Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924092222524 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 1924 092 222 524 1/. / .< "-. > THE HISTORY OF CANADA. BY WILLIAM KINGSFORD. VOL. I. [1608-1682.] TORONTO, DOMINION OF CANADA: ROWSELL & HUTCHISON. LONDON : TRUBNER & CO., LUDGATE HILL. 1887. [Ail rights reserved.'] f\- Sb-'SSS •ST. f'CORNELL [UNIVERSITY Entered, according to Act of the Parliament of Canada, in the year one thousand eight hundred and eighty-seven, by William Kingsford, at the Department of Agriculture. "Witness" Printing house, Montreal. CANADA UNDER FRENCH RULE. A. 3 S61% Facturusne operae pretium sim, si a primordio urbis res populi Romani perscripserim, nee satis scio nee, si sciam, dicere ausim, quippe qui quum veterem turn vulgatam esse rem videam, dum novi semper scriptores aut in rebus certius aliquid adlaturos se aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos credunt. Utcunque erit, juvabit tamen rerum gestarum memoriEe principis terrarum populi pro virili parte et ipsum consuluisse : et, si in tanta scriptorum turba mea fama in obscuro est, nobilitate ac magnitudine eorum me, qui nomini officient meo, consoler. LiVY I., I. I do not fully know, and if I did know I would scarcely dare to state, that I am about to fulfil a useful duty when I write the history of the Roman people from the origin of the City ; since I observe that it is an old and a. common prac- tice for new writers to believe, that they will bring forward more certain facts, or that by a more careful style, they will surpass the ancient ruggedness of narrative. However this may be, it will be a satisfaction to me, that, according to my powers, I have been mindful of the memory of the exploits of the foremost people of the world. And if in so great a crowd of writers my reputation should remain in obscurity, I will find my consolation in the excellence and eminence of those who stand in the way of my name being known. CONTENTS OF THE FIRST VOLUME. BOOK I.— CHAPTER I. Page. Etymology of the word Canada . 2 Early Voyages ... 2 Cartier's First Voyage, 1534 3 Second " 1535 . 3 Third " 1541 . 5 De Roberval .... 6 Religious Wars of France . 7 Policy of Richelieu and Mazarin . 9 Lockart of Lee . . . .11 CHAPTER II. [1600-3.] Marquis de la Roche . . .13 Chauvin. ... .13 Samuel Champlain . . . 14 The Edition of 1632 not authentic 15 Champlain's Birth . 18 His Voyage to Spanish America . 19 De Chastes . . . .21 Champlain's First Voyage, 1603, to the St. Lawrence . 21 CHAPTER III. [1604-8.] Champlain's Second Voyage, 1604, Acadia . . . . .24 Hardships of winter . . 26 Privileges revoked . . .28 Third Voyage, 1608, to the St. Lawrence . . . .30 Constructs "Abitationde Quebec" 30 Discovers Lake Champlain . . 31 CHAPTER IV. [1610-12.] Champlain's Fourth Voyage, 1 610 33 Skirmish on the Richelieu . . 34 Death of Henri Quatre Condition of France . Champlain's Contract of Marriage Champlain's Fifth Voyage, 1611 Reaches Montreal "The Sault" Rapids. Retirement of de Monts Place Royale, Montreal Exclusive Privileges . CHAPTER V. [1613-16.] Champlain's Sixth Voyage, 1613 Allumette Island De Vignau's Imposture The RecoUets Champlain's Seventh Voyage, 1615 Father Le Caron . Loss of Champlain's Astrolabe Matchedash Bay . Lake Ontario discovered Attack on the Senecas . Champlain in the Huron Country 35 35 36 37 37 39 40 41 42 44 45 45 47 47 48 SO 50 51 52 53 CHAPTER VI. [1617-21.] Champlain's Eighth Voyage, 16:7 55 Commencement of Settlement . 55 Champlain's Ninth Voyage, 1618. 55 Policy of the Association . . 58 Champlain's Tenth Voyage, 1620. 60 Madame de Champlain . . « 60 The Fort constructed . . ,61 Difficulties at Quebec . . .62 De Caen ..... 63 Petition to France . . .64 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. [1622-28.] Champlain in Canada, 1620-24 Father Sagard . The RecoUets . Arrival of the Jesuits, 1625 . Father Viel drowned, Sault au Recollet Charles Lalemant PAGE. 67 69 70 73 73 75 CHAPTER VIII. [1626-28.] De Levis, Duke de Ventadour Buckingham English failure at La Rochelle Emeric de Caen . Fort of Quebec enlarged Algonquin attack of the Iroquois, Its evil consequences . Couillard .... First ploughed with Oxen . Kirke's Expedition Summons to Surrender CHAPTER IX. [1628-29 De Roquemont . First Conquest of Quebec, 1629 Defeat of Emeric de Caen . Champlain in London . CHAPTER X. [1630-32.] Condition of Canada, 1630 . . 102 Jesuit Relations .... 103 Company of "One Hundred" . 104 Canada restored to France . . 105 Charles the First's Cession of Canada 106 Treaty of St. Germain-en-Laye . 109 Quebec restored . . .Ill CHAPTER XI. [1632-33.] French and English Discovery . 114 France in 1630 .... 117 Leonora Galigai . . . .119 Richelieu 121 The RecoUets prevented from returning . . . .123 77 79 80 80 81 83 83 85 87 91 95 97 99 CHAPTER XII. [1633-35.] PAGE. Champlain, Governor-General of Canada . The First Parish Church Champlain's Death His Grave . His Will . His Character His Voyages The Kirke Family BOOK II.— CHAPTER I [1634-35-] Early Emigration Commencement of Jesuit Missions De Chasteaufort . Historical Authorities . Opposition to the RecoUets . Condition of Canada, 1635-1663 CHAPTER II. [1636-40.] M. de Montmagny Repairs Fort Police Ordinances Religious Enthusiasm . Noel de Sillery . Mme. de la Peltrie M. de Bernieres . Mere de I'lncarnation . The Ursuline Convent Birth of Louis XIV. . CHAPTER III. [1641-44 Attack on Three Rivers Franyois Marguerie Foundation of Montreal De Maisonneuve . DoUier de Casson Madlle. Manse . Arrival of the Expedition De Maisonneuve at Quebec At Montreal D'Ailleboust Fort Richelieu Pere Jogues CHAPTER IV. [1645-52.] The Iroquois Company re-organized Death of Pere Jogues . D'AiUeboust, Third Governor New England Settlements . P^re Druillkes . Madlle. Manse proceeds to France 195 Mme. d'Ailleboust CHAPTER V. [1636-42.] The Huron Missions . Saint; Mary on the Wye Hostility of the Iroquois Opposition among the Hurons Pere Bressani Attack on the Neuters St. Joseph destroyed . P^re Daniel Attack on St. Louis Jean de Brebceuf . . 206^ Gabriel Lalemant 206 Charles Garnier . 206 Noel Chabanel . 207 Huron Population . . . 208 St. Mary's abandoned . . 209 The Christian Islands . . . 209 Iroquois Hostility . . . 210 Retui-n to Quebec . .211 Lake Superior . . . 212 Jean Nicollet .... 213 An Englishman ascends the Ken- nebec . . . 215 CHAPTER VI. [1651-55.] De Lauson, Governor . . 216 Death of Father Buteux . . 217 Du Plessis Bochart . . . 218 Attempt to surprise Three Rivers 221 Father Poncet ,. 222 First known descent of the Saint Lawrence .... 223 Marguerite Bourgeois . . . 225 Pere le Moyne .... 226 CONTENTS. vi 1 PAGE PAGE. Lake Ontario . . . . 22; . 187 Le Moyne's ascent of the St. . 188 Lawrence . . . . 22< . 189 ■ 191 The Onondagas . 23< CHAPTER VII. [1655-58.] ■ 193 e 195 . 196 Pere le Moyne with the Mohawks 22; First Settlement with the Onon- dagas ... 23. The Fries 23-^ Dupuy's party leave Quebec 23. . 198 Iroquois attack at Point au Platon 23f . 200 Assault Island of Orleans . 23f . 202 Iroquois insolence at Quebec 23; • 203 Death of P^re Garreau 23! ■ 203 Departure of de Lauson 23? . 204 The Onondagas . . . , 23? • 205 M. d'Argenson . . . . 24c • 205 M. de Queylus . . . . 24c 205 French retreat from Onondaga . 24: CHAPTER VIII. [1658-59.] Arrival of d'Argenson . . . 24; Fete at Jesuits' College . 24; Condition of the Country . . 24^ The Settlement at Montreal . 24; The Quebec Nuns at Montreal . 24c Bishop de Laval de Montigny . 25c His Consecration in France . .255 Vicar Apostolic . 25; CHAPTER IX. [1659-61.] Arrival M . de Laval at Quebec . 25c Marguerite Bourgeois . . . 25c Dollard's Expedition .. .26] Pere le Jeune's Letter to the King 26; Death of P4re Vignal . . 26; Ecclesiastical pretensions . . 266 M. d'Argenson and M. de Laval . 26; M. d'Argenson's Description of Montreal . . . . 26S Church Ceremonies . . . 26c Departure of d'Argenson . 27c via CONTENTS. CHAPTER X. [1660-61.] PAGE. M. de Laval's determination . 271 Disputes with M. de Queylus . 273 M. de Queylus at Quebec . . 275 Proceedings at Paris . . . 277 The Cure of Montreal . . 278 M. de Laval's Letter to d'Argen- son 281 CHAPTER XL [1661-63.] Arrival of M. d'Avaugour . . 282 M. de Queylus ordered to France 283 Boucher sent to France . . 284 D'Avaugour's Letter . . . 285 The Liquor Traffic . . . 2S6 D'Avaugour's proceedings . 288 Trade in Brandy permitted . . 289 Departure of M. de Laval for France .... 289 The Bishopric of Quebec . 290 Arrival of Dumont . . 290 The Earthquake . . 291 The Charter of " The One Hund- dred " abandoned . . 293 Canada a Royal Province . . 293 The Sovereign Council established 293 Pedigree of Sieur deLaval de Mon- tigny, First Roman Catholic Bishop of Quebec . . . 295 BOOK IIL— CHAPTER I. [1663.] Colbert . . 299 De Mesy appointed Governor . 301 His Arrival at Quebec . 302 Gaudais' Mission . ■ » • 303 Peronne du Mesnil . . . 305 Accusations against Council . 307 The Sulpieians Seigneur of Mont- real ... . 309 Commercial restriction . 310 CHAPTER II. [1663-4.] Condition of Colony . . .312 De Maisonneuve leaves Canada 313 Disputes during de Mesy's GoV' ernment . De Mesy's Proclamation His Letter to Jesuits . Establishment Quebec Seminary Meetings Conseil Souverain . Letters written by Conseil Souve^ rain Election Mayor of Quebec . Disputes in Council De Mesy's Memorandum New Councillors appointed . De Mesy's Death . His Will . His Letters . M. de Tracy Judgment on de Mesy's Govern ment . . . CHAPTER HI. [1665-67.] Arrival of M. de Tracy Regiment Carignan-Salieres Forts constructed on Richelieu West Inda Company M. le Barroys Emigration . Reconstruction of Council Arrival of Troops First Road constructed Death of Pere le Moyne Onondagas at Quebec . De Courcelles' advance Distances to the Hudson Arrives at Schenectady Returns to Canada Iroquois application for peace French officers attacked, killed and carried away captive De Saurel's advance Obtains prisoners Start of de Tracy's expedition The Flemish Bastard . Attack on Mohawk village . Return to Quebec First Ball in Canada . De Tracy's return to France CONTENTS. IX CHAPTER IV. [1614-70.] PAGE. Connection between New York and Lake Ontario . . . 349 The River Hudson . , -351 Early Dutch Settlement . . 352 First Dutch War . . 353 African Company . .353 Conquest of New York . 354 Col. Richard Nicolls . . . 354 Proposed attack on de Tracy . 355 Emigration to Canada . 356 The Seminary Seigneur of Mont- real . 356 De Courcelles and Taloi . 357 The dime . . 359 Female Emigration . . . 360 Marriage . .361 Increase of Population 363 Concession of Land . . 363 The Seigneuries 364 Justice . 365 Education . . . 366 M. de la Mothe Fenelon . 367 The Hospital Nuns, Montreal . 368 M. de Laval and the Seminary . 368 Return to Canada of M. de Queylus 369 M. de Laval's letter in the Jesuit Relations . . 370 Return of the Recollets . 370 CHAPTER V. [1670-72.] Talon and the Jesuits . 372 Talon's policy and efforts 373 Talon's permission for the use of brandy . . . -374 Coureurs de Bois ■ 375 Robert Caveliev Sieur de La Salle 376 His arrival in Canada . . 377 Obtains concession on Lake Saint Louis . ... 378 Sulpicians establish Bay of Quinte Mission . . . . 378 Dollier de Casson at Lake Nipis- sing ... 379 De La Salle gives back his conces- sion 379 Expedition of Dollier de Casson and de Galin^e . . . 380 Murder, near Montreal . . 380 Joint Expedition of de La Salle and the Sulpicians . . .381 At the Seneca Village . . 382 At Burlington Bay . . 384 Reach Grand River . . 384 Meet JoUiet .... 384 De La Salle returns to Montreal . 385 Sulpicians descend to Lake Erie . 386 Winter at Long Point . . 386 Resume journey in Spring . . 387 Advance up Lake Erie 388 Ascend Detroit River . . . 388 At Sault St. Mary . * • 389 Return to Montreal . 390 Talon's enterprise . 390 De Courcelles proceeds to Lake Ontario . . 391 De Courcelles' retirement . 392 Arrival of de Frontenac . . 392 Departure of de Courcelles and Talon 393 Perrot, Governor of Montreal 394 Takes part in trade ; his arrogance 394 M. de la Frediere . . . 395 His misconduct . . 395 Death of Mme. de la Peltrie and of the Mfere de I'lncarnation . 395 History of the name of Lachine [China] . . .395 CHAPTER VI. [t67i-75.] M. de Laval's voyage to France 396 M. de Queylus leaves Canada 396 The Bishopric of Quebec . 397 The discovery of the Upper Mis- sissippi '. . 399 Louis JoUiet .... 399 Jacques Marquette . 400 Descent of the Mississippi to the River Arkansas . . . 401 Death of Marquette . 404 JoUiet at Quebec . . 405 X CONTENTS. De La Salle's career . Seen by Perrot on the Ottawa The Ohio . Relation of Lake Erie to Valley of Ohio .... Fort Frontenac at Cataraqui The advantages it conferred to trade .... De Frontenac ascends the St Lawrence At Cataraqui Meets Iroquois and constructs fort .... The Dutch conquer New York Manning's poltroonery . De La Salle obtains concession Fort Frontenac PAGE. 406 407 408 409 409 410 411 412 412 413 414 414 CHAPTER VII. [1673-75.] Perrot at Montreal His connection -Bjiiiijihe Coureurs de Bois . %■'"" . Arrests Bizard, Lieutenant of the Governor's Guards . Arrests Le Ber De Frontenac writes to de F^nelon Perrot and de Fenelon proceed to Quebec . Perrot arrested . De Frontenac and the Council Perrot before the Council The Seminary and M. de la Nau- guere .... The Abbe de Fenelon . His Easter Sermon De La Salle's behaviour in church 423 DoUier de Casson's action on the subject . M. de Fenelon in Montreal . M. de Frontenac and the Semm^ ary . . . . 426 M. d'Urf^ . . . . 427 M. de Fenelon before the Council. 428 M. de Bernieres . . . 429 Conclusion of the quarrel 430 Decision in France . 431 416 416 417 417 418 418 419 419 420 420 421 422 424 425 CHAPTER VIII. [1675.] PAGE. Arrival of M. Duchesneau as In- tendant . • 433 The new Council .... 434 M. de Frontenac and M. Duches- neau ..... 434 M. Duchesneau's Edict against the Protestants . . .435 His own pretensions . 436 The trade in Brandy . 437 M. de Laval's views . . 440 M. de Laval and M. Duchesneau . 441 M. Dudouyt in France . . 441 His interview with Colbert . . 442 His advice to M. de Laval . . 444 Proceedings consequent at Quebec 445 Settlement of the Liquor Question 446 CHAPTER IX. [1678-79.] M. de La Salle at Cataraqui Henri de Tonty . Father Hennepin .... De La Salle's combinations . De La Motte and Hennepin leave Cataraqui Arrival at Niagara Proceed to the Senecas Return to Niagara De La Salle leaves Cataraqui Wreck of his brigantine on Lake Ontario .... Selects Cayuga Creek for building " Le Griffon "... His winter journey to Kingston . De la Motte visits Senecas . Launch of " Le Griffon " Hennepin to Cataraqui for ad ditional Recollets . Return of de La Salle . Start of "Le Griffon" to Lake Erie Ascends River Detroit Reaches Straits of Mackinaw De La Salle at Saint Ignace Start of "Le Griffon" on her return 448 449 450 451 451 452 453 454 455 455 455 456 457 458 458 459 459 460 461 461 462 CONTENTS. PAGE. Her loss . . . . 462 De La Salle proceeds to the River Saint Joseph . . . 463 CHAPTER X. [1680-82.] De La Salle ascends river to the South Branch of Illinois . 466 Descends the Illinois . . . 467 Reaches Indian Village . . 467 Desertion of his men . . 468 Constructs Fort Crfevecoeur . . 468 Party sent to Upper Mississippi . 469 De La Salle's journey to Niagara 470 Arrests deserters . . . 471 Returns to the River Illinois . 472 Finds Indian village destroyed . 473 Fort Crivecoeur abandohed . . 474 Descends Mississippi in search of de Tonty . . . 474 Returns to Fort Miami, Lake Michigan . . . .47. De Tonty at the Illinois village . 47 The Illinois attacked . 47 The Frenchmen ordered to depart 47' Destruction of the Illinois . The Recollet Hennepin His misr'epresentations Reaches the Falls of St. Anthony The Sioux . . Du Luth ... Passes from Lake Superior to the Mississippi Meets Hennepin De La Salle at Fort Miami . Descends Mississippi . Arrives at Gulf of Mexico . The Early Spanish Expeditions to the Mississippi 47' 47i 47! 48c 48( 48; BOOK I. From the First Known Voyages to the Death of Champlain, 1635. THE HISTORY OF CANADA FROM THE EARLIEST DATE OF FRENCH RULE. CHAPTER I. It will be my endeavour, with what power I possess, to trace the history of British rule in Canada since its Conquest from the French, and to relate, to the best of my humble ability, the series of events which have led to the present Constitution under which the Dominion is governed. The task is not with- out difficulty. Most of us inherit a tone of thought which colours our opinions, and which creates and confirms our prejudices. Moreover, I cannot escape the unpleasant feeling of knowing that I must say much which will be antagonistic to that which to-day is believed by many. At the same time, I am sustained by the thought that there is but one mode of carrying forward a narrative ; whatever the immediate feeling to which it may give rise, it must be based on truth and justice. I will make every effort to be fair and honest, and those with whom I may have the misfortune to differ will I hope recog- nise that I have consulted original authorities and that what- ever opinions I express, are not hastily or groundlessly formed : but that on the contrary, I have warrant for the belief that they are fully sustained by evidence. Before entering upon this duty it will be necessary td examine the history of the period during which Canada was under French domination. Without a knowledge of the events of that time, and of the occurrences which preceded and led up to the Conquest, it will be scarcely possible thoroughly to understand the difficult character of the duties entailed on the 2 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l534 first rulers of British America. Such a narrative of the facts is indispensable fully to appreciate the position which the Mother Country has occupied towards the Provinces. Indeed the examination of this portion of the history of the con- tinent under many aspects, at this period, is imperatively called for. It is now recognised by students of history that many facts are assumed to be correctly established, and are repeated so as to become a portion of the national faith, which can be sustained by no evidence, as much of the authority adduced in their support must be rejected when its value is known. The first duty of the historian is sceptically to weigh facts, and to divest himself of all sentiment dictated by faith or nationality ; otherwise he is nothing more than the mere partizan chronicler. So far as I am able, I will strive to be governed by this principle. What is the etymology of the word Canada ? In Cartier's first voyage it is not even mentioned, while Newfoundland was well known. The writer of the voyages of Cartier, whether himself or an unknown person, alludes to the several spots as recognized localities previously visited. Old voyagers had passed over the track, and there must ever be uncertainty with regard to the date when the Saint Lawrence was first ascended. Cartier is always spoken of as the discoverer of the Saint Law- rence. On the other hand, we have the tradition that for at least two centuries prior to his voyage the Newfoundland fish- eries had been known to the mariners of Dieppe, St. Malo and La Rochelle, and doubtless to the fishermen of Devonshire, Cornwall and the Channel Islands. Cabot's voyage to New- foundland was in 1497. It was at this date, the reign of Henry VII., that the first effort was made for the creation of an English navy. " The great Harry " was built in 1488. In the reign of Henry VIII. [1509-1547] the navy was formed, and at his death it consisted of seventy-one vessels. Previous to this period there had been no national ships. When necessity called for their employment, they were obtained from the several ports, or from the Low Countries. There had been a hardy race of seamen for centuries in the southern 1534] ETYMOLOGY OF THE WORD CANADA. 3 ports of England, in Normandy and in Brittany. Cartier was from St. Malo, and was forty years old when he made his first voyage to Canada [1534]. He passed through the Straits of Belle-isle as a known track, for he there saw a fishing vessel, from La Rochelle, in search of the port of Brest, which remained with him for the night. He was struck by the sterility of the mainland, and it appeared to him that it must be the spot which God granted to Cain. He gave his own name to a port which few can recognize under its Indian form, Thecatica. Labrador was well known. The word is sugges- tive of the outrages which marked the course of the Spaniard on this continent. It is a corruption of Laboratores terrcB, so called because in the year 1500 Cortereal seized, a cargo of Indians for slaves. Cartier coasted the western side of Newfoundland, he passed Bird Islands, and stayed a short time at lie Brion, the name given by him, which it retains. Driven by contrary winds, he is said to have reached the Miramichi. He ascended the Bay of Chaleurs, so called by him from the excessive heat of July which he experienced. It was his theory that he could pass through these waters as by the Straits of Belle-isle. Coasting along, he met some Indians, two of whom he seized to take to France, and returning on his course he doubled Cape Gasp^. The westerly winds prevented further progress, and the crew became disheartened. A council was held, and it was resolved to return to France. It was August: taking this period of the year, the decision does not speak highly of Cartier's powers of endurance and tenacity of purpose. The term Canada is not mentioned in the account ; it may be inferred that Cartier had not heard it. By what Cartier tells us, there is an indication that the land he had visited was known in France. Giving an account of the Indians whom he had met in Labrador, he says, " Since my return I have heard that this was not the spot they inhabited, but that they came from warmer countries to take the sea otter and other things for subsistence." In 1535, he made his second voyage ; the account of it is dedicated to the King. Cartier is careful to show his adher- 4 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [lS35 ence to the Court opinions of the day. Even at that early date the mistaken policy of the French ministers in abandon- ing the functions of government to become the propagators of religious opinions is apparent. Cartier set forth that one of his objects was to be of humble service in the increase of the Holy Faith, and to counterbalance the influence of wicked heretics and false legislators. At the Island of Anticosti, Cartier was in the Saint Law- rence, described by him as the Grand River Hochelaga,* and mentioned by him as the water way of Canada ; the first mention of the name. Proceeding westwards he reached the Saguenay. The kidnapped Indians were with him, and he learned that he was in the Territory of the Saguenay ; that he would thence pass to that of Canada, and onwards to Hochelaga. It may be said that Cartier's second voyage establishes that Canada was the name given to the central portion of the territory between Montreal and Anticosti, viz., from the He aux Coudres eastward. Cartier proceeded as far as Montreal ; he returned to the neighbourhood of Quebec, passed a winter on the Saint Charles, and describes the events of his settlement there. L'Escarbot, who wrote three- quarters of a century afterwards, applied the word Canada to the whole country and several attempts have been made to find a fanciful etymology for the word. L'Escarbot himself was never in Canada ; he was at Port Royal [Annapolis], and he could have repeated only the traditions he heard. It must be conceded that we are in a better condition to judge the evi- dence on which he wrote than he was himself at that date. At Hochelaga Cartier met the reception which in the first instance the European received from the savage until he was taught to be treacherous and revengeful. Cartier was fed and caressed, even looked upon as a God and asked to perform miracles in healing the sick. Cartier tells us that he mumbled the opening words of St. John's Gospel, as he says : " In prin- cipio, etc!' He learned that a moon distant there was a land producing cinnamon and cloves. Cartier did not apply this * Grande fleuve de Hochelaga. 1535] cartier's second voyage. S information to a country to the South. His theory was to follow the river westward. He adds, that without any question or sign being made, the Indians took the whistle of the Captain, which was of silver, and the handle of a dagger, brass, yellow as of gold at the side of one of the mariners, and pointing upwards by the river, stated that it came thence. It seems strange in modern times to read that at Hochelaga he speaks of returning to Canada, and this portion of his narrative has many such allusions. Cartier ascended the mountain and gave it its present name of Mont Royal. Both in Montreal and Quebec he speaks of the presence of melons and cucumbers :* neither are indigenous to Canada. Cartier cannot be sup- posed to have misrepresented what he saw, and the fact is important. They could only have been propagated by seed ; the inference follows by seed imported, and from Europe. During the winter passed by Cartier near Quebec, he heard some wonderful stories from Donacona, chief of the tribe there, of a land of gold and rubies ; of white men dressed in cloth ; of men who lived without eating ; of a race having only one leg. So Cartier kidnapped him, for he himself was a lover of the marvellous. Cartier describes the Indians as smoking. The tradition is that tobacco was introduced into England by Drake and Raleigh. Drake was born in 1 540 ; Raleigh in 1552. So Cartier gave an account of the practice of smoking before they were born, whether tobacco or the Indian weed, killikinik, is hard to say. Cartier returned to France in 1 5 36. One reads his statements with the feeling that without assum- ing direct responsibility, he attributed the most favourable features to the country, in order to convey the idea that the dream of the age, the possession of gold and precious stones, would reward the search for them. The last voyage of Cartier took place in 1541. The record is incomplete. We are told in the preamble that Francis I. personally discussed the question with Cartier, and conversed vfith the Indians brought to France. We may infer that it * The wild training cucumber, the Echinocystus labata is found in this portion of the Dominion. The fruit, about two inches in length, is not edible. 6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [lS4I was the intention to enter into a course of discovery and to establish a settlement on the banks of the river which Cartier had ascended. Roberval, a nobleman of Picardy, was ap- pointed Lieutenant-Governor, Cartier, Captain General and Master Pilot. Roberval could not accompany the expedition, so Cartier started with five vessels, leaving St. Malo in May. He anchored at Cap Rouge, nine rniles above Quebec. Estab- lishing himself at Cap Rouge, he retained three vessels and sent two back to France, and ascended the river. He pro- ceeded as far as what is now named the Lachine Rapids, and he reports the existence of further rapids to the West. From what little is known to us of his operations we may infer that his mind was intently bent on the discovery of gold and precious stones. He cannot be blamed, if he knew as little of mineralogy as his contemporaries ; and that he was unable to distinguish between iron pyrites and gold, cannot be made a matter of reproach to him. One point is plain, he had no idea where the true mines of Canada lie. The light which Roberval throws upon his conduct does not place it at an elevated standard. Roberval was unable to leave France until 1542. He started from La Rochelle on the i6th April. On the 7th June he arrived at the harbour of Newfoundland, where he was detained by contrary winds. While in this situation, he was surprised by the arrival of his Lieutenant, Cartier, whom he believed to be at Quebec. The account proceeds to say that Cartier, having paid his respects to his superior, told him that he had brought certain diamonds and a quantity of gold from mines. On the following Sunday they tried the gold and found it good. It was, nevertheless, but iron pyrites, and the so-called diamonds, quartz. Roberval ordered Cartier back to his post. The order was disregarded. Cartier secretly escaped the following night, without taking leave.* And here ends Cartier's place in Canadian History. De Roberval continued his voyage to Quebec. He com- * Se sauvtrent secretement de nous la nuit suivante et sans prendre aucun conge partirent. 1 542] ROBERVAL. 7 pleted the fort at Cap Rouge, and wintered there, sending back two vessels to France. The record tells us that he was strict in the execution of the law,* punishing every one according to his offences. He hanged Michel Gaillon, who has thus obtained an unenviable pre-eminence in Canadian History; placed Jean de Nantes in irons and several were whip- ped, men and women. Who were the women ? There is no record of their arrival. We leave the domain of history when we speculate on their presence. We are told that fifty of his people died from disease. If we enter into the realm of hypothesis we can explain their presence by further arrivals of which no mention is made. On the 5th June, 1543, after supper, Roberval went on board a vessel to proceed to the Province of Saguenay. Everybody was embarked except thirty persons left at Cap Rouge. At this point the relation stops. No further record remains of this attempt at settlement. But the belief is general that the connection between France and Tadousac was maintained. A canoe communication thence to Quebec was always attainable. So, doubtless, in a few months those left behind found their way back to France. L'Escarbot tells us that the king Henry H. sent Cartier to bring Roberval homef ; Le Clercq that Roberval lost his life in an endeavour to return to France ; Thevet, who was the friend of Cartier and Roberval, that he was killed near the Eglise des Innocents in Paris. We have arrived at the period of the religious wars in France, which . so influenced the fortunes of Canada. The difficulties in one form or the other lasted for three-fourths of a century. Francis I. was not cruel, but, as was the policy of his day, he was indifferent to human suffering. The last twenty-five years of his reign were marked by persecution * II faisait bonne justice. +Le Clercq distinctly says that Cartier deliberately abandoned Canada from the severity and unhealthy character of the climate. " Cartier n' ayant plus deseinde retourner davantage qu'il crut pour lors ne pouvoir jamais etre habite tout a cause du froid excessif et de la saison d'hiver extraordinairment rigoureux qu'a cause des maladies qui I'avaient entirement desole." 8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1S41-1603 which was continued to the accession of Henry IV. The ally of the Protestants of Germany, at war with the Pope and Charles V., corresponding with the leading Protestants of Europe, inviting Melancthon to visit him, and really having a respect for letters and a sympathy with art, the name of Francis I. is to be numbered among the persecutors of freedom of thought. The explanation may be given that he was swept onward by a power which he could not withsta.nd, that of the church which had determined to extirpate heresy. It was in the reign of Francis that the expeditions of Cartier and Roberval took place. He died in 1547. There were no expeditions in the reign of Henry II. and Catherine de Medicis. The policy which that king inherited from his father enforcing the unity of faith led to the religious wars, and the war with Spain was an inherited misfortune. England, by the marriage of Mary with Philip II. was drawn into the contest ; to us it is of interest that Calais was taken by the first Duke of Guise in 1558. Whatever were the faults of the Tudors, they were thoroughly English. The saying of the Queen, that when she died Calais would be found written on her heart has come down to us. Pope Paul III. remarked that the loss of the French port was all the dowry which the English Queen would receive from the Spanish marriage. The Protestants numbered one-fourth of the population, nevertheless their extirpation was resolved upon. On their part the resistance was most determined. The battles of Dreux, Jarnac and Moncontour followed in succession. Then came the massacre of Saint Bartholomew and perpetual perse- cution. There were at this period three parties in France : the party of the League, determined on the supremacy of the Pope and religious unity, even at the cost of making France subsidiary to Spain ; the zealous Protestants, who having received no toleration would give none ; the middle party of Catholics and Protestants, who before everything else were Frenchmen whose strongest feeling was for their country. Each of these parties in their turn gave an impress to French rule in Canada. Not indeed with their full strength, but that 1 541-1625] FRANCE IN 1600. 9 the generation which came into being with the accession of Henry IV. were affected by the events and traditions of the contest is indisputable and the fact is noticeable in our annals. The reign of Henry HI., his assassination, followed by the accession of Henry IV., with the battles of Coutras, Arcques and Ivry, led to the King's undisputed possession of the French throne. It was his administration which restored peace. His abjuration, almost a political necessity if peace were to be continued, was accompanied by the Edict of Nantes, which secured eighty-seven years of peace. Its Revocation was the commencement of national disgrace, suf- fering and humiliation, to be followed by a military despotism, which, whatever its dubious splendour, was to cast a gloom over the whole continent, and to create for France a condition ■of convulsion and disquiet, still to be traced. From the reign of Henry IV. dates all that is great in mod- ern France. Nevertheless, both Richelieu and Mazarin have been represented as having mainly in view the re-establish- ment of mediaeval Roman Catholicism. Two historical facts emphatically contradict this view. It was Richelieu who negociated the marriage of Charles I. with Henrietta Maria, a policy quite at variance with that of the party who clustered round Mary of Medicis. Such as these were anxious to sus- tain Jesuit pretension, then gaining strength, and which encouraged the fanciful views of religious duty, and the extravagance of belief directly to influence many characters who figure in early Canadian history. But their doctrines with regard to political power were never received as national faith. The Jesuit Sanctaril's pamphlet, maintaining that the Pope, for cause, by his absolute power, could depose kings, was burnt by order of the Parliament of Paris. The .marriage of Charles took place at Paris, nth May, 1625, by proxy. In the first instance, Charles failed to gain the affec- tions of the Queen. She herself appears to have left France with a true sense of her position, in which the influence of Richelieu can be traced. A giddy lady of the Court ventured to ask her how she could marry a Huguenot. She replied : lO THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1625-60 " My father was a Huguenot." Charles treated her with little courtesy. On her arrival, to her great displeasure, he imme- diately dismissed all her French servants. Then came the ill-omened expedition "against R6, undertaken in 1626 to satisfy the vanity of Buckingham ; nominally to assist the Protestants of La Rochelle, but only disgracefully to abandon them in the Peace of 1629, made without any allusion to their future. The pretensions of Charles to interfere for the protec- tion of the Protestants undoubtedly influenced Richelieu, more especially in connection with the conduct of the Huguenots themselves, who misunderstood their position, and over esti- mated their strength to become aggressive. They became an element in the State which he did not desire to see firmly established in Canada, and so strengthened the views of those who mainly looked upon the possession of New France as a field for the extension of Roman Catholicism. The master feeling of Richelieu's policy was to make France strong and united. He felt that to obtain this end the power of Austria should be restrained and the pretensions of Spain curbed. It was with this end in view he entered into an alliance with Gustavus Adolphus. It was with this feeling, that when, in 1629, the Pope desired to take possession of Val Tellina, extending from Lake Como to the Tyrol, Richelieu replied, that the precedent and consequence of it would be perilous to kings in whose dominions it hath pleased God to permit diversity of religion. Richelieu's maxim is well known. The Church of France in the Kingdom, not the Kingdom in the Church. It was the utterance of Loyseau and gained the great Cardinal's approval. Mazarin's policy is shown in the treaty with Cromwell 23rd March, 1657, by which 6000 troops were to be furnished to France against Spain in the Low Countries, with a fleet to victual them. Louis XIV., then nineteen, received them at Boulogne. It was before Dunkirk that Turenne's army with this accession of force defeated the Spaniards. They were a picked body of 6000 Englishmen who had served in the civil wars, and were in the highest state of discipline. In the l62S-6o] POLICY OF RICHELIEU AND MAZARIN. I I desperate duty assigned to them on that eventful day, every officer but two, was killed or wounded. Turenne before the action sent an officer to Lockhart of Lee, an eminent Scotch diplomatist who was in command, to"explain his motive for commencing the attack. " Very good," was the reply, " I leave the matter to M. de Turenne : after the battle he shall give me his reasons if he see fit." The following year the Peace of Pyrenees was signed.* These facts shew clearly that the extreme religious opinions which were attempted to be forced upon Canada in the second stage of settlement were in no way a part of the policy of Richelieu and Mazarin. They were a reflex of the tone of thought x>{ a class in France, which, when the great statesmen had passed away, came into prominence as accepting the doctrine that the will of one man was to be held to be dominant, before which all that France possessed of intellect and genius was to be subservient. * I relate this story on the authority of Guizot. Scotch writers do not men- tion it. Lockhart was one of the foremost men of the time. In early life he had attached himself to the royal cause, and was taken prisoner at the battle of Preston. After a year in confinement he obtained his liberty by the payment of one thousand pounds. He was grossly insulted by Charles II. and resented this treatment ; and he took no part in the attempt which ended with the battle of Worcester. He returned to Scotland, and was about seeking his fortunes in France, when he attracted the notice of Cromwell. The Protector, impressed with his ability, in 1652, appointed him one of the Commissioners for the Ad- ministration of Justice in Scotland. Two years later he married Cromwell's niece, Robina Sewster. He was afterwards a member of the Scottish Privy Council, and was sent as Ambassador to France. In March, 1656, he negociated a treaty of alliance with Mazarin for the invasion of he Spanish Netherlands. From the circumstance of his having compelled Mazarin to fulfil this provision of the treaty, the story is doubted ; it has been considered improbable that Lockhart would have taken so humble a position in the operations of the war. As I read the anecdote, I cannot accept this view. 'Guizot, in relating it, speaks of the good sense shewn by Lockhart. Indeed, his influence in France was remarkable. What Lockhart desired was that the Spanish should be attacked, and when Turenne informed him that he was about acting on the offensive, Lockhart required no explanations for the determination, as it was in unison with his own policy, and he had full faith in the soldiership of Turenne. Moreover, Turenne, ^t that time, was a Huguenot, and had not accepted the Court opinions, which, if not an additional reason for good understanding, in no way diminished the common good feeling. For myself, Guizot is an authority. 12 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1660 For purposes of trade, the connection with Canada never ■ceased. In 1578 there were 150 French vessels at Newfound- land, besides 200 Spanish, Portuguese and English ships. One of the first facts to attract the attention of Champlain, was the remark of the Indian pointing to the waters of the Ottawa, as they were following the Matawa to its source, that it was the route to be taken to the East for traffic. Pontgrav^ is spoken of as having made many voyages, and as knowing Three Rivers well, while Tadousac was a recognised trading station. Although no record exists, there can be no doubt that trade with Canada was maintained by vessels annually arriving from Europe. Doubtless, the greater part belonged to Dieppe and La Rochelle, the object being to obtain furs, which in those early days must have yielded great profit. English vessels, generally speaking, do not appear to have proceeded further than Newfoundland. l6oo] CHAUVIN. 13. CHAPTER II. It was immediately after the Peace of Vervins, 1598, that a nobleman of Brittany, the Marquis de la Roche, undertook to organize an expedition to the New World. What is known of the enterprize is from L'Escarbot. We learn that not finding volunteers, the crew was supplemented from the prisons. Whatever the cause, forty were landed on Sable Island, some leagues to the east of Halifax, in the same latitude. It is not improbable that difficulties had occurred during the voyage and that these men were landed until some scheme was matured for their future control. La Roche started on hk explorations when a violent tempest arose, a western gale, by which the vessel was driven back to France. The editors of the Champlain narrative of 1632 speak of him as dying from a broken heart. It was not until 1603 that Sable Island was revisited, when twelve of the number only were found alive. They were taken back to France. Chauvin's attempt of 1600 followed. He was a naval officer and belonged to Rouen and was associated with Pontgrav^ of Saint Malo, the latter better known by his subsequent con- nection with Champlain. He must then have been in middle life, between forty and fifty, for he is described by Sagard, who personally knew him, as being in 1629, upwards of seventy. The two received a monopoly of the fur trade, one of the conditions being that they should establish a colony of five hundred persons. Tadousac was reached ; Pontgrave was desirous of proceeding to Three Rivers, to which he had made previous voyages. Chauvin determined to remain at Tadousac. They were successful in gathering a cargo of furs, in reality the main object of the expedition, and started for France ; but sixteen of the crew remained at Tadousac. It was at least the beginning of settlement. These unfortunate men were left. 14 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [160O in the most northern part of Canada, without proper clothing to meet our healthy but rigorous winter, and with an insufficient stock of provisions. De Monts had accompanied them as a volunteer ; it must have been from him that Champlain obtained the account of the expedition as he described it. They ate up immediately their provisions and lived without order and discipline in a state of confusion ' la cour du roi Petault.'* Had it not been for the Indians who fed them, they must all have died ; many did succumb. A second voyage was made which had equally in view the acquisition of furs. On this occasion no detachment was left behind, and the Tadousac experiment was not repeated. A third voyage followed during which Chauvin died. No further attempt was made by his representatives or associates to con- tinue his operations. There is one record connected with Ghauvin. He was the first to build a stone house on the Northern Continent, in 1599 at Tadousac. Champlain has described the building, so the fact is established. A figure now appears on the scene, not limned by tradition, but clearly and distinctly drawn by himself in the record of his labours ; Samuel Champlain, the founder of New France. His own pen has given us the fullest means of judging his character and genius.. It is by his writings that we can form a just estimate of the high qualities of his manhood. His contemporaries equally bear testimony to his singularly straightforward and honourable nature ; even his portrait has come down to us and his features are known by the engraving of Moncornet Sagard and L'Escarbot knew him personally and have left us full details of him. His career embraces the * This expression was current in French society at that date. It is found in Moli^re's Tartuffe, in the 12th line of the first act : On n'y respecte rien, chacun y parle haut, Et c'est tout justement la cour du roi Petaud. The Tartuffe was first played at Versailles, 12th May, 1664, when the per- formance was confined to the first three acts. It was afterwards so played the 29th November, 1664, and the 9th November, 1665. The first representation of the entire piece was given in Paris, 5th August, 1667. On the following day it was forbidden. It re-appeared at Paris, 5th February, 1669. l6oo] CHAMPLAIN. IS first thirty-two years of the History of Canada : years of quiet and repose compared to the struggles and disasters which marked the next thirty years of the rule of the men who suc- ceeded him. The first Canadian record of him is 1603, and he died on Christmas day 1635. Champlain has not hitherto been assigned the place in the history of the country which is his by right. His motives have been misrepresented ; his actions have been unfairly criticised ; and the events which arose, partly from the neglect of the mother country, partly from the want of power of those who followed him, partly from the very situation itself ; have been attributed to his policy and action. His name, household word as it is, is not held in affectionate regard as an article of French Canadian faith. Nevertheless, no name in French or British Canada is more pre-eminent, and from no single influence have sprung such lasting memorials as those attribu- table to his policy and his life. I have said that Champlain is to be judged by his writings. They cannot be said to include in its entirety the editions of 1632 and 1640; with some slight variation one and the same. No opinion of Champlain must be sought for in these pages. The book was undoubtedly edited by some person devoted to the interests of the Jesuits, then having great strength and influence, especially at Court ; possibly by some Jesuit who had been in Canada. The fact is proved by the context. Nominally it appeared in 1632, but there is no "Ex- trait du Privilege du roi " given to establish the fact. Cham- plain was in France from December, 1629, to 23rd March, 1633 ; three years. During this period the negociations were being carried on to obtain the restoration to France of Quebec, conquered by Kirke in 1629, and that Champlain was con- stantly with Richelieu on the subject, there cannot be a doubt. The treaty of Saint Germain en Laye is dated 29th March, 1632, so it appears that Champlain remained a year in Paris to make arrangements for returning to Canada. The leading idea of Champlain was to establish the value of Canada to France. He looked upon its political and com- 1 6 THE HISTORY' OF CANADA. [160O mercial importance with the eye of a statesman. To him it was the last thought to regard Canada as a mere field for the conversion of the savage. Nevertheless, the editors of this, edition have placed into the mouth of such a man the opinion that the conversion of one unbeliever is of greater value than the conquest of a people ! We have Champlain's own words written to Cardinal Richelieu iSth August, 1635, four months before his death. He says,* that some of the Indians live in towns and villages, others are migratory, hunters and fishermen ; all led by no more ardent desire than to have among them a number of Frenchmen and religious teachers to be instructed in our faith. He adds, and the passage is- important, as it fully explains the policy which governed him. " We require but one hundred and twenty men, light armed for protection against the arrows. Possessing them, with two or three thousand war Indians, our allies, in a year we can render ourselves absolute masters of all these peoples, by bringing among them the necessary good government, and this policy will increase the worship of religion and an inconceivable commerce. The whole for the glory of God." When the his- tory of Canada for the thirty years succeeding Champlain's. death is considered, we can conceive the loss to Canada caused by the deaths of Richelieu and Champlain. While Champlain was in Paris waiting the conclusion of events he completed the account of his travels. There is nO' published account of the voyage of 161 7. That of 161 8 is the last given to the world by himself. The published works of Champlain are : the edition without date containing the voyage of 1 603. The edition of 1 6 1 3 containing the voyages of 1604-7: of 1608-9: of 1 6 10: of 161 1 : during 161 2 Champlain * Contrees habitees de nombre infiny de peuples les vns sedentaires ayant villeset villages aultres qui sont errans chasseurs et pescheurs, tous n' aspirant que auoir vn nombre de Franjois et religieux pour etre instruits a nostre foy II ne faut que cent vingt hommes armez a la ligere pouresuiter les fleches; ce que ayant avec deux ou trois mille sauvages de guerre nos alliez dans un an on se rendra maistres absolu de tous ces peuples en y apportant I'ordre requis et cela augmentera le culte de la religion et un traffic incroyable Le tout pour la gloire de Dieu. -{Laval Champlain, 1448]. 1632] THE EDITIONS OF 1632-1640. XJ was in France: and the voyage of 161 3. The edition 16 19 containing the discoveries 161 5-18. Champlain completed the account of his voyages up to the taking of Quebec by Kirke. There is also internal evidence that he prepared for Richelieu a Memoir setting forth the claim of France to Canada. It was with this ground work that the edition of 1632 was pre- pared ; and not issued probably until 1633 after Champlain's departure in March of that year. Not a gratuitous assertion ; for where original documents are tampered with, it is a fair inference that misrepresentation has not stopped at the point where we have traced it to exist. Now for the proof of this statement. There is evidence that Champlain's own contribution to this production was written in 1630. In speaking of the time during which Quebec was inhabited he names a period of twenty-two years. The "habi- tation" was commenced in 1608. There is a material difference of style in what is written by Champlain and what is intercal- ated. There are utterly unintelligible passages which could . only have been penned by one who imperfectly knew that of which he was writing. There are verbal alterations carelessly made affecting the sense ; marginal references betokening ignorance of the subject ; the introduction of words not used by Champlain, notably, Mont Royal applied to Montreal. When Champlain speaks of this locality, he uses the words, "the Sault, the Grand Sault and the Sault St. Louis." What is of greater moment is that every favourable allusion to the Recollet Fathers is omitted, while every possible men- tion of the Jesuits is made. The mission of P^re Biard in Acadia [Nova Scotia and part of Maine] is introduced, having nothing to do with Canada and Champlain, and which could only be known by one having access to the Jesuits' Relations. The same may be said of the letter of P^re Allemand dated from Bordeaux, 22nd November, 1629, to the Superior at Paris. There are other ipaccuracies to which I will hereafter allude. Had Champlain been the writer he could never have so nar- rated them. Further the mention of renegade Frenchmen l8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [lS67 could not have come from his pen.* There were none such having influence on the expedition ; three subordinate clerks are named as remaining with the English at Quebec. They were neither connected with, assisting nor advising the expedition ; the service they gave was that of interpreters. At the date when the name of the Recollets was ignored, they had been fourteen years in possession of the Canadian Missions. According to Le Clerq they had the support of Richelieu and Madame d'Aiguillon, what Champlain could do, he did, he warned them against their pretended friends. There is no reason to suspect Champlain's good faith in any one act of his Hfe. Had he been guilty of the suppression of their name, and the substitution of that of the Jesuits, it would have been an act of meanness, and a stain on his character. The most extraordinary language is placed in Champlain's mouth ; one speech is that one of the blunders of Chauvin's expedition was that he was a heretic. Champlain's own language is that of a man of large mind. There can be no doubt that he was actuated by strong religious convic- tions, and when these are expressed by him it is in advocacy of implanting the Christian faith. In any estimate of the character and opinions of Champlain this edition must be rejected. It is a work produced entirely in favour of the Jesuits to the exclusion of the Recollets, whom it treats with injustice and wrong. It was an engine to influence opinion, so that Canada restored to France should be given over entirely to the Jesuits. Unfortunately for La Nouvelle France this policy was adopted to exercise the depressing influence experienced for seventy years. Had Champlain's policy, con- tained in the few lines above quoted, been followed, how different would have been the chronicle. Samuel de Champlain was born at Brouage, a sea port to the south of La Rochelle in Saintonge. There is no record of his baptism, but his birth may safely be dated at 1567. He was the son of Antoine de Champlain, a naval captain. All evidence points to the certain ty that Champlain was a Pro- * Vide note end of chapter IX. 1599] CHAMPLAIN. 19 testant It is admitted that at that date that Samuel was a name never given to Roman Catholics and was confined to the Huguenots. The strict observance in France of the correctness of the Records in the Registres Civils is known. It is a portion of French national life for the name of every Roman Catholic . child to be inscribed in their pages. Champlain's name does not appear. The inference is plain that he was baptised as a Huguenot. The argument that his father and mother were baptised in the ancient church has been advanced to show that he was a Roman Catholic. So were the fathers of Luther and Melancthon. The argument even adds 'strength to the theory as to the cause of the non-appearance of Champlain's name in the church registers. Champlain is careful to tell us that he was engaged for some years in the army of Henry IV. under Marshal d'Aumont and other leaders of that side. He served as MarMial de logis, equivalent in our service to the rank of deputy quarter- master general. He remained in the army until the Conquest of Brittany. D'Aumont was a Huguenot and played a dis- tinguished part in the battle of Ivry fought in 1590. When Brittany was brought to a settled state, in 1 598, and peace had been obtained, Champlain was without employment. He was of a family of sailors. One of his uncles, the Captain Pro- vengale, had been employed by the King of Spain ^s Pilot General. Hitherto, through the influence of the League, the Spaniards had obtained a footing in France. At the Peace they left the country and Provengale was engaged to take the ships back to Spain. His nephew Champlain accompanied him and remained some months in Spain. An expedition was fitted out against Porto Rico, in which he was to have accom- panied his uncle, when news arrived that Porto Rico had fallen. The uncle was transferred to other duty, so Champlain was promoted to his position. The expedition started on a voyage of exploration to what then constituted Spanish America, and extended over twenty-six months. Champlain kept a diary of daily occurrences. On his return he drew up an account of his voyage which was circulated in MS. and attracted the notice 20 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [160O of Henry IV. The King allowed him a small pension. It is only within the last thirty years that the MS. was discovered. It is contained in the Laval University Edition* of his works. These travels, written among Spaniards and while sailing under their flag, refer entirely to his own experience and ob- servations. They are unconnected with his subsequent career ; nevertheless, they repay examination, as they establish the features of his character in his careful, conscientious spirit of enquiry. The account itself is full of interest. The jealousy with which the Spaniards noticed the approach of any foreign vessel to their coast is well known. Champlain tells us that the negro slave who was the first to report such a vessel immediately gained his freedom. Champlain obtained also some experience of the mosquitoes, that pest of this contin- ent. He was surprised at the Indians eating rattlesnakes ; he was struck with the luxury of eating turtles, and made some remarks on the Inquisition which could scarcely have been pleasing to Mary of Medicis. He indignantly relates how Indians were beaten for not attending mass, and gives a sketch of the chastisement. He also suggested the possibility of constructing the Panama Canal, and was the first to point out the importance of the scheme. He alludes to Drake, and to his death. We find mention of tobacco under the name of " Petun," showing that it is not a Canadian word, but that it originated in the West Indies. His sketches are original, and in their way possess merit. His maps, such as they are, belong to that date. Among the former we have the repre- sentation of some heretics being consumed at an auto-da-fe. Nothing had hitherto taken place to obtain for Canada more than passing notice. Cartier had shown that it was not * This work, published in 1870, marks an epoch in our literature. It was brought out under the authority of " Laval," with conscientious care and with a fidelity to the text certainly never exceeded and rarely equalled. The notes appended are marked by learning, research, and are perfectly free from all bias. They have the impress of having in view truth alone. I cannot sufficiently acknowledge my obligations both for the text— otherwise it would have been unattainable — and to the emendations and opinions contained in the notes. I desire to express my gratitude for the service thus rendered me. The references to Champlain give the consecutive pages in this edition. l603] DE CHASTES. 21 the land of precious metals, and commerce had not as yet created the development of those resources which constitute the true wealth of the Dominion. There is reason to believe that Cartier's description of the climate had its influence in delaying further settlement, but the time had now come when the attempt was to be made. The death of Chauvin forced Pontgrav6 to enter into new relationships, and, after some negociation, he formed a con- nection with M. Amar de Chastes, for the further prosecution of the enterprize in Canada. De Chastes had influence with the Court. He had rendered signal service to Henry IV. at the period of the desperate battle of Arques, in which, with less than half his number, the King had defeated the Duke of 'Mayence. De Chastes had undertaken, in case of necessity, to admit Henry and his arrrjy within the walls of Dieppe, he being then Governor. The service was never forgotten. Even after De Chastes' death, a sum of money was given to his children.* A patent was obtained for the expedition ; Cham- plain hearing of it waited upon De Chastes, and received an offer to take part in it. It was necessary to obtain permission of the king to accept it, owing to Champlain's pension. It was granted and the first voyage was made in i6o3.-f" The expedition was in reality a commercial venture, a number of merchants combining to carry it out. It differed from the other voyages which had previously been made inasmuch as the society was granted certain privileges with the under- standing that it was to fulfil certain duties. Hence it obtained to some extent a national character.j On reaching Tadousac * Sully, Book xxi., 1605. + The first printed account of this voyage is extremely rare. One copy only is known to exist, that of the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. J Sully was opposed to the enterprise. He tells us, Vol. v., p. 87 : "Je mets au nombre des choses faites centre mon opinion, la colonic qui fut envoyee cette annee en Canada. II n'y a aucune sorte de richesse a esperer de tons les pays °°o '• '' was never paid or even recognised, or any attempt made to obtain payment. Charles II. was too devoted to the French Crown as its pensioner to raise unpleasant questions at Versailles. Thus, he complacently permitted the wrong to be inflicted on the children of those who had served England and his father so well ; and it may be inferred that their last years were passed in straitened circumstances. BOOK II. From the Death of Champlain, 1635, to the Incor- poration OF Canada with the Kingdom of France, 1663, as a Royal Province. 1634J FIRST SEIGNEUR. I47 CHAPTER I. The cession of Quebec by England forcibly appealed to the public sentiment of France ; at the same time the reconstruc- tion of the Company under Richelieu increased this feeling, and gave an impetus to the attention then directed to Canada. Many persons were thus encouraged to seek beyond the Atlantic the prosperity and comfort which they had failed to obtain in their place of birth. In 1632, little had been done beyond taking possession of the country by Emeric de Caen ; but when Champlain returned to Canada in 1633, his vessels contained two hundred persons. In 1634, three vessels ar- rived, followed by that of Admiral du Plessis ; among the new comers were M. Giffard and his family. He was the first Seigneur of Canada, having received the grant of Beauport. He had been previously in Acadia, and was one of the prison- ers captured by Kirke in the fleet of de Roquemont. ■ His arrival is worthy of notice, as he brought with him artizans and colonists, and laid the foundation of the Village of Beau- port, six miles east of Quebec, the first of the character formed in the country. The districts in France more imme- diately affected by the national sentiment were Perche and the northern seaports of Normandy and Bretagne. Rouen in its central position had been identified with Canadian com- merce. In the earlier years the emigration was principally from Perche and Normandy. On one side there was the hope that a new career would be opened to those struggling un- ceasingly with poverty ; with others we may trace the love of adventure, and weariness of the prosaic side of life. A more favoured class were led by a sentiment of religious fervour, to aid by personal sacrifice in the conversion of the Indian. There is no account of the extent of the emigration, but it must have been limited. It is evident, moreover, that many of those who came over, shortly afterwards left the colony. 148 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1634 It was the publication of the Jesuit Relations in France which created the spirit of enterprize, and for the first thirty years the Jesuits had control of the missions and directed the religious observances of the settlements. They received at a critical period of their career a munificent gift, which greatly affirmed their position. A gentleman of Picardy, Ren6 Rohault, joining the order, implored his family to cede to them what patrimony he would inherit. His father, the Marquis de Gamache, offered the sum of 16,000 crowns. In 1637, the Jesuits having obtained a concession of land, in the following year this money admitted of the commencement of a building adjoining the church, near the fort. The precise population of Quebec at this date is not recorded. In 1641 it reached but 240 souls. In 1634 proceedings were taken to reconstitute the Huron missions. Fathers Daniel, de Brdboeuf, and Davoust, went to Three Rivers to meet the Hurons, who had arrived for the purpose of trade, in order to effect an arrangement by which the journey could be made. The number of Hurons attending on this occasion was not so numerous as was generally the case. They had lately met with a reverse in war ; the forerunner of much suffering. The Iroquois having heard that five hundred Hurons were advancing against them, met them with a party of fifteen hundred. In the engagement two hundred Hurons were killed, and many taken prisoners : it was this disaster which had reduced the number at Three Rivers. There was the usual Algonquin attempt to prevent the ascent of the mis- sionaries through their territory. The Admiral du Plessis, who was present, made every effort to assist the fathers in their project of ascending the Ottawa. The only arrangement which could be effected was that Fathers de Br^bceuf and Daniel, with a young man named Baron, obtained places in the canoes which were leaving. Father Davoust and the remain- ing five Frenchmen accompanying the mission could in no way be accommodated, and were unable to start. Those ascending were so pressed for room that they left much of their baggage behind ; a serious inconvenience, shewing the l63S] COMMENCEMENT OF THE MISSIONS. I49 enthusiasm by which the Jesuits were sustained. M. du Plessis, whose influence had been instrumental in smoothing over the difficulties, fired a salute on their departui'e. The fathers left so suddenly that they were unable to write to their Superior. At the Long Sault they met some descending Hurons, by whom such letters as they could write were carried to Quebec. These devoted men suffered great hardship in the ascent- They became members of the crew, and had to row and paddle as the Indians, to carry the burdens across the portages, to sleep as they could, harassed by flies, a minor misery which the Northern European cannot even imagine. At the same time they were imperfectly fed and badly clothed. The sepa- ration from their friends and their baggage fortunately proved only temporary. Other canoes arrived. Not only the re- mainder of those destined to the missions were able to proceed, but room was found for the baggage. Such was the commencement of the Huron missions after the return of the French to Canada. The death of Champlain established in the small com- munity the political position of the Jesuits. It was that of being the only ecclesiastics in the country, holding the power of dictating its policy ; a position which they held for thirty years. Those who carefully read and weigh the events of this period will have little difficulty in forming the opinion whether this influence was wisely exercised. Fere le Jeune had been placed in possession of sealed instruc- tions to be acted upon only in case of emergency. As the funeral corthge left the grave, the letters were opened and read in church. The Commandant of the newly constructed fort at Three Rivers, M. de Chasteaufort, had been appointed tp act as Governor in case of any extraordinary event. The Jesuit Father had accordingly possessed the unusual power of superseding Champlain, when he had deemed it advisable. It does not read that it was only on the death of the Governor that his successor should act. In such case a legitimate provision against the contingency was necessary. It is difficult to recognise why mystery had been observed, if the arrange- I50 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1635 ment did not embrace some considerations beyond loss of life. In accordance with this authority M. de Chasteaufort filled the position of Administrator of the Government until the arrival of M. de Montmagny. It has been said that Champlain died on Christmas day, 1635. The appointment of M. de Montmagny was made in Paris as early as the following March. Either Champlain must himself have sent his resignation after his letter in August to Richelieu ; or some communication must have been forwarded to France, notifying the Company that his illness threatened fatal results : or it may have been felt that some other appointment was necessary. This communication may have been sent by the last ship leaving Quebec ; or have been taken by a small vessel to Gasp^, and there have been transferred to a whaling ship. It may have been determined not to extend the period of government beyond the three years for which Champlain had been appointed. In the re- newal of de Montmagny's commission there are words to war- rant this view ;* although the principle was not acted upon in his case. Judging the facts as we possess them, it is not im- probable that the successor of Champlain was determined before his death was known. It is perfectly plain that the appointment of de Montmagny, dated the loth March, 1636, in Paris, must have been made without regard to the death of Champlain, which took place on the 25 th December in Canada. Even in the modern days of steam navigation, without the aid of the telegraph it would be impossible at that time of the year to send any intelligence by the Saint Lawrence, the river ceasing to be navigable owing to ice at the end of November. It does not seem improbable that had Champlain lived, he would in the spring have been removed from his government. For the next twenty-eight years of the history of Canada, our main alliance is in the record of events as they are given in the Jesuit Relations; the letters of the M^re de I'lncarnation ; and the Jesuits' Journal,commencing 1645, and continued until 1668. * Edits et Ordonnances HI., p. 15. 1635-63] THE RECOLLETS. 151 The Conseil Souverain of Quebec was established i8th September, 1663. Previous to that date there are the ' Registres de I'Ancien Conseil.' It is not known where they are deposited. There is likewise the ' Registres Civiles' of the Pr6v6t^ de Quebec as some guide, but they are not yet avail- able to public investigation. In other respects there are but few documents to guide us with regard to this period. If the influence of the Jesuits enabled them to exclude the Recollets from Canada, the latter had their friends in France, with whom the treatment they were receiving caused great indignation, so that the Jesuits publicly denied having in any way created the annoyance from which the Recollets were suf- fering. In 1637 leave was again obtained for their departure, and again withdrawn. , We are informed that Guillaume Gallion, one of the Recollet fathers, died from vexation of spirit. Father Lalemant, owing to the dissatisfaction expressed, wrote two letters to exculpate his order. The historian of the Recollets tells us that there was a strong party in Canada who desired their return, and that on three occasions they in- curred great expense in the view of proceeding thither. There was difficulty in understanding why jealousy should be felt, for the extent of country could give full employment to many missionaries. M. de Lauson remained their steady opponent. His frivolous objections were, that the constitution of their order made them unfit for a new colony, as they would not establish villages, bourgs or seigneuries. The Recollets re- plied that it was true that they would be as poor after centuries as when they began, and that any property they obtained would be for the use of their missions. Finding the prohibition continued, the Recollets petitioned Anne of Austria, who is represented as favourable to them, for leave to proceed to Canada. It was granted ; but influences pre- vailed for the condition to be added, that the consent of the Company should be gained.f There was further delay ; the Company resolved to wait until next year, when the * Leclercq. + Prendre I'attache. 10 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1635-63 habitants had been' consulted. A petition, however, came from de Repentigny asking for three Recollets to be sent. M. de Lauzon, sustained by M. de la Madelaine, declined to do anything until the following year. He told a friend of the Recollets that with all their arguments they did not under- stand matters, adding, that " in the age in which we live we have reformed our theory of morality, and we have to make use of temporal affairs to establish the spiritual." The Recollets described themselves as sent from Caiphas to Pilate. In the days of M. d'Avangour they were looked upon as non-existent ; their lands were given away, some to de Lotbiniere, some to de Repentigny, some to the Hospital nuns. It was not until 1670 that the order was re-established in Canada, seldom, however, to be cordially protected by the ecclesiastical authorities. With the laity and the civil gov- ernment they always stood well. The first years after the return of the French, witnessed the great interest shewn in New France. The slow increase of population proves that this feeling passed away, and that the colony only obtained the attention of the members of the Company. There is no fact to shew that it called forth any strong sympathy with the French people. When de Maison- neuve returned in 1653, with 105 men which he had raised in Poitou, Maine and Brittany, it was regarded as something of an event ; and M. de Lauson, then Governor, hesitated if he would allow them to proceed to Montreal. From 1645 to 1660, the colony remained stationary as to progress, however the population may have individually varied. At Montreal the limited fortifications were completed as could best be done, but there was little increase to the population. Quebec and Three Rivers shewed no change. Trade was carried on with more or less enterprize. The spirit of discovery was not, ex- tended. It was the period of the Huron missions, their activity, their failure, their termination. Of the country itself, at this date, we have a faithful picture, which may be accepted as representative of its condition for the quarter of the century succeeding the death of Champlain, until the genius of Colbert 1635-63] CONDITION or CANADA. 1 53 was awakened to direct its commerce, develop its fortunes and exercise the protecting influenpe which was to save it from ruin. It was in 1663 that Pierre Boucher addressed to Colbert his celebrated letter describing Canada. He had arrived in Canada as a boy and his character had taken the tone of its associa- tions. In 1662, he had been sent to France, the bearer of a petition asking for help by the inhabitants in their desperate condition. He had met and conversed with Colbert, and it was from Colbert's desire thoroughly to know what Canada, with its resources, was, that the work was written. It aided in destroying the old condition of matters, for in 1663, .Canada became a portion of France beyond the seas, an integral por- tion of the kingdom.* There can be no history in the great meaning of the term of a small, scattered population, established at points of a river extending over one hundred and eighty miles in length, whose main occupation was the cultivation of the soil, and the traffic in furs, and who^e lives were daily threatened without the protection of the fort. The population of the whole of Canada did not exceed that of a modern thriving village or small town, and the Huron Indians, who, with judicious treat- ment might have been made valuable allies, were rapidly dis- appearing before the attempt to introduce a civilization, which they had imperfectly accepted without learning its duties and responsibilities. Self-defence is paramount in every com- munity ; and the Hurons ought never to have been encouraged to neglect the strength and effort by which their territory * Boucher on his return from France was accompanied by Dumont, an officer in command of a hundred soldiers. Dumont wrote a diary of his journey, which is published in the Relations of 1663. We learn that on the south shore that there were settlements at Lauson, Point Levis ; and that to the north near Quebec they extended to Cap Rouge : that along Cap de la Madeleine to the east of Three Rivers there was a league of houses ; that at Three Rivers he found the tables as well covered and as well furnished as in France. He records several shocks of the earthquake felt while he was present in July, and which had continued from the 5th February. He saw traces of a fire which had destroyed eighteen acres of forest. He went as far as Montreal, the inhabitants of which he described as the most soldierly in the country. 154 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [163S-63 could have been defended. The missions lasted for twenty- four years. At the close of this time the Huron territory was depopulated, while the missionaries themselves were killed in the first assaults, or cruelly tortured and burned. There was one continuous struggle against the dominant Indian race, the Iroquois ; a power at that date without the aggressive strength which it subsequently obtained. What was required was the presence of an armed force of strength suffi- cient to retain the respect which the French in the first in- stance imptised. This feeling, when the operations of de Tracy again called it forth, remained until the close of the first government of de Frontenac in 1682. The policy to be followed had been well understood by Champlain, and repre- sented by him to Richelieu. In estimating the policy of Champlain and the number of armed men he asked from France, it must be remembered that he counted on the alliance of the friendly Indians, then inured to war. Champlain was not the man to have awaited the attack of the Iroquois. Had they threatened the settle- ments under his government, he would have taken the war into their homes, and have taught them what such war was. They then would have been the first to seek for peace. It was as easy for, the French and Hurons to seek the Iroquois on the Mohawk, as for the latter to proceed to the Saint Lawrence. We see much in Boucher's narrative which throws light on the Canada I am attempting to describe. He gives an account of the geography of the country, recording the earth- quake, during which he had been present, the shocks having been repeated for seven months. We learn that several individuals had been forced to leave Canada ; the reason is not stated. Certainly not for crime, for they could have been punished. He expresses his surprise that the country should remain uninhabited, and it was to remove prejudice on this point,* and to do away with the policy threatened of sending * Et pour oster la mauvaise opinion que le vulgaire en a, et que mal k propos on menace d'enuoyer les garnements en Canadas comme par punition. 1635-62] CONDITION OF CANADA. 1 55 criminals to the country that his book was written. By what he tells us, it is plain that many who had visited the country and had made money there, did not remain. He gives a pic- ture of Quebec. There was the fort where Durham Terrace now stands ; near to it the Parish Church, with the ceremonial religious service as in the best churches of France. The Jesuits had constructed their school substantially. The Ursu- line Convent had been built on its present site. There were the Hospital nuns, with their small revenue. The finest houses were to be seen on the heights. Several of the store- houses and dwellings stood at the foot of the hill. Many habitants were established in the Island of Orleans. One- third of the whole population of the country was to be found in Quebec. Below Quebec, settlement extended to Beauport, and above to the west for about seven leagues. Three Rivers had but few settlers. Montreal is described with rich soil, requiring men to till it with horses, and on the other hand the subjugation of the Iroquois was urged as a necessity. Most of the trees in the neighbourhood of Montreal were oak. Boucher described the wild vine, explaining that the grape had been little cultivated, as the first duty was to plant corn so as to get bread to eat, and that they could do without wine better than without bread. That wine was 10 sols a pint. Eau de vie, 30 sols : best Spanish wine the same price, French measure. Wheat, 100 sols the minot [weighing 60 lbs., 20 sols to the livre or franc], sometimes costing 6 francs. Peas un ^cic the bushel, sometimes 4 francs. The wages of men, with food, was, in winter, 2.0 sols ; in summer, 30 sols. The livre Tournois was the money of account in Canada- As a coin it did not exist. Its equivalent as a term may be found in the expression Halifax Currency. The gold coins consisted of the Louis d'or, double, single and half, with the gold crown [ecu] and half-crowns. The silver consisted of pieces of 60, 30, 15, 10 and 5 sols or sous, with deniers, and double deniers of copper. The livre Tournois was estimated at the value of 20 sols : the modern franc. There was a livre Parisis which had a fourth more value than that of Tournois. 156 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [163S-63 The Parisis being 25 sols against the Tournois livre of 20 sols. The livre Parisis was never in use in Canada ; it was abolished in France in the reign of Louis XIV. In the reign of Louis XV. the ecu of 6 livres was introduced into Canada, with minor pieces of 24, 1 2 and 6 sols. Owing to the scarcity of money in 1669, wheat was declared by the Council a legal tender at four livres the minot, while in 1673 bear skins could be ten- dered in payment at their value. There were no horses in Canada* at this date. There was plenty of hay at Three Rivers and Montreal, but the mower was always in danger of being killed by the Iroquois. This was the main reason why horses were not in the country, but Boucher trusted that the ' bon roi ' would assist in destroying the Iroquois, and then horses would be imported. The in- habitants produced strong robust boys and girls with plenty of intelligence, but somewhat difficult to be led to study. There was no hemp, but the soil was well fitted for its culti- vation. Wine was drunk in the best houses. Beer in pther places. A drink called ' bouillon ' was in common use. The very poor took water. Some houses were built of stone, covered with pine boards. Some were built with upright posts, filled in with masonry.f Some were framed buildings. There were three drawbacks to Canada. The Iroquois, who prevented the tillage of the soil, the mowing of hay, who made fishing and hunting almost impossible. On all sides the Indians lay in wait, never attacking but when in sufficient strength. They destroyed the settlers when alone, or in small numbers and slew the cattle. "And," adds Boucher, " it would not be a difficult matter to get rid of them, for they consist but of 800 or 900 men capable of bearing arms. It required only prudence and sufficient force to destroy them.'' The second difficulty was that of the mosquito, j * One horse only had reached Canada previously. It arrived 20th June, 1647, and was presented to the Governor, M. de Montmagny. — Jesuit's Journal. + Brick Hogging. i " Maringouins autrement appeles cousins.'' To us in Canada no comment is needed to explain what these pests are in unsettled lands. In England, where there is happy ignorance of this poisonous gnat, no idea can be formed of the 1635-63] CONDITION OF CANADA. 1 57 The third drawback was the length of the winter, which proved severe to those first arriving. Boucher was careful to set forth that no women of doubtful antecedents had been included in the population. If any such had managed to reach the country unknown they had be- haved well when there. As a rule, those proposing to come to Canada, had to be vouched for by relatives or by responsible persons. As for the scamp, if by accident he reached Quebec, and by his conduct made himself objectionable, he was shipped back to France. If he proved himself a criminal, as elsewhere they knew how to hang him. He advised those who came to Canada to be ready to put their hand to everything, raising their buildings and clearing their land. They should bring provisions to last for one or two years, above all, flour. Money was worth twenty-five per cent, more in Canada than in France. Thus a piece of 20 sols was worth 25 sols in New France. The majority of the inhab- itants were those who had made a start as servants, and after serving three years had commenced to work for themselves. Although with little means generally they married, and in four or five years were at their ease. There were no women servants in Canada. Those who could afford to employ servants engaged men. Such was the Canada of 1662, thirty years after its re- occupation by the French, and the account may be generally accepted as characteristic of the whole period. torment they cause by night and day when not guarded against. The poison works differently in different constitutions. In some instances for a few hours the features are positively disfigured. The mosquito appears for about a month in June. If the summer be wet he periodically returns. They are guarded against by having gauze stretched over a frame placed before the open window, and by gauze curtains round the bed, impenetrable to their attack. In the large cities of Canada they are rarely seen. 158 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636 CHAPTER II. The five governors who appeared within this period, al- though individually they leave traces sufficient of their per- sonal characters, and of the mode in which their duty was per- formed, shew little change in the policy adopted to develop the resources of the colony. They were representatives of the Company, with power over life and property, to keep society together; but they could follow no line of conduct except that prescribed to them, whatever else was dictated by experience and necessity. On one side was a purely commercial combi- nation which objected to unnecessary expense, and at Paris and Rouen conducted the little supervision that was exercised. On the other hand, from a sense of interest, they sustained a religious organization, bent on obtaining political power, keeping dominant the principle of establishing their form of the Christian church, without toleration of any divergence of thought, and jealously exercising their authority, encouraged by the opinion of that date, and more particularly enforced by the order they represented. The first of these governors was M. Charles Huault de Montmagny. Arriving in Canada in June, 1636, he remained eleven years in the country until 1647. He was a soldier, a Knight of Malta ; he had seen service, and must have early discovered the precarious tenure by which the country was held, with the insufficient means he possessed to defend it. He soon shewed that he was one to make the best of the situation. He landed, and was received with the usual ceremonies. On ascending the road to the f6rt on the day of his arrival, a cross struck his attention. It was possibly in the cemetery, over ChamplainVt tirave, visible from the hill, where he himself subsequently cowct.ructed a vault and a small chapel to Cham- l63Sj M. DE MONTMAGNY. 159 plain's memory. It is related that M. de Montmagny went on his knees before this wooden cross, and that his example was followed by the small body of men who followed him ; among them were the Jesuit Fathers Chastellain and Charles Garnier. The party were then proceeding to the church to return thanks for their safe arrival. M. de Montmagny was marked both by sense and ability, and the act itself, without explana- tion, must be attributed to impulse ; and whatever praise it may receive from the Jesuit fathers ft cannot command universal respect. The proceeding is explicable, if we believe that as he was ascending the road, Champlain's grave, denoted by the cross, at the lower level to his left, was pointed out to him, and that he acted in the belief of a sincere Roman Catholic, taught to pray for the dead. There were but a few rods to be passed over before M. de Montmagny would arrive at the church, where service would be performed, and a Te Deum chanted with all the ceremonial which the choir could com- mand. It is true that the Jesuit Father does not name Champlain's grave, and speaks of the crucifix only as an emblem of faith. The discovery of the vault with Cham- plain's bones at this spot, however, may be held to explain the proceeding ; for M. de Montmagny had but to wait a few minutes to join in the service of the church. An important addition reached the colony with M. de Montmagny. Two families of distinction arrived from Nor- mandy, M. de Repentigny, with his wife, mother and children, and M. Le Neuf de La Potherie, and his mother, brother and family. There was also a small reinforcement of troops. M. de Montmagny lost no time in improving the upper fort, many of the works being weak and incomplete, and in rebuilding the battery constructed on the lower level to guard the advance up the river. He also traced a plan of Quebec,* marking out the streets according to some system. Conse- quently, as buildings were raised, order in their construction began to be observed even in this infancy of the city. As punishment for crime is unfortunately the necessary attendant * Relations 1636, page 41. l6o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636 of civilization, a pillory was erected. The structure served equally as the centre of intelligence, for the public notices and proclamations to the inhabitants were here appended. As early as 1636 it was brought into use in the case of a person punished for blasphemy and drunkenness. M. de Mont- magny also visited Three Rivers and enlarged the fort. A Council was established to publish police ordinances and to extend justice : it consisted of the governor, the head of the Jesuits and a syndic. The latter, as a theory, represented the inhabitants of Quebec, and an attempt was made to maintain law and order in the small community. That the population remained stationary for at least seven years is indisputable, however difficult to be explained. The means of disseminating intelligence concerning the colony was found in the Jesuit Relations. The enthusiastic, the extremely devout, those susceptible of deep religious emotion were touched by the descriptions which they gave ; and to this day they have retained their freshness. Written with the art which conceals art, with care and literary power in the style of simple narrative, they leave room to the imag- ination to have full play, and so set forth the facts to command the reader's sympathy that he participates in the sufferings and sorrows recorded. It is the prerogative of our sanguine nature that we all believe that we can successfully in our own person meet dangers, under whicfi many must succumb ; and we seldom consider that it may be our fate to be included in the number of the victims which cannot escape. Human hope, indeed, is indestructible. Particularly this feeling is the accom- paniment of youth ; and le Jeune could record the number of young nuns who expressed themselves prepared to devote their lives to a missionary career in New France, and who shewed their willingness to answer his appeal to aid in reclaiming the lost souls of the heathen. It is precisely those easily accessible to this feeling, who give vent to it by letters or in conversa- tion. Enthusiasm is contagious. One strong-minded devotee draws many of her weaker sisterhood in her train. In most cases the sincerity of these letters was proved, and they were 1636] DUCHESSE D'AIGUILLON. 161 acted up to, when the hour for action arrived. But such expressions of feehng, however numercus, must not be accepted as the general tone of thought. They are representative of a class of minds only ; and the stationary character of the population for so many years establishes that the scheme for the settlement of Canada commanded little general sympathy, and that it was conducted with little enterprise. Young romantic natures may theorize as they will : facts and results can only be accepted as the test of success. One remarkable person was attracted by these productions ; the niece of Cardinal Richelieu, known in history as the Duchesse d'Aiguillon. She was the daughter of Frangoise du Plessis, the sister of Richelieu, who became the wife of Ren6 de Wignerod, Seigneur du Pont de Courlay. The daughter, Marie Madeline, had married the Sieur du Roure du Combalet, and had been left a widow without children at a young age. She remained constantly with her uncle^ who, in 1638, pre- sented to her the estate of Aiguillon as a duchy. She died in April 1675. In 1636 she wrote offering to establish the Sceurs Hospitalieres at Quebec. She sent out six persons who were to prepare a home for the nuns who were to follow. In this communication she signs herself "du Pont," from the seigneury she had inherited from her father, to which signature she even adhered on occasions after the prouder rank of duchess had been conferred upon her. She was the foundress of the Hotel Dieu at Quebec, to which she continued her benefactions during her life. One point the Jesuits kept in view, the education of the Huron children. In 1636, Fathers Pijart and le Mercier joined the fathers engaged in that mission, and, like those who had preceded them, they suffered great hardships in the ascent. In the same year, Daniel returned with evident marks of his labours, his shirt and priest's dress in rags, and himself worn out with fatigue. Some Huron children had left the western mission to descend with the canoes to Quebec, there to be educated as Christians. But when the hour came to return home, the parents would not leave them behind in the 1 62 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1636 schools. With great effort made to retain them, three only- remained. • Annually the Huron Indians proceeded to Quebec : their nujnbers varied. They, brought down furs and received such articles of traffic as were useful to them : kettles, fabrics, knives, axes. It was to these proceedings that the operations of the Company were limited. Any attenyat at settlement was trifling. Giffard had cleared some land at Beauport, and something had been done between Quebec and Sillery. Such was the limit of the operations. The Company confined itself to its mercantile ventures, while the Jesuits devoted themselves to the conversion of the Indians. In this state- ment we may read the history of Canada at this date. No steps were taken to protect the Huron canoes ascending and descending the Saint Lawrence. Hence they became frequently the prey of the Iroquois. The Saint Lawrence was a hunting ground to the Mohawks, where they lingered in ambush to take what they could lay their hands on, even penetrating to the neighbourhood of the fort of Three Rivers. It was in 1636 that the smallpox was carried among the western Hurons. The disease was communicated by some canoes ascending from Quebec, where it had been severely felt. Father Isaac Jogues was one of the first to be attacked by it on his arrival in the Huron country. He had been accompanied by Chastellain and Garnier, who likewise suf- fered. The pestilence was regarded in a light disadvan- tageous to the Jesuit Fathers, for they were looked upon as the sorcerers who had introduced it. It passed from village to village, and, as all medical precaution was unknown, many Indians died. In vain a grand game of Lacrosse was played to conjure it away. The Jesuits freely exposed their own lives to succour the sufferers and where possible, to extend religious consolation. Certainly the power of the invention of ignor- ance and superstition is unfathomable. In this case the native medicine men ascribed the cause of the malady to the purpose of Champlain of destroying the Huron race, so that he could 1637] NOEL DE SILLERY. 163 appear in the other world with a numerous escort. An Algonquin chief gave authority to the statement. It came gravely to be debated whether the French residing at the mission should not be massacred. A council was held for the subject to be considered, which was attended by de Brdboeuf and the other Fathers. Much was said to increase the prejudice against the French : a reply to the invective was made by de Br6boeuf. It was finally determined to await the arrival of the Hurons who had proceeded to Quebec. No effort was spared by the missionaries to remove the impression. Many meetings took place, but the safety of the fathers was still threatened. Fortunately there came a lull in the progress of the disease. The Jesuits, however, felt it prudent to change their quarters. They removed from Thonateria, which was on Matchedash Bay, to Ossosane, which was to the southwest on Nottawasaga Bay. There is a name mentioned in Canadian history of this date for which particular respect is claimed : M. Noel Brulart de Sillery* founder of an institution, the charitable objects of which extort our praise. There is, however, little in his career * Noel de Sillery owed his position and his fortune to his brother Nicolas, made known to us in Sully's memoirs. The latter was one of the ministers of Henry IV. and the king himself has left us a portraiture of the character of Nicolas : patientj complaisant, wonderfully supple, skilful and industrious ; fond of wealth and honours, and ready to act to get all he could ; and one not likely to risk his person and fortune to benefit another. Nicolas had made the acquaintance of Henry IV. when on an embassy to Navarre to make a last representation to him ■of the necessity of submitting to Henry III. and of changing his religion. Subsequently he became one of the Council of Henry, and joined the clique which ■desired to exclude Sully. Nevertheless he was one of the first to express the greatest pleasure in seeing Sully there. He was constantly the supporter of an alliance with Spain ; but it was the King who declared that with a neighbour so cunning and so dishonest there was no other policy to follow but to mistrust and ^uard against her. It was de Sillery who, when he met the Queen after the death of Henry, in reply to her remark that "the King is dead," answered, "Your Majesty will excuse me, the kings of France do not die," and coolly asked her to dry her tears and perform her duties. How different to the deep feeling shewn by Sully. Being named to the Council of the Queen he was enabled to introduce his brother Noel into the conclave ; and when appointed chancellor in the place of Bellievre his influence obtained for his brother the post of Ambassador at Rome. All that had previously been heard of the Chevalier de Sillery was, that his name 164 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1637 in France to obtain for him honourable mention. The institu- tion which owes its origin to his bounty was placed four miles to the west of the fort on the river bank at Quebec, a spot to this day retaining the founder's name : Sillery. But there is no present trace of the institution. His first theory was to establish a convent for the education of young girls ; but, acting on the advice of P^Ve le Jeune, he formed what in modern language would be called a Home for christianized families of Montagnais and Algonquin Indians. In 1637 he sent out money and twenty laborers to clear the land and commence the necessary buildings. The ground was selected by Pere le Jeune. The governor, who had known de Sillery as a Knight of Malta, was appealed to, to give his aid and countenance to the undertaking. The buildings included a chapel, a residence for the missionaries, a fort, and houses for the families to live in ; and in a short period several Christian Indians were received there. When Richelieu established the Society of a Hundred, de Sillery became a member ; thus his attention was directed to Canada. The world, however, offered little attraction to him. He lived as a recluse, and the money which his political associations had enabled him to gather procured him no happiness. He placed himself in relationship with P^re le Jeune, and stated his desire to devote his fortune to the purposes in Canada which the church would approve. Men- had been included among those interested in the intrigues of Henry IV.* He became a member of the secret council in l6io, as the adherent of his brotlier, and was one of those who joined in the pillage of the Royal Treasury, where every- thing was held to be a lawful prize. Necessarily he became an active partizan of the Concini in all they undertook, and was working with them to throw Franpe in the arms of Spain ; but the coup d'etat of 24th April, 1 607, by which the Duke de Luynes came into power, destroyed his hope of further success in public life. * " J'ai mieux aime qu'on ignorat tout ce que j'ai eu peine a essuyer par cet endroit (les foiblesses de Henri) que de le faire connoitre aux depens de la gloire de mon maitre. Pent etre ai-je pousse ce scrupule trop loin car le public a ete si rebattu des noms de du Commandeui" de Sillery tous differement interess& dans ces aventures comme principaux acteurs ou comme participans, que je pourrois en dire beaucoup, sans rien apprendre de nouveau." Sully, Livre vingt cinqui^me. Vol. VII. pp. 23-24. 1638] MADAME DE LA PELTRIE. 1 65 tion of de Sillery in Canadian history has been that of a saint, but this one act cannot constitute his epitaph. He died in 1641. A solemn mass was chanted for the peace of his soul in the chapel which his bounty had been the means of erecting. In 1638, we have mention of an earthquake which affected the colony. It is recorded with few particulars. The shocks were more frequent in New England, and it may be inferred that Canada was to the outer limit of the shock. Thevet relates that Cartier was informed by the Indians of the tra- dition of such events. The latter does not himself speak of them. Although Quebec, at this period, contained scarcely two hundred souls, and the country was in need of great material assistance, primarily, that soldiers should be sent to defend it, the aid offered in France was turned entirely towards the foundation of monastic institutions, even in excess of the requirements of a city of some thousands of inhabitants. The Jesuits, whose published letters in Paris were calling forth support and assistance, and who were appealed to to direct this beneficence, could see the one means of safety in the establishment of nunneries and monasteries, the use of which, at that date, cannot now be made apparent. The Duchess d'Aiguillon* had founded the Hotel Dieu in 1639, and three nuns had arrived from the Convent of St. Augustine, at Dieppe. The Marquis de Gamache had established the Jesuit College. De Sillery, the Home for the Indians. Now another foundress was to appear. Madame de la Peltrie is one of the best recollected names in Canadian ecclesiastical history among those known by their benefactions. Much romance has been thrown over a somewhat commonplace character. Her portrait remains. A more coquettish, heartless form of beauty, is seldom to be found, either under the adornment of fashion or the hood and veil of the devotee. She was born in 1605 : at this date she * In le Jeune's Relation of 1636 she is mentioned as Madame de Combalet. She did not obtain the higher rauk until two years later. l66 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1638 was 35 years of age. The family was of the Norman noblesse. There were but two children, herself and her sister, she being- the younger, Marie Madeleine de Chauvigny. It is said that at an early age she expressed her desire to enter the cloister ; but, as frequently happens in Roman Catholic families, the feehng had been overruled and she had been married at seventeen, so far as can be judged, a mariage de convenance. At twenty-two she was a widow, without children. The account we possess of her, is that published in the history of the Ursuline Convent she founded, joined to the mention of her name in the Relations. Like many of her contemporaries, she had been impressed with the writings of Pere le Jeune, which inculcated the duty of making provision for con- verting the Indian children. She had felt that she was one peculiarly fitted to proceed to the colony and to take a prominent place in the work. Her father desired that she should again marry and cheer his last years. Her theory of duty was to deceive and abandon him. At Caen lived a M. de Bernieres Louvigny. He is men- tioned generally by the first name only. He was the Treasurer of Caen, and was a year older than Madame de la Peltrie; with little culture, strong religious feelings, marked by the mysticism of that time. He had established at Rouen a species of religious community, ' the Hermitage,' composed of ecclesiastics and laymen, in order to live a more strict life. In this community at one period of his career, Bishop de Laval was an inmate, but at this date he was scarcely fifteen years of age. The narrative as it is given is not without difficulty. So far as can be made out, Madame de la Peltrie- had determined to devote the fortune she was to inherit, and her services, to the cause in Canada. On one hand her father desired that she should marry, or renounce her right to the succession ; she, on her side, was determined to do neither, but to found a convent at Quebec. M. de Bernieres had been spoken of as a fit husband for her, and in her perplexity she applied to him. The part she desired him to play was to appear to be 1638] M. DE BERNIERES. l6j an applicant for her hand, with the understanding that they were never to marry. This programme was carried out, and the father was delighted with the daughter's obedience. The offer was made and accepted. M. de Chauvigny became im- patient. It was then agreed that they should act in the eyes of the world as if they were married, but that no ceremony should take place. As M. de Chauvigny died during these proceedings the deception could be maintained. Madame de la Peltrie making herself remarkable by a lavish expenditure to her Church, and to ecclesiastics, her family intervened. Legal proceedings were instituted by her sister and brother-in-law, with the view that she should be interdicted. In Caen the case was decided against her ; an appeal to the Parliament at Rouen resulted in her favour. She could now act as she saw fit. M. de Bernieres accompanied her everywhere, passing as her husband. It was known that in the fashion of that day both had made vows of chastity ; so with the more worldly the assumed marriage gave scope to some ill-natured wit. Further to conceal her purpose she went again into society : her relatives still mistrusted her. Accordingly, she left Alengon secretly, and lived in retirement in Paris. She had now definitely determined to carry out her purpose of found- ing a convent in Canada, and with this object in view, in the company of M. de Bernieres, she visited the Convent at Tours. The fame of her intention had preceded her. She was received at the entrance by the Superior and the nuns, formed into two lines. Madame de la Peltrie passed majestic- ally through them to the altar, amid the tolling of bells, while the Vent Creator was chanted. A Te Dettm, given with the solemnity of a full choir followed, and she was received with all the impressiveness which a religious ceremony can create. The object of her visit was known ; to select nuns to accom- pany her to Canada. Doubtless they had been already chosen. The future Superior was found in Marie Guyart, known to us as Mere de ITncarnation. She was accompanied 1 68 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1638 by a young girl of a distinguished Angevin family ; Made- moiselle de Savonniere de la Troche. She had been known at Tours as Marie de Saint Bernard. She now took the name of Marie de Saint Joseph. Madame de la Peltrie would not have been satisfied if matters had gone on with regularity. She called herself in Paris Madame de la Croix, and in the street she changed places with her female servant, making the latter appear the mistress. Still all was not as she wished. A young girl who had lived with her from childhood had agi'eed to accompany her ; when the hour came this young person withdrew from her engagement, and in spite of all entreaty returned to Alencon. Moreover the Archbishop of Paris declined to allow any of the Ursulines of that city to accompany her. The Queen showed more sympathy. Madame de la Peltrie with the two nuns were received with all graciousness by Anne of Austria, then in her mature beauty. The end of the story is told by M^re de I'lncarnation " Our ordinary and constant conversation was of our Canada, of our preparations for the voyage, and what we would do among the Indians of the country. He [M. de Berni^res] regarded Mere de Saint Joseph, who was but twenty-two, as a victim to be pitied. But he was charmed with her courage and her zeal. For me he had no compassion. He was wishing I might be strangled for Jesus Christ's sake, and he desired as much for Madame de la Peltrie. Arrived at Dieppe M. de Bernieres would have embarked with us for the voyage, if Madame de la Peltrie had not constituted him her attorney to regulate her affairs in France, for her relatives certainly believed that they were married ; without this belief they would have stopped us, or at least delayed us for that year. This true servant of God was not able to leave us. AccompaniecTby Father C. Lalemant he conducted us on board ship, and the two rendered us a thousand services. At length we had to part and to take leave of our guardian angel for ever ; but although far from us, his goodness, with paternal affection, led him to assume charge of our affairs. In all our 1638] MERE DE L'INCARNATION. 169 conversations, from our first interview to our separation, we found in him a man actuated by the Spirit of God, and an •enemy of the world. He was never untrue to that modesty which was in accord with liis grace, although he was ex- tremely agreeable in his conversation." Madame de la Peltrie owes her claim to distinction in the greater part to her wealth, and the beneficence with which she devoted it to purposes of religious education. She leaves a reputation not to be held up as an example to daughters, creating a sentiment by no means favourable to any con- ception of the elevation and dignity of her character. The Superior she chose for the Convent in her visit of the 22nd February at Tours, stands forward remarkable for her strength of nature, her single-mindedness of purpose, her executive ability, and the skill with which she met adverse circumstances : moreover, by the personal influence which she attained throughout her life. Marie Guyart was the daughter of Florent Guyart, a silk manufacturer of Tours. She was born i8th October, 1599. She was married at seventeen, her husband, M. Martin, being also a silk manufacturer. Before she was nineteen she was left a widow with one child. She is spoken of throughout her life as being in continual poverty ; so her husband could not have been in good circumstances, and she must have been left without any provision. Her son was even a dependent for some years on the bounty of his aunt. She returned to her father's house, and, after a year's inter- val, accepted the offer of her sister to live with her and her husband, and help in carrying on the business, represented to have been considerable. She is named as having practised every species of austerity, at the same time making herself remarkable by the able manner in which she carried out the duties entrusted to her. She is expressly named as showing great ability and aptitude for business. That she should have lived in the kitchen, and have performed all sorts of menial work, as is represented, could not have been a matter of necessity. It can only be affiliated to a mystical and ex- lyo THE HISTORY OF CANADA [163S travagant theory of religious submission to unnecessary dis- comfort and self-imposed privation. She was constantly enlightened by dreams. She was affected by visions, and she had particular revelations to unfold the most solemn mysteries of religion. She carried her self-humiliation to the fullest extent. When in her father's house she established an oratory, where uncontrolled she could give way to her excited religious feelings. When with her sister she must have caused no little embarrassment, even with the full recognition of her ability and the assistance which she gave in the business. On several occasions she related a dream which she had in 1633,* in which an unknown lady led her to a distant country. The Virgin and the Infant Jesus welcomed her. Subsequently, kneeling before the altar of the sacrament, a voice informed her that it was in Canada her mission was cast ; and at this time Marie Guyart had not heard one word of Canada except when it was mentioned as a word of threat to unruly children. To her force of character, the M^re de ITncarnation united a Junonian look and carriage, which in her young days made men turn in the streets to look at her. Her walk was measured and stately. The lover of feminine delicacy of feature might have traced in her marked expression of countenance, something of sternness more than befits our general theory of the beauty of women. But her manners were polished and gentle, and she exercised universally an irresistible fascination. During her whole life in Canada she carried on an extensive correspondence. She wrote to queens, princes and princesses, priests and bishops ; to men of note and men of less note, with a degree of taste and tact and delicacy to charm every correspondent. " This," she wrote, " is but the second letter since the arrival of the ships. They start in fifteen days, and I have two hundred letters to write." In another place she says " my hand is so tired that I can hardly hold the pen. I must answer six score letters, * This dreara in full detail was gravely written out on three occasions. It ii given in the account of her death in the Relation of 1672, p.p. 62, 63. 1639] THE URSULINE CONVENT. I/I besides the business papers for the community to be sent to France. But so we must pass on through this life while waiting on that of eternity, which does not pass away." Her letters prove her to have been gifted with a ready,, delicate wit, and apart from her mysticism she possessed a well-balanced, penetrating intellect at once to seize the true situation. In modern days she would have achieved wonder- ful success in literature, and would have possibly produced many remarkable efforts of her power not to pass away. Her style is distinguished by grace and simplicity. As we read her letters we cannot but feel in how marked a manner the two opposite sides of her character present themselves. If you can banish the extravagant religious exuberance of thought with which sober minded Catholics and Protestants equally can have little sympathy, she appears one of the most perfect specimens of womanhood whose lives have been recorded. To those who take an exalted idea of religious duty, what is here said may fall cold and dull. But no other view can be formed by the dispassionate historian of her life. The M^re de I'lncarnation always spoke of her marriage as her cross. I cannot see why. Perhaps because she thought its memory interfered with her religious ecstasies. Martin, her husband, in no way appears in an unfavourable light. Certainly, by modern theories, the abandonment of a son of twelve, in order to enter a convent, cannot be held as an example commend- able to young mothers. In the Convent at Tours her mental power was at once felt ; and when the negotiation conducted by the Jesuits took place, for the selection of some nuns to proceed to Canada, came to assume form, it was she, natur- ally, who would be selected. The Canadian dream was known, and the identification of Madame de la Peltrie as the beautiful lady who had figured in it, under the circumstances with which she was welcomed, could only be looked for. The foundation of the Ursuline Convent is dated from the 1st August, 1639, the day of the arrival of the religieiises. Mhre de I'lncarnation was connected with it for thirty-two 1/2 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1639 years : of this period, she was eighteen years Superior, two years Assistant Superior, twelve d^positaire* and at the same time mistress of novices. She died 30th April, 1672, aged 27 years and six months, five months after Madame de la Peltrie. The embarkation took place from Dieppe, when a third Ursuline nun was obtained, the M^re Cecile. Father Bar- thelmy Vimont accompanied them.f Leaving the 4th May, they arrived at Quebec ist August. They were received with all ceremony, and conducted to the church. Sillery was visited. It was the one foundation where there was some activity The establishment for the Ursulines had not been commenced ; the building under construction for Madame d'Aiguillon was . little more than traced out. The Ursulines temporarily estab- lished themselves in a small tenement near the quay ; a building belonging to the Company near the fort had been assigned to the Hospital nuns. The Ursulines commenced their labours in this small building. Some of the young French children attended, with six young Huron girls. The Hospital nuns were called upon to perform the severe duty of ministering to sufferers from an attack of small-pox. It is described as not affecting those who had left France^ but dangerous to persons born in the colony, and to the Indian. Shortly afterwards, at the suggestion of Madame d'Aiguil- lon, they removed to Sillery, their patroness, at the same time, furnishing the money to admit of the change. Until their building was in a condition to receive them, they were accommodated by M. de Puiseaux with a residence half way from Quebec. Early in 1641 they took possession of their own house to suffer from cold and its accompanying misery, owing to its incomplete condition. It was in 1640 that the small colony was visited by the misfortune of the destruction of its church. On the 14th June a fire broke out in the Jesuit quarters which adjoined it. * Treasurer. + He is known as the author of the Jesuit Relations, 1640-1645. 1640] BIRTH OF LOUIS XIV. 1 73 The buildings witli their contents were destroyed. Included in the loss were the early Colonial Registers. The Jesuits suffered seriously, losing the clothing and supplies, with articles of trade arranged to be sent up to the twenty-seven of their body in the Huron missions. In this year came the announcement of the birth of Louis XIV., which the governor celebrated with a procession, fire- works and a banquet. The first of the many ceremonial observances of this character which for two centuries and a half have never failed to obtain in Canada, loyal and hearty recognition whenever the appeal has been made. 174 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [164I CHAPTER III. While the thoughts of those pre-eminent in power were mainly devoted to the foundation of religious establishments in a country where residence was looked upon as temporary and subsidiary to other views, and of which the central point, Quebec, scarcely contained a few score of souls, the Iroquois roamed unchecked in all their ferocity throughout the valley of the Saint Lawrence. The dread of French courage and enterprize was passing away. The white man had lost his old prestige. The struggling settlement of Three Rivers was confined to the protection of its fort. The place increased, but in a limited degree, in wealth and numbers. It v/as a positive danger to till the ground a few arpents from the fort or to travel a league with a fowling-piece to kill game for the table. One would scarcely have looked for the presence of the Indians in February ; but in that month of 1641, two of the inhabitants, Frangois Marguerie* and Thomas Godefroy fell into an Iroquois ambush. The former appears as one of the most chivalrous characters of these early days : in a critical period recommending a course of action in order to save the community, at the risk of being subjected to a slow death amid continuous torture. He was an interpreter, having gained a knowledge of the Huron language, and is mentioned by de Breboeuf, when but twenty-two, as possessed of strength and endurance remarkable even in the savage community in which he lived. The two men, surrounded by numbers, had no course open to them but to surrender and had been carried away prisoners. In June, the river in front of Three Rivers was alive with * Marguerie, in company with another interpreter, Amiot, was drowned in front of Three Rivers, June, 1648. They were caught in a violent tempest and their canoe, which was somewhat old, separated in the middle. 1641] MARGUERIE. 175 Iroquois canoes, and one of the number bearing a white flag, approached the fort. There was but one man in the canoe, Marguerie. He informed the Governor, M. de Champfleur, that the Indian expedition contained three hundred and fifty Iroquois ; that they desired peace with the French, but at the same time, to carry on war with the Algonquins and Mon- tagnais ; moreover, they asked that thirty-six guns should he delivered to them. Marguerie was en parole, bound to return^ and the life of Godefroy depended on his presence, if war were persevered in. He himself ran the chance of having his fingers cut off one by one with oyster shells, to be scalded, to receive red hot ashes on the scalped skull, and to be burned by a slow fire. He cast aside all personal considerations and recommended a refusal of the demand. Time had to be gained. The Indians were accordingly in- formed that it was the governor alone who could grant any such conditions, and a canoe was sent to Quebec to report the situation. The Indians consented to wait until the return of the messenger, and raised a barricade of trees and fortified themselves as was their wont. In the interval communication was held with the Indians through Father Ragueneau and the interpreter Nicolet, both speaking Huron, which the Iroquois understood ; the latter knowing perfectly the lang- uage. So the conditions of peace could be discussed. M. de Montmagny left Quebec in all possible haste, being accompanied by the Jesuit Father Vimont. Ascending in four boats of some size, he brought with him what troops were at his disposal. Even as he was arriving the Indians before his face seized an Algonquin canoe, killed a woman and carried off a man as prisoner. The captivity of the two white men exercised restraint upon the governor. Negotiations were entered into, and finally the Indians agreed to give over the prisoners, presents being accepted. The Indians adhered to their purpose to obtain firearms. It was understood that M. de Montmagny was to visit the Iroquois. Had it been possible they would have seized him and held him as an hostage until the request would have been granted. The 176 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1641 French, however, declined to enter into any negotiations which would not include their Indian allies, so no visit was made. An armed sloop reached Three Rivers at this juncture. The Indians saw that they had nothing to hope for, as their force was outnumbered ; so waving some Algonquin scalps in token of defiance, they prepared to return. The barricade was at once attacked by the cannon of the sloop. As the night came on, leaving their fires burning, with men firing from time to time on the vessel, the Indians retreated, with little loss, to a second fort constructed by them at a short dis- tance, supposed to have been at the small River Godefroy. It was in this year Montreal was first settled. It has been stated that Champlain had seen and appreciated the extra- ordinary geographical advantages which Montreal possesses, and that he had commenced a clearance on what is now known as Custom House Square, but which in former days bore the name of Point a Callieres. Champlain mentions in his voyage of 161 3, that he returned to France with M. de Maisonneuve, of Saint Malo. This remark has led to the opinion that it was not the same person as the leader of the expedition in 1 641, for Paul Chomedy, Sieur de Maisonneuve, is spoken of as of Champagne. It is evident to my mii^d that Champlain dated the de Maisonneuve whom he met from, the place whence he sailed. It is the custom in modern times to speak of individuals as of the place where they are living, not where they were born. The vessel in which de Maison- neuve sailed was from Saint Malo, and there Champlain landed on his return. Of the individual he knew no more than that he was an agreeable, travelled man, and so selected his offer for a passage homewards, from the many he must have received. M. de Maisonneuve* finally left Montreal in 1665. Ad- * II mourut k Paris dans son domicile ordinaire, situe sur la paroisse de Saint Etienne du-Mont, entre les portes Saint Marcel et Saint Victor le 9 du mois sep- tembre, 1676. [Faillon III., Ii6.] From an extract from the etat civil de Paris, paroisse St. Etienne-du-Mont. 1641] DE MAISONNEUVE. 177 mitting that he was twenty when Champlain met him in 1613, he would have been at this date seventy-two. De Frontenac was seventy when he joined in the war dance in Montreal with the Indians he was organizing in the defence of the country. We are told that de Maisonneuve, when thirteen years old, served in Holland. This must have been previous to 1609, for on the 9th of April of that year a twelve years' truce was made between Spain and the United Provinces. There was no war at that date between what we now call Holland and France. Towards the close of the sixteenth century the great antagonist of the rest of Europe was Spain, which aspired to universal dominion. It was only in 1 588 that the " Invincible Armada" had been defeated in the English Channel, and it was an event which must have led the whole heart of liberal France to vibrate with sympathy. In the early life of de Maison- ■neuve there was a strong party in France opposed to relation- ship with Spain, and the struggles of the United Provinces commanded great respect with the anti-Spanish party : more- over, the Low Countries formed a school where war could be learned. De Frontenac served in Holland. As there was no war between France and that country de Maisonneuve must have fought on the side seeking to free the country from Spanish influence. The truce must have left hint idle, and the inference is, that he made this voyage to Canada, and when there, personally to learn from Champlain the advantages derivable from the site which Champlain himself had selected, and on which he only wanted means . to construct a fort. Moreover, it was a settlement which the Jesuits in Canada contemplated as desirable. As early as 1636 Pere le Jeune mentions the Grand Sault St. Louis as one of the sites for the cities of the future. It was at this date, 1640, the name Mont- real was first applied to the locality. The leading person in the new scheme * was M. de la * The early years of Montreal are recorded by Dollier de Casson. This MS. was first discovered by Mr. Louis Joseph Papineau. During the session of 1845, when Lord Metcalfe was Governor, a sum was included in the estimates to N 1/8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1641 Dauversiere, the Receiver of taxes at la Fleche in the valley of the Loire. He managed to interest M. de Fescamp, a man of some means, in the enterprize, and the two proceeded to Parish where they saw M. Olier, then engaged in the estab- lishment of the Seminary of Saint Sulpice. The settlement was to be dedicated to the Virgin, and was to be con- ducted under the auspices of a Company entirely devoted to Roman Catholic interests. The island of Montreal had been conceded to M. de Lauzon, afterwards one of the early Gover- nors, at that time, one of the chief personages in the Society of One Hundred. The first attempt to obtain the grant did not meet with immediate success ; it was not until Father Charles Lalemant intervened that its transfer was obtained. The arrangements were made in the ancient city of Vienna, on the Rhone. M. de Lauson gave over his rights to the Company of Montreal, which included many distinguished names ; the first which appears is that of Jean Jacques 01ier,« prete cur6 de St. Sulpice. Father Charles Lalemant had proceeded to Canada in 1625, and had been brought into contact with Champlain, whose opinions he must have known ; his father had been one admit of this document being copied in Paris, and Mr. Papineau was requested to undertalce the supervision of the work. Leave was obtained through Mr. Margry, for this copy to be made and in the first instance it was published by the Historical Society of Quebec. Subsequently, with many valuable notes and annotations, it was published in Montreal under the able editorship of M. I'Abbe Verreault. It is unsigned, but the identity is established by the writer speaking of himself as having made an ascent of the Saint Lawrence with M. de GaUin&, "II n'y a rien de considerable k mettre dans cette histoire pour le regard de cette annee [1669-70] sinon le voyage que M. de Gallinee et moi nous avons fait, vous le pouvez ici faire inserer si bon vous semble je I'ai ecrit tout du long de men style, &c." p. 198. Fran9ois Dollier de Casson, a Sulpician Priest of Paris, was the third Superior of the order in Montreal. It is stated that in his youth he had served in the cavalry under Turenne. His personal appearance was striking, and he was remarkable for his strength and powers of endurance. He was one of those many ecclesiastics, who in the hour of trial, that ' reproof of chance ' shew that their courage and strength is not purely of a passive character. He appears but in a subordinate position and at brief intervals in the history of those days. It is always as a gallant and honourable gentleman in whom the soldier is never entirely dead. His history of Montreal extends to 1672. 1641] MONTREAL. 179 of the heads of the police in Paris and he had seen something of good society. He was now the Superior of the Jesuits at . Paris. Some wonder has been expressed at the amount of knowledge shewn by those who took up the scheme, as if it were by revelation. The surprise is rather that they so ill- weighed the facts they possessed, and with insufficient means to meet the emergency, that they commenced the establish- ment of a project so fraught with danger to those engaged in it. M. de Maisonneuve, the executive head, was a man of good birth, and of high personal qualifications ; in all respects fitted for the duty which he had accepted. If he had had any hereditary leanings to heresy, or his campaigning had at all encouraged liberality of thought and creed, he saw the ne- cessity of bowing to the tone of opinion in which he lived, and there is no evidence that he retained any liberal tend- encies. The Jesuits were now dominant. Even the intellect of Bossuet had to succumb to their influence, which was to culminate in the persecution of the Protestants, the Revo- cation of the Edict of Nantes and the expatriation from France of the most peaceable, loyal, and most industrious citizens the world has ever known. That the order has included many noble examples of devotion to their religious duties and to the labours accepted by them, has little bearing on the policy constantly politically adopted by them, to be all powerful, even to the necessity of setting aside what many of their own order had advocated. The practical views of Canadian life traceable in the early Relations, particularly those of P^re le Jeune, are marked by sense, correct observation and a true view of the requirements and capabilities of Canada. The Jesuit policy is an all powerful lesson to humanity. In Canada it ended in the ruin of the people whose civilization they undertook to develop, and in their own failure to gain the political power and influence they deemed essential to their status. It is the ■constancy of purpose and devotion of the early Jesuits which l80 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1641 have thrown such lustre on their order, and have led writers. , to set out of view their political self-assertion at this period, as it should be regarded from the standing point of the sober consideration of civil liberty. Men who cheerfully went forth into the wilderness to undergo discomfort and privation ; to be subjected to associations particularly repellent to men of gentle and refined minds; finally, to be tortured, to be burned,, unflinchingly to meet the death which they must have ever felt would almost inevitably be their fate. Such as these, throw into the background of forgetfulness the darker side of the history of which they furnish the bright page. M. I'Abb^ Belmont tells us that de la Dauversi^re met de Maisonneuve at an inn, and that the conversation turned upon the proposed expedition. By these means de Maisonneuve learnt that it was to take place. Knowing Charles Lalemant, he applied to be brought in relationship with the leading personages ; the result was his selection as chief of the expedi- tion. The fame of the undertaking attracted much attention. Among those who listened to the narratives of Canada, with all the romance of young years, and with the exalted sentiment of religious duty which was dwelt upon from so- many pulpits, was Madlle. Jeanne Mance, the daughter of the Attorney-general of a district in Champagne. The renown obtained by Madame de la Peltrie had excited many a youth- ful imagination. The prestige and honours conferred on her,, had equally their share in appealing to the more personal sentiments of ambition and vanity which so many of us con- ceal even from ourselves. Carried away by these feelings, the young girl felt that it was her vocation to join this expedition, to devote her strength, her life, to the advancement of its cause. She came to Paris and so expressed herself to P^re Lalemant. By his influence her wishes received attention- She was presented to the Queen Mother ; no form of en- couragement was neglected, and every inducement was held for her to persevere in her purpose. Among those who became interested in the expedition, was. Madame de Bullion, the widow of a Superintendent of Finance 1641J EXPEDITION OF DE MAISONNEUVE. 181 possessing a large fortune. At her special request Madlle. Mance called upon her. She wag impressed with the young girl, by her manners, which were those of a lady, her dis- tinguished bearing, her enthusiasm, and likewise by the good sense which marked her character. Finally Madame de Bullion stated that she would assist Madlle. Mance to leave France, and, what is more important, promised to give money for the establishment of an hospital ; and it was by these means Madame de Bullion became the founder of the Hotel Dieu in Montreal.* The expedition under de Maisonneuve sailed from La Rochelle in 1641 : it consisted of two vessels, on one of which he was accompanied by a secular priest for the Ursuline Con- vent and twenty-five men. Madlle. Mance was on the second vessel, which also carried a woman, with twelve men and Pere de la Place. A third vessel was sent by the Company from Dieppe ; she contained ten men, ^ and was the first to reach Canada. Thus the settlement of Montreal commenced with fifty-seven men. The three ships arrived safely at Quebec in August, after a stormy passage. De Maisonneuve lost during the passage three men and the surgeon. The latter was fortunately replaced by the surgeon of the King's ship ' L'Esperance,' which was at Tadousac when de Maisonneuve arrived, who gallantly volunteered to join the expedition.^ At Quebec de Maisonneuve was met by Madlle. Mance, who had landed some days previously, for the vessels had been separated by the stormy weather. She had not the best news to give, for her presence had obtained but an indifferent welcome. * The total amount Madame de Bullion gave to Ville Marie was 60,000 ecus ; possibly worth in modern money nearly a quarter of a million of dollars. Much of this sum was left in the hands of M. de la Dauversiere, and at his death seized by the King to make good what was due the State : M. de la Dauversiere having been a Receiver of public monies, was a defaulter. This money had been in no way set apart, but was mixed up with that of his estate. + " Ce chirurgien sachant la chose se presenta gaiement et fit dessendre son <;offre dans la chaloupe preparee pour M. de Maison-heufve, avec lequel tout soudain il alia a Kebecq, oil ils arriverent le vingtieme d'aoilt." DoUier de Cas- son, p. 31, Montreal Edition. l82 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [164I M. de Montmagny, who had now been five years in the country, saw all the dangers»of the scheme. With our know- ledge of the weakness of the force in Canada, the Iroquois having possession of the river, with Three Rivers scarcely able to defend its own position, the establishment of a settlement at Montreal, 180 miles in advance of all aid, in winter entirely excluded from it, with only sixty souls for its protection, must have appeared an enterprize in which little forethought and prudence had been shewn. De Montmagny must have fully felt its desperate character ; and he must have regarded it in every way as premature and ill-considered. Accordingly, he endeavoured to dissuade de Maisonneuve from proceeding so great a distance from Quebec. Some writers have ascribed this course to jealousy and to a feeling of dislike that any rival settlement should be commenced. No judgment can be more unjust. With scarcely two hundred and fifty souls of his race in the whole countj^y, de Montmagny must have seen that it would be better to attach the new forces to what strength the French possessed. He, therefore, recommended that de Maisonneuve should establish himself in the neigh- bourhood of Quebec, and pointed out the Island of Orleans as a fit spot for his enterprize. De Maisonneuve replied that he had not been sent to deliberate but to take possession of the post, and that if every tree on the island was an Iroquois, he must go to Montreal* There was no answer to be made, so de Montmagny ac- companied de Maisonneuve to Montreal, and on 14th October, 1 64 1, the ceremony of taking possession of the site was per- formed. The party, however, returned to Quebec, where they * The answer may partake of the spirit of chivalry ; but it is not by impulsive proceedings of this character without regard to expediency, that states are founded. We may recall the remark of General Bosquet after the cavalry charge of the Light Brigade on the 25th October. ' C'est magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la gueiTe.' And so the result proved. For nearly a quarter of a century the inhabitants could not leave the pickets of the fort of Montreal, without risk of an attack under unfavourable conditions. There was a continual sacrifice of gallant men. No progress was made in the settlement itself ; and but for the change in 1663, which placed Canada under Royal authority, it is not improbable that Montreal would have been abandoned. 1642] FOUNDATION OF MONTREAL. 183 wintered ; and, in spring, they again started, permanently to establish themselves, taking from Quebec two important additions, M. de Puiseaux and Madame de la Peltrie. De Puiseaux was a man of some wealth established at Sillery. He had made a fortune in the West Indies, and had joined Champl&in some years previously. De Maisonneuve had occupied his house during the winter. De Puiseaux gave some money and assistance to the expedition ; but he subse- quently reclaimed them, and they were given back. Madame de la Peltrie considered that there was another opportunity for distinction, and she turned away from her foundation in Quebec, then struggling in its infancy and requiring her whole attention, to join the expedition to Montreal, possibly in the hope of acting in the new community an equally prominent part, as that which in Quebec had made her name celebrated. De Montmagny accompanied the expedition, which safely reached its destination. Tents were pitched, camp fires lighted, for the weather was still cold, an altar was extemporized and mass performed by Father Vimont. The enclosure was imme- diately commenced, and, in a few days, in its first design, completed. Subsequently, Madame de Bullion's endowment took the form of a stone building outside the pickets, which, as the Hotel Dieu, retained its identity to within the last twenty years. This Hospital has since given way to the commercial requirements of the city, and the Institution has been transferred to the northwestern part of Montreal. ~ At the time, it was constructed of sufficient strength to resist Indian attack. In a quarter of a century the fort known as St. Mary, was established at the foot of the current, and there was a fortified outpost at Point St. Charles, near the spot where the Victoria Bridge spans the St. Lawrence. No opposition was given to the first operation of completing the picket enclosure, which was mounted with cannon. For several months the new settlement escaped attention, and it was only in 1643 it became known to the Iroquois. An Algonquin, pursued by them, took refuge within its precincts, 1 84 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1643 and the pursuers became acquainted with the new foundation. The Indians were not long before they acted upon their I The existence of Lake Superior had been known for some years previous to this date ; but the mission was only estab- lished in 1640. The passage from the Huron country to Lake Superior, is so easily accomplished that it is scarcely possible that it was not made at an early date. From the mouth of Matchedash Bay to the Sault is but a trifle over three hundred miles ; and, after coasting the east of Georgian Bay to Mani- toulin Island, the route, in ordinary weather, is through entirely quiet water, without one troublesome rapid. One name is mentioned in connection with the Jesuit mis- sions, around whose discoveries no little fable has been cast. It is that of Jean Nicollet. It has been claimed that to him must be attached the honour of having first reached the waters of the Mississippi. That from Lake Michigan, by Green Bay and Lake Winnipago, he ascended the Neenah, or Fox 1635-42] JEAN NICOLLET. 21 3 River, and, making the portage to the Wisconsin, descended to the Mississippi. There is no evidence to sustain the asser- tion. Indeed, what is known, to my mind, plainly shews that Nicollet was never beyond Lake Michigan. Jean Nicollet was born at Cherbourg and came to Canada in 1618. He was sent to the AUumette Island to learn the Algonquin language, and was for many years living with the Indians. During the English occupation his name appears among those who remained in the country. In 1635 he is mentioned as an interpreter at Quebec. Subsequently, in 1637, he mar- ried Marguerite Couillard, the grand daughter of H6bert ; and in 1642 he replaced Olivier le Tardif as Clerk of the Company. A few months afterwards he was drowned near Quebec, opposite Sillery. With three others, he left for Three Rivers, at the request of de Montmagny, in order to prevent an Indian prisoner from being burnt. Despatch was indis- pensable, and, although a storm was raging, the start was made. A squall struck the canoe, by which it was upset and the three were drowned. In his early wanderings, Nicollet had joined a tribe of Nipissing Indians, and obtained such influence among them as to take part in their Councils. He remained with them some years, and it was on his leaving them that he was appointed interpreter. He joined a party of Hurons in an expedition to the West, to the Puants, on Lake Michigan. It was an embassy of peace. He is described as wearing a Chinese dress, embroidered with flowers and birds, and with his two pistols he caused astonishment by his control of thunder. It is in this expedition that it is said he reached the Mississippi. Father Vimont's words are plain on the point ; that if Nicollet had continued his journey three days forward, on a main river which goes from this lake, he would have found the sea. The statement of such a possibility is, geographically, so incorrect, that no reliance can be placed upon it. It further positively establishes that Nicollet did not correctly know 214 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [ 1 635-42 what he was attempting to describe. From the mouth of the Wisconsin to the embouchure of the Mississippi * there is a distance of fourteen degrees of latitude, and from Lake Michigan to the Mississippi, there is upwards of three hun- dred miles ; in these waters, twenty days paddle, not to speak of the portage on the height of land. Nicollet was doubtless the first known European who en- tered on the waters of Lake Michigan : but in no way he added to the knowledge of our geography. He was enterprizing, bold and determined ; his attainments were limited to the knowledge of some Indian dialects, and he could read and write. The route itself was one which, unless thoroughly explored would lead to the continuance of error. There is no marked natural indication of the existence of the peninsula of Michigan when passing through the straits of Mackinaw : on the contrary; there is nothing to remove the impression that another island has been coasted, similar to those repeatedly met in the northern waters of Lake Huron. The voyager immediately on entering into Michigan sees the eastern horizon defined only by the water line. At this date this lake was believed to extend to the shores of western Ontario in unbroken water. The map of 1670 of de Galin^e the Sul- pician shews Lakes Huron and Michigan as one body of water ; while on the same map the River Saint Lawrence to Lake Ontario, with the north shore of Lake Erie to Detroit, with the Ottawa, for that date, are fairly given. The Jesuits' map of 1 67 1 gives the peninsula of Michigan, shewing that the Fathers had explored these waters previous to that date. It must have been between 1627 and 163S when Nicollet first penetrated into Lake Michigan ; and it is not improbable that it was during the three years of English occupation. These waters were then quite unknown. It was not until 1673 that Joliet and Marquette reached the Mississippi by this very route. At that date there was a mission at the head * Le Sieur Nicolet qui a le plus auant penetre dedans ces pays si esloignes m a asseure que s'il eust vogue trois iours plus auant sur vn grand fleuue qui sort de ce lac qu'il auroit tvouue la men Rel., 1640, p. 36. 1635-42] THE KENNEBEC ROUTE. 21 S of Green Bay. It took them ten days to descend from the summit by the Wisconsin, and unless by the assistance of guides they could never have found their way from one river to the other. A proof to my mind that Nicollet could never have proceeded further than Lake Michigan. He was not wanting in intelligence, and, had he been able so to do, he could have given fuller and more correct information. No one can read the Jesuit Relations, without tracing the constant earnest endeavour, to discover every additional fact bearing upon the history of the country, and it is certain that no tradition of any kind was preserved of Nicollet's so-called discoveries, to aid those who followed him in his assumed route. There is one incident of travel at this date worthy of men- tion. On the 24th June, 1640, Quebec was much astonished by the news of the arrival of an Englishman, who had ascended the Kennebec to reach the Saint Lawrence by the Chaudi^re. His design was to find some means of reaching the North Sea. M. de Montmagny did not allow him to come to Quebec, but sent him under a guard to Tadousac, to reach England by a vessel returning to France. The traveller appealed to the French to aid him, as he held the difficulties of his return by the same route to be insurmountable. He stated that for two years he had been exploring the coast from Virginia to the Kennebec. The term Virginia, at that date, was not limited to the country round James River, but extended northwards, even to the territory included in the grant of Chief Justice Popham and Sir Fernando Gorges ; Plymouth and Boston. Wherever this unknown person's explorations commenced, he stated that he had been unable to find a river, by which he could ascend so as to reach Mexico. His theory was to pro- ceed up the Saguenay, in the hope of finding such a route. " The poor man," says P^re le Jeune, " would have lost fifty lives if he had had them, before he arrived at the North Sea by the route he imagined. He could have discovered nothing new, nor have found any opening to New Mexico." The fact shews at how early a date the route was travelled. It was even known to Champlain. 2l6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1651 CHAPTER VI. M. deLauson arrived at Quebec 14th October, 165 1. He had been an active member of the Company, and, as the firm supporter of the Jesuits, had been the chief representative of the influence which had excluded the Recollets from Canada. His conduct proves the extent to which he was desirous of identifying his fortunes with Canada, for at an early date he obtained large concessions of territory. It was he who held the Island of Montreal, which he subsequently ceded to the Montreal Society, at the request of P^re Charles Lalemant. He obtained for one of his sons the concession of the South Shore of the Saint Lawrence from the St. Francis to Lake St. Louis. The Seigneury of de Lauson yet retain- ing his name was one of his acquisitions. He endeavoured to place his family in prominent positions. His eldest son came to the country as Grand S^n6chal, when a change in the administration of justice created the office. The position was, to some extent, honorary, as justice was administered by his lieutenants, with appeal to the Governor ; but the name of the Sdn^chal, however, appeared in the writs, and the office was one of dignity and honour. His second son, known under the name of de Charny, obtained the title of " Grand Maitre des Eaux et For^ts." Losing his wife, he entered the Church, and was afterwards Grand Vicaire of Quebec. The Government of de Lauson, was signalized by more than the usual aggressiveness of the Iroquois. Their attacks were so persevering that there was no peace in the country and parties were always on the alert to destroy isolated individuals. Like all savage races, they became bolder as they found no well organized expedition directed against them : the one restraint to which they would submit was that of fear. They l6S2] FATHER BUTEUX. 217 had grown to the knowledge of the numerical weakness of the French, and, as they discovered this want of strength, they made the greater effort to attack them. As the Hurons had been destroyed, the whole Iroquois power could be con- centrated on the Saint Lawrence. The death of the Jesuit Father Buteux was an instance of the enterprise and determination with which they carried out their remorseless policy. He was proceeding to the Attika- megs or White Fish Indians, on the Saint Maurice, who were generally Christians. They had applied for a missionary. Owing to scarcity of provisions, the party had separated in search of food, and at this period, the father was attended only by a French youth and a Huron. They were assailed at a portage some distance north of Three Rivers ; both were killed while the Indian escaped to bring the news to Three Rivers.* Father Buteux was a native of Abbeville, in Picardy, and at his death he was fifty-one years old.f He came to Canada in 1634, having entered the order in his twentieth year. He was suffering from illness when called upon to proceed on this expedition, but he did not feel justified in declining the service. His previous missions had been with the Algonquins and Montagnais ; eighteen years devotion had been given to these missions. It was said of him that his life was a con- tinual fast. He allowed for rest the slightest duration of sleep, and though his health was delicate, he was constantly creating for himself some additional mortification. The distance travelled by him north of Three Rivers occu- pied five weeks : he left that place the 4th of April, and it was the loth May when he was murdered. It shewed the boldness of the Iroquois, if it were they who committed the outrage, who could penetrate in small bands so far north of * According to the Jesuits' Journal, loth May, 1652, ' Ce fut dans les Trois Riviires au troisieme portage.' If this be correct, the Grand-Mere, 29 miles above Three Rivers must have been the spot. There is a discrepancy between time and distance. It is not impossible that Buteux had been unable to proceed from illness. t Relations, 1632. 2l8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1652 the Saint Lawrence, and likewise a proof of the little fear they entertained of being opposed. The inference follows that the tribes near Three Rivers must have greatly degener- ated, otherwise no such insignificant parties of Iroquois would have risked their lives in these distant expeditions, cut off from help, which, with warlike, hostile tribes, would have exposed them to defeat and death. Among the Hurons saved from the massacres of the west, a few families had established themselves at Three Rivers. Sustained by the French, there was occasionally an exhibition of their former vigour and courage. As a whole, they accepted their condition. Many of the tribe had been carried away and adopted into the Iroquois, so that the Hurons of Three Rivers occasionally met Iroquois parties which contained these affiliations, and a threatened combat sometimes ended in a parley. The attempt was always being made to detach the Hurons from the French side, and the proceeding led the French not to give the most implicit confidence to the new comers. In the summer of 1652 a large party of Iroquois ap- peared and prepared to attack Three Rivers. Finding them- selves overmatched, they fell back on their duplicity, and pretended that they were envoys despatched on a mission of peace. On the invitation of the French, the Iroquois sent forward several canoes, when a parley ensued ; and on some of the number coming ashore three of them were seized. Among them Aontarisati, a chief of some renown, and equally known for his cruelty. The three were burned. The death of Aontaristi caused among the Iroquois the strongest desire for revenge. Bands of them appeared inces- santly in the neighbourhood, watching for every opportunity to murder and to ravage. All connection between Montreal and Three Rivers was cut off", and any individual leaving the protection of the fort, did so at the risk of his life. The Governor of Three Rivers, at this date, was M. du Plessis Bochart. He had played a part in the history of Canada for twenty years, and had originally been in the navy, He had 1652] DU PLESSIS BOCHART. 2ig' served with Emeric de Caen. In 1632 he had returned with him to take back Quebec from the English garrison. It was he who received Champlain at Quebec in 1633 and ceded to him the keys of the fort as the first Governor of Canada. It was he who, at Tliree Rivers, had played a leading part in obtaining a passage to the Huron country of Fathers de Bre- bdeuf and Daniel, gaily saluting them with his artillery when they left. He, bred in the traditions of Champlain, when an Indian attack was almost unknown, had lived to see the failure of the Jesuit mission, the return of what remained of the discomfited fathers, and he had powerlessly to look upon the Iroquois acting with an audacity, in his young years unknown. He had passed frequently between Canada and France in the service of the Company, and was now estab- lished at Three Rivers. No one could have more felt the insignificant advance made in the eighteen years which had elapsed since the construction of the fort. The population was but a trifle over a hundred souls, including all within its walls. It can be conceived how such a man chafed under the insults daily inflicted on the French in Canada. On the i8th August, 1652, this feeling must have culminated to the strongest emotion. Four of the inhabitants of Three Rivers, one of them a surgeon named Plassey, proceeding in a canoe to the Cap de la Madeleine, three leagues east of Three Rivers, were attacked at one of the mouths of the Saint Maurice by eight Iroquois canoes. Two of the French were killed and two carried away as prisoners. The Governor at once determined to chastise this arrogance. On the morning of the 19th, du Plessis left Three Rivers with a force of between forty and fifty French and twelve Indians. He had proceeded between one and two leagues above the fort, when he discovered the Iroquois con- cealed in the bush. The river bank was marshy, the ground soft mud: nevertheless, du Plessis prepared to take the offen- sive. He was reminded how dangerous it was to attack the Iroquois in ambush with every advantage on their side ; and it was pointed out, that if the French did succeed in the first 220 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1652 assault, that the Iroquois would scatter, and that it would be impossible to follow them. But du Plessis never hesitated a moment. He descended into the shallow water, and advanced at the head of his men. There were about one hundred and twenty Iroquois in ambush. By their fire eight Frenchmen fell dead, among them du Plessis, with two soldiers and five of the inhabitants of Three Rivers. A retreat followed, and seven wounded men were left to be carried off as prisoners to be tortured and burned. The event was disastrous, not simply in the loss of a gallant gentleman, a fit leader for any enterprise, and the destruction of so many defenders, in a community so small ; but the success of the Iroquois in the skirmish increased their confi- dence. They had never before succeeded against the French in a struggle of this character. The depressing influence it exercised on the handful of men left behind in Three Rivers, can be imagined. Fortunately the Mohawks could not resist the triumph which would greet them on their return. They may have feared that a desperate effort would be made to rescue the prisoners. In any case they hurried away to the Mohawk River, that they might exhibit their captives and sing their song of triumph by the fires of those they were burning. In this gloom and depression a slight gleam of success had attended the efforts of the Montreal garrison. In a sortie under Major Close, his small force was surrounded unex- pectedly by two hundred Iroquois. The French fought so gallantly and with such determination, that the Indian dead fell fast ; and in order to carry them off, as was their custom, the Iroquois retreated, depressed and vanquished. To follow up the advantage by pursuit was impossible. An edict had been passed by the Iroquois that no Huron should be spared. To shew how determined this purpose was, in mid-winter the Iroquois established a camp within three leagues of the fort, in hopes of effecting a surprise in the season of extreme frost. Their trail had been discovered, and the inhabitants were consequently warned. As they were l6S3] DESIGN ON THREE RIVERS. 221 known to be on the alert, and as the Mohawks were suffering- from hunger, they retreated, to return when the streams were navigable. It is recorded that in the spring there were many Indian skirmishes, the Hurons on occasions being victorious. The fact gives weight to the assertion that if they had been sustained with a moderate force from Quebec, and their warlike instincts kept alive, they would have been equal to the defence of their own country, and have saved it from destruction. In May, M. de Lauson came to Three Rivers. At the moment a salute was being fired from the fort in his honour, two out of five labourers holding the plough a few arpents from the wharf where he landed, were killed by the Mohawks. A few days afterwards an innocent little child, within a gun- shot of the fort, fell a victim to them, while the gunner firing the piece to give the alarm, was so injured by its explosion that he died. It would take too long, says the Jesuit narra- tor, to report all these attacks, pursuits and captures. The truth is, that the hundred and twenty inhabitants of the fort lived in perpetual dread and danger. The Iroquois did not even despair of surprising Three Rivers. They reached the Saint Lawrence in small parties. Some few of them ascended to Montreal, to employ the atten- tion of the troops there. Others hovered about Quebec to keep that garrison engaged. The plan of attack was to place the main body in the forest north of the fort, aj the same time to station some ten men in ambuscade in some maize fields in the neighbourhood, in order to seize such of the inhabitants, as in the morning came early to work. The plot was to carry these prisoners ostentatiously past the town; and at the same time several canoes, which had been placed there, should start from the opposite shore to cross the river, apparently to assist the canoes bearing away the prisoners. It was believed that this movement would bring the garrison to the water-side, and that many of them would embark in order to rescue the .222 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1653 prisoners by force, and that in the confusion which would arise, the main body would make a dash from the woods, and storm the fort on the land side, which it was anticipated would have been left undefended. It is not improbable that if the calculations on which the attack had been formed had been realized that "the fort would have been in serious peril ; if the attack had not resulted in the massacre of the entire population. The plot failed. The men did not go to the maize fields to work, and the Indians, wearied with waiting at the spot, left their ambush. Early in August some Iroquois parties hovering round Que- bec had seized Father Poncet, and, with another Frenchman, ■carried him away a prisoner. Pursuit was made, but without result, although traces of the missing men were found. Some of the party sent in pursuit, however, learning the danger to which the fort in Three Rivers had been exposed, proceeded thither to increase the strength of the garrison. Foiled in their attempts and hearing, through a Huron woman of Three Rivers whose father had been incorporated into the Iroquois, that Three Rivers had been reinforced, that the tribe had been defeated at Montreal, and that five prisoners had been taken, one of them a chief, the Indians proposed terms of peace. There was no want of experience of Mohawk cunning and perfidy and some new treachery was looked for. The inhabitants of Three Rivers accordingly demanded that, as a proof of their sincerity, the Iroquois should release Father Poncet ; but the tribe with whom the negotiations at Three Rivers were being conducted, declared themselves ignorant of !^is capture. Poncet, with his companion, had been taken to the Mohawk, where he had undergone the usual severe treatment, of which he afterwards published a narrative. After four days' tor- ture, he was given over to an old woman to replace her brother killed in the fight, and as he entered the wigwam, the song of death was chaunted over him ; he knew, accordingly, that he was replacing a dead man. Finding an Algonquin female captive whose language he could speak, he was in comparative 1653] FATHER PONCET. 223 ease. He was also treated kindly by those to whom he had been assigned and his wounds healed with rude Indian surgery. His companion was burnt. While the Mohawk chiefs were debating the point of return- ing him to Three Rivers, in accordance with the request which the Iroquois there had made, Poncet was sent to Albany. Charitable people gave him a shirt and some dinner, in which were some apples which he had not seen for fifteen years. The Iroquois chief whom Poncet accompanied, was the bearer of a letter from de Lauson to the Dutch Governor, whom Poncet also saw, and who received him " coldly." By Poncet's account the Governor acted with brutality. He neither offered the priest shelter nor food, and Poncet was without clothes. Finally the father found refuge in the house of a Frenchman, with whom he stayed three days. He makes mention of an honest Scotchwoman who treated him with kindness, and of the appeals made to his religious offices by the faithful, from some of whom he obtained clothes. He returned to the Mohawk village ; there he received his breviary. At another village where he was taken, the proposals of peace were dis- cussed. A series of feasts followed. It was finally arranged that Poncet should return to Three Rivers to conclude a peace. Three days afterwards he was informed that he was to proceed by land, not by way of Lake Champlain, for at that period of the year it was stormy and extremely dangerous when navi- gated by canoes. He followed a trail across the country to arrive at the Saint Lawrence sixty leagues above Montreal. He left the Mohawk country on the 3rd October, and after nine days travel, they met an Indian, who informed the party that the captives in Three Rivers had been placed in irons, and that some had been executed. Nevertheless, the chief in charge agreed to proceed if Poncet would pledge himself to preserve their lives. It turned out that a drunken Algonquin had been seized and placed in custody. I am dwelling on these matters with some minuteness, for Father Poncet was the first European who descended the 224 - THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1653 Saint Lawrence from Ogdensburg. At least we hear no men- tion of any such journey at an earlier date. De Galin^e and La Salle ascended the river in 1669. Of Pere le Moyne I will presently speak. The mission of the Bay of Quints was established by the Sulpicians in 1666. Poncet gives only an imperfect account of his route.* At the end of eight days they embarked on a river, on which they journeyed for two days, when they reached the Saint Lawrence about sixty leagues above Montreal. We have, however, the da:tes of his arrival and departure. He left the Hudson on the 4th October, and arrived at Montreal the 24th. He then tells us that as a prisoner he was taken by Lake Champlain, and returned by another direction, so that he passed over the two routes by which the Iroquois seek Canada. He adds that his guides were afraid of meeting the Algonquins, nevertheless, they amused themselves in hunting, game being abundant. Finally, he came down the Sault St. Louis. With statements so vague it is not easy to follow him ; but the inference is justifiable that the party passed to the west of the Adirondacks, and that they descended the River Oswegatche to Ogdensburg. The distance from Montreal is about forty-five leagues. Considering the father's indifference to geography, and the distance having been made by canoes, the estimate of sixty leagues is not a bad approximation^ There is no place which accords better with that which Poncet describes, the route passing over mountains, and crossing four large streams, one even of some width. Poncet continued his journey to Three Rivers, thence to Quebec. Peace was made on the 5 th November, the Iroquois presenting their gifts on that day. There was one cause which specially contributed to this peace. The Senecas and Cayugas, the western tribes of the Iroquois, were then at war with the Erics, the tribe established on the south and east of Lake Erie, reaching as far as the Genesee. From the number of wild cats found in the country, the Jesuits subsequently named them the "Chats." The Seneca branch of the Iroquois * Relation, 1653, p. 17. l6S3] MARGUERITE BOURGEOIS. 225 had by this time found their way to Montreal, and were desir- ous of participating in the trade. I have spoken of a loan of 22,000 livres having been made by Madlle. Mance to M. de Maisonneuve. In the month of September the latter arrived in Quebec, bringing with him the reinforcement which by means of this money he had been enabled to recruit in Poitou, Maine and Bretagne. The necessities of M. de Lauson were such that he desired to retain the force in Quebec, to be applied to the general defence ; but de Maisonneuve was firm in asserting that they should proceed to Montreal : they had been specially col- lected by means of the funds of the Montreal Society, and that they ought to be assigned to the direct defence of the settle- ment. Madlle. Mance was in Quebec, having gone early in spring to meet de Maisonneuve. Her presence was fortunate, as she was able to receive Marguerite Bourgeois, founder of the Congregational nuns in Montreal, who had arrived with de Maisonneuve. Marguerite Bourgeois was also from Champagne, having been born at Troyes. At that date she was thirty-five years of age, and had been President of a religious society of young women formed to encourage austerity of life. She had educated a younger brother and sister ; and by her conduct had obtained some notice in the Carmelite Convent of her native city. She had felt that she was called upon to devote herself to a religious life in Canada, and, in spite of all opposi- tion, had persevered in her purpose. The objections had been overcome and she had accompanied de Maisonneuve to New France. Refusing all offers to remain with the Ursulines at Quebec, she proceeded to Montreal. At this date there were no .children. Those who had been born had mostly died.* The * According to a note of M. Jaques Viger to the History of Dollier de Casson, the first marriage in Montreal took place in 1647. At the close of 1653, ten marriages had taken place in the settlement. In 1654, after the arrival of the troops, fourteen marriages are registered. The first child of European descent was bom 24th November, 1648. Barbe le Mounier. Montreal Edition, p. 104. Q 226 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1654 Soeur Bourgeois was, however, provided with a home. The house had been a stable. In this humble building she com- menced her teaching as necessity exacted. If the Hurons had but poorly defended their own country, they proved of some avail by the side of the French, and the Iroquois made every attempt to detach them from the alliance. The Onondagas particularly desired to recruit their strength by incorporating into their tribe what remained of the Hurons near Quebec. The Hurons were embarrassed. They neither desired to abandon the French, nor to cause feelings of enmity by a refusal of the request. Accordingly, with the consent of the Governor, they advised the Onondagas to apply for a Jesuit mission to be established, and they promised to accom- pany the Father, who should proceed thither. The suggestion was adopted, and an application was made by the Onondagas for a priest to be sent to their villages. P^re Simon le Moyne was selected for this dangerous posi- tion. He had joined the Huron missions in 1638, and with the unfortunate Father Daniel had proceeded to the Arendar- rhonous in 1640. The following year he was at the Saint Joseph mission, where, in company with Garnier, he adminis- tered the religious services. We do not again hear of him until selected for this duty. His journey was in every way remarkable. It was the commencement of that influence which the French obtained over the Iroquois, eventually to wean them from an alliance with Albany ; and, moreover, it was the foundation of the experience which led them so suc- cessfully to deal with the Indian races of the West. Every- thing in connection with French intercourse with the Indian was of a character favourably to impress them. The ceremo- nies of the Roman Catholic religion directly appeal to that imaginative tone of thought, more readily awakened with men who hold close and immediate relationship with nature. There is an elevation of sentiment which instinctively springs from constant communion with the forest, to work on our best feel- ings, and to render us the more accessible to good influ- ences : impulses which were aided by the unselfish devotion of l6S4] PERE LE MOYNE. 227 the missionaries, and as time advanced, the lives of these men became better to be appreciated, and they were thus enabled more strongly to impress those, in whose service their devotion was exercised. Moreover, the geographical character of Canada, interspersed with rivers which admitted of great distances being accomplished without difficulty, gave rise with the French to a spirit of adventure, which the Indian could not fail to recognise and which attracted his sympathy. The British Americans in the first years of occupation, con- fined to the east by rugged mountains, soon made the tribes within this limit subject to their influence. When they crossed the mountains, with labour and privation, they found the French established in localities which had been reached by them in comfort and ease. In the northern territory accessible to them, the tribes together with the Abenakis had been encouraged by the French, to be the deadly enemy of all that was foreign to Canada. The policy which marked the conduct of the French, and was so successfully exercised on the Ohio, the Illinois and the Mississippi may be traced in its infancy to the mission of P^re le Moyne, and to the tact and judgment which he shewed on the occasion. Pere le Moyne was the first known white man who ascended the St. Lawrence. Lake Ontario had been early known. Traversed by Champlain in 1608, it was recognized by him as the waters of the Saint Lawrence. In 1635 it is spoken of as the Lac des Iroquois, as the shortest route to the Huron country, but objectionable owing to the presence of ■enemies, and the few advantages presented in its ascent. In 164.1 the Niagara River [the Onguiaahra] is named as dis- charging into Lake Ontario or St. Louys. In 1646 Lake Ontario is mentioned as one of the routes by which the Onondagas could be reached, by the mission of the unfor- tunate P^re Jogues. In 1648, in the descriptive geography of the Jesuits it is named as Lake Louys or Ontario. Later, La Salle endeavoured to apply to it the title of Lake Frontenac, but the above facts shew the early claim of precedence of its 228 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l6S4 present name ; the meaning of which has been stated to be 'Fine Lake.'* As Father Poncet first descended the river in 1653, so P^re le Moyne was the first to ascend it in 1654. He has given us a short diary of his proceedings. He left Montreal on the 17th July, and, as I read the account, ascended the Rapids of the Cascades, Cedars and the Coteau, to reach Lake Saint Francis on the 19th. He continued his route on the 20th and 2 1 St, on which day some injury to his canoe led to a halt. On the 23rd and 27th there was another halt, owing to the illness of the pilot, shewing how the route was unknown, when the father suffered from mosquitoes, for which there was no remedy but patience. On the 25th he ascended the rapids, to gain the reach from , below Prescott to the Thousand Islands, named by him Lake St. Ignace. On the 26th he made four leagues ; on the 27th some further distance was gone over ; on the 28th owing to a storm the canoe was hauled ashore, and on the 29th he reached Lake Ontario. I cannot agree with those who have identified Lake St. Ignace with Lake Saint Francis. The distance from Montreal by the Lachine Rapids to this lake is forty-three miles.. It is not reasonable to suppose, that six days were taken to reach these waters, while three days were only necessary to travel over the remaining one hundred and forty-six miles. Indeed in his diary of the 5th September, le Moyne tells us that he descended in one day what took him two long days to ascend, owing to rapids and rocks. Moreover, the shores of Lake Saint Francis are flat ; while the description given by le Moyne agrees with that of the country on the north shore between Prescott and Brockville. The Saint Lawrence is crowded with islands from Cornwall to Wright's Point, four miles east of Prescott, at which place the wide, open water begins, to con- tinue for seventeen miles, to the Thousand Islands. From the wide extent of the unobstructed river, then in its solitude, with * "Ontario est simplement une corruption de ' Onitariio,' Beau lac." Etudes- Philologiques sur quelques langues sauvages de rAraerique par N. O. Montreal, 1886, p. 17. l6S4] LAKE ST. IGNACE. 229 its banks covered by ancient trees luxurious in lofty foliage, the sheet of water must have appeared to le Moyne most striking. In a country with limited water communication it would be honoured with respectful geographical mention. In Canada it is lost sight of in the magnitude of Lake Ontario. Would it be an unwise proceeding to apply in modern times, this term St. Ignace to this extent of the Saint Lawrence, as a memorial of the first appearance of a white man on the waters above Ogdensburg. P^re le Moyne proceeded along the shores of Lake On- tario. He estimated its extent less than it really is. He was correct as to its breadth. He must have crossed at the eastern end, coasting by the islands. He named the length at forty leagues ; whereas it is one hundred and ninety miles long. He tells us " we call it the lake of the Iroquois, as those tribes have their bourgades on the southern shore." He landed on the ist August. On the 2nd they marched twelve to fifteen leagues and reached the village of the Onondagas. He was well received. He met several of the Huron Christians incorporated into the tribe. His first effort was given to the establishment of peaceful relations. His negotiations were so successful that he received from the chiefs an invitation for some French settlers to proceed thither and establish a vil- lage ; an arrangement which he engaged himself to recom- mend to the Governor. On the 15th he took his departure. On the 1 6th he passed a lake, when his attention was attracted by some Salt Springs, a locality which to-day is the source of so much wealth known as Salina. From the water he there obtained, he himself manufactured salt as satisfactorily as from the sea. He passed down the river to Oswego, sub- sequently known by the French as Chouegan, to be the scene of so many struggles a century later. Lake Ontario was rough from the high wind, but the party coasted its shore, passing a place pointed out to him as destined for French settlement : possibly Sacket's Harbour. He landed at Lachine on the 6th September, shewing that at this date the ascent of the Saint Louis rapids had been abandoned and that 230 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [16S4. Lachine was the starting point to proceed westward from Montreal. The visit became known to the Mohawks and caused jealousy, so much so that a deputation proceeded to Quebec, to complain of the disrespect shewn to their tribe by the pro- ceeding. M. de Lauson, always pliant, never facing danger, never equal to an emergency, passed the complaint by for a time, and assured them that the visit should be extended to them. It was, however, too late for le Moyne to be com- municated with ; he had already proceeded some distance homewards. On his return, P^re le Moyne was eloquent on the beauty of the country. He related his promise that a settlement should be made there. It seems scarcely credible that de Lauson should have consented to send thirty of his small force from Quebec, where every man was required, at a time when it was most necessary that French power should be indisputably affirmed there. The population of the whole of Canada was then 2,000. Three Rivers had narrowly escaped destruction. Montreal lived daily in dread of attack. The Hurons around Quebec were threatened with extermination. That de Lauson should have consented to extend his opera- tions and weaken his force, shews his utter incapacity, and his failure to understand the crisis. It may be urged that refusal to comply with the request of the Onondagas would have converted them into active ene- mies. It is in an emergency of this character when the posses- sion of great powers makes itself felt. To maintain respect with the savage, be he friend or foe, the first element is the power to exact it. Even in modern times, the safest reliance of a people is the force to resent wrong when sustained by the national feeling which disdains to submit to it. Nominally, peace had prevailed for some months. No one with experience of the past could have faith in its continu- ance. There was no promise of fresh aid from France, and in spite of these multiplied causes why de Lauson's force should be concentrated, he consented to scatter and weaken it l65S] MOHAWK ATTACKS. 23 1 P^re le Moyne ascended the river to Montreal to make ar- rangements for the party to proceed to Lake Ontario from Montreal. He was attacked by the Iroquois, and one of the two Onondaga chiefs who were with him, was killed. As usual, the attack was explained away ; it was not directed against the French : it was the Hurons only, against whom enmity was felt. The outrage was attributed to a Mohawl'C half-breed, the Batard Flamand, the son of a Dutch father, an unscrupulous, cunning savage, who appears on occasions in this history. Peace had indeed no existence in fact. The Mohawks con- tinued their attacks on the Hurons, so much so, that in 1655, it had been determine'd to build a fort at Sillery, in order to give them protection. It was superintended by Brother Liegois. One morning, as he was proceeding to the woods, he was met by a party of Iroquois, who shot him and then cut off his head. They then went twelve leagues below Quebec to the He aux Oies. Entering the house of a resident, they killed the owner and his wife and carried off the children ; they also seized those of a neighbouring family. At the same time attacks were made against Three Rivers and Montreal. The news of the attack of the He aux Oies created great feeling in Montreal, and on a party of Iroquois appearing with some proposition, six of them were seized. An Iroquois chief, bearing the imposing title of ' La Grande Armee,' now appeared and offered an exchange of prisoners, and that peace should be made. The terms were accepted ; the children were restored and peace lasted for a year. During this time Montreal made some progress. But this humiliating condi- tion was added, shewing how powerless the state into which the French in Canada had fallen : that the peace with the Hurons and Algonquins would only be observed so long as they did not advance above Three Rivers. If they did so, they made themselves liable to attack. Readers of this history cannot but feel the cruel abandon- ment of the few hundred French in these dangers. No 232 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1655 assistance worthy the name was given by France. The Com- pany were without the means to furnish aid. It is not recorded that any determination was shewn in claiming the attention of the Government to the condition of the settler. Eventu- ally, it resolved itself into that course from the desperation of the Colonists ; and it was only owing to^'their own resolute courage that they were not swept from the positions which they held. 36S5] PERE CHAUMONAT. 233 CHAPTER VII. P^re le Moyne did not return to Onondaga. It was con- sidered advisable that, in accordance with the desire of the Mohawks, that he should proceed to their villages to conclude the peace and obtain the return of the prisoners held there. His reception was satisfactory ; presents were exchanged and nothing was omitted to insure a continuance of friendly relations. When on the Hudson he visited Albany where personally he was well received. He, however, found matters unsettled with the Dutch. There had been a difficulty at New York, then Manhattan : some Indians had been killed in a quarrel. The latter, accordingly, assembled in large numbers, burnt several farms and killed and carried off into captivity their inmates. Eventually with his two French com- panions, he returned in safety to Quebec. He had a narrow escape at the Mohawk village ; his life was threatened by an Indian professing to be possessed by the devil ; but a woman present suggested that a dog shduld be the instrument of inspiration, so the poor brute received the fatal blow. The deputation of the Onondagas arrived. They asked for missionaries and that a French settlement should be com- menced ; and they concluded peace equally with the Indians friendly to the French as with the French themselves. P^res Chaumonat and Dablon were deputed to return with them. Pierre Joseph Morice Chaumonat arrived from France in 1639 or 1640. He had proceeded in 1640 to the Huron country to the Bear tribe. He had there assisted de Breboeuf in his com- pletion of the Huron dictionary. Possessing natural eloquence, he had obtained the power of expressing himself in the Indian language to surprise the orator of the tribe. He had mastered all the tropes and figurative forms of phrase in which the savage delights and employs to give force to his views. Claude 234 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1655 Dablon is known to us as the author of the Relations of 167 1- 1672. He was a musician, and as many priests, was enthusi- astic in this respect. Joined to this accomplishment, his powers in influencing his hearers on more serious matters were acknowledged. Both were received with great consideration. The Onondagas were then at war with the Erics. A chief had been burned by the latter under circumstances which created horror, even to the Indian mind. The sufferer, an influential chief, had been given to an Erie woman to supply the loss of her brother, killed in a skirmish. This female fury would listen to no voice but that of revenge. She' would receive no satisfaction. The chief was burned. As he stood in the fire, he exclaimed, " Eries, you burn in me an entire race." A warning how his fate would be avenged in their own destruction. As the Indian code dictated, twelve hundred warriors rushed to the west of the Genesee to obtain satisfaction for the wrong. It became a war of extermination. The Eries- were destroyed. When the fathers arrived among the Onon- dagas, detached parties were out engaged in completing this universal massacre. Some few of the Eries escaped, but as a tribe they ceased to exist. The lives of the fathers were not tranquil amid the new associations. Reports unfavourable to them were circulated. They were personally accused of falsehood, and at the same time it was stated that the Iroquois on the Saint Lawrence were being persecuted. Accordingly, it was proposed that a party should proceed to Quebec to inquire into the proof of this report, and that one of the fathers should accompany it. P^re Dablon was selected. He and his guides started in March to proceed to Quebec ; a period when the snow is beginning to disappear, and when travel is arduous and attended with danger. The suffering of Dablon may be con- ceived. The great secret of meeting a Canadian winter is to dress in accordance with its rigours and exactions. The Jesuit Fathers were never well clad ; on this occasion Dablon was no exception. There is no doubt that Dablon also car- I6S6] THE ONONDAGAS. 235 ried some musical instrument with him, and that often, how- ever wearied and fatigued, he had to pipe to the savages to keep them in good humour. As they found on their arrival that the reports were groundless, the application was renewed for the French to commence the settlement which had been asked for. The request was granted. The expedition started. The leader was Dupuy, then in command of the fort at Quebec. The men consisted of volunteers, who marched away cheerfully ; but there must have been few who did not know the danger they were incur- ring. It was a desperate proceeding under every point of view. The project shortly became known to the Mohawks, who looked upon it with disfavour ; and they determined, if possible, to prevent its execution. A considerable force placed them- selves in ambush half way between Quebec and Three Rivers, and as the expedition was proceeding up the river, at Point au Platon, they attacked the rear canoes, killed several of those conducting them, and pillaged all the property they could lay their hands on. The deed committed, some of the chiefs understood its serious character. It was not simply the outrage upon the French to be considered ; but the Onondagas were a tribe of their own organization, and the act was one of civil war. They took immediate steps to explain away the proceeding. They declared that the attack had been made only against the Hurons ; and the satisfaction, such as it was, had to be accepted. Dupuy's party arrived at the mouth of the Oswego on the 7th July, 1656. There had been a deficiency in provisions. The Indians had exercised no prudence in their use. Fish and game had not been easily taken. There had been, ac- cordingly, some suffering from want of food, particularly trying to the French, unaccustomed to long fasts. In this emergency they had sent a courier to obtain supplies, which were found available at the mouth of the Oswego. No time was lost in proceeding to Gannentaha : from the description of the Salt Springs, identified as Lake Onondaga. An eminence overlooking it was chosen, and buildings were 236 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1656 constructed. It was the first attempt at settlement in the in- terior of the continent above Montreal, not doomed to be of long •duration ; for it scarcely lasted two years. It started under fair auspices, for one of the first results was, to quiet the differ- ences between the Onondagas and Mohawks, which at one time threatened to be serious. The Mohawks who had attacked the ascending expedition near Point au Platon, after making their explanations that the onslaught had been dictated by error, remembered that there was a death to avenge on the Island of Orleans. Some time previously two Iroquois had stealthily reached the shore and placed themselves in ambush. Two Hurons, ignorant of their presence, were approaching the river when one was shot dead. He was a young man, the son of a chief, of some promise, who had distinguished himself in several skirmishes, who, moreover, had released prisoners taken by him. His death created great feeling ; consequently, a party started in pursuit of his murderers, one of whom was taken and burnt. It was this death the Iroquois had to avenge. The Island of Orleans is less than fifty miles from Point au Platon. Al- though the Hurons felt anything but secure with regard to their position, they were careless in establishing guards, and neglected to carry their arms with them. On this occasion they -were both surprised and unarmed. They had just left the church, and were going to work in their fields, when the Iroquois rushed upon them, massacring those who resisted. Sixty prisoners were carried off. The matter did not end here. The Mohawks ranged their canoes in order of battle, and in mid-day passed before the fort of Quebec, singing the song of victory. It was the first occasion that the French received •such an insult or such defiance of their power. There were those in the garrison who were desirous of rushing out and of attacking the force at all risks. De Lauson was not the man to listen to such a proposal. The folly of embarking in the Onondaga venture was now apparent. The men sent on that expedition were hostages furnished by himself to control his own proceedings. Any 1656] PERE GARREAU. 237 attack of the Iroquois short of absolute defeat, would have led to reprisals. The absence of the Onondaga detachment had lessened de Lauson's power to take the offensive : but be the consequence what it might, there was every call for resolu- tion and effort. The Huron women and girls carried off beneath the fort, amid the shouts and jeers of their conquer- ors, were allies of the French. They were under the protec- tion of the King of France, and it was an ignominious sacrifice of the national honour to make no effort to rescue them. History is full of examples, when men sustained by a senti- ment of duty, have overcome apparently insuperable obstacles. Sustained by a lofty courage, and looking to a failure to keep the honour of their country untarnished, as worse than a thousand deaths, they have succeeded in the face of every probability. M. de Lauson had no such elevation of feeling. What added to this arrogance, was the declaration of the Iroquois, that they had no grievance against the French, but were sipiply pursuing their ancient enemy the Huron ; con- temptuously shewing the French that their protection was held at naught, and that the opportunity was only wanting to strike the protectors as the protected. Before the autumn closed, another French priest had been killed, Pere Garreau. Two years previously some French adventurers had wandered among the tribes in the neighbour- hood of Michillimakinac, and the shores of Lake Michigan and Lake Superior. They there had met an Algonquin tribe similar to that in Eastern Canada. The name of Ottawas * was given to them to distinguish them from the tribe at Tadousac. They were gathered round Sault St. Mary at the discharge of Lake Superior and at the Point (La Pointe), the modern Bayfield, on the south shore of that lake ; also in Green Bay in Lake Michigan. In a few years there were missions at all these places. The adventurers who had visited them, were the means of piloting fifty canoes laden with beaver to Quebec. The tribes were cordially welcomed. They had been predisposed to Christianity, and now they applied * Relation 1670, p. 78. 238 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1657 for missionaries to return with them. Fathers Druill^tes and Garreau were selected, and were accompanied by some young Frenchmen. There was a want of accommodation in the canoes, so the departure of their attendants was delayed until the following year. The Jesuits, however, left in the canoes then starting. The Ottawas were warned that they might be attacked. They had just obtained fire-arms, and felt a child- ish pleasure in hearing the report of their discharge repeated in the echo. From time to time they fired off their guns. A number of Iroquois were hovering about the Saint Lawrence, and were by these means informed of the passage of the canoes, which they determined to intercept. They proceeded up the Ottawa and placed themselves in ambush. As the ascending canoes advanced, in no way anticipating an attack, they received the Iroquois fire. Several were killed. Father Garreau received a wound in the spine. There was a feeble at- tempt of the Ottawas to attack the Iroquois entrenchment, but it was soon abandoned, the Ottawas decamping; in the night, leaving behind the Jesuits and the three Frenchmen who had accompanied them. The Iroquois carried them to Montreal and expressed great sorrow for what had happened. Pere Garreau lived but a few days. He was highly esteemed. He had arrived in Canada in 1643 and proceeded to the Huron mission in 1644. He was afterwards at the Nipissing mission, where he was taken' ill and had returned to Quebec. He was then subsequently detailed to the Island of Orleans. He was remarkable, even in his order, for his implicit obedience to his superiors. His unfailing devotion to the duties of his mission, and the per- sonal estimation in which he was held, caused his death to be much felt. M. de Lauson had now been five years in Canada. In 1657 he would have served two terms. Moreover, he was seventy- three years of age, so he determined to anticipate the close of the period and return to France. His name is held in no respect. Intent on personal acquisitions he lived with little dignity. He created some ill feeling by the establishment of l6S7] INDIAN ADOPTION. 239 a depot of trade at Tadousac for his special operations, to which the inhabitants were refused access ; the profits of which were devoted to the expenses of government. The fact shews the narrow and insufficient means on which the affairs of the country were conducted. The Governor and the garrisons, were to be paid their allowances or they could not live. The Jesuits and the nuns, were each to receive some stipend ; but there was no provision to meet the outlay. It had all to be gathered from the profits on the trade. Montreal was a totally different organization, dependent upon its own Company which did not rely on trading for its sustenance. But Quebec and Three Rivers had to be supported in this form. There can be no surprise at the insufficiency of the force and the passive character of the Executive. Money was want- ing for the simplest requirement. M. de Lauson left his son, de Charny, as administrator of affairs. He had married a daughter of Giffard, the Seigneur of Beauport, and, accordingly, was directly interested in the country. The first question he had to meet was the demand of the Mohawks, that the Hurons in the neighbourhood of Quebec should proceed to the Mohawk villages to be incorpo- rated in their tribe. That of the Bear only consented to leave. Pere le Moyne was the intermediary in this case, and, when the departure was determined upon, accompanied the Huron families, who reluctantly left their present homes. The Onondagas now appeared to claim a similar incorporation. A hundred warriors arrived at Quebec to enforce the demand. It was finally conceded. French canoes carried the Hurons to Montreal, where they were received by the Onondagas who were to ascend the Saint Lawrence in their own canoes. Pere Ragueneau accompanied them. It was not long before the voyage was marked by outrage. A Huron woman attracted the attention of an Onondaga ■chief She repelled his advances. With his tomahawk he struck her down where she stood. A mel6e ensued ; seven of the Hurons who were unarmed, were killed before their wives and children. The Jesuit was unable to stop the butchery, so 240 , THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1658 it ran its course. There were at this time Onondagas at Quebec ; had such not been the case, it is possible that P6re Ragueneau would have paid the penalty of his interference and also have been killed. M. de Charny, leaving for France, delegated his powers to M. d'Ailleboust, the Governor previous to M. de Lauson. The appointment was regarded as a matter of a few weeks. It continued nearly for a year ; M. d'Argenson not arriving until July, 1658. A series of storms drove the vessel bringing the new Governor on the Coast of Ireland, and the season was so far advanced that it returned to France. M. de Maisonneuve however arrived. He was accompanied by some ecclesiastics from the Seminary of St. Sulpice. Quiet and undisturbed as everything appeared on their arrival, their presence was the cause of future difficulty and ill-feeling. They consisted of the Abbe de Queylus, M. Galinier, M. Souart, and M. D'Allet, all Sulpicians. Hitherto the religious ministrations of the country had been performed by the Jesuits at Montreal as elsewhere. Indeed, they were the only priests in the country as the RecoUets had been pertinaciously refused permission to return to Canada. It had been one of the leading motives of M. Olier to connect the religious services of Montreal and of its missions with the Seminary of St. Sulpice at Paris, which he had lately established ; and the presence of these ecclesiastics was in the view of carrying out this principle. Their transfer to Montreal was almost the last act of M. Olier's life : indeed, he died before they left the shores of France. M. Gabriel de Queylus had acted as a missionary among the peasantry of the Vivarais and the Ardeche, east of the Rhone, then the seat of a Protestantism eventually to be extinguished by steel and the cord. It is among the most picturesque parts of France. The days of persecution had not yet come. M. de Queylus had attracted attention by his earnest preaching and teaching. His career under these dif- ficult circumstances had doubtless suggested him as a fit person to proceed to Canada. The Church there required a 1658] M. DE QUEYLUS. 24 1 head, and de Queylus had been selected to fill that position. The colony had been held to appertain to the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Rouen. It was from him that the Jesuits had received authority to act ; the Superior of the Jesuits being the Archbishop's Grand Vicar, and it was from the same authority that the powers conferred on M. de Queylus were obtained. He appeared in Canada as the Grand Vicar of the Archbishop. The intention of these ecclesiastics was to proceed directly to Montreal ; but at the Island of Orleans they were met by the Pere de Quen, Superior of the Jesuits, and M. d'Aille- boust, who begged of them to visit Quebec. The visit was made, during which M. de Queylus was requested likewise to accept the direction of ecclesiastical matters at that place; such arrangement being considered advisable. Accordingly M. de Queylus, after proceeding to Montreal and installing his companions in their charge, returned to Quebec as the acknowledged head of the church in Canada. The Cure of Quebec, M. Poncet, so recognized him ; and at this time, Quebec became the residence of the Archbishop's Grand Vicar. The particulars are not given of the death of three French- men at this date, at Point St. Charles, near Montreal. It took place in October in 1657. Whether the result of a quarrel, or a wanton, unprovoked attack is not known. But it occurred during the peace, and had the effect of again awakening the French to caution. There must have been some treachery in the proceeding, for d'Ailleboust then administering the gov- ernment, gave instructions that every Iroquois approaching the settlements should be seized. In a short time twelve Mohawks had been arrested. Two of them were sent to their bourgade to relate the massacre at Point St. Charles, and the other arrests made in requital, so that some firm guarantee of peace could be obtained. As was looked for, three Mohawk envoys arrived in January, 1659, to obtain the release of the prisoners. During this period the fifty Frenchmen at Lake Onondaga 242 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1658 were running no little risk, for their presence had created an enmity which daily became more threatening. Civilization side by side with barbarism has one safeguard : the possession of strength to enforce respect. In this view the small body of men in the heart of the tribe could not claim great considera- tion. The ill-feeling, which had increased against them, doubtless sprang from many compound infliiences. We may, however, ask ourselves if jealousy played any part in it, and if the Onondagas may not have felt that the presence of the garrison was a source of trial and mischief We have not the history of the circumstances which led to the determination to destroy the French. The Commander, Dupuy, was a man of resolute courage, and was not one to be led away by mere reports. It must be supposed that he only acted under the pressure of circumstances which he could not control. The policy of the Onondagas was first to obtain the release of the prisoners at Montreal ; if it could not be obtained, it was their intention to destroy the greater portion of the French present, saving only the lives of a few to be kept as hostages. The plot was revealed to the French, and further, that the destruction of the Onondaga settlement was to be followed by an attack of the united five nations, first against the Christian Indians, and afterwards that a war of extermina- tion should be carried on against the French. The French escaped by stratagem. In secret they con- structed flat bottomed boats. A feast was given, in which eating, and possibly drinking, was encouraged to excess. The revel was prolonged until the Indians fell asleep or were in- toxicated. The preparations of the French in these desperate circumstances were complete. As the Indians after their indulgence were lying in their lethargic sleep, the boats were launched, and the descent of the Oswego commenced, a dis- tance of thirty-eight miles before Lake Ontario could be reached. They gained the great lake before their purpose was discovered. In descending the lower rapids of the Saint Lawrence three men were drowned, I have no doubt at the " Cedars," the descent of which calls for experienced pilots, or I6S8] RETREAT OF DUPUY'S PARTY. 243 men of special aptitude to make such descents. The story is told with some romantic details by the Mere de I'lncarnation, and in the Jesuit Relations. However our skepticism may be awakened by the narrative as it is given, it is certain that Dupuy arrived at Montreal on the 3rd April with fifty Frenchmen.* The character of Dupuy suggests that he was not a man to abandon the post without cause. There is no recorded reason, except that he looked for an attack by overpowering numbers. With a scarcity of pro- visions, however gallant the defence, it could not have been pro- longed. Starvation'must have enforced, either surrender for the whole to have been slaughtered ; or the stern resolve to sell their lives dearly to the last man. There was not the slightest hope of relief There was but one course open to Dupuy, to leave the settlement and to carry his command safely back to Quebec. The very season told in his favour, for so bold a step could not have been looked for in March, when the rivers are still frozen, and when the navigation of the Saint' Lawrence, above Montreal, to this day is a matter of risk and danger. The season had much to do in preventing pursuit ; for, owing to the ice, the stream could not be navigated in bark canoes. It was here that the flat-bottom boats were necessary. The ice on the Oswego had more or less to be broken, and the boats forced through it. Any bark canoes which immediately followed could, at the time, do so without risk. A few hours at this season make all possible difference in the navigation. As the Onondagas made no attempt at pur- suit, we may infer that they felt that their canoes could not resist the ice. It is not improbable that the attempt was made and had to be abandoned. The journey by land to Lake Ontario was possible enough, but without canoes to navigate the Lakes, the pursuing party would be powerless to follow ; no pursuit was made. That the retreat was successfully effected tells wonderfully for the sagacity which conceived it, and the discipline with which it was carried out. The event must be named as one * DoUier de Casson, 1657-58. p. 129. 244 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1658 of the extraordinary feats of that day. The simple narrative of what was effected requires no melodramatic incidents to give it strength. Especially when we consider the distances passed over. From Lake Onondaga to Lake Ontario, to Kingston, and thence to Montreal, is 210 miles, and the journey was made in March on the breaking up of the ice. It stands apart in the history of those troublous times. Dupuy was received coldly at Quebec. The failure of the expedition was attributed to him. He is afterwards found holding a prominent position in Montreal, and on de Maisonneuve's retirement, for a short time performed the duties of Acting Governor. The last act of M. d'Ailleboust's administration was to re- ceive a Mohawk deputation to claim the release of prisoners Fortunately for Pere le Moyne, hostages for his safety were in French hands ; but he had felt his position to be so insecure that he had visited Orange in the hope of reaching Quebec by sea. As it was designed to send a deputation to Quebec, he was called upon to accompany it. The request for the libera- tion of the prisoners was only partially granted, some of them were held back. They formed, however, but a slight guaran- tee for the individual safety of the French colonist. The peace obtained, was in truth merely nominal. No spot could be accepted as safe, and the unfortunate remnant of the Hurons abandoned the Island of Orleans, to erect their wigwams in the neighbourhood of Fort Saint Louis at Quebec, in the hope that beneath its walls they would certainly be safe from attack. 1658] VICOMTE D'ARGENSON. 24S CHAPTER VIII. The Vicomte d'Argenson, the new Governor, arrived the nth July, 1658. Born in 1626, he was thirty-one when he assumed office. He had served with distinction in the royal army, and now hoped for quiet days in Canada, with its small population and struggling fortunes. He had been bred in the intolerance which marked the extreme Catholic party in France, and looking with disfavour on the Huguenot, he was in no way prepared to encourage his presence, whatever promise it might give of enterprise and prosperity. On the other hand, he was not prepared to sacrifice his own position to any ecclesiastical claim of superiority. He had a rude experience on the day after his arrival. A Montagnais woman was killed by the Iroquois in the fields near the fort. D'Argen- son turned out his force in pursuit, but the assailants gained the forest. After the Governor had been a fortnight in the country he was invited to a f(§te given by the Jesuits. It commenced with dinner which was succeeded by vespers and followed by a masque, composed by one of the fathers, and acted by the boys of the school. It represented New France and the Indian races doing homage to the Mother country in the per- son of d'Argenson.* Several of the friendly Indians were at this date present in Quebec, After receiving their homage, d'Argenson gave them a feast. He shewed himself prepared to carry out his duties with vigour. But, like all the Governors of this time, he had neither men nor money to meet the emergency. He perfectly understood that the exercise of force and vigour was called for, and with what troops were at * The Jesuit Relations remark that their College was not as well attended as that of Paris. Likewise that Rome was not so great under Romulus as under Julius Csesar. But, small as the College was, it received the Governor in three languages, which pleased him greatly. 246 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [v his disposal he acted with judgment and energy, avoiding operations where an ambuscade might be looked for. d'Argenson attained no special result, he taught the Iroqi that they could not be openly defiant and insolent. The Iroquois had one policy ever at their command. W] matters went adverse to them, they presented themselves envoys seeking peace, or the release of prisoners, or the est lishment of a mission. In one of these pretended nego tions, some Indians presented themselves at the Three Ri\ fort. They were recognized as belonging to the band whic few days previously had attacked a party of French, who, expecting any assault, were outside the fort entirely off tl guard. One of the number who had escaped identified th as the aggressors. The Governor, M. de La Potherie, arres them, and sent them as prisoners to Quebec. On their arri- one of them was proved to be 'la Grande Cuiller' [Big Spo( known as an enterprising Mohawk chief The efforts the release of these prisoners now became earnest. Dept tions arrived ; their strong protestations of sincerity, joii to their solemn promise to be true to their engagement, the Governor to accede to their request for the release of prisoners. Made with a parade of friendliness and good fa a few months proved these assurances to be as hollow i false as the previous pledges of the tribe. Events were now shaping themselves for the creation another source of difficulty in this thinly-peopled, ill-protec country : the claim of ecclesiastical pre-eminence above civil power. Such disputes have arisen in all countries, in periods, and in all forms of church government. Genera however, they have come into prominence in the hour of pr perity and good fortune. The condition of Canada could : well be worse. Montreal, in addition to its difficulties geographical position, and the necessity of constant watchl ness, had suffered a few years previously by the loss of money placed in the hands of de la Dauversi^re. He ^ bankrupt* There was so much to exact the attention of n * ' Fait banqueroute ' is the pithy phrase of Abbe de Belmont. I6S8] THE PAMPHLET OF 1643. 247 of all conditions, in order to preserve life, and to obtain the means of living, that few could have expected the peace of the community to be further strained by such a controversy. But where will religious zeal not penetrate ? The establishment of Montreal did not escape censure in Paris, as we know by a remarkable pamphlet * published a few months after its foundation. The first portion of this work is given to the consideration of the religious duty which led the projectors to undertake the enterprise. It is succeeded by an elaborate reply to the arguments directed against it. Whatever opinion may be entertained of the impolicy of at- tempting the foundation of a new city, many days travel distant from the centre, which in the hour of trial could fur- nish aid and comfort ; whatever the impression of the absence of forethought and practical wisdom, which failed to under- stand the requirements of the undertaking, justice must be rendered to the disinterested religious zeal by which its pro- moters were actuated. It was felt that an attempt at settle- ment should be made unconnected with the trade motives of the Company, and which should have primarily in view the conversion of the Indians ; according to the belief on which such an attempt was based, to save their souls from inevitable future punishment. If we fail to bear this view in mind, we are unjust to the spirit which actuated the founders. Even with the knowledge of the disasters which followed for a quarter of a century, this feeling must exact our admiration. It was based on an unfaltering trust that the mission would be protected by heaven. In France, great personal sacrifices were made to carry out this object. Those who risked their lives in the cause were looked upon as acting up to the higher * " Les Veritables Motifs de Messieurs et Dames de la Soci^te de Nostre Dame de Montreal pour la conversion des Sauvages de la Nouvelle France " - published by the Historical Society of Montreal in 1880. It is of extreme rarity ; M. I'Abbe Verreault, the Editor, has never seen its title but once in a catalogue, and then it wras valued at 800 francs. It consists of 127 pp. It appeared, without name of place or author, in 1643. The Abbe assigns the authorship to M. Olier, from the style, the tone of argument, and the utter absence of his own name, the omission of which by any other writer, would have been unjust and absurd. 248 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1658 obligation of Christian duty, and such as suffered would be regarded as its martyrs. It was to sustain this view that the greater part of the pamphlet was written. The objections replied to were : That many who were taking part in the scheme were trading upon the reputation of their good works. That the project was marked by the want of prudence and could only be carried on by the royal support. That there were so many poor in France that it was better to relieve the necessities at home, in place of seek- ing out foreigners in an unknown country. That seeing that the Indians had never been taught Christianity they would be saved by acting in accordance with the natural teaching they had received. That it was inadvisable to take the bread out of the mouths of the French poor and their children, to send it to unbelievers who lived like dogs, and whom it was not possible to convert. That the Jesuits, sustained by large con- tributions, were doing all that was possible in Canada. That the Indians were idle, disinclined to labour, as experience had established. That the Island of Montreal was exposed to the attacks of the Iroquois, who had driven all the other Indians from the Saint Lawrence, and were constantly attacking the French. That the climate of Canada was so severe, being surrounded by a frozen sea, that those who were in the country had for subsistence only that which was sent them from France. That the days of miracles were past, and that the missions of America were being carried on in a more temperate country, where cold was never felt. The great difficulty of the Iroquois attacks likewise urged was the only important point calling for reply, and it was entirely mis- understood by the writer of the " Veritables Motifs." It was easy to answer, that it was often necessary to make acts of charity known ; and that if publicity were a crime many would be deterred from giving ; that the charity shewn to the Indians in New France took little or nothing from the relief of the poor irt the mother country; that no morality could exist without the inculcation of its principles ; that the operations of the society did not interfere with the Jesuits. I6S8] ' THE QUEBEC NUNS AT MONTREAL. 249 But the promise of economy in disposing of the money ob- tained, did not meet the argument of its insufficiency to carry on the enterprise. There was an entire failure to understand the enmity and power of the Iroquois. The writer declared that these constant, watchful enemies were the friends of Frenchmen, and that nothing was to be feared from them. A statement so utterly at variance with the facts, and yet so confidently advanced, that it must be accepted as the writer's belief It was this Indian hostility acting on the principle, that every Frenchman killed was an enemy the less, which made the post one of such danger. The resources of the Society, liberally as they had been subscribed, were insufficient to obtain protection in the hour of trial. For the danger re- mained so long as the Iroquois power was unbroken. M. d'Argenson had brought with him letters from the Arch- bishop of Rouen, directing that the Superior of the Jesuits should hereafter preside at Quebec and that M. de Queylus should govern the Church in Montreal. Madlle. Mance had conducted the hospital with what aid she could command. Suffering from an injury to her arm she was about to return to France to obtain medical aid.* M. de Queylus, during his stay in Quebec, had formed a favourable opinion of the Hospital nuns. Considering it impolitic to multiply the re- ligious orders among two thousand straggling settlers, he deemed it advisable to send two of them to Montreal, in the hope that they would be welcomed by Madlle. Mance, and that as she was temporarily leaving Canada, she would place the management of the hospital in their hands. This course did not accord with Montreal feeling nor with the principles on which the settlement had been made. The nuns were received with cold politeness. The hospital was not placed in their charge during the absence of Mdlle. Mance, who, accom- panied by Sceur Bourgeois, left for France. One of the * She came back perfectly cured. Dollier de Casson gives a full account of the miracle of her recovery, effected by the application of the casket containing the heart of M. Oiler to the paralysed arm. [pp. 74-75.] 2 50 THE HISTORY OF CANADA • [ objects in view was the establishment of a sisterhood, dis from that of Quebec. The presence of M. de Queylus at Quebec had not 1 satisfactory to the Jesuits. The elements of the difficulty be traced to personal divergence of thought and educa M. de Queylus had not been reared in the dogmas of i theology and discipline, and he was not inclined to rest s fied with the pretensions to exclusive power which they up. Personally, he was of high character, in no way w ing in self-assertion and not inclined to cede his own opir out of deference to theirs. Their influence was accordi: directed to supersede him. The first step to limit his j diction had been effected. The second, was to make subordinate to their own school of thought, although directly to one of themselves. No Jesuit, by the rules oi order, can be a Bishop. Their effort, therefore, was givei obtain the appointment of a Bishop having supreme ji diction in Canada, imbued with their opinions, who would with them in carrying out their policy. It had been considered that when M. de Queylus had ceeded to Canada, the step was preliminary to his appc ment as Bishop. It was not without an object that the Je; had begged of him to remain at Quebec. His stay with t under their eye was a species of episcopal novitiate. It to determine if they would find him eligible, and as ; receive their influence. A few months had shewn them they must consider his appointment as undesirable. T organization enabled them to make the fact known to Court through their order in Paris. It was whispered M. de Queylus did not possess the qualifications hoped and that another selection was desirable. Accordingly, w they urged the immediate necessity of subjecting the Col of New France to Episcopal Jurisdiction, when their ad was asked as to the incumbent, they recommended the A de Montigny. This ecclesiastic, known in Canadian history as Bis de Laval, was a younger son of the Sieur de Montigny ; l6s8] BISHOP DE LAVAL DE MONTIGNY. 251 latter, himself a second son of the Sieur de Tartigny, founder of the branch of the de Montignys. The Lavals were a noble house of Maine, connected with the Montmorencies before that family obtained its historic fame. Early in the thirteenth century, a Montmorency married a second wife, Emma de Laval. While the elder son directly continued the race of Montmorency, the second son assumed the name of Mont- morency-Laval. This line continued from father to son till the end of the thirteenth century when Guy the Eighth mar- ried a second wife. His eldest son carried on the branch of Montmorency-Laval. The second son took the title of Seig- neur de Chatillon en Vendalais. This line ended with Jeanne de Laval, his grandaughter. She married first Bertrand de Guesclin and, secondly, a person simply named Guy de Laval, first Seigneur of Lou6. No record is preserved to establish that he was one of the Laval family. It may accord- ingly be assumed that some gentleman, marrying the widowed heiress, took the name of her family and estate, a custom observed to this day ; but peculiarly so in this family. When Jean, Comte de Montfort of Bretagne, married Anne, only daughter of Guy XL, he took the name and title of Guy XIL* At her death, in 1645, the line of Montmorency-Laval closed, although subsequently the arms were claimed by other repre- sentatives of the family. The first Seigneur de Loue, who married Jeanne de Laval, died in 1386. His great-grandson, Guy de Laval, had two children. The eldest, Pierre carried on the line of the Sieurs de Lou6. The second, Ren^ de Laval, became Seigneur de Faigne de Ver, de la Rosiere et de Montigny. He was the grand- * " Par un des articles de contrat de mariage, J. de Montfort fut oblige a prendre les nom, armes et cri [de guerre] de Laval, et ceder les siennes a Ch. de Montfort son fihe puine J . de Montfort, et toute sa posterite y furent si fideles, que tous les peres de sa femme depuis le puine du connetable ayant eu pour nom de baptSme de Guy, tous les Lavals-Montfort a cet exemple des Lavals-Mont- morency, prirent tous le nom de bapteme de Guy. Jusqu'a changer le leur, quand de cadets ils devinrent aines, prirent le nom du Guy en meme temps que celui du comte de Laval. C'est cette maison en Bretagne qui a fait le troisieme maison de Laval. Saint Simon V., p. 253. 252 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [] father of Hugues, a younger son, who became the foui of the Sieurs de Montigny.* It was from this brj that Bishop de Laval sprang ; he being a descendan Hugues. The elder brother, Jean Louis de Laval, continuec line of the de Montigny. Thus Bishop de Laval belonge( one of the collateral branches of an honourable if nol historical noble house. •]• * The name of Bishop de Laval does not appear in the " Dictionnai Noblesse." The mention of his family in the text is in accordance with the ments of the Bishop's biographers. 1 1 have made every effort to trace the genealogy of Bishop de Laval, be I cannot recognize that he is entitled to the affix of the illustrious nar Montmorency, which it has become the custom to apply to him. He hi never assumed it. There is no record of his ever having called himself than the Abbe de Montigny; and the test to the right to a name, ii s. person of distinction permissibly has borne it. Had he been entitled t name of Montmorency, it would have been specifically so stated in the car drawn up letters patent of Louis XIV., 27th March, 1657. He is there n " le Sieur de Laval de Montigny, £vSque de Petree." At that date the sti •etiquette was enforced in France in these matters, and a royal patent was a ment, where the rank and name of the party receiving it would have been pui ously observed. Charlevoix simply speaks of the Aauie naissance of M. de I Had the latter been entitled to special mention in this respect, Charlevoix \ not have been silent. He describes the Bishop [Vol. I., p. 339] as "Franf Laval copnu auparavant sous le nom d'Abbe de Montigny." Modern writers who have not investigated the subject hive been evic misled by the rhetorical expression of the Vicar-General Colombi^re, preached the funeral sermon at the Bishop's death. The Vicar-General spej the Bishop's acts of piety and humility as the acts of a Montmorency, in ci distinction to the victories and conquests of the Montmorency in Europe, would fill volumes, he says, but the triumphs of the race in America were over sin and the devil. That his family was an offshoot of the branch havi origin as early as in the thirteenth century, and that Bishop de Laval was a ber of an ancient and honourable race is undoubted. But he had no claim t name of Montmorency-Laval which, two centuries after his death, has been to him, and which in his life he never bore. I refer my readers to the ' Dictionnaire de Noblesse, par de la Che Desfois,et Badier, Paris, 1869.' Articles ' Laval,' ' Montmorency.' I add appendix to this Book, the family pedigree, and I have extracted the c from this volume which establish the facts as I narrate them. I can refer a Registres of the Conseil Souverain, where his name is specially set forth. J more particularly allude to the renomination of the Council by M. de 1 Vol. I., p. 367. It is there given in all formality : " Mre. Francois de 1 Euesque de Petree nomme par sa Majeste premier Euesque de ce dit Pays.'' I6S8] THE HERMITAGE OF CAEN. 253 Frangois de Laval, according to the received report, is said to have been born the 30th April, 1623, in the Department of Eure et Loire, of which Chartres is the chief town. He was educated at the Jesuit Seminary of La Fleche. For some short period of his youth he had been an inmate of the Hermit- age at Caen, which had been established to admit of greater devotion of life, according to the extreme views of Jesuit teaching ; but he mvlst then have been a mere boy. This in- stitution has been described by those unfriendly to it ; yet nO' one can say unfairly. There, it was inculcated that devotion to chastity was acceptable to God, even in wedded life. There,, an extravagant denial of self, above the strength of weak humanity, was enforced: and this teaching was blended with a mystical theology, which taught that suffering was man's normal condition, that all usefulness and energy were to be subordinated to continual self-mortification. With these as- sumed virtues, charity to others who did not hold these opinions played little part. Every taint of Jansenist heresy was excluded from these walls. The doctrine of salvation by God's grace was held as positive blasphemy against the claimed delegated power of the priesthood. This teaching is the key to the character of Bishop de Laval. No one can deny his earnestness, his abnegation, his desire to do good, according to his own opinions. We must equally recognize the mental power which distinguished their advocacy and the unfailing courage with which he defended them. His was one of those compound characters of which history furnishes many examples. His personal life was exemplary. He was laborious, pains-taking and devoted to his duties. His austerities he carried, to the extreme of self-mortification. He is represented as not allowing his dirty bed to be changed though it swarmed with vermin ; as eating tainted meat ; as performing duties to the sick which make even hospital nurses shudder. In his private life, he lived simply and un- ostentatiously. But his mind was narrow and contracted. He was impatient of contradiction. He could see no proceed- ing but in the light it affected his pronounced views. Devoted 254 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l to the Jesuits, all opinions secular and religious not in ace with their dogmas with him were marked by error. It his belief that the Church should obtain the first recognit and possess absolute power. It was the one dominant ir ence to which all authority should succumb ; and as its h: est dignitary he claimed to be the depositary of that po' Protestantism was an abomination to him. It was his po to exclude all trace of it from the country. No prosperity national benefit, in his eye would be acceptable, if tair by arising from the head or labour of the heretic. Had had his way, not one would have been allowed to set his i on Canadian soil.* His theories of government were th of a paternal despotism, stamping out every trace of freec of thought and liberty of action. Bishop de Laval failed entirely to grasp the true posit of Canada. He was constantly battling for opinions ; views which modern statesmen of mind and genius wc call secondary if not petty ; while the broad national pol distinctly marked out in that hour of trial, obtained from 1 no consideration. Even those who have identified themsel with his fair fame in history, have not failed to recogn that at that date a self-reliant population should have b brought into Canada, with the view of driving the Iroquois submission, even if necessary to their extermination, for war was threatening to take that character. M. de Laval ; men of his class have no desire for the prosperity o country unless they can direct and control it. They recognize no benefit to be obtained unless their authority maintained and their opinions prevail. It is to such as th that the loss of Canada to France must be attributed. Wl the struggle came, and the Colonies, backed by the weigh Great Britain, at length understood that they must act in uni and carry on their operations with the concentration of tl whole strength, France was outweighed, outnumbered, £ driven from point to point until no standing ground was 1 * He made it a matter of reproach that they should meet to worship God. See Appendix, end of this boolc. 1658] THE BISHOPRIC OF QUEBEC. 255 That such was the case was owing to the policy enforced by the class of which Bishop de Laval was one of the chief exponents. By his position and force of character he played a prominent part in Canadian history for upwards of thirty years. On receiving the tonsur^, M. rAbW de Montigny, the name he first assumed, became attached to a set, marked by austerity of manner, among whom were M. de Maiserets and M. Dudouyt, both of whom found their way to Canada. From Paris he had proceeded to Caen, and became known in Jesuit circles, identifying himself with their theology and policy. He had on a former occasion been destined for the mitre ; to proceed to Cochin-China. Circumstances interfered with the design. Consequently, he turned his attention to New France, and when the proposed new Bishopric in Canada was named, he obtained the support of the Jesuits. The project was warmly advocated by the Queen Mother, and in 1657 his name was submitted by the King to Pope Alexander VII. for the appointment. The application was sustained by appeals to several Cardinals of influence. Delay occurred, owing to the King using the term ' P^re de Laval.' The Propaganda declined to recommend the appointment without knowing to what order the nominee belonged. It took time to determine the fact that he was a secular priest. The Jesuits, who had taken the lead in the matter acted with the astuteness tradi- tionally ascribed to them. Their recommendation consisted in the appointment of a Vicar Apostolic with the title of Bishop inpartibiis, who, if he failed to satisfy the requirements of the position, could be replaced. It was also the opinion of the Pope, that Canada was too young a country for the appointment of a permanent Bishop, and this view prevailed. The want of accord in Canada, between M. de Queylus and the Jesuits had been strongly represented in Paris. Read by the light of letters which remain, the quarrel must have been serious, and it was urged on the French Resident at Rome that the cause of religion depended on the nomination of a Bishop of their selection. 256 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l The Pope, however, still hesitated. Anne of Austria 1 undertaken to pay an annual stipend of one thousand Ha to the Bishop, until the King would make a larger contri tion. The Pope desired to see the endowment secured perpetuity. These matters being settled, on the 3rd Ji 1658, M. de Laval was named Bishop of Petrea, in Ara with a dispensation of non-residence in the country.* The appointment did not satisfy the French Episcop At this period in France there was a class of ecclesiastics i endeavoured to obtain nomination as Bishops in pqrtibus, si to turn the office to their own profit. By intrigues and f representations, many had succeeded, and then remainec their own country to obtain promotion at home. The scar had been presented to Rome at a meeting of the clerg; 1656 ; and they called upon the Bishops in France nol consecrate any Bishop so appointed. No correct knowle of Bishop de Laval's nomination , had been obtained ; an( was generally viewed w;ith disfavour, more especially as it accompanied by the office of Vicar Apostolic in Cam These functions had been attached to the Archbishopric Rouen for the last quarter of a century, and the then Ai bishop brought the matter before a meeting of Bishop; Paris, 25th September, 1658. The consequence was tha was resolved to send a circular to all the Bishops in Fra requesting them not to proceed to the consecration of M Laval, until the Bull granting the dignity was examined. The proceeding was reported to Cardinal Mazarin, and proved by him. At the same time, the Parliament of Ro was appealed to. On the eve of the consecration, on 3rd October, a resolution was passed protesting against de Laval exercising the duties of the Vicar-General, on ground that the Pope had been surprised into granting dignity. The consequence was, that the Bishop of Bay withdrew from his engagement to consecrate M. de Laval, * I must ucknowledge my obligations to tiie labours of the late learned . FaiUon — Vol. II., p. 321 et seq. — that I am able to give an account of transactions. l6S8] THE ARCHBISHOP OF ROUEN. 257 The matter was considered by the Propaganda. Some of the Cardinals hesitated to act in the face of the course uni- versally taken by the French Bishops. Finally, it was deter- mined that the Pope's Nuncio in Paris should intervene. The latter obtained the co7operation of Abelly, Bishop of Rodez, and of de Saussaye, Bishop of Toul. The ordination took place on the 8th December, on the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, at the Abbey of Saint Germain des Pres, the church of which was outside the jurisdiction of the Arch- bishops of Rouen and Paris. The ceremony was performed early in the morning with closed doors, the Nuncio having asked for the church for a pontifical service of which no part should be made public. It, however, became known and the Parliament of Paris passed a resolution that M. de Laval should present his letters of appointment to the Court, and that they should not be acted upon until the Royal consent had been given. This interference was unfavourably viewed by the Propa- ganda. The Cardinals considered that they had only acted according to the Royal desire, especially expressed by Anne of Austria. Moreover, it was an assertion of ecclesiastical inde- pendence scarcely agreeable to that body. The pretentions of the Archbishop of Rouen were set aside as to their general principles, and the necessary steps were taken to nullify what had been done adversely. The Nuncio asked that the reso- lution of the Paris Parliament should be ignored. It was, eventually, deemed advisable to settle matters quietly, and the King resolved to accept Bishop de Laval as Vicar Apostolic giving him letters patent. The matter, however, did not close here. In the Bull for- warded to M. de Laval, Quebec is stated to be in the diocese of Rouen, and this admission was not made by inadvertence. No regular authority had ever been given to the Archbishop of Rouen for the exercise of any right. This mention of ecclesiastical submission of Quebec to the Archbishop of Rouen, confirmed and authorized the proceedings of the pre- vious quarter of a century. The Archbishop, acting on this 258 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1659 recognition of Quebec being within his diocese, claimed that his jurisdiction should be maintained, and, in a letter to Car- dinal Mazarin,* submitted his pretensions that M. de Laval should likewise take froni him as Ordinary the office of Grand Vicar until Quebec was created a See. No such question would be raised in modern times. It is now understood that the Vicar Apostolic is specially sent under the Pope's authority to direct Roman Catholic religious services ; and that it is incompatible for him to be invested with any other powers. The matter was not then so under- stood. In the royal letters patent it is set forth that M. de Laval proceeded to New France on his Episcopal mission, for such it really was, with the irrevocable consent of the Ordinary without prejudice to him : a recognition of proce- dure entirely justifying the Archbishop as exercising rights received from his predecessors. Rights which he felt bound to transmit unimpaired, but which, in this case, at royal request, he had consented to forego. The text of these letters patent was in no way acceptable to the Nuncio. He represented that it not only failed to recognise the rights of the Pope in a matter purely ecclesi- astical, but even directly affected them theoretically, in making them subordinate to the views of a French Archr bishop. These were still the days of Gallicanism in the Church, and Mazarin, in spite of the remonstrance from the Nuncio, directed the expression to be maintained. * 3rd March, 1659. l6S9] THE CONGREGATIONAL NUNS. 259 CHAPTER IX. When M. de Laval arrived at Quebec, i6th June, 1659, his presence took the community by surprise. He had sent notice by a vessel which preceded him of his intention to leave France, but he reached Canada before his letters had been delivered. He was accompanied by P^re Jerome Lalemant and three young priests, likewise by a young ecclesiastic, nephew of the founder of the Hermitage, M. de Berniferes ; as if to proclaim the opinions he would advocate. There had been no preparation to receive him, so he was accommodated by the Jesuits, until a portion of the Ursuline Convent could be arranged and set apart for him. His presence raised the question with the religious com- munities of Quebec. Whom were they to obey ? The repre- sentative of the Archbishop of Rouen or the Vicar Apostolic of the Holy Father ? M. de Queylus had made no abandon- ment of his rights. He had indeed received letters from the Archbishop encouraging him to maintain them ; and events had somewhat pointed to the probability that they would be again asserted. But a royal letter had been received adverse to them. The religious orders in Quebec, influenced by the Jesuits, acknowledged the jurisdiction of the Bishop ; and M. de Laval obtained recognition of his position, and assumed full power over both Convents. During the year, Madlle. Mance, with Marguerite Bourgeois, returned from France. They were accompanied by three sisters, proceeding to Montreal to found an order of Congre- gational Nuns : thus settling the question of the character of the Convent to be established in that city. Some soldiers, enlisted for Montreal, were in the same vessel. During the voyage, a malignant fever appeared and several died. On the vessel arriving at Quebec the malady was communicated to 26o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1659. the population, and many severely suffered. The Bishop was conspicuously active in his attention to the sick, assist- ing them in every way in his power, setting at naught all advice to care for his own person. Madlle. Mance and the nuns proceeded to Montreal. Quebec gradually recovered from the visitation of the disease. The authority of Bishop de Laval was now assured, for M. de Queylus had left for France, and the intercourse with the Governor, M. d'Argen- son, had as yet been limited to an interchange of civilities. The constant danger from the Iroquois continued. Their attacks had recommenced. Even shortly after the release by d'Ailleboust of such of their tribe as had been imprisoned,, they had seized eight Frenchmen in the neighbourhood of Three Rivers, and had carried them prisoners to the Mohawk. M. d'Argenson recognizing that the salvation of the colony lay in the presence of a force sufficient to defend it, and to make reprisals if necessary, sent earnest representations to France to this effect. For the time they received no attention. The few troops enlisted for Montreal, had been obtained at the expense of the Company directing its fortunes. The want of power to inflict chastisement on the Iroquois must account for the little fear shewn by them, and the constant depredations they committed. The whole population existed in the normal dread of an attack made when the assailed parties were unprepared, and the assault was unlooked for, or the odds were against any successful defence. We have here doubtless the secret of the stationary condition of the popula- tion. Many who came, finding the life of the colony such as it was, determined no longer to remain, and those who could do so abandoned the country on the first opprtunity. There was no rest. The whole colony was threatened with attack. Quebec even was not safe. The nunneries had been con- structed without sufficient defence, so that at night-time refuge was found in the buildings of the Jesuits. The convents were guarded by small detachments. The troops were constantly on the alert ; and to this harassing life there was no promise of cessation. 1659] DOLLARD. 261 It was during this period of anxiety that the affair of Bol- lard took place on the Ottawa. It has been represented with strong colouring, in a narrative which the sceptical inquirer must regard as an exaggeration. There is little authority for the story as it has been related. So far as the facts can be gathered I conceive the truth to be as follows : Bollard, who had left France under a cloud, desirous of regaining his character by some dashing act of gallantry, enticed sixteen young men to join in an expedition against the Iroquois. The intention appears to have been to surprise some of the bands of the marauding Mohawks, and to exterminate them, and so give confidence and security to the settlement, and remove the feeling of terror which was paralyzing it : at the same time inflict a lesson on the Iroquois, so that they on their side would feel it was insecure, for them to approach Montreal with hostile intent. Be Maisonneuve reluctantly consented to the expedition. The party either fell into an ambush or unexpectedly became engaged with overpowering numbers. The fight must have been desperate and determined, for all of them were killed or made prisoners. Not one ever returned.* * Charlevoix does not allude to the event, although he must have seen the account as it has come down to us in the history of M. I'Abbe de Belmont : It is related in full by Dollier de Casson and the letters of the Mhre de I'lncarnation. The two former place the scene at the Longue bault on the Ottawa, and the latter gives some details of the ascent of the river. The Jesuit Relations ([1660, p. 14], place the event at the Chaudiere ; at Ottawa. Both de Belmont and Dollier de Casson use the same word 'debaucha'— [misled,] to mark the con- duct of DoUard, the latter speaks of him as opposing delay " il pressa le plus qu'il peut I'affaire, et redoutant plus qu'il eut et? bien aise de se pouvoir distinguer pour que cela lui put servir a cause de quelque affaire que Ton disait lui avoir arrive en france." p. 143. The news was brought by a Huron to Montreal, who declared all the French were killed, but had caused such slaughter, that the Iroquois were enabled to ascend over the bodies of their dead into the old palisade fort which the French were defending. The difficulty is tO' conceive the existence matters proceeding quietly. In a few months the causes of dissension with M. de Queylus and with the Governor were created by himself ; and in less than two years the relation- ship of the civil and religious powers was brought into direct opposition to last for his lifetime. It has been argued in M. de Laval's favour that this self- assertion was in accordance with the character of the period. Every one claimed all the personal consideration which he felt justified in obtaining by birth and rank. The question of precedence was a serious one, with those dwelling in Courts,, or who formed their tone of thought in accordance with their ceremonies. It was a matter of importance what seat should be taken at the dinner table. The latter point of etiquette in good society is still enforced, but freed from the extravagance of the pre-revolutionary period. On one occasion M. de Laval being, from illness, unable to leave his house, M. de Frontenac having to call upon him for some occasion of state, was careful to have the fact set forth in a procks verbal that he had so acted, only owing to the indisposition of M. de Laval. There is likewise this fact to be recorded in esti- mating the Bishop's character ; that those brought within his influence, his friends and dependents were personally devoted to him and remained his admirers after his death. Whatever recognition be made of the private character of the Bishop as unimpeachable, the fact cannot absolve him from his pertinacious self-assertion, which led him to interfere with all that lay in his path, to the disregard of the feelings and the experience of others, and whatever the cost to them. No two characters are more opposite than those of M. d'Argen- son and the M^re de 1' Incarnation. Nevertheless, both agree on this point. They are followed by d'Avaugour, de M^sy and de Frontenac. Each of these had to experience the sting of this besetting sin. M. d'Argenson tells us how the Bishop- seized a servant and, under pretence of educating her, shut her up with the Ursulines. Her master, Denis, petitioned the Governor on the subject. M. d'Argenson appealed to the intervention of P^re Lalemant ; but the father could effect l66o] ECCLESIASTICAL DISPUTES. 273 nothing. The Governor, however, remained firm, and the matter was eventually accommodated. M. d'Argenson has given us a description of M. de Laval. He tells us that he was a Prelate, who had said that a Bishop could do all he wished and whose menace was excommunication. The M^re de I'lncarnation records how he interfered with the discipline and constitution of the Ursulines, setting aside the rules and practices observed at Tours and Paris. " He has given us eight months of a year to think over this," says this lady, " but the matter is already settled and the reso- lution taken. We will not accept the change." She is an admirer of the Bishop's zeal, but she thinks that experience should prevail over mere speculation. The later difficulties with the Abb^ de Queylus occurred on the eve of M. d'Argenson's departure from Canada. They had commenced shortly after the Bishop's arrival. The position of M. de Queylus was embarrassing. Himself re- sponsible to the Archbishop of Rouen, he could not recog- nize that the letters patent of the Vicar Apostolic extended authority over himself The influence of M. de Laval was powerful in France ; and accordingly, on the 31st March, 1659, Anne of Austria sent a lettre de cachet to d'Argenson to prevent the exercise of any act of ecclesiastical power except by the Bishop, and to send back to France all who refused to submit to his authority. M. de Queylus, who was one of the members of the Montreal Company, had^remained in the settlement engaged in its development. But in August he proceeded to Quebec to pay his respects to the Vicar Apostolic. The meeting was amicable. M. de Queylus ac- knowledged the powers of the Bishop. He even preached at the Chapel of the Hospital nuns, when the Bishop was present, and M. de Laval supported him in his view of establishing a branch of the sisterhood at Montreal. After the departure of M. de Laval from France, the Arch- bishop of Rouen again raised the question of his rights. He addressed letters to de Queylus, renewing his powers of Grand Vicar and enclosed a letter from the King instructing him to 274 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1660 act upon them without prejudice to the powers of the Vicar Apostolic. Three days later letters were sent both to d'Argen- son and to de Laval, in which the authority of the letter given to the Archbishop, is declared to be in abeyance until the question of precedence is settled by the Pope. There was a friendly feeling between d'Argenson and de Queylus. From a letter extant from the former it is shewn, that there was no renewal of the pretensions of de Queylus at this time, and as to the title he had received it was not made public. There was much in the character of M. de Queylus to have made him popular during his stay in Quebec. As Abb6 de Loc-Dieu, and with some private fortune, he was rich, free handed, and had heartily taken up the cause of Montreal. Ih the past year he had paid for the passage of twenty-three Frenchmen. He had assisted families in the settlement, and had obtained attention by his practical views for its improve- ment. When at Quebec he had been a cheerful giver to the poor, and was popular from his courteous manners. Whatever patrimony M. de Laval possessed, and the in- ference is that, as a younger son of a junior branch, it could not have been considerable, his biographer* tells us that he abandoned it to his relatives. On his arrival in Quebec he had simply the stipend, one thousand livres, allowed him by Anne of Austria. He affected a life of austerity. He had one servant, a gardener, and lived in one room, on the simplest fare. In the exercise of his authority on others he was equally exacting. He made a regulation that no one should be buried in the church without payment of a sum of some amount. For the poor the last rites were performed gratuitously. The rich who wanted grand masses with a full choir were called upon to pay fees to the parish. Hitherto no payment had been made 'for such service. It is evident that if there be differ- ence of form in these ceremonies, M. de Laval was not only justified but called upon to establish such a principle. It has been asserted that he exacted fees unjustifiably large. M. de Laval may have felt that families desirous of having * Abbe de La Tour, 1761, p. 11. l66o] M. DE QUEYLUS. 275 these marks of dignity should pay for them, and in this view- he is sustained by modern opinion. But the course he took did not add to his popularity. The amiability of the character of M. de Queylus, contrasted with the sternness of M. de Laval, led to the former being much regretted at Quebec. M. de Queylus had not been without his difficulties. He had persevered in obtaining 6,ooo livres from the inhabitants of Quebec. That sum had been lent by them to the Jesuits, when performing parochial duty, for the construction of a house, and had been repaid. The churchwardens claimed that it should be expended in a resi- dence for the cur^, and a friendly suit was instituted against the Jesuits to give up the residence which had been built with the money. This proceeding led to the sum repaid being appropriated to erect a dwelling for the parish priest ; the desire had been to turn it to other purposes. It is stated that he laid the foundations of the Church of St. Anne de Beau- pre, still much visited, as it was in those early days, on account of the miracles stated to be performed there. He gave a trifle to the masons who attended him on the occasion. They became somewhat obstreperous in drinking his health : a year later, it was the ground of an accusation that he countenanced drunkenness. He placed the first stone of the Church of Chateau Richer. He particularly encouraged the Sisterhoods, giving them every possible support. He was not deficient in self-assertion, for he excommunicated some in- cendiaries who would not name their accomplices. M. de Queylus exercised an influence equally with the rich and the poor. Subsequently, he gave 6,000 livres to the Hospital nuns, to endow a sister who should represent him for ever. The money was applied to the purchase of a Fief On leav- ing Quebec, he was accompanied by sixty persons, and the Governor, M. d'Argenson, expressed his regret that he was unable to pay him the compliment of attending him. With the exception of two ecclesiastics, the secular priests who were at Quebec, left with him ; among them the unfortunate M. Vignal. 276 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1660 M. de Queylus returned to Montreal, where he was peace- ably living, when the extreme proceeding was taken of arrest- ing him, so as to enforce his departure for France. A squad of soldiers proceeded to his house, and by force brought him, with two priests, to Quebec. The fact is authenticated by the Abb6 de Belmont and M. d'Allet, one of the two priests. No motive is assigned in contemporary records for the pro- ceeding. Indeed they are silent on the subject. Sufficient evidence however exists that Bishop de Laval called upon the Governor to carry out the King's instructions of the nth of May, to maintain the authority of the Bishop of Petrea. The parties so arrested were conducted to Quebec. M. d'Allet from sickness was unable to leave, and passed the remainder of the winter there. The other priest's name is unknown. M. de Queylus left Quebec the 5 th of October by the return- ing ships. M. de Laval at this date had been only a few months in the country. One of the statements of the Bishop was, that the pres- ence of M. de Queylus would cause a schism in the church. In 1660, he wrote to the Pope that neither abuse nor error existed in Canada.* M. de Queylus was also a Sulpician : that Society had lately established itself in Montreal, affiili- ated to the mother Society in France, and there could be no ground to doubt its orthodoxy. Likewise, M. de Quey- lus, as an active member of the Society, was known by his administrative ability. The independent position claimed by Montreal was unfa- vourably felt by successive Governors. Now that its ecclesi- astical teaching was to be placed under the control of an order other than the Jesuits, there arose in the small ecclesiastical circle of Quebec a feeling adverse to the settlement. The presence of one in every way so distinguished as M. de Queylus gave strength and character to the community. He had been the representative of authority before the arrival of M. de Laval, and he still recalled the undefined, possibly * Romanum ritum hie omnes sequuntur, neque errores uUi, nuJli abusus irrep- serunt, nuUus hie error in fide neque abusus ullus in religionis exercitur. l66o] PROCEEDINGS AT PARIS. 277 undefinable, powers of the Archbishop of Rouen. His re-ap- pearance in Canada would, accordingly, in every respect have been unpleasant to the Bishop of Quebec. The letters which remain establish the intimate correspond- ence maintained in France by M. de Laval. His powerful friends were able to make his views accepted. On the 27th of February, 1660, M. de Queylus received a lettre de cachet for- bidding him to return to the Colony. A fortnight later d' Argen- son was informed, that as parties were introducing schism into the church, he was to maintain the authority of the Bishop of Petrea. It was written in general terms, but gave unlimited authority to take the steps he saw fit, provided it was done to prevent disorder and confusion in the church. The proceedings against M. de Queylus were accepted by the Montreal associates as directed against themselves. They waited on M. de Lamoignon, the first President of the Parlia- ment at Paris, and represented that there was no ground for the statement made that schism would arise. They under- took that M. de Queylus, and that all Sulpicians now in Montreal or who they would hereafter send, would declare in writing that they would recognize no authority in Canada but that of the Vicar Apostolic. Accordingly, they trusted that as M. de Queylus was proceeding to Canada, in the interest of some new acquisition of land, and as the society were about sending a reinforcement to advance the well-being of the settlement, no objection would be taken by M. de Laval against the presence of M. de Queylus in Montreal. This view was accepted by the President, M. de Lamoignon ; and it was agreed that on such declaration being authoritatively given, a lettre de cachet would be forwarded to Canada, with- drawing all prohibition against M. de Queylus proceeding thither. The declaration was made, and the Montreal pro- prietary felt that they could act as they deemed expedient. These proceedings were certainly communicated to Quebec; for in August of the same year M. de Laval sent a docu- ment for signature to the ecclesiastics of Montreal. It set forth that those signing it acknowledged none but his juris- 2/8 THE HISTORY OF CATSIADA. [1660 diction, repudiating all others ; and that they gave their sig- natures in token of perfect submission and obedience. At this date there were four Sulpicians in Montreal, Messrs. Souart, Galinier, Vignal, and Le Maistre. They all signed the paper. It was signed likewise by the four priests at Quebec constituting the clergy acting directly under the Bishop. The document despatched to Quebec, M. de Laval visited Montreal. He was received with all possible deference ; and, in accordance with the request of the inhabitants, interfered in the interest of the nuns of Saint Joseph, left destitute by the bankruptcy of M. de la Dauversiere. As no steps were taken to remove the ban laid upon M. de Queylus by the lettre de cachet, it was considered advisable to apply to the Holy See for the establishment of the Cure of Montreal, the first incumbent of which should be M. de Queylus. The necessary endowment was furnished and M. de Queylus proceeded personally to Rome to obtain the Pope's consent. On his arrival he found that he was accused of Jansenism. At firs.t he could obtain no hearing. He had not provided himself with credentials as to his orthodoxy, for such an accusation was the last he looked for. Fortunately for him. Cardinal Bagny, who had been Nuncio at Paris, was at Rome. He had been a friend of M. Olier, and also knew the merit of M. de Queylus. The Cardinal became his protector. He was thus enabled to submit his petition. At the same time he represented the Archbishop of Rouen, on whose behalf he submitted ' some very moderate and reasonable requests.' The Bull to M. de Bretonvilliers as one of the society, establishing a Parish Church in Montreal, and instituting a Cure for its service, to be presented by the Sulpicians of Paris, was granted in December, 1660. An unfortunate clause was added, directing the Archbishop of Rouen to exam- ine whether the endowment was satisfactory. The question of his ecclesiastical jurisdiction in Canada was thus again raised. M. de Laval, who had heard of the application, had written to the Nuncio to oppose it. Some irregularity had taken place so far as the jurisdiction of the Nuncio was l66l] THE CURE OF MONTREAL. 279 affected, which was afterwards satisfactorily explained. No record exists in Rome against the Bull being granted, and it appeared as if quiet had been re-established, when in this crisis the Archbishop of Rouen intervened. By the terms of the Bull he considered that his jurisdiction in Canada was recognized. Accordingly, he addressed M. de Laval, and delegated him to place M. de Queylus in possession. The Society of Montreal now considered that the proceed- ings taken by them in Paris, together with the Bull creating the Cure of Montreal, rendered further observance by M. de Queylus of the lettre de cachet unnecessary. It had not been revoked, but they looked upon it as inoperative, and M. de Queylus was directed to proceed to Canada. The Abbd de Belmont speaks of his coming to Canada incognito. The Archives of the Seminary, Quebec, as kept under M. de Laval, state that the friends of M. de Laval were well acquainted with the proposed step, and that as M. de Queylus was entering on board the vessel in which he was to sail, the agents of M. de Laval reminded him of the lettre de cachet against his pro- ceeding to Canada. The ship in which he took passage only went as far as Percd. There M. de Queylus found a vessel for Quebec, where he arrived the 3rd of August. He landed and waited on M. de Laval. M. de Laval at once expressed his opposition to the Bull. He refused to institute M. de Queylus, as requested by the Archbishop of Rouen ; and even withheld permission for him to proceed to Montreal. That M. de Laval, from his standing point in that stage of the proceedings, was justified in de- clining to represent the Archbishop of Rouen and' institute M. de Queylus, few will dispute. Whether it was advisable to raise ecclesiastical points of precedency in this hour of Canada's tribulation is a totally different question. M. de Laval further questioned the Bull itself He stated that he had been in- formed that it had been obtained insidiously. M. de Queylus had himself committed an irregularity in having failed to communicate all the facts to the Propaganda. Possibly inten- tionally, for eventually the Bull was opposed by some of the 28o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1661 Cardinals, without, however, causing it to be withdrawn. What- ever the cause, the omission was serious, and with these irregu- larities, M. de Laval may be held to have acted properly in refusing to recognize it without further reference to Rome. So long as the Vicar Apostolic refused to act upon the Bull, it was inoperative. For the time, it was as if it did not exist. But his interference in other respects must be looked upon as beyond his ecclesiastical functions. It is difficult to give it any other term than the tyrannical exercise of power. He instructed M. de Queylus not to leave Quebec. In 1659, M. de Queylus had been marched by a squad of soldiers from Montreal and taken to Quebec to be placed on shipboard. It was evident to him that his retention at Que- bec, was in order to keep him there until the departure of the ships and then send him back to France. He appealed to the Bishop against this decision. He likewise addressed the Governor and asked his interference. M. d'Argenson used his personal influence with M. de Laval to obtain a reversal of this restraint on the movements of M. de Queylus. It was in vain. The Bishop addressed a letter to M. de Queylus, ordering him not to leave Quebec under penalty of dis- obedience. Not content with this course he called upon the Governor to prevent the departure by force. In the hope of mollifying the Bishop, M. d'Argenson saw him, and at the same time personally declined to act in a severe manner. It is difficult to tell what danger M. de Laval anticipated to trouble the peace of the church, or what complications he looked for personally embarrassing to himself He was master of the situation.' He possessed in writing the acknow- ledgement of the Montreal Sulpicians of his authority. The institution of the Cure of Montreal had been delegated to himself He was writing to Rome and to Paris on the sub- ject. I-Iis views would reach the ecclesiastical and political powers as soon as those of an opposing interest, if any ex- isted. The Colony was passing through a period of most severe trial to which Montreal was specially subjected. Viewed by men of our day, the time was one when forbear- l66l] M. DE LAVAL'S LETTER. 281 ance and charity were most called for : they are in no way to be traced in the conduct of M. de Laval. On the following day he addressed M. d'Argenson, with more than the usual force which is apparent in his writings. He told M. d'Argenson that personally and by letter he had asked his assistance. That now he did so for the third time ; reminding him that nothing could be more clear or more positive " than the orders of the King, which yesterday we read together, which oblige you to give us the assistance necessary for the direction of our church, in which only your duty consists." Recapitulating the lettres de cachet which have been set forth, M. de Laval states that the Governor is under the obligation to grant the " aid I ask of you, having relation only to the execution of an order, the most gentle, although it seems neither so to you nor to M. de Queylus, which a bishop can give to an ecclesiastic who has been the cause of many disorders in the church.'' Finally, in the in- terests of the heavenly and earthly sovereigns, he appealed to d'Argenson for aid. 282 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1661 CHAPTER XL Had M. d'Argenson been continued in his position he might have felt that it would have been politic to act in unison with M. de Laval. But the vessels from France on which M. de Queylus was a passenger, also brought letters to the Gover- nor, which informed him that his successor had been named and had arrived at He Ferc6. M. d'Argenson declined to act, perhaps not indisposed to show the Bishop the little personal weight he could exercise. The Bishop was not so unfortunate in all appeals, for one of the preachers at Three Rivers felt called upon to stigmatize the Montreal Sulpicians as priests of Antichrist : one of those favourite epithets which, as occa- sion has suggested, every form of religion has from time to time appropriated, and on which even in these days we occa- sionally stumble. As M. d'Argenson would not interfere, M. de Laval ad- dressed another letter to M. de Queylus, threatening him with suspension if he left for Montreal ; and that there might be nothing to interfere with the proceeding, he included in the letter, the first, second, and third monitions, which were the necessary preliminaries to censure if pronounced. It certainly was a new doctrine that M. de Laval should control the per- sonal movements of an ecclesiastic. Such was the opinion of the party interested, for, on the night of the sth of August, M. de Queylus left Quebec for Montreal. He had scarcely reached the spot when he received a letter from M. de Laval informing him that unless he returned he would be declared suspended from his sacerdotal functions. M. de Queylus remained in Montreal ; no suspension was urged against him. M. d'Avaugour was hourly looked for, and matters were left undecided until his arrival. The new Governor reached Quebec at the end of August, but he did l66l] PRIESTS OF ST. SULPICE. 283 not assume office until the 19th of September, the day when M. d'Argenson departed for France. At this time, the represen- tations of M. de Laval at Paris had had the effect of obtain- ing an additional lettre de cachet ordering the departure of M. de Queylus. It now arrived. The new Governor exacted obedience to the order and M. de Queylus left for France on the 23rd of October. From M. de Queylus, the Bishop turned his attention to the Cure of Montreal, for which the Bull had been obtained. He denounced it as the means of introducing ruin and disorder into the Church of New France. These opinions impressed the Court. The King applied to the Pope on the subject; the attack failed. The Datory Office at Rome justified the course it had followed in recommending the Bull, and the Montreal associates also found friends sufficiently powerful to sustain their position. But the triumph was imperfect. The Priests of Saint Sul- pice at Paris, in 1659, had been ordered by the Court to send no more of their Priests to Canada. The days were gone, when intrigue could permanently banish them as the Recollets had been excluded m the previous years, but that ever they were admitted in the Colony was not owing to the good will of Bishop de Laval. They were described by him as opposed to the Holy See, and devoted to the Archbishop of Rouen. By the same vessel which carried away M. de Queylus, M. de Laval addressed the Pope, warning him against the proceed- ings of M. de Queylus, in France, and speaking in strong language against the Priests of St. Sulpice. Thus, with the representations of the Court of France, and with the letters from the Vicar Apostolic, the Pope gave instructions to the Nuncio at Paris, that the Bull should not be put into execution, and the Sulpicians had no other course but patiently to wait for better days. Such was the condition of affairs when M. d'Avaugour took charge of the government. In the interval between his arrival and the departure of M. d'Argenson, he travelled over what extent of the country he was able to visit. The new Governor 284 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1661 was now forty years of age. He had seen service, and, while having the character of being able and possessing energy, report assigned him the reputation of being eccentric and peculiar. He was impressed with Canada and wrote in its praise to Colbert, and dwelt on the natural beauties of the 5aint Lawrence in the tone they suggest. His rule in Canada lasted two years, his successor arriving in September, l663'- It was characterized by important events and proved to be a turning point in the country's history. The Company of One Hundred was now reduced in number to forty-five. Their career for past years shewed their in- capacity to direct the fortunes of the colony, and that the guiding principles of their operations was the development of its trade. There was little advantage, personally to be gained ; and, from the heavy charges to be met, the Company possessed only a continuance of responsible obligations with little hope of individual benefit. The country was entirely abandoned to the attacks of the Iroquois. The Saint Lawrence was so unsafe for travel that it took a month for the death of Major Close to be known at Quebec. He was a prominent person in Montreal, of great gallantry, and had lately married a protegee of Sceur Bourgeois ; the young wife being left a w^idow at nineteen. In the last months of 1 661, it is estimated that eighty Frenchmen had been killed or held as captives ; many of them persons of position, and some of the most promising young men of the country. It began to be felt that there was no hope but in France, and that some national recognition was indispensable, if the country was to continue to be inhabited by the white man. ' So general became this feeling that it was resolved to send an agent to France to bring the situation of the country directly to the notice of the King, and ask his intervention and protection. The choice fell on Pierre Boucher, of Tnree Rivers. He was born in Normandy and arrived, with his father, in 1635, when fifteen years of age. He lived to be ninety-seven, as is recorded in the Church Registers of Boucher- ville, where he died. He had acted as- Governor of Three l66l] PIERRE BOUCHER. 285 Rivers between 165 3- 165 8, and had passed through the long" tribulation to which that settlement had been subjected. I have availed myself of his labours in giving a picture of the country at that date, as far as possible. He was well qualified for the mission, and from his honourable, straightforward nature, was calculated to impress those he met. He left October, 1661. His views were sustained by d'Avaugour ; and the presence of d'Argenson in France added greatly tO' the weight of his representations.* Boucher was received by the King graciously ; and the result of the visit awoke attention to the points on the obser- vance of which the safety of the country depended. New France became a portion of the Kingdom. It passed from the control of a dissatisfied semi-bankrupt Company to be incorporated into the territory of France as a royal province,, of which the King and Council alone were the heads. It is the national position which, in the first instance, should have been extended. The policy of France towards Canada is one of the many instances how often men early learn a truth, only late to act upon it. Every Governor, even the incompetent and self-interested de Lauson had seen, that which was needed for Canada, was a force to control the aggressive Iroquois. There was no exception to this common cry for help, and by none was it more earnestly made than by the Jesuit Fathers. Not much is known of M. d'Avaugour, beyond his govern- ment of two years in Canada. There is a letter of his extant which does not tell favourably- for his statemanship.-f- It was his fourth despatch. The first had been in praise of the length and beauty of the Saint Lawrence ; the second on the necessity of fortifying Quebec ; the third against aiding the Colonies of Gasp4 and Placentia in Newfoundland. M. Dumont, in 1662, had taken possession of the latter as an important post for the protection of fisheries, and had left thirty soldiers with * Boucher's lineal descendants yet survive in Canada. The present repre- sentative of the family is the Hon. Charles E. Boucher de Boucherville, Senator for Montarville. + Collection de MS. Archives, Quebec, 1883. Vol. I., page 155. 286 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1661 a priest as a garrison, with instructions to exclude the English and Dutch. The fourth despatch recommended the conquest of the English Colonies, New England and New York. The inhabitants were all heretics, he said, rich, engaged in fisheries and in commerce with the Indians. The country was not so cold as Canada. It simply required ten large vessels and four thousand men. If the King would give him the command h"e hoped to take Boston and Manhattan [New York] between May and July. He proposed to conclude his promenade by returning by the way of Orange [Albany,] leaving garrisons where necessary. M. d'Avaugour made this proposition, when, from the want of soldiers, men were in danger a few arpents from the fort gates of Quebec. It was in his day that the question of the liquor traffic came into prominence and created a serious misunderstand- ing between the civil and religious authorities destined to be felt in every family in Canada. One of the means of payment for the beaver and the other skins had been by liquor which, from the commencement, had been fully supplied. An endeavour has been made to throw the blame of its introduction on the English during their occupation of Quebec. The English traders were neither better nor worse than the French, and it is to be presumed that they continued the system of trade as they found it established. It is an unwarranted assertion to say that it was introduced by them. Even had such been the case thirty years had elapsed since their departure and there had been ample time to perfect a thoroughly improved system of dealing with the Indian. The trade took this form ; and afterwards it was not possible to control it. Champlain endeavoured to keep it within fixed limits. His policy was followed by succeeding Governors, But the attempt failed and the Indian continued to obtain brandy. The use of ardent spirits by the Indian is de- struction to him and has been directly legislated against in modern times. He drinks to get drunk. Especially at that date so he might, when in that state, perform some act which his sober judgment would condemn and prevent, but l66l] PUNISHMENTS. 287 which might be palliated by his inebriety. The blame would then fall on the fire-water which he had swallowed. The competition in trade had worked its influence. Liquor having been found acceptable was used by one trader ; and another adopted the principle not to be at a disadvantage. Thus it became a currency of tempting acceptance. The traders, without distinction accordingly, had fallen into the practice of giving it and the difficulty arose as to what could be sub- stituted for it. A few months after the Bishop's arrival a meeting had been held* under his presidency, to determine whether selling liquor to the Indian was a sin against morality. Amid the ceremonies of Easter, 1660, the Bishop addressed the congre- gation on the crime of giving liquor in trade, and he ended in excommunicating those who would continue the practice. The question of the use of spirits in trade was one of great difficulty. It had grown into a custom and the trade itself depended to some extent on its continuance. It was a source of profit, and, if used at all, every one engaged in such operations had to use it to hold his own. The whole community was interested. M. de Laval was so far right ; the mischief being established to the full extent, the remedy lay in prohibi- tion : that no person whatever should use it. It became a more serious question when Bishop de Laval arrogated to himself the right of constituting the non-observance of his mandate a religious offence, to be punished by excommunication. The Bishop obtained the passage of a law against supplying liquor to the Indians, the infringement of which was death. M. d'Avaugour had not been a month in office before two men were shotf and one flogged for transgressing the law. There is but little record of the emotion these proceedings occa- sioned in the community. But the whole of Canada was affected by them. Trade was paralyzed, and the excitement * 1659, September 26th. Jesuits' Journal. + Jesuits' Journal, 7tli October, 1661. One of the persons shot, Daniel Voil, had been excommunicated in February as ' heretique, relaps, blasphemateur des Sacrements.' On 3rd April, an excommunicated person made public penance. 288 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l66r must have made itself felt in a way we can scarcely conceive. It was a question long to disturb the public peace. Sixteen years later it was the cause of a special mission to France, and the calm intellect of Colbert pointed out that if the trade could not be conducted on terms acceptable to the Indian, it would pass by the way of Albany, and he was not terrified by the exaggerated descriptions made to him of the conse- quences of the practice. Unfortunately, M. de Laval never could regard any matter except from the standing point of his own opinions. Con- vinced of the rectitude of his intentions, and satisfied with their wisdom, and impressed with the justice of his views, he could entertain no other policy than that the trade should be summarily prevented. His own wants were few. He was capable of sacrifices for the cause he represented. He looked upon this trade as a crime ; and for those who persevered in it he had stern reprisal. His remedy was the gallows ; and where the law could not reach, he had the spiritual curse of excommunication. He had not the slightest idea of the delicate and nice handling with which an admitted abuse of long standing has to be treated, so that public policy when it has gone wrong may be brought into the right groove. The arbitrary measures proposed by him, however theoretically right, cut away the means of livelihood from hundreds in the small colony. A man seeing his family wanting bread, has difficulty in comprehending the abstract principle of ethics, which causes his distress. The Governor-General must have been greatly troubled by these opposing influences, for a trifling incident led to a serious difficulty. Of all the Jesuits of that day, Father Hierosome Lalemant stands forth as one of the ablest and most prudent. He is specially mentioned by d'Argenson under this aspect and his writings and conduct establish his sense and moderation. A woman had been convicted of selling liquor to the Indians. Lalemant, who had often rendered services to the Governors,, interceded for her. The incident is only known through the biographer of M. de Laval. The Governor was furious ; the l662] TRADE IN BRANDY ALLOWED. 289 reply he is reported to have made, is, that the Jesuits who were the first to exclaim against the trade, now desired to save the trader ; and that if it was not a crime for this woman, it should not be for any other person. It is customary to mention this speech as a personal char- acteristic of the Governor, denoting his hasty manners and his bad temper. Is it not rather to be regarded as a mark of the difficulties which had arisen from the extreme views enforced ? The consequence was that all restrictions were removed. The trade in liquor became general. As in all reactions, there were excesses ; but the change accorded with the public feeling. The sentiment of satisfaction was uni- versal. Its display was painfully felt by M. de Laval. He poured forth threats and denunciations from the pulpit. The preacher, the Bishop who, a few months earlier had been a power before whom men trembled was now scarcely listened to. He hurled forth excommunications ; he was told that it was a matter with which the Chujrch had nothing to do. Some of his censures he found it politic to revoke.* The situation became one which he was unable to meet, so he started for France to appeal to that authority which had already been exercised on his side, and which he trusted successfully to influence to remove the Governor, who headed the opposition against him. He left Canada on the 1 2th of August. There was another point which he was anxious to determine ; the establishment of the Bishopric of Quebec. The late dis- turbances may have suggested that if the Governor were removable through the representations of the Vicar Apostolic, the Vicar Apostolic was by no means permanent himself, if the State saw reasons to influence the Holy Father to make a change. The opinion in the Colony was decided, that if he did not succeed, he would not return. It was not until 1674 that the Bishopric of Quebec was constituted ; it may be safely said the delay must have been obtained by the influence of the Jesuits with the Pope. As matters stood, the Bishop * 1662 Jesuit's Journal, Janvier. — " Le jour de St. Matthias, on fut oblige de relever rexcommunication k cause des troubles et desordres extraordinaires." 290 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 of Petrea in no small degree remained in dependence on the order. If M. de Laval did not entirely compass his wishes in this respect, his influence with the Court obtained for him a specific promise with regard to the future. There already had been some efforts made on his part in the same direction. A lettre de cachet, 13th of March, 1660, is in existence, in which the King promises him that when the Bishopric is established his name shall be sent to the Pope ; a letter registered by himself at Quebec. On 23rd of April, 1662, the promise was again made by Anne of Austria. M. de Laval was accordingly named as the first Bishop of Quebec to be appointed by the Pope. He knew the importance of these words which went far to make him irremovable without cause, and so he styled himself Bishop nominated by the King. One important material mark of royal favour reached him ; he obtained the important grant of the Abbey of Maubec, 14th of December, 1662. While M. de Laval was proceeding to France to lay before the Court his charges against M. d'Argenson, and to call for his removal, the Governor had sent his own Secretary, M. Peronne du Mesnil to represent his view of the situation. The result of the mission to France by Boucher now com- menced to bear fruit. The King undertook to send a regi- ment to subdue the Iroquois so that their inroads should cease ; and in this year, 1663, M. Dumont arrived. He was in command of a hundred soldiers, and two hundred colonists likewise accompanied him. M. Dumont was expressly charged with the duty of examining the country, and of reporting upon its character and capabilities. His report has not been found. Enough is known of it to infer, that it was most favour- able, and that it had great influence in determining events as they afterwards shaped themselves. It was on the 5th of February, 1663, during the carnival, that an earthquake took place. It commenced about half-past five in the evening. The first shock was followed by a loud, continuous noise, succeeded by a multiplicity of sounds, and 1663] THE EARTHQUAKE. 29I by an irregular movement of the ground, at one time tri- fling and slight ; at another serious and threatening. At one time it sounded as if fire were raging, followed by the rattling of musketry, succeeded by long and alarming peals as of thunder. The sounds then changed to the roll of breakers on the shore in a tempest. The soil moved up and down so as to cause general terror. Doors opened and closed. The bells of the churches from time to time sounded as if rung by design. Many houses tottered, and the furniture of the rooms became displaced. Chimneys fell. Walls were rent. The heavy timbers in the buildings cracked. Where there were palisades, they were raised up and displaced. One of the most remarkable of the phenomena was, that the ice of the river, at that season from three to four feet thick, was broken up into floating masses, drifting here and there. The domestic animals evinced the greatest fear, the dogs howled and moaned in their terror; and, what at Three Rivers was a strange event, was the presence of a shoal of porpoises, rarely seen there. Several shocks succeeded. Thirty-two were counted, six only were of a decided character. The movement extended from Labrador to the Ottawa, passing thence to New York and New England. The shocks were not everywhere alike in character. They were most frequent at Tadousac, two or three occurring the same day ; and on the Laurentide moun- tains, back of the Saint Lawrence, noises were more frequently heard and the movement more noticed. At, Three Rivers the atmosphere became insupportably heavy. Although in mid winter, gusts of hot air were con- tinually felt on the night of the 5th and 6th of February. Smoke and showers of sand were cast from the river in front of Quebec. At Tadousac cinders fell to the depth of an inch. A number of meteors appeared in the heavens, to which tradition assigns an extraordinary character, and during the following summer there were periodical exhalations of warm vapour to destroy vegetation. The material consequences were serious. It is reported that above Three Rivers, on the Saint Maurice, steep hills ' 292 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 were thrown from their site, and with the trees on their summit, were cast into the stream, damming back the water; the stream thus diverted in its turn, undermined masses of earth which fell into the river. Consequently the discharge of the northern rivers into the Saint Lawrence changed the colour of the water for months, and the banks of the rivers were much affected by the same cause. From Cap Tourmente to Tadousac, changes in the contour of the land took place. Near the Bay of St. Paul, a hill three-quarters of a mile in length was displaced, to fall into the river and there form an island. The spot to this day is known as " Les Eboulements." We are told that near the Point aux Alouettes a whole wood slipt into the water, above which, for some time the tops of trees projected. If the descriptions are exaggerated there is an agreement in their statements, and the fair conclusion seems to be that the account we possess is generally correct. The loss of no life is recorded. Nor have we the destruction of a house named. The scattered and limited condition of the population may account for this fact. As in all convulsions of nature, there were many who recognized in the proceeding only the chastening hand of God ; many believed that it was the punishment of the people for their wicked, unscrupulous pursuit of gain in persevering in the sale of brandy to the Indians. Many good men saw in the earthquake the visible interference of the Creator to protect his church ; vindicating the Bishop in his excom- munications, which impious men had despised, and awaken- ing remorse in those whose conduct had driven the saintly Bishop to France. It was the fulfilment of the anathemas which he had uttered. It was a lesson read to the profligate and vicious to mend their lives ; a warning of the future tor- ment Vv'hich in another life follows the unbeliever, the scoffer, the neglecter of church sacraments. The accounts of the day are full of these views, and are found side by side with almost scientific descriptions of the action of the earthquake, which the student of the science of seismology may profitably 1663] CANADA A ROYAL PROVINCE. 293 peruse. These superstitious and strained explanations of causes natural to the physical life of the globe, however imper- fectly and unsatisfactorily they may be explained, throw light on the tone of thought in Canada at this time. In the middle of September, 1663, M. de Laval returned to Canada. Louis XIV., then a young man of twenty-five, had received the Bishop with much consideration. He acceded to the request that M. d'Avaugour should be recalled, and the Jesuits were called upon to recommend a successor.* The choice fell on M. de M6sy, who accompanied M. de Laval to Canada, to assume the Government. One important event had taken place while M. de Laval was in France. The ' Cent Associes ' abandoned their charter to the King. Canada became a portion of the royal domain ; a royal province ; an integral portion of the Kingdom of France beyond the seas. At a meeting held the 24th of February, 1663, it was resolved unanimously to restore to the King the property and lordship of New France, trusting to his equity and justice to satisfy any claim of indemnity the Company might possess. In March following the transfer was accepted by the King. Thus the Royal control of France was estab- lished over Canada to remain for a period of ninety-two years and seven months. The first act of the King was by the Edict of April, 1663, to constitute a Sovereign Council, empowered to carry on the Government of the Province, to administer justice and to be supreme in matters of police and trade. New France thus became a Province. Quebec was constituted a city. There was hereafter to be a strong Government maintained by a sufficient force. At this date the population of the whole of Canada did not exceed two thousand five hundred souls, of which eight hundred, including the garrison, were at Quebec. Sixty years had passed since Champlain had laid the first * Instructions to Talon, 27th March, 1665. Les Jesuites firent tant de plaintes contre le Sieur Baron du Bois d'Avaujour que le roy pour leur donner satisfaction se resolut non seulement de le rappeler mais mesme de leur laisser le choix d'un autre gouverneur. 294 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 foundation of the country. The career of the settler had been a constant struggle, with the daily risk of his life. The small population which remained, for many left the country, had shewn high qualities. History has scarcely a parallel to these few thinly inhabited scattered communities, holding their own in the face of the continued difficulties and trials, experienced by them. This handful of men and women will ever command respectful mention. It is in the light of their so maintaining their ground in the face of little hope of aid, that they must be considered. It was owing to the new blood thrown into Canada, and to the vigorous policy adopted, that it emerged from its petty, struggling condition. Had the fortunes of the colony been wisely conducted they would have taken permanent form : it is not impossible that a power would have been established which might have given a different character to the language and form of religion in the territory west of the Alleghanies, to that which at this hour it possesses. PEDIGREE OF THE DE LAVAL FAMILY CLAIMED AS THAT OF IHK SIEUR DE LAVAL DE MONTIGNY, FIRST ROMAN CATHOLIC BISHOP OF QUEBEC. I Extracted froiu tlio Dictioiinairo .le Nnl>los!c par ilc la Cllenayc-Doshois ot Badicr. I. Bouchard de Montmorency, 954. VIII. Mathieu II., present at Battle of Kouvines, 1214. m. I. Gertrude de Soissons. 2. Emma de Laval. IX. Guy de Montmorency-I/aval, * ob. 1267. IX. Bouchard. * * * Direct line of Montmorency. X. Guy VIII., ob. 1295. m. I. Isabe.au i\v lieaiimont. 2. Jeanne de Hrienne. XI. Guy IX. \I. AndriT', Seigneur de ' Chatillon en Vendelais. Line of Montmorency- I.a val XII. Joan de Laval, clo.seil with Line closed XIV. Anne de Laval. with m. 1404, Jean, Couile dc XIII. Jeanne de Laval. Montford, ill Brittany^, who m. I. Hcrtrand de Guesclin. 2, took the name of Giliy de XIV. Laval. XV. Anne de Laval, died 1465. XVI. XVII. In the Edition of 1869, from which the pedigree has been extracted, Hugues, 1st Seigneur of Montigny, is named "de Laval-Montmorency," a transposition of the previous family name, "de Montmorency-Laval." His son : Jean Louis, receives the same name. His son : Joseph, born 24th October, 1672, is also so descril>ed. No cause is assigned fur this departure from the general nomenclature of this and some of the elder branches. So far as the pedigree serves as a guide there is no known relationship to warrant the change, and it must be looked upon, as the assumption of an historic name without title or authority. It is plain that Hugues, a younger son, founder of the junior branch of Montigny, could have no legal right to the affix of " Montmorency," when it was not borne by his elder brother, Gabriel de Laval, Baron de la Faigne, unless obtained by marriage with an heiress of that house. As there is no mention of this fact, it may be assumed as never having taken place. Whether or no this statement be an intercalation of modern times, I cannot discover. No light is thrown on the subject in the account of the Laval family. The pedigree in the " Dictionnaire de Noblesse" does not include the name of M. de Laval, Bishop of Quebec. His biographers describe him as the third son of Hugues, first Seigneur of Montigny. He was born in 1623. Guy de Laval, 1st Seigneur of Loue. Guy de Laval, died in i;?S6. Thibaut de Laval, Chamberlain Charles VII. Guy de Laval, died 1484. Pierre de Laval, who assumed XVII. the Arms of Montmoi ency, after the death of An iie de XVIII. Laval. XIX. XX. XXI. Rene de Laval, Seigneur de la Faigne et de Pontvallain, died 1498. Rene de Laval, Seigneur de la Faigne de Ver, de la Rosiere, de Montigny. At the Battle of Marignan, 1515. 1. Louis died without issue. 2. Hugues, Seigneur de Tartigny Avelines. Jean de Laval m. Claude de Prunele d'Esneval. I. Gabriel de Laval, 2. Hugues, 1st Seigneur de Montigny. XXII. Baron de Faigne. Thomas de Laval. His son, Jean Louis de Laval, married Franjoise de Chevestry, daughter of Tauneguy, Seigneur de Cintry. His son, Joseph de Laval, born 24th October, 1672. BOOK III. From the Government of M. de M£sy, 1663, to the Expedition of De La Salle to the Mouth OF THE Mississippi, 1682. 1663] COLBERT. 299 CHAPTER I. The visit of M. de Laval to France was successful. He ob- tained much which he had desired ; with the exception that the promise of his future appointment to the Bishopric of Quebec, not the appointment itself, was the one unfavourable result of his mission. His letters establish that this arrangement caused him anxiety ; and eleven years were to elapse before he was to reach this object of his ambition. His representations had led ,to the recall of the Governor who had set him at defiance. To avoid future complications the Jesuits* had been called upon to name a successor, and M. de Laval had taken part in the selection. He had been appointed to the Abbey of Maubec, the revenues of which were devoted to the sup- port of the Bishopric, and in the receipt of which he was immediately placed : the commencement of wealthy dotations which, during his life, he transferred to the Seminary of Quebec. Cardinal Mazarin had died in March, 1661, when Colbert succeeded him as Comptroller of Finance. The diiificulties which had arisen in the first years of Colbert's appointment with the farmers of the Royal revenue had not permitted him to give that attention to the development of Canada which subsequently distinguished his administration. He had been but a few months in office when M. de Laval arrived in France in September, 1662 : at that time important matters, to some extent affecting his own position, compelled the Minister to concentrate his efforts upon home policy. Colbert was born at Rheims, the 29th of August, 161 9, of a respectable bourgeois family. At the age of sixteen he was * Instructions au Sieur Talon, Intendant, 27 Mars, 1665. See note p. 293. It is in this paper we learn the death of M. d'Avaugour : " M. d'Avaugour a este tue en deffendant avec beaucoup de valeiir le fort de Serin centre les Turcs sur la frontiere de Croatie." 300 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 sent to a merchant's office at Lyons. After passing some time in this occupation, he obtained by the aid of an uncle an appointment in the War Office, in which position he was brought into communication with Michel le Tellier. The latter was so struck by Colbert's talents and address, that the Minister attached him to his personal staff. In this position Colbert acted, drawing up notes for Mazarin and in time he was selected to present them, and receive the Cardinal's in- structions. His abilities thus became known to Mazarin, who transferred him to his own department. At twenty-seven, Colbert was appointed Councillor of State. When, in 165 1, owing to the intrigues against him, Mazarin considered it politic to leave France and take refuge in Cologne, Colbert remained true to the Cardinal and kept his patron acquainted with events as they were happening at home. In the year following, when Mazarin returned, Colbert was appointed to a higher office and was brought into immediate relations with the King. During the nine years which intervened before Mazarin's death the young King grew into manhood. The story has been told how the dying Cardinal, in acknow- ledging his obligations to the King, declared that he repaid everything in giving him Colbert. He proferred a service less to be recognised when he counselled the King himself to govern. When, some days after Mazarin's death, the Chan- cellor Seguier, with two Councillors of State, waited on the King, and asked to whom they should address themselves for instructions, they received the laconic reply " A moi." It was at Vaux, the i6th of August, 1661, that Fouquet gave his last banquet when 'les Facheux', of Moliere, was, for the first time, produced. It was the luxury visible on this occasion which astonished the young King, and led to the entertainer's ruin. Fouquet was arrested, brought before Parliament, and closed his career by passing twenty years in prison at Pignard : by his fall a career was opened to Colbert. Colbert was forty-two years old when he assumed the power which he was to hold for twenty-two years. If there be a monument of the vanity of human wishes, it is the sight of 1663] DE MfiSY. 301 this able and conscientious minister dying a disappointed man, refusing on his death-bed to read a letter from the King, to obtain whose favour had been the principle of his political being. His life had been devoted to his duties : but he had to contend against a vicious system which defied his control. Nevertheless, the reforms whic^i he introduced were extensive and important. He saw that in peace, as in war, the finances had never been consulted in determining the expenditure; and he pointed out to the King that although the receipts had continually increased they had always been exceeded by the expenses. Colbert's view was that France had no need of her neighbours, and that she, as a country, was indispensable to them. It was this opinion which led him to protect French industry and enterprise, and to develop the national resources on principles, which to-day, by no means find universal recognition. Affairs were, therefore, in a transition state, when, in 1662, M. de Laval appeared in Paris, and that such was the case was in no way disadvantageous to him and those who sus- tained him. The personal character of M. de Laval, his observance of all the proprieties of life with the reputation of his austerities, tended to obtain for him respect and sympathy. Moreover, the cause of quarrel, the use of spirits in trade with the Indians, declared to be so pernicious to them, and which he was endeavouring to uproot, with many placed him so indisputably in the right, that his case was won almost as soon as it was heard. The Jesuits, called upon to name a successor to M. d'Avau- gour, cast their eye on the Sieur de Mesy. He was then Major of the town of Caen, and made a profession of being d^vot. They believed that in his person, they had found one who would act in accordance with their sentiments. We are told that M. de M^sy declined the position owing to his debts : that the King paid the money, and even gave him a further sum. The authority for this statement is the meagre tradition that it was so rumoured in Quebec,* and accordingly it has so * Histoire de I'Hotel Dieu de Quebec, pp. 148, 149. 302 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 been accepted, M. de M6sy has left no record of such a fact, nor can it be traced to any one having knowledge on the subject. His letter* accepting the position states, that he thus acted, that he might in Canada lead a holy life in furthering the glory of God, the service of the King and the welfare of the Colony. M. Saffrey de M6sy had in his day been an inmate of the Caen Hermitage. This establishment was composed of re- ligious zealots, for the most part without experience or dis- cretion, who undertook to introduce into a community a new view of religious duty, colouring the faith ■ they were taught, with the extravagance and intemperance of their own opinions. It was held that a particular duty was entailed upon the pro- fessors of these views, to watch the teaching of ecclesiastics and civil magistrates ; and, if necessary, to be prepared to crush all who might oppose them in any form. In order to educate the disciples of these opinions, long fasts, austerities, and silent meditation for hours, were enforced. M. de Mesy had passed through this training to the satisfaction of the Jesuits who submitted his name. He was, moreover, known to M. de Laval. The Bishop of Petrea left France in company with the new Governor, and arrived at Quebec the 15th of September, 1663. No sooner had they arrived than steps were taken to establish the Sovereign Council. On the i8th, five Councillors were named. Rouer de Villeray, Juchereau de la Ferte, Ruelle d'Auteuil, and Legardeur de Tilly. Bourdon was named Attorney-General. These appointments must be attributed to the Bishop, for M. de M6sy, new to Canada, was igno- rant as to their 'character. He acted in other respects in conformity with the Bishop's views, for, on the 28th, an Edict was issued against liquor being sold or givenf by any one to the Indians. The punishments . of non-observance were a fine of three hundred francs for the first offence, for the second the lash or banishment. It was accordingly plain to * 27th February, 1664. i Pas meme un coup." 1663] LOUIS GAUDAIS. 303 the traders that the Jesuits were again dominant and that a new order of things to that under M. d'Avaugour, was firmly to be estabHshed. Early in July the Secretary of M. d'Avaugour had returned, and he must have brought with him the letters of recall. The Governor did not wait for his successor. On the 23rd July he left Canada.* From Gasp^ he penned a memorial to Colbert, giving his views of the Colony. Fie submitted a system of fortification, and again recommended the attempt to conquer New York and Boston, which he regarded as feasible and certain if undertaken. The King would then be master of America, and the Heretics would remain only so long as it pleased him.f No troops, in 1663, were sent to Canada ; but one hundred families, consisting of five hundred persons, ai-rived. The King agreed to maintain them for a year. There had been a famine in France- during 1662, accompanied by much suffering, and there would have been little difficulty in directing a large emigration to Canada. The Governor and Bishop were accompanied by M. Louis Gaudais,:j: who was instructed to return by the Autumn ships, and in the meantime obtain all the information possible. He was created a member of the Sovereign Council to rank next after the Bishop of Petrea, and all the members were called * Jesuits' Journal. + N. Y. Historical documents. Vol. IV., p. 12., 4 August, 1663. J The instructions to M. Gaudais, 7th May, 1663, are given, ' Comple- ment des Ordonnances et Jugements. Quebec, 1856.' Vol. III. pp. 23, 27. They are drawn up with care, suggesting that the hand of Colbert was engaged on, them. The inquiries Gaudais is called upon to make embrace every subject necessary to a knowledge of the country. The fault was, that no time sufficient to make them was allowed, for it is stated that the sojourn of Gaudais in Canada would not exceed a month or six weeks. The Editor of this volume, one purely of reference, has taken upon himself to modernize the spelling, and suspicions are created that the text has undergone revision. The proceeding would in no way be tolerated at this date. The altera- tion detracts from the value of the documents. The book ought to be re-printed in its original form, for it is of value ter se even at this date. The secret instructions given to M. Gaudais appear translated in the Historical Documents, New York. Vol. IX., pp. 12, 13. 304 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1665 upon to give him every assistance. His duty was to examine into the condition of New France, the nature of the soil, the crops natural to it, what had been the former Government, to^ describe Quebec, Three Rivers and Montreal, their population of each sex, how the people lived, their trade, the means of educating their children, the mode of settlement, the protec- tion adopted against the Indians, the extent of settlement, the quantity of land attached to each house, and the extent of it cleared ; whether the crops were in excess of home require- ment ; if there was an absence of women and young girls, so- that if necessary they should be sent for wives for the settlers ; to examine into the expenses, the allowance of the Governor,, the pay of officers and soldiers, the amount of debt, the con- dition of the fur trade, and whether it would be advisable in the interest of the inhabitants that the King should entirely control it ; to examine if there were mines, what was the character of the timber, in its applicability for the construc- tion of ships, and whether ships could be advantageously con- structed in Canada, workmen being sent out for the purpose. M. Gaudais was also instructed to note the workings of the Sovereign Council : the matter of religion being in the hands of the Bishop of Petrea was left untouched. He was called upon to be vigilant and active, not to make unimportant observations, but to omit no examination which he considered would be useful. His duty by his secret instructions was to examine into the truth of the complaints of the Jesuits against d'Avaugour, not omitting the conduct of M. de Laval himself Had M. Gaudais been an able man, we should be in posses- sion of a valuable report, on the condition of Canada at that date ; and there was much to command his attention. There is none forthcoming. His career was short. Colbert evidently saw his incompetence. He was not again employed : his place was taken by Talon. Events of a special character took place at this date, which, from the consequences they involved, called for the exercise of honesty and judgment. They still remain shrouded in mystery, owing to the uncertain information we possess regard- 1663] PERONNE DU MESNIL. 305 ing them, and it may be said that at the date they occurred they were examined into at Paris with imperfect attention. It was the period of the transfer of New France to Royal con- trol ; the legacy was one which little affected the King's Councillors, and it is possible that Colbert may have given slight encouragement for its close examination. So far as the facts can be presented, the Company directed M. Peronne du Mesnil to proceed to Canada, to examine into their affairs. He arrived in the autumn of 1660, and commenced his inves- tigation during the last years of d'Argenson's rule. Accord- ingly, he had been three years in Canada when M. Gaudais arrived. Du Mesnil was accompanied by his son, Peronne de Touches, who, in the last days of August, 1661, was killed by a kick* by some person unknown and was buried at Quebec. The father was an advocate of the Parliament of Paris, and had been appointed Comptroller, Intendant and Judge in the interests of the Company. But the Council at Quebec refused to recognise his powers. When, on the 31st of August, 1661, M. d'Avaugour arrived to assume the Government, he was accompanied by another son of du Mesnil who was acting as his Secretary. The first news which he heard on his arrival was that his brother had met a violent death, and had been buried a few hours previously. There was a strong feeling against the father. He was officially calling to account the oligarchy which ruled Quebec, most of whom, by unexplained means, had become wealthy. Every impediment had been offered to M. du Mesnil obtaining infor- mation : but he persevered in his inquiry. What accounts he could obtain he examined, and the conviction which he formed was, that the Company had been systematically defrauded, and that those who were all powerful at Quebec had profited by the system followed. There is no doubt that the allegations of M. du Mesnil worked their effect on the community during the rule of d'Avaugour for it was in his day the examinations were made. In all directions incompleteness of statement presented itself, * Tue par un coup de pied par. * * * Jesuits' Journal, 31st August, 1661. 3o6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 with a failure to account for the monies which had been received. According to this view the leading men in the Colony were more or less implicated, and du Mesnil's examina- tion shewed that large sums remained without vouchers for their expenditure. It was plain that even if no wrong had been committed that there was ground for an inquiry, and that grave suspicion was attached to many in prominent positions. On the morning after the Governor's arrival, M. du Mesnil waited upon him. The Bishop and M. Gaudais were with M. de M6sy. Du Mesnil pointed out that by the arrits of the 27th of March, 1647, and the 13th of May, 1659, all receivers of public money were excluded from office until they had given a satisfactory statement of the money which had passed through their hands. In connection with this law, he directed the attention of the Governor to Messrs. de Villeray and Bourdon, who were especially named by him as being so cir- cumstanced. Nevertheless, on the following day, they were appointed to the Council. On the 20th, M. de Villeray, against whom these charges had been made, was directed by the Council to search for papers in du Mesnil's possession stated to have been unlaw- fully obtained. Between seven and eight in the evening, accompanied by ten soldiers, de Villeray broke open the door of du Mesnil's room. He forced the place of deposit of the papers, and carried away what du Mesnil subsequently de- scribed as the narrative of his investigations and the proofs of the peculation of men in office. Du Mesnil was, by force, held on a seat during the seizure. No inventory was made of the papers taken. The outrage committed, du Mesnil asked the protection of Gaudais as Intendant. Gaudais replied that the proceeding had originated with the Council not with him, upon which du Mesnil stated that he would apply to the King directly for jus- tice. Gaudais called upon him to send in his petition setting forth the facts. The proceedings of the Court of the 22nd of September mention the receipt of this petition. In the former 1663] QUEBEC RELATIONSHIPS. 307 record he is spoken of as one* Dumesnil Peronne. Here he is named as the Sieur Jean Peronne du Mesnil, accusing the Sieurs, de la Villeray, de la Ferte, d'Auteuil, and de Tilly. Some formal correction was required as the parties named were not now Seigneurs. The petition was referred to Gaudais for report : instructions never acted upon.f The 2 1st of October was the day named for the departure of the vessels returning to France. To prevent du Mesnil leaving by them, the Council ordered his arrest. He obtained information of the fact and went on board the ship of Captain Gardeur. The vessel was threatened by the guns of the lower battery ; nevertheless, she sailed. Desirable as it may have appeared to hold du Mesnil in Canada, the extreme step of retaining him by force was not attempted. In a Mimoire of Gaudais the facts are admitted, with the addition that it was he who prevented the arrest of du Mesnil. Gaudais had been brought into relationship with the mem- bers of the inner circle of Quebec life, all bound together by ties of family and interest, and to assail one was to assail all. Joseph Giffard, son of Robert Giffard of Beauport, was engaged to be married to Michelle Therese Nau, Gaudais' niece. Her sister was married to de la Ferte, one of the Council accused. Giffard was also surety for de Repentigny, charged with being in debt to the Company to a large amount. Moreover, with the exception of Damours, and the secretary, Peuvret de Menu, the accusations of du Mesnil included every member of the Council. They had also in common the merit of being perfectly orthodox, and supporters of M. de Laval. * Le nomme. Cons : Sou v. Vol. I. , page 4. t The allusion to these names in the Cour Souveraine without a fuller know- ledge of the facts is inexplicable. On 13th October, 1663, there is an action of Aubert, Sieur de la Chesnaye against Jean Peronne, Sieur du Mesnil. It is left ■over until an inventory be made of the papers. On the 18th March, 1664, there is an account of the papers having been opened under protest, and some papers belonging to the estate of the late Martin Grouel were taken out, and an inventory made on loose sheets. On the 20th March, there is an action of Louis Peronne, Sieur de Maze, against Charles Cadieu Courville for 240 livres, for finishing a house in the lower town. There is little in the proceedings of the Cour Souver- aine to throw light on these events. 308 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 Bourdon, the Attorney-General, had been baker and gunner of the fort. By his intelligence he had obtained the appoint- ment of collector of customs. He is mentioned in the Rela- tions of 1637, having taken part in the construction of some fireworks for the Fete of the Immaculate Conception. He had accompanied Father Jogues to the Iroquois. In 1657 he made a voyage of exploration, and reached the SS^h parallel of latitude, where he had been attacked by the Esquimaux, He had lately established himself at Quebec. De Villeray is stated to have come out to Canada as valet to de Lauson. One of the scandals of the day was, that he had been taken out of jail in La Rochelle, where he was confined for debt, in order to proceed to Canada. In de Frontenac's day he was reported to be the most wealthy personage in the colony. Whether these persons were innocent or guilty, with the accusation hanging over them, they were not persons to be appointed to the Council, to be composed of the best men. They acted as a clique to give unhesitating support to the faction which nominated them, and it is not to be wondered at that the Governor failed to agree with them. When he re- covered from the infatuation of the extreme opinions which he had formed at the Caen Hermitage, he must have seen the precarious character of their support, and how ready it was to be turned against himself No record shews that these parties were ever purged of the charges made against them. The pro- ceeding of the Council was simply to stamp out the accusa- tion. Nothing could be more arbitrary and unjust than the course they followed. The matter appears to have died away ; but those who study the limited documents at their disposal cannot resist the impression that there had been systematic fraud. Even in those days men got rich at Quebec mysteri- ously. A canker had eaten into official life which lasted the remaining ninety-four years of French rule. The wrong- doing unearthed by du Mesnil may have been exaggerated, but there is ground for belief that there was a sound basis for much that he advanced. An important change took place with regard to Montreal ; 1663] THE SULPICIANS SEIGNEURS OF MONTREAL. 309 the assumption by the Seminary of Saint Sulpice of the obH- gations of the Montreal Company. In 1663, there remained but five of its original members. The religious ministrations had been performed by the Sulpicians, and they now prepared to accept the civil obligations of the Company. It was not without hesitation that this responsibility was taken ; for the Seminary, while obtaining the transfer of the grants and property, undertook to pay the debts and fulfil every other existing obligation. That community had already expended large sums to sustain Montreal, and they were to receive as an equivalent the island with the Seigneury and all rights of the first owners. The transfer was kept secret uritil the Sth of May, 1663, when M. Souart was instructed to take possession of the settlement and island in the name of the Seigneurs. The ceremony was performed on the i Sth of August. The establishment of Canada as a Royal Province affected Montreal. On the arrival of M. de Mesy steps were taken to affirm the Royal authority over that domain. Hitherto the Seigneurs had possessed the right of appointing officers to administer justice. The principle was ignored by the Governor acting on the advice of the Bishop. Twelve days after their -arrival, they established a S^neshal's Court in Montreal, appointing M. Arthur de Sailly, Judge, and Charles le Moyne, Attorney- General, and, on the i8th of October, the appointments were confirmed by Edict. Strangely enough they appear as the joint nomination of the Governor and Bishop.* The Governor of Montreal had hitherto performed the duties of judge, but at this date the Seminary considered it advisable to appoint M. Charles d'Ailleboust to that office. De Maisonneuve and Souart proceeded to Quebec to repre- sent to the Government the claim of the Seigneurs of Mont- real to name their own officers of justice, when de Maison- * The proceedings of the Conseil Souverain furnish distinct proof that M. de Laval never assumed the name of Montmorency. There is this entry. Especially that of 20th March, 1668, [Vol. I., p. 480,] where he is named in a prosecution to obtain payment of the dime. 3IO THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 neuve found that even his own position was assailed. The Council declared Montreal to be under royal authority, and in accordance with these powers, M. de Maisonneuve was re- appointed. Boucher was at the same time named Governor of Three Rivers. The Commission was registered by de Maison- neuve, with the declaration that he accepted it without preju- dice to the rights of the Seigneurs ; while Souart, who repre- sented them in Canada, claimed for them the privileges granted by the Royal letter patent of 1664. The reply of the Council was that it was necessary that the titles should be registered. In July, 1664, copies of the deeds were produced. The Council demanded the originals. M. Bourdon, the Attorney- General, was then in Paris ; he was ordered to appear before Daguesseau, the Master of Requests, to verify the copies. He failed to attend. They were, therefore, authenticated, and sent to Canada in September, 1666. Until this date the Council at Quebec controlled the pro- ceedings in Montreal. M. de Maisonneuve became the Royal Governor, and justice was ordered to be administered in con- formity with the edict of the Council. De Maisonneuve however called a meeting of the inhabitants to elect five nota- bles, four of. whom in accordance with the ordinance were to lay down police regulations, and that the Judge, M. d'Aille- boust, would consider in appeal the judgment given by them, for any infringement of the law. At the same time the Royal Court continued its operations. It may be said that matters rernained in this condition until the arrival of Talon, who, in 1667, placed the Seminary in possession of the judicial rights, which in 1663 had been set aside at Quebec. The Conseil Souverain was now in full vigour. On the 9th of July an order was passed that members of the Council should visit the shops and examine into the quality qf the cloth and of the material sold, and that they should establish the prices to be paid. Merchants were bound to keep a journal, shewing the merchandise sold, with the price asked, whether for ready money or credit. A second book had to be kept setting forth the quantity of merchandise received and how sold, and to whom. 1663] COMMERCIAL RESTRICTION. 3II It was likewise necessary to give a specification of the goods sold. It was also ordered that within a month, which was to date eight days after their arrival, no goods should be sold wholesale, only a tenth part of each kind could be disposed of, and they could not be taken out of Quebec within this period. After this date one-fourth could be sold for transportation to Three Rivers or Montreal. An arrangement so arbitrary could have only in view the benefit of Quebec at the expense of Montreal. As all the Councillors were engaged in operations of one kind or the other, it must be inferred that the regulation was one in no way disadvantageous to them. On Montreal it told injuri- ously, and caused dissatisfaction. Owing to the difficulty of obtaining provisions and merchandise, it increased the price of them, and generally caused trouble and privation in families, while the profit of this limitation of the right of sale, was enjoyed by those who were carrying on the protected trade at Quebec. 312 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663 CHAPTER II. The year 1663 was unusually free from Iroquois attack, and in the neighbourhood of Quebec the cultivation of the land could be peaceably undertaken. But in the autumn, trouble was experienced at Three Rivers when two soldiers were seized and carried away captives. Generally there was less anxiety than had been for some time felt. Montreal, on the contrary, continued to be the scene of Indian attack ; unexpectedly, in May, seven Mohawks appeared to ask for the establishment of peace, to make but one country for the Mohawk and the French. The proposition was suspiciously welcomed, and in proof of its sincerity the demand was made that all prisoners held by the Mohawks should be restored. The offer was accepted. Four of the number remaining as hostages, the other three started to obtain the captives. The four Mohawks were placed in a Huron family. The scene which followed remains unexplained. It is scarcely possible to believe that it sprang from deliberate treachery, and if the result of a quarrel, the, facts were not made known. Cries of horror and distress being heard at midnight, a party of men rushed to the spot to find the Hurons lying in their blood : a man and two women. A youth escaped, while three young girls were carried off captives. The Mohawks took to the forest. So hope of quiet days again passed away. The Iroquois, on their side, became again aggressive, and there was no assurance that any spot was free from their attack. Men were watched from ambush, and when alone were killed or carried off ; and it could never be known where the savage was hiding. The Iroquois themselves were commencing to pay the penalty of their aggressive policy. They had lately suffered in an attack against the Mahingans, while the Senecas had not 1663] IROQUOIS EMBASSY. 313 succeeded in their attack against the Andastes. With the Qnondagas there was a strong party in favour of the French, an influence which under the circumstances obtained great weight. An embassy composed of Senecas and Onondagas was resolved upon, and with two French prisoners, those con- stituting it started on their march to Montreal. They were themselves to experience the consequence of their own unre- lenting hostility. The Algonquins obtained notice of this embassy, and in force started to intercept it. They placed themselves in ambush and attacked the Onondagas as they were moving unsuspectingly on their way. The ambassadors protested that their mission was one of peace. The Algon- quins disregarding what was said, continued the attack and killed nearly the whole number. A few made their way to Montreal preferring to seek safety there to returning home- ward. The two French prisoners nearly fell victims in the assault. War was thus recommenced and cruel retaliation threatened. The condition of the Iroquois however was in no way bet- tered ; and harassed by the difficulties which arose out of their unsuccessful expeditions peace became to them a neces- sity. On the 1 8th of September a deputation reached Quebec. The explanation made regarding the Algonquin expedition had been accepted, and the ambassadors presented themselves on the part of the whole Iroquois tribes to treat for peace with the Algonquins as with the French. M. de M6sy re- ceived them courteously, but sternly told them that there had been such deceit on their part that it was not possible to trust them ; and that, if necessary, he had determined to carry the war into their own homes. There was some feeling of dissatisfaction experienced with regard to the Governor of Montreal. Accordingly, in June, 1664, M. de la Touche was appointed to the command by M. de M6sy ; but no steps were taken -to put the appointment in force, and M. de Maisonneuve continued in the position. His name appears in the registers until April, 1665.* M. de * M. I'Abbe Verreault. SH THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1663, Maisonneuve ceased to be Governor when M. de Tracy ar- rived in 1665, whatever the cause. The Soeur Morin tells us that he was removed as unfit for the place and rank, which she would not have believed unless so told by Soeur Bour- geois. But she wrote years after the event, and her statement is but slight evidence. The official record sets forth that M. de Maisonneuve desired to proceed to France on private affairs. M. du Puy, who had figured in the Onondaga expe- dition, then his deputy, was named to command in his absence. Beyond the remark of Soeur Morin repeated second- hand, there is no event to suggest that the truth is other than officially related. The inference is, that no such purposeless, insult was inflicted on a man of seventy who had performed such long and good service. M. de M^sy's rule extended from September, 1663, until his death, the Sth of May, 1665 ; for a year of this period, a quarrel, inexplicable as to its origin, lasted between him and the Bishop and with the members of the Council who sustained M. de Laval. The acts of antagonism to which the quarrel gave rise are recorded, not the circumstances which led to them. It could not have been on the ground which destroyed the good feeling between M. de Laval and M. d'Argenson. There was no dispute about the seat in church or the pain binit. Even in d'Avaugour's time the troops at the military reposoir* during the F6te Dieu received the host uncovered and kneel- ing. Ten days after the establishment of the Council,-f an ordinance was passed against giving liquor to the Indians. It has been said that the quarrel arose about points of pre- cedence and dissatisfaction regarding the emoluments of office, which De Mesy had to share with the Intendant. Gaudais, who acted as Intendant, never attended but three meetings of the Council, and left by the last ship, before the quarrel. His presence could have played no part in the dispute. Reference has been made to the want of temper and ava- rice of de M6sy, suggesting that he had been unfavourably * Jesuits' Journal, 8th' June, 1862. t 28th September. 1664] DE MfiSY'S PROCLAMATION. 315 known in France by these faults. We must not forget that members of the Council had been charged with defalcations by M. du Mesnil, and in the crisis had been protected by M. de Laval. Human nature in like circumstances is found to present like results. The conclusion is not strained that in any difference of opinion in the Council the Governor found himself outvoted. His career shews him to have been of an impulsive character with little judgment, and whatever the original cause ol dispute, he soon placed himself in the wrong. The facts are not easily set forth. The evidence was destroyed ;, and it was agreed that the whole should be buried in oblivion. But what records of the Counseil Souverain remain are some- what of a guide in the narrative. On the 3rd of February, 1664, de Mesy sent Major d'Ango- ville, of the Fort, to the Bishop to say that he determined to exclude from the Council the Councillors de Villeray and d'Auteuil with Bourdon, the Attorney-General. Ten days later there is a record on the minutes, that Major d'Angoville had found the Bishop in the Council Chamber, and delivered the paper to him, when he said that it should be left in the record office, and not be made a precedent ; and it is added that as the registration of the paper was not ordered, the Governor resolved, himself to make it public. Accordingly, on that day, by beat of drum, he issued a proclamation and had it posted up where such notices were placed. It set forth that he had ordered the parties named not to appear at the Council. He added that they had been appointed at the desire of the Bishop of Petrea knowing them to be his creatures ; that they desired to be masters of the Council, and that for their private ends they had acted against the interest of the King and their country. He called upon the Bishop to join in the step he- was taking and to assist in calling a meeting to appoint others.. It was an advantage which the Bishop was not inclined to forego. His reply was given on the i6th. It is written with quiet dignity, with temper, and one almost can trace a feeling- of contempt for one who knew so little how to be aggressive.. He declined to notice what was personally offensive. He did. 3l6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1664 not even deny the Governor's right to dismiss members of the Council. With regard to the request that he should assist in the nomination of others by public election, neither his con- science nor his honour, nor the obedience which he owed to the will and command of the King, nor the fidelity and love which he bore his service, would permit him to take part in the proceeding, until the parties named in the placard were convicted in a lawful court of the crimes of which they were accused. The Bishop further called for the registration of his reply. There must have been difficulties previous to this date, for the Jesuit Journals tell us that " the misunderstandings continued."* On New Year's day there had been no sign of unfriendliness, the Bishop dining with the Governor. On the day of the Bishop's reply, there was a meeting of Council at which the latter attended, apparently to haVe it registered. Neither de Villeray nor d'Auteuil were present. The former did not appear at the Council until the i6th of April ; d'Auteuil was present on the 29th of March and 3rd of April. In the dilemma in which the Governor was placed, he ad- dressed a letter to the Jesuits ; it is dated the last day of Feb- ruary. He tells them that his proceedings had been taken up by the ecclesiastics of the country as an offence against them- selves, and that one of the principal of them had notified him that the Sacraments could be denied him until he repaired his offence, which had caused him to entertain scruples in his own mind. He, therefore, referred the question to them in order that they should tell him on their conscience, what conduct was necessary for him to observe, in accordance with his duty to the King, and that they should give him their opinion in writing. Lalemant replied that as the dispute fell within the province of the tribunal of conscience and that of civil duty, the Governor must in the first instance refer to his confessor ; on the second point, it was not for an ecclesiastic to decide on what side the wrong lay. Our Lord had refused to give judgment in matters of temporal account. I do not myself see the signs of religious terror which have * Continuferent les Brouilleries. Febvrier. 1664] THE SEMINARY OF QUEBEC, 317 been traced in this letter. It was written fourteen months before the death of de M.6sy, and he was by no means passive in the interval. On the contrary, the quarrel was accommo- dated and recommenced with some vigour on his part, as will be seen. Shortly before this date M. de Laval had established the Seminary at Quebec, and in consequence a mandement calling for tithes to maintain it, had been issued by him. It had been founded by Royal edict in Paris in the month of April, 1663, and the edict was early inscribed on the records of the Con- seil Souverain. It exacted a tithe of a thirteenth of what is produced by the labour of man, and of that which the earth produces of itself, for the benefit of the seminary and clergy. At the same time, in order that the clergy should remain in total submission to their Bishop, their appointment to a parish was revocable at his pleasure, and they were liable to be dis- placed at any time.* The Seminary was established as a corporation of priests, capable of holding property. The excessive tithe of one thirteenth of all that the struggling habitant could raise from his farm, of every species of produce, occasioned great dis- satisfaction throughout the whole scattered population. Re- monstrances were made against it, and these remonstrances obtained the ear and sympathy of M. de Mdsy. The dime exacted was eventually reduced to one twenty-sixth of the grain raised and thrashed, not in the sheaf; a decision estab- lishing that the first demand was held to be excessive. Al- though this element in the quarrel is not named it distinctly played its part. If the Governor ranged himself on the side of the habitants on account of their poverty, the fact would be * et pour maintenir tous les eccl^siastiques de ce clerge dans une totale sou- mission a leur eveqtie et rem^dier ^ quantite d'inconveniens que produit quelque fois la stabilite des cures, dont le changeraent ne depend point des sup^rieurs. Nous approuvons et voulons que tous ceux qui seront delegues dans les paroisses eglises et autres lieux en toute la. Nouvelle-France pour y faire les fonctions curiales et autres auxquelles ils auront ete destines, soient amovibles, revocables et destituables toutes et quantes fois, etc., etc. Edicts. Vol. I., p. 36. 3l8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1664 enough to create dissension in the Council ; and we may trace in the wording of the placard, in which the Councillors are styled the creatures of the Bishop, that there is ground for belief that the support which they gave the Bishop took an offensive form. No cause of difference except on this point suggests itself Nevertheless, the meetings of the Council continued and public business was carried on. There were nine meetings in March and six in April previous to the i6th. The Bishop was absent but on three occasions. On the meeting of the 5 th of March, the Governor demanded that a substitute to the suspended Attorney-General should be named, and he called upon the Bishop to agree to some person, as justice could not otherwise be done. He protested against any delay on the part of the Bishop. The Bishop replied that he could not pro- ceed in this course until the Attorney-General had been found guilty of the crime charged against him. There is a minute of the Governor asking under what circumstances a marginal note had been made. It is recorded that it had been written by the desire of the Bishop when he had half-signed his name. It was to the effect that the remark of the Bishop was not at all to prevent the Governor doing of his own authority, as he claimed it to be what he held to be right.* On the 1 2th of March there was a meeting, when Chartier de Lotbini^re was appointed substitute to the Attorney- General. The Bishop protested, stating that he in no way authorized a substitute to the prejudice of the rights of the Attorney-General for the causes set forth by him. Eleven meetings were held where M. Chartier officially appeared, therefore there is not ground for the statement that the affairs of the country suffered from the misunderstanding. On the 26th of March the Governor made erasures in his proclamation of the 1 3th of February, stating that he imputed nothing to M. d'Auteuil, who remained established in his duties of Councillor. * Et qu'il n'empesche point mon diet Sieur le Gouuerneur de faire ce qu'il aduisera bon estre de sa propre authority par luy pretendue. Cons. Souv., Vol. I., p. 123. 1664] RECONCILIATION. 319 M. d'Auteuil, accordingly, was present at the meetings of the 29th and 3rd of April. On the i6th of April, there was a reconciliation. All the members were present. The Governor, with his own hand,* erased the record of the proclamation of the 1 3th of February, with other portions of the minutes, after having re-established matters as they were before the Ordin- ance ; and it is declared that all that had followed remained nul, as if it had not taken place. Chartier, the substitute of the Attorney-General, resigned his position, and the letters ap- pointing him were cancelled. The Council was re-constituted as it had been originally named. M. de Villeray attended in his place. It was intended, apparently, that there should be a new order of things. Certainly, in this case, M. de M6sy shewed himself to be placable and forgiving. Lalemant, the Jesuit Father, was then at Quebec. He was a man of sense and discretion and may have been one of the means in lead- ing to this reconciliation. The proceedings of Council on the 1 8th of June, 1664, are not explicable by modern practice. Two letters, one to the King, and one to Colbert, are inscribed on the minutes. They bear the signature of the ' Conseil Souverain.'-f They should have been signed by the Governor, the one official means of com- munication between the Province and the central authority. The Bishop was not present at the meeting, and M. de Ville- ray is named as having been deputed to prepare the letters in the name of the Council. It was an act of disrespect to M. de M6sy, and had he been rightly advised how to act, he would have placed his opponents in a false position. There was no official object to be attained by these letters having been prepared by the Council, and as the letters read, the thought strikes the reader that their main object was to humiliate the Governor. No one acquainted with political usage at this hour, can fail to see in the signature a studied insult to him. * Monsieur le Gouuerneur a ray^ et biffe de sa main. Cons. Souv., Vol. I., p. 170. + Cons. Souv., Vol. I., pp. 201-206. The signature is " Le Conseil Souve- rain Estably k Quebecq." 320 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1664 The letters recommended that emigration should be con- ducted in merchant ships in small detachments ; by these means the emigrants would arrive in health, and moreover they could the more conveniently be settled among the old inhabit- ants. They set forth that for the first year the new-comers were only worth half their wages, 25 to 30 ecus yearly, and that they ought to serve three years before land was given them. Hope was expressed for fresh arrivals from France, and some of the usual adulatory compliments were paid to the King. The letter to Colbert recommended that next year money should be sent in the place of provisions. It asked for a prohibition in France of the worsted stuff of " Moscouie and Vigongne," so that the furs of " poor Canada" would continue to be sought after. The only real matter of information was, that it was the intention to take ten per cent., duty off merchandise and to place it on wine and spirits. Another difficulty arose. When Quebec became a city, it was held that a mayor should be appointed ; and within ten days of the constitution of the Council an order was passed for the inhabitants to meet in the presence of the Council, and proceed to the election. The choice fell on M. de Repen- tigny, with Jean Madry and Claude Charon as Echevins or Councillors. On the 6th of October, 1663, the Council re- corded the election thus confirming it ; and the Mayor and one of the Echevins was sworn in. There is no record of their resignation. They appear to have offered the passive resist- ance of not acting, for on the 28th of July, 1664, an order passed the Council, the Bishop being present, for the election of a Syndic for Quebec. The result of the election was in favour of Charon. But the choice did not satisfy the party of the Bishop, and an attempt was made to nullify the election ; the proceedings are given in the report of the 19th of September. They set forth that difficulties had arisen in the election of the Syndic ; and M. de Charny, representing the Bishop, ob- jected to further proceedings being taken. He stated that Charon had been elected by a small number of the inhabit- ants, and that the people were dissatisfied and had petitioned 1664] DISPUTES IN THE COUNCIL. 32 1 the Council to the effect that Charon was a merchant, and their interest lay in the price of merchandise being estab- lished, whereupon Charon had been requested to resign. It was accordingly determined that another election should be held in the presence of Councillor Damours. None took place, the inhabitants did not attend, being anxious to avoid hostility with the Bishop. It was the result which was desired. Accordingly, letters were sent to several of those who had the right of voting, requesting them to be present on a given day after mass. They met in the Chamber, when the election for Syndic took place. One Lemire was chosen, and when he presented himself to take the oath, De Charny first called upon Damours to leave the room, as he was Lemire's brother-in-law, and then, sustained by de la Fert6 and d'Auteuil, opposed the oath being administered. The Attorney-General seeing no objection to the oath, it was taken. There had been a preliminary scene on the 13th of August. A minute sets forth that the Governor, seeing that the Sieur de Villeray was endeavouring to form cabals, he was forbid- den so to act, and to express his opinion out of his turn. There was a meeting on the 27th, when it was stated that M. de Villeray was about proceeding to France, and steps were taken for the transfer of the monies in his hands, received on account of the advances made by the King to the parties leaving France for Canada, and since repaid. It is plain, therefore, that M. de Villeray proceeded to France of his free will and was not banished by the Governor. On the day of the confirmation of the Syndic, the 19th of September, the quarrel again broke out. The Governor submitted a memorandum to the effect that the King had given power to the Governor and Bishop at the end of the year to change the Council, if they thought proper. The Governor did not only consider it proper, but necessary to do so ; and he had repeatedly so declared to the Bishop, who would in no way recognize the necessity. The Governor had, there- fore, in writing called upon the Bishop to act conjointly in 322 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1664 conformity with His Majesty's request ; or if he declined to do so, to furnish the names of twelve parties from which the Governor could himself choose the new Councillors. The Bishop had refused desiring that the Council should be con- tinued as it was until the arrival of M. de Tracy ; a course adopted by the Bishop to maintain the influence which he possessed, as the Council was constituted. All these papers had been sent to the King. The Governor, however, had insisted on some change, and he had declared accordingly that de Villeray, de la Fert^, d'Auteuil, and Bourdon, werp no longer members of the Council. The Sieur de Villeray was absent. Bourdon had insolently said that he would not consider himself dispossessed of his ofifice, a course of conduct which had obliged the Government to make him leave the country and treat him with severity, owing to his manifest seditious behaviour. The Sieurs de Tilly and Damours were retained in their position. It is evident that this paper had been drawn up by the Governor himself or under his direction, for he proceeds to say that if the writing be not one according to the form of one practised in the chicanery, which had been apparent daily in the Council, to impede him in the duties of his office, he had protected himself in a blunt manner. His Majesty not having done him the favour to appoint him as a^ orator to represent the royal person.* On the 24th of September, Denis, who had been Attorney and Receiver General of the Company, Jacques de Cailhaut de la Tesserie, Deputy Governor and Chief of the Council in the time of d'Avaugour, and Louis Perron de Mazy, son of du Mesnil, who had acted as Commissioner, were named Councillors. Chartier de Lotbini^re was appointed Attorney- General. There was a further nomination of a person named Filion as Notary. On the 5th of November a proclamation was * Et que si ce present escript n'est pas dans la forme d'vn practician la chican- erie qui luy a este Journelleraent faicte dans le diet Conseil pour luy empeBcher les fonctions de sa charge il se deffend a la Caualiere, Sa Majeste ne luy ayant pas faict la grace de luy faire representer sa personne dans le diet Conseil comme vn orateur. Cons. Souv., Vol. i., p. 280. 1664] CONTINUED DIFFICULTIES. 323 made, as before by beat of drum, and the notices were publicly exhibited at the usual place. M. de Laval turned the artillery of the Church against these proceedings. On the 29th, the event was the subject of a sermon at the Parish Church. It is customary to represent cause of difference. The year had elapsed on the 13th of September. All that was needed to re-establish matters, was. to recall the Councillors who had been dismissed. This- course had been followed, when the Commissions of de Cour- celles and Talon had been enregistered. De Villeray, de la-. Fert6, and d'Auteuil, again took their places. Bourdon was- re-nominated Attorney-General. There was no meeting of the Council until the 6th of December, 1666, when a new name, de Gorribon, appears, next in the list to de Villeray ;. M. d'Auteuil is not named, his place having been taken by de la Tesserie, one of de M^sy's nominees. It may be stated, here as suggestive of the spirit of compromise which pre- vailed, that in January, 1667, de Lotbini^re, who had accepted office as Attorney- General, when Bourdon was dismissed, was appointed Civil and Criminal Lieutenant for the City of Quebec in accordance with the request of le Barroys. The arrival of troops had extended from the 17th of June to the 1 2th of September. As they arrived, they were set to work to construct flat-bottom boats, of so light a character as to be capable of being carried across the portages; and, as pre- arranged, the detachments were forwarded to their destina- tions on the Richelieu. They had enjoyed good health. It was not the case with the last division which arrived in Sep- 334 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1665 tember with M. de Courcelles. After leaving Tadousac, some malady attacked them, and upwards of one hundred were seriously ill. From want of accommodation at the hospital they were for a time received in the church, which was turned into a sick ward.* When de Courcelles in the autumn, visited the ground, he saw, with the eye of a soldier, that Montreal could be brought into the combination, by the construction of a road sixteen miles in length, from the foot of the current to Chambly. It was the first road of the character made in Canada. Although the season had passed away without any expedition having been undertaken, a great deal had been effected in the way of work and discipline, and the measures which had been taken, foreboded evil to the Iroquois. They could not have failed to see that events had taken a new turn. It was no longer the feeble garrisons of Three Rivers and Montreal with which they had to contend. We may take it for granted that, while the work of constructing the forts was being carried on, it was well weighed if an attack were practicable. No attempt was made to interfere with the working parties. By November the forts were completed, and such was the freedom of the river from Iroquois attack, that the body of P6re Frangois du Peron, who, after thirteen days' illness, had died at Chambly, was brought to Quebec to be buried. At this time, also, a man who played a remarkable part in the annals of Canada, passed away ; the P^re Simon le Moyne died on the 24th of November, 1665, at the Cap de la Madeleine.f He will * Father le Mercier, who writes the Relations of the year, tells us how twenty heretics out of these twelve hundred soldiers were with labour converted. One was especially affected, by unknowingly swallowing in his gruel some of the pul- verized remains of Jean de Breboeuf's bones, placed there by a zealous nun. The effect was instantaneous. The recalcitrant Protestant became a perfect lamb under the new teaching. t The date of the death of P4re Simon le Moyne is taken from the Jesuits' Journal. The Relation of 1666, p. 5, speaks of Garacontie offering condolence to de Tracy on his loss, at a meeting in October; a month previous to his recorded death. Some allusion may have been made to Le Moyne, for he was much liked ; but if the speech attributed to Garacontie was ever made, it must have been on some other occasion. I66S] DEATH OF PfeRE LE MOYNE. 33S always be remembered as the first recorded European who ascended the Saint Lawrence. Possessed of remarkable ability, courage and tact, he must ever retain an honourable place in Canadian annals. On de Tracy's arrival a deputation of Hurons had waited on him. They had been followed by the Algonquins. The expression of their devotion had suggested to de Tracy, the organization of an Indian contingent to assist in the con- struction of the forts. In October, the Onondaga Indians, with Garacontie, presented themselves. Their orators asked that the good feeling of the French should be shewn them, and at the same time made the request that the prisoners of their tribe should be released. M. de Tracy promised his protec- tion and gave the prisoners their freedom. He added that he was prepared to act in the same way with regard to the other Iroquois ; but that as there was little to be expected in that ■quarter, he must continue his preparations against the tribes with whom no peace could be obtained. Indeed, the Oneida Indians had been aggressive in the neighbourhood of Mont- real. They had seized a youth, carried him to their villages, and in wantonness burnt him ; they had likewise attacked and destroyed a small party of Algonquins up the Ottawa. The consequence had been that many of the Hurons placed them- selves under the protection of the Richelieu forts ; and as this district, owing to the danger which had hitherto attended the presence of hunting parties, was virtually untrodden ground, the fur-bearing animals had greatly increased and the new comers were fortunate in obtaining many beaver skins and in capturing much game. Winter set in, and in the coldest period of the year de Cour- celles determined to attack the Mohawk in his home. It was the first of these many remarkable expeditions. January and February are the most severe months of a Canadian winter. The cold, at an exceedingly low temperature, is not continuous. Nevertheless, we have periods of intense frost lasting from three to six days, and there are times when this cold requires carefully to be guarded against ; more especially when accom- 336 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1666 panied by snow-storms, when the wind, in its bitter violence makes itself powerfully felt, rendering it almost impossible to those advancing against it to see their way. In such circum- stances, even the hardy voyageur, when the wind rushes along with uncontrolled force, finds the ascent of the frozen stream often a painful effort. But in the woods there is protection from the wind, and the cold is less trying. Certainly, it is less felt. A camp is easily made, and with numbers it is soon placed in order. A spot is selected where water can, be ob- tained by breaking the ice of the stream. A resting place is chosen. Two forked sticks are placed upright to support in the two crotches a main beam formed of a young sappling, laid horizontally. From this main beam evergreens, the bal- sam, the cedar, the spruce, the hemlock, are placed to lie at an angle, resting on the beam, and meeting the ground, to ex- tend perfect covering. The smaller boughs of evergreens are placed on the snow a foot or eighteen inches deep to lie upon. Such a recess will accommodate eight or nine sleef)ers. A large fire is made in front and kept blazing all night. After the labour of a hard day's tramp, men can sleep well and calmly. An expedition of this character exacts determination and unfailing, patient fortitude. It must be made on snow-shoes, and troops would have to carry their knapsacks, ammunition, arms, and some of their provisions. But use would be made of the long Indian sleigh, the toboggan. M. de Courcelles left Quebec, with one hundred men, on the 9th of January, 1666. He was at Sillery on the lOth. On the iSth, he reached Cap de la Madeleine, three leagues below Three Rivers, whence he sent orders to the Governor Boucher to have everything prepared for him. He arrived at Three Rivers on the following day, and left on the i8th, with an addition to his force of four oiHcers, eighty soldiers, and forty-five of the inhabitants. He found Lake St. Peter covered with masses of ice, and the wind, rushing over its exposed, unprotected surface, must have cut painfully on the faces of the advancing column. The Canadian volunteers were dressed to meet the cold, with blue coats and beef moccasins, l666] DE COURCELLES ADVANCE. 337 their feet well wrapped in nippes* and with woollen mits. Cold to them was a national experience, while the French soldiers were imperfectly dressed, and many suffered from it. The march had this advantage. It tested the endurance of those who made it. The weak who had succumbed were sent back to Three Rivers. We are not told that de Courcelles made any halt at Sorel, but he must have done so. The march from Three Rivers to Sorel was forty-five miles, and one of great severity. At Sorel, he was fifty-nine miles from Chambly. At that fort he recruited his force. M. de Courcelles remained but a few hours at any spot. On the 29th he left Fort St. Louis. His column consisted of nearly six hundred men. The road he had caused to be made to Montreal enabled the con- tingent from that place to join him. It numbered seventy volunteers under the command of Charles le Moyne. On the 30th he reached Fort St. Therese, the last foothold for relief or aid. He had now to march forward on an unknown path to the Mohawk villages. Fort Therese was about half-way in the expedition, two hundred and four miles.-f and the distance had been made in twenty-two days. There were four days' halt. Accordingly the distance averaged was eleven miles a day, with the hardships of the extreme cold of the season to contend against, the roughness of the unbroken way, and the * The term still used for the thick woollen wraps round the stoclcings before the moccasin is drawn on. + The distances travelled by de Courcelles are as follows : — Miles. Miles. From Quebec to Three Rivers 90 Thence to Fort Saurel 45 " Fort St. Louis, Chambly 60 " St. Therese Q 204 From St. Therese to Ticonderoga 121 Thence to Lake George 3 The ascent of Lake George 30 Thence to the Hudson 10 " Schenectady 40 204 Total 408 338 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1666 men being heavily encumbered with provisions and arms : no slight effort even for experienced woodsmen. But the French soldiers had been but a few months in the country and never before this winter had known what a snow-shoe was. The line to be followed by de Courcelles was through the wilderness, with not one league of which he was familiar. At St. Ther^se he hoped to be joined by some Algonquin guides. They did not appear. For the time, de Courcelles blamed the Jesuit Father Albanel for their absence, and on his return so expressed himself at Three Rivers. The truth was, that their failure to appear was caused by drunkenness ; probably also by fear of entering the lion's den of their ancient enemy. If de Courcelles' journey were not well authenticated the facts might be doubted. Later in Canadian history it was , made on two occasions. In 1690, by the expedition under de Manteht and de St. Helene, when Schenectady was de- stroyed ; and by de Manteht and de Courtemanche in 1693, in the raid against the Mohawk towns. At that date the route was known, with its requirements, its dangers, its exac- tions. With de Courcelles there was the difference that he was the pioneer in this mode of warfare. It was he who worked out the problem and established its feasibility. The spirit of endurance which animated him, and which was then generally called forth, was to mark French-Canadian character for a century. After the Conquest, the route was followed by Burgoyne, to end in ignominious failure and disgrace, however much the defeat was redeemed by courage. With him, two-thirds of the distance were accomplished on the water, in the season of the year when nature is most attractive and least exacting. It was Burgoyne's reckless incompetence, joined to the total misappreciation of what was necessary to be done, which gave to the world that example of bungling and mismanagement. With de Courcelles every feature was unfavourable : cold, an unbroken path to be passed over on snow-shoes, the way un- known except in its main features, with no basis of supplies, 1 666] ARRIVAL AT SCHENECTADY. 339 and with the necessity of carrying every mouthful of food required until their return to Saint Ther^se. The expedition passed along the west shore of Lake Cham- plain, following its indentations, bivouacking where oppor- tunity offered : eight days' march. Thence the higher land was ascended to Lake George, called in those days Lac du Saint Sacrament, having so been named by the unfortunate Jogues : two hundred and fifty-six feet above, Lake Cham- plain, and thirty miles in length. An additional ten miles brought them to the River Hudson, at this spot running through picturesque scenery in its sylvan character of dale and meadow, perhaps unrivalled. No guide was present to point out to them what course to follow. It was known that the Mohawk homes were on a tributary of the river which they had reached. They had to trust to fortune to find their way to them. The distance to the Hudson had been overcome without difficulty. With no clue to follow, the expedition experienced the fre- quent fate of the explorer. The men diverged from the course which they should have followed. They bore too much to the south, abandoning the true trail to the Iroquois villages. On the 20th of February, they arrived at what was then the small village of Corlaer, now Schenectady. The distance had been made in twenty days. We have the English record of what -followed. We learn that " by mistake of his guides " M. de Courcelles "hapned to fall short of the castles of the Ma,uhaukes, and to encamp within two myles of Schonectade." The arrival caused a deputation to ask " Monsier Coursell " why he brought " such a body of armed men into the Do- minions of His Majesty. Surely," says the chronicler, " so bould and hardy attempt hath not hapned in any age " : M. •de Courcelles was surprised to learn that the country was claimed by England, and that there was a garrison at Albany •of sixty soldiers, with nine pieces of ordnance, under Captain Baker." Those who observed the words and countenance of Monsieur Coursell saw him disturbed in minde that the King was Master of these parts of the country where he expected ' to have found the Dutch interest uppermost, saying that the 340 THE HISTORY. OF CANADA. [1666 King of England did grasp all America." Provisions were furnished the expedition, payment being made for them. The troops were offered quarters in the village ; a courtesy de- clined by de Courcelles, who preferred to remain in his forest camp. What was equally impartant, de Courcelles obtained information concerning those he came to attack. What he did learn satisfied him that it would be wise to retrace his steps. He had failed to surprise the Iroquois. His arrival had become known, and his information must have led him to believe that his force was not strong enough to attack in such circumstances, and accordingly he turned his steps homewards. When we consider the numbers with which de Tracy advanced later in the year, we may be satisfied that de Courcelles' expe- rience played its part in the constitution of that force. In Canada there is generally a January or February thaw ; a break in the winter, but in no way its discontinuance. With those acquainted with the country it is no more than a pass- ing phenomenon. There was a thaw on this occasion ; as Canadian volunteers were present, no fears could have been entertained for its consequences. What the French had to dread was an attack from ambush, for the Mohawks were on the alert. They knew every acre of the country through which the French had to march ; and it was felt that the retreat should be made as rapidly as possible. But it was not to be effected without loss. The Iroquois awaited their arrival and fired from their hiding place. Eleven Frenchmen were killed, among them a lieutenant. Seven were wounded, who were sent to Albany by the way of Schenectady. There was otherwise little serious interruption to the march. Three unfortunate stragglers were seized ; one of whom begged he might be killed, as he could walk no further. Five corpses were found scalped. But cold and privation worked their effect on men imperfectly fed, and, as the troops entered Fort St. Theresa, sixty were missing. We read* with pleasure that the greater part of those who were thought lost, rejoined, and were daily coming back. * Jesuits' Journal, March, 1666. l666] DEATH OF DE CHAZY. 34I It may be held to have been fortunate that the ex- pedition failed to reach the strongholds of the Iroquois. Had the right path been taken, and the first village met, the attack would doubtless have been gallantly made. But when we reflect on the season, de Courcelles' want of provisions and the utter ignorance of Indian warfare of the majority of the troops, one cannot but feel that the expedition would have been on the verge of some terrible reverse. The handful of men would have been ill able to cope with the numbers brought against them, numbers by the nature of the attack rendered desperate and dangerous unless the assailants had been sustained by the appliances which civilization confers. But the effort struck terror into the Iroquois. It shewed them that no season was free from the chance of an attack, and that their wigwams were within reach of the French. In the spring of 1666 Fort Saint Anne was constructed on lie Lamothe, at the northern discharge of Lake Champlain. The distance is about thirty-six miles from St. Ther^se : and here preparations were made for an advance in the autumn. The expedition of de Courcelles was followed by the con- sequence that, as soon as the water was navigable, the tribes of the five nations sent an embassy to Quebec. It consisted of Oneida Indians, who declared themselves authorized to treat for peace on the part of the Mohawks and of themselves. They explained the absence of the latter by the fear that they would not be well received. Some Mohawks, how- ever, did arrive, bringing letters from the Dutch, guaranteeing their good faith. On the 12th of July, peace was made. Nevertheless, de Tracy was not satisfied as to its genuineness, and appointed a Commission to proceed to the Mohawks to learn, if possible, the true state of matters. It consisted of M. de la Tesserie and the Jesuit Father Beschefer. It was at this date that the news came of another Iroquois outrage. A party of young officers from the Richelieu garrison had been attacked by some Mohawks, who had fired upon them, having taken them by surprise. Captain de Traversy and M. de Chazy were killed ; four were made prisoners, among them M. 342 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1666 de Leroles, a cousin of M. de Tracy.* The Mohawks, more- over, had lurked round Montreal, and in June had killed three of the garrison who were some distance from the fort. The consequence of this attack was, that some redoubts were con- structed at Point St. Charles, at the little River St. Pierre, and towards the Sault St. Louis. The Jesuit Father had reached Three Rivers, when the outrage on Lake Champlain became known, and he received orders not to proceed further. The Oneida Chiefs who were with him were made prisoners. It was not now a peace expedition which was ordered to the Mohawk country, for M. de Saurel was placed in command of a force of three hundred men, and instructed to obtain satis- faction. It contained nearly a hundred Indians. The force immediately took the field. Lake Champlain had now been partially explored ; and the winter march had given a full knowledge of its western shore to the narrows of Ticonderoga. Therefore, the course to be taken in summer through the woods was generally established. M. de Saurel reached the head of Lake George and was pro- ceeding onwards when he was met by a small party of Mohawks, conducting M. de Leroles and the other prisoners to Canada. They were escorted by the half-breed, the Flemish Bastard, with three other Chiefs. The Indians,, in addition to the surrender of the prisoners, were to offer satisfaction for the attack and to atone for the death of de Chazy. As the prisoners were released, the main object of the expedition had been attained. Accordingly, M. de Saurel did not continue his operations, but, with the prisoners, proceeded to Quebec, taking with him the Flemish Bastard and the Mohawk Chiefs^ The Algonquins who formed a portion of the force were desirous of exterminating the Iroquois : a proposition, it is hardly necessary to say, at once rejected by M. de SaureL * There is still the Chazy River ; and in the nomenclature of Canadian geology,, the name is given to a formation of the Lower Silurian. This river is about half way between the Province Line and Platsburgh. If there be any connection be- tween the name of the river and the incident recorded, the attack probably took, place on the banks of this stream. 1 666] THE FLEMISH BASTARD. 343 When the news of the death of de Chazy arrived at Three Rivers and Quebec, the chiefs who were then present were made close prisoners. The arrival of M. de Saurel changed the situation. A Council was held on the last day of August, when the propositions for peace were submitted. The negotia- tions failed.* Possibly, M. de Tracy felt that there was no guarantee for its continuance, and that it was better to carry out the policy he had determined on, of so crippling the Mohawk power, that whatever their will, they would hereafter be unable to disturb the Colony, and that the French would remain their masters. The deputies were accordingly im- prisoned. Such a proceeding had to be followed by an act of vigour, and as his preparations were complete, he proceeded to carry them out. On the 8th of September definite orders were given for the advance. The arrangements had been made with the usual ability of Talon, and it was held advisable to give a religious character to the expedition. Accordingly, the day of departure was named on the 14th of September, the Feast of the Elevation of the Holy Cross. The Carignan Regiment was attended by its own chaplain. Two Jesuits, in addition, were detailed to accompany the expedition, and Dol- lier de Casson, the Sulpician who had arrived at Quebec on the 7th, in the midst of the preparations, was instructed to attend the Montreal force. Previous to the departure of the troops, they marched past the Governor, by whose side the Flemish Bastard had been placed to witness the review. " It is in this way we are going to your country," remarked the Governor, " what do you think of it ?" " We are lost," said the listener, while the tears rolled down his cheeks, " but our young men will defend their country to the last extremity, so you will leave many of * A story is told that when at Quebec one of the Chiefs, at the Governor's table, boasted that he was the man who had killed de Chazy with his tomahawk, on which de Tracy arrested him in the presence of the Company and hanged him in the open air. The story is not authenticated by those to whom we would look to mention it, if true. 344/ THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1666 your own people behind you." During the period of the expedition, the Bastard enjoyed comparative liberty, being protected by Talon. The other chiefs were kept in close con- finement, and were forced to work in making snow-shoes, if necessary to be used in a winter march to attack their villages. It was not until the 3rd of October that the start was made from He Lamothe. M. de Repentigny commanded the Cana- dians from Quebec ; M. le Moyne was at the head of the force from Montreal, consisting of one hundred and ten men. M. de Courcelles, with four hundred men, left a few days be- fore the departure of the main body. There was no difficulty in reaching the head of Lake George. Three hundred flat- bottomed boats and canoes had been prepared, and they paddled their way to Ticonderoga readily enough. The diffi- culty of the march commenced on leaving the lake. Every one had to carry his knapsack and blanket, his biscuit and provisions, his arms and ammunition. The distance to be passed over may be estimated from sixty to seventy miles through the bush, with a narrow trail, cumbered with wind- falls, with a growth of under brushwood among decayed stumps, and all the rough obstacles found in the primeval forest* There was, likewise, the irregularity of the ground, rock, swamp, and the several minor tributaries to be crossed. These difficulties were more sensibly felt as the French dragged through the bush two small field-pieces. * I am aware that the distance is named as being much greater. No authority is adduced for the length given. Reference to the map establishes that in a right line from the head of Lake George to the present village of Fonda, on the Mohavi'k, it is somewhat over fifty miles. Making every allowance for the irregu- larity of the trail, the additional distance could not have exceeded ten or fifteen miles. Moreover, we have the fact of the time taken which establishes, to a great extent, the length of the march made. The expedition left Fort Anne on the third. If there be error, it is within the time required, to allow five days to reach the head of Lake George. On St. Therese day, the 15 th of October, they were at the first Iroquois village. This would give seven full days' march. Considering the difficulty of the ad- vance over the broken ground, ten miles a day would be a severe tax on troops encumbered with their provisions and accoutrements. On these grounds, I have estimated the distance as between sixty and seventy miles. The same may be said of the return homewards. De Tracy was in Quebec on the 5th of November. l666] DE TRACY'S EXPEDITION. 345 Whatever the distance which the troops had to march, and whatever the difficulties to be overcome, the expedition arrived at the first village on St. Ther^se day, the i sth of Octobar. They were commencing to suffer from shortness of provisions. So much so, that they were glad to find a growth of chestnut trees, so that their hunger could be appeased by that coarse food. Want, therefore, spurred them onwards to make the .attack, so that food would be obtained. The news of the advance was known. Some Iroquois had met the Algonquin scouts ; a skirmish had followed, and the Iroquois had fled to convey tidings of the invasion. Hence some resistance was looked for. The troops, therefore, were formed in columns of attack. But the place was deserted. It was taken possession of, and food obtained. A second village was similarly met and entered. A third was tenantless. A fourth equally with- out inhabitants. It was considered that the work was done, when an Algonquin woman who had accompanied her tribe, came forward to declare that there remained another village. She had been seized as a prisoner when a girl, and now came the hour when she was to act as the Nemesis to avenge the wrongs of herself and her tribe. It was late, but she contended that there wa's no danger in proceeding to the spot ; nor was the road difficult to follow. Her energy communicated itself to others, and she led the way by the side of de Courcelles. Nevertheless, the advance was cautiously made and scouts and skirmishers were sent on to examine the ground. Like the other bour- gades, it was deserted. One old man only was found. It was a place surrounded with a triple palisade, flanked with four bastions, abundantly stocked with provisions, with water col- lected to quench fire. Everything shewed that it had been determined to make a stand, but when the hour came the savage quailed before the civilized man. Had it been possible to remove the provisions, there was enough to have fed the whole Colony for months. There was maize, beans and Indian fruits. The Indian huts were unusually comfortable, some being one hundred and twenty feet long, capable of housing several families. They had 346 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1666 many utensils and comforts which, from time to time, had been obtained from the Dutch. Here were the homes of the Ifoquois. In a night they were to be swept away. What provisions could be removed, the troops carried with them. In each of the villages what was left in the form of food was destroyed or rendered useless. The villages were burned. The country was devastated. The outrages of years were retaliated on those who had perpetrated them and on their descendants, innocent of Iroquois cruelty. The blow was severe, in one sense cruel, but it was necessary, and unavoid- able. It was a practical mode of carrying out the saying that " a solitude was created, and it was called a peace." There was no other argument to address to the Iroquois. He had been made thoroughly to understand that he was now confronted with a power possessing strength ; and that he could not longer commit outrages in the Valley of the Saint Lawrence. Not only were the passes closed against him, but the road to his own country had been discovered ; a route never to be forgotten, and one by which retaliation and punish- ment were certain. It came now to be the last days of October, the season of the autumn rains. The march homeward was, as 'a conse- quence, more difficult. But, however, rapidly made, it was not a retreat before a pursuing force. It was the leisurely march of a victorious expedition which had accomplished all that it had in view when it first went forward. The force had broken the power of the Iroquois and years were to pass before they again became aggressive. The French had no dead which they were leaving behind. There had been no hard fought field on which the corpses of their own men and those of their enemies lay side by side. The Algonquins and Hurons were without a scalp. But great results had been accomplished. A blow had been inflicted on a troublesome enemy. One mishap only befell the French. The waters of Lake Cham- plain had not the quiet surface, as when the advance was made, and a canoe was upset, by which eight soldiers were drowned, including a lieutenant of the Carignan regiment. l666] RETURN TO QUEBEC. 347- Leaving a garrison at Saint Anne's, where, during the winter, some suffering was endured, owing to bad provisions and want of forethought, M. de Tracy found his way to Quebec. He reached the city on the sth * of November. A Te Deum was sung at the Cathedral and all was delight and gratulation. The Flemish Bastard was sent back to his tribe, with three other prisoners, commissioned to tell his countrymen that if they recommenced their outrages, French troops would be quartered in the country. The destruction of the provisions was a serious blow to the Mohawks, for the means of subsistence were taken from them, and famine stared them in the face. It was afterwards stated that four hundred persons perished from want. In the early spring of 1667, parties arrived at Quebec begging for peace. What prisoners the Iroquois held were restored, among them some young girls seized in their youth, who had almost forgotten their language. It was now the turn of the Mo- hawks to be subservient. They offered to leave hostages for their good faith : they asked for Jesuit priests to be sent amongst them, and accordingly P^res Frdmin and Jean Pierron took up the mission with the Mohawks, and Pere Bruyas with the Oneidas, and peace was concluded. Civil life turned now to its former regularity. The Council was officially re-established, as it had been previously to the proceedings of de Mesy, and its sittings recommenced on the 29th of December. Early in January, M. Chartier de Lot- bini^re, the Attorney-General, after the dismissal of Bourdon,, became Civil and Military Lieutenant for Quebec. On the 24th of March, permission was given for the election of a * Talon, in reporting the expedition to Colbert, 13th November, 1666, said, " that nothing that was possible to be done could have been added to what was- effected." With regard to de Tracy, he adds, " that his advanced age must greatly enhance the merit of the service....! am assured that throughout the entire march of three hundred leagues [720 miles] including the return, he suffered him- self to be carried only two days, and then he was forced to do so by gout. " The march was less than seventy miles, the remaining distance being performed by water ; and while making this statement Talon reports that the expedition occupied but fifty-three days. N, Y. Col. Doc, IX., p. 55. 348 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667 Syndic. All was prosperity and good humour. The troops had brought with them money, which they certainly did not hoard. On all sides there was hope of better days. On the 4th of February the first ball was given in Canada by M. de Lotbini^re. " God grant it lead to no result," wrote the Jesuit. Evidently it was a proceeding for which no ecclesi- astical consent had been asked, and the record is a testimony that the power which had hitherto been attempted so arbi- trarily to be wielded, was not to continue. We learn, too, that prosperity was leading to crime, for on the 28th of June a coiner of false money was hanged. M. de Tracy had carried out the duties assigned him. Civil life had been calmed down in its difficulties and disputes. The •country had been established on a broad basis of security. The water way by which the Iroquois had reached Canada was no longer open to his advance. The whole of the tribes on the Mohawk had felt unmistakeably the hand of power -which had inflicted upon them defeat and privation. M. de Tracy accordingly gave over the government to M. de Cour- 'Celles and in 1667 returned to France. 1614-66] CONQUEST OF NEW YORK. 349) CHAPTER IV. While the events I have endeavoured to describe were tak- ing place on the Saint Lawrence, changes in the government of the small community which had established itself on the Hudson were being effected which, in coming years, were to lead to results mainly contributing to the destruction of French power in North America. Had they been foreseen in Paris there is little question but the cession of New York to France- would have been obtained in the infamous treaty of Dover of 1670.* It was a question of geography which at this date threw its protection over the English occupation of the Hudson. The connection of New York with Lake Ontario was unknown, or at least misunderstood. The one person who had travelled the route was Father Poncet in his release from captivity in. * " By this treaty, Charles bound himself to make public profession of the Roman Catholic Religion, to join his arms to those of Lewis for the purpose of destroying the power of the United Provinces (Holland), and to employ the whole strength of England by land and sea in support of the rights of the House of Bourbon to the vast monarchy of Spain. Lewis, on the other hand, engaged ■to pay a large subsidy, and promised that if any insurrection should break out in England he would send an army at his own charge to support his ally." [Macaulay, Vol. L, Chap, ii.] As early as the 13th of November, 1666, Talon wrote in a memoir to Colbert : " If His Majesty, effecting an arrangement between Holland and England, should stipulate for the restitution of New Netherlands and find it convenient previously to bargain with Mess"^- the States General for it, I think that he could do so, on reasonable terms ; and that country, which is not of much importance to them, would be of considerable to the King, who would have two entries into Canada, and would thereby give the French all the peltries, of the North, of which the- English have now partly the advantage, by means of the communication with the Iroquois, which they possess by Manatte and Orange, and would place these barbarous tribes at His Majesty's discretion, who could, moreover, approach [New], Sweden when he pleased, and hold New England confined within its bounds."' New York Col. Doc, Vol. IX., p. 56. 3SO THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1614-66 1653, and to him it had appeared rugged, forbidding and diffi- cult of access.* The Valley of the Hudson and its tributary, the Mohawk, furnish the one line of easy communication between the sea board and the Canadian Lakes. The Alleghanies extend from Maine to New Hampshire, and thence to Alabama. They trend through Vermont, by the western boundaries of Massachusetts and Connecticut, to cross the Hudson between Peekskill and Fishkill. "The Highlands," so well known in modern travel, here rise to a great height, the river flowing calmly between them, while the range passes south-westerly between Pennsylvania and Virginia. This opening for the passage of the Hudson is a marked geological feature of the country. The range again appears as the Catskill Mountains, and trends westerly to form the southern boundary of the Mohawk Valley. The ascent of this valley is easy to the summit, whence the country descends towards Lake Erie.f At an early date no such route was known or even sup- posed. The trader and trapper roamed over the country, but years were to elapse before its true character was appreciated. * The levels of the Erie Canal establish the character of the dbuntry. Thjs Canal, three hundred and sixty-three miles in length, is constructed between Albany, on the Hudson, and Buffalo, on Lake Erie. The mean level of that lake is nearly five hundred and sixty-five feet above tide water. Lake Erie, with what auxiliary water can be gathered, furnishes the source of supply to Port Byron, descending one hundred and seventy-four feet in one hundred and fifty- eight miles of distance. The country ascends in the next fifty-three miles, Rome being on the summit reach, thirty-six feet higher, than the last level supplied from Lake Erie. And it is here, at Rome, that the Canal meets the Valley of the Mohawk, which it follows to the Hudson. It is this fifty-three miles of heightened reach which makes any enlargement of the Erie Canal to obtain increased capacity of depth an impossibility. The fall from Rome to Albany by the Canal, which runs by the sidS of the River Mohawk to the Hudson is four hundred and twenty- six feet in a distance of one hundred and thirteen miles. The supply of the fifty-three miles of higher level is obtained from the several lakes lying to the south, and frequently there is difiiculty in keeping the Canal to its normal level. Generally speaking, the Eastern one hundred and sixty-six jniles are also sustained from these sources. + At Rome, where the height of land Is met, there is an easy passage to the Onondaga River, which discharges at Oswego into Lake Ontario. 1614-66] THE RIVER HUDSON. 351 At that date a Stuart sat no longer on the throne, to permit English territory to be bartered away at the request of a foreign power.* The Hudson is stated to have been discovered by Henry Hudson in 1609. It is affirmed that it had previously been visited by French traders. If the river itself had not been explored, the coast was known to the English navigators, and was included in the Patents of North and South Virginia, granted by James I. Acting on this patent, the English did not hesitate to expel any settlers they found, as was the case when Argall destroyed the settlement of Penobscot in 161 3 ; and we are told f he visited the few Dutch at Manhattan, who assured him " they would come thether noe more.'' That the Dutch were in possession at that date, is established by the record of Champlain in his voyage of 1615.+ He speaks of a friendly nation of the Hurons, three days from their country, who were themselves seven days from the place where the Flemish were in the habit of trading at the fortieth degree. These Flemings assisted the Iroquois in their wars, and three of them had been taken prisoners. The Hurons, believing that they were connected with the French, released them. In 1618, Champlain relates,§ that Etienne Brul6 had met Indians who traded with the Flemings and that they disliked the Flemings, who acted towards them harshly. A settlement of some character took place at Manhattan, New York, in 1614. It included many French Protestants, * The route to Lake Ontario by the Valley of the Mohawk at Rome follows a portage of six miles to a creek known later as Wood's Creek, which, in nine miles, passes into Lake Oneida, itself twenty-three miles long, whence the little River Oneida is followed for sixteen miles. This stream discharges into the River Onondaga, twenty-one miles above ifs mouth at Oswego. The connection long remained untravelled ; even in 1750, excepting at Fort Oswego, the country was unsettled. It was in 1727 that Burnet sent up workmen from New York to commence the fort. It must be stated that Oneida Lake is two hundred and seventy miles from New York, and that in the early history of settlement there was no inducement for settlers to leave the Banks of the Hudson for this locality. t Ogilby's Geography, 1671. X Laval Champlain, p. 521. § Laval Champlain, p. 624. 352 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1614-66' their language being in recognised public use. The enterprize was the result of individual combination, without the direct authority of the State ; for when, in 162 1, the English Am- bassador at the Hague complained of this proceeding to- the States General, they replied, that it was without their authority, and that they knew of no colony. It was a matter of private venture. In 1623, the Dutch West India Com- pany was formed, and commenced systematically to establish the Manhattan settlement. They sent out thirty families,, composed of Huguenot French, and Walloons. We are told that, when they arrived, they found a French vessel and that they chased her away. We have an official record of their early proceedings, dated the 5 th of November, 1626 ; where we read that the island of New York was purchased for sixty guilders. Children had been born. The settlers had raised grain, of which samples were sent home, and they had despatched a rich cargo of furs, which are specified.* In 1640, some of the inhabitants of New England had established themselves at Long Island, but they were arrested. The Dutch early ascended the Hud- son. In the first instance they gave the stream the name of River Mauritius, after Prince Maurice. They had founded the trading post of Orange, now Albany, and another on the Mohawk, to which the Indians gave the name of Corlaer,-f- Schenectady. It was the advanced post of trade, and was so' in the days of Jogues, when traffic was active. If, during their early days of possession of the country, the Dutch had little self-assertion, the feeling was to give way before the sense of assured power. James I. died in 1625, and in a few months the 'ill-judged policy of the reign of Charles I. bore fruit in the loss of European prestige. The expedition of Buckingham to the Isle of Rhe and its failure and the domestic troubles between the King and Parliament, with the Peace with France in 1629 so disgraceful to England, suggested to the Dutch that the opportunity was offered to * N. Y. Col. Doc. I., xxxix. t After Arent Van Curler. He came to New York, 1630, and was Director of the Colony of Rennslaerwick. He founded Schenectady. 1614-66] HOSTILITY WITH THE DUTCH. 3S3 strengthen themselves on the American Continent. The twelve years which intervened to the commencement of the Civil War were marked by the establishment of the New Eng- land Communities, and, in 1643, the federation of New Eng- land was formed. Even after the King's death in 1649 the unsettled state of feeling at home confined the attention of England to European politics. The first Dutch war, in the time of Cromwell, lasted from 1652 to 1654. At its conclusion no mention was made of any Transatlantic possessions. When Charles II. came to the throne in 1660, although England was still unsettled, the country was sufficiently united for it to revert to its ancient claim : the more so as an antagonistic feeling was arising between Holland and England, capable of developing to a serious quarrel, any difficulty however trifling. The home dissensions of England had told upon her com- merce, as they had affected her insular life. During the civil war the Dutch had laboured to obtain the trade which England had lost. They had been able to undersell England in foreign markets, and the commercial relations of the States were in advance of those of England. Great efforts were made to regain what had thus passed away. A new African Company was formed, at the head of which was the Duke of York, afterwards James II., who, from constitution and religious feeling, was prepared in any way to oppose the Protestant States of Holland, even to declaring war against them. With his influence the causes of disputes were in no way lessened. In 1 66 1, Sir Robert Holmes was despatched to Africa. He expelled the Dutch from Cape Verde and the Island of Goree, and sailed to New York to claim the territory under the patent given by James I. to the Earl of Sterling. The attack in Africa was not to pass without retaliation. The Dutch believing war to be inevitable, commenced to arm. In 1664, an united fleet, under Sir John Lawson and de Ruyter, were cruising in the Mediterranean to punish Barbary for its continual piracies. When they separated the Dutch Admiral proceeded to Africa, and regained the possessions which the 354 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1614-66 English had seized, even the settlements of which the posses- sion was undisputed, were taken by him. When Lawson arrived and the proceedings of the Dutch Admiral were reported, the Dutch ships in English ports to the number of one hundred and thirty-five were seized, and an expedition sailed to New York to take possession of the New Netherlands. War was declared in 1665. It lasted until 1667, when the Treaty of Breda caused Acadia to be ceded to the French, and the possession of New Netherlands was affirmed to England. Lawson's voyage to New York entailed the one duty of taking possession of the country. But resistance had been anticipated ; for, on the 23rd of April, 1664, the King addressed a letter to the Governor of New England, calling upon him to assist in the reduction of New York. On Lawson's arrival with his fleet on the 5th of September, the leading merchants entered a protest against offering resistance. On the 6th of September, 1664, quiet possession was taken of the place. On the 1 2th of September, in anticipation of these results, the Duke of York received a grant of territory, including all that was north of New England, the northern limit being placed at the St. Croix, now forming the boundary between New Brunswick and Maine ; with the territory from the Con- necticut River to Delaware Bay, including Long Island. The Dutch had made offshoots from Manhattan. They had established colonies in New Jersey as early as 1624. In 1627, parties had placed themselves on the Delaware. Some Swedes had also made a settlement there, but in 1638, they had to give way to the Dutch. We read that in 1659 emi- gration was systematically conducted. With the fall of the Dutch power in New York these communities ceased to be. An English garrison was placed in New York and, as we have seen, when de Courcelles was at Schenectady there was a force of sixty men at Albany. Col. Richard Nicolls, one of those who commanded in Law- son's expedition, was appointed the first Governor. A corres- pondence took place between him and de Tracy. Nicolls 1 666] GOVERNOR NICOLLS. 35 S expressed surprise that the invasion had been made, and allud- ing to the assistance which had been given to the French, stated that he was ready to continue his good offices in opposition to the heathen, as becomes a good Christian, provided the territory of his Majesty be not invaded. He expressed his readiness to acknowledge some part of his obligations to de Tracy, whose reputation he knew, assigning as a cause for this feeling " the great civilities to my master and all his servants, in their low estate and condition of exile." Nicolls alluded to the home which the English loyalists had found in France. M. de Tracy replied in the same spirit, and added that it was his son who had commanded the regiment of foreign cavalry to whom allusion had been made. He complained that he had not always experienced civilities from the English. A ship from Boston had seized a vessel in 1665, in which there were some strong waters, which he had missed, but with which he could well dispense in the service of his Majesty. There was war at this date between France and England, and Nicolls was by no means insensible to the opportunities furnished by de Tracy's advance. Nicolls accordingly ad- dressed the authorities of New England on the subject, he could not imagine any reason to the contrary ' why so faire an advantage against the French should be let slip.' He asked that a force from Massachusetts and Connecticut should aid in the attack on de Tracy in order that, " few of the French could returne to Canada," adding, " the common safety is precious to you, although the danger at present more immediately threatens this colony." Willis, on the part of Massachusetts, replied, that the Iroquois were at war with the Abenakis : that if they went to war with the French, the Abenakis would join the latter, and so would attack them in New England: and that it would be difficult to part with strength at home, until there was a cessation of war between the Mohawks and Abenakis. It was under these circumstances that New York became an English colony. It was the southern neighbour of Canada, and before the close of the century the presence of the 3S6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1666 English was sensibly felt. For that time and for some twenty years, indeed to the period of de la Barre, peace in a modified form prevailed, and Canada was left free from devastation. The assumed destruction of the power of the Mohawks led to the reduction of the French force in Canada, and the troops were ordered home ; four companies being left to guard the advanced forts. Every encouragement was given to the men to remain. Upwards of four hundred of the Carignan regi- ment accepted the conditions offered. A bonus was given to those who remained, 100 livres in cash, or 50 livres and a year's provisions ; a sergeant was to receive 150 livres,, or loa livres with a year's provisions. Emigration was likewise sys- tematically directed from France. Fifty girls and one hun- dred men left La Rochelle, with some mares, stallions and sheep. The emigrants were sent at the cost of the King ; the animals were also purchased and shipped by him. The Company on their side paid the passage of two hundred and fifty men. The powers given to M. de Courcelles. and to M. Talon were almost unlimited. The former had power to settle all differences whether in the Council or between Seigneur and habitant, and he was placed in authority over all ecclesiastics and all other persons of whatever rank or condition. M. Talon was supreme in civil and judicial matters, all previous regulations being set aside. In September, 1666, on the eve of de Tracy's expedition, the Seminary of Montreal were established in their rights as Seigneur of the Island. M. Talon, on the part of the King, received foy et hommage for the possession. The Royal Courts were abolished and justice was administered in the name of the Seigneur. It is at this period that the institutions were established in Canada, by virtue of which its political life was to be carried on for nearly a century. Undoubtedly they obtained no little of their impress from the opinion of those about the King. Louis XIV. for the next ten years, took great interest in the 1667] DEPARTURE OF TALON. 357 fortunes of the country and directed the emigration which, for the ensuing seven years, was sent to Canada. It was about this period the idea came into the King's mind that he was per- forming the greatest possible service to humanity by strength- ening the Roman Catholic form of worship. We see it in the treaty of Dover of 1670, one of the provisions of which was that Charles II. should declare himself a Roman Catholic; shewing how the influences around the French King were culminating to enforce the opinions which proved so pernicious to France. It was not until fifteen years later that the Edict of Nantes* was to be revoked, and the policy of Richelieu and Mazarin set aside by the inferior men whom absolute power brought to the front, who were guided by no principle of action but to possess royal countenance and favour. Talon came to Canada in 1665 : de Tracy left in 1667. During the period of his controlling influence any difference of view, as to the policy of the Colony, if felt, was suppressed. After his departure there was misunderstanding between de Courcelles and Talon. There can be no doubt that when circumstances did not enforce amity, much unpleasantness existed. As both were leaving Canada, Colbert expressed the hope that their differences would be without any permanent consequence.f It was, perhaps, owing to this want of harmony that Talon left for France in 1668, and that M. de Boutteroiie was deputed to act in his absence. That M. de Courcelles was in no way deficient in self-assertion is shewn by a letter of Colbertj to him by which it is evident that he had com- plained of de Boutteroiie, as one dependent on the Bishop and Jesuits. Talon returned to Canada on the i8th of August, 1670. He left the country with de Courcelles in 1672. He therefore remained in Canada five years. Few men in so short a period created such results, in energetically carrying out the * 1685. + Comme vous reveiiez Tun & I'autre en France les petites difficultes qui sont arrivees entre M. de Courcelles & vous n'auront point de suites. Colbert a Talon, 17th May, 1672. t iSth May, 1669. 3S8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [l66/ duties assigned them. But the institutions which he was establishing were, on their creation, doomed to failure from the want of elasticity which they possessed. They were not conceived to lead to satisfactory consequences. It was the rigid, unyielding character of the system which made progress, in the true sense of the word, impossible. There was an absence of individual freedom, a constraint on every action of life, a Procustean form of habit and custom, to which all were bound to adapt themselves. Moreover, there arose the canker of the love of gain, which entered into the heart of society. That high tone of devotion to duty which has no thought of personal advantage, became unknown. The memory of de Courcelles and Talon is free from any charge of malversation or personal dishonesty. But at this time nearly every official commenced more or less to dabble in trade, by which his private circumstances might be bettered. If he did not do so directly, he did indirectly. There was some concealed disreputable relationship with Indian operations, which denioralized the whole community. This bad spirit remained to the last ; it was only at the Con- quest it disappeared. The most unfriendly writers who treat of the early English officials, have not traced to them dishon- esty, fraud or greed. For a century, their example prevailed in civil life, to shed its grace over the public and private careers of men in station. Within the last thirty years the old bad spirit has reappeared, in the liberal institutions under which we live. It remains with the people of Canada, whether this plague spot is in the future to increase, or to be stamped out. It is they who have the power ; it is they who have the future in their control. It is found in modern times that men generally obtain the institutions, for which they are fitted by character and conduct. The signal service rendered to the colony by M. de Tracy in the expedition of October, 1666, quieted opposition in all quarters. The energy of Talon moreover discouraged all interference with the policy of the Government. The fact is nowhere more apparent than in the settlement of the payment 1667-70] FEMALE EMIGRATION. 359 of the dime* M. de Laval had obtained an edict for estab- lishing it at one-thirteenth, which proposed rate had been reduced to one-twentieth for his life. Believing M. de Tracy favourable to any views which he might express, he presented a petition in 1666, that the dime should be again established at one-thirteenth. On the 23rd of August, de Tracy, de Cour- celles and Talon issued an edict that it should be one twenty- sixth harvested grain : a settler going on virgin land not to pay the dime for the first five years. In 1668, a meeting was called at Montreal to determine what should be paid to the Seminary.' It was resolved that it should be the twenty- first part of wheat in the sheaf ; one twenty-sixth of other grain. Louis XIV. kept his word, and for the next seven years emigration was systematically conducted. The King saw the necessity of directing population to Canada. As the emigrants arrived the request was made from Quebec that none but Roman Catholics should be sent, and objection was expressed against any being taken from the neighbourhood of La Roch- elle.f It was likewise felt that the emigration of men alone would be of little permanent value, in order for the population to be increased the men must be wived. Accordingly, cargoes of young women were regularly shipped to the colony, j They were selected, as such must ever be, from classes seeking to better their fortunes. Many were taken from charitable insti- * The tithe. + Colbert wrote to M. de Laval the i8th of March, 1664. " Pendant le sejour que vous fites ici vous me temoignates que les gens des environs de la Rochelle at des lies circonvoisines qui passaient a la Nouvelle France itaient pen laborieux et que mtoe n'etant pas fort zeles pour la religion ils donnaient de mauvais examples aux ancients habitants du pays. Le Roi a pris resolution sidvant votre avis de faire lever trois cents hommes cette annee en Normandie." X The matter of fact way in which this policy was carried out is shewn in the correspondence of that date. Colbert to Talon, the i^th of May, i66g : "The King sends 150 girls to be married, 6 companies of 50 men, 30 officers or gentle- men, 200 other persons. Colbert to de Courceiles, the gth of April, 1670 : ' ' Encour- age early marriage, so that by the multiplication of children the colony may have the means of increase." Talon to the King, the loth of September, i6yo : "165 girls arrived, 30 do not remain unmarried, 150 to 200 more asked for." loth of 360 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-70 tutions. The few exceptions were those who by their previous conduct had caused scandal. As a rule, they commanded respect, and were immediately married ; and there was every- thing to lead to that result. Any adult male not marrying was subjected to restriction, and on the other hand, premiums were given to those who married. To be the father of a numerous family became a title to distinction and profit. The emigration directed by the King commenced in 1659. In three years 1,000 souls reached Canada. The Seminary of Montreal on its own account had regularly sent emigrants to that settlement. But it was between 1665 and 1670 that the population received its increase. In 1668, many discharged soldiers became settlers, and in 1669 several families came out. In 1669, six companies of infantry arrived, amounting to up- wards of 2,000 men, with the ultimate purpose of their estab- lishment in the colony. Some officers found their way back to France. Colbert wrote to Talon to prevent all such from returning. He was directed to inform officers that if they desired to stand well with the King, they must remain in Canada, and encourage their men to clear the land. It was not a mere threat of displeasure. Those who settled there obtained rewards. M. de Contrecoeur received 600 livres ; M. de Lamothe 1,500 livres, and M. de Hautemisnil, when applying for the confirmation of his letters of nobility, was informed that they would be granted when he had estab- lished himself in the colony. If young women were to be brought to Canada they required to be cared for and protected. There must have been little short of twelve hundred sent between 1665 and 1670. During the voyage, they were under the control of one of their sex, and they were placed under supervision on their November, ibjo : " The girls sent last year are married, and almost all pregnant or mothers." 2nd of November, idji, Talon to Colbert: "Between 600 and 700 children born, inexpedient to send out girls next year." As to the happiness or misery of such marriages there was little account. Some people, however, may believe that this expedient to determine the future of men and women in the lottery of life, is as good as any other. 1667-70] MARRIAGES. 36 1 arrival. The endeavour in France was to select persons of unblemished character. It was soon seen that the young girls sent from the cities, were weaker and less adapted for the rude life of privation before them, than those from the country districts. Attempts were accordingly made to direct the emigration from the country parishes. The Archbishop of Paris instructed each curd in his diocese to learn what young women were willing to seek their fortunes in Canada ; a machinery of action which might well be imitated in modern times when a system of emigration is in question. The King, in their case, certainly shewed his beneficence. He not only trusted to the charms of these rustic beauties ; but each one, on her marriage, was the recipient of a mark of royal favour : cattle, provisions, or the means of constructing a house. Generally, in fifteen days, most of the new arrivals found partners, and the choice of a wife was enforced with all the auxiliaries of power. Young men who did not marry were forbidden to trade, hunt or fish, or in any way enter the bush. The Mere de I'lncarnation tells us that as the selection was made, marriages were celebrated by thirties at the same ceremony. There can be no question but that great care was taken in the choice of those sent. There was no reason that it should be otherwise. About two hundred annually arrived and there could have been no difficulty in obtaining in France that number of respectable young women. It must be remembered that the emigration was not undertaken from the policy of re- lieving France of a surplus population, as it is now called. In that point of view, Louis XIV. was opposed to emigration, and ultimately discontinued it It would have interfered with the number of men who he could draft into his armies. The transfer of emigrants to Canada was solely with the view of aid- ing the colony and increasing its numbers. There could have been no necessity for making any unwise choice of those sent. In 1663, the population was but two thousand five 'hundred. In 1673, the number of souls was six thousand seven hundred and five. 362 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-70 There was another class of female emigrants. Talon wrote that officers equally required wives, and suggested that women of higher condition should be induced to leave France, and some fifteen or twenty accepted the offer. They were satis- fied with the reception which they received while waiting for the vessel, but they complained of the treatment on board ship. Talon was anxious to remove this unfavourable im- pression for fear that the report, if communicated to France, would deter others of the same position from following their example. Another influence also brought to Montreal a better class of women. The Sulpicians foresaw difficulty in obtaining nuns for the Hospital and the Congregation nunneries, and several ladies of good family came to Montreal and entered the Convents. Some of them even possessed a little property. But in instances, the life, as it became. better known, was not acceptable. As many as twenty of these ladies married men of higher rank in the colony.* Nor was it by emigration alone that the promotion of mar- riage was attained. M. de Laval was called upon by the King to use his influence to induce the youth to marry at eighteen and the girls at sixteen. Twenty livres was the reward of the youth of twenty and of the girl of sixteen or under, who married. It was called le present du roi. Fathers who did not marry their children were fined. There is a special Edict by M. de Courcelles on the subject.-f- A pension of three hundred livres is promised to the habitants, no sex named, having ten children ; four hundred livres to those having twelve. It is provided, that in the parishes the greatest honours should be shewn to those having the largest families, and that the fathers who failed to marry their children at twenty and sixteen should be fined. Those .with unmarried children were required, within six months, to explain why such was the case. Men who were themselves unmarried were called upon to marry * Some of their names are given, the only one now recognizable is that of the Hospital Novice, who became Madame Etienne Truteau. t Conseil Souverain, 20th October, 1670. Vol. I., p. 638. 1667-70] INCREASE OF THE POPULATION. 363- within fifteen days after the arrival of the ships, under the penalties named. The population, therefore, increased rapidly- in localities. In Montreal, the number of souls in 1666 was five hundred and eighty-two ; in 1672, nearly fifteen hundred- No part of Canada prospered more by this emigration than the Seigneuries of M. de Laval. In 1666, the population was six hundred and seventy-eight at Beauprd, and on the Island of Orleans, four hundred and seventy-one, both Seigneuries his property, forming together, fully a third of the whole population of the country, which amounted to three thousand four hundred and eighteen souls.* Once in Canada, the difficulty was to leave the country.. No one could depart without a passport, and no captain of a vessel could receive a passenger unless so provided.-f- As the men arrived orders were given to make individual concessions, on the principle that those clearing the land should be placed side by side. The successful expedition against the Iroquois under de Tracy gave a great impulse to agriculture, and the land even at some distance from the forts around Montreal was then for the first time cultivated. In the west, de La Salle, then lately arrived, obtained a grant on Lake St. Louis, now known as Lachine; towards the east, the settlement extended to Point aux Trembles, ten miles below Montreal. These concessions did not remain a dead letter. It was necessary to establish hearth and home (feu et lieu) within a year, and that at least two arpents of ground should be placed under cultivation. If these condi- tions were not observed, the land was to revert to the seigneur. A stringent application of this principle was made in He Jesus, north of Montreal. It had been conceded to the Jesuits, and as they had done nothing to clear the land, the concession was cancelled and the land given to M. Berthelot. The grants by the Seminary of land to be held in fief were almost gratuitous. The rent of a few sous per arpent was all that was asked. It was on such terms that the fiefs were * Quebec Documents I., p. 185. + Colbert to Talon, nth February, 1671. 364 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-70 granted at Lachine, and at Point aux Trembles, opposite the River Assomption, and near the Sault St. Louis. The grants which M. de Lauson had obtained were resumed by the King. The country was given out by the Crown to the officers of the Carignan regiment in seigneuries ; extending from the Island of Montreal on the north shore to Berthier, and on the south shore from Sorel to Laprairie, at which place the Jesuits had established a mission. Likewise along the River Richelieu to Chambly. A road was also constructed from Chambly to Sorel, sixty miles, and along the river side from Montreal to Point aux Trembles. The theory on which the Seigneurs received large tracts directly from the Crown, was the establishment of a Colonial nobility who could make grants in fief of a tract of some extent, or would concede direct to single families as ce'nsitaires, paying the rent in kind for their holdings. The lods et ventes were a fee of one-twelfth of the purchase money of any estate ; the Seigneur receiving this twelfth. No fee was payable in' the transfer of land as a gift or as inherited property. The revenue of the Seigneurs consisted of the rent paid by those holding the land ; a few sous annually the arpent. Most of the Seig- neurs were poor, and hence when they had built their house and cleared some land, they had little means by display of expenditure, to raise themselves in appearance above the settlers beside them. They retained their nominal rank what- ever their circumstances. The Seigneur was bound to build a mill, the Banal mill ; in early days a tax upon him, for there was little grain to grind. He was subjected to the cost of constructing the mill, then a matter of expense in Canada, it being necessary to import the stones and machinery ; and he had to pay the miller also, no light obligation. His receipts were one-fourteenth of the grain ground, which, in some places, was small in quantity. The disadvantages were such that many Seigneurs were unable to construct a mill. With the early Seigneurs it was a struggle to live. They were unable to educate their children, and, with the exception of fishing and shooting, they had no compensating privilege. Even- 1667-70] THE SEIGNEURIES. 365 tually many of the Seigneuries fell into the hands of the sons of those who had made fortunes in trade, or became the property of men in official life, or of officers having private means. At the time of the grants it was expected that the officers of the regiment would bring the men of their com- panies with them to settle by their side ; and that thus a militia would be formed for defence against the incursions of the Iroquois. The first Seigneurs, unless obtaining employ- ment from the Crown or increasing their income by trade, differed little from the habitant in their life and pursuits, what- ever their previous career and however distinguished their family. As an individual, the Seigneur might be badly clothed, and dependent on what he received from his censitaires:. Most of those who had accepted this life had large families, with nO' private resources. In time the Seigneuries became of value,^ but in most cases they had passed from the families of the original proprietors. In the early stages of their establish- ment, the Seigneurs suffered hardships and derived little benefit from their possessions. Justice was administered by each Seigneur on the territory owned by him. According to- the modern view it was a system not disadvantageous to the Colonist : it gave redress for injuries, and assured immediate retribution in the case of crime. The right formed a portion of the grant of the Seigneury, and prevailed throughout its extent. It consisted of the administration of what was called "basse justice ;" "moyenne" and "basse justice ;" or "haute, moyenne and basse justice ;" or the phrase sometimes ran, "entoute justice." "Haute justice" conveyed the power of considering crimes punishable by death. " Moyenne justice " dealt with debts of small amount, or with misdemeanours punishable by fine. " Basse justice " with seigneurial dues and profits. In all important cases, there was an appeal to the Seigneurial or to the Royal Court, and, as a last resource, to the Sovereign Council. If learned reasoning did not accompany the decision, knowledge of the parties and of the causes of litigation, as a rule suggested substantial justice^and generally speaking, there was little ground for complaint. 2,66 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-70 Education obtained attention, but the institutions which were established could not effect great results. In Quebec the Jesuits' College gave some instruction ; and the Seminary established by M. de Laval, which had principally in view the formation of a school of ecclesiastics, also received lay pupils. In connection with it he founded what was called the " Little Seminary." * It owed its origin to the desire expressed by the King for steps to be taken for the education of Indian children. At the commencement of its operation Indian children had been mixed with the French. But the experiment was not repeated and teaching was given to the French only. M. de Laval, finding that some of the pupils did not take kindly to study, formed a school of trades at Cap Tourmente, where useful and necessary handicraft was taught : one of the best acts of his life. At the Ursulines the young Canadian girls could not be brought under the discipline which M^re ■de r Incarnation had witnessed at Tours. She complained that thirty Canadian girls gave as much trouble as double the number in France. The difficulty of educating the young Huron girls was insuperable. Their parents influenced them more than their teachers. The Indian woman had seldom more than two or three children, of whom they were extrava- gantly fond. In their desire to gratify them the mothers encouraged their resistance to study and discipline. After some years of experience the Mere de I'lncarnation wrote, that of the one hundred, Indian children who had passed through their hands, they had scarcely civilized a single girl. At Montreal, education was gratuitous. Marguerite Bour- geois for a time taught both boys and girls. Later, the boys were instructed by M. Souart, of the Seminary. As the girls grew up, such of them as were capable and felt inclined to perform the duty, visited Lachine and Point-aux-Trembles to prepare the younger girls for their first communion, and there were instances of their going to Three Rivers, and even to the Bay of Saint Paul below Quebec. The difficulty of obtaining priests to perform the religious * gth October, 1668. 1667-70] M. DE F£n£LON. 367 services received early attention. In 1660, by the influence of M. de Laval the Seminary of St. Sulpice, at Paris, had been instructed to send no more ecclesiastics to Canada, while one of the younger members of his priesthood had stig- matized their doctrine as that of Anti-Christ. In 1666, the Seminary was requested to fill the void now felt with respect to the limited number of priests in the country. Four of them arrived this year : among them Dollier de Casson and Jean Cavelier, brother of de La Salle. It was doubtless in consequence of his presence that his more celebrated brother cast his bread on the waters of Canada. In the Charter granted to the West India Company there was the usual phrase of those days about the royal desire to establish the true religion. Acting upon it. Talon asked for additional priests ; especially he desired their presence so they could be sent to the forts. It was a thankless, profitless duty, and so ill paid were these ecclesiastics, that those selected in France, as a rule, were men who either possessed private means, or belonged to wealthy families. One of this class was M. Frangois de Salignac de la Mothe Fdn^lon, who certainly did not proceed to Canada from the want of brilliant prospects. Indeed, his family were opposed to the step. He had but lately abandoned the world, and had received the minor orders, in themselves nominal, and in no way binding; he had been but fifteen months in the Seminary. In one sense he might be regarded as a layman, for he would have been justified at any hour in abandoning a position conditionally accepted. On his arrival in Canada, M. de Laval admitted him to the office of sub-deacon. The following year he was ordained deacon and priest. M. de Laval never gave his confidence to the Sulpicians. His letters to the Propaganda establish the fact. However outwardly courteous he was to priests coming to Canada by Royal authority, he considered their presence as an influence adverse to his own. At this date he was still Apostolic Vicar. A Pope acting in concert with an unfriendly King of France, could remove him in an hour. He was dependent still on the 368 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1667-70 favour of the Jesuits, and the fact would seem always to have been prominent in his mind. Any step talde Gallin^e's presence, the principal relative applied a musket barrel at white heat to the unfortunate man's feet, and the sufferer's cry of horror drove de Gallin^e away in great grief He was soon joined by de La Salle, who considered affairs were looking threatening. The Indians were getting rapidly mad with drink, and he suggested that they should leave. They had sent seven or eight of their staff to a small village .about half a league distant ; and the two went to the stream, where Dollier had been left. The latter had been ill, and at •one time the attack appe'ared to be serious, but he recovered. It became necessary to proceed again to the village for corn, which they had to carry on their backs. They made inquiries .as to the distance to the Ohio, and heard that it was six days journey of twelve leagues by land ; having to carry their pro- visions this distance, they abandoned the project of making it by land. The Senecas expressed to the interpreter the ■danger of proceeding to Touguenha, as they named the place, .as the Indians there would prove hostile and would shoot their arrows at them at night, by the light of the camp fire. Along the Ohio they would meet the tribe of the Anastois, who would -destroy them, and they feared that they, the .Senecas, would be blamed for their death and be chastised for it. Accordingly, they declined to conduct the French thither. The Dutch interpreter, who was affected by this information, did nothing which was in any way in opposition to this view. In this emergency, an Iroquois arrived from a hunting ■expedition at the head of Lake Ontario, where the deer and bear were plentiful. From him they learned that at this spot they would have no diiliculty in finding a guide, and they agreed to accompany him on his return. They again embarked on Lake Ontario. For five days tthey paddled up the lake, crossing the mouth of the Niagara River, and hearing the roar of the Falls, to reach the ex- 384 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1669' tremity of the lake at Burlington Bay. They unloaded their canoes and proceeded to a village inland, distant five leagues* There is no indication where this place is situated. It could not have been in the direction of the Grand River ; for fromc Dundas, the place to which at this day the Desjardins Creek is navigable, the distance to the Grand River is scarcely fifteen miles. It was while waiting for assistance to carry the baggage that de La Salle went on a hunting expedition;, to return prostrated with fever. He saw three immense rattle- snakes ascending a rock, which " some say " caused this ill- ness. The party remained three days where they were. Before proceeding to the inland village two slaves were given, one tO' each chief of the party, and the inhabitants promised that they would conduct them to the river by which they could descend to Lake Erie. Moreover, they learned that twO' Frenchmen had lately arrived there. There was every inducement for them to: establish them- selves at this place Tinaouatoua ; and the Indians begged that they would do so. The object of the voyage, however, could not be lost sight of, to proceed to the Mississippi ; and all that Dollier de Casson could undertake was that the fol- lowing year a mission should be established. They were- greatly surprised to hear of the presence of the two Frenchr men ; their belief being that the country had never been visited.. On the following day they started, and, after a tedious and painful march, they reached the Grand River. There they met Louis Jolliet, the future discoverer of the Mississippi. He- was then about twenty-five ; he was returning from Lake- Superior, where he had been sent by Talon to examine into- the locality of a copper mine. He had been unable to dis- cover it, and, being pressed for time, was hurrying back to Montreal. They began now to perceive that the illness of de La Salle was affecting him, and he gave indications that he: did not desire to proceed further. Jolliet explained that he had sent some of his men tO' examine with regard to the Pottewatamis, a tribe of the Ottawas who were without missionaries, and. who lived not: 1669] THE GRAND RIVER. 385 far from the great river leading to the south. We may trace an allusion to the sources of the Mississippi to be reached by way of the south shore of Lake Superior from the mission, La Pointe. The information suggested both to Dollier and de Galinee that the river of which they were in search could be more advantageously sought in this direction. Both the Sulpicians understood the Ottawa language, and it appeared to them a preferable route to that passing through the Iroquois country. Jolliet gave them all the information which he possessed. A map was made, doubtless, by Jolliet, for he was a man of observation and education, and de Gallinde tells us that it proved of the greatest use. They halted here for two or three days, when de La Salle informed them that his health made it necessary for him to proceed to IVTontreal ; and that he would not undertake to pass the winter in the woods with men unaccustomed to that life, and that the possibility was that they would die of hunger. On the 30th of September mass was celebrated. The parties separated. De La Salle returned to Lake Ontario. There is an expression of M. de Galinee which demands attention. The account of his voyage was written imme- diately on his return in 1670. The fact is established by the remark of M. Dollier in his history, and it is improbable that he would make a statement easily capable of disproof It is to the efij^ct that the party of de La Salle looked upon those staying behind as doomed to certain death. " They so ex- pressed themselves on their arrival here (Montreal) causing much pain to all who took interest in us."* The indirect evidence of this remark is that de La Salle's party returned without delay to Montreal. The Sulpicians left Tinaouatoua on the ist of October. Three days were taken to make the nine or ten leagues dis- tance to the Grand River. Evidently this village must have been east of the height which trends northward from Hamil- * comme en efifet ils le publierent des qu'ils furent arrives ici at firent beau- coup de peine a tous ceux qui prenoient quelqu' interet a nos personnes. Voyage de de Galinee, p. 32. 2A 386 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1669 ton, in order for it to be distant twenty-five miles from the Grand River. It cannot be identified, and it is idle to specu- late on its locality. The Sulpicians must have reached the Grand River far from its mouth, for it took them eight days to descend the stream. The party consisted of twelve persons in three canoes. It was October. Storms occasionally were experienced on Lake Erie, and as they reached Long Point, the weather became so bad that they could not proceed. Accordingly, they resolved to pass the winter where they were. They were fortunate in killing some deer, and they smoked the meat as they had observed the Senecas had done in the village near Irondequoit Bay. They found apples, plums and grapes. They made wine, which they found as good as the Vin de Grave. " I call this," writes de Gallin^e, " the terrestrial Paradise of Canada. I have seen more than a hundred deer in a troop, and bears fatter and of better relish than the most savoury pigs of France." To protect themselves from the strong wind, they built their cabin in the woods by a stream about a quarter of a league from the shore. Here they lived in the free air of the forest. Its sense of independence which ever awakens the best instincts of manhood, confirmed their courage and gave constancy to their patience. M. Dollier afterwards declared that this winter, passed in accord with nature, was, in value for the preparation for eternity, ^orth ten years of life. The Iroquois often hunted in the locality. They visited the cabin, admired its situation, and, no doubt, estimated its strength. " We built it," says de Galinde, " to be able to defend ourselves for a long time against these barbarians if they entertained the idea of coming to insult us " Fortunately the weather was mild. Indeed, on Lake Erie the climate is much less rigorous than in Eastern Canada : and, by a strange coincidence, in Montreal that year the weather was unusually severe, as if to establish in their minds the more favourable features of their sojourn. Spring came, and the Sulpicians had to continue their route. Previously to leaving, there was one solemn ceremony to be 1669] LAKE ERIE. 387 performed. It was to take possession of the country in the name of the King of France. They erected a cross and placed an inscription upon it ; and the two priests, so far as they were able, added to French rule the sovereignty over the territory extending from Lake Erie to the great lakes of the north. On the 26th of March, 1670, after having passed five months and eleven days on the shores of Lake Erie, they again started on their voyage. Proceeding westerly, on the first night they had the misfortune to lose a canoe, which, owing to a severe storm coming on, it was not possible to recover. Its loss was embarrassing. They had to re-arrange their baggage. Jolliet had told them where, in case of necessity, they might find a canoe, which he had left behind him, in a cache. Owing to want of canoe space, it was arranged that some should walk along the shore until they reached the spot where it was hoped this canoe might be found. The weather turned cold ; and the advance by land was rough and painful. The snow fell, and beat in their faces with severity. They all met at Presqu'ile, where a portage was made to the large basin of water now known as Rondeau. Continuing their journey, they reached the spot described by Jolliet as that of the cache of the canoe. A diligent search was made. None could be found, it had been removed. They were now in great em- barrassment ; without provisions, and without canoes for the whole party to leave the spot. Men were sent out to hunt. They found nothing. The difficulty had become extreme, when one of the men in search of dry wood for the fire had the good fortune to stumble on the canoe hid between two trees. They had mistaken the indications given them. In their want of provisions, they had, likewise, the good fortune to come upon a herd of deer, of which they killed six, smoking the meat which they did not eat. They reached Point a Pel^e : an unlooked for storm raised the waters of the lake and carried away much of their baggage, incautiously left on the shore imperfectly secured. As is frequently experienced at this end of the lake in easterly 388 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1669 winds, the level of the water rose some feet during the night and carried off much of the smoked meat. Among the articles lost were the portable chapel and the vessels for the religious services, and much of their gunpowder. They were thus unable to perform mass, either for their own edification or that of the savages, and one source of their strength in their effort of the future, was taken from them. They resolved accordingly to return to Montreal. Considering that the Ottawa was the best route for them to follow, they determined to ascend the lakes to Sault St. Mary. They possessed a general knowledge of the geography of the country. They knew that they had to follow the coast to find the entrance to the river, which they had to descend to go eastwardly. More- over, de Galin^e was then engaged on the map, which he after- wards completed, and by this journey he hoped to extendi the experience by which he could be able to rectify his work. There likewise would be the advantage of seeing a new country in preference to returning by the route by which they had come. They followed the north shore of Lake Erie and ascended the River Detroit to Lake Huron. It is the first recorded ascent of these waters by a white man, although it isi plain JoUiet must have followed the route. Their intention was to gain Sault St. Mary and to join a party of canoes returning eastward. As they proceeded, the old spirit of adventure was revivedL Six leagues above the junction of the Detroit River, they came upon an Indian figure painted on the rock. It was an idol of the tribes who passed this way. They destroyed it or defaced it to the greatest extent possible. Either in their ascent or return they visited the Straits of Mackinaw. The weather must have been fine, and there could have been no difficulties in their progress, for they arrived at the Sault on the 25th of May. They found there. Fathers Dablon and Marquette, who received them kindly and invited them to attend the service in the chapel ; but, unlike the open-hearted! Jolliet, the Jesuits gave the Sulpicians no information. The exploration made during this journey is marked on the 1669] SAULT ST. MARY. 389 map of 1670, which, under the circumstances of its production, is singularly correct. The country it relates to was at that date entirely unknown. Its defect is the omission of the Pen- insula of Michigan. De Galinee went as far as the Northern Straits. As one looks at the islands laid down by him, the impression is irresistible that he actually saw the north of the Peninsula. Even with the defect I have named, this map en- titles M. de Galin6e to be honourably remembered among the early geographers of the Northern Continent.* The Sulpicians were not impressed with the fort at the Sault. They looked upon it as of more use to the French than to the savage. They found that there were generally from twenty to twenty-five French there. The Indians, although in some instances baptized, were seldom present at the mass. It was not difficult to obtain baptism. At the mission of La Pointe, to the west of Lake Superior, the Jesuits, at this date, were unable to say mass publicly lest it should be looked upon as an act of sorcery. As the Sulpicians learned that the canoes had started for Montreal, they deemed it better to obtain a guide and proceed on their journey without delay. •Moreover, they were made to feel that they were not wanted at the Sault ; so, after a stay of three days, they took their departure. We learn from M. de Galinee's observations, some of the profits of the fur trade. A robe of beaver was ex- changed for a fathom of tobacco ; a quarter of a hundred pounds of powder ; six knives, or one fathom of beads. The Sulpicians reached Montreal on the i8th of June, 167O) * The Jesuits were in possession of the information of which M. de Galinee was deficient. It is given on their maps whicfi appeared in the Relations of 1670-167^. Lake Michigan is first described by tliem in the Relations of 1667, p. 18. "Leur [the Potowatamies] pais est dans le lac des Ilinioiiek. C'est vn grand Lac qui n'estoit pas encore venu a nostre connoissance attenant au Lac des Hurons et a celuy des Puants entre I'orient et le Midy." In the Relations, 1670, p. 92, Pere AUonez wrote : " Le quatrieme sur le midy nous doublames le Cap qui fait le detour, et c'est le commencement du Detroit ou du Golfe du Lac Huron assez connu et du lac des Ilinbuets inconnd |usques a present beaucoup plus petit que le Lac Huron." In 1671, p. 25. The lake is spoken of as Lake Michigan. " De Ik ou entre dans le Lac appelle Mitchiganons a qui les Ilinois ont laisse leur nom. 390 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1670 making the distance in twenty-two days. By running the rapids they avoided all the portages, from forty to forty-five in number, excepting seventeen or so. The date is worthy of notice as suggesting that the men of de la Salle had previously arrived. The visit of the Sulpicians to Lake Erie was not without its political consequences. The account of their having taken possession of the country, with the map, was forwarded to the King, and the event was recorded in the Archives of Paris as an act of possession. It was followed by a similar formal occupation of Lake Superior. In the fall of 1670, M. de St. Lusson, accompanied by Nicolas Perrot as interpreter, was despatched on this duty. He failed to reach Lake Superior that year and wintered on the shores of Lake Huron. In the commencement of 1 671, he proceeded to his destination. On the 4th of July he met a Council of Indians, summoned by him from all directions. After some ceremonial observances, he declared the country to be a portion of the royal dominions of France. From the West, Talon turned his attention to the North : in 1 67 1, hearing of the activity being displayed by the English in Hudson's Bay, and considering that it was not to the ad- vantage of New France to have, to the north of its territory, a powerful neighbour of the same nationality as that of New England to the south. Talon organized an expedition to ascend the Saguenay, and crossing the summit to reach the Northern Sea by some tributary discharging into it. It con- sisted of the Jesuit Father Albanel, M. de Simon, another Frenchman, and six Indians. I will more fully describe the journey when I relate the history of the events which happened on Hudson's Bay, from Hudson's voyage of 16 10 to the Treaty of Utrecht. The expedition of Father Albanel started in 1671, but in that year did not advance beyond the headquarters of the Saguenay. On the 1st of June, 1672, the journey was resumed. By the end of June they reached Hudson's Bay, on the waters of which they observed a vessel with English colours. The problem which they had been sent to investigate had 1671] DE COURCELLES EXPEDITION. 391 been solved. A cross was erected and the country taken pos- session, with the usual formula, in the name of the French King. The party returned by the same route to the Saint Lawrence. By this ceremony, without regard to its previous history, the Hudson's Bay territory was hereafter to be looked upon in Canada as a French possession. On all sides the spirit of discovery and enterprise was awakened. M. de Courcelles himself made a voyage up the St. Lawrence, with the view of firmly establishing French power among the Iroquois. Talon* proposed to the King the establishment of a fort on Lake Ontario, with a garrison of one hundred men, and tha* a ship should be constructed with sails and oars, so that it could navigate the lake and be seen in all directions by the Indians. Two months later -f- he suggested two settlements : one to the north, one to the south of the lake. In 1669, Colbert wrote to de Courcelles that the King desired him to appear occasionally at Montreal, and further, that every two years he should visit the Iroquois country until the Iroquois had seen the whole of the French force, three and four, or five and six times, within their country. Acting on these instructions, on the 2nd of June, 1671, de Coui'- celles left Montreal for Lachine, from which place he started on his journey. He was accompanied, by Perrot, Governor of Montreal, de Varennes, of Three Rivers, and other persons of position. No one of the party was idle, everybody paddled and worked at the navigation. The ascent of the Saint Lawrence was made in canoes. There was, likewise, one flat- bottomed boat. Above the Gallops Rapids, the last met before reaching Lake Ontario, de Courcelles took a canoe and passed through the Thousand Islands. On the 12th he looked on the waters of the lake, the first Governor after Champlain who beheld them. He made the journey in eleven days. The letters which he had brought for the Quinte mis- sions he sent on by a messenger ; he did not himself visit them. * loth September, 1670. t loth November, 1670. 392 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1671 On the 14th the return recommenced ; they were in the long days of summer. So three days only were necessary to return to Montreal. The account proceeds to say, 'that everybody was greatly surprised that in fifteen days a large bateau was carried up and brought back from Otondrata ; the spot where the quiet water commences above the rapids. M. de Courcelles had at this time been six years in Canada, and now, in November, 1 671, he asked for his recall on account of ill-health. M. Talon likewise determined to proceed to France. There is a letter to him from the King, of the 17th of May, giving him authority to return to regain his health : the letter reads as much, as if it accorded leave of absence, as the acceptance of a resignation, and if it was in no way settled whether or no Talon should resume his duties. The change of Government, however, took place in the early fall of 1672. The new Governor arrived in September. Louis de Buade Frontenac, Count of Palleau. His commission was read at the Council on the 12th of September, de Courcelles and Talon attending at the ceremony. On the 17th there was a full meeting, de Courcelles not having been present. M. de Frontenac addressed the Council, telling them that there was a war with Holland, and that his last orders were to return thanks for the conquest of D'Orsoy, Wesel, Rhimberges and Burik, strong fortresses reduced in three days. He went on to say that although there was no reason to doubt the fidelity of the Council, his instructions were to administer a fresh oath and to call for renewed vigilance and integrity. A Declara- tion of War was officially made against the States General of Holland. At the same time a gift was made to Talon of the three Canadian villages constructed by him ; viz., the Bourg Royal, the Bourg La Reine and the Bourg Talon, to be incor- porated into the Seigneury of des I lets, of which Talon was proprietor and which was erected into a Barony. On the fol- lowing day an order-in-Council was passed, that in consequence of the report made by Talon, of the land conceded to the inhabitants, with the number of arpents and the account of the persons and animals employed in working upon them, 1672] talon's departure. 393 the lands which had been conceded within ten years of the then date, should be diminished by half, and that the land so resumed should be re-granted. Talon, likewise, was requested to draw up some police regulations. After a Te Deum had been chanted for the King's victories, Talon performed the last important act of his official life. He called for a statement of all monies due on account of the public service, that they might be satisfactorily arranged. No documents are extant to shew his motive in leaving the Pro- vince. He had the highest reputation in Canada, and in France was held in esteem. It has been supposed that he may have judged de Frontenac's character in the six weeks they were together, to be one which would make cordial and united action impossible. This view can be only surmise. One of de Frontenac's early proceedings had been to call together the people by orders in imitation of the States General in France ; and the political experience of Talon must have told him how distasteful it would prove at home. Such was the case, for de Frontenac, the following year, was told * that the proceed- ing was injudicious. That for a long time the King had not ■assembled the States General, possibly with a design insensibly to do away with -f- that ancient ceremony and it was not advisa- ble to introduce it into Canada. ■ Rather he should insensibly suppress the Syndics, so that each person should speak for himself, and no one for the whole. With whatever feeling Talon left Canada he never returned to it. Before his depar- ture he recommended JoUiet to de Frontenac and despatched him to make the discovery of the Mississippi. His name, accordingly, is identified with the successful results of Jolliet's expedition. Both M. de Courcelles and Talon left Canada in November. They had the good sense to hide from the public eye the differences of view which had arisen between them. Each had ■sincerely at heart the good of the colony; and both rendered it great service. They will always retain an honourable * 13th June, 1673. + aneantir. 394 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672 place in our history, for their names are free from the stain which is attached to many reputations of those days. Neither scandal nor envy has left any record to throw discredit on their memory. Talon could hardly have felt gratified by the unfavour- able impression made by Perrot, the Governor of Montreal, who had married his niece, Madeleine de Laguide. A Captain of the Regiment of Auvergne, he had been appointed Gover- nor of Montreal, by the Seigneur, on the 13th of June, 1669. He only arrived in Canada on the loth of August, 1670, having, in company with Talon, the previous year been shipwrecked, himself, his wife, and the Intendant, narrowly escaping with their lives. The presence of Madame Perrot made an agree- able impression on Montreal society. In March of the fol- lowing year. Talon obtained for Perrot a royal commission for the office he held : he also received the grant of He Perrot, by the western end of which the two Railways from Montreal pass towards the West. No sooner was he in possession of this property than he commenced an establishment, where he carried on an extensive trade of furs with the Indians, using brandy as one of the articles of barter. His Lieutenant, M. de la Fresnaye, left the service in order to direct operations there. His ensign, M. de Chailly, established himself on the ■main shore of the Saint Lawrence. With the latter there was, subsequently, a quarrel which, in October, 1672, was referred to the Conseil Souverain. M. Perrot, likewise, took upon himself to settle questions of difficulty which did not fall within his duties ; and to obtain aid in his decisions he was in the habit of asking the help of M. Remy, of the Seminary, quarrelling with him when he had no need of his services. The irregularities under his authority were so serious that a deputation waited upon him to ask that a change should be made. Perrot placed in confinement the per- son deputed to address him, M. Migeon, then acting as judge. So great was the power of the Governor that the out-- rage passed away without any result. There were many such high-handed proceedings by men in authority, which the system 1672] LA CHINE. 395 permitted to pass without reproof. The tyrannical conduct of M. de La Fr^di^re is a case in point. Falling in love with the wife of a carpenter named Jaudoin, the husband was called upon to perform three days' work as a public duty and de La Fr6diere kept him illegally at work nineteen days so he should be separated from his wife. He arrested a man named Demers, who, not knowing him, reproached him for injuring his grain when looking for birds and game. He sold brandy to the savages in his own house when there was a law against it. Reports of these proceedings of M. de La Fr^di^re were made to Talon, who brought his conduct under the notice of M. de Tracy, for M. de La Fr^di^re was an officer of rank in the army. M. de Tracy ordered him home. His uncle, M. de Salieres, wrote from France and complained of the treat- ment which his nephew had received. It is the record of the proceedings sent to France, to justify the course taken with regard to him, which has preserved the memory of this man's misconduct. Shortly before the departure of M. de Courcelles, within six months of each other, both Madame de la Peltrie, and the M^re de rincarnation, died; the former on the i8th of No- vember, 1671 ; the latter, on the 30th of April, 1672. If we are to credit writers of this date, the name of La Chine* was applied to the place previously known during its occupation by de La Salle, by the name of Saint Sulpice. The story runs, that de La Salle's men having left him, returned to their homes at this place. It had been previously stated that de La Salle was starting to find a new route to China and India. The wits of the time gave the name of China to the spot the men reached, as a record of the discovery which they -had made. The incidental facts suggest that the statement is well founded ; and the tradition has always been preserved. * China : the place still known by that name. 396 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1671 CHAPTER VI. There were departures from Canada about this date of two important persons whose absence was necessarily felt, M. • de Laval and M. de Queylus. M. de Queylus left in the autumn of 1671. The principal cause taking him to France was the necessity of arranging his private affairs. He contemplated the establishment of a Home for invalid and aged Indians and he desired to continue on a settled plan the munificent contributions made by him to the settlement of Montreal. Talon writes of him to the King.* ■" I know no man more thankful for any favours you may shew him than M. de Queylus If he requires your pro- tection he makes every effort to be worthy of it. I know him to be one most zealous for the good of the Colony." But M. de Queylus' constitution was broken. He could no longer take the part which he had hitherto done in the rough activity •of Canadian life. He reached Paris in June, 1672, and retired to the Convent des Ermites, at Mont Valerian, five miles from the city on the road to St. Germain : then an open country, in our day one of the most prominent fortifications ■of the enceinte. It was hoped that the pure air would re- establish his health. He gradually became weaker. In the autumn of 1676, he returned to the Sulpicians at Paris, to die among them on the 20th March, 1677. M. de Laval left Canada shortly before M. de Courcelles, His object was to make his position more satisfactory to him- self As Bishop of Petrea and Vicar Apostolic, thirteen years of experience had established in his mind that the uncertain tenure of his office could no longer be tolerated. Accordingly he proceeded to France with the firm determination not to return to Canada unless his request to be installed Bishop of * loth November, 1670. 1 6/1] BISHOPRIC OF QUEBEC. 397" Quebec was granted. Hitherto he had been sustained by the Seminary of Foreign Missions, and he had the satisfaction of believing that he had the support of the King. Three years after the Bishop's arrival in Canada, in 1662, the King had asked for the Bull establishing the Bishopric of Quebec. For two years the matter dragged on. In 1664, these efforts were renewed, the King writing personally to the Pope on the sub- ject. It has been stated how carefully M. de Laval placed on record his own nomination by the King, as the first Bishop of Quebec, and, when M. Talon proceeded to Paris in 1668, M. de Laval prevailed on him to urge a settlement of the question.* The draft of a Bull was prepared at Rome and sent to France. It contained the clause that the King was absolved from any ecclesiastical censure that he may have incurred. Exception was taken in France that this phrase was never introduced except when some grace was accorded. Colbert went further, and said that if its insertion was insisted upon, the name of M. de Laval should appear as the one who- received the favour, not the King. The Bull also set forth that the Pope nominated by right of patronage. It was objected to and proposed to be so amended, that the sentence should run in accordance with the Concordats. The Bishopric was also made to derive from the Holy See : a creation which made appeal against any sentence of the Bishop an impos- sibility, as such appeal must be taken to Rome, at an expense which would prevent any being made. It was contended that the Bishopric of Quebec should be made suffragan to a French Metropolitan, and the Archbishop of Rouen was suggested ; or that if the form could not be changed, it should only subsist until additional Bishops were made in Canada and a Metropolitan could be established. Throughout 1669 great exertions were made at Rome to obtain the establishment of the Bishopric. The main difficulty lay in the nomination of the Archbishop of Rouen as Metropolitan, and when, in 1670, Talon returned to Canada, no arrangement had been effected. At this time M. de Laval received letters from Rome which. * M. I'Abbe Faillon III., pp. 428-437. 398 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1671 made him uncomfortable as to his position, and as both M. de Courcelles and M. Talon were returning to France he determined also to proceed thither. It was represented to him that everybody desired the establishment of the Canadian Bishopric in his favour : the King, Colbert and the clergy, and that the sole obstacle lay in Rome, in some ecclesiastical objection of form. He resolved to act with decision, and he at once addressed the Propaganda on the subject. He in- formed the Cardinals of his presence in France, and he added the assurance that if he did not receive the necessary Bull he would not return again to Quebec as Vicar of the Holy Father. He suited his argument to those whom he had to address. " I have however learnt," he says, " by a long experience, how the position of Vicar Apostolic is little secured against those charged with political affairs ; I mean the officials of the Court, perpetually the rivals of and hold- ing in scorn ecclesiastical power ; whose most common pro- ceeding is to advance objections that the authority of the Vicar ApostoHc is questionable, and should be restrained by certain limits." M. de Laval's presence in Paris did not advance matters. Indeed, he remained in France three years. A question raised in Rome as to the payment of the " Annates," the first year's income, he himself was willing to arrange by the pay- ment of the money, and he obtained the required amount. The difficulty most felt was in making the Bishopric depend- ing directly from Rome. It was a point which the Pope would not yield ; for, indisputably, he held it to be a divine right which he possessed. Towards the end of 1673 the King withdrew his objections ; nevertheless, nearly a year had to pass before a satisfactory solution was obtained. It is not impossible that some verbal assurance was demanded, that if the King ceded this point to Rome some special arrangement would be made, enabling the Archbishop of Paris to receive appeals. The King himself was certainly in earnest, for in addition to the Abbey of Maubec, he endowed the Bishopric of Que- 1 671] DISCOVERY OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 399 bee with the Abbey of d'Estr^e, in Normandy, and agreed to make an annual payment of 6,000 livres for the support of the clergy. This, too, at the time when the allowance of the Governor-General of Canada was 3,000 livres : i^i20 sterling. At length, after three years of delay, the Pope, Clement X., established the Bishopric of Quebec on the 1st of October, 1674, On the 23rd of April, 1675, M. de Laval took the oath of fidelity to the King. There was no legislation by which appeal could be made against M. de Laval's ecclesias- tical judgments anywhere but at Rome. Before leaving France, he united the Quebec Seminary, which he had estab- lished, to the Seminary of Foreign Missions at Paris. The union was confirmed by the Royal Edict of 1675. At the same time he made to it a donation of He Jesus, back of Montreal. M. Fran9ois Berthelot, Commissary General of Artillery, had obtained the concession of this island. When M. de Laval was in Paris on the 24th of April, 1675, he negotiated the exchange of the Island of Orleans, which he then owned, with M. Berthelot, receiving in addition a considerable sum of money. He Jesus was given over to the Seminary with the reservation of its usufruct during his own life. We have now reached the period when the discovery of the Mississippi took place. Much has been written on the sub- ject, and the credit of the discovery has been maintained in opposite directions with a partisanship, which, in my humble judgment, the known facts do not warrant. They clearly establish that there was no positive knowledge of the Upper Mississippi prior to that given by Jolliet It was only after an interval of some years that any claim was made to the con- trary. There can be no doubt as to what Jolliet effected, and it will be necessary to narrate the events of his expedition, so that his claim to pre-eminence in this respect can be con- sidered. Louis Jolliet was a native French Canadian, born at Quebec, in 1645. The Jesuits' Journal of the nth of July, 1648, men- tions two little boys, Jolliet and Coste, in a procession in surplices, with crowns of flowers on the head, accompanying 400 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1671 the cross. JolHet was educated by the Jesuits and attained to much scientific knowledge. He was also something of a musician, for it is recorded that on Christmas day of 1664 and on New Year's day, 1665, he was invited to supper* by the Jesuits, as one of those who directed the musical part of the church ceremonies. He must have been generally well informed, for we read-}- that in a public examination he answered particularly well in the matter of logic. It could not have been an ordinary affair for the Intendant Talon took part in it. It must have been on this occasion that he attracted the attention of Talon and, during his stay in Canada Talon constantly befriended him. In 1669, he sent him to prospect the shores of Lake Superior for copper ; and the expedition to the Mississippi was one of Talon's last acts. Jolliet received the tonsure, and was for some time an ecclesiastical student ; in 1667, he is mentioned as Clerk of the Church at Quebec. But he must early have left the College. It is stated that he went to France in October, 1667, and remained there until October, 1668. Speaking of the Mississippi, he described it as being finer than anything he had seen in France, j Jacques Marquette, the Jesuit priest, with whom Jolliet was associated, was born at Laon, to the north-east of France, the chief town of the department of I'Aisne. His family was one of some distinction. He arrived at Three Rivers in his twenty-ninth year, after having been some years in the order^ for he joined it when he was seventeen. He died in 1675, so- his career in Canada lasted nine years. After two years' residence in Three Rivers, principally given to the study of Indian languages, he proceeded to the Sault St. Mary. In 1670, he was established at the Western Lake Superior Mis- sion, St. Esprit, known as " La Pointe." Not long afterwards,, the mission was attacked by the Sioux, and the unhappy Hurons panic-stricken abandoned it, to establish themselves * Le soir nous invitames les Sieurs Morin et Jolliet nos ofificiers de musique a. souper. t Jesuits' Journal, and July. X Je n'ai rien vu d'aussi beau en France. 1672] THE MISSISSIPPI. 401 on Great Manitoulin Island, and at Michillimackinac. Mar- quette accompanied them to the latter place to^found the Mission of St. Ignace, on the northern coast of the Strait. The Mississippi had for some time attracted attention. In 1670, Dablon, having heard of the river from the Illinois, wrote on the subject and expressed the hope that it would be discovered the following year. He was correct in his description that it was seven days' distance from the rnis- sion at Green Bay, running from north to south, and of such extent that, after " very many days' journey, they have not found its mouth, which must be in the Sea of Florida or that of California." Jolliet, on receiving his commission, lost no time in making his way to Marquette, who, if we accept the Jesuit Relations of 1672, was the principal person in the exploration.* He arrived," writes Marquette, " on the day of the Immaculate Conception," 8th December. Talon, who, while he was con- stantly on his guard against the Jesuits and distrusted them, was ever careful to conciliate and be courteous to them. His experience of public life suggested to him the selection of a competent, energetic man, to conduct the expedition, and under the circumstances, he deemed it advisable that a Jesuit father should accompany it. The first steps of the route were known in 1669. Father Allouez had been sent to found a mission on Lake Michigan, at the head of Green Bay, and he had advanced above Lake Winnepago. In the following year he was joined by Dablon, and they had explored some distance up Fox River. Previous to leaving, Jolliet and Marquette drew up a map from such intelligence as they had been able to obtain, shewing the rivers they had to navigate. It was completed on Mar- quette's return. It shewed the River des Moines, the Missouri, the Ohio, with its tributary, the Wabash, and the Arkansas. They left Saint Ignace, with five Indians on the 15th of May, * Le P^re et les Fran9ais qui sont envoyes pour cette hazardeuse expedition. Rel. 1672, p. 2. The Jesuits thus appropriated to themselves the merit of the enterprise. 2B 402 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1673 1673, to proceed to the point which had been reached by Allouez arid Dablon. They were now entering an unknown country. At the Indian village which stood here, they obtained guides and ascended the Fox River. Without this assistance, the passage of the river would have been difficult, perhaps impossible, owing to the intricacies of the channel. They reached its head waters, and, after a portage of a mile and a half, landed their canoes on the Wisconsin. On the 17th of June, they reached the Mississippi, at Prairie du Chien. It had taken them ten days to make this distance from Fox River ; starting from the point there previously known. The descent of the Mississippi was commenced. For a fortnight not a trace of human life was seen, when their atten- tion was attracted by the impression of footsteps in the mud of the western bank, with indications of a well-beaten trail, which Jolliet and Marquette determined to follow. The canoes were left with their men, and the two advanced on the un- known land. Those who live remote from civilization, cease to regard even the ordinary incidents of life, with the feeling entertained by men who dwell in cities. An explorer must always, more or less, carry his life in his hand. One of the earliest consequences of such a career is to learn self-reliance and to feel that whatever lies before him' has unhesitatingly to be met in the face. As the two travellers were circum- stanced, their safety lay in accepting these indications of life. The North American Indian was never a cannibal in the sense of eating human flesh as a luxury or from want. Sometimes he ate a prisoner under the teaching of tradition, in order to obtain foreign strength and valour. Man only devours man, as the Southern Islander, from the carnivorous instinct when there is no other flesh to be obtained. Jolliet and Marquette knew that there was fish in the river and buffalo on the prairie, and on that point they had no apprehension. After a walk of two leagues they came to a village, where, by their shouts, they attracted attention. It was situated on the banks of a tributary river. As is usual in such cases, there is a dispute as to the locality. By some, River des 1673] DESCENT OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 4O3 Moines is named as the spot, while it has been urged, that it must be a river further north. Their welcome being friendly, Marquette addresssd them in Algonquin, setting forth their object in view, and asking for information. They did not re- ceive much assistance in this respect ; efforts were rather made to prevent their further advance. But they were hospitably entertained, and when they started to continue their descent, they were escorted to their canoe by six hundred of the tribe, who further gave them a young slave and a calumet to pro- duce, if stopped on their journey by unfriendly tribes. The river was still descended. They reached the mouth of the Illinois, nearly fourteen hundred miles from the Gulf of Mexico, a distance the Recollet Hennepin tells us he made in a heavily laden canoe, including the numerous stoppages which he records, in twenty-three days, returning to the Falls of St. Anthony, seven hundred and sixty-two additional miles, in twelve days. The statements of Hennepin can be the better estimated as the descent made by Jolliet and Marquette is narrated. They passed the Missouri, the muddy and rapid discharge of which took them by surprise, but the Indians were skilful and experienced with the paddle. The Ohio presented no such difficulties, they met, however, Indians armed with guns, who wore cloth, and at first shewed some indications of being hostile ; but the doubts entertained by them were satisfied by the explanation of the young slave and the production of the calumet. At the Arkansas there was a further exhibition of unfriendliness. For a short time an attack was threatened, but the attitude was changed to one of hospitable reception, with the usual ceremonies of eating and feasting. The travellers learned that it was dangerous to proceed, owing to the presence below of Indians armed with guns, and that for this reason they themselves never descended the river. The question which now arose was the course to take ; to return with what information they possessed, or to risk their lives in further progress represented to be dangerous. They determined to retrace their steps. One important con- clusion was formed, Jolliet considered that the expedition 404 THE HISTORY OF CANADA.. [1674 established that the Mississippi could not discharge into the VermilHon Sea ; that from its geographical position,, it must have its outlet in the Gulf of Mexico^ He was, however,, wrong in one of his inferences with regard to the mouth of the. river, which he held to be situate at a less distance than it really was. Otherwise his deductions were those of a scientific geographer. They commenced their homeward expedition on the 17th of July. They had been thirty days passing over the distance of 670 miles. At the River Arkansas they were 723 miles from the mouth of the Mississippi. They did not ■ return by the same route. They ascended the Illinois River, and thence found their way to Lake Michigan, which they coasted tO' the Green Bay Mission. They arrived at the end of Septem- ber, and passed the winter there, remaining until the spring of 1674. In twenty months Marquette had ceased to be. The trials of this journey had given the finishing blow to a constitution already considerably shattered. In October, 1674, he was instructed to proceed and open a mission with the Kaskaskias- on the Illinois. He complied with his orders, and left Green Bay on the 25th of October. He followed the Lake to Chicago Creek, which he ascended to the portage to the River des Plaines, the north branch of*the Illinois. Marquette was unable to proceed further, and a log hut was built, and the winter was passed at this spot. In March the dying mission- ary continued his journey and reached the appointed place. But his health was completely broken. He now determined to return to Green Bay, for he felt that it was the only alternative by which his life could be saved. He reached Lake Michi- gan, and was coasting the eastern shore to gain the Straits of Mackinaw, when his weak condition made it impossible for him to proceed. On passing a small stream on the west of the State of Michigan he was put ashore, and there died. In 1676, some Ottawas, to whom he had performed the offices of religion at the Saint Esprit Mission, opened the grave, obtained the bones, and in the Indian fashion dried 1674] jolliet's discovery. 405 tthem. Placing tkera in a covering of birch bark, they carried them to Michillimackinac,, where they were reverently buried with the most solemn rites of his Church, in the little chapel of the mission of Saint Ignace which he had founded. JoUiet made his way to Quebec. He had the misfortune that when descending the Lachine Rapids his canoe was upset. He narrowly escaped with his life. Some of his crew were drowned. All his papers were lost. However, he pre- pared a map of Lake Superior, embodying his discoveries ; and sufficient to establish the character of the expedition. On arriving at Quebec, in 1674, he found his patron, Talon, had left the country. Believing however that it would be acceptable to Talon, he called the river after Colbert's name, but that title lasted but for a short period. Dablon published the fact * of the voyage, describing JoUiet as one who had been where no European had ever set a foot. M. ide Frontenac f announced to Colbert that the great river, in the existence of which he had so firmly believed, was now an admitted geographical fact. At that date Jolliet's discov- ery was accepted as genuine and undisputed, and de La Salle had then been for two years in close relationship with de Frontenac. The claim which has been advanced for the priority of the discovery of de La Salle, renders it necessary to consider his career. Everything shews that soon after de Frontenac's ar- rival de La Salle placed himself in communication with him. As nearly as November, 1672, de Frontenac had determined to construct the fort at Cataraqui, and this policy could only have been suggested by some special influence. The proposal had been submitted to the King by de Courcelles, and some 'Circumstance must have operated on de Frontenac to have -"led him to carry out the policy with the rapidity with which it was executed. The explanation is that the impression came from de La Salle. De Galin^e tells us of his plausible * " Relations inedites " subsequent ito 11,762, p. 193. i 14th October, 1674. 406 THE HISTORY OF CANADA [1673 address.* De La Salle, as early as May, 1673, was in the Governor's confidence; so much so that de Frontenac selected him to proceed to the Iroquois at Onondaga. De La Salle, at that date, was at Montreal. A promise to pay some monies dated the i8th of December, 1673, is extant, which shews that he was then at the house of M. Le Ber. It was on the last day of September, 1669, that he separated from the Sulpicians at Tinaouatoua. His expressed intention was to return to Montreal. It is impossible to refuse the evidence of de Galinee that some of his men, if not all of them, reached Montreal in the fall of that year. We hear of him again in 1670. He was seen by Nicolas Perrot, the interpreter, on the Ottawa. The account of the meeting is significant in more ways than one. Perrot relates that, ac- companied by five Frenchmen, he was descending the Ottawa with nine hundred Ottawas. Some distance to the east of Lake Nipissing, Perrot met an ascending party and 'stopped them to hear the news. He was told that some Iroquois in company with a few French were hunting below ; that they had met the ascending party with friendliness and had given them food. Perrot's party became thoroughly dis- organized, and the Indians declined to 'proceed further. His personal influence, however, prevailed and the journey was continued, but some Sauteur canoes did leave him. Perrot descended the Calumet Rapids, and had passed Portage du Fort some twenty miles and had gone down the Chats Rapids, when the party met de La Salle with six Frenchmen and ten or twelve Iroquois. The discovery of this party so worked upon the Ottawas that they again declined to proceed and wished to return home, especially as they had heard that there were other bands of Iroquois in the neighbourhood. The personal assurance of Perrot again prevailed. The Indians agreed to go onward, but they paddled all night with- out stopping. The spot where de La Salle was seen is about thirty-three miles above the City of Ottawa, near to where the village of * Parmi grand nombre de paroles dont il ne manque pas, p. J^ 1672] DE LA SALLE ON THE OTTAWA. 407 Fitzroy stands. It was accessible to the Iroquois country. Paddling round Lake Ontario, de La Salle's party would have reached the River Cataraqui, to ascend it on the present route of the Rideau Navigation, to reach what is now known as Newberry. A canal has been cut here to connect the navi- gation with the upper Rideau Lake. At that date the portage would have been about a mile. Following the Rideau Lakes to the River Tay, a portage of two leagues would take them to the stream which we call the Mississippi,* a tributary of the Ottawa. There are names in history which carry with them unusual respect. Among them is that of de La Salle. Had it been any one else found in this position, he would be spoken of as a coureur de bois. Indeed it is impossible not to apply this title to him at this date. He disappeared from civilization from October, 1669, till December, 1672. On the 6th of August, 1 67 1, "in great want and need" he received from M. Migeon de Branssat merchcindise to the value of four hundred and fifty-four livres, Tournois.f In our day the claim has been advanced that in this period M. de La Salle discovered the Mississippi. In Canada, it has never obtained recognition. Indeed it was never made until after his death in 1687. In 1677 he himself put forth no pretension beyond the discovery of the Ohio. In his me- morial he states that in 1667 and the following years he discovered a large extent of country south of the lakes ; among his discoveries, the Great River Ohio. He proceeds to say that he followed it until he came to the spot where it I * In Canadian geography the river still bears the name of the Mississippi. There is no record of its exploration before tlie days of de La Salle. Is it a stretch of fanciful surmise that it obtained the name from de La Salle himself in some fi t of self-reproach ? All who have had experience in a life of adventure, know how frequently men of force of character, in the guise of some good-humoured ab- surdity conceal deep disappointment, and often express self-accusation. The name may have been given in mockery of himself that his discoveries had ended with the Chats Rapids of the Ottawa. Certainly the name of this river is in- explicable. t M. I'Abbe Faillon. 408 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1672 falls from a great height in immense marshes at thirty- seven degrees of latitude, after having been increased by another wide river from the north, and all these waters, according to all appearance, discharge into the Gulf of Mexico.* It is quite certain that in the one thousand and five miles of the Ohio from Pittsburgh to Cairo there is no spot answering this description. There is no lake or marsh as described. There is but one fall, that at Louisville of about twenty-two feet. In examining the question it is proper to bear in mind that no person has ever been named as making explorations to the south of Lake Erie except de La Salle. No mention is made of the discoverer of the Ohio. The opinion has been formed in my mind that the Ohio was reached by de La Salle in 1670 or 1 67 1, but at the time when he was on its waters he did not know it was a river tributary to the Mississippi. The whole country is full of lakes and streams, of which there was no knowledge but that obtained from the Indians ; and, in- variably, that knowledge required to be tested by experience and fact. What suggests that de La Salle only saw in the Ohio an ordinary stream of no geographical importance, is the fact that he took no steps to declare French sovereignty over the territory, as Dollier and de Galin^e had done on the shores of Lake Erie, and St. Lusson at Sault St. Mary. We cannot but feel, that had the importance of the discovery been known this step would have been taken ; and which, sub- sequently, de La Salle did take at the mouth of the Mississippi. Moreover, few would believe, if the fact were not indis- putable, that a few miles above the Falls of Niagara, ten miles back from Lake Erie, the waters there found, run south- * il decouvrit le premier beaucoup de pays au sud des grands lacs et entre autres la grande riviere d'Ohio. II la suivit jusqu a un endroit ou elle torabe de fort haut dans de vastes marais a la hauteur de 37 degrfe apr^s avoir ^t^ grossie par une autre riviere fort large qui vient du Nord ; et toutes ces eaux se dechargent, selon toutes les apparences dans le golfe du Mexique. M^moire de La Salle, 1677. !l673] VALLEY OF THE OHIO. 409 ward to the most important eastern tributary of the Missis- sippi, the Ohio, and that they are therefore really in the valley df that ir'wer.. The connection betweem Lake Erie and the Ohio is exceed- ingly simple and must have been well known to the Indians, if they were not even sure what the river itself was. Leaving the shores of the lake at the modern Portland, a portage of three or four leagues carries the traveller to Lake Chatauqua, from whence issues the river Alleghany. By following this stream to its junction with the Monongahela, the commence- ment of the Ohio is reached. The distance does not exceed one hundred miles, about four days paddle. It was the route followed by C^loron de Bienville in 1753. There is a second route which leaves Lake Erie at Presqu'ile. There is here a portage of some leagues to the place afterwards known as Fort le Boeuf, whence the French Creek is followed to its junc- tion with the Alleghany at Venango ; from which point the route to the Ohio is the one described. De La Salle, doubtless, found his way in this labyrinth of waters. As Jolliet's discovery faecame known, and the position of the Mississippi became . established, he knew that he had been on the waters of the Ohio, as de Galinee had seen the north of the Peninsula of Michigan without knowing that it was the mainland. Except de La Salle's statement, there is nothing to shew that he descended the Ohio. His description of the river is at variance with its true character, and little weight can be attached to the later reports and conversations which have been worked up into a consecutive narrative. Early in 1673, de Frontenac commencccl his operations to construct Fort Cataraqui. Its necessity was based on the ' -desire to control the fur trade ;* to direct the peltry to Mont- real in the place of allowing it to descend to Albany; the com- mencement of a struggle yet being carried on for the posses- sion of the Western trade. It is yet a problem to be decided •whether the commerce of the Upper Lakes can more profit- ably pass to the sea board at New York or by Montreal. At * De Frontenac to Colbert, 2nd November, 1672. 4IO THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1673 that date the Iroquois traded with the Western Indians of the Mississippi Valley, bartering what they themselves received from the Europeans for the furs which the Western Indians possessed. It was considered that by the construction of the fort, most of this traffic would be placed under the French control, the Iroquois crossing Lake Ontario to meet the Western Indians at Cataraqui ; and at the same time that the fort would be a material guarantee of French power. One fact stands in prominence, that when the fort was con- structed there was no means of garrisoning it. Canada was without troops. The Carignan-Sali^res regiment had been disbanded, and established on the seigneuries ; or they had been recalled to France. Louis XIV. was engaged in his war against Holland ; he had no men to send to Canada. In 1674* de Frontenac reported the population to be 6,705 souls. From the smallness of the number the statement had caused the King disappointment. He estimated that from the emi- gration directed by him to Canada, the population would have increased to a greater extent. De Frontenac on his arrival had asked for reinforcements.f They could not be furnished. He was told that he must drill the inhabitants, to use them in case of need, to accustom them to war, and that he would have to rely on the fighting force which he himself could embody and discipline. If the fort could not be garrisoned, it would simply be a depot of trade, and it could only be advantageous to those who possessed the traffic, and contrariwise injurious to those not participating in it. Had Fort Frontenac been available to common enterprise, and all equally could have proceeded- thither to compete in an open market for what could be bought and sold, the result would have been that some por- tion of the trade of Montreal would have been at once trans- ferred there, and a settlement would have grown up. Men would have established themselves under the protection of the fort, and trade would have been carried on on a healthy * 17th May, 1674. + 2nd November, 1672. 1673] FORT FRONTENAC. 41I basis. It is due to M. de Frontenac to say that he received no encouragement to carry out any such policy. On the contrary, the King objected to the settlers being separated. Louis desired that they should be kept together in towns or villages, so they could defend themselves ; and he directed that they should be retained as near the sea as possible, in communication with France. It was by the last vessels of 1672 that M. de Frontenac informed Colbert that he would construct the fort in spring,, adding that it was his intention personally to ascend the river. To carry out this plan he ordered the inhabitants to attend with canoes. It was a public service, they had therefore, to perform it without payment, giving gratuitously their time and canoes. It was no light labour and loss at this early season of the year to be absent from six weeks to two months from their homes, to encounter the labours and privations of the expedition, and to construct the fort two hundred miles above Montreal. It was thought a new stretch of the royal prerogative to exact this forced labour without payment, and the expedition caused much dissatisfaction, whether expressed or not. De Frontenac himself caused to be constructed two- flat bottomed boats, each capable of carrying sixteen men with cannon. He painted them with bright colours, and sent them to Montreal, where the expedition was organized. De La Salle was despatched to the Onondagas to inform them of the intention of de Frontenac to visit the mission of Lake Ontario, and to request the attendance of the Indians at a council. The design to construct the fortress was concealed. The expedition was represented as proceeding to Lake On- tario to meet the Indians, in the interest of maintaining peace, and to establish friendly relations. M. de Frontenac left Quebec on the 3rd of June. The few troops at Quebec with the Major, Prevost, were ordered to be present at Montreal on the 24th. Most of the leading persons were called upon to attend. As de Frontenac descended the Saint Lawrence he visited the Seigneurs who were established on the river bank, who, on their part, made every effort to receive ■ 412 THE IHISTOKY OF CANADA. [1673 him, even more than hospitably. He arrived at Montreal on the 15th. He himself organized the expedition, subdividing the men into troops, and obtaining the material necessary to the fort. The timber he could gather on the spot. In order to embark the men and guns with greater facility, he improved the road to Lachine, reconstructing it. Two Sul- picians accompanied the expedition, Messrs. d'Urf6 and de Fdnelon. The canoes, one hundred and twenty in number, were divided into squadrons. Including the Indians, the force consisted of 400 men. On the 28th of June they were assembled at Lake Saint Louis. As they were ascending the river, de Frontenac Teceived letters fromde La Salle to the effect that the Iroquois would join him at Quint^ to the number of two hundred, in- cluding the principal chiefs, upon which the two Sulpicians were sent to the mission at Quinte to direct the Iroquois there present to proceed to Cataraqui. De Frontenac assigned as the cause of the change that he desired to treat them all alike to shew that he had no preferences for the Indians domi- ciled at Quints. As the expedition advanced towards Lake Ontario, on the 12th of July, de Frontenac arranged the canoes in four lines in military order, and in this imposing array it reached the River Cataraqui, to the east of the present City of Kingston. The artillery barracks are con- structed on the site of the scene I have to describe. The force disembarked and was placed under canvas. No one could possess more dignified and courteous manners than M. de Frontenac. He had lived in the best society of the court and the camp, and he had acquired all that polish of manner and quiet grace which have been the mark of the higher ranks in France for two centuries. On this occasion he was more than usually pleasing. The Chiefs accepted the visit as a mark of respect to them- selves and gave assurance of their own fidelity. De Frontenac addressed them in language marked by sense and eloquence. M. Le Moyne de Longueuil was called upon to translate what lie had said ; and durmg the time that the meeting was taking 1673] DUTCH CONQUEST OF NEW YORK. 413, place, M. Raudin traced out the lines of the fort. The organi- zation was complete. Some dug the trench. Some cut the timber, others squared and trimmed.it. The savages looked on ; they had difficulty in understanding the amount of tim- ber being so dexterously hewn. An. audience was promised by M. de Frontenac on the; i6thi at eight in the morning. The meeting took place. His discourse was on the necessity of embracing Christianity. It has been preserved and breathes • the most lofty sentiments. He ended by telling them that he affirmed the present peace, which included the Indians under French protection, and that the first who broke it should be hanged. He then explained that he had constructed the fort for the purpose of commerce, so that trade could be carried on at that spot, rendering their descent to Montreal unneces- sary, and that its establishment in reality was made in their interest. On the 20th of July the Iroquois took their leave. They were succeeded by others of the tribe equally docile and obedient, and alike charmed by the reception given them. Events in the meantime were happening in New York which threatened to prove.embarrassing to de Frontenac, with the small force at his command. The treaty of Dover had worked its influence. The English Court had found a cause of quarrel with the Dutch, and a declaration of war had been made in 1672. Each of these events caused considerable emotion with the Dutch inhabitants of New York ; and the report that the Duke of York had publicly made profession of Roman Catholicism, had so affected the public mind that many determined to abandon the country and seek a settle- ment elsewhere. In the end several parties from New York did proceed to Carolina. In 1673, a Dutch Squadron had been sent to make prizes on the commerce of the English Colonies. It was commanded .by Admirals Binkes and Evert- zen. After several captures on the Coast of Virginia, hearing that there was no preparation for defence, they determined to attack New York. Lovelace, the Governor, was absent when the news of the approach of , the Squadron reached New York, , 414 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1674 the fort was under the command of a Colonel Manning. The English inhabitants came forward and offered their services to defend the country. Manning would listen to no proposition of the kind. He sent down a messenger to Staten Island to make terms with the advancing fleet : what was accorded him was absolute unconditional surrender. Accord- ingly, the surrender was made before the vessels were even in sight without a shot having been fired, and the Dutch sailed up and took possession of New York in July, 1673. They held possession of the city until spring, 1674. By the treaty of peace signed in London, on the ,20th of February, all con- quests were restored, and so New York again became English, to remain under British rule for another century.* In 1674, de La Salle proceeded to France. He applied for a grant of the fort at Cataraqui, conditionally, on his paying the cost to the Crown. At the same time he solicited letters of noblesse. M. de Frontenac sustained the request. After some hesitation, the application was granted. De La Salle, in his petition, used the term Fort Frontenac ; and, in the con- cession of the 13th of May, it was so called. De La Salle was appointed its Governor, and received the grant of four leagues of land in its neighbourhood with the adjoining islands. He was held to pay the cost incurred of ten thousand livres and to bring into Canada property to the same amount; to maintain the fort, and to keep a garrison there equal to that of Montreal. Twenty men were to be employed during two years in clear- ing the land ; a church was to be built in six years, and ecclesiastics maintained : with some other conditions. He was also granted letters of nobility. * The event created feelings strongly antagonistic to the English authority, as the Prince of Orange had been elected Stadtholder ; and until the revolution of 1688 the Dutch of New York regarded English rule as that of a foreign power. It was the accession of William III. which affirmed the loyalty of their allegiance. Manning was afterwards tried in London for his infamous cowardice. He pleaded guilty ; but he stated that he could not be punished, as, since his return, he had seen the King and the Duke of York. The plea was admitted. Instead of being shot, as his disgraceful poltroonery suggested, he received the mild sentence ■of having his sword broken above his head, and being declared unworthy again .to serve the King. l67S] CATARAQUI. 4IS De La Salle obtained the necessary assistance from his friends, the money was paid and he assumed possession of his grant. In 1675, he demolished the old fort, and rebuilt the post with stone, with curtains and bastions. When the work was completed, the men who had been engaged upon it left the place. The only period when a garrison was to be found at Cataraqui, was when the men met there to proceed on an expedition. In 1677, when visited by de Frontenac, it consisted of the Governor, a Major, a Surgeon, two Recollets, and four other persons. A modern writer commenting on the operations of de La Salle in obtaining possession of Cataraqui, has remarked that they prove that the fort which he had engaged to establish, was less a colony than a mere com- mercial station.* * M. L'Abb^ Faillon, III., p. 474. Ce fort fut moins une colonic que La Salle avait promis d'etablir, furs had been obtained, whether of their own or other tribes who were not present, had also to be paid for the furs furnished by them. If this could not be done satisfactorily, the furs would be taken to Albany. Indeed, the complaint was then made that many furs passed in that direction as to a better and more profitable 1677] COLBERT'S POLICY. 443 market. The Grand Vicaire foretold the destruction of the church. "The Church," said Colbert, "had lasted for the twelve years that the King had governed France." TheBretons and Germans were self-indulgent in respect of drink, and no ilf-result had followed to the cause of religion. Colbert urged that the matter was not one for clerical interference, and that if the Bishop excommunicated on that account, it might be regarded as an abuse, which he would order the Council to take in hand. He desired that the Bishop and clergy should govern themselves by the principles observed by the Bishops in France. Then came up the theme on which M. de Laval never lost an opportunity of asserting his opinion. M. Dudouyt repre- sented that no Huguenot should be permitted to winter in Canada ; stating as a reason, that the French Protestants would side with the English in the event of war. Colbert would not consent to any arbitrary order on the matter. M. Dudouyt in his letter to the Bishop adds that he knew that it was resolved to allow the merchants to winter, consequently, he had suggested that when it happened that a Huguenot was compelled by urgent reasons to remain, he should be obliged to explain the cause of the necessity, and then be permitted to stay for one year only. Colbert expressed his dissatisfaction with the policy of making the cures removable as the Bishop saw expedient. M. Dudouyt stated that when parishes were in a proper con- dition, fixed cures would be established. The promise has never been carried out. " I see plainly," adds M. Dudouyt, " that nothing will be permitted which does not conform to common usage in France, or is not in favour of the political system." There was some question with regard to permits on leaving Canada for France. The Bishop desired that the priests should be perfectly independent of the Governor in this respect. The instructions of Louis XIV. vigorously enforced that not only, no one should leave Canada without permis- sion but even that passes should be obtained to proceed from 444 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1677 place to place. It was the non-obsei-vance of this regulation which formed the main difficulty with the coureurs de bois. They set the order at defiance. The regulation had been applied to ecclesiastics. It was to remove the restriction that the present application was made. M. Dudouyt recom- mended Bishop de Laval to make a remonstrance to the King on the subject. With regard to the liquor traffic, he informed the Bishop that nothing would be done for a twelvemonth. Colbert had referred the matter to Duchesneau for examination. The ad- vocate^ consulted by Colbert had sustained the policy of giving liquor to the Indians. M. Dudouyt recommended ' the sus- pension of all excommunication against traders, so as not to irritate Colbert, as the latter felt strongly on that point. He had also been desirous of removing the scandal propagated at Paris, that there were really no Christians amongst the Indians. There is one caustic remark about " M. de F " [ron- tenac] which shews that there was anything but cordiality between the Governor and the Bishop. M. Dudouyt, in advising M de Laval to make a remon- strance to the King, did not disdain the cunning of the serpent in giving his advice. It was scarcely necessary to the able man he was addressing, whose published correspondence cer- tainly establishes that he well knew how to suit the word to the occasion. It was to the effect that the remonstrance should conform to the views of the Sorbonne, giving facts and circum- stances. " General conclusions prove nothing," remarked M. Dudouyt, sententiously. Nothing should be said against the legal information sent by M. Duchesneau, unless on clear proof And then breaks out that deference to power observable in all conditions of life ; but in no way more evident than in per- sonal government. The King was to be flattered as to the intention in the establishment of the Colony. It was to obtain for the poor infidel knowledge of the true God ; nothing more glorious to His Majesty, "nor more powerful to draw upon his sacred person, and his kingdom the blessing of Heaven, etc. I give this only as an example," adds M. Dudouyt, "for 1677J PROCEEDINGS AT QUEBEC. 445 it can be much better put."* The advice was not lost on M. de Laval ; but he did not write ; he proceeded himself to France in 1678. M. Duchesneau had written to Colbert, thoroughly sustain- ing the Bishop. Colbert wrote back that M. de Frontenac entertained a contrary opinion, and that before ranging himself on the side of the Bi.shop, M. Duchesneau should inform himself of the crimes attributable to the use of strong liquors and send the proofs to France. Without such proofs, no judgment could be formed. The general policy of the country could not be made subordinate to the opinions of the Bishop, who, in order to destroy an abuse, which a few might create with regard to a matter good in itself, desired to do away with commerce in a commodity which greatly aided in attracting trade, and which, likewise, brought the Indians themselves in relationship with orthodox Christians. Colbert also wrote to de Frontenac informing him of the application of M. Dudouyt. If what had been urged was true, steps should be taken to prevent liquor being carried among the Indians. If these disorders were exceptional cases, and the Indians were merely accustomed to get intoxi; Gated as the Germans or Bretons, " then His Majesty desires, you use his authority, not taking direct steps against the episcopal authority, but to prevent by royal authority that the episcopate does not attempt anything beyond the pro- vince of the Church, in matters purely of police ;"" and he called upon him to select twenty persons in the colony to ex- amine into the question. On the 1 6th of October, 1678, the matter came before the Council, and a selection was made of twenty persons to report the murders and other crimes arising from the use of liquor * " II faut commencer cette remontrance faisant veoir que la premiere at la principale intention du Roy dans I'establissement de cette Colonie a Este de pro- curer a ces pauvres peuples infidelles la Connoissance du vray Dieu, et lesmoyens de leur Salut, de les instvuire et les maintenir dans I'exercise du Christianisme rein de plus glorieux a Sa majeste, n'y capable d'attirer sur sa personne sacree et sur sonRoyaume les benedictions du Ciel, etc. je dis cecy seulement pour Exemple car on le mettra beaucoup mieux. Canadian Archives, 1886, p. cviii. 446 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1678 during the past six years. On the 26th of October, owing to the absence of three members, their places were filled ; among the new appointments the name of de La Salle appears. On the 2nd of November, Dupont, having obtained permission to proceed to France, was charged to present the informatioa obtained. The report of the Commission was in favour of the traffic in spirits. It stated that the disorders were not serious, that the Dutch from Orange and Manathe used liquor in the trade, and that in order to enable the French to compete with them, and to induce the Indians to trade with Canada, the traffic could not be avoided. There were two or three dissentient opinions. M. de Laval, on the other hand, started for France, with the proofs he had collected, which he included in a counter- memorial. The matter was not referred to the decision of Colbert ; but to the King's Confessor, the Jesuit P^re La Chaise and the Archbishop of Paris. They came to the conclusion that strong liquors should not be taken into the forest and into the dwellings of the Indians. Colbert wrote to have this arrangement carried out, and that it had been accepted by ^^he Bishop. The compromise really left the main question unchanged. Trade in liquor was permitted in the houses of the French, and there was no geographical limit to the construction of such houses. There were commencements of settlement at Quinte and Cataraqui and round the Richelieu Forts. De La Salle was contemplating establishments at Niagara, and at Illinois. Moreover, it was possible to push forward in advance of the land occupied, and erect a domicile at any spot where trade could be carried on. One important point was, how- ever, gained by M. de Laval, that liquor could not be taken into the woods openly, and if carried clandestinely only under the fear of future punishment. There were so many opposing interests and so much jealousy, it was almost a certainty that the ecclesiastics would learn if the law were broken. The main question, however, was untouched. Liquor remained a recognized means of currency in trade for fur.s. Indeed, any 1678] SETTLEMENT OF DISPUTE. 447 Other decision was scarcely possible. M. de Laval returned to Canada in 1680, to remain eight years longer in the active exercise of his episcopal duties. This determination closed the agitation on the liquor traffic, although from time to time its consideration was renewed. It had lasted for twenty years, and during this whole period had disturbed the peace of the Colony. In 1661, M. de Laval had commenced his excommunications, which he had been com- pelled to withdraw. * The dispute had been continued with bitterness through every administration to cause unceasing discord. The question was never again discussed, to have a place in history. It furnishes one of the many instances of passion and sentiment being mistaken for, or at least urged as public policy ; it shows how impotent such a line of conduct is, even when enforced by position and mental power, to resist the logic of facts, and the pressure of circumstances. Nearly every question in life has more sides than one, and in the end it depends on moral gravity, and the greatest weight of good or evil where the resting place is found. * Jesuits' Journal, St. Mathew's day, 1661. 448 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [^^77 CHAPTER IX. M. de La Salle, on receiving the grant of Fort Cataraqui, began to establish his property on a firm basis. He partially- completed the building of stone. It was, however, but the first step to his future operations. As with men of his character, his views widened as his experience increased. His previous years of wandering life with the Indians had made him acquainted with their habits, and he had learned the best mode of carrying on intercourse with them. He had become well acquainted with the geography of the south shore of Lake Ontario, extending south-westerly to the shore of Lake Erie. The discovery by Jolliet of the Mississippi must have suggested to his mind that he had been wandering among the eastern tributaries of the great river. The north of Lake Ontario he knew equally well, as his presence on the Ottawa establishes. He had, in 1674, proceeded to France to obtain money, and to push his fortunes. The countenance given him by de Frontenac, as it enabled him to obtain his patent of nobility, so it had created that sympathy with his schemes which leads to the investment of capital to advance them. Moreover, his own connections at Rouen were people of means and credit. He had returned to Canada, having compassed what he went to France to obtain, and among the results, not the least was the support of powerful and wealthy friends whom he had impressed to the extent of aiding him in carrying out his policy. He had not remained an idle or indifferent spectator of events. The part he played in the difficulty with the Abb^ de Fenelon has been related. He had been one of the twenty Commissioners to report on the expediency of admitting "eau de vie" in traffic with the Indians. During this period he was constantly engaged in the fur trade. At Cataraqui he built 1678] HENRI DE TONTY. 449 four small decked vessels for his operations on Lake Ontario, but when he had to ascend the rivers he had to follow the Indian practice of using the canoe. Duchesneau reported that de Frontenac participated in his profits, and that the Governor also was interested with Du Luth, then engaged on Lake Superior. In 1677, de La Salle went again to Paris, and obtained large sums of money ; a proof that his correspondents in France were not dissatisfied with him. He also obtained recognition from Colbert. He received official permission to discover the western portion of New France. The effort was to be made at his own cost and expense. But the privilege was by no means merely nominal. No assistance of any kind was promised him ; but he obtained the monopoly in the trade of buffalo skins, then but little known, and considered attainable in large quantities in the valley of the Mississippi. Colbert no doubt believed that in granting this exclusive privilege he was giving the means of fully reimbursing the cost of the expedition, and of obtaining profit. Protection was the basis of Colbert's political faith, and in the monopoly, it was felt that there was sufficient reward. De La Salle was forbidden to trade with the Ottawas and Indians, who were in the habit of coming to Montreal. In July, 1678, de La ' Salle left France ; he brought with him about thirty artizans and labourers, with much of the gearing and equipment necessary for rigging a vessel, including anchors, with the usual assortment of the articles required for his intercourse with the Indians. De La Salle was accompanied by Henri de Tonty, an Italian officer, recommended by the Prince de Conti, a patron of de La Salle, who took great interest in his proceedings. De Tonty had lost a hand at the siege of Gaeta, where it had been blown off He used a metal substitute for this hand, covered with a glove. On occasions of difficulty with the Indians he had struck the offenders with this iron hand. We are not surprised to read that the force of the blow to those who suffered from it, not in the secret, was a marvel. He 450 THE. HISTORY OF CANADA. [1678 was also accompanied by the Sleur de La Motte. In all the annals of adventure there is no fairer record of loyal and de- voted service than that rendered in most trying circumstances by de Tonty to de La Salle. At Quebec de La Salle obtained the offer of the services of the Recollet Father Hennepin. The name of Hennepin has a place in Canadian history, with the unenviable distinction of it being never possible to know the extent he should be believed. To the modern inquirer, his falsehood is so appar- ent, that it is hard to understand how a sane man could have had the hardihood to make assertions so easily disproved. Hennepin himself tells us, that he was born in Flanders, in 1640, and at one period of his life was at Calais, and from the narratives of travel he heard there, he felt a strong desire to proceed to Canada. In the account of his life he describes himself as having been at the Battle of Seneff, on the ist of August, 1674, and having gone through the campaign of battles and sieges. He then appears at La Rochelle, where he performed parochial duty, and, finally, arrived in Canada with M. de Laval in 1675. He describes his life at Quebec, to convey the belief that he must at least have passed two years there, stating that he was compelled to travel in a canoe to his mission. In 1678, he was at Cataraqui where, he tells us, in November that he had been for two years and a half, so he must have arrived at Cataraqui in June, 1676, nine months after his arrival. There is no record of Hennepin at that date, beyond that given by himself, and the discrep- ancies of these statements are such that the untruth of them is manifest. He was, however, at Quebec when de La Salle arrived, and hearing that without delay he had determined to proceed to the Mississippi, Hennepin obtained leave from his Superior to accompany him, and being accepted by de La Salle, he at once proceeded to Cataraqui to prepare for the expedition. De La Salle followed in a few days. It was now the month of November, when the navigation has but a short period of duration. No one knew the incidents of travel 1678] REFUGE FOUND IN THE HUMBER. 451 better than de La Salle, but they appear in no way to have affected him. Throughout the career of de La Salle it is not possible to reject the impression that he was continually guilty of the serious fault of attempting too much, and of disregarding the influences of time, of circumstance and of season. His com- binations were often unwise. Many of his reverses and disappointments arose from his want of forethought, from a disregard of the character of the effort to be made, and his neglect of the precautions which prudence should have dic- tated. He appears to have been incapable of delaying the execution of a project he had once formed. Hence the reckless character of many of his plans, and the failure of his schemes may in no slight degree be attributed to this want of judgment. He was never sparing of himself He shrank neither from toil nor danger. Applying his own standard to others, he overrated their strength and capabilities ; and if necessary, hardly and sternly ignored their feelings. The rebound came back upon him in grief, and in misfortune, until, finally he was swept away by it, owing to this defect in his character ; and it is to this cause that in the end his destruc- tion can be traced. No modern expedition would leave Kingston the second week of November to proceed in a canoe to the Straits of Mackinaw. Without regard to the lateness of the season, de La Salle despatched a party of fifteen men to trade with the Illinois. De la Motte, accompanied by Hennepin, started in one of the small decked vessels for Niagara. The crew consisted of sixteen men. It was on the i8th of November. At this season, Lake Ontario is often rough, and the small craft coasted along the shore to avoid the north winds preva- lent at this season. It took them eight days to reach the vicinity of Teiaigon, one of the many names by which Toronto was known at that early date. They took shelter from the squall in a river, which must have been the Hum- ber. The vessel was frozen in ; but at that season the ice is easily broken. On the sth of December they cut their way 452 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1678 out, and started for Niagara. It is well known that the rough condition of the water at this locality in certain directions of the wind is such that even old sea captains have suffered from it. The early darkness of this month prevented them reaching their destination, and during the night they were tossed upon the Lake, about twelve miles from the shore. They landed at the spot where Fort Niagara stands, and sang a Te Deuin in thankfulness for their escape from shipwreck. There was a small band of Senecas, who had their wig- wams on the opposite shore, engaged in taking white fish. The newcomers were received with friendliness and obtained' some white fish. A party, consisting of Hennepin and five others, went up the river to Queenston, at the foot of the rapids, where the land commences to rise to the elevation of the banks of Lake Erie, and from the summit of which the monument of Brock now proudly stands. Ascending to the higher level they reached the celebrated Falls, and Hennepin was the first European to describe them with minuteness from personal observation. De La Salle must equally have known them. The exploration was made to determine the ground where a vessel could be constructed to navigate Lake Erie, one condition being that it should be in a spot whence Lake Erie could be reached ; a circumstance which presupposes a knowledge of all impediments to navigation to be avoided, among them, the renowned Falls.* They proceeded about a league south of the Falls to a stream emptying into the Grand River. It has been identi- * These falls were spoken of to Cartier. They are shewn on the map of Champlain of 1612, and in 1648 are named by Ragueneau. "Dela mesme Nation Neutre tirant presque au Midy on trouue vn grand Lac, quasi de deux cens lieues de tour, nomme Erie, qui se forme de la decharge de la Mer douce, et qui va se precipiter par vne cheute d'eaux d'vne effroyable hauteur, dans vn troisiime Lac nomme Ontario. " Rel. 1648, p. 46. DeGalinee in his Toyage ori669 describes them : "une des plus belles cataracles ou chute d'eau qui soient au monde, car lous les Sauvage.s, a qui j'enai parle m'ont dit que le fleuve tomb it en cet endroit d'un rocher plus haul que ne le sont les plus hauts pins, c-i-d d'environ 200 pieds." p. 26. The mean height of the Falls proper is stated at 163 feet on the United Stales side, 1 54 feet on the Canada side. The River Niagara runs from South to North, 1678] LEWISTON. 453 fied'as Chippewa Creek. Here they Ht a fire and encamped, and returned in the morning. One portion of their duty was the construction of a fort at the point where the Niagara River discharges into Lake Ontario. The project had been submitted by de Courcelles in 1670, and had received the support of Colbert. Some days were passed there. On the nth, mass was said for the first time at this place. The wind was unfavourable for the ascent of the river by the small vessel. On the iSth, the attempt was made, when the vessel was hauled up along the shore. They thus reached Lewiston on the United States side, at the foot of the rapids. A log house was built there, and protected by a palisade enclosure. There was snow, and the ground was frozen, so difficulty was experienced in securing the palisades in position. Some apprehensions were felt for the safety of the small brigantine ; after some effort they managed to haul her up a ravine and so to place her in safety. We are not told what gave rise to the feeling, but enough happened to shew that there was some unfriendliness on the part of the Senecas against any permanent establishment being formed at the spot chosen by the French. No means were neglected to conciliate the Indians at the entrance to Lake Ontario. De La Motte, however, determined to proceed to the headquarters of the Senecas ; the same spot visited by de Galin^e and de La Salle nine years earlier, 1669. De La Motte was accompanied by Hennepin and four men. Hennepin pretended to some knowledge of Iroquois, and, from his self- reliance, courage and love of adventure, willingly went with the expedition. They left on Christmas day to proceed to the great village of the Senecas, Tagarondies. The distance was seventy-six miles. They started on snow-shoes and arrived on the last day of the year. An expedition of this character in ordinary circumstances is marked by no formidable hardship, and is held of slight account in the halcyon days of youth and strength. There may be difificulty in crossing a half-frozen stream ; but when the width is slight, it is overcome by felling a tree and 454 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1678 extemporizing a bridge. No one on snow-shoes feels the Sold except in the open when there is severe stormy weather and very low temperature. In the woods there is protection against the wind. In this case the " tramp " was about twelve miles a day, following a trail. Snow-shoeing remains a Canadian pastime to this day in our pleasant winters. The provisions and impedimenta are drawn on the long narrow sleigh known as the toboggan, and no great practice is required to make a good snow-shoer in either sex, when the necessary physique is possessed. The Senecas received the French kindly. Hennepin tells us that he preached there ; it must have been in Iroquois to have had any effect, and it is an indirect way of telling us of his knowledge of that language. There were two Jesuits in the mission. Julien Garnier, if not born, had been ordained in Canada. He had now been engaged ten years on labours which he was to continue to 1730. Raffeix had accompanied de Courcelles in his expedition of January, 1666. A Council was held. Garnier was present. De la Motte distrusted him and objected to his presence and to his taking part in the Council. The Senecas asked Garnier to retire. Hennepin relates that he felt embarrassed by the proceeding and him- self withdrew with his brother ecclesiastic. The interpreter explained that de La Salle was desirous of building a ship in order to navigate the Lake above the Falls, which would bring merchandise to them cheaper than it could be brought from New York Presents were given. De la Motte promised to keep a blacksmith at the mouth of the Niagara to mend their guns. It was an arrangement greatly desired, and the proposition was received with approval ; possibly at the same time distrusted. Belts of wampum were accepted in return for the presents given. Before the French left, two prisoners were brought in. One was tortured and burnt. The French refused to be present and left the village. They reached Lewi^ton on the 14th of January, 1679. De la Salle, with de Tonty, sailed from Cataraqui towards the end of December, in one of the small vessels of about twenty 1679] CAYUGA CREEK. 455. tons. He landed at the familiar spot, which he had visited with Dollier and de Galin^e, and he went to the village of Taga- rondies ; it must have been about the 6th or 7th of January, for de La Motte had left to return to Niagara. De la Salle's charm of manner and plausibility have been placed on record. Like many silent and reserved men, when he spoke, he ex- pressed himself with elegance and force, and he seldom failed to impress those whom he addressed. He succeeded in remov- ing the objections entertained by the Senecas ; this point gained, he re-embarked for the Niagara River. When about twenty-five miles from the spot, the wind was contrary, or there was a calm, and the impatience of De la Salle would not permit him to remain with the crew ; and with de Tonty on snow-shoes, he proceeded by land to their destination at Niagara. His absence was the cause of serious disaster. On the eighth of January the pilot and crew left the small vessel safely moored, as they believed, and went on shore to sleep, no doubt suffering from cold in the vessel. While on shore, they could light a fire. The calm was a deceitful one, for the wind rose so suddenly, and with such force, that they were unable to return on board with their canoe. The vessel dragged its anchor and by the force of the wind, was drifted some miles to the east, to a spot identified as Thirty-nine Mile Point. It became a wreck and nearly everthing was lost, including some bark canoes, but the anchors and cables. De la Salle and de Tonty reached the east side of theNiagara. The Indians answered to their call and came across and paddled them to the opposite shore. After partaking of the cheer which the wigwam could give, to de Tonty an unsavory feast, they paddled up the seven miles to Lewiston. De La Motte and Hennepin had not returned. De La Salle, the follow- ing day, ascended to the higher level and proceeded up the river and selected the mouth of Cayuga Creek* as the spot for the work of building the vessel, and he laid down the detail of * The researches of the late Mr. Erasmus H. Marshall, of Buffalo, have satis- factorily established the locality. It is due to his memory to record the obligation which we all owe to his many useful and careful investigations. 4S6 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1679 the operations to be followed. Cayuga Creek is five miles above the Falls and ten miles distant from Buffalo. A small island of a mile in length lies parallel to the shore with a narrow flow of water between it and the mainland, deep enough for the vessel to be launched. Moreover, the chan- nel between the main shore and Grand Island is comparatively narrow and marked by more quiet water than that which passes by the main stream. While waiting for de La Motte and Hennepin de La Salle heard of the loss of his vessel, and he at once proceeded to the spot to see what could be saved from the wreck. He returned immediately to Lewiston. On the 22nd he was at Cayuga Creek. De La Salle is spoken of by Hennepin as turning aside to look upon the Falls, as if they were new to him. He did no more than a modern traveller would do to-day. De La Salle was acquainted with the whole geography of the district. The rapidity with which the site was selected for the work to be commenced shews that he had laid down his plans ; and this course could only have been taken after acquaintance with every condition of the problem to be solved. On the 26th of January the keel was laid. The loss of his stores on the wrecked vessel now commenced to be felt, and, de La Salle determined to proceed to Cataraqui to replace them. It was the first of February, the coldest period of the year. The only means of travel was on snow-shoes, and it was a long and dreary journey. He started with two men, and a dog to draw the toboggan. The distance from Niagara to Toronto is 80 miles, to Cataraqui 160 miles, 240 miles equal to 100 leagues.* The distance suggests the great qualities which de La Salle possessed : his unconquerable spirit, his strength, his endurance, his readiness of resource. The way was undoubt- edly known to him, and as the rivers were frozen, except the roughness of the way, there was no serious impediment to his progress. It was, moreover, owing to the climatal condi- tions of Ontario, a journey less trying than the descent of the * The French league is equal to 2.42 English miles. 16/9] LE GRIFFON. 457 Saint Lawrence by de F^nelon and Perrot ; with this excep- tion, that in the latter case there was little risk of wanting food, which was not a certainty in de La Salle's twelve days' effort. De Tonty and Hennepin accompanied him to the entrance of the River into Lake Ontario. ' He there traced out the lines of the fort on the ground where the present fort stands. He explained to the Senecas that he was laying out the dwelling and forge of the blacksmith, who was to repair their arms. No time was lost in protecting the place with palisades. As the Senecas appeared uncertain in their conduct, de La Motte went on a second mission to their village to keep them on friendly terms, while de Tonty again launched the brigantine and proceeded to the wreck, to save what it was possible to bring away. The weather was such that the attempt failed, and he had himself difficulty in regaining the Niagara River. He therefore organized an expedition in canoes ; while pro- ceeding thither meeting de La Motte on his return, de Tonty directed him to undertake the duty. The winter was passed in the construction of the vessel, marked by dread of an attack of the Senecas. They refused to give supplies, and there were reports of threats on their part to burn the vessel on the stocks. The carpenters be- came demoralized. It is a curious feature in de La Salle's career, that he failed to retain his hold on the confidence and affections of his men. They were constantly dissatisfied, fre- quently deserted, and on one occasion broke into open mutiny. His presence, however, invariably controlled any such feeling. In his absence, the dissatisfaction was constantly coming to the surface shewing the little personal devotion and affection he could command, whatever power of repression his higher qualities may have exercised. Hennepin's narrative tells us that he himself was the good genius on the occasion. That it was his exhortations which prevented the ill effects from these contrarieties, and which preserved peace and order. By the month of May the vessel was completed and launched. The name given to it was 45 8 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1679 " le Griffon ;" a compliment to de Frontenac, whose sup- porters were armed Griffins. If the Senecas looked sus- piciously on the vessel, they willingly attended the launch, for there was a plentiful supply of "eau de vie " on the £-au deamus of the event. The next effort was to place the vessel near the waters of Lake Erie. Again, we have Hennepin describing himself as ascending the river, obtaining the depths in its rapid current. They reached Squaw Island, over which the International Bridge is now constructed two and a half] miles from the Lake. They there found quiet water below the island where " le Griffon " could be moored in ten feet of water. The effort was delayed until a north-east wind was obtained, and " le Griffon " then reached her destination. Hennepin returned to Fort Frontenac to obtain some addi- tional Recollets to proceed on the western voyage. It was a marked feature of de La Salle's policy that he held the pres- ence of ecclesiastics indispensable to his projects. Hennepin had again recourse to the small vessel in which he had come from Cataraqui. The party started for Fort Frontenac, trading as they went. They took some Indians on board, to land them at one of their villages. The squaws were all sea-sick, to the disgust of Hennepin. They touched at the mouth of the Oswego, and finally reached Cataraqui. De La Salle was at this time pressed by his creditors. It has been stated by modern writers that his property was seized on account of his debts. There is no record of the fact in the minutes of the Conseil Souverain. There is an entry of legal proceedings indicating difficulty and embarrassment, but nothing to shew that this extreme course was taken. There was opposition to de La Salle from those not connected with him and the set with whom he worked, and there was jealousy of the favour which he possessed. On the other hand, he had powerful support, and his expeditions shew that he was never at any time in want of money. Now that " le Griffon " was available de La Salle deter- mined to execute the purpose he had contemplated; to navigate the Upper Lakes and to carry on trade as he had done with his 1679] LAKE ERIE REACHED. 459 small craft on Lake Ontario. Two Recollets were appointed to accompany him ; Gabriel de la Ribourde and Zenobie Mem- hr6. The party left for Niagara, stopping, as they ascended, to trade with the Senecas. De La Salle joined the party eight days after, and he resolved again to visit the Senecas in order to retain them in his interest. Hennepin and Sergeant La Fleur started on foot for the spot where "le Griffon" had been built. On reaching Niagara they found an old canoe in which they paddled up to Lewiston. De La Salle shortly afterwards reached Niagara and the brigantine was taken up the river. According to Hennepin, it was he who piloted her up, he having returned presumably to do so. The vessel was unloaded and now came the labour of carrying up the stores and merchandise to the higher level over a distance of two leagues. It was a tedious and severe labour, but it was accom- plished, and the material placed in "le Griffon," so that she was ready for sailing : no one working harder or more cheer- fully than the Recollet Fathers, and de la Ribourde was then sixty-four. Hennepin, with de La Salle and Father Gabriel, visited the Falls, and Hennepin stands forth as the leading person in proposing to make a settlement there, by which trade would be encouraged and religion advanced. The wind not proving favourable for the ascent, de La Salle employed his men to clear some extent of ground and as an experiment to sow some seed. At length the wind from the north-east came and " le Griffon " reached Lake Erie. The crew consisted of thirty-four souls. De Tonty, with five men, had anticipated the departure of the vessel. He had been despatched to await her arrival at the junction of the River Detroit with Lake Erie. This, the first vessel to navigate Lake Erie, proceeded on her voyage. De La Salle had heard that the Lake was full of shoals and that the navigation was dangerous. There was no moon ; a fog settled on the water. They advanced cautiously, sounding as they went. They were proceeding with this care when the ominous noise of the roll of breakers struck their ears. De La Salle had not roamed over these waters for 460 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1679 years without knowing what incidents were to be looked for. Moreover, he had the knowledge of Lake Erie which de Ga- lin^e's map had given him. It is not unlikely that for that reason he clung to the north shore. The soundings shewed them to be in three fathoms of water ; the course was changed. They proceeded with greater caution, and when the fog lifted, they were at Long Point. Hennepin tells us they called it Point Saint Francis, but the name has long passed away. They approached the mouth of the Detroit River. De Tonty with his party were here encamped on the low ground. They had narrowly escaped some disaster owing to the rise of the level of the lake from the effect of a north-east wind. They saw "le Griffon" and made the signal prescribed, three columns of smoke from three fires. It was seen and answered. Hennepin records his impressions of the country ; prairie interspersed with vines, clumps of trees, forests almost pre- senting the look of a park. Game abounded. There was fruit ; the walnut, chestnut, plum and apple, and from the grapes of the wild vine they endeavoured to make wine. On the loth of August, the feast of St. Claire,* they reached the lake now bearing that name. It was with difficulty that they found their way through the tortuous channel of what is known as St. Clair flats, through which a canal has only been constructed by tl)e United States Government within the last quarter of a century. The wind was unfavourable. At length they reached the rapid current which runs past the town of Sarnia, at the discharge of Lake Huron into the Saint Clair River. Hennepin describes it in his day as strong as the current of Niagara. It is by no means so in modern times. Although given to exaggeration, and constantly writing for effect, Hennepin could observe correctly. It is not unlikely that at this date the current has not the same force for some physical cause which we cannot explain. It was on that occasion only surmounted by men on shore towing the vessel up. * The true spelling; is " Claire," the French of the English " Clara," but the word is now written " Clair.'' 1679] STRAITS OF MACKINAW. 46 1 They were now in Lake Huron ; they crossed the Lake to Saginaw Bay on the Michigan coast and reached the Thunder Islands, among which they were becalmed. They continued northward, avoiding Presqu'ile Cape. A storm arose and forced them to beat out to windward, so that they could obtain sea-room. It increased to a gale : so much so, that Hennepin would have us think that de La Salle gave up all for lost, and, at the request of the Recollets, made a vow that if God permitted him safely to reach the shore, he would construct a chapel to Saint Anthony of Padua. After lasting twenty-four hours, the gale moderated. They reached the Straits of Mackinaw. Hounding Point St. Ignace, they came to the Mission established by Pere Marquette. Some few Frenchmen were established there with the Ottawa and Huron Indians. It was the spot whence Marquette and Jolliet had started on their descent of the Mississippi and where Marquette's bones had been placed by the Indians who had gathered them in West Michigan. The arrival of " le Griffon " was an event which the men even of those days, and of that place, could understand. The vessel was greeted from the shore by the guns of those who were there, while from the deck of the vessel the traditional salute was fired. On shore, mass was said, when M. de La Salle attended, dressed with unusual care. All the canoes of the neighbouring tribes crowded round the vessel in bewildered astonishment and admiration. It has been said that early in November de La Salle had sent a party of fifteen men in canoes to trade with the Illinois Indians. Several of these men had deserted. Four of them were at Michillimackinac. De La Salle arrested them, and, hearing that two more were at the Sault St. Mary, on the 29th of August he despatched de Tonty, with a party of six, to make them prisoners. De La Salle himself did not wait for de Tonty's return, but, with " le Griffon," proceeded up Lake Michigan. He reached La Grande Bale, the name of which has dwindled down to Green Bay. Here, at one of the islands, he found the members of his party who had remained in his 462 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1679 interest. They had been dealing with the Potowatamies and had collected twelve thousand pounds of skins. While at this place another storm arose which lasted for four days. But "le Griffon" was secure in the harbour to the south of the Island. The furs were loaded on the vessel to be taken to Fort Frontenac, there to be applied by de La Salle's agent to the payment of money owing by him. He himself adhered to his purpose to proceed to the head of the Lake, and, ascending the river, which there discharges, follow the portage to one of the branches of the River Illinois, and make preparations for the descent of the Mississippi. He now felt the inconvenience of the loss of his canoes, which had been on the vessel wrecked on Lake Ontario. He could not obtain canoes suf- ficient to carry the whole of the merchandise brought on " le Griffon " for trade. He could only procure four canoes, and their space was so limited that a great amount of his property had to be left on the brigantine. The supercargo was in- structed to land it and store it at Michillimackinac, while " le Griffon," with her cargo of furs, should proceed to the south end of Lake Erie, to the head of the Falls ; whence the furs, being carried over the portage, would be transferred to the schooner on Lake Ontario and taken to Cataraqui. On the 1 8th of September, " le Griffon " left the mouth of Green Bay. The furs she contained were of considerable value. The whole, cargo, furs, merchandise, and the vessel, were valued at ten thousand livres. She was placed under the command of Luc, the pilot, and, in addition, carried a super- cargo and five sailors. The gun she fired on leaving was the last thing recorded of her. She never reached Michillimackinac. A storm arose the second day after she sailed, which lasted five days. She is reported to have been seen at the northern end of the Lake and to have taken refuge among some islands. Here, it has been stated, that some Potowatamies advised the master to wait patiently for the storm to pass over. He did not do so ; his instructions were to make the voyage to Niagara, and to return, and the season was late. Whatever 1679] LOSS OF " LE GRIFFON." 463 the cause, the voyage was continued. " Le Griffon " was last seen half a league from the shore labouring in the storm. It is supposed she foundered, and none were left to tell the tale. There is the tradition that some relics were found, recognized as having belonged to the ship, and that her fate has thus been established. De La Salle left Green Bay with the four canoes, the day after "le Griffon" left. His party consisted of the three Recollets and fourteen men. The same storm in which " le Griffon" perished, threatened them with destruction. He was enabled, however, to reach a small bay, where he was com- pelled to remain five days. It was impossible for him not to feel the greatest apprehension for the vessel, seeing the extent which he had himself suffered by the tempest. He could only have anticipated the most unfortunate results : but his nature was bold and hopeful. His energy was in no way relaxed, nor was his resolution lessened. He had been taught in the sternest of schools to battle with misfortune. He had learned with patience and determination to oppose the obstacles to be overcome. He drew his courage from his own stout heart, and with this bent of mind he proceeded onward to the labours which have made his name immortal. The journey was continued, but not without interruption. They had again to seek the shelter of a rocky island and to make a fire of driftwood, with no protection from the rain and hail. They again landed not far from a village of the Pottawatamies. Hennepin relates another feat which he per- formed, that in the difficulty of landing, he carried Father Gabriel on his shoulders. They wanted food and obtained some corn at an Indian village, from which the inhabitants had fled, de La Salle leaving behind goods to the value of thaf which they had carried away. At length they met Indians who furnished them with supplies. They coasted along the western shore of the Lake, drawing up their canoes at night, and par- tially unloading them ; a work of labour. Their only food was Indian corn, with some wild berries. Seeing some eagles circling in the heavens, and a flock of turkey buzzards and 464 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1679 crows, they went ashore to find a deer, lately killed by wolves, half eaten. It was a grateful relief to their wants. The birds were driven away, and they had meat to eat. Moreover, as they gained the head of the Lake, game became plentiful. At one of their encampments they noticed footprints in the neighbourhood. It shewed them that Indians were near, and, during the night, some of the tribe approached. In the presence of de La Salle, there was little chance of surprise. Nevertheless, with Indian dexterity, the Indians did manage to steal a coat and some tools. De La Salle effected the cap- ture of one of the tribe and threatened reprisals. The theft was made good by beaver skins, and friendly relations were established. De La Salle's presence on the lake shore, how- ever, was unwelcome, and they did not desire the continuance of his journey. They begged de La Salle not to proceed, and gave as a reason that the Illinois were angered against the French, for they considered it was they who had incited the Iroquois to attack them. The journey was continued until the River Saint Joseph was reached ; this river has its mouth at the south-eastern corner of the Lake, and was named by de La Salle, the Miami. Here he determined to wait for de Tonty, who had been directed, with six men, to proceed to Lake Superior to arrest the two deserters. The party remaining with de La Salle became dissatisfied. They were desirous of reaching the villages of the Illinois before those Indians had left on their hunting expeditions. The loss of time was indeed a serious matter and the ill feeling called forth was dearly paid for by the arrest of two men. De La Salle ought to have kept his force together, and not have sent back his vessel to Niagara, until he had reached Saint Joseph and disembarked his stores, leaving the return voyage to the discretion of the pilot, whether it should be made the same season or the fol- lowing year. The arbitrary, unconditional orders given by de La Salle for the return of the vessel must have influenced the pilot to continue his voyage, when he should have sought refuge from the storm, and hence caused its loss. 1679] FORT MIAMI. 465 As he was situated, de La Salle felt bound to wait for de Tonty,who had been directed on his return to coast down the eastern shore of the lake. He accordingly employed his men in the construction of a fort at the mouth of the river, known as Fort Miami. After twenty days' interval, de Tonty appeared. Only half his men were with him. To avoid starvation, he had divided his party, and half of their number had been left seventy-five miles back to subsist by hunting, and to find their way southward. De Tonty was ordered to return to bring them up. Unfortunately, during his journey, as a canoe was being dragged ashore in rough weather, it was upset, and everything was lost, so de Tonty with his party had to make his way back to the fort. They were followed shortly after by the rriissing men, excepting the two deserters, who had again escaped. Situated as they were, they were marching un- guarded to punishment, and such a consequence might have been looked for. Thus the whole of this delay and loss was unaccompanied by any result, except dissatisfaction and discontent. It is in such combinations that the defect of de La Salle's want of early training and true power of discipline appears. It was the month of December ; seventy-three days had elapsed^ since "le Griffon" had left Green Bay. In her ascent from Niagara to Saint Ignace, the distance had been made in about thirty-four days. At that date all was new and untried. The descending current would have hastened her homeward voyage, and time sufficient had elapsed for her to have returned to Saint Ignace. Still strong in hope, de La Salle despatched two men to the Straits to wait her arrival and to pilot her to Fort Miami, where she was to remain to receive the cargo which de La Salle promised himself he would gather from the Illinois. 466 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 CHAPTER X. The course to be followed by de La Salle lay up the Saint Joseph River, for by such name the river is known, to what is now the village of the South Bend, some little distance to the south of the boundary line between Michigan and Indiana. Difficulty was experienced in finding the portage. De La Salle started to discover it and lost himself for a night and the best part of a day. There were eight canoes, with thirty- three persons in the expedition. The number which sailed in "le Griffon" was thirty-four ; five had accompanied de Tonty, fifteen had been sent from Cataraqui, making a total of fifty-five. Of this number, two had deserted, six had sailed in " le Griffon," two were sent to St. Ignace, leaving thirteen unaccounted for, probably left at Green Bay and St. Ignace. The portage to the Kankakee, the southern tributary of the Illinois, was five miles in length, through a marshy plain. The Illinois was reached ; the canoes launched, and the descent commenced. At first they were not fortunate in taking game. Subsequently, they found a buffalo, sunk into a deep, marshy spot, and unable to extricate him- self They killed him, and the fact is gratefully recorded. They reached an Indian town, but the lodges were empty. They found the cache and took some twenty minots of Indian corn, trusting to the future to explain and make good the proceeding. They again embarked and continued down the main stream. On New Year's day, 1680, they landed and mass was said. They still descended the river, until they reached the neighbourhood of the present City of Peoria, when they noticed the smoke of camp fires. As they approached they could observe the Indians as if waiting their arrival. In a brief period the French had landed, and drew themselves up to await events. Their attitude was one of defence. Was it l68o] THE ILLINOIS. 467 to be peace or war ? De La Salle had heard that the Illinois were inimical to him. He knew the Indian character. Ex- perience had taught him that any exhibition of fear was unwise, and he assumed the position of being able to resist any attack if necessary. Two of the Chiefs came forward. There was peace. Food was offered. Tobacco was given by de La Salle. The Indian courtesy was observed of placing the first three mouthfuls of food in the mouths of the new comers with the fingers, not a proceeding which one possess- ing a knowledge of Indian habits can admire, and by blowing on the hot meat to cool it when necessary. Others anointed the feet of the new comers with bear's grease. De La Salle explained that it was his intention to construct a large canoe to reach the sea and to return to them with goods, and added that if they would not consent to furnish him with provisions he would proceed to the Osages and ask their aid. It was a safe argument to appeal to Indian jealousy. The Illinois promised their friendship and relations were established on a satisfactory basis. On the following day there was a change in their manner, which had become reserved and distrustful. A chief named Monso, with some Miamis, had visited the village during the night, leaving at daybreak. Whatever his motives and by whom prompted, he warned the Illinois that de La Salle was in league with the Iroquois, and that he was on his way to the Mississippi to urge the Indians on the opposite bank to join in attack against them. A friendly chief, whom de La Salle had gained by some special present, gave information of the fact. There was a feast held on this day, when some of the Illinois chiefs spoke against the journey. They dwelt upon its dangers in every form, the wild animals, the wilder tribes. Two of de La Salle's men, old coureurs de bois, understood enough of the harangue to explain it to their comrades, and thus the latter became perfectly unsettled. De La Salle on his side addressed the Indians, and spoke of the visitor of the preceding night. He gave every assurance of his own loyalty, and shewed the absurdity of such an accusation made 468 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 by a stranger, who did not stay to substantiate it. The ill- humour of the Illinois was not removed. There was evi- dently doubt and distrust. Fearing that some attack might be made during the night, de La Salle posted sentries ; and on making his visit to note if the necessary precautions were being taken, he found the sentry absent, and that six of his men had deserted, among them two carpenters. They pre- ferred to trust to all the risks of the wilderness, rather than face the threatened dangers in their path. The policy of de La Salle was to construct a vessel, and to descend the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico, and on gain- ing the ocean to sail to the West India Islands, and from thence return to Quebec. The place at which he had arrived seemed to him adapted to admit of the project being carried out. Moreover, he deemed it inadvisable to test the con- stancy of his men by a further advance down the Illinois. He selected a spot between two ravines, and by digging a trench to connect them isolated the location he made. Here he built a fort. It has been said that in the bitterness of his heart he called it Crevecceur * to denote his deep disappoint- ment. Hennepin says that it was so named owing to the pain caused by the six desertions. De Tonty merely records the fact. Such demonstrative grief was in no way a part of the character of de La Salle. It was but poor policy to tell those connected with him, already demoralized, that he felt pros- trate with sorrow. It was to announce that he held his position to be desperate. The name is well known in France, and it is more likely that the fort was called after some liberal contributor to the expedition. The vessel was commenced, and, in spite of the desertions, was pushed on vigorously. The hull was completed, and as the want of the stores which had been placed on "le Griffon" began to be experienced, de La Salle determined to make his way eastward to learn the fate of the vessel, and, if necessary, * Mr. Shea suggests that as Louis XIV. had recently destroyed Fort Creve- cceur, near Bois le Due, in the Netherlands, captured in 1672, the name may have been chosen out of compliment to that monarch. l68o] DE LA SALLE RETURNS TO CATARAQUI. 469 obtain additional supplies. He also resolved to send a party to explore the Upper Mississippi, to trade with the Indians, and to obtain information upon which he could act on his return. The two men he detailed for this duty were Michael Accault, who may be named as the chief person, and Anthony Auguelle. The latter was a native of Amiens, a man of good family, known as Picard le Gai. Accault is described as knowing three Indian languages. They had with them a thousand livres' worth of goods. In accordance with the principle followed by do La Salle, they were accompanied by a Recollet. This Recollet was Hennepin, and from him we have the account of the expedition. He represents himself as the leading personage and appropriates all merit of the discoveries which were made. De La Salle made preparations for his journey. It was on the 2nd of March, still winter in its drear, severe aspect ; and de La Salle was to carry out his undertaking even to command the respect of those who were not among his friends. On this occasion he shewed fortitude and endurance rarely surpassed. He was now thirty-seven years of age. Eleven years had passed since he had ascended the Saint Lawrence with Dollier and de Galin^e, and he had passed several years of this time amid Indian life, to be inured to its intricacies, its wants, its requirements, its risks, and the resources it exacted. He had never hesitated to face long journeys, without thought of the privation they entailed. The preceding year he had gone on snow-shoes from Niagara to Kingston, but the route was over familiar ground. Now his path lay across a country which he only knew, as he had passed through it in a canoe, or deduced its character from his general geographical know- ledge and his experience in the woods. De La Salle's character appears in its best light in a crisis of this nature. He was leaving behind him men he knew to be discontented and dissatisfied, and who he felt were parting with the faith in him, so essential to every leader in great enterprises. The desertion of some of his best men had told him how little he could rely on those who remained behind ; 470 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 nevertheless he felt that it was necessary immediately to sup- ply the deficiencies from which those who remained constant to him were suffering, and to remove the difficulties which they regarded as unconquerable. In this picture, the simple, devoted character of his Lieu- tenant de Tonty, likewise appears. He was to remain behind, patiently to await de La Salle's return, to set out of view all the contingencies which might prevent it, to urge on the con- struction of the vessel, to obtain provisions for the men, and to await with calm determination results, which were entirely independent of action on his part ; a situation to exact great qualities and unfailing fortitude. De La Salle started with four Frenchmen and the Mohegan Indian who generally attended him. One of them was the son of Bourdon, the Attorney-General of de M^sy, known by the name of d'Autray. With their canoes they ascended the stream. The river was only partially open ; in many spots where it was frozen the ice would not bear. The hardship must have been severe. Occasionally on land, sometimes on the water, poling away the floating ice to prevent the canoe being shattered, in frequent rain, often having to cut the ice with their tomahawks. They followed the route by which they had come, made the poftage, and descended the stream to reach the fort at the Saint Joseph on the 24th of March. They had been twenty-two days engaged in this exacting and trying labour. At the fort he met the two men whom he had sent to Michilli- mackinac. He was now made to feel that the loss of " le Griffon " was only too true. The two men he ordered to proceed down the Illinois to join de Tonty. He himself struck across Southern Michigan. The country was entirely un- known to him, but he had his compass, and he trusted to his knowledge of the geography of the lakes, .and his skill in finding his way in the woods. The party reached the River Detroit, the distance through this unknown wilderness being about two hundred and seventy miles. At the River Detroit two of the men made a canoe, and having landed the party l68o] THE MUTINY. 471 on the opposite shore, the two men ascended the river, and, coasting Lake Huron, proceeded to MichiUimackinac. De La Salle, with the remainder, leaving the River Detroit, pushed across the peninsula to reach Lake Erie. Here they made another canoe, and, coasting Lake Erie they came to Niagara. It was Easter Monday, 1680. There were men stationed in this place. They had been engaged in the labours of the preceding year, and had not been included in the expedition ; and de La Salle learnt from them the undoubted fact that "le Griffon " had never been seen. Those who had accompanied de La Salle being broken with fatigue and illness, he took three fresh men and continued his journey to Cataraqui. The French, in the seventeenth and following centuries, performed many feats of strength and endurance. There is nothing in their annals more re- markable than this expedition of de La Salle, made in the months of March and April, for it was on the sixty-fifth day that he arrived at Cataraqui. There was something in de La Salle always to command respect and attention. At Montreal, to which place he at once went, he was met by his friends with the same attention as of old. He obtained the supplies and assistance which he required and returned to Fort Frontenac. Here he received news from de Tonty that, after his departure the men had mutinied, robbed the fort of what they required, destroying what they could not carry off, and had deserted in force. Two of the settlers around Fort Frontenac soon confirmed the news. They had been trading on the lakes, and had seen the deserters, who now had increased to twenty in number, having been joined by men at MichiUimackinac and at Niagara. They had also taken possession of the furs and property at these places. They had then separated ; eight of them having gone to Albany ; twelve were making their way to Fort Fron- tenac, in order to kill de La Salle, as the safest course to assure their own safety. De La Salle selecting men on whom he could rely, deter- mined to arrest them. His party went at once to a spot which it 472 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 was usual to pass and placed themselves in concealment. The Illinois deserters came carelessly along. Their canoes were straggling one after the other looking for no attack. As the first canoe came up the two men in it were seized. The following canoe met the same fate. The third canoe, con- taining five men, attempted resistance. Two of the men were shot dead, the three were arrested, and the whole of those thus seized were lodged in the cells at Cataraqui ; there we lose sight of them. It now became necessary to relieve de Tonty, in great straits on the Illinois. Again de La Salle embarked for Lake Michigan. His company consisted of twenty-five men, in- cluding a Surgeon. He did not pass by Niagara. Reaching Toronto he ascended the Humber, and made a portage to the waters of Lake Simcoe, then called Lake Toronto, descended Matchedash Bay, and passed by Northern Lake Huron, to Mackinaw. The Indians were unfriendly. He continued his route to the south of the Lake, and to the fort at the Saint Joseph. Here again he divided his force, and taking six Frenchmen and an Indian, he proceeded towards the Illinois, leaving the remainder at the fort, where they were to be joined by his' lieutenant, La Forest. The object which he had in view was to rescue de Tonty from the dangers in which he might be placed, and the exigency of the crisis did not per- mit him to delay an unnecessary hour. He descended the Kankakee. No trace of the object of his search presented itself As he reached the Prairie country) it was alive with buffalo. It was too good an opportunity to obtain food, to be neglected : so they landed. In three days they killed twelve buffalo, with some deer, geese and swans. They cut the meat into strips and dressed it in the smoke and sun to guard against future contingencies, and then pushed onward, descending the Illinois. They arrived at the spot where the Indian town had stood. It was a mass of charred half-burnt timber and cinders. At points, poles were erect with skulls and half-decayed flesh, bearing the mark of having furnished food to birds of prey. The burial ground had been l68o] THE ILLINOIS TOWN. 473 torn open, the dead rifled, and gross indignity committed to many of the remains. As they landed, the wolves, which were in flocks, left their food. The turkey buzzards and the crows, which were in numbers, startled by the arrival, rose and circled in the air. The caches had been broken open and what corn could not be taken was scattered and destroyed. The Illinois town had been attacked by the Iroquois, and this spectacle was the consequence. Some writers have endeavoured to establish that the outrage was caused by English dictation and intrigue. It is hard to see how such a policy was beneficial to English interests. Their trade was carried on with the Iroquois, and the more plentifully they could be supplied by the western tribes, so the more plentiful and less dear the supply at Schenectady and Albany. The Iroquois, in this case, acted as they ever had done; from their theory of necessity, and from the one law they recognised, that of self-preservation. Their own hunting grounds were becoming less productive. Hitherto they had been the means of communication between the western tribes and the French and English. But the latter were now pushing forward their scouts to obtain directly what the Ottawa and the Illinois could offer in trade. These tribes were thus rising into power and significance. It had ever been the policy of the Iroquois to extinguish whatever was held to be, or threatened to be in rivalry with themselves. On this principle they had waged a war of extermination against the Hurons, the Eries, the Southern Andastes. It was the same theory which had led to their aggression against the French to keep them con- fined to the east of Three Rivers. The preponderating power of the French made attack impossible in that direction. They were now looking to the West ; advancing albng the southern shore of Lake Erie. The Kankakee was then open to them to reach the Illinois and the Mississippi. The whole history of the Iroquois is one of war and attack on his weaker and less warlike neighbour. Previous to the attack, the Iroquois had constructed a fort, and here were skulls also taken from the graves. De La 474 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 Salle undertook the painful duty of looking through these trophies of remorseless Indian triumph, to note if in the mutilated features he could see the face of a white man. Even if the countenance had been destroyed by the birds of prey, sufficient trace would have remained to shew the race : he was greatly re-assured by finding no such ghastly relics. In one of the corn fields there were six posts painted red. There was drawn on each the figure of a man with a bandage across his eyes. Could this mean that his men to this number were held prisoners by the Iroquois ? De La Salle determined to descend the river to learn if possible the fate of de Tonty and his party. He was accom- panied by four of the party, well armed, and he carried some goods for presents or for barter. The other two took post on an island, concealed their canoe and baggage, and kept them- selves out of sight. As de La Salle descended he found con- tinued traces of the Iroquois. Fort Crevecoeur had been destroyed. The vessel was still on the stocks, but many of the spikes and nails had been drawn'. On one plank was written, "Nous sommes tous sauvages." He followed the river, and passed a spot where bodies of the unhappy Illinois, half burned, remained standing, tied to stakes. He reached the Mississippi, and from a tree in a prominent position on the great river he scored off the bark, as we say in Canada "blazed" it. He hung a board on the tree, on which he drew himself and his four men in a canoe, with a pipe of peace, and he left likewise a letter addressed to de Tonty. He returned up the river ; the December snow was be- ginning to fall, and the ice to form. Instead of taking the Kankakee, he followed the Des Plaines branch which leads to the portage to Chicago Creek. On the route he found a piece of wood cut with a saw. It was a hopeful presage that de Tonty had passed in that direction, and had escaped destruction. January had now come. De La Salle proceeded round the end of Lake Michigan to Fort Miami. He there found La Forrest with the rest of his men. They had utilized their time to repair the fort l68o] THE ILLINOIS ATTACKED. 475 and to take some steps towards the construction of another vessel. During this time de Tonty was at Green Bay. It has been said that when de La Salle left, the men were dissatisfied. On reaching Fort Miami, de La Salle had sent the two men who had returned from Michillimackinac to join de Tonty. Their arrival destroyed what little feeling of respect was still enter- tained for de La Salle. They brought the news that " le Griffon '' was lost, that Fort Frontenac was seized for debt, and that de La Salle was a ruined man. Months had passed since the party had received any pay. The men were now told that all was lost, and that they would get nothing for their past, nothing for future service. The new comers delivered a letter to de Tonty, in which de La Salle requested him to examine a rock noticed by him in his journey, and, if necessary, to fortify it. De Tonty proceeded to its exam- ination. It was in his absence that the desertion, the destruc- tion of the fort, and the theft of the property took place. On receiving the news he despatched two parties, each of two men, with the news to de La Salle. De Tonty was now wilA. but three men, and the two RecoUet Fathers Membr6 and de la Ribourde. He established himself in the Indian village opposite to the mouth of the River Vermilion and did his best to disarm jealousy. The Indian population consisted of several hundreds. On the loth of September, the news was brought that a large body of Iroquois was advancing to attack them. The Illinois crowded round de Tonty and de Boisrondet, one of the party, accusing them of being the cause of their ruin. The mis- sionaries were away a league distant. The Illinois, in their excitement and anger, threw into the river the tools and property of de La Salle ; they then placed their women and children in canoes and descended the stream, leaving behind sixty warriors to defend the place. De Tonty, threatened by a mass of savages whom he could not understand, and who did not understand him, agreed to accompany them to the fight. This promise quieted them. 476 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 Many of the Iroquois were armed with guns and they ad- vanced against the Illinois, the latter irresolute, poorly armed, and shrinking from the contest. De Tonty saw that the only hope of avoiding an unfortunate result lay in the prevention of a struggle. He trusted that his influence as a Frenchman would prevent further hostile proceedings being taken. He advanced among the howling, screeching Iroquois. Whether or not they recognized him as an European, or believed him to be an Illinois, a young Iroquois stabbed him. The blow glanced off on his ribs. It caused him pain, and the loss of blood made him weak. In the tumult, he managed to say that the Illinois were under the protection of the King of France, and must be left at peace. But the confusion in- creased. De Tonty's hat was seized and held aloft on the end of a gun. The consequence was that the Illinois believing that de Tonty had been killed, such of them as had guns commenced firing. Among the Onondaga Chiefs there was one who knew de La Salle, and he interested himself to protect de Tonty, so that he could obtain a hearing. De Tonty made the statement, hazardous if its falsehood were discovered, that there were twelve hundred Illinois in force with sixty Frenchmen. These numbers alarmed the Iroquois, and the proposition for peace was accepted. De Tonty was furnished with a belt betokening this condition, and, returning towards the Illinois, he was met by Fathers de la Ribourde and Membr^. The Illinois who, on their part, remembered former wars, knew the little confidence which they could place in a promised peace. They considered that it covered some treason, and, taking to their canoes, descended the river, setting fire to their lodges as they left. The Iroquois crossed over to the town to look for hidden provisions; and, as there were no living enemies to attack, they began to disinter the dead in the cemetery. De Tonty and his companions did not at first leave the hut they occupied, but they were requested by the Iroquois to do so, and accordingly they retired to the fort on the southern bank which the l68o] DE TONTY ORDERED TO DEPART. 477 Iroquois themselves on their arrival had constructed with trees in the Indian form. It still contained several of the tribe, and the French therefore remained under supervision. Some days were passed in inactivity, the Iroquois evidently irresolute what course to take, owing to the presence of the French. A treaty had been entered into with the Illinois ; but in the interval the Iroquois began to make canoes. There could be but one object in doing so ; the design of attacking the Illinois to obtain prisoners. De Tonty took means to warn the Illinois of their danger ; the result, how- ever, was a proof of the old saying, that it is not possible to help those who will not help themselves. The Iroquois had now determined on their policy, and were prepared to carry it out ; the first step towards it was to get rid of the six Frenchmen. Evidently the Indians were hostile to them, and but for the fear of French retaliation would have killed them. A Council was now held by the Iroquois, arid de Tonty was formerly invited to attend. Beaver skins were brought in. Some packets were assigned to him, and a message was given to be delivered to de Frontenac that they would not eat Illinois flesh, and eventually the French were requested to leave. De Tonty desired to be informed when the Iroquois themselves would depart, leaving the Illinois unattacked. Angry words ensued, when some of the younger Iroquois ' exclaimed that they would eat Illinois flesh, upon which de Tonty kicked the beaver skins away as if in contempt of the offer. It is the greatest insult which an Indian can receive. The Chiefs rose in passion. A tumult ensued, and De Tonty retired to his quarters. The French remained on the watch all night, determined to fight to the last, and not surrender their lives without a struggle. The Chiefs must have held another Council, for in the morning they peremp- torily ordered the six Frenchmen to be gone. The Iroquois now having possession of the bourgade com- pleted the outrages, the result which de La Salle had looked upon. The Illinois retired down the river, camping at night. The Iroquois followed, hesitating to attack, and establishing 478 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 themselves on the opposite shore. Some of the Iflmois descended the Mississippi. Some passed westward beyond the stream. Some established themselves at the junction of the rivers. It was the portion of the tribe which adopted this ill considered course whom the Iroquois attacked, and where de La Salle saw the traces of their butchery. Such of the number they did not kill, the Iroquois carried away as slaves, to the extent, it is said, of some hundreds. De Tonty could not have done more. There are few brighter pages in the history of French Canada, than in his effort to ward off the Iroquois attack on the Illinois. De Tonty, the two Recollets Membre and de la Ribourde, de Bois- rondet, and the two humbler men, never faltered in their duty. They deserve honourable mention for their endeavours, rejecting all thought of obtaining personal safety by the sacrifice of those with whom they had exchanged kindnesses, for the Illinois could not be called their allies. They went to the extreme limit of opposition. Further resistance would have cost them their lives. They, therefore, accepted the situation, and left the scene, as they were called upon to do. They paddled up the stream, and as their canoe was leak- ing, after five leagues of progress, they stopped to repair it. Father de la Ribourde strolled away from the party. Whether he lost his way or was assaulted near the camp must be a matter of surmise. It is supposed that he was watched by a band of Kickapoos, killed and scalped. He never returned, nor was his body ever found. At the junction of the rivers their canoe was abandoned. No trace was left of their route, and de Tonty struck upon a course to reach Lake Michigan. Proceeding along the shores of the lake they came to Green Bay to be received by the Pottowatamies. They suffered much hardship in their advance from want and exposure ; but they were warmly welcomed at the Indian village. The expedition which ascended the Mississippi has been identified with the name of Hennepin. This Recollet possesses a charm of style rare in its simplicity, and, in many l68o] HENNEPIN'S MISREPRESENTATIONS. 479 respects, recalls to the English reader the works of Defoe. Like the author of Robinson Crusoe, he has the power to present, with every semblance of fidelity as an eye-witness that which never took place. There is scarcely a sentence which he penned which is not coloured by his vanity, and it is a vanity which shrinks from no falsehood. His books have been translated into most European languages. For many years they obtained credence in a general way, with the qualification that they were coloured by the bright tint of the traveller's imagination. Modern criticism pronounces them to be without authority, to be marked by plagiarisms, by a disregard of facts, and by the appropriation of the labours of others, in so ridiculous a form that a consideration of the distances which he names as passed over by him in the time given, proves to have been impossible. Seventeen years after the event, Hennepin laid claim to have descended the Mississippi to its mouth, and then to have ascended the river to Saint Anthony's Falls. That is to say, it took him from the eighth to the twenty-third of March to reach the Gulf of Mexico, and twelve days to return to the spot where he was seized by the Sioux ; the former distance being fourteen hundred, the latter nineteen hundred miles. In his first published book of 1683, he had expressly stated that he had desired to make this journey, but had been unable.* To read Hennepin without knowledge and reflection, his narrative appears to record the most natural events ; and at this time de La Salle was dead. It cannot be supposed that Hennepin was the leader of the expedition. Accault and Auguelle, men above the ordinary rank, have been described.-f- They had a good stock of mer- chandise with them, and the object primarily was that of trade, and to gather information. They were detained some * "Nous avions quelque dessein de nous rendre jusques a I'embouchure du Fleuve Colbert qui probablement se decharge plutost dans le sein de Mexique que dans la Mer Vermeille mais ces nations qui se saisirent de nous ne nous donnirent pas le temps de naviguerhaut et bas de ce Fleuve." Ed. 1683, p. 218. t Anti page 469. 48o THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 days at the mouth of the Illinois by the descending ice. On the 8th of March they proceeded leisurely to ascend the Mississippi. Some wonder has been expressed that de La Salle had generally two or more Recollets attached to him in his enter- prises. The answer may be found in the explanation, that he considered the presence of a priest a protection. It con- ferred a national and official character on any expedition, and was in itself a guarantee that those composing it were not coiireurs de bois, but authorized agents of the State. To use a modern phrase, their presence made any undertaking respectable. Hennepin, in his narrative of 1683, describes himself as the chief and head. His book tells us of his adventures with the Sioux. It is written with his usual charm of style, with an artistic simplicity, evincing keen powers of observation, so that the reade*^ ignorant of the history of those days uncon- sciously accepts his narrative without a doubt. Throughout he represents himself in danger, dreading to be burnt, with death constantly before him, serene, fertile in resource, extri- cating himself from difficulty. The very title of his book sets up his claim to consideration.* They had gone about one hundred leagues northward, sup- posed to be about the mouth of the River Des Moines ; they had landed to repair their canoe and cook a wild turkey, when from thirty to fifty canoes, containing one hundred and twenty warriors of the Sioux came upon them. The party did their best to appease the Indians with gifts and submis- sion. It was a war party proceeding to attack the Miamis. Hennepin managed to make them understand by signs and by drawings on the sand, that the Miamis had crossed the Mississippi. The Sioux accordingly returned, carrying with * " Nouvelle Decouverte d'un tres grand Pays Situe dans I'Amerique Par R. P. Louis de Hennepin. A Amsterdam. Chez Abraham van Someren, 1698. Nouvelle Decouverte d'un tres grand Pays Situe dans I'Amerique entre Le Nouveau Mexique, et La Mer Glaciale Le tout dedie a Sa Majeste Britan- nique Guillaume III. . . .etc." l68o] DU LUTH. 481 them the three Frenchmen as prisoners, and plundering their canoe. They passed through Lake Pepin, and landed at a spot below the Falls of Saint Anthony, and travelled several leagues across the country to the Sioux village, which must have been to the south of what is known on modern maps as Mille Lacs. Hennepin, for his two companions are only mentioned in his narrative in a subordinate manner, reported that some French were expected at the mouth of the River Wisconsin for the purposes of trade. He and another were permitted to leave, which would scarcely have been the case had they been held as prisoners. They came down Rum River, which has its dis- charge above the Falls of Saint Anthony ; a fact which explains the Sioux leaving their canoes to the south of the Falls in their way homeward. The two Frenchmen encamped on the opposite shore of the Mississippi. Hennepin was the first European to record the existence of these Falls, which he named after Saint Anthony of Padua. Hennepin was accompanied by the Picard. They suffered from want of food, still they proceeded southward, catching fish, and living on what they could shoot ; often sorry fare. One evening they were surprised by the appearance of the Sioux, who they thought were some leagues to the north of them. A hunting party was formed, and Hennepin accom- panied the Sioux up the Chippeway River, which discharges into Lake Pepin. The hunt proved successful and they were proceeding homewards when they were met by Du Luth and two Frenchmen. Daniel Greysolon du Luth was one of the singular characters which French Canada then produced ; at home in the best society, as in Indian life for he possessed most of the re- sources of the savage. It was he who built the fort at the entrance of the Kamanistiquia, Lake Superior, known under Hudson Bay rule as Fort William. He was born at St. Ger- main-en-Laye. He describes himself as having been at the battle of Seneff as a gendarme of His Majesty's guard, and ^cuyer of the Marquis de Lassay. Hennepin claimed also to 482 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [1680 have been present at this battle, so the meeting of the two on the banks of the Mississippi with this experience is certainly a strange incident. He was particularly denounced by Duchesneau * as ready to divert trade to the English, and he is especially named as connected with de Frontenac, who was stated to have participated in the profits of his operations. He certainly acted as a political agent. In a letter f to the Marquis de Seignelay, he speaks of his own career, and he describes this meeting with Hennepin. He tells us, that on the 1st of September, 1678, he left Montreal with seven Frenchmen, and that on the 2nd of July, 1679, he was at the Sioux village of Izatys, where no Frenchman had been before. In September, he had a rendezvous with the Northern In- dians at the upper end of Lake Superior. He proposed that they should settle their differences, and intermarry, and make peace with the Sioux. He had been engaged in persuading them to resume their relations with Montreal, which had been interrupted, for, owing to the English and Dutch having described the French trading ports at Lake Nipissing to be suffering from the plague, few canoes had proceeded thither. From his statement, it is to be inferred that it was not his first visit to the Mississippi, for he determined to make the journey by water, as he had already done so by land. Accordingly, he entered a river which empties itself eight leagues from the extremity of Lake Superior. He had to break down one hundred beaver dams, and cut some trees, when he reached the portage which in half a league brought him to the tributary by which he had descended to the Mississippi. He there heard that Hennepin, and two other Frenchmen, were prisoners. Taking two men and an Indian, he rapidly descended the river, and found Hennepin eighty leagues distant, which would place the meeting about the mouth of the Saint Croix. J Du Luth * lolh November, 1679. + Harrisse, p. 177, taken from the Archives of the Minist^re de Marine. J Hennepin, in his Edition of 1683, gives two hundred and twenty leagues, which would place the meeting below the Illinois ; in that of 1697, he gives the distance at one hundred and twenty leagues, which would be at the Wisconsin. l68l] RETURN BY THE RIVER WISCONSIN. 483 describes him as being with one thousand or eleven hundred Sioux. A Council was held, in which Du Luth reproached the Sioux for treating- the three Frenchmen as slaves, and to better their position declared that Hennepin was his brother. They all proceeded to the village of the Sioux, where they remained some months. Hennepin's statement is, that Du Luth begged him to return to the Sioux village on account of his knowledge of the language,, and that he had been of great use in acting as interpreter. Moreover, he felt that it was his duty to do so, as he had heard that for the past two years Du Luth had not received the Sacraments. They were treated by the Sioux with all consideration. Finally, with the consent of the Indians they took their departure to join their countrymen. Throughout their movements they had been subjected to little control. They descended the Mississippi to the Wisconsin, which they ascended to reach the Green Bay mission. Thence they proceeded to Michillimackinac, where they passed the winter. In the spring, Hennepin made his way to Fort Frontenac and thence to Montreal. De La Salle remained during the winter of 1680-1681 at Fort Miami, on the Saint Joseph. During this period, he en- deavoured to conciliate the Indians who had established them- selves in the neighbourhood of the fort to attach them to his interest. They were of the tribes who in the late war had been driven from the settlements of New England. There were some Miamis and Illinois whom he attached to his interest, by offering to aid them in case of any future attack. In May he returned to Fort Frontenac. As he passed by Michillimackinac he was cheered by the sight of de Tonty and Father Membr6. He heard the history of the desertion of his men, and their own narrow escape from the dangerous position in which they had been placed. Disappointnient and failure, however felt by de La Salle, never retarded his plans. Whatever his feelings, they were concealed from others, and he adhered steadily to his purpose. He again obtained at Montreal the funds which he required 484 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. [168 1 for his enterprise, and in the autumn was again at Fort Miami. He now commenced his operations to descend the Illinois to the Mississippi, and thence to the ocean. His organised force consisted of twenty-three Frenchmen and Canadians and eighteen Abenaki and Mohegan Indians. The latter would not leave without their women to work for them, so the party included ten women and three children. De La Salle had now abandoned the idea of constructing a vessel, and had determined to make the exploration in canoes. The whole party included fifty-four souls. De Tonty and Father Membr^ with the Indians, left in six canoes on the 21st of December, 1681. They crossed to Chicago Creek. De La Salle followed later with the rest of the party. As the rivers were frozen, sleighs were made, on which the goods and provisions were placed. They ascended Chicago Creek, crossed over the portage to the northern branch of the Illinois, the River des Plaines, and followed that river down to the main stream. Below Peoria they found open water, so they launched their canoes, and came to the Mississippi on the 6th of February. They remained at the junction of the rivers some days. There was floating ice coming down the great river and there were stragglers to arrive. At length all were gathered together and the descent commenced. On the 24th of February, near the Third Chickasaw Bluffs, they stopped to hunt, to obtain food so that they could smoke and dry what meat they might obtain ; and while they were here, one of the party was missed. They constructed a fort to pro- tect themselves from attack, and delayed their journey in the hope he would rejoin, while parties ranged the woods in search of him. Independently of the man's safety, it was advisable to learn if possible his fate, for, if murdered, it would establish the hostility of the Indians. Fortunately, he was found and brought home half dead. As a memorial of the event, the fort was called by his name. Fort Prudhomme, and he was left in charge of it with a few men. As they descended there was a sensible change in the temperature. There was marked indication of spring, and 1 682] DESCENT OF THE MISSISSIPPI. 485 every league onward, brought on all sides evidence of a dif- ference of climate, while the growth of the forest suggested a difference of soil. They continued their route to the River Arkansas, and were received hospitably by the Indians. At the reception, de La Salle took possession of the country in the name of the French King. The Indians looked admir- ingly on the ceremonies appropriating their territory. The chaunts, the procession, the cheers, were to them a show which pleased and amused them ; moreover it was one which they did not understand. About one hundred and twenty leagues further they reached the country of the Tansas, with their large buildings of sun dried bricks, and roofs of cane. The Tansas had an imperfect claim to civilization, but, worshipped the sun, offering human sacrifices, while their walls were adorned with the skulls of their enemies. There was an instrument on which the hair of those slain was braided. A fire was constantly burning on a raised dais, with watchers to keep up an undying flame. There was a certain state observed by the aged chief in his reception of de La Salle ; and gifts were received and re- turned. They passed onwards to the Natchez, of the same habits and faith, and were equally well received. There was one discouraging spectacle which met their eyes. They came to a cluster of Indian lodges, which must have been not far from the site of New Orleans. All was quiet and undisturbed. They entered the lodges. They found some of them filled with corpses, the result of an attack upon the village a few days previously. They were approaching the river's mouth. They reached the spot where the stream is divided into three channels. De Tonty passed through the middle channel, d'Autray, that on the east, while de La Salle followed that on the west. They met on the shores of the Gulf of Mexico, with the ocean before them. The problem was again solved, for the third time, the European had established that the discharge of the Missis- sippi was into the Gulf of Mexico. It was now to remain a 486 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. '[1682 fixed fact, not to pass out of mind, or to be ignored by writers of history. It was to prove the commencement of settlement. De La Salle took possession of the country and of all the tributary waters of the great stream in the name of the King of France. On the 9th of April, 1682, a column was raised to "Louis le Grand" The hymn of the Vexilla Regis was chaunted. All the ceremonies incident to the occasion were observed. It was the foundation of Louisiana. Here the historian must ask, why if de La Salle discovered the Ohio in 1669, knowing that the waters which lay before him were tributary to the Mississippi, the same ceremonies were not then observed ? END OF VOLUME I. FIRST DISCOVERY OF THE GREAT RIVER. 48; THE EARLY SPANISH EXPEDITIONS TO THE MISSISSIPPI. I have used the word " expedition " of de La Salle, for I conceive that hi; descent of the Mississippi can in no way be called a. discoveiy. The mouths c the river, with several hundred miles of the stream, had been known for nearly ! century and a half previous to the expedition of Jolliet. The absence of knowledg of this fact appears remarkable to the student of that period. The voyage de La Salle must have drawn attention to it, for Le Clercq * briefly alludes t( these previous expeditions, and speaks of their failure of result in comparisoi with that of de La Salle. Had they been remembered when the problem of th outlet of the Mississippi was being discussed, there would have been little diffi culty in its theoretical solution. The discharge of the great river known to havi its northern sources south of Lake Superior, but to which imagination assigned ai outlet into the Pacific, would have been clearly identified with the waters whicl had been visited by the earlier Spanish adventurers, and its course traced to thi Gulf of Mexico. The knowledge of the Mississippi was one of the consequences of the expe ditions of Cortez and Pizarro. Nunez de Balboa traced his way across the Isthmu of Panama. More northerly, the country which extended from the Gulf of Mexic( attracted attention. It was known by the name of Florida, and was reputed t( be of fabulous wealth. As early as 1521, Juan Ponce de Leon attempted to plan a colony on its shores. The Spaniards were attacked vigorously by the Indians de Leon was wounded, and a retreat was made to Cuba, where de Leon died. I was followed in 1528 by another expedition under Pamphilo de Narvaez. It con sisted of three hundred men, who landed at Tampa Bay. After wandering about the country in search of the reported wealth, what remained of thosf composing the expedition, finally reached Appalachia Bay. They had sufferec great hardship from hunger, privation, fever, and exposure. Many died, among them the leader, Narvaez. They put to sea in what boats they could obtain, and the record is that only four of the body succeeded in reaching the Spanisl settlements. One of those present with Narvaez was NuHez Cabeya de Vaca, who lived foi some years among the tribes of the Mississippi. Finally, he crossed the river al Memphis, nine hundred miles above its mouth, and ascended the Arkansas, or the Red River, to Chihuahua, in New Mexico, and at last reached the Gulf of Mexico, whence he made his way to Mexico. He had not, it is true, descended to the mouth of the river, but there could be no other conclusion than that the rivei which he had crossed discharged into that Gulf. The more celebrated expedition of which Hernando de Soto was the leader, followed. De Soto had been the companion of Pizarro in Peru, and had taken a part in the conquest and plunder of the country. From being a soldier of fortune he returned to Spain with great wealth. Believing that the El Dorado was to be found in Florida, he obtained permission to organize an expedition and to under- take the conquest of the country. The most favourable reports had been spread of its riches. There was a prevailing belief that the gold to be obtained there * Etablissement de la Foy, 1691, Vol. II., p. 269. 488 THE HISTORY OF CANADA. was immense. Exaggerated statements had been made by Cabe9a de Vaca, and he is credited with having, for purposes of his own, created expectation by his false representations of the country. Popular sentiment was thus awakened and men of all ranks pressed forward to join in the venture. In every form well equipped, composed of men of rank as its leaders, with ecclesiastics, with horses, provided with all the appliances, indeed with the pomp of war the expedition landed in Tampa Bay, on the West Coast of Florida, in 1533. These adventurers wandered through Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, in search of the fabulous wealth which was to reward their labours. Their sufferings were great, accompanied by privation, by attack of the Indians, at the same time encumbered with baggage ; nevertheless they were still sustained by the hope that they would find the object of their search. It seems hardly possible to believe that these arduous efforts were continued with occasional halts during three years. In 1541, they reached the Mississippi, and crossed the river not far from the mouth of the Arkansas, about seven hundred miles from the Gulf of Mexico. Still they continued onward with the same roving spirit, the same visionary hope, with unabated courage and unlessened disappointment. They must have gone far to the west, for it was months before they turned eastwardly. Ill-health had followed the privations they had suffered. Many had died. Those who remained were weak, and were now scarcely sustained even by hope. Their experience was continued disappointment and failure. They retraced their steps to reach the Mississippi in 1542. Broken in mind and body, de Soto at last succumbed to the privations and trials which he had undergone, and his corpse was weighted and sunk in the waters of the Mississippi to prevent it being dis- interred and outraged by the Indians. An attempt was now made by those who remained to reach Mexico by land ; the advance was found to be too painful. So they constructed seven small vessels and descended the river. But the Spaniards had yet to pay a further penalty for their' attempt. During the descent, they were fiercely attacked by the tribes on the river bank. They lost eleven men; Finally they reached the Gulf of Mexico, and made sail for the Spanish settlement on the River Panuco. Of the six hundred and twenty who originally composed the expedition, only three hundred and eleven remained, and of this number there were but few whose constitutions had not been shattered by the privations to which they had been subjected. With these facts on record, it is not possible with justice to assign to de La Salle the discovery of the mouths of the Mississippi. On the other hand, it may be conceded that the main features of the expedition of de Soto were unknown to or misunderstood by him ; so that his enterprise possesses all the features which would mark the labours of an original explorer. Nevertheless, while this merit is conceded to de La Salle, the fact remains, that he was not the first European who descended the waters of the Mississippi to the Gulf of Mexico.