have delayed any commun- 
 cationwith Congress upon this subject . . .We are sen- 
 sible that our duty points out a prompt and exact 
 obedience to the acts and instructions of the legisla- 
 ture, but if a case arises wherein we discover most 
 clearly consequences so fatal that, had they been 
 known, perhaps the measure adopted would not have 
 been proposed, it may not be improper to delay a 
 final execution until we have the instructions of the 
 Legislature after such pernicious consequences of 
 the measure shall have been submitted to their ex- 
 amination."^^ This letter is followed by another of 
 the third of September, which contains a very able 
 and full exposition of the delegates' attitude.^® It 
 presents in the clearest light the views of men who 
 had no conception, at that time, of a nation; who 
 were morbidly afraid of more than a semblance of 
 
 (31) Wlnlhrop: Address on James Bowdoln, pp. 39-41. 
 
 (32) IMd, p. 41. 
 
 (33) King: King, 1:58. 
 
 (34) Ibid. 
 
 (35) Ibid, pp. 59-80. 
 (30) Ibid, pp. 60-6. 
 
33 
 
 power in government; in short, it was an admirable 
 anti-federal document. The results of this communi- 
 cation were that the legislature adopted the views 
 of the delegates and suspended their resolutions.^^ 
 As a matter of fact, the action of the legislature does 
 not, as might be supposed, indicate any great growth 
 of federal sentiment from the previous year, when 
 the legislature defeated the request of Congress to 
 grant them a five per cent, impost. It seems rather 
 to be an outcome of the agitation over the commer- 
 cial interests,^^ which, in Massachusetts, took the 
 peculiar form of an attack upon "British factors" 
 and anyone supposed to be connected with Great 
 Britain.^^ 
 
 Bowdoin's attempt, then, for a convention of the 
 states had no practical result, except as it produced 
 an impression on the minds of thoughtful and sober 
 men, which bore fruit later. But a special event was 
 soon to display the weakness of Congress and the 
 perils to which government, state as well as federal, 
 was exposed under the confederation. This event 
 was Shays' Rebellion. 
 
 The financial condition of the people as well as 
 the state of Massachusetts at the close of the Eevo- 
 lution was deplorable.*" But the inflation of the cur- 
 rency*^ — one of the chief expedients for easing the 
 
 (37) Ibid, p. 00. 
 
 (38) Letter of N. Daoe to King, Boston, Oct. 8, 1785. Ibid, pp. 67-70. 
 
 (39) Still in the newspapers as elsewhere the demand for a stronger govern- 
 ment grew. See e. g. Salem Gazette, Feb. 20, 1783. Knox writes to Wash- 
 ington, Boston, Feb. 29. 1784, (Knox MSS. XVII:21) "most sensible men see 
 the importance of the powers of the union being higer [higher] braced — but no 
 measures are proposed to effect it." See also Am. Herald, Feb. 28, 1785; 
 Centinel, April 20, 1785; Am. Herald, April 25, 1785; Cantlnel, Feb. 4, 1780, is 
 noteworthy: "Who that is a real citizen of America, can sit unconcerned, and 
 see the piddling members of some Legislature, debating whether they shall 
 (grant, as they absurdly term it) comply with the requisitions of Congress. 
 With equal absurdity, might every town upon the receipt of a tax bill, first 
 debate whether it was proper, they should grant said tax." The writer was 
 Ctol. Joseph Ward. (See Jackson; Hist, of Newton, p. 551.) Also Mass. Gazette, 
 April 24, May 1, 1786; Am. Herald, July 10, 1786; Mass. Gazette, Feb. 16, 1787, 
 from the Ind. Gh. 
 
 (40) Mlnot: Hist, of Shays' Rebellion, pp. 5-14; Amory: Sullivan, 11:380-4. 
 
 (41) "Labor is generally considered . as the most certain standard . . it 
 is well known, that the same . . number of dollars will now purchase twice as 
 
34 
 
 burdens of the debtor — disguised this fact so fully 
 that it increased their indebtedness and only made 
 the crash the harder when finally the hour of reckon- 
 ing came. To remedy the scarcity of hard money 
 which was felt at the beginning of the war and most 
 acutely at and after its close, the legislature passed, 
 July 3d, 1782, what is known as the Tender Act,*^ 
 which made cattle and other kinds of property legal 
 tender in the discharge of debts. The effect of this 
 was twofold: it marked the beginning of" a deepen- 
 ing hatred between those who had and those who 
 had not, and it postponed the suits for judgment 
 against debtors, thus increasing the total indebted- 
 ness.*^ The act expired in the year following.** 
 
 The anger of the people was first turned toward 
 the officers who had accepted half pay for life.*' 
 After measures had been adopted which involved the 
 appreciation of the various issues of depreciated 
 paper currency, the debtor classes raised a great 
 
 much labor as It would have done In 1781, or 1782." Am. Herald, Feb. 5. 
 1787. "Both merchant goods and country produce now fetches double in hard 
 money what they did before the war . . ." Mass. Spy, Jan. 18, 1781. "The 
 people universally, have had their situation altered, for the worse, within four 
 years past; money has been very plenty, and credit profuse, they contracted 
 debts which they are rendered unable to pay without distress, because their 
 property does not purchase half so much money as the same quantity did when 
 the debt was cointracted." Mass. Gazette, Oct. 24, 1786. "The rage for privateer- 
 ing and traffic, by which some had suddenly grown rich, had induced others 
 . . [to sell] the patrimonial inheritance for trifling considerations, in order to 
 raise ready specie for adventure in some speculative project." Warren: Hist, 
 ■of the Am. Revolution, 111:343. See also Boston Magazine, Dec. 1785; Centinel, 
 Feb. 22, 178S. 
 
 (42) Minot: p. 14. 
 
 (43) Ibid, pp. 14-15. 
 
 (44) Ibid, p. 4. Attacks upon the act are in the Mass. Spy, Jan. 11, 1781; 
 Boslon Gazette, May 17, 1784. To quiet part of the grievainces of the people 
 a new Tender Act, was passed with a great deal of effort, only after the Senate 
 at first had refused to concur. See Minot: p. 59; ajad T. Dal ton to — , Nov. 
 6, 178fi. Essex Inst, Hist, Coll, XXV :18. The act had the natural result 
 of raising interest rates above the legal limit. Centinel, May 20, 1788. The 
 next year an attempt was made to lengthen the time of the act, which was not 
 successful. Ceiatinel, Nov. 7, 14, 1787. See also ibid, Oct. 17, 1787, It ex- 
 pired March 12, 1788. (Centinel, of same date). The same month another 
 vain attempt was made to pass a Tender Law. Ibid, March 26, 29, 1788. 
 
 (45) Ind. Ch., March 14th, 1782. In Connecticut the feeling was even 
 stronger. Col. Humphrey to Ivnox, Hartford, Conn., Sept. 25, 1786. Knox MSS. 
 XIX: 18: "There seems to be some favorable alteration in the sentiment of 
 the people; Inothing need be a stronger proof of this, than the appointment of 
 Major Todd to a seat in the Assembly, by a town, from which three years 
 ago, he was obliged, literally to fly for his life on account of commutation." 
 
 ■ See the Mass. Gazette, Jan. 9, 1786, for the changed attitude in Massachusetts. 
 
35 
 
 outcry. They became inflamed against the creditor 
 classes and the holders of securities.^^ One result 
 of these commotions in the public mind was to start 
 into renewed activity the system of county conven- 
 tions.^^ These conventions had been an efficient aid 
 to government and a useful method of giving voice 
 to public opinion during the period when there was 
 no constitution, but now they were used to foment 
 sedition and even rebellion.^® They often seemed to 
 precede some outrage upon the lawful and consti- 
 tuted authorities of the state. Their method and 
 their ostensible purpose was to formulate a list of 
 grievances which they wished redressed by the legisr 
 latures. The burden of their complaints show con- 
 clusively to what extremes unchecked and unregu- 
 lated democracy can go. Taking as a fair example 
 
 (4G) Salem Gazette, April 11, 1784; Am. Herald, May 16, 1785. The Hamp- 
 shire Herald had a series of articles by "Publick Faith," who assumed this 
 dishonest attitude, which were quoted widely even in the Centinel, Feb. 8, 11,, 
 March 1, 1787. "A Friend to the Community" answers in Ibid, March 4, 8, 1786. 
 See also "Jockey, jun.*' In Ibid, Feb. 11, 178G. A Tlolent attack is in the 
 Centinel, Feb. 18, 1786: "Nor would the piece [Publick Faith] . . have 
 occasioned such 'HIDEOUS ROARINGS,' had It not contained such 'damning 
 proofs.' of rectitude, as to make those who hare amassed an Immense hoard of 
 Publick Securities for a mere song, TREMBLE for their cheap-bought wealth." 
 
 Times were undeniably hard and taxes heavy. There was a great deal of 
 discontent, money was very scarce, so much so, that hardly "a dollar is 
 collected at Communion." William Pynchon's Diary, p. 231. See also 
 p. 233. The state government was likewise afflicted. See letter of Bowdoln to 
 Gen. Shephard, Jan. 21, 1787. Mass. Hist. See. Coll. 7th Ser. 6:129-130. In 
 September, 1784, the estates of no less than seven of tTie tax collectors In 
 Hampshire county were for sale, and further accounts of the distress mention 
 the bad crops for the last three or four years. Salem Gazette, Sept. 14, 1784. 
 The manner of raising the tax was vpry Inequitable, the polls carrying so large 
 a part of the burden. As the Am. Herald — Feb. 2C, 1787 — said: "human nature 
 revolts at the Idea of a sixth part of a year's earnings being wrested from 
 the wretched individual for the sake of this political protection: — and yet this 
 poll tax... has been nearly If not quite equal to this enormous burthen." An 
 Illuminating letter Is in the Hampshire Gazette, March 12, 1794: "wlthlia five 
 years and many antecedent. . .the agriculture interest was at the mercy of the 
 Traders, Drovers. . .payments were not made In money; but in trumpery [things]... 
 money to pay our taxes could not be obtalmed; and the price of the property 
 turned out to the threats of the collector was entirely under his controul. . ." 
 
 The exactions of the lawyers were truly unbearable. See the strictures upon 
 the customs of the law at that period in Parsons: Parsons, p. 192. Even the 
 loyal town of Newton In Its Instructions to its legislative representative, repro- 
 bates In the strongest terms the Iniquitous practices of the law, citing as griev- 
 ances "delays, frequent appeals, protraction of Judgment, loss of time and travel 
 in attendance, and Intolerable expense. . .so that. . .it Is better to lose [a case 
 often]. . .than to seek a recovery at law." Smith: Hist, of Newton, pp. 386-7. 
 
 The letters of the Marquise of Buckingham to Sir John Temple portray in 
 sombre colors the hopeless condition of American trade from an English stand- 
 polint. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc. 1866-7, pp. 71-2. 
 
 (47) Hist. Mag. IV, 2nd ser., p. 257. 
 
 (48) See Appendix A. 
 
36 
 
 the grievances and resolutions of the Hatfield Con- 
 vention/" it becomes clear, that the people desired 
 not a republican government, but a democratic one, 
 as is evidenced by their proposal to do away with 
 the Senate, to make the officers of government de- 
 pendent on the legislature through annual appro- 
 priations for their salaries, and to make all the 
 civil officers of government dependent on the rep- 
 resentatives of the people through annual election 
 by the legislature. They also demanded an imme- 
 diate revision of the constitution, in order to remedy 
 permanently the many grievances of which they 
 complained. In other lines they wished a Tender 
 law, a bank of paper money subject to a regular de- 
 preciation and the removal of the legislature from 
 the contaminating influence of Boston. They wished 
 to abolish the courts of Common Pleas and General 
 Sessions of the Peace, and to reform in a drastic 
 way the Fee Table and the methods of practice of 
 the lawyers. They put forth various schemes for 
 the amelioration of taxation.^" The utterances of 
 the Hatfield Convention''^ are typical; they disclose 
 fully both the destructive and constructive aims of 
 the malcontents. Of course the men of wealth and 
 position regarded this whole commotion as a wicked 
 
 (49) Aug. 22ncl to 25th, 1786. Minot, p. 33. This is the most famous of thff 
 conventions of this period, which met for the purpose of redressing grievances 
 with resolutions — or with clubs and arms. 
 
 (50) There were twenty articles voted. For an extended account see Minot, 
 pp. 33-6. The Leicester county convention of 37 delegates — the Hatfield had 
 fifty towns represeuteti from Hampshire County — held May 15th, 1786, (ad- 
 journed to tlie last Tuesday in September) presented eight chief grievances: 
 1. Holding of the legislature in Boston. 2. Want of a circulating medium. 
 3. Extortion of the fee-table. 4. Court of Common Pleas. 5. The appropriation 
 of the impost and excise duties to the payment of the interest of the state debt 
 (1. e. repudiation.) 6. The grants made by the legislature "to the Attorney 
 General & others." 7. Too many offlce-holders and too large salaries. 8. "The 
 State furnishing money to Congress while our account with Congress remains- 
 unsettled." 
 
 (51) By adjournment this convention met on January 2nd, 1787, but so often 
 had these conventions been followed by armed mobs and since matters had pro- 
 ceeded so far that they were only to be settled by arms, the canvention accom- 
 plished nothing. In the Centinel for Jan. 20th, 1787, which publishes its address 
 there, is also a mock funeral procession ridiculing its members, aims, and failure- 
 
37 
 
 attempt to seize property and to level all distinc- 
 tions.^^ This latter charge, which is made again 
 and again, is interesting.^^ It shows that society, 
 having been greatly weakened in its upper strata, 
 had lost its equilibrium and was undergoing a violent 
 agitation. The social rigidity, which had developed 
 earlier was broken down. Different elements were 
 struggling upward. The representatives of the new 
 aristocracy, conscious that their position was not 
 yet assured and that the people were moved to be 
 a law unto themselves, felt most bitterly in regard 
 to the common mass of people who were not disposed 
 
 (52) T. Sedgwick to King, Boston, June 18, 1787; "A war Is now actually- 
 levied on the virtue, property and distinctions In the Community..." King: 
 King, 1:224. The movement toward levelling sprang from Revolutionary times. 
 J. Sullivan to J. Adams, March 9, 1776. Amory: Sullivan, 1:77. It was be- 
 wailed "that a spirit of dress and show... at present seta out the shop-boy In 
 such a style, that it is hardly possible to distinguish between him and the first 
 merchant In the city." Continental Journal, July 7, 1785. And anguish was 
 caused "in one of our polite circles. . .[because] It Is Impossible to distinguish 
 by their dress a lady worth £100 from one worth £10,000." Am. Herald, 
 June 13, 1785. 
 
 (53) Knox to Washlington, New York, Oct. 23, 1786: "they [the Insurgents] 
 feel at once their own poverty compared with the opulent, and their own force, 
 and they are determined to make use of the latter in order to remedy th« 
 former." Drake: Knox, p. 91. S. HIgginaon to N. Dane, B'ostom, March 3, 
 1787; "the people . have too high a taste for luxury and dissipation, to sit 
 down contented in their proper line, when they see others possessed of much 
 more property than themselves. with these feeliings and sentiments, they will 
 not be quiet while such distinctions exist as to rank aiad property; and sensible 
 of their own force they will not rest easy till they possess the reins of 
 Government, and have divided property with their betters, or they shall be 
 compelled by force to submit to their proper stations and mode of living." 
 Am. Hist. Assn. Rep. I (1896) 754. King to Kllham, N. Y., Oct. 29, 1786. 
 King: King, 11:612: The "leaders" of the insurgents "publicly avow . that all 
 America . . was acquired by the people ['s] . joint exertions; that all 
 men being by nature equal, the Property ought to be equally divided among 
 [them] . . and [therefore] . . all debts contracted before [the Revolution] . . 
 are annihilated and any attempts to enforce their payment are plunder and 
 robbery." 
 
 The attitude of the sympathizers with the oppressed malcontents i'^ out- 
 limed by a writer in the Mass. Gazette, Oct. 20, 1786 — from the (October) Worces- 
 ter Magazine — in answer to a writer in the August 22d, 25th issues: "When we 
 had other Rulers, committees and conventions of the people were lawful . . 
 Has he forgot how lately this commonwealth has shaken off its oppressors and 
 will the virtuous yeomanry who disdained to stoop to foreign tyrants, now 
 bow . . to intennal despots. Let such . remember the fate of their pre- 
 decessors and tremble . the first petition from Concress was treated in the 
 same manner by them that the petition from the Convention in the county of 
 Bristol was by the late General Court. . .It is certainly time there waS' a 
 change." It was maddening to the poverty stricken people to see "more money 
 lavished by otne single grant of the General Court on [James Sullivan, the at- 
 torney-general] . who has rendered himself generally disagreeable to the 
 people, than can be obtained by a life of industrious labour..." Fourth 
 detaand In the petition of the Worcester County Convention of October, 1786. 
 Published in the Mass. Gazette, Oct. 17, 1786. 
 
38 
 
 to grant them homage or obedience. Shays' Re- 
 bellion was the result of the poisoning and blighting, 
 by hardships, of this strong democratic movement. 
 This outbreak marks the height of the democratic 
 tide in western Massachusetts.^* 
 
 Although it only lasted from 1786 to 1787"" con- 
 ditions had been ripening since the pre-revolution- 
 ary days.'''^ The stoppage of the courts by mobs in 
 1774, and the blow thereby rendered to authority 
 and law was such as to bring these essentials to civ- 
 ilized government into great contempt.^^ It is a 
 remarkable tribute to the instinctive conservatism 
 and the admirable steadiness of character in the 
 transplanted Englishman, that Massachusetts, with- 
 out a settled constitution, and depending solely on 
 temporary regulations and the good behaviour of 
 her citizens, had been able to provide for public 
 order and private right, while engaged in a pro- 
 longed and almost desperate war.'^ To a degree 
 
 (54) Appendix B. 
 
 (55) Ibid. 
 
 (56) With the overthrow of the conservatives and of British authority, 
 courts ajad government, the people, especially In the western half of Massa- 
 chusetts, had been a law unto themselves. When finally, the Constitution of 
 1780 went into effect, the people were more or less disposed to flout^authority. 
 Wells: Adams, 111:159-160, 162; Ind. Ch., May 23, Aug. 29, 1782; Diary of 
 Wm. Pynchon, p. 127. The towns assumed an Independent air toward the state 
 government. See Dalton's vote of "Nullification" In 1786. Holland: Hist, of 
 Western Mass., 11:481. Likewise Dalton's act of "Secession," Dec. 27th, 1787. 
 Ibid, 11:481-2. The Salem Gazette for May 2, 1782, has the resolution of a County 
 Convention of 20 towns at Worcester, April 9th, 1782. In ibid, for July 4, 
 1782, is the action of the Salem town meeting along similar lines. 
 
 (57) Gushing; Columbia Studies. VII: No. 1; pp. 88-90. 
 
 (58) Amid all this opposition to government and treason there were remarkably 
 few lawless proceedings. Gen. Shepherd of Westfield had his horse treated 
 Infamously to be sure and when his barn was burnt the insurgents were accused 
 of perpetrating that outrage. The worst bit of plundering was done by the 
 government troops in Pelham. The rebels themselves treated their uprising 
 In the lightest manner. M. North to Kinoi, Springfield, Feb. 19, 1787. Knox 
 MSS. XVIII:138: "I saw about forty of those fellows, who had just-beetn taken 
 & were marching under guard to Pittsfield, they looked, & spoke very Impu- 
 dently to every one, who they supposed was off the other side, they halted a 
 moment & when the line of march was again taken up, they went off skipping 
 St Jumping . . ." And they knew that they had been officially declared rebels 
 by the reluctant legislature. Jackson to Knox, Boston, Feb. 3, 1787. Knox 
 MSS. XIX:152: The rebels "have no idea of fighting, unless they are pushed 
 to It — their only cry is mercy, mercy — they are much afraid of the Military, but 
 expect to be fully heard & their petitions granted by the General Court." 
 
39 
 
 Shaj'-s' Eebellion itself exemplifies this trait of the 
 
 people.^® 
 
 <r)0) Notwithstanding the quick collapse of the movement there had been a 
 great deal of alarm excited. Farsoias, S. H. to Knox, Mlddletown, [Conn.] 
 Nov. (!, 1786. Knox MSS. XIX:15: "I am Informed some Towns have met In 
 consequence of the Letter [of Shays] & have order[ed] the . . arms & military 
 Stores . . to be delivered to the Insurgents [who are] daily practicing in 
 military maneuvres & . . [are] paid 3s In Cash each Day . . if this is true 
 the fire Is kindled from Causes we are not fully informed of — The flame has 
 caught In Vermont . . .'' Knox to Parsons, New York, Nov. 19, 1786. Kmox 
 MSS. XIX;21: "Lord Dorchester has arrived In Canada. We must narrowly at- 
 tend his motives. If he shall Intrigue with Vermont, or the insurgents or 
 both, it Is probable that vast events are in the Moment of their birth." A 
 year after the Rebellion was crushed, Knox writes to Col. Carrlngton, Feb. 14, 
 1788. Knox MSS. XXI:145: "yet 8/lOths of them [antifederallsts] were paper 
 money and tender law people and insurgents who are under the influence of 
 people hoping for a reunion with Great Britain." The belief that the "Tories" 
 were active In this uprising was widespread. See King's communication to 
 the Massachusetts legislature, quoted in the Am. Herald, Oct. 16, 1786. Other 
 assertions of this fact are to be found In ibid; Oct. 30, 1786; Mass. Gazette, 
 Nov. 3, 14, Dec. 26, 17S6. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE ADOPTION OF THE FEDERAL CONSTITUTION IN 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 Massachusetts, the rival of Virginia and the leader 
 of the New England group, was exceediugly jealous 
 of her rights and virtual independence. In addition 
 to the general desire for a strong government, unsel- 
 fish and otherwise, prevalent among the wise and 
 farseeing, two events contributed to a sharp lesson 
 of humiliation through danger and adversity. One 
 was the sorrowful result to the remnant of her com- 
 merce in the attempt to tax heavily British vessels.^ 
 This disaster was not forgotten by the chastened 
 and humbled merchants, and the memory of it bore 
 later much good fruit. The other was that wide- 
 spread and threatening movement known as Shays' 
 Eebellion which fully opened the eyes of all true 
 patriots to their country's danger.^ 
 
 Heretofore the demands of those who desired that 
 more power should be conferred upon Congress had 
 
 (1) Kln-i: Klnff. 1:14-15, foot notes. Also S. Shaw to Knox, Boston, Aug. 
 8, 1785: ''Our navigation act took place nn the flrst Instant. British bottoms 
 have since Stiiled in ballast, carrying away money which they could not be 
 allowed to lOxchange for flsh and lumber . If Congress had powers; now 
 would be the time for them to show their wisdom in a vigorous exercise of 
 them.." Knox- llss. XVI1I:C7. See also Oentinel, June 2, 9, 1790; Dec. 11, 1793. 
 
 (2) S. Bi-eci; to Kno.x, Boston, July 14, 1787. Kmox MSS. XX:131: "The 
 danger to which this Commonwealth has been exposed & the Villanous conduct 
 of tlie State of Rhode Island will shew the necessity of parting with a greater 
 Share of the Priviiegt^s to secure the remainder than we have been willing 
 to do at any former Period — " North to Knox, Boston, Oct. 29, 1786. Knox 
 MSS. XIX :30: "The people liere, smell a rat, that the Troops about to be 
 raised are more for the Insurgeiats than the Indians, however this malres no 
 odds, every body seems to wish a strong Government . . " Wadsworth to 
 Knox, Hartford, Sept. 23, 1787. Knox MSS. XXI:13: "there is a strong party 
 forminjj against the Convention and much reason to fear the new government will 
 
 not go down — if the Massachusetts rebellion had continued we might have ■" 
 
 "In investigating the causes which gave life to the happy form of government 
 wluch we shall ere long be under, the Historian will not forget the era of 
 the late Insurrections in this Commonwealth. The insurrections and the speedy 
 quelling or them, must be considered as the causes of bringing in existence, at 
 a much earlier period than would otherwise have been [the Federal] govern- 
 ment . ." Centlnel, July 12, 1788, "Capt. Daniel Shays who a few years 
 
41 
 
 been like voices crying in the wilderness.^ But it 
 was this outbreak, which not only convinced men, 
 but gave the great opportunity to those who had 
 been earnestly longing for an adequate government.* 
 The party of Bowdoin comprised all those who were 
 opposed to the '* excess of democracy," which was 
 rendering the Federal as well as the Massachusetts 
 government incapable of commanding the respect 
 and obedience of its citizens. 
 
 since comraanfled the body of Insurgents which shook this Commonwealth to 
 Its centre — and whose proceedings had great effect In producing our Na.tdonal 
 Government is now confined In prison at Worcester, for debt." Centlnel, 
 June 20. 1792. Knox (writins: to S. Hig:glnson, Feb. 25, 1787, Knox MSS. 
 XIX:179) presents another side to the conclusions which will be drawn from 
 Shays' Rebellion: "The atrongegt arguments possible may be drawn from the 
 events which have happenfd in that state . . to efCect a strong general govern- 
 ment. But the rebellion Imis not had, and probably will not have, the effect, that 
 one. . .would suppose — Although all the states, possess the fear of dissolution, 
 which are hourly springing up. .and In some States are nearly ripe. . . 
 many people speak of the disorder of Massachusetts as produced by local 
 causes. . [which] will prevent those measures necessary to the establishment 
 of [govennment] . . . " Yet he writes to Washington three months earlier, 
 Dec. 21, 17S«: "The commotions of Massachusetts have wrought prodigious 
 changes in the minds of men in that State respecting the Powers of Government 
 every body says they must be strengthened and that unless this be effected, 
 there is no security for liberty or property." The most Interesting contribution to 
 tlxe effects of Shays' Rebellion was the speech of Jonathan Smith of Lanes- 
 borough, Berkshire County, In the Massachusetts Convention. And his knowledge 
 ,of the dangerous and anarchical conditions which existed In those turbulent 
 times was at first hand, since 'Berkshire county felt the evil effects months 
 after open disaffection had been stamped out in the other counties. His 
 speecli — for he was a farmer and therefore not open to the suspicion of aristoc- 
 racy — could not but have had a very convincing effect on his "brother plough- 
 Joggers," as he called them. Debates . . In the Convention . . of Mass., p. 203. 
 The following is from a speech made In the General Court, June 12, 1787: 
 "We have letters from several gentlemen of character, a petitioin from a number 
 of inhabitants . . [which] testify [to] their danger; and that they are obliged 
 to quit their habitations, and repair within the guards of safety during the 
 night. Painting themselves like savages, they [the Insurgents] now take to 
 the woods, are cantinually firing upon the guards, and peaceable citizens," 
 Blass. Gazette, June 15, 1787. This Is in Berkshire county. 
 
 (3) Salem Gazette, Feb. 20, 1783. The failure of Massachusetts* effort to 
 conserve lier small trade had been nullified by the opening of the Connecticut 
 seaports to British trade. This Increased the feeble demand for more federal 
 power. Am. Herald. Feb. 28, April 25, 1785; Centlnel, April 20, 1785. In the 
 Iindepenclent Chronicle of March 10th, quoted In the Salem Gazette of June 7th, 
 1785, there is an interesting anticipation of Governor Bowdoin's famous address 
 to tlie legislature on May 31st of this same year: "As to this state. If the 
 private affairs of the members of the General Assembly now sitting will 
 not admit of a longer session, the Court might appoint and empower a committee 
 to address Congress, and the rest of the States, on the subject of our common 
 necessities, and to consult on some measures of national benefit." 
 
 (4) See three letters of HiEginson to Knox, Boston, Nov. 12, 25, 1786; Jan. 
 20, 1787, which Illustrate clearly his conviction that "The present moment Is 
 very favorable to the forming further and necessary arrangements, for increasing 
 the dignity & energy of Government . ." Am. Hist. Assn. Rep. I (1896) 741-5. 
 See also Knox to Washington. N. Y., Dec. 21, 1786. Ibid, p. 98; Washington 
 to Lafayette, March 25, 1787. Sparks: Writings of Washlngtom, IX:241-2. In 
 the summer of 1787 there was stolen from S. Hlgginson and printed a letter, 
 ■which made a tremendous commotion. It was evidently written to General 
 
42 
 
 It was this conservative minority^ which, worked 
 unceasingly to carry the adoption of the constitution 
 in Massachusetts," that state, whose intrinsic import- 
 ance and weight was second to none and only 
 equalled by Virginia, and on whose action probably 
 depended the fate of the United States/ So far as 
 numbers went, the hostile elements were more num- 
 erous. These comprised Hancock and some of his 
 party, whose great objection, it was charged, arose 
 from the conviction that their honors and dignity 
 would be materially lessened by the adoption.^ 
 
 Lincoln In January while the latter was on his expedition to subdue Shays. It 
 contained certain ambiguous terms which eTidently refer to his aind his friends' 
 desire for a strong goyernmenf: "From our last advices I hare so^e hope you 
 may get Shays in your power, this would finish the business to our wishes. We 
 are here, preparing for matters more HARD TO MANAGE and MORE DAN- 
 GEROUS than Shays and his party. But If you can give a decisive stroke to 
 the latter, . we can more easily obtain the former. We are not here much 
 less active In pursuing the GREAT OBJECT than you are..." Oentlnel, 
 Aug. 1, 1787, from the Independent Chronicle. See also Centlnel, Aug. 4, 8, 
 11, 15, 18, 22; Sept. 1; Mass. Gazette, Aug. 10, 1787; also Ibid, Dec. 3, 1788. 
 
 (5) There were even those who were for a monarchy. Knox to Washington, 
 New York, Jan. 14, 1788. Drake: Memorial of the Cincinnati, pp. 180-2; N. 
 Dane to Knox, Beverly, Dec. 27, 1787. Essex Inst. Hist. Coll. XXXV :89; 
 Col. B. Tupper to Knox, April 1787. Knox MSS. XX:67: "Perhaps your Honor 
 may remember that on my return from the Ohio I declared In favour of 
 Majesty for which your Honor gave me a gentle check . . I cannot give up the 
 Idea that Monarchy In our present situation Is become absolutely necessary to 
 save the States from sinking Into the lowest abblss of Misery. I have delivered 
 my sentiments in all companies at this term, without reserve, and was, aaid 
 am exceedingly pleased to find such a respectable number of my sentiments. 
 I am clearly of Opinion if matters were properly arranged it would be easily 
 and soon effected. The Old society of Cincinnati must once more consult aind 
 effect the Salvation of a distracted Country. While I remain in the Country 
 [until removing to Ohio] I shall be a strong advocate for what I have sug- 
 ested . ." 
 
 (Q) The whole management of the Constitution in the Cauventlon was com- 
 mitted Into the hands of a secret caucus of the leading federalists. T. Dalton 
 
 to [Boston], Feb. 3, 1788. Essex. Inst. Hist. Coll. XXXV:87-8. Same 
 
 to M. Hodge, [Boston], Jan. 30, 1788: "All this [that both Hancock and 
 Adams will support the Constitution] Is scarcely known out of our caucus, 
 wherein we work as hard as iia Convention." Same to S. Hooper, [Boston], 
 Jan. 31, 1788: "Just returned from Caucus . . We are not idle by Night 
 or Day . . ." Ibid, p. 94. 
 
 (7) E. Carrlngton to Knox, Richmond, Va., March 13, 1787. Knox MSS. 
 XXI:167: "The decision of Massachusetts is perhaps the most Important event 
 that ever took place In America, as upon her In all probability depended the 
 fate of tlie Constitution — liad she rejected I am sure there would not have 
 been the most remote cliniiice for its adoption in Virginia . . " Wadsworth 
 to Knox, Hartford, Sept. 23, 1787, ibid, XXXI;13: "but If Massachusetts 
 adopt It I shall still hope for the adoption here [in Connecticut] . ." See 
 also Drake: Life of Knox, p. 1.50; Debates . . In the Convention . . of Mass., 
 p. 410; J. Laugdon to Washington, Portsmouth, N. H., Feb. 28, 1788. Sparks: 
 
 Correspondence of the Revolution, IV:211; Knox to , New York (?), Jan.' 
 
 3, 1788. Knox MSS. XXI:125: "everything depends on Massachusetts should 
 she set the bright example . . . ." 
 
 (8) Amory In his Life of Sullivan, 1:224, tries to disprove this accusation 
 
43 
 
 Samuel Adams' opposition was a matter of prin- 
 ciple.® There can be no doubt that he honestly be- 
 lieved the liberties of the people and democracy 
 itself were bottomed on the sovereignty of the states, 
 and he clearly perceived that the Constitution was 
 national rather than federal in many respects.^" 
 Another important antagonist was Elbridge Gerry, 
 one of the delegates to the Philadelphia Convention, 
 who, after participating in the debates and making 
 useful suggestions, had found that his conscience 
 would not permit him to sign an instrument, which 
 was, to him, dangerous in its tendencies and sub- 
 versive of free government.^^ 
 
 To these respectable opponents must be added 
 factions whose opposition was based on either small 
 or personal reasons. In Maine one part of the anti- 
 federalists represented the so-called "Kennebec 
 Squatters," who feared that somehow Federal Gov- 
 ernment would aid in dispossessing them of their 
 
 (9) Not only was the weight of Samuel Adams' influence thrown at first 
 against the adoption of the Constitution in Massachusetts, but he opposed the 
 calling of a convention in 1785. S. Adams to Gei'ry, Sept. 19, 1785: "A general 
 ReTlsion of the CojQfPderatlon appears to me to be a dangerous Measure to 
 be adopted at this Time." Gerry replies to Adams, Sept. 30, 1785: "I am 
 happy to find that we unite in S«utiment . . in opposing a general Revision of 
 the Confederation." Botli, however, were convinced that it was necessary to ijn- 
 vest Congress with sufficient power for regulating foreign commerce. Adams 
 insisted that "this Power [must be] properly guarded" and Gerry was determined 
 to make this power merely "temporary." S. Adams MSS., N. Y. Public Library. 
 
 (10) S. Adams to R. H. Lee, Dec. 3, 1787: "I confess when [word Illegible] 
 Building, I stumble at the Threshold. I meet with a National Governmemt 
 Instead of a federal Union of Sovereign States." S. Adams MSS., N. Y. 
 Public Library. C. Gore to King, Dec. 23, 1787. King: King, 1:265; Same 
 to same, Dec. 30, 1787: "S. Adams is out full agaiinst it [Constitution]. There 
 is ev'ry reason to conclude him the author of Helvidius Priscus . . ." Ibid, 
 pp. 266;7; see N. Gorham to Knox, Jan. 8, 1788. Essex Inst. Hist. Coll. XXXV:89. 
 
 An extract of a letter from Cambridge may throw some light. "Mr. A 
 
 had been very much upon the reserve as to his sentiments upon the new plan, 
 till the choice of delegates for convention was made; and since that time has 
 dipped his pen in venom and gall against the constitution . . he [has] 
 encourag[ed] . .the republication of Richard H. Lee's backnied trumpery, in 
 a pamphlet, circulated in Connecticut, and lately brought here ..." Mass. 
 Gazette, Jan. 1, 1788. N. Gorham to Knox, Charlestown, Feb. 18, 1787. Knox 
 MSS. XIX:172: "Mr. Adams Is full of doubts and difficulties & aading that 
 he cannot obstruct the report generally wishes to limit the Commission in 
 such manner as I think will exceedingly Injure the business . . " This was the 
 report of the Annapolis Convention before the Massachusetts General Court in 
 pursuance of a motion by Gerry. King: King, 1:200. 
 
 (11) Gerry to the Sciaate and House of Representatives of Massachusett*. 
 New York, Oct. 18, 1787. Austin: Gerry, 11:42-5. 
 
44 
 
 illegal land holdings.*^ Another portion was com- 
 posed of those who were desirous of a separation 
 from Massachusetts and who believed that their de- 
 sign would be hindered if not frustrated by the adop- 
 tion of the Constitution.^^ 
 
 In Massachusetts proper the great bulk of anti- 
 federalism was denounced by conservatives as 
 Shays ' party .^* While in the Convention itself there 
 were not a few of those who had participated in 
 the armed uprising, this term of reproach covered 
 all the various phases of radicalism and democracy 
 which flourished during this period. As we have 
 seen, what is termed Shays' Eebellion does not mere- 
 ly include lawless and armed attacks on the courts, 
 which, arising first from anger and sense of injury, 
 were afterwards necessary to prevent indictments by 
 higher courts, but was the result of a large undirect- 
 ed movement of democracy, which aimed at leveling 
 of distinctions in society, and also threatened sta- 
 bility of property under guise of the Tender Acts 
 and paper money .^^ The leaders of this party in 
 the Convention were without any special talent 
 and, what was prized most highly in those days, re- 
 spectability. They were men, most of whom were ob- 
 scure then, and all of whom are absolutely forgotten 
 now.^*' In this Convention the ability of the state 
 
 (12 Mass Gazette, Feb. 19, 1788. Extract of a letter from Portland; see 
 also Madison to Washington, New York, Feb. 3, 1788. Sparks: Correspondence 
 of the Revolution, 1V:207. 
 
 (13) Ibid, also C. Gore to King, Boston, Jan. 6, 17S8. King: King, 1:312. 
 
 (14) Centinel, Jan. 2, 1788, from the Conn. Courant. Knox's well kmown 
 letter" to Washington om Oct. 23, 1786, Is In Brooks: Knox, pp. 194-6; see 
 also Parsons: Parsons, pp. 63-4; Madison to Washington, Jan. 20, 1788. Ibid, 
 p. 60; same to same, Feb. 3, 1788. Ibid, pp. 62-3. 
 
 (15) All attempts to Induce Massachusetts to Issue paper money failed, al- 
 though iudlvlduals and towns clamored for It. Mass. Gazette, June 12, July 
 3, 1786; Continental Journal, Oct. 13, 1785; Centinel, Sept. 21, 1785, from the 
 Mass. Spy. In 1786, the petition of the Bristol County Convention for paper money 
 was rejected by the legislature 99 to 19. Minot, p. 31. In the legislature of 
 the next year, which was supposed to be seriously infected with the viewi 
 of Shayism, the proposal was even more emphatically frowned upon. J. Q. 
 Adams to J. Adams, June 30, 1787. Adams: Life in a N. E. Town, pp. 119-120, 
 foot note. 
 
 (16) Harding: Federal Constitution In Mass., pp. 63-6, gives a brief biography 
 of the leading antifederalists in the Convention. Gerry, Warren and Adams wert 
 either absent or largely silent In the Convention. 
 
45 
 
 was enrolled almost exclusively on the side of the 
 federalists." 
 
 The commercial elements especially were eagerly 
 awaiting results of the labors of the Constitutional 
 Convention.i^ Judging the rest of the state by their 
 interest and anticipations, these partial observers 
 were convinced of the prompt and easy adoption of 
 that instrument which it was deemed would bring 
 prosperity to their undertakings.^" "The people of 
 Boston," wrote Kjiox, "are in raptures with it as 
 it IS, but would have liked it still better had it been 
 higher-toned."^" The publication of the text of the 
 Constitution in the Centinel on September 26th, was 
 followed soon after by the first open attack against 
 that document^^ by a person who preferred to remain 
 unknown and to escape the ' ' treatment ... so liberally 
 bestowed on Mr. Gerry . . . and other most respectable 
 
 (17) The overwhelming odds iia favor of the federalists so far as talents 
 and "respectability" went are strikingly brought out in a letter from a member 
 of the Convention, quoted by Madison to Washington, Feb. 3, 1788. Sparks: 
 Correspondence of the Revolution, IV:207-S. B. B'ldwell to D. Daggett, Tyrlng- 
 ham, June 16, 1787: "Debtors are generally on the other side; and this com- 
 prehends more thaiQ lialf of the people. Persons guilty of crimes, or who wish 
 to commit crimes; Rhode Island Emigrants, and almost all of the denomination 
 of Baptists and boys . such have pretty generally engaged in the Insurrec- 
 tion.™ Proe. Am. Antiq. See. N. S. IV (1885-7) 369. Also Knox to Washing- 
 ton, New York, Oct. 23, 1786. Brooks: Knox, pp. 194-5. 
 
 (18) Knox to Washington, New York, Aug. 14, 1787. Sparks: Correspondence 
 of the Revolution, IV: 178. 
 
 (19 J. Stullivan to King, Boston; Sept. 23, 1787. King: King, 1:259: "Our 
 people expect so much happiness from the doings of the Convention that they 
 stand ready to adopt anything ... it will meet with no opposition in this 
 state." C. Gore to King, Oct. 7, 1787, ibid, p. 261. The legislature made 
 provision for the calling of the state convention by a vote of 129 in a total 
 of 161. This majority was made possible by the amendment that the delegates be 
 paid by the state treasurer, not by the respective towns. Jackson to Knox, 
 Boston, Oct. 21, 1787. Knox MSS. XXI :23; N. Gorham to Knox, Boston, Oct. 25, 
 1787, ibid, XXI:28. Jackson to Knox, Boston, Oct. 28, 1787, Ibid, XXI:29: 
 "from the present disposition of the people there is not the least doubt but 
 the New Constitution will be accepted . by a very large Majority . ." 
 King to Knox, Boiiton, Oct. 28, 1787, ibid, XXIiSO. "I am laboring... I doubt 
 not that others labor against me, but I cannot discover any person of consequence 
 In this quarter who stands wrong — last Evening I spent in preaching on the 
 Report of the Conveintlon to the Representatives of Main[e], they had received 
 some ill impressions. . . Gushing the Chief Justice gave a solemn charge last 
 week in Bristol to the Grand Jury, enlarged upon our distressed situation. . .and 
 concluded In favor of the adoption of the [constitution]. . .this charge will be 
 repeated at Cambridge..." 
 
 (20) To Washington, New York, Aug. 14, 1787. Sparks: Correspondence of the 
 Revolution, 1V:178. 
 
 (21) Dr. Harding (in his Federal Constitution in Massachusetts, p. 20) makes 
 this statement, with which the writer's researches agree. The article is In the 
 Mass. Gazette for Oct. 9, 1787. 
 
46 
 
 characters, who appear to have objected to the plan 
 of confederation . . . "^^ This -onanimity once broken, 
 others followed this hardy individual who raised 
 doubts regarding the perfection and. even the de- 
 sirability of the proposed Constitution.^^ Judging 
 from the excitement and anger aroused, Gerry's 
 hostile attitude and his letter caused the most harm 
 to the federalists.^* Still Gorham wrote to Knox on 
 October 30th : ' ' Things look pretty well though there 
 is an opposition preparing, but I do not think it will 
 be sufficient [to answer] . . . the intentions of 
 some. . . . "^® 
 
 As November passed, the opposition grew. A 
 handbill containing a number of articles depicting 
 the miserable condition of Boston should the Con- 
 stitution be adopted, was posted up in that city.^® 
 
 (22) Ibid, Oct. 16, 178T. Tho editor ot the paper had to Issue a reassuring 
 statement as to the motives of this assaller of the Constitution and to decline to 
 reveal the name of the author despite the many demands. Jia ibid (for Oct. 13) 
 there Is a stricture on the article against the Constitution. 
 
 (23) Harding: Federal Constitution in Mass. Chap. II, passim. 
 
 (24) Mass. Gazette, Oct. 12, 1787; Centinel, Nov. 10, 14, 1787. In the latter 
 it Is admitted that t^erry's opposition is of great weight with doubters and 
 others. The letter itself appeared in the Centinel of Nov. 3d, 1787. It was the 
 well known letter of Oct. ISth which was addressed to the legislature of the state 
 explaining his reasons for not signing the document. As this was wholly a 
 gratuitous performance, its animus and purpose were self-revealed. Jackson to 
 Knox, Boston, Nov. 11, 1787. Knox MSS. XXI:47: "Mr. Gerrys letter has done 
 much mischief lu this State... it has given great strength to the small, very 
 small party that were in the opposition. . .his friends aind Circle... are exceed- 
 ingly displeased... However the System stands firm & well as yet, and have no 
 doubt but it will be finally adopted in this State..." Same to same, Nov, 18. 
 1787, ibid, XXI:51: It "has done great injury. . .more than he will ever be able 
 to do good by a whole life of repentance — everything went on firm and well until 
 that dam'd letter... the Insurgent interest is the only influence against it [the 
 
 Constitution] — but this is pretty powerful." Also C. Gore to King, Dec. 30, 1787. 
 King: King, 1:267; N. Gorham to Knox, Charlestown, Dec. 4, 1787. Knox MSS. 
 XXI:66: "Mr. Gerry's letter has done infinite mischief .. .Dr. Franklin favored 
 me with some observations he made Just before he put his name to tlie Consti- 
 tution — I have had it published — it has had a wonderful effect." — (Printed im 
 Debates... in the Convention. . .of Mass., pp, 352-4). A most bitter attack was 
 made upon Gerry by Oliver Ellsworth for his letter and his attitude. It begins; 
 "In Massachusetts the opposition began with you, and from motives most piti- 
 fully selfish and despicable; you addressed yourself to the Shays faction, and that 
 faction will be your only support." [This prophecy in regard to his political sup- 
 port was abundantly justified b.v subsequent events.] Centinel, Jan. 2. 5, from 
 the Cann. Courant. Also in Ford: Essays on the Constitution, 1787-8. T. Dalton 
 to , Jan. 20, 1787. Essex lust. I-Iist. Coll. XXV:19: "If [the Constitu- 
 tion]... be rejected we must thank Mr. Gerry." 
 
 (25 Kiiiox MSS. XXI :35. 
 
 (26) Am. Herald, Nov. 19, 1787. Reprinted in that issue. It asserted the 
 trade of Boston would be driven to Philadelphia and the rich men would leave 
 Boston for that place; hence the tradesmen would starve and Boston's import- 
 unce would be annihilated; liberty of the press restrained; trial by Jury and writ 
 •of habeas corpus abolished; loss of liberty result and consequent loss of virtue 
 
47 
 
 Although the greater part of the activity of the 
 federalists was done by personal missionary work 
 with individuals, the channels of the newspapers 
 were not neglected. Lively resentment was shown 
 by the outraged friends of the Constitution. Ex- 
 claimed one indignant correspondent "A late writer, 
 who signs fhimself] Old Whig, begins his strictures 
 upon the Constitution by applying the polite and 
 liberal epithet of CUNNINGr to the members of 
 Convention... What I the GREAT WASHINGTON 
 and his associates in Convention, descend to cunning 
 and artifice r'^^ Another ascribed the whole op- 
 position to "originate from the officers of govern- 
 ment, who are afraid of losing their salaries or 
 places. "^^ When December came and the election 
 returns began to drift in, the error of their previous 
 optimism was perfectly apparent. On the coast 
 things looked favorable in general, even Bristol 
 county, "which was supposed to be wrong, is by a 
 great majority right. "^^ However, no false hopes 
 were entertained in regard to the opposition from 
 
 1;q tlie people who would become "vicious. Indolent and dissolute"; discourage- 
 ment of agriculture; a standing army, and a navy "calculated to give genteel 
 Employment to the idle and extravagant;'* a "Multiplicity of offices to provide 
 for ruined Fortunes; and finally Representatives chosen in such a way as-to malse 
 it a Businods of Life." This was argument ad hominem, and quite different 
 from the lofty and more or less abstract discussion of principles which char- 
 acterized the antifederailst campaign to a certain extent. The "indignant recep- 
 tion" which this "inflammatory document" met with is given in the Centinel for 
 Nov. 21, 1787. But in the same issue Is a list of twenty-three objections to the 
 Constitution, and in nautical language the aintifederal activity is outlined in Ibid 
 for Nov. 24, 1787. 
 
 A very fair objection to the dictatorial and hasty methods of the federalists 
 is made In the American Herald for Dec. 17, 1787: "It would have been very 
 extraordinary that [this] .. .System of National Government. . .should have beea 
 less e.\amlned than a Bye-Law made by a town-meeting — and yet If the pretended 
 friends of the People could have had their way. . .this. . .would have been the 
 case." R. H. Lee writes to S. Adams, New Yorli, Oct. 5, 1787: "The friends 
 of just Liberty are astonished at the Occlusions of Press in Boston." S. Adams 
 MSS., N. Y. Public Library. See the denials of this fact by the printers In the 
 Ccintlnel, Oct. 27, 1787. 
 
 (27) Ibid, Oct. 31, 1787. . There are two other broadsides directed agalmst 
 the offending "Old Whig" In this issue alone. In the same issue Is a dialogue 
 between "Mr. Z. and Mr. Antifederailst." 
 
 (28) Ibid, Oct. 27, 1787. The piece continues: "remember the opposition 
 which our Independence received from a few officers of government In the years 
 1775 and 1776. Recollect the Friendly addresses and the Catos, which appeared 
 . . . these publications, came from men of greater understanding, and more exten- 
 sive influence than Randolph, Mason or Gerry." 
 
 (29) King: King. 1:264. 
 
48 
 
 the interior; "a black cloud will come down from 
 the three Western Counties,"^*' "the delegates from 
 Worcester county will generally oppose. "^^• 
 
 The attitude of the delegates from Maine was 
 equally bad.^^ How the hopes and the fears alter- 
 nated can be gathered from a letter of Dana's to 
 Knox, "ten days ago the friends of the Constitution 
 thought there was no chance of the adoption, but. . . 
 now. . .there is nearly an equal chance in its favor." 
 But he adds on visiting Boston, December 30th, 
 ' ' Since I arrived I find the elections in the province 
 of Main[e] and in the three Western counties have 
 not been so much in favor of the Constitution as 
 was supposed. "^^ 
 
 With the assembling of the convention it became 
 perfectly apparent that the weight of numbers was 
 decidedly in favor of the anti-federalists.^* The 
 leaders of the latter party were likewise convinced 
 of that fact, but attempting to hurry the decision 
 were decisively defeated.^^ Solicitous to add to their 
 strength, Samuel Adams moved that Mr. Gerry be 
 given a seat on the Convention floor, adding sug- 
 gestively, that he "might elucidate the Business by 
 
 (30) Ibid, p. 263. 
 
 (31) Ibiil. Also N. Dane to Knox, Beverly, Dec. 27, 1787. Knox MSS. XXI:2S. 
 
 (32) N. Gorham to King, Charlestown, Dec. 29, 1787. King: King, 1:266: "Most 
 of the Kastern Members are wrong." 
 
 (33) Knox MSS. XXI:28. Gorliam writes earlier: "The prospect rather 
 brightens here . . . there Is a hundred good Men chosen In this neighborhood & the 
 other parts of the Sea Coast... a great number of Towns chuse tomorrow. .. [of 
 these] we may count on 50 members of the right sort — that added to the former 
 — with a few good ones that will come from the Western Counties — I thiak will 
 secure the Point" — and ends with a frantic appeal to Rufus King to be present. 
 Others whote the same to I^nox, Charlestown, Dec. IG. 1787. Knox MSS. XXI: 
 73. For their joy on King's arrival see T. Parsons to Hodge, Boston, Jan. 14, 
 1788. Essex Inst. Hist. Coll. XXXV :93; also Gorham to Knox, Jan. 30, 1788. 
 Ibid, 94. 
 
 (34) N. Gorham to Knox, Boston, Jan. 10, 1788. Knox MSS. XXI:HO: "the 
 prospects not very good — numbers are at present against us — & the opposition 
 leaders say they are sure of the Victory-r-if they succeed in opposition to such a 
 phalanx of sensible Men & good Spealcers as are in this Assembly It will be very 
 extraordinary — we know all is at stake & work accordingly..." Knox to "Wash- 
 Ingtan, Feb. 10, 1788< "It is now no secret that, on the opening of the Conven- 
 tion, a majority were prejudiced against It." Debates... In the Conventlaa . . . of 
 Mass., p. 410. 
 
 (35) Samuel Adams made a notable speech against this proposal and his oppo. 
 Bltlon doubtless made the majority bo decisive. Ibid, pp. 72-5. B. Lincoln to 
 Washington, Jan. 27, 1788. Sparks: Correspondence of the Revolution, IV:204. 
 
49 
 
 Information, &c., that possibly had Escaped the 
 Memory of the other Gentlemen of the General Con- 
 vention. '"''' Fearful that the rejection of the pro- 
 posal would stir up jealousy and in order to avoid 
 developing the full strength of the opposition thus 
 early, the federalists made no serious objection.^'^ 
 The next day Gerry's attempt "unasked" to proffer 
 some information led to friction.^® Subsequently 
 he withdrew without having caused damage to the 
 cause, of the Constitution.'^ 
 
 As the debates went on from day to day, the 
 leaders of the opposition were dismayed to find that 
 the telling arguments were having considerable ef- 
 fect and that their majority was dwindling.*" To 
 remedy this situation they tried to effect "an ad- 
 journment in Order to influence thef Country at large 
 against the Constitution." The federalists, fully 
 aware that it would be "a total destruction of it" 
 defeated the proposal.*"^ With all the specific objec- 
 tions which the anti-federalists brought up — bi- 
 ennial elections, powers of Congress and of taxation, 
 Federal courts, slavery and the "three-fifths" rep- 
 resentation — it was the deep suspicion of and hatred 
 against the upper classes which underlay all the op- 
 position.*^ Amos Singietary voices it when he says, 
 
 (3G) Maj. Sarpant to Kdox, Jan, 12, 1788. Knox MSS, XXI:103. Tills wa-< an 
 amendmont to Wiflgerj^'s motion secondeti by Adams that tho *'Lt, Governor & 
 Conncll sboulil be complimented with Scats in the Convention..." Ibid. 
 
 (.37) King to iHadison. Boston. Jan. IG. 17.ST [sic]. King: King, 1:313. The 
 same policy was continued until almost the final vote. Same to same, Boston, 
 .Tan. 27. 1788. Ibid, p. 317. 
 
 (38) Same to same. Jan. 20, 1788; Ibid, pp. 314-5. ^. 
 
 (39) The great fear of the federalists that G,erry would return and damage 
 their cause is tacitly avowed by their references to him. King: King, 1:318, 
 310; Lincoln to Washington, Boston, Feb. 3, 1788. Sparks: Correspondence of 
 the Eevolution, IV:200. 
 
 (40) As the federalists had a coterie of leaders who worlied in season and out, 
 so it seemed had the aintl-federallsts. In an attack upon General Warren during 
 the gubernatorial campaign of the spring of 1788, a writer accuses him of being 
 "busy in. . .opposition. . .his emissaries were constantly engaged in .attending the 
 nocturnal scenes of the star chamber, and manufacturing 'speeches for the anti- 
 federal junto...'" Mass. Gazette, March 7, 1788." 
 
 (41) Jackson to Knox, Boston, Jan. 23, 1788. Knox MSS. XXI:116. 
 
 (42) When John Quincy Adams could write the following in his diary, Oct. 12, 
 1787, it is not at all surprising that the people in general did hold such dark 
 views of the aristocracy and of their intentions a]nd should look upon the Con^- 
 stltution with groat suspicion. "He [Theophllus Parsons] favors very much the 
 
50 
 
 ' ' they expect to get into Congress ... to be the man- 
 agers of this Constitution, and get all the power and 
 all the money into their own hands, and then they 
 will swallow up all us little folks, like the great 
 leviathan, .yes, just as the whale swallowed up 
 Jonah. ' '*^ This feeling crudely enough expressed in 
 this speech, seems to have permeated the opposition. 
 It was part and parcel of the strong democratic tide 
 which came from the Revolution, and which received 
 such a check from Shays' Rebellion. Rufus King 
 in two letters to Madison finds in this strong pas- 
 sion of ill-will toward the rich and the gentry the 
 root of all the trouble.^^ Others, who blindly de- 
 noimced Shayism as the cause of the resistance, per- 
 ceived the truth vaguely, although entirely unable 
 to analyze the factors in the situation. 
 
 It became evident to the federalist managers that 
 it was impossible to ratify the Constitution as it 
 stood.*' They then took up reluctantly the proposi- 
 tion of amendments "not as a condition of our as- 
 sent & ratification, but as the opinion of the Con- 
 vention, subjoined to their ratification" since it was 
 necessary to adopt some expedient as "our jDros- 
 pects are gloomy, out hope is not entirely extin- 
 guished. ' '*" 
 
 Evidently the scheme to induce Hancock to appear 
 in favor of the Constitution by means of the ' ' concil- 
 iatory propositions" was hatched between this date 
 
 Federal Constitution... Nor do I wonder at all... as It is calculated to itacrease 
 the influence, power and wealtti of those who have any influence. If the Consti- 
 tution be adopted it will he a grand point in favor of the aristocratic party. 
 There are to be no titles of nobility; but there will be great distinctions, and 
 those distinctions will soon be hereditary, and we shall consequently liave nobles, 
 but no titles... it is hard to give up a system which 1 have always been taught 
 to cherish, and to confess that a free government is inconsistent with human 
 nature." Adams; Life in a N, E, Town, p. 46. 
 
 (43) Debates... in the Convention. , .of Mass., p. 20,3. 
 
 (44) Boston, Jan. 27, 1788. King; King, 1:316-7; Jan. 30, 1T88. Ibid, I;317-8. 
 
 (4.5) Ivlng 10 Madison, Jan. 27, 1788. King: King, 1:317: "by the last calcu- 
 lation... we were doubtful whether we exceeded them, or they us. They... 
 [assert] a majority of eight or twelve." See also Essex Inst. Hist, Coll. XXXV;93. 
 
 (46) King to Madison, Jan. 23, 1788. King: King, 1:116. He adds: "This 
 scheme may gain us a few members, but the issue is doubtful." 
 
51 
 
 and January 27th, for King writes: '*Our hopes do 
 not diminish, although our confidence is not complete. 
 The opposition are less positive of their strength/'^'' 
 Their apprehensions were well founded. Besides 
 the talk of amendments there were ''those Few 
 among them [the anti-federalists] who are honest 
 & capable of Eeflection [and] appear uneasy con- 
 cerning the Fate of the Question," who seemed to 
 be wavering. But in addition, the meeting of the 
 Boston mechanics^^ designedly called together to 
 bring pressure to bear on the members of the Con- 
 vention from Boston, especially on Samuel Adams, 
 was effectual among other factors in silencing them, 
 and obtaining their votes in favor.^^- It was the 
 appearance of Hancock, armed with the *' Parsons 
 amendments, "^"^ to take his tardy seat as President 
 of the Convention which made the final conversions''^ 
 
 (47) King to Kuox, Boston, Jan. 27. 1788. Knox MSS. XXI:121: "yesterday's 
 Centlnel contains a proposal for a conditional Ratification, said to haTe come 
 from Sullivan, the Opposition give It some Countenance, — [it] show[s] that our 
 Opponents are not so coinfldent of their Numbers, since hitherto they hare repro- 
 bated the Suj^pestlon of amendments and insisted amonp their Party on a total 
 ReJ ectlon of tlie Constitution. ' ' A siKulflcant letter was written by King to 
 Madison, Jan. 30, 1788: "This day. . .Mr. Hancock, tool: his seat iin the Con- 
 vention. . . I cannot predict the Issue, but our hopes are Increasing. If Mr. 
 riancoclc does not disappoint our present expectations, our wishes will be grati- 
 fied, but ills character is not entirely free from a portion of caprice. This how- 
 ever is confldentlnl." Klnt,'i Kliiig, 1:317-8. 
 
 C'lS) The meeting was on January 7th. 300 strong the tradesmen came to- 
 gether and adopted five resolutlon.s In favor of the Constitution. Mass. Gazette, 
 Jan. 8. 1788. See also Quincy: Life of Josiah Quincy, p. 41G. 
 
 (49) C. Gore to King, Boston, Jan. G, 1788. Iving: KDug, 1:311-2, "a meeting 
 [of tlie tradesmen is] to be held tomorrow night... this may possibly have effect 
 on Mr. A[dams] If not — It will effect his E[xcellency, 1. e., Hancocli] who 
 wavers.. .& one oth^r who Is greatly iufluence'd by A[dams] . . . [this is prob- 
 ably Dr. Jarvis]. Mr. A[danis] unless affected by some such step as these, will 
 be Indefatigable & constant In all ways & means to defeat the adoption..." As 
 a matter' of fact Adams' open oppositlaa seems to have subsided, and whereas 
 he had been actively engaged against the Constitution what few movements h« 
 made in the convention were in favor of the federalists. Jaclcson to Knox, 
 Boslon. Jan., 1788. Knox MSS. XXI:113: "Mr. S. Adams has not yet come 
 out, if he is against it I believe he will say but little, as the meeting of the 
 mechaniclcs of this Towin & their proceedings must and will have an influence 
 over him. . ." , 
 
 (50) Evidence points to Tlieophllus Parsons as the author. Whoever the author, 
 no one contends that Hancocli had anything to do with them except to present 
 them. Knox to C. Livingston, N. Y., Feb. 10, 1788, ICuox MSS. XXI:140: "Oiu 
 Thursday he [Ha-ncock] brought forward the motion for adopting the Coinstltu- 
 tlon and for recommending certain alterations... As the motion and recommenda- 
 tions . . were the mature production [underlined in the original letter] of the 
 Federalists there cannot be a doubt of the committee reportiiag In favor of the 
 ratification." 
 
 (51) While accusations of direct bribery and corruption have no foundation 
 [Harding: Federal Constitution in Mass., pp. 100-3], yet this letter is interesting 
 as showing how influence may work indirectly with the doubtful : * 'the whole 
 
52 
 
 necessary to carry the day. By a narrow majority, 
 nineteen only, was Massachusetts induced to ratify 
 the Constitution, the vote standing 187 to 168.^^ 
 
 Thus it came about that in the face of great odds 
 the federalist leaders won a hard fought battle 
 against ignorance and prejudice, honest doubt and 
 opposition. The credit for their triumph is to be 
 attributed to their unwearied exertions to leave no 
 stone unturned that could contribute to "the 
 Cause." In the varied undertakings which brought 
 them ultimate success the political tricks stand out 
 most conspicuously in their campaign.""' Neverthe- 
 less it was the clear reasoning, the unanswerable 
 logic, the careful explanations, the courteous atten- 
 tion to objections, which the federalists statesmen 
 and orators so abundantly displayed through those 
 
 race of the Antis are a set of poor devils... & It will be impossible for them to 
 leave the Town, unless they receive their pay — they begin to be alarmed and 
 talk of their Pay Roll, some of them have been to the Treasurer, he informs 
 them he has not a dollar In the public chest — nor does he know where to borrow 
 one — T^'G liave circulated, — if the Constitution Is adopted, there will be no diffi- 
 culty respecting the Pay — If It is not they must look to the Treasurer for It — " 
 Jacskon to Knox, Boston, .Jan. 31, 17KS. Knox MSS. XXI;1.31. (The lack of 
 money ija the Treasury had been, at least, an actual fact. The General Court 
 had to use the credit of the doorkeeper at times to get wood to heat their halls. 
 During Shays' Rebellion, a year before, as the Treasury was empty. It was only 
 by means of a public subscription that Gen. Lincoln was enabled to march to 
 Springfield.] In two instances there are charges brought of using unusual if not 
 improper methods to gain election. A friend of Kilham of Newburyport [see am 
 attack upon liim, and a promise of a coat of tar and feathers, for his anti- 
 federal activities, in the Mass. Gazette, March 18, 1788], wlio was defeated, 
 asked, among other Insinuations: "Whether he [the successful candidate] went 
 as a British Nobleman would have gone with the most persuasive arguments In 
 ills pockets." Am. Herald, Nov. 2G, ITS". See also Ibid, Dec. 10, 1787. 
 
 (52) The careful count kept by the federalists Is shown by the geineral belief 
 (by Feb. 3rd) that they would be victorious. Freeman wrote to Knox that "it 
 will pass with a small majority." Knox MSS. Xxr:2r.. Jackson writes the same. 
 Ibid, XX1:131. Gorhain is even more dednite: "I think," he writes to Knox 
 "[it] will be about is.i for to IGO or a few more against it — " Ibid, XXI-129' 
 James Madison (to Washington, Feb. 3, 1788,) quotes a letter from 'a member 
 of the convention, saying: "We may... get a majority of twelve or fifteen if 
 not more." Sparks: Oorrospoindence of the Revolution, lV:207-8 See nlin 
 Essex Inst. Hist. Coll. XXXV:03. . •= oie uiao 
 
 (53) To "accelerate" favorable opinions among the mechanics certain wealthr 
 men subscribed for the building of three vessels In case the Constitution was 
 adopted. After the victory the enthusiasm seems to have dwindled consider 
 ably for an "Observing Countryman," after calling attention to the above fact 
 complains: "Did they suppose a hue vehement exclamation 'that the Constitution 
 was equal to the mines of Peru' would feed and clothe ... men 7" Centlnel 
 March 15, 1788. Nevertheless tha fact of the subscriptions Is used as « fedei-aliQ-^ 
 campaign document. Ibid, March 29, 1788. lederallSv 
 
53 
 
 dark days of mid-winter, that brought them the well 
 earned victory.^^ 
 
 (■54) The force of argument and brilliant oratory of the federalist leaders wan 
 well foreshadowed by Sedgwick's victory in the Stockbridge town meeting called 
 to elect a delegate to the Constitutional Convention at Boston. He haiS to keep 
 them there until 10 o'clock in the evening to persuade them of the desirability of 
 that proposed plan of government. Then he was elected *'by a great majority to 
 represent that Town in the State Convention." Ibid, Dec. 15, 1787. A eulogy 
 on his powers of persuasive oratory In the Convention is In Ibid, Oct. 22, 1794. 
 
CHAPTEE V. 
 
 THE TRIUMPH OJ HANCOCK, 1788 TO 1793. 
 
 TI 
 
 ['he election of Bowdoin^ for the year 1786-7 had 
 been uncontested, for no one relished the unpleasant 
 position of governor in view of the stormy times in 
 prospect.^ It was quite otherwise the next year, 
 1787, with the rebellion thoroughly crushed. The 
 campaign was well under way in February,^ al- 
 though the evident determination of the people to 
 elect Hancock again, he being deemed less inflexible 
 and more likely to deal leniently with the insurgents, 
 manifested itself long before this.* The very acts of 
 the legislature deepened the growing purpose. On 
 the one hand, they passed such a thorough-going dis- 
 qualifying act that it was asserted to have disfran- 
 chised whole towns.^ Its severity was complained 
 of by the stanchest supporters of government,^ while 
 it was artfuUv asserted to be framed with a view 
 
 (1) See the Centinel, March 24. 1786. 
 
 (2) The only opposition dlscenaable was that directed against the lieutenant- 
 governor Thomas Cnshinc "Fabins" attaclis him for having monopolized that 
 office so long. Am. Herald, March 27, April 3, IISO. "Cato" replies in the latter 
 Issue. Tliere seems to be some animus aroused against the legislature which 
 "finding that a rotation in the public office, was litely to take place... they in 
 pity to the folly and itrnorance of the PEOPLE, caucus' d it by counties, and 
 agreed who should be elected Lt. Governor the ensuing election." Am. Herald, 
 March 27, 1786. "What," ejaculates a correspondent. ". . .are not our great 
 folks... the fittest to determiino who are the proper subjects for chairs in the 
 next ensuing Election [for representatives] ?" Ibid. April 17, 17S6. See also 
 another piece in ibid, March 27, 17S6. The attitude toward the legislature Is 
 shown in the Mass. Gazette, June 19. 1786: "There were great changes. . .in the 
 Representation. . .the firmness of the late House in rejecting the visionary schemes 
 of... [Tender Acts, Paper Money, etc.] has stirred up the friends of the measures 
 to very great exertions." Continental Journal, May 18, 17Sr.. 
 
 (3) J. Swan to Knox, Dorchester, Feb. 2.". 17S7. Knox MSS. XX:2: "Hancock 
 & Lincoln seem to be principally talk'd of. The reasons. . .were. . .both [were] 
 . . .military men & altho' H. was not so much as L. yet both were more so than 
 Bowd.n — That a chatnge of men would probably bring about a change of measures 
 — that money might be saved by it &c. — " 
 
 (4) Mass. Gazette, Jan. 9, 1787. Two months before this King writes (to D. 
 Ktlham, New York, Nov. 25, 1787) apprehensively : "How goes Electioneering ? 
 Men and measures are now very Intimately united. Displace men and you dis- 
 approve measures." King: King, n:615. 
 
 (5) Lincoln to Kinox, March 1, 1787. Knox MSS. XX:S. 
 
 (6) Even Higglnson was moved to say: "the Legislature have behaved well 
 and conducted with spirit — they have adopted an energetic system of policy with 
 
55 
 
 to keeping Bowdoin and his friends in officeJ But 
 it was the attempt of the legislature to reduce the 
 governor's salary, exorbitant salaries being one of 
 the many grievances of the malcontents, which 
 roused the people more thoroughly against Bowdoin. 
 No other act demonstrates his almost fanatical de- 
 votion to duty and principles better than the veto 
 of this highly popular measure, for he realized that 
 it meant inevitable retirement.^ 
 
 Nevertheless strenuous exertions were made by the 
 friends- of the governor. Urgent appeals were ex- 
 tended repeatedly to all the "friends of the govern- 
 ment" for support. In the event of Bowdoin 's de- 
 feat they gloomily predicted that "in every proba- 
 bility" those "scenes of war" would recommence." 
 At any rate it would mean that all the late measures 
 of government would be overthrown ;^° that the state 
 constitution was in grave danger; and that "the 
 eyes of the continent are upon us — the friends to 
 government, peace and justice, in Connecticut, New 
 Hampshire and Ehode Island, are waiting with an 
 anxiety not to be described, the event of our decis- 
 ion — and so are the insurgents in all parts of the 
 
 respect to the rcbols, perhaps In some Instances they have carried their resent- 
 ment too far." To N. Dane, Boston, March 3, 1787. Am. Hist. Assn. Rep. I 
 (189C) 7.i4. See also Mass. Gazette, March 20, 1787. The Insurgents used this 
 as a pretext for justifying their oppos^itlon, although "Almost all acknowledged 
 that they took a wroing method..." B. Bidwell to D. Daggett, Tyrlngham, June 
 16, 1787. Proc. Am. Antiq. Soc. N. S. IV (1885-7) 369. 
 
 (7) J". Sullivan to King, Boston, Feb. 23, 1787. King: King, I:2].'i. 
 
 (8) The message containing the veto is in the Centinel, March 14, 1787. In the 
 course of which Bowdoin very plainly Indicates his belief that he would prob- 
 ably he defeated at the coming election. "The salary. . -has. . .ireiflamed the 
 popular odium against [Bowdoin] .. .and man.v . . . . seem to view him as little better 
 than a rapacious, unfeeling, and mighty Plunderer." Mass. Gazette, March 30, 
 1787, from tlie Essex Journal, March 28. In regard to this Gorham wrote to 
 Knnx (Chariestown, March 11, 1787): "one step they took which I am afraid 
 will be Injurious in the approaching election. . .the Govenaor supposed himself 
 bound by every principle of honor & regard to the Constitution to send back the 
 BUI with his objections. . .altho the[y]...are well done & In the most guarded 
 manner. . .great use ^ill be made of it against the Governor..." Knox MSS- 
 XX;18. On June 2Ist Hancock announces to the General Court that he resigns 
 £300 of his salary, though this Is not to form any precedent. Mass. Gazette, 
 June 26, 1787. In the same paper Is a fulsome flattery of the act of "his ex- 
 cellency .. .as a friend to the people..." 
 
 (9) Centinel, March 28, 1787. 
 
 (10) Ibid, March 24, 1787. 
 
56 
 
 Even such frantic appeals as these fell 
 upon deaf ears; they were not at all convinced by 
 such alarming addresses, or moved by the agitated 
 feelings of neighbors.^^ As a last desperate attempt 
 to influence the voters the Bowdoinites circulated a 
 handbill addressed "to the Free, Virtuous and 
 Independent Electors of Massachusetts" a few days 
 before election. It was largely made up of severe 
 strictures on Hancock, dealing plainly with his entire 
 unfitness for the high i^osition. Nor was this all, 
 for it continues: "It is said, that a Committee from 
 
 their [Insurgent] Body has waited upon Mr. H 
 
 to request his acceptance of the chair, if their In- 
 fluence could effect his choice to it, and also to know 
 his Mind with respect to the Introduction of a Paper 
 Currency: to both which Propositions he has given 
 his Assent."" Such accusations added great bitter- 
 ness to the closing days o^ the campaign without, it 
 may be inferred from the returns, adding to Bow- 
 doin's vote. In truth it is not difficult to believe that 
 it even reduced his far from numerous adherents.^* 
 The election returns were so decisive^^ that it would 
 seem as if the desire of the large majority to make 
 
 (11) Ihlrl. >rarch 31, 17S7, 
 
 (12) SoDiP IndiTltliial thought to popularl/*? Bowdoln hy asserting that a eov- 
 ernor "ouglit to be pos-jessed of In an eminent degree [the art of] .. .FINANCIER- 
 ING; for fi-nm an accomplished Fl'fiancier we are to expect the greatest relief 
 from the pressure of our foreign and domestic debts " Centinel, March 26. 17S7. 
 As the generality of people at this time were engaged in dodging the payment of 
 debts as well as tax-es, Bowdoin's proposals and attempts to lighten burdens by 
 paying the strte debt by collecting the back taxes — which Hancock's easy-going 
 regime hnd nlled up enormously — aind thus reducing both principal and Interest, 
 would scarcely apnea! to them. 
 
 (13) See Appendix C. 
 
 (14) Ibid. 
 
 (15) Hancock got IS. 4119: Bowdoin, 0.394. The vote for lieutenant-governor 
 was very scnttrTed. Out of a total of 21.S44. Gushing, the present incumbent, 
 received less than half. 10.107: Lincoln had G.7fi7: Heath, 1.423; Gorham, 1,608; 
 S. Adams. 044. before the day of election it was only too apparent how the tide 
 was running. Wrote B. Hlchborn to Knox. Boston(?). March 25. 17S7 Knox 
 jr.ss. XX:28; "Hancock will bavr 3/4 It not 4 .I nt ye Votes next week to be 
 Oovf.rnor. — Lincoln & rowdolus Friends have made a great mistake in dividing 
 their force — Cushing will he Lieutenant. . .Lincoln is very popular but he with 
 Bowdo'n is dMnined by his Connectlom." [In a bracket is the explanation, "Hlg- 
 glnson & Co."] Even before the result was self-evident. Jackson to Knox. March 
 
 IS. ny.7. Knox JISS. XX:24: "It Is seriously. . .believed that Mr. H will be 
 
 chosen — all the Western Counties to a Man Is in his favor, and the C5ouuty of 
 Essex & Bristol..." 
 
57 
 
 sure of the pardoning of the insurgents confined in 
 jail and under sentence of death was the controlling 
 factor. But the bitterness aroused in the early part 
 of this decade, which also flared up so sharply in the 
 election of 1785 was prolonged by continuous bicker- 
 ings months after the election day in April. ^"^ The 
 Bowdoinites took their defeat ill and vented their 
 wrath in various directions.^^ 
 
 It is a fail assumption that they sought to embar- 
 rass the new administration by violent demands 
 that the rebels under sentence of death be executed 
 forthwith.^^ To arouse public opinion letters from 
 the western counties were written detailing the dis- 
 quietude of the friends of government, the contin- 
 ued outrages of the insurgents, and the insolent 
 conduct and challenging boasts of the pardoned 
 rebels.^^ The friends of Hancock sought to crush 
 this ^* small disappointed party," as the Bowdoinites 
 were termed, by denouncing them as a^^ set of insur- 
 gents, .a formidable combination of aristocracy/'^^ 
 
 (Hi) Those mntnal nccusatlnns and couinter accusations become excessively 
 multiplied and heated beause of that stolen letter of Stephen Hlgglnson. Hardly 
 an i^'^ne of the Centinel, the American Herald or the Massachusetts Gazette for 
 Aup-ii-^t and September (1787), but is spiced by some ci'imination or retort. See 
 f'^pecially Am. Herald. An?, il; Centinel, Aug. 11, 20. ("Cassius" In) Sfpt. 20, 
 28, Oct. 2; Mass. Gazette. Sept. 14. 
 
 (17) From the li-;ts submitted by a statistician. Centinel, April 4, 1787. It 
 would appear tliat most of tlie servaiats and laborers in Boston Toted for Han- 
 cock. Some at least were dlscbarfred for it by their employers. Ibid, April 11, 
 1TS7. "I have been surprised at the continual abuse which is heaped upon [the] 
 . . .mercliants, for [discharcjinj? meio who voted for Hancoclc] . . .'* Ibid, April 25, 
 1787. From western Massachusetts came an assertion that "None, in this part 
 of the State, voted for any other candidate. . .than [Bowdolin] . . .but insurgents, 
 and their abettors." Ibid, April 11, 1787. Letter from Springfield, dated April G. 
 
 (18) James Sullivan in a letter to King (Amory: Sullivan. 1:202-3) makes this 
 assertion, roundly charfriug Theophilus Parsons with the origin of the plan "for 
 the then Governor E^owdoin to leave the unhappy convicts in the hands of Han- 
 cock; and this was done to throw the odium of the execution upon him. Par- 
 sous says, unless the prisonprw are now executed speedily, the commonwealth is 
 undone ; and brother Sedgwi cb , th at the state must be saved by their fall, or 
 fall by their liberation. Yet he petitioned and wrote, with. . .others, to the late 
 governor in their favor, and absolutely declared, in his letters and petitions, 
 that it will be for the public good to pardon Wilcox and Austin." Bowdoin'a 
 whole public and private course of life forbids this oblique insinuation of com- 
 plicity in this cunning scheme. Warm a partisan as Sullivan Is and given to 
 misstatements and exaggerations, this letter contains too many direct state- 
 ments to reject it entirely. Especially, as the letter (undated by Amory) is 
 evidently a private communication as well as contemporary and he would hardly 
 make these accusations out of whole cloth. See also (Ilentinel, Sept. 1, 1787. 
 
 (10) See Appendix D. 
 
 (20) Centinel, May 12, 1787. 
 
58 
 
 and as "overgrown rich, .who feel the importance 
 of. .continuing the abominable system of enormous 
 taxation which is crushing the poor to death . . . 
 [who] are GREAT POSSESSOES of . .publick se- 
 curities . . who have too long had the carving of the 
 loaves and fishes. "^^ While these were mere elec- 
 tioneering articles during the campaign for repres- 
 entatives to the General Court — -in which the friends 
 of the debtor classes made strenuous exertions — yet 
 this is the charge of aristocracy (at that time im- 
 puted to Bowdoin's friends) which came to be used 
 so much, especially in the next decade. 
 
 The maneuvers of the closing days of the Consti- 
 tutional Convention in Massachusetts, 1787-1788, 
 determined the course of the spring gubernatorial 
 election.^^ The ratification at that assemblage turn- 
 ed on the amendments which were probably drawn 
 up by a small committee of the federalists who in- 
 duced Hancock to present them, in return, it is now 
 believed, for support towards his presidential aspir- 
 ations and to promote his election as governor that 
 spring.-^ While these two parties were thus bound 
 together by this community of interest the bond was 
 loose enough to permit serious differences to arise 
 concerning the lieutenant-governor.-^ As a result 
 Lincoln and Adams divided the votes of the feder- 
 alists of all descriptions, while the insurgent- anti- 
 federal ]")arty exerted themselves in favor of General 
 Warren.-'' The candidacv of this latter greatlv 
 
 (21) rbki, ^^!l.v r>. itrt. 
 
 (22) Hancnck and T/iacnln wpro unanimously nominated at a "respectable 
 Caucus" undoulitorlly held lu Boston. Jackson to Knox, Boston, March 10. 178S. 
 Knox >''SS. XXIrlO-"). On Apiil 4tli another meetlnsr \\as held at Ip.swich — ap- 
 parently of Essex County gentlemen of influence — for there were presetot "20 
 Justices, many inemher[s] of the pramd Jury, and petit jury of the county besides 
 other respectable gentlemen" — and decided unanimously to support Hancock and 
 Lincoln. Centinel, April 5. ITNS. Letter from Ipswich dated April 4. Hancock 
 and Adams were nominated at a caucus at Boston, March 23rd. Ibid, March 29 
 1788. 
 
 (23) See Appendix E. 
 
 (24) Ibid. 
 
 (2ri) Warren, 6,157, and Gerry, 000; Lliucoln, 10,204, and Adams, 3.495. Of the 
 three western counties. Lincoln carried Hampshire and Berksliire; Warren, Wor- 
 cester. Lincoln received a total of 2,960; Warren, 3,333, while Adams had 649, 
 
59 
 
 alarmed both federalist wings, each imploring the 
 other for the sake of the cause to sacrifice their 
 nominee. But both refused to yield.^" No one of 
 the candidates received a majority and the election 
 went to the General Court. That body, "notwith- 
 standing there is as decided a majority of federalists 
 [among them]., as four to one. .yet [actuated] by 
 respect for the 6,000 citizens who voted for Mr. 
 'W.[arren, and by the] . .conviction that the Hon. 
 Senate, .would accord with the VOICE OF THE 
 PEOPLE [Lincoln had received over 10,000] . .sent 
 up Messrs. L[incolnJ and W[arren]. The Senate, 
 made choice of... Lincoln, .twenty out of twenty- 
 eight votes. "^'^ 
 
 Antifederalism, with its temporary concomitant 
 of insurgency in Massachusetts, became rapidly un- 
 popular so long as Hancock proclaimed himself a 
 federalist. The change in the temper of the legis- 
 lature of 1787-8, and 1788-9 is striking, so complete 
 is the revolution.^" Whereas, in the former it had 
 been necessary for the friends of government to 
 exert their "utmost prudence & moderation" in 
 
 In these threo counties. As for the eastern part, Lincoln carried Suffolk, Essex. 
 Middlesex, Plymouth and Barnstable; Adams, Dukes {39-34 for Lincoln): amd 
 Warren, Bristol. In tliiJ^ section the total votes amounted to: Lincoln, 6,338: 
 Warren, 2.371; Adams, 2,328. In the Maine district, Lincoln carried York and 
 Lincoln; Adams, Cumberland. The total votes being: Lincoln, 900; Adams, .'jlS; 
 Warren, 428. As Lincoln had less than a majority — the total vote being 21,906, 
 the House sent up Lincoln and Warren to the Senate which, by a vote of 20 
 out of 28, chose the former. Lincolin to Washington, Boston, June 3, 1788. 
 Sparks; Correspondence of the Revolution, IV;222-3. Tlie writer of the letter 
 quaintly remarks that the Senate ''elected Lincoln... He accepted the trust. 
 I hope he will discharge the duties of his office with fidelity." It Is interest- 
 ing to note — as an evidence of political crookedness very common in those days — 
 the charge that enough votes to elect Lincoln were held up by hostile selectmen 
 until too late to be counted. Hampshire Chronicle, May 21, 1788. The reason 
 why there are no votes recorded at the State House in Boston for 1795 from 
 B'erkshire County Is because they were conveniently "lost" in the mails and 
 arrived just too late. The whole matter is aired in the Western Star, May 26, 
 1795. The High Sheriff and the Postmaster of Pittsfield denied their guilt. 
 
 (26) Mass. Gazette, March 11, 1788. Tricks were resorted to by the partisans 
 of Adams. Ceutlnel, April o, 0, 1788. 
 
 (27) Ibid. May 31, 17S8. 
 
 (28) Yet on November 2nd, there is actually a motion made and seconded in 
 the House that the consideration of the method of electing United States sena- 
 tors (the Senate and House were in dispute whether it should be done by a joint 
 session or each body voting separately) be postponed until the next session. Thie 
 striking attempt of antl-federallsm did not meet with general approval in that 
 place. Ibid, Nov. 22, 1788. 
 
60 
 
 order that the legislature might end "their session 
 without doing any mischief"^ — the senate of the 
 latter it was even complained, "will be charming it 
 will be Federal to a fault, this gives great satisfac- 
 tion to the men of mfluence and property and will 
 be a very great shock to an Anti and Insurgent 
 lower House. "^° 
 
 When Eufus King wrote that "the conviction of 
 the necessity of good & efficient Government per- 
 vades every part of the State "^^ he was but gather- 
 ing up the consensus of opinion from all parts of 
 the commonwealth.^^ "To universal discontent, the 
 most violent party animosity, and a very alarming 
 decline of industry and manufactures, have succeed- 
 ed content, qiiiet and productive labor. "^^ How 
 great this change was may be gathered from the 
 fact that "the people in the country begin to have 
 more just and accurate ideas of. .the Cincinnati."^* 
 This was much the keynote of the next five years.^^ 
 
 (29) N. Gorliam to King, Charlestown. April G. 1788. King: King. 1:324. 
 
 (30) This statement is quite borne out by William Pynclion's note In his 
 Diary: "Iin the Senate, there are no more antifederalists members than what 
 are bearly sufficient to 'malte a shade to the picture'..." p. 309. See also Mass. 
 Gazette. May 30, 1788; Jaclison to Knox, Boston, April 20, 1788, Knos MSS. 
 XX1I:19; King to Knox, Boston, June 16, 1788: "Every account must confirm 
 to you the Information of the surprisinc: change in GoTernment perhaps at no 
 time has there been more able aind honest men In the administration of this 
 State..." Ibid, SXII:<j7. 
 
 (31) Ibid. 
 
 (32) William Tudor to Washington, Boston, July 26, 1788: "the "ntire ex- 
 tinction [of the Rebellion] has... most thoroughly tamed many turbule^* s;?irit8 
 in all parts of the State." Sparks: Correspondence of the Revolution, IV:2?0. 
 "The spirit of insurgency is very much abated, and in many towns entirely ex- 
 tinct." Centinel, April 19, 1788. See the account of several towns notorious 
 for their anti-federalism which had completely changed. Ibid, Dec. 24. 31, 1788. 
 M. Cutler to Knox, Ipswich, Jlay 3, 1788. Knox JISS. XXII :32: "antitederalism 
 is become very unpopular in this part of Ye State [Essex county]. Those who 
 have been leaders are totally siletnt, or have changed sides." 
 
 (33) Ibid. 
 
 (34) Centinel, April 19, 1788. So violent had the storm been against this 
 society that the General Court of Massachusetts had passed a resolution against 
 it. Salem Gazette, March 23, April 1, 1784. For the change in general see Lin- 
 coln to Washington, Boston, June 3, 178S. Sparks: Correspondence of the Revo- 
 lution, p. 223. Nevertheless the prejudice against that society continued. See 
 Hampshire Gazette, Feb. 20, 1793; S. Breck to Knox, March 6, 1791. Knox 
 MSS. XXVII :l,:iri: "the Governors & S. Adam's interest is against me, on account 
 of tile Cincin[nati]. . ," Same to same, Aug. 30, 1700, Ibid, XXVI:161, 
 "John Gardiner will come out in the Centinel [Chronicle is meant].,, in a most 
 violeint attack upon the Oincin[nati] — he has already written twenty numbers..." 
 
 (35) Undoubtedly the return of better times contributed to this period of com- 
 parative quietude in politics. See the Centinel, Sept. 12, 30, Dec. 26, 1789 ■ Her- 
 ald of Freedom, Feb. 5, 1790. The adoption of the Constitution operated to restore 
 
61 
 
 So far as political events dealing strictly with, the 
 state are concerned it was emphatically a time of 
 peace as compared with the period before or after.^^ 
 The ripple of excitement in ITSQ^*^ caused by 
 Stephen Higginson's severe strictures upon Han- 
 cock, failed to shake the people's unbounded devo- 
 tion.^® Its only appreciable effect was halving Bow- 
 doin's support which he had received in 1787.^^ It 
 
 confluence and stimulate industry. Yet if an antl-federallst writer in the Massa- 
 chusetts Gazette of January 1, 1788, may be believed, "trade [was] expanding, 
 resources openliag, settlements enlarging, manufactures Increasing and publlck 
 debts diminishing'* even before. Many Items begin to crowd the papers in 
 regard to the establishment of manufactures, the increase of trade and the 
 revival of ship building. See, e. g., Centinel, May 25, July 2, Dec. 31, 1788; 
 Mass. Gazette, April 22, June 13, 1788; Centinel, Jan. 7, 24, June 10, July 1, 
 Aug. 1, 1789, especially July 2f», Aug. 22, Sept. 19, 1789. What a change had 
 come about since 1786, when there was an adverse trade halaince against Massa- 
 chusetts of £24,500 {Am. Herald, May 15, 1786) and when such a gloomy pic- 
 ture was drawn in the Massachusetts Gazette for June 12, 1788: "The British 
 ...furnish us with every thing in the way of manufacture. . .over southern sister 
 states send us bread to eat, from Connecticut we draw our supplies of corn. . . 
 porli, and otiier good things; a number of. . .ship-carpenters, at the eastward 
 [Nova Scotia] are. . .employed in building our vessels." The last was the most 
 cruel stab of all. 
 
 (3(!) The campaigiQ for federal representatives opened early. In late July we 
 are told that "a spirit of persecution Is abroad with vehement declamation 
 against British influence and connections in order to blast the fairest reputa- 
 tions." Centinel, July 23, 1788. Much is said in the next month regarding the 
 last desperate efforts of the antifederaliats to get Into office by using "the stalk- 
 ing horse of Amendments." Ibid, Aug. 27, 30, Sept. 3, G, 20, 1788. At the same 
 time presidential electors were' to be chosen. The most interesting contest was 
 between Fisher Ames and Samuel Adams, which the former won. Ibid, Dec. 
 10, 13, 17, ITSS. The most long drawn out struggle was that between T. Sedg- 
 wick and W. Lyman. Five trials were necessary, as the law demanded a 
 majority, the former liitially winning — May 20, 1780 — by 9 votes. Ibid, May 27, 
 30, J7S7. Yet this struggle was more a locality contest than anything else, 
 Lyman represeuting the Hampshire section, Sedg\vick the Berkshire portion of 
 the congressional district, which was for this election composed of the two most 
 western counties. In 1790, the accusations against the representatives seeking 
 re-election have little to do with party limes. See Centinel, Sept. 29, Oct. 6, 
 Nov. 24, 1790. The lack of interest due to absence of an opposition party is 
 indicated in these years by a dwindling vote lin Boston, e. g., in the election for the 
 "Boston Seat" In May the highest vote for a candidate is 307. Ibid, May 9, 
 1792. The year before the highest was 478. Six of the seven successful can- 
 didates receiving 47S, 473, 472, 472, 471, the other 348 and his opponent 110. 
 Ibid, May 11, 1791. M the fall of 1792 it was noted that " the j.-i't;at<"^t 
 urbanity was observed in the canvass" for presidential electors and concruss- 
 men. Ibid, Nov. 3, 1792. For the gubernatorial election of 1790 there is no 
 mention of the fact in the Hampshire Gazette. 
 
 (37) See Appendix F. 
 
 (38) The struggle was enlivened and likewise embittered by the celebrated 
 writings of "Laco" which were published in the Centinel of Feb. 18, 21, 25, 
 28, March 4, 7, 14, 21, 2o, number 7 being omitted and number 10 being de- 
 signed for number 3. They were reprinted as Ten Chapters in the Life of John 
 Hancock, New York, 1857. Stephen Higglnson is now generally accredited with 
 the authorship, as indeed he was then. Some person, however, wickedly sug- 
 gested that "Laco" was Samuel Adams: "As it is well known that this vener- 
 able gentleman has for a number of years held the very language, in public and 
 private conversation, as appears In these places. . ." Centinel, March 18, 1789. 
 
 (39) Amory (Sullivan, 1:250) asserts that he withdrew in 1789. This is prob- 
 ably a mistake, for he received a fair support. The following year — 1790 — his 
 supporters dwindled again by nearly half; the vote for Bowdoin in 1787 being 
 6,394; in 1789, 3.457; in 1790, 1,880. There are two insertions in the Centinel, 
 March 27, 31, 1790, which make it evident that In 1790 Bowdoin did withdraw 
 from the canvass. 
 
62 
 
 was the defeat of Lincoln by Adams which demon- 
 strated to the federalists beyond cavil how great the 
 power of Hancock was and how slightly federalistic 
 ideas were held by the people. Confident in the 
 popularitj^ of Lincoln they expected to carry the 
 lieutenant-governorship and yet the reversal of the 
 earlier attitude of the G-eneral Court ought to have 
 served as a warning,*" The campaign was not, on 
 the surface, a strenuous one. It seems to have been 
 agreed that ' ' To remove the chief Magistrate will be 
 impossi])lc.. .Peace cannot, .be effected that way." 
 Hence to heal the breach, Adams was proposed.*^ 
 Nothing could be urged against Lincoln except that 
 "the Governor does not like [him].. and will not 
 join with him to effect the publick good."*^ 
 
 Not only was the federalist party overthrown in 
 the major contests but certain senators for whom 
 they battled were defeated.*" The people of Massa- 
 chusetts separated carefully their state and federal 
 political predilections at this time.** They saw no 
 reason why their governor and state representatives 
 should belong necessarily to the Federalist party. 
 
 (40) Ibid, Not. 3, S. 12, 15, 178S. Ibid, Jan. 10, 14, 17, 21, 24, Feb. 11, 1789. 
 
 (41) Ibid, March IS, 1789. An argument which was advanced in the same 
 paper doubtless had considerable weig;ht. It was asserted: "Besides, should 
 [Lincoln] .. .not obtain a re-election, he will be most certainly provided for under 
 tile Federal Government." This prediction was verified, but it was owing entirely 
 to tlie self-sacriflcing generosity of .lonathan Jackson. See Amory: Sullivan, 
 1:240. Both the leading candidates for lieutenaut-governor wore in straitened 
 circumstances but Samuel Adams could not hope for favors from the Federal 
 governuK-'Ut. 
 
 (42) Centinel, March 14, 1789. It is evident, however, that the friends of 
 Samuel Adams, now comprising the powerful Hancock party, were assailing 
 Lincoln by attacking their old enemies. For it is said: "The scribblers in the 
 partial [Massachusetts] Gazette and Chronicle. .. [assert that Lincolin's] friends 
 and associates are aristocrats, i.tc.. and that therefore, he ought to be sacri- 
 ficed... Who are the intimates at our St. James's? Are not some of them 
 aliens . . . i;iivctorate Tories .. . and others who have once borne arms against their 
 country?" Ibid. 
 
 (4:;i S. Brccl; to Knox. Boston, April l:i, 1789. Knox MSS. XXIII:106. 
 
 (44) D, Cobb to Knox, Boston, Pic. 5, 1792. Ibid. XXXIII:39: "Our 
 Elections this day are unanimous for the old King [Washington] & his second, — 
 partie influence has had no effect on the votes of the latter..." So thoroughly 
 discouraged were the federalists that their greatest hopes were to effect a 
 cliajige in the Senate, for there were "in that branch too many of the family 
 of the Honesti [radical democrats]; and the insurgent spirit was "often too visible 
 in a majority of them." But this only was to be attempted if It could be ac- 
 complished without raising the "electioneering Spirit." S. Hlgglngon to John 
 Adams, Boston, March 24, 1790. Am. Hist. Assn. Rep, I (1S96) 777. 
 
63 
 
 They still desired economies in government, even,. it 
 would seem, to refusing to jjay the state debt lest 
 there should be a large landed tax.^' The legislature, 
 controlled by Hancock and his party, manifested an 
 attitude of lively suspicion toward fancied encroach- 
 ments on the part of the Federal government. The 
 whole result was decisive enough^^ to shatter what- 
 ever lingering hope the federalists might have for 
 the present of cariymg the state in any fashion, to 
 say nothing of ousting Hancock.^^ For the latter, 
 
 (4u) See strictures on the dishonesty of the House in this respect as late as 
 1790. Centinel, March 20. On May 27, 17itl. Hancock addressed the General 
 Court on the subject of tho state dt-bt and honesty. Very fj:reat credit must be 
 given him for the strong stand he took against raising moiiiey for state expenses 
 by the not unusual method of lotteries. Ibid, May 28, 1791. In the question 
 of "Assumption" the antifederal majority became a minority. Despite the 
 apeech of Hancock In which be discovered his particularistic attitude when he 
 said, "I am not convinced of the propriety of tho General Governmeiut's assum- 
 ing to pay the debts of this Commonwealth without the request or consent of 
 the Government" (C<*ntinel, June 2, 1790), the peo|)le were so "damn mad and 
 almost ripe for anytliing" (S. Ereck to Knox. Boston. .Tout* 27, 170(i. Knox MSt^. 
 XXVI:87. See also same to same, Boston, April 25, 1790. Ibid, XXVIiSG) 
 tliat the House instructed tlieir federal repri_'sc'ntatlves to worli for assumption 
 hy n vote of 8:; lo 41. Centinel, June 5. 1790. See also ibid, Sept. 4, 1790. 
 N. (J.M-ham to Knox, Boston, Jan. 20, 1790. Knox MSS. XXV:l(i4-. "The anti- 
 fedoraiists very generally circulated an idea that the People will be subjected 
 to a very iieavy and perpetual Laud Tax in conseiiuence nf it — tuls is a most 
 powerful Kngine with which to work." On Jan. 21st the House by a vote of 137 
 to 2-1 declared federal office holders "similar to those declared by the [Mass.] 
 Constitution [incapalilo of] holding seats In the Legislature. . ." Herald of 
 Freedom, Jan. 20,, 1790. See also ibid, Jan. 22, June 8, 1790. A proposal that 
 Massachusetts purchase 400 shares of capital stock In the Bank of the United 
 States was lost by a great majority, althougli the argument in favor was that 
 it would he a good check upon the Federal government and also "preventing 
 tiie influence being placed among the National Aristocracy of the country." 
 C»mtlnel, June 15, 1790. It was even proposed that the state legislature should 
 pay their own federal senators and representatives as formerly. Herald of 
 Freorlom, March 12. 1790. 
 
 (■4G) Lincoln carried Essex, Plymouth, Barnstable, Dukes and Naintucket, 
 Hampshire, and Berkshire counties. He had lost Suffolk, York and Cumberland 
 aiud only gained the unimportant couuty of Dukes and Nantucliet. The only 
 two large counties ho carried were Essex and Hampshire. In the former his 
 vote was scaled from 2.12S (in 1788) to 1.017 — Adams Increasing his from 68 to 
 929. It would seem from the totals that the erstwhile insurgent-antlfederalist fac- 
 tion which, deserting Hancock, cast over 6,000 votes for Warren the previous 
 year, iiad now returned to the Hancockonian fold. Lincoln received 10,204 votes 
 In 1787; In 17SS, 8,473. [Adams received 3,495; Warren, 6,lo7, in 1787.] The 
 vote for Adams in 1788 was 10,883. "Nor," as a writer remarked in the cause 
 of a defense of Hancock in 1789, "Is there such mighty Inconsistency in voting 
 for Mr. Gerry last and Mr. Hancock this year..." Hampshire Gazette, May 13, 
 1780. See also ibid for May C. 
 
 (47) Yet how far from organized tlie party or parties were is demonstrated by 
 such items ns "There are upwards of Forty Candidates for Electors of Presi- 
 dent, voter for, in the County of Worcester." Centinel, Jan. 3, 1780; "for tlie^^e 
 seats [in Congress] . . .from present appearances there will be nearly 1,200 can- 
 didates." Ibid, Sept. 8, 1789. A "serious" writer four days earlier in the same 
 paper says: "It is no wander. . .that Congress is so greatly traduced as it is... 
 for there are almost 50 new candidates for Federal Representatives." The Cen- 
 tinel, Aug. 28, 1790, says: "There are almost innumei^able candidates in this 
 state for Federal Representatives." How little party names meant then is shown 
 by a recommendation of Heath and Varnum, out and out antifederalists, who are 
 ■nominated as being possessed of "real Federalism, true Republicanism and sub- 
 stantial property..." Ibid, Dec. 17, 1788. And this, too, in the Centinel! 
 
64 
 
 by his attitude toward Lincoln, gave that pairty 
 clearly to understand that he was strong enough in 
 Massachusetts to do whatever he pleased. As a 
 matter of fact it is very possible he felt he had a 
 just grievance against them in the presidential elec- 
 tion of ITSQ.'*® Whatever the agreement, and both 
 sides felt a natural reluctance to air the matter, 
 Hancock received not even the compliment of a soli- 
 tary vote from Massachusetts for either office. 
 
 From that time until his death, cloaked with the 
 glamor of his pretentious patriotism and popular 
 virtues, he made a handsome figure-head for his 
 ship of state. And the federalists, content to keep 
 their hold on the state senate,^^ and thereby elect 
 their own friends to the United States Senate despite 
 
 (48) It is probable — judging from Hancock's well known characteristics — that 
 he, knowing the impossibility of being elected early in the fall, began to wreak 
 his vengeance on Lincoln, who was a genuine federalist and supported by what 
 were called by their opponents (the whilom Amendment federalists, who were the 
 larger portion of the Hancockonian party) the "high flying Federalists" (see 
 Amory: Sullivan, 1:223). What was known early to Hancock soon began to 
 be apparent to other observers. Jackson to Knox, Boston, Dec. 21, 17SS. Knox 
 MSS. XXIII :43: "from the appearance of the Persons that will be chosen 
 
 Electors, I should doubt whether Mr. H will be Elected V:P " Certainly 
 
 his persecution of Liincoln angered the federalists. As it is fair to assume, Han- 
 cock would not have done this had lie any hopes for federalistic support it must 
 have been done in a spirit of petty revenge. A letter of Jackson to Ivnox, Jan. 
 7, ITS'..), (Knox MS8. XXIII:90) seems to point this way: "I believe then- is no 
 doubt who will be president and Vice — people talk pretty loud and open that 
 Mr. J. A. must & will be the man for V-...but you may be assured that the 
 other person [Haincock] will stand no chance — if it was merely bis want of 
 health it would be suUicieut. . .the broach between him and the Lt. Gr. grows 
 widor and wider..." The only actual account of the bargain is the well known 
 letter of King to Knox. King: King, I:3J9. It is possible that the federalists 
 believud themselves absolved from their agreement by the entrance of Virginia 
 into the unian. Further by supporting him at the polls that spring (17SS) they 
 likewise may have believed that tboy had acquitted themselves handsomely. Han- 
 cock's next move would be to solicit support as vice-president and that the federal- 
 ists declined. If so their refusal would have angered Hancock, who proceeded 
 to vent bis wrath on Lincoln. 
 
 (4y) The best example is the lengthy struggle over the first election of United 
 States senators. Caleb Strong was easily elected. The House persisted in seind- 
 ing up C. Jarvis twice, only to have the Senate non-concur. Then the House 
 sent up N. Dane. He was not acceptable to the Senate who sent down Dalton. 
 The House, after a struggle, accepted the dictation by the upper House. Cen- 
 tinel, Nov. 22. 20, 17SH. Yet the questioin was primarily not that of party, but 
 
 of the classes in the state to be represented. Caleb Strong — from Northampton 
 
 represented the landed interest and it was necessary to have the other senator 
 represent the commercial interest. Ibid, Nov. 5, 1788. There does not seem 
 to be a party question aeain in 17!)0 when electing a successor, Dalton. Ibid. 
 Juiue 23, 30, 1790. In 1796 the Senate had its way again by refusing to ratify 
 the choice of the House. Centinel, Juine 11, 15, 179G. The federalism of the 
 Senate is indicated by the answer to the acting governor's (Adams) speech in 
 the winter of 1794. Ibid. Feb. 5. IT'U. See action of the House in respect to 
 this reply (Ibid, Feb. 8, 1704) and their answer to the Governor (Adams) June 
 7, 1794. Ibid, June 11, 1794. Their reply, on February iSth, Is in ibid Feb 
 22, 1794. 
 
65 
 
 the struggles of. the democratic house, bided their 
 time, convinced after repeated failures that any 
 ^'design" to supplant Hancock in the steadfast affec- 
 tion of the people, ^^ '*must prove abortive. "^^ So 
 far then as state parties were concerned, there was 
 but one, and that dominated by Hancock, who stood 
 strongly for state sovereignty,^^ in which attitude 
 
 (50) Centiinel, Oct. 9, 1793. The only opposition which Hancock was called 
 upon to encounter since Bowdoln's meagre showing lo 1790 was even less formid- 
 able. In 1793 Gerry was nominated for governor. Centinel, March 2, 6, 9, 13, 
 30. Ho fared even worse, being defeated by 18,225 to 867. There la some evi- 
 dence that Gerry was maliciously put up by hia enemies. Ibid, March 2, 1793. 
 In the Hampshire Gazette for March 27, 1793. a correspotadent writes: "a few 
 years since our present govornor resigned. . .on. . .account [of 111 health] not- 
 withstanding, we were so unreasonable as to vote Mm in again... it looks as 
 tho' we had a design upon his health, and were determined to kill him. . . Such 
 treatment of a Negro would raise a great clamor... For shame my countrymen 
 . . .how unreasonable and cruel you are!" The cause for this great solicitude 
 over Hancock's falling health is the desire of the writer to elect Samuel Philips 
 governor (since he attaches that name to the end of the article). See also Cen- 
 tinel, March G. 1793. 
 
 (51) Ibid, Feb. 14, 1789. 
 
 (52) Hancock's vanity rather than principles — It would seem — led him to 
 strike this attitude on every possible opportunity. His behavior on the occaslcin 
 of the visit of Washington is a good example of this inordinate development. 
 His anxiety to magnify the state was because of the fact that he was at its 
 head and this assumption of superiority was properly rebuked by Washington. 
 See, e. g., Hancock's two well contrived letters Inviting Washington to stay 
 with him. Sparks: Correspondence of the Revolutlaa, IV:289-291. The attempt 
 of the federalists to avoid an open rupture with Hancock is evident by their 
 treatment of this incident. There is no mention of It In the newspapers at the 
 time, except for one rather broad hint in reply to some threat of the "Han- 
 coekonlans." Mass. Gazette, Nov. 16, 1789. See 0. Gore's significant letter to 
 Kling In reference to this newspaper writer and the Incident. Boston, Dec. 3, 
 1789. King: King, 1:360; also see the direct statement of F. Ames to T. 
 Dwlght. Boston, Oct. 21, 1789. Works, pt. T, p. 73; same to same. Boston. Oct. 
 30, 1789, Ibid, p. 74. See, however, Drake: Old Laindmarks of Middlesex, 
 pp. 14-13. Gorbams' assertion here must be questioned, first, because the denial 
 Is evidently written for tliat very purpose; further, Gorham was a friend of 
 Hancock and a member of the Council and no great friend to Bowdoln and the 
 federalists. Besides the direct arnd contemporary evidence is overwhelmingly 
 against Gorham's contention. Gerry to King. Boston, May 27, 1789. King: 
 King, 1:100. And finally, Hancock's ruse of ill-health had been worked thread- 
 bare before this. S. Breck to Knox, Boston. Feb. 1. 1780. Knox MSS. XXJ1I:90: 
 "Governor Hancock remains very sick. & I believe will continue so, uintll the 
 General Government- Is set in motion — "' B'. Hichborn to Knox, Boston, 
 March 5, 1789. Knox MSS. XXIII :123: "Hancock Is yet sick but no seriously 
 as I expected he would be on the election of Adams... [as] Vice President." 
 Nevertheless Haincoek did recover sufficiently to Invite John Adams "to take a 
 cold cut at his house on the day of his departure" for the seat of the Federal 
 government. Jackson to Knox, Boston, March 22, 1789. Knox MSS. XXiri:138. 
 See for other information regarding Hancock's curiously convenient Illness. 
 Harding: Fed. Constitution in Mass., p. 85, and above Chap. 2, note 37. Han- 
 cock's vanity was admitted even by his friends. S. Breck to Knox, Boston, 
 Feb. 7, 1790. Knox MSS. XXV:127: "Hancock has been not a little displeased 
 with you In consequence of some letter you have lately written him In your 
 Oflllclal Character, in which I believe he thinks was not expressed respectfully 
 enough to the first Magistrate of this Commonwealth — " Hancock's consistent 
 opposition to the Federal government actually elicits a veiled rebuke from the 
 clergyman who delivered the annual election sermon In 1791. Robblns, C, Boston, 
 May 25, 1791. p. 46. His refusal to sign the acft giving the "light houses &c to 
 Congress" is quite In accordance with his general posltiom. S. Breck to Knox, 
 Boston, June 21, 1790. Knox MSS. XXVI :87. 
 
6G 
 
 he was in cordial agreement with his lieutenant-gov- 
 ernor, Samuel Adams, to whom the leadership was 
 to fall at his death, October 8th, 1793.^=* 
 
 (53) See a sarcastic piece In the Centlnel — March 9, 1793 — concerning Adams* 
 forgetfulness of his oft repeated injunction "rotation in o£Bce" since he himself 
 had begun to sit in the high places. 
 
CHAPTER VI. 
 
 THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AS VIEWED BY THE PEOPLE 
 IN MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 With keen interest and sympathy America was 
 closely watching the events in France which were 
 transforming, as they too fondly believed, an ancient 
 despotism into a republic. And when the news of 
 the great success of the French armies in the fall 
 and winter of 1792 was brought to this country, a 
 great wave of universal enthusiasm swept the land.^ 
 Even sober-minded New England caught the con- 
 tagion which broke out in Boston and vicinity in the 
 shape of public entertainments in which all classes 
 of citizens participated.^ These "civic feasts" in- 
 augurated a reign of follies and extravagances in 
 thought, speech and custom, on which, however, the 
 sobering and startling news of the execution of 
 Louis XVI put an effectual damper.^ That date 
 may be taken as the time when opposition to this 
 delusive frenzy for everything French began to crys- 
 tallize,* to openly contend for the honor of America 
 
 (1) These were but the culm^oatloa of the growth of Interest, since Indeed 
 official notice had been taken in 1790 of the French successes. On September 
 17th of that year the House appointed a committee which, when joined with 
 members of the Senate, should prepare ain address to the National Assembly 
 of France "expressive of the satisfaction they have felt on the progress of 
 the Revolution In that country." Centlnel, Sept. 18, 1790. 
 
 (2) See Appendix G. 
 
 (3) "The news of the King's death. .. [replaced] that joy, and satisfaction... 
 in Boston [with] a frowning sadness. . .upon the brows of some... a cold... 
 salute succeeded to the warm embrace which Frenchmen had been wont to 
 receive, and In a great variety of Instances, I was shunned..." This piece was 
 supposed to be written by a "Frenchman" in the Ind. Ch., Dec. 28, 1795. Dr. 
 Tappan was accused of writing the following extract which the Independent 
 Chronicle took from "The True Briton" — a London paper — said to have been 
 written by "a professor in the University In Cambridge in New England..." 
 "The French cause was popular in this country before they murdered the mild 
 Louis XVI. The deed is universall.v execrated. His death, and the atheistical 
 sentiments uttered and applauded in their Convention, have lost them the 
 esteem and pood wishes of all the commonality of North Amerlcm." Dr. Tappen 
 denied having written It In ibid. May 25. 1795. 
 
 (4) Am. Apollo, March 22, 1793, from the Am. Dally Advertiser. "It has be- 
 come very common, among our well-born, the King's men, aristocrats and offlce- 
 bearers, to depreciate the principle of liberty and equality, becauis aome 
 temporary excesses have taken place in France." The rift In the lute is 
 shown by the significant emphasis seen in a paragraph from the Independent 
 
6S 
 
 and to sharply remind Americans that patriotism 
 must begin at home. To increase and strengthen 
 this attitude of the people nothing, on the whole, 
 contributed more than the zealous activities of the 
 clergy after they awoke to the exceeding danger, to 
 country and to religion, of this excessive ardor.^ 
 
 The lack of reflection and "judgment by the people 
 in general, indeed the extent of their blind enthus- 
 iasm, evinces itself clearly in their unhesitating ac- 
 ceptance of a movement whose inspiration and mov- 
 ing forces were summed up in the great watch words 
 — Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. 
 
 The first indeed they knew and prized. But the 
 development abroad soon led them to look askance at 
 this conception of it as savoring more and more of 
 sanguinary executions, of madness rather than 
 reason, aud of the rule of a murderous mob. 
 
 The idea of equality,^ it is true, had been gener- 
 
 Chronlcle of Aup. 8, 1793. On Aug. 5th arrlred La Concorde, the French 
 frigate. "The hills, wharvea and many of the houses commanding a view. . . 
 wer« coTered with the citizens, almost all of whom testified by their loud ac- 
 clamations and huzzas. .. [their] pleasure. . .at seeing the first ship, from our 
 friends the Gallic republicans. . .** 
 
 (5) Thl-^ ardor for France and the rights of man penetrated even to the 
 wilds of Ohio. A. Wayne to Knox, West Branch of Miami, Not. 15. 1793. 
 Knox MSS. XXX IV: 149: "The same baneful Leaven, which has been and is yet 
 fermenting (in the Atlantic States) .. .has also been fermenting In this Legion, 
 from the moment of my landing at Hobsons Choice. The rights of man, has 
 been held up as a criteriaiQ, even of Military Government. Attempts have 
 frequently been made to evade & disobey orders, under various & unworthy 
 pretexts &. idle qulbles, unknown at any period before that time, in the Legion 
 ...to such a pitch was this doctrine carried that a crisis when we had scarcely 
 a Guard & relief .. .when some young Gentlemen were refused a furlough, 
 they ofCered their resignation & prepared to depart without any further cere- 
 many. .. I. .. [verily] believe. . .the neglect on the part of the contractors was 
 caused by...[tliat] many headed monster." 
 
 (6) Emmons, N. Franklin, May 9, 1798. "It appears. . .that a good govern- 
 ment equally tends to restrain from tyranny and levellsm. . . [p. 14.] that 
 liberty and equality are Inseparably connected. . .Is one of the most wild and 
 absurd [sentiments] .. .It Is a violation of the laws of nature and religion... 
 [p. 15.] [It N &] Utopian scheme of... our Infidel enemies...*' [p. 24.1 Extract 
 from Pres. Fitch's address at the first commencement at Williams college, 
 Sept. 2, 1795: "If... we follow the ghostly Phantom of Liberty and equality) 
 which stalked from the Pandemonium of the Jacobins, with eyes darting fury* 
 and hands dipt in the blood of more than half a million, we shall see the same 
 tragic scenes of devastation, bloodshed aad horror. . .In. , .our country." Mass. 
 Mercury, Dec- 4, 1795. The French conception of these two Ideals was thus 
 ridiculed: "Liberty, such as the Flaherwomen of Paris enjoyed when they 
 treated a Queen of France, like a prostitute. . .and Equality, such as a Lci 
 Gendoe and CouterIe[sic] could boast, when the butcher's stall of the one, and 
 brewer's dray of the other were in a Revolutionary goTemment, on a level' with 
 the throne." Brookfield Advertiser, Dec. 16, 1795. From the Farmer's Weeklv 
 Museum. A good example of the many sarcastic attacks on "Equality" can 
 be found in the American Apollo, Aug. 20, 1794. See also Kirkland, J. T Oration 
 
69 
 
 ated by the Eevolution to some extents As this 
 notion developed into an alarming principle in 
 Shays' Rebellion — "levellmg" — it became odious to 
 men of rank and propeity as well as to the ordinary 
 conservative citizen. Except for the "furious 
 democrats"** and the politicians of that party, the 
 dictum of John Adams in regard to the necessity of 
 distinctions in well ordered governments* was of 
 common acceptance. Ninety-eight out of every 
 hundred, as they were at the beginning of the 19th 
 century, these descendents of conservative English- 
 men had a wholesome regard and respect for those 
 whose tradition it had been to be the leaders and 
 guides of their community, whether ministers or 
 gentry. Yet it was no debasing relation, this; for 
 democratic equality of man and man was in the town 
 meeting and even the minister depended upon his 
 parishioners for continuance in office. Whatever 
 its faults, this system bred a race of leaders and 
 statesmen who possessed a high sense of respon- 
 sibility and unselfish duty to the highest interest 
 of their constituents. Even the great leaders of 
 the later Republican party in Massachusetts, dem- 
 ocratic as they proclaimed and thought themselves 
 to be, believed thoroughly "in all proper distinctions 
 between the Poor and the Rich."" Jacksonian De- 
 
 ,..in Harvard College, July 19, 1798, pp. G-T. See also "Common Sense in 
 Dishabille, Liberty and Equality; A Satire;" Salem Gazette, Sept. 26, 1797, 
 from the Farmer's Weekly Museum. Also Z. Swift to D. Daggett, Phlla., 
 Nov. 11, 1794. Proc. Am. Antiq. Soc. N. S. IV (1885-7) 373, 
 
 (7) The notion however encountered stiff opposition. Warren: Hist, of the 
 Am. Revolution, 111:359: "The assumption of an appropriate rank was dis- 
 gusting: [to the aristocrats] in a set of men [ofBcers of the Revolutionary army] 
 who had most of thrm been taken from mechanic employments, or the sober 
 occupations of agriculture..." See also J. Eliot, Dec. 7, 1782. Belknap Papers, 
 
 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 6th Ser., Ill: pt. III. p. 240. "So many of our 
 officers were made gentlemen upon goiing into the army... that they had rather 
 consider twice than submit to a metamorphosis." 
 
 (8) The Oentlnel, Jan. 26, 1793, announced— for this was the height of the 
 French frenzy — "To impress on the tender minds of the rising generations the 
 precept of Equal Liherty. . .all the Youth of this town [Boston], were paraded 
 In State Street, in ranks; between which a Cart was driven, from whence 
 each was presented with a Civic Cake, impressed with the words 'LIBERTY 
 AND EQUALITY...' " 
 
 (9) J. Adams to R. Price, N. Y., April 19, 1790. Works, IX:564. 
 
 (10) S. Adams to John Adams. July. 178.5. S. .idams MSS., N. Y. Public 
 Library. Also E. Gerry to S. Adams, July 17, 1789. ConceruIng the estab- 
 
70 
 
 mocracy was more than a quarter of a century away 
 in New England. 
 
 The last of the sacred trilogy was equally repug- 
 nant. Ridicule made short work of its extravagant 
 ruanifestations. The "fraternal kiss" and the "fra- 
 ternal hug" were so foreign to the undemonstrative 
 New Englaiider as to excite his unbounded derision 
 and contempt. Yet so thorough was the approval of 
 the French Revolution in its early stages that the 
 Centinel in its issue of June 23rd, 1792, made the ex- 
 traordinary announcement that there is "a plan of 
 raising a body of American Voluntiers to embark as 
 soon as possible for Prance. .The Legislature of 
 Massachusetts, would do themselves immortal 
 honor, by being the first to provide ["for the sup- 
 port and transportation of these Patriotic Volun- 
 teers."]." This proposal was received with calm- 
 ness and aroused no opposition, although nothing 
 seems to have actually been done. 
 
 Throughout the suumier of 1792, and especially in 
 the fall, disquieting rumors and accounts of excesses 
 were received chiefly through English sources. Still 
 the Centinel, the federalist organ, asserted on Octo- 
 ber 10th -. "We have avoided, .the falsehoods and 
 absurdities of the English paiDers — Though we have 
 not a favorable opinion of the Paris mob we yet 
 think them incapable of drinking the bottled blood of 
 the Swiss. . "and on November 7th it stoutly affirmed 
 that "NOT WITHSTANDING the late excesses of 
 the Republican party in France the cause of the 
 French is still that of humanity — is still the cause 
 of freedom." 
 
 With the beginning of the next year came the 
 "Civic Feasts," which marked the height and the 
 end of the harmonious attitude towards France 
 
 llshment of a theatre "admlt[tlng] of amusements which all may partake in 
 without the destroying the necessary distlnctlosi of rank." Ibid. 
 
71 
 
 which had prevailed in all ranks of society and 
 shades of political belief. Henceforth this question 
 was to divide the people politically, socially and even 
 to some extent religiously, until the end of the Fed- 
 eralist party in Massachusetts. The proclamation 
 of neutrality^^ gave the country the opportunity of 
 settling the question once for all whether Americans 
 were to be more loyal to France than to their own 
 country. The emphatic answer of the towns,^^ in 
 Massachusetts as elsewhere, to the efforts of the dis- 
 loyal in the Boston town-meeting^^ silenced them for 
 the time being at least. 
 While the mission of G-enet^* had brought trouble 
 
 (11) It was a matter of grave concern to the federalist writers how to meet 
 tlie cliarpe of Ingratitufle liurled against the United States for declining to 
 take up arras In behalf of her ally, France. Was It not a disgraceful reproach 
 to America, this reluctance to aid France In her liour of great need? Recollect 
 her unselfishness iio our Revolution — did she not enter Into a great war for 
 the siake of liberty and the love she bore us? Such were the democratic 
 chimes which rang Incessantly. As early as May a certain "Neuter" attempted 
 to prove that France was actuated at that time solely by selfish motives, 
 moreover that she tried her best "to deprive us of the fishery, of an open 
 recognition of our independence by Britain, and of a large part of the terri- 
 tory we now possess. We know also, that the boasted loam of money made 
 to us. . .was far from being a gratuituous act. . .It was done on interested 
 motives and the terms were unreasonable and hard upon us. ' ' Centlnel, May 
 18, 1793. See also ibid, July 31, Aug. 14, 17. 1793. However true this all 
 was it made no great Impression until the French, eager to destroy the sym- 
 pathy for Louis XVI. and tlie ancient regime, published documeats proving 
 conchT^ively how thoroughly selfish the Court of France was In the help 
 grnntert to the Americans. The French leaders proved themselves quite too 
 astute; they had overreached themselves badly and gratitude was not so 
 popular a theme henceforth. Ibid, Aug. 24, 1793. See also Ibid, Feb. 26, 1794. 
 
 (12) Many were the towns which manifested by formal action of the citizens 
 their "approbation and gratitude [to the President] for his parental care. . . 
 and the timely and prudent measures which he hath adopted, for the peace and 
 happiness of the people over whnm he presides..." (Centlnel, Sept. 18, 1793.) 
 but also declared their livelie-^t reseiitment towards those "wicked and un- 
 principled men [who] liad endeavored to slamder the citizens of the United 
 States by declaring that they were opposed to the principles and conduct 
 enjoined in the late proclamation of our Illustrious President, and by asserting 
 that the Intentions of the American people did not accord with the conduct 
 of the Federal government." (Ibid.) For accounts of the towns see Centlnel, 
 June 5, July 31, Aug. 3, 7, 10, 21, 24, 28, 31, S^pt. 7, 14. 18, 25, Oct. 12, 23, 
 1793. 
 
 (131 Amory: Sullirnn. 1:290. 
 
 (14) Undoubtedly Genet's astonishing forgetfulness of his place and the 
 respect due to the United States helped materially to abate the hitherto 
 frantic zeal for France. See the Centlnel, July 21, Aug. 14, 17, 21, 24, Sept. 2.5, 
 1798. Also F. Anie^ to T. Dwight, Boston, Aug., 1793. Works, pt. 1, p. 129: 
 "The towin Is less frenchifled than It was. Citizen Genet is out of credit..." 
 A characteristic attack upon him Is to be found in the Centlnel, Sept. 11, 
 1793: "You eagerly attached yourself to the disaffected and depraved... a faction 
 of desperadoes. . .who will as readily join you In an open rehellion against the 
 government of Heaven, as ac-ainst that of their country. If your existing Finaiacler 
 can furnish another six million of llvres to be judiciously distributed...". See 
 also ibid, Oct. 16, Nov. 13, 30, 1793; Mercury, Nov. 19, 1793. In the Independent 
 Chronicle can be found the expected but no less surprising defences In behalf 
 of this "mad Monsieur." See e. g., Jan. 6, 9, 1794. 
 
72 
 
 and embarrassment upon the country at large 
 Massachusetts herself suffered during this year 
 from a number of high-handed and vexatious acts 
 of the French and their adherents. Indeed it would 
 seem that the latter Sought to inaugurate a reign of 
 terror, on a minute scale indeed, but enough to 
 cause apprehension and to provoke a growing 
 amount of resentment. 
 
 Early in August the frigate La Concorde arrived 
 in Boston after participating in the glorious re- 
 ception of Genet by the "citizens and citesses" of 
 Philadelphia. Attached to her main mast was a 
 placard gibbeting there the names of ' ' eleven of our 
 citizens ... of the utmost respectability in town 
 [who] were denounced ... as aristocrats, un- 
 friendly to the French Revolution and averse to 
 having American citizens enter on board French 
 privateers.'"'' This very sugg'e,stive French custom 
 was not at all relished. The joke, if such it was, had 
 gone too far. A number of indignant citizens went on 
 board demanding that the offensive black list be 
 removed instantly. The officers of the frigate com- 
 plied with this demand at once, offering at the same 
 time ]irofuse apologies and declarations of their 
 ignorance of the perpetration of the deed.^*^ In addi- 
 tion outrageous events occurred which must have 
 alienated any citizen who had the slightest feeling 
 for his country's honor and sovereignty. That same 
 month a re.g:ularly French commissioned privateer, 
 the Roland^," captured an English vessel, the G-rey- 
 
 (16) Oontlni'l, Ani.'. in, 1703. 
 
 OGl Ihi(T. In tho saine Is'Jiie a much Incpnserl writer comments: "When I 
 saw a prophetic Intimation In your last. . .that we might soon expect to have 
 souie of our own citlzc^rns denounre<l by a Jacobin Cluh, or In the Jacobin mode; 
 I IHtlc thonfrht, th.nl prcrlictlnu wouiil be verified lu the same week. But the 
 Jaco'in party In every couulrv. are so ardent, and are In the habit so strongly 
 of mnrchlnir to the tune of Ca Ira... that, even here they seem to prosecute 
 with a< much facillly and expedition as... In Paris..." 
 
 (IT) 'Ibis had not been the first excitement over the preseince of "French" 
 privateers operating from .Vmerieau ports and manned largely by Americans, 
 for snob a vessel was fitted out in Oharlestowu in July. Centinel, July 27, 1703. 
 Iin accordance with the resolutions of a meeting of merchants on July 22, 
 
73 
 
 hound, and brought it into Boston.^* In accordance 
 with the proclamation of neutrality, four Americans 
 belonging to this French commissioned vessel were 
 arrested/^ The attempt of a deputy-marshal to 
 serve his writ from the United States Circuit Court 
 for the Eastern District, was forcibly prevented by 
 the commanding officer of the La Concorde and 
 he was kept a prisoner for nearly three days and 
 nights; and finally the Greyhound was most auda- 
 ciously removed under thegunsof tliatmanof war?" 
 Indeed it was only after this vessel sailed, months 
 later, that the federal officers were able to carry out 
 the orders of the court.^^ In the meantime Hancock 
 had "the two prizes of the Rowland seized. "^^ The 
 instigator of this impudent interference with the 
 American court and the nullifying of its orders was 
 the French vice consul for Boston, Duplaine.^^ He 
 was arrested, but the grand jury after three at- 
 tempts, although the last failed through the obstin- 
 acy of one juror only, was unable to bring in a true 
 bill."'' The, President, however, took away his ex- 
 equator, despite the clamors of the "American 
 Jacobins." Dannery, who had already superseded 
 the indicted consul, unmindful of Genet's fiasco, had 
 the bad taste to write a spirited protest to Samuel 
 Adams against the dismissal.^^ This brought forth 
 
 fibirl. .Inly 24.) Jinrl a town meeting on July 26, fiblfl, July 27.) to prevent 
 the fitting out of this supposed French privateer — which had already sailed on 
 the 20th — it was asserteil that it had returned and lauded its stores. "It is well 
 known," comments a writer In the latter paper, "that another privateer, com- 
 missioned by the French nation, hath been lying in Nantasliet road more thain a 
 week." See also ibid, July 2T, Aug. 19, 1793. 
 
 (IS) Amorv: Sullivan. I:?,so. 
 
 (19) CVntlnel, Aug. 24. 170.-S. 
 
 (29) Ibid, Doc. 21. 17f).T. 
 
 (21) Ibid. The aiarshall of the District repeatedly applied to the French 
 captain to withdraw Ills men, but "he produced the orders of Mr, Duplaine, for 
 his justification and refused to comply..." 
 
 (22) Ibid, Aug. 28. 31. 1T9.S. 
 
 (23) Jefferson orders C. Gore, U. S. Attorney for Massachusetts, to have this 
 FrotDCh consnl arrested since by express clauses in the consular convention 
 with France he Is "liable to arrest, imprisonment, and other punishments even 
 capital." Phila.. Sept. 2, 1793. Writings. Memorial Ed. IX:2ig-6. 
 
 (24) Oentlnel. Nov. 6. 10, Dec. 18, 1793. It was charged by the federalists 
 thai the jury was packed Ity the Constitutional Club. 
 
 (2.1) Ibid, Nov. 13, 1793. 
 
74 
 
 many severe strictures against the vice consul, and 
 also demands to know "whether the incendiary pro- 
 ceeding's of the Consiil. .has met his [Adams'] 
 most point'^d indignati(m. "^° 
 
 The partisans of both sides busied themselves with 
 gathering statistics"'^ more or less closely based on 
 facts, -md interviewing ship master and owners, in- 
 stigated thereunto by the self-respecting and pat- 
 riotic duty of attempting to prove which nation, 
 France or England, was treating the United States 
 with the g:.'eater contempt.^*' But the English sym- 
 ]iathizers, aided perhaps by the larger inventive 
 faculty, had the better of the argument, especially 
 when l^ie crew of the "Citizen Grenet pirate" "rob- 
 bed and cruelly beat" Captain Henderson of Salem, 
 just off the coast of Massachusetts."^ 
 
 The topic which was singled out for the greatest 
 amount of attention amid all these other excitements. 
 WIS the agitating news of the proposed formation 
 of a branch of the Jacobin clubs, or, better perhaps, 
 the Democratic Societies. It was organized under 
 the somewhat misleading, but euphonious title of 
 the CoQstitutional Club.^" The alarming rumor was 
 bruited about in August that "we are to have a club 
 .upon the true Jacobin principles . .under the spec- 
 ious name of the Democratic Society. .These and 
 such like apprehensions distn.rb the minds of many 
 
 (20) Ibid; also seo the Am. Apollo, Nov. 13; Oentinel, Dec. 4, S, 23. 1793, 
 the last from tlic Western Star. See also Ibid and lad. Oh., Jan. 20, 1794, (or 
 a characteristic democratic attitude toward this affair and a defense of Adams. 
 
 (27) This game was in full swing by June. See the Centinel, Juine 29, also Aug. 
 27, Nov. 2, in, i-nn. 
 
 (28) Boston federalisLs note the curious fact "Tliat all the Captains of 
 American Vessels who have received Insults and outratres from the British 
 cruisers, sliould be tiiosc who have arrived In Philadelphia and New York.'^ 
 Ibid, July 20, 1793. Tlic authenticity of such is severely doubted and the charge 
 made that "very few... of these complaints [against the British] have been 
 attested to; and some... are known to be the fabrications of certaiiQ earwigs, 
 and dependents on the French minister." Ibid, Nov. 2, 1793; see also ibid, 
 April 19, 1794. 
 
 (29) Ibid, Nov. 2, 13, 1793, see ibid, Nov. 5, for an outrageous act committed 
 by the La Concorde against Capt. I-IUler l!n Boston harbor. 
 
 (30) Amory; Sulllvun, l;27.-i. 
 
75 
 
 good citizens, '^^ And many good citizens, especially 
 the leading ones, possessed of undemocratic senti- 
 ments, were destined to be unpleasantly disturbed 
 for the next year or so by these noisy and effectively 
 organized politicians. These societies occupied the 
 attention of excited newspaper writers to such an 
 extent that there are few issues of the Columbian 
 Centinel during 1794, which do not denounce in un- 
 measured terms this ^* chain of clubs.. from Maine 
 
 (33) Centinel, Aug:. 7, 1793. It Is evident that before the end of November 
 the Club Is organized. Mass. Mercury, Nov. 29, 3793; Centinel, Nov. 30, 1793. 
 In January Its principles and constitution are published. Ind. Ch., Jan. 16, 
 1794. 
 
 (32) Am. Apollo, Oct. 9, 1794. See the Mass. Mercury, Nov. 29. 1793: "the 
 business of this nocturnal club will be to denounce citizens, paoli juries, abuse 
 jrovernment. Instruct conpresa and for oujrht we Itnow, erect G-uillotines." [All 
 these prophicies except the last were literally fulfilled. See Centinel, Nov. 
 30, 1793.]. The Centinel, Jan. 1, 1794, quotes a report by th& Massachusetts 
 leplslature March 22d, 1784, wlilch denounced "Self -created Societies" (In that 
 case It was the Society of the Cincinnati), using language which exactly fitted 
 the present Bltuatio,n. For other criticisms see Ibid, May 33, Aug. 20, Aug. 27 
 (on the Anvil Club). "Manlius" attncJis the Club In a series of articles, 
 which seven in number with an extra, (evidently originally printed In the 
 Greenfield Gazette) are In the Centinel, Sept. 3. 0. 10, 13, 17, 20, 24, 27, 
 1794. It was published as a pamphlet Oct. 15, 1794. The interference of the 
 Boston Club 1;n politics \\as marlsed by an Incident which galled their opponents 
 excessively na well as -^howod a plain lacli of respect and confidence In their 
 Congressman. The resolutions of the town meeting on May 12th on the 
 Embargo (See Centinel, May 14, 1794) were sent by the towm clerli William 
 Cooper, a strong democrat, to the Virginia representatives aind not to their own 
 Congressman. See Ibid, May 28, 31 and Sept. 10, 1794. The effectiveness of 
 the club is shown by tills town meeting which easily carried resolutions in 
 favor of the Embargo, despite the objections of S. Higglnson, H. G. Otis and 
 J. C. Jones. Amory: Sullivan, 1:291. See also "Mercator" In Centinel, May 10, 
 14, 1794, who opposes the Embargo. The effects of It are noted in ibid, June 7, 
 1794. But see Ibid, May 24, 1794, and Hampshire Gazette, June 11, 1794. Their 
 strengtli Is clearly shown by the vote In Boston, May 7th. for the "Hoston Seat" 
 that year. The five democratic candidates won by 539, 553, 550. 435, 406 votes, 
 their opponents getting but 262, 270, 194, 329. 13G votes. There were two 
 "union" candidates wiio received 697 and 090 votes. Centinel, May 10, 1794. 
 "Deodatns" writes a series of three attaclcs upon the club. Centinel, Sept. 
 13, 27, Oct. 11, 1794. "Mortimer" carries on the assault in Ibid, Oct. 18, 25 
 and Nov. 1, 1794. While the weapons of investive atnd denunciation were 
 more commonly used than ridicule yet the latter was also employed. "On 
 a motion (says the Am. Apollo, June 12, 1794. from the Gazette of the U. S.) 
 ...in a Democratic Society .. .Mr. B. request[ed] .. .permission to fill his balloon 
 at a chimney top of the Hall during a warm debate; one member. . . asked, 
 where is your equality, and... your levelling principles. Citizens, that you 
 would thus aid a flighty, over-bearing attempt to soar above the people?. . . 
 [this] attempt to. . .elevat[e] . . .an Individual above the multitude, must be 
 aristocratic. . .we have never heard of the force or effect of Democratic Gaz, 
 when tied up in a bag... The balloon. . .may mount. . .before the... cords can 
 be detached from the Hall, and [take]... us all. . .along. . .the Lord knows where — 
 No, citizens, although we have frequently met to propose high-flying- and daji- 
 gerous projects for others, I never understood that we were to trust our own 
 carcases in the voyage." See for alleged attempts "to influetoce the press" by 
 threats and boycott, Mas^^. Mercury, Jan. 3, 1794; and Centinel, Oct. 8, 1794, from 
 the Eastern Herald, Portland, [Me.]. 
 
76 
 
 to South Carolina, .the most daring [and] . .danger- 
 ous league of aristocracy. ' '^^ 
 
 Angry passions had so largely invaded all ranks 
 of society that only the clergy as yet held aloof from 
 controversy. The editors of the two leading Boston 
 papers fall most thoroughly afoul of one another. 
 Benjamin Eussel, editor of the Centinel, was haled 
 before the court where he received a nominal fine 
 for assault and battery upon the person of Benjamin 
 Austin, "old Honestus," perhaps the most indus- 
 trious writer for the Chronicle, and a leader of the 
 Boston democrats.^^ Henceforth both parties, with 
 little attention to the truth, set themselves to invent 
 the most inflammatory and false stories in order 
 to suit their own political ends.^* Does war with 
 Great Britain seem to threaten? The democrats are 
 indefatigable with unfounded or infinitely exagger- 
 ated tales of cruelties and depredations. Is war im.- 
 minent with France? The federalists busy them- 
 selves in casting up a mythical amount of losses 
 
 (33) The editors ot tlie Oentlnel and Chronicle took sides as eyery one else. 
 The editor of the former paper was tried for assault and battery on Benjamin 
 Austin, chief writer of the Chronicle, who received laominal damages in the 
 shape of SI, hayins asked £1,000. Centinel. March 13, 20, 1793. In the 
 issue of Aug. 17th, the editor of the Centinel remarks that the Chronicle "has 
 again insinuated. . .that. . .the Editor... is in the British pay..." In reply 
 the editor "knows that the French National Convention has appropriated Five 
 or Six Million livres, as secret service money: But, knowing the fact, lie will 
 not recriminate the charge, that the Editor of the Chronicle is under French pay. 
 — For the Editor of the Centinel has a very high opinion of the judgment of 
 the French Executive Council." Another example of Centinel wit is "The 
 Chronicle charges the Centinel with being 'a standing Imposture' — Thank God, 
 it is not like its antagonist a 'lyin,g one.' " May 14, 1794. From this time 
 on tlie editors pay their respects to each other witli the scantiest regards to 
 courtesy and decency. There had been bad blood before and these excitements 
 merely gave opportunity for the renewal of old grudges and paying off old 
 scores. E. g., E. Russel announces that "it is his intention ... so long as he 
 continues to receive the support of the patriotick and judicious. . .still to con- 
 tinue to give. . .political observations. . .not withstanding. . .sunshine federalists, 
 and summer friends to the constitution — or to the envy and malice of contem- 
 por.ary Editors." Centinel, June 2.5, 1788. See also Ind. Ch., Feb. 24, ]794; 
 Centinel, Feb. 20, 1794; ibid, Aug. 11. 1792. When the Key. Mr. French spoke 
 on "detraction" in his sermon. May 24. 1798. in rofcrenco to a certain news- 
 paper, both editors hastened to praise the discerning, truthful and patriotic 
 clergyman. 
 
 (34) Such a canard was the rumor that the French were engaged in recruit- 
 ing soldiers in Boston for the "Genet Regiment" whose object was "One of 
 the SpanisJi settlements. . .after the insurrection ot the So\ithern Negroes should 
 be agected," Centinel, Nov. 20, 1793. See also ibid. Dec. 13, 16; Mass. Mercury, 
 .Tan. 14, 1794. So untrustworthy were the democratic reports from Virginia 
 that the term "Norfolk News" was synonymous with a falsehood. See e. g. 
 Paine; The Iinvention of Letters, p. 8, 3d ed., Boston, 1819. 
 
77 
 
 and multiply to an impossible degree the nmnber 
 and gravity of the insults offered to the United 
 States. 
 
 The reports of bloody events in France had in- 
 creased so persistently by the year 1793, that the 
 Hampshire Gazette admits on February 6th: ''It is 
 a melancholy sensation to the generous admirers of 
 the French people that the raptuous emotions of 
 their success is, at every interval, dashed with some 
 dejecting feelings, arising from their violence,. . 
 precipitancy, .intolerance, or. . cruelty. "^^ And with 
 a curious forgetfulness of the treatment of the Loyal- 
 ists it goes on to say that the banishment of the 
 ''emigres" is ''as impolitic as it is cruel, for no 
 nation can reap from confiscation. Men are the 
 most valuable property of the nation. "^^ 
 
 It was the execution of Louis XVI which occa- 
 sioned the first great revulsion of feeling and 
 marked the ebbing of the high tide of sympathy and 
 enthusiasm. The people were profoundly grateful to 
 the king for his aid in their Revolution, and his 
 death brought forth not a few expressions of grief.^"^ 
 
 (35) See also Greenfleld Gazette, March 21, 1793; Hampshire Onzette, Jan. 
 9, 1793. Qne of the earliest attacks on France for the terrors which were oc- 
 curring there is an "Ode to Liberty by 'Marie Antoinette.' " Certain of the- 
 lines are striking for this early period : 
 
 "To the vile rabble's rape resigned 
 
 The lustre of thy polish'd mind! 
 
 Can Gallia's impious sons clofame 
 
 The virtues of thy sainted name 
 
 And heap th' assassin's deeds on thee! 
 
 AVhile to the sway of crime alone 
 
 riiffh-seated on a reekinp: throne 
 
 They raise the licens'd hand, 
 
 And bend th' unhallowed knee." 
 The earliest reference the writer has found is an excerpt in the Centlnel, 
 Oct. 7, 1792, from the Salem Gazette: "The Issue aimed at by the Chief 
 ("the democratical and Jesuitical old De Lisle" (probably James Sullivan) "and" 
 his disciple. . .Iloneslus. . .the disappointed abettors of rebellion"] is probably 
 li<£e that of his much admired French Revolution — to level all distinctions of 
 order and authority, and even the property and life ; until anarchy and terror 
 may open the door of usurpation to the most hardy and adroit leader. . .These 
 are the blessed effects, the halcyon days, the republican rights and prlvilegas... 
 to be expected from... this destructive faction." 
 
 (36) Greenfleld Gazette, March 21, 1793, has an account of the massacres of 
 September 2, 1792. See for more horrors the issue of March 28, 1793. See- 
 also Farmer's Weekly Museum, April 11, July 26. 1793; Centlnel, June 8, 1793. 
 
 (37) Whatever real prief there was it must needs be spoiled by an evidence 
 of tbat unbecoming and senseless mummery which obsessed so many Americans- 
 
78 
 
 Sharp indignation was expressed for "This unjust 
 and iniquitous Judgment, "^^ which was even de- 
 nounced as ' ' Murder. ' "^ And ' ' Cordelia ' '*" said ' ' A 
 few ladies of my acquaintance are determined 
 openly to show their respect, .and to wear, .for one 
 month a hlach rose, near the left breast." 
 
 During this year other items of the atrocities which 
 marked the progress of the Eevolution were pub- 
 lished in the Massachusetts papers. The attacks by 
 the Jacobins on Lafayette were much resented.*^ A 
 "Patriot of the World" rebukes the French nation 
 for destruction of liberty since "while ochlocratic 
 tyrants outraged the liberty of debate, your Nation- 
 al Convention has presented the spectacle of a com- 
 plex despot. . The momentous subject of a Consti- 
 tution has been madly neglected."*^ In the same 
 paper taken from the Connecticut Courant, France 
 is warned that "almost all parties concur in censur- 
 ing the outi'ageous proceedings of the mobs in va- 
 rious parts of France."*^ 
 
 It is the next year, 1794, that the criticisms of 
 France are so numerous as to call forth resentments 
 
 at that period. E. g. the head of the ox, eaten at the historic Boston Civic 
 I'^ast, with its horns ^'ilded had been placed on tlie flag-staff at Liberty Saual^e. 
 It was proposed that this liead "should be pnt in mourning this morning, with 
 Ihe colours half staff high: and that at five o'clocli in the afternoon, the flag- 
 staff be cut down, dropped in the docli, and with the head and liorns be there 
 buried as an evidence of the truth of the assertion of the patriotic Paine... 
 that..., 'the news of bis [Louis XVI] execution has given them ['the free Amer- 
 icans'] great pain.' " Centinel, March 30, 1793. For the controvers.v this 
 proposal excited and the struggles wliich ensued, see Appendix E. 
 
 (38) Greenfield Gazette, March 28, nsS. 
 
 (39) Hampshire Gazette. .Vpril 10, 1793. 
 
 (40) Centinel, March 30, 1793. See ibid, March 23, 30, (which contains 
 sundry pieces expressive of sorrow,) and the Hampshire Gaeztte, April 3, 1793. 
 
 Six months afterwards It is asserted that ".V great proportion of Americans... 
 lament the fate of Louis the late king." Ibid, Sept. 12, 1793. An Interesting 
 assertion is made "that the decollation of the late King of the French, Is 
 very generally disapproved of: and by the dispassionate yeomanry of the inter- 
 ior country, more than by the citizens of the sea-ports." Centinel, June 19. 
 1703. It is not to be supposed that the Freucli did not find defenders for this 
 course. See e. g. Fed. Spy, .\prll 30, 1793. In the issue of April 3, 1793, of 
 the Centinel Is a violent anti-regicide piece paralleling the unfortunate Charles 
 I. with "the Capetlan." See ante chap. VI, luote 3. The conBrmation of the 
 execution was announced In double capitals. Centinel, March 23, 1793; see also 
 the Hampshire and Berlisblre Chronicle, April 2, 17i^3. 
 
 (41) Greenfield Gazette, March 14, 1793; Hampshire Gazette, June 26 1793 
 
 (42) Ibid, Sept. 18, 1793. 
 
 (43) Ibid, tor massacres of July 2d, "twelve Innocent persons Guillotined." 
 
79 
 
 couched in the following terms: "But too many of 
 our cold plilegmatick countrymen, . . are disposed to 
 censure the measures, adopted by the French, as 
 rash and barbarous. Many, .have labored to black- 
 en the cause of the French."^* The newspapers 
 came in for rebukes. "Many papers, .once neutral- 
 . .now teem with anathemas against the French and 
 their measures. Now the press groans in elegy; 
 next erupts a Vesuvian mass of sulphurious abuse, 
 and gulphs of lampoon and scurrility. ' "'^ While the 
 other side retorts: "NOTHING can be more displeas- 
 ing to a lover of truth, than the pains which are 
 taken to impress the American public with false 
 ideas of the present situation of France. . . The ac- 
 count really received, .presents a scene dishonor- 
 able to human nature."*'' In the Centinel is ex- 
 pressed great sympathy for the Queen of France 
 accused of "impossible crimes" by men who "affect 
 to speak of erecting the sacred temple of law ! Those 
 which such men raise will resemble the tumuli of 
 the Mexicans which were built with human skull."" 
 besmeared with blood. "*''^ The execution of Bris- 
 sot and the Girondists "strikes the humane Ameri- 
 can with astonishment, .and these were Representa- 
 tives of the People,"*^ and moved one correspondent 
 to cry that "the head of a man seems to be of little 
 more value than that of a chicken."*'''- 
 
 A few examples may suffice to show the feelings 
 of a constantly growing number of the people toward 
 the French Revolution. Condemning the "daily 
 shed innocent blood in France" it is found "the 
 
 (44) Mass. Spy, March 13, 1794. "A Federalist. . .must be ["according to... 
 some hlph-flylnjr Aristocrats"] a violent opposer of the French nation..." Ind, 
 Ch., April 25, 1794. 
 
 (l-'J) Mass. Spy, March 27, 1794. 
 
 (40) Hampshire Gazette, March 5, 17B4. from the Foil. Gazette. 
 
 (47) Centinel, Jan. 23, 1794. See also a poem on the Queen by "Philemia" 
 in ibid. 
 
 (48) Western Star, March 11, 1794. 
 
 (49) Centinel, Feb. 15, 1794, from the Fed. Gazette. 
 
80 
 
 present French liberty, .consists in an uncontrolled 
 license to arrest, try, condemn, & execute any person 
 who differs in opinion only from the ruling fac- 
 tion. """ " The cause of France " it is declared : ' ' has 
 been stained by excesses, .for which it is not easj, 
 if possible, to find a parallel in the history of human 
 affairs, and from which reason and humanity 
 recoil.'"^ The leaders, Marat and Robespierre are 
 "assassins still reeking with blood. .Monsters who 
 out do the fabled enormities of a Busiris and a Proc- 
 rustus.'"^ 
 
 It was nevertheless not so much the reports of 
 the bloody cruelties and massacres in France which 
 tended strongly to alienate the larger portion of the 
 people, as the atheistical acts of the Convention 
 and individual zealots. During the year 1793, there 
 are some few references to this revolutionary change 
 in France.^^ Danton, it is true, is spoken of as 
 "Danton the Atheist,"'* and the answer of sixty 
 
 (50) Ibid, Feb. 32, 1794, from the Am. Minerva. 
 (51) Iblil, Feb. 19, 1T94, from the Adi. Daily Advertiser. 
 
 (.52) Western Star, Marcli 11, 1794. In this paper there is an able and 
 severe attacli — sarcastic at times — on the bloody revolution of the various 
 parties in France by "Cordwainer." The series begins Aufrnst 19th, and num- 
 ber 10 Is reached by October 28th. "Has not... this divine tree [of Liberty]... 
 been besmeared with human blood, and ingrafted with scions of Licentiousness, 
 until it retains scarcely any re-;emblance of its native form?" is the truly 
 bucolic slmilic used by a horrified correspondent of the Mass. Spy, March 20, 
 1794. A series runs in the Greeufleld Gazette beginning with Sept. IS, 1794. 
 The attitude is well illustrated from this excerpt: "In reviewing the wanton 
 destruction of Lyons, Toulon, &c. [we see]... A Zenjrlis Klian...and in the 
 revolutionary tribunal. . .the Dulse of Alva's 'Council of blood' revived. " The 
 pitiable fate of Lyons is lamented in the Hampshire Gazette, Feb. 12, 1794. For 
 other accounts see e. g. Mass. Spy, Oct. 1,5, 1794, and the Centinel, March 8, 
 1794, from the Gazette of the U, S. The papers for the fcxt two years teem 
 with accounts of the frightful occurrences. "'Whoever shall read the history of 
 the French Revolution, will chill with horrors at the different scenes of blood 
 and havocii..." Muss. Spy, Jan. j4, 21, 1795. See e. jr. Western Star, June 
 9, Aug. 25, 1793; Broolifield Advertiser, July 22, 29, 1795; Hampshire Gazette, 
 July 1, 8, 179.5; Greenfield Gazette, June 25. 1795. The same distressing news 
 is printed the following year. Account of the "White Terror," Fed. Orrery, 
 Feb. 18, 1790, Other reports are in the Westeiin Star, Feb. 2, July 26, 1796; 
 Mass. Spy, Feb. 17, 1790; Political Gazette (Newburyport), Feb. 2, 179G. from 
 the Herltimer Continel. 
 
 (5.3) "Mr. Dupont, amidst the loud applause of almost the whole Conven- 
 tion. . .declared himself to be an Atheist. Tlie Printer thought it -(vould sound 
 better to maiie him say he was a Deist, and accordingly all our Jacobin Printers 
 have gravely told the public that Mr. Dupont said he was a Deist." Centinel 
 April 2, 1793. 
 
 (54) Hampshire Gazette, June 20, 1793. 
 
81 
 
 parishes in Britanny to a proclamation of the com- 
 missioners of the Convention is printed, which eon- 
 tains the striking sentence: "In the name of the 
 only true God whom you have adjured!'"^ Indeed 
 the sitting of the club of the Cordeliers, on the 27tli 
 of July, is denounced as "a scene of horrid blas- 
 phemy and abominable wickedness, which stands un- 
 rivalled in the annals of history."^" As early as 
 May the Farmer's Weekly Museum announces that 
 the French "have determined to make the experi- 
 ment, .that a nation of atheists 'tnay he a moral and 
 free people. ...In [this] . .we may discover the source 
 of all their enormities."®^ But it was the next year 
 which multiplied the evidences of this shocking 
 change in France. 
 
 Sufficient evidence of this anti-religious growth 
 which was resulting in embarrassing the friends of 
 the i'rench and in serving to give a formidable 
 weapon to her opposers in America may be easily 
 found in the Independent Chronicle during the year 
 1794. The former, realizing the grave danger to the 
 friendship of the two countries, especially in New 
 England, bent their energies, at first, to either ex- 
 plaining away or defending the French from this 
 heavy charge. 
 
 The bold and injudicious decree of the Conven- 
 tion in changing the day of rest from the seventh 
 to the tenth day is of course interpreted by enemies 
 of France as the abolishing of the Sabbath and the 
 consequent sensation was indeed profound. The 
 report of this alarming charge is heralded January 
 20th, 1794,^® and a "Frenchman" labors to remove 
 
 (55) Ibid, July 10, 1793. 
 
 (5G) The quotation continues: "That sitting was wholly devoted to... the 
 ceremonies. . .in transferring the cankered heart... of Marat into... that club... 
 In this blasphemous production, our Blessed Redeemer is compared with Marat 
 ...Christ is but a prophet, but M.arat a GOD!..." Hampshire Gazette, Oct. 
 23, 1793. Much the same Is in the Western Star, Oct. 22, 1793. 
 
 (57) May 9. See also ibid, May 30, 1793. 
 
 (58) Ind. Ch. 
 
82 
 
 the unpleasant impression conveyed to the pious- 
 ly minded by such an impious innovation.^^ But the 
 sentiment of AVestern Massachusetts is well-voiced 
 in the Hampshire Gazette when it exclaims: * 'Hu- 
 manity is not more shocked at the Grothic barbari- 
 ties of the French, than religion at their impiety. 
 The divine law ordaining a Sabbath once in seven 
 days, is violated by the National Convention, who 
 have decreed that a week shall consist of ten 
 days."^*^ A startling account of the destruction of 
 religion with the various acts of murder, robbery 
 and sacrilege is given in the "Western Star for March 
 25th.*^^ After the details are given, it comments 
 as follows: *'May our admiration of French ex- 
 amples pass off without corrupting our morals or 
 
 (59) Ibid. Jan. 30. 1794. Copied by the Hampshire Gazette. March 5. 1794. The 
 "Frenchman" begins his Uofense with "It has been suggested. . .that SUNDAY 
 was abolished in France, and . . this may make an unfavourable Impression 
 on the minds of many person'^..." His fear was fully realized for this is one 
 of the chief In the ever lengthening catalogue of accusations. 
 
 (GO) Hampshire Gazette, Feb. 12, 1794. The Independent Chronicle Imstoned 
 to print an extract (March G, 1794) from the Philadelphia General Advertiser, 
 which began: "THOSE wlio despaiv of se-Mng liberty annihilated In Franco, 
 now. . .endeavor to prove, that the French liave renounced every idea of moral- 
 ity and religion" and after citing the Quakers (who '"vefvf-f to use the names 
 of the months and the days . . . those vestiges of Paganism . . . [who also] on 
 certain festivals pursue their ordinary occupations, whilst others of us are 
 celebrating divine service") and the Jews, maltes a flat denial of the abolition 
 of the Sabbath, by using as proof the action of the sess'on of October, when 
 a petition being presented "for prohibiting the celebration of Sunday the Con- 
 vention passed to the order of tlie day, on tlie principle, 1Iiat the Constitution 
 guaranteed the freedom of worship." The impression maiM? by the change in 
 the day of re-;t was not to be eradicated and there is a very sarcastic piece by 
 u correspondent, even in September, on the substitution of the tenth day. 
 Western Star. Sept. 10, 1704. And so persuaded is a c( rrospondent of the 
 audacity of the Frencli that be affirms "a French Convenl inner will rise and 
 move an amendment to the Decalogne with as much assurance as he would a 
 decree to abolish Letters, de Catchet[8ic]."' Ibid. See likewise ibid, Oct. 14, 1794, 
 quoting from a letter written from Paris. The writers in the Chronicle still 
 keep up their losing game of seeking to explain away or soften the stubborn facts 
 of Irreligion and that paper found satisfactory evidence of a counter retort 
 in the plan of Barrere. Dec. 6th, "for stopping the violence which in several 
 parts of the Republic had been exercised to crush the freeflom of religious wor- 
 ship, [which] was taken iiato consideration and when . presented the follow- 
 ing decree was made;. . ." 
 
 (61) The Centinel, March 22, 1704, contains a quotation from a London Paper 
 respecting the French burial regulations "6. On the gate of this field.. shall 
 read this inscription 'Death Is an everlasting sleep.' " This made quite an 
 impression, to judge from the number of times it is quoted in papers as well 
 as In sermons. Another unpleasant impression was made by the "dispersion of 
 ..[the "nonjurlng clergy" wlilch] did not fail to spread the seeds of apprehen- 
 sion for the fate of Christianity, .even to America." This Is admitted by the 
 Ind. Ch., Dec. 11, 1794. 
 
83 
 
 our religious faith. . . It may be asked, why is this 
 alarm in regard to our religious institutions found 
 at this time. The answer is, because . . The infidelity, 
 and what is more strange and shocking, the prevail- 
 ing Atheism in France has not startled the American 
 public. Such a monstrous fact is received in a man- 
 ner that shows the possibility of our doing the like. 
 Their proceedings are either applauded, or furnish 
 matter for jesting. "We smile to see silver saints 
 coined, and we are calm when the churches are shut 
 up, or the bibles burnt . . A body of priests, generally 
 virtuous and learned, are slain, and we think it ex- 
 cellent, because they are Catholics. .Unbelievers 
 never had so extensive examples to countenance 
 them. .The Atheistical fanaticism of France is as 
 ardent and as sanguinary as that of bigots or inquis- 
 itors. The only time to resist the spirit of anarchy 
 and irreligion is in the beginning. Let it be resist- 
 ed." Such solemn appeals to the conscience and 
 religious faith of the people did not go unheeded or 
 unanswered as the following quotation will show: 
 "It is. .a little surprising, that, .your correspondent 
 . .writes in favour of the politicks of a country, 
 where the sacred institutions of Christianity have 
 been nearly abolished, and a publick profession of 
 Atheism, in the midst of their National Convention, 
 received with the loudest applause."*"^ "They may 
 . .furnish such evidence. . ["of piety or religion"] 
 . .if anarchy is Deity, .if hecatombs of slaughtered 
 citizens., [are] the only acceptable sacrifices."®^ 
 A month later to the assertion that religious 
 liberty may be enjoyed in France it is retorted that 
 "religion in France 'is liberty to withhold from. . 
 
 (02) A (lifferont anil much toned flown vei-slon of this episode is given in 
 ibid. Tec. 11, 1704. 
 
 (03) Mass. Spy, April 3, 1794. "mSLIGION IN FRANCE IS said to have 
 been nbolIsliGd, — and AtheiHm. denoniinatod Reason, introdneed in its stead!" is 
 the dlsturbinK announcnient in the Centincl, May 14, 1704. There is more in 
 the same paper. May 24. 
 
84 
 
 [G-od] all worship, and to blaspheme his name as 
 much as he pleases', .and those who have used it in 
 the most licentious manner, have been the most ap- 
 plauded.""* A writer after saying: "It is objected 
 by some, that the French are deistical and athe- 
 istical in their principles" admits that "There may 
 probably be some foundation for these insinuations, ' ' 
 but asserts: "This irreligion and vice, so much 
 complained of, are not in consequence of the late 
 Revolution, but, of that civil and ecclesiastical ty- 
 ranny under which they have . . groaned for so many 
 years."*'' A little later it is complained that "The 
 enemies of the Republic of France . . are now fre- 
 quently heard declaiming on the irreligion of the 
 French.""'' How exceedingly weighty this accusa- 
 tion, was proving may be inferred from another 
 writer in the same paper, who sums up the charges 
 made against the French, to which he severally re- 
 plies, under ten heads, five of which are concerned 
 with this irreligious and atheistical attitude of 
 France."'' Again it is complained: "One moment 
 they are charged with infidelity, the next with 
 atheism. ' '"^ 
 
 The address of Robespierre on the 8th of May was 
 hailed by the harrassed democrats as a complete 
 refutation of all these accusations. One correspond- 
 ent triumphantly exclaims: "To show the propriety 
 of the remarks on the religious principles of the 
 
 (64) Mass. Sjiy, May 1, 1794. Thpre are warm discussions over the irreligious- 
 actions of France in tlie Mass. Spy for May by "Lucius'" and "M." In tlie 
 Greenfield Gazette for July "Republican" and "A Son of Freedom" do battle over 
 the same point. 
 
 (65) Ind. Ch., April 14. 1794. 
 
 (66) Ibid. May 19, 1794, from the Phila. Gazette. Yet the Issue of May 26tli 
 contains such a remarlt as "in a creat number of them [the pieces in the 
 theatres] tlie Catholic religion is highly ridiculed. . .All the churches are con- 
 verted Into store houses and Temples of Reason..." 
 
 (67) Ibid, April 21, 1794. 
 
 (68) Ibid, July 17, 1704. This issue quotes the "celebrated Dr. Robertson" 
 who said "Dpon any great revolution In religion, such Irregularities abound 
 most! Thus in the first ages of the Christian church. . .many. . .broached the- 
 most extravagant opinions. . .In like manner after Luther's appearance..." and 
 then makes Its own application to the French Revolution. 
 
85 
 
 French which have for many months past been con- 
 veyed through the Centinel [he] . . would advise 
 the public to compare the late publication of Eobert- 
 spierre. .The aristocratic junto in this country are 
 now beat off from their hypocritical plea of Deism 
 in France."^'^ Another likewise exults: "The Brit- 
 ish partj' residing among us . . Eepresents that re- 
 ligion and every virtuous principle are exploded in 
 that Republic — That their patriots are all Deists and 
 that the revolution in France is to destroy not only 
 monarchy, but Eeligion itself. This design has had 
 some effect upon many well disposed people in this 
 country," and winds up: "The publication of Eob- 
 ertspierre . . proves that the French are influenced by 
 the purest motives . . That they have a just sense of 
 the SUPEEME BEING, and" are led to adopt the 
 wisest and most orthodox principles of any nation 
 in Europe. ' "'' Their joy was complete with the news 
 of "the GEAND FESTIVAL to the Supreme Being 
 . . celebrated at Paris in Prairial. Yet this is the na- 
 tion that is accused of atheism and irreligion, ' "^ 
 and it was concluded: "the calumny of Deism, . . 
 is only the desperate effort of men who sicken at 
 their prosperity.'"^ 
 
 The following year'^^ is but a repetition of the last 
 with respect to the charges and refutations of athe- 
 ism in France."* Beginning with this year, the 
 
 (G9) Ibid, July 24, 1794. 
 
 (70) Ibid, Aug. 4, 1794. The report Is printed at length In ibid, Aug. 4, 7, 
 11, 14 and Sept. 4. 1794. 
 
 (71) Ibid, July 24, 1794. 
 
 (72) Ibid, Dec. 11, 1794. 
 
 (73) The attempts of the Chroalele writers to maintain their untenable 
 position of palliating or denying Fretnch irreligion continue — as witness this 
 example — "The friends of libert.v here have In secret lamented those excesses 
 which have attended the Revolution both of France and America. . .The refor- 
 mation of Protestantism, under Luther, was not less destruct'^e; and the cruelties 
 and persecution which hath marked the progress of Christianity have been still 
 more terrible." Ibid, Nov. 27, 1794. 
 
 (74) Ibid, Jan. 22; Mass. Spy, Aug. 12; and Hampshire Gazette, Nov. 11; 
 Farmer's AYeekly Museum, Nov. 24, 1795, are excellent examples of this kind 
 of news from France. There is a very interesting quotation from the History of 
 
86 
 
 party lines are being closely drawn, the clergy have 
 taken up the battle in behalf of religion, and the fed- 
 eralists are trying to fasten the charge of atheism 
 upon the democrats, both because of their defence 
 of France and their open and constant attack upon 
 the clergj'' for their political preachingJ^ 
 
 Dismayed conservatives continue to marvel at the 
 impossible attempt of the French to establish 
 *^ their new government on the foundation of a 
 merely civil and atheistical morality." Since re- 
 ligion is indisputably the corner stone of civil gov- 
 ernment, what confidence can be reposed in the 
 sagacity and common sense of French political 
 builders when they thus violate the very essential 
 of good government! The lamentable result could 
 be infallibly predicted. Is not France verifying at 
 this very moment her impious attempt to overturn 
 and defy the fundamental laws of civil polity? See 
 
 the French Revolution in the Maes. Spy, May 13, 1795: "the republican phi- 
 losophers of France . . were ever bigots in infidelity, the throne and the altar 
 vrere equally obnoxious, .many of the excesses, .may be. .attributed to their 
 irreligious prejudices, .beware of iiermlttiug. .impious and licentious publica- 
 tions, .there are no libels so dangerous to a state aa those against God.'* The 
 democrats soon had a grievance against the colleges for their activity against 
 France. In the Western Star. (Sept. 17, 1796) Is the account of the commence- 
 ment at Williams College on Sept. 7th. One of the pieces is "a dialogue in French 
 on the prevalence of infidelity in France." This i*! the only performance picked 
 out for praise. Volney in his View, .of the United States (on page XIX) says 
 that prejudice against France was "encouraged even in the colleges by prizes 
 for orations and defamatory theses against the French. " In a footnote he 
 mentions especially the prizes at "Princetoin" for 1797 and 1798. S«e also Ind. 
 Ch.. Oct. 26. 1797. 
 
 (75) The Mass. Mercury, Nov. 20. 1795, gives a general list (from the Conn. 
 Courant) "of the vices to which they [the democrats] are addicted: Lying, 
 ....fraud, atheism, &c., &c." Another asserts: "[The Jaccbins] with some few 
 exceptions, .are men who would destroy if they could the Constitution of 
 Heaven, and vilify the Divine Author." The Centlnel, Aug. S, 1795, announces: 
 "SERIOUS TRUTHS FOR THE JACOBINS. The pillars of a government are 
 1st, RELIGION; 2d, JUSTICE, [etc.]. . .1st. As to Religion, they were advo- 
 cates for the Irreligious sentiments of the Athei-^tlcal writers and orators In 
 France, and apologizers for the abominable cruelties, the result of these prin- 
 ciples. In Nantz, and in the prisons of that country. They take a particular 
 delight in degrading Christianity, by running the comrarison betwi-en the 
 Jacobins in France, and the primitive Christians." "It is firmly believed,** 
 said the Mass. Mercury, "that were a MESSENGER OF PEACE to be sent from 
 HEAVEN, there would be found a JACOBIN ATHEIST to vilify him.." Oct. 
 31, 1794. The ill name was bard to get rid of. In 1813 Mr. Bromfleld wrote 
 to Mrs. Plerson: "some of these democrats had not been into a meeting house., 
 for four or five years.. Some of thera drink two quarts of rum a day; they 
 are very splrltuouB, and are in an awful state of declension." New England 
 Magazine, N. 3. 11:17-18. 
 
87 
 
 the miserable result and the downward steps taken 
 with the inception of that scheme: "The human 
 mind, loosened from religious restraints, soon be- 
 came wild & extravagant, its boasted reason. . . 
 intoxicated, its passions inflated, its sentiments de- 
 based, its manners brutalized, social virtue and 
 mutual confidence were awfully subverted . . . Thus 
 the detestable principles of an atheistical philosophy 
 combining with the ferocious spirit of faction . . . 
 naturally account for those tremendous scenes of 
 carnage which have disgraced . . . the best cause in 
 the world."™ To the religiously minded New Eng- 
 lander a clearer case of cause and inevitable result 
 could not be found. It was a justification of his 
 ideas and a warning against a constantly growing 
 innovating tendency in government and religion. 
 Conservatism grew apace under the horrifying news 
 from abroad and alarming signs of a moral declen- 
 sion at home." 
 
 (76) Mass. Spy, Dec. IC, 1795, from the Conn. Courant. 
 
 (7.7) The causes for this Indigenous infldeltty will be talien up in the follow- 
 ing cliapter. But it is interesting to mote that so troubled were the clergy over 
 its prevalency that at least two attributed the blame in part for its growth^to 
 their order. " "There is reason to believe," said the Rev. Nathaniel Emmons, 
 "that the late rapid increase of error and Infidelity, is partly owing to the ignor- 
 ance of miinlsters." A sermon delivered at Salem, in New Hampshire, January 
 4, 1797, at the Ordination of the Eev. John Smith, p. 22. See also Woodrutr, 
 H. N., Boston, 179.'. p. 10. 
 
CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 THE FRENCH EEVOLTJTIOK AS VIEWED BY THE CLEBGY IN 
 MASSACHUSETTS. 
 
 When Governor Hancock wrote in his loroclama- 
 tion for tlie annual fast day, April lltli, 1793, pray- 
 ing that the allies of the United States might be 
 blessed and "particularly to afford his Almighty 
 Aid to the FEENCH NATION, and still guide them 
 into such measures as shall tend effectually to estab- 
 lish a government founded upon reason, justice, and 
 the welfare of the people,"^ he evoked a well nigh 
 universal echo of assent from the people and like- 
 wise a heartfelt amen from the clergy. For this 
 latter order of men were thoroughly in accord with 
 the high hopes and fond admiration felt by practi- 
 cally all Americans as they watched the unfolding 
 of a free republic on European shores. Its early 
 events appeared to them as clearly an interference 
 from above in the affairs of men, to hasten the com- 
 ing of the Kingdom of Eighteousness on earth. Surely 
 the growth and dissemination of republicanism was a 
 consummation devoutly to be wished and prayed 
 for. Besides, what a compliment it was to America 
 that this ancient kingdom should be taking over its 
 conception of government and following the exam- 
 ple set by the youngest of nations ! And were we not 
 morally responsible for the results of our sowing the 
 seeds of liberty throughout the despotisms of 
 Europe? Moreover, there were the treaties which 
 bound us so closely to France. Therefore, were we 
 not in duty bound to extend our sympathy and 
 prayers, even if no material aid could be given? 
 
 (1) Fod. Spy, April 2, 1703. 
 
89 
 
 Very loath were the clergy to perceive the glaring 
 and growing differences between the developments 
 in each nation, and very much against their desires 
 were they finally brought to openly acknowledge 
 that there was no parallel between the two Revolu- 
 tions'- and to warn their hearers to have no dealings 
 with this godless nation lest they likewise be smitten 
 with swift judgment. But an altogether different 
 position was maintained at first. 
 
 The general attitude of approbation flared into hot 
 indignation and righteous anger under the spur of the 
 news of the combination of nations against France. 
 Grenerous sympathy for this beleaguered country 
 liowed from the lips of zealous divines, as they de- 
 nounced this league of the powers of darkness and 
 regretted their inability to "sufficiently execrate 
 the . . . sanguinary measures of this unjust con- 
 spiracy of kings. "^ That England was foremost in 
 this combination served but to fan the hostile feel- 
 ing to white heat. Her assertion that she was de- 
 fending the cause of religion was deemed the rankest 
 hypocrisy and obtained then no credence from those 
 who, in later times, praised England as the "bul- 
 wark of religion"* and prayed for her success, lest 
 they should be swallowed up by the all devouring 
 Oaul. 
 
 (2) Dana, J., Ipswich, .Feb. 19, 1795. p. 15. 
 
 (3> C''aniiin='. 11., Now Tyonrton. Conn.. Nov. 27. 1794. p. 14. R(?e al<;o Fiske.' 
 r.. Cambridge, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 10; Sampson, B., Plymouth, Feb. 19, 179S, p. 13. 
 The occasion ot the celebration of the 4th of July. 1794. or-pearetl to the Rev. 
 Sir. Lathrop of We^t Sprinirfielrl. a fitting opportunity to draw a parallel between 
 the American and the French Revolutions, p. 14. See also Deane, S., Portland, 
 Feb. 19. 1708, p. 10; Andrews, J.. Newbnryport. Feb. 19 1795. p. 20; Ware, 
 H.. nineham, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 10; StiUman, S., Boston, Nov. 20, 1794, pp. 13-16. 
 
 (4) Tlie term "bulwark of religion" was a term of reproach greatly used by 
 the republicans. Its currency was wide-spread during th'' War of i.S12. Still 
 an extract will show that it caibe into use by the federalists in 1798: "The 
 present is an awful crisis.. of onr RELIGION. .LAWS. .MORALS. .INDEPEND- 
 ENCE. Let us earnestly beseech rGod]..to make ENGLAND firm and im- 
 pregnable. SHE IS NOW THE ONLY BARRIER BETWEEN US AND THE 
 DEATIIIA' EMBRACES OF OCR DEAR ALLIES— between universal irreligion, 
 immorality, and plunder, and what order, probity, virtue and religion is left 
 among the civilized part ot mankind." Western Star. Jan. 22, 1798, from the 
 >f. Y. Gazette. 
 
00 
 
 With an illustration which clearly showed his feel- 
 ings, the Eev. Mr. Lyman of Hatfield tartly de- 
 manded: "Do all these mighty nations of slaves 
 draw together their armies like Gog and Magog and 
 go up and cover the earth 1 ' " And the Rev. Samuel 
 Spring feelingly exclaimed: "The neighboring na- 
 tions are combined to pluck from her the standard 
 of liberty. Europe is drenched with blood . . . ! the 
 blood of thousands and thousands is now calling for 
 vengeance to light upon tyrannic guilty heads.'"* 
 And this attitude was not at all strange. They felt, 
 and rightly, that their success in the American Revo- 
 lution was due in no small measure to the aid, se- 
 cretly and openly, extended to them by France. Now 
 was their generous ally in desperate straits, strug- 
 gling not only for liberty and the rights of man, but 
 for existence itself. 
 
 Not only was this "unholy alliance" vigorously de- 
 nounced, but in some instances genuine apprehen- 
 sion proclaimed the fear that "if the confederated 
 kings should effect the conquest of France ; may they 
 not, with as fair a pretext; and will they not, with 
 as warm a zeal direct their power against the Ameri- 
 can states. . . ?'" And another clergyman was con- 
 vinced that "Among other causes, under heaven, of 
 
 (5) Hatflekl. Xov, 7. 1703, p. IT. 
 
 (G) Nywhurypnrt. Xnv. 7. 1703, p. 3^^, 
 
 (7) Latlirop, ,T , West Sprhigfleld, ,Tnl.v 4, 1704, The ne\t year Jlr. Latltrop 
 was of the same persuasion, although his convIctioGs altered with rapidity 
 after this. In a sermon. Feb. 19th, 179.J. at West Sprmgr.rld. he puts the ea<'e 
 more stroncly itnd prophesies: "If she [France] should ultimately fail iu the 
 conflict, we sliall liuve eau-fe to tremMc fir nursclve-;. Tn her successes, as tlie 
 immediate cause, we are clearly to Impute the continuence of our tranquillity..'' 
 p. V2. See al'O Fiske, R.. Cambrld^^e. I'eb. I'.l, ITO-'i, p. 10; Emerson, W., 
 Harvard College, July 4, 1704, p, 15; Bradford, E.. Rowley, Feb, 10, 1795, p. S. 
 On the oilier hand tlier-- were a few of tlie cleriiy — iui 1 their company became 
 soon largely increased — who saw in the revolution which ti>nU place in Geneva a 
 sinister warniuir and ])ractif~al demonstratinu of wl at would befall America if 
 France were too succe-isfnl, .V hook called the Authentic History of the 
 Orlpen and Progress of the late Revolution iu Geneva was quoted in some 
 sermons. See e. g. lloluie-s, .v., Cambridge, Feb, 19, 170-%, p. 23, and footnote: 
 "Geneva.. has recently lost., [her liberty]through the base lufrigues of a French 
 democratical faction [which].. has added impiety to cruelty and sacrilege to anar- 
 chical tyranny." See al-;o Tappen, D,, Cambridge, Feb. 19. 17!l.'>. p. IS, foot note. 
 The democrats were naturally greatly displeased. See Ind. Ch., March 26, April 
 3, 17115. See also. p. 132, n, 57; p. 131, n, n:!. 
 
91 
 
 our present tranquillity we may reckon the success 
 of the arms of the Eepublick of France, as one of the 
 most important. ' '* In the partition of Poland these 
 alarmists perceived the fate in store for America, 
 should this "horrid and infamous" league prevail 
 over France. Hence, not only as an example of bar- 
 barous and cruel treatment, was the unhappy fate 
 of Poland dwelt upon by perfervid divines, but as a 
 solemn warning to America." 
 
 Some of the clergy, indeed, found a stumbling 
 block in the numerous reports of the horrors attend- 
 ing the progress of the Revolution.^" Others com- 
 forted themselves with the idea that the enormities 
 of every kind, which had taken place in France, were 
 but the natural reactions of men who had had their 
 shackles of political as well as ecclesiastical bondage 
 suddenly loosened with the inevitable result of tem- 
 porary excesses and that in time license would give 
 way to real liberty and atheism would be replaced 
 with the true and purified religion." Such was the 
 Rev. Joseph McKeen's opinion. On April 11th, 
 1793, at Beverly, he advanced the belief that 
 "though we may indulge a hope that the revolu- 
 tions of the present day will eventually be produc- 
 tive of good to Zion, their first effects will probably 
 be of a contrary nature. It will not be strange if, in 
 
 (8) Thatcher, T., Dedham, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 18. Such sentiments were zealously 
 propupatf'd in the ropublloan ne\\'spapers. See o. p. Ind. Ch., ,Tan. 27, 1794. 
 
 (9) See e. g. Fiske, T., Cambridge, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 10. Many a "tear" 
 was "dropped" over Poland's fate. Deane, S., Portland, [Me.], Feb. 19, 1795, 
 p. 17; Barnard, T., Salem, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 20; Wadsworth, ia., Danvers, 
 Feb. 19, 1795. Althoujrh the last was broad enough to Impartially "drop a 
 tear over Poland, Geneva, and the contending nations In general.." p. 22. 
 
 (10) Mellen, J., Barnstable, Nov. 20, 1794, pp. 19-20; Wadsworth, B., Dan- 
 vers, Feb. 10, 1793, p. 2G. 
 
 (11) There were those clerL'ymon, well disposed towards France, who found 
 dlfflculty in reconcilinj? approbation of the French Revolution with not only 
 its bloody excesses, but with its strongly marked atheistical tendenacies and 
 acts. The Rev. Ezra Sampson, however, (in a note on page 13 of his discourse 
 delivered February 19, 1795) points out that "An entire approbation of the 
 original principles of the French Revolution Is very consistent with a just 
 abhorrence of those ferocious and bloody m(?.T^nres . . " The consensus of opinion 
 at this time may be \vell summed up: "The French Revolution then may be 
 of God. .although conducted by infidels, and disgraced by oiurages which nothing 
 can justify." BichQDO, J., The Signs of the Times.. Providence, 1794, p. 9.. 
 
92 
 
 the i:)rogress of tliese revolutions, the grossest in- 
 fidelity, impiety and vice should spread for a time 
 like an overflowing flood. '"- 
 
 There were still others who at first saw nothing 
 strange or alarming in the irreligious actions of the 
 Revolution. The Rev. Jedidiah Morse, who com- 
 pletely changed his ojjinion shortly afterwards, com- 
 fortingly remarked : ' ' The rejection of the Christian 
 Religion in France is less to be wondered at, when 
 we consider in how unamiable and disgusting a point 
 of view it has been there exhibited under the hier- 
 archy of Rome. When peace and a free government 
 shall be established . . . we anticipate ... a glorious 
 revival and prevalence of pure, unadulterated Chris- 
 tianity. ' "^ 
 
 Among a few of the more sanguine, there welled 
 up a hope that a change was taking place in France 
 since "Of late there are plain symptoms of a better 
 direction granted to that people at which every one 
 should rejoice.'"* And it was believed that "Since 
 [Robespierre's] fall, the affairs of France ... have 
 assumed a new and more pleasing aspect. They be- 
 gin to acknowledge the being and providence of God, 
 and to inculcate the principles of religion and the 
 rules of morality.'"'^ Great pleasure, though the 
 words "at present" seem to make the "pleasure" 
 somewhat temporary, was evinced by the Rev. 
 
 (12) p. 12. 
 
 (33) p. 14., Feb. 19, 1795, And the Rev. Mr. Wadsworth while he exclaimed 
 
 ''Humanity revolts to patronize all their [French] proceedings" yet concludes 
 that "Considering how apt the human mind Is to fly from onf^ extreme to another. 
 
 It is not strange, that Infldellty should at first succeed superstition. But," he 
 added, "cool reason and sober argu)nent will in time corr'^c' the error and spt- 
 
 tle the judgment in. -religion. ." Danvers, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 27. See also 
 Ware, H,, Hlugham, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 22; Thatcher, T. 0., Lynn, Nov. 20, 1794, 
 
 p. 14; Frisble, T., Ipswich, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 17; Lathrop, J., West Sprlngfleld, 
 July 4, 1794, p. 11. 
 
 (14) Dana, J. Ipswich, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 15. This reluctance to denounce 
 France and to persist in seeing the bright side of the developments In France Is 
 very typical of many of the sermons of this year. Despite the strlklng_dlfferences 
 between the progress of the revolution Iin the two countries the clergy — many of 
 tbem — shut their eyes and refused to believe the plain evidence. They clung 
 tenacU)usly to the belief that the few drops of blood bespattering the garments of 
 Liberty In France ought in no wise to alienate or frighten America. 
 
 (15) Flske, T., Cambridge, Feb. 19, 1795, p. IS. 
 
93 
 
 Samuel West "that a candid spirit prevails at pres- 
 ent in the French Eepublic. "'^ 
 
 But the Eev. Mr. Eliot sounds a note of pessi- 
 mism, when he adds a footnote to his sermon of 
 November 20th, containing the remark that "It seems 
 the philosophers and statesmen are now countenanc- 
 ing the belief of a God and a future state; and per- 
 haps may see the necessity of recurring to some 
 Christian institutions, which they have set aside. In 
 this they ought not to be commended, however we 
 may admire their zeal in the cause of freedom."^'' 
 But the Rev. Mr. Ware is still thoroughly loyal, for 
 he asserts: "And as we lamented the excesses which, 
 till lately, disgraced the glorious cause in which 
 France was engaged; and as much as we detested 
 the sanguinary measures pursued by a faction 
 within her; the American people have wished well 
 to the cause of the French, through every stage of 
 the revolution."^** 
 
 Another feature of the Eevolution, which strong- 
 ly apjjealed to certain of the narrow-minded clergy, 
 was the heavy blows the French were supposed to 
 be dealing to the Catholic church.^" Their bigotry 
 
 (10) Boston, Feb. in. 1706, p. 19. 
 
 (17) 1704. p. 15. His latter sentence is obscure, but he evidently means their' 
 general atheistical actions "oufrlit not to be commended." 
 
 (IS) Hinsham, Feb. 19, 179.5, p. 10. In his Thanksg)Tin.g sermon of Feb. 
 19, 1795, Rev. Mr. Story is moved to say that "Wlien we contemplate the 
 manner in which their Queen was butchered, and her royal Consort .. and consider 
 thoir treatment of the noble [Lafayette] .. [we must] lament, .that the noblest 
 cause.. has been polluted by atrocities so detestible." See likewise Channing, 
 H., New London, Conn., Nov. 27, 1794, p. 14. The Rev Mr. Sampson held 
 that "the French people themselves do now execrate somi of those enormities, 
 and are willing^ to consign the authors to eternal infamy.." Plympton, Feb. 
 19, 1795, p. 13. foot note. See also Tappan, D., Cambridge, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 22^ 
 foot note; Kendal, S., Weston, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 11. He attributes all the excesses 
 of the French to the Jacobins. However the Rev. Mr. GIHet is convinced that 
 "were it not for the hopeful attainment of a national B;stem..the frequent 
 domestic broils, and w^anton slaughter, .were more distr.ssful. .that the un- 
 bounded reign of Louis XVI; and all the horrors of the late Bastile." Hallowell,- 
 [Mo.] Nov. 19, 1793, p. IS. 
 
 (19) Bradford, A., Two SermolQS upon.. the Kingdom of Christ, delivered.. 
 In Cambridge, December 28, 1794, pp. 22-5; Thatcher, T. C, Lynn, Nov. 20, 1794, 
 p. 13; Rev. Mr. Samuel Stillman thus consoles himself in r»:gard to the shocking 
 change In the "divinely appointed Sabbath:*' "this strange circumstance., 
 will b_e_ overruled for good. Is It not reasonable to suppose, . that It will tendi 
 to obliterate from the minds of the people, especially ' children and youth, every 
 
94 
 
 was only equaled by their short sightedness, for the 
 events, over which they rejoiced in such unchris- 
 tian fashion, were destructive of all religion, a fact 
 which even to the most intolerant became more and 
 more apparent as time went on. 
 
 As among the people, so among the clergy, there 
 soon began to arise — with the years 1793 and 1794 — 
 sceptics and doubters, who separated themselves 
 from the universal throng of believers in and ad- 
 herents of the French Revolution.^" This movement 
 grew apace from 179.3 to 1796 and by 1797 and 1798 
 there was hardly a minister who did not violently 
 execrate the French and their Revolution,-^ since 
 both country and religion were in danger. This 
 complete change in sentiment was largely accom- 
 plished by the close of 1795 and fully consummated 
 by 1796. The ardent political activity in the pulpit 
 and outside, which was vigorously maintained until 
 after the War of 1812, was due to several causes, all 
 hinging on the French Revolution and its after-math. 
 
 At the time that the Constitution was proposed, 
 the clergy Avere warmly in its favor and active in 
 
 Idea of saints days, feasts and fasts, &c., which make a great part of the 
 superstition of the Romish church?" Boston, Nov. 20, 1794, p, 20; see also p. 
 13, aud lli'llon, ,T., Hanover, Feb. 19, 179.5, pp. 6-7. The Rev. John McKnight 
 of New York, whose srrmon was accused by the federalists of being "a dish 
 of jumbled politics collected from one side of the newj only" admits that 
 "infidelity the natural o/Tspring of [Catholicism] . .has boldly reared Its hideous 
 front [in France] . .and everywhere stalked in open day." Feb. 19, 179.5, p. IS. 
 And the news of the suppression of the Papal Power by the orders of Napoleon on 
 Feb. 15th, 1798 was received with exceeding great joy by the clergy as ful- 
 filling the prophecy made in the 17th chapter of Revelations, aind the verse 
 which to them unmistakably described the event was the inth. The Rev. John 
 Thayer, a convert to Catholicism and the priest at Boston, was highly dis- 
 pleased with this evidence of illiberality. In his sermon on tlie 9th of May, 
 1798, he very justly complains of the abusive attacks on the Pope and remarks 
 that "Dr. Belknap. .After 'about twenty years of attentive contemplation, with 
 tho best helps,' has at length made the ludicrous discovery that the., pope is 
 doubtless a beast and a whore." 
 
 (20) As early as 1793 it was admitted that "Hence in their pursuit of., 
 equal liberty and a free covernmcut. we have heard of many follies and ex- 
 cesses, which a people accustomed to freedom would have readily avoided." 
 Tjyman, J., Hatfield, Nov. 7, 1793, pp. ].-i-16. Soon caution and reproof were 
 given to the French by even the olerpy who were still well disposed towards 
 France. See Baldwin, T., Boston, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 21; Andrews, J., New- 
 bnryport, Feb. 19, 179r., p. 20. 
 
 (21) Weston, Feb, 19, 1795, p. 19. 
 
95 
 
 securing its adoption in Massaclmsetts. Impressed 
 witli the benefits and blessings to the country de- 
 rived from the operation of the federal government,^^ 
 they had been loud in their praises and openly dis- 
 posed to lend their aid in its support."^ No order of 
 men had suffered more from the Revolution or the 
 disorders attending Shays' Rebellion, and they 
 clearly perceived the danger to religion in such un- 
 settled times. Starting with this strong federalistic 
 foundation, they cherished an unbounded affection 
 and admiration for the President, which they did 
 not hesitate to express on all occasions.^* 
 
 Such remarks engendered nothing but general ap- 
 probation from the congregations and the wider 
 audiences which eagerly read the printed sermons. 
 But when the speakers began on the Whiskey Re- 
 bellion and its alleged cause, democratic suscepti- 
 bilities were immedately aroused. The Democratic 
 Societies, born of an attempt to organize the com- 
 mon people against the powerful influence of the 
 federalist leaders, had had to meet fierce opposition 
 
 (22) Ossoorl, D., Tl e Wonrlprful Works of God., Meclfortl, Nov. 20, 1704, 
 passlmi npnne, S., Portland, [Jle.] Feb. 19, 179fi, p. 17; FrlsMo, L., Ipswich, 
 Feb. 19, ITOr,, p. IS. 
 
 12^) A "Harailtonlan" contempt for tbe people was cbnr:icteristic of some of 
 the clerfry. Amouf? these was Davlrt Ospood, who rebuked the heres.y of the 
 people's -Tttempt to participate in their own rovernment as follows (Modford, 
 Nov. 19, 1705. p. .'!1): "They [e. p. those who bad made themselves obnoxious to 
 the federalists by their anti-treaty meetings and manifestations] may know 
 enougii of tlie places and stations which Providence hatli .issip-nod tliem: may 
 be good and worthy members of the community, provided they would be con- 
 tent to move in tlieir own sphere, and not meddle with things too high for 
 them. Not being the eyes, ears or tongue of the body, the,v are monstrousl.v 
 disorderly when they presume to exercise the ofSce of these organs-" Gardner 
 P,, Tjeominster, Nov. 19, 1795; "Now it is certain that there are but few who 
 are competent judges of the matter ["Conduct of tbe governmemt of the United 
 States, In the measures which they have taken to prevent war,,"]. This is 
 one of those things that the great body of the people must r(;fer to their rulers, 
 and be contented not to have a clear knowledge of It themselves." p. 19. See 
 Rev. J. Bird's contemptuous reference to "the Demo's iin this town!" In the 
 advertisement to his Discourse, .in Saybrook [and Berlin, Conn., April 7, 1800,] 
 April 4. A, D,, 1803. 
 
 (24) To these eulogies of their President, the people tr their honor be it 
 said, fully responded, and later those shameful attacks in the Philadelphia 
 Aurora and other democratic sheets, elicited little or no support In Massachu- 
 setts, And even a decade after death, tbe formation of the Washington Benev- 
 olent Societies, however purely political their aims, shows the reverence and 
 affection for that "great and good man" to be as strong as ever. The opinion 
 of the Rev, Samuel Austin is a fair sample: "THE Man, the rich gift -of a 
 
96 
 
 and contumely from thoroughly aroused conserva- 
 tives and federalists. But it was when overpowered 
 by the charge, officially made by Washington, that 
 they were fomenters of the Whiskey Rebellion, that 
 the burden of successful defence became too much 
 for the discredited organizations. In the assaults 
 upon these ^ ' self -created societies" some of the 
 clergy took a prominent part.^^ 
 
 merciful God to the Republic. .The amiable, the respectable, the never to be 
 forgotten WASHINGTON. . [is] one of the most conspicuoiio memorials to the 
 Divine mercy." Worcester, Dec. 15, 1706, p. 0. See also Andrews, J., New- 
 buryport, Feb. 19, ITD."., p. IS; Tappan. I>.. Charlestown, April 11, 1793?' p. 20. 
 These are but samples of the un.tnimous attitude of Ihe clerfry. Madison 
 writes to E. Pendleton, Phila., Feb. 7, 179G; Works, 11:78: "the name of 
 the President Is everywhere used with wonderful success, by the Treaty 
 partizans. . Nowhere has this policy been exerted with so much effect as in 
 New England.." Same to Jefferson, May 9, 179G; Wuriis, 11:100-1: "The 
 N. England States have beein ready to rise en mass against the H. of Rep.. The 
 people, .have, .listpned to the summons 'to follow where Wnsiiington leads.' " 
 Doubtless as tlie Salem Gazette (Feb. 17, 179'. ) remarked, liis visit had "con- 
 quered the prp.iudices of many." The democratic opposition to Washington but 
 increased federalist affection (and in this respect all thu inhabitants of New 
 England except for the Boston democrats were uiL-inimous) one such remarking: 
 "I doubt not. .If an Herodia's daughter would dance Ca ira.. to please [the 
 Jacobins] . .they would make the President a head shorter.." Ibid. The political 
 zeal led these worshippers of Washington to certain excesses such as "At 
 Ipswich was celebrated TFIE Political Chris*-mas of our country," one of the 
 toasts being "GEORGE WASHINGTON: May his caluminarnrs be forgiven, 'for 
 they know not wh at they do. ' ' ' Fed . Orrery, March 3, ] T9G. The announce- 
 ment of the celebration of Wasliington's Birthday was Introduced as follows: 
 "Yesterday . .A discharge of cannon welcomed In the anniversary of the blessed 
 morn wliich gave to America a political Saviour and Protector. Flags were 
 displayed [everywhere] . -and almost continual discharges of fleurs des joys, was 
 kept up during the day, huzzas and shouts jubilant rent the air and from the 
 moutli of oven the atheist was heard the.. prayer for the lonu contiuuence of a Ufa 
 so precious." Ibid, Feb. 23, 179G. This extravagance naturally laid the fed- 
 eralists open to the charge of "blasphemy" which the republicans immediately 
 brought up. See Ind. Ch., Jan, 2, 1797. See the attack in ibid (Feb. 28. 1799) 
 on the Federalist toast "THE DAY— The anniversary of the most important 
 event that ever blessed the world," Those who tried to celebrate Washington's 
 Birthday found difficulty in ascertaining t)ie correct date. Tim-;, the first time, 
 Feb. 11th, was chosen. Centinel, Feb. IG. 1TS8. In 1791 a celebration was 
 held in Boston, February 11th, with cannon, bunting and a dinner. S. Breck 
 to Knox, Boston, Feb. 16. 1791; Knox MSS. XXVII:140. Breck writes to 
 Knox, on Jan. IG, 1791; (Knox MSS. XXVII:116) "last year we cele- 
 brated the 11th of Feb. as the President's birthday, but we Lave been told, that 
 Is not the proper day, as we intend to Feast this year on the same occasion, I 
 wish you to inform me (by the return of Ino post.)" They dined, however, 
 on the 11th and Breck paid for "S2 Bottles of Madeira," which was 30 more 
 than the year before. 
 
 (2.'j) Dr. Osgood's sermons of Nov. 20th, 1794, and I t-b. 19th, 1795, are 
 chiefly concerned with these "pestilential" societies. O-tain of the clergy 
 looked upon "Such combinations of men In a republic. . [as] very pernicious." 
 (Packard, H., Bostoia, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 18,) and considered "the popular socie- 
 ties" as "Equally unfriendly to a continuance of liberty and equal rights" since 
 "they constitute a dangerous aristocracy" (Ward, H., Feb. 19, 1795, p. 27. See 
 also p. 14), and the Rev. Joseph Dana Is convinced that "Among those things 
 wliicli have produced such infelicities In France; darkened its fair prospects. . 
 near to ruin. .Is plainly volunteers In politics 'speaking louder' than the con- 
 Btltuted authorities;" Ipswich, Feb. 19, j705, pp. 23-4. See also Andrews, J., 
 
97 
 
 Now, these clubs were the direct offspring of the 
 French Revolution. The parent societies were 
 charged witli being directly responsible for bring- 
 ing about that great upheaval. They were, more- 
 over, accused of leading in the terrible slaughters 
 and murders which were rapidly shaking the faith of 
 many in the righteousness of the French cause.^" 
 That these first fruits of Jacobin sowing were reap- 
 ing an evil harvest in the Whiskey Eebellion was 
 only too apparent. If these "meddling busy bodies" 
 could thus quickly excite an uprising, even on so 
 small a scale, what but a French Revolution would be 
 enacted in this country if time were only given them 
 to exercise their peculiar and dangerous talents.^'' 
 And the cost of the suppression of that seditious in- 
 surrection was a great grief. The heart-rending waste 
 of $2,000,000 was continually harped upon in news- 
 paper and sermon in New England. Few arguments 
 could strike home more etfectually.^* Hence it was 
 concluded and set forth plainly from the pulpits that 
 these associations were dangerous, turbulent, mis- 
 
 Newburyport, Fob. 19, 170.1, p. 19; Kendal. S., Weston, Feb. 19, 1795, pp. 28-30, 
 on p. 2:], footnote he qnotos 2 Potcr II. repardlns "cursed cliildren;" Channlng, 
 II., New London, Oonn., Nov. 27, 1704, p. 21; Deane, S., Portland [Me.], Feb. 
 19, 179.5, p. l.S; osp. Oscood, n., Medford, Nov. 19, 1795, pp. 28-9: Sampson, B., 
 Plympton, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 20; Tappan, D., Cambridge, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 25, 
 foot note. The onl.v clergyman who defended and enloffizod these "po-^tilential 
 disorganizing" clubs was Ebonezer Bradford. In his famous sermon of Fehriinry 
 19th, 1795, at Rowley, he cries out: "Therefore all the true Sons of Liberty, 
 will be naturally led, to say unto all the Democra-tic Societies, both in France 
 and America, Health & Fraternity." p. 18. On the previous page be declared 
 that "Power, honour, popularity, and even Hell itself litrve been ransacked 
 In vain, for lan-ruape and malice to blast these associations." 
 
 (26) Ost-ood, D., Medford, Nov. 20, 1794, pp. 23-4. 
 
 (27) Ibid, p. 24. 
 
 (28) The attitude of New England is betrayed by the followinrr two quotations: 
 "In some instances the. .grants [of Congress] . .are beyond the expectations of the 
 people^ in this part of the United ,jltates. .however, the good people will.. con- 
 sider this as the effect of the difference of habits.. that what here would be 
 considered profusion, would in other places be termed parsimony." Centinel, 
 Aug. 2S. 1790. And likewise the following from ibid, Oct. 4, 1794: 
 
 "1. This is tlie book of the generation and downfall of Jacobinism. 
 
 "2. Brissot begat the Jacobin Club of Paris — The Jacobin Clubs of Paris begat 
 Genet, and his French Brethren. 
 
 "3. Genet begat the Democratic Societies in America; The Democratic Societies 
 begat the Pittsburg Eebellion, and its consequences. 
 
 "4. The Pittsburg Rebellion begat an armament of 15,000 men. 
 
 "5. The Armament of fifteen thousand men, will beget on expense of near 
 Two Million of dollars; for which all the people of the UnUed States must bear 
 a proportion. 
 
98 
 
 chief breeding, secret to boot and the real aristoc- 
 racies in the land.^" 
 
 The terrible excesses, in an age which counted a 
 public execution as a holidaj^, were such as to give a 
 shiver to the warmest zeal of even the most Jacob- 
 inized American. And the report of the multi- 
 tudinous examples of inhumanity rudely shook the 
 belief of the clergy in the cause of the French and 
 their faith that even "the end was good" began to 
 turn to unbelief.^" But what operated most power- 
 full}^ on the minds of the clergy were vivid accounts 
 of the alarming prevalence of universal atheism and 
 the official attacks on Christianity.^^ Enthusiasm for 
 the high-sounding principles of the French Revolu- 
 tion did not blind a goodly portion of the clergy to 
 the serious state of religion in France, nor to the fact 
 that the destruction of the Catholic religion por- 
 tended, not only the destructon of all religion there, 
 but elsewhere, just as far as the influence of the 
 French Revolution extended. This latter danger was 
 not, however, at first perceived. Nevertheless, the 
 dismal condition of religion and morality startled the 
 ministers and made them think far less favorablv 
 
 "fi. The oxppnse will beget an attention in the people, to Its rise and origin, 
 and. 
 
 "7. That attention will beget the detestation and downfall of Jacobinism anii 
 its Clubs. 
 
 8. So all the generations, from Brissot to the downfall of Jacobinism, are 
 eight generations." 
 
 (29) The Key. David Tappnn said significantly: "The sp'rit of popular, aris- 
 tocratic, .despotism, has cruelly oppressed [France] . .under the form and pre- 
 tensions of high democratic freedom. An uninformed and furious popuTatlco, 
 Intoxicated with undigested notions of its own sovpr'Mgn1>- for a long time 
 [has rcigined].." pp. 22-3. foot note, Cambridge, Feb, m. 170.1. 
 
 (30) "Deceivhig and deceived, oppressing and oppressed, abandoned to rapine 
 and violence, to blood and slaughter: they will continue to bite and devour 
 till they are consumed one of another." Os^znod, D, Med'nrd Feb 10 1705 d 
 28. . . • , , 1 . 
 
 (31) Besides the newspaper accounts of the prevalent atheism in France books 
 and pamphlets were circulated describing the alarming condition. Considera- 
 tions on religion, .with remarks on the speech of M. Dupont, delivered In the 
 National Convention of France by Hannah Moore was first printed in Boston 
 in 1794. The speech was on December 14th. 1702, and contains the striking 
 exclamation, "What! Thrones are overturned!. .And vet the .\ltars of God re- 
 main!.., For myself,,,! am an atheist!" See also Moore's Journal iin France- 
 Farmer's Weekly Museum, June 23, 1795, The Letters from France (pub' 
 ilshed in two volumes, Phila., 1790,) by Helen Maria Wl'liams an eye-wituess 
 
99 
 
 of the Revolution than before.^^ The sorry state of 
 the French people is thus described by horror-struck 
 divines: '* Considering death eternal sleep, and re- 
 jecting the belief of God and every religious prin- 
 ciple, they let the people loose from every restraint, 
 and prepared them for every species of injustice, 
 wickedness and abomination. . .what unjust execu- 
 tions! What horrid massacres !' '^^ ''The genius of 
 piety and oJ' order laments that boasting infidelity 
 and irreligion ; that tumultuous and ferocious anarchy 
 which... have veiled the lustre, and retarded the 
 progress of liberty ;"^^ '4t is certain that a very con- 
 sideral)le proportion of the nation have exploded all 
 religion, and, in some of their most public and 
 solemn acts, their government has virtually rejected 
 the doctrine of a Grod governing the world by his 
 providence. "^^ ''It is a melancholy consideration, 
 that statesmen and legislators [in France] . . .should 
 
 havinc; boon impi-isonotl there, wns quoted ns much ;ig siiy book in the news- 
 papers. See 9. n. Hampshire Gazette. Nov. 11, 18, 1795; March 9, 1796; Cen- 
 tlriel, Nov. 4, 1795; Mass. Spy, March 9, 1796. Tlie Revolution In France by 
 Nonh Webster was quoted by the clerfry. See e. p. Davlr! Ospood'.s approval of 
 it as "juflicJmis and instructive" in his sermon of Nov. 20th, 1794. Later there 
 were numerous books which the clergy referred to. The Cannibal's Progress, 
 by Anthonv Aufer, Esq; [Newburyport, n. d.] quoted also in the Pol. Repository. 
 Oct. 2, 1798. J. Mallet Du Pan: History of the Destruction of the Helvetic 
 Union and Tiiberty (this "ought to be read by every American" is the Rev. 
 Manassah Cutler's opinion). Another book of his was The Dangers which 
 threaten Europe. . N. Y., 1795. Others used were Abb6 Bnrruel: History 
 of the French Clergy; The Inside View of the Prisons of Paris; The 
 Cruelties of the Jacobins; .Tohn Gifford; Letter to Tliomas Erskine, containing 
 some Strictures on his View of the Cause and Consequences of the present 
 War In France, quoted in the Salem Gazette, Dec. S. 1796. from the N. Y. 
 Gazette. The Siege of Lyons, published in Philadelphia, 179.''., was another 
 book much referred to by the clerey as well as the ni-wsiiapers. See e. g. 
 Farmer's Weekly Museum, June 30; July 7, 1795; Greenfield Gazette, ,Tune 
 2.", 179.": Hampshire Gazette, July 1, 8. 1795, B'rookfleld Advertiser, July 22, 
 20, 179;". Among other books used by the clergy were The Baindlttl Un- 
 masked, by "Gen. Danoau, a Frenchman," Newburyport Herald, May 8, 1798; 
 Pirie: Lectures, and his Antisocial Conspiracy. See also History of the 
 Armies of the French Revolutrion. Salem Gazette, Sept. 29; Oct. 24, 1797, and The 
 Crimes Committed during the French Revolution. Mass Spy, Sept. 20, 1767. 
 
 (.32) "When I first read Mr. Necker's treatise on the importance of religious 
 opinions, I doubted of the occa'^ion for .so much labour. . But the subsequent 
 events nmouET [those] . .people, .have shown, that: he had sufficient reason for 
 urpluff the whole force of the argument." Osgood, D.. Medford, Feb. 19, 1795, 
 p. 2fi. 
 
 (33) Fiske, T., Cambridge, Feb. 19, 1795: "Liberated from the shackles of the 
 pro-^seat superstition. It might liave been expected, that tb* French would have 
 fallen Into the other extreme, and become religious enthusiasts. But that the 
 leaders should reject all religion, .may well excite astonishment.." p. 17. 
 
 (34) Tappan. 0., Charlestown. Feb. 19. 1795. p. 27. 
 
 (35) Ware, H., Hingham, Feb. 19, 1795, p. 22. 
 
100 
 
 have been distinguished for opinions which shock 
 the reason of men, and would disgrace the under- 
 standing of an Hottentot. "^'^ "In [France] .. .we 
 have seen the apostles of atheism more fanatical 
 than the disciples of Omar. . .and more bloody than 
 the votaries of Moloch . . . Blaspheming . . . God, 
 have they not consecrated their impious temples 
 dedicated to a false and misguided reason with heca- 
 tombs of human victims?""" "It is astonishing that 
 some serious men among ourselves, and ministers of 
 the gospel, should excuse this [atheism], on account 
 of the superstitions of the church of Kome. But 
 what should we think of physicians who, to cure a 
 disease, administered poison?"^* The unhappy case 
 of France might be — and indeed was — regarded 
 rather complacently at first as a temporary incident 
 of so great an upheaval and to these vigorous Puri- 
 tans as also a natural reaction against the "supersti- 
 tions ' ' of the ' ' Romish religion ' ' were it not for two 
 facts which could not be overlooked. One was that 
 ever since the American Eevolution there had ex- 
 isted not only a mai'ked indifference to religion, but 
 an actiial and noticeable tendency toward irreligion 
 and deism if not downright atheism.^" And, sec- 
 ondly, the evidence accumulated rapidly that the 
 
 (3B) Osfrooa, D., Mcdtord, Feb. 10, ITgs, p. 2S. 
 
 CST) Smitli, S. S., Phllacielphla, Feb. 19, 17n."i. Printed entirely with notes 
 In the Hampshire Gazette, March 25, April 1, 1795. 
 
 (38) Eliot. J., Boston, Nov. 20, 1794, p. 15, foot note. See also Emmons, X., 
 rranlilin, Vf^r. 1.1. ITOi;. p. IG: Barnarfl. T.. Harvard C' lloi^e, Sept. 3, 1795, 
 pp. 23-4; Barnes, D,, Hiiagham, (also In Scituate) April 5, 1795, p. 16. The Rev. 
 Samuel St-jlliiian of Boston, who is Inclined in 1794 tn look with favor on 
 the FrriKh Br-volntlon. says in his Thpnksuiving: sermon, November 20th of 
 that year: "We liiphly applanrt the[ir] pi'nciples. Cut we censure and lament., 
 their rejection of religion." p. 12. 
 
 (39) Indeed the irrellpious conditions in the colleses, e. g. at Yale, were very 
 marked, so much so that ''AVhcn in 1795 Dwipht entered.. the presidency nearly 
 all of the members ot..[lhc senior] class had jocularly I'.ssnmed the name of 
 the leading infidels of the eighteenth century." Taylor, M. C. Three Men 
 of Letters, p. 110. The President, however, soon wrought a total transformation. 
 As for Harvard, matters were not better, W. E. Channing, who entered in 1794 
 says: "College was inever in a worse state., The French Revolution had diseased 
 the imagination and unsettled the undeistanding of men everywhere, .the authority 
 of the past was gone.. the tone of hooks and conversatlcii was presumptuous 
 and daring. The tendency of all classes was to skepticism *' Memoir of W, E 
 Channing, 1:70. 
 
101 
 
 French Revolution was directly and indirectly a 
 powerful agency for increasing this alarming drift 
 towards perdition. Partly owing to the natural ten- 
 dency of Americans, through blind enthusiasm, to 
 copy everything French, both good and bad, but 
 chiefl}^ due to the zealous circulation of French in- 
 fidel tracts and books and ti"> the increasing immigra- 
 tion of these active ^* agents of Satan'' the religious 
 character of America was becoming radically revo- 
 lutionized.^** Therefore, both as ministers of the gos- 
 pel and good citizens, for to them religion was the 
 
 (40) A note In Knox's handwriting among his letters (In the Knox MSS. 
 XLII:20) says: "Mr. Volney, when im Boston In the Spring of '97, ex- 
 pressed himself gratified at the progress of the spirit of the French revolu- 
 tion. 'England said he will be revolutionized the same spirit will run through 
 Italy.. and Indeed throughout all the civilized part of Europe and then says 
 he with the highest exultation they will put Christianity behind their backs.' " 
 It is recorded in Scudder's Life of Noab Webster i,p. ISC') that a single con- 
 versation with Genet was sufBcieiit Lo turn I.Im from a partisan to a vigorous 
 opponent of the French Revolution. The speody change ^ a^ very possibly due 
 to the antl-rellglous sentiments expressed by the French Minister, for Webster 
 In his pamphlet: The Revolution in France Considered ir Respect to Its Pro- 
 gress and Effects. [N. Y., 17D4.] spends seventeen and a half pages (out of 
 45 pa^es) considering the dismal state of religion and morciity t^ere. The logic 
 of the New England clergy was simple, but it was mos!" irrefutably complete 
 In their eyes. An outline is as follows: America has supplajnted Judea as the country 
 God considers peculiarly His own, New England being especially that portion 
 of the United States which Is — as it ought to be — blessed above all by Divine 
 approval. At this present moment the French, besides tleir actual physical 
 warfare, seek by their atheistical influences, tracts and agents to separate this 
 country from the Divine favor and protection and therefore to destroy it (as the 
 Jewish nation was for its sins) morally as well as actually. The reasoning 
 is very cl early brought out in the sermon of ( e. g. ) Joseph Sumner, 
 Shrewsbury, Nov. 28, 1799, p. 16. Neither Is this extravagant opinion of 
 New England's superiority In all lines uncommon. The following is by no 
 means unique. T. Dwight to 0. Wolcott, Hartford, May 25, 1793, Wolcott 
 Mss., Conn. Hist. Soc. : "not only young gentlemen from our Sister States, but 
 from every quarter of this globe would do w^ell to pass a few years of their 
 life among ns, & acquire our habits of thinking and living. Half a dozen legis- 
 lators or even scholars bred in New England &, dispersed thro the different 
 countries of Europe every year, would in half an age change the political face 
 of affairs in the Old AVorld." 
 
 "For the honor of our country," exclaimed Rev. Daniel Dana, (Newbury- 
 port, April 25, 1799), "we must presume, that an enemy — an enemy that walks 
 in darkness — has taken advantage of our slumbers to sow tb"'S" pernicious tares." 
 p. 45. The Age of Reason "was. .conveyed at a single time Into our country, 
 In order to be sold at a cheap rate, or ^iven away..Whi-'t baneful success has 
 attended this vile and Insidious effort, you [well know.]'" p. 46. The same 
 language is held by Rev. Jedidiah Morse (Nov. 29, 1798, p. 74.) "The Age 
 of Reason, .written in France (..It is said In the house, anl under the patronage 
 of Mr. Muuroe), printed there in the English language, a'.id a cargo of fifteen 
 thousand copies, at one time sent [here and sold cheaply] .. .or given away. The 
 effects, .by. .these books, and others of the same cast., [are] evident.. and [de- 
 plorable.]" His appendix to this sermon announces that it "exhibit[s] . .proofs 
 of the early existence, progress and deleterious effects of French intrigue and 
 Influence In the United States." (49 pages are in the appendix, 39 in the ser- 
 mon.) See also Wilder, J., Attleborough, May 9, 1798, p. 12; Taylor, J., Deer- 
 field. Nov. 29, 1798, p. 11. "Iin consequence of their example, and writings, in- 
 fidelity and impiety, had assumed a boldness unlinown bef'.i ■.■. .The. .gospel began 
 
102 
 
 foundation and backbone or civil polity, they girded 
 up their loins, put on their armor and fought a good 
 fight, as it seemed to them, for their God and their 
 Country. 
 
 To begin with, the clergy were in an exceedingly 
 dissatisfied frame of mind with the state of religion 
 in Massachusetts. Even before the Revolution, dis- 
 quieting tendencies had developed.^^. The writer of 
 the Ecclesiastical History oi Essex County (North), 
 and there is no reason to think it exceptional for the 
 well settled portions of Massachusetts, di'aws a mel- 
 ancholy picture of religiouR stagnation: ''The first 
 decade^ from 1761 to 1771, was a time when our Zion 
 had reason to mourn. .. The second decade, from 
 1771 to 1781, was, like the preceding period, a time 
 of political excitement and spiritual declension... 
 the additions to the churches were very few. But 
 they were fewer still during the third decade... 
 from 1781 to 1791. .In respect to growth this was the 
 
 to be ridiculed. .Christianity to be treated, as injurious to the liberty and 
 happiness of men. .having orig:inated in iirnorauce, priestciaft and fanaticism. 
 Such as had been previously tincturi^d with scepticism, tow gloried in the 
 example of a great nation, practic'llj declaring their uabellef . .Multitudes. . 
 [in Europe asserted] that tyraniny and misery were the legitimate offispring of 
 the Christian system. .Such examples, wlnn every heart bc3l with joy, at the 
 successes of the French, could not fail of producing iinliappy effects, upon 
 the public mind. In addition.. a number of tUstin-ruislied (baracters in America, 
 threw off the mask of hypocrisy, and shamefully abetted the cause of infidelity..'* 
 Practically all the sermons of 1798 and 1799 agree in this conviction of the 
 studied attempts of tlie French to be "a crunmittee nf 'noUiTocfion for all the 
 world" and to overturn our government, liberty and religion by propagating 
 these "diabolical princirdes of atheism." 
 
 (41) The Centinel early notices the decline of religion: "A too general in- 
 difference in religions practise, and a much greater carelessness, as to religious 
 tenets has taken place. Ministers of different denomirjititius are contending 
 with each other — Congre;rationaliats. . are crumbling into an Inflnite number of 
 parties. They are daily, (as usual) quarreling with, and dismissing their 
 ministers; reviling and ruining," them. As total a disunion 1 as seized upon this 
 body in New England, as their most invcr crate opposcrs cao desire." Feb. 19, 
 1791. See also the Farmer's Weekly Museum, Dec. 27, 1793; July 2.5, 1794. The 
 democrats were wholly convinced that tlis growth of infidoliiy was to be traced 
 to the quarrels of Che clei-;:y and indeed it wao John Adam'^' disgust with their 
 endless divisions .-md animosities which d3ssnnd<^d him frutu entering the minis- 
 try. In a pamplilet called A View of the New England Illumiuati. . [i. e., 
 the clergy] the writer says: "Before the he^rinnlntr of tlie-. .revolution in France, 
 they were cliieliy devoted, after the la^o war to polemic divinity and eccles- 
 iastical coutrovor.-;ie'^. -From hcnfe arose, in those states, a strong propensity to 
 deism and sce[iticlsm . . many of the laity were prepared to attend to delstical 
 writings; and philosophy and liberality became very fashionable." p. 5. But 
 the federalists attributed It to the InHufnce ;ind exain))lo nf Franeo as well as 
 the Atro of Reason. See Farmer's Weekly Museum, Feb. 3, 170."i, from the 
 Conn. Oouraut. 
 
103 
 
 darkest period in the whole history of these 
 churches . . "*^ The American Revolution had had a 
 very unfortunate effect on public morality, since it 
 opened a flood gate of iniquity. The robbery of pri- 
 vateering — the vices of foreign armies and adven- 
 turers. . .together with the frauds of a depreciating 
 paper currency, concurred with the almost necessary 
 neglect of religious institutions to corrupt the peo- 
 ple."^=^ 
 
 So marked was the people's wide departure from 
 the standards of their ancestors, that Governor Bow- 
 doin felt called upon, in 1785, to issue a Proclama- 
 tion for "Inculcating Piety and Virtue "^"' This 
 does not seem to have had more than a temporary 
 effect. The limitation of the "Puritan" Sabbath to 
 eighteen hours by the legislature, after a strong pro- 
 test by the rural members, was a dreadful uidication 
 to many pious persons of the dreary defray of re- 
 ligion and morality.*' The conservatives saw in the 
 introduction of the theatre into Boston, to which 
 they offered a vigorous bu*: finally unsuccessful op- 
 position, a horrible breeder of vice and immor- 
 
 (-12) Conllihiitions to thp Ecclesiastical History of Kssex County, pp. 2.^1-2. 
 "But the fact Is, tliat while twelve new churches of our order were formed 
 between ITim anfl 17."iO. only three such cl^nrches were forniefl between 175€ and 
 1800. Nor can this disparity be acconnlerl for by the c-rfnter encroaclinipnt of 
 other denominations, during the latter of the two periods, for they had Just 
 the same number of churches formed, viz., two, In each period." p. 249. 
 
 (43) Westeim iStar, May 12, 1795, from the Eastern Herald (Portland). Extract 
 from a late ThanlisglTinK sermon. See also the Salem Gazette. March 17, 1797. 
 
 (44 The Proclamation was issued on June 8th, 17SS. It is given in the 
 Am. IlTald. .Tune 20, 17S5. The whole ;itle was a "Proclamation for the En- 
 eournremcnt nf Piety. Virtue. IMucatinn and >rnnners. and the Suppression of 
 Vice." One enthusiast wrote: "you cannot conceive the happy effect the good 
 proclnmallon has had on the pious people in your neighborhood, especially those 
 in authority. The vigilance of the wardens in Roxbury lost Sunday, is truly 
 worthy of remariv. .Instead of hundreds of carriages that used to pass to and 
 from lioston, not one passed the line.. Our justice of the peace, that has not 
 darkened the donrs of our sanctum for these six months, was yesterday escorted 
 thitlier by our wardens..-' Ibid, July 2.5, 1785. Eastern Massachusetts, however, 
 would not return to the old Puritan days for by August 17th, 1785, the 
 Centinel aunounei-.l that "rnsupTioried iiv our maeistrntes, frowned upon by 
 the tlmu.rhtless. .abused and insulted by the lawless and licentious, the wardens 
 of Ru\bnry retreated from their posts." S. Shaw to KnoN, Boston, Aug. 8, 
 178.". Knox MSS. XVIII;67: "For the past two or three weeks there have 
 been something lllie hostilities between [Boston]., and. .Roxbury. The [latter] 
 . .stopped and actually prosecuted a number of Bostonians for riding out on 
 the Lord's day." 
 
 (45) BraiMitree e. g. severely rebnlced this act of the legislature. Adams, Three 
 Episodes of Mass. Hist., 11:894-5. 
 
104 
 
 ality/° wiiile the clergy found the increased amount 
 of unnecessary travelling on Sunday, teaming on the 
 Lord's day, and even the practice noticed here and 
 there of walking out in the country on the Sabbath, 
 veritable danger signals of the parlous and alarming 
 condition of society.''" 
 
 With these general disturbing tendencies, there 
 was one grave danger which loomed above all — the 
 dreaded spectre of atheisjn stalked abroad in the 
 land. The clergy early recognized this danger and 
 dwelt upon this particular point. They do not in 
 general confine themselves to a vague denunciation 
 of the present evil generation, but specify that pe- 
 culiarly heinous form of sin. And the considerable 
 number who make a specialty of touching upon this 
 obnoxious description of guilt, prove it to be more 
 than a coincidence.** The earliest Jeremiah is the 
 Eev. Nathaniel Emmons, who, on November 3d, 1790, 
 thus notices the present fashion of iniquity: "This 
 spirit of infidel ty and scepticism which begins to 
 spread and prevail among us threatens to destroy 
 our remaining religion and virtue. The time was 
 
 (46) "Ye Fathers of the people, arouse, anti attend to stifling the hideous 
 monster (just creepin.;;: into a form, so prefrnant with mischiff). before it is too 
 late, and frnslrate the attempts now raakincr by a few interested persons, to 
 establish a thcafre in this town.." IT,'i-akl of Freedom, .Tune 15, 1790; ibid, 
 Jan. 8. IT'Kl. In October a town meetlnp was held in Boston to consider the 
 question of allowinir a theatre. Samuel Adams, who was areatly opposed, at- 
 temptins? to siio.nl;. was rudely drowned out by Toices clamoring "rather loudly" for 
 the question which was carried "by a very large majority." Centinel, Oct. 29, 1791. 
 Despite the law the plays continued the next year, 1702, and the Suffolk grand 
 jury refused to indict. The governor (see a sarcastic piece on Hancock's uncom- 
 fortable position and predicament. Ibid, Dec. 8, 1792,) had a player arrested 
 but the jnilci'S obedient to the popular clamor released hllu, Amory: Sullivan, 
 1:273-4. In .lanuary of tliis year, 1792, the attempt to repeal the law forbidding 
 theatres failed by an adv<Tse vote of 99 tc 44. Centinel. .Tan 2S, 1792, Finally 
 Boston was permitted to have a theatre under suitable restrictions, but the bill 
 prohibited the drama, under heavy penalties, in all other towns. Amorv: Sul- 
 livan, 1:274 
 
 (47) Impartial Herald. .Tune 27. 179n: "there is pronter decorum on Sunday 
 observed iierc.than in many places around us. .whereas it is the practice of 
 home people to walk abroad on the Sahbat!i..It is submitted, .whether such 
 practises may not be clianged for the better?" See another complaint on laxity 
 in Siibbflth observance in tlic Farmer's AVeekly Museum, Oct. 24, 1794, from the 
 CoMc. Courant. 
 
 (4S) 'I'h.' ludi'iiendent Chronicle before tlie as=iertion could have been used 
 as a weapon against the clergy observes: "Tlte forms of superstition have long 
 been siiiiking into discredit, but as they have retired, infidelity has come forward 
 in theiv place. Superstition is not tlie prevailin;: cliaracuristie of the present 
 day. .B'ut. .impiety, Irreligion and InQdelity abound.." fiwir. 2S. 1794. 
 
105 
 
 ■n'lien we were distinguished among all otlier nations 
 [for righteousness]... But, alas! how is the gold 
 l)ecome dim! how is the most fine gold changed?. . . 
 For near twenty years past various causes have . . . 
 introduce[d] almost every species of vice and cor- 
 ruption.'"" On April llth, 1793, the T?ev. David 
 Tappen finds ' ' our character in respect to religion is 
 greatly corrupted . . . Sceptical, deistical and other 
 loose and pernicious sentiments . . . have been boldly 
 advanced and rapidly diffused..." and begs his 
 .audience to ' ' show the world by our example, that the 
 progress of true knowledge and freedom has no con- 
 nection with the growth either of deism or athe- 
 ism."^" The condition of religion is elsewhere 
 gloomily described as affected by a "spirit of infi- 
 delity and profaneness [which] awfully prevails.""' 
 "At this day," exclaims llie Rev. T. C Thatcher, 
 "the religion of Christ is opposed in every form. "^^ 
 AVhile another clergyman feelingly ejaculates: "The 
 Christian Eeligion, and its social institutions are 
 spurned at, and rejected."''" With sorrow does the 
 Rev. Levi Frisbie inquire,^'' "is it not a melancholy 
 truth, that in these days of boasted light and liberty, 
 people seem to have too much forgotten that gov- 
 ernment has any connection with religion, or any de- 
 pendence on the appointment or authority of God?" 
 
 t-in) Even that vonpvable institution in Boston, tlie Tlirr=!flay Locture, is 
 "so mucli neglpctefl. . [that] there seems to be very little attention paid to the 
 labours of the associated Clerjry.." Ind. Ch., Dec. 3, 179n 
 
 (50) p. 30. 
 
 (.It) Rohy. .r.. April 17. ITil-t, p. 24. 
 
 (52) I,ynn, Nov. 20. 1794. p. l.l. 
 
 (.53) Morse, .T., CharlcstoiTU. Feb. 19. 1V95, p. 14. 
 
 (.')4) Ipswiclt, Feb. 19. 179.5. p. 23. A letter from J'-didiah Morse to O. 
 Wolcott b-'trays quite an alarniod and almost downcast f"rling: "I wish 'the 
 habits & principle of N. England.' may prove a security agt. 'ihe mental epidemic, 
 that is spreading througli the world.' But we have too many among us who 
 are already deeply affected with the contagious disease botli in their politics 
 & religion — And Paine's 'Age of Reason' & the vile answer to it by Waiiefield 
 are I am afraid lielping to spread the disease this wg.v — These aim a blow 
 at tlie root. Tut I hope the people at large have wisdom, good sense, & faith 
 in their religion sufficient, under Providence to discern & to.. avoid the dangers 
 wth (w'hich] threaten to deprive them of their civil blessings, &.. religious 
 hopes." Oharlestown, Oct. l.j, 1794. Wolcott iMSS., Conn. Hist. Soc. 
 
106 
 
 The plain unvarnislied truth is put to the congrega- 
 tion when it is asked: "Has not Infidelity made — 
 is it not still making an alarming progress with us ? " 
 Still another minister pointedly says: "a spirit of 
 luxury and I fear we may add of irreligion and vice 
 hath spread and increased. . . We need not roam to 
 all parts of the United States to produce evidence, 
 for we may find sufficient within our own Common- 
 wealth. "'^' It is at this early period — for +he lamen- 
 tations of the clergy increase markedly for the rest 
 of the decade — that the Rev, Jonathan Strong paints 
 the religious condition with the blackest colors: 
 "Never did America see a period when licentious- 
 ness, infidelity, and open opposition to . . . Chris- 
 tianity triumphed, as at the present d.^-y. Many 
 come forward and boldly deny the divinity of the 
 holy scriptures. . . Even under the meridian light of 
 
 the gospel, infidelity, [and] irreligion, triumph 
 
 and prevail. "°® But the clearest evidence of the 
 alarm which was being felt is shown in the Dis- 
 course Preached at the Ordination of the Eev. 
 Samuel Shepard at Lenox, April 30th, 1795, by the 
 Rev. Cyprian Strong, when he bears witness as fol- 
 lows: "The circumstances of the present time are 
 such as call for the faithful and most strenuous 
 exertions of Ministers. . . It is a truth. . .that. . .open 
 Infidelity and down-right Deism are prevalent to an 
 alarming degree," and he continues descanting on 
 "Our dangerous and alarming situation. . .there 
 is now a peculiar reason why Ministers should be 
 faithful, and exert themselves with iincommon zeal 
 . . .when the great and essential doctrines of the 
 Gospel are so much called in question and practical 
 
 (.-.fi) Tliiitfh.r. T.. li.nham. Fob. 10, "'7'ir,. p. 20. 
 
 ('iCi] Ranrlnlpti, Xnv. ]0. ITft.". pn. 2." (1 Roo aHo Gan iiFr. F.. Leominster^ 
 Nnv. 1!). ITn.Ti. p. l.": Latlirop, J., T\'est SprlnpficUl, Feb. 10. 170r,, p. 10: Barnes, 
 D., Htnc-ham. .\pril .1, 1T06, p, 16: Leonard, D., .V Funeral Sermon, delivered., 
 at, Martlia's Vineyard. November. 1. 170.'>..p. 14: Cnmings, H.. BiUerica, June 28. 
 ITO.'i. esp. p. C: Harris. T. M,, Boston, Jan. 1, 1700, pp. 22-3. 
 
107 
 
 religion is so much on the decline. "'^^ This is sound- 
 ing the tocsin of danger with a vengeance. 
 
 It was the open circulation of infidel writings 
 which contributed to the vigor and spice of their 
 denunciations of the present perverse and crooked 
 generation.^® That there should be this condition, 
 or even the suspicion of it, shows a clear departure 
 from the past in New England.^® No wonder the 
 clergy considered the American Revolution as 
 ^* opening the floodgates of iniquity" when one of 
 its heroes, Ethan Allen, actually published a deis- 
 tical book called the Oracles of Eeason.*^^ 
 
 (57) pp. 25-6. The writer has examinGd a number of ordination sermoiQS from 
 1790 to 1800 and the unanimity from 1705 to 1800 witli whicli tlie ministers 
 dwell upon tlie sobering and distressing conditions of religiom and the prevalence 
 of atheism is remarkable. From 1790 to 1795 the writer has failed to find any 
 especiaHy lugubrious reference to atbeism upon such occasions, but the difference 
 after 1795 Is striking. See Appendix H. 
 
 ( 58 ) Besides The Age of Reason, there are the following authors [ ' 'who 
 have induced flimsy opinions, called. .Deistlcal to predominate"] "Hume and 
 Boling:brolco and Boubmiri-r. .in bis 'Christianity unveiled' . ." Salem Gazette, 
 Aug. 9, 1790. The Centinel (of July 15, 1795) made the announcement: "The 
 booksellers are fully sensible of the fatal effects to society flowing to the 
 country of Its author [Paitie] from the principles which it advocates. They 
 read with horror the black catalogue of crimes, .committed by the atheists, who 
 lately ruled France. . .A work still mort- vile and pernicious, .lately sent, .to, . 
 the principal booksellers of Boston, who. ^unanimously . .returnod ,the books to 
 the city, .whence they Issued." Suspicion points the accusing finger at Phil- 
 adelphia where that unscrupulous editor, B. F. Bache, who was eager "to cir- 
 culate the second part of 'the Age of R(?ason' . .because. . [of] a fondness for the 
 sentiments wliich that contemptible pamphlet contain.s." Fed. Orrery, June 16, 
 1790. from the Gazette of the United States. If this was not the book see 
 William Cobbett's remarks oin pages 11 and 12, foot notes, of his Political 
 Cdiisor. . .published in Philadelphia, 1790. Even his brazen clieek puts an 
 on unaccustomed blush wh<m referring to a certain American edition of Sterne's 
 writings, for sale in William Bradford's shop in Philadelphia. In reply to 
 Volney's Ancient Ruins (See Salem Gazette, March 7, 1797.) Dr. Priestly at- 
 tachetfto the third edition of his Observations on the Increase of Infidelity, 
 Animadversions on the Writings of several Modern Unbelievers, and especially 
 the Ruins of Mr. Volney. Phila., 1797. To which Volney replied iu a pamphlet. 
 Observations upon the Increase of Infidelity. . . Phila., 1797. (See Salem 
 Gazette, April 21, 1797.) Priestly's Observations were very popular. First 
 pdltion was printed at Northumberland, Pa., 1794, second at the same place 
 1795, and it was reprinted at Salem, Mass., 1795. The Character and Doctrine 
 of Jesue Christ. . .to which Is added Reasons for Scepticism in Revealed Religion, 
 by John HoUls [N. Y., 1796.] was a sufficiently disquieting book, but not so 
 much so as Prejudices Destroyed (by J. M. Lequinio, a member of the National 
 Convention) which was far more "pernicious" in its tendencies. It was some- 
 times added to the Age of Reason as at Worcester in 1794. Volney's Com- 
 mon Sense or Natural Ideas opposed to Supernatural — published in New York 
 in 179.'j — WU-; an elaborate and open attack upon Christianity. Two other trans- 
 lations from the French were more veiled assaults: Sentiments upon the Re- 
 ligion of Reason and Nature.. Phila., 1795., and Rational and Revealed Religion 
 calmly and candidly Investigated aiod Compared. London, 1794. 
 
 (59) Ou Septcmbtn- 3d, 17r)(i. a correspondent in the Centinel inquires: "Might 
 not a BIBLE SOCIETY in America, be very useful in counteracting the effects of 
 Anti-Bihle Societies, who are industriously circulating in every part of our 
 country, the poisonous works of Tom Paine?" 
 
 (00) Eliot, J.. Boston, Nov. 20, 1794, p. 13, foot note. Its complete title was 
 Allen's Theology or the Oracles of Reason. See also Western Star, March 
 
108 
 
 The sensation of this period of excitement is, how- 
 ever, the famous book- of Thomas Paine, The Age 
 of Eeason, which was published in this country in 
 1794.'^^ The popularity of this book is an interest- 
 ing proof of the remarkable growth of the spirit of 
 inquiry and progress,*'^ which later finds its develop- 
 ment in Unitarianism, in literature and In reforms 
 of various kinds. The ' ' glacial period ' ' in New Eng- 
 land was thoroughly past. Despite the efforts of the 
 clergy the book was eagerly read and doubtless by 
 the saint as well as the sinner, for it is considered 
 "strange, that, in this age . . such a work should 
 be fashionable;" and it is hopefully concluded ithat 
 "nothing but the name of Thomas Paine has given 
 it a reputation. "^^ "Although a late pamphlet, and 
 others more subtly ingenious, may be spouted 
 against the Bible,""* yet the clergy were not dis- 
 mayed rather would they buckle on the armour of 
 Christianity more firmly, and stoutly man the breach 
 in the walls of Zion which these infidels were mak- 
 ing; for "God is able to defend his own cause. ""^° 
 
 Prom the moment of its publication it attracted 
 great attention and reprobation from not only the 
 clergy but the laity."* Many were the answers writ- 
 ten against the book, so dangerous did it appear to 
 the orthodox both because of its contents and the 
 
 1, 1790; Farmer's Weekly Museum, Oct. 10, 1794. This Is said to be the first 
 delstlcal hook published In America. Its renewed activlt.y In circulation is 
 evinced by the attacks upon it. 
 
 (Gl) See appondi.x I. 
 
 (62) "For people have lost their former implicit faith In the opinions of 
 Ministers, and iiay no respect to their bare assertions. They demand evidence. . 
 and this renders It necessary for Ministers to be mighty in the Scriptures.." 
 N. Emmons. A Sermon delivered at Salem, in New Hampshire. January 4. 
 1797, at the ordination of the Rev. John Smith, p. 22. Other evidence of" tills 
 Independent restless spirit inimical to unquestlonins authority is the plaint of 
 the Rev. David Ossood: "So general is the propensity to licentiousness, that the 
 spirit of the times will hardly suffer a man to maintain order and discipline in 
 his own house." MedCord, Nov. 10. 1795, p. 22. 
 
 (03) Eliot, J., Boston. Nov. 20, 1794. p. 1.3, foot note. 
 
 (<i4) Clark, P.. Norton. Feb. in. 170.T, p. l.S. 
 
 (OrO Gardner, F., Leominster, Nov. 10, 179.">, p. 15. 
 
 (86) Indeed such an uproar was occasioned and so much damage to the demo- 
 crats and the cause of France that the Independent Chronicle admits: "It is a 
 ci-rcumstance to be regretted that the celebrated Paine, .should have touched 
 on RELIGION.." Sept. 25, 1707. 
 
109 
 
 great reputation of the author. However strong the 
 pretense was to despise it as containing "nothing 
 new save... [its] bold and indecent manner, [and] 
 ... It can do no harm except to the young and super- 
 ficial. . . [and though] The Deist. . .will blush to see 
 his cause so miserably handled. . .Indeed it's pro- 
 voking to see the Christian religion. . .insulted by 
 the brayings of the ass ...'"*'' the remarkable number 
 of answers betrays the perturbation of pious minds. 
 Although that book is "more fraught with errors. . . 
 of religion and ancient literature than any of the 
 same size with which I am acquainted in the English 
 language,"®^ a new edition — the 6th American edi- 
 tion was printed at Worcester in 1794 — was in the 
 press on May 16th, 1795, as the Centinel announces."" 
 But this was not the only agent of moral destruc- 
 tion which the French Revolution produced. For it 
 was noted that "Among the many pernicious impor- 
 tations from abroad, we may reckon, as none of the 
 least, infidel and atheistical books."™ 
 
 Neither did these tares sown by Satan fail to fall 
 upon good ground nor to bring forth much pestilen- 
 tial fruit to vex and grieve the godly. Indeed in the 
 newspapers it is lamented: "Thomas Paine, that in- 
 fidel in religion. . .seduces many of you, my country- 
 men. You read his 'Age of reason,' and think the 
 Bible a last year's Almanack."''^ And again, 
 "Thomas Paine, couid he survey that numerous 
 herd, transformed from credulous christians to in- 
 fidels, by his 'Age of Eeason'. . .would sigh for the 
 
 (87) Hampshire Gazette, Dec. IT, 1794. Taken from a took. The Signs of the 
 Times, by Dr. Llinn. This was a New York clerfryman who was converted 
 from admiration of the French because of their atheism. 
 
 (68) Ibid, IMarch 25, 179.5. Prom the sermon of the Rev. S. S. Smith. 
 
 (69) The Massachnsetts Spy denounces it as a "paltry performance, which Is 
 Intended to shake their faith in the religion of their fathers." Sept. 21, 1796. 
 From the Rutland Herald. The Salem Gazette is equally severe, denouncing it as 
 "a bungling varnp of obsoluto [sic] infidelity written by a drunken author."" 
 Aug. 9, 1796. 
 
 (70) FIske, N.. Harvard College, Sept. 7, 1796, p. 17. 
 
 (71) Mass. Spy, Nov. 18, 1795, from the Farmer's Weekly Museum. 
 
no 
 
 mischief he had wrought. "^^ Even to the wilds of 
 Maine had this demoializtag book penetrated, since 
 a missionary is distressed to find that "All preach- 
 ing is thought by many here to be needless ; and the 
 'Age of Reason' is too sweet to the people. Oh ! The 
 bad effects of lay preachers of several sorts and of 
 deistioal writers. . .How sad is... . [the] low state of 
 religion in this place, and the corruption of prin- 
 ciple."'^ 
 
 So thoroughly aroused were the clergy against the 
 French and their Revolution that they openly began 
 a boycott: "Let us vigilantly guard our [children's] 
 minds and our own against the modern infi- 
 delity. . "^* "We cannot be too careful to avoid 
 the contagion of their present principles."^® "Those 
 of my humble and imitative countrymen who adopt 
 their opinions implicitly from this nation [France], 
 and who so bend after every revolution of party 
 [blindly admire] . . . These. . . [who] mad with rage 
 against religion. .. [have] instituted a farce in the 
 temple of reason."™ "Let us carefully guard 
 against... a perverse Infidelity — against the old- 
 fashioned Deism and disregard of divtue revelation; 
 and the late, abominable Paganism and shocking con- 
 tempt of God's holy word and institutions. .. [in 
 France]..."" "Let us not abuse this liberty [of 
 conscience], to licentiousness and infidelity.""^ 
 
 (721 Ibid. Feb. 23, 1790. The sage advice is given in the Greenfield Gazette, 
 Nov. 37, 179G, to "read your Bible instead ot the 'Age of Reason.' " The Inde- 
 pendent Chronicle, Dec. 2Sth, 179."'t. says: "some, .applauded this book, .this 
 offended some of the clergy, wlio disgraced the religion they preach, by sup- 
 posing it to be in danger from the desultory, and contemptible writings of 
 Tom Paine." 
 
 (73) Coll. Me. Hist. Soc. IV (isr,n) 301. The diary is dated 1797, Buck- 
 floldmills, [Me.]. 
 
 (74) Tappan, I>., Cambridge, Feb. 10, 179r). p. 24. On page 27 he says; 
 "every sentiment of religion and patriotism, .calls forth our utmost vigilence in 
 guarding our happy country from the poison of these foreign principles and 
 manners." 
 
 (7r.) Ware. IT., HIngham, Feb. 19, 1793, p. 22. 
 
 (70) Smith, S. S., Piiiladelphia, Feb. 19, 1705, quoted in the Hampshire Gazette, 
 March 25, April 1, 1795. 
 
 (77) Mclleu, J., Hanover, Feb. 19, 1795, pp. 32-3. 
 
 (78) Wadsworth, B., Salem, Dec. 15, 1790, p. 15. 
 
Ill 
 
 These were the sort of wise counsels and admoni- 
 tions guarding the people from too warm zeal for the 
 French Revolution/® which the clergy constantly 
 gave. 
 
 There was such "great danger of imbibing the 
 atheistic sentiments so openly avowed and publicly 
 countenanced by a nation with which we have close 
 connections and constant intercourse''^^ that the im- 
 migration into this country was viewed with mixed 
 feelings even as early as 1795.^^ 
 
 The Revolution itself was considered as a seduc- 
 tive moral plague, as the clergy repeatedly pointed 
 out with earnest warnings: *^Grive heed, lest your 
 just admiration of a ^reat and gallant people should 
 lead you to favor their atheistical philosophy. . .Be- 
 ware of too close a connection with the vicious and 
 
 (79) See Barnard, T., Harvara College, Sept. 3, 1795, p. 24. 3. Wentworth 
 wrote to the Rev. J. Belknap, Plalifax, July 24, 1795, concerning "these dcs- 
 tractcl tiiffes, when the mighty power of France Is madly employed to destroy 
 our religion & thtn-eby . .our social order.." Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 
 0th Ser., Vol. IV., pt. III., p. 601-2. 
 
 (80) AViire. H., Ilingham, Feb. 19. 179o, p. 22. 
 
 (SI) The chanpre in altitude toward the French Revolution on account of the 
 spread of liberal, to speak mildly, thought and belief cannot be Illustrated 
 better than in the conversion of tiie Rev. John Lathrop of West Springfield. 
 A man of firm democratic sentiments, strongly prejudiced in favor of the Rev- 
 olution, he denounces in a sermon (July 4th. 1794) a standinc; army and a 
 public debt. lie demands frequent elections: "To jnevent a declension of gov- 
 ernment into aristocracy, the rewards for public services should be moderate;" 
 and an organized, well disciplined militia; and further says: "The combination 
 of influential men to recommend and support certain candidates, may be as 
 dangerous, as corruption itself." All this is good democratic doctrine. The 
 next year lie remarks (Feb. 10, 179.')) that "A rapid increase, .of foreigners, 
 may be attended with some danger. . [which] may.. cause parties, .corruptions in 
 government, and degeneracy of morals." In addition, he begins to think "our 
 moral state, .surely is not the most promising.." Tlae year after he comes out 
 flat-footed with the statement (Aug. 25, 179G): "The immigration of foreigners 
 ..will bo attended with real danger to the purity of religion," and is willing 
 to attribute '"Ihe open, undisguised appearance of Infidelity in the present day., 
 [to] those political convulsions and revolutions," but believes the American 
 Revolution ouglit to bear the major share of tlie guilt. In the next year his 
 convictions have changed so radically that he is decidedly of the opinion that 
 prevalence of robbers and incendiaries in the United States may be directly 
 imputed to tlie French Revolution! See his "Discourse," delivered at the Pub- 
 lic Lecture [at Boston] on Thursday, March IGth, 1797. The next year was 
 delivered A Sermon on the Dangers of the Times from Infidelity and rmmorallty 
 and especially from a lately discovered Conspiracy against Religion and Govern- 
 ment, See esp., pp. 12-18. In 1799 on the National Fast Day, be attacked the 
 French and their atheism saying: "It is well known that.. Books, calculated to 
 excite a contempt for the holy scriptures, are scattered over the country. Mis- 
 sionaries are employed.. to destroy your Government. .The more effectually to 
 perform tlieir work, they endeavor to prejudice th*" people against religious 
 institutions, .columns of newspapers are constantly occupied to render.. the re- 
 ligion of the country despicable." p- 18. 
 
112 
 
 debauched nations of the old world "^^ "since the 
 French commotions, which were not only serving to 
 overturn political regimes but religion itself, were 
 extending their baleful effects to these shores 
 through not only atheistical books, but libertine char- 
 acters. . . Those, who have disturbed the peace of 
 believers, and endeavoured to turn the christianized 
 and the enlightened world up side down, are come 
 hither also."*^ "While others have been pleased 
 with the large immigration. . .into this country. . .it 
 has excited in my own mind fearful apprehensions ; 
 as T knew that they would bring with them the 
 vicious habits of the old world . . . And my forebod- 
 ing fears have been realized. . "^* Even the Rev. Mr. 
 Lathrop, who up to this time is democratically in- 
 clined, asserts : ' ' The immigration of foreigners . . . 
 will be attended with real dangers to the purity of 
 religion."*^ 
 
 The idea that atheism is prevalent and that it will 
 become widespread in America through contagion 
 from France is not confined to clerical minds alone.®" 
 The newspapers, especially during 1796, have many 
 references to the dangerous situation. Granted that 
 the aim was largely political and that it is a lament- 
 able fact that "we should see Religion put forth as 
 a stalking horse, and the people aroused on this 
 subject as if our piety were in danger,"®'' the very 
 fact that the charge was politically efficient throws 
 
 (82) Sampson, B.. Plympton. Feb. 19, 179.5, p. 21. 
 
 (83) Fiske, N., Harvard Colle.ce. Sept. 7, 1796, p. 17, 
 
 (84) Stor.y, .T., Salem, Fell. 19, 179n, pp. 24-3. 
 (Sr,) West SprinKfleld, .\ug. 25, 1790, p. 9. 
 
 (86) Mas^s. Mercury, AiiR. S. 1796. This Is No. S of the "Trne American." 
 Nor Is this fear peculiar to New Emg:land. It Is shared in other states. The 
 Massacliusotts Spy, Dec. 9, 1795, says: "A number of the Inhabitants of 
 Schenectady, are about forming, .a Society, for preventing, .the profanation of 
 the Sabbath. Some spirited measures have also been adopted, at New Yorli, 
 for this laudable purpose." Philadelphia is greatly exercised for "some dis- 
 tinp-nished characters had determined to give the full authority of their example 
 in favour of a diligent attention to public worship. In consequence of dangerous 
 excesses, and for the preservation of the public morals." Salem Gazette, Dec. 29, 
 1795. Yet Rev. Pitt Clark is pained to discover that "even some of our rulers 
 appear backward in adding their influence to [religion].." Norton, Feb 19 
 1795, p. 18. , ' ' 
 
 (87) Salem Gazette, Nov. 8, 1790, 
 
113 
 
 a most interesting light on the interweaving of poli- 
 tics and religion at this period. Politicians do not 
 push a dead issue. However that may be, the fed- 
 eralist newspapers seconded the clergy in their com- 
 plaints. A piously minded writer finds that "In 
 these days, when infidelity is rapidly gaining ground. 
 — religion. . .has become unfashionable and is con- 
 sidered as unworthy of attention..."^ Another 
 with a groan inquires "can the soul, fired with love 
 to its country, suppress the sigh of sorrow, to find 
 infidelity, and impiety, rearing their snaky heads 
 among us . . ' '^" Governor Adams, in his proclamation 
 of March 31st, 1796, appointing a Fast day, notices 
 this declension of religion with the words: "That 
 it would please [God to] put a stop to the progress 
 of Profaneness and Impiety. . .which threaten us 
 with heavy Judgment. "^° It is further asserted 
 "modern unbelieverp. . .are now busily assaulting 
 it [Christianity] with every weapon of reason or 
 ridicule. "^^ But a sceptic asks: "would not a for- 
 eigner. . .judg[ing] ., .by our newspapers. . .judge 
 that Religion was in danger? That there exists here 
 a combination, having for an object [to] extirpate 
 Christianity, and obliterate every vestige of piety 
 from amongst us . . . Yet how contradictory is this 
 to truth. . . And who are they that are thus anxious 
 about Religion? Is it [not] that class of powerful 
 and wealthy. . .who are scarcely ever seen inside of 
 a place of worship. . . "^^ While "the present age. . . 
 with regard to matters of morality and religion is 
 [believed to be] more an age of licentiousness than 
 an 'age of reason'. . " may be somewhat exagger- 
 ated, yet there is genuine alarm and real cause for 
 apprehension, since in the press there has "been a 
 
 (88) Fed. Orrpry. Feb. 11, 1796. See also Mass. Spy, May 25, 1796. 
 
 (89) Mass. Spy, March 2, 1796. 
 
 (90) Ibid, March 16, 1796. 
 
 (91) Salem Gazette, July 19. 1796. 
 
 (92) Ibid, Nov. 8, 1790. 
 
114 
 
 late discussion, whether the religion of a country 
 ought to be openly insulted. Judge Eush has ex- 
 pressed his doubts. . . -'^^ 
 
 Clearly, by the yea]* 1796, there seems to have been 
 so great and so general a fear that the clergy^^ as 
 well as others made r^Teat exertions to oppose this 
 flood of irreligion, which, coming to a large extent 
 from France, was pouring over the land in a devas- 
 tating flood.^'' The Mendon Association,®*^ in the Oc- 
 tober meeting, 1796, ''taking into consideration the 
 
 (03) Ibjfl. Anc. 30, 17!)G. His address to the grand jury had more than a 
 tincture of politics for he asserts: "To the native growth of infidelity amon^ 
 us. .aurnmenlations. .have been made, in oon-ifquence of our admiration of 
 [France], .more especially a^ [Paine] . .has. .indirectly endeavored to justify their 
 blasphemous me:isnres to extirpate [rellsion] . . Save us, gracious Heaven, from 
 -such patriots, and the extension of tlieir baneful principles among us." West- 
 ern Star. May 3, 179G. This was much quoted. See <;. g. Hampi,hire Gazette, 
 May 4. 17!H;. 
 
 (94) The clergy may well be excused for believing that Satan is abroad in 
 the land when sucli a pamphlet is published and circulated as the rollowing: 
 "The writer of these Notes, prnfrss(_-< to be a hearer of the Apostles: of con- 
 sequence iie cannot be a hearer o£ the clergy. .He is willing to avow, .tliat he 
 . .rejoice[s] at the present de->p consumption and approaching fall of the Clergy's 
 kingdom. .The Clergy have Inti-; per.suade[d] people, that their character and 
 cause, and the cause of Christianity must stand or fall together, .never were 
 causes more opposite. .. Infidelity lias been greatly promoted by a set of men 
 \^■hose pernicious ways.. have been followed by many.. Open infidelity seems now 
 to be rapidly increasing and undermining that religion which is christian only in 
 name. .Such as. .hear the heavenly proclamation, .will think there is no more 
 reverence due to the positive assertions of the word of Clergyman, than to 
 ..Thomas Paine. . [Both] are equal authorities. .To [God], .the former are answer- 
 able, for their hypocrisy', and jjrido. and tlie latter for his blasphemim;. .and 
 both for their labours iia the business of deceiving mankind." The Contrast,- or 
 Striking Opposition Betwi>en CNrlstianity. And the ^•odern lieliffion Falsely 
 Called by that Name. Containing Short Notes on Certain Parts of Mr. Thatcher's 
 Sermon, Delivered April IT. 170(1. Portsmouth, N. H., 179G. Another attack 
 very possibly hy the same person, was: Observations on Mr. Buckmln iter's 
 Sermon, delivered February 2Sth. 1706: on The Duty of Republican citizens in 
 the Choice of their Rulers. Portsmouth, N. tl., 1796. Another book was 
 Tlie Sl;aver's New SermciQ for the Fast Day.. 6th edition.. Phila., 1790. 
 
 (05) Nor wero the democrats backward in casting this unhappy situation in the 
 teeth of the clei-gy. One kind "Friend to the Cl-rgy" addresses a lengthy dis- 
 course entitled "A serious, candid, and plain Address, to the CLERGY." "I 
 would suggest to your consideration, .whether at this day. .political controversy., 
 may not Injure the CAUSE OF RELIGION ..never \\-as there a time when you., 
 were more imm'-iliately called on to def.>nd tlie GRFAT DOCTRINKS of' your 
 profession." Ind. Ch., May 26, 1796. Another "Friend" makes a like address 
 "in this Day of INFIDELITY" wlien he pertinently inquires: "would it not be 
 more conducive to a general altemlanco on public worsliip if some of the Cler.Ly 
 were less censorious in.. the pulpit? If they were less inclined to irritate their 
 hearers by injudicious, acrimonious political discourse.." Ibid. Nov. 24. 1796. 
 "A Friend to the Clergy" assorts: "The declension of Christianity at the pres- 
 <mt day, is undoubtedly a great cau.se of lamentation.." Ibid, Nov. 2. 1797. 
 "A Layman" wlio replies to an earlier attack by "A Friend to the Clergy" says: 
 "Since the revolution [here and iu].. France, although tyraninv. .received a 
 check.. and many blessings [resulted], yet all good men.. lament the detention, I 
 had like to have said the extinction of Christianity in both countries. In Fra,uce it 
 is nearly annihllat(>d. in America the respect formerly paid to Christianity and 
 to the teachers of It, is almost laid aside." lie further mourns that "the 
 Infidelity of the present age t-xcceds that of any other.." Ibid, Oct. 26. 1797. 
 "In this age of reason," remarked a censorious critic, "the Reverend Clergy 
 
115 
 
 increasing prevalence of infidelity, and of the un- 
 common exertions of many to prejudice the minds 
 of people against revealed religion, [and consider- 
 ing] it their duty to write. . .to check the progress 
 of sentiments so fatal to the souls of men and in- 
 jurious to society," authorized a compilation en- 
 titled Evidences of Eevealed Religion to be pub- 
 lished.^" 
 
 Altogether the clergy had every reason to enter 
 into the arena of politics. As in the Revolution, 
 when their ministrations were needed, they offered 
 them freely, so now in this dark crisis for govern- 
 ment and religion wore their activities displayed 
 with no less imposing force and effective result.®* 
 
 by conntenancinc: with thpir smile Idle Worship lesson the "validity of the Bible 
 more than the wiitlnps of Tom Paine,. In the Oration [at Harvard] . .WashlnRton 
 was mentioned six or eight times.. the Supreme Being not once.*' Ibid, July 25, 
 1700. 
 
 (no) Tills association was of Worcester County and was a large and powerful 
 club. The criticisms which were passed upon th«se meetings and associations 
 by the democrats show how effective they were. For an account of this associa- 
 tion, see Blake, M.. History of the Mendon Association. It was composed 
 of the pastors of .30 diflerent churches in 29 tOl^■ns. The author says: "The 
 clearloning Influence of the Revolution, and the blasted path of the Infldelity Im- 
 ported witli our French allies, are still traceable [in 1850]." p. 25. 
 
 (07 The book was published In Worcester in 1797 and in Northampton in 
 179S. Wliat is Intei'estlnsr above all is tliat one quarter of the pages are con- 
 cerned with strictures against delstlcal writings (pp. 190-2.52.) Of these 56 
 pages, 42 are occupied witli refuting the Age of Reason. In a eulogy of It 
 the Massachusetts Spy, March 29, 1797, says: "So much noise has been raised 
 In the country — lately by Thomas Paine, and., other Delstieal writers... 
 [that] This.. Is a valuable work. It will be worth.. a thousand times its small 
 price r,^7i,^ cents] if lt,.liold[8] tlie younger members of.. families back from 
 tlic licenti'nnsness of the present time." Another book which was published 
 Itn Boston in 1707 for largely the same purpose (see p. 3) was Thoue-hts on 
 the ClM'1-.^tian Religion.. See also U. Ogden, Antidote to Deism, 2 vol^ , 170.". 
 
 (OS) The Clergy "in .the vicinity of Cambridge" were moved to draw up a 
 petition aralnst the iniquitous tendencies of the present day, especially in 
 regarri to the amount of unnecessary travelling on Sunday. There are comments 
 on this action in the Salem Gazette, Oct. 21, 1700, and caustic remarks in the 
 Indeiiendont Chronicle, Nov. 24, 1790. See also Impartial Herald. Not. 4. 1796. 
 from the Centinel. The address was published Oct. 11th. 1796. Howeyer it 
 would seem that such action was timely. See "Eparainondas" (July 8, 1797.) 
 In the Impartial Herald, who descants on the "institutions of religion. . [which 
 are] so frequently violated" and on Sabbath breaking. See also the Mass. Spy. 
 March 15, 1707: "By the help of their books [i. e, the French], their Instruc- 
 tions, and their examples, we arc making such, .Improvements In. .infidelity ; 
 [that] sho\ild the Inhabitants of this couintry improve as fast.. as they have 
 since the Revolution, I expect.. to see our merchants, .farmers, .mechanics as., 
 busy.. on the Sabbath, as the teamsters and tavernkeepers In the country, and 
 as the barbers, hair dressers, and hostlers, in the city are now." Indeed so 
 rapid had the declension proceeded that "To sleep in church. .Is now so cus- 
 tomary, that scarce anybody seems to think it. .Indecent or ill-timed." Impar- 
 tial Herald. July IB, 1797, 'from the Mass, Spy. See also Hitchcock, Enos. A 
 New Year's Sermon delivered at Providence [R. I.] January 1, 1797: Cary, 
 Thomas, A Sermon delivered at Charlestown, July 23, 1797, p, 21; Dwlght. 
 TImotliy. The Nature and Danger of Iinfldel Philosophy Exhibited in Two 
 Discourses. , September 9th, 1797. 
 
CHAPTEE VIII. 
 
 THE POLITICAL POWER OF THE CLEEGY. 
 
 The question arises, were these Jeremiahs correct 
 in describing the religious condition of America and 
 especially New England as being in so desperate a 
 state; so threatening indeed that "unless these de- 
 vouring channels ["luxury. ...vice and irreligion"] 
 be stopped, our destruction will be inevitable, and 
 great — greater, perhaps, than the downfall of Greece 
 and Eome, or than the destruction of Sodom 
 and Gomorrah'?"^ By no means was the pessimism 
 justified. While it is difficult indeed to measure the 
 amount of genuine religious feeling at this period, 
 it can be affirmed that in New England, at least, the 
 prevailing tone in society was religious.^ Whether 
 it was far more formal and given over to outward 
 observance is not the question. The point is that a 
 man immediately lost caste and was a marked man, 
 shunned by all, were he suspected of atheism or even 
 deism. The studied attempts of the federalists to 
 fasten upon the republicans the odium of atheism 
 and opposers of religion, which was materially aided 
 by the latter 's fierce attacks on the clergy, shows the 
 very great force of such an accusation. The qualifi- 
 cations of John Bacon for congressman are set forth 
 at length, but topping the list is the fact that he is 
 "a true Christian."'' The aspirant for political 
 honors was a prominent republican, hence the scorn 
 
 (1) Clark. P., Norton, Feb. 19. 1795. p. 23. 
 
 (2) B. Rush writes to .Tohn Adams: "Recollect, .your definition of a New Eng- 
 land man.. It was, 'He is a meetlnn Kolne animal.' " Works, IX:637, foot note. 
 
 (3) Hampshire Gazette, Oct. 28, 1800, from the Plttsfleld Sun. The same paper 
 Bays on Jan. Gth, 1790; "one of the most virulent of the tradncers of the 
 President, and of the Federal GoTernment. .has been in the country about three 
 years, most of which time he has spent at taverns, preaching down 'che Christ- 
 ian religion, and challenging our Ministers to defend it.." 
 
117 
 
 of the Hampshire Gazette, when it exclaims: "A 
 religious Jacobin! Did anybody ever hear of such 
 a Creature?"* "Before you can make a Jacobin of 
 an American, you must strip him of religion . . . "" 
 seems to have been tJie conclusion zealously propa- 
 gated by their opponents. "The late impious and 
 blasphemous works of Thomas Paine . . . have been 
 very industriously circulated in the United States, 
 by all that class of people, who are friendly to Mr. 
 Jefferson's politics. . .,"* is a charge that is so often 
 repeated that it must have had some foundation. 
 
 Evidence of the marked difference between New 
 England and the Middle States,^ for example, in re- 
 gard to their religious susceptibilities is shown by 
 the attitude of the democratic Philadelphia papers 
 and the representatives of that school in New Eng- 
 land. The former do not hesitate at times to attack 
 religion in the most open fashion, while the latter 
 never ventures to antagonize the prevailing feeling.* 
 It did attack the clergy for their political preaching, 
 but carefully avoided, until after 1800, any deroga- 
 tory remarks concerning religion itself.® But this 
 far less objectionable position only aroused at once 
 a great storm of obloquy and served but to hasten 
 the conviction that a democrat was an utterly de- 
 praved fellow of anti-religious propensities.^" Such 
 
 (4) Ibid, Oct. 28, 1800. 
 
 (5) Western Star, Oct. 23, 1797. , 
 
 (6) The Pretensions of Thomas Jefferson to the Presidency Examined; and 
 the Charges against John Adams Refuted, p. 36. Written by Oliver Wolcott 
 and William Smith of S. 0. [Gibbs' Memoirs 1:379, foot note] and answered by 
 The Federalist, containing some strictures upon... The Pretensions... Phlla., 
 1790. 
 
 (7) Much more between the North and the South. Jefferson fo Levi Lincoln, 
 Jan. 1, 1802: "I know It [the proposed answer to the address of the Baptists 
 
 of Cheshire, Mass.] will give great offence to the New England clergy. . 
 Will .you .. examine it.. You understand the temper of those in the I^iorth, and 
 can weaken it. therefore to their stomachs; it is at present seasoned to the 
 Southern taste only." Works, IV:427. 
 
 vS) There are several interesting quotations from Philadelphia papers in 
 Hazen; Am. Opinion of the French Revolution, p. 270. 
 
 (9) See the Boston Patriot, Aug. 10, 1816. 
 
 (10) The Western Star, April 9, 1798, from a Pennsylvania paper says: "It is 
 not in France your worst, or only enemies are to be found.. they walk in your 
 streets.. and are to be found everywhere but in your churches." 
 
118 
 
 for example is the assertion of the Connecticut 
 Mirror: ''It is true that we can scarce converse 
 with a democrat — can hardly look upon a democratic 
 newspaper, but we are offended with some political, 
 religions or moral abomination..." This was on 
 Angnst 19th, 1816. Such a paragraph as the follow- 
 ing is ridiculous enough at this day, hut it shows how 
 seriously the Sabbath was kept then,^^ especially in 
 the country, even at 5 o'clock so near the close of that 
 long ''blue day." "A person who had lately a just 
 
 . ." The Newbnryport Herald, Dec. 21st., 179S, remarks: "the orchard of Mr. 
 Peter How.. was partly destroyed ["by Democratic villains"] . .Mr. Peter How 
 is a very honest, pious man." 
 
 (31) The writer of the above quotation in speaking of his journey is very 
 careful to say: "A person wlio had.. a just occasion" to travel. The use of 
 that adjective "just" is sigiaificaut. The scrupulous care witli which Sunday 
 was still observed, except in Boston, is remarkable. Even there, so far as 
 church going is concerned, no laxity a ppears. The traveler Fearson notes : ' 'A 
 man who values his good name in Bor^tou, hardly dares be seen out of church 
 at the appointed liours. This would be viewed as a heinous crime by men 
 who would consid'Cr the same individual's clieating his creditors as of small 
 import." Travels, p. 113. The arrest of the judges of the Massachusetts Su- 
 preme Court fnr violation of the Sabbath, by travelling during the hours of 
 worship, is sufficient proof of the sanctity of that day, despite whatever growtli 
 there was toward a less strict observance. The judges were indicted by the 
 grand jury for this offence and the legislature had to come to the rescue of 
 judicial character and safety by authorizing a "nol. pros." Amory : Sullivan, 
 1:263-4. Governor Hancock "was fined for taking a turn in the mall on his 
 way home from church." Ibid 1:262-3. I-Iancock's vigorous action in stopping 
 the theatre in Boston was due, if one may judge from all his other otficial 
 acts, to a lively sense of the strong feeling throughout the state, except in 
 Boston, in regard to such "immoral" things. See the Jlass. Spy, May S, 1794, 
 for the parallel between the pious "New England aristocrat's" method of spead- 
 ing Sunday, and the "southern democrat's" total disregard of the sanctity of 
 that day. The towns even legislated on Sunday travelling. Stearn: Ashburnham, 
 p, IGS. The town of !Maldeu became greatly displeased with the "multitudes of 
 teams travelling upon that day." So aftlictod were they "with gront grief" that 
 on July 10th, 1775, they chose a committee in company with one from Lynn, "to 
 wait upon ye Committee of Supplies at Watertown, or upon ye honorable provin- 
 cial Congress, -to desire that lliey would take effectual measures to prevent 
 the same for the future." Corey: Hist, of Maiden, p. 759. An early protest 
 by a Bostonian is couched in the following vigorous language, which shows 
 clearly what privations had to be endured on Sunday: "What freeman can recol- 
 lect tho hours of chagrin and debasement, which this Hutchinson [i. e. arbit- 
 rary] edict occasioned him without tlie keenest Indignation, when meeting with a 
 warden, wliom on any other day he des|iised, he either was compelled to sculk 
 into an alley, or like a purchased African, be sent home with a reproof! A 
 law which for two months in twelve, not only interdicted social intercourse, but 
 out off even the right of communage with the happier brutes to uncoufined sun- 
 shine." Ind. Ch., Fob. 14, 1782. See also Barry: Hist, of Mass.. III:2D; Mass. 
 Hist. Sec. Proc, 1809-1870, p. 10, for the complaints of travelers impeded by 
 zealous officials. Illuminating indeed is the letter of instruction to William 
 Eden, one of the English Peace Commissioners in 177S, from the Rev. John 
 VardlU. In order "To secure the Respect of the People in g-eneral especially 
 In the Middle & Eastern Pi-ovlnces, you will find It prudent to maintain a Grav- 
 ity in your Deportment, to join as little as possible in Convivial Parties & 
 Public Diversions. The Religious Principle has much influence among them; 
 you will not. .display even an appearance of contemning it by ineglectlng public 
 worship." Stevens' Facsimiles, No. 438. 
 
119 
 
 occasion to pass on Topsfield Eoad on the Lord's 
 Day, after service [noted] . . .the careful observance 
 of it by all . . . In the spaee of eight miles after five 
 in the afternoon, he did not see one person abroad, 
 or a single person of either sex gazing through the 
 window . . . All these families are warm friends to 
 good government" [i. e., they are strong federal- 
 ists].'^ The last sentence betrays that strong Phari- 
 saical attempt of the federalists to arrogate unto 
 themselves and their party all the virtuous and 
 piously minded as well as those with other desiralsle 
 qualities. P''or the separation of the sheep and the 
 goats depended not merely on religious lines, but on 
 social lines as well.^" 
 
 The prevalence and power of this religious feel- 
 ing extends to political questions. Certain of the 
 New England state constitutions adopted in the 
 last quarter of the eighteenth century give a good 
 indication of this.'* It would almost seem that to 
 gain political office the nec=essary qualification con- 
 sisted of a strong religious character.- Electors were 
 warned to "be cautious that. . .those who have our 
 voice for a place in Congress, are men, who... by 
 assistance from above, have put off the old man, 
 and have visibly the image of the . . . Savior. ' "^ The 
 legislative caucus hj which Caleb Strong was nomi- 
 nated for governor gives among his recommenda- 
 tions, and not the least, that he "believes in the chris- 
 tian religion.'"" In the Centinel it is said "you 
 
 (12) Pnlem Gfizotto. May 24, ITne. 
 
 0-'^) The contemptuous attitude of snobbishness which the federalists as^Jumed 
 Is well epitomized' In a letter of F. Ames to J. Smith, Boston, Dec. 4th, 1802. 
 (Works, pt, 1. p. "\'k) . "Wit and satire should flash like the electrical Are 
 but the Palladium [;i proposed federalist paper] should be fastidiously polite and 
 well-bred. It should whip .Tacobins as a pentleman would a chimuey-sweeper, at 
 arm's length, keeping aloof from his soot." For the unhappy experiences with 
 ostracism wiilch an almost solitary democratic "gentleman" — living In Massa- 
 chusetts at this time — exporionced, see the woeful account of J. Story's blighted 
 youth In Story: Life and Letters of J. Storj-, esp. I:f10. 
 
 (1-4) Poore's Charters, I:0G4, for Massachusetts; 11:128(3-7, for New Hamp- 
 shire; II. 1871, for Vermont. 
 
 (15) Hampshire Chronicle, Sept. 22, 1790. 
 
 (IC Hampshire Gazette, Feb. 10, ISOO, from the Mass. Mercury. 
 
120 
 
 liave given a fine character of Judge CnsMng, for 
 governor — a man of. .Christian principles. "^^ On 
 the other hand, it was an insurmountable handicap 
 for a man desirous of even the smallest political 
 office to have doubts aroused concerning his relig- 
 ious orthodox}^ An unfortunate aspirant for a jus- 
 tice of peace in Haverhill had his appointment held 
 up on the bare suspicion of it, which, he: stoutly de- 
 nies as being totally unfounded. ''I am informed," 
 writes S. Blodgett to Samuel Adams, lieutenant- 
 governor and acting governor of the state, '^that my 
 appointment has been siTspended [because] . . . 
 charged. . .with being a disbeliever of the word of 
 God, & a Eedicular of it & a nonattendant on public 
 worship, this charge, if true must be alarmins: in- 
 deed. . "^« Writes Oliver Wolcott, Sr., to Oliver Wol- 
 cott: ^^I doubt not but the majority of the people in 
 Berkshire are federal. An effort to set up a man 
 for representative, of at least a very dubious moral 
 and religious character, has failed."^® 
 
 (17) March 12, 1794. See tvro eulogies of Samuel Adams as a Christian In 
 the Ind. Ch., March 27, Dec. 29, 1794. The accusations against George Thatcher, 
 eoapressman from the District of Maine, are interesting. At "one time his 
 religion was nnt good; they had heard he could not believe in Original Sin, and 
 In Imputed Righteousness — now he was In favor of Baron Steuben's pension." 
 Centinel, Jan 32, 1790. A writer in the Impartial Herald, April 1st, 1797, 
 approves nf Increase Sumner — candidate for governor of Massachusetts — as "a 
 man of gooil moral character who will regard the laws of God and his country.." 
 Moses Gill, who ;aus the lieutenant-governor for a number of years was ex- 
 ceedingly pious. See a puff on this point In the Mass. Spy, March 29th, 1797. 
 An anecdote is very illustrative of that Puritan and his customs. "He had a 
 negro among [liis hired men] . .and always rising early with them, . .prayed 
 before breakfast and worli, he [once] thanlied God.. that He had preserved them 
 through the nlfrlit and given tliem to see another morning. The negro, at the 
 close of it, said: 'No morning yet, massa.' " Coll. Me. Hist., Soc, IV: 294. 
 In 1800 It is asserted: "Mr. Strong Is a Christian, and so is Mr. Gerry. Mr. 
 Strang is a Federalist, but Mr, Gerry is one likewise. ' ' Ind. Ch. , March 3. 
 An "Old Whig of '75 calls upon the free electors of Massnchusetts to elect '(1) 
 Men o-f piety, religion and virtue.''" Centinel, March 23, 1799. 
 
 (18) Adams Mss. N. Y. Public Library. 
 
 (19) Litchfield, Nov. 28, 1796. Glbbs: Memoirs 1:403. The Mass. Spy, 
 Nov. 30, 1796 (from the Farmer's Weekly Museum) In reference to the Presiden- 
 tial election significanllv says: "A ruler of pure morals, and ardent piety, every 
 rational subject must prefer to a Deist and a Latltudlnarian. A French phil- 
 osopl^or. and an admirer of tlie *Age of Reason,' ought not to obtain a solitary 
 suffra? G. " A f urtlier attack on JefTer^on : ' 'A quondam Governor . . is now 
 actually employed in revising his translation of a famous Atheistical French 
 work. This.. is Intended as a T-qu'^l to the Age of Reason.." Western Star, 
 Oct. 23, 1797. See also tlie Pol. Repository, Sept. 18. 179S: "Jefferson, .has 
 
121 
 
 As early as 1796 opposition to Jefferson arises 
 because of his liberal beliefs — only liberal was not 
 the adjective applied to his religious views by the 
 narrow minded in New England.^" The method of 
 the federalists in this direction was a matter of com- 
 plaint by the republicans. "Another person puts 
 up some favorite, and to help the candidate lie pro- 
 poses, undertakes to invalidate the character and 
 qualifications of the first. . . ; giving public informa- 
 tion, that he is not a friend to the federal constitu- 
 tion, and the treaty with Great Britain — ^is a man of 
 no religious principles, or is a deist, &c., &c."^^ 
 
 The strength of religious feeling and the general 
 horror of atheism can be gauged by the declaration 
 of the president of Harvard College, in a newspaper 
 in 1791, that Gibbon's History of the Fall and De- 
 cline of the Roman Empire is not used in that insti- 
 tution.^^ But the strongest evidence is presented by 
 the extraordinary pov»"er still wielded by the clergy 
 in all the affairs of the people. 
 
 Of their almost absolute power in the early years 
 of the history of Massachusetts there is no question. 
 
 partaken oC a Sunday's feast at Fredericksburg (Virginia) . -while tlie Presi- 
 dent., (was) shamefully aspersed, and. .religion trampled under foot!" See also 
 ibid, Oct. 30, 179S; Stedman and Hutchinson: Library of Am. Lit. 4:249-251. 
 Jefferson's contempt for the "priest ridden" people of New England and his 
 hatred for the clergy, who so unsparingly and unwarrantably Tilifted him. Is 
 well known. The bitter warfare between the two, after 1800, has been thor- 
 oughly treated in Adams: Hist, of the U. S., I:30T-333. But his writings before 
 1800 betray his fast growing resentment toward the orthodox view of him 
 in New England. 
 
 (20) Scattered through the book, The Pretensions of Thomas JefEer&on to the 
 Presidency Examined. , are various strictures against his liberal religious 
 vic^^. On page 37 after making much of his friendship with Paine [p. 39 also] 
 It quotes with horror the famous remark of Jefferson: " 'It does me no Injury 
 for my neighbour to say there are twenty gods, or no gods'.." "It is not for- 
 gotten that the National Gazette, published, .under [his] auspices. -lost no con- 
 venient opportunity of making a mockery of religion.. ["See the. .130th num- 
 her"..] and vilifying the clergy of the country." p. 38. "Tom JeflCerson has 
 attempted to disprove the deluge — has made it a question whether the Almighty 
 ever had a chosen people and has, by example and precept, discountenanced pub- 
 lic worship," p. 40. In the Centinel (Jan. 1, 5, 9, 1798) Jefferson Is attacked 
 
 by "A Plain American" for infidelity among other things. Monroe is likewise 
 made the target by "Scipio, junior" in a series entitled "The Felo de Se or 
 Monroe convicted of inconsistency, infidelity, and Ingratitude from his own DOC- 
 UMENTS." Ibid, March 7, 10, 14. 17. 24, 31, April 4, 11, 19, 1798. 
 
 (21) Hampshire Gazette, Oct. 12, 1796. 
 
 (22) Adams: Lite in a N. E. Town, p. 118, footnote. 
 
122 
 
 And this controlling power seems to have continued 
 in nearly its pristine A'lgor nntil the granting of the 
 new charter under William and Mary. But from 
 that time there was a gradual decline, especially on 
 the coast.^^ The Revolution seems to have accele- 
 rated this slow growth but little at first. Neverthe- 
 less it had given birth to forces which, combined with 
 others, were destined to emancipate the people from 
 their excessive regard for ministerial authority. 
 
 The liberty of choosing and dismissing a minister 
 at will was a privilege the people dearly cherished 
 and vigorously maintained. The proposal to abro- 
 gate this power, just before the Eevolution, was so 
 zealously resented that it cost the place of those rash 
 ministers who were converts to this new and hereti- 
 cal doctrine.^"' The attempt of the Eev. Mr. 
 Thatcher, immediately after the Eevolution, to as- 
 sert this needed change in the relation of pastor and 
 congregation fared no better.-'' In the pamphlet of 
 this author^" and in the reply hj James SuUivan,^'^ 
 
 (23) It seems to have taken nearly n eoncration to deprive the cler.sy of their 
 almost absoliito political power. Quincy: Hist, of Harvard College, I:3i9; Brad- 
 ford: Hist, of ^lass., 11:101. 
 
 (2-1) The clor:\vinaii "was Znbdnl Adams. His pamphlet was published in 1774. 
 Drake: Diet, of Am. Biopraiiliy. p. 9. 
 
 {2-"i) Ilow-'-vcr. '^ome of tlie clercy were still inclined to deny thjs right of 
 their conp-rep-ation. For the Rev. F.benezer Chaplim's pamphlet Congregation- 
 alism, .or the Rii!-ht and Power of Oon,:rrec:ational Churches to choose, .and to 
 remove their Officers from Office. . [Boston, 1794] was a vi,£rorouB attack upon 
 the prevailing; custom. Two years later, Ezra Griswold published A Letter in 
 Answer to Rev. David Perry's Short View and Defense of the Ecclesiastical 
 Rights of Man [Hartford, 179G?]. This exemplifies the general attitude of 
 the Now Eii'-lsnd ch'rry toward thi-; democrac.v wImV-U wa'=s playin-:' havoc with 
 their power and authority. "It appears." quoth this divine, "that Moses and 
 Aaron, their successors, and all the civil and sacerdotal rulers of the Jews, were 
 appointed indr'ij(Mi'-l.--nt of tJie people's snffraro'^. . That Korah and his follower^, 
 who undertook to plant the tree of modern liberty. . bottomed their rel>ellion upon 
 the same principles, anil accompanied their unrighteous deeds, with the same- 
 objectio-i^ and arc-nments, a-^ I'ave been active in tlie service of democrac.v. at 
 every seditious commotion, that has b-'^eu fomented in church or state [since]." 
 p. 11, footnote. An ironical piece In the Jleilley or Newbedford JIarlne Journal, 
 July 1. 1790. presents the people's attllnde: "For if our peoplo should once 
 get confirmeil in this hair-brained notion, that they have a rijrht to judpe of 
 preaching, and of tb.e qnalifications of preacliers. .there will b*^ an end of all 
 order, peace, regulation, Ministerial dig:mty, and profita'ble relic-ion." 
 
 (26) Observations upon the Present State of the Clergy of, New-England,. 
 [Boston, 17S3.] 
 
 (27) Strictures on Rev. Mr. Thatcher's Pamphlet Entitled Observations.. 
 [Boston, 17S4]. There is an extract from the Rev. Azel Baclius's sermon before- 
 
123 
 
 there appears excellent evidence that a change was 
 in progress, both agreeing that the clergy have lost 
 in authority by the Revolution. The former laments 
 that he perceives a new and evident '^ indifference" 
 to the ministry by the people,^® while the latter 
 soothingly maintains: '*the attachment which the 
 people have formerly had to their ministers, is by 
 no means abated, although that servile awe, which, 
 in a royal government, was felt both towards magis- 
 trates and ministers, may have been dissipated by 
 the revolution-"^'' The latter was a true observer of 
 the trend of events. The democratic impulses en- 
 gendered by the Eeydution extended to the attitude 
 of the people toward their parsons,^^ while the pov- 
 erty of the people caused much friction between them 
 and their pastors and the fluctuating paper currency 
 developed many differences of opinion and even 
 
 the Free-Masons at Litchflelcl, Conn., Sept. 27th. 1794. in the Hnrapshlre Ga- 
 zette, March 18th, 1795: "Should you convert your society into a iwlitical Catal.. 
 you will be viewed and tvoateil with the same contempt as has b'.fiillon Demo- 
 cratic cluts, Clerical Influence and Aristocratic Combination-^." 
 
 (28) Thatcher. T.. Observations, etc., p. 8. It is interesting to note hnw the 
 Eevolutionor.v doctrines had operated to pull down authority in churcli as well 
 as state. For the learner! divine observes: "The doctrine hath become fash- 
 ionable, .that, as the clergy are the creatures of the people, they ought to be 
 kept in the closest dependence upon them; that they may, at any time, dis- 
 miss them.." p. 4. "It is highly dangerous to the interests of religion, to have 
 such a power lodged in the hands of the people.." p. 9. 
 
 (29) Sullivan, J., Strictures, etc., p. 4. He further admits (on p. 8) that 
 "There is not quite so much formality and affection, if there is so much hypoc- 
 risy, in cither ministers or people now as there used to be.." .V story which 
 duly went 'the rounds of the newspapers in 1797, sliows decidedly that the 
 unbounded respect was somewhat diminished. The satire is that a clergyman 
 aslES a boy to direct him to a certain place. The lad replies by pointimr out 
 a sign board and telling him that "The Parson" will inform him. On asking 
 the reason why a sign board should be thus called, the inquirer Is told because 
 it points out the way in which it itself never goes. The sermon preached at 
 Boston at the ordination of the Rev. Clark Brown by Rev. H. N. Woodruff of 
 Machiaa [Boston, 1795], in which he complains greatly of "the disposition of 
 so many [ministers] to degrade their oflSce, and to lessen their influence by 
 accounting their persons suitable companions for every company and occasion.." 
 (p. IG) signifies that the chilly aloofness of the colonial times was being relaxed 
 and moderated. 
 
 (30) A certain irreligious "PIso" remarks: "It does not require much pene- 
 tration to perceive the clergy are at their -nit's end, to recover the influence 
 lost in the American Revolution, and it seems the conviction, that the Insubordi- 
 nation to the civil Institutions of society (preached up at that day), produced 
 consequent disrespect to religious institutions, is pretty generally understood; and 
 from an analogy of reasoning, the same thing might happen again.." Ind. Ch., 
 Sept. 7, 179T. 
 
124 
 
 quarrels, wMch. sometimes ended in lawsuits.^^ Wes- 
 tern Massachusetts was especially afflicted with 
 poverty, the chief factor of Shays' Eebellion, which 
 caused division in flocks and even dismissals of a 
 few shepherds.^^ Perhaps the greatest shock to the 
 authority of the Congregational clergy was the fact 
 that many, comparatively speaking, adhered more 
 or less openly to Grreat Britain. This was especially 
 true of the western part of the state. Nevertheless, 
 whatever diminution this order had suffered in the 
 eyes of the people, it is true that their prestige was 
 still unshaken to a considerable degree.^^ 
 
 An incident in the election campaign of 1789 
 demonstrates how potent their influence was in de- 
 ciding even political matters.^ In the Hampshire 
 Chronicle, taken from the Boston Gazette, is a simiT- 
 lated negro dialogue. Says Cuff, "I tell ye, da like 
 dem well enuff, only da [Hancock and Adams] stand 
 hy de people and wont let de Aristick party make 
 slabes of dem,. . .da [the "Aristicks," e. g., the Bow- 
 doin-federalists] intend to get all de ministers on 
 dare side. ' '^' "With a great flourish a republican ex- 
 
 (31) See Metcalfr Hist, of Mendon, p. 310; Daniel: Hist, of Oxford, pp. 56-9. 
 James Sullivan in tiis Strictures on the Rev. Mr. Thatclier's Pamphlet, admits 
 that "as their living arose, in a great measure, from an annual salary, when 
 the country suffered under the oppression of paper money, they became peculiar 
 sufferers.." p. 7. Mr. Thatcher's Ohservations talces up in detail the minis- 
 ter's sufferings in this particular. Even Boston ministers were not exempt. 
 See "Financial Embarrassments of New England Ministers" in Proc. Am. Antiq. 
 Soc. N. S., VII (1890-1891) 129-135. Chiefly an account of the Rev. Jeremy 
 Belltnap's prolonged and acute difficulties with his parish over his salary. 
 
 (32) Holland: Hist, of Western Mass., 1:299. Daniel: Hist, of Oxford, p. 60. 
 Socially, tlie results in the community were deplorable: "Members of the same 
 family became alienated, .many personal enmities engendered," which, according 
 
 to a note on the same page [(50], were only beginning to pass away in 1S18. 
 Rev. Job Wright of Bernardston was dismissed. Am. Biog. Diet., p. 073. 
 
 (33) See Appendix J. 
 
 (34) S. Dexter to J. Bowdoin, Dedham. Dee. 13, 1783. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. 
 7th ser. VI; pt. 2, p. 30; "The Prime Minister [of Hancocil, Dr. Cooper] now 
 lies siclc of a fever.. his recovery.. if it should take place.. will give him an 
 opportunity to be more of a spiritual man and less of a politician." 
 
 (35) March 11. 1789. W. Gordon to J. Belknap, J. Plain, [Roxbury], Sept. 3, 
 1779: "These parsons are strange fellows.. If constitutions are attempted to be 
 palmed upon the people which are unfavorable to liberty, one of these black 
 coats makes his assault in open day, and demolishes the labours of a select 
 convention, another works in the diarb, and succeeds by sap." Belknap Papers, 
 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 6th ser., IV; pt. 8, p, 151. 
 
125 
 
 claims: "It is a fact, that an addresser to Hutchin- 
 son asserted, that the. . [federalists] never should 
 be able to carry their plans, till the clergy was en- 
 listed into their service. This in a great measure 
 has been effected . . . "^^ Indeed the same charge 
 is made on October 5th where "An Old Tory openly 
 asserted ... that the aristocratic party could never 
 gain an interest in America; till they had enlisted 
 the CLERGY on their side. They have too far suc- 
 ceeded." The English traveller Duncan notes: 
 "Clerical gentlemen bave here an astonishing hold 
 upon the minds of men; the degree of reverential 
 awe for the sanctity of their office . . . approach to 
 idolatry . . . ' '"'^ This is indeed forcible testimony, 
 but no stronger than 'he words which occur in a let- 
 ter from Benjamin Lincoln to Washington. Eefer- 
 ring to the adoption of the Constitution, he writes: 
 "It is very fortunate for us that the clergy are pretty 
 generally with us. Thej have in this State a very 
 great influence over the people, and they will con- 
 tribute much to the general peace and happiness.""^ 
 Finally no surer proof of the influence of the clergy 
 can be adduced than the incessant attacks made upon 
 that order by the republicans from the winter of 1795 
 until after the War of 1812. That party, fully cog- 
 nizant of the result of ministerial political activity, 
 spared no pains in cfijoling, threatening, and seek- 
 ing to undermine their power.^^ 
 
 (36) Ind. Ch., May 12, 1790. 
 
 (37) Travels, p. 113. He was In this country In 1S18 and 1819. The Inde- 
 pendent Chronicle, Sept. 15, 1794, announces that at the CJommencement of the 
 Rhode Island College on September 3rd, "there was An Oration.. on the Political 
 Influence of the Olerfry." See also Centinel, April 27, 1796. 
 
 (38) Debates.. in the Convention, .of Massachusetts, p. 409. 
 
 (39) The following Is a sample of the threats which the clergy were subjected 
 to, but which had no effect upon the acerbity of their remarlis: (His estimate 
 of the number of these "forsworn" clergy was an evidence of his wish rather 
 than the facts.) "But the most formidable part of the conduct of these people 
 [the federalists] consists to their enlisting a few clergymen Into their service. 
 In this.. thy will fall as the [clergy] . .will [not] join them In advocating the 
 causa of the British, or attempt to weaken these republican principles, which 
 have been the barrier against the introduction of the Episcopal Hierarchy intO' 
 this country." Ind. Ch., Jan. 5, 1795. 
 
123 
 
 This bitter warfare was precipitated by the vigor- 
 ous and caustic sermcn of the Eev. David Osgood on 
 November the 20th, 1794, this being the day of the 
 celebration by the state of the annual Thanksgiving. 
 Up to this time whate'.'er ill feeling existed had been 
 largely repressed. There can be no doubt but that 
 some of the clergy had no hesitation in expressing, 
 privately at least, their opposition to the tenets and 
 practices of the French, for there are occasional dis- 
 paraging references to "pulpit drummers" as early 
 as 1793 and it seems the National G-azette. a demo- 
 cratic paper, a year earlier indeed, was accustomed 
 to ' ' vilify the clergy ' ' and to ' ' constantly ' ' ridicule 
 religion.*^ But the sermon of Mr. Osgood precipi- 
 tated a struggle which rapidly enlisted all the clergy, 
 with few exceptions, on the federalist side and pro- 
 duced a union of interests and feelings which was. 
 largely responsible for that party's life in Massa- 
 chusetts a number of years after it had been snuffed 
 out elsewhere. 
 
 The ostensible causae of this anti-democratic dia- 
 tribe was the rather injudicious omission of all refer- 
 ence to the Federal government by Gov. Adams in 
 his proclamation for the annual Thanksgiving. At 
 this day this slight may seem trifling, but then it 
 loomed large in the ej^es of the ardent partj^ men. 
 Gov. Adams and his predecessor, John Hancock, 
 were accused of anti-national views and indeed a 
 somewhat petty and jealous attitude toward the cen- 
 tral government.*^ At any rate this Thanksgiving 
 day sermon made a profound sensation and aroused 
 the sharpest division of opinion. And well it might. 
 
 (iO) Oontinol, Sept. 12, 1702. Tlicre Is also In the Hampshire Gazette, Oct. ir>. 
 1794, a defense and enlo.c.v of the clerjry who "have provi-d themselves equally 
 useful as pood citizens and public instructors," This is more than a month 
 before Rev, David Osgood's famous sermon, which was the flrst notable attack by 
 the clergy uH'>n the democrats. 
 
 (41) This <vjis a common belief at that time. See e, f. J. Morse to O Wol- 
 cott, Oharlestown, Dec, 19, 1784, Wolcott MSS,, Conn, Hist, Soc. 
 
127 
 
 For he paid his respects to the governor of the state 
 in the following censorious words: "Unless we sup- 
 pose him to have fallen under the baneful influence 
 of those [democratic] societies [a charge often made 
 and with a considerable degree of truth it would 
 seem] we know not how to account for his having 
 hazarded a proclamation in which we are directed, 
 neither to give thanks for any advantages enjoyed 
 by means of that gc/ernment, nor even to ask the 
 blessing of Heaven upon it." But the major part 
 of the criticisms were directed toward the Demo- 
 cratic Societies and their evil tendencies and effects. 
 Finally their alleged connection with the Whiskey 
 Eebellion was graphically traced. Other clergymen 
 of this persuasion found it likewise a suitable occa- 
 sion for advancing the?r views in support of the Fed- 
 eral government,*- And while they generally were 
 moderate in their utterances and guarded in their 
 criticisms, the unanimity of sentiment was so strik- 
 ing that it led the Eev. Jedediah Morse to exult, ' ' The 
 thanksgiving sermons in Boston and its vicinity 
 (with only two or three exceptions) all breathe the 
 same spirit — [of federalism]."*^ 
 
 But the zealous Dr. Osgood did not stand alone in 
 the advance guard of federalism, for the Rev. Mr. 
 Gardiner of Boston vras responsible for not a little 
 of the growing wrath of the incensed French sjra- 
 pathizers If his detractors may be believed, he was 
 accustomed to spend the Sabbath, and the other days 
 in the week as well, echoing and even surpassing the 
 "abusive illiberal sentiments" of the minister of 
 Medford.'** To relieve their harrassed feelings, the 
 
 f42> So sTcat -n-ns the demanrl tor political preachlns that Eev. Daylil Osgood 
 actually felt called upon to Tindicate hlra-=ielf for sliphtinc the topic In his 
 TliankRirivIn.c dav sermon at Charlestown in the afternoon of February 10th, 1795. 
 Sen pag-e (1. footnote, for the apolopy. 
 
 (43) To O. Wolcott, Charlestown. Dec. 17, 1794. Quoted in Love: Fast and 
 Tlianksplvlng Days of N. E. p. 306. 
 
 (44) nUs is important testimony to the fact that the printed sermons of 
 tlie clergy constitute only a very small fraction of the effective active anti- 
 
123 
 
 democrats raised a prodigious clamor in the columns 
 of the Independent Chronicle against these presump- 
 tuous parsons. "A Friend to the Clergy and an 
 Enemy to Ecclesiastical Presumption"*^ appeared 
 in several numbers, tearing the sermon and the repu- 
 tation of Eev. Mr. Osgood into shreds. Still more 
 severe are the animadversions directed toward the 
 Eev. Mr. Gardiner of Boston. He was described as 
 "The EPISCOPAL CANON, or the Trinity-Church 
 Trumpeter," and again as "A certain Episcopalian 
 'thumper of the pulpit drum' [who] . . .on Thursday 
 last endeavored to entertain his audience with what 
 he termed politics. . . [who] denounce[d] all Consti- 
 tutional Societies. .. [and] as for France, even the 
 accounts of her most signal victories must to chi^is- 
 tians, be a scene of Horror.'"'''^ The issue of Decem- 
 ber 25th is enlivened by the caustic remarks of "A 
 Friend to Decency and Free Inquiry, ' ' and a ' ' SEV- 
 ENTY-FIVE MAN" who appears excessively spite- 
 ful in his castigations. Later the offending clergy- 
 man of Medford is severely handled by two indig- 
 nant citizens. One points out "that the language of 
 Mr. 0. with respect to the French nation, is exactly 
 similar to that used by the Bishop of Llandaff against 
 the people of this country. . .Feb. 20, 1767 .. Here- 
 French and anti-democratic campaipn wliich the clergy engaged in more and 
 more. Tlie Salem Gazette says: "We have heard much of late, both from 
 the pulpit and press, of the baneful influence of parties, and self-created 
 societies." Jan. 20. 1795. "Phocion" asserts: "Sentiments have been of late 
 transcribed into sermons [against the Democratic Societies]." Ind. Ch., Jan, 26, 
 1795. The only printed sermon is Rev. David Osgood's attack on Nov. 19th, 1794. 
 The Independent Clironicle on Doc. 11, 1794, comes out witli a bitterness and a 
 use of a term of reproach "British hierarchy." which was a mere commonplace 
 later, but surprising indeed at this date: "With what effrontery then must any 
 member of the Britisli hierarchy be distinguished in -America for reprobating the 
 same policy in France." I. e., for omitting all reference in their constitution 
 to "the existence of a Deity" since "the philosophers of France have copied 
 the philosopliers of America" In regard to religion and the Constitution. In 
 a footnote to Rev. Jedidiah i\Iorse*a Thanksgiving sermon of Feb. 19tli, 1795, we 
 are favored with an extract of his (unpublished) Thanksgiving sermon of Nov, 
 loth, 1794: "Their cause is unquestionably good — But for their cruelties, and 
 especially for their Impieties, we can find no adequate excuse. It would dis- 
 credit the best of causes.. to blend such cruelties and impieties with It.," p. 52, 
 
 (45) Dec. 22, 1794, The third installment came out Jan, 8th. 1795. Another 
 Jan. 5th. 
 
 (4G) Ind. Ch., Nov. 27, 1794. See also ibid, Nov. 24, 1794. 
 
129 
 
 proaches them [that] instead of civilizing or con- 
 verting barbarous infidels, they have themselves be- 
 come Infidels & Barbiirians." The other among sun- 
 dry rebukes announces the alarming discovery -that 
 "some gentlemen in the clerical line. . .were joining 
 the British party. ""'^ "A True Federalist" indig- 
 nantly complains that, "It has become quite fash- 
 ionable for the Clergj^ (especially some of a particu- 
 lar description) to blend a great measure of politics 
 with the religious exercise," and then goes on to 
 abuse Eev. Mr. Osgood liberally. 
 
 One can estimate the alarm of the democrats over 
 the attitude of the clergy by the continuous stream of 
 vituperation and complaint which from now on finds 
 place in the democratic newspapers. Such attacks 
 naturally begot replies. Mutual crimination and re- 
 crimination increase until a democrat becomes syn- 
 onymous with an opponent of religion. Besides 
 these squibs which were filling the Independent 
 Chronicle, an answer to Osgood was written by 
 James Sullivan under the guise of Citoyen Novian."*® 
 This was a sturdy defence of the French against the 
 various accusations urged against them. But it 
 achieved far less success than the first famous ser- 
 mon of Osgood. That went through three editions, 
 at least, in Boston, was reprinted in Pittsfield and is 
 
 (47) "Stentor" on the deraorits of Osfrood and Gardner. Ind. Cli., Jan. 12. 
 170.5. See also Ibid, Feb. 2.^. 179.5. Replies from tbe federalists were of course 
 made. See Centinel, Dec, 27, 1794, The following; is a good example: " 'de 
 Novlan's ' sermon Is more a libel on the French National Convention tiian on 
 Mr, Osgood, For their late decrees and addresses are filled with the most 
 liToly execrations of tlie very barbarities and misconduct which [the latter] . . 
 condemns. This is a solemn truth. And the satellites of Jacobinism cannot 
 contradict it. The most damning proofs are at liand,,the 'ad'dress of the Con- 
 vention' — tbe report of Grepoire of Aug. 31 'on the destruction wroupht by 
 vandalism' . , the d'^croes respecting Lyons and Nantz — the denunciation of Cla.rere 
 and Lebon, all, all. prove it," Centinel, Jan, 17, 1795, Tlie natural results 
 of the attacks on Osgood's sermon or as it was put "the scurrility which is 
 poured against it, and its autiior, has the happy tendency of having it more 
 generally read," Ibid, Jan, 10, 1795. 
 
 (48) Ind, Ch,, Jan, 15, 1795. Amory: Sullivan, 1:297, On Jan. Otli, 1795, 
 the Western Star proposes republishing Osgood's sermon, , Not to be outdone 
 and to combat this the democrats proposed to reprint Sullivan's reply, "Sub- 
 scriptions are received by Hon, John Baoon, Esq, ,ln Stockbridge — in Williams- 
 town by Hon, T, J. Skinner" among others. Western Star, March 24, 1795, 
 
130 
 
 supposed to have been circulated in three editions in 
 Philadelphia.*" 
 
 Although the angrj^ echoes of the last Thanksgiv- 
 ing day were still reverberating throughout the land, 
 a fresh cause of offense was offered by the use made 
 by some ministers of the National Thanksgiving day 
 of February 19th, 1795. This was the second of the 
 Federal celebrations, the first being on November 
 26th, 1789. As a matter of fact the democrats were 
 not prepossessed in favor of either day, since both 
 compelled them to rejoice, as it were, over their own 
 discomfiture.®" In addition, the current of clerical 
 sympathy was beginning to run rather strongly 
 against them. On the other hand, the federalists 
 eagerly anticipated the day, for it was surmised that 
 Dr. Osgood would embrace the opportunity to flay 
 his opponents again. The suspicions and fears of the 
 democrats were more than realized, for the Eev. Mr. 
 Osgood's remarks on that national holiday were 
 the reverse of soothing and conciliating.®^ Far from 
 moderating his sentiments and profiting by the sug- 
 gestion so liberally, not to say pointedly, illuminat- 
 
 (49) Centinel, Jan. 21, 1795. This sermon was printed entirely In the Worcester 
 County IntelliffGncer, Jan. 20, 27, and in the Farmer's Weelily Museum, Feb. 10, 
 17, 179."); an excerpt is in the Centinel, Dec. 27, 1794. "We are told," writes 
 a democrat in the Salem Gazette for January 20th, 1795, "that Mr. Osgood's 
 Sermon lias passed three editions. 'Tlie Day of Doom' went through thirty, 
 and Is now forjrotten." "Mr. Osgood's Sermon, .has. .cruized along to Halifax.." 
 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 0th ser., IV; pt. S, 585-6. And Rev. Jedidiah Morse 
 writes to O. Wolcott, Charlestown, Dec. 19th, 1794: (Wolcott MSS. Conn. Hist. 
 Soc.) "Mr. Osgood's sermon has grievously offended the Jacobins, poor fellows! 
 They seem to be attaclced on all sides. They must I think feel it to be a 
 truth — that there Is no peace to the wiclied — they still malie a noise — but It Is 
 liiie the groans of Despair." "The subject of Democratic Societies Is now 
 transferred from the Gazettes to the productions of the Pulpit. The great 
 fame of one writer has encouraged many adventurers." Salem Gazette, March 
 31, 1705. See also ibid, Jan. 20, 1795. 
 
 As a matter of fact a pamphlet gave a much wider circulation to an argu- 
 ment or an address than did the newspapers. Ames to O. Wolcott, Dedham, July 
 9, 1795: "It is also important that, .viudications of the treaty should appear 
 In the Gazettes. Better, If in a pamphlet." GIbbs; Memoirs, 1:210, 
 
 (50) Opposition was raised "to the recommendation of our beloved Pr<-8ldent 
 for a.. General Thaniisgivlng" in the Massachusetts Legislature. Centinel; 
 July 7, 1700. 
 
 (51) See "A lover, of Peace, " who highly approves of Dr. Osgood's sermon. 
 Western Star, March 3, 1795. See also in ibid, June 9, 1795, the attacli of 
 "A Democrat" upon "The Clergyman" who had ventured to criticise the Demo- 
 cratic Societies. 
 
131 
 
 ing the columns of the Independent Chroniclej^^ the 
 ''Bishop of Medford" anathematized his adversaries 
 in pungent, biting words.^^ So eminent an occasion 
 was improved by a large number to advance their 
 political beliefs, which had grown even more vig- 
 orous and unanimous.^* The importance of this 
 day is shown by the fact that there were no less than 
 twenty-five sermons printed either by the request of 
 the congregation or of the town. 
 
 But one solitary discordant note^^ marred the har- 
 mony of the Federal chorus, and that was piped to 
 the tune of Ca Ira instead of Yankee Doodle.^® A 
 
 (52) From the Ind. Ch., Jan. 15, 1795: "Our worthy President .. remommended . . 
 that we may be preserved from arrogance In prosperity. . .There is a degree of 
 arrogance also assumed by some of the clerical order, as well as others; and it is 
 hoped, the clownish Bishop of Medford will clothe himself with the garb of 
 humility before he" preaches on the National Thanksgiving day. 
 
 (53) "I know not a greater blemifib upon the capital of this commonwealth 
 than its contaliolng a set of shameless scribblers [the writers of the Chronicle] 
 who a few years since, stirred up a rebellion against the government of this 
 state, and have now contributed their full proportion in producing another 
 against tliat of the United States." p. 22, footnote. "It Is said . . that the 
 expense of the nation [in suppressing the Whlsliey Rebellion] amounts to a million 
 and a half of money . . this sum may be fairly and honestly charged to the 
 account of our democratic societies, their patrons, abettors and friends." p. 23. 
 He paid his respects to the disgruntled democrats: "Some persons.. who thought 
 themselves secure of being at the head of their respective governments, were 
 mortified at the Idea of seeing their consequence lessened.. It was plain that some 
 of our governors wished to be thought sovereigns still." p. 9. He rebukes 
 "the disorganizing tendency of state jealousy" as having a "threatening asrect" 
 and loudly praises Washington, p. 19. Then he begins on the "fernolnno and 
 atheistical anarchy In France" and draws a most melanclioly picture of tue 
 ruin of Geneva by these Jacobins. He quotes: " 'Geneva Is lost without resource. 
 In respect to religion, to morals, .to liberty and above all to Internal peace, — 
 for the present generation it can only be a residence of hatred and vengeance.' 
 The same spirit, and some of the Identical agents, found their way into these 
 states and began here tlieir fraternizing system." p. 18. 
 
 (54) Salem Gazette, March 10, 1795: "Where these pulpit politics will end, 
 or how long the precepts of Christianity will hang suspended on the wranglings 
 of party It is impossible to say. When our Divines shall return from the 
 Gazettes to the Bible, society will feel the benefit, and they will better deserve 
 even the small stipends which are now so effectively diminished by the Funding 
 System and the Banks." 
 
 (5.') The democrats would have it that the Rev. Drs. Lathrop, Stillman and 
 Bradford were still possessed of "patriotic sentiments," in other words that 
 "they returned 'thanks for the successes of our Allies' yesterday," 1. e., on March 
 29th. Ind. Ch., March 30, 1795. But such were few and far between. ,The 
 last of this trio Is soon silenced, the second subsides, and the first is converted 
 ere long to federalism. Rev. Mr. Clark of Lexington was another democratic 
 clergyman, who was denounced as "tautalogical." Farmer's Weekly Museum, 
 Oct. 13, Dec. 8. 1795, April 19, 179G. 
 
 (56) Mrs. Flucker to Mrs. Knox, Boston, Jan. 26, 1795. Knox MSS. XXXV :34: 
 "On Monday I went to the Play, but alas no Prince [Edward of England was 
 then visiting Boston] — he was prevented by the assurance that a large Party 
 was formed Mn the Galleries to Govern the Music — and Preside for the night — 
 and very properly put himself out of the way of Personal insult — to which the 
 Mob was doubtless ripe for — for whenever the Box door opened, and he was 
 
132 
 
 stirring sermon was this of the Eev. Ebenezer Brad- 
 ford in praise of the French, of Samuel Adams and 
 of the Democratic Societies. No halting apologies 
 struck a minor note in his paeans of exultation over 
 democratic triumphs. He fairly gloried in extolling 
 everything which his brethren denounced.'^ **How 
 thankful ought we to be, that the great disposer of 
 all events has indulged us with such a Governor. . . . 
 Our venerable and pi^ius Grovernor calls upon us to 
 beseech God to *be graciously pleased to establish 
 the French Republic. . . . This is coming out to the 
 public view like a man and like a true Democrat. No 
 velvet-mouthed expressions are here found; . . . 
 
 supposed to enter, There was an alarminp opposition between tlie ragamuffins, 
 Loyalists. & Orchestre and Peace could only be obtained by the mortifying sub- 
 mission of the good to the bad — all Gentlemen were silent — The Jarvis Clan gave 
 the words of command Ca — Ira &c. ." Others suffered from this contentious 
 party spirit. "An inhabitant of Boston wishes, .that the jarring sounds of 
 'Ca Ira' and 'God save the King' will not be suffered to disturb the pleasure, .of . . 
 Theatre [goers].." Centinel, Jan. 22, 1794. Also Ibid, Feb. 1, 1794. "These 
 upstart young Aristocrats who attempt to show their dislike for the glorious 
 Eevolutian. .by hissing when..Ca Ira, is called for, or played at the Theatre, are 
 seriously advised to desist.." Ind. Ch., April 2.'t, 1704; see also Wansey, H., Excur- 
 sion to the United States, pp. 42-3. The performance of the play, "Poor Sol- 
 diers" was interdicted in Boston because of the objections of the French Consul. 
 Centinel, April 24, 1799. 
 
 (57) His Thanksgiving sermon of February 19th, was, if possible, more offensive 
 to the federalists. He examines the President's Proclamation and manages to- 
 pick flaws in every cause for Thanksgiving. "In the preamble of the Proclama- 
 tion, 'our exemption from foreign war,' Is mentioned. .Would to God, that it 
 was strictly true.. For though we have suffered much more.. the year past [from 
 "innumerable banditti of sea-robbers"] than we ever suffered in a single year [in 
 the Revolution] . .we ought to be thankful that our case i-^ no more deplorable 
 timn It is." p. 7. "The next thing proposed — as an object of our gratitude. Is 
 the 'Increasing prospect of tlie continuance of that exemption from a foreign 
 war' . .Whether the author, .had his' eye on the recent successes of the French 
 Republic, or on some flattering declarations made to Mr. Jay, Is uncertain. — One 
 thing. . [is] n fact. .that, .under God, our peace and tranquillity wholly depends 
 on Lue snocesses of the French Republic, Had not tliis been great, we should 
 before now have felt in America, in a manner wo have heretofore not done, th^ 
 vengeance of British tyranny." p. 8. "Whether this insurrection owed Its 
 rise to existins impolitic laws, or to,, [a] rebellious spirit [is not]. .fully ascer- 
 tained.. no man.. can pass unnoticed, .the starving situation of those, whose 
 fixed stipends have dwindled into sorry pittances by means of the Funding Sys- 
 tem. It is, moreover, devoutly to be wished that this country mieht be ren- 
 dered more and more 'a safe and propitious asylum for the unfortunate of other 
 countries.' This will no doubt be accomplished, wlicn we are freed from the 
 baneful influence of British politic*;, spoliation and Injustice," pp. 14-15. He 
 gratuitously added as things to be thankful for, notably "a spirit of . .friendship 
 to tlie rights of mankind, wliich has prevailed throughout the United States. .So 
 that ft is exceedingly evident, that the spirit of true Americans Is not fled.. in 
 these days of corruption .. And here.. I [can not pass over].. in silence, that noble 
 exertion In favor of I^iberty, which has been made by the several democratic asso- 
 ciations, .they, .cannot fail, unless the Constitutions themselves fall — Therefore, all 
 the true Sons of Liberty, will.. say unto all the Bemocratic Sooieties» both lo 
 Franco and Amerkra, Health & Fraternity!" pp. 17-lS. 
 
133 
 
 Health and fraternity ... to [Adams] . . . Long 
 live and prosper, thou Son of liberty while the ene- 
 mies of the rights of man are clothed with shame, 
 disgrace and confusion . . "^* 
 
 Thereupon a very pretty duel ensued between the 
 Eev. Dr. Tappen and this militant democratically- 
 inclined clergyman. The latter 's Thanksgiving day 
 sermon was rushed into print and hurriedly circu- 
 lated by "enthusiastic Jacobins.'"''' This gave an 
 opportunity to Dr. Tappen to print an appendix to 
 his Thanksgiving day sermon, in which he roundly 
 attacked the Kowley divine. The latter was not 
 silenced, but merely waiting for the annual Fast day, 
 which came on April 2d ; he then delivered an answer- 
 ing broadside to his federalist opponent. To excite 
 alarm amongst these clergymen "who have shown 
 a disposition to depreciate the cause of France in 
 this country," they are implored to "be cautious on 
 the approaching Fast-Day as to what they say about 
 the French Kepublic,"' for "the people would be 
 highly irritated, if the United States should be in- 
 voked in a war with France, through the imprudence 
 and arrogance of a few 'dignified clergymen.' ""*' 
 
 While the republicans were thus venting their 
 anger,"^ the federalists were not backward in pour- 
 ing their vials of wrath upon Mr. Bradford, 
 that open and almost sole representative of 
 
 (58) Eowley, April 2, 1795. p. 16. 
 
 (59) Ind. Oh., March 5, 9, May 14, 1795, 
 
 (60) Ibid, March 30, 1793. 
 
 (61) Dr. Osgood, as the leadlug exponent of this hated federallstlc attitude, 
 was honored with the greater share of the attention, e. g., see Ibid, March 2, 
 1795. "Urbamis" has a perles of articles dealing In. no friendly fashion with 
 Dr. Osgood. Ibid. March 19, Z.'J, 26, April 3, 1795. In Ibid, for April 20, an 
 answer Is made to the strictures of "Urbanus.*' In the Western Star, April 
 14, 1795, "A citizen' * replies to "Jack Nips" who has attacked Dr. Osgood 
 and manifested somewhat of a wholesale anti-religious attitude. The democrats 
 are beginning to stay away from church because of the tempestuous emotions 
 which the preaching excited in them; The Massachusetts Mercury obserTes (May 
 12, 1795): "The Ber. Mr. Osgood officiated at the Her. Dr. Thatcher's Meeting 
 House.. In the forenoon he delivered an exeellent and pertinent Discourse. . 'My 
 heart shall not reproach me so long as I IWe.* Some to whom the sentiments 
 of this impartial Divine are particularly obnoxious absented themselves. Among 
 these. .V[Inal]" (a democratic politician). 
 
134 
 
 democratic sentiments.*'^ This "Vandal of Eow- 
 ley" was most unkindly treated, even to being 
 "ostracized" by the clergy; no pulpit was open 
 to him in Essex county, (his home region) ; his 
 uncle, in open meeting of the association, demanded 
 that "he express . . . his disapprobation of all 
 democratic socie;ties;" and his Christian brethren in 
 the ministry demanded "a public recantation,'"^^ and 
 finally practically expelled him from their associa- 
 tion.*^ The federalists were overjoyed to gain such 
 a formidable powe,r as the clergy. Said one enthusi- 
 astic individual: "THE sermons delivered on the 
 late Thanksgiving day would, if collected, form a 
 political Bible — in which might be found . . . the 
 most invincible arguments in favor of good order, 
 peace and federalism, notwithstanding the pitiful 
 aprocrapy [sic] of the 'Vandal of Eowley.' ""^ The 
 disgust of the republicans was manifested in their 
 quite hopeless attempt to fasten the stigma of British 
 sentiments upon the federalist clergy, while en- 
 deavoring to gather back these straying bell wethers 
 into the "Eights of Man" fold. Great are the demo- 
 cratic laments and manifold are the complaints and 
 criticisms. 
 
 A correspondent finds that "It is remarkable that 
 so many of the clergy appear in favor of the Brit- 
 
 (62) "This VaiDdal of Rowley is an insurgent in religion (as is eTldent from 
 tlie mischief he has endeavored to spread in various parishes.) as well as poli- 
 ticks. Where there has been the appearance of uneasiness, he has blowen up 
 the flames of sedition.." He is accused of belnff the brother of David Bradford, 
 a noted insurgent in the Whiskey Rebellion. And "Topsfleld" says: "It Is well 
 known that he is held in general contempt by the regular clergy.'' Centlnel, 
 March 28, 1795. There is a "Dialogue between B[radford] and the Devil" in 
 the Mass. Mercury, April 10, 179.5, from the Xewburyport Herald. A lively dis- 
 pute occurs in the Impartial Herald over Bradford. April 10, 14, 21, 25; May 
 2, 5, 12, 1795. See also Farmer's Weekly Museum, Dec. 8, 1795. 
 
 (63) Fed. Orrery. Aug. 6, 1795. 
 
 (64) Ibid. See also Rev. L. Frisble to Rev. D. Mac Clure: "Our Jacobinical 
 Brother Bradford has indeed preached and written himself almost entirely out 
 of credit. He was not indeed expelled from the association, but he was so roughly 
 dealt with that he has not attended its meetings this long time." Quoted In 
 Love: Fast and Thanksgiving Days of N. E., p. 373. 
 
 (65) Centlnel, March 14, 1795. Some optimistic federalist estimated earlier 
 *'that there are not more than one [democratic clergyman] to a state." Mass. 
 Mercury, Nov. 20, 1795, from the Conn. Courant. 
 
135 
 
 ish.""" '"David" agrees with the statement, saying 
 with what crumbs of satisfaction he can find in the 
 distressing situation: "THO' it is too true . . . 
 that many of the clergy are strangely altered in 
 their political principles . . . yet it is true that 
 some . . . retain . . . those pure sentiments of Ke- 
 publicanism. ' '"^ Such that did, however, seem to 
 have found the position neither comfortable nor lu- 
 crative.*'^ Democratic disgust became more openly 
 manifested as the summer waned. "The Old 
 Tories" were accused "of making instruments of 
 some of Qur clergy, who make politics^ more than 
 divinity, their study, ""^ . . . and "it is too evident 
 there are a few.. . . [who] have meanly surren- 
 dered every political principle which heretofore ren- 
 dered them beloved and respected."™ Indeed, "a 
 small part ' ' had fallen so far from democratic grace 
 as to "have defiled their garments."" Nor did the 
 labored endeavors of the republican exhorters cease 
 with such warnings. Thqy demanded a complete 
 and speedy repentance on the part of the clergy — a 
 promise no more to feed themselves on the husks of 
 federalism nor to pasture their flocks in such tare- 
 sown fields. Solemn admonitions were addressed 
 to the deluded clergy, such as "if the clergy of 
 United America . . . [did not] renew their former 
 spirit of love and friendship to the rights of men, 
 and no more throw their weight into the scale of 
 
 (nn) Inrt, Cli.. July 20, 1705. 
 
 (07) Ibid, July 23. 1795. 
 
 (OS) In n cli.'fence of the "introduction of politics" Into sermons "which has 
 becom'^ so comrann. latterly" it Is said in the Massachusetts Mercury (for Feb. 
 12, 1796) that these pamphlets "are sought after with such avidity, and read 
 with such satisfaction. . [indeed] they are read.. with an uncommon zest." How 
 strons-ly the tide of federalism was beglnninpr to rise under the stimulatinK 
 activities of the federalist clergy, can be readily perceived bv the fact that it 
 was complained: "the number of copies [of Mr. Thatcher of Dedham's sermon — 
 he being at that time a democratic clergyman] circulated in the country I find 
 to [be].. very inconsiderable." Ibid, May 25, 1795. 
 
 (69) And "who run about from shop to shop to terrify women." Ind. Ch., 
 Aug. 6, 1795. 
 
 (70) Ibid, Aug. 13, 1795. 
 
 (71) Ibid, Oct. 5, 1795. 
 
136 
 
 aristocracy . . .'"^ retribution was at hand. For 
 "After France has made peace with all . . . except 
 England, the Americaij Tories, both clergy and laity, 
 will begin to cry pecavi [sic] . . "'" A rather formid- 
 able threat was elaborately set forth, and repeated 
 in the issue of November 26th, in connection with 
 the question of Jay's Treaty: "Should the English 
 Ministry accomplish their designs . . . the long- 
 attempted system of ecclesiastical hierarchy will 
 be as assidiously pursued by the Lords Spiritual as 
 civil despotism is by the Lords Temporal. . . When 
 Britain becomes poiverful within the United States 
 and Bishops are possessed of territory, the clergy 
 will then begin to think that the opposers of the 
 treaty are their best friends — though now they are 
 abused from the pulpit with the most illiberal ran- 
 cor.'"* 
 
 The accusations called forth stout denials from 
 the friends of the accused. "Our clergy," said one 
 defender, "are re,ally independent . . . they are 
 known in the different towns where they reside to be 
 men of discernment and Republicans — great were 
 their exertions in the American Revolution, and no 
 one can believe that they are ''Old Tories and Aristo- 
 crats' now."'^® A curious defense is offered by the 
 "Lay Preacher.'"*' "As the Whig divuies in '1775' 
 were instrumental in destroying the old government, 
 perhaps a federal parson may offer some reason 
 
 (72) Ibid, Ropt. 3, 17ri3. 
 
 (73) Ibid. Oct. n, nan. 
 
 (74) Mlicb thp same Js repented In Ibid. May 12, 1796. 
 
 (75) Mass, Mercury, Nov. 17, Dec, 18, 179.5, 
 
 (76) This "Lay Preaclier" was Joseph Dennle, a brilliant thouprh eccentric 
 federalist writer. See a typical attack of his on the Irrellgiaa of the French 
 In the Farmer's Weekly Musenm, Oct. 25, 1796, His contributions pave the 
 Farmer's Weekly Mn=!pum published in Walpole, N. H., a great reputation and 
 a Inrc-e circulation for the period. Its Influence was unbounded with the yeo- 
 maiirr. nor was its spluTo h<i;mded by New England. The Salem Gazette, Aug. 
 4, 17D7, says It "circulates through., the union, except Georgia. Kentucky and 
 Tennessee," The belief that it was so potent in advancing federalistlc doctrine 
 is shown liy tlie many peevish reraiirks in the Independent Chronicle, On De- 
 cember IStli, 1797, it Is denounced iis "among the most Infamous of" the federalist 
 ne\vspapers. Another attack is made, e. g., on Nov, 2Uth, 1797, in Ibid, 
 
137 
 
 against subverting tlie new ' '" The bitter accusations 
 continue the next year, 1796J^ The republicans 
 were especially incensed by the activities of certain 
 of the Boston ministers in connection with certain 
 prominent federalists in signing and sending out 
 a circular letter.™ This was designed to arouse the 
 people, that pressure might be brought on the House 
 of Representatives, lest they fail to carry put Jay's 
 Treaty by refusing to pass an appropriation bill.*" 
 ^ * Your Well Wisher ' ' was particularly virulent in at- 
 tacking "the Honorable and Reverend Committee 
 particularly . . . the clerical part of this new con- 
 stituted body."*^ A letter from the country, which 
 said, "But what has deceived the yeomanry is the 
 circular letter sent out, signed by clergymen . . . 
 [and others] " increased their wrath. "The clergy," 
 it was thundered, ' ' have taken a conspicuous part in 
 promoting the adoption of the treaty ; let them abide 
 the event. "^^ The memory of this grievance kept 
 
 (77) Brookflpid Advertiser, Dec. IC, 1795, from "Farmer's Weekly Museum. 
 See also Salem Gazette, May 24, Aug. 2, 1796; Centincl, July 2.1, 1796. 
 
 (78) See e. p.. Ind, Ch., July 14. 28, AuR. 11, Nov. 17, Dec, 29, 1796. 
 
 (79) Fed. Orrery, May 2, 1796. See the attacks on them in the Independent 
 <3hronlcIo, May 2nd, 1796. Beside a caustic reference to "The Royal Proclama^ 
 tion, which was appointed to be read in Churches, &c. [and which — it was 
 alleged with but slisrlit foundation — ] met with.. a cool reception in many towns" 
 there is a louff "Modest Address to the Honorable and Reverend Committee to 
 forward Circular Letters" by "Your Well Wisher" who reproved them that 
 "instead of declaring that were [where] 'Washington leads you cannot hesitate 
 to follow' would it not have been more pertinent to have weighed the argu- 
 ments., by Messrs. Madison, .and others, before you have so fully enlisted as 
 
 HEUAr,DS to rouse the people, .?.. [this hieddliuij] has a tendency to injure [the 
 cleriry's].. influence in the ARDUOUS TASK OF THE MINISTRY." 
 
 (80) "It is a scandal to religion to find its sacred rites profaned, to minister 
 to the advancement of political party-views. In the Eastern States.. we find that 
 the Churches and the Pulpits have been defiled to promote the supporters of a 
 
 party — we find in regene[ra]ted America. Ministers of the Gospel, exerting their 
 Influence on tlieir parlshment in the Temple of God, to obtaiin their signatures 
 to a petition on a political question.." Ibid, May 26, 1796. For the clergy 
 "to arrogate a controul over the Legislative body, is a specimen of Ecclesiastical 
 interference that ought to be reprobated by every free citizen." Ibid, May 12, 
 1796. 
 
 (81) Ibid, May 6, 1790. 
 
 (82) Ibid, May 12, 1706. This was a fnlmlnatlon by "SYDNEY." In the 
 same issue there are attacks by "An Enemy to Priest Craft" and "Corporel 
 
 Trim." In ibid. May 26th, the democrats alleged that "the principle part [of 
 the people] who signed the petition did it through fear; More particularly when 
 aided with that unwarrantable and clerical Influence.." To offset the ecclesiastical 
 Influence which was so decidedly against them, the republicans published a long 
 letter from an "eminent Hampshire county clergyman" on the electioin of S. Adams 
 and in favor of democratic policies iu general. Ibid, May 28, 1706. It is not 
 
138 
 
 green even to the next year, for the people are re- 
 minded that *Hhe truly infamous British Treaty was 
 to be gently crowded down our throats by a Royal 
 Priestcraft Memorial, . . . the greatest imposition 
 ever handed to the freemen of Massachusetts since 
 the year 75 . . . ' '®^ There was, by this time, as evi- 
 denced by the unequivocal testimony of both foe and 
 friend, no doubt but ihat the clergy were heart and 
 soul engaged in furthering the policies and prin- 
 ciples of the Federalist party.^ Their decisive aid 
 in any political end was fully recognized by both 
 parties alike.^ The dangers which threatened both 
 their country and their religion were the decisive 
 factors which led them to throw their weight into 
 the scale of Federalism.^^ The consequences of this 
 were in the end unfortunate, for it isolated Massa- 
 
 Imposslble that the supposed reverend gentleman resided close to the oflBce of 
 the independent Chronicle. 
 
 On the other hand, however, the county of Hampshire was greatly stirred 
 up. In Ibid, ATay IGth, 1790, Is an extract, talcen from a Connecticut paper, 
 describing the ferment. A regiment out for Muster day took an oath to march 
 to Philadelphia and force the House of Representatives to carry out Jay's 
 Treaty, while tlie anger on account of the conduct of William Lyman. Congress- 
 man, in opposiniT It, was so great that a coat of tar and feathers was proposed 
 by his loving constituents, [he was defeated that fall for Congress]. 
 
 The denunciations, which continue to follow this committee, demonstrates Its 
 efficacy and the powerful Inlluence of the clergy. In tlie Independent Clironlcle, 
 June loth, 1796, there Is a malediction upon that "self-created, ecclesiastical, aris- 
 tocratic, mongrel society" by "A Democrat." Still later in the mouth, ibid, June 
 30th, there is more nbout that "evangelical Self-created Committee to the dif- 
 ferent churches to alarm the citizens.." And still further reference in ibid, 
 Sept. 1st, ITOfi. 
 
 In Ibid (Dec. 20, 1700) there Is a hopeless attempt to shelter the French 
 Irreliglon by calling attention to the British treatment of religion "in turning 
 the Old-South Into a "Riding-School, and appropriating the venerable . . Old-North 
 to fire-wood. .Tlie clergy ought to tlilnk on the'^e thinirs." And a book pntitleA 
 Reflections on French Atheism and on English Christianity [3rd ed., Phlla., 
 1796] by William Richards wns circulated for the same v'^riiose. 
 
 (83) Ind. Ch.. Jan. H, 3797. Nor is tills the last that is heard concerning 
 this matter, for on Feb. nth. 170S. that committee corner In for a reviling at 
 the hands of a still unforgiving democrat. See Ind. Ch. of that date. 
 
 (84) The Iraportanco of the clergy's aid is recognized by the lona: extracts of 
 or entire sermons printed in the inowspapers. beginning with Dr. Osgood's first 
 partisan appeal nC Nov. lllth, 1794. The following are a few of tlie Instances: 
 Centinel, Doc. 27, 1794; Worcester Cnunty Intelli'joncer, Jan. 20, 27, 1795; 
 Farmer's Weclily Museum, Feb. 10. ,17, 1795; Hampshire Gazette. March 25. 
 April 1, 1795; Centinel, Nov. 2.", 1795; Mass. Mercury, Doc. 4, 1795; Ceatlne!, 
 Dec. 12, 171).'.; Mass. Mercury. Feb. 12, 1796; Centinel, July 2:^. 1790; Ma<is. Ppy, 
 Dec. 14, 1796; Centinel. Jan. 4, 1797; Western Star, Jan. 15, 179S; Greenfield 
 Gazette, Nov. 3, 1798; Centinel, Nov. 21, Dec. 20, 29, 1798. 
 
 (S5) So zealous had the clergy become that the Salem Gazette (Aug. 2.", 1795) 
 reports: "Complaints from Troy [N. Y.] are thnt the missionaries sent from 
 Connecticut, .discover more of the designs of Party, tlian of promoting the 
 Gospel of peace." 
 
139 
 
 chusetts and New England, driving them from the 
 national current into an eddy of morbid provincial- 
 ism which nearly caused them to be swallowed up in. 
 the quicksand of treason. 
 
CHAPTER IX. 
 
 THE GROWTH OP THE FEDEEALIST PAETY IN" MASSACHU- 
 SETTS, 1793-1796. 
 
 The death of Hancock, on October 8th, 1793, left 
 the state government in the hands of the lieutenant- 
 governor, Samuel Adams. It brought to a close the 
 career of a man who was possessed to an unusual 
 degree of the affections of the people. An aristocrat 
 born and bred, he was affable and familiar with all 
 men, and satisfied democratic susceptibilities by the 
 fine appearance he made at the head of the state 
 government, with his open house, unbounded hospi- 
 tality and lavish generosity.^ In the decade after 
 the Eevolution, which so abounded in democratic 
 feeling, this magnificent ' ' pageant ' ' dazzled the state 
 with his patriotic pose and his attachment to the 
 Commonwealth of Massachusetts. No son of that 
 state ever aroused more devotion in the people, 
 merited it less, or has been so thoroughly forgotten 
 by later generations. 
 
 This is likewise the close of the epoch of purely 
 personal leadership and the beginning of party ma- 
 chinery and the era of party government, which be- 
 came comparatively well developed by the close of 
 the century. Instead of a leader with a small coterie 
 of personal friends about him, who was supported, 
 generally speaking, for his patriotism rather than 
 his policies, men were nominated because in a very 
 large measure they represented national parties." 
 
 (1) "The manners ot the Goyernor were peculiarly Insinuating. His enemies 
 would oft times see hira, and their enmity would cease. — He was a gentleman: 
 
 and possessed a most happy talent of adapting his conversation to the taste of 
 all." Centlnel, Oct. 28, 1793. For the evidence of his popularity see e. g. 
 Salem Gazette, Aup. 1.1. .SO, 1785; Mass. Gazette, April 0, June 19 17S7- Cen- 
 tlnel, Jan. 7, March 18, 17Sn. 
 
 (2) This Is exemplified by Samuel Adams, who represents the transition period. 
 Elected at first by the Hancockonlan party, supported by his well deserved repu- 
 
14i 
 
 In addition, Hancofdi's death gave the federalists 
 a chance to elect a man of their own sentiments. Ee- 
 peated failures had showed them the utter hopeless- 
 ness of inducing the people to cease from worshiping 
 their idol, Hancock. But Samuel Adams was a far 
 different proposition. He had suffered eclipses in 
 the people's favor, although only when he was under 
 the cloud of Hancock 's displeasure. But the federal- 
 ists, hoping against hope that the governor 's mantle 
 had not fallen upon the lieutenant-governor, deter- 
 mined to put up a candidate whom they vainly 
 trusted would "unite all hearts"^ and who was not 
 "the leader of any party."* In the Hon. William 
 Gushing, late Chief Justice of the Supreme Judicial 
 Court of the state,. some of the federalists, although 
 there is no use made of that name, fondly believed 
 they had found the right man. He was nominated by a 
 "number of persons [of Boston] . . . and various 
 parts of the Commonw^ealth, met for the purpose to 
 the choice of their fellow-citizens, a man who might 
 be the most deserving of their suffrages." Their 
 ' ' unanimous opinion ' ' was in favor of the above gen- 
 tleman.'^ Desirous of adding strength to their ticket, 
 Samuel Adams was added informally a week later, 
 as lieutenant-governor." The attempt was hardly a 
 success and tardy likewise, for the friends of Adams 
 had already nominated him for governor, with Na- 
 thaniel Gorham as lieutenant-governor.'' 
 
 tatlon for patriotism, which pulled him through In 1790, he soon began to 
 represent the views of the Republican party. His opponents were strictly 
 party men, federalists who received their support, especially In 1796 and after, 
 largely because of their political affiliations. 
 
 (3) Centlnel, March 22, 1794. Gushing had been mentioned several times for 
 governor In 1789. See Centlnel, March 7, 14, 21, 1789. 
 
 (4) Ibid. March 1, 1794; Western Star. March 2.j, 1794. 
 
 (5) Centlnel, March 1, 1794. The Intention of the federalists to run Cushlng 
 had been taken some time before. C. Gore to King, Boston, Dec. 24, 1793. 
 King: King, 1:511, A Boston caucus nominated bim again. Centlnel, March 
 28, 1794. 
 
 (6) Ind. Ch., March 6. 1794; Centlnel, March 8, 1794. 
 
 (7) Ibid, March .^, 1794. Gorham was a very moderate federalist. Politically 
 he seems to have had little In common with the Federalist party. He was a 
 friend of Hancock (see p. 6.5, n. .52). He had quite a personal following and often 
 received many votes, but always lost the election. 
 
142 
 
 Many others were nominated by friends, for 
 thie two offices in question.* Tliere are no less 
 than eight, willingly or unwillingly, entered in the 
 gubernatorial race, while for second honors there 
 are likewise eight.** Nothing could bring out more 
 plainly the lack of definite parties than this large 
 number of nominees. The confusion is clear evi- 
 dence that the old system of personal parties still 
 lingered — Adams, nominated as governor and lieu- 
 tenant-governor by supposedly opposite parties, the 
 Gushing ticket having various names attached to it 
 by personal partisans. Another indication of the 
 lack of definiteness in parties is the impartial ac- 
 ceptance by the Centinel of presumably republican 
 tickets and eulogies.^" The canvass proceeded with- 
 out great outward asperity," although the fact that 
 it was believed that Adams was connected directly 
 or indirectly with the hated Constitutional Club of 
 Boston aroused some strictures.^* On the other 
 hand, the "bugbear of State Suability" was used 
 industriously against Cushing,^^ for the people are 
 
 (8) Gerry was nominated for governor, likewise Samuel Phillips. Centinel, March 
 15: Bowdoin for lieutenant-governor, Adams for governor, ibid. March 26; 
 Adams liputenant-governor, ibid, March ir>: Gorham and T. Russell likewise. 
 
 The official tickets as slated by Boston caucuses were Cushln£; as governor and 
 Adams as his lleuteinant on one (This on March 28th. Ibid, March 29.) — the 
 other was Adams and Moses Gill on March 25th. Ibid, March 26, 1794. 
 
 (9) Mass. Mercury, March 25, 1794. 
 
 (10) Centinel, March 22, 26, 29, April 2, 5, 1794. 
 
 (11) Very little interest is manifested in western Massachusetts. There is 
 a calm notice that Gushing "Is nominated in the Eastern Counties for Governor,'* 
 but that is about all the political campaigning there is in the western newspapers. 
 Hampshire Gazette, April 2, 1794. Still in the eastern part some electioneering 
 activity is shown by the discussions concerning the law covering the suffrage 
 qualifications. See e. g. Centinel, April 5, 1794. 
 
 (12) See e. g. Mass. Mercury, March 21, April 2, 1794. Other accusations as 
 outlined in the Centinel, April 2, 1794, were (1) Unfriendly to the Federal 
 Government; (2) a bitter enemy to Hancock, his "late appearance of friendship 
 feigned to answer his views;" (3) his severity towards the misguided people 
 engaged in the rebellion; (4) that he has "directly and indirectly been counteract- 
 ing the proceedings of The President respecting the disgraced Genet," (this charge 
 Is substantiated by a letter — marked by Indlscreetness if nothing else — of Adams 
 to Genet, written October 22nd, 1793, being two months after his recall had been 
 demanded by Washington): (5) he "readily" issued orders to call out the militia 
 to celebrate the successes of the French, such being a contravention of the 
 decree of neutrality; (6) finally his great age was considered to militate against 
 his usefulness. 
 
 (13) Ind. Ch., March 6, 1794; Centinel, March 1, 1794. The only Important 
 accusation against Gushing was that he had delivered an opinion In favor of the 
 
143 
 
 informed by his friends that that question i^^quite 
 dead, since Congress has *' annihilated it" '^by a 
 ''very great majority." "Let the tale not deceive 
 you."^^ 
 
 Gushing himself appears quite indifferent, for he 
 writes to his friend, Increase Sumner : ' 'Entre 
 Nous, some gentlemen have proposed to me to stand 
 for the first magistracy of our State; but many 
 weighty reasons prompted me to decline..." and 
 he seems to have the general attitude of the 
 State when he says: ''There is our good lieutenant- 
 governor, who stands in the direct line of promo- 
 tion, and who has waded through a sea of political 
 troubles and grown old and labored for the good 
 of his country. "^^ 
 
 The result of the election was a handsome victory 
 for Samuel Adams,^^ the vote standing 14,465 to 
 7,159.^'^ This was in some respects distinctly encour- 
 aging to the federalists, for their candidate had to 
 
 suability of Massachusetts. Centlnel, March 22, 29, 1794. See also Ibid, July 
 17, 1793. This occasioned much excitement the year before, 1793. The decision 
 of the United States Supreme Court led Hancock to issue a proclamation on 
 July 9th [Centinel, July 13, 1793] calling together the legislature in extra 
 session on September 18th. The report of the committee which had been appointed 
 the previous session "In order that.. such measures [be] adopted, .as. .honour and 
 Interest may demand and the peace and safety of the Union required" (Ibid, 
 March 2.3, 1793.) was accepted and a resolve which passed the Senate on Sep- 
 tember 23rd, was concurred in by the House on September 27th and received the 
 Governor's signature on the same date. Centlnel, Sept. 28, 1793. The resolution 
 declared that It would be "Inexpedient; and In Its exercise, dangerous to the 
 peace, safety, and Independence of the several states.." Ibid, Sept. 28, 1793. 
 See also ibid, March 23, July 13, 31, Sept. 21, 1793. In the last is the Gov- 
 ennor's speech to the legislature. 
 
 (14) Centlnel, March 22. 1794. 
 
 (15) N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg.. April. (1854) pp. 117-8. 
 
 (IG) As governor, this democratic gentleman felt Impelled, or at least hla 
 friends Induced him, to adopt a certain modest degree of style which went to 
 the extreme of "servants In Livery." S. Breck to Knox, June 1. 1794. Knox 
 
 MSS. XXXV:122. In one respect at least, his attitude changed considerably. 
 
 "It is presumed, ' ' writes a satirical correspondent. " . . that the two branches 
 of the Legislature will be exceedingly careful about answering the Speech of 
 
 [Adams] . .lest they should give offense. . [since he as] a member of the Senate.. 
 [thought] it was improper for Speeches to be made from the Chair, and he uni- 
 formly and pointedly opposed answering them., [but] the more we aim at the 
 principles of 'Liberty' and 'Equality' the stronger we feel attached to MON- 
 AUCHIAL FORMS AND CEREMONIES." Centlnel, Jan. 25, 1794. 
 
 (17) For lieutenant-governor, the four candidates, who had received the largest 
 number of .votes, were S. Adams, Moses Gill. Nathaniel Gorham, Elbrldge Gerry. 
 The House sent up the names of Gill and Gorbam. The senate elected the 
 former unanimously. Centlnel, May 31, 1794. 
 
144 
 
 carry the burden of having delivered the United 
 States Supreme Court's decision of state suability, 
 which was so thoroughly resented in Massachuestts. 
 The fact that he was a federal office holder was an- 
 other heavy handicap. The fear of federal interfer- 
 ence and control of the states, by allowing incum- 
 bents of national offices places in the state legisla- 
 ture, was universal.^* This decisive victory is inter- 
 esting if viewed from another standpoint. Dividing 
 the state into three parts the figures show what a 
 striking difference there is between the popularity 
 of the successful candidate in the different sections. 
 In the eastern portion the vote stands 7,175 to 3,326; 
 in the west 3,643 to 3,040, while the Maine section 
 gives 3,647 to 793. It is quite probable however that 
 it is not at all the strength of federalist feelings in 
 the west which resulted in the remarkably close vote, 
 but hostility toward Samuel Adams, begotten of his 
 alleged harsh attitude toward the insurgents in 
 Shays' Eebellion. This charge was made at that 
 time,^" wfis repeated in his successful attempt to oust 
 Lincoln from the lieutenant-governorship in 1789, 
 and was the accusation more generally used in the 
 present campaign.--' This belief gains added con- 
 firmation when it is known that Berkshire County — 
 the seat of the only serious contest of the rebellion 
 and where even "two thirds of the people and prop- 
 erty" were involved^^ — is the solitary one to give a 
 
 {]8) See the vote on this question in the Heralrt of Freedom, Jan. 29, 1790. 
 
 (19) "Lnst ,vear [ITSGl the ship was steered by a pood old weather beaten 
 firm patriot [Bowdoin] who held the helm steady, and would not mind the noise 
 of the crew, wlio would have broupht the ship upon the rocks. He was too 
 wise and too honest.. So he was thrown overboard. And now they have had a 
 complaisant pilot [Hancock] — he has eased away and let.. drive: but.. he seems 
 to be bringing her Into nort, where the landlord will call upon the seamen for 
 their old scores, so he must be thrown overboad. .And the boatswain [Adams] 
 a fierce fellow, who a few months apo would have swuns: half the crew for 
 their mutiny.. must be put at the helm." Hampshire Gazette, April 2. 17S8. 
 
 (20) The address of the convention which nominated Cushing says this in so 
 many words: "his humane conduct during the late Insurrection, .give him pre- 
 tensions which are not united in any other individual." Centinel, March 1, 1794. 
 
 (21) This charge was made on the strength of a statement by T. Sedgwick 
 of Stockbrldge. M. North to Knox, Sijringfield, Feb. 19, 17S7 Kno.\ MSS 
 XVIII :1SS. 
 
145 
 
 majority against Adams, the vote being 696 to 429. 
 And Berkshire is the least federalistic of the three 
 western counties. 
 
 Besides the commotions ia France and those 
 aroused by her friends and agents in this country, 
 the Constitutional Club added a factor which stirred 
 the political cauldron to boiling more and more 
 furiously. Their evident intention to take a hand 
 ia politics was early perceived and resented.^^ "If 
 report say true," was the comment of an indignant 
 correspondent, "there are two Legislative Bodies 
 now holding their sessions in B[ostonJ — one hi the 
 State House, and the other in Equality Alley. The 
 Legislature of Massachusetts ought to feel them- 
 selves much relieved by the voluntary service of a 
 New Club, who . . . are endeavouring, by every arti- 
 fice to involve America in war."^^ Their first open 
 move was to stir up great excitement over a speech 
 of Samuel Dexter in Congress, concerning the "car- 
 rying trade." The original sin was because he op- 
 posed Madison's resolutions in regard to commerce, 
 which the federalists charged were for the purpose 
 of causing war between the United States and Great 
 Britain. This anti-"Maddisonian" position in itself 
 would not have been sufficient to provoke any amount 
 of resentment in his home state, had not Balch, edi- 
 tor of the Philadelphia Aurora, falsified his speech 
 by omissions and additions, which made the speaker 
 assert the direct contrary of what he actually did 
 affirm. This mutilated edition was immediately 
 copied into the Chronicle and the trouble began.-* 
 A town meeting was called for by the fomenters of 
 the agitation, in order "to intimidate your members 
 
 (22) Centfnel, Jan. 17, 1794. 
 
 (23) Centinel, Jan. 17. 1794. 
 
 (24) Ibid, Feb. 26, 1794. "[B. Austin] who has for years run an unsuccess- 
 ful race In - competition with Mr. Ames, Is now reduced to the contemptible 
 shift of . .piint[ing] . .in Capitals and Italicks, .. detached portions of.. [Ames'] 
 
 public speeches.." Ibid, Feb. 1, 1794. 
 
146 
 
 from opposing it [i. e. the resolution of Madison.] . . 
 They [the French faction] even . . . affirm, that 
 by this means they are sure of taking off two 
 [Ames and Dexter] of them."^^ The political pur- 
 pose of this town meeting was too thinly disguised 
 to delude the discerning,^" but the "real merchants 
 of the town" perceived the futility of opposing the 
 favorite method of the Boston inhabitants of airing 
 their ideas and grievances at a town meeting.^^ It 
 was held on the 13th of February. Much eloquence, 
 many arguments and a. few facts were forcibly pre- 
 sented by Democratic orators.^* Their opponents 
 contented themselves with asserting the impossi- 
 bility of the alleged speech of Dexter. A committee 
 was appointed to get at the facts of the ease and the 
 meeting was adjourned to February 24th. Mean- 
 while, despite the Chronicle's various assertions,^" 
 the absolute denials by the Centinel began to have 
 their effect.'" And when the appointed day came 
 even the very mild resolutions recommended by the 
 committee were lost by a "large majority" after a 
 fight which consumed all day, including an adjourn- 
 ment to the Old South Meeting House from Faneuil 
 Hall — owing to the crowd — and a postponing of the 
 vote to the next day,'^ 
 
 (25) Ibid, Feb. 19, 1794. This was the second resolution of Madison. 
 (211) Ibid. Feb. 12, 179-1. 
 
 (27) The "Charlestown Jacobins," as was usual. Immediately followed the 
 example set by tljelr Boston brethren. Ind. Ch., Feb. 22, 1794. 
 
 (28) Ibid, Feb. 17, 1794. 
 
 (29) Ibid, Feb. 17, 20, 22, 1794. 
 
 (30) Finally on the 24th, the Independent Chronicle admits that it is barely 
 possible that some slight error has crept Into its report for It says: "we shall 
 be happy to convince our readers that our representatives spoke a language a 
 little different," yet it bolsters uj) the faith of its readers by the assertion that 
 the speech was taken from Bache's paper, "who has publicly vouched for the 
 accurac.v of the debates." 
 
 (31) There Is a full account with comments of this stormy episode In the 
 Centinel, Feb. 2Gth, 1794. Having triumphantly rescued Ames from the false 
 charges, the federalists turned their attention to a writer named "America" In 
 the Chronicle for tlie 10th of February, who "has been guilty of the most 
 flagant falsehoods, and the most gross misrepresentation of the speeches" [of Good 
 hue in Congress]. Centinel, March 1, 5, 1794. To show how far from rep'-estnt- 
 ing the sentiments of "the real merchants, traders and mechanics," these attempts 
 of the republicans were, a petition was signed by 500 of such, representijng 
 seven-eights of the commercct against the proposed restrictions (in the town 
 
147 
 
 The animosity between the two factions in Boston 
 was nothing new, simpjy a revival of that which had 
 its birth in the bitter and dangerous times of 
 Sliays' Rebellion and when the Bowdoinites and 
 Hancockonians fought together. Then it was that 
 Benjamin Austin wrote those inflammatory articles 
 under the signature of "Honestus" which are sup- 
 posed to have been a factor in bringing p-bout the 
 uprising. He was now the "noted Jacobin scrib- 
 bler . . . and brawler, ' '^^ a leading light in the Con- 
 stitutional Club and the most constant contributor 
 to the Independent Chronicle on political subjects of 
 a controversial character. On the other side stood 
 Stephen Higguison and his friends, the so-called 
 "aristocrats and tories." He was a faithful oppo- 
 nent of the democrats and a staunch adherent of a 
 strong government, one of the earliest and most cori- 
 sistent federalists. His activities and contributions 
 to good government were rewarded by his being sub- 
 jected to the most bitter and unsparing hatred and 
 vilification from 1786 onwards.^* 
 
 An incident in September illustrates this feeling 
 and at the same time the lawless and dangerous 
 practises toward which the Constitutional Club was 
 tending.*^ A veritable act of piracy was committed 
 
 meoflnfr) anrl oxprfssln? full confidence In Ames and Goodhue. Ibid, March 8, 
 1704. See also Klnfr: King 1:547. 
 
 (.'12) Such a parable a.^ the following, with Its interpretation attached, dis- 
 covers the lack of amiable feelings: " 'Onestus,' a Rope maker [this was the 
 business of "Honestus" i. e. B. Austin] in Hell, had an Ass always standing by 
 him, who as fast as he twisted the cord, bit it asunder. .'Onestus' resembles, 
 those hellish Ministor.s, who through their evil councils make Ropes to bind the 
 people In slaver.v. By the Ass is meant the honest patriot.. who destroys his 
 schemes.." Mass. Mercury, Jan. 14, 1794. 
 
 (33) Oentinel, Oct. 22, 1794. 
 
 (34) See e. g. Ind. Oh., Aug, 22, 1787; Ccntinel, Aug. 3, 10, 1793; Ind. Oh., 
 Aug, 6, 10, 13, 1705. Ibid, April IS, 1798; June 2C, 1797; July 5, 1798. To 
 the republicans Higginson typifies all that they are opposed to. He sums up 
 in one word "Laeo" — all their antipathies. Ira the Centinel, Aug, 16, 1787, an 
 enemy of Higginson thus addresses him: "Stephen, you are.. a junto infinitely more 
 Infamous than those under Bernard and Hutchinson .. I saw Stephen at a certain 
 office, .grinning ghastly a horrible smile; his eye darting at once, triumph, terror 
 and treachery .. [he] ought to he burnt for sedition, treason, stratagem and spoils 
 .." and the writer winds up with the usual demand for a town meeting. 
 
 (3.')) Even Snllivan found the club too radical and deemed It best to resign 
 "publicly." "disapproving of their extreme views." Amory; Sullivan, 1:275. 
 
148 
 
 under its instigation and superintendence when a 
 schooner, bound for Halifax, was pursued by a boat 
 from the La Concorde, forcibly boarded, and let- 
 ters and papers from Boston merchants stolen.^*' 
 This high-handed measure naturally aroused bitter 
 comments: "The 'INSURGENT CLUB,' not con- 
 tent with raising a STANDING ARMY at Pittsburg, 
 have even established a NAVY — some of the sweet 
 fruits of these blessed clubs on the sea shore, have 
 appeared. ' '^'^ 
 
 The growth of political excitement and interest is 
 shown in the fall Congressional elections. The news- 
 papers in October are full of the canvassing that is 
 going on.^* The candidates of both parties suffer the 
 most rabid attacks.^^ A private letter of the Rev. 
 Jedediah Morse reflects the feelings of the exasper- 
 ated friends of Ames and Dexter who were hard 
 pressed by the skilful and somewhat unscrupulous 
 campaign of the opposition.*" "It is melancholy," 
 he writes to Oliver Wolcott, "to find how much, & 
 how deeply, the mutilated speeches of Messrs. 
 A[mes] and D[exter] published in the prostituted 
 Chronicle have poisoned the minds of the people, of 
 but little discernment. . . Their re-election ... is doubt- 
 ful. . . ""'^ These two, however, were returned by the 
 election on November 3rd*^ and with them Sedgwick, 
 
 His good fatth In this step was loudly impugned by a writer In the Centinel, 
 Jan. 2!1th, 1704. 
 
 (36) Ibid. Si^pt. fi. 1794. Perez Morton (president of the club) was accused of 
 Instigatin.a- tbis outrage, which occurred on September 3rd, and was broug:ht 
 to trial. Ibid, Sept. 10, 1794. Tlie pilot of the boat, which captured the sloop 
 Success, wMs liliGwi^p tried on the eighth of the same montli. Hampshire 
 Gazette, Oct, 1, 179-1, See also Mass. Mercury, Sept. 16, and Am. Apollo, 
 Sept. 11, 1704. 
 
 (37) Centinel, Sept, !), 1704. 
 
 (38) Am. Apollo, Oct, 23, 1794, 
 
 (39) Centinel, Oct. 22, 31, 1794. 
 
 (40) Ind. Oh., Oct, 22, 1794; Centinel, Oct. 29, 1794, 
 
 (41) Charlestown, Oct. 15, 1704. Wolcott MSS.. Conn, Hist. Soc. Plsher 
 Ames was quite of the same opinion. For he writes to O, Wolcott from Dedham, 
 Not. 14, 1796: "Here the Influence of the Boston Chronicle and the orations in 
 the market, Is most pestiferous. I hare proclaimed open war against all this, 
 but a rower against the stream soon grows weal£ and weary." Gibbs: Memoir* 
 1:393. A strong defense of Ames is found In the Centinel, Oct 22 1794 
 (42) Centinel, Nov. 5, 1794. 
 
149 
 
 who had likewise been the target for abuse and op- 
 position.'*^ The following year the federalists lay 
 low, watching the trend of events, and making no 
 attempt to contest the annual election for governor 
 in the spring.^ That most formidable ager^cy in 
 New England for making and directing public opin- 
 ion, the clergy, was beginning to preach federalism 
 in the pulpit and out, on the Sabbath and week days 
 likewise. With the powerful aid of this order, it 
 would be a mere matter of time when their party 
 could seize the reins of the state government. 
 
 Not only did 'Hhe sentiments of the clergy this 
 way (for so far as I am acquainted he (Mr. Osgood) 
 speaks the sentiments of nine out of ten of the 
 clergy) agree with those of the President. . .in re- 
 spect to the self-created Societies [and] . . . The 
 
 (43) Ibid, Not, 19, 1794. Sedgwick won by a bare majority of 61 rotes. 
 In the Hampshire district the federalist sought to oust William Lyman, a 
 republican- The campaign In that district began early, for In the Hampshire 
 Gazette, June 4, 11, 25, 1794, (the last from the Fed. Spy) there are two 
 articles d-ef ending him and answering accusations. In ibid, Oct. 2!>, the paper 
 la crowded with nine electioneering puffs. His opponent was Gen. William 
 Shepherd, who had served well In Shays* Rebellion as well as in the Revolution. 
 The latter was barely defeated. Hampshire Gazette, Nov. 12, 1794. See Amea 
 to T. D wight. Works, pt. 1. p. 158, for the disgust of Ames over Lyman's 
 victory. The "funded debt" seemed to be a handle much used in favor of 
 Lyman. Hampshire Gazette, Oct. 2D, 1794. 
 
 That party animosity was fully aroused, la evident from the loud clamor 
 over Illegal voting by the worsted democrats. Ind. Ch., Nov. 6, 1794. The 
 reply is, that If It Is true that there are only 2132 legal voters in Boston, from 
 whence came the 2301 rotes cast at the spring election for governor, there being 
 no objections registered at that time by the democrats. Centinel, Nov. 8, 1794. 
 Besides "There are those who can testify a number of Frenchmen, wearing the 
 national coeadc.did actually vote for Dr. Jarvis [the republican nominee]; 
 besides journeymen who had a day's play [pay] for going down to vote." 
 Ibid, Nov. 19, 1794. These journeymen would not have the property qualifica- 
 tion entitling them to the suffrage. However Madison writes to Jefferson, Dec. 
 21, 1794, Works, 11:29: "Ames Is said to owe his success to the vote of 
 Negroes and British sailors, smuggled under a very lax mode of conducting the 
 election there. Sedgwick and Goodhue have bare majorities." The suffrage 
 qualifications were "a male inhabitant of the town wherein he resides, of 
 twenty-one years and upwards, and having a freehold estate within the Com- 
 monwealth of the annual income of three pounds, or any estate of the value of 
 £60." Since the law at that time demanded no oath by the voter, as was 
 previously required, the books of the assessors were the only means of ascei* 
 talning the legal voters. Hence great abuses arose. Centinel, April 5, 1794. 
 
 The abuses seem to have persisted. The Hampshire Gazette, Oct. 8, 1800, 
 remarks: "one of the warm Democrats conveyed a piece of land to a worthless 
 fellow, sufficient to make him a Freeman . . the new Freeman owed some old 
 debts to the Federalists. . [and] before the patriotic Grantor had time to procure 
 the land reconveyed to himself, secured their debts by attaching It." A gold 
 watch sufficed to qualify numbers of impecunious democrats. 
 
 (44) The federalist congressmen wished that Increase Sumner be opposed to 
 Adams. F, Ames to T. Dwight, Phila., Feb. 3, 1795. Works, pt. 1, p. 165. 
 
150 
 
 thanksgiving sermons in Boston & its vicinity (with, 
 only two or three exceptions) all breathe. . .the same 
 spirit; — though their manner was not so particular 
 & pointed. ..." but also the rest of ' ' the clergy in this 
 commonwealth, [who] generally approve of the same 
 sentiments."*^ Fishor Ames writes from Philadel- 
 phia in exultation: "Mr. Osgood's sermon is ex- 
 tolled. . . The heathen in this state, and farther 
 south, ought to have him sent as a missionary. . . 
 The proclamation by the President, for a Thanks- 
 giving will afford an opening for other Clergymen to 
 seek glory. "*'' And so it did. Quite a famous number 
 definitely announced their conversion to federalism 
 by their sermons that day. Again Jedediah Morse 
 sent encouraging news to his friend Wolcott : ' ' The 
 National Thanksgiving has done a vast deal of good 
 in a political view this way. All the sermons which 
 have been published (& they are numerous) have, 
 as far as T have heard, spoke the language of Fed- 
 eralism except Mr. Bradford's..."*'' And Fisher 
 Ames quite correctly concludes from his correspond- 
 ents that "The Thanksgiving has helped tone 
 the public mind."*' And he gives an interesting 
 illuminating cause when he says "Tom Paine has 
 kindly cured our clergy of their prejudices."*® 
 
 The lack of a spring campaign does not indicate 
 that a sudden lull had come in this stirring period. 
 
 (45) J. Morse to O. Wolcott, ChFvrlestown, Dee. 17, 1794. Quoted In Love: 
 Fast and Thanksgiving Days of N. E., pp. 366-7. 
 
 (46) To T. Dwight, Jan. 7, 1795. Works, pt. 1, p. 160. D. Sewell to C. 
 Strong [then U. S. Senator] York, Jan. 26, 1795: "Our general Court are in 
 Session, from the Speech & the Senate's Ainswer — Things look Well; Whether 
 Mr. Osgood's Thanksgiving Sermon, .has had a good effect upon the chair or 
 not, I am unahle to say, But if one might Guess, that, or something else, had 
 done good. And a Proclama. making public, the President's for a Thanksgiving 
 Is done with a good Grace. This Business, in Gov. Hancock's day, from some 
 cause or other, was quite awkwardly performed." Strong MSS., Forbes Library, 
 Northampton, Mass. 
 
 (47) Charlestown, March 18, 1795. Quoted In Love: Fast and Thanksgiving 
 Days of N. E., pp. 371-2. 
 
 (48) To C. Gore, Phila., Feb. 24, 1795. Works, pt. 1, p. 168. Tiie same 
 day he writes to T. Dwight more explicitly: "The Thanksgiving has keyed up 
 the public mind to federalism." Ibid, p. 169. 
 
 (49) Ibid, p. 168. 
 
151 
 
 Far from it. This summer saw the publication of 
 the Jacobiniad, a witty but a most cutting and bit- 
 ter satire on the democrats supposed to have been 
 written by Dr. J. S. J. Gardiner.'^^' Another of the 
 same sort, called ''The Lyars," provoked angry re- 
 sentment. It produced a riot and an attack upon 
 the editor, who vainly sought to avoid chastise- 
 ment — by a horsewhip in the hands of the son of 
 one of the pilloried unfortunates — by ignominiously 
 taking to his heels after flourishing a pistol.'''^' But 
 the uproar over Jay's Treaty exceeded any noise 
 made yet by the brazen-lunged opponents of the ad- 
 ministration. Town-meeting after town-meeting 
 protested and stormed.'^^ So carried away were the 
 people with unreasoning passion, that Jedediah 
 Morse accurately described the situation when he 
 wrote, just after the Charlestown town-meeting, 
 **The present is truly a most important & delicate 
 crisis. The passions of people were never warmer 
 
 (50) It was published under the title Remarks on the Jacoblnlad, Revised 
 and Corrected by the Author, and Embellished with Carricatures. [Boston, 
 1795.] The Federal Orrery, in eleven numbers, printed the Jacobiniad entire, 
 with thorough annotations, lest any obscure passage remain in doubt or any 
 character mentioned remain unknown, April 6, 10, 13, 16, 20, 23, 27, 30; May 
 4, 7, 11, 1795. The democrats bellev«d it was Dr. Gardiner, for they assailed him 
 fliTCfly. Ind. Ch., Jan. 12, 1795. Much displeasure was expressed by those who 
 were thus pilloried for the derision of their enemies. Ind. Ch., April 30, 1795. 
 Some left his church, amon.^ them B. Austin, the democrats calling the seceedlng 
 brethren "abundant" In numbers, the federalists "three." Mass. Mercury, May 
 29, 17iJ5. The Hartford Wits were exercising their Ingenuity in making the 
 
 Boston democrats ridiculous, and the federalist papers hastened to print the 
 clever and palling poems. See "The Echo, number 18," In the Fed. Orrery, 
 Aug. 20th. 27tb, 1705, from the Conn. Courant; also "The Poem on the Treaty 
 and the Meeting over it at Boston." Impartial Herald, Aug. 22, Sept. 1, 1795, 
 from the Conn. Courant. The "Guillotine; or. The annual Song of the Tenth 
 Muse" was republished from the Conn. Courant in the Fed. Orrery, Jan. 7, 179G; 
 Masy. Spv, Jan. 20. 1790. See also The Democratlad. . Phila., 3rd ed., 1796. 
 
 (51) J. Fierce to Knox, Boston, Sept. 15, 1795, Knox MSS. XXXVIII:23. 
 See also Fed. Orrery, Sept. 10, 1795; Brookfield Advertiser, Sept. 16, 1795. 
 
 (52) A Boston town meeting held on the 30th of July, tdjourned to the 13th. 
 See 27th Report of the Record Commissioners of.. Boston, pp. 264-5. The reso- 
 lutions passed, were forwarded to the President in hopes that he "may not have 
 signed it, and if not that he will be deterred, .this, .[is] a Jacobin measure 
 disapproved by all good men, and not countenanced by any merchant of eminence, 
 not by ten in all. [The unreasoning course of action taken is fully explained:] 
 "the general vote of disapprobation was taken without reading or hearing the 
 Treaty: even at the adjournment, .it was read only for form's sake, but not 
 discussed previous to adopting [the] long objections to it. . . Mr. Franklin 
 Bache. .came on here with, .a large collection of Lies, .to create a flame here 
 and to urge our common people to excesses, in one Week We shall be cool and 
 composed here;" S. Hlgginson to T. Pickering, Boston, July 14, 1795. Am. Hist. 
 
152 
 
 since the year '75 — "^*^ And that seasoned observer 
 of the trend of political sentiment, Stephen Higgin- 
 son, observed: '^I think the present moment a very 
 critical One \7ith Onr Country more so than any one 
 that has passed. . . ''^^ Boston effervesced all sum- 
 mer. Mobs seemed to be so common there that the 
 Salem Gazette satirically remarks: '*a body of Es- 
 sex militia will soon be called for, to keep in check 
 the spirit of riot and insurgency manifested by the 
 
 Boston cits " Anci again, in referring to these 
 
 mobs: *'The factious attempts of the Bostonians to 
 govern the government render that town a very im- 
 proper place for legislative deliberations. Should 
 the treaty become law of the land, the town of Bos- 
 ton and Dracut are determined to detach themselves 
 from the Union, and form a mighty, independent 
 nation of themselves. "^^ 
 
 Assn. Rep. I (189G) 787-8. The federalists who did not attend this meeting 
 met, and after drawing np a "Dissent to the Doings of this Town [sirn'Ti by 
 more than 200] and passing Resolutions by the Chamber of Commerce [August 
 7th] the former with the names, the latter without," forwarded both to the 
 President. Same to same. Ibid, pp. 790-1. Also T. Russel to Washington, Bos- 
 ton, Aug. 13, 1795. Sparlcs : Correspondence of the Revolution, IV :47G-7. The 
 reaction had set in by the middle of August for "one third at least of our 
 Members of the Chamber, who have now voted with us, were at first mislead; 
 and perhaps a large proportion of the Dissenters to doings of the Town meeting, 
 were even warm in opposition [previously] to the Treaty. The. .arrangements of 
 thfe Jacobins wore such, and so well formed, as to preclude all oppy. of opposing 
 In this Instinicp." S. Hicginson to T. Pickering:, iVoston, Aug. 16, 1795- Am. 
 Hist. Assn. Itrp. 1(1890700-1. The wrath oE a merchant, ordinarily of feder- 
 allstic afflr.'i lions, l'^ well expressed by the letter of S. Breck to Knox, Boston, 
 July 7, 179r). Knox INISS. XXXVII:135: "for my own part I had ratlier see my 
 Country in it-! inst convulsions than submit to "It. ." [Jay's Treaty.] See also 
 G. Cabot to King, Brookline, July 2n. King: King, 11:17; July 27. pp 18-19; 
 Aug. 4, pp. 20-1; Aug. 14, 1795, pp. 24-5; C. Gore to King, Boston. Aug. 7, 1795. 
 pp. 21-2; Same to same, Waltham, Aug. 14. 1795, pp. 22-4. Ibid. The Boston 
 agitators succr-oded in exciting like commotions in a few of the other towns. 
 Dracut protested on Aug. 3d. Ind. Ch.. Aug. 10, 13. 1795. Lexiniiton disapproved 
 on Aug. l.ltli. Ibid, Sept. 21, 3795. A meeting (against which 72 people signed 
 their names to a doclnration, showing that It was not a lecal town-meetinc, Mas'^. 
 Mercury, Nov. 17, 170.'.) at Plymouth, Oct. 28th, reprobated the Treaty. Ind- 
 Ch., Nov. 2. 17!>5. Tlie democrats adopted various devices to stir up the people 
 (see G. g. Ind. Ch., Sept. 3, 14. 179."i.) even to threatening a civil war in case 
 the Treaty was adopted. Ibid, Aug. 17. 1795. The same paper, Feb. 4th, 179G, 
 quotes from the Phila. Aurora: "it is hardly credible that the President will draw 
 so deeply upon his remaining stock of popularity, as In opposition to the united 
 voice of ills constituents, -to siiin an Instrument big with the fate of our 
 intern 111 peace niid Independence." 
 
 {-:',] To 0. Wnkott, July 21, 179',. Woli^ott MSS., Conn. Hist. Soc. 
 
 (54) To T. Pickering. Aug. IG, 1795. Am. Hist. Assn. Rep. I(lS9G)792-3. 
 
 (.".5) Sept. 15, 1705. See e. g. the Western Star, Aug. 4, 1795. for contemptuous 
 remarks concerning the various mnb^ in the cities which presume to jndire of 
 the treaty without hearing it "crying away with it." This town of Dracut 
 
153 
 
 The first of these lawless proceedings was insti- 
 gated by a "number of incendiary Handbills" call- 
 ing upon the people to take effective measures against 
 an alleged British privateer, the Betsy of St. 
 Croix, then lying at the Long Wharf .^^ The report of 
 William Donnison is interesting. It seems that the 
 only official action proposed by the supine authori- 
 ties was to inquire of ''Mr. Atorney Moreton" what 
 action could be taken against the vessel following a 
 complaint of the French consul. He continues: "re- 
 ceiving notice that some mischief was meditated 
 against the Vessel, I went down the wharf with in- 
 tent to inform the people that a regular proceeding 
 was in opperation . . . but ... it was too late . . . the Ves- 
 sel being nearly destroyed, and the tumult so great 
 that all attempts to appease them would have been 
 useless. "^^ Emboldened by their success, the insti- 
 gators again circulated on the 25th handbills "call- 
 ing upon the good citizens to attack several 
 English vessels laying at Goldburys Wharf. The 
 Governor. . .took the most spirited measures. . . A 
 detachment of militia. . .were mustered at the State 
 House. ' ' However, after dark a large number gath- 
 ered and dispersed only after the insistent persua- 
 sion of the magistrates.^* 
 
 was Riippiclonsly republican, to the extent of furnishing "no less than 185 votes 
 Tat the last trial for representative] an increase of nearly 100.. more than one 
 in seven of the wliole number of inhabitants.." Centinel, May 23, 1795. 
 
 (50) Hampshire Gazette, July 1, 1795. The mob seemed to liave woAed with 
 care ami tlioroughness, for they first took off the captain and the crew, then 
 threw overltoard the guns and ammunition, small arms, cutlasses, etc. Finally 
 they dismantled the vessel, pushed her oft, after setting Are to her and the 
 tide carried the boat to Charlestown, where she burned to the water's edge. 
 
 The Boston Selectmen vainly tried to have "Philip Woods, Printer, arrested 
 for publishing & distributing [these] . ,inflamatory notiflcatlon[s]." 27th Report 
 of the Record Commissioners of.. Boston, p. 263. 
 
 (571 To S. Adams, Boston, June 21. 1795. S. Adams MSS., N. Y. Public 
 Library. The Govennor offered a reward of $500 for the discovery and bringing 
 to justice of the leaders in this lawless proceeding. Hampshire Gazette, July 8, 
 1795. 
 
 (58) Jfass. Jfercury, June 26. 1795. Just a year later one man, only, was 
 convicted for participation and fined by the Circuit Court of the United States to 
 the amount of $6,147. His property lacked $600 of the requisite amount and 
 lience he was sent to Jail for six months. Hampshire Gazette, June 22, 1796. See 
 his appeal to a charitable public in ibid, Dec. 28, 1796. 
 
154 
 
 The most formidable of these lawless gathermgs 
 which occurred this year is known as the "Water- 
 melon Mob" or "Frolic."^'' On the 4th of Septem- 
 ber the mob paraded in the evening with a figure 
 representing Day."'' The next day, "Having pro- 
 cured another Jay, with a watermelon- shell head . . . 
 to designate him from... the pumpkin-shell heads 
 that surrounded him, they. . .paraded. . .the princi- 
 pal streets and through Winter Street, where Grov- 
 ernor Adams resides, . . . they gave him three cheers 
 while he stood at his window smiling most graciously 
 and bowing, .respectfully. . . .every time they passed 
 . . .they gave him a salute.'"^* After minor dis- 
 orders, "On the 9th they burnt the effigy near Oli- 
 ver's Dock. . . " The 10th was marked by a small 
 mob which accomplished nothing. Excited by re- 
 marks inserted in the "Federal Orrery," the rioters 
 assembled _])efore the house of the editor, threw 
 stones and brick bats and were fired upon for their 
 attentions; one fellow being wounded. This reso- 
 lute reception caused their hurried dispersal. On 
 the 14th a great mob amused themselves with a bon- 
 fire in Liberty Square"- where ' ' an attempt was made 
 
 (59) The terra arose from the reply of Adams to a deputation of the solid 
 citizen^ who applied to the irovernor for the calling out of the militia after the 
 mob had had possession of the town for several days. His contemptuous refusal 
 and his reference to the harmless cliaraci-er of the riotous actions, pave great 
 offence at that time, for tliere liad been titose who had been' greatly disturbed 
 and In personal danger. This curious negligence in suppressing these anti- 
 treaty mobbers was a charge used industriously against Adams the next spring. 
 Such a verse as the following taken from a "Song of Llberf.v and Equality which 
 ought to have been sung at Faneuil — Hall, .on September 21st, the birthday of the 
 French Republic." shows this feeling as well as the growth of party feeling. 
 Fed. Orrery, fiept. 28. 1795 : 
 
 "Xow striving amain for a fortunate chance, 
 To taste of tlie Freedom of Franco — of France 
 Stealing thro' alleys, and winding thro' lanes. 
 Our mob-loving g[overno]r marches in hasre. 
 His eyes up to Heaven — h's heart with the feast ; 
 In ,'inarcliy's strain 
 r<!i]m-slnging, and pro.vin.g 
 lie smiles at man-slaying — Huzza." 
 (GO) Tlie federalists foil upon tlie proces-;ion and wrested the Image from the 
 democrats. Hampshire Gazette, Sept. 30, ITO.";. 
 
 (Gl) Ibid, March IG, ITOG. As the date of the paper shows. It is an account 
 of these riots designed to injure .Vdams, who was a candidate for re-election. 
 Stephen Higglnson is accused of writing the account of the W'atermeloiD Frolic. 
 It was first written and published soon after the September occurrences. See 
 Hampsliire and Berkslilrc Chronicle, Nov. IG. 1705. 
 (02) Hampshire Gazette, Sept. 30, 1705. 
 
155 
 
 to disperse them, but being too feeble it fail'd. 
 Sheriff Allen — the attorney Genl. (Sullivan) — and 
 several Justices of the peace were compelled to re- 
 treat after being roughly handled — the same even- 
 ing Dr. Baird & several others were knocked down — 
 feeble attempts to quell a mob serve but to increase 
 & encourage it — ^but our executive — ""^ Finally an 
 association of all the most respectable citizens organ- 
 ized and succeeded, with the aid of the civil authori- 
 ties, in putting an end to the mobocratic rule.*^ 
 
 Such proceedings did not commend democratic 
 ideas or methods of government to men possessed 
 of sense or property. It savored far more of French 
 license than of American liberty. So threatening 
 had been the attitude of this multitude, that some 
 had left Boston fearing for their safety."' Would 
 not Fisher Ames perceive in such the justification 
 for his assertions when he wrote: "I could neither 
 repress my indignation, nor disguise my contempt 
 for the blindness and gullibility of the rich men who 
 so readily lend their strength to the party which is 
 thirsting for the contents of their iron chests. . .what 
 can augur worse for our affairs than to see men of 
 wealth and at least - reputed sense, openly acting 
 against the doings of the Executive.""" This was 
 during the excitement over Jay's Treaty and the un- 
 bearable robberies of the English, when Boston mer- 
 chants learned what it was to have "two British 
 Ships of War and a Bermudian Privateer" calmly 
 take up headquarters in Boston Bay and "take 
 every thing that comes in their way.""^ Such ex- 
 periences ought to excuse these ' ' rich men of reputed 
 sense" for losing patience. 
 
 (BS) J. Pierce to Knox, Boston, Sept. 15, 179S, Knox MSS. XXXVriI:23. 
 
 (64) Amory: Snlllvan, I -.3(10-1. 
 
 (65) Hampshire Gazette, March 23, 1706. 
 
 (60) F. Ames to O. Wolcott. Dedham, July 9, 1795. Glbhs: Memoirs, 1:210. 
 
 (67) S. Breck to Knox, Boston, July 7, 1795. Knox MSS. XXXVII a.^.l. This 
 same merchant complained of haying a ship of his from France taken by these 
 yessels loaded with "Wine, brandy, & Ingots of Silyer and sent as prize to 
 Halifax." Ibid. 
 
156 
 
 Jay's Treaty was not popular however it was 
 viewed. But tie "grinding necessities" of a young 
 and comparatively feeble country appealed to tlie 
 sober conviction of the conservative classes who ral- 
 lied for the defence of the Administration. In this 
 the clergy, have thrown in their lot with the friends 
 of Washington, bore a notable part and were des- 
 tined to be even more active later. A striking tribute 
 to their prowess is a letter of Knox to Washington, 
 September 2nd, 1795: "Great unanimity ... among 
 the most respectable Class of people the Clergy of 
 this State in favor of the principle and practise of 
 Government this is expressed unequivocally in their 
 conversation^^ and sermons with immense effect."®^ 
 
 The Thanksgiving day,^° appointed by the Gover- 
 nor, was still further improved, especially by the 
 famous Rev. David Osgood." Of this last the faith- 
 ful chronicler Jedidiah Morse said: "It is the same 
 tune in a higher key. '"^ The astute politician and 
 statesman, Fisher Ames, had kept fully informed of 
 the political revolution, which, under the stimulating 
 leadership of the clergy, was proceeding so rapidly 
 throughout the state; for he asserts in a jubilant 
 tone : ' ' The people are coming right. I send you a 
 sermon, which I wish our friends . . . may see . . . and 
 get it (the political part) published. . . '"^ And an 
 irritated Frenchman affirms — significantly with the 
 emphasis placed on "the pulpit" — "in my last 
 
 (68) The word is doubtful In the original letter. 
 (OS) Knnx MSS. XXXViri:9. 
 
 (70) It Is noted in the Western Star, (for Nov. 3, 1795) that the Governor in 
 his proclamation of October 14th, did not repeat his error of the previous 
 year in omitting all reference to the Federal Government. 
 
 (71) The democrats afFected to Ignore this sermon, referring to It casually 
 as "so contemptible that it Is not even introduced as published at the request 
 of his hearers." Ind. Ch., Dec. 3, 1795. The federalists described it as "brine 
 with a vengeance for sore baclcs." Salem Gazette, Dec. 8, 1795. 
 
 (72) To O. Wolcott, Cbarlestown, Dec. S. 1795. Love: Past and Thanksgiving 
 Da.vs of N. 1?., p. .17.1. 
 
 (73) To O. Wolcott, Dedham, Dec. 31, 1795. Gibbs: Memoirs, 1:296. D. 
 Sewell to 0. Strong, Tork, Dec. 27, 1795; "I am inclined to think that by far 
 the larger part of Massa. district have different Sentiments from those of Dracut, 
 Charlestown and some other hasty uninformed corpoj^atlons. ." Strong MSS., Forbes 
 
 Library, Northampton, Mass. 
 
157 
 
 I informed you. . .1 should treat of the injury [to] 
 .. .liberty. . .in some parts of America, from the 
 Pulpit, the Theatre, and the Press . . . They [the 
 clergy] under a pretence of supporting religion en- 
 gaged against our Revolution and even iti their ad- 
 dresses to heaven, implicated and dishonoured the 
 natural rights of man, and advocated the cause of 
 Despotism. "'''' 
 
 Hardly had the year — 1796 — begun, when two oc- 
 currences showed how strongly the tide of federalism 
 was running.''^ First, the Virginia Resolutions, to 
 the indignation of the republicans, suffered very 
 quick defeat and none too courteous treatment at 
 the hands of the Massachusetts legislature.'^'^ Over- 
 whelmingly rejected in the Senate, they fared little 
 better in the House. A motion to commit was lost, 
 24 to 56. They were then laid on the table," 42 to 41, 
 and on I^ebruary 6th the amendments were finally 
 killed by a vote of 98 to 46, in an attempt to recon- 
 sider the tabling motion.^^ 
 
 The other was the tart reply of both branches of 
 the legislature to the Governor's message, in which 
 
 (74) Ind. Ch., Dec. 28, 1705. The other two letters of this scries are in 
 Dec. 21st, 1795, and Jan. 4th, 1790. It is highly significant to have "the pullllt," 
 which is carefully emphasized, head the list of the agencies antagonistic to 
 France. 
 
 (75) Tlie action taken by the General Court was quite dilTerent from what 
 had been hoped for by the republicans. On Jul.y 10, 1795, Robert Livingstone 
 had written to Adams suggesting that he write Washington against Jay's 
 Treaty — having done so himself — and suggested that if the legislature of Massa- 
 chusetts would only pass resolutions against it that such action would "have great 
 weight. S. Adams MSS., N. Y. Public Library. 
 
 (76) Madison perceived the change of sentiment in Massacliusetts when he 
 wrote to Jefferson: "Their unhandsome treatment of the Virginia amendments 
 portends a counter tone." Phila., Jan. 31, 179G, Worlis, II:75-G. He com- 
 plains again of the treatment as "unworthy" in a letter to E. Pendleton. Phlla., 
 Feb, 7, 1796, Works, 11:77-9. The republicans in Massachusetts were likewise 
 Irritated. See Ind. Ch., Jan. 25, Feb. 8, 1796. In the same paper (Feb. 4.) a 
 correspondent does not think it respectful "to pass over the application of our 
 Elder Sister .. [who] joined hands with us to break that formidable TUSK of 
 aristocracy, tlie suability of the states," The federalists on the other hand 
 were greatly delighted and exulted: "the Legislatures of Massachusetts and New 
 York and the Senate of Pennsylvania, have decided against the 'Virginia alter- 
 ation.' Disorganizers! What think ye of the 'organs of the people,' now?" 
 
 Centlnel, Feb, 20, 1790. 
 
 (77) This was on the 19th of January. Ibid, Jan. 20, 1796. 
 
 (78) Ibid, Feb. 6, 1796. Comments In ibid, Feb. 10. So important is the 
 vote that the names are given In full In ibid, Feb. 6; Ind. Ch., Feb. 11, 1796. 
 
158 
 
 he criticised Jay's Treaty.'^® Although it was cur- 
 rently believed and openly asserted (while the un- 
 usual delay gave considerable color to the charge)*" 
 that the speech had been thus unduly long in coming 
 because of the necessity of its being "much soften- 
 ed," yet it elicited sharp answers. To the gover- 
 nor's assertion^^ that "the Treaty was pregnant 
 
 with evil,"*^ the Senate replied: "We consider it an 
 interference with the powers entrusted to that gov- 
 ernment for the Legislature of this Commonwealth 
 to decide on [Jay's Treaty] . . . And having firm re- 
 liance on the Supreme Executive and other consti- 
 tuted authorities of the Union, we hope the appre- 
 hensions of danger expressed by your Excellency, 
 on this subject, will never be realized."*^ The reply 
 of the House was quite as much of a bitter slap. 
 "We consider a respectful submission to the legal 
 decisions of the constituted authorities to be the 
 surest means of enjoying and perpetuating the in- 
 valuable blessings of our free and republican govern- 
 ment."** It is no wonder that Fisher Ames writes 
 gleefully, "Massachusetts has given faction a blow 
 by the answer [s] . . .and the contempt of Virginia's 
 revolutionary amendments. '"*° 
 
 Another cheering omen, to the federalists, was the 
 death at Philadelphia of the parent "Jacobin Club." 
 After chronicling that happy event, the federalist 
 
 (79) Kven Madison remarked to Jefferson: "Govr. Adams bas launched a pretty 
 bold attack agaitnst the Treaty." Phlla., Jan. 31, 1796. Works, 11:76; see also 
 C. Gore to King, Boston, Jan. 31, 1796. King: King, 11:55. 
 
 (80) Centlnel, Jan. 20, 1796. F. Ames to J. Smith, Dedham, Jan. 18, 1796, 
 Works, pt. 1, pp. 183-4: "Our Governor has not yet delivered his most democratic 
 speech, although it is the second week of the court-sitting. .It is said, he has 
 twice or thrice new modelled his preachment, as he was led by hopes and fears 
 of the temper of the members, finding no anti-treaty stuff would be well 
 received. ." 
 
 (81) Centlnel, Jan. 17, 20, 1790. 
 
 (82) A writer In tlie Centlnel (Jan. 23, 1796) unkindly reminded the governor 
 that "during the glorious revolution he thought things 'pregnant with evil,' 
 which proved the salvation of our country, as also our Constitution was once 
 higlily pregnant with evil." 
 
 (S3) The reply was on Jan. 21st. Centlnel, Jan. 23, 1796. 
 
 (84) The reply was returned on Jan. 22d. Ibid, Jan. 27, 1796. 
 
 (85) To T. Dwight, Phila., Feb. 11, 1796. Works, pt. 1, p. 180. 
 
159 
 
 paper remarks : '*In Massachusetts a celebrated phy- 
 sician. . .has declared. . .that the club of Boston was 
 in a languishing and decrepit state. "^^ High hopes 
 arose in the breast of some of the federalists over 
 the chance of turning out the '*aged and decrepit 
 Sam/'^^ as they ungrntefully regarded the patriot, 
 who should have been respected for his well ripened 
 years and great services to his country. 
 
 The attempt began early in February with a cam- 
 paign document designed to injure Adams,*^^ the logi- 
 cal nominee of the republicans, although Sullivan is 
 nominated by his friends, doubtless encouraged by 
 the federalists who were hoping in this way to divide 
 
 (86) Tlie publication of Adet's Intercepted letter concerning the Democratic 
 Societies served but to give the coup de grace to these moribund organizations. 
 StIU it furnished ammunition for the federalists. Said one writer: "Republi- 
 cans are, according to this Frenchman, preparing our explosion of the govern- 
 ment — see section 2 — who were preparing a Revolution or Civil War — see section 
 13, 14 — who form popular societies, who concentrate themselves and send out a 
 concert of declarations against the government — section 8, section 10 — [he] 
 vindicates the whiskey rebellion, and calls thom Republicans by principle, and 
 Indeprndent by character and situation, the same men whom the Chronicle 
 smoothly noticed while they had arms In their hands, as their brethren. " Centl- 
 uel. Jan. 20, 179G. 
 
 (87) The following quotation from the Centlnel, Jan. 17, 1795, talien from 
 the "Hartford News-Boy," will show how tho Governor had lost confidence and 
 even Ihc respect of the federalists for his open devotion to the cause of the 
 French. [This attachment was so notorious earlier that when Prince Edward 
 visited Boston, officialdom was greatly agitated by his delay over waiting upon 
 the acting governor. See S. Breck to Knox, Boston, Feb. 10, 1794. Knox MSS. 
 XXXV:42; same to same. Feb. 16. 1794. Ibid, p. 49.] 
 
 "And now O Muse throw Candour's veil 
 
 O'er aged Sam, In dotage frail 
 
 And let past services atone 
 
 For recent deeds of folly done ; 
 
 AYlien late aboard the Gallic ship, 
 
 Well fraught with democratic flip, 
 
 He praying fell on servile knees, 
 
 That France alone might rule the seas, 
 
 While Sense and Reason took a nap. 
 
 And snor'd in Jacobinic cap. 
 
 His other acts, both grave and jolly 
 
 Behold ! are in the book of Folly : 
 
 Yet should he with his fathers sleep, 
 
 We'd strive with all our might — to weep." 
 (88) "I am happy that Massachusetts has once more attained. . [a] respectable 
 character, .a few. .demagogues, .have endeavoured to represent her citizens as 
 friends to mobbery and every disorganizing measure and have been influential 
 enough to create riotous proceedings In. . [Boston]. The lameness of the Execu- 
 tive on those occasions have served to second the evil report which has spread 
 apainst her reputation." Centlnel, Feb. 13, 1796. Increase Sumner was nomi- 
 nated informally by the 16th of February. There is a curious statement In the 
 C'*ntlnel, April 6, 1790, regarding the inomlnatlon. "This year, in consequence 
 of some disorders in this town, and for other causes, a number of gentlemen from 
 tho country, .proposed to. .place Judge Sumner in the chair." On the 21st of 
 January Gore writes to King: "It is more than probable that an effort will be 
 made to displace Adams.. thy] Sumner." King: Kfaig, 11:55. 
 
160 
 
 their opponents.*^ The two leading candidates were 
 indisputably Increase Sumner and Samuel Adams, 
 the present governor. Unwearied exertions were 
 made by the federalists in behalf of their candi- 
 date."" A supposedly convincing argument address- 
 ed to the citizens of Massachusetts was that "in the 
 life of man he is twice a child. . . Thus. . .they ought 
 not to invest the high office to a Grovernor in 
 dotage.""^ The reply of a republican to this "Brit- 
 ish ' ' accusation was that if he is " feeble & debilitat- 
 ed as you falsely represent him, [he] has made even 
 your master G-eorge the Third to tremble, and who 
 still remains, like the worm that never dies, a scourge 
 to the enemies of America. ' '^^ The friends of Adams 
 constantly remind the people of his great patriotism, 
 that he and Hancock were the only ones excepted 
 from the proffered act of pardon. When, however, 
 they sought to use Hancock's popularity to magnify 
 their candidate by descanting on the warm friend- 
 ships which existed between these two patriots, they 
 trod on very insecure ground. There were too many 
 
 (89) Amory: Sullivan, 11:54: "ho not only rtiscourajrccl his own nomination, but 
 enfraired actively in thp canvass, defendinf? Mr. Adams from the attacks." 
 
 (90) See "Thp Elector," which came out in four numbers in the Hampshire 
 Gazette, March 2, 9, 16, 2.3. 1796. Also "Cassius" in the Mass. Spy, March 30, 
 1790: Fed. Orrer.v, April 4, 1796. Perhaps as sharp as anythins is the remark of 
 the Salem Gazette, March 29, 1796: "We have repeatedly -wished a change, but 
 the Satellites of Anarchy have prevented it, that their Patron, as Governor of 
 Massachusetts, , mifrht ;rive a tone to all the principles and practices of Jacobin 
 mischief." A pood deal was made of his aliened opposition to Washington dur- 
 ing the Revolution. Centinel, April 2, 1796. There is an elaborate list of charges 
 against the Goveii«or in ibid. March 2,3, 26, 1796. They are miicli the same as 
 In previous elections. A cordial invitation is extended to Adams to resign as 
 Gov. Trumbull of Connecticut did "who in a handsome and pathetic address., 
 took leave of public life." A further reason Is that both branches of the legis- 
 lature and tlie Council are opposed to him. This Is quite true, so mucli so that he 
 "had other Counsellors than those appointed for him by tlie Constitution." and it 
 is affirmed with assurance that he did not read his speech — denouncing Jay's 
 Treaty to his Council — as it was customary at least to do. 
 
 (91) Ibid, March 5, 1790. Of like import is an earlier version of this "aged" 
 accusation. "It is high time.. to 'put off the OLD M-\X.' and 'put on the new,' 
 and I trust the former will be equally candid as John the Baptist was towards 
 his successor, when he declared 'he must INCREASE, but I must decrease.' " 
 Ibid, Feb. 17, 1796. It was somewhat charitably suggested that it was "the 
 Shaking Palsey for several years, [which] has weakened his [Adams'] mind 
 to such a degree as has made him a dupe to the ambitious designs of a Party 
 who wish to ruin the country. .Jarvis. Austin, and Vlnal. .unprincipled ["villains"] 
 ..at the head of every faction, .entirely rule his conduct." Hampshire Gazette, 
 
 March 2, 1796. 
 
 (92) Ind. Cb., March 7, 1796. 
 
161 
 
 "who on Gala clays [had] . . .been entertained by the 
 generosity of [HancoLkJ . . . [and knew] how often he 
 has expressed his disapprobation of this CYNICK, 
 who refused his invitations and declared it wicJced 
 in a Eepublic to enjoy the good things of Provi- 
 dence. . . '""^ So well known were the criticisms of 
 Hancock by Adams, tliat the following squib had at 
 least a strong veri-similitude of truth. "There are 
 citizens who firmly believe that the greater part of 
 the matter of the celebrated strictures on Gov. H. 
 under the signature of 'Laco,' were furnished, either 
 orally or in writing, by Gov. Adams.'"'* 
 
 The result of the election bore out the statement 
 addressed to the "British desperadoes." "Go to," 
 it exclaimed, "Ye may as well attempt to move 
 Mount Atlas, as to remove from the breasts of true 
 born Americans a love & esteem for... [ Adams]. "^' 
 The Governor received 15,195 out of a total vote of 
 26„493 — his opponent having 10,184. The latter vote 
 is a rather interesting proof of the growing strength 
 of party allegiance, the federalist candidate having 
 little to recommend him in comparison with the 
 "Patriot of '75." Dividing the state as before into 
 three sections, we find, that while in the east the in- 
 crease of the republican vote was 148 over that of 
 the federalists, in the west the former actually 
 gained 392 votes, the latter 1,810 and turned a minor- 
 ity of 603 votes into a majority of 1,599 from the 
 vote cast in 1794, and in the Maine section, the re- 
 publican gain is but 243, that of the federalists 348. 
 What with the legislature exhibiting throughout its 
 session "enlightened Federalism," the future, as 
 
 ■(93) Oentinel, March 5, 1796. It Is further msserted that when Adams was 
 President of the Senate he made "It appear that [Hancock] . .was the mere 
 pagent of the Whig Party, whose property and pleasable talents they thought 
 useful; but whom thej- with great dlfflculty kept steady to their cause." Ibid, 
 April 2, 1T96. 
 
 (94) Ibid, March 30, 1796. 
 (Oo) Ind. Oh., March 7, 1796. See p. 179, u. 24. 
 
162 
 
 well it might, looked roseate to the Massachusetts 
 federalists, in the face of Sumner's defeat. 
 
CHAPTEE X. 
 
 THE CLEKGY AND THE DEMOCKATS. 
 
 Despite the re-election of Samuel Adams in the 
 spring of 1796, the federalist vote was a most cheer- 
 ing omen of coming ^/ictory.^ The well nigh unani- 
 mous response of the Massachusetts towns to the 
 attempt of the House of Eepresentatives to nullify 
 Jay's Treaty was a splendid augury of future fed- 
 eralism in state matters.^ No sooner had the legis- 
 lature, elected that spring, assembled than it gave 
 
 (1) The federalist nominees for the Boston Seat received 1,374, 1,317, 173^ 
 and 1,224, while the republican candidates had 798, 768, 7Go and 751. There 
 were three union candidates. Mass. Mercury, May 11, 14, 1796. Samuel 
 Adams offered himself as presidential elector that fall, but was beaten. The 
 Boston votes show again how closely party lines were drawn and how little the 
 ratio had changed from the spring. On the republican ticket were Adams for 
 elector (975 votes) Bowdoln [son of James Bowdoin, wlio had become a repub- 
 lican to the intense disgust of ' 'his father' g friends* ' ] for congressman (986 
 votes) ; while Dawes for elector and Otis for congressman on the federalist 
 ticket received 1420 and 1408 respectively. Centinel, Nov. 7, 9, 12, 1796. A 
 great outcry over fraud and intimidation Is raised by the defeated republicans. 
 Ind. Ch., Nov. 10, 1706. Tlie reply is that Adams received 1570 votes last April, 
 but only 975 this, and that if tliis election contained illegal votes "what must 
 the first have been." Centinel, Nov. 12, 179G. The scandal was so notorioua 
 (see ibid, Jan. 16, 1797) that Samuel Adams takes up the matter in his address 
 to the General Court on January 27, 1797. Ibid, Jan. 28, 1797. 
 
 (2) In consequence of a circular letter the towns adopted memorials requesting 
 the House of Ilcpresentatives to carry out Jay's Treaty. During the month o/ 
 April and Into May the votes of the towns were being forwarded to Washington, 
 All the important coast towns took emphatic action. Centinel, April 23, 27, 1796. 
 Boston's town meeting was favorable by a great vote — estimated to be 
 twenty-three or twenty-four hundred to one hundred. Ibid, April 27. The same 
 paper says there is a "general spirit to rise en masse, and petition Congress. . 
 the Ministers of the Gospel of PEACE will feel themselves called upon.. to aid..'* 
 The appeal did not go unheeded as the anger of the republicans testifies. Said 
 one: "The self-created Circulating Letter Committee, with Deacons at the 
 head, & some of the Clergy in the middle will never urge the real patriots of 
 America to sacrifice France to as'^ist England." Ind. Ch., April 30, 1796. The 
 clergy did not hesitate to read the circular letter from the pulpit, and as the parish 
 and the towia coincided often an impromptu meeting was held then and there — this 
 being a work of necessity. Centinel, May 4. 1790. The circular letter was sent 
 out "to every town and plantation in the state" by April 30th. See the Centinel 
 of that date. In Hampshire County the address of Judge Dana to the grand 
 Jury was used as a basis for a circular letter which was sent to all the towns 
 in that county. Ibid, May 4, 1796. It was reported: "Fifty-six out of sixty 
 towns will be unanimously in favor;" and every town in Worcester county there 
 is "reason to think.. will be" unanimous likewise. Ibid, May 7, 1796. The 
 Independent Chronicle (May 9, 1796) after boldly reciting the names of fourteen 
 towns "where said Memorial was introduced, .and where it either received their 
 marked disapprobation, or was taken no notice of [and] In some towns it was 
 even burnt [this later statement being denied in the Centinel, May 11], in others 
 It was tore up.." takes refuge behind the safe remark "Ana many other.. 
 
164 
 
 unmistakable evidence of its federalistic bias by 
 changing tlie state printing from the Independent 
 Chronicle to journals whose party affiliations were 
 in strict accord with the majority.^ 
 
 The fall elections, especially in the western por- 
 tions, proved that the federalist majority in the 
 spring did not come from a temporary condition. 
 The Hon. W. S. Lyman, who had heretofore repre- 
 sented the Hampshire district — ^misrepresented it in 
 the eyes of the federalists — and who had supported 
 the "faction of Maddison" was in disgrace for that 
 reason and failed of re-election.* In the Berkshire 
 district,, two federalists struggled for the seat in Con- 
 gress, left vacant by the resignation of Theodore 
 Sedgwick, just elected to the Senate of the United 
 States.^ 
 
 towns." This poor showing Included scattering villages of Middlesex, Bristol, 
 Plymouth and the District of Maine. For a continuous throng of town actions 
 see the Centinel, May 4, 7, 11, 14, 1796. The Hampshire Gazette (May 11, 1796) 
 says as to Berkshire County: "Most of the towns.. have had meetings and voted to 
 petition Congress to carry, .the treaty into effect." A memorial from the town 
 of Boston was signed , by 1300, Salem attached 650 to her petition. Centinel, 
 April 27, 1796. J. Morse to 0. "Wolcott, Charlestown, May 4, 1796. Wolcott 
 MSS. Conn. Hist. Soc. : "An attempt was lately made in Boston.. to obtain signers 
 to a Counter Petition to Congress, a la modo Phila. New York etc — About 20 
 
 his 
 written names were obtained, & then they came to X ..[so] they gave up the 
 
 mark 
 plot— ■• 
 
 (3) J[nd. Ch., June 6, 1796. See account of the votes in the legislature In the 
 Hampshire Gazette, June 8, 179G. So confident of the federalistic sentiments of 
 the legislature was Caleb Strong (United States Senator at this time) that he 
 writes to W. Phillips: "I have perfect Confidence in the present General Assem- 
 bly so far as I have heard of the Elections that my Successor will be of that 
 DescL-Iption. ." Phila.. June 1, 1796. Strong MSS. Forbes Library. Northamp- 
 ton, Mass. See also G. Cabot to King, Brookline, July 24, 179C. King: King, 
 11:66-7. 
 
 (4) F. Ames to 0. Wolcott, Dedliam, Sept. 2, 1796. Gibbs: Memoirs, 1:385; 
 Hampshire Gazette. Nov. 9, 16, 1796. Th« cliarge was made In 1794, but failed 
 to defeat him. Fed. Spy, May 27, 3794. 
 
 (5) The contestants were T, J. Skinner of Williamstown and Ephralm Wil- 
 liams of Stockbridge. The former was a democrat masquerading as a federalist. 
 The accusation against Skinner that he was opposed to the Treaty caused a great 
 ferment in bis native town and affidavits from ma'Q.v citizens including the Presi- 
 dent of Williams certified to his sImon pure federalistic sentiments. Hampshire 
 Gazette, Aug. 31, 1796. The first trial resulted In a plurality for Williams by 
 about 70 votes — the law demanding a majority. On the second trial Skinner's 
 friends made the greater exertions. They accused Williams of "principles so 
 extremely grateful to the old royalists" and of "connections with a Senator" [Sedg- 
 wick] and with "the professors of the law.." Hampshire Gazette, Oct. 2, 1796. 
 These were sufficient to turn the scale and elect Skinner. But as the Centinel 
 
 (for Sept. 7, 1700) said: "It is no ill compliment on the federalism of the 
 Western district, that., [there] are as many as [fifty] . .certificates and deposi- 
 tions on oath, .[attesting], .to the federalism of Gen. Skinner." Sedgwick to O. 
 
165 
 
 The credit fur the overturn in the state was clearly 
 recognized as early as the beginning of this year, 
 1796, in as much as the Centinel announces that to 
 "the clergy of Massachusetts. . .in a great measure 
 . . .it is owing. . .that the substantial yeomanry of 
 Massachusetts and New Hampshire have on every 
 late occasion exhibited the most honorable traits of 
 unadulterated Federalism."" And the brother of 
 Fisher Ames, an unmitigated democrat, notes with 
 acerlnty in his diary: "Priests made Politicians by 
 Boston Torys. "" Credit is likewise given to the 
 clergy by the republicans who cease not to assail 
 them for their politicn,] activity. A warning, which 
 falls upon deaf ears, is soimded amid a diatribe 
 against the clergy as follows: "It is time for the 
 people to think for themselves, and no longer l^e 
 duped by any order of men whatever."® 
 
 Much asperity and criticism is aroused by "a most 
 high handed. . .circular letter. . .directed to the re- 
 spective Clergymen in the Commonwealth This 
 
 ...Committee was a self created society... to in- 
 fluence the people through the medium of the 
 clergy..."" A profane individual clothes his at- 
 tacks in scriptural language. The attempt at a para- 
 ble was "Some of the tribes of Levi are striving to 
 carry the People of Israel to the other side of the 
 
 Wolcott, Stockbriclpce, June 26, ]796. Gibbs: JMcmolrs, I:3G3: "I much fear tha( 
 Mr. Skinner will prevail.. In politics be is exactly the counterpart of.-Varnuni 
 [a Republican Congressman from Middlesex County], and yet he has had the 
 address to make many pood people believe him to be liisrhly federal." 
 
 (G) Feb. 13, 3796. At a formal dinner given to John Adams by the citizens 
 of Boston all "Business stood still for the day to see Festivity at its enjoy- 
 ment" — one of the toasts was "The Reverend Clergry. May they continue to 
 oppose an insurmountable barrier, ajrainst heretical opinions in Church and 
 State." . :\riis^, Sjiy. Aup. 23. 1707. The comment by the Independent Chronicle 
 (.\np. 21, 1707) on tlie toasts was: we are "led to pity the sycophancy of men in 
 holy orders. and in their professional habiliments courting the smiles of a nominal 
 frroat ninu," endlnfr with the malicious comment: "The President attended THE 
 THEATRE In the ereninp:, this possibly was pleasing to the Rev. Clergy, who 
 waited on him during the day in their sacerdotals; as It formed an 'alliance 
 offensive and defensive' between the Sta^e and the Pulpit." This was all in an 
 editorial, which was not common then. 
 
 (7) Dedham Hist. Reg. 7:78. For other characteristic comments see ibid, pp. 
 116-7. 
 
 (8) See Appendix K. 
 
 (9) Ind. Ch., April 0, 1797. 
 
166 
 
 waters of the red sea . . . and are trying to make them 
 serve again under the yoke of Pharoah."" This is 
 pleasantry. Other attacks are bitter as can be 
 imagiaed.i^ The trnth of the disagreeable situa- 
 tion — for the democrats — is set forth, although in 
 garbled fashion, in a communication of November 
 27th in the Independent Chronicle: "Church and 
 state are said to be in danger from the machinations 
 of our violent Democrats. This is a second edition 
 of the old watchword, ' Church and King. ' The royal 
 faction [i. e., the federalists], unable to support 
 their sinking cause by its own merits, have i :!gen- 
 iously attempted to prevent its downfall by uniting 
 its fate with that of the church. ' ' 
 
 Were the clergy silent, meek, and turning tho other 
 cheek to all these buff etings 1 On the contrary, they 
 belonged to a church which was indeed a church mili- 
 tant, which was accustomed rather to carry the at- 
 tack into the enemy's country. On the 26th day of 
 May, the Eev. Jeremy Belknap preached a sermon 
 before the annual convention of the clergy in Massa- 
 chusetts. The significance of this discourse is two- 
 fold. The larger part is taken up with the "afflic- 
 tions of the gospel" which the clergy are called upon 
 to endure. Among the various woes incident to their 
 profession are the attacks upon the clergy "for 
 
 (10) Ibta, May 25. 1797. "Pharoah" being the King of England. 
 
 (11) And the replies are in liind. "in this regrion," comments a Vermonter, 
 "common sense seems puzzled to account for tlie sentiments [of the Jacobins] . .who 
 absolutely prefer French politics. . [and] French atheism.. We suppose a Jacobin 
 to be a.. salt water wild Indian, .which at times vomits forth fire and brimstone 
 at good Gen. Washington, .and the whole body of New England Clergy." Cen- 
 tinel, June 14, 1797. "The Jacobins, .omitted no opportunity to ridicule Chris- 
 tianity and to harrass, yilify and slander., the Clergy.," Ibid, Sept, 16, 1797. 
 Another in a defence of the clergy gave an account of the French treatment of 
 ministers and religion. Ibid, April 2G, 1797. Still another defender remarlis: 
 "It Is not to be wondered at, if the Tom Paines, and the Ethan Aliens of the 
 present day, having pierced the sides of the Redeemer, should point their spears 
 against the ministers." Mass. Spy, Nov. 15, 1797. See also ibid. Nov. 8, 1797. 
 The "importance [of the clergy] has been most sensibly felt by their country in 
 several critical periods, particularly in the American revolution, at the adoption 
 of the state and federal constitution, and at a late alarming crisi^ [Jay's 
 Treaty and the opposition later in the House of Representatives]." Ibid, April 19 
 1797. 
 
167 
 
 political preaching."-- And on this point the 
 preacher dwells for nearly four pages of the printed 
 sermon, while the others receive a much less ex- 
 tended treatment, being disposed of in the space of 
 two pages or less. Nor is this all that is significant. 
 In his defense of their stand he cites the example of 
 the ancient prophets, who hesitated not to rebuke 
 even the princes of Israel, of Christ and the ''disor- 
 ganizing Pharisees," Apostle Paul, and finally St. 
 Peter, who ''pointedly denounce [d] the judgment of 
 God against those who despise government, and 
 speak evil of dignities, stigmatizing them with the 
 epithets of ])resumptuous and self-willed; character- 
 izing them as political hypocrites, who, whilst they 
 promise liberty, are themselves servants of corrup- 
 tion; comparing them to Balaam, who loved the 
 wages of unrighteousness; and applying to them that 
 true proverb, The dog is turned to his own vomit, 
 and the sow that waj washed to her wallowing in 
 the mire."^^ This is an excellent example of what 
 those men of Grod were fond of describing as * 'pun- 
 gent preaching," a course which was as likely to 
 
 (12) Much the same language is held by David Tappan the next year at the 
 convention of the Congregational clergy: "The same principles [i. e. attachment 
 to the State "not only by the same ties of affection and interest with their 
 fellow-citizens, but by the sacred and endearing bonds of pastoral duty and love, 
 and by their peculiar concern for the security and flourishing care of the Church, 
 which has an important connection with civil liberty and order"] . .have more 
 recently called forth the same energies in behalf of our threatened -national 
 dignity, authority, and peace. In these, .efforts, .the eye of.. candor beholds a., 
 refutation of those infidels and demagogues who hold up gospel ministers as 
 forming.. a dangerous aristocracy [etc.].." p. 26. The following year — 1798 — on 
 the same occasion David Osgood is very explicit regarding "The cause in which 
 we arc engaged [which] is evilly spoken against, .numbers bave been preju- 
 diced against, .religion, .disposed to abandon their religion, and turn their backs 
 on its teachers. .They despise our office, and set at naught all our counsel. On 
 every side we hear their defaming, and the hard speeches tbat are uttered against 
 us." p. 11. See likewise Buckminster, Joseph: A Sermon preached at Con- 
 cord before the Ecclesiastical Convention of New Hampshire, Juine .'3, 1 71)9 ; 
 Harris, William : A Sermon delivered. . in Boston, before the annual convention 
 of the Protestant Episcopal Church in Massachusetts. .2Sth -of May, 1799. 
 Esp. pp. 0-10, 12-13, lG-17. At the convention of the clergy of Massachusetts in 
 Bo>ton. May 30th, 1799, the Rev. Eli Forbes deemed it best to preach on the 
 "XnoffensiT* Ministry," which was somewhat of a misnomer for lie too expa- 
 tiates [on p. 27] upon the "flood of infldelity and practical atheism [which] 
 threatens to corrupt and to deluge our land; we must unite.. to stem the tide 
 of diaorcanizlng and demoralizing principles." 
 
 (13) pp. lG-17. 
 
108 
 
 arouse hard feelings and revilings, as to prick the 
 conscience. Tlie angry retorts of those "who if 
 [they] .. .will. . .wear such a character. . .must 
 blame themselves for the reproach which is neces- 
 sarily attached" left the matter entirely clear as to 
 which party they belonged." 
 
 Lest this example be considered unique, let the 
 Rev. Henry Cuming ':j opinion of the democrats be 
 quoted. In his sermon of December 15, 1796, he 
 mildly remarks: "It has been the infelicity of 
 America, .to have a warm and active party. . .rest- 
 less [fellows] . . . [who] have taken unwearied pains 
 to precipitate us into a war with Grreat Britain. . . 
 [however our] strict neutrality [can not] be broken 
 Ly the intrigues of foreign ministers, or by the insidi- 
 ous sophistry and alarming declamations of their 
 venal sycophants. . . This hidden way of traducing and 
 bespattering the character of the illustrious Wash- 
 ington, bears great resemblance to the Indian way of 
 bush-fighting, when invisible . . . concealed . . . like 
 timid poltroons... . [they] discharge their lead undis- 
 covered ; which ... is commonly considered ... as 
 sneaking and dastardly, and an evident mark of 
 cowardice." He closes with a warning, "let us be 
 particularly on our guard against. , .those uneasy 
 discontented self-applauders, who . . . are perpetually 
 speaking evil of dignities. . . "^' This is strong meat, 
 no whit less than Cobbett's famous pamphlet whose 
 title indicates its contents "A Bone to Gnaw for 
 the Democrats. ' ' With clear intention that his allu- 
 sion be not mistaken, the Rev. Alvan Hyde thun- 
 dered how "Awful was the display of divine wrath, 
 when Korah, Dathan and Abiram stirred up a 
 mutiny in Israel,^" and presumed boldly to speak 
 
 (14) Ibid, p. 10. 
 (16) p. sr!. 
 
 (16) This slmiUe is a fery favorite one witii the clergy even In 1795. Dr. 
 Tappan (Oambridge, Feb. 19th, 1795) draws a strlliing parallel between ancient 
 
169 
 
 against the administration of Moses" and concludes 
 ^vith a moving and pathetic peroration ''our amazing 
 ingratitude bursts forth to light: — our amazing in- 
 ,^■ratitude, not only to. . . [God], but, to. . .AVashiug- 
 ton. . . May the Lord forgive the ingratitude of this 
 people. . . [to] Washmgton. "^^ Such extracts as 
 these show that the objections of the democrats to 
 political preaching were well founded/^ 
 
 But the sermons delivered up to this time — rabid 
 and venomous as their victims considered them — 
 by no means mark the high tide of clerical interest 
 and interference in political affairs. "With the 
 widely trumpeted discovery of an alleged plot 
 n.i^'ainst religion,^" coupled with the insults and 
 threats from the French Directory — the X. Y. Z. let- 
 ters — and injuries by French depredations, the 
 clergy reach a height of animosity and unbridled 
 fulminations in tlieir sermons, hitherto unequaled.^^ 
 
 Israel anil the Americans, whose unthankful anrl rebellions murraurincrs, etc. 
 The Rev, Jonathan Strong; fon November 19, JTOri. at Randolph) reprovingly said: 
 ''The more Mosi's a-id Aaron, the servants of the Lord, laboured to promote tlieir 
 happlnnss, the more they murmured. .And Is not this a.s true respecting the 
 First Jfasistrate of our nation, (waving the mention of many other public char- 
 acters) ?*' p. S."!. See o. g. Prisbie. L., Ipswich, Feb. 19. 170.1, p. 23; Strong. 
 N.. Hartforil, (Conn.) Nov. 16, 1707, p. 11; Glllett, B., nullc.wi'U, [:\re.] April 
 25, 1799. pp. 1-2 et seq. 
 
 (ITl Loe, Dec. lo, 179G. pp. 22-3. 
 
 (IS) The straits to which a minister was reduced in a community where the 
 French feeling r.-in lilgli is well illustrated in the preface to the sermon of Jon- 
 athan Freeman deli\er('d at New Windsor and Bethlehem (Vt. ) August 30. 1798: 
 "there being many in favor of France.. I concluded not to observe publicly the 
 day appointed for a fast by the General Assembly [of the Presbyterian Church].. 
 between tiie fear of giving offence if I preached as duty and conscience deter- 
 mined, and the fear of incurring the displeasure of heaven If I should not 
 preach.. I was balancing, until a few days before, .the fast. .The discourse as I 
 expected raised. . [a] ferment — misrepresentation succeeded." pp. Ill to IV. To 
 baclc up his distasteful charges he gives a bibliography of the authorities used 
 on page V. 
 
 (19) l^ee Appendix L. 
 
 (20) It Is not to be supposed that the republicans were slloncefl. A few 
 references out of manr that might be cited will suffice. On July t>. 179S, an 
 "open enemy" in the Independent Chronicle uses the phrases: "How foul is the 
 
 tongue of Priests exciting to War a bloody Priest" and asserts that tlic clergy 
 
 "misinterpret the writings of good men. .misquote and misrepresent, .scripture. . 
 with the most bare-faced impudence, .and blasphemous impunity." A letter of 
 that federalistic divine the Rev. Jedertiah Morse to 0. Wolcott bears out the 
 first part of the above accusation: "We are waiting with almost impatience to 
 have War declared a^t. France that we may distinguish more decidedly between 
 friends and foes among ourselves. I believe there is energy enough in govern- 
 ment to silence & if necessary to exterminate its ohstinate & dangerous enemies." 
 Charli-^town, Julv i:!, 1798. Wolcott MSS. Conn. Hist. Soc. For other attacks 
 see the Ind. Ch., Jan. 4, 8, 11, Feb. 5, 22, March 2G, April 2, 5, 9, 12, 16, 30. 
 
170 
 
 On the 9tli of May, 1798, David Osgood, tlie ''ci- 
 devant Bishop of Medford," preached a scorching 
 Sfl'-mon on "Some facts evincive of the atheistical, 
 anarchical, and, in other respects, immoral prin- 
 ciples of the French Republicans," in the course of 
 which he paid his respects to the "American Eepub- 
 licans," and their newspapers, carefully named, 
 which "are so many decoys to draw us within the 
 reach of her fraternal embrace. If you would not be 
 ravished by the monster, drive her panders from 
 among you. The editor^, patrons, and abettors of 
 those vehicles of slander. . .those wet-nurses of 
 a French faction in the bowels of our country, have 
 no longer any cloak for their guilt — [they] who still 
 . . plead . . the cause of France . . . ought to be 
 considered and treated as enemies to their coun- 
 try. . . . Brethren, mark them . . . and let them 
 wear the stigma of reproach due to the perfidious be- 
 trayers of their country, . . . whose abilities [are] 
 exerted in abusing and slandering the . . . rulers. . . . 
 Of all traitors, they are the most aggravatedly 
 criminal ; of all villains, they are the most infamous 
 and detestable. "^^ 
 
 This language was held consistently b^' the en- 
 raged and alarmed clergy, who were convinced that 
 "Our political and religious interests had not [in the 
 Amei'ican Revolution] that close and indissoluble 
 connection then, which they have now. . . . Shall 
 those, then, who are set for tJie defense of the Gosi^el, 
 and who have solemnly sworn to vindicate it, basely 
 desert their posts? Or . . . look silently on, and . . . 
 give no warning of danger? . . . ]\Iy brethren, rest 
 assured that. . [your pastor's] efforts, however feeble 
 shall not be wanting to the caiise of his threatened 
 
 [this last by "Brnttlc Stici'l" (E. R. Sullivan, ^oe Amory: Sullivan II:n-. B. 
 Austin und S. .-Vilam^ arc al-^n imiillcntcd In these various attaclis. See ibid, pp. 
 57-8.) an assault upon Pro]^. Tnppau.] May ."!. :2.s, (etc.), 1T!1.S. 
 (21) pp. 22-3. 
 
171 
 
 and suffering country. ' '^^ Tlie most famous sermon 
 discharged in these turbulent days was by Presi- 
 dent Timothy Dwight, of Yale. It was preached on 
 the 4th of July, 1798, and was widely quoted by 
 admiring divines. An extract will indicate suffici- 
 ently that truculent preacher's sentiments: "For 
 what end shall we be connected with [the French] . . . 
 that our churches may become temples of reason, our 
 Sabbath a decade, and our psalms of praise Mar- 
 seillais hymns'? Is it that we may change our holy 
 worship into a dance of Jacobin phrenzy, and that 
 we may behold a strumphet personating a Goddess 
 on the alters of JEHOVAH'? Is it that we may see 
 the Bible cast into a bonfire, the vessels of the sacra- 
 mental supper borne by an ass . . . and our chil- 
 dren chanting mockeries against God . . . ? Is it 
 that we may see our wives and daughters . . . dis- 
 honored . . . polluted . . . outcasts . . . "1 Is it that 
 we may see, in our public papers, a solemn compari- 
 son drawn by an American Mother club between . . . 
 Christ and a new Marat; and the fiend of malice ex- 
 alted above the . . . Eedeemer . . . ? Shall our sons 
 become the disciples of Voltaire and the dragons of 
 
 Marat; or our daughters the concubines of the II- 
 luminati?"'^ 
 
 So thoroughly were the clergy convinced that 
 "This infidelity [from France] (served up in pam- 
 phlet and pocket volumes for the common people, in 
 histories and encyclopedias for the learned [and] . . . 
 kindly circulated among the people . . . [who are 
 told] that they have been hoodwinked and priest- 
 ridden,)^* has caused multitudes . . . [to] . . . turn 
 downright deists, . . . vast numbers ... to embrace 
 principles . . . clearly repugnant both to Scripture 
 
 (22) Dana, D., Newburyport, April 25, 1709. p. 54. 
 
 (23) pp. 20-1. 
 
 (24) Klrklantl, J. T., Boston, May 9, 1798. pp. 12-14. 
 
172 
 
 and reason/' and that '* every year evidently in- 
 creases the number of Sabbath-breakers,"-'^ that they 
 feel stirred to some official action. Solemnly, in con- 
 vention assembled, an address was drawn tip and 
 signed unanimously by the clergy who ^'duly lament 
 those atheistical, licentious and disorganizing prin- 
 ciples, which have been avowed and zealously propa- 
 gated by the philosophers and politicians of France. 
 . . This intimate connection between our civil and 
 Christian blessings, is alone sufficient to justify the 
 decided part which the clergy of America have uni- 
 formly taken in supporting the constituted authori- 
 ties and iDolitical interests of their coimtry. T\^aile 
 we forgive the censure which our order has received 
 from some persons on this account, we will still, by 
 our prayers and examples, by our public and pri- 
 vate discourses, continue the same tenor of conduct 
 
 f2.1) Ibid, pp. 12-13. 
 
 Even Dr. Priestly — a very liberally minderl philosopher who was disposed to 
 interpret the developments in France, even to the prevailing fashion of atheism, 
 in the mo^t optimistic way — -now rc,£rards the prespnt age a^ alarming in America. 
 In nu address to a congregation in Philadelphia he says: "And snrely 
 never was infidelity, joined f\ith protligacy. both as to cause and effect so 
 prevalent as it Is at this day.. Let us do what we can to stem the overwhelming 
 torrent. ' ' This is strikingly different from the hopes cherished in his answer 
 to Paiine's Age of Reason, being A Continuation of the Letters to the Phil- 
 osophers and Politicians of France on the Subject of Religion; and of the Letters 
 to a Philosophical Unbeliever, in Answer to Mr. Paine's Age of Reason in 
 which he comments that "The turn that infidelity has lately taken in France is 
 not a little rcaiarkable; but it promises well for tlie cause of religion.. We must 
 not, however, he surprised if infidelity should continue to prevail to a much 
 greater extent than It has done yet." All this is in the Salem Gazette, Jan. 
 13th, 179^1. This complacent view which was shared by others in 1795 was 
 utterly changed in less than two years. Salem Gazette, April 2S, 1797. A 
 paragraph in the Political Gazette, (Aug. 24, 1797, from the Mass. Mercury) 
 exhibits "The situation in our country [as] . .serious and alarming, both in a 
 moral and political view,.Tlie rapid progress of corruption and vice.. is a subject 
 of common remark among our own citizens, as well as among foreigners..'* See 
 also the Hampshire Gazette — June 27. 179S — for a doleful account of tho spread 
 of French atheism here. The Bench began to take judicial notice of the spread 
 of atheism tlnough the machinations of the French. S-ee the charges of Chief 
 Justice Elsworth to the Grand Jnry of the United States (Western" Star, April 
 17. 1707), .Judge Rush to tho Grand Juries of Bucks. Luzerne and Northumberland 
 Counties (Pa.) {Impartial Herald. Oct. 12. 1798); Judge Gushing to the Federal 
 Grand Jury for the District of Virgiioia — November 23, 1798 (Newburyport Her- 
 ald, June S, 1799). Likewise orations were spouted on the same subject. Fisko. 
 O., Wni-ci.-stor, July 4. 1797. Worcester, 1797, pp. 7-10; Allen, B., An Oration 
 in defense of Divine Revelation, .delivered. . at the Commencement of Rhode 
 Island College. September 0, A. D. 1797. Providence, R. I., 1797; Whitman. K., 
 Bridgewater, Oct. 4, 179S. Boston, 1798; Parisli. B., Byfleld, July 4, 1799. 
 Newburyport, n. d. The Centinel — July 20. 1790 — vcniarks: "The* best per- 
 formance. -was the Oration on Atheism, by the Rev. Mr. Woods.." 
 
173 
 
 which has incurred this malevolent or misguided 
 abuse. "'« 
 
 Nor were clerical tumults and shoutings over the 
 dangers to the country from the French abated one 
 jot or tittle the next year, since the President gave 
 official confirmation to the alarmist contentions of 
 the clergy. In his proclamation setting aside April 
 25th for a National Fast Day because of the sup- 
 posed imminence of war with France he affirmed 
 (and such sentiments must have been read with 
 more than a tinge of satisfaction, amidst all the 
 heavy solemnity of the occasion, in most New Eng- 
 land pulpits) : "The most precious interests of the 
 people of the United States are still held in jeopardy 
 by the hostile designs and insidious arts of a foreign 
 nation, as well as by the dissemination among them 
 of those principles subversive of all religious, moral 
 and social obligations that have produced incalcula- 
 ble mischief and misery in other countries. "^^ For- 
 tified by such unimpeachable authority the clergy re- 
 newed their lamentations, reiterated their warnings 
 of danger and redoubled those politico-spiritual 
 thunders-* which were, however, by constant repeti- 
 tion losing somewhat their convincing effectiveness. 
 
 (2C) Quoted in the Hampshire Gazette, June 27th, 1798. The address was 
 drawn up on May 31st. It was sent to the President who made a suitable reply. 
 Ind. Ch., June 23, 1798. It naturally aroused the prejudices of those who felt 
 themselyeg and their political attachments reflected upon. See two attaclis in 
 Ibid, June 23, 1798. 
 
 (27) Richardson: Messages.. of the Presidents. 1:285. 
 
 (28) See Appendix J. 
 
CHAPTER XI. 
 
 THE TEIUMPH OF THE FEDEEALIST PAETY, 1796 TO 1800. 
 
 The political revolution in Massachusetts, which 
 had been accomplished by 1796, was practically con- 
 summated by the announcement of Samuel Adams 
 in a message to the General Court that he was de- 
 termined to retire from politics that spring. The 
 federalists heartily acquiesced in the governor's de- 
 termination, their only regret being that his resolu- 
 tion had not been taken at least a year earlier, and 
 again confidently nominated Increase Sumner.- 
 Their hopes were the greater since their opponents 
 were rent into two factions by a difference of opin- 
 ion regarding candidates. The rank and file, es- 
 pecially in Maine, desired James Sullivan, who was 
 the present attorney-general and the astute coun- 
 cillor of Hancock and Adams. But he was not ac- 
 ceptable to the Boston leaders, who were dominated 
 by Benjamin Austin, still implacable to lawyers,^ and 
 it may be harboring other grudges — and so the Bos- 
 ton caucus was induced to nominate James Gill, the 
 present lieutenant-governor.^ Now, while the vote 
 of the Boston caucus generally directed the action of 
 
 (1) The Kovernor announced bis decision in Ms message to the legislature on 
 January 27th. Centinel, Jan. 28, 1797. He offered his age as the reason. 
 This In itself "n'as sutBcient to induce him to refuse to be a candidate, but he 
 doubtless feared that he would not be successful. The fact that the legislature 
 as well as his council "was so thoroughly in opposition to his republican senti- 
 ments and his defeat as candidate for presidential Elector a little more than 
 a month before probably had influence In his decision. 
 
 (2) Centinel, Feb. l;l. 17. 20. 1797. There were numerous nominations such 
 as Gen. Knox, Gill and ■ Daniel Coney (of Maine) Gill and Samuel Plilllips, 
 Sullivan and Gill, and Sullivan and Heath. 
 
 (.3) Greenfield Gazette, March 23, 1707. "Honestus" feels still called upon to 
 express his attitude of hostility to the lawyers. E. g. in the Centinel — Feb. 26, 
 1794 — they are denounced as "ITarpies." 
 
 (4) Benjamin Austin, "old Honestus," was the moving spirit in splitting the 
 party vote in this manner. Amory; Sullivan, II:.")."). For the "lasting impres- 
 sions" made upon tiie yeomanry of this commonwealth "by tlie writinfrs of 
 'Honestus' " see Ind. Cli., ISIarch 30, 1797, See also his Constitutional Republican- 
 ism in opposition to Fallacious Federalism. Boston, 1S03. 
 
175 
 
 the state party, in this case the rural democrats in 
 all parts of the state would have none of the lat- 
 ter, but generally supported the people's candidate, 
 James Sullivan.^ 
 
 With this divided opposition, the federalists swept 
 the state, losing only Middlesex — the most consist- 
 ent republican stronghold ( which only once, — in 
 1798, — gave a federalist majority), and York and 
 Washington counties in Maine.*^ 
 
 The events of the next year, 1798, all contributed 
 to reduce the republican vote to a mere scattering 
 handful.'^ So popular was the governor and so un- 
 popular had France made herself and her cause in 
 this country by her intolerable actions and attitude® 
 that the democrats made no effort to nominate a 
 candidate to oppose Increase Sumner.® They con- 
 centrated their efforts on staving off the war which 
 the federalists were clamoring for, to exciting the 
 towns to petition Congress against arming American 
 merchant vessels, and to deprecating the various 
 steps taken towards hostilities with France.^^ And 
 
 (5) Moses Gill did not receive much support for poTernor outside of Suffolk 
 (Boston), Middlesex, Cumberland (Me.) and Lincoln (Me.) counties. The vote being 
 in the first 880 for Gill, 1071 for Sumner and 27 for Sullivan; in the second G38, 
 858, 1489 respectively, third 430, 740, 94, fourth. 341, 947, G23. The total vote 
 In the Maine district being 1016, 2002, 1403 respectivflv. The same faction 
 which nominated Gill in Bostan for governor ran James Bowdoin (the younger) 
 for lieutenant-governor, as is shown by the votes in Boston, 867 and 7S8 respect- 
 ively, while Sumner and Gill received 1054 and 1062 respectively. Bowdoin 
 received but 513 votes from the rest of the state and Gill, wlio had the support 
 of cviTvbodv else, obtained 17.791 as lieutenant-governor. The total vote for gov- 
 ernor was Sumner, 14,540; Sullivan. 7,125; Gill, 3,573. 
 
 (G) Washington was the smallest county as to population in Maine — generally 
 indeed giving a federalist majority — this year being one of its four democratic 
 years. The vote was 124 (Sullivan) — 113 (Sumner). 
 
 (7) In western Massachusetts the vote stood G,134 to 304 in favor of Increase 
 Sumner. Out of 135 towns making returns there were 114 unanimously federalist. 
 In 1799 the vote was almost as overwhelming — out of 136 towns, 111 were like- 
 wise unanimous. Even in ISOO there were still thirty without a democratic 
 voter. In Maine the majority 1u 1798 "was quite as large, being 4,251 to 236, 
 while in eastern Massachusetts the vote was 7,113 to 1,627. 
 
 (S) See Appendix M. 
 
 (9) In the Independent Chronicle of April 2nd, 1798, there is a reference to 
 the fact that James Sullivan would be voted for by the republicans, but it Is 
 probalbe that no caucus had been held. 
 
 (10^ Previously to the publication of the S. Y. Z. documents there were it 
 few towns which had voted against the arming: Milton, Centinel, March 24, 1798; 
 Roxbury, Ind. Ch., March 26, 1798; Cambridge, Bridgewater and Abington 
 adopted resolutions and drew up petitions to Congress praying them to avert 
 
176 
 
 in tliis tliey acliieved a certain measure of success, 
 until the publication of tlie so-called X. Y. Z. letters, 
 wliicli put a sudden damper on their most energetic 
 activities. 
 
 While the campaign for governor in the spring of 
 1799 is remarkably free from contention and the re- 
 publicans refrain from attacking Sumner, who ap- 
 pears respected by all factions (indeed, a writer in 
 the Centinel, March 20th, supposes it to be a joke 
 that General Heath is being supported in opposi- 
 tion), yet the events which were taking place outside 
 the state had a powerful influence over the people's 
 political predelictions. Probably nothing had a more 
 decisive effect than the heavy "war taxes" which 
 were being collected. Thus, despite the fact that 
 there was no formal caucus to nominate the demo- 
 cratic candidate, a common impression spread that 
 General Heath was to be voted for by all lovers of 
 peace and those economically inclined.^' 
 
 Early in January, Jefferson wrote to Madison: 
 "The Eepublican spirit is supposed to be gaiuing 
 ground in Massachusetts," and the cause was "The 
 tax gatherer [who] has already excited discon- 
 tent."'^ His political sagacity in this respect was 
 
 war with Prance. Centinel, April 11, 17, 1798. By the Independent Chronicle 
 — April IG — it Is announced that the towns of Lexington, Dorchester and Fal- 
 mouth on April 20th have taken similar action. Ac ion tool: action finally. 
 Ibid, May 20, 1798. On the other hand with the publication of the X. Y. Z. 
 documents, public indignation flared up in New England as elsewhere and the 
 addresses to the President began to pour in. 1,500 names were achieved in a 
 single day— the 23rd of April — in Boston. Centinel, April 25, 1798. Still the 
 Independent Chronicle had the audacity to publish an editorial on April 12th, 
 beginning; "The conduct of Franco needs no apology." 
 
 (11) Gen. Heath seems to have been nominated by personal friends. See the 
 Ind. Ch., Feb. 25, March 14, 21, 28, April 1, 171)9. Even the republicans do not 
 seem to have realized the degree of opposition prevalent since the legislature had 
 overwhelmingly shown their disapproval of the Virginia and Kentucky Resolutions 
 by a vote in the House of 110 to 29, and in the Senate a solitary vote was 
 recorded in favor. This was cast by Bacon of Berkshire County. Centinel, Feb. 
 12, 1799. The federalists appealed to his constituents to defeat his re-election. 
 Ibid, Feb. 27, 1790. (See a eulogy of him in the Ind. Oh.. Feb. 25, 1799.) His 
 defeat was chronicled with great pleasure in the Centinel, May 1, 1799. In Ibid, 
 April 6, it was rudely announced that owing to the backwardness of the season 
 "Green Peas and Bacon will be scarce the last Wednesday in May next." [i. e. 
 wlien the legislature convenes.] 
 
 (12) Jan. 3, 1709. Writings, X:07. 
 
177 
 
 amply proven by the subsequent elections. As an 
 alarmed federalist wrote in the Centinel, April 17th, 
 1799, after the returns had come in for governor: 
 "They [ the Jacobins] know the weak side of the 
 New-England farmers and Federalists, to be a love 
 of money and of course a dread of expense. They 
 have, therefore, seized with art and avidity this 
 string which leads directly to the heart: — abandon- 
 ing France . . . and almost ceasing to calumniate 
 the best patriots, they [harp] ... on the expenses of 
 naval arrangements . . . standing army . . . fortifica- 
 tions, the eight per cent. Loan, and the Land Tax. 
 This scheme, the most politic and the most danger- 
 ous which they could have adopted, has not been 
 without its effect. It has created a division al- 
 ready. ..." Especially were efforts made by the 
 republicans to capture the legislature, although 
 they had lost the governorship. The directing spirit 
 was a "select caucus of the members of the General 
 Court, which met a few evenings before the Court 
 rose ; — and how well these Jeffersonian puppets have 
 acted their parts the returns . . . will . . . shew. ' '^^ 
 
 Although the federalists were victorious again 
 the next year, 1800, yet the split in the national party 
 was reflected in the workings of the party in Massa- 
 chusetts. And, indeed, the bitterness might be ex- 
 pected to be accentuated, seeing that several of the 
 leading characters in that tragedy came from the 
 New England section. The quarrel of the Essex 
 Junto and John Adams lost nothing of its intensity 
 after the so-called Party Eevolution of 1800. 
 
 The death of Increase Sumner, before he took the 
 oath of office in this year, 1799, was a severe blow to 
 his party. It was likewise a great loss to the state, 
 
 (13) In regard to this effort the Centinel — June 1st, 1799 — announces that 
 •'after all the cunning tricks, and Industrious efforts the disorganizing faction.." 
 have but 45 in the House and Senate. 
 
178 
 
 for he had indeed "united all hearts," and his free- 
 dom from political bias made of him a refreshing 
 and admirable contrast to the bitter actions and 
 animosities of the politicians of that period." 
 
 While Grill, who had been acting governor for this 
 year's administration, 1799 to 1800, was not popular 
 enough to be considered by either party to lead the 
 ticket, all seemed to consider him as the best fitted 
 and most available for the lieutenant-governor- 
 ship.^' Still he is mentioned among the six who 
 are talked of by the people for governor that spring, 
 the other five being Heath, Strong, Gerry, Dana and 
 Ames.^" 
 
 The federalists took the first step in nominating- 
 Caleb Strong, of Northampton, recently United 
 State senator, for governor." The democrats, in 
 their turn, settled upon Eldridge G-erry,^® and their 
 choice was certainh- a shrewd one, for the latter, 
 although criticised by the extreme federalists for his 
 actions as one of the envoys to France, yet since 
 
 (14) See Abbot, A., A Sermon aeliTei'ed at Haverhill, Nov. 2S, 1798. p. 23. 
 
 (15) He Is denouuced as the candidate of some ricli men who desire a rich 
 governor. Ind. Ch., Jlarch 20, ISOO. In ibid — April 3d — a correspondent accuses 
 the federalists of maliciously pushing Gill in order to divide the opposition. 
 
 (16) Ind. Ch., Feb. 20, 1800. The reason why James Sullivan is not men- 
 tioned — and this holds good for the previous year — is that as attorney-general of 
 the state it had been his unwelcome duty to prosecute one of the editors of the 
 Independent Chronicle for a libel on the legislature in regard to the Virginia 
 Resiilutions. Centinel, March 30, 1799. The prosecution was only too suc- 
 cessful and unliappy politician, althougli he published an article in the 
 paper attacking the wliole action of the autaorities [Amory: Sullivan, II;66], 
 had made himself too unpopular for the time being to be available politically. 
 He had made many political enemies with his contentious and bitiug pen. See e. g. 
 the Oentinel, Nov. 25, 1789; April 13, 1791; esp. Mass. Gazette, March 14. 1788: 
 
 "Medusa's snakes have crawl'd from S[ulliva]n's pen 
 Their poison hiss'd, and backward crawl'd again. 
 To some dark, blasted, villanous retreat. 
 Where malice rankles and the furies meet ; 
 
 To all conspiracies his talent lends 
 Against his country or his country's friends. 
 But truth turns pale and virtue in a frown 
 Speaks him the scorn and nuisance of tlie Town." 
 
 (17) The federalist candidate was nominated by a legislative caucus of a 
 majority — it is asserted — of both houses, with the aid of other gentlemen. This 
 method of procedure Is the subject of violent censures by the democrats. See 
 the Ind. Oh., Feb. 3, 10, 13, 17, 24, 27, 1800. 
 
 (18) Ibid, Fob. 13, 17, 24, 27, 1800. 
 
179 
 
 he had been chosen by Adams, and had also, as Elec- 
 tor, voted for him, such qualifications gave him abund- 
 ant standing in the eyes of moderate federalists/^ 
 
 The campaign began early in February, and was 
 conducted with vigor, even acrimoniously. Gerry 
 was held up as an inflexible patriot since '75, and as 
 "no friend of a mixed Monarchy, or to a Standing 
 army"-" and as a co-patriot with Hancock f^ while the 
 federalists harped upon his opposition to the adop- 
 tion of the Federal Constitution by Massachusetts.^^ 
 The fact that Strong was a lawyer was used indus- 
 triously against him, while the question as to his 
 active patriotism during the Eevolution was 
 raised.^^ However, his well-known connection with 
 Joseph Hawley, of Northampton, the great friend of 
 Samuel Adams, and the early and only important 
 patriotic leader of the western part of the state, 
 settled easily that point. 
 
 The resiilt of the election^* is well set forth and 
 summed up in a letter of Stephen Higginson to 
 Timothy Pickering: "Gerry has been run beyond 
 all expectation, he follows Strong very close, and at 
 times has led him;. . .much has been done by hold- 
 ing up Gerry as the friend of Adams and of peace, 
 as well as of the people and the rights of man. The 
 
 (19) This is admlttGd bv tlie, Cmtinel, April 9tii, 1800. 
 
 (20) Inti. Cli., Feb. 24, 1800. 
 
 (21) Ibid, IMarch 10, 1800. 
 
 (22) Centiupl. April 5, 1800. The federalists are much exercised on account of 
 the fact that the democrats have assumed the name of Federal Republicans. 
 
 23) Ind. Ch., JNIarch 20, ISOO. 
 
 (24) In dividing the state into the three sections as usual we find that In the 
 cast tliere is a republican majorit.v of 2,485; in the west there is a federalist 
 majority of 6,324; and in Maine a federalist majority of 772. Boston actually 
 went republican by 24 votes — the totals being Gerry, 155ri, and Strong 1531. 
 Ind. Ch., April 10, 1800. A compari,son of the vote in the three sections of the 
 state during the years 1790, 1797, 1798, 1799, 1800 Is as follows: 
 
 Kast. West. Maine. 
 
 Fed. Rep. Fed. Rep. Fed. Rep. 
 
 1790 4,19,3— ,S, 090 4,850—3,2.51 1,141—3,8.53 
 
 1797 0,143-5,048 5,795—2,625 2,602—2,415 
 
 1798 7,113-1,627 6,134— 304 4.251— 2.36 
 
 1799 11,277-6,388 7,699— 730 5,097—1,576 
 
 1800 8,197-10,082 9,550—3,226 3,883—3,111 
 
 The totals being 1796; 10,184-15,194; 1797: 14,640 to 10,788; 1708: 17,498 to 
 2,167; 1799: 24,973 to 8,694; 1800: 21,620 to 17,019. 
 
180 
 
 [Adams'] patronage has been indeed very efficacious., 
 and his friends have been in favour of Gerry. ''^^ 
 The most striking fact, however, is that the 
 largest federalist vote was given by western Massa- 
 chusetts.^*^ Henceforth from this section above all 
 will come that large federalist majority which in no 
 small measure served to give to that party its re- 
 markable and unique lease of life in Massachusetts. 
 For twenty-nine years, without exception, the 
 western counties rolled up a federalist majority,^"^ 
 at times, indeed, to the salvation of the party. 
 To what conditions, then, may this unbroken 
 
 (25) Boston. April 16, 1800. Am. Hist. Assn. Rep. I (1896). 836. 
 
 Josiah Quincy attributed his defeat for cangress in 1800 by William Eustis to- 
 this same factional fight among the federalists. Quincy: Life of Josiah Quincy, 
 pp. 60-7. 
 
 (26) 6,224. In the east a minority of 2.485 and in Maine a majority of 772. 
 It must be remembered that the heart of this portion of the state (Hampshire 
 County, which gave the largest majorities actually and relatively) was settled 
 but a few years after the coast towns. Moreover for a long period it was sepa- 
 rated from the rest of the state by a large stretch of comparative wilderness. 
 Thus it developed by itself and — isolated — conservatism became entrenched there 
 holding its ground against innovation of every sort. Shays' Rebellion is the 
 one exception which proves the rule. A remarliably vivid picture of the isolation 
 and conservatism of the typical western Massachusetts town about ISOO is 
 given in: Quabbin [Enfield] the Story of a Small Town, by F. H. Underwood. 
 [Boston, 1893.] 
 
 Berkshire, the most western of the counties, is the only part where the 
 democrats are numerous enough to carry the county at times. This county, 
 unlike Hampshire and Worcester, is a new county largely settled after the 
 Revolution and therefore, like the District of Maine, would have a natural leaning 
 towards Democracy. Politics in Berkshire county, as well in the other counties 
 of western Massachusetts after 1806 were further complciated by the opposition 
 between the Congregationalists and the other sects especially the Baptists and 
 the Methodists. This question indeed reached by no means so acute a pitch as it 
 did in Connecticut where the downfall of the federalist party is partly to be 
 traced to his trouble, but after 180O there is quite a decided relation in western 
 Massachusetts at least between the democratic vote in towns and where there were 
 what may be called "dissenting ministers," e. g. in the gubernatorial election 
 of 1816 this fact is noticeable by taktag the various returns of the towns and 
 comparing thorn with the yearly register of the clergy. Further, three of the four 
 leaders of the county under discussion were decided democrats. Bacon and 
 Skinner were two, while Rev. Mr. Allen with his "Pittsfleld Sun." (established In 
 1800 in Pittsfleld) wielded a great influence. Cheshire, which sent the famous 
 cheese to Jefferson (Holland's Hist, of West. Mass., 11:478). was largely Baptist. 
 
 (27) There is almost a pathetic interest in the federalist majority vote of 
 western Massachusetts during the last two years of that party's existence. In 
 1823 the federalist majority was only 658. This was the smallest ever given. 
 As a matter of fact save for the first year, 1796. the federalist majority was 
 never less than 3,000 and often much larger. The republican vote which had 
 been averaging between eight and seven thousand the past six years suddenly 
 jumped in this year, 1823, to 12,137 — the federalist being 12,745. The repub- 
 lican candidate won out the next year. 1824 (the last year that the federalist put 
 a state ticket in the field) . this faithful section increased its vote from 12,8.0.1 to 
 15,147, the republicans rising only from 12,137 to 13,221. All this was in vain, 
 for in eastern Massachusetts there was an adverse majority of over 6,000. tlie 
 federalist vote being there 17,276 and 19,063 in 1823 and 1824 while tlio repub- 
 licans rolled up a vote of 20,365 aiad 25,429 in the same years. 
 
181 
 
 record of federalism be attributed? The general 
 reasons which brought about the growth of the party 
 in this state have been discussed. What, then, were 
 the factors which belong especially to western Mas- 
 sachusetts? To answer this question it will be nec- 
 cessary to recapitulate briefly the history of that 
 portion of the commonwealth. 
 
 The social and political changes which took place 
 in Massachusetts during the first half of the eigh- 
 teenth century were much greater in the eastern than 
 in the western division of the colony. In the coast 
 towns there was a marked increase in wealth; new 
 ideas obtained a foothold, and the professional 
 classes, other than the clergy, who suffered a decline, 
 made large gains in influence and power. In the 
 western half, the ascendency of the clergy, though 
 that order was deprived of its direct political power 
 through the broadening of the franchise by the char- 
 ter of 1691, continued nearly as paramount as in the 
 previous century. In this somewhat isolated region, 
 for even the so-called trading towns of the Connecti- 
 cut valley did little business with the outside world, 
 the sober currents of life moved sluggishly, quick- 
 ened only by the French wars and theological discus- 
 sions, which culminated in the great revivals. So 
 these inland towns continued in their quiet unpro- 
 gressive ways until the stirring events which pre- 
 ceded the Eevolution broke in upon their peaceful 
 seclusion. It was the upheaval of war which for the 
 time being submerged or drove out the conserva- 
 tives^® and left the people too largely to the guidance 
 of the radical and untrained elements.^^ Undoubt- 
 
 (28) "The reason why the New England states are .worse governed than here- 
 tofore Is, that men of sense [and] . .property have lost much of their Influence 
 by the popular spirit of the war. People once respected their governors, their 
 ■enators, their Judges and their clergy; then laws were oljeyed, and the states 
 were happy in tranquility." Mass. Gazette, Dec. 8, 1786, from the Conn. Courant, 
 Nov. 27, 1786. 
 
 (29) "Since the war, blustering Ignorant men.. started into notice during the 
 troubles and confusion of that critical period, have been attempting to push 
 
182 
 
 edly the reason why western Massachusetts was so 
 completely given over to false prophets was that she 
 not only had lost her natural leaders,^^ bnt that she 
 was unable or unwilling to replace them.^^ Many of 
 the latter had suffered greatly in the esteem of the 
 people through adherence to the Tory party.^^ To 
 the temporary decline in the power of the clergy, two 
 causes contributed; one, the fact that not a few 
 ministers became odious on account of their loyalist 
 
 themselTes into office, and have turned the clamours against British tyranny 
 against their own governors. ' ' Ihid. 
 
 (30) Western Massachusetts had — a little before the outbreak of the vrnv — lost 
 "that great trio. .John Pynohon of Springfield. .Samuel Partridge of Hatfi-'ld [and 
 John Stoddard of Northampton who "stood at the head" of this triumvt^rate of 
 leaders and were called the "River Gods"] . .which ruled, or led, Western Massa- 
 chusetts through an entire century of its history." Holland, Hist, of West. 
 Mass., 11:252. In accounting for political sentiment in any portion of New 
 England the remarkable influence which men of acknowledged position had over 
 their neighbors must not be neglected. E. g. in the Hampshire Gazette. Doc. 1, 
 1802, the reason is set forth why Essex County (South) is democratic, namely 
 because of the "Great Crowninshield family." 
 
 This marked evidence of respect is shown nowhere more clearly than in the 
 method of seating families in church, a fashion which was universal during the 
 colonial period and Indeed lingered in some towns well into the 19th century. 
 An excellent example of the New England gentry is the account of Mr. Henry 
 Brownfield (in the New England Magazine, N. S., vol. II, especially page 18) for 
 whom it was the people's custom — -even in the second decade of the 10th century — 
 to remain seated until he and his family had left the church. 
 
 (31) The only prominent patriot leader of western Massachusetts was Hawley 
 of Northampton, but his work was completed at the outbreak of the Revolution 
 and after that he lived in retirement. Holland, Hist, of Western Mass., 11:253. 
 The only prominent conservatives are Theodore Sedgwick, who did not come into 
 sight until after Shays' Rebellion, and Caleb Strong. The most radical leader 
 was Samuel Ely, of West Springfield, who was only a temporary element of dis- 
 cord, being driven from the state as a reward for the Hampshire riots of 1782. 
 Gentinel, June 10, 1795. Shays of Pelham, Parmenter of Pelham, and the Days 
 of West Springfield — thoroughgoing demagogues all of them — were prominent 
 during the lean years of the Shays' Rebellion period. Afterwards Bacon and 
 Skinner of Berkshire were the leading democrats of that county, the former was 
 the sole state senator to vote for the Virginia Resolutions of 179S, and his 
 opinions, political and religious, "veered with the wind," while the latter looted 
 the treasury when State Treasurer. William Lyman, of undistinguished abilities, 
 was the republican member of Hampshire County in the National House, until 
 it became federalistic in 1796. 
 
 (32) In 1775 only two lawyers remained in Worcester county because the 
 others, being Tory, had left. Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc, 1SG9-70, p. 48. As for 
 Berkshire see ibid, 1SG4-G5, p. 346. Letter of J. Andrews. The leading citizen 
 of Springfield, Col. Worthington, leaned to Torism and completely lost his influ- 
 ence. Holland: Hist, of Western Mass., II;13o-G. The leading men of Hatfield, 
 Deerfield, Amherst and Sheflield, were Tories. Ibid, 11:235. Sheldon: Hist, of 
 Deerfield, pp. 738-49. Holland: Hist, of Western Mass., 11:166-7, 584. Deer- 
 field seems to be particularly infested with Loyalists even towards the close of 
 the war. See the motion made by its representatives in the legislature. Diary 
 of Wm. Pynchon, p. 86. This raised a great deal of alarm and "certain Justices in 
 each county are empowered, .to suspend the Habeas Corpus Act, In case., that 
 any towns or persons shall dare instruct their representatives as Deerfield hath 
 done, or [the writer was a conservative] be guilty of speaking or. . [thinkjing too 
 loud against either wind or tide of politics.." p. 88. See also Sheldon: Hist, 
 of Deerfield, pp. 738-48. Apparently there were still a number of avowed Loyal- 
 ists In Springfield who exulted when reverses occurred to the American armies. 
 
183 
 
 proclivities'*" — in some towns they were the only ad- 
 herents of Great Britain — the other the fact that 
 many towns possessed no minister during the war 
 period,^^ while poverty and Shays' Rebellion later 
 disturbed the relation between others. 
 
 Shays' Eebellion had two results in western Mas- 
 sachusetts, both of which are of great importance. 
 It thoroughly discredited those unprincipled and 
 restless demagogues who excited seditious animosi- 
 ties against law and order from the close of the Rev- 
 olution, and even before, until 1787.^'* Furthermore, 
 the collapse of that dangerous and widespread move- 
 ment led to the emigration, especially to Vermont, of 
 literally hundreds of the most restless, debt-ridden 
 and shiftless of the population.^^ Western Massa- 
 
 See Mass. Spy, June 15, July 13, 21. 17S0. Many references can be found in 
 the newspapers regarding tlic hated Loyalists. See e. g. Ind. Ch., Aug. 1, 8, 
 1782; Ma-^s. Gazette, Feb. 20. 1788; Oontluel, Oct. 22, 1701; Fed. Spy, May 21, 
 1793. A powerfully vindictive sermon was preached against the Loyalists by 
 Rev. N. Whltaker at Salem in May, 1783. The text was "Thus saith the Lord, 
 because thou has let go a man out of thy hand whom I appointed to utter destruc- 
 tion, therefore thy life shall go for his life, and thy people for his people." In 
 the Mss. Mass. House Journal, Feb. 9th, 1781, p. 301, there is a list of sixteen 
 alleged "Tories." Out of this number thirteen are from western Massachustets. 
 Of this number four are doctors, one a captain. Tliere is an account of the 
 Berkshire Loyalists (who were generally prominent) in the Berkshire Hist. See. 
 Coll. II (1892) 111-4. "William William was the most prominent and important 
 personage in the county, north of Stockbridge," "a conservative*' and lost hia 
 influence as a result. Eli Parsons of Berkshire a violent, unprincipled fellow is 
 typical of the kind of demagogues who flourislied after the Revolution ana misled 
 the people. His proclamation after the dispersal of the rebels at Petersham Is 
 most bloodthirsty. 
 
 (33) In the counties of Hampshire and Berkshire there were no less than eight 
 whose opinions were so outspoken as to lead to their dismissal. Holland: Hist, 
 of Wotern JIass., 1:224; 11:60, 107. .I.IO. 381, 401, 434, 447-8. 
 
 (34) In the counties of Hampshire and Berkshire there were thirty-nine towns 
 which had no minister during the Revolution, six only a part of that period and 
 thirty- three which had a minister. Tbe source of information Is the second 
 Tolumo of Holland: Hist, of Western Mass., passim. 
 
 (35) Continel. May 10, 17SS. The change which is beginning Is noted In Ibid, 
 April 20. 30. 1788. The year before the prevailing tone of conservative observers 
 had beon exceedingly pessimistic. Gen. Knox's letters are peculiarly hopeless 
 regrardinc: the commoin people's political capabilities and even rudiments of hon- 
 esty. See also S. Higginson to N. Dane, Boston, March 3, 1787. Am. Hist. 
 Assn. Rep. I (179G) 7.54. Also J. Q. Adams to John Adams, June 30. 1787. 
 Adams: Life in a N. E. Town, 1787-1788, pp. 119-120, footnote. By 1790 how- 
 ever even Stephen Higginson is willing to admit that a very great change has 
 taken place in regard to "Habits of industry & frugality [which] are taking 
 the place of those of luxury and dissipation, more generally & with more celerity 
 than I expected, it Is a growing Idea, that the manners contracted during the 
 War must be done awav with." To Knox, Boston, April 1, 1790. Knox MSS., 
 XXVI :25. 
 
 (30) Minot: pp. 156-8. The Massachusetts Gazette (March 20, 1787) says: 
 "Major Cookson informs that not less than 700 families, inhabitants of the 
 three western counties of this commonwealth have, within about six weeks past, 
 
184 
 
 chnsetts was thus to a great extent purged of those 
 citizens most easily responsive to agitators and loud- 
 mouthed i)olitical brawlers. Boston replaced her 
 conservative elements lost in the Revolution by many 
 of the country gentry, who were of a more conserva- 
 tive tone than those who had ruled the state as well 
 as Boston society. Western Massachusetts, on the 
 other hand, could draw on no such reserves. It had 
 to abide the growing up of a generation which politi- 
 cally and religiously fell more or less under th3 in- 
 fluence of the clergy after they had regained some- 
 thing of their diminished prestige. 
 
 Now whatever political heresies had abounded in 
 the western half of the State, religious heresies and 
 much more irreligion, failed to find much of a foot- 
 hold there.^" The whole religious history of Massa- 
 chusetts, from the time of the Antinomian conflict, is 
 a more or less open contest l)etween liberalism and 
 conservatism in religion. Active as the clergy in 
 general were in combating errors of politics and 
 atheism, the ministers of the western portion had an 
 added impulse to be on their guard and to include 
 heresy as not the least of the dangers. For Uni- 
 tarianism had since the Revolution threatened ortho- 
 doxy.^^ Indeed, from early times, liberalism on the 
 coast had been a constant menace to the orthodox 
 brethren. Harvard of old had been a place of learn- 
 
 removed into the state of Vermont." This was a result of Shays' Rebellion. 
 See also Ilampsliire Chronicle, Oct. S, 17SS. 
 
 (37) It may be a mere acciilent. but yet it is very significant of tlxe prevail- 
 ing feeling in Western Mass.Tciuisetts that the Grand Jury of Hampshire County 
 should in their Address to the President, Sept. 3d, descant on the "system of 
 [atheistical] opinions, .propagated, .with a zeal and yigilance which would have 
 done honor to any cause.." Greenfield Gazette, Nov. .3, 1798. In the addresses 
 of the Grand ,Iury of Dutchess County (N. Y.) (Ibid, Oct. 13, 1798,) of the same 
 of Chnrif'ston District, (S. C. ) (Newburyport Herald, Nov. 0. 1798) and even 
 that of Bristol County (eastern Mass.) (ibid.) there Is no meiQtion of religion. 
 Only from Western Massachusetts could the following imagery most easily have 
 come: "Beware, .of the Madison scheme. .Beliold him exalted on the top of 
 Pisgali with a .Tacobin at Ills elbow tempting him to curse the people wliom the 
 LORD vouchsafed to bless! Nothing but tiie Genet maniac can equal the mad- 
 ness of the Virginia Prophet." Hampshire and Berijshire Chronicle March 
 25, 1794. 
 
 (38) See Appendix N. 
 
185 
 
 ing of ill-repute, as the founding of Yale testifies. A 
 striking instance of the grip which religion still had 
 on western Massachusetts is the petition of sundry 
 persons of Hampshire and the adjoining counties, in 
 1762, for a college to be located in that part of the 
 state, the well-known cause of this request being 
 Harvard's alleged saturation with heretical doc- 
 trines.®'' The founding of Amherst College as a re- 
 fuge for Congregationalism, among other reasons, 
 proves that western Massachusetts, as late as 1826, 
 had relaxed from Puritan rigidity far less than the 
 coast. 
 
 The history of the federalist party in Massachus- 
 setts continues along the same lines, and its persist- 
 ence is due largely to the same conditions which 
 gave it potential victory in 1796 and actual in 1797 
 and onwards. The politico-religious zeal of the 
 clergy — indeed their bigotry — is continued after 1800 
 and is displayed with so much animosity towards the 
 republican party, especially Jefferson, as to cause his 
 Postmaster-General to write a series of most vi- 
 tuperative articles against them.*" An extract will 
 suffice to show the intense hatred and bitterness en- 
 gendered.'" ' ' Some of the [clergy] . . . forgetful of 
 primitive purity, under a pretence of serving reli- 
 gion and obeying its ordinances, have hj calumnies, 
 
 (30) Qiiincy: Hist, of Harvard College, 11:105-11. Even Yale did not escape 
 contagion. In 1702 a reform was proposed and precautions taken. Ibid, 11:70-1. 
 Tlie early dislilie of tbe orthodox for Harvard is described in ibid, I:,314-6. 
 
 (40) See Appendix O. 
 
 (41) The loathing with which the clergy of New England regarded Jefferson 
 Is continually cropping out. The Rev. John Crane's sermon on March 7tb, 1802, 
 at Northbrldge, is on Jereboam which is the scriptural designation for the 
 President. It was a very favorite theme. See also his sermon on Feb. 28th, 
 1802, at the same place. Among the host of hostile sermons see Parish, E., 
 A discourse delivered at Byfield . . Nov. 29, 1804. Salem, ISO-j; Lyman, Joseph. 
 The Two Oiive-Trees; or.. Religion the leading qualification of Civil Rulers and 
 Christian Ministers, Illustrated in a Sermon preached at Hatfield, November 
 4th, 1804.. [Also bound with it a Thanljsglvlng Sermon — of lilie import — delivered 
 November 29th, 1804.] See also Story, Life and Letters of J. Story, 1:96, 10.5, 129. 
 Another example among many which might be cited is Sticl£ney : Autobiography 
 of Amos Kendell, p. 73. At Groton "the Clergyman's text was 'ye are of your 
 father, the Devil; and the woriis of your father ye will do.' The theme of 
 his discourse was a comparison of tbe President of the United States to Beelze- 
 bub, the Prince of Devils, and the members of Congress who voted for the 
 war, to the subordinate devils who do his bidding." 
 
186 
 
 misrepresentations and baseness, with a turpitude 
 of heart, black and gangrened, been laboring to over- 
 whelm, to sink to scorn and execration, a faithful 
 and a virtuous administration. The experiment has 
 been made, with a fury which chose to be blind, and 
 a perseverence which exceeds the ordinary measure 
 of obstinancy. Indecency has had no bounds, and 
 labor no respite. Contrivance directed effort, and 
 exertion followed stratagem. All were planning, and 
 all were acting in the same moment. Combination 
 encircled combination, convention communicated 
 with convention — S^^nods leagued with Synods, sec- 
 taries and seminaries, all combined in a system of ob- 
 loquy, to bear down with odium the President and his 
 confidential officers. ' '^^ Another quotation from 
 the same series is more explicit.^^ ^ ^ The Palladium 
 
 (42) The clerfiy professed to be unable to understand why their political 
 preaching met with such a violent reception at tliat time. In the American 
 Revolution, they reminded their hearers, not only was their activity loudly 
 applauded but it was besought most eagerly by the leaders of tliat period. 
 For the complaints over this bewildering change, see e. g. Kirkland. J. T., Bos- 
 ton, May 9, 179S, p. 18; Porter, E., Brookline and Roxtaury, May 0, 1708, p. 22. 
 
 However liglit broke upon them later for the Rev. Mr. Stillman in his Fast 
 Day Sermon, April 25, 1799, asserts: "The objection, .does not lie so much 
 against the preaching, as against the politics they (the ministers) preach, .we 
 have sufficient proof in the warm attachment, .they evince to the political 
 preachini; of Mr. Allen, of Pittsfleld . . " Hampshire Federalist, April S, 1807. 
 Both parties abused the clergymen ■who differed In sentiments: "The Clergy., 
 are with a few infamous and disgraceful exceptions, warmly attached to the 
 Washiufrton and Adams system of policy — Parson Beutly may weekly send forth 
 his hundred lies in the Salem Register. .Parson Allen may publish columns of 
 slander in the Pittsfleld Sun — Parson Leland may exliibit his 'Politicks Ser- 
 monized.' in every log hut and grog shop in the state.." Ibid, Oct. 7, 1806. Tlie 
 Hampshire Gazette, April 23d, ISOG. remarks: "The Clergy have been the 
 object of. . [the Spy's] particular virulence, and because there are no demo- 
 cratic clergymen In this county [Hampshire], that order of men have been 
 condemned in the gross.*' 
 
 (43) This bitterness did result in separation of churches and sometimes dismissal 
 of the pastor. See A Concise and Simple Narrative of the Controversy between 
 Thomas Allen. A. M., of Pittsfleld. and that Part of his Cliurch and "Congrega- 
 tion which have lately separated from his Pastoral Care. . Pittsfleld, 1S09. 
 This was a puncont reply to a pamphlet putting forth in peppery fashion the 
 grievances of tlie federalist malcontents of his congregation, who could no longer 
 endure their pastor's political predilictions which they alleged were openly and 
 persitently manifested even in prayers at the bedside of the sick and dying. 
 Rev. Nathaniel Porter was dismissed for fedornlistic activity. Allen: Am. 
 Biog. Diet., p. r.7.'l. How the federalist papers teemed with invectives against 
 France and the republicans or Paine for atheism aud irroliglon can be seen by 
 taking the Political Repository or Farmers' Journal. This paper, a weekly, was 
 printed at Brookfield, Worcester Co., the first number appearing Aug. 14, 1798. 
 The following numbers contain one or more references or attacks on the above 
 Bubjects: Aug. 14, "Jacobins. .Long have you panted to receive a 'Fraternal 
 hug,' from Rebbels against God, and the avowed enemies of man." Other such 
 remarks are to be found In Aug. 21, 28, Sept. 4, IS, 25; Oct. 2, 9. 23. 30; Not. 
 6, 13, 20, 27; Dec. 11, 179S. The same is generally true of the Political Focus — 
 
187 
 
 . . .was in bundles sent to tlie Federal clergy- 
 men of Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Con- 
 necticut, . . accompanied by a lengthy note . . . 
 designat[ing] ... in explicit terms . . . [the 
 administration of Jefferson] as uniformly op- 
 posed to the wise measures of the late admiu- 
 istrations, as manifesting hostility or indiffer- 
 ence to the sacred and civil institutions of their fore- 
 fathers. It described 'Jacobinism ... as spreading 
 with alarming rapidity in . . . [Massachusetts], . . . 
 In the political [activities of the clergy] . . . which 
 are every day disgusting [the people] we foresee the 
 downfall of the federal clergymen. Already has the 
 forgiving spirit plead for the clergymen seventy 
 times seventy . . . the clergy of New England, with 
 many distinguished exceptions, are opposed to their 
 Government . . . they borrow, from holy time, oppor- 
 tunities of aspersing [Government] .•. .and of alien- 
 ating from it the confidence and affections of the 
 subjects."" 
 
 However incredulous the present may be of the au- 
 thority then wielded by the clergymen of New Eng- 
 land, the republicans of that time (and who should 
 know better) were unanimous from 1795 onward in 
 the firm and outspoken opinion that the strength of 
 
 a weekly — started at Leominster, Worcester county, which was first issued June 
 28th, 1798. 
 
 (44) The writer — of the Church and State. A Political Union formed by the 
 Enemies of Both — admits that this book excited "an unprecedented clamor, .through- 
 out New-England.." and that the author of it was "denounced as an infidel 
 etc. etc." p. 51. 
 
 As a matter of fact it is to these numerous assaults upon religion and in -a 
 less degree upon the clergy that the revival of religion at the end of the 
 century and the marvelous growth and activity of missionary societies is largely 
 undoubtedly to be attributed. See the Mass. Gazette, May 3, 1797; Brief Ac- 
 count of the late Eevivals of Eeligion in New-England. Windsor, Vt. 1800; 
 M'Knlght, John; A Sermon preached before the New-York Missionary Society.. 
 New York, 1799, esp. pp. 62-4; Emmons, N., A Sermon preached. .November 29, 
 1800. pp. 21-2, 28; also a sermon by the Rev. Alvan Hyde before the Coin- 
 gregatlonal Missionary Society of the Berkshire and Columbia (N. Y.) counties 
 at Stockbridge In 1813. In Hovey: Life and Times of the Rev. Isaac Backus 
 there are extracts from his diary which show the state of religion in 1784 and 
 onwards. The change in tone at the end of the century is very marked. 
 
188 
 
 the Federalist party in Massaclmsetts was due in a 
 very great measure to that order.^^ 
 
 (45) A writer in the Hampshire Gazette — March 21, 3804 — in an address "To 
 the Citizens of New-England" says; "The rude attacks upon the New-England 
 clergy have the same object in view. Smite the shepherds and the sheep shall 
 be scattered. — The Clergy, it Is truly said.. are federalists." The Federal Spy — 
 May 4, 1802, from the Salem Gazette — remarks that "the National Aegis [of Wor- 
 cester — Levi Lincoln's organ] enraged at the success of Mr. Strong's election [as 
 Governor], falls afoul of the Clergy as the cause of it.." 
 
 See Henry Adams' account of the alliance between the pulpit amd the bench 
 and the power of the clergy in his History of the United States, 1:79-80. 
 
BIBLIOGRAPHY. 
 
 The newspapers of Massachusetts have been the 
 main source. ( So far as circulation or frequent quo- 
 tation or both, the "Walpole, N. H., and the Hartford, 
 Conn., papers should be included.) The following 
 list comprises the ones chiefly made use of : 
 
 American Apollo, Boston. 
 
 American Herald, Boston. 
 
 Columbian Centinel, Boston. 
 
 Connecticut Courant, Hartford, Conn. 
 
 Continental Journal and Weekly Advertiser, Bos- 
 ton. 
 
 Federal Orrery, Boston. 
 
 Federal Spy, Springfield. 
 
 Greenfield Gazette, Greenfield. 
 
 Hampshire Chronicle, Springfield. 
 
 Hampshire Gazette, Northampton. 
 
 Impartial Herald, Newburyport. 
 
 Independent Chronicle and Universal Advertiser, 
 Boston. 
 
 Massachusetts Gazette, Boston. 
 
 Massachusetts Mercury, Boston. 
 
 New Hampshire Journal or The Farmer's Weekly 
 Museum, Walpole, N. H. 
 
 Political Repository or Farmer's Journal, Brook- 
 field. 
 
 Salem Gazette, Salem. 
 
 Thomas's Massachusetts Spy or American Oracle 
 of Liberty, Worcester. 
 
 Western Star, Stockbridge. 
 
 [See Goddard, D. A. Newspapers and newspaper 
 writers in New England, 1787-1815. Boston, 1880.] 
 
 Neither the printed nor unprinted collections of 
 
190 
 
 letters contain as mncli of political importance as 
 might be supposed. In the first place, politicians 
 were cautious because of the somewhat insecure state 
 of the mail facilities and secondly the bitter politi- 
 cal battles made it imprudent to commit their feel- 
 ings to paper. Jefferson to John Taylor, Monte- 
 cello, Nov. 26, 1799, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. 7th Ser. 
 Vol. 1. pp. 67-8 : "But I cease from this time during 
 the ensuing twelve months to write political letters, 
 knowing that a campaign of slander is now to open 
 upon me, & believing that the postmasters will lend 
 their inquisitorial aid to fish out any new matter of 
 slander they can to gratify the powers that be." See 
 also Jefferson: Writings, IX:412; Works, X:22, 59, 
 63, 85, 100. Furthermore, there has been a deliber- 
 ate suppression and destruction of letters by rela- 
 tives and interested persons. The Knox Letters of 
 the New England Historical and G-enealogical So- 
 ciety, the Wolcott Letters in the Connecticut Histori- 
 cal Society and the Samuel Adams Letters in the New 
 York Public Library are very valuable. Perhaps the 
 two most useful printed sources — for the number 
 of letters which they contain — are King's Life of 
 King, which contains many letters of C. Gore, etc., 
 and Ames' Works of Fisher Ames. There is a great 
 dearth of adequate biographies. The biographies of 
 Adams and Hancock in the Great Americans of His- 
 tory series are valueless, likewise W. C. Burrage's 
 Hancock. Many of the leaders indeed have found 
 no one to chronicle their lives. The two foremost 
 leaders of the earlier period, Hancock and Bowdoin, 
 have had scant treatment. Gill, Sumner [see N. E. 
 Hist. Gen. Peg. VIII:105-128], the Cushings, Dal- 
 ton [see Essex Institute Hist. Coll. XXV :l-29], Gore, 
 Lincoln, Gorham and Sedgwick have been even more 
 neglected. The interest of Samuel Adams' biogra- 
 phers is naturally before the close of the Eevolution. 
 
191 
 
 Thus in J. K. Hosmer's S. Adams only 36 pages out 
 of 431 concern Adams' life after 1780. Amory's 
 Life of Sullivan and Austin's Life of Gerry ob- 
 viously could not be absolutely impartial. Parson's 
 Life of Parsons and Lodge's Life of Cabot are open 
 to the same criticism. Caleb Strong, eleven times 
 governor of Massachusetts, lias been treated simply 
 in Studies in History, (Boston, 1844,) by Lodge. 
 Quincy's Josiali Quincy is valuable, but hardly 
 touches this period. Timothy Pickering's connec- 
 tion with state history is after 1800. Taylor's Life 
 of Samuel Phillips is of little value for political 
 history. 
 
 The printed sermons used have been indicated in 
 the bibliography, which is arranged alphabetically. 
 The votes for governor and lieutenant-governor for 
 the years 1780-1800 are complete (save for the years 
 1783 and 1784) in manuscript at the State House in 
 Boston. The votes which still exist of these two 
 years are the original returns from the several town 
 selectmen. These are far from complete in 1784 
 and fragmentary in 1783. In 1795 Berkshire County 
 is omitted. For the years 1780, 1781, 1782 the county 
 of Dukes and Nantucket made no returns. 
 
 There are several works which are valuable for 
 the social life of the period, e. g., Lund, G., Old 
 New England Traits, N. Y., 1873; Scudder, H. E., 
 Men and Manners in America One Hundred 
 Years Ago, N. Y., 1876; Scudder, H. E., Recol- 
 lections of Samuel Breck, Phila., 1877; Sullivan, 
 William, Public Men of the Revolution, Phila., 1847 
 (this seems to be a reprint of his Familiar Letters, 
 Boston, 1834, 2d ed.) ; The Memorial History of Bos- 
 ton, Vols. Ill and IV, Boston, 1890; Warren, E., The 
 Life of John Warren, Boston, 1874. 
 
192 
 
 Biographies and General Works {only the more 
 important are referred to). 
 
 Adams, C. F., ed. Life and Works of John Adams. 
 10 vols. Boston, 1850-1856. 
 
 Adams, John Quincy. Life ia a New England 
 Town. 1787-1788. Diary of John Quincy Adams. 
 Boston, 1903. 
 
 Ames, Seth. Works of Fisher Ames, Boston, 1854. 
 (Supersedes the edition of 1809. The letters are ia- 
 valuable for giving a picture of Federalism some- 
 what tinctured with "Essex Juntoism" from 1789 to 
 1807.) 
 
 Amory, T. C. Life of- James Sullivan. 2 vols. Bos- 
 ton, 1859. 
 
 Austin, J. T. The Life of Elbridge G-erry. 2 vols. 
 Boston, 1828-9. 
 
 Bowdoin, James and Temple, John, Letters of. 
 Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll. Sixth Series, Vol. IX, 1897. 
 Seventh Series, Vol. VI. Pt. 2. 1907. (Of small 
 value for state politics.) 
 
 Gushing, H. A. History of the Transition from 
 Provincial to Commonwealth G-overnment in Massa- 
 chusetts, Columbia University Studies in History, 
 Economics and Public Law, Vol. VII, No. 1. N. Y., 
 1896. 
 
 Drake, F. S. Life and Correspondence of Henry 
 Knox. Boston, 1873. 
 
 Gibbs, G. Memoirs of the Administration of 
 Washington and John Adams. N. Y., 1846. 
 
 Harding, S. B. The Federal Constitution in Mas- 
 sachusetts. Harvard Historical Studies. Vol. II. 
 N. Y., 1896. 
 
 Hazen, C. D. Contemporary American Opinion of 
 the French Eevolution. Johns Hopkins University 
 Studies. Extra Volume XVI. Baltimore, 1897. 
 
193 
 
 Higginson, T. W. Life and Times of Stephen Hig- 
 ginson. Boston and N. Y., 1907. 
 
 Holland, J. Gr. History of Western Massacliusetts. 
 2 vols. Springfield (Mass.), 1855. 
 
 Jameson, J. F., ed. Letters of Stephen Higginson, 
 1783-1804. Am. Hist. Assn. Eeport. I (1896) 704- 
 841. 
 
 King, C. E. Life. . .of Eufus King. 6 vols. N. Y., 
 1894-1900. 
 
 Lodge, H. C. The Life and Letters of George 
 Cabot. Boston, 1895. 
 
 Love, W. De L. Fast and Thanksgiving Days in 
 New England. Boston, 1895. 
 
 Minot, G. E. History of the Insurrections in 
 Massachusetts. 2nd ed. Boston, 1810. 
 
 Oliver, F. E., ed. The Diary of William Pynchon 
 ... a picture of Salem Life a Century Ago. Boston, 
 1890. 
 
 Parsons, T. Memoir of Theophilus Parsons. 
 Boston, 1849. 
 
 Sumner, W. H. Eemiaiscences of Governor John 
 Hancock . (Eeprinted from the N. E. Hist Gen. Eeg. 
 VIII:187-189. April, 1854.) 
 
 Thatcher papers. Historical Magazine, Vol. 6, 
 2nd ser. 1869. 
 
 Wells, W. V. The Life. . .of Samuel Adams. 3 
 vols. Boston, 1865. 
 
 Winthrop, E. C. Address before the Maine His- 
 torical Society (on James Bowdoin). Boston, 1849. 
 
SEEMONS. 
 
 The order of the sermons is primarily chronologi- 
 cal, but whenever there are two sermons or more the 
 order is alphabetical as well. The location of the 
 sermons cited is in the Congregational Library, Con- 
 gregational House, Boston, Mass.; American Anti- 
 quarian Society; Princeton Theological Seminary; 
 and the libraries of Harvard and Yale Universities 
 and Amherst College. Unless otherwise stated the 
 place where the sermon was delivered was in Massa- 
 chusetts. The towns now in Maine have brackets 
 about the abbreviation of that state. 
 
 1790. 
 
 Emmons, Nathaniel. A discourse delivered No- 
 vember 3, 1790 ... at Franklin. Providence, P. I., 
 n. d. 
 
 1793. 
 
 Eobbins, Chandler. Address delivered at Ply- 
 mouth, on the 2-lth da}" of January, 1793, to the In- 
 habitants. . .Assembled to celebrate the Victories of 
 the French Republic. .. [at] the civic Festival... 
 Boston, 1793. 
 
 McKeen, Joseph. A Sermon preached on the Pub- 
 lic Fast. . .in Massachusetts, April 11, 1793 [at Bev- 
 erly]. Salem, 1793. 
 
 Tappan, David. A Sermon delivered. . .in Cam- 
 bridge. . .and. . .in Charlestown, April 11, 1793. Bos- 
 ton, 1793. 
 
195 
 
 Lyman, Joseph. The Administrations of Provi- 
 dence fnll of Goodness and Mercy. A Sermon de- 
 livered at Platfield, November 7th, A. D. 1793 . . . 
 Northampton, 1794. 
 
 1794. 
 
 Eoby, Joseph. A Sermon delivered at Lynn... 
 April 17, 1794. Portland [Me.], n. d. 
 
 Bobbins, Chandler. A Sermon preached at the 
 General Convention of Congregational Ministers in 
 Boston, May 29, 1794. Boston, 1794. 
 
 Emerson, William. A Discourse delivered in Har- 
 vard College. . . . July 4, 1794. Boston, 1794. 
 
 Lathrop, Joseph. The Happiness of a Free Gov- 
 ernment and the Means of preserving it : Illustrated 
 in a Sermon . . . July 4th, 1794 [at West Springfield] . 
 Springfield, 1794. Eeprinted at Suffield, Conn., 1804. 
 
 Elliot, John. A Sermon delivered on the day of 
 Annual Thanksgiving, November 20, 1794 [at Bos- 
 ton]. Boston, 1794. 
 
 Mellen, John . A Sermon delivered at Barnstable 
 ... on the Annual Thanksgiving, November 20, 1794. 
 Boston, 1794. 
 
 Osgood, David. The Wonderful Works of God are 
 to be remembered. A Sermon delivered. . . [at Med- 
 ford] November 20, 1794. Boston, 1794, three edi- 
 tions; reprinted at Stockbridge, Newburyport and 
 Albany, N. Y. 1795. 
 
 Thatcher, Thomas Cushing. A Sermon preached 
 at Lynn, November 20th, 1794. . .Boston, 1794. 
 
 Channing, Henry. . .A Sermon delivered at New 
 Londoij, November 27, 1794. New London, Conn. 
 1794. 
 
 Bradford, Alden. Two sermons upon ... Christ, 
 delivered in Cambridge, December 28, 1794. Boston, 
 1795. 
 
196 
 
 1795. 
 
 Andrews, John. A Sermon delivered [at New- 
 buryport] February 19, 1795, being a day of Public 
 Thanksgiving throughout the United States of 
 America. Newburyport, n. d. 
 
 Baldwin, Thomas. A Sermon delivered February 
 19, 1795 ... [at Boston] . Boston, 1795. 
 
 Barnard, Thomas. A Sermon delivered . . . Feb- 
 ruary 19, 1795 [at Salem]. Salem, 1795. 
 
 Bradford, Ebenezer. The Nature and Manner of 
 giving Thanks to God, Illustrated. A Sermon de- 
 livered. . .February 19, 1795 [at Eowley]. Boston, 
 1795. 
 
 Clark, Pitt. On the Rise and signalized Lot of the 
 United Americans. A Sermon delivered February 
 19, M,DCC,XCV. . .in Norton. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Dana, Joseph. A Sermon delivered February 19, 
 1795 ... [at Ipswich] . Newburyport, 1795. 
 
 Deane, Samuel. A Sermon preached February 19, 
 1795... [at Portland (Me.)] Portland, [Me.] 1795. 
 
 Fiske, Thaddeus. Thanksgiving and Prayer for 
 Public Eulers, recommended in a Discourse, deliver- 
 ed... .in Cambridge, February 19, 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Frisbie, Levi. A Sermon delivered February 19, 
 1795 [at Ipswich]. Newburyport, n. d. 
 
 Holmes, Abiel. A Sermon on the Freedom and 
 Happiness of America ; preached at Cambridge, Feb- 
 ruary 19, 1795. . .Boston, 1795. 
 
 Kendal, Samuel. A Sermon delivered [at Wes- 
 ton] . . February 19, 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Lathrop, Joseph. National Happiness illustrated 
 in a Sermon, delivered at West Springfield, on the 
 nineteenth of February, 1795. Springfield, 1795. 
 
 McKnight, John. The Divine Goodness to the 
 United States of America. . .A Thanksgiving Ser- 
 
197 
 
 raon preached in New York, February 19, 1795. New 
 York, 1795. 
 
 Mellen, Joka. The Great and Happy Doctrine of 
 Liberty. A Discourse, delivered at Hanover . . . 
 February 19, 1795. . .Boston, 1795. 
 
 Morse, Jedidiah. The Present Situation of other 
 Nations of the World, contrasted with our own. A 
 Sermon delivered at Charlestown. . .February 19, 
 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Murray, John. The Substance of a Thanksgiving 
 Discourse delivered. . .in Boston, February 19, 1795. 
 Boston, 1795. 
 
 Osgood, David. A Discourse delivered February 
 19, 1795, [at Medford]. Boston, 1795. [Love; Fast 
 and Thanksgiving Days of New England, (p. 560) 
 says: reprinted at Litchfield, Conn., n. d.] 
 
 Packard, Hezekiah. The Plea of Patriotism. A 
 Sermon preached in Chelmsford . . . February 19, 
 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Sampson, Ezra. A Discourse delivered February 
 19, 1795 [at Plymouth]. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Smith, Samuel Stanhope. The Divine Goodness 
 to the United States of America — A Discourse . . . 
 delivered ... in Philadelphia on . . . the 19th of Febru- 
 ary, 1795. Philadelphia, 1795. It was printed entire 
 with the notes in the Hampshire Gazette, March 25, 
 April 1, 1795. 
 
 Story, Isaac. A Sermon preached February 19, 
 1795, [in Marblehead] . . . Being the Federal 
 Thanksgiving, appointed by our beloved President, 
 and Illustrious George Washington, Esq... Salem, 
 1795. 
 
 Tappan, David. Christian Thankfulness Explain- 
 ed and Enforced. A Sermon delivered at Charles- 
 town. . .February 19, 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Thatcher, Thomas. A Discourse delivered . . .m 
 Dedham, 19th of February, 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
198 
 
 Wadsworth, Benjamin. America invoked to 
 praise the Lord. A Discourse [at Danvers] . . .Feb- 
 ruary 19, 1795. Salem, 1795. 
 
 Ware,, Henry. ... A Sermon delivered February 
 19, 1795 [at Hingham] . . . Boston, 1795. 
 
 West, Samuel. A Sermon delivered. . .February 
 19tli, 1795, [at Boston]. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Bradford, Ebenezer. The Nature of Humiliation, 
 Fasting and Prayer explained. A Sermon delivered 
 on the day of Public Humiliation and Prayer in. . . 
 Massachusetts, April 2, 1795; with an Appendix, in 
 Answer to Dr. Tappan's Remarks on his Thanksgiv- 
 ing Sermon, dated February 19, 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Thayer, Nathaniel. A Sermon delivered on . . . 
 April 2, 1795 [at Lancaster]. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Cumings, Henry. A sermon preached at Billerica, 
 June 28, 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Dwight, Timothy. A Sermon delivered on the 7th 
 of July, 1795, before the Connecticut Society of the 
 Cincinnati. New Haven, n. d. 
 
 Barnard,, Thomas. A discourse on Natural Ee- 
 ligion delivered [at] . . . the Unversity in Cambridge, 
 September 3, 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 G-ardner, Francis. A Sermon delivered on the Day 
 of the Annual Thanksgiving, November 19, 1795, 
 [at Leominster] . Leominster, 1796. 
 
 Gillet, Eliphalet. A Sermon preached at Hallo- 
 well, [Me.] . . .November 19, 1795. Hallowell, [Me.] 
 n. d. 
 
 Osgood, David. A Discourse delivered [at Med- 
 ford] . . .November 19, 1795. Boston, 1795. 
 
 Strong, Jonathan. A Sermon delivered.... No- 
 vember 19, 1795, [at Randolph]. Boston, n. d. 
 
 Belknap, Jeremy. Dissertations on the Charac- 
 ter, Death and Resurrection of Jesus Christ and the 
 Evidence of his Gospel ; with Remarks on some Sen- 
 timents advanced in a Book entitled "The Age of 
 Reason." Boston, 1795. 
 
199 
 
 Woodruff, H. N. A sermon preached in Boston at 
 the ordination of the Eev'd Clark Brown [to] . . .the 
 Church ... in Machias . . . [Me. j . Boston, 1795. 
 
 1796. 
 
 Harris, Thaddeus Mason. The New Year's Wish 
 . . .January 1, 1796. Boston, 1796. 
 
 Barnard, Thomas. A Sermon delivered at Salem, 
 on March 31, 1796, the day of General Fasting. . . 
 Newburyport, n. d. 
 
 Barnes, David. A Discourse delivered ... at 
 
 Hingham, April 5th, 1796. Also. . .in Scituate. Bos- 
 ton, 1803. 
 
 Belknap, Jeremy. A Sermon delivered before the 
 Convention of the Clergy of Massachusetts, in Bos- 
 ton, May 26, 1796. Boston, 1796. 
 
 Lathrop, Joseph. Steadfastness in Religion, ex- 
 plained and recommended in a Sermon. [Delivered 
 Aug. 25, 1796, at West-Springfield. J West-Spring- 
 field, 1797. 
 
 Fiske, Nathan. A Sermon preached at the Dud- 
 leian Lecture in the Chapel of Harvard College, Sep- 
 tember 6, 1796. Boston, 1796. 
 
 Austin, Samuel. A Sermon delivered at Worces- 
 ter on the day of Public Thanksgiving ... of Massa- 
 chusetts, December 15th, MDCCXCVI. Worcester, 
 1797. 
 
 Barnard, Thomas. A Sermon delivered. .. [at 
 Salem] December 15, 1796. Salem, n. d. 
 
 Cumings, Henry. A Sermon preached at Bil- 
 lerica, December 15, 1796 . . . Boston, 1797. 
 
 Emmons, Nathaniel. National Peace the Source 
 of National Prosperity. A Sermon delivered at 
 Franklin... December 15th, MDCCXCVI. Worces- 
 ter, 1797. 
 
200 
 
 Freeman, James. A Sermon for December 15, 
 
 1796, [delivered at Boston] . Boston, 1796. 
 
 Hyde, Alvan. A Sermon delivered at Lee, Decem- 
 ber ISth, 1796. Stockbridge, 1797. 
 
 Wadsworth, Benjamin. Social Thanksgiving a 
 Pleasant Duty. A Sermon preached on . . . December 
 15, 1796, [at Danvers]. Salem, 1797. 
 
 1797. 
 
 Hitchcock, Enos. A New Year's Sermon deliver- 
 ed at Providence, January 1, 1797. Providence, E. 
 I., 1797. 
 
 Lathrop, John. A discourse delivered at the Pub- 
 lic Lecture [at Boston] on Thursday, March 16, 
 
 1797. Boston, 1797. 
 
 Lathrop, Joseph. God's Challenge to Infidels to 
 Defend their Cause, illustrated and applied in a Ser- 
 mon, delivered in West Springfield, May 4, 1797. 
 Being the day of General Fast. West Springfield, 
 n. d. 
 
 Tappan, David. A Sermon delivered before the 
 Annual Convention of the Congregational Ministers 
 of Massachusetts, in Boston, June 1, 1797. Boston, 
 1797. 
 
 Cary, Thomas. A Sermon delivered at Charles- 
 town, July 23, 1797. Charlestown, n. d. 
 
 Strong, Nathan. A Sermon preached at [Hart- 
 ford, Conn.] at the Annual Thanksgiving, Novem- 
 ber 16th, 1797. Hartford, Conn., 1797. 
 
 Kellog, Elijah. A Thanksgiving Sermon deliver- 
 ed in Portland [Me.] November 30, 1797. Portland, 
 [Me.] 1797. 
 
 1798 
 
 Tappan, David. A Discourse delivered. . .in. . . 
 Boston, and... .Charlestown, on April 5, 1798. Being 
 
201 
 
 the day of the Annual Fast in. . .Massachusetts. 
 Boston, 1798. 
 
 Strong, Nathan. A Sermon preached on the State 
 Fast, April 6th, 1798, [at Hartford, Conn.]. Hart- 
 ford, Conn., 1798. 
 
 Belknap, Jeremy. A sermon delivered [at Bos- 
 ton] on the 9th of May, 1798, the day of the National 
 Fast. . . Boston, 1798. 
 
 Bradford, Alden. Two Sermons delivered in Wis- 
 casset (Pownelborough) [Me.], on the 9th of May, 
 1798. Wiscasset, [Me.] 1798. 
 
 Emmons, Nathaniel. A Discourse delivered May 
 9, 1798 [at Franklin] . . .Wrentham. 1798. Eeprint- 
 ed, Newburyport, n. d. 
 
 Harris, Thaddeus Mason. A Sermon preached in 
 Milton. . .and at Dorchester. . . [on] the 9th of May, 
 1798... Boston, 1798. 
 
 Kirkland, John Thornton. A Sermon delivered 
 on the 9th of May, 1798 [at Boston] . . .Boston, 1798. 
 
 McKeen, Joseph. Two discourses delivered at 
 Beverly. . .May 9, 1798. Salem, 1798. 
 
 Morse, Jedidiah. A Sermon delivered ... in Bos- 
 ton, .and in. . . Charlestown, May 9th, 1798. . . Bos- 
 ton, 1798. 
 
 Osgood, David. Some Facts evincive of the athe- 
 istical, anarchical, and in other respects, immoral 
 Pruiciples of the French Republicans, stated in a 
 Sermon delivered [at Medford] on the 9th of May, 
 1798.... Boston, 1798. 
 
 Porter, Eliphalet. A Discourse delivered at 
 Brookline . . . and at. . .Eoxbury. . . [on] the 9th of 
 May, 1798... Boston, 1798. 
 
 Prince, John. A Discourse delivered at Salem. . . 
 May 9, 1798... Salem, 1798. 
 
 Thayer, John. A Discourse delivered ... in Bos- 
 ton on the 9th of May, 1798. . . Boston, 1798. 
 
 "Wilder, John. A Discourse delivered [at Attle- 
 boroughj May 9, 1798. . . Wrentham, 1798. 
 
202 
 
 Osgood, David. A Discourse delivered before the 
 Annual Convention of the Congregational Ministers 
 . . .in Boston, May 31, 1798. Boston, 1798. 
 
 Dwight, Timothy. A Discourse delivered at New 
 Haven, July 4th, 1798. New Haven, 1798. 
 
 Kirkland, John T. An Oration delivered at the 
 Request of the Society of Phi Beta Kappa, in the 
 chapel of Harvard College, July 19, 1798. Boston, 
 1798. 
 
 Abbot, Abiel. A Memorial of Divine Benefits. In 
 a Sermon, delivered at Exeter, on the 15th, and at 
 Haverhill, on the 29th of November, 1798, days of 
 Public Thanksgiving, in New Hampshire and Massa- 
 chusetts. Haverhill, 1798. 
 
 Buckminster, Joseph. A discourse delivered. . .in 
 Portsmouth [N. H.] November 15, 1798. . . Ports- 
 mouth, N. H. 1798. 
 
 Gray, Eobert. A Discourse delivered in Dover 
 [N. H.] November 15th, 1798. Dover, N. H. 1798. 
 
 M'Farland, Asa. A Sermon delivered at Concord, 
 New Hampshire . . . November 15, 1798. Concord, N. 
 H. 1798. 
 
 AUyn, John. A Sermon delivered at Duxbury 
 on the 29th of November, 1798, the day of Public 
 Thanksgiving in . . . Massachusetts. Boston, 1798. 
 
 Camp, Samuel ... A Discourse delivered at Eidge- 
 way, [Conn. J on the day of Public Thanksgiving; 
 November 29, 1798. Danbury, Conn., 1799. 
 
 Cumings, Henry. A Sermon preached at Bil- 
 lerica, November 29, 1798 . . . Boston, 1798. 
 
 Eckley, Joseph. A Discourse delivered [at Bos- 
 ton] onl . .November 29, 1798. Boston, 1798. 
 
 French, Jonathan. A Sermon delivered [at And- 
 over] on. . .November 29, 1798. . . Andover, 1798. 
 
 Messer, Asa. A Discourse delivered on... the 
 29th of November, 1798, at . . . Rehoboth. Provi- 
 dence, E. I. n. d. 
 
203 
 
 Morse, Jedidiah.. A Sermon preached at Charles- 
 town, November 29, 1798 .. . Boston, 1798. Worces- 
 ter, 1799. 
 
 Spring, Samuel. A Thanksgiving Sermon, preach- 
 ed [at Newburyport] November 29, 1798. Newbury- 
 port, 1798. 
 
 Strong;, Nathan. . . . A Sermon preached [at Hart- 
 ford] on the State Thanksgiving, Nov. 29, 1798. 
 Hartford, 1798. 
 
 Taylor, John. A Sermon delivered ... at Deer- 
 field ; Nov. 29, 1798. Greenfield, n. d. 
 
 Lathrop, Joseph. A Sermon on the Dangers of 
 the Times from Infidelity and Immorality and espe- 
 cially from a lately discovered Conspiracy against 
 Eeligion and Government . . . [Delivered at West- 
 Springfield and afterward at Springfield.] Spring- 
 field, 1798. 
 
 1799. 
 
 Miller, Samuel. A Sermon delivered February 5, 
 1799 ; recommended by the Clergy of the City of New 
 York, to be observed as a day of Thanksgiving, 
 Humiliation and Prayer, on account of the removal 
 of [the Yellow Fever] . . . New York, 1799. 
 
 Dana, Daniel. Sermons on John VI:29 and Ep- 
 hesians IV:30 delivered ... March 24th, 1799, [at 
 Newburyport]. Newburyport, 1800. 
 , Baldwin, Thomas. A Sermon, on... .April 2, 1799, 
 at a Quarterly Meeting of several Churches for Spe- 
 cial Prayer, [at Boston]. Boston, 1799. 
 
 Frisbie, Levi. The Nature and Effects of the 
 Works of Darlmess Detected and Displayed in two 
 Discourses, delivered at. . .Ipswich, April 4, 1799, 
 on the Anniversary Fast Day throughout. . .Massa- 
 chusetts. Newburyport, 1799. 
 
 Woods, Leonard. Two Sermons on Profane 
 
204 
 
 Swearing, delivered [at Newbury], April 4, 1799. 
 Newburyport, 1799. 
 
 Packard, Hezekiah. Federal Eepublicanism Dis- 
 played in Two Discourses preached [April 4] . . . at 
 Chelmsford, and on [April 25] the day of the Na- 
 tional Fast at Concord. . .1799. Boston, 1799. 
 
 Cummings, Abraham. The present Times peril- 
 ous. A Sermon preached at Sullivan, [Me.] . . . 
 April 25, 1799. Castine, [Me.] n. d. 
 
 Cutler, Manasseh. A Sermon delivered at Hamil- 
 ton. . .April 25, 1799. . . Salem, 1799. 
 
 Dana, Daniel. Two Sermons delivered April 25, 
 1799 [at Newburyport] . . . Newburyport, 1799. 
 
 Dana, Joseph. The Duty and Eeward of loving 
 our Country and seeking it's Prosperity. A Dis- 
 course delivered. . .April 25th, 1799. Boston, 1799. 
 
 Emmons, Nathaniel. A Discourse delivered [at 
 Franklin] April 25, 1799. Wrentham, 1799. 
 
 Gillet, Eliphalet. A Discourse delivered at Hal- 
 lowell, [Me.] April 25, 1799... Hallowell, [Me.] 
 1799. 
 
 Holmes, Abiel. A Sermon preached at. . .Boston, 
 and at Cambridge, April 25, 1799 . . . Boston, 1799. 
 
 Lathrop, John. Patriotism and Religion. A Ser- 
 mon preached [at Boston] on the 25th of April, 1799 
 . . . Boston, 1799. 
 
 Morse, Jedidiah. A Sermon Exhibiting the Pres- 
 ent Dangers, and Consequent Duties of the Citizens 
 of the United States. Delivered at Charlestown, 
 April 25, 1799. Charlestown, 1799, [Love: Fast 
 and Thanksgiving Days of New England, p. 571, 
 says : reprinted at Hartford, 1799. New York, 1799. J 
 
 Osgood, David. The Devil let Loose, or The Wo 
 occasioned to the Inhabitants of the Earth by his 
 wrathful appearance among tliem, illustrated in a 
 Discourse delivered. . .[at Medford] April 25, 1799. 
 Boston, 1799. 
 
205 
 
 Stone, Eliab. A Discourse delivered at Beading 
 ....April 25, 1799. Boston, 1799. 
 
 Weld, Ezra. A Discourse delivered [at Brain- 
 tree], April 25, 1799. . .Boston, 1799. 
 
 Harris, William. A Sermon. . .in Boston, before 
 the Annual Convention of tlie Protestant Episcopal 
 church in Massachusetts . . . 20th of May 1799. Bos- 
 ton, 1799. 
 
 Forbes, Eli. The inoffensive Ministry described 
 in a Sermon, delivered before the Convention of the 
 Clergy of Massachusetts in Boston, May 30, 1799. 
 Charlestown, 1799. 
 
 Parish, Thomas. A Discourse Delivered at Med- 
 field. . .July 4, 1799. Dedham, 1799. 
 
 Morse, Jedediah. An Address to the Students at 
 Phillips Academy ... July 9, 1799. Charlestown, 
 1799. 
 
 Woods, Leonard. A Contrast between the Effects 
 of Eeligion and the Effects of Atheism . . . delivered 
 at... Harvard University ... July 17th, 1799. Bos- 
 ton, 1799. 
 
 Mellen, John. A Discourse on Natural Eeligion 
 delivered in the Chapel of Harvard College, Septem- 
 ber 4th, 1799. Boston, 1799. 
 
 Abbott, Abiel. . . A Sermon delivered at Haver- 
 hill on the Twenty-eighth of November, 1799, the 
 day of Anniversary Thanksgiving. Haverhill, 1799. 
 
 Eaton, Peter. A Sermon preached at Boxford, 
 November 28, 1799. . .Haverhill, 1799. 
 
 Sumner, Joseph. A Sermon preached at Shrews- 
 bury, November 28, 1799. . . Brookfield, 1800. 
 
APPENDIX A. 
 
 Commotions Before Shays' Rebellion. 
 
 Grave troubles of a lawless and dangerous kind were being excited in Hamp- 
 shire county especially. Led by an unfrocked minister, one Samuel Ely, a turbu- 
 lent fellow, whose life was passed in opposing autliority, (in 1796 he is in Maine 
 exciting riots) a mob on April IS, 17S2, attempted to break up the sittings of 
 the Supreme Judicial Court and the Court of Common Pleas at Northampton. 
 Holland: Hist, of Western Mass., 1:231. The ring leader, Ely, was arrested 
 and placed in jail at Springfield. A mob released him. The leaders of this 
 riotous proceeding were lodged in the Northampton goal. On Juno 15th, another 
 lawless gathering to the number of 300 assembled at Hatfield demanding the 
 release of the rioters locked up in Northampton. After a parley the demands 
 were complied with. Conn. Courant, June 2d, 1782; Ind. Gazette, July 20, 1782, 
 from the Springfield and Northampton Advertiser; Conn. Jounnal, June 27, 17S2. 
 The Tories were accused of being at the bottom of these outbreaks. Royal 
 Gazette, June 22, 17S2. To quiet these turbulent proceedings the legislature 
 appoinLed a committee to proceed to the disaffected part of the state, inquire 
 Into the grievances and pacify the uneasy feelings. Wells: S. Adams, 111:159- 
 163. This attempt was only temporarily successful. 
 
 The next year, May 2Dth, another attack was made at Springfield on the 
 courts. But the rioters were well hustled by the law abiding, and the ring 
 leaders, with broken heads, were jailed. Conn. Gazette, June 6, 17S3. Ind. 
 Gazette, June 4, 17S3; Conn. Journal, Aug. 27, Sept. 3, 1783, which chroni- 
 cles more riotous proceedings at Northampton. D. Sewell to S. Adams, Wor- 
 cester, Oct. 15, 1783: "Last year the court were directed to hold a Session 
 at Berkshire principally, as was supposed, on Account of some Riots, that 
 had then been lately Committed there. . .At this Term a Number, .of the 
 Rioters came in and plead Guilty.. one Major Thomas Lusk acquainted the Court 
 that he obtained a statute pardoiQ. Those who pled Guilty this Term, desired 
 that Sentence upon them might be suspended until next Term, that they 
 might . . have Opportunity of applying for a Pardon which they had reason to 
 expect to succeed in. S. Adams Mss. 7s'. Y. Public Library; Salem Gazette, 
 Oct. 24, 1782. I). Sewell to S. Adams, Springfield, Sept. 26, 1783: "The 
 Peace of these Western Counties will be greatly aided by the Stability, & Atten- 
 tion., of the Court.. more than thirty Rioters were convicted by Verdicts at 
 Worcester aiad many more remained to be noticed.. The Grand Jury..hp-ve a great 
 deal of previous matter before 'em. ." S. Adams Mss. N. Y. Public Library. 
 Conventions, as might be expected, were held at Hatfield, Oct. 20, and Deer- 
 fleld, S«pt. 20, 1782; in Worcester County on April 14 adjourned to May 14. 
 Lincoln: Hist, of Worcester, p. 31. 
 
 The previous year conventions did meet or were expected to meet at Shutes- 
 bury, .Tan. 30th; Hatfield, the first Tuesday in April; at Worcester, April 
 9th, adjourned to May 14th and then to August (26 towns wore represented 
 Stowe: Hist, of Hubbardston, p. 55), and again In Hatfield, probably by 
 adjournment in late August or early September. Hampshire County enjoyed 
 tliese meetings the next year (1783) at Hatfield, March 19, Oct. 20; Had- 
 ley, March 2.'. April l.%. 16, 17. [S. Judd Mss. notes in Forbes Library, 
 Northampton, Mass.] and at Springfield the second Wednesday of June. Crafts: 
 Hist, of Whately, p. 235. In 1784 the convention fever had begun to arouse 
 Worcester and Middlesex counties. Conventions held at Worcester, March 3, 
 April 20. Tlie latter drafted a petition and list of grievances which was sent 
 to the legislature. N. Y. Gazette, April 14, 1784; Haywood: Hist, of West- 
 minster, p. 104; Stowe: Plist. of Hubbardston, p. 55. Wl\en, however, the 
 towns of Wrentham and Medway circulated a letter calling for a county con- 
 vention, Boston emphatically disapproved. U. S. Chronicle, March 2.j, 1784. 
 Ind. Gazette, April 17, 1784. A convention was also held at Concord. Drake: 
 Hist, of Middlesex Co.. 1:392; Ind. Ledger and Am. Ad. April 12, 1784. In the 
 Pa. Mercury for Sept. 24. 1TS4, there is a communication depicting vividly the 
 distress prevalent in Western Massachusetts. For the third time an attempt is 
 made to break up the court at Springfield. The militia turned out in force 
 on this occasion (Oct. 5) and prevented trouble. Boston Gazette, Oct. 11, 1784- 
 Conn. Journal. Oct. 20, 1784. 
 
 The next year Boston experienced commotions. Owing to the depression 
 in trade and the fact that what trade there was had fallen into the hands 
 of British factors, opposition arose. On April 13th, 1785, an inflammatory 
 
207 
 
 adai-ess to the people signed by * 'Joyce, Jun. , ' ' counselled violence against 
 these obfQoxious Intruders. Pa. Packet, May 11, 1785. The next day a meet- 
 ing was held at the Green Dragon — the tavern for the democratically In- 
 clined— by the Boston merchants. Ibid, May 14, ITSo. On the IGth a mob 
 destroyed several chariots imported from England. Ibid, June 17, 1785. This 
 fashion of considering grievances in assemblages spread as far as Maine. 
 D. Brooks to Knox, Medford, Dec. 25, 1785. Knox JI^is. XVIII :120: "Our 
 friend Putnam has just arrived from the eastward. lie iuforms me of the great 
 uneasiness existing among the people [there] .. .below Penobscot [they] havp 
 recently set on foot a memorial to the Legislature praying for a redress of 
 grievances." 
 
 By some strajage coincidence a peaceable convention [gathered according to 
 the article of the BJU of Rights of the Massachusetts Charter of 1780 
 wherein "the people have a right in an orderly and peaceable manner, to 
 assemble to consult upon the common good; Give instructions to their representa- 
 tives: and to request of the legislative body, by the way of addresses, petitions 
 or remonstrances, redress of tlie wrongs done them, and of grievances they suf- 
 fer." Poor: Constitutions. 1:U57, Ai't. III. of Pt. I.] did result in the latter half 
 year of 1780 almost invariably in disorder rather than order, in appeal more 
 often to mob rule than by petition to the legislature. E. g. The Hatfield con- 
 vention sat from Aug. 22d to the 2r,th; the Leicester convention met by ad- 
 jounDment Aug. 15th, 10th, 17th. Ind. Gazette, Sept. 9. 1780. Five Middlesex 
 towns came togethei* June 29th, adjourning to Aug. 23d. Am. & Charlestown 
 Recorder & Advertiser, July 20, 1780. At Lenox, a similar gathering was held the 
 last of August, while twenty towns of Middlesex County met at Concord, Aug. 
 23d, Ind. Gazette, Sept. 25, 17SG. Then riots, in quick succession broke out, 
 leaving only Suffolk (Boston), Essex, Plymouth, Dukes and Nantucket (the small 
 Island county) and Maine outwardly quiet. The Worcester county convention was 
 held Sept. 2Gtb. Ibid, Oct. 23, 1780. During October all the Bristol County 
 towns save one met and forwarded a petition to the legislature; Minot, p. 53 
 The same was done by 41 towns of Worcester County; Centinel, Oct. 14, 1780; 
 and by IS of Middlesex; Drake, Hist, of Middlesex County. 1:392. County 
 conventions were not the only steps taken. This Worcester convention received 
 a delegate from tlie Bristol meeting, and appointed a committee to correspond 
 with other counties. Manifestly matters began to look serious, for that most 
 effective Revolutionary machinery. Committees of Correspondence, was being 
 put Into working order again. Minot, p. 53. Col. Bonney of Hadley the same 
 month Invited delegates to meet him, evidently in response to the Worcester 
 committee. Ind. Gazette, Nov. 20, 1780, A convention was held early in November 
 at Hadley. Centinel, Nov. 11, 1786. And a convention, at which Hampshire 
 and Bristol Counties were represented, sat at Worcester, Nov. 19-23. N. Y. 
 Gazette, Nov. 30, Dec. 7, 1786. 
 
 The last convention of all seems to be the one held at Hatfield, Jan. 4th, 
 which was adjourned to March 3rd. Centinel, Jan. 17, 1787. The following 
 letter describes from a hostile standpoint the cause and effect of a county 
 coiaventlon of this period. D. Sewall to G. Thatcher, York, [Me.] Oct. IC, 
 1780: "the... small Politicians. . .stir up a County Convention and by Trumpet- 
 ing lies from Town to Town get one collected and consisting of Persons of 
 small Abilities — o' little or no property, embarrassed in their Circumstances — 
 and of no great Imtegrity — and the Geuiouses vainly conceiving they are com- 
 petent to regulate the affair of the State — make some basty incoherent Resolves, 
 and these end in Sedition Riot and Rebellion." Hist. Mag., Vol. VI., 2nd ser., 
 p. 257. 
 
 APPENDIX B. 
 Shays' Rebellion. 
 
 An outline will tend to show what a dangerous uprising this so-called Rebellion 
 really "'as. On July 2d, 17SG. a paper was circulated in Bristol County pledging 
 the signer's fortune — and life even — to prevent the sitting of the Court of Com- 
 mon Session. Ind. Gazette, Aug. 20, 1780. On Aug. 29tb, 1780. the Northamp- 
 ton Riots occurred which stopped the Courts. Germantown Zeitung, Sept. 19, 
 1786. The next week 300 rioters stopped the courts at Worcester. Minot, p. 
 28. Sept. 2d, Gov. Bbwdoin issued a proclamation against the rioters. Pa. 
 Packet. Sept. 12, 1780. Sept. lOtb. 11th, Great Barrington Riots. The courts 
 stopped by 800 insurgents. New Haven Gazette, Sept. 28, 1786. Sept. 11th, 
 12th, Concord riots. A mob of 300 stopped the courts. N. J. Gazette, Oct. 2, 
 
208 
 
 1786. Sept. ilth, the courts at Taunton protected by Gen. Cobb. Militia at 
 first numbered only 100 men, later 300, while the mob had about 400. Freeman's 
 Journal, Sept. 27, 1786. Sept. 22d, the courts at Charlestown held under the 
 protection of two companies of artillery with several companies under marching 
 orders. Pa. Packet, Oct. S, 1786. To protect the courts at Springfield, 120 
 militia ordered out- The next day insurgents gathered, but Northampton militia 
 reached Springfield, Sept. 2jth. Both sides Increased to 300. On the 26th, the 
 numbers had doubled, and on the 28th the insurgents had from 1,200 to 2,000, 
 while the militia were 600 to 800. The court though protected did no business, 
 and prudently decided not to proceed to Berkshire. Minot, pp. 47-9. In anticipa- 
 tion of the October session of the Supreme Judicial Court at Great Barrington, 
 a mob assembled but the learned judges did not appear, being minded not to 
 run unnecessary risks. Pa. Packet, Oct. 26, 1786. A general gaol delivery 
 determined upon by Uxbridge patriots on Oct. 9th, was prevented by Worcester 
 citizens. N. Y. (iazette, Oct. 16, 1786. An attempt to steal the cannon on 
 Dorchester Heights frustrated. I'a. Packet, Oct. 26, 1786. On Oct. 24th, 2oth, 
 although a mob appeared the courts were protected. Ct-ntiuel, Oct. 28, lTy6; 
 Ind. Gazette, Nov. 20. 17S6. Finally the Riot Act was passed Oct. 26th, by 
 the legislature convened in extra session. Centinel, Nov. 1, 1786. 
 
 The first vigorous action of the state now occurred on Nov. 1st, when the court 
 was held at Cambridge guarded by 2,000 troops, commanded by JIaj. Gen. Brooks. 
 A review was held at which the governor was present. Ceniiuel, Nov. 4, 1786. 
 So general was the alarm that Boston took precautions against attacks. N. Y. 
 Gazette, Nov. IS, 1780. It was again necessary to guard the courts at Taunton 
 because of the presence of 200 rioters. Centinel, Nov. 13, 1786. A grand 
 convention was held at Worcester, Nov. 19th-23d, where even Hampshire and 
 Bristol County delegates were present. N. Y. Gazette, Nov. 30, Dec. 7, 1786. 
 Continued until the 23rd because of the sitting of the courts on the 21st, which 
 was prevented. Centinel, Nov. 29, 1780. Their address is In Minot, p. 71-2. 
 On Nov. 27th, the Middlesex mobbers or regulators as they styled themselves — 
 ibid, p. 71 — assembled at Concord, but dispersed. Ibid, p. 75. Despite the 
 orders issued by Gov. Bowdoin to the Major general to see that the militia be 
 equipped and in readiness to march — ibid, pp. 73-4 — the insurgents between Nov. 
 27th and Dec. 8th, gathered at Shrewsbury with Cambridge as their object 
 point, 350 being under Shays, 200 under Day from Springfield and 500 being 
 stationed at Rutland on Dec. 1st. N. Y. Journal, Dec. 20, 27, 1786. By the 
 5th of December there were about 1,000 insurgents billeted in the town of Wor- 
 cester, where they behaved peaceably. On the 9th they dispersed. Ind. Gazette, 
 Dec. 26, 27. Meanwhile the government had broken up the malcontents In Middle- 
 sex by seizing the leaders, Parker, Page aiad Shattuck, and had appeased the 
 rioters in Bristol county, ■ (Miuot, pp. 7G-S) and the courts at Cambridge were 
 again protected by large bodies of troops. liing: King, 1:197. A collision oc- 
 curred at Northampton between citizens and Insurgents. Pa. Packet, Jau. 1, 
 178'(. 
 
 The action of Shays on Dec. 2Gth in stopping the court at Springfield was 
 in the eyes of the government the last straw. Ibid, Jan. 9, 1TS7. Gov. 
 Bowdoin dispatched Gen. Lincoln, who left Boston, Jan. 20th, in order to pro- 
 tect the courts at Worcester on the 23rd. Meanwhile the insurgents had been 
 gathering above Springfield investing it on all sides except for the south 
 road to Hartford. Day with 400 men held West Springfield. Centinel, Jan. 24, 
 1787. Shays with 1,100 was posted east of Springfield on the Boston road. 
 Parson commanded 400 stationed In the north parish of Springfield. To oppose 
 thcsL* and guard the arsenal and the stores, Gen. .Shepard had only aobut "-00 
 men. Gen. Knox had expressed a great deal of anxiety about the safety oi. 
 these government stores (see Knox Mss, XIX :20, 23.). To seize these stores on 
 Jan. 25th Shays advanced, was fired upon, lost three dead, one wounded and 
 retreated in confusion to Ludlow. Minot. pp. 110-112. The next day 650 men 
 under Wheeler left New Braintree to join Shays. Centinel, Feb. 3, 1787. In 
 the evening of the same day the advance guard of Getn. Lincoln's army — one 
 regiment and some cavalry reached Springfield. Shays retreated to Pelham 
 and there entrenched himself. Lincoln followed and a parley ensued. Feb. 
 3d-4th the insurgents retreated to Petersham, 1,500 strong. At 8 P. M. Lincoln 
 started in pursuit and after a remarkable march all night upon the high plateau 
 of that region in the teeth of a blizzard, reached Petersham early in the morn- 
 ing and surprised and scattered the Insurgents. Minot, pp. 131-4. 
 
 The serious opposition was ended by this bold stroke. On March 6th, e. g. the 
 courts were held at Northamptoa "without the usual interruption." Conn. Couirant 
 March 12, 1787. By the fall "the late Discontents seemed to appear exceedingly 
 
209 
 
 anxious, and were making great exertions ..to discharge not only the present 
 but the back taxe-t." Conn. Gaz.-tte, Oct. 5, 1787. Isolated hands of insur- 
 gents were noet with and disperKed, usually without loss; at Stockbridge 100 
 dispersed on Jan. 27th. New Haven Gazette, Feb. 15, 1787; at Middleflold 80 
 were seized, rest scattered on Jan. 29th. Minot, pp. 117-8; Worcester county 
 scoured by light horsemen Jan. 28th. Centinel, Feb. 3, 1787. At Norwich- 
 Bridge insurgents seized. Ind. Gazette, Feb. 19, 1787. At New Bralntree in- 
 surgents scattered. Pa. Packet, Feb. 20, 1787; at "West Stockbrldge 200 driven 
 off; at Adams a gathering dispersed before Gen. Patterson who was rounding 
 up the rebels (since on Feb. 4th, the legislature reluctantly declared that a 
 rebellion existed, Pa. Packet, Feb. 17, 20, 1787) New Haven Gazette, Feb. 15, 
 1787. At Lee, on Feb. 6th, 250 insurgents opposed by 300 citizens in a blood- 
 less encounter, Minot, p. 144. At Brookfield 36 rebels captured. Centinel, Feb. 
 14, 1787. Feb. 10th, at Wllliamstown, 14 rebels taken, 6 at Dalton, Minot, pp. 
 144-5. Other bauds seized. Pa. Gazette, Feb. 2d, 1787. The severest engage- 
 ment occurred at Sheflield. The Insurgents, reinforced by "broken men" from 
 the wilds of New York state and Vermont stood their ground at first, but 
 finally fled, leaving 2 dead, 30 wounded and 50 captured. Of the militia 
 2 were killed, 1 wounded, and 2 died from fatigue and exposure. Centinel, 
 March 7, 1787; Minot, pp. 149-50, Minor outrages take place after this for 
 several months, New Haven Gazette, April 16; N. J. Journal, April 25; Pa. 
 Journal, May 2, June 20; Centinel, May 2; N. J. Journal, June 13; Ind. 
 Gazette, June 16; Md. Journal, June 19; Centinel, June 23, 30, July 4, 18, 1787. 
 Attacks on persons and property still continue in the Berkshire. A final 
 excitement occurred at Great Barrington, Oct. 15th, whcra insurgents went 
 through the streets hurrahing for Shays and were pursued by indignant citizens. 
 Centinel, Nov. 17, 1787. See Appendix D. 
 
 APPENDIX C. 
 The Election of 1787. 
 
 A copy is in the Massachusetts Historical Society. A part of the accusation 
 
 Is: **Mr, H has sunk, altogether by his Dissipation and Folly, one of the 
 
 fairest Estates. His Extravagance and Professions are quite proverbial, and the 
 injurious effects of bis pernicious example have not yet quite grown out of 
 Fashion, Although the excessive Use of Articles of foreign Ornament, and Dress, 
 is somewhat abated. . .The Seeds of the present Uneasiness were sown in the 
 
 Administration of Mr. H , and arise more from his Negligence, and Want 
 
 of Abilities, while In Office than from any other Circumstance." See for a sim- 
 ilar opinion J. Trumbull to Washington, Lebanon, Conn., Oct. 28, 1788. Sparks: 
 Correspondence of the Revolution, IV:239. All this was too near the truth 
 to be at all acceptable to the people in general, or relished by the friends of 
 the accused. In reply it was argued with great plausibility and doubtless 
 a fair amount of truth that "the people wdll set more easy under. . [Hancock's] 
 administration; for it matters not how worthy the character of our present 
 Governor may be.. if prejudice has blinded the eyes of the people, they will 
 never be united under him." Centinel, March 28, 1787. See also Kllham to 
 King, [no date] King: King, 11:615. 
 
 The accusation that the insurgents are busy electioneering for Hancock is made 
 In the newspapers, e. g. Centinel, March 24, 27, 1787. This tale had been circu- 
 lated the month before, siiace "At Shrew^sbury I found a most villainous lie 
 inserting itself.. that H[ancockJ & one of the judges of the Supreme Court were 
 the principal supporters of Chayses [Shays]. Falsehood so daringly asserted & 
 so cautiously invented to ruin Hancock's pretentions, must appear to all but the 
 credulous the weak efforts of a weak party." J. Swan to Knox, Dorchester, Feb. 
 28, 1787. Knox Mss. XX:2. 
 
 The belief that Hancock would favor measures favorable to the debtor 
 was largely held. For example J. Q. Adams writes to John Adams, 
 June 30, 1787: "Mr. Hancock was again elected.. It Is. .concluded that be would 
 favor tender acts, paper currency and all those measures, which would give the 
 sanction of the law to private fraud and Tlllalny." Adams: Life in a New 
 England Town, 1787-17S8, pp. 119-120, foot note. Some misguided friend asserted 
 that Hancock's "popularity is established, and his name Is ever grateful to its 
 [Massachusetts] rebellious sons." Am. Herald, March 17, 1787. 
 
 The angry replies by Hancock's friends, are to be found in (e. g.) Centinel, 
 March 31, 1787; Am. Herald, April 2, 1787. In a squib in the former paper It 
 was cleverly retorted that If Hancock ' 'is beloved by the opposers of govern- 
 ment ["This is not the only scandal that Is circulated*'] it is not likely that 
 
210 
 
 tUey will disturb this administration, and certainly the friends of peace and 
 good order will not — ." In the latter paper Hancock is hailed as "our American 
 Joshua," while Cato haraDguos the voters in the following persuasive style: 
 "be not duped by the artifices of the Salem Wizard [Stephein Higginson] . .your 
 opponents [are], .men of property .. .To accomiilish. . ["a change in our present 
 Constitution"] they likewise hold out to you Mr. L[incol]n as Lieutenant-Gov- 
 ernor. — This ought to alarm you, a military character in either of the first 
 offices is a further step to their aristocratical plans." It would seem that 
 Hancock and Adams had become friends again within the past few months and 
 the latter was held up as Hancock's running mate. Mass. Gazette, March 27, 
 17N7; Ccntiuel, March 28, 1787. The federalists in general wished Lincoln as 
 the lieutenant-governor, 
 
 Adams' advocacy of rather severe measures in Shays' Rebellion was still 
 remembered. "Let the high if not passionate measures, taken by a certain 
 body [the legislature especially the Senate of which Adams was a member] 
 of which he is an active and iufiuential member decide; particularly the 
 disqualifying a[c]t, which.. is repugnant to the constitution, .has. .embittered 
 the minds of thousands, and sent hundreds out of the state. If, after this, if 
 any doubt remains, let the act which he originated, and pushed through tlie 
 S[enat]e, to destroy tlie freedom of speech, decide what he is now, and whether 
 he is not fitter for a Venetian Doge than for the second Magistrate in a free 
 republick." Centinel, March 31, 17S7. While both Gushing and Lincoln are in 
 nomination for lieutenant-governor there is little attention paid to either. In 
 reply to a pufC for the former as faithful to both Hancock and Eowdoin (Cen- 
 tinel, March 21, 1787) an evident enemy inquired "would he not be as likely 
 faithfully to serve Daniel Shays or Luke Day?" Ibid, March 21, 1787. See also 
 Ibid, March 21, 1787, for the "standing army" accusation. Nevertheless the 
 House on June 1st sent up two names — Thomas Gushing and Nathaniel Gorham 
 — to the Senate. The latter unanimously elected Gushing. Mass. Gazette, June 
 5, 1787. The reason for Lincoln's neglect is explained in a letter from Knox 
 to King, New York. June 8, 1787: "Notwithstanding the number of votes for 
 Lincoln [G,7G7; Gushing had 10,107] Genl. Warren [Speaker of the House] 
 maneuvered in such a manner that his name was not returned to the Senate.." 
 King: King, 1:222. 
 
 In Worcester County (49 towns) Bowdoin carried not a siiigle town — Ply- 
 mouth, Bristol, Dukes and Nantucket, likewise. In the large county of Mid- 
 dlesex (40 towns) he carried but one. The same is true of Norfolk and the 
 whole District of Maine. Barnstable and Essex gave him majorities in two 
 towns each only. His strength in Hamp.shire and Berkshire counties is sur- 
 prising at first glance: Hampshire (."8 towns of which 53 returned votes) Han- 
 cock carried 26, Bowdoin 19, Lincoln 7. Gorham 1 ; Berkshire (24 towns, 21 
 town votes returned, Cnsbing carrying one) of the twenty towns left Hancock 
 got 11, Bowdoin 9. This can be only explained on the score that the disfran- 
 chising act operated to exclude a large number of his adherents — the insurgents — 
 and that the rest of the people having suffered in these two counties much 
 more than in the rest of the state, were determined to continue in office if 
 possible a more vigorous governor. The election returns seems to bear out fully this 
 disfranchisement. This year — 1787 — with a good deal of excitement the total 
 pote in Hampshire was 1,943; Berkshire, 899. The next year, 17SS. with not 
 so much of a contest [Total vote for governor, 1787, 24,588; 1788, 22,157] the 
 total in Hampshire was 3,00G; Berkshire, 1,397. Further, both counties had lost 
 in population during these two years owing to the large number of persons who 
 had emigrated, especially on account of Shays' Rebellion. A letter of Lincoln 
 to Iviaox, March 1, 1787, is confirmatory; "The act includes so great a descrip- 
 tion of persons, that.. many towns will be disfrancliised. .will they not now 
 complain, and say that we have cut them off from all hope of redress.. for we 
 have denied them a Representation in the Legislative body by whose Laws they 
 must be governed. .. [the act] is impolitic." Knox Mss., XX:S. The Intention 
 of the act is displayed in a letter from Kilham to R. King, Jan. 2, 17S7; 
 The General Court "passed an act disqualifying all who have acted as non- 
 commissioned oIHcers or privates from holding any civil or military or town 
 offices for a term, and conditioned also from being. . .electors in the choice of 
 any of these offices. This we hope will he security against corruption In the 
 approaching election." King: King, II:G14. Nor was this all a dead letter. 
 From the complaints it evidently operated among other reasons to drive out of 
 the state hundreds of Inliabltants. Kee Blake: Hist, of Warwick, p. 78., for 
 a rcferdQce to the imprisonment of the town selectmen who had unlawfully 
 been In office. 
 
211 
 
 APPENDIX D. 
 
 The Aftermath of Shays' Rehellion. 
 
 A doleful sound comes from Berkshire county June 20th: [See an earlier 
 wall In the Mass. Gazette, May 11.] "Depredations on the property and persons 
 of those who unfortunately have been friends to government In these counties are 
 nightly committed. .frequent[ly], -persons, .are attacked and beaten.. we are ex- 
 posed to. .a civil war. The insurgents plume themselves on having many friends 
 In the government." Ccntlnel, June 30, 1787. Letter from Stockbridge, July 
 7th: "There Is little or no Apprehension of Danger from any publick Opposition.. 
 Some abandoned and desperate Individuals may. .perpetrate private thefts and 
 robberies, .civil authority [will bave more] . .salutary effects, thau a Military 
 force." Am. Herald, July 10, 1787. [An Administration paper.]. Col. Lyman 
 the officer In charge writes from Northampton, July 8; "so many as 500 
 [troops]. -miglit perhaps be umu'ccssary. . [because of good] prospect of internal 
 tranquility. . [and] from the vlgllence. . [of] neighboring states." Oentinel, July 
 IS, 1787. The same paper contains a letter from Great Barrlngton, July 12th, 
 expressing some hope for quiet but asserting "there was a peculiar propriety 
 in government's resolving to raise troops." Letter of Aug. 2nd: "Tbe accounts 
 from the counties of Hampshire and Berkshire give me great uneasiness." 
 Mass. Gazette, Aug. 17, 1787. The inext day in the Ceutlnel is published an 
 opportune letter from a traveller of Springfield who finds that the erstwhile 
 warriors have beaten their spears into plough-shares and pruning hooks and are 
 busily engaged In raising bumper crops. The war scare Is over. 
 
 Further the "Hancockonlans" complained: "A certain Junto (consisting of 
 shy Jesuits) have of late taken great liberties in their remarks on our new 
 administration.." Centlnel, May 12, 1787. In ibid. May 5, this "junto" Is 
 threatened "with a seat on the GALLOWS, for speaking disrespectful of our 
 Rulers, by 'the smaller sort of folks.' ' ' These are samples of the letters : 
 "Our friends In this county [Hampshire] do not relish the pardons lately 
 granted to the Traitors..! last week saw one of these miscreants he had the 
 audacity publickly to say, that If Government DARED to have hung him, he 
 was sure they would." Ibid, May 19, 1787, from Springfield. ' See also Ibid, 
 May 2, 1797. Extract of a letter from a western county, Centlnel, June 30, 
 1787: "The Days have returned home in triumph, wearing their side arms; 
 and hehaving very insultingly as they passed along. In short, the measures 
 of the present administration have reversed the feelings of the people In this 
 country." Another writer asserts: "They [the petitions for pardon] are not 
 dictated by the least degree of humility; they do not acknowledge the justice 
 of the sentence, but Imply strongly, that it will be dangerous to hang any . . 
 Some have conjectured, tliat the plan of petitioning by the people at large, 
 originated not far from the head of the State. ." [A reference to the Stone 
 House Club — see Am. Herald, Jan. 15, 1787 — an attack upon whom Is made in 
 the Centlnel, Sept. 5,- 1787. This was Hancock's "Kitchen Cabinet." Sullivan, 
 active in this unoflicial council Is accused of instigating this petitioning In 
 order to curry favor witli the insurgents and to oppose Hancock for governor 
 next year. Centlnel. Sept. 22, 1787. Sullivan's reply Is In ibid, Sept. 26, 1787. 
 He defended certain of the rebels. With some such however he was not in favor 
 because of his large (in their eyes) salary. Mass. Gazette, March 27, 1787.] 
 The above is a part of a letter from Middleseic. Centlnel, July 21, 1787. An 
 admiralde example is the reputed dialogue between "Insurgents A and B:" 
 "We have many frlendfe in the Cabinet [of Hancock] .. .as the offences were 
 committed imder 'Jemmy's Administration,' [Bowdoin's] a fig for your fears 
 ..[Hancock] was chose by us. .upon this tenure.. of pleasing US." Ibid, 
 Jsly 25, 1787. A violent communication Is Inserted In the Hampshire Gazette, 
 Oct. 10, 3787, by "Jnstitia:" "Need any stronger evidence be adduced, tlian 
 the late 'full and free pardon' to traitors aiad murderers to prove that there 
 is an object pursuing liy certain men In power, .diametrically opposed to the 
 best interest of tlie community. To the grief and cliagrin of all good men.. 
 TlUs Influence, .well known in. . [Boston] .. [whose] grand inquiry.. Is not, what 
 is law? what says the constitution? but how stands the thermometer of the 
 popular opinion?" See also Centlnel, July 11, 1787. 
 
 There was some considerable alarm by tlie "better sort" over tlie elections. 
 For example the Massacliusetts Gazette, May 18. finds that six representatives 
 returned from Worcester county were known to be active in county conventions, 
 and the American Herald adds three more to this list of undesirables. The 
 
212 
 
 former paper asserts that the senators from Bristol county are of the same sort. 
 April 0. See also Centinel, May 5, June 12, lo; Mass. Gazette, May 4, 17ST. In 
 fact B. Hichborn wrote to Knox, April 8, 1787; "the Senators generally 
 chosen are a miserable set and the good people are much alarmed at the com- 
 plectlon of them." Knox Mss. XX:44. J. Q. Adams wrote to John Adams, 
 June 30, 1787: "there are indeed several Senators and many Representatives, 
 who would stick at nothing. A Willard, a Drury, a Whitney, and many 
 others, .have openly espoused the cause of treason and rebellion." Adams: 
 Lif.' in a N. E. Town, pp. 119-120, foot note. ^evertbeless despite the fact 
 that a motion was made and passed to remove the General Court out of Boston — 
 and a committee appointed to find a place chose Concord — their choice was re- 
 jected and another attempt was made to leave without permanent result. Mass. 
 Gazette, June 15, 29, 1787. Yet "a motion.. made a few days since; that a 
 committee should be appointed to examine the merits of a paper currency. . [had] 
 a majority of more than 50, even against the committing of it." Adams: 
 Life in a N. E. Town, pp. 119-120, foot note. Still to the close of the year's 
 existence of this legislature "in many instances they discovered their old 
 Insurgent temper and principles . . " Jackson to Knox, Boston, March 15, 1788, 
 Knox Mss. XXI:168. Gorham (to Knox, March 19, 1788), writing of the elec- 
 tion of 1788 says: "but such has been the critical situation in the legislature 
 that a number of the good Friends thought the publication of them [The 
 Ehode Island papers respecting her refusal to send delegates to the Constitu- 
 tional convention] had best be suspended until the Session was over.." Knox 
 Mss. XXI:172. See Lincoln to Washington, Boston, June 3, 17SS. Sparks: 
 Correspondence of the Revolution, IV:223. What displeased the federalists 
 especially was their attempted reply to the Governor's address praising the 
 Constitution. From a letter of Jackson to Knox, March 10, 1788, it Is learned 
 that the House debated the matter two days although the Senate approved 
 of the ratification. Knox Mss. XXI:165. See Harding: Fed. Constitution in 
 Mass. pp. 110-113 for an account of this transaction and for the refusal of the 
 House by a final vote of 118 to 2 to concur with the Senate to have the address 
 of the state Constitutional Convention published in accordance with the vote 
 of the Convention. The strongest evidence is presented by their voting on 
 March 7th by a majority of "about 11.. for pardoning, and restoring to the 
 privileges of a freeman, the famous Capt. Luke Day who for some time past 
 had been confined in the gaol in. . [Boston]."' Centinel, March 8, 17SS. This was 
 evidently to Include Shays, Parsons, &c., for the Senate non-concurred. Ibid, 
 April 2. Its purpose was to put an end to the trials by the courts of the insur- 
 gents who had been caught. Shays and Parsons had escaped out of the state. 
 
 APPENDIX E. 
 Hancock's Bargain with the Federalists, 
 
 That the federalists did agree to support Hancock at the ensuing election 
 for governor is proved by the election returns. Except for 10 votes, Boston was 
 unanimous for Hancock. Nor is this all the proof. While it is smoothly 
 assumed (Amory: Sullivan, 1:224) that Hancock's popularity "was beyond their 
 power to subvert," the future at that period was not such plain sailing. Han- 
 cock had lost for the time being at least the support of the Insurgent party, 
 (Jackson to Knox, Boston, Feb. 3, 1788, Knox Mss. XLI:68.) and this faction 
 controlled the lower house at that time. Their vote was a very large factor 
 in Hancock's support at the previous election. It was uncertain how far the 
 defection had gone. On the other hand the federalists were growing in strength 
 with the aid of the Constitution, which, if adopted, would give them much 
 glory and added power. If both the insurgent party and the federalists nom- 
 inated candidates it would divide the anti-Hancock opposition it Is true, but 
 also undoubtedly give Hancock loss than a majority. The election would 
 therefore go to the General Court. What chance would Hancock have in an 
 Insurgent House and a Senate controlled by the federalists? Nor was the 
 union of these two bodies upon a mutually acceptable candidate so Impossible, 
 for while the federalists probably would never support Warren, Heath or Gerry| 
 It la quite In the line of possibility that Lincoln could have been elected. The 
 latter was very popular, especially in the west for his humane conduct in Shays' 
 rebellion, and the Senate invariably carried its candidate when a difference of 
 opinion occurred. 
 
213 
 
 As for his presidential hopes the veriest tyro In politics would perceive 
 that It was necessary to have the support of that formidable host of ability 
 and influence which arrayed itself In support of the Coinstltution. Nor Is 
 there lacking documentary evidence direct and indirect to prove the fact 
 that a bargain of some sort was consummated between Hancoeli and the feder- 
 alist leaders. What could be a stronger proof that Hancock's Inveterate 
 enemies had received a quid pro quo for their support, than a letter from 
 
 Trlstam Dalton to Feb, 3, 1788; "Governor Hancock has hazarded his whole 
 
 Interests to the support of the Constitution. .We must, whether successful or 
 not, support his interest. Are you willing that we should pledge yours? Do 
 not say 'I will be damned first. He shall never have my vote.' Will you not 
 If the Judge [Greenleaf], Parsons and myself pledge ourselves?" Essex Inst. 
 Hist. Coll., XXXV:87-S. A letter of T. Dalton to S. Hooper, Boston, Jan. 31, 
 1788, (Ibid, p. 94) Is worded significantly: "We are not idle by Night and 
 Day.. and sacrifice every thing but moral Honesty to carry our point." While 
 hinting at the bargain in two letters (to Madison, Jan. 30; Feb. 3, 1788; 
 King; King, 1:317-8) King comes out flatfooted in a letter to Knox, an Intimate 
 friend and ardent federalist : ' 'Hancock has coijimltted himself in our f avo"* 
 and will not desert the cause — You will be astonished, when you see the list 
 of names, that such an union of men has taken place on this question. Han- 
 cock will hereafter receive the universal support of Bowdoln' s f riend.s ; and 
 we told him, that, if Virginia does not unite, which is prablematicaJ, he is 
 considered as the only fair candidate for President." King: King, 1:319. After 
 the publication of the "Letters of Laco," where it was roundly asserted that 
 Hancock promised his support in return for a "promise to support him in the 
 chair at the next election." Gore writes to King, March 27, 1789: "I am 
 perfectly in opinion with you that the disclosure of anything relative to Mr. 
 H's [Hancock's] conduct during the convention Is unjust, ungenerous, & highly 
 Impolitick." King: King, 1:360. Other evidence Is in "an Antlfederalist squib 
 published in the Chronicle of March 20, [1788] it Is insinuated that 'the man of 
 the people' was gained by holding out to him the oflSce of vice-president." 
 Quoted by Harding: Fed. Constitution in Mass. p. 87. 
 
 The manifest anxiety of the federalists to push for Lincoln as lieutenant- 
 governor may well be owing to the fact that if Hancock Is elected as president 
 or vice president it would leave Lincoln as acting governor and with the 
 former out of the running, open the path for Lincoln at the next election. 
 
 While the coalition of Bowdoln's and Hancock's party put the governor- 
 ship out of danger, yet the irreconcilable antlfederallsts put forward Bl- 
 brldge Gerry for governor and James Warren as lieutenant-governor. The latter 
 was inomlnated by a "large meeting of the antlfederallsts. .held last week at 
 Dudley in Worcester County & resolved to send messengers Into every town 
 In the counties of Worcester, Berkshire, Hampshire & Bristol & Middlesex." 
 Gore to King, March 2, 1788. King: King, 1:323-4. This "convention" was 
 In addition to a legislative caucus which "by a great majority of the members" 
 favored Gerry and Warren. The expiring legislature was controlled by men of 
 Insurgent-antifederal proclivities. There was "a printed list forwarded on from 
 our deputy at [the General] court." Centinel, April 5, 1788. A letter from 
 *'G." — in Worcester County. In this latter county — as evidently In others — ■ 
 « full list of state senators were put In nomination by the antlfederallsts. Ibid, 
 April 2, 1788. It is evident from the votes for Lincoln and Adams that the 
 support for the latter — since it was Suffolk and Middlesex counties which gave 
 Adams half his support — came largely from that democratic Austln-SulUvan 
 faction In Boston and vicinity (See Centinel, April 5, 9, 1788, for certain tricks 
 attempted by Adam's supporters) so bitterly hostile to the Hlgginson-arlstoeratlc- 
 conservatlve junto. (See the Centinel, March 29, 1788, for attacks on Lincoln— 
 by the former — on the score of the Cincinnati). Nothing could reconcile these 
 two clans of mutually implacable haters. From the end of the Revolution, 
 throughout the existence of the Federalist party in Massachusetts they opposed 
 each other on all questions. 
 
 The federalists were hopeful but doubtful as to the outcome. Gorham 
 (who was talked of bv some so-called federalists) (see a vigorous letter of 
 Gore to King, Boston, March 2, 1788. Kiing: King, 1:324,) writes to Knox: 
 "some of our very good Friends think they are sure of bringing In Lincoln 
 provided the business is brought to a point between him & Gen. W[arrenJ 
 — I hope they will not be disappointed — but I have my doubts.." Charles- 
 town, March 19, 1788. Knox Mss., XXI:172. Jackson writes to Kiaox, Boston, 
 March 23, 1788 : ' 'the only difficulty Is that the Federalists will be divided 
 with respect to Mr. S. Adams & Genl. Lincoln, this is what the opposite 
 party are aiming at, and are industrious to effect.. The General Court will rise 
 
214 
 
 this week to give the members an opportunity to reach home previous to the 
 Choice, It is the wish of the Tederalista that they may be detained here until 
 after the Election, but they are too cunning for that, & are hurrying the business 
 for that purpose — " Knox Mss., XVI;174. See also Centlnel, March 10, 1788. 
 
 APPENDIX F. 
 
 The Treatment of Lincoln T>y Hancock, 
 
 ret the election in excitable Boston passed off with "the most perfect cor- 
 diality and good humour pervatl[ing] . .every part." Hampshire Chronicle, April 
 15; Centlnel, April S, 1789. This was unexpected because since the previous sum- 
 mer — besides LacoV. bitter attack — there had beein much agitation over Hancock's 
 treatment of Lincoln in refusing to appoint him Governnr of the Castle. The 
 cause of the controversy Is obscure. Its political importance lies in the fact 
 that It resulted in the displacing of Lincoln by Adams as lieutenant-governor in 
 the spring of 1789. It looks as if It was the beginning of another attempt of 
 the federalists — presuming on Lincoln's supposed great popularity, but in which 
 Idea they were destined to be sorely disappointed — to supplant the governor with 
 the . lieutenant-governor. At any rate their loud complaints, (which ai'-^ -'■lamor- 
 ous throughout the state by Aug. 1st. See Centlnel of that date) that Lincoln 
 was being badly treated in the matter of that appointment, may have been 
 wholly political. For it was asserted that the governor had determined not to appoint 
 whomsoever was elected to that sinecure. Amory (Sullivan, 1:243) a-^-^orts that 
 Hancock not only "openly declared'* this resolution but he even informed S. 
 Adams of his determination should he — Adams — be elected and that t]\e latter 
 acquiesced. While Amory needs to have corroborative evidence on cmntroversial 
 points in this matter he is backed up by a letter of C. Gore to R. King, Boston, 
 March 2, 1788: "If Gorham pursues this object [the lieutenant-governorship], 
 the emoluments of wh. will now be diminished.." King: King, 1:324. This is 
 a month before the election. In the same letter — and this is important — it is 
 said that "The Govr. [Hancock] accedes to the vacancy [Thomas Gushing the 
 lieutenant-governor had died] being supplied by Lincoln; this is another point 
 which ought to be attended to by Mr. G[orham] and his friends." It Is only 
 fair to say that Amory's story is dwelt upan at length in the Chronicle and the 
 reply In the Centlnel of Aug. 9th Is that "wh^n it is considered that within a 
 year of the time when this declaration Is said to have been made [to S. Adams] — 
 his excellency . . continued Gov. Gushing (i. e. the liuetenant-governor of Massa- 
 chusetts 1780-1788] In this place, this apology. . [is] not., very satisfactory." 
 Whether simply capriciousness — for which Hancock was noted — or spite, because 
 his chances for the presidency or vice presidency had departed, moved him to 
 deny the fees of the Castle is an unsolved problem. On any score, it was 
 peculiarly mean because Lincoln was without other material resources except 
 as member of the Council for which he received only a small amount. Amory: 
 Sullivan, 1:249. John Adams returned to Boston in June and his enthusiastic 
 reception at that time (Centlnel, June 18, 21, 1788) may — with other information 
 — have shown how utterly fallacious Hancock's hopes were. Still, he Is men- 
 tioned In a letter from I'liiladelphia (Centlnel, July 3. 1788, in Ibid, Aug. 2 and 
 In a Baltimore paper — Ibid. Nov. 8, 1788) as the probable candidate for the 
 vice-president; Sullivan went on a mission to the South to obtain votes for Han- 
 cock (Amory says towards the close of 1788 or the beginning of 1789.) Amory: 
 Sullivan, 1:249. John Adams Is openly mentioned as a candidate for that office. 
 Centlnel, Aug. 20, 1788. This refusal of the governor was considered as a piece of 
 Injustice aind loudly complained of. See Centlnel, Aug. 2. 9, 13, 1788. The 
 General Court took the matter up on November 3rd. and a committee was 
 appointed "to consider what provision may be necessary for the support of the 
 Lleut.-Governor." Ibid, Nov. 5, 1788. The committee reported — November 12th — 
 that the governor should be Interrogated on this matter. After a fight the 
 recommendation was agreed to, 82 to 62. Hancock cannily replied that by not 
 appointing any one "there will be.. saved to the people a very considerable sum., 
 annually".. Ibid, November 15, 1788. 
 
 In January the legislature again took the matter up. On the 7th a com- 
 mittee was appointed to consider the support of the lieutenant-governor. On 
 the 10th the committee reported for a £300 salary. It was lost by a 
 vole of 181 to 109. Ibid, Jan. 10, 14, 17, 1789. Fiinally a motion was 
 passed by a majority of four that a salary be granted, motions for £300 and 
 for £2i50 being lost, although the committee reported that the emolu- 
 ments from the Castle had amounted on an average to £320 and when 
 
215 
 
 commerce was brisk to £350. Ibia, Jan. 21, 1789. Finally on the 23rd £160 
 was granted. Ibid, Jan. 2-4, 1789. This was reduced to £150 the next year. 
 Ibid, June 18, 1789. llcanuiiilt the governor made himself popular again by 
 signing a bill reducing hie own salary to £880. Ibid, Feb. 18, 1789. The Inevit- 
 able result of this pother was to fix Hancocls more strongly in the atfectioins of 
 the people. A resolve which practically censured the governor was smothered 
 by a vote of 83 to 37. Ibid, Feb. 11, 1780. It was hardly consoling to the 
 federalists to compare these "Thirty-seven Worthies" to the "Immortal William 
 Telle" in these "cringing times" (Ibid.) for they clearly perceived that Han- 
 cock Intended to "elevate" Mr. Adams, who, as they reminded him, "has hereto- 
 fore used all his influence In opposition to [him] . . . and represented him In the 
 most odious colours, in point of ability and Integrity. If this is a just represen- 
 tation must we not feel that our pretended American Cato. .has bowed the linee 
 to Ca.esar? and what must we say, when we are told that Caesar, . .practices 
 many artifices to favour. .Cato" ? Ibid, Jan. 10, 17S:j. There Is an excellent 
 satire on the ".Star Chamber" in ibid, Feb. 17, 17S!). This was apparently a 
 coterie of democrats In the legislature who managed affairs there. Tlie Stone 
 House Club was likewise composed of democrats or republicans, who were the 
 intimates of Hancock. See the Mass. Gazette, aiarch 14, 1788. 
 
 APPENDIX G. 
 Civic Feasts and Other Extravagances. 
 
 In the Centluol, Jan. 23, 1793, there i-< an account of the great number of 
 "Civic Feasts" in Oiarlestown, Watertown, Roxbury, and other towns. See 
 also Hazen: American Opinion of the French Revolution, John Hopkins Studies, 
 XVI; pp. 165-171; Sullivan; Familiar Letters, p. 37. A discordant note sounded 
 "from a late Hartford paper." "We are told that at a mighty civic feast of 
 equality in Boston, some little distinction was observed by placing citizen such a 
 one and such a one at the head of the table in the hall,, and spreading a table 
 out of doors, .for fellow citizens of the rabble. .But to be consistent let Citizen 
 H[ancock] and Citizen A[dams] be seated at the table cheek by jowl with their 
 citizen butcher and citizen oyster-man." Centinel, Feb. 9, 1793. This fraternal 
 harmony seems to liave ended in a slight ebullition of democratic uproar and riot 
 since they "destroyed the benches provided for their accommodation, tore the 
 poor ox piece-meal, broke the plates, and scalti>rpd the minfrled fragments of 
 beef and earthenware, in every direction, to the destruction of the neighboring 
 windows.. The head of the animal was then fixed.. on the pole of LIBERTY.. it 
 remained until the fate of the unfortunate Louis w^as announced, when it was 
 seen In mourning.. by some was. .stripped of its 'suit of solemn black.' In 
 revenge, .those who had furnished the mourning levelled the sacred tree of lib- 
 erty to the ground.. The pole was up — and down — and up again, .whilst the 
 head.. was converted into a punch-bowl .. by the democratic society.." Fed. 
 Orrery, May 4. 17'.l."i. 
 
 In succeeding years feasts were still held, but they were distinctly 
 political rejoicings, and as such were participated in by the republicans 
 only. E. g. in September, 179.i, "was celebrated the epoch of the abolition of 
 Monarchy, and of the establishment of the Republic of France. The Dawn of 
 the Day was welcomed in by a discharge of guns from the Brutus, and from 
 the Castle, and by the ringing of all the bells In town. At noon a procession 
 was formed.. The Dinner was also honored, by the company of His Excellency 
 Governor Adams." Mass. Mercury, Sept. 22, 1795. Earlier that year a "Fra- 
 ternal Feast" was held at Boston to mark the "late glorious successes of 
 France, and the restor.ition of the liberties of our allies the citizens of Holland. . 
 The Govennor [Adams] attended." Ind. Ch., April 9, 1795. There is an account 
 (in ibid, April 20) of a "Civic Feast" held at Reading on tlie 10th including the 
 planting of a Liberty Tree and the singing of the "Marselllals Hymn by a 
 choir." Snch town conduct is almost unique at this late date. 
 
 The Civic Festival projected for 1794 fell through, probably because that previous 
 pleasing unanimity had been unfortunately displaced by violent rancor the year 
 before. Centinel, ' March 19, 26, 1794. However the "Fall of the Bastlle" was 
 celebrated on July 14th by a procession and a dinner. Ibid, July 16, 1794. With 
 the growth of party feeling these "civic feasts" became "mere engines of party" 
 and were consequently contemned by the federalists and described as mere drunken 
 orgies of the rabble. See account of a Civic Feast, April 6, 179.''i, in Northampton. 
 Hampshire Gazette, April 8, 1795. A description of such In the Centinel, April 
 
216 
 
 27, 1797, Is typical: "The rapid decline of the French party.. is no'^here so 
 strongly manifest as at the civic feasts, still ridiculously kept up.. In '94 and 
 '95.. no decent character except a few weak persons [attended] . .In '96 and '97.. 
 the. .guests, .dwindled down to a few. .Jacobina, and hungry Immigrants, happy 
 to pick up a dinner., the late civic feast procession, .was properly a Tri-coloured 
 festival, for it was an appropriate assortment of whites, mulattoes and negroes." 
 The extra vaga;iices of the French adherents soon aroused ridicule in Massachu- 
 setts, as the following "Eepublican" advertisement will show: "Citizen John 
 Kelly, .bound to the subscriber, .by a ci-devant obligation commonly called an 
 Indenture, inspired with the noble love of LIB'EBTY & EQUALITY .. [ran away]. 
 Any possessed of a sufficient quantity of Anti-Republicanism to intercept said 
 Citizen Kelly.. shall be rewarded with a 4% piece, bearing the impression of that 
 arrant aristocrat the King of Spain." Federal Spy, Feb. 26, 1793. In the South 
 "not even a Mr. is allowed to precede a name at the present day — Wliile their 
 sable fellow-creatures are frequently addressed. . 'Citizen Caesar,' or 'citizen Pom- 
 pcy. clean my boots, '..but to hear the Auctioneer cry 'twenty pounds for Citizen 
 Alexander — who bids more?' seems to be carrying the joke too far in a free 
 cnuntry." Centinel, Feb. 13, 1793. From Gazetre of the U. S. See also :Mass. 
 Mercury, March 2, 1793; Federal Spy, Feb. 19. 1793; Hampshire Gazette. Jan. 30, 
 1793. Liberty Trees and Liberty Poles were much in vogue among these wor- 
 shippers of liberty in the "fantastic French fashion." A traveller notes "as I 
 entei'ed tlie town [ Newport, R. I. ] I perceived a tree, fenced around with 
 painted rail -5, and 'Tree of Equality' inscribed" thereon. Felt: Memorials of 
 W. S. Shaw, p. 24. These trees were the Lombardy poplar which "In the early 
 part of the French Revolution . . was planted at the entrance of every public 
 buildingr." Tudor: Life of James Otis, p. 223, note. "One such mark of 
 respect shown to tlie .Rev. clergy reflects more honor — and more fully demon- 
 strates, .good sense, than were ever, .exhibited by the deluded idolaters of 
 French massacres and principles, in civic ox feast, carmagnoles, chorrises, and 
 riff-raff processions." From tlie Centinel, quoted in Contributions to the Eccle- 
 siastical tlist. of Essex Co., p. 104. For other bits of ridicule see Western Star, 
 Oct. 29, 1794; esp. Mass. Spy, March G, 1794, from the Vermont Gazette. 
 It was considered a triumph for the rights of man and equality when a "free 
 Negro Man" was chosen 'fown Clerk in Easton, Pa. by a "decided majority." 
 Federal Spy, Aug. 0, 1793. See for another example of nonsense over French 
 abstractions the "Cap of Liberty" in ibid, June IS, 1793-. For tlie raptuous 
 applause over the French constitution at the expense of that of the United States 
 see the Ind. Ch., Sept. 3, 17!i.j, and for a reply see the Fed. Orrery, Sept. 7, 1795. 
 
 APPENDIX H. 
 Sermons Descanting on Lack of Religion. 
 
 See e. g. Strong-, C, Lenox, April 30, 179ri. [Stockbridge, 179-5]. pp. 25-6. 
 French. J., Haverhill, June 3, 1795 [Haverhill, 1795], p. 22. "The numerous, 
 and increasing errors, and corruption of the word of God, with which the present 
 period abounds. ." p. 31. "A melancholy laxness in religious sentiments and 
 morals abounds." Gray, R., Hallowell [Me.] Oct. 21, 1795 [Boston, 1795], p. 33; 
 Backus, C, Wilmington, Vt. Oct. 29, 1795 [Boston, 1795] "Remember that you 
 are set for the defense of the gospel; and live in a day, when not only its doc- 
 trines, but its divinity, is called in question," p. 29; Emmons, N., Wardsborough, 
 Vt., Nov. 4, 1795 [Battleborough, Vt., 1797]. "never was there a time, .when 
 this malignant disposition [opposition to ministers] was more visible, .than. . 
 [to]day. A. .infidel spirit prevails.." pp. 27-8; Elliot, J., Milton, circ. 179G. "If 
 ministers are men of virtue and knowledge, they will be able to stand against 
 the scepticism of the present age.." p. 21, "As an order of men, the ministers 
 are not respected, .as thoy once were.." p. 33. On p. 3S he refers to "the lawless 
 multitudes, who are trying to extirpate the institutions of Cliristianity. ." ; 
 Maeclintock, S., Hampton, N. H., Feb. 22, 1707. [Portsmouth, N. H., 1797],' p. 1. 
 Harris, T. M., Brookline, March 15, 1797 [Boston, 1797] "Im the present age of..' 
 infidelity, a general indifference to religion has spread Its contagion through our 
 churches." pp. 34-5; Robbius, C, Boylstoii, June 6, 1797 [Worcester, 1797.] "Ar- 
 guments of general scepticism are placed before the public in most engaging forms. 
 Every seducing speculation finds an emission from the press." pp. 33-4. See 
 also pp. 11, 25; Palmer, S., Rowley, June 7, 1797 [Dedham, 1797.] "You 
 enter.. upon the work of the ministry in a dark and difl3cult day; wlien infidelity 
 prevails, Irrellglon abounds, and the love of many has waxed cold.." p. 22- 
 
217 
 
 Emerson, J., Granville, June 21, 1707 [Springfield, 1787.] p. 20; Richmond, E., 
 Raby, N. H., Oct. 11, 1797 [Amherst, N. H., 1798.] p. 24; Eliot, J., Milton, Nov. 
 1, 1797. [Boston, 1797] A discourse on Infidelity and the Attacks on Chris- 
 tianity; Adams, M., Medway, June 13, 1798. [Dedham, 1798.] esp. pp. 15-16; 
 Flske, A., Hampton-Falls, N. H. Aug. 15, 1798. [Newburyport, 1798.] pp. 8-9, 
 14-13, 20, 22; Story, I., Hamilton, Aug. l.-i, 1798. [Salem, 1798.] "You are en- 
 gaging In the work of the ministry at a time when Infidelity Is openly professed 
 — when It Is propagated with artful Industry." pp. 30-31; Austlin, S., 
 Fltchburg, Sept. 17, 1798. [and at Granville, N. Y.] [Worcester, 1798] p. 25; 
 Backus, 0., Pelham, N. H. Oct. 31, 1798. [Amherst, N. H. n. d.] p. 29; Osgood, 
 D.. A conclusive Argument for the Truth of the Gospel.. Newbury, Dec. 5, 
 
 1798 [Newburyport, 1799] esp. pp. 23, 2.1; Backus, C, The Principal Causes of 
 the Opposition to Ciiristianity Considered.. Leicester, 1798 ['Worcester, 1798]; 
 Holmi-s, A., Sharon, Conn., Feb. 27, 1799, pp. 23, 44-6; Hitchcock, E., Wren- 
 tbam, June 12, 1799 [Providence, R. I., 1799], pp. 11, 15, 20, 20; Adams, M., 
 Needliam, July 10, 17J)9 [Dedham, 1799], This sermon is taken up with the 
 growth of atheism and a defence of the political activity of the clergy; Thayer, 
 N., Boston, Oct. 10, 1799 [Boston, 1799], pp. 21. 26-7; Cumings, H., Falmouth 
 [Portland, Me.], Oct. 0, 1799 [Falmouth, (Portland, Me.) n. d.] A general 
 defence of the clergy. Esp. pp. 21, 35; Thatcher, T., Peterborough, N. H., 
 Oct. 23. 1799 [Amherst, N. H., 1800] pp. 1.3-14; Peabody, S., Ipswich, Nov. 13, 
 
 1799 [Ilavorhlll, n. d.] p. 22; Storrs, R. S., Fitzwlliiam, N. H., Nov. 5, 1800 
 [Koene, N. I-l., 1801] p. 9. 
 
 APPENDIX I. 
 
 The Attacks Upon Paine and the Ag:e of Reason. 
 
 One of the earliest newspaper references to this book is found In the Western 
 ?5tar. Nov, 18, 1794. In the Mass. Spy, (for Nov. 19, 1794) there is an advertise- 
 ment of the following books: Paine's Age of Reason, Wakefield's Examination 
 of the Age of Reason, and the Asre of Infidelity. In the Issues of the Massa- 
 chusetts Mercury for March 13, 17, 20, 1795, there are articles attacking the 
 hook. On July 7th, 1795, the Western Star has the following boolcs advertised: 
 Paine's Age of Reason, Wakefield's Answer, Age of Infidelity, Paine's Trial, In 
 Answer to the Age of Infidelity, Defense of the Asre of Reason; all on sale at 
 Stockbridge, In the Independent Chronicle, Jan. 12th, 1795, there is advertised: 
 Ton Letters addressed to Mr. Thomas Paine in Answer to his. .Age of Reason 
 by Bishop Watson. There is an extract of tliis answer in the Salem Gazette. 
 July 28th, 1798. See also Impartial Herald. Oct. 21. 1796. for a long extract 
 from an Enclish paper. In the Salem Gazette for July 12th, 1796, there are 
 "proposals for printing by subscription Paine's Second Part of the Age of Reason 
 Answered by .Tames Tvtler — author of the remarks on Paine's first part of the 
 Aire of Reason by a Citizen of the World, printed at Belfast, in Ireland, 1794." 
 The Salem Gazette of August 12th, 1796. announces "Mr. James Tytler. a late 
 Emlrrant from Scotland by the way of Belfast, who has taken his present residence 
 in this town. ..[his book] has [been] given a favourable reception, .which may 
 tend to check the progress of [Paine's] . .book. ." The universal interest and 
 opposition aroused by Paine's attack on Christianity, as It was deemed, is shown 
 by the following, in the second volume of Swift's A System of the Laws of the 
 State of Connecticut. "We cauinot sutfieientiy reprobate Thomas Paine., [for] 
 publishing his Age of Reason.. he undertakes to disturb the world by bis 
 religious opinions.. no lanjruage can describe the wretchedness of the man.." 
 Mass. Spy, Sept. 2, 1796, from the Rutland Herald. See also the Farmer's Weekly 
 Museum. Aug, 23, 1796. In Ibid, Nov. 29, Paine is called a "popinjay." Dr. 
 Priestly attacked this book likewise "In a preface to his sermons lately pub- 
 lished in Philadelphia." Western Star, .Tune 28, 1796. See also Salem Ga- 
 zette, .Tune 14: Political Gazette, June 16, 1796. In the Massacliusetts Spy. 
 Dec. 28. 1796. there is an extract from Wakefield's reply to Paine taken from 
 the Critical Review. In the Salem Gazette. Feb. 3. 1795. is a list of "Excellent 
 books to be read in an Age of Reason. .Among the best defences of Revealed 
 Religion are Bishop Butler's Analogy of Religion, Doddridge's Works; Bishop 
 White's Sermons: Bishop Watson's Apology for Christianity." Others advertised 
 are The Age of Infidelity [published in London, reprinted (1794) in New York 
 snd in Boston]; The Signs of the Times, or the Overthrow of the Papal Tyranny 
 in France [by J. Bicheno. Providence. R. I.. 1794]; Addison's Evidence of the 
 Christian Religion; Jenvn's Internal Evidence of the Christian Religion, and "his 
 lectures." R. Watson [Bishop of LlandafC] published [reprinted at Portsmouth, 
 
218 
 
 N. H., in 1796] The Bible needs no Apology .. ancT a Short Answer to Paine 
 in Pour Letters. Still another was " 'Mr. Clarke's Answer to the Question, 
 Why are you a Christian?' [2nd ed. Boston, 1795] [which] lias found it way 
 to Chebucto. .Its merit I shall .hope will., shorten the duration of Paine's miser- 
 able Age of Reason." A. Brown to J. Belknap, Halifax, [N. S.]» Feb. 6, 1795. 
 Belknap Papers, Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 6th Ser., IV (pt. Ill) 585. Bev. Charles 
 Backus preached five sermons In 1797 on the truth of the Bjble. There is an 
 "Answer to the Age of Reason by Thomas Scot of England which has reached 
 North Vineyard, Me., by 1800 — a town of 60 people — of only 15 four years before." 
 CoU. Me. Hist. Soc, IV (1S5G), 390. See also p. 352. Gilbert Wakefield's An 
 Examination of the Age of Reason [reprinted at Boston, 1794] is considered 
 almost as heretical as the book It pretends to condemn. Extract from Dr. 
 Linn's Discourses on the Signs of the Times [N. Y., 1794] quoted in the Inde- 
 pendent Chronicle for Dec. 15th, 1794: "I consider. . [it J as having a more pernici- 
 ous tendency than the Age of Reason itself . .he. .join[s] with Mr. Paine, In 
 sneering at the history of Jonah., his defence of Christianity, .may. .be called 
 insidious." Rev. Jedidtah Morse had the same opinion, see ante p. 105, n. 54. 
 The Rev. Elhanan Winchester published [Boston. December, 1794] an answer 
 to the Age of Reason. Jackson; Hist, of Newton, p. 507. The Salem Gazette, 
 June 9th, 1797, says: "Much has been justly said of Bishop Watson's 'Apology 
 for the Bible,' but too much cannot be said of his 'Address to Young Persons 
 after Confirmation,' of which an edition has been printed at Philadelphia." The 
 Farmer's Weekly Museum — Oct. 11. 1796 — has a quotation from Watson's Answer 
 to the second part of Paine's Age of Reason. The "Apology" was distributed 
 free to the students of Harvard by the generosity of a number of Boston Gentle- 
 men." Mass. Gazette, May 3, 1797. William Cobbett attacked Paine in a 
 pamphlet entitled: The Life of Paine. It is much commended. Centinel, Jan. 
 21, 1797. The life takes up the greater portion of "The Political Censor.." 
 Philadelphia, 1796. In Nathan Fiske's sermon preached at the Dudleian Lecture 
 in the chapel of Harvard College, (Sept. 7, 1796) there are given the "Antidotes 
 to the poison" of the Age of Reason, pp. 14-16. In 1795, the Rev. Jeremy 
 Belknap published Dissertations on the Character, Death & Resurrection of 
 Jesus Christ and the Evidence of His Gospel, with Remarks on some Sentiments 
 Advanced in a Book ■ Entitled "The Age of Reason." [Boston. There are 148 
 pages divided into eight Dissertations.] The Rev. Myers Fisher published an 
 answer to this writing of Paine's; as did Elias Bouclinot. At the American 
 Antiquarian Society's rooms there is a book called "Observations on the Age of 
 Reason.." published in New York, 1795. The Impartial Herald (Sept. 19, 1797) 
 has an account of Mr. Erskine's attack on the Age of Reason during the trial of 
 Thomas Williams for selling that book in London. The Farmer's Weekly Mu- 
 seum (quoted in the Mass. Spy, Jan. 11, 1797) rescues the Book of Ruth, which 
 has been denoted "an idle bundling story" by Paine, who is called a "renegado" 
 of ' 'deistical effrontery, and impious evil vulgarism. ' ' He is denounced as a 
 "toad" by the Farmer's Weekly Museum, Jan. 17, 1797. See also ibid, Jan. 24. 
 The Centinel, (Dec. 23, 1797) asserts that "the leader of the mutineers on board 
 the British ships at Plymouth was lead astray by Paine's Age of Reascm." For 
 the sad effect of the French Revolution and The Age of Reason upon Harvard 
 College see Channing: Memoir of W. E. Channing, 1:61-2. A notable defence of 
 Paine and his book was undertaken by a pamphlet, The Examiners Examined 
 beiiag a Defence of the Age of Reason, N. Y., 1794. After supporting him — ■ 
 pp. 5 to 22 — the writer attacks six antagonists of Paine, viz: Wakefield; Age of 
 Infidelity; Guide to Reason (by S. Stillwell); The Folly of Reason; New York 
 Reviewer, and the Rev. Uzal Ogdon's Address. The latter was of Trinity Church, 
 Newark, N. J. The -Address accompanied his proposals for printing The Deist 
 Unmasked, A Short Method with the Deist, &c. The last is considered the 
 "most violent" of the assaults upon Paine. Another attack was made upon this 
 "notorious" book by a Layman. It was entitled A Reply to the False Reason- 
 ing in the Age of Reason. . Phila., 17116. The Rev. William Patten [of 
 the Secciad Congregational Church of Newport, R. I.] wrote: Christianity, the 
 True Tlieology . . in answer to "The Age of Reason;" with an Appendix, in ^nswei 
 to "Tlie Examiners Examined." Warren, R. I., 179r». There are 177 pages. 
 See also The Age of Credulity. Phlla., 1796. Paine's Impudent letter to 
 Washington damned him still deeper in contemporary opinion. The Centinel (Jan. 
 i4, 1797 ) says : "a southern Printer intends . . to publish a second edition of 
 Paine's letter to our President, with the. .title-page: — 'By Thomas Paine, who 
 ridiculed Jesus Christ, blackguarded the Bible, and villlfled Geoi^e 'Washington." 
 See also the Mass. Spy, Jan. 11, 1797; Western Star. Jan. 30, 1797; Salem 
 Gazette, Jan. 24, 1797. The Massachusetts Spy, (Dec. 13, 1797, from the 
 Gazette of the TJ. S.) quotes an extract — which Is a most bitter attack from a 
 
219 
 
 work by P. Kennedy, Esq., entitled: An Answer to Mr. Paine's Letter to 
 General Washington, or Mad Tom convicted of the blackest Ingratitude." 
 
 APPENDIX J. 
 Influences of the Clergy in New England. 
 
 The New England clergy above all things were not afraid to mince matters. 
 Even the Loyalist ministers did not hesitate to boldly bear witness to the 
 political truth as they conceived It, unpleasant as the consequences would be. It 
 Is .well known what a persecution the advocates of paper money in Rhode Island 
 carried on against their opponents. Yet here is the Rev. Henry Chanulng writ- 
 ing: "The Paper money gentry considered me as greatly reprehensible because 
 when In Newport 1 publicly prayed for & pitied them.. I expect to visit Newport 
 next week. I Intend to go as far In boldness as will consist with the dignity 
 of the Pulpit & the spirit of the Gospel, which is undaunted as well as meek." 
 To D. Daggett, Lyme, Conn,, Sept. 28, 1787. Proc. Am. Antlq. Soc, N. S., 
 IV (1885-7) 370. 
 
 Manfully did the clergy struggle to keep their congregations steady 
 during the treasonable uprisings of Shays' Rebellion. B. Bic^well to D. 
 Daggett, Trylngham. June 10, 1787, "The Gentlemen of learning & the liberal 
 professions, especially the Clergy, are universally for Government." Proc. Am. 
 Antiq. Soc, N. S., IV (1S85-7), 308. The Rev. Mr. Allen of Plttsfield was 
 such a staunch advocate of government, that he incurred the 111 will of the 
 rebels to such an extent that he went constantly armed, his house being furnished 
 with extra arms. Sprague: Annals of the Am. Pulpit, I:G(I4. Isaac Eeall was 
 dismissed because of opinions hostile to Shays' Rebellion. Greenville Baptist 
 Church, 130th Anniversary, p. 41. The Rev. Mr. Gushing of Ashburnham preached 
 on Jan. 17th, 1787, from the text, "That there be no breaking In inor going out, 
 that there be no complaining in our streets. Happy is that people that Is In 
 such a case." In this town there were no rebels, but 13 men went as soldiers 
 to suppress the uprising. Stearns: Hist, of Ashburnham, p. 265. The Rev. Mr. 
 Lathrop of West Springfield, though there were rebels in his town — notably the 
 Days — preached powerful sermons in support of the government; e. g. on Dec. 
 14th, 1786, he preached most pertinently from the text: "If ye be willing and 
 obedient, ye shall eat the good of the land: but If ye refuse and rebel, ye shall 
 be devoured with the sword, for the mouth of the Lord hath spoken it." This 
 sermon was published [Springfield, 1787.] In his appendix to his Thanksgiving 
 Day sermon of Feb. 19, 1795, the Rev, David Tappan says: "He remembers a pub- 
 lic discourse of his [Rev. Mr. Ebenezer Bradford] in that trying period [Shays' 
 Rebellion] . .which form[s] a most striking contrast to the sermon before us." 
 [Bradford's of Feb. 19, 1795], p. 40. Rev. Benjamin Conklin of Leicester was 
 anotlier of the clergymen who did valiant service In behalf of government In the 
 insurgent ridden county of Worcester, , 
 
 They took no less a decided stand in favor of the ratification of the Constitu- 
 tion. J. Hill to G. Thatcher, Jan. 1, 1788. After chronicling the large number 
 of opposition delegates in Maine he says: "I have hopes the preaching of 
 the Righteous will convent [convert] many from the errors of their way." 
 Hist. Mag., 2nd ser., VII (1809), 216. Indeed the Rev. Chandler Robbins 
 rebukes the legislature and the state administration for their particularistic 
 attitude in his Election Sermon, May 25, 1791. p. 46. The federalists pre- 
 vailed upon the Rev. Samuel West to go to Hancock and induce him to 
 ofter tlie "Parsons" amendments in the convention. Diary of J. Q. Adams, 
 p. 153, footnote. The Rev. Mr. Stillmajn was elected, purposely, to the con- 
 vention to attach the Baptists to the federalist cause. Jackson to Knox, 
 Boston, Nov. 11, 1787. Knox Mss., XXI :47; N. Gorham to Knox, Boston, Oct. 
 30, 1787. Ibid, XXI :35. There were supposed to be twenty of the clergy in 
 the Convention all favorable. Madison to Washington, New York, Feb. 3, 1788, 
 (quoting a letter from a member of the convention) Sparks: Correspondence of 
 tbf* Revolution, IV:207. 
 
 Finally the fact must not be overlooked that In the absence of schools of 
 higher learning, the clergy Instructed practically all of those who became the 
 leaders In every kind of profession and business. E. g. the Rev. Mr. Hallock 
 in Plalnfleld, a small village, instructed upwards of 300 young men. Holland: 
 Hist, of Western Mass., II:2G5. The Rev. Dr. Cooley of Granville, another 
 little community, estimated that he had taught probably as many as 800. Ibid. 
 1:613. Among a large number of examples which could be cited, see Mitchell: 
 Hist, of Brldgewater, p .47, and Hager: Hist, of Boxborough, p. 41. Soe also 
 
220 
 
 Cutler, E. P., Life and Times of Ephraim Cutler, pp. 2-5. The Rev. David 
 Tappan (In a sermon May 30, 1792, before the Convention of Congregational 
 Ministers at Boston) asserts that "There is.. in many respects, a natural alliance 
 between the intelligent, virtuous Magistrates and Ministers, In a free and Chris- 
 tian state." Ip. 20] while admitting that the theocracy in early New England 
 "carried the union to an unwarrantable length," p. 25. See the Rev. Thomas 
 Barnard's candid statement in his Convention Sermon, 1793, p. 11. The long 
 pastorates which were so common on the whole in New England aided this 
 influence greatly. One runs across quite often in the town histories of that 
 section, such statements as the following: Rev. Mr. Bascom, who was pastor 
 in Chester for 45 years, was "the most distinguished representative of the Federal 
 side." Holland: Hist, of Western Mass., 11:35. Of the Rev. Mr. Gushing, who 
 was pastor for nearly Gl years In Blllerica, it is said: "The action of the town 
 was often shaped by him."' Hazen: "Hist, of Billerlca, p. 263. As a matter 
 of fact in any crisis, the clergy were sure to be called upon in the newspapers 
 for aid. See Centinel, May 30, 1787; Ind. Ch., Feb. 8, 1798. To aid a promi- 
 nent candidate a letter from "an eminent clergyman" is published as e. g.' see 
 the Ind. Ch., May 26, 1796. 
 
 This paramount influence of the clergy lingered long In the state, especially in 
 the western portion. For example the Rev. Dr. Perkins of Ware, who only 
 closed his long pastorate of twenty-nine years in 1884, was a man of power iin 
 church and town affairs. There was no questioning of his will, especially in 
 ecclesiastical matters, as many who are still living can testify. 
 
 APPENDIX K. 
 Democratic Attacks Upon the Clergy. 
 
 Ind. Ch., Feb. 27, 1797. The same old warning to the clergy is brought out 
 again (Ibid, Feb. 16. 1797) that "Should the British.. by plunging us into a war 
 with France, and thereby reduce us to Colonies, .our reverend fathers would soon 
 experience that Hierarchical domination, .so long contended against by their ven- 
 erable, .predecessors." There are many severe accusations and innuendoes against 
 the clergy this year (1797) In the Independent Chronicle. See e. g. April 13, 20, 
 May 4, June 1, 15, July 24, Aug. 7, 21, Sept. 31, Oct. 5, 12, Nov. 6, 16, Dec. 14, 
 21, 25. Also "A Friend to the Clergy" appears several times in harangues, tedious 
 In length and subjects, against the clergy for their political preaching and for 
 their open devotion to "Wealth, Titles and Honors." He first fulminates in the 
 May 1st issue of the Independent Chronicle in answer to "Anti-Caluminator" In 
 the Centinel. On Oct. 16th (ibid) he reproves the "Association of Ministers In 
 and about Cambridge." "A Layman" replies on Oct. 30. Ibid. At the next 
 opportunity this "Friend" comes back at the "Layman" whom he asserts is "one 
 of the Associated Clergy." Finally on Nov. 20th [Ibid] he concludes: "Once more 
 permit me.. to exhort you to repentance.." and the burden of his philliplc'is 
 the same old tune — political preaching, dereliction of duty, scandalous affection 
 for "Wealth, titles and honors." Another disgruntled individual remarks: "Ser- 
 mons are not the taste of the day, unless they are written with a slanderous 
 disposition to the French Republic, or to some of our public men, or measures." 
 Mass. Mercury, Jan. 3, 1797. The most open attack was made by James Sullivan, 
 (Amory: Sullivan, 11:56-7) under the signature of "A Well-Wisher to the Clergy," 
 upon Jeremy Belknap who in a sermon had reflected severely upon the Chronicle. 
 Among other things he said: "The active part taken by some of the cle^y In 
 entering into the smallest mlnutla of political controversies, has had a tendency 
 to do nearly as much hurt to religion, as the writings of Thomas Paine, .the 
 pulpit becomes, in too many instances, the little retail shop of party controversy, 
 the sounding board of party reflections.." Ind. Oh., April 13, May 1, 1797. See 
 a reply in the Centinel, April 19, 1797, aind the Ind, Ch., May 11, from the Phila. 
 Daily Ad. An interesting attack Is made upon the clergy by "Freedom," who be- 
 lieves that "Paine, Ethen Allen or Unlversalism — infidels and sectaries as they 
 are — are, many of them, better men than their opponents allow.." Mass. Spy, 
 Jan. 10, 1798. He Is roundly answered by "Hypocrite" and "The Neighbor" in 
 ibid, Jan. 31, 1798. "C. D." (Ind. Ch.. Dec. 28, 1797) replies to a "Subscriber" 
 (Mass. Mercury, Dec. 22, 1797) who asks to have a piece inserted "to. counteract 
 Chronicle influence which, in humble imitation of Sister France is evidently hostile 
 to the clergy." See also Ind. Oh., Dec. 4, 1798, and The Medley or Newbedford 
 Marine Journal, Nov. 23, 1798. 
 
221 
 
 The French are so commonly charged with all the misfortunes which 
 befall the United States (see c. g. Lathrop, J., Boston, March IC, 1707J 
 that an extract from the (New London) Bee — in the Greaofield Gazette, 
 Oct. 12th, 1797 — complains: "There Is not a calamity that can be inflicted by 
 human means, which this country has suffered, but has been laid to the charge 
 of the French. We are plundered at sea, robbed on land, Inoculated with the 
 yellow fever, and burnt In our houses — all by the French." The attacks on the 
 French in the press continue as incessantly throughout 1797 as 1708 as before 
 and after those years. They are denounced as the "Satans of France," the 
 "Bible Burners" and the "Atheists." Other examples are In e. g. Mass. Spy, 
 Aug. 23, 1797; Centlnel, April 22, 29, Aug. 23, 1797; Western Star, Aprtl 2, 10, 
 1797, Jan. 15, 1798; Newburyport Herald, Feb. 6, March 23, Sept. 7, Dec. 4, 
 1798; Greenfield Gazette, Dec. 4, 1798. The republicans throughout are still mar- 
 Telling that "the British faction have strangely Infatuated such a large propor- 
 tion of the Clergy.." Ind. Ch., Oct. 5, 1797. The town of Marlborough (see 
 the attacks upon It in the Mass. Spy, March 15, 1797) seems thoroughly embit- 
 tered against the clergy. In February they give a toast: "The People — May 
 they ever be on their guard, when Ministers preach politics. 9 cheers." Ibid, 
 Feb. 23, 1797. On July 4th the 13th toast was "The Eepublican spirit which 
 reigned In 177(> — May the same now reign both In our civil and cccleslastica) 
 orders." Ibid, July 17, 1797. In short as the Oentlncl — Dec. 26, 1798, truly 
 remarked: "Nothing has more excruciatingly fretted the galled withers of the 
 French Faction in our country, than the powerful shafts which have Issued from 
 those bulwarks of Piety and Patriotism, the New-England Fulpita . . [Jacobinism] 
 vent [s]. .against, .those, .the most rancourous. .malice, scurrilous abuse, and pro- 
 phanlty. .almost every page of.. every Chronicle furnishes evidence.." of this. 
 
 APPENDIX L, 
 Alarm Over Religion In New England, 
 
 The charge that a secret society for the overthrow of religion was made by 
 Dr. John Robinson of Edinburgh. He published a book containing evidence 
 that a society of the Illumlnati had been founded by Dr. Adams Welshaupt in 
 1776 and lodges located In Europe, and even in America. Its purpose was to 
 destroy Christianity throughout the civilized world. The book made a great 
 sensation; "sent to the press not fifteen months gone, .it has received certainly 
 four Impressions and perhaps more," said Rev. Abiel Abbot In his sermons of the 
 29th of November, 1798, pp. 18-19, footnotes. The book reached America evidently 
 In the summer of 1798, for the Thanksgiving sermons In November have many refer- 
 ences to It. This information completed the panic the clergy were in concerning 
 the "diabolical assaults" which were being made upon Christianity as well as 
 their profession. The Rev. Joseph Lathrop preached a great sermon on The 
 Dangers of the Times from Infidelity, and Immorality and especially from a lately 
 Discovered Conspiracy against Religion aind Government. This was delivered at 
 West Springfield and repeated at Springfield. The leader In this erpos6 of 
 Illumlnatism is Rev. Jededlah Morse, who preached two strong sermons on the 
 subject, which were widely quoted. See e. g. Mass. Mercury, Aug. 31, 1798, and 
 an attack upon him. Ind. Ch., May 28, 1798, and his two replies, June 4, IS, In 
 Ibid. The appenrlix of his Thanksgiving sermon on November 29th. 1798, and 
 the notes in the Fast sprmon of April 2ntl, 17ns, contains elaborate references and 
 quotations to substantiate his position. His charge that these lodges were 
 planted In America tailed from lack of proof, for he writes to J. Parker (a 
 Congressman from Virginia) regarding a Lodge of Frenchmen in Portsmouth. The 
 reply was that "The members, .was considered as good people generally but mostly 
 French, they were not numerous. Some men who were respectable belonged to 
 the Lodge at that time.." Wolcott Mss., Conn. Hist. Soc. He wrote to Gov. 
 Jay on June 5, 1799 regarding "secret societies." Ibid. Altogethel' the high 
 sounding charges fell rather flat and the good doctor doubtless felt that he had 
 been too precipitous. Besides he received a threatening letter (preserved still In 
 the Wolcott Mss.) elaborately decorated with well executed coffins, death's 
 beads and masonic emblems which caused him some perturbation. 
 
 The Masons being so severely denounced replied. See e. g. Bently, William, An 
 Address delivered in the Essex Lodge. .December 27, 1798; Harris, T. M., A Dis- 
 course delivered In Erookfleld, September 12, A. L. 5798; Wilde, S., Am Oration 
 delivered at Pownalborough [Me.].. June 24, 5799. Among the democrats a false- 
 hood became synonymous with a "Robinson and Barruel tale." (That abbS having 
 also attacked the Illumlnati.) See Church and State; A Political Union formed 
 
222 
 
 by the enemies of both. In the Centlnel (Jan. 5, 1799.) Is am attack upon 
 these charges. To which a i-eply by "G. O." Is made on Jan. 19, 1799. An 
 elaborate attack Is embodied in "Extracts from Professor Robmson s Prools 
 of a Conspiracy,, &c., with Brief Eeflections.. Boston, 1799. See also Wooa, 
 J., A Full Exposition of the Olintonian Paction and the Society of^ the Colum- 
 bian Illuminati.. Newark, N.. J., 1802. ia the state campaignmg of ISUU 
 a federalist writes (Hampshire Gazette, April 2, 1800.) "It has been proven 
 beyond all doubt, that there is a society of profligate and abandoned Philoso- 
 phers called the Illuminati. .did not these., exert every nerve., to prevent the 
 choice of.. Adams and to exalt.. a modern Philosopher?, .why is Mr. Gerry 
 their ,. candidate ? Because he has lately returned from Prance— from the bosom 
 of. .the illuminati — Because he Is Talleyrand's friend — one of the first in this order 
 of apostates." Nevertheless however mistaken the clergy might be over this 
 organized attempt to overthrow religion — arid they were loath to ackpowledge 
 their error for Jedldiah Morse Is sHU writing for evidence in 1800— they had not 
 the slightest doubt but that the Influence of the French and their Revolution 
 was most destructive of religion in this country. There is hardly a printed 
 sermon of the years 1798 and 1799 which does not denounce "The French 
 nation, a people, to whom Daemons might resent to be compared. . [who havej 
 extended their infernal designs to America. . [They have] endeavoured to sow the 
 sfceds of irrellglon, licentiousness and discord in .. America .. " Graj*, R., Dover, 
 [N. H.] Nov. 15, 1798, p. 17. 
 
 It is hardly (necessary to quote more to prove the universal sentiments 
 of the clergy in regard to the French and their atheism or "Satanic 
 Host o!e Principles" [Harris, W., Boston, 1709, p. 13J, the infidel books 
 which "have been multiplied without bounds, and circulated without 
 modesty," [Lathrop, J., West Springfield, 1798, p. 12] the French travellers who 
 corrupt the people under the specious guise of exploring the country, [McFarland, 
 A., Concord, Nov. 15, 1798, p. 13] or finally the dolorous results to religion and 
 morality. See e. g. Taylor, J., Deerfield, Nov. 29, 1798, pp. 7, 10, and 11; 
 Story, I., Marblehead, (and also at the Public Thursday lecture in Boston, May 
 24, 1798) May 9, 1798; Wilder, J., Wrentham, May 9, 1798, pp. 12, 26; Brad- 
 ford, A., (Two sermons.) Wlscasslt, [Me.] May 9, 1798, pp. 14 of the first, 2 
 and 19 of the second; Tappan, D., Boston, (and also at Charlestowii) April 5, 
 1798, esp. pp. S-9, 21-22; Messei', A., Rehoboth, Nov. 29, 1798, pp. 8, 11-12; Spring, 
 S., Newburyport, Nov. 29, 1798. He exults (p. 19). "But.. these French atheists 
 ..who have, .committed greater abominations than the Mother of Harlots herself, 
 are not permitted to. trample upon the United States. For, the distinguished 
 Envoys, who will be honoured according to their merit [a palpable hit at 
 Elbridge Gerry] . .stood gloriously in the gap and made up the national hedge." 
 Oumiings,- H., Billerica, Nov: 29, 1798, p. 22; see also Tappan, D., A Discourse 
 delivered, .in. .Harvard College, June 19, 1798 [Boston, 1798.]; Thatcher, T., 
 A sermon preached.. in Dedham. December 25, 1797 [Dedham. 1798] p. 28; 
 Maxey, J., An Address delivered to the Graduates of Rhode-Island College.. 
 September 5, A. D. 1798 [Providence, R. I. n. d.] esp. pp. 1-2. 
 
 The next year saw no diminution in either the output of the bitter denunciations 
 of France and her misdeeds. On these points see e. g. Woods, L., (Two sermons) 
 Newbury, April 4,-1799, p. 23; Frlsbie, L., Ipswich, April 4, 1799, p. 46; Oum- 
 mings. A., The present Time Perilous. Sullivan, [Me.] April 26, 1799, pp. 9, 22-3; 
 Dana, J., (Two discourses) Ipswich, April 25, 1799, pp. 19-20, 29; Dama, D., (Two 
 sermons) Newburyport, April 25, 1799, pp. 4-5, 37. Others who had their sermons 
 printed on April 25th were: N. Emmons, Wrentham: E. Gillet, Hallowell, [Me.]; 
 A. Holmes, Boston and Cambridge; J. Lathrop, West Springfield; H. Packard, 
 Chelmsford (on April 4, and Concord; J. Morse, Charlestown. Those whose 
 sermons on the Thanksgiving day of November 28th were printed were A. Abbot, 
 Haverhill; P. Eaton, Boxford; J. Summer, Shrewsbury. On ■ other occasions 
 there were printed sermons in 1799 or? the declensions of the times. E. g., T. 
 Baldwin (at a quarterly meeting of several churches for special prayer in 
 Boston. This Is an outgrowth of the alarm over religion which was embodied 
 in a circular letter drawn up by the clergy in Massachusetts and sent to the 
 ministers in other states) April 2; T. Prentls, Medfleld, July 4; E. Parish, 
 Byfield, who discourses on the "Hag of France," July 4; L. Woods, Harvard 
 College, July 17; S. Miller, New York, Feb. 5; D. Dana, Newburyport, March 
 24; L. Woods, (Two sermons) April 4, 1799; See also Morse, J., An Address 
 to the Students at Phillips Academy. .July 4, 1799, pp. 12-13; Mellen, J., A 
 Discourse on Natural Religion delivered in.. Harvard University, September 4th, 
 1797, p. 24. 
 
223 
 
 APPENDIX M. 
 
 Republican Attachment to France. 
 
 Curiously enough there were still those who were so infatuated with love of 
 France that eTen at this time when war was all but declared, they openly 
 unnouncctl their prc'ference for that country. And such took as prominent an 
 occasion as possible. For "after a sermon was elogantly dillTered on fraternal 
 love.. all partook of the Lord's supper, unanimously, without any disputation on 
 politics. The Intermission was spent civilly without many hard words on either 
 side . . the afternoon solemnities commenced with much affability — but to the 
 surprise of the beholders, a. .Antifederalist, .appeared sneaklngly with a French 
 Cocade, and placed himself in the front of the galleries — at the sight of which 
 the Federalists. .Impatiently continued on their seats, until the conclusion of 
 worship — when, .before, .[the pastor] was able to leave his pulpit, [As the 
 congregation always stood while the minister descended from his pulpit and 
 walked down the main aisle, this was a most unheard of breach of decorum] 
 the Federalists, over benches, pews &c. ran. .followed by clinching, swearing, 
 and even blows — the screaching of old women heightened the scene — here were 
 In view, justices, lawyers, and even grand jurys, all olinciring by collars, hair, 
 and cheeks, until.. the .Tacobins were thrust out.. some with no hats, others with 
 bloody cheeks, and nearly all with disheveled poles." Centl'Qel, Aug. 11, 1798. 
 No services could be held for several Sabbaths. Ibid, Jan. 1, 1799. The Hamp- 
 shire Gazette, Aug. 15, 1798, has quite an account of this exciting event and 
 asserts there were more than one who wore there that "badge of slavi'iy and 
 treason." The Greenfield Gazette, Nov. 31, 1798, from the Oonn. Advertiser, 
 remarks that these disturbers of the Sabbath peace "were taken up and obliged 
 to find ball each In a 1,000 dollars, for their appearance at the next court of 
 sessions. " S*^e Hobart: Hist, of Abington, iip. 168-9, for a similar Insult to 
 the federalists. "Tliere was, however, no collision." 
 
 In other ways those ' 'who Infamously exult in a foreign attachm cnt' ' made 
 known thi'lr predilictions in a most t)rt'ensive metliod, "Jacobin Poles" or 
 Liberty and Equality Poles being erected with tbp French cockade 
 perched upon them. Tlie Inevitable result was a struggle and "prostration 
 In the dirt" of this "treasonable emblem." Centinel, March 14, Nov. 7, 
 1798; Pol. Repository, Dec. 11. 1798; Centinel. June 1, 1799. Ilowevtr this 
 exhibition of French patriotism by Americans did not go without its 
 reward for "a deluded principal, .was apprehended, .brought to [Boston]., 
 for examination. . [and] was recognized for bis appearance at the next Cir- 
 cuit Court [of the Uailted States], himself In 4.000 dollars, with three others 
 In 1,300 dollars each, and in the mean time to [keep the] . .peace. ." Pol. Re- 
 pository, Nov. 13, 1798. The next year for the identical offence at the same 
 place "(Dedham) one Brown of Andover, was taken up and had to give ball 
 for his appearance before the same court. Centinel, March 30, 1799. The 
 Hampshire Gazette — Aug. 8, 1798 — has a bitter attack on Gen. Skinner for his 
 political activities especially In getting the editor of the Chronicle, "Adams— 
 a flaming minister of anarchy" — to stir up trouble. "Tbeir hellish malice has 
 BO far Influenced and deluded the Ignorant, that a rabble in the town of Adams., 
 have procured a standard of rebellion [liberty pole].. and are this day about 
 erecting it." The tirade closes with a promise of a coat of tar and feathers. 
 Perhaps as a result the Bertshiro Grand Jury denounced the Chronicle as pub- 
 llsliing "more infamous falsehoods and slanders than" any other democratic paper. 
 Ibid, Oet. 31, 1798. 
 
 If we may Judge by the comments in the newspapers there had been a 
 great many empty threats made by those who may \\-lth justice be termed 
 American Jacobins. Thus the Centinel— Jan. 18, 1797, from the Minerva— re- 
 marks: "It is laughable to hear the 'patriots.' in our cities.. talk about a civil 
 war.. a terrible bloody civil war, in case the French should make war on the 
 United States. Tliese cits will Icam. .that, .there will be but one sentiment.. 
 In our countrv.." Another time the Centinel— April 19, 1797- calls its readers- 
 attention to the fact that "We were admonished last faU..'to humble ourselves 
 before God, for our rebellious disposition towards the French Republic' " and 
 on Vug 11th 1798, it again quotes the CUrouicle, which, after repeating the neces- 
 sity of'humbling "ourselves, .for our rebellion" again.st France makes the threat 
 that "the first gun flred against France, would be fraught with utter ruin to 
 this country." A month earlier, July 7th, 1798, the Centinel after remarking 
 tliat "The War Office has established tlie black round cockade as the true Ameri- 
 can badge.." further says: "The Jacobins liave the impudence to say, that 
 
224 
 
 the people of Boston were really divided, and they give this as a proof, that 
 not more than one half of them wears the AMERICAN COCKADE. This being 
 the case, let every Bostonian attached to the.. United States, immediately mount 
 THE COCKADE." Another bit of unpatriotic evidence which gave rise to 
 much criticism was a toast given by the "Portland Republican Society," Dec. 
 30th, 1796, in reference to the failure at first to launch the "Constitution. " 
 The sentiment given was: "May the three American Frigates stand fast." Ind. 
 Ch., Jan. 30, 1797. Another foolish action was the wearing of French colors by 
 American soldiers iui uniform. Centinel, April 24, 1799. So persistently did the 
 French sympathizers mount the French cockade that they were called "Cockadefis." 
 Ibid, March 17, 1798. And war had practically broken out! 
 
 APPENDIX N. 
 "Dangers" to Congregationalism. 
 
 Unitarlanism was not the only foe the Congregational divines bad to face. 
 Universalism was considered very obnoxious because by releasing men from 
 the fear of eternal punishment hereafter it loosened — so it seemed to the orthodox 
 — all restraint from the actions of the "finally impenitent and incorrigible." 
 See the Mass. Spy, Nov. 15, 1797, Jan. 10, 1798. In an ordination sermon preached 
 by the Rev. Cyprian Strong at Lenox (April 30th, 1795), while he finds "infidelity 
 and deism prevalent to an alarming degree" he discovers that there are "other 
 errors of various kinds, not less baleful, .creeping in and gaining ground among 
 ns." p. 25. The Rev. N. Emmons, of Franklin, preached an ordination sermon 
 at Salem, N. H., on January 4th, 17&7. On p. 19 he says: "IT is now a very 
 dangerous day to Ministers . . The people have fallen into a great and general 
 declension. .Armlnlanism [1. e. Unltarianism], universalism, and deism, have more 
 or less infected all our towns and parishes; and led multitudes to renounce. . 
 religion." A pamphlet entitled Observations on the Emigration of Dr. Joseph 
 Priestly [3rd ed., Phila., 1795.] attacks the "Infidel Unitarian system." See 
 esp. pp. 42, 47, 78. [See Priestly 's defense entitled: Unltarianism explained 
 and defended, in a Discourse delivered, .at Philadelphia, 1796. Phila., 1796.] 
 An answer was made to this which in turn was attacked by A Twig of Birch 
 for a butting Calf; or Strictures upon Remarks on the Emigration of Doctor 
 Joseph Priestly, &c., &c. N. Y., 1795. Both these attacks on Dr. Priestly 
 are supposed to be by William Cobbet. Timothy Dwight's famous poem The 
 Triumph of Infidelity (1788) is little more than an attac_k on Unltarianism. 
 
 The growth of other sects, Methodists and Baptists, was not looked upon with 
 a friendly eye by the "established" divines especially in Maine, where the 
 rapid growth of new settlements offered the former great opportunities. See 
 for their rapid growth Salem Gazette, Nov. 25, 1796. It is asserted that the 
 poverty of the people after the Revolution led them "to favor apostolic poverty 
 and to regard the. .congregational divines" as mere "hirelings" who "carried the 
 appearance of caring more for the fleece than the flock." Besides, the "habit of 
 preaching without notes which the Baptists elders had, rendered them exceedingly 
 popular especially in the out-lying districts." Coll. Me. Hist. Soc, VII (1876) 
 224. For the troubles of a Congregational clergyman with these sects, see Coll. 
 Me. Hist. Soc. IV (1856). 
 
 The "orthodox" divines resented the intrusion of these men whom they did 
 not consider in many instances as being actual clergymen. See Gray, R., 
 Hallowell, [Me.] Oct. 21, 1795, p. 33. The Rev. Thomas Thatcher was very 
 severe, demanding "what credentials do they exhibit except impudence and low 
 breeding, .what miracles do they [the unlearned itinerent preachers who "infest" 
 Maine] work unless the number of fools and maniacs they collect to hear them 
 vociferating their blasphemy and impertinence. . .it is difficult to determine 
 whether knave or fool is the predominant trait In their character." "In one 
 solitary Instance, .our blessed Lord had need of an Ass, but I do not find., 
 that he ever commissioned that sagacious animal to be an Apostle. ' ' p. 14. 
 Ordination Sermon at Peterborough, N. H., Oct. 23, 1799. A brimstone tract 
 was the sermon by Rev. WilUanr Huntington entitled : Advocates for Devils 
 Refuted, and their Hope of the Damned Demolished. . Keene, N. H., 1796. 
 See also J. Wilson: Apostolic Church Government Displayed and the Government 
 and System of the Methodist Episcopal Church Investigated. Providence, 1798. 
 Likewise Silas Winch: The Age of Superstition containing remarks on Methodist 
 Preachers. Boston, 1795, esp. pp. 3-4. 
 
Apri:.\Dix 0. 
 
 "Weapons" AjzLinst Ecclesiastical Authority. 
 
 This porson was Levi Lincoln of Worcester. Oin Nov. 29tli, 1799, Jodidlah 
 Morse wrote to O. Wolcott enclosing apparently a pamphlet on which he com- 
 ments that it "Is evidently the production of the crazy & wiclied J. C. Ogdon 
 assisted proliably by some abler hand, & adapted.. to do a good deal of mis- 
 chief. It is one among many weapons using at this time to destroy the influence 
 of the Clergy." Wolcott Mss., Conn. Hist. Soc. One of these "weapous" was 
 A View of the New-England lUuminati: Who are indefatigably engaged in 
 Destroying the Religion and Government of the United States; under a feigned 
 regard for their Safety and under an impious Abuse of True Religion. A 
 second edition was published in Philadelphia. While all the New England 
 clergy were included in its indictment, its heavy charges were especially di- 
 rected toward the Connecticut clergy. These "Illuminated Societies have handed 
 about nominations for magistrates, and denounced good men at elections. .The 
 quick and extensive circulation of the plans — from one club to another — their 
 control over the freedom of the press, and attempts to stop the channels of 
 communication. . are among the smaller ofCences. .In this way Connecticut es- 
 pecially has become almost totally an ecclesiastical state, ruled by the Presi- 
 dent of the College as a Monarch. . [This was "Pope (Timothy) Dwight."] To 
 extend the influence, .and power of these, .missions have been formed and mis- 
 sloraariea sent into all the frontier parts of the states." pp. 8-9. "Concerts of 
 prayer to be held quarterly" was also mentioned as auotlier evidence of this 
 "canspiracy." For these "concerts" see a pamphlet entitled Circular Letters, 
 contaiuing uu Invitation to the Ministers auO Cliurchi-s of evi-ry Christian Denom- 
 ination in the United States to unite.. to promote Explicit Agreement and Visible 
 Union, .in extraordinary Prayer, for the ItcvlvLil of Religion. . [Cun<:urd, ITiJS.] 
 On page 6 it is proposed to pray "on every first Tuesday of the four quarters of 
 the year, .at 2 o'clock afternoon, .and so continuing, .from year to year, until 
 . .we shall obtain the blessings for which we pray. ." Other "weapons" were 
 Bishop, A., Proofs of a Conspiracy against Christianity and the Government of 
 the United States; exhibited in several Views of the Union of Church and 
 State in New-England. Hartford, 1802. In his Oration on the Extent of 
 Political Delusion. .Septembii-, 1800. [Phila., 1800,] he comments on the fear 
 of the clergy that the eiiurch is In danger [pp. 42-4]; he denounces [pp. 44-5] 
 "the pantominical sermons, which have [ Ing] graced political Sabbaths are 
 laughed at;" the accusations about JefCerson's atheism are despised; "the 
 monstrous laoise abou t . . infidelity is abated . . The terrible outcry about French 
 atheism met a similar fate." He also put forth: Church and State, A 
 Political Union formed by the Enemies of Both, n. p., 1802. In the preface 
 he says: "Great exertions huTe been made in New-England, to impress the people 
 with a persuasion, that Republicans are opposed to Christianity." His Oration 
 delivered in Walliugford [Conn.] . .11th of March, 1801, before the Republicans 
 of . . Connecticut, at Their General Thanksgiving for the Election of Thomas 
 Ji.'lTerson. . [New Ilstvcn, ISOl.] is of the same tenor. A bitter attack uIoiiK 
 similar lines was: A Short History of late Ecclesiastical Oppressions in New- 
 England and Vermont. Richmond, Va., 1799. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 Adanls, John, opposed by the Essex Junto, 16, 177; aided by the same, 18-19; 
 opinion of, regarding distinctons, 09; proclamaton of, 173. 
 
 Adams, Samuel, jealous of Hancoclt, 15; successor of Hancoclt, 19, 66, 140; de- 
 feated In Boston, 19-20; elected lient.-gov., 20; advisor of Hancock, 22; opposes 
 the Fed. Constitution, 43; anti-federal motion of, 48-49; candidate for lieut.- 
 gov., 58; elected lieut.-gov., 62; protest of Dannery to, 73; attack on Adams, 
 73-74; proclamation of, 113; letter to, 120; Thanksgiying proclamation of, 
 126-127; eulogy of, 132-133; candidate for gov., 141-142; strictures upon, 142; 
 election of, 143; attitude towards mobs, 154; replies of the General Court to, 
 158; campaign against, 159-161; election of, 161; retires from polities, 174. 
 
 Addressers of Gage, 11. 
 
 Age of Reason, The, see Paine, T. 
 
 Allen, E., 107. 
 
 Allen, Sherift, 1.).5. 
 
 American Revolution, irreligious tendencies from, 100, 107. 
 
 American Voluntiers, proposals to raise the, 70. 
 
 Ames, Fisher, elected to Congress, 148; commends Osgood's sermon, 150; denounces 
 the democrats, 155; letter of, 150. 
 
 Amherst College, founding of, 185. 
 
 Antifederallsts, leaders of the, 23; relationship' to Shayism, 44; tactics in the 
 Mass. Convention, 49; arguments against the Constitution, 49; control the 
 House, 59-60. 
 
 Atheism, see Irreligion. 
 
 Austin, B., assaulted by B. Russel, 76; influence in Shays' Rebellion, 147; oppo- 
 nent of S. HIgginson, 147; opposition of, to J. Sullivan, 174. 
 
 Eacon, J., qualifications of, 110-117; 176 note. 
 
 Bache, falsifications of, 145. 
 
 Belknap, J., 166-168. 
 
 Berkshire County, sympathy of, with Shays, 144-145, 
 
 Betsy, The, of St. Croix, destruction of, 1."j3. 
 
 Blodgctt, S., 120. 
 
 Boston, evacuation of, 12; importance of, 16; defeats S. Adams. 20; meetings at, 
 30; campaign over representation in, 30-31; approves of the Constitution, 54; 
 danger of the Constitution to, 46; meeting of the mechanics of, .">1; civic 
 feasts at, 67, Appendix G; arrival of La Concorde at, 72; prizes brought in 
 to, 72-73; question of a theatre in, 103; heated meetings in, 145-146; factions 
 In, 147-148; uproars in, 151-152; riots in, 153-155; robberies of merchants 
 of, 155. 
 
 Boston caucus, power of the, 174-175. 
 
 Boston Seat, The, S. Adams defeated for, 19-20: campaign of 1785 for, 30-31. 
 
 Bowdoin, James, opponent of Hancock, 19; leader of the conservatives, 22: moral 
 courage of, 22-23; friehds of 23; leader of the federalists, 24; defeat of, 
 in 1780, 24; declines the lieut. -governorship, 25; ill health of, 25; campaign 
 of. In 1785, 28; popular vote for governor, 29-31; elected by the legislature, 
 31; address regarding foreign trade, 31-32; popular opposition to, 54: dangers 
 in his defeat, 55; handbill concerning, 56; defeat of, 56-57; candidate in 
 1789, 61; proclamation of, 103. 
 
 Bowdoinites, angered by defeat of leader, 57; denounced bv the Haneockonlans 
 57-58. 
 
 Bradford, E., sermon of, 131-133; dispute with Dr. Tappen, 133; attacks upon 
 133-134. 
 
 Brissot, 79. 
 
 Bristol County, attitude towards the Constitution, 47. 
 
 British Factors, denunciations of, 28-30; attacks upon, 33. 
 
 Brlttalny, 80-81. 
 
227 
 c. 
 
 Charlestown, 1.j1-1.j2. 
 
 Clnclnuati, Order of the, clianyo in sentiment toward tlie, GO. 
 
 "Citizen Genet pirate," 74. 
 
 Citoyen Novlan, see Sullivan, James. 
 
 Civic Feasts, popularity of the, 67, 70, Appendix G. 
 
 Clergy, Tlu^ power of, 12; enthusiasm for France among, 88-94; change In attitude 
 of, 94; fedevalistic sentiments of, iM-ri.'.; attacks of, upon the Democratic 
 Societies, Gn-!JS; alarm among, over irrcligiou in France, 9S-l(iii; in Amei-ica, 
 100-107; answers by, to the Age of Reason, 108-110; preaching of, against 
 France, 110-112; early power of, 121-122; loss of power of, 122-124; anti- 
 democratic attacks of, 126-131; democratic assaults upon, 134-136, 13T-138, 
 1G0-1G6, Appendix K; replies by, 136-137; consequences to, 138-139; denounce 
 the French, 109-173; formal address of, 172-17;J; temporary loss of power by, 
 in western Mass., 182-383; bitter attacks upon, 18.J-1S7; influences of, Appen- 
 dix J; "\\'eapons" against, Appendix O. 
 
 Cobbett, W., 168. 
 
 Committee of Correspondence, 13-14. 
 
 Common Pleas, Court of, 36. 
 
 Congregationalism, strength of, in western Mass., 185; "dangers to," Appendix N. 
 
 Congress, jealousies of the Mass. delegates in, lo; and the merchants, 20; speech 
 of Bowdoin's concerning, 31-32; weakness of, 33, 40-41. 
 
 Connecticut, emigration from, 6. 
 
 Constitution, Federal, forces for and against, 40-4."; letter of Knox regarding, 45; 
 publication, 4."l; attacks upon, 46; objections to, 49; question of amendments 
 of, ."iO; conversion of leaders in favor of, 51-52; veto upon, 52. 
 
 Constitutional Club, The, founding of, 74-7'>; connection of S. Adams with, 142; 
 pol. activity of, 145; act of piracy of, 147-148; decline of, 159. 
 
 Convention, Constitutional, political of, 1787-8, in Mass., see Constitution, Federal. 
 
 Convention, proposed by Bowdoin, 31-33; see also Hatfield. 
 
 Convention, The French, rebukes for, 7S; irreligious attitude of, 80-83. 
 
 Cordeliers, Club of the, 81. 
 
 Cumings, 11., lO.S-169. 
 
 Gushing, T., acting gov., 28; candidate for gov., 28; denounced as a tool of 
 Hancock, 29. 
 
 Cusbiug, Judge, character of, 119-120; nominatocl for gov., 141; handicap of, 142- 
 144; opinion of, regarding the canvass, 143. 
 
 D. 
 
 Dana, F., 48. 
 
 Dannery, 73. 
 
 Danton, 80. 
 
 Democracy, excess of, 41. 
 
 Democrat, A, estimate of, 117-118. 
 
 Demoeratic Societies, The, uproar over, 7.J-7G; purpose of, 95-9G; accusations 
 
 against, 9ri-i:iS: opiuion of Dr. Osgood of, 127; praise for the, 132; death of 
 
 the first of, l-'.S. 
 Democrats. The. sermons against, 166-173; attacks of, upon the clergy, 126, 128- 
 
 131, 134-138, W;.--160. 
 Dexter, S., excitement over the speech of, 145-146; election of, to Congress, 148. 
 Directory, The French, 169. 
 Donnisou, AY., l-'-'l. 
 Dracut, 152. 
 Duplane, 73. 
 Dwight, Timothy, 171. 
 
 £. 
 
 Election of ITSo, importance of the, 26-27. 
 Election of 1787, account of the. Appendix C. 
 Eliot, J., 93. 
 -&migv&s, 77. 
 Emmons, N., 104-105. 
 Equality, idea of. 68-70. 
 
 Essex County, Importance of, 16; religious conditions In, 102-103. 
 Essex Junto, The, description of, 16-17; power of, 16; successful efforts of. 17-18; 
 aided J. Adams, 18-19; lead by Bowdoin, 22; quarrel of, with J. Adams, 177. 
 Essex Result, The, 18. 
 
228 
 
 Fast Day, National, proclamation upon tlie, 173. 
 
 Fast Day, State, sermon on the, 133. 
 
 Federal Oi-rery, 154. lonn 
 
 Federalist Party in Massachusetts, The, beginning of, 8; outline of arter ISUO, 
 9-10; birth of, 17-18; early leader of, 19, 22; early growth of, 26; support 
 Hancocli, 58; defeat of, 62; control the state Senate, 64-6S; renewed hopes of, 
 ]4l; defeat of, 143-145; malre uo contest in 1795, 149; aided by the clergy, 
 149; attempt to elect Sumner, 159-160; captures the legislature, 183-164; 
 triumph ot, 17.5; reaction against, 176-177; victorious 'again, 177-180; strength 
 of, in western Mass., 180; causes of this strength, 180-185; bargain of, wilh 
 Hancock, Appendix E. 
 
 Fee Table, 30. 
 
 Five per cent. Impost, 26, 33. 
 
 Forestalling, 14. 
 
 France, reports ot bloodshed in, 77; outrages in, 78; criticisms of, 78-70; changed 
 nttltude toward, 79-80; irreligion in, 80-87; frightful conditions in, 87; en- 
 thusiasm for, by the clergy, 88-89; denunciations of the enem:.-^^ of, ,'-'0-'i] ; 
 dismay over the horrors in, 91-92; complacency toward irreligion in, 92-93; 
 anti-catholic spirit In, 93-94; change In sentiment toward, W; infmlrction <if 
 . the Democratic Societies from, 97; dismay over the irreligion in, 9.S-100; (-vil 
 influence of, upon America, 101-102; preaching against, 110-112; :itt!u;ks upon, 
 in the newspapers, 112-113; victories in, 128; defence of, 129; <ornioij<-a"aiust, 
 170-172; proclamations against, 172-173. 
 
 French Revolution, The, enthusiasm over, 67-08; watchwords of, 68-70; early 
 excesses of. 70; opponents of, 72; progress of, 78; opposition !,■>, 79-Si'; irre- 
 ileion of, 83-87; as viewed by the clergy, 88-110. 
 
 Frisbie, L., 105-106. 
 
 Gage, Gen., 11. 
 
 Gardiner, J. S. J., revelling of, 127-128; author of the Jacobiniad, 151. 
 
 General Sessions of the Peace, Court of, 36. 
 
 Genet, 71-72. 
 
 Gerry, Elbridgo, jealous of Hancock, 19; opposes Hancock, 19; exponent of repub- 
 licanism, 23; leader of the antifederalists, 24; answers Bowdoin's aildr-2ss, 
 32-33; opposes the Constitution, 43; in the Mass. Convention, 4S-49; nomi- 
 nated for gov.. 178; qualifications of, 179. 
 
 Gill, J., nominated for gov., 174; defeated, 175; acting gov., 178. 
 
 Girondists, 79. 
 
 Gorham, N., 141. 
 
 Greyhound, The, 72-73. 
 
 H. 
 
 Half-pay, aurer of the people at, .34. 
 
 Hancock, John, controls Whig Part.v, 14; jealous opponents of, 15; elected gov., 
 19, 24-25, 20; influence of, 19-21; reputation for patriotism, 21; popularity. 
 21, 65; want of principles, 21-22; lack of abilities, 22; alleged corrupt 
 motives, 23; check to popularity of, 27; pol. foresight of, 70; resignation of, 
 27; pol. attacks upon, 29; nominated for the Boston Seat, 30; causes for oppo- 
 sition of, to the Constitution, 42; relation to the amendments, 50-.52; nomi- 
 nated for gov., 54: accusations against, 56; decisive victory of, 56-57; elected 
 in 1788, 58; attacked by Hlgginson, 61; opposes Lincoln, 02, 04, Appendix F; 
 elected gov., 62-63; 'failure of, in national politics, 64; agrees with S. Adams, 
 05-66; seizes the prizes of the Roland, 73; proclamation of. 88; anti-national 
 views of, 120: death of, 140; eulogy ot, 140-141; friendship of. with S. Adams, 
 160-161: bargain ot, with the federalists. Appendix E. 
 
 Harvard College, 121; 184-185. 
 
 Hatfield Convention, 35-36. 
 
 Heath, W., 176, 
 
 Henderson, Capt., 74. 
 
 Higplnsnn, Steplien, strictures of, upon Hancock, 01; advocate of federalism 147- 
 letter of, 152. 
 
 Holton, S., 32-.13. 
 
 Howe, Gen,, 12. 
 
 Hutchinson, Gov., 22. 
 
 Hyde, A., 168-169. 
 
229 
 
 lUumlnatl, 171, Appendix L. 
 
 Immigration, from England, 5-6; dangers from, 112. 
 
 Ipswieli, 17. 
 
 "Inellgion, in France, 80-87; In America, 82, 100-107, 112-115. 
 
 J. 
 
 Jaco))in Clubs, see tlie pemocratic Societies.. 
 
 Jacoljiniad, The, 1,">1. 
 
 Jay's Treaty, excitements over, 13C, 137-138, 161, 152, 155-156; attaelis of 
 
 S. Adams upon, 157-158; replies of the legislature concerning, 158; Mass. 
 
 towns In faTOr of, 163. 
 .letCerson, Thomas, defeat of, 10; politics of, 117; beliefs of, 121; letters of, 176, 
 
 190. 
 
 K. 
 
 Kennebec Squatters, 43-44. 
 
 King. Riifus, 32-33; letters of, 50, 51, 60. 
 
 Knox, Henry, 4.1. 
 
 L. 
 
 La Concorde, 7, 73, 147-148. 
 
 Lafayette. 78. 
 
 Lathrop, J., 112. 
 
 Levelling, 36-37, 69. 
 
 Lexington, 12. 
 
 Lincoln, Benjamin, candidate for lieut-gov., 58; elected by the Gen. Court, 59; 
 defeated for l!eut.-gnv., 62; opposition to, by Hancocls, 62, 64, Appendix F; 
 letter of, 12.-1. 
 
 Lincoln. Levi, diatribes of, against the clergy, 185-187. 
 
 Louis XVI, effect of the death of, in America, 67, 77-78. 
 
 Loyalist Party, The, causes of the downfall of, 11-12; numbers of, 12-13: import- 
 ance of, 13. 
 
 "Lyars, The." l."il. 
 
 Lyman. J., no, 
 
 Lyman, W. S., 104. 
 
 If. 
 
 McKoen, J.. 91. 
 
 Maine, settlement of, 7; attitude of, towards the Constitution, 48. 
 
 Mandamus Counsellors, 11. 
 
 Marat, SO. 
 
 marie Antoinette, sympathy for, 79. 
 
 Massachusetts, emiirratlon from, 6; problem of, 8; conditions in, 9; Loyalists in. 
 11; weakness of government In, 13; lack of patriotism in, 14-15; three parties 
 in. 1-1; dominated by Boston, 16; leaders of, 16; pol. parties of, in 1780. 19-24 
 economic disorders in, 26-27, 33-39; agitations over British Factors, 28-30, 33 
 good order in. 38-89; taxation of British vessels by, 40; Importance of, 40, 42 
 adoption of the Constitution in, 40-54; power of Hancock in, 64; reply of the 
 towns of, to the President, 71; admiration for Washington in, 95; limitation 
 of the Sabbath in, 103; popularity of Hancock in, 140; importance of the 
 clergy of, 125, 165. 
 
 Massachusetts Constitution of 1778, framed by the legislature, 17; weaknesses 
 of, 18. 
 
 Massachusetts Constitution of 1780, convention for framing the, IS; conservative 
 character of the, 18-19. 
 
 Mendon Association, 114-115. 
 
 Middlesex County, 175. 
 
 *'Mohawk Indians." 28. 
 
 Morse, J., 92, 127, 148, 150, 151-152, 158. 
 
 N. 
 
 Neutrality, Proclamation of, answer of the Mass. towns to the, 71. 
 
 ■New England, Immigration to, 5; emigration from, 6; geographical position of, 
 
 7; rivalry of, with the South, 7, 8 note, 17; incipient rebellions in, 8, 9, 16; 
 
 contrast of, with the Middle States, 117. 
 New England Nation, idea of the, 8. 
 
230 
 
 Oracles o( Eeason, The, 107. 
 
 Osgooa, D., 126-127, 127-130, 130-131, 186, 170. 
 
 Paine, Thomas, attacks upon his Age o£ EeasoD, 108-110, 117, Appendix I; In- 
 fluence of, 150. 
 
 Paris, mob at, 70; festivals at, SB. 
 
 Parsons, Theophllus, member of the Essex Junto, 17; influence in the Essex Re- 
 sult, 17-18; Influence of, in the Constitutional Convention, 51. 
 
 Party Bevolution of 1800, 9. 
 
 Patriotic Party, The, growth of, 11 note; triumph of, 11-12; struggle for control 
 of, 14; demoralization of, 14, 
 
 Patriotic Volunteers, 70. 
 
 Philadelphia, 117. 
 
 Poland, 91. 
 
 E. 
 
 Religion, alarm over, Appendix L. 
 
 Remonstrators to the Solemn League and Covenant, 11. 
 
 Rhode Island, 6. 
 
 Robespierre, 80, 84-85. 
 
 Roland, The, 72-73. 
 
 Rush, Judge, 114. 
 
 Russel, B., 76. 
 
 S. 
 
 Sedgwick, Theodore, 148-149, 164. 
 
 Sermons, see Bibliography; Appendix H. / . 
 
 Shays' Rebellion, influence of, ^; results of, 3?, ^-4^, 5p^ aims of, ^\ effect on 
 
 the clergy, 1^; S. Adams's attitude towards, 144; strength of. In Berkshire 
 
 County, 144^45; effect of upon western Mass., lS3p3!s4; troubles before, 
 
 Appendix A; Appendix B; Appendix D. 
 Shepard, S., 100-107. 
 Slngletary, A., 49-50. 
 Spring, S., 90. 
 
 Strong, Caleb, qualifications of, 119; nominated for gov., 178; elected, 179. 
 Strong, C, 106-107. 
 Strong, J., 108. 
 Su-livan, James, advisor of Hancock, 22; replies to Osgood as Cltoyen Novian, 
 
 129; attempts to quell rioters, 155; nominated for gov., 174; defeated, 175. 
 Sumner, Increase, nominated for gov., 160; defeat of, 161-162; again nominated, 
 
 174; elected in 1797 and 1798, 175; runs In 1799, 176; death of, 177-178. 
 Sunday, abolishment of. In France, 81-82; limitation of, in 'Mass., 103; violations 
 
 of, 104; disregard of, 115 note; strict observance of, 118-119; increase in 
 
 violators of, 172. 
 Supreme Being, Festivals of the, at Paris, 85. 
 
 T, 
 Tappen, D., 105, 133. 
 Temple, J., 28. 
 Tender Act of 1782. "34. 
 
 Thanksgiving Day, National, 130-133, 150. 
 Thanksgiving Day, State, 126-127, 156. 
 Thatcher, T. C, 105, 122-123. 
 
 U. 
 
 Unitarianism, 184. 
 
 Vermont, settlement of, 6-7; emigration to, 183. 
 Virginia Resolutions, 137. 
 
 W, 
 
 War of 1812, 9. 
 
231 
 
 Ware, H., 93. 
 
 Warren, James, opposes Hancock, 19; exponent of republicanism, 23; refuses lleut- 
 governorshlp, 24; antlfederal candidate for gov., 58. 
 
 Washington County, 175. 
 
 Washington, George, defense of, 47; admiration for, In Mass., 95; attaclcs the 
 Democratic Societies, 96; Ingratitude to, 169. 
 
 "Watermelon Mob" or "Frolic". The, 154-1.55. 
 
 West, a.. 9u. 
 
 Western Massachusetts, predominatingly federalistic, 8; early hostility to law in, 
 38 note; opposed to the Constitution, 48; tederalistic strength in, 180; early 
 history of, 181; effect of the Kevolutlon upon, 181-183; effect of Shays' Re- 
 bellion upon, 183-184; religious conservatism of, 185. 
 
 Whigs, The, see Patriotic Party, The. 
 
 Whiskey Rebellion, The, attacks upon, 95-96; cost of, 97; relation with the Demo- 
 cratic Societies, 127. 
 
 Wolcott, O., 120. 
 
 Worcester County, 48. 
 
 X. 
 
 X. Y. Z. Letters, 169-176. 
 
 Yale College, 188. 
 York County, 175.