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SHAKESPEARE'S 
 
 PLUTARCH 
 
SHAKESPEARE'S 
 PLUTARCH 
 
 BEING 
 
 A SELECTION FROM 
 
 THE LIVES IN NORTH'S PLUTARCH 
 WHICH ILLUSTRATE SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS. 
 
 EDITED 
 
 WITH A PREFACE, NOTES, INDEX OF NAMES, 
 AND GLOSS ARIAL INDEX 
 
 BY THE 
 
 REV. WALTER, Wr§^KEAT, M.A. 
 
 FORMERLY FELLOW OF CHRIST'S COI;lEGE, CAMBRIDGE. 
 
 ILonlron : 
 
 MACMILLAN AND CO. 
 
 187s ,. -uUiui^: 
 
 [All Rights reserved.\ ' ' 1^' ^ V^ V' ' ' - 
 
Cambridge: 
 
 PRINTED BY C. J. CLAV, M.A. 
 
 AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preface vii 
 
 To THE Reader (by Sir Thomas North) xxi 
 
 Chapter I.— The Life of CATUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. i 
 
 Chapter II.— The Life of JULIUS C^SAR 42 " 
 
 Chapter IIL— The Life of MARCUS BRUTUS 105 • 
 
 Chapter IV.— The Life of MARCUS ANTONIUS. 153 ■ 
 
 Chapter V.— The Life of OCTAVIUS C^SAR AUGUSTUS 230 
 
 Chapter VI. — Extracts from the Life of THESEUS 278 
 
 Chapter VII. — Extracts from the Life of ALCIBIADES 291 
 
 Notes 305 
 
 Index of Names *■ 3'7 
 
 Glossarial Index 3^3 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 The object of this volume is twofold. First, to supply well- 
 writtea biographies of a few of the most interesting of the " noble 
 Romans;" aiid. secondly, to place in thq reader's hands so much 
 of the text of North's Plutarch as is necessary -for a due appre- 
 ciation of the use made of that work by Shakespeare. Of all the 
 forms of prose literature, biography is one of the most instructive 
 and interesting ; and, in particular, the biographies written by 
 Plutarch have long been justly- celebrated ; so that, as a natural 
 result, they have frequently been translated into various languages, 
 and reprinted in various forms. But a special interest must 
 always be attached to that particular version of them which came 
 into the hands of Shakespeare, and from which he drew much of 
 the material for some of the most celebrated of his: plays. This 
 version, called by Warton Shakespeare's " storehouse of learned 
 history," was made by Sir Thomas North, second son of Edward, 
 lord North, of Kirtling; see Warton's Historyt of English 
 Poetry^ eA. 187.1, iv. 202, 280. North did not, however, make 
 his translation from the original Greek, or even from a Latin 
 version ; but from a French version by Jaques Amyot, bishop of 
 Auxerre, who is said (notwithstanding the statement on North's 
 title-page) to have followed the Latin text. As a strict and 
 accurate version it may, accordingly, have been surpassed in some 
 points by others extant in English, as for example, by the well- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 known editions by John and William Langhorne, and by A. H. 
 Clough; yet it has merits of its own which must not be hastily 
 overlooked. In particular, it must be observed that the translation 
 by Amyot was very faithful, spirited, and well executed ; and, 
 though North fell into some mistakes which Amyot had avoided, 
 his English is especially good, Jracy, and well-expressed. He had 
 the advantage of writing at a period when nervous and idiomatic 
 English was well understood and commonly written; so that he 
 constantly uses expressions which illustrate, in a very interesting 
 manner, the language of our Authorised Version of the Bible. 
 But whatever may be the occasional drawbacks of North's version 
 on the score of inaccuracy, we know that it was his version, and 
 no other, which Shakespeare used ; it was from North, and no 
 one else, that he imitated certain phrases, expressions, and 
 characteristics so familiar to all readers, though very few know 
 which those phrases are. 
 
 North's version was first published in folio, in 1579; his dedi- 
 cation to Queen Elizabeth being dated Jan. 6, and his address to 
 the reader Jan. 24. A second edition appeared in 1595. I have 
 not been so fortunate as to see a copy of the first edition, but am 
 enabled to give the title-page of the second, which is as follows : 
 The Lives | of the noble Gre- | cians and Romanes, 
 
 COMPARED I together BY THAT GrAVE LEARNED | PHILOSOPHER 
 
 AND HISTORIOGRAPHER, | Plutarke of Charotiea : \ Translated out 
 of Greeke into French by Iames Amiot, Abbot of Bello- 1 zane. 
 Bishop of Auxerre, one of the Kings priuie counsell, and great | 
 Amner of France, and out of French into English, by | Thomas 
 North. [Device, an anchor supported by a hand issuing from a 
 cloud, with two leaved sprays crossing each other behind it, and 
 the motto — Anchora Spei.] Imprinted at London by Richard 
 Field for Bonham Norton. 1595. 
 
 The book was very popular, and was reprinted several times 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 later editions appearing in 1603, 1612, 1631, 1656, and 1676. 
 But, strange to say, the edition of 1676 is the latest noticed by 
 Lowndes, and I doubt if the work has ever been reprinted since. 
 This may, perhaps, be partly accounted for if we remember that 
 a new translation, for which Dryden wrote a preface, appeared in 
 1683 — 6, and no doubt took its place, being frequently reprinted 
 till supplanted in its turn by a superior translation by the two 
 Langhornes in 1770. And thus it came to pass that the transla- 
 tion by North, long popular and much esteemed, was gradually 
 pushed aside and fell into very unmerited neglect; a fate which 
 seems all the harder when we observe that the translation which 
 first supplanted it was a very indifferent performance. 
 
 But it is hardly necessary to observe that, in these days of 
 fondness for Shakespeare's plays and for Shakespearian criticism, 
 it is equally a duty and a privilege to take up North's volume 
 once more, to select from it the most useful biographies, and to 
 print these in a cheap, accessible, and convenient form : for it 
 cannot be denied that the old folio editions are exceedingly 
 cumbrous ^nd unwieldy, containing, as they do, from iioo to 
 1250 pages of large-sized paper. 
 
 The general contents of the first two editions, those of 1579 and 
 1595, are much the same; the latter running to 1173 pages, not 
 including the "Table" or Index. But in 1603 a third edition was 
 published, with a new paging and a quantity of additional matter. 
 The same device and motto appear on the title-page, but the 
 . title is much longer, and runs as follows : " The Lives | of the 
 
 NOBLE GrE- I CIANS AND ROMAINES, COMPARED j TOGETHER BY 
 THAT GRAVE LEARNED | PHILOSOPHER AND HISTORIOGRAPHER, | 
 
 Plutarke of Charonea. \ Translated out of Greeke into French by 
 Iames Amiot Ab- 1 bot of Bellozane, Bishop of Auxerre, one of the 
 Kings priuie Counsell, \ and great Amner of France. With the 
 liues of Hannibal and of Scipio | African : translated out of 
 
 s. p. ^ 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Latine into French by Charles | de I'Esclvse, and out of French 
 into English, By Sir Thomas North Knight \ Hereunto are also 
 added the Hues of ^Tpa.ra\noT\ds.s, of Philip of Maadon, ^Dionysius 
 the elder, | tyrant of Sidlia, of Augustus Csesar, af Plutarke, and of 
 Seneca : -imth the Hues of nine other \ excellent Chiefetaines of 
 warre: collected out of ^mylius Probus, by \ S. G. S. and 
 Englished by the aforesaid Translator. \ , [Device as before.] 
 Imprinted at London by Richard Field | for Iohn Norton. | 
 1603." 
 
 The paging runs on to p. 11 03 (p. 1104. being blank), after 
 which it begins again from p. i to p. 136, exclusive of the 
 " Table " or Index. But in front of this second part of the book 
 are inserted a couple of leaves (four pages), one of which bears a 
 title-page, and the other contains a short preface, addressed by 
 Sir Thomas North to Queen Elizabeth ; proving that the book 
 must have been at least nearly completed before her death on the 
 24th of March. The second title varies somewhat in expression 
 from the former, running as follows : " The Lives of Epaminondas, 
 of Philip of Macedon, of Dionysius the elder, and of Octavius 
 Caesar Augustus : collected out of good Authors. Also the liues 
 of nine excellent Chieftaines of warre, taken out of Latin from 
 Emylius Probus, by S. G. S. By whom also are added the liues 
 of Plutarch and of Seneca : Gathered together, disposed, and 
 enriched as the others. And now translated into English by Sir 
 Thomas North Knight. [Device as before.] Imprinted at London 
 by Richard Field. 1603." 
 
 In the short address to the Queen, North alludes to " this my 
 Second translation of the late addition of fifteen other lives unto 
 those former in Plutarch, published for the benefit of my country." 
 Hence, although we cannot perhaps tell who was meant by the 
 initials " S. G. S.," we can see that the additional lives are from 
 totally different sources, and that some of them are not copied 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 from any one author, but compiled from several. The lives of the 
 " nine chieftains of war " are those of Miltiades, Pausanius, Thra- 
 sybulus, Conon, Iphicrates, Chabrias, Timotheus, Datames, and 
 Hamilcar ; about which there is no difficulty, as they are simply 
 taken from ^milius Probus, an author better known to most of 
 us by the name of Cornelius Nepos. But the life of Augustus, 
 reprinted in this volume, is a compilation, and it is not easy to trace 
 to what extent " S. G. S." altered his originals. In a passage, for 
 example, where he professes to follow Suetonius, he does not 
 follow him very exactly ; for which reason, when North's English 
 happens to bfe a little obscure, it is not always possible to under- 
 stand it, because we do not know the precise wording of his 
 original. 
 
 With regard to the other lives here printed, it is very different; 
 for we can there always refer to the French version of Amyot, 
 and thus trace out any error. A few instances of passages which 
 are thus made clearer are given in the Notes. 
 
 The edition of 1603, just described, is not mentio^^d in 
 Lowndes; but there is a copy of it in the Cambridge University 
 Library, which I have consulted. The number of pages really 
 amounts to 1244, exclusive of the Index; hence the fourth edition, 
 that of 16 1 2, is a reproduction of it, nearly page by page, the 
 chief difference being merely in this matter of pagination, which 
 was then rendered continuous, the last page being numbered 
 1244, as it should be. There is an excellent copy of it in the 
 library of Christ's College, Cambridge, which has been of the 
 utmost service to me, as I have had it constantly at hand. 
 
 The fifth edition is that of 1631, being in the main a reprint, 
 page for page, of the fourth; and extending, accordingly, to 1244 
 pages, exclusive of the Index. A copy of this edition is in my 
 own possession, and has been constantly consulted. There were 
 later editions in 1656 and 1676, of inferior value; but these I 
 
 b 2 
 
PREFACE, 
 
 have not examined closely. All the editions are in folio, and 
 form goodly but cumbrous volumes. 
 
 The text of the present edition is based upon the edition of 
 1612, -which is exactly followed : but the whole has been collated, 
 word by word, with the edition of 163 1, and all the variations 
 which I have observed between these two editions are recorded in 
 the Notes. There is a passage in the Life of Antony, at p. 187, 
 where the edition of 161 2, generally much the better, breaks 
 down, and where I have given the reading of the later edition 
 instead, which" has evidently been corrected by a reviser's hand. 
 But in every case where the edition of 161 2 has been departed 
 from, notice is given in the margin as well as in the Notes ; sO 
 that the reader always knows exactly what he has in hand. 
 Where any special difficulty has arisen, the edition of 1603 has 
 also been consulted. My reasons for choosing this edition were 
 as follows : The first edition I have not yet found anywhere ; the 
 second edition (of which there is a copy in the British Museum) 
 was practically inaccessible to me ; and between the third edition 
 (1603) and the fourth (1612), I cannot find that there is much to 
 choose. This being so, I purposely chose the edition of 161 2, for 
 a curious and sufficient reason. A copy of this very edition was 
 presented to the Greenock Library in October, 1870, which is 
 supposed to have been the very copy which was once in Shake- 
 speare's own possession. The reasons which gave rise to this 
 supposition may be found in an excellent little pamphlet upon the 
 ■subject by Mr Allan Park Baton. At the head of the title-page of 
 the volume there is written — " Vive :• ut Vivas : • W. S. : • pretiu 
 i8^" Here the note "pretiuw 18s." would very well represent 
 the original price of the book, as it happens to be known tliat 
 the first edition of the same work, about 300 pages shorter, was 
 T.OS. 6d. The handwriting, it is said, may very well have been 
 Shakespeare's; and appears again in two other places. Opposite 
 
PREFACE. xili 
 
 the account of the death of Caesar (see p. loi, 1. 9 of this volume), 
 is written, between brackets, in the margin, the remark — " Brute — 
 Brutusj" and it is remarkable that the famous saying " Et tu. 
 Brute" does appear in Julius Casar, iii. i. ^7, but it is not to be 
 found in Plutarch. The other note is opposite the expression 
 — "the Ides of March" (see p. 98, 1. 5 of this volume); against 
 which is written, in the margin, the note — " March 15." Besides 
 this, a great many passages are marked, most of these marks 
 coming at the beginning of the book, viz. in the lives of Romulus, 
 Lycurgus, Numa, Solon, Publicola, Themistocles, Camillus, 
 Pericles, and Fabius Maximus, after which there are no more, 
 except seven in the life of Julius Ccesar, one in that of Demo- 
 sthenes, three in that of Antony, and three in that of Brutus. On 
 the whole, since there are these few indications which fairly point 
 to Shakespeare as having been the owner of the book, and as 
 there is no argument whatever on the contrary side, it seems quite 
 possible that the claim may be allowed; and there is thus a pro-/ 
 bability that the edition of 161 2 is the one which Shakespeare 
 actually bought for his own use, though he no doubt had be- 
 come acquainted with 'North's Plutarch,' in an earlier edition, 
 some years previously. Before 1612, there were three editions, 
 any one of which would be equally likely to come under his 
 notice; but he must certainly have first become acquainted with 
 the work before 1603, because there is a clear allusion to it in one 
 of his earlier plays, viz. A Midsummer Night's Dream; compare 
 Act II. Sc. I. 75 — 80, with the Life of Theseus, containing the 
 names 'Perigouna (see p. 279, 1. 26), jEgles (see p. 284, 1. 28), 
 Ariadne (p. 283, 1. 18), Antiopa, and Hippolyta (p. 288, 11. 2 — 4). 
 Whether this play was written earlier than 1595, I leave to the 
 investigation of the reader. 
 
 The present volume contains, then, the text of the 1612 
 edition; and the Notes give all the variations found in the edition 
 
xiv PREFACE. 
 
 of 1631, with a few readings from that of 1609. The spelling has 
 been modernised throughout; but, in doing this, all the old forms 
 that possess any philological interest have been preserved with 
 the most jealous care. Such spellings as drave for drove, wan for 
 won, He for isle. Hand for island, and the like, have been, of 
 course, preserved; whilst spellings like breake for break, beautifull 
 for beautiful, and the like, have been modernised. Some excel- 
 lent remarks as to the principles upon which this process should 
 be conducted will be found in Archbishop Trench's English 
 Past and Present, ed. 1859, p. 253, footnote; the essence of his 
 remarks being that all forms possessing historical interest ought to 
 be retained. The best practical rule, however, is that an editor 
 should make himself well acquainted with the history of the lan- 
 guage, and then he will at once know whether a spelling is, or is 
 not, of any particular importance. Thus the use of Hand for 
 island is very interesting, because it has the merit of being " cor^ 
 rect;" for it represents the A. S. ig-land, whereas island is a 
 corrupt form, due to confusion with isle. On the other hand, it 
 is worth observing that North commonly makes the mistake of 
 writing He for isle; yet there are a very few passages in which the 
 correct spelling isle may be found, as recorded in the Note to 
 p. 259, 1. 3, at the foot of p. 314. 
 
 All the words that are likely to occasion any difficulty are 
 glossed in the margin. Besides this, a Glossarial Index has been 
 added, which will, I trust, be found useful to the student of lan- 
 guage. In this Index, full references have been given, wherein 
 the former number refers to the page, and the latter to the 7nar- 
 ginal number; a plan which obviates the trouble of counting lines, 
 and enables the reader to find the word instantaneously. I beg 
 leave here to express the hope that glossarists will always in future 
 give the references. The explanations of the words are compara- 
 tively of small value, for they may be wrong; but the reference is 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 a fact, and often, by supplying the context, is more satisfactory 
 than any explanation. Besides which, such references often en- 
 able a reader to recover a passage which he wishes to read a 
 second time. Glossaries without references are nearly worth- 
 less, because they are disappointing; and they frequently afford 
 a glossarist opportunities for evading his work, or concealing his 
 ignorance; but if the references are supplied, the reader has a fair 
 chance of correcting all mistakes in the explanations, and is not 
 obliged to take anything on trust, since he can examine the 
 passages for himself. If the reading public will but insist on 
 expecting references, evasive or incompetent editing would be 
 considerably discouraged, to the great gain of all true students. 
 
 The marginal summaries, pripted in italics, are copied from the 
 original edition without any alteration except modernisation of 
 the spelling. The use of "them is twofold. In the first place, 
 they supply an abstract of the story. In the second place, they 
 will enable any one who wishes to refer to the old folio editions to 
 find his place immediately without trouble, to the saving of his 
 time. 
 
 The divisioii of the Lives into paragraphs is merely arbitrary; 
 I have not here followed any particular edition, but have merely 
 divided each Life into convenient lengths. The Argument pre- 
 fixed to each Chapter has' corresponding numbers, so that any 
 particular passage is easily found. The Index of Names is also 
 intended to give assistance in the same search; thus the cele- 
 brated description of Cleopatra in her barge may be found by 
 looking out the name "Cydnus," where the reference to p. 174 
 will be found at once. 
 
 The question of chief interest is, of course, this : — To what 
 extent did Shakespeare make use of this work ? The chief answer 
 is, that his plays Of Coriolanus, Julius Cczsar, and Antony and 
 Cleopatra are full of allusions to this book which I do not under- 
 
xvi PREFACE. 
 
 take to point out. Many of them have been pointed out already, 
 but I do not think the work has yet been fully accomplished ; I 
 hope the present edition may be -of service to such as have leisure 
 to perform it thoroughly. I will point out a couple of allusions 
 merely by way of example. The very first sentence in Chapter I. 
 is — •" The house of the Martians at Rome was of the number of 
 the Patricians, out of the which have sprung many noble person- 
 ages, whereof Ancus Martius was one, King Numa's daughter's 
 son, who was king of Rome after Tullus Hostilius." The parallel 
 passage is — 
 
 "How youngly he began to serve his country, 
 How long continued, and what stock he springs of, 
 The noble house o' the Marcians, from whence came 
 That Ancus Martius, Numa's daughter's son. 
 Who, after great Hostilius, here was king," &c. 
 
 Cor. II. 3. 244. 
 
 The other instance I give to shew in how minute a point an agree- 
 ment may be found. At p. 128 of this volume is the sentence— 
 " condemning two hundred of the noblest men of Rome to suffer 
 death, and among that number Cicero was one:' Compare the 
 line—" By their proscriptions, Cicero being one;" Jul. CcBsar, iv. 
 3. 178. 
 
 I do not think Shakespeare made much use of the Life of 
 Augustus ; but it has been added for completeness' sake, Augustus 
 being one of the Dramatis Persons in two plays, viz. Julius 
 Casar and Antony and Cleopatra. Besides which, the Life of 
 Augustus is a very instructive one; it shews how much was accom- 
 plished by the extraordinary energy of one man. Though deeply 
 stained with the cruelties of the age, there is much about him that 
 is truly admirable; his successes, though less striking, were really 
 more important than those of Julius, especially in such matters as 
 pertained rather to a state of peace than to one of war. If his 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Life is less lively reading than the rest, it is nevertheless more 
 instructive, and will bear to be well pondered. 
 
 The passages relating to Timon of Athens are chiefly two ; one 
 at p. 215, sect. 38, in the Life of Antonius, and 'the other at 
 p. 296, sect. 4, in the Life of Alcibiades. Alcibiades appears as a 
 character in the play, but the speeches made by him do not seem 
 to owe much to the Life. We see however how Shakespeare 
 came by the names of Apemantus and Timandra. 
 
 The plays of Midsummer Nighfs Dream and The Two Noble 
 Kinsmen do not owe much to the Life of Theseus; but one clear 
 allusion to the Life in the former play has already been pointed 
 out at p. xiii. 
 
 Another question of interest is to determine whether Shake- 
 speare made use of any 'Lives' not included in this volume. I 
 shall endeavour to state here what I have been able to collect by 
 way of answering the question. 
 
 I think Shakespeare may have taken the names of some of his 
 Dramatis Personse from North. The following are names of cele- 
 brated men whose Lives appear in North, and are also names of 
 characters in the Plays; omitting, however, such as are too obvious 
 to require mention. We find Lysander, Demetrius {Mid. Nt. 
 Dream); Cleomenes, Dion {Winter's Tale); Lucullus, Flaminius 
 {Timon of Athens); and Marcellus {Hamlet). We may also com- 
 pare the name Camillo {Winter's Tale) with the fact that Plutarch 
 gives the Life of Furius Camillus ; whilst the name of Antigonus 
 (in the same play) occurs in the present volume, at p. 184. 
 Sempronius {Timon of Athens) is mentioned in the Life of Galba. 
 Ventidius (7ii'»z(7« of Athens) is mentioned in the Life of Antonius; 
 see p. 182. The name of Flavius {Timon of Athens) is also in 
 the same Life; see p. 190. Lucilius {T. of A.) is in the Life of 
 Brutus; see p. 149. Servilius {T. of A.) is also in the same Life; 
 see p. 106. The rather uncommon name of Caphis {Timon of 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Athens) occurs in the Life of Sylla. Philotus (in the same play) 
 is possibly Philotas; see p. 177. Titus and Lucius (in the same) 
 are, of course, common names; Hortensius is mentioned at p. 126, 
 and Varro at p. 75. Cornelius {Hamlet) is in the Life of Csesar; 
 see p. 84. Claudius, or Clodius {Hamlet) is in the Life of 
 Antonius; see p. 229. These instances are all, I think, deserving 
 of notice. 
 
 With respect to the proposal of Brutus, that the conspirators 
 should bathe their hands in Caesar's blood {J. C. in. i), Mr Paton 
 observes that a mark occurs in the Greenock copy opposite a 
 marginal title in the life of Publicola — "The confederacie con- 
 firmed with drinking of man's bloud"; the passage in the text 
 being — " After these two yong men had giuen their consent to be 
 of the confederacie, and had spoken with the Aquilians, they all 
 thought good to be bound one to another with a great and 
 horrible oath, drinking the bloud of a man, and shaking hands in 
 his bowels whom they would sacrifice." Again, with respect to 
 the words of. Titus Lartius — "a soldier Even to Cato's wish," &c. 
 {Cor. I. 4) — Mr Paton not only refers us to the passage printed in 
 this volume (p. 7, 1. to from bottom), but quotes, from the Life of 
 Marcus Cato the Censor, the marginal title — "A grim looke 
 giveth terror to the enemy"— and the passage— "So when he 
 came to fight he would strike lustily, and neuer stirre foote nor 
 giue back, and would look cruelly upon his enemy, and threaten 
 him with a fearful and terrible voice ; which he vsed himself, and 
 wisely.taught others to vse the like ; for such countenances, sayd 
 he, many times do feare \i.e. terrify] the enemies more than the 
 sword ye offer them." 
 
 In the non-Roman plays, there is but little that calls for re- 
 mark. There is mention of " Cato's daughter, Brutus' Portia" in 
 the Merch. of Ven. i. i. 166. Pompey appears in Lov^s Labour 
 Lost, V. 2, in company with Alexander. The name of Hannibal, 
 
PREFACE. xix 
 
 whose Life is in Plutarch, occurs four times in the plays, as, e. g. 
 " thou wicked Hannibal," Meas.for Meas. ii. i. In Henry V. iv. 
 I. 70, there is an allusion to Pompey's camp being well kept; 
 with reference, perhaps, to a passage in the Life of Pompey, ed. 
 1612, p. 636, which is as follows. "Pompey, vnderstanding that 
 his soldiers did kill diuers men in the high waies, he sealed vp all 
 their swords, and whose scale, soeuer was broken, he was well- 
 fauouredly punished." There is an allusion to Pompey's death 
 among "savage islanders," 2 Hen. VI. iv. i. 137; iDut Plutarch 
 relates his death in the usual manner, speaking only of Egyptians, 
 not "islanders;" perhaps this word was suggested by the fact that 
 he was killed as he was landing from a boat. In i Hen. VI. i. 2 
 there is an allusion to the ship "which Caesar and his fortune bare 
 at once"; see p. 77. In the Life of Cicero, there is a passage 
 worth notice, in connection with his "speaking Greek;" jful. 
 CcBsar, I. 2. 281 ; and the remark of Brutus on his character; 
 y^. C. II. I. 141. "And it is reported also, that Apollonius, 
 wanting' the Latin tongue, he did pray Cicero for exercise sake 
 to declame in Greeke. Cicero was very well contented with it, 
 thinking that thereby his faults should be the better corrected. 
 When he had ended his declamation, all those that were present 
 were amazed to heare him, and euery man praised him one aftei* 
 another, Howbeit Apollonius, all the while Cicero spake, did 
 neuer shew any glad countenance ; and, when he had ended, he 
 stayed^ a great while, and said neuer a word. Cicero misliking 
 withal], Apollonius at length said unto him; 'As for me, Cicero, 
 I doe not onely praise thee, but more then' that, I wonder at 
 thee; and yet I am sorie for pore Grece, to see that learning and 
 eloquence (which were the two onely gifts and honours left us) 
 are by thee obtained with vs, and caried vnto the Romaines.' 
 
 ^ lacking. '' waited. ^ than. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Now Cicero being very well-disposed to go with good hope to 
 practise at Rome, he was a litle discouraged by an Oracle that 
 was told him. For enquiring of the god Apollo Delphian, how 
 he might do to winne fame and estimation, the Nunne Pythias 
 answered him, he should obtaine it, so that in his doings he 
 would rather follow the disposition of his own nature then' 
 the opinion of the common people. Wherefore, when he came 
 to Rome, at the first he proceeded very warily and discreetly, 
 and did vnwillingly seek for any office; and, when he did, he 
 was not greatly esteemed : for they commonly called him the 
 ' Grecian,' and ' scholer,' which are two words which the artificers, 
 and such base mechanicall^ people at Rome, haue euer readie at 
 their tongues end." Life of Cicero, ed. 1612, p. 861. 
 
 The story of Alexander and CUtus is alluded to in Henry V. 
 IV. 7. 41 ; no doubt Shakespeare had read it in North's Plu- 
 tarch, where it is told in the usual way, and at considerable length. 
 
 These are the principal points that occur to me, though it is 
 possible t4iat a few more passages might be found that deserve 
 notice; yet it would require, perhaps, rather a close search to find 
 them. 
 
 In conclusion, I beg leave to draw attention to the four excel- 
 lent Lectures on " Plutarch, his Life, his Lives, and his Morals," 
 by Archbishop Trench, published by Mr Macmillan in 1873. 
 The remarks on "Plutarch and Shakespeare" at pp. 51 — 60 are 
 especially deserving of notice, and it is because the character 
 of Plutarch and the morality of his writings are so well handled 
 in that work, that I refrain from saying anything about them here. 
 
 I subjoin Sir Thomas North's original Preface, as it stands in 
 the edition of 1603, where it is repeated. It is dated 1579. 
 
 1 than. 
 
 2 working at a trade; Shakespeare adopted the word, perhaps from this 
 passage, in Julius Ceesar, I. i. 3. "Mechanical people" are artisans. 
 
PREFACE, xxi 
 
 TO THE READER. 
 
 (BY SIR THOMAS NORTH.) 
 
 The profit of stories, and the praise of the Author, are suffi- 
 ciently declared by Amiot, in his epistle to the reader : so that I 
 shall not need to make many words thereof. And indeed, if you 
 will supply the defects, of this translation with your own diligence 
 and good understanding, you shall not need to trust him [i. e. 
 Amiot] ; you may prove yourselves, that there is no profane study 
 better than Plutarch. All other learning is private, fitter for upi- 
 versities than cities, fuller of contemplation than experience, more 
 commendable in students themselves than profitable unto others. 
 Whereas stories' are fit for every place, reach to all persons, serve 
 for all times, teach the living, revive the dead, so far excelling all 
 other books as it is better to see learning in noblemen's lives, 
 than to read it in philosophers' writings. Now, for the author, I 
 will not deny but love may deceive me, for I must needs love 
 him with whom I have taken so much pain'; but I believe I 
 might be bold to affirm that he hath written the profitablest story 
 of all authors. For all other were fain to take their matter as the 
 fortune of the countries where they wrote fell out; but this man, 
 being excellent in wit, in learning, and experience, hath chosen 
 the special acts of the best persons, of the famousest nations of 
 the world. But I will leave the judgment to yourselves. My 
 only purpose is to desire you to excuse the faults of my transla- 
 tipn with your own gentleness, and with the opinion of my dili- 
 gence and good intent. And so I wish you all the profit of the 
 book. Fare ye well. The four and twentieth day of January, 
 
 IS79- 
 
 1 histories, biographies ; hardly intended in the fullest modem sense, 
 s pains. 
 
Erratum. 
 
 P. 70, 1. 7, side-note 2. For passed not over, read cared not for. 
 
SHAKESPEARE'S 
 PLUTARCH. 
 
CHAPTER I. 
 
 THE LIFE OF CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 1. Family of the yi.AM.'riANS, and character of CAlVi yiKKTlvs. -i. He 
 goes to the wars and is crowned with a garland of oaken boughs. 
 3. The Roman populace complain of the extremity of usury, and 
 encamp on the holy hill. 4. Menenius Agrippa, ij/ ^ir_/ato ij^//ii; 
 belly and the members, pacifies the populace ; tribunes of the people 
 are chosen for the first time. 5. '»SV<?^(? 0/" CORIOLI, and successful valour 
 of Caius Martius. 6. The people offer him the tenth part of the 
 enemies^ goods, which he refuses. 7. He is surnamcd Coriolanus. 
 8. Sedition at Rome, by reason of famine. 9. Coriolanus offends 
 the people. 10. Much corn brought to Kous. Speech of Cokio'la.n'us. 
 II. SiciNius, the tribune, pronounces sentence of death upon Corio- 
 lanus, who defends himself. 11. He is sentenced to perpetual banish- 
 ment, 13. He goes in disguise to Antium, a city of the Volsces. 
 
 14. Vision of TiTUS Latinus. Origin of the word furcifer. 
 
 15. Coriolanus chosen general of the Volsces , jointly with Tullus 
 AnYlTiivs, against the Romans. 16. Successes of M.fATivs. 17. The 
 Romans send to him to treat of peace. 18. Second embassy of the 
 Romansto CORIOLANUS. 19. VOLUMNIA, his mother, expostulates with 
 Coriolanus, who withdraws his army from Rome. 20, Building 
 of the temple ^Fortune. ■21.. Tullus Aufidius seeks to kill 
 Coriolanus, who is murdered in the city ij^Antium. 22. Tullus 
 Aufidius is slain in battle. 
 
 I. The house of the Martians at Rome was of the number 
 of the Patricians, out of the which have sprung many noble per- 
 sonages, whereof Ancus Martius was one, King Numa's daugh- 
 ter's son, who was King of Rome after Tullus Hostilius. Of 
 the same house were Publius and Quintus, who brought to Rome 
 their best water they had, by conduits. Censorinus also came 
 of that family, that was so surnaraed, because the people had 
 chosen him Censor twice. Through whose persuasion they made 
 a law, that no man from thenceforth might require' or enjoy 
 the Censorship twice. Caius Martius, whose life we intend now 
 to write, being left an orphan by his father, was brought up 
 under his mother a widow ; who taught us by experience, that 
 orphanage bringeth many discommodities^ to a child, but doth 
 
 t « S. P. I 
 
 Argument. 
 
 The faTnily 
 of the Mar- 
 tians. 
 
 Puhlitis and 
 
 Quintus 
 
 Martins 
 
 brought tlie 
 
 •water hy , 
 
 conduits to 
 
 Rome. 
 
 Censorinus^ 
 
 taw. 
 
 ' ask for, he 
 
 candidate 
 
 for. 
 
 ^ dlwidvan- 
 la^cs. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ whatever 
 is fitting. 
 
 2 labours. 
 
 * modera- 
 tion. 
 
 The benefit 
 a/ learning. 
 
 " restraint. 
 
 W!mi this 
 word Virtus 
 signifietk. 
 
 ^ hardship. 
 
 ' grappling, 
 wrestjing, 
 " throw, 
 ^ contend. 
 
 ^* sturdiness 
 of defence. 
 
 not hinder him to become an honest man, and to excel in virtue 
 above the common sort : as they that are meanly born wrong- 
 fully do complain, that it is the occasion of their casting away, 
 for that no man in their youth taketh any care of them to see 
 them well brought up, and taught that were meet'. This man 
 also is a good proof to confirm some men's opinions : That a 
 rare and excellent wit, untaught, doth bring forth many good and 
 evil things together: as a fat soil that lieth unmanured bring- 
 eth forth both herbs and weeds. For this Martius' natural 
 wit and great heart did marvellously stir up his courage to do 
 and attempt notable acts. But on the other side, for lack of 
 education, he was So choleric and impatient, that he would 
 yield to no living creature : which made him churlish, uncivil, 
 and altogether unfit for any man's conversation^. Yet men mar- 
 velling much at his constancy, that he was never overcome 
 with pleasure nor money, and how he would endure easily all 
 manner of pains and travails': thereupon they well liked and 
 commended his stoutness and temperancy*. But for all that 
 they could not be acquainted with him, as one citizen useth to 
 be with another in the city: his behaviour was so unpleasant 
 to them by reason of a certain insolent and stern manner he 
 had, which, because he was too lordly, was disliked. And to 
 say truly, the greatest benefit that learning bringeth unto men 
 is this : that it teacheth men that be rude and rough of nature, 
 by compass* and rule of reason, to be civil and courteous, and 
 to like better the mean state than the higher. Now, in thosje 
 days, valiantness was honoured in Rome above all other virtues : 
 which they call virtus, by the name of virtue itself, as including 
 in that general name all other special virtues besides. So 
 that virtus in the Latin was as much as valiantness. But Mar- 
 tius being more inchned to the wars than any other gentleman 
 of his time, began from his childhood to give himself to 
 handle weapons, and daily did exercise himself therein : and he 
 esteemed outward armour to no purpose, unless one were 
 naturally armed within. Moreover he did so exercise his body 
 to hardness" and all kind of activity, that he was very swift 
 in running, strong in wrestling, and mighty in griping', so that 
 no roan could ever cast^ him. Insomuch as those that would 
 try masteries" with him for strength and nimbleness, would say 
 when they were overcome : that all was by reason of his natural 
 strength and hardness of ward'", that never yielded to any pain 
 or toil he took upon him. 
 
CAIUS MARTI US CORIOLANUS. 
 
 2. The first time he went to the wars, being but a stripling, 
 was when Tarquin surnamed the proud (that had been king of 
 Rome, and was driven out for his pride, after many attempts 
 made by sundry battles to come in again, wherein he was ever 
 overcome) did come to Rome with all the aid of the Latins, 
 and many other people of Italy : even as it were to set up his 
 whole rest' upon a battle by them, who with a great and mighty 
 army had undertaken to put him into his kingdom again, not 
 so much to pleasure him, as to overthrow the power of the 
 Romans, whose greatness they both feared' and envied. In"**- 
 this battle, wherein were many hot and sharp encounters of 
 either party^, Martius valiantly fought in the sight of the Dicta- 
 tor: and a Roman soldier being thrown to the ground even 
 hard by^ him, Martius straight bestrid him, and slew the enemy, 
 with his own hands, that had beforfe overthrown the Roman. 
 Hereupon, after the battle was won, the Dictator did not forget 
 so noble an act, and therefore first of all he crowned Martius 
 with a garland of oaken boughs. For whosoever saveth the life 
 of a Roman, it is a manner* among them, to honour him with 
 such a garland. This was, either because the law did this 
 honour to the oak, in favour of the Arcadians, who by the oracle 
 of Apollo were in old time called eaters of acorns : or else be- 
 cause the soldiers might easily in every place come by* oaken 
 boughs : or lastly, because they thought it very necessary, to 
 give him that had saved a citizen's life, a crown of this tree to 
 honour him, being properly dedicated unto Jupiter, the patron 
 and protector of cities, and thought amongst other wild trees to 
 bring forth a profitable fruit, and of plants to be the strongest. 
 Moreover, men at the first beginning did use acorns for their 
 bread, and honey for their drink : and further, the oak did feed 
 their beasts, and give them birds, by taking glue from the oaks, 
 with the" which they made bird-hme to catch silly birds. They 
 say that Castor and Pollux appeared in this battle, and that 
 incontinently^ after the battle, men saw them in the market- 
 place at Rome, all their horses being on a white foam : and 
 they were the first that brought news of the victory, even in the 
 same place where remaineth at this present a temple built in 
 the honour of them, near unto the fountain. Ar.d this is the 
 cause why the day of this victory (which was the fifteenth of 
 July) is consecrated yet to this day unto Castor and Pollux. 
 Moreover it is daily seen, that honour and reputation lighting 
 on young men before their time, and before they have any great 
 
 1—2 
 
 Coriolan':^ 
 Jirst ^oitig 
 to wai s. 
 
 ^ to rely 
 entirely- 
 
 ^ on both 
 sides. 
 
 ' quite close 
 beside. 
 
 Coriolamcs 
 crowtmd 
 •witk a gar- 
 land of 
 oaken 
 boughs. 
 * custom. 
 
 a procure. 
 
 Xhe goodnfss 
 oj the oak. 
 
 " immedi- 
 ately. 
 
 Too sudden 
 honour in 
 youth kiUe^k 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 further de- 
 sire of fame, 
 ' straight- 
 way. 
 
 2 undertake. 
 ^ regard. 
 
 CoriolaKU^ 
 noble en- 
 ueavour to 
 cotttitijieweU 
 lUsenUttg. 
 ^ endeavour- 
 ed. 
 ° surpass. 
 
 * others. 
 ~ considera- 
 tioD. 
 
 *" always. 
 
 ^ won. 
 Coriolan-us 
 and Epami- 
 iiotidas did 
 both place 
 tlteir desire 
 of Iwitour 
 ali'iic. 
 
 '"would have 
 been. 
 " delight. 
 '^ on that ac- 
 count. 
 The obedi- 
 ence of Co- 
 riolattus to 
 his mother. 
 
 courage by nature, the desire to win more dieth straight^ in 
 them, which easily happeneth, the same having no deep root 
 in them before. Where contrariwise, the first honour that 
 vahant minds do come unto, doth quicken up their appetite, 
 hasting tliem forward as with force of wind, to enterprise^ 
 things of high-deserving praise. For they esteem^ not to receive 
 reward for service done, but rather take it for a remembrance 
 and encouragement, to make them do better in time to come : 
 and be ashamed also to cast their honour at their heels, not 
 seeking to increase it still by like desert of worthy vahant 
 deeds. This desire being bred in Martius, he strained* still 
 to pass' himself in manliness : and being desirous to shew a 
 daily increase of his valiantness, his noble service did still 
 advance his fame, bringing in spoils upon spoils from the ene- 
 mies. Whereupon, the captains that came afterwards (for envy 
 of them that went before) did contend who should most honour 
 him, and who should bear most honourable testimony of his 
 valiantness. Insomuch as the Romans having many wars and 
 battles in those days, Coriolanus was at them all : and there 
 was not a battle fought, from whence he returned not with 
 some reward of honour. And as for pther', the only respect^ 
 that made them valiant, was that they hoped to have honour : 
 but touching Martius, the only thing that made him to love 
 honour was the joy he saw his mother did take of him. For 
 he thought nothing made him so happy and honourable, as that 
 his mother might hear every body praise and commend him, 
 that she might always see him return with a crown upon his 
 head, and that she might still^ embrace him with tears mnning 
 down her cheeks for joy : which desire they say Epaminondas 
 did avow and confess to have been in him, as to think himself 
 a most happy and blessed man, that his father and mother 
 in their life time had seen the victory he wan' in the plain of 
 Leuctres. Now as for Epaminondas, he had this good hap, to 
 have his father and mother living, to be partakers of his joy 
 and prosperity : but Martius thinking all due to his mother, i 
 that had beeni" also due to his father if he had lived, did not 
 only content himself to rejoice" and honour her, but at her de- 
 sire took a wife also, by whom he had two children, and yet 
 never left his mother's house therefore''. 
 
 3. Now he being grown to great credit and authority in 
 Rome for his valiantness, it fortuned there grew sedition in the 
 city, because the Senate did favour the rich against the people, 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 who did complain of the sore oppression of usurers, of whom 
 they borrowed money. For those that had httle, were yet 
 spoiled of that little they had by their creditors, for lack of 
 ability to pay the usuiy: who offered their goods to be sold 
 to them that would give most. And such as had nothing left, 
 their bodies were laid hold on, and they were made their bond- 
 men, notwithstanding all the wounds and cuts they shewed, 
 whidh they had received in many battles, fighting for defence of 
 their country and commonwealth : of the which, the last war 
 they made was against the Sabines, wherein they fought upon 
 the promise the rich men had made them, that from thenceforth 
 they would intreat^ them more gently, and also upon the word of 
 Marcus Valerius chief of the Senate, who, by authority of the 
 council, and in the behalf of the rich, said they should perform 
 that they had promised. But after that they had faithfully served 
 in this last battle of all, .where they overcame their enemies, 
 seeing they were never a whit the better, nor more gently in- 
 treated, and that the Senate would give no ear to them, but 
 made as though they had forgotten the former promise, and 
 suffered them to be made slaves and bondmen to their creditors, 
 and besides, to be turned out of all that ever they had : they 
 fell then even to flat rebellion and mutiny, and to stir up dan- 
 gerous tumults within the city. The Romans' enemies hearing 
 of this rebellion, did straight enter the territories of Rome with 
 a marvellous great power^, spoiling and burning all as they 
 came. Whereupon the Senate immediately made open procla- 
 mation by sound of trumpet, that all those that were of lawful 
 age to carry weapon, should come and enter their names into 
 the muster-master's book, to go to the wars : but no man obeyed 
 their commandment. Whereupon their chief magistrates and 
 many of the Senate began to be of divers opinions among 
 themselves. For some thought it was reason*, they should some- 
 what yield to the poor people's request, and that they should 
 a little qualify the severity of the law. Other held hard against 
 that opinion, and that was Martius for one. For he alleged, 
 that the creditors' losing their money they had lent was not the 
 worst thing that was herein : but that the lenity that was favour- 
 ed was a beginning of disobedience, and that the proud attempt 
 of the communalty was, to abolish law, and to bring all to 
 confusion. Therefore he said, if the Senate were wise, they 
 should betiines prevent* and quench this ill-favoured and worse 
 meant beginning. The Senate met many days in consultation 
 
 Extremity 
 ofusury^ 
 complained .• 
 of at Rome 
 by the people. 
 
 ' treat. 
 
 Counsellor^ 
 promises 
 make men 
 valiant, in 
 hope o/jnst 
 perform- 
 ajtce. 
 
 Ingratitude 
 and good' 
 service leji- 
 re^uarded, 
 provoketh 
 rebellion. 
 
 ' reasonable 
 
 Martius 
 Coriolanus 
 against the 
 people. 
 
 « would at 
 once antici- 
 pate. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 T/te peofih 
 leave the 
 city and do 
 ^o to the 
 Jtaly Hill. 
 ^ decided 
 upon. 
 
 ^ themselves. 
 
 An excellent 
 
 title told by 
 
 Meneniits 
 
 Agrippa to 
 
 pnci/y the 
 
 J'eople. 
 
 ^ alone. 
 
 * laboriously. 
 
 & aiucious. 
 
 ^ thoroughly. 
 
 ^ general 
 advantage. 
 
 The first 
 beginning 
 of 'I rilmni 
 flebis. 
 
 yttnius Bru- 
 
 tjts, Sicinius 
 
 Vellutns, t/ie 
 
 iivofirsi 
 
 TribuTtes. 
 
 ^ alone had 
 
 Tvien. 
 
 s promoters. 
 
 about it : but in the end they concludedi nothing. The poor 
 common people, seeing no redress, gathered themselves one day 
 together; and one encouraging another, they all forsook the city, 
 and encamped themselves upon a hill, called at that day the 
 Holy Hill, along the river of Tiber, offering no creature any hurt 
 or violence, or making any shew of actual rebellion, saving that 
 they cried as they went up and down, that the rich men had 
 • driven them out of the city, and that throughout all Italy they 
 might find air, water, and ground to bury them''' in. Moreover, 
 they said, to dwell at Rome was nothing else but to be slain, 
 or hurt with continual wars and fighting, for defence of the rich 
 men's goods. 
 
 4- The Senate, being afraid of their departure, did send 
 unto them certain of the pleasantest old men, and the most 
 acceptable to the people among them. Of those Menenius 
 Agrippa was he, who was sent for chief man of the message 
 from the Senate. He, after many good persuasions and gentle 
 requests made to the people, on the behalf of the Senate, knit 
 up his oration in the end with a notable tale, in this manner : 
 That "on a time all the members of man's body did rebel against 
 the belly, complaining of it, that it only^ remained in the midst 
 of the body without doing any thing, neither did bear any 
 labour to the maintenance of the rest : whereas all other parts and 
 members did labour painfully*, and were very carefvd*, to satisfy 
 the appetites and desires of the body. And so the beUy, all 
 this notwithstanding, laughed at their folly, and said : It is true, 
 I first receive all meats that nourish man's body: but afterwards 
 I send it again to the nourishment of other parts of the same. 
 Even so (quoth he) O you, my masters, and citizens of Rome, 
 the reason is alike between the Senate and you. For matters 
 being well digested, and their counsels throughly^ examined, 
 touching the benefit of the commonwealth, the Senators are 
 cause of the common commodity' that cometh unto everyone of 
 you." These persuasions pacified the people conditionally, that 
 the Senate would grant there should be yearly chosen five Ma- 
 gistrates, which they now call Tribuni plebis, whose office should 
 be to defend the poor people from violence and oppression. So 
 Junius Brutus and Sicinius Vellutus were the first tribunes of 
 the people that were chosen, who had only been' the causers and 
 procurers' of this sedition. Hereupon, the city being grown again 
 to good quiet and unity, the people immediately went to the 
 wars, shewing that they had a good will to do better than ever 
 
CAWS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 they did, and to be very willing to obey the Magistrates in that 
 they would command concerning the wars. ^,. 
 
 S- Martius also, though it liked him nothing* to see the 
 greatness of the people thus increased, considering it was to the 
 prejudice and imbasing'' of the Nobility, and also saw that other 
 noble Patricians were troubled as well as himself : he did per- 
 suade the Patricians, to shew themselves no less forward and 
 willing to fight for their country than the common people were : 
 and to let them know by their deeds and acts, that they did not 
 so much pass^ the people in power and riches, as they did ex- 
 ceed them in true nobility and valiantness. In the country of the 
 Volsces, against whom the Romans made war at that time, 
 there was a principal city and of most fame, that was called 
 Corioles, before the which the Consul Cominius did lay siege. 
 Wherefore all the other Volsces, fearing lest that city should be 
 taken by assault, they came from all parts of the country to 
 save it, intending to give the Romans battle before the city, 
 and to give an onset on them in two several* places. The Con- 
 sul Cominius understanding this, divided his army also into 
 two parts ; and taking the one part with himself, he marched to- 
 wai-ds them that were drawing to the city out of the country : 
 and the other part of his army he left in the camp with Titus 
 Latins^ (one of the valiantest men the Ronians had at that time) 
 to resist those that would make any sally out of the city upon 
 them. So the Coriolans, making small account of them that lay 
 in camp before the city, made a sally out upon them, in the 
 which at the first the Coriolans had the better, and drave^ the 
 Romans back again into the trenches of their camp. But Mar- 
 tius being there at that time, running out of the camp with a 
 few men with him, he slew the first enemies he met withal, and 
 made the rest of them stay' upon the sudden, crying out to the 
 Romans that had turned their backs, and calling them again to 
 fight with a loud voice. For he was even such another, as Cato 
 would have a soldier and a captain to be, not only terrible and 
 fierce to lay about him, but to make the enemy afeard^ with the 
 sound of his voice, and grimness of his countenance. Then 
 there flocked about him immediately a great number of Ro- 
 mans : whereat the enemies wereso afeard^, that they gave back 
 presently^. But Martius, not staying so, did chase and follow 
 them to their own gates, that fled for life. And there perceiving 
 that the Romans retired back, for the great number of darts 
 and arrows which flew about their ears from the walls of the 
 
 ^ did not at 
 at) please 
 him. 
 
 ^ humilia- 
 tion. 
 
 The city of 
 Corioles be- 
 sieged by 
 th£ Consul 
 Cominius. 
 
 ' different. 
 
 Tiius Latir 
 us, a valiant 
 Roman, 
 5 Lartius, 
 
 * drove. 
 
 ? halt. 
 
 Theproperty 
 of a soldier, 
 
 ^ afraid. 
 
 9 retreated at 
 .once. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' attempt. 
 ^ stop. 
 
 ^ attacked. 
 
 The city of 
 
 CorioUs 
 
 taken. 
 
 * straight- 
 
 * collect. 
 
 ' array. 
 
 ^ shields. 
 ^ armour. 
 
 city, and that there was not one man amongst them that durst 
 venture himself to follow the flying enemies into their city, for 
 that it was full of men of war very well armed and appointed, 
 he did encourage his fellows with words and deeds, crying out 
 to them, "that fortune had opened the gates of the city, more for 
 the followers than the fliers." But all this notwithstanding, few 
 had the hearts to follow him. Howbeit Martius, being in the 
 throng amongst the enemies, thrust himself into the gates of 
 the city, and entered the same among them that fled, without 
 that any one of them durst at the first turn their face upon him, 
 or offer^ to stay^ him. But he, looking about him, and seeing he 
 was entered the city with very few men to help him, and per- 
 ceiving he was environed by his enemies that gathered round 
 about to set upon him, did things, as it is written, wonderful 
 and incredible, as well for the force of his hand, as also for the 
 agility of his body ; and with a wonderful courage and valiant- 
 ness he made a lane through the midst of them, and overthrew 
 also those he laid at^: that some he made run to the furthest 
 part of the city, and other for fear he made yield themselves, 
 and to let fall their weapons before him. By this means Mar- 
 tius, that was gotten out, had some leisure to bring the Romans 
 with more safety into the city. The city being taken in this 
 sort, the most part of the soldiers began incontinently* to spoil, 
 to carry away, and to look up^ the booty they had won. But 
 iMartius was marvellous angry with them, and cried out on 
 them, that it was no time now to look after spoil, and to run 
 straggling here and there to enrich themselves, whilst the other 
 Consul and their fellow-citizens peradventure were fighting with 
 their enemies : and how that, leaving the spoil, they should seek 
 to wind themselves out of danger and peril. Howbeit, cry and 
 say to them what he could, very few of them would hearken to 
 him. Wherefore taking those that willingly offered themselves 
 to follow him, he went out of the city, and took his way toward 
 that part where he understood the rest of the army was ex- 
 horting and intreating them by the way that followed him' not 
 to be fainthearted ; and oft holding up his hands to heaven, he 
 besought the gods to be gracious and favourable unto him, that 
 he might come in time to the battle, and in a good hour" to 
 hazard his hfe in defence of his countrymen. Now the Romans 
 when they were put in battle ray^, and ready to take their tar- 
 getss on their arms, and to gird them upon their anning-coats", 
 had a custom to make their wills at that very instant, without 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 any manner of writing, naming him only whom they would 
 make their heir in the presence of three or four witnesses. 
 Martins came just to that reckoning, whilst the soldiers were 
 doing after that sort, and that the enemies were approached so 
 neai", as one stood in view of the other. When they saw him at 
 his first coming all bloody, and in a sweat, and but with a few 
 men following him, some thereupon began to be afeard^. But 
 soon after, when they saw him run with a lively cheer to the 
 Consul, and to take him by the hand, declaring how he had 
 taken the city of Corioles, and that they saw the Consul Comi- 
 nius also kiss and imbrace^ him, then there was not a man but 
 took heart again to him, and began to be of good courage ; some 
 hearing him report, from point to poipt, the happy success of 
 this exploit, and other also conjecturing it by seeing their ges- 
 tures afar off. Then they all began to call upon the Consul to 
 march forward, and to delay no longer, but to give charge upon 
 the enemy. Martius asked him how the order of their enemy's 
 battle was, and on which side they had placed their best fight- 
 ing men. The Consul made him answer, that he thought the 
 bands which were in the vaward^ of their battle were those of 
 the Antiates, whom they esteemed to be the warlikest* men, and 
 which, for valiant courage, would give no place^ to any of the 
 host of their enemies. Then prayed Martius to be set directly 
 against them. The Consul granted him, greatly praising his 
 courage. Then Martius, when both armies came almost to join, 
 advanced himself a good space before his company, and went 
 so fiercely to give charge on the va^rard^ that came right 
 against him, that they could stand no longer in his hands : he 
 made such a lane through them, and opened a passage into the 
 battle^ of the enemies. But the two wings of either side turned 
 one to the other, to compass him in between them : which the 
 Consul Cominius perceiving, he sent thither straight of ^ the best 
 soldiers he had about him. So the battle was marvellous bloody 
 about Martius, and in a very short space many were slain in the 
 place. But in the end the Romans were so strong, that they 
 distressed the enemies, and brake their array: and scattering 
 them, made them fly. Then they prayed Martius that he would 
 retire to the camp, because they saw he was able to do no more, 
 he was ahready so wearied with the great pain he had taken s, 
 and so faint with tlie great wounds he had upon him. But Mar- 
 tius answered them, that it was not for conquerors to yield, nor 
 to be fainthearted : and thereupon began afresh to chase those 
 
 Soldier^ 
 testaments. 
 
 ^ afraid. 
 
 2 embrace. 
 
 ^ vanguard. 
 
 * most war- 
 like. 
 ^ not yield. 
 
 By Conola~ 
 mis' vteanSj 
 the Volsci 
 •were oiier- 
 come in 
 battle. 
 
 ° battalion. 
 ' some of. 
 
 » eiJbrt he 
 had made. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 * desired. 
 Tlie tenth 
 part of tlie 
 enemies^ 
 goods offered 
 Martins for 
 reward of 
 his service, 
 by Cominiiis 
 the Consul. 
 
 Valiancy 
 rewarded 
 •with honour 
 in the field. 
 
 Martins' 
 noble answer 
 and refusal. 
 ^ witness. 
 ^ prize. 
 
 * trapipings. 
 " equip- 
 ments. 
 
 * favour. 
 
 ' modera- 
 tion. 
 
 " begrudge. 
 ^ exceeding- 
 
 that fled, until such time as the army of the enemies was utterly 
 overthrown, and numbers of them slain and taken prisoners. 
 
 6. The next morning betimes, Martins went to the Consul, 
 and the other Romans with him. There the Consul Cominius 
 going up to his chair of state, in the presence of the whole army, 
 gave thanks to the gods for so great, glorious, and prosperous a 
 victory : then he spake to Martius, whose valiantness he com- 
 mended beyond the moon, both for that he himself saw him do 
 with his eyes, as also for that Martius had reported unto him. 
 So in the end he willed^ Martius, that he should choose out of 
 all the horses they had taken of their enemies, and of ail their 
 goods they had won (whereof there was great store) ten of every 
 sort which he hked best, before any distribution should be made 
 to other. Besides this great honourable offer he had made him, 
 he gave him, in testimony^ that he had won that day the price^ of 
 prowess above all other, a goodly horse with a caparison*, and 
 all furniture^ to him : which the whole army beholding, did mar- 
 vellously praise and commend. But Martius, stepping forth, told 
 the Consul he most thankfully accepted the gift of his horse, 
 and was a glad man besides, that his service had deserved his 
 General's commendation : and as for his other offer, which was 
 rather a mercenary reward than a honourable recompence, he 
 w'ould have none of it, but was contented to have his equal 
 part with the other soldiers. " Only, this grace ^ (said he) I crave 
 and beseech you to grant me. Among the Volsces there is an 
 old friend and host of mine, an honest wealthy man, and now a 
 prisoner; who, living before in great wealth in his own country, 
 liveth now a poor prisoner, in the hands of his enemies : and 
 yet notwithstanding all this his misery and misfortune, it would 
 do me great pleasure if 1 could save him from this one danger, 
 to keep him from being sold as a slave." The soldiers hearing 
 Martius' words, made a marvellous great shout among them, 
 and there were more that wondered at his great contentation^ 
 and abstinence, when they saw so little covetousness in him, 
 than they were that highly praised and extolled his valiantness. 
 For even they themselves that did somewhat malice^ and envy 
 his glory, to see him thus honoured and passingly' praised, did 
 think him so much the more worthy of an honourable recom- 
 pence for his valiant service, as the more carelessly he refused 
 the great offer made unto him for his profit ; and they esteemed 
 more the virtue that was in him, that made him refuse such re- 
 wards, than that which made them to be offered to him, as unto 
 
CAWS MARTI US CORIOLANUS. 
 
 a worthy person. For it is far more commendable, to use riches 
 well, than to be valiant : and yet it is better not to desire them 
 than to use them well. 
 
 7. After this shout and noise of the assembly was some- 
 what appeased, the Consul Cominius began to speak in this 
 sort: "we cannot compel Martius to take these gifts we offer 
 him if he will not receive them, but we will give him such a 
 reward for the noble service he hath done, as he cannot refuse. 
 Therefore we do order and decree, that henceforth he be called 
 Coriolanus, unless his valiant acts have won him that name be- 
 fore our nomination." And so ever since, he still bare' the third 
 name of Coriolanus. And thereby it appeareth, that the first 
 name the Romans have, as Caius, was as our Christian name 
 now. The second, as Martius, was the name of the house and 
 family they came of. The third was some addition given, either 
 for some act or notable service, or for some mark on their face, 
 or of some shape of their body, or else for some special virtue 
 they had. Even so did the Grecians in old time give additions^ 
 to princes, by reason of some notable act worthy' memory. As 
 when they have called some Soter and Callinicos, as much to 
 say as saviour and conqueror. Or else of some notable appa- 
 rent mark on one's face, or on his body, they have called him 
 Phiscon and Grypos : as ye would say, gore-belly*, and hook- 
 nosed ; or else for some virtue, as Euergetes and Philadelphes, 
 to wit, a benefactor, and lover of his brethren. Orotherwise for 
 one's great felicity, as Eudaemon: as much to say as fortunate. 
 For so was the second of the Battes* surnamed. And some 
 kings have had surnames of jest and mockery. As one of the 
 Antigones that was called Doson, to say, the Giver: who was 
 ever promising, and never giving. And one of the Ptolomees was 
 called Lamyros : to say, conceitive^ The Romans use^, more 
 than any other nation, to give names of mockery in this sort. 
 As, there was one Metellus, surnamed Diadematus, the banded, 
 because he carried a band about his head of long time^, by rea- 
 son of a sore he had in his forehead. One other of his own 
 family was called Celer, the quick-fly, because a few days after 
 the death of his father, he shewed the people the cruel fight of 
 fencers at unrebated* swords, which they found wonderful for the 
 shortness of time. Other had their surnames derived of some 
 accident at their birth. As to this day they call him Proculeius, 
 that is born, his father being in some far voyage : and him 
 Posthumius, that is born after the death of his father. And 
 
 Martius 
 surnamed 
 Coriolamts 
 by the Con- 
 sul. 
 * bore. 
 Haw ike 
 Romans 
 came to have 
 three names. 
 
 Why the 
 
 Grecians 
 
 gave kings 
 
 sumaTnes.- 
 
 ^ titles. 
 
 8 deserving. 
 
 * fat-paunch. 
 
 * These were 
 the princes 
 th£Lt built 
 the city of 
 Cyretie. 
 
 Names of 
 mockery- 
 among the 
 Romans. 
 ^ whimsical. 
 ^ are wont. 
 ' for a long 
 time. 
 
 8 unblunted. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 Sedition at 
 Rome, by 
 reason of 
 famine. 
 ^ found. 
 
 ^ take place. 
 
 ^ covered 
 with heath. 
 * means. 
 
 " upon. 
 " plotted. 
 " Drought 
 abouL 
 
 »thaL 
 
 ° happened, 
 
 ^" oppor- 
 tunity. 
 
 when of two brethren twins, the one doth die, and the other 
 surviveth, they call the survivor Vopiscus. Sometime also 
 they give surnames derived of some mark or misfortune of the 
 body: as Sylla, to say, crook-nosed: Niger, black: Rufus, red: 
 Csecus, blind : Claudus, lame. They did wisely in this thing to 
 accustom men to think, that neither the loss of their sight, nor 
 other such misfortunes as may chance to men, are any shame 
 or disgrace unto them ; but the manner was to answer boldly to 
 such names, as if they were called bj' their proper names. 
 Howbeit these matters would be better amplified in other stories 
 than this. 
 
 8. Now when this war was ended, the flatterers of the peo- 
 ple began to stir up sedition again, without any new occasion, 
 or just matter offered of complaint. For they" did ground^ this 
 second insurrection against the Nobility and Patricians upon 
 the people's misery and misfortune, that could not but fall out^, 
 by reason of the former discord and sedition between them and 
 the Nobility. Because the most part of the arable land, within 
 the territory of Rome, was become heathy ^ and barren for lack of 
 ploughing, for that they had no time nor mean* to cause corn 
 to be brought them out of other countries to sow, by reason of 
 their wars ; which made the extreme dearth they had among 
 them. Now those busy prattlers that sought the people's good- 
 will by such flattering words, perceiving great scarcity of com 
 to be within the city : and though there had been plenty enough, 
 yet the common people had no money to buy it : they spread 
 abroad false tales and rumours against the Nobility, that they, 
 in revenge of? the people, had practised 1= and procured'' the ex- 
 treme dearth among them. Furthermore, in the midst of this 
 stir, there came ambassadors to Rome from the city of Velitres, 
 that offered up their city to the Romans, and prayed them they 
 would send new inhabitants to replenish the same : because the 
 plague had been so extreme among them, and had killed such a 
 number of them, as^ there was not left alive the tenth person of 
 the people that had been there before. So the wise men of 
 Rome began to think, that the necessity of the Velitrians fell out" 
 in a most happy hour; and how, by this occasion ">, it was very 
 meet, in so great a scarcity of victuals, to disburden Rome of a 
 great number of citizens : and by this means as well to take 
 away this new sedition, and utterly to rid it out of the city, as 
 also to clear the same of many mutinous and seditious persons, 
 being the superfluous ill humours that grievously fed this dis- 
 
CAWS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 13 
 
 ease. Hereupon the Consuls pricked out' all those by a bilP, 
 whom they intended to send to Velitres, to go dwell there as in 
 form of a colony : and they levied out all the rest that i-emained 
 in the city of Rome, a great number to go against the Volsces, 
 hoping, by the mean^ of foreign war, to pacify their sedition at 
 home. Moreover they imagined, when the poor with the rich, 
 and the mean sort with the Nobility, should by this device be 
 abroad in the wars, and in one camp, and in one service, and in 
 one like danger : that then they would be more quiet and loving 
 together. But Sicinius and Brutus, two seditious Tribunes, 
 spake against either of these devices, and cried out upon the 
 noble men, that under the gentle name of a Colony, they would 
 cloak and colour* the most cruel and unnatural fact^ as might 
 be: because they sent their poor citizens into a sore infected 
 city and pestilent air, full of dead bodies unburied, and there 
 also to dwell under the tuition^ of a strange god, that had so 
 cruelly persecuted his people. "This were (said they) even as 
 much, as if the Senate should headlong cast down the people 
 into a most bottomless pit ; and are not yet contented to have 
 famished some of the poor citizens heretofore to death, and to 
 put other of them even to the mercy of the plague : but afresh 
 they have procured' a voluntary war, to the end they would 
 leave behind no kind of misery and ill, wherewith the poor silly 
 people should not be plagued, and only because they are weary 
 to serve the rich." The common people, being set on a broil and 
 bravely^ with these words, would not appear when the Consuls 
 called their names by a bill 2, to prest" them for the wars, neither 
 would they be sent out to this new colony : insomuch as the 
 Senate knew not well what to say or to do in the matter. 
 
 9. Martius then, who was now grown to great credit, and a 
 stout man besides, and of great reputation with the noblest men 
 of Rome, rose up, and openly spake against these flattering Tri- 
 bunes. And for the replenishing of the city of Velitres, he did 
 compel those that were chosen, to go thither and to depart 1° the 
 city, upon great penalties to him that should disobey: but to the 
 wars the people by no means would be brought or constrained. 
 So Martius, taking his friends and followers with him, and such 
 as he could by fair words intreat to go with him, did run certain 
 forays into the dominion of the Antiates, where he met with 
 great plenty of corn, and had a marvellous great spoil, as well 
 of cattle as of men he had taken prisoners, whom he brought 
 away with him, and reserved nothing for himself. Afterwards, 
 
 Velitres 
 jnade a 
 colony to 
 Route. 
 ^ marked 
 down. 
 2 list. 
 ^ msans. 
 Two practi- 
 ces to reinove 
 the sedition 
 at Rome. 
 
 Sicinius and 
 Bnttus^ Tri- 
 bunes of 
 the people, 
 against both 
 mose devices, 
 * disguise. 
 ^ deed. 
 
 ^ tutelary 
 pjwer. 
 
 ' brought 
 about. 
 
 ^ insolence. 
 ^ press. 
 
 Coriolanits 
 ojfendetk tlie 
 people. 
 1" leave. 
 
 Coriolanus 
 invadeth the 
 Antiates 
 and brirtgeth 
 rich spoils 
 home. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ laden. 
 ^ stay-at- 
 homes. 
 
 * remained 
 in. 
 
 * fortune. 
 
 * were en- 
 vious. 
 
 The 77tan?ter 
 of suing/or 
 office at 
 Rome. 
 
 •* with only. 
 
 Whereit/ion 
 this means 
 of suing -was 
 so devised. 
 
 Offices given 
 then by de- 
 sert, without 
 favour or 
 corruption. 
 
 ' took place. 
 
 8 that alone. 
 Banquets 
 a?id money 
 given, only 
 destroyers of 
 conimon- 
 ivealihs. 
 ^ was right. ' 
 1" coutiniial- 
 
 ly- 
 
 Any tits ilte 
 A tlteniait 
 tti^Jirst that 
 
 having brought back again all his men that went out with him, 
 safe and sound to Rome, and every man rich and leaden^ with 
 spoil: then the horae-tarriers and house-doves^ that kept^ Rome 
 still, began to repent them that it was not their hap* to go with 
 him, and so envied both them that had sped so well in this 
 journey; and also, of malice to Martius, they spited' to see his 
 credit and estimation increase still more and more, because 
 they accounted him to be a great hinderer of the people. 
 Shortly after this, Martius stood for the Consulship : and the 
 common people favoured his suit, thinking it would be a shame 
 to them to deny and refuse the chiefest noble man of blood, 
 and most worthy person of Rome, and specially him that had 
 done so great service and good to the commonwealth. For the 
 custom of Rome was at that time, that such as did sue for any 
 office, should for certain days before be in the market-place, 
 only with' a poor gown on their backs, and without any coat un- 
 derneath, to pray the citizens to remember them at the day of 
 election : which was thus devised, either to move the people the 
 more, by requesting them in such mean apparel, or else because 
 they might shew them their wounds they had gotten in the wars 
 in the service of the commonwealth, as manifest marks and 
 testimonies of their valiantness. Now it is not to be thought 
 that the suitors went thus loose in a simple gown in the market- 
 place, without any coat under it, for fear and suspicion of the 
 common people : for offices of dignity in the city were not then 
 given by favour or corruption. It was but of late time, and long 
 after this, that buying and selling fell out' in election of officers, 
 and- that the voices of the electors were bought for money. But 
 after corruption had once gotten way into the election of offices, 
 it hath run from man to man, even to the very sentence of 
 judges, and also among captains in the wars: so as in the end, 
 that only 8 turned commonwealths into kingdoms, by making 
 arms subject to money. Therefore me thinks he had reason^ 
 that said: "he that first made banquets and gave money to the 
 common people, was the first that took away authority, and de- 
 stroyed commonwealth." But this pestilence crept in by little 
 and little, and did secretly win ground still'", continuing a long 
 time in Rome, before it was openly known and discovered. For 
 no man can tell who was the first man that bought the people's 
 voices for money, nor that (iornipted the sentence of the Judges. 
 Howbeit at Athens some hold opinion, that Anytus, the son of 
 Anthemion, was the first that fed the judges with money, about 
 
CAWS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 the end of the wars of Peloponnesus, being accused of treason 
 for yielding up the fort of Pyle at that time, when the golden 
 and unfoiled^ age remained yet whole in judgment at Rome. 
 Now Martins, following this custom, shewed many wounds and 
 cuts upon his body, which he had received in seventeen years' 
 service at the wars, and in many sundry battles, being ever the 
 foremost man that did set out feet^ to fight. So that there was 
 not a man among the people but was ashamed of himself, to 
 refuse so valiant a man : and one of them said to another, "we 
 must needs choose him Consul, there is no remedy." But when 
 the day of election was come, and that Martius came to the 
 market-place with great pomp, accompanied with all the Senate 
 and the whole Nobility of the city about him, who sought to 
 make him Consul with the greatest instance' and intreaty they 
 could, or ever attempted for any man or matter: then the love 
 and goodwill of the common people turned straight to an hate 
 and envy toward him, fearing to put this office of sovereign au- 
 thority into his hands, being a man somewhat partial towards 
 the Nobility, and of great credit and authority amongst the 
 Patricians, and as one they might doubt* would take away alto- 
 gether the hberty from the people. Whereupon, for these con- 
 siderations, they refused Martius in the end, and made two 
 other that were suitors. Consuls. The Senate, being marvel- 
 lously offended with the people, did account the shame of this 
 refusal rather to redound to themselves than to Martius: but 
 Martius took it in far worse part than the Senate, and was out 
 of all patience. For he was a man too full of passion and 
 choler, and too much given over to self-will and opinion'', as one 
 of a high mind and great courage, that lacked the gravity and 
 affability that is gotten with judgment of learning and reason, 
 which only is to be looked for" in a governor of State: and that 
 remembered not how wilfulness is the thing of the world, which 
 a governor of a commonwealth, for pleasing^ should shun, being 
 that which Plato called 'solitariness'; as in the end, all men 
 that are wilfully given to a self-opinion and obstinate mind, and 
 who will never yield to other's reason but to their own, remain 
 without company, and forsaken of all men. For a man that will' 
 live in the world must needs have patience, which lusty bloods 
 make but a mock at. So Martius, being a stout man of nature, 
 that never yielded in any respect, as one thinking that to over- 
 come always and to have the upper hand in all matters, was a 
 . token of magnanimity and of no base and faint courage'", which 
 
 •with money 
 corrupted 
 the sentence 
 of the judge, 
 and voices of 
 the people. 
 ^ unsullied. 
 
 2 advance. 
 
 '^ urgency. 
 
 Seethe fickle 
 minds of 
 comnioit 
 people. 
 
 « self- 
 opinion. 
 
 ^ expected. 
 
 "^ the chief 
 thing in. 
 ^ if he would 
 please men. 
 The /ruits 
 of selfiJjill 
 a7id obsti- 
 nacy. 
 s wishes to. 
 
 1" ten per. 
 
i6 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ passionate. 
 ' purulent' 
 discharge. 
 
 * accus- 
 tomed. 
 
 ^ great. 
 
 Great store 
 oj corn, 
 drpii^kt to 
 Rome. 
 
 ' helped, 
 remedied. 
 
 ^ wondering. 
 
 " decision. 
 
 ^^ be come 
 
 to. 
 
 ^^ cheaply. 
 
 "iihead. • 
 
 13 rebuke. 
 " proposed. 
 
 Coriolanns* 
 oration 
 against the 
 insoleficy of' 
 the people. 
 " evil. 
 ^" darnel, 
 tares. 
 
 ^' wished. 
 ^** pleased, 
 i** proi'essed. 
 
 30 save only 
 the. 
 
 spitteth out anger from the most weak and passionedi part of 
 the heart, much hke the matter^ of an impostume': went home 
 to hishouse,full freighted with spite and malice against thepeople, 
 being accompanied with all the lustiest* young gentlemen, whose 
 minds were nobly bent, as those that came of noble race, and 
 commonly used^" for to follow and honour him. But then spe- 
 cially they flocked about him, and kept him company to his 
 much" harm, for they did but kindle and inflame his choler more 
 and more, being sorry with him for the injury the people offered 
 him ; because he was their captain and leader to the wars, that 
 taught them all martial discipUne, and stirred up in, them a 
 noble emulation of honour and valiantness, and yet, without 
 envy, praising them that deserved best. 
 
 lo. In the mean season there came great plenty of corn to 
 Rome, that had been bought, part in Italy, and part was sent 
 out of Sicilyj as given by Gelon the tyrant of Syracusa : so that 
 many stood in great hope, that the dearth of victuals being 
 holpen', the civil dissension would also cease. The Senate sat 
 in council upon it immediately; the common people stood also 
 about the palace where the council was kept, gaping^ what reso- 
 lution^ would fall out'": persuading themselves.that the corn they 
 had bought should be sold good cheap 'i, and that which was 
 given should be divided by the poll '^, without paying any penny; 
 and the rather, because certain of the Senators amongst them 
 did so wish and persuade the same. But Martins, standing 
 upon his feet, did somewhat sharply take up^ those who went 
 about" to gratify the people therein : and called them people- 
 pleas'ers, and traitors to the Nobility. "Moreover," he said, 
 "they nourished against themselves the naughty^ seed and 
 cockle" of insolence and sedition, which had been sowed and 
 scattered abroad amongst the people, which they should have 
 cut off, if they had been wise, in their growth : and not (to 
 their own destruction) have suffered the people to establish a 
 magistrate for themselves, of so great power and authority as 
 that man had to whom they had granted it. Who was also 
 to be feared, because he obtained what he would^', and did 
 nothing but what he listed's, neither passed for" any obedience 
 to the Consuls, but lived in all liberty ; acknowledging no su- 
 perior to command him, saving the only^o heads and authors of 
 their faction, whom he called his magistrates. Therefore," said 
 he, "they that gave counsel and persuaded, that the corn 
 should be given out to the common people gratis, as they 
 
CAWS MARTIUS CORIOLAJ^US. 
 
 ir 
 
 ^ since. 
 
 used to do in the cities of Greece, where the people had more 
 absolute power, did but only nourish their disobedience, which 
 would break out in the end, to the utter ruin and overthrow 
 6f the whole state. For they will not think it is done in re- 
 compence of their service past, sithence'- they know well enough 
 they have so oft refused to go to the wars when they were 
 commanded: neither for their mutinies when they went with 
 lis, whereby they have rebelled and forsaken their country: 
 neither for their accusations which their flatterers have pre- 
 ferred unto them, and they have received, and made good 
 against the Senate: but they will rather judge, we give and 
 grant them this as abasing ourselves, and standing in fear of 
 . them, and glad to flatter them every way. By this means 
 their disobedience will still grow worse and worse : and they 
 will never leave^ to practise new sedition and uproars. There- 
 fore it were a great folly for us, methinks, to do it : yea, shall 
 I say more ? we should, if we we;re wise, take from them their 
 Tribuneship, which most manifestly is the embasing of the 
 Consulship, and the cause of the division of the city. The 
 state whereof, as it standeth, is not now as it was wont to be, 
 but becometh dismembered in two factions, which maintains 
 ialways civil dissension and discord between us, and will never 
 suffer us again to be united into one body." Martius dilating 
 the matter with many such like reasons, won all the young 
 men, and almost all the rich men to his opinion : insomuch as 
 they rang it out', that he was the only man, and alone in the 
 city, who stood out against the people, and never flattered 
 them. There were only a few old men that spake against himj 
 fearing lest some mischief might fall out upon it*, as indeed 
 there followed no great good afterward. For the Tribunes of 
 the people, being present at this consultation of the Senate, 
 when they saw that the opinion of Martius was confirmed with 
 the more° voices, they left the Senate, and went down to the 
 people, crying out for help, and that they would assemble to 
 save their Tribunes. Hereupon the people ran on head^ in tu- 
 mult together, before whom the words that Martius spake in the 
 Senate were openly reported: which the people so stomached', 
 that even in that fury they were ready to fly upon the whole 
 Senate. But the Tribunes laid all the fault and burthen' wholly \l^ buTden''' 
 
 upon Martius, and sent their sergeants forthwith to arrest him, 
 presently' to appear in person before the people, to answer the 
 
 words he had spoken in the Senate. 
 S. P. 
 
 Martius stoutly withstood / *^^' 
 
 ' cried aloud. 
 
 * happen 
 after it. 
 
 * majority of.- 
 
 Sedition at 
 Romefoy 
 Coriolanns. 
 ^ ran ahead, 
 rushed for- 
 ward. 
 
 '» straight- 
 
i8 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' would 
 come. 
 
 ^ concerned 
 them. 
 
 * clearing. 
 
 ' modera- 
 tion. 
 
 " displeasure. 
 
 " being 
 pleased with. 
 
 " desired. 
 
 Articles 
 against 
 CorioiaMUS. 
 ■ persuaded. 
 
 these officers that came to arrest him. Then the Tribunes in 
 their own persons, accompanied with the jEdiles, went to fetch 
 him by force, and so laid violent hands upon him. Howbeit the 
 noble Patricians gathering together about him, made the Tri- 
 bunes give back^, and laid sore upon the jEdiles : so for that 
 time the night parted them, and the tumult appeased. The 
 next morning betimes, the Consuls seeing the people in an up- 
 roar, running to the market-place out of all parts of the city, 
 they were afraid lest all the city would^ together by the ears : 
 wherefore assembling the Senate in all haste, they declared how 
 it stood them upon^, to appease thefury of the people with some 
 gentle words or grateful decrees in their favour: and moreover, 
 like wise men they should consider, it was now no time to stand 
 at defence and in contention, nor yet to fight for honour against 
 the commonalty, they being fallen to so great an extremity, and 
 offering such imminent danger. Wherefore they were to con- 
 sider temperately of things, and to deUver some present and 
 gentle pacification. The most part of the Senators that were 
 present at this council, thought this opinion best, and gave 
 their consents unto it. Whereupon the Consuls rising out of 
 council, went to speak unto the people as gently as they could, 
 and they did pacify their fury and anger, purging* the Senate of 
 all the unjust accusations laid upon them, and used great mo- 
 desty^ in persuading them, and also in reproving the faults they 
 had committed. And as for the rest, that touched the sale of 
 corn, they promised there should be no dishking^ offered them 
 in the price. So the most part of the people being pacified, 
 and appearing so plainly by the great silence that was among 
 them, as yielding to the Consuls and liking well of their words : 
 the Tribunes then of the people rose out of their seats, and 
 said: "Forasmuch as the Senate yielded unto reason, the people 
 also for their part, as became them, did likewise give place unto 
 them : but notwithstanding, they would^ that Martius should 
 come in person to answer to the articles they had devised. 
 First, whether he had not solicited and procured' the Senate to 
 change the present state of the commonweal, and to take the 
 sovereign authority out of the people's hands? Next, when he 
 was sent for by authority of their officers, why he did contemp- 
 tuously resist and disobey? Lastly, seeing he had driven and 
 beaten the .(Ediles into the market-place before all the world : if, 
 in doing this, he had not done as much as in him lay, to raise 
 civil wars, and to set one citizen against another?" All thiswas 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 spoken to one of these two ends, either that Martius, against his 
 nature, should he constrained to humble himself and to abase 
 his haughty and fierce mind : or else, if he continued still in his 
 stoutness '^, he should incur the people's displeasure and ill-will 
 so far, that he should never possibly win them again. Which 
 they hoped would rather fall out^ so, than otherwise : as indeed 
 they guessed unhappily, considering Martius' nature and dis- 
 position. 
 
 II. So Martius came and presented himself to answer their 
 accusations against him, and the people held their peace, and 
 gave attentive ear, to hear what he would say. But where they 
 thought to have heard very humble and lowly words come from 
 him, he begaii not only to use his wonted boldness of speaking 
 (which of itself was very rough and unpleasant, and did more 
 aggravate his accusation, than purge^ his innocency*) but also 
 gave himself in his words to thunder, and look therewithal so 
 grimly, as though he made no reckoning of the matter. This 
 stirred coals among the people, who were in wonderful fury at 
 it, and their hate and mahce grew so toward him, that they 
 could hold no longer, bear, nor endure his bravery^ and careless 
 boldness. Whereupon Sicinius, the cruellest and stoutest of the 
 Tribunes, after he had whispered a Uttle with his companions, 
 did openly pronounce, in the face of all the people, Martius as 
 condemned by the Tribunes to die. Then presently he com- 
 manded the ^diles to apprehend him, and carry him straight 
 to the rock Tarpeian, and to cast him headlong down the same. 
 When the ^diles came to lay hands upon Martius to do that^ 
 they were commanded, divers of the people themselves thought 
 it too cruel and violent a deed. The noblemen, being much 
 troubled to see so much force and rigour used, began to cry 
 aloiid 'help Martius': so those that laid hands on him being 
 repulsed, they compassed him in round' among themselves, and 
 some of them, holding up their hands to the people, besought 
 them not to handle him thus cruelly. But neither their words 
 nor crying out could aught prevail, the tumult and hurlyburlyS 
 was so great, until such time as the Tribunes' own friends and 
 kinsmen, weighing with themselves the impossibleness « to convey 
 Martius to execution without great slaughter and murder of the 
 nobiUty, did persuade and advise not to proceed in so violent 
 and extraordinary a sort, as to put such a man to death without 
 lawful process in law, but that they should refer the sentence of 
 his death to the free voice of the people. Then Sicinius, be- 
 
 2 — I 
 
 * boldness. 
 ^ turn out. 
 
 Corioianus' 
 stoutness in 
 tiefe7Ue of 
 himsetf. 
 
 ^ make clear. 
 * innocence. 
 
 * audacity. 
 
 Sicinius ike 
 Tribune 
 pronouucetk 
 sentence of 
 death upon 
 Martins^ 
 
 ' what. 
 
 ^ around. 
 
 B confusion. 
 
 ^ impossi- 
 bility. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 Coriolantis 
 hath day 
 given hint 
 to ansvjer 
 tlt£ people, 
 ^ require. 
 
 ' arrived. 
 ^ wherefore. 
 * took place. 
 
 ' assuaged. 
 
 ^ support. 
 
 " opportu- 
 nity. 
 ^ mutiny. 
 " held. 
 
 }■'- so that. 
 
 thinking himself a little, did ask the Patricians, for what cause 
 they took Martius out of the officers' hands that went to do exe- 
 cution? The Patricians asked him again, why they would of 
 themselves so cruelly and wickedly put to death so noble and 
 valiant a Roman as Martius was, and that without law and jus- 
 tice?. " Well then," said Sicinius, "if that be the matter, let there 
 be no quarrel or dissension against the people : for they do 
 grant your demand, that his cause shall be heard according to 
 the law. Therefore," said he to Martius, "we do will^ and charge 
 you to appear before the people, the third day of our next sitting 
 and assembly here, to make your purgation for such articles as 
 shall be objected against you, that by free voice the people may 
 give sentence upon you as shall please them. The noblemen 
 were glad then of the adjoui"nment, and were much pleased they 
 had gotten Martius out of this danger. In the mean space 
 before the third day of their next session came about ^, the same 
 being kept every ninth day continually at Rome, whereupon' 
 they call it now in Latin Nundince: there fell out* war against 
 the Antiates, which gave some hope to the nobility that this 
 adjournment would come to little efifect, thinking that this war 
 would hold them so long, as that the fury of the people against 
 him would be well suaged^, or utterly forgotten, by reason of 
 the trouble of the wars. But contrary to expectation, the peace 
 was concluded presently^ with the Antiates, and the people re- 
 turned again to Rome. Then the Patricians assembled often- 
 times together, to consult how they might stand to' Martius, and 
 keep the Tribunes from occasion^ to cause the people to mutine' 
 again, and rise against the Nobility. And there Appius Clau- ■ 
 dius (one that was taken^" ever as an heavy enemy to the people) 
 did avow and protest, that they would utterly abase the autho- 
 rity of the Senate, and destroy the commonweal, if they would , 
 suffer the common people to have authority by voices to give 
 judgment against the Nobility. On the other side again, the , 
 most ancient Senators, and such as were given to favour the 
 common people, said : "that when the people should see they had 
 authority of hfe and death in their hands, they would not be so 
 cruel and fierce, but gentle and civil". More also, that it was not 
 for contempt of Nobility or the Senate that they sought to have 
 the authority of justice in their hands, as a pre-eminence and 
 prerogative of honour: but because they feared, that themselves 
 should be contemned and hated of the Nobility. So as^^ they 
 were persuaded,. that so soon as they gave them authority, to 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 judge by voices, they would leave^ all envy and malice to con- 
 demn any." Martius, seeing the Senate in great doubt how to 
 resolve^, partly for the love and goodwill the nobility did bear 
 him, and partly for the fear they stood in of the people : asked 
 aloud of the Tribunes, 'what matter they would burden' him 
 with?' The Tribunes answered him, 'that they would shew how 
 he did aspire to be King, and would prove that all his actions 
 tended to usurp tyrannical power over Rome.' Martius with 
 that, rising upon his feet, said : 'that thereupon* he did willingly 
 offer himself to the people, to be tried upon that accusation : 
 and that if it were proved by^ him, he had so much as once 
 thought of any such matter, that he would then refuse no kind 
 of punishment they would offer him : conditionally (quoth he) 
 that you charge me with nothing else beside, and that ye do not 
 also abuse the Senate.' They promised they would not. Under 
 these conditions the judgment was agreed upon, and the people 
 assembled. 
 
 12. And first of all the Tribunes would^ in any case (what- 
 soever became "^ of it) that the people should proceed to give 
 their voices by Tribes, and not by hundreds : for by this means 
 the multitude of the poor needy people (and all such rabble as 
 had nothing to lose, and had less regard of honesty before their 
 eyes) came to be of greater force (because their voices were 
 numbered by the poll*) than the noble honest citizens, whose 
 persons and purse did dutifully serve the commonwealth in 
 their wars. And then, when the Tribunes saw they could not 
 prove he went about^ to make himself King, they began to 
 broach afresh the former words that Martius had spoken in the 
 Senate, in hindering the distribution of the corn at mean^' price 
 unto the common people, and persuading also to take the office 
 of Tribuneship from them. And for the third, they charged 
 him anew, that he had not made the common distribution of 
 the spoil he had gotten in the invading the territories of the 
 Antiates : but had of his own authority divided it among them 
 who were with him in that journey. But this matter was most 
 strange of all to Martius, looking '^ least to have been burdened "^ 
 with that as with any matter of offence. Whereupon being 
 burdened, on the sudden, and having no ready excuse to make 
 even at that instant : he began to fall a praising of the soldiers 
 that had sei-ved with him in that journey. But those that were 
 not with him, being the greater number, cried out so loud, and 
 made such a noise, that he could not be heard. To conclude. 
 
 * forego. 
 
 * decide. 
 
 ' charge. 
 
 k!ortolaniis 
 accused that 
 k& sought 
 to\be king;. 
 
 *-bn that 
 count. 
 
 * regarding. 
 
 ^ resolved. 
 ' came. 
 
 ' head. 
 
 * endeavour- 
 ed. 
 
 "low. 
 
 1^ expecting. 
 
 ^ charged. 
 
 Coriolaftus 
 banished 
 for ever. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 'that 
 
 ^ on the 
 contrary. 
 
 * contemned. 
 
 * evidently. 
 Coriolanu^ 
 constant 
 mind in 
 adversity. 
 
 ® allay, 
 
 ^ ill fortune. 
 
 TJie force of 
 anger. 
 
 * fit of anger. 
 
 ^ agitated. 
 
 when they came to tell^ the voices of the Tribes, there were 
 three voices odd, which condemned him to be banished for 
 ever. After declaration of the sentence, the people made such 
 joy, as^ they never rejoiced more for any battle they had won 
 upon their enemies, they were so brave and lively, and went 
 home so jocundly from the assembly, for triumph of this sen- 
 tence. The Senate again, in contrary manner^, were as sad and 
 heavy, repenting themselves beyond measure, that they had not 
 rather determined to have done and suffered anything whatso- 
 ever, before the common people should so arrogantly and out- 
 rageously have abused* their authority. There needed no differ- 
 ence of garments, I warrant you, nor outward shows, to know a 
 Plebeian from a Patrician, for they were easily discerned by their 
 looks. For he that was on the people's side looked cheerfully 
 on the matter: but he that was sad and hung down his head, 
 he was sure* of the noblemen's side : saving Martius alone, who 
 neither in his countenance nor in his gait did ever shew him- 
 self abashed, or once let fall his great courage: but he only, of 
 all other gentlemen that were angry at his fortune-, did out- 
 wardly shew no manner of passion, nor care at all of himself. 
 Not that he did patiently bear and temper' his evil hap' in re- 
 spect of any reason he had, or by his quiet condition : but be- 
 cause he was so carried away with the vehemency of anger and 
 desire of revenge, that he had no sense nor feeling of the hard 
 state he was in : which the common people judge not to be sor- 
 row, although indeed it be the very same. For when sorrow (as 
 you would say) is set on fire, then it is converted into spite and 
 malice, and driveth away for that time all faintness of heart and 
 natural fear. And this is the cause why the choleric man is so 
 altered and mad in his actions, as a man set on fire with a 
 burning ague: for when a man's heart is troubled within, his 
 pulse will beat marvellous strongly. Now that Martius was 
 even in that taking^ it appeared true soon after by his doings. 
 For when he was come home to his house again, and had taken 
 his leave of his mother and wife, finding them weeping and 
 shrieking out for sonow, and had also comforted and persuaded 
 them to be content with his chance : he went immediately to 
 the gate of the city, accompanied with a great number of Patri- 
 cians, that brought him thither, from whence he went on his 
 way with three or four of his friends only, taking nothing with 
 him, nor requesting anything of any man. So he remained a 
 few days in the country at his houses, turmoiled^ with sundry 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 sorts and kinds of thoughts, such as the fire of his choler did 
 stir up. 
 
 13. In the end, seeing he could resolve^ no way to take a 
 profitable or honourable course, but only was pricked forward 
 still to be revenged of the Romans : he thought to raise up 
 some great wars against them, by their nearest neighbours. 
 Whereupon he thought it his best way, first to stir up the Vol- 
 sces against them, knowing they were yet able enough in 
 strength and riches to encounter them, notwithstanding their 
 former losses they had received not long before, and that their 
 power was not so much impaired, as their malice and desire 
 was increased to be revenged of the Romans. Now in the city 
 of Antium there was one called TuUus Aufidiiis, who for his 
 riches, as also for his nobility and valiantness, was honoured 
 among the Volsces as a king. Martius knew very well that 
 TuUus did more malice^ and envy him than he did all the Ro- 
 mans besides : because that many times, in battles where they 
 met, they were ever at the encounter one against another, like 
 lusty courageous youths striving in all emulation of honour, and 
 had encountered many times together. Insomuch as, besides 
 the commonquarrel between them, there was bred a marvellous 
 private hate one against another. Yet notwithstanding, con- 
 sidering that TuUus Aufidius was a man of a great mind, and 
 that he above all other of the Volsces most desired revenge of 
 the Romans, for the injuries they had done unto them : he did 
 an act that confirmed the words of an ancient poet to be true, 
 who said: 
 
 It is a thing full hard, man's anger to withstand, 
 
 If it be stiffly bent to take an enterprise in hand. 
 
 For then most men will have the thing that they desire, 
 
 Although it cost their lives therefore, such force hath wicked ire. 
 
 And so did he. For he disguised himself in such array and 
 attire,'as he thought no man could ever have known him for the 
 person he was, seeing him in that apparel he had upon his 
 back: and as Homer said of Ulysses : 
 
 So did he enter into the enemies' town. 
 It was even twilight when he entered the city of Antium, and 
 many people met him in the streets, but no man knew him. So 
 he went directly to Tullus Aufidius' house, and when he came 
 thither, he. got him^ up straight to the chimney-hearth, and sat 
 him down, and spake not a word to any man, his face all muf- 
 
 ^ decide. 
 
 Tulhis Ak- 
 fidius^ a 
 great person 
 among the 
 Volsces. 
 
 ' hate. 
 
 Coriolanus 
 disguised^ 
 goes to 
 Antium, a 
 city of tlie' 
 Volsces. 
 ^ went. 
 
24 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Corwlamt^ 
 craicoit to 
 Tulltis A «- 
 fidiiis. 
 
 ' reveal. 
 ' because of. 
 ^ toilsome. 
 
 * spurred on. 
 
 ^ wreaked. 
 
 ' have suc- 
 cess. 
 
 "try. 
 
 fled over. They of the house spying him, wondered what he 
 should be, and yet they durst not bid him rise. For ill-favour- 
 edly muffled and disguised as he was, yet there appeared a 
 certain majesty in his countenance and in his silence: where- 
 upon they went to Tullus, who was at supper, to tell him of the 
 strange disguising of this man. Tullus rose presently^ from the 
 board, and coming towards him, asked him what he was, and 
 wherefore he came. Then Martins unmuffled himself, and after 
 he had paused awhile, making no answer, he said unto him: "If 
 thou knowest me not yet, Tullus, and, seeing me, dost not per- 
 haps believe me to be the man I am indeed, I must of necessity 
 bewray^ myself to be that I am. I am Caius Martins, who hath 
 done to thyself particularly, and to all the Volsces generally, 
 great hurt and mischief, which I cannot deny for' my surname 
 of Coriolanus that I bear. For I never had other benefit nor 
 recompence of the true and painful' service I have done, and 
 the extreme dangers I have been in, but this only surname : a 
 good memory and witness of the malice and displeasure thou 
 shouldest bear me. Indeed the name only remaineth with 
 me : for the rest the envy and cruelty of the people of Rome 
 have taken from me, by the sufferance of the dastardly nobi- 
 lity and magistrates, who have forsaken me, and let me be 
 banished by the people. This extremity hath now driven me 
 to come as a poor suitor, to take thy chimney-hearth, not of 
 any hope I have to save my life thereby : for if I had feared 
 death, I would not have come hither to have put myself in 
 hazard: but pricked forward* with desire to be revenged of 
 them that thus have banished me ; which now I do begin, in 
 putting my person into the hands of their enemies. Where- 
 fore, if thou hast any heart to be wrecked" of the injuries thy 
 enemies have done thee, speed thee' now, and let my misery 
 serve thy turn, and so use it as my service may be a benefit 
 to the Volsces : promising thee, that I will fight with better 
 good will for all you than I did when I was against you, 
 knowing that they fight more valiantly who know the force of 
 the enemy, than such as have never proved it. And if it be 
 so that thou dare not, and that thou ait weary to prove' fortune 
 any more, then am I also weary to live any longer. And it 
 were no wisdom in thee, to save the life of him, who hath 
 been heretofore thy mortal enemy, and whose service now can 
 nothing help nor pleasure' thee." Tullus, hearing what he said, 
 was a marvellous glad man, and taking him by the hand, he 
 
CAWS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 25 
 
 said unto him : " Stand up, O Martius, and be of good cheer, for 
 in proffering thyself unto us thou doest us great honour : and 
 by this means thou mayest hope also of greater things at all the 
 Volsces' hands. So he feasted him for that time, and enter- 
 tained him in the honourablest manner he could, talking with 
 him of no other matter at that present : but within few days 
 after they fell to consultation together, in what sort they should 
 begin their wars. ^^ 
 
 14. Now on the other side, the city of Rome was in mar- 
 vellous uproar and discord, the nobility against the commonalty, 
 and chiefly for Martius' condemnation and banishment. More- 
 over the priests, the soothsayers, and private men also, came 
 and declared to the Senate certain sights and wonders in the 
 air, which they had seen, and were to be considered of: amongst 
 the which such a vision happened : There was a citizen of Rome 
 called Titus Latinus, a man of mean quality and condition, but 
 otherwise an honest sober man, given to a quiet life, without 
 superstition, and much less to vanity or lying. This man had 
 a visioQ in his dream, in the which he thought that Jupiter ap- 
 peared unto him, and commanded him to signify to the Senate, 
 that they had caused a very vile lewd dancer to go before the 
 procession : and said, the first time this vision had appeared 
 unto him, he made no reckoning of it : and coming again an- 
 other time into his mind, he made not much more account of the 
 matter than before. In the end, he saw one of his sons die, 
 who had the best nature and condition of all his brethren : and 
 suddenly he himself was so taken in all his limbs, that he be- 
 came lame and impotent. Hereupon he told the whole circum- 
 stance of this vision before the Senate, sitting upon his little 
 couch or bed, whereon he was carried on men's arms : and he 
 had no sooner reported this vision to the Senate, but he pre- 
 sently^ felt his body and limbs restored again to their former 
 strength and use. So raising up himself upon his couch, he 
 got up on his feet at that instant, and walked home to his 
 house, without help of any man. The Senate being amazed at 
 this matter, made diligent enquiry to understand the truth: 
 and in the end they found there was such a thing : There was 
 one that had delivered a bondman of his that had offended him 
 into the hands of other slaves and bondmen, and had com- 
 manded them to whip him up and down the market-place, and 
 afterwards to kill him: and as they had him in execution 2, 
 whipping him cruelly, they did so martyr ^ the poor wretch, that, 
 
 Great dis- 
 seTision at 
 Rome about 
 Martius' 
 banishment. 
 
 I at once. 
 
 ^ punish- 
 ment. 
 ^ torture. 
 
-26 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 TheRotnan^ 
 
 matiner of 
 
 punishing 
 
 tkeir slaves, 
 
 ^ iiinber, 
 
 shaft. 
 
 ^ undergone. 
 
 IVhereqf 
 Furcifer 
 
 A ceremony 
 instituted 
 by king Nu- 
 ma touching 
 religion. 
 
 for the cruel smart and pain he felt, he turned and writhed his 
 body in strange and pitiful sort. The procession by chance 
 came by even at the same time, and many that followed it 
 were heartily moved and offended with the sight, saying : that 
 this was no good sight to behold, nor meet to be met in pro- 
 cession-time. But for all this, there was nothing done : saving 
 they blamed and rebuked him that punished his slave so cruelly. 
 For the Romans at that time did use their bondmen very 
 gently, because they themselves did labour with their own 
 hands, and lived with them and among them: and therefore 
 they did use them the more gently and familiarly. For the 
 greatest punishment they gave a slave that had offended, was 
 this. They made him carry a limmer^ on his shoulders that is 
 fastened to the axletree of a coach, and compelled him to go 
 up and down in that sort amongst all their neighbours. He 
 that had once abidden^ this punishment, and was seen in that 
 manner, was proclaimed and cried in every market-town : so 
 that no man would ever trust him after, and they called him 
 Furcifer,\iicz.\3S& the Latins call the wood that runneth into the 
 axletree of the coach Furca, as much to say as a fork. Now 
 when Latinus had made report to the Senate of the vision that 
 had happened to him, they were devising whom this unpleasant 
 dancer should be, that went before the procession. Thereupon 
 certain that stood by remembered the poor slave that was so 
 cruelly whipped through the market-place, whom they after- 
 wards put to death: and the thing that made him remember it, 
 was the strange and rare manner of his punishment. The 
 priests hereupon were repaired unto for their advice : they were 
 wholly of opinion, that it was the whipping of the slave. So 
 they caused the slave's master to be punished, and began again 
 a new procession, and all other shows and sights in honour of 
 Jupiter. But hereby appeareth plainly, how king Numa did 
 wisely ordain all other ceremonies concerning devotion to the 
 gods, and specially this custom which he established, to bring 
 the people to religion. For when the magistrates, bishops, 
 priests, or other religious ministers go about any divine service 
 or matter of religion, an herald ever goeth before them, crying 
 out aloud Hoc age: as to say, do this, or mind this. Hereby 
 they are specially commanded, wholly to dispose themselves to 
 serve God, leaving all other business and matters aside : know- 
 ing well enough, that whatsoever most men do, they do it as 
 in a manner constrained unto it. But the Romans did ever use 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 ■?7 
 
 to begin again their sacrifices, processions, plays, and such like 
 shows done in honour of the gods, not only upon such an oc- 
 casion, but upon lighter causes than that. As, when they went 
 on procession through the city, and did carry the images of 
 their gods and such other like holy relics upon open hallowed 
 coaches or chariots, called in Latin Thensce, one of the coach- 
 horses that drew them stood still and would draw no more, 
 and because also the coach-man took the reins of his bridle 
 with the left hand, they ordained that the procession should be 
 begun again anew. Of late time also, they did renew and be- 
 gin a sacrifice thirty times one after another, because they 
 thought still ^ there fell out^ one fault or other in the same: so 
 holy and devout were they to the gods. 
 
 15. Now TuUus and Martius had secret conference with 
 the greatest personages of the city of Antium, declaring unto 
 them that now they had good time offered them to make war 
 with the Romans, while they were in dissension one with an- 
 other. They answered them, they were ashamed to break the 
 league, considering that they were sworn to keep peace for two 
 years. Howbeit, shortly after, the Romans gave them great 
 occasion^ to make war with them. For on a holy day, common 
 plays being kept in Rome, upon some suspicion or false report, 
 they made proclamation by sound of trumpet, that all the Vol- 
 sces should avoid* out of Rome before sunset. Some think this 
 was a craft and deceit of Martius, who sent one to Rome to the 
 Consuls to accuse the Volsces falsely, advertising them how 
 they had made a conspiracy to set upon them while they were 
 busy in seeing these games, and also to set their city on fire. 
 This open proclamation made all the Volsces more offended 
 with the Romans than ever they were before: and Tullus, ag- 
 gravating the matter, did so inflame the Volsces against them, 
 that in the end they sent their ambassadors to Rome, to sum- 
 mon them to deliver their lands and towns again, which they 
 had taken from them in times past, or to look for^ present^ wars. 
 The Romans, hearing this, were marvellously nettled : and made 
 no other answer but this : " If the Volsces be the first that begin 
 war, the Romans will be the last that will end it." Incontinently^ 
 upon return of the Volsces' ambassadors and delivery of the 
 Romans' answer, Tullus caused an assembly general to be made 
 of the Volsces, and concluded* to make war upon the Romans. 
 This done, Tullus did counsel them to take Martius into their 
 service, and not to mistrust him for the remembrance of any- 
 
 Tke super- 
 stition of the 
 Romans. 
 
 ^ continually. 
 ^ happened. 
 
 TIu Romans 
 gave tke 
 Volsces occa- 
 sion of war. 
 
 Martins 
 Coriolanu^ 
 crafty ac- 
 cusation of 
 the Volsces, 
 * depart. 
 
 * expect. 
 ^ immediate. 
 
 ^ immediate' 
 
 ly. 
 
 B decided. 
 
28 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Coriolanus 
 chosen gene- 
 ral qfi/ie 
 Volsces with 
 Tullus A u- 
 Jiditis a- 
 gabist ihe 
 Romans. 
 * shewed. 
 
 « length. 
 
 ■* equip- 
 ments, 
 * means. 
 
 Coriolanus 
 invadeth the 
 territories of 
 the Romans, 
 
 ' that. 
 
 A Jzne device 
 to make ihe 
 commonalty 
 siisiect the 
 ttobility. 
 
 " quarrelled. 
 
 Great heart- 
 burning be- 
 titiixt the 
 nobility and 
 t tie people. 
 
 thing past, but boldly to trust him in any matter to come : for 
 he would do them more service in fighting for them than ever 
 he did them displeasure in fighting against them. - So Martins 
 was called forth, who spake so excellently in the presence of 
 them all, that he was thought no less eloquent in tongue than 
 warlike in show : and declared "^ himself both expert in wars, and 
 wise with valiantness. Thus he was joined in commission with 
 Tullus as general of the Volsces, having absolute authority be^ 
 tween them to follow and pursue the wars. But Martins, fearing 
 lest tract^ of time to bring this army together with all the mu- 
 nition andfurniture^ of the Volsces would rob him of the mean* 
 he had to execute his purpose and intent, left order with the 
 rulers and chief of the city to assemble the rest of their power, 
 and to prepare all necessary provision for the camp. Then he, 
 with the lightest soldiers he had, and that were willing to follow 
 him, stole away upon the sudden, and marched with all speed, 
 and entered the territories of Rome before the Romans heard 
 any news of his coming. Insomuch as the Volsces found such 
 spoil in the fields, as^ they had more than they could spend in 
 their camp, and were weary to drive and carry away that they 
 had. Howbeit, the gain of the spoil and the hurt they did to 
 the Romans in this invasion was the least part of his intent : 
 for his chiefest purpose was, to increase still the malice and 
 dissension between the nobility and the commonalty : and to 
 draw that on, he was very careful to keep the noblemen's lands 
 and goods safe from harm and burning, but spoiled all the 
 whole country besides, and would suffer no man to take or hurt 
 anything of the noblemen's. This made greater stir and broil 
 between the nobility and the people than was before. For the 
 noblemen fell out" with the people because they had so unjustly 
 banished a man of so great valour and power. The people, on 
 the other side, accused the nobility, how they had procured 
 Martins to make these wars to be revenged of them : because it 
 pleased them to see their goods burnt and spoiled before their 
 eyes, whilst themselves were well at ease, and did behold the 
 people's losses and misfortunes, knowing their own goods safe 
 and out of danger : and how the war was not made against the 
 noblemen, that had the enemy abroad to keep that they had in 
 safety. Now Martins, having done his first exploit (which made 
 the Volsces bolder, and less fearful of the Romans), brought 
 home all the army again without loss of any man. After their 
 whole army (which was marvellous great, and very forward to 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 29 
 
 ' service) was assembled in one camp, they agreed to leave part 
 of it for garrison in the country about, and the other part 
 should go on and make the war upon the Romans. So Mar- 
 tius bade Tullus choose, and take which of the two charges he 
 liked best. Tullus made him answer, he knew by experience 
 that Martius was no less valiant than himself, and how he ever 
 had better fortune and good hap in all battles than himself 
 had. Therefore he thought it best for him to have the leading 
 of those that would make the wars abroad, and himself would 
 keepi home, to provide for the safety of the cities of his country, 
 and to furnish the camp also of ^ all necessary provision abroad. 
 1 6. So Martius, being stronger than before, went first of all 
 unto the city of Cercees', inhabited by the Romans, who willingly 
 yielded themselves, and therefore had no hurt. From thence 
 he entered the country of the Latins, imagining the Romans 
 would fight with him there to defend the Latins, who were their 
 confederates, and had many times sent unto the Romans for 
 their aid. But on the one side, the people of Rome were very 
 ill willing* to go : and on the other side, the Consuls being upon 
 going out* of their office, would not hazard themselves for so 
 small a time : so that the ambassadors of the Latins returned 
 home again, and did no good. Then Martius did besiege their 
 cities, and having taken by force the town of the Tolerinians, 
 Vicanians, Pedanians, and the Bolanians, who made resistance, 
 he sacked all their goods and took them prisoners. Such as 
 did yield themselves willingly unto him, he was as careful as 
 possible might be to defend them from hurt : and because they 
 should receive no damage by his will^, he removed his camp as 
 far from their confines as he could. Afterwards, he took the 
 city of Boles'' by assault, being about an hundred furlong from 
 Rome, where he had a marvellous great spoil, and put every 
 man to the sword that was able to carry weapon. The other 
 Volsces that were appointed to remain in garrison for defence 
 of their country, hearing this good news, would tarry no longer 
 at home, but armed themselves and ran to Martius' camp, 
 saying they did acknowledge no other captain but him. Here- 
 upon his fame ran through all Italy, and every one praised him 
 for a valiant captain, for that, by change of one man for another, 
 such and so strange events fell out in the state. In this while^, 
 all went still to wrack at Rome. For, to come into the field to 
 fight with the enemy, they could not abide to hear of it, they 
 were one so much against another, and full of seditious words. 
 
 ' stay a£. 
 ' with. 
 
 ^ Circcii. 
 
 * unwilling. 
 ^ ready' to go 
 
 ^ with his 
 consent. 
 
 ' Bola or 
 Bolla. 
 
 " meanwhile. 
 
3° 
 
 THE LIFE OP 
 
 Lavzniunt 
 hitilt by 
 
 ' at last. 
 
 ' through. 
 
 * oppose. 
 
 ^ behoved 
 them. 
 
 The Romans 
 send atnbas- 
 sudors to 
 
 the nobility against the people, and the people against the 
 nobility. Until they had intelligence at the length i, that the 
 enemies had laid siege to the city of Lavinium, in the which 
 were all the temples and images of their gods their protectors, 
 and from whence came first their' ancient original, for that 
 ^neas at his first arrival into Italy did build that city. Then 
 fell there out a marvellous sudden change of mind among the 
 people, and far more strange and contrary in the nobility. 
 For the people thought it good to repeal the condemnation and 
 exile of Martins. The Senate, assembled upon it, would in no 
 case yield to that : who either did it of a selfwill to be contrary 
 to the people's desire: or because Martins should not return 
 thorough^ the grace and favour of the people. Or else, because 
 they were throughly angry and offended with him, that he 
 would set upon the whole, being offended but by a few, and in 
 his doings would shew himself an open enemy besides unto his 
 country : notwithstanding the most part of them took the wrong 
 they had done him in marvellous ill part, and as if the injury 
 had been done unto themselves. Report being made of the 
 Senate's resolution, the people found themselves in a straight^: 
 for they could authorise and confirm nothing by their voices, 
 unless it had been first propounded and ordained by the Senate. 
 But Martius, hearing this stir about him, was in a greater rage 
 with them than before : inasmuch as he raised his siege incon- 
 tinently* before the city of Lavinium, and going towards Rome, 
 lodged his camp within forty furlong of the city, at the ditches 
 called Cluiliae. His incamping so near Rome did put all the 
 whole city in a wonderful fear : howbeit for the present time it 
 appeased the sedition and dissension betwixt the nobility and 
 the people. For there was no consul, senator, nor magistrate, 
 that durst once contrary^ the opinion of the people for the call- 
 ing home again of Martius. 
 
 17. When they saw the women in a marx'ellous fear, run- 
 ning up and down the city : the temples of the gods full of old 
 people, weeping bitterly in their prayers to the gods : and finally, 
 not a man either wise or hardy to provide for their safety : then 
 they were all of opinion, that the people had reason to call 
 home Martius again, to reconcile themselves to him, and that 
 the Senate, on the contrary part, were in marvellous great fault 
 to be angry and in choler with him, when it stood them upon" 
 rather to have gone out and intreated him. So they all agi-eed 
 together to send ambassadors unto him, to let him understand 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 31 
 
 how his countrymen did call him home again, and restored him 
 to all his goods, and besought him to deliver them from this 
 war. The ambassadors that were sent were Martius' familiar 
 friends and acquaintance, who looked at the least for a cour- 
 teous welcome ofi him, as of their familiar friend and kinsman. 
 Howbeit they found nothing less : for at their coming they were 
 brought through J the camp to the place where he was set in his 
 chair of state, with a marvellous and an unspeakable majesty, 
 having the chiefest men of the Volsces about him : so he com- 
 manded them to declare openly the cause of their coming. 
 Which they delivered in the most humble and lowly words they 
 possibly could devise, and with all modest countenance and 
 behaviour agreeable to the same. When they had done their 
 message, for^ the injury they had done him, he answered them 
 very hotly and in great choler : but as general of the Volsces 
 he willed^ them to restore unto the Volsces all their lands and 
 cities they had taken from them in former wars : and moreover, 
 that they should give them the like honour and freedom of 
 Rome as they had before given to the Latins. For otherwise 
 they had no other mean* to end this war, if they did not grant 
 these honest and just conditions of peace. Thereupon he gave 
 them thirty days respite to make him answer. So the ambas- 
 sadors returned straight to Rome, and Martius forthwith de- 
 parted with his army out of the territories of the Romans. ^ This 
 was the first matter wherewith the Volsces (that most envied 
 Martius' glory and authority) did charge^ Martius with. Among 
 those, TuUus was chief : who though he had received no private 
 injury or displeasure of Martius, yet the common fault and im- 
 perfection of man's nature wrought in him, and it grieved him 
 to see his own reputation blemished through Martius' great 
 fame and honour, and so himself to be less esteemed of the 
 Volsces than he was before. This fell out' the more, because 
 eveiy man honoured Martius, and thought he only could do all, 
 and that all other governors and captains must be content with 
 such credit and authority as he would please to countenance 
 them with. From hence they derived all their first accusations 
 and secret murmurings against Martius. For private captains, 
 conspiring against him, were very angry with him : and gave it 
 out, that the removing of the camp was a manifest treason', not 
 of the towns, nor forts, nor of arms, but of time and occasion^, 
 which was a loss of great importance, because it was that 
 which in reason might both loose and bind all, and preserve 
 
 Coriolanus 
 io treat of 
 peace. 
 
 * from, by. 
 
 ^ with regard 
 to. 
 
 ^ required. 
 
 * way. 
 
 The first oc- 
 casion of the 
 Volsce^ envy 
 to Coriola- 
 nus. 
 
 ^ accuse. 
 * from. 
 
 ' happened. 
 
 ^ surrender. 
 
 ® oppor- 
 tunicy. 
 
32 
 
 THE UFE OF 
 
 ^ neverthe- 
 less. 
 
 ' embassy. 
 Atwther 
 amhassctde 
 sent to 
 Coriolavust 
 ' removal. 
 
 The priests 
 and sooth- 
 sayers sent to 
 Coriolan-HS. 
 
 the whole. Now Martius having given the Romans thirty days 
 respite for their answer, and specially because the wars have 
 not. accustomed to make any great changes in less space of 
 time than that, he thought it good yet^, not to lie asleep and 
 idle all the while, but went and destroyed the lands of the 
 enemies' allies, and took seven great cities of theirs well in- 
 habited, and the Romans durst not once put themselves into 
 the field to come to their aid and help, they were so faint- 
 hearted, so mistrustful, and loth besides to make wars. Inso- 
 much as they properly resembled the bodies paralytic and 
 loosed of their limbs and members, as those which through the 
 palsy have lost all their sense and feeling. 
 
 1 8. Wherefore, the time of peace expired, Martius being 
 returned into the dominions of the Romans again with all his 
 army, they sent another ambassade^ unto him, to pray peace, 
 and the remove' of the Volsces out of their country : that after- 
 wards they might with better leisure fall to such agreements 
 together as. should be thought most meet and necessary. For 
 the Romans were no men that would ever yield for fear. But 
 if he thought the Volsces had any ground to demand reasonable 
 articles and conditions, all that they would reasonably ask 
 should be granted unto by the Romans, who of themselves 
 would willingly yield to reason, conditionally, that they did lay 
 down arms. Martius to that answered : 'that, as general of the 
 Volsces, he would reply nothing unto it : but yet, as a Roman 
 citizen, he would counsel them to let fall their pride, and to be 
 conformable to reason, if they were wise : and that they should 
 return again within three days, delivering up the articles agreed 
 upon, which he had first dehvered them. Otherwise, that he 
 would no more give them assurance or safe conduct to return 
 again into his camp with such vain and frivolous messages.' 
 When the ambassadors were returned to Rome, and had re- 
 ported Martius' answer to the Senate : their city being in 
 extreme danger, and as it were in a terrible storm or tempest, 
 they threw out (as the common proverb saith) their holy anchor. 
 For then they appointed all the bishops, priests, ministers of 
 the gods, and keepers of holy things, and all tlie augurs or 
 soothsayers, which foreshew things to come by observation of 
 the flying of birds (which is an old ancient kind of prophesying 
 and divination amongst the Romans) to go to Martius, appa- 
 relled as when they do their sacrifices : and first to intreat him 
 to leave off war, and then that he would speak to his country- 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 3.i 
 
 men, and conclude peace with the Volsces. Martius suffered 
 them to come into his camp, but yet he granted them nothing 
 the more^, neither did he entertain them or speak more cour- 
 teously to them, than he did the first time that they came unto 
 him, saving only that he willed them to take the one of the 
 two : either to accept peace under the first conditions offered, 
 or else to receive war. When all this goodly rabble of super- 
 stitious priests were returned, it was determined in council that 
 none should go out of the gates of the city, and that they should 
 watch and ward upon the walls to repulse their enemies if they 
 came to assault them : referring themselves and all their hope 
 to time, and fortune's uncertain favour, not knowing otherwise 
 how to remedy the danger. Now all the city was full of tumult, 
 fear, and marvellous doubt what would happen, until at the 
 length there fell out such a like matter, as Homer ofttimes said 
 they would least have thought of. For in great matters, that 
 happen seldom. Homer saith, and crieth out in this sort : 
 The goddess Pallas she, with her fair glistering eyes, 
 Did put into his mind such thoughts, and made him so devise. 
 
 And in another place : 
 
 But sure some god hath tane' out of the people's mind 
 Both wit and understanding eke, and have therewith assigned 
 Some other simple spirit, instead thereof to bide, 
 That so they might their doings all, for lack of wit, misguide. 
 
 And in another place ; 
 
 The people of themselves did either it consider, 
 
 Or else some god instructed them, and so they join'd together. 
 
 Many reckon not of Homer, as referring matters unpossible', 
 and fables of no likelihood or troth, unto man's reason, freewill, 
 or judgment, which indeed is not his meaning. But things 
 true and likely, he maketh to depend of our own freewill and 
 reason. For he oft speaketh these words : 
 
 I have thought it in my noble heart. 
 And in another place : 
 
 Achilles angry was, and sorry for to hear 
 
 Him so to say, his heavy breast was fraught with pensive fear. 
 
 And in another place : 
 
 Bellerophon (she) could not move with her fair tongue, 
 So honest and so virtuous he was, the rest among. 
 
 Bflt in wondrous and extraordinary things, which are done by 
 S. P. 3 
 
 ' none the 
 more, 
 
 * taken. 
 
 ' imposnible. 
 
34 
 
 * presents. 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' troop. 
 
 Valeria, 
 Puhl. Calais 
 sister. 
 
 Volmnnia^ 
 
 Martijt^ 
 
 mother. 
 
 Tlie words 
 of Valeria^ 
 ttttto Vo- 
 I'lmiiia attd 
 Virgiiia. 
 
 * greater. 
 
 secret inspirations and motions, he doth not say that God 
 taketh away from man his choice and freedom of will, but that 
 he doth move it : neither that he doth work desire in us, but 
 objectethito our minds certain imaginations whereby we are led 
 to desire, and thereby doth not make this our action forced, but 
 openeth the way to our will, and addeth thereto courage and 
 hope of success. For either we must say, that the gods meddle 
 not with the causes and beginnings of our actions : or else what 
 other means have they to help and further men? It is apparent 
 that they handle not our bodies, nor move not our feet and 
 hands, when there is occasion to use them : but that part of our 
 mind from which these motions proceed, is induced thereto, or 
 carried away by such objects and reasons, as God offereth 
 unto it 
 
 19. Now the Roman ladies and gentlewomen did visit all 
 the temples and gods of the same, to make their prayers unto 
 them : but the greatest ladies (and more part of them) were 
 continually about the altar of Jupiter Capitolin, among which 
 troup 2 by name, was Valeria, Publicola's own sister ; the self- 
 same Pubhcola, who did such notable service to the Romans, 
 both in peace and wars, and was dead also certain years before, 
 as we have declared in his life. His sister Valeria was greatly 
 honoured and reverenced among all the Romans : and did so 
 modestly and wisely behave herself, that she did not shame nor 
 dishonour the house she came of So she suddenly fell into 
 such a fancy, as we have rehearsed before, and had (by some 
 god, as I think) taken hold of a noble device. Whereupon she 
 rose and the other ladies with her, and they £ill together went 
 straight to the house of Volumnia, Martius' mother: and com- 
 ing in to her, found her, and Martius' wife her daughter-in-law, 
 set together, and having her husband Martius' young children 
 in her lap. Now all the train of these ladies sitting in a ring 
 round about her, Valeria first began to speak in this sort unto 
 her ; " We ladies are come to visit you ladies (my lady Volum- 
 nia and Virgilia) by no direction from the Senate, nor com- 
 mandment of other magistrate, but through the inspiration (as 
 I take it) of some god above : who, having taken compassion 
 and pity of our prayers, hath moved us to come unto you, to 
 intreat you in a matter, as well beneficial for us as also for 
 the whole citizens in general, but to yourselves in special (if 
 it please you to credit me), and shall redound to your more' 
 fame and glory, than the daughters of the Sabines obtained 
 
CAIUS MARTI US CORJOLANUS. 
 
 35 
 
 in former age, when they procured loving peace, instead of 
 hateful war, between their fathers and their husbands. Come 
 on, good ladies, and let us go all together unto Martins, to 
 intreat him to take pity upon us, and also to report the truth 
 unto him, how much you are bound unto the citizens : who 
 notwithstanding they have sustained great hurt and losses by 
 him, yet they have not hitherto sought revenge upon your per- 
 sons by any discourteous usage, neither ever conceived any 
 such thought or intent against you, but to deliver you safe 
 into his hands, though thereby they look for no better grace 
 or clemency from him.' When Valeria had spoken this unto 
 them, all the other ladies together, with one voice, confirmed 
 that she had said. Then Volumnia in this sort did answer 
 her : " My good ladies, we are partakers with you of the com- 
 mon misery and calamity of our country, and yet our grief 
 exceedeth yours the more, by reason of our particular mis- 
 fortune, to feel the loss of my son Martins' former valiancy i 
 and glory, and to see his person environed now with our 
 enemies' in arms, rather to see him forthcoming and safe kept 
 than of any love to defend his person. But yet the greatest 
 grief of our heaped mishaps is to see our poor country brought 
 to such extremity, that aU the hope of the safety and pre- 
 servation thereof is now unfortunately cast upon us simple 
 women : because we know not what account he will make of 
 us, since lie hath cast from him all care of his natural country 
 and commonweal, which heretofore he hath holden more dear 
 and precious than either his mother, wife, or children. Not- 
 withstanding, if ye think we can do good, we will willingly do 
 what you will have us ; bring us to him, I pray you. For if we 
 cannot prevail, we may yet die at his feet, as humble suitors 
 for the safety of our country." Her answer ended, she took 
 her daughter-in-law and Martins' children with her, and being 
 accompanied with all the other Roman ladies, they went in 
 troup^ together unto the Volsces' camp: whom when they saw, 
 they of themselves did both pity and reverence her, and there 
 was not a man amon|; them that once durst say a word unto 
 her. Now was Martius set then in his chair of state, with all 
 the honours of a general, and when he had spied the women 
 coming afar off, he marvelled what the matter meant : but 
 afterwards knowing his wife which came foremost, he deter- 
 mined at the first to persist in his obstinate and inflexible ran- 
 cour. But overcome in the end with natural affection, and 
 
 3-2 
 
 The answer 
 of Volutnuia 
 to the Ro- 
 Man ladies. 
 
 ^ vala 
 
36 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * changed, 
 'overcome. 
 
 The oration 
 of Voluinuia 
 7ijUo Iter son 
 Coriolanus. 
 
 ' reveal. 
 
 * unfortu- 
 nately itt ed. 
 1603. 
 
 " dreadful. 
 
 * tarry, wait. 
 ' over. 
 
 being altogether altered' to see them, his heart would not serve 
 him to tarry their coming to his chair, but coming down in 
 haste he went to meet them, and first he kissed his mother, 
 and embraced her a pretty while, then his wife and little chil- 
 dren. And nature so wrought with him that the tears fell 
 from his eyes, and he could not keep himself from making much 
 of them, but yielded to the affection of his blood, as if he had 
 been violently carried with the fury of a most swift running 
 stream. After he had thus lovingly received them, and per- 
 ceiving that his mother Volumnia would begin to speak to him, 
 he called the chiefest of the council of the Volsces to hear 
 what she would say. Then she spake in this sort : " If we 
 held our peace, my son, and determined not to speak, the 
 state of our poor bodies, and present sight of our raiment, 
 would easily bewray^ to thee what life we have led at home, 
 since thy exile and abode abroad ; but think now with thyself, 
 how much more unfortunate* than all the women living, we are 
 come hither, considering that the sight which should be most 
 pleasant to all other to behold, spiteful fortune had made most 
 fearful 2 to us : making myself to see my son, and my daughter 
 here her husband, besieging the walls of his native country ; 
 so as that which is the only comfort to all other in their ad- 
 versity and misery, to pray unto the gods and to call to them 
 for aid, is the only thing which plungeth us into most deep 
 perplexity. For we cannot, alas ! together pray both for victory 
 to our country and for safety of thy life also : but a world 
 of grievous curses, yea, more than any mortal enemy can heap 
 upon us, are forcibly wrapt up in our prayers. For the bitter 
 sop of most hard choice is offered thy wife and children, to 
 forego one of the two : either to lose the person of thyself, or 
 the nurse of their native country. For myself, my son, I am 
 determined not to tarry till fortune, in my lifetime, do make an 
 end of this war. For if I cannot persuade thee, rather to do 
 good unto both parties than to overthrow and destroy the one, 
 preferring love and nature before the malice and calamity of 
 wars, thou shalt see, my son, and trust unto it, thou shalt no 
 sooner march forward to assault thy country, but thy foot shall 
 tread upon thy mother's womb, that brought thee first into this 
 world. And I may not defer* to see the day, either that my son 
 be led prisoner in triumph by his natural countrymen, or that 
 he himself do triumph of^ them, and of his natural country. For 
 if it were so, that my request tended to save thy country, in 
 
CAWS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 il 
 
 destroying the Volsces, I must confess, thou wouldest hardly 
 and doubtfully resolve on that. For as, to destroy thy natural 
 country, it is altogether unmeet and unlawful, so were it not 
 just, and less honourable, to betray those that put their trust 
 in thee. But my only^ demand consisteth, to make a gaol- 
 delivery of all evils, which delivereth .equal benefit and safety 
 both to the one and the other, but most honourable for the 
 Volsces. For it shall appear, that, having victory in their 
 hands, they have of special favour granted us singular graces, 
 peace, and amity, albeit themselves have no less part of both 
 than we. Of which good, if so it came to pass, thyself is the 
 onlyi author, and so hast thou the onlyi honour. But if it fail 
 and fall out contrary, thyself alone deservedly shalt carry the 
 shameful reproach and burthen of either party. So, though the 
 end of war be uncertain, yet this notwithstanding is most cer- 
 tain, that, if it be thy chance to conquer, this benefit shalt thou 
 reap of thy goodly conquest, to be chronicled^ the plague and 
 destroyer of thy country. And if fortune overthrow thee, then 
 the world will say, that, through desire to revenge thy private 
 injuries, thou hast for ever undone thy good friends, who did 
 most lovingly and courteously receive thee." Martins gave 
 good ear unto his mother's words, without^interrupting her 
 sgeeck-at^all, and after she had said what she would, he held 
 his peace a pretty while, and answered not a word. Hereupon 
 she began again to speak unto him, and said : " My son, why 
 dost thou not answer me? Dost thou think it good altogether 
 to give place unto thy choler and desire of revenge, and think- 
 est thou it not honesty^ for thee to gi-ant thy mother's request, 
 in so weighty a cause? Dost thou take it honourable for a 
 noble man to remember the wrongs and injuries done him, 
 and dost not in like case think it an honest* noble man's part, 
 to be thankful for the goodness that parents do shew to their 
 children, acknowledging the duty and reverence they ought to 
 bear unto them? No man living is more bound to shew him- 
 self thankful in all parts and respects than thyself : who so un- 
 '^ naturally* shewest all ingratitude. Moreover (my son) thou hast 
 y sorely taken of^ thy country, exacting grievous payments upon* 
 1 them, in revenge of the injuries offered thee ; besides, thoujiast 
 'ijot hitherto shewed thy poor mother any courtesy. And there- 
 fore it is not only honest*, but due unto me, that without com- 
 pulsion I should obtain my so just and reasonable request of 
 thee. But since by reason I cannot persuade thee to it, to what 
 
 ' solej 
 
 * recorded as. 
 
 ^ an honour. 
 
 * honoura- 
 ble. 
 
 * so ed. 1603 ; 
 universally 
 in ed. 1612. 
 
 * from. 
 
38 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Coriolami^ 
 compassion 
 o/his 
 jiiot/ur. 
 1 lifted. 
 
 2 removed 
 his camp. 
 
 Coriolnmts 
 ■withdraio- 
 eth his army 
 /rotn Rome. 
 
 3 were dis- 
 pleased with. 
 * others. 
 
 * opposed. 
 •* valour. 
 
 ' thoroughly. 
 ' urgent. 
 
 Tht temple 
 of Fortune 
 built /or 
 the women. 
 
 purpose do I defer my last hope?" And with these words, hei 
 self, his wife, and children fell down upon their knees befor 
 him. Martius, seeing that, could refrain no longer, but wen 
 straight and lift* her up, crying out, " Oh mother, what have yoi 
 done to me?" And holding her hard by the right hand, "01 
 mother," said he, " you have won a happy victory for your countrj 
 but mortal and unhappy for yoiu- son : for I see myself van 
 quished by you alone." These words being spoken openly, b 
 spake a little apart with his mother and wife, and then let then 
 return again to Rome, for so they did request him ; and so re 
 maining in camp that night, the next morning he dislodged' 
 and marched homeward into the Volsces' country again, wh( 
 were not all of one mind, nor all ahke contented. For somi 
 misliked' him and that he had done : other*, being well pleasec 
 that peace should be made, said that neither the one nor th( 
 other deserved blame nor reproach. Other*, though they mis 
 liked' that was done, did not think him an iU man for that h( 
 did, but said he was not to be blamed, though he yielded t( 
 such a forcible extremity. Howbeit no man contraried* his de 
 parture, but all obeyed his commandment, more for respect o 
 his worthiness and valiancy^ than for fear of his authority. 
 
 20. Now the citizens of Rome plainly shewed in what fea 
 and danger their city stood of this war, when they were delivered 
 For so soon as the watch upon the walls of the city perceivec 
 the Volsces' camp to remove, there was not a temple in the cit; 
 but was presently^ set open, and fuU of men wearing garlands o 
 flowers upon their heads, sacrificing to the gods, as they wen 
 wont to do upon the news of some great obtained victory. An( 
 this common joy was yet more manifestly shewed by the honour 
 able courtesies the whole Senate and people did bestow oi 
 their ladies. For they were all throughly* persuaded, and die 
 certainly believe, that the ladies only were cause of the saving o 
 the city and delivering themselves from the instant' danger o 
 the war. Whereupon the Senate ordained that the magistrates 
 to gratify and honour these ladies, should grant them all tha 
 they would require. And they only requested that they wouli 
 build a temple of Fortune for the women, unto the bufldini 
 whereof they offered themselves to defray the whole charge o 
 the sacrifices and other ceremonies belonging to the service c 
 the gods. Nevertheless the Senate, commending their goodwil 
 and forwardness, ordained that the temple and im^e should b 
 made at the common charge of the city. Notwithstanding thai 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 39 
 
 the ladies gathered money among them, and made with the 
 same a second image of Fortune, which the Romans say did 
 speak as they offered her up in the temple and did set her in 
 her place : and they affirm, that she spake these words : " Ladies, 
 ye have devoutly offered me up." Moreover, that she spake that 
 twice together : making us to believe things that never were, and 
 are not to be credited. For to see images that seem to sweat or 
 weep, or to put forth any humour red or bloody, it is not a thing 
 unpossible^ For wood and stone do commonly receive certain 
 moisture, whereof are ingendered humours, which do yield of 
 themselves, or do take of the air, many sorts and kinds of spots 
 and colours : by which signs and tokens it is not amiss, me think, 
 that the gods sometimes do warn men of things to come. And 
 it is possible also, that these images and statues do sometimes 
 put forth sounds like unto sighs or mourning, when in the midst 
 or bottom of the same there is made some violent separation or 
 breaking asunder of things blown or devised therein : but that 
 a body which hath neither life nor soul should have any direct 
 or exquisite^ words formed in it by express voice, that is altogether 
 unpossible'-. For the soul nor God himself can distinctly speak 
 without a body, having necessary organs and instruments meet 
 for the parts of the same, to form and utter distinct words. But 
 where stories many times do force us to believe a thing reported 
 to be true, by many grave testimonies : there we must say, that 
 it is some passion contrary to our five natural senses, which be- 
 ing begotten in the imaginative part or understanding draweth 
 an opinion unto itself even as we do in our sleeping. For many 
 times we think we hear that we do not hear, and we imagine we 
 see that we see not. Yet notwithstanding, such as are godly 
 bent and zealously given to think on heavenly things, so as they 
 can no Way be drawn from beljeving that which is spoken of 
 them, they have this reason to ground the foundation of their 
 belief upon ; that is, the omnipot^ncy^ of God, which is wonderful, 
 and hath no manner of resemblance or likeness of proportion 
 unto ours, but is altogether contrary, as touching our nature, our 
 moving, our art, and our force : and therefore, if he do any thing 
 unpossible^ to us, or do bring forth and devise things above man's 
 common reach and understanding, we must not therefore think 
 it unpossible* at alL For if in other things he is far contrary to 
 us, much more in his works and secret operations he far passeth 
 all the rest : but the most part of God's doings, as Heraclitus 
 saith, for lack of faith, are hidden and unknown unto us. 
 
 The image 
 of Fortitne 
 spaMe to the 
 ladies at 
 Rome. 
 ^ impossible. 
 Of th£ sweat- 
 ing and 
 voices of 
 Ullages. 
 
 2 exact, dis- 
 tinct. 
 
 Of the ont' 
 nipoteilcy of 
 God. 
 
 2 omnipo- 
 tence. 
 
40 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Tullus Au- 
 Jidzrts seek- 
 eth to kill 
 Coriolanus. 
 
 ' demanded 
 that. 
 
 ^ defence. 
 ^ most 
 hunourable. 
 
 ^ innocence. 
 
 ° procure. 
 " owed. 
 
 ' guidance. 
 ^ intention. 
 ' mutinying. 
 
 21. Now when Martius was returned again into the city o< 
 Antium from his voyage, Tullus, that hated and could no longer 
 abide him for the fear he had of his authority, sought diverse 
 means to make him away ; thinking, if he let slip that present 
 time, he should never recover the like and fit occasion again. 
 Wherefore Tullus, having procured many other of his confederacy, 
 required^ Martius might be deposed from his estate, to render up 
 account to the Volsces of his charge and government. Martius, 
 fearing to become a private man again under Tullus being 
 general (whose authority was greater otherwise than any other 
 among all the Volsces), answered : he was willing to give up his 
 chai-ge, and would resign it into the hands of the lords of the 
 Volsces, if they did all command him, as by all their command- 
 ment he received it. And moreover, that he would not refuse 
 even at that present to give up an account unto the people, if 
 they would tarry the hearing of it. The people hereupon called 
 a common council, in which assembly there were certain orators 
 appointed that stirred up the common people against him : and 
 when they had told their tales, Martius rose up to make them 
 answer. Now, notwithstanding the mutinous people made a 
 marvellous great noise, yet when they saw him, for the reverence 
 they bare unto his va^iantness, they quieted themselves, and 
 gave him audience to allege with leisure what he could for his 
 purgation \ Moreover, the honestest' men of the Antiates, and 
 who most rejoiced in peace, shewed by their countenance that 
 they would hear him willingly and judge also according to 
 their conscience. Whereupon Tullus, fearing that, if he did let 
 him speak, he would prove his innocency* to the people, because 
 amongst other things he had an eloquent tongue ; besides that 
 the first good service he had done to the people of the Volsces 
 did win him more favour than these last accusations could pur- 
 chase^ him displeasure : and furthermore, the oifence they laid to 
 his charge was a testimony of the goodwill they ought ^ him ; for 
 they would never have thought he had done them wrong for that 
 they took not the city of Rome, if they had not been very near 
 taking of it by means of his approach and conduction^ For 
 these causes Tullus thought he might no longer delay his pretence* 
 and enterprise, neither to tarry for the mutining^ and rising of 
 the common people against him: wherefore those that were of 
 the conspiracy began to cry out that he was not to be heard, 
 and that they would not suffer a traitor to usurp tyrannical power 
 over the tribe of the Volsces, who would not yield up his state 
 
CAIUS MARTIUS CORIOLANUS. 
 
 4' 
 
 and authority. And in saying these words, they all fell upon 
 him, and killed him in the market-place, none of the people once 
 offering to rescue him. 
 
 22. Howbeit it is a clear case, that this murder was not 
 generally consented unto of^ the most part of the Volsces : for 
 men came out of all parts to honour his body, and did honour- 
 ably bury him ; setting out his tomb with great store of armour 
 and spoils, as the tomb of a worthy person and great captain. 
 The Romans, understanding of his death, shewed no other 
 honour or malice, saving that they granted the ladies their 
 request they made, that they might mourn ten months for him : 
 and that was the full time they used to wear blacks ^ for the death 
 of their fathers, brethren, or husbands, according to Numa 
 Pompilius' order who stablished the same, as we have enlarged 
 more amply in the description of his life. Now Martius being 
 dead, the whole state of the Volsces heartily wished him alive 
 again. For, first of all, they fell out with the .iEques (who were 
 their friends and confederates) touching preheminence' and 
 place : and this quarrel grew on so far between them, that frays 
 and murders fell out upon it one with another. After that, the 
 Romans overcame them in battle, in which TuUus was slain in 
 the field, and the flower of all their force was put to the sword : 
 so that they were compelled to accept most shameful conditions 
 of peace, in yielding themselves subject unto the conquerors, and 
 promising to be obedient at their commandment. 
 
 Coriolanus 
 murdered 
 in the city 
 of Anti-um. 
 
 Coriolanus' 
 funerals. 
 »by. 
 
 The itme of 
 7nouming 
 appointed by 
 Numa. 
 
 " preemi- 
 nence. 
 
 TuUttsAu- 
 Jidiits slain 
 in battle. 
 
Arucment. 
 
 Ceesarjoined 
 with Cinna 
 andMarius. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 THE LIFE OF JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 I. C^SAR sides •with Marius against Sylla. i. CjESAR takm by 
 Pirates. 3. C^SAR's eloquence. 4. CiCERo's judgment of CSSAR. 
 CiESAR's funeral oration over his aunt JULIA. J. C^SAR sets up 
 images of Marius. 6. He is made chief Bishop of Rome. 7. His 
 action in the case of Catiline's conspiracy, 8. Intrigue ^Clodius 
 with Caesar's wife Pompeia. 9. Caesar's acts in Spain. 10. He 
 reconciles Pompey and Crassus. ii. His first consulship and 
 laws. 1 2. His daughter Julia is married to Pompey ; he himself 
 marries Calphurnia. 13. He sends Cato to prison, and drives 
 ClCt.'&.O out of Italy. 14. His conquests in Gavl. 15. The valour of 
 AciLius, Cassius Sc/eva, and Granius Petronius. 16. Descrip- 
 tion of Cjesar's valour, bounty, health, and habits. 17. His first 
 war with the Gavus, and victory over the UtAJW^Tll. 18. His second 
 war, against Ariovistus. 19. He defeats the Belg^. 20. He 
 defeats the Nervii. II. His conference with PoMPEY, Crassus, and 
 others, at LuccA. 22. His war against the Ipes and Tenterides. 
 23. He makes a bridge over the Rhine. 24. His expedition to 
 England. Death of his daughter Julia. 25. Rebellions of the 
 Gauls, and defeat of Vercingetorix. 26. Siege of Alexia. 
 27. Discord between C^SAR and Pompey. 28. C^sar bribes the 
 magistrates at RoME. 29. He crosses the RUBICON. 30. Pompey 
 _/?«« i^o Epirus. 31. Cmsa^ is made Dictator. His adventure in the 
 pinnace. 32. His ill success in EpiRUS. 33. Battle ^Pharsalia, and 
 defeat of Pompey. 34. C^sar makes Cleopatra queen g;^ Egypt. 
 35. " Veni, vidi, vici." 36. Adventures in AFRICA, attd death of 
 Cato. 37. Cjesa^'s three triumphs. 38. His expedition to Spain, 
 against the sons s/^PoMPEY; battle of MuNDA. 39. He is chosen 
 perpetual Dictator. 40. He reforms the Calendar. 41. Feast of the 
 LuPERCALIA. C^SAR twice refuses the diadem. 42. Brutus con- 
 spdres against him. 43. Prognostics of his death. 44. He is assas- 
 sinated. 45. Events following his death. 46. Fate o/^Brutus and 
 Cassius. 
 
 I. At what time Sylla was made lord of all, he would have 
 had Csesar put away his wife Cornelia, the daughter of Cinna 
 dictator : but when he saw he could neither with any promise 
 nor threat bring him to it, he took her jointure away from him. 
 The cause of Csesar's ill will unto Sylla was by means of mar- 
 
THE LIFE OF JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 43 
 
 riage: for Marius the elder married his father's own sister, by 
 whom he had Marius the younger, whereby Caesar and he were 
 cousin-germans. Sylla being troubled in weighty matters, put- 
 ting to death so many of his enemies, when he came to be 
 conqueror, he made no reckoning of Caesar : and he was 
 not contented to be hidden in safety, but came and made siiit 
 unto the people for the priesthoodship that was void*, when he 
 had scant^ any hair on his face. Howbeit he was repulsed by 
 Sylla's means, that secretly was against him. Who, when he 
 was determined to have killed him, some of his friends told him, 
 that it was to no purpose to put so young a boy as he to death. 
 But Sylla told them again, that they did not consider* that 
 there were many Marians in that young "boy. Caesar under- 
 standing that, stole out of Rome, and hid himself a long time 
 in the country of the Sabines, wandering still from place to 
 place. But one day being carried from house to house, he fell 
 into the hands of Sylla's soldiers, who searched all those places, 
 and took them whom they found hidden. Caesar bribed the 
 captain, whose name was Cornehus, with two talents which he 
 gave him. 
 
 2. After he had escaped them thus, he went unto the sea- 
 side, and took ship, and sailed into Bithynia to go unto king 
 Nicomedes. When he had been with him awhile, he took sea 
 again, and was taken by pirates about the ile* of Pharmacusa : 
 for those pirates kept ail upon the sea-coast, with a great fleet 
 of ships and boats. They asking him at the first twenty talents 
 for his ransom, C^sar laughed them to scorn, as though they 
 knew not what a man they had taken, and of himself promised 
 them fifty talents. Then he sent his men up and down to get 
 him this money, so that he was left in manner^ alone among 
 these thieves of the Cilicians (which are the cruellest butchers 
 in the world) with one of his friends, and two of his slaves only : 
 and yet he made so Uttle reckoning of them, that when he was 
 desirous to sleep, he sent unto them to command them to make 
 no noise. Thus was he thirty-eight days among them, not kept 
 as prisoner, but rather waited upon by them as a prince. All 
 this time he would boldly exercise himself in any sport or 
 pastime they would go to. And othervyhile also he would write 
 verses, and make orations, and call them together to say them 
 before them : and if any of them seemed as though they had 
 not understood him, or passed* not for them, he called them 
 blockheads and brute beasts ; and laughing, threatened them 
 
 1 vacant. 
 
 2 scarcely. 
 
 * perceive. 
 
 CcBsar took 
 sea and went 
 unto Nico- 
 tnedeSf king 
 of Bithynia., 
 Ctzsar taken 
 qfpifates. 
 * isle. 
 
 • cared. 
 
44 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ at once. 
 
 ' anchor. 
 ^ island. 
 * as for. 
 
 yttniifs PrtE- 
 tor of Asia. 
 
 ' isle. 
 
 Casat's elo^ 
 quetice. 
 
 that he would hang them up. But they were as merry with the 
 matter as could be, aod took all in good part, thinking that this 
 his bold speech came through the simplicity of his youth. So 
 when his ransom was come from the city of Miletum, they being 
 paid their money, and he again set at liberty, he then pre- 
 sentlyi armed and manned certain ships out of the haven of 
 Miletum, to follow those thieves, whom he found yet riding at 
 anker^ in the same iland^ So he took the most of them, and 
 had the spoil of their goods ; but for* their bodies, he brought 
 them into the city of Pergamus and there committed them to 
 prison, whilst he himself went to speak with Junius, who had 
 the government of Asia, as unto whom the execution of these 
 pirates did belong, for that he was Praetor of that country. 
 But this PrEetor, having a great fancy to be fingering of the 
 money, because there was good store of it, answered that he 
 would consider of these prisoners at better leisure. Casar, 
 leaving Junius there, returned again unto Pergamus, and there 
 hung up all these thieves openly upon a cross, as he had often- 
 times promised them in the ile° he would do, when they thought 
 he did but jest. 
 
 3. Afterwards when Sylla's power began to decay, Csesar's 
 friends wrote unto him, to pray him to come home again. But 
 he sailed first unto Rhodes, to study there a, time under Apol- 
 lonius the son of Molon, whose scholar also Cicero was, for 
 he was a very honest man and an excellent good rhetorician. 
 It is reported, that Caesar had an excellent natural gift to speak 
 well before the people ; and besides that rare gift, he was excel- 
 lently well studied, so that doubtless he was counted the second 
 man for eloquence in his time, and gave place to the first, 
 because he would be the first and chiefest man of war and 
 authority, being not yet come to the degree of perfection to 
 speak well, which his nature could have performed in him, 
 because he was given rather to follow wars and to manage great 
 matters, which in the end brought him to be lord of all Rome. 
 And therefore in a book he wrote against that which Cicero 
 made in the praise of Cato, he prayeth the readers not to com- 
 pare the style of a soldier with the eloquence of an excellent 
 orator, that had followed it the most part of his life. When he 
 was returned again unto Rome, he accused Dolabella for his ill 
 behaviour in the government of his provinces, and he had divers 
 cities of Greece that gave in evidence against him. Notwith- 
 standing, DolabeUa at the length was dismissed. Casar, to 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 45 
 
 requite the good will of the. Grecians which they had shewed 
 him in his accusation of Dolabella, took their cause in hand, 
 when they did accuse Publius Antonius before Marcus LucuUus, 
 Praetor of Macedon : and followed it so hard against him in 
 their behalf, that Antonius was driven to appeal before the 
 tribunes at Rome, alleging, to colour his appeal withal, that 
 he could have no justice in Greece against the Grecians. Now 
 Caasar immediately wan^ many men's good wills at Rome, 
 through his eloquence in pleading of their causes, and the 
 people loved him marvellously also, because of the courteous 
 manner he had to speak to every man, and to use them gently, 
 being more ceremonious therein than was looked for^ in one of 
 his years. Furthermore, he ever kept a good board, and fared 
 well at his table, and was very liberal besides : the which indeed 
 did advance him forward, and brought him in estimation with 
 the people. His enemies, judging that this favour of the com- 
 mon people would soon quail 3, when he could no longer hold 
 out that charge and expense, suffered him to run on, till by 
 little and little he was grown to be of great strength and power. 
 But in fine, when they had thus given him the bridle to grow to 
 this greatness, and that they could not then pull him back, though 
 indeed in sight* it would turn one day to the destruction of the 
 whole state and commonwealth of Rome : too late they found, 
 that there is not so little a beginning of any thing, but con- 
 tinuance of time will soon make it strong, when through con- 
 tempt there is no impediment to hinder the greatness. 
 
 4. Thereupon Cicero, like a wise shipmaster that feareth 
 the calmness of the sea, was the first man that, mistrusting his 
 manner of dealing in the commonwealth, found out his craft 
 and malice, which he cunningly cloaked under the habit of out- 
 ward courtesy and familiarity. " And yet," said he, " when I 
 consider how finely he combeth his fair bush of hair, and how 
 smooth it lieth, and that I see him scratch his head with one 
 finger only, my mind gives me then, that such a kind of man 
 should not have so wicked a thought in his head, as to over- 
 throw the state of the commonwealth." But this was long time 
 after that. The first shew and proof of the love and goodwill 
 which the people did bear unto Caesar, was when he sued to be 
 tribune of the soldiers (to wit, colonel of a thousand footmen) 
 standing against Caius Pompilius, at what time he was pre- 
 ferred and chosen before him. But the second and more mani- 
 fest proof than the first, was at the death of his aunt Julia, the 
 
 ^ expected. 
 
 CcBSar Im'ed 
 hos^tality. 
 
 Ctssai" a foU 
 lower of the 
 people, 
 s fail. 
 
 * It was eviT 
 dent. . 
 
 Cicerds 
 jitdgmeni of 
 Ccgsar. 
 
 The Imie of 
 
 the people in 
 
 Rome unto 
 
 Ccesar. 
 
 Ctesarchosen 
 
 Tribunns 
 
 militum. 
 
46 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Casar made 
 tItefuTieral 
 oration, at 
 ike cieatJi of 
 his auitt 
 7ulia. 
 
 ' whereas. 
 
 Ccesar the 
 Jirst thai 
 praised his 
 it'i/e iti 
 /luterctl 
 oration^ 
 Ca'sar made 
 QuiEstor, 
 
 Pompeia 
 Ctssat^s 
 third w{/e. 
 
 ^ because, 
 
 3 whereas. 
 * cheaply. 
 
 Casat's pro- 
 digality, 
 
 ^ wou. 
 
 wife of Marius the elder. For being her nephew, he made a 
 solemn oration in the market-place in commendation of her, 
 and at her burial did boldly venture to shew forth the images of 
 Marius : the which was the first time that they were seen after 
 Sylla's victory, because that Marius and all his confederates had 
 been proclaimed traitors and enemies to the commonwealth. 
 For when there were some that cried out upon Caesar for doing 
 of it, the people on the other side kept astir, and rejoiced at it, 
 clapping of their hands ; and thanked him, for that he had 
 brought, as it were out of hell, the remembrance of Marius' 
 honour again into Rome, which had so long time been obscvired 
 and buried. And where^ it had been an ancient custom of long 
 time, that the Romans used to make funeral orations in praise 
 of old ladies and matrons when they died, but not of young 
 women: Cassar was the first that praised his own wife with 
 funeral oration when she was dead, the which also did increase 
 the people's goodwills the more, seeing him of so kind and 
 gentle nature. After the burial of his wife, he was made trea- 
 surer under Antistius Vetus prEtor, whom he honoured ever 
 after: so that when himself came to be preetor, he made his 
 son to be chosen treasurer. Afterwards, when he was come out 
 of that office, he married his third wife Pompeia, having a 
 daughter by his first wife, Cornelia, which was married unto 
 Pompey the Great 
 
 5. Now for that^ he was very liberal in expenses, buying (as 
 some thought) but a vain and short glory of the favour of the 
 people, (where' indeed he bought good cheap* the greatest 
 things that could be :) some say, that before he bare any office 
 in the commonwealth, he was grown in debt, to the sum of 
 thirteen hundred talents. Furthermore, because he was made 
 overseer of tlie work for the highway called Appius' way, he 
 disbursed a great sum of his own money towards the charges* 
 of the same. And on the other side, when he was made .(Edilis, 
 for that he did shew the people the pastime of three hundred 
 and twenty couple of sword-players, and did besides exceed all 
 other in sumptuousness in the sports and common feasts, which 
 he made to delight them withal, and did as it were drown all 
 the stately shews of others in the like, that had gone before 
 him, he so pleased the people and wan^ their love therewith, 
 that they devised daily to give him new offices for to requite 
 him. At that time there were two factions in Rome, to wit, 
 the faction of Sylla, which was very strong and of great powjer; 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 47 
 
 and the other of Marius, which then was under foot, and durst 
 not shew itself. But Caesar, because he would renew it again, 
 even at that time when, he being ^dilis, all the feasts and 
 common sports were in their greatest ruffi, he secretly caused 
 images of Marius to be made, and of victories that carried 
 triumphs ; and those he set up one night within the capitol. 
 The next morning, when eveiy man saw the glistering of these 
 golden images excellently well wrought, shewing by the inscrip- 
 tions that they were the victories which Marius had won upon 
 the Cimbres, every one marvelled much at the boldness of him 
 that durst set them up there, knowing well enough who it was. 
 Hereupon it ran straight through all the city, and every man 
 came thither to see them. Then some -cried out upon Caesar, 
 and said, it was a tyranny which he meant to set up, by renew- 
 ing of such honours as before had been trodden under foot and 
 forgotten by common decree and open proclamation : and that 
 it was no more but a bait to gauge the people's good wills, which 
 he had set out in the stately shews of his common plays, to see 
 if he had brought them to his lure, that they would abide such 
 parts to be played, and a new alteration of things to be made. 
 They of Marius' faction on the other side, encouraging one 
 another, shewed themselves straight a great number gathei'ed 
 together, and made the mount of the Capitol ring again with 
 their cries and clapping of hands : insomuch as the tears ran 
 down many of their cheeks, for very joy, when they saw the 
 images of Marius, and they extolled Caesar to the skies, judging 
 him the worthiest man of all the kinred^ of Marius. The 
 Senate being assembled thereupon, Catulus Luctatius, one of 
 the greatest authority at that time in Rome, rose, and vehe- 
 mently inveighed against Cffisar, and spake that then which 
 ever since hath been noted much : that Cssar did not now 
 covertly go to work, but by plain force sought to alter the state 
 of the' commonwealth. Nevertheless, Caesar at that time an- 
 swered him so, that the Senate was satisfied. Thereupon they 
 that had him in estimation did grow in better hope than before, 
 and persuaded him, that hardily ^ he should give place to no 
 man, and that through the goodwill of the people he should 
 be better than all they, and come to be the chiefest man of 
 the city. 
 
 6. At that time the chief bishop Metellus died, and two 
 of the notablest men of the city, and of the greatest authority 
 (Isauricus and Catulus), , contended for his. room*; Caesar, not- 
 
 ' height. 
 
 Cssar etc- 
 ctised to 
 make a re- 
 bellion in 
 ike state. 
 
 2 kindled. 
 
 I boldly. 
 
 The death 
 of Metellus 
 ckiej Bishop 
 of Rome, 
 * place. 
 
48 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ■ Finally. 
 
 ' won. 
 
 Ctzsar made 
 ckUf Bishop 
 of Rome. 
 " betray. 
 Ceesar 
 stispecied to 
 be confede- 
 rate with 
 Catitine in 
 his con- 
 spiracy. 
 
 * convicted. 
 
 Casar -went 
 about to de- 
 liver the 
 conspirators. 
 
 ^ indictment. 
 
 • so decide. 
 
 ^ surpassing. 
 
 withstanding their contention, would give neither of them both 
 place, but presented himself to the people, and made suit for it 
 as they did. The suit being equal betwixt either of them, 
 Catulus, because he was a man of greater calling and dignity 
 than the other, doubting the uncertainty of the election, sent 
 unto Caesar a good sum of money, to make him leave off his 
 suit. But CcEsar sent him word again, that he would lend a 
 greater sum than that, to maintain the suit against him. When 
 the day of the election came, his mother bringing him to the 
 door of his house, Cassar, weeping, kissed her, and said : " JVIother, 
 this day thou shalt see thy son chief Bishop of Rome, or 
 banished from Rome." In fine^, when the voices of the people 
 were gathered together, and the strife well debated, Caesar wan^ 
 the victory, and made the Senate and noblemen all afraid of 
 him, for that they thought that thenceforth he would make 
 the people do what he thought good. Then Catulus and Piso 
 fell flatly out with Cicero, and condemned him for that he did 
 not bewray' Caesar, when he knew that he was of conspiracy 
 with Catiline, and had opportunity to have done it. 
 
 7. For when Catiline was bent and determined, not only to 
 Overthrow the state of the commonwealth, but utterly to destroy 
 the Empire of Rome, he escaped out of the hands of justice for 
 lack of sufficient proof, before his fuU treason and determination 
 was known. Notwithstanding, he left Lentulus and Cethegus in 
 the city, companions of his conspiracy : unto whom, whether 
 CKsar did give any secret help or comfort, it is not well known. 
 Yet this is manifest, that when they were convinced* in open 
 Senate, Cicero being at that time Consul, asking every man's 
 opinion in the Senate what punishment they should have, and 
 every one of them, till it came to Csesar, gave sentence they 
 should die: Cassar then rising up to speak, made an oration 
 (penned and premeditated before) and said, that it was neither 
 lawful, nor yet their custom did bear it, to put men of such 
 nobility to death (but in an extremity) without lawful indite- 
 ment' and condemnation. And therefore, that if they were put 
 in prison in some city of Italy, where Cicero thought best, 
 until that Catiline were overthrown, the Senate then might at 
 their pleasure quickly take such order" therein, as might appear 
 best unto their wisdoms. This opinion was thought more gentle, 
 and withal was uttered with such a passing'' good grace and 
 eloquence, that not only they which were to speak after him 
 did approve -itr but such also as had spoken to the contraiy 
 
JULIUS CMSAR.. 
 
 49 
 
 before, revoked their opinion, and stuck to his, until it came 
 to Cato and Catulus to speak. They both did sharply inveigh 
 against him, but Cato chiefly : who in his .oration made Csesar 
 suspected to be of the conspiracy, and stoutly spake against 
 him, insomuch that the offenders were put into the hands of 
 the officers to be put to death. Cjesar coming out of the 
 Senate, a company of young men which guarded Cicero for 
 the safety of his person, did set upon him with their swords 
 drawn. But some say, that Curio covered Csesar with his gown, 
 and took him out of their hands. And Cicero self, when the 
 young men looked upon him, beckoned with his head that they 
 should not kill him, either fearing the fury of the people, or 
 else that he thought it too shameful and wicked a part. But 
 if that were true, I mar\'el why Cicero did not put it into his 
 book he wrote of his consulship. But certainly they blamed him 
 afterwards, for that he took not the opportunity offered him 
 against Csesar, only for overmuch fear of thepeople, that loved 
 him very dearly. For shortly after, when Cassar went into the 
 Senate, to clear himself of certain presumptions and false accusa- 
 tions objected against him, and laeing bitterly taunted among 
 them, the Senate keeping him longer than they were wont : 
 the people came about the council-house, and called out aloud 
 for him, bidding them let him out. Cato then, fearing the 
 insurrection of the poor needy persons, which were they that 
 put all their hope in Ceesar, and did also move the people to stir, 
 did persuade the Senate to make a frank^ distribution of corn 
 unto them, for a month. This distribution did put the common- 
 wealth to a new charge of five hundred and fifty myriads 2. This 
 counsel quenched a present great fear, and did in happy time 
 scatter and disperse abroad the best part of Caesar's force and 
 power, at such time as he was made Praetor, and that for respect 
 of his office he was most to be feared. Yet all the time he was 
 officer, he never sought any alteration in the commonwealth; 
 but contrarily^, he' himself had a great misfortune fell on his 
 house, which was this. 
 
 8. There was a young nobleman of the order of the Patri- 
 cians, called Publius Clodius, who lacked neither wealth nor 
 eloquence ; but otherwise as insolent and iftipudent a person as 
 any was else in Rome. He became in love with Pompeia 
 Caesar's wife, who misliked not withal : notwithstanding she 
 was so straightly looked to*, and Aurelia (Csesar's mother) an 
 honest gentlewoman, had such an eye of^ her, that these two 
 S. P. 4 
 
 Caio^s ara' 
 Hon against 
 Ctesar^ 
 
 1 free. 
 
 ^ sums of 
 10,000 dracli- 
 mEe. 
 
 3 on the con- 
 trary. 
 
 The loveqfP. 
 Clodius un- 
 to Pompeia, 
 Cezsar'sivi/e. 
 The good 
 goddess^ 
 what she 
 was, titid her 
 sacrifices. 
 * strictly 
 watched, 
 ■^ upon. 
 
5° 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 y 
 
 '^ greatest. 
 
 3 betrayed. 
 
 lovers could not meet as they would, without great peril and 
 difficulty. The Romans do use to honour a goddess which they 
 call the good goddess, as the Grecians have her whom they call 
 Gynsecia, to wit, the goddess of women. Her, the Phrygians do 
 claim to be peculiar unto them, saying : that she is king Midas' 
 mother. Howbeit the Romans hold opinion, that it is a nymph 
 of the woods married unto the god Faunus. The Grecians, they 
 say also, that she was one of the mothers of the god Bacchus, 
 whom they dare not name. And for proof hereof, on her feast- 
 day, the women make certain tabernacles of vine-twigs, and 
 leaves of vine-branches ; and also they make, as the tale goeth, 
 a holy dragon for this goddess, and do set it by her : besides, it 
 is not lawful for any man to be present at their sacrifices, no, 
 not within the house itself where they are made. Furthermore 
 they say, that the women in these sacrifices do many things 
 amongst themselves, much like unto the ceremonies of Orpheus. 
 Now when the time of this feast came, the husband (whether he 
 were Prsetor or Consul) and all his men and the boys in the 
 house, do come out of it, and leave it wholly to his wife, to order' 
 the house at her pleasure, and there the sacrifices and ceremo- 
 nies are done the most^ part of the night, and they do besides 
 pass the night away in songs and music. Pompeia, Caesar's 
 wife, being that year to celebrate this feast, Clodius, who had 
 yet no hair on his face, and thereby thought he should not 
 be bewrayed', disguised himself in a singing wench's apparel, 
 because his face was very like unto a young wench. He find- 
 ing the gates open, being secretly brought in by her chamber- 
 maid that was made privy unto it, she left him, and ran to 
 Pompeia her mistress, to tell her that he was come. The 
 chamber-maid tarried long before she came again, insomuch as 
 Clodius, being weary waiting for her where she left him, he 
 took his pleasure and went from one place to another in the 
 house, which had very large rooms in it, still shunning the 
 light; and was by chance met withal* by one of Aurelia's 
 maids, who taking him for a woman, prayed her to play. 
 Clodius refusing to play, the maid pulled him forward, and 
 asked him what he was : Clodius then answered her, that he 
 tarried for Abra, one of Pompeia's women. So Aurelia's maid, 
 knowing him by his voice, ran straight where the lights and 
 ladies were, and cried out, that there was a man disguised in 
 woman's apparel. The women therewith were so amazed, that 
 Aurelia caused them presently" to leave off the ceremonies of the 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 5^ 
 
 sacrifice, and to hide their secret things ; and having seen the 
 gates fast locked, went immediately up and down the house with 
 torch-light to seek out this man: who at the last was found out 
 in the chamber of Pompeia's maid, with whom he hid himself. 
 Thus Clodius being found out, and known of the women, they 
 thrust him out of the doors by the shoulders. The same night 
 the women told their husbands of this chance as soon as they 
 came home. The next morning, there ran a great rumour 
 through the city, how Clodius had attempted a great villany, 
 and that he deserved not only to be punished of them whom 
 he had slaiidered, but also of the commonwealth and the gods. 
 There was one of the tribunes of the people that did indite ^ him, 
 and accuse him of high treason to the gods. Furthermore, there 
 were also of the chiefest of the nobility and Senate, that came to 
 depose against him, and burthened him with many horrible and 
 detestable facts, and specially with incest committed with his 
 own sister, which was married unto Lucullus. Notwithstanding 
 the people stoutly defended Clodius against their accusations : 
 and this did help him much against the judges, which were 
 amazed, and afraid to stir the people. This notwithstanding, 
 Cassar presently put his wife away, and thereupon being brought 
 by Clodius' accuser to be a witness against him, he answered, 
 he knew nothing of ^ that they objected against Clodius. This 
 answer being clean contrary to their expectation that heard it, 
 the accuser asked Cassar, why then he had put away his wife : 
 "Because I will not," said he, "that my wife be so much as 
 suspected." And some say that Caesar spake truly as he 
 thought. But others think that he -did it to please the common 
 people, who were very desirous to save Clodius. So Clodius 
 was discharged of this accusation, because the most part of the 
 judges gave a confused judgment, for the fear they stood in one 
 way of the danger of the common people, if they condemned him, 
 and for the ill opinion on the other side of the nobility, if they 
 did quit^ him. 
 
 9. The government of the province of Spain being fallen 
 unto Csesar, for that he was Prsetor, his creditors came and cried 
 out upon him, and were importunate of him to be paid. Cassar, 
 being unable to satisfy them, was compelled to go unto Crassus, 
 who was the richest man of all Rome, and that stood in need of 
 Csesar's boldness and courage to withstand Pompey's greatness 
 in the commonwealth. Crassus became his surety unto his 
 greediest creditors for the sum of eight hundred and thirty 
 
 4—2 
 
 Cloditts ta~ 
 ken in ike 
 sacrifices of 
 the good 
 goddess. 
 
 ^ indict. 
 
 Clodius ac- 
 cused/or 
 profaning 
 the sacrifires 
 of the good 
 goddess 
 
 Casar ^iii- 
 teth away 
 his ivife 
 Potnpeia.- 
 2 about. 
 
 Clodius 
 quit by the 
 judges for 
 prqfanittg 
 the sacrifices 
 of the good 
 goddess. 
 
 * acquit. 
 
 Casar Pra- 
 torof Spain.. 
 
 Crassus 
 surety for 
 CiPsar to his 
 creditors. 
 
5' 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ceesnr's acts 
 in Spain. 
 
 ^ regiments. 
 
 ' arranged. 
 
 CtBsar's or- 
 der betw3en 
 tUe creditor 
 and tlte 
 del tor. 
 
 C<psar^s sol- 
 diets cal.ed 
 him Inipera- 
 tor. 
 * that is. 
 
 ^ unluckily. 
 
 talents : whereupon they suffered Caesar to depart to the govern- 
 ment of his province. In this journey it is reported, that passing 
 over the mountains of the Alps, they came thi-ough a little poor 
 village that had not many households, and yet poor cottages. 
 There his friends that did accompany him asked him meiTily, 
 if there were any contending for offices in that town, and whether 
 there were any strife there amongst the noblemen for honour. 
 Cassar speaking in good earnest, answered : " I cannot tell that," 
 said he, " but for my part I had rather be the chiefest man here 
 than the second person in Rome." Another time also when he 
 was in Spain, reading the history of Alexander's acts, when he 
 had read it, he was sorrowful a good while after, and then burst 
 out in weeping. His friends seeing that, marvelled what should 
 be the cause of his sorrow. He answered them, " Do ye not 
 think," said he, " that I have good cause to be heavy, when king 
 Alexander, being no elder^ than myself is now, had in old time 
 won so many nations and countries : and that I hitherunto have 
 done nothing worthy of myself?" Therefore when he was come 
 into Spain, he was very careful of his business, and had in few 
 days joined ten new ensigns^ more of footmen unto the other 
 twenty which he had before. Then marching forward against 
 the Callecians and Lusitanians, he conquered all, and went as 
 far as the great sea Oceanum, subduing all the people which 
 before knew not the Romans for their lords. There he took 
 order^ for pacifying of the war, and did as wisely take order for 
 the establishing of peace. For he did reconcile the cities toge- 
 ther, and made them friends one with another, but specially he 
 pacified all suits of law and strife betwixt the debtors and cre- 
 ditors, which grew by reason of usury. For he ordained that 
 the creditors should take yearly two parts of the revenue of their 
 debtors, until such time as they had paid themselves : and that 
 the debtors should have the third part themselves to live 
 withal. 
 
 lo. He having won great estimation by this good order 
 taken, returned from his government very rich, and his soldiers --^ 
 also full of rich spoils, who called him Imperator, to say*, sove- " j 
 reign Captain. Now the Romans having a custom, that such as 
 demanded honour of triumph should remain a while without 
 the city, and that they on the other side which sued for the 
 Consulship should of necessity be there in person: Cssar 
 coming unhappily^ at the very time when the Consuls were 
 chosen, he sent to pray the Senate to do him that favour, that. 
 
yULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 S3 
 
 being absent, he might by his friends sue for the Consulship. 
 Cato at the first did vehemently inveigh against it, vouching''- an 
 express law to the contrary. But afterwards, perceiving that 
 notwithstanding the reasons he alleged, many of the Senators 
 (being won by Caesar) favoured his request, yet he cunningly 
 sought all he could to prevent them, prolonging time, in dilating 
 his oration until night. Caesar thereupon determined rather to 
 give over the suit of his triumph, and to make suit for the 
 Consulship : and so came into the city, and had such a device 
 with him, as went beyond them all but Cato only. His device 
 was this : Pompey and Crassus, two of the greatest personages 
 of the city of Rome being at jar^ together, Cassar made them 
 ■friends, and by that means got unto himself the power of them 
 both, for by colour' of that gentle act and friendship of his, he 
 subtilly (unawares to them all) did greatly alter and change the 
 state of the commonwealth. For it was not the private discord 
 between Pompey and Caesar, as many men thought, that caused 
 the civil war : but rather it was their agreement together, who 
 joined all their powers first to overthrow the state of the Senate 
 and nobility, and afterwards they fell at jar^ one with another. 
 But Cato, that then foresaw and prophecied many times what 
 would follow, was taken but for a Vain man : but afterwards they 
 found him a wiser man than happy* in his counsel. 
 
 1 1. Thus Cffisar, being brought unto the assembly of the 
 
 election, in the middest* of these two noble persons whom he 
 
 had before reconciled together, he was there chosen Consul with 
 
 Calphurnius Bibulus, without gainsaying or contradiction of 
 
 any man. Now when he was entered into his office, he began to 
 
 put forth laws meeter for a seditious Tribune of the people than 
 
 for a Consul: because by them he preferred the division of 
 
 lands, and distributing of corn to every citizen gratis, to please 
 
 them withal. But when the noblemen of the Senate were 
 
 against his device, he, desiring no better occasion i^, began to cry 
 
 (out and'- to protest, that by the overhardness and austerity of 
 
 ..lithe Senate, they drave'' him .against his will to lean unto the 
 
 ffpeople : and thereupoji, having Crassus bn the one side of him 
 
 T^and Pompey on the'ot^er, he asked them openly in the assem- 
 
 ibly, if they did give therr" consent unto the laws which he had 
 
 •^put forth. They both answered, they did. Then he prayed 
 
 them to stand by him^ against those that threatened him with 
 
 force of sword to let^ him. Crassus gave him his word, he 
 
 v,-ould ; Pompey also did the like, and added thereunto, that he 
 
 * citing. 
 
 * strife. _ 
 Ccpsarrecon- 
 cileth Pom- 
 pey and 
 Crassus to 
 getker, 
 3 under 
 cover. 
 
 Catds fore- 
 sight and 
 prophecy. 
 ^ fortunate. 
 
 CcBsaT^sJirst 
 Consulship 
 ivith Cal- 
 phurniits 
 Bil/Jitus, 
 " midst. 
 
 Casars 
 
 laws. 
 
 Lex agra' , 
 
 ria. 
 
 ^ opportu- 
 nity. - 
 
 ' drove. 
 
 8 hinder. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 * shield. 
 
 2 unbecom- 
 ing. 
 
 Ceesttr mar- 
 ried his 
 daughter 
 Julia to 
 Pompey. 
 
 3 atHanced. 
 Cizsar mar- 
 ried Cal- 
 phumia the 
 daughter 
 of Piso. 
 * himself. 
 
 Poinpey hy 
 force of 
 arms au- 
 thorized 
 Casar's 
 laivs. 
 
 Cepsar sent 
 Caio to 
 prison. 
 
 ^ could not 
 put up with. 
 
 would come with his sword and target^ both, against them that 
 would withstand him with their swords. These words offended 
 much the Senate, being far unmeet for his gravity, and un- 
 decent^ for the majesty and honour he carried, and most of all 
 uncomely for the presence of the Senate whom he should have 
 reverenced : and were speeches fitter for a rash light-headed 
 youth, than for his person. Howbeit the common people on the 
 other side, they rejoiced. 
 
 12. Then Cffisar, because he would be more assured of 
 Pompey's power and friendship, he gave him his daughter Julia 
 in marriage, which was made sure before unto Servilius Csepio, 
 and promised him in exchange Pompey's daughter, who was 
 sure' also unto Faustus, the son of Sylla. And shortly after 
 also, Caesar self* did marry Calphurnia, the daughter of Piso, 
 whom he caused to be made Consul, to succeed him the next 
 year following. Cato then cried out with open mouth, and 
 called the gods to witness, that it was a shameful matter, and 
 not to be suffered, that they should in that sort make havoc of 
 the Empire of Rome, by such horrible bawdy matches, distri- 
 buting among themselves, through those wicked marriages, the 
 governments of the provinces, and of great armies. Calphur- 
 nius Bibulus, fellow-Consul with Csesar, perceiving that he did 
 contend in vain, making all the resistance he could to withstand 
 this law, and that oftentimes he was in danger to be slain with 
 Cato in the market-place and assembly; he kept close in his 
 house all the rest of his Consulship. When Pompey had mar- 
 ried Julia, he filled all the market-place .with soldiers, and by 
 open force authorized the laws which Caesar made in the behalf 
 of the people. Furthermore, he procured that Cassar had Gaul 
 on this side and beyond the Alps, and all lUyria, with four 
 legions granted him for five years. 
 
 13. Then Cato standing up to speak against it, Caesar bad 
 his officers lay hold on him, and carry him to prison, thinking 
 he would have appealed unto the Tribunes. But Cato said 
 never a word, when he went his way. Caesar perceiving then, 
 that not only the Senators and nobiUty were offended, but that 
 the common people also, for the reverence they bare unto Cato's 
 virtues, were ashamed, and went away with silence ; he himself 
 secretly did pray one of the Tribunes that he would take Cato 
 from the officers. But after he had played this part, there were 
 few Senators that would be President of the Senate under him, 
 but left the city, because they could not away with^ his doings. 
 
JULIUS CyESAS. 
 
 55 
 
 And of them there was an old man called Considius, that on a 
 time boldly told him, the rest durst not come to council because 
 they were afraid of his soldiers. Caesar answered him again : 
 " and why then dost not thou keep thee at home, for the same 
 fear?" Considius replied, "because my age taketh away fear 
 from me : for having so short a time to live, I have no care to 
 prolong it further." The shamefuUest part that Caesar played 
 while he was Consul seemeth to be this : when he chose P. Clo- 
 dius Tribune of the people, that had offered his wife such dis- 
 honour, and profaned the holy ancient mysteries of the women, 
 which were celebrated in his own house. Clpdius sued to be 
 Tribune to no other end, but to destroy Cicero : and Caesar self 
 also departed not from Rome to his army before he had set 
 them together by the ears, and driven Cicero out of Italy. 
 
 14. All these things they say he did before the wars with 
 the Gauls. But the time of the great armies and conquests he 
 ■made afterwards, and of the war in the which he subdued all the 
 Gauls (entering into another course of life far contrary unto the 
 first) made him to be known for as valiant a soldier and as 
 excellent a captain to lead men, as those that afore him had 
 been counted the wisest and most valiant generals that ever 
 were, and that by their valiant deeds had achieved great honour. 
 For whosoever would compare the house of the Fabians, of the 
 Scipios, of the Metellians, yea, those also of his own time, or 
 long before him, as Sylla, Marius, the two Lucullians, and 
 Pompey self: 
 
 Whose fame ascendeth up unto the heavens : 
 it will appear that Cassar's prowess and deeds of arms did excel 
 them all together. The one', in the hard countries where he 
 made wars : another*, in enlarging the realms and countries 
 which he joined unto the Empire of Rome : another, in the mul- 
 titude and power of his enemies whom he overcame : another, in 
 the rudeness and austere nature of men with whom he had to do, 
 whose manners afterwards he softened and made civil : another, 
 in courtesy and clemency which he used unto them whom he had 
 conquered : another, in great bounty and liberality bestowed unto 
 them that served under him in those wars : and in fine ^, he ex- 
 celled them all in the number of battles he had fought, and in 
 the multitude of his enemies he had slain in battle. For in less 
 than ten years' war in Gaul he took by force and assault above 
 eight hundred towns : he conquered three hundred several na- 
 tions : and having before him in battle thirty hundred thousand 
 
 Ctusar, by 
 Clodius, 
 dra7'e Cicero 
 out of Italy, 
 
 CeEscir a 
 valiant 
 soldier, and 
 a skilfttl 
 captaM. 
 
 ■ first. 
 
 ■ again. 
 
 = lastly. 
 
 CcFsar's con' 
 gjiEsts IK 
 Gaul, 
 
.s6 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The love and 
 respect of 
 Ccesa*^s sol- 
 diers unto 
 him. 
 
 The wonder- 
 fiU valiaitt- 
 ness of 
 A ciliiis, 
 CassiiiS 
 Saeva, and 
 divers others 
 ofCcesar's 
 soldiers. 
 ^ boarding. 
 2 >hield. 
 
 * marsh. 
 
 ^ drove, 
 ^lost 
 
 Granius 
 Petrojtius. 
 
 ? aboard 
 
 soldiers, at sundry times, he slew ten hundred thousand of them, 
 and took as many more prisoners. Furthermore, he was so 
 entirely beloved of his soldiers, that to do him service (where 
 otherwise they were no more than other men in any private 
 quarrel) if Cassar's honour were touched, they were invincible, 
 and would so desperately venture themselves and with such 
 fury, that no man was able to abide them. 
 
 15. And this appeareth plainly by the example of Acilius: 
 who in a battle by sea before the city of Marseilles, hording^ 
 one of his enemies' ships, one cut off his right hand with a 
 sword ; but yet he forsook not his target^ which he had in his 
 left hand, but thrust it in his enemies' faces, and made them fly, 
 so that he wan^ their ship from them. And Cassius Sca;va also, 
 in a conflict before the city of Dyrrachium, having one of his 
 eyes put out with an arrow, his shoulder stricken through with 
 a dart, and his thigh with another, and having received thirty 
 arrows upon his shield, he called to his enemies, and made as 
 though he would yield unto them. But when two of them came 
 running to him, he clave one of their shoulders from his body 
 with his sword, and hurt the other in the face :. so that he made 
 him turn his back, and at the length saved himself, by means of 
 his companions that came to help him. And in Britain also, 
 when the captains of the bands were driven into a marrish ' or 
 bog full of mire and dirt, and that the enemies did fiercely assail 
 them there, Csesar then standing to view the battle, he saw a 
 private soldier of his thrust in among the captains, and fought 
 so valiantly in their defence, that at the length he drave^ the 
 barbarous people to fly, and by his means saved the captains, 
 which otherwise were in great danger to have been cast away«. 
 Then this soldier, being the hindmost man of all the captains, 
 marching with great pain through the mire and dirt, half swim- 
 ming and half on foot, in the end got to the other side, but left 
 his shield behind him. Csesar, wondering at his noble courage, 
 ran to him with joy to embrace him. But the poor soldier 
 hanging down his head, the water sta;nding in his eyes, fell 
 down at Cesar's feet, and besought him to pardon him, for.that 
 he had left his target behind him. And in Africa also, Scipio 
 having taken one of Csesar's ships, and Granius Petronius 
 abord' on her amongst other, not long before chosen Treasurer; 
 he put all the rest to the sword but him, and said he would give 
 him his life. But Petronius answered him again, that Casar's 
 soldiers did not use to have their lives given them, but to give 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 others their lives : and with these words he drew his sword, and 
 thrust himself through. 
 
 i6. Now Ctesai-'s self did breed this noble courage and life 
 in them. First, for that he gave them bountifully, and did 
 honour them also, shewing thereby, that he did not heap up 
 riches in the wars to maintain his life afterwards in wantonness 
 and pleasure, but that he did keep it in store, honourably to 
 reward their valiant service : and that by. so much he thought 
 himself rich, by how much he was liberal in rewarding of them 
 that had deserved it. Furthermore, they did not wonder so much 
 at his valiantness in putting himself at every instant in such 
 manifest danger, and in taking so extreme pains as he di'd, 
 knowing that it was his greedy desire of honour that set him on 
 fire, and pricked him forward to do it : but that he always con- 
 tinued all labour and hardness^, more than his body could bear, 
 that filled them all with admiration. For, concerning the con- 
 stitution of his body, he was lean, white, and soft-skinned, and 
 often subject to headache, and otherwhile to the falling sickness^ 
 (the which took him the first time, as it is reported, in Cor- 
 duba, a city of Spain :) but yet therefore yielded not to the 
 ■ disease of his body, to make it a cloak to cherish him withal, 
 but contrarily, took the pains of war as a medicine to cure his 
 sick body, fighting always with his disease, travelling continu- 
 ally, living soberly, and commonly lying abroad in the field. 
 For the most nights he slept in his coach or litter, and thereby 
 bestowed his rest, to make him always able to do something ; 
 and in the day-time he would travel up and down the country 
 to see towns, castles, and strong places. He had always a 
 secretary with him in the coach, who did still* write as he went 
 by the way, and a soldier behind him that carried his sword. 
 He made such speed the first time he came from Rome, when 
 he had his office, that in eight days he came to the River of 
 Rhone. He was so excellent a rider of horse from his youth, 
 that holding his hands behind him, he would gallop his horse 
 upon the spur. In his wars in Gaul, he did further exercise 
 himself to indite letters as he rode by the way, and did occupy^ 
 two secretaries at once with as much as they could write: and, 
 as Oppius writeth, more than two at a time. As it is reported, 
 that Caesar was the first that devised friends might talk together 
 by writing cyphers in letters, when he had no leisure to speak 
 with them for his urgent business, and for the great distance 
 besides from Rome. How little account Csesar made of his 
 
 ^ hardship. 
 
 Ctpsar had 
 the /ailing 
 sickness, 
 ^ epilepsy. 
 
 3 on the con- 
 trary. 
 
 ' continually. 
 
 5 employ. 
 
 The temper- 
 cince of 
 
58 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ccesar in 
 his diet, 
 ^ asparagus. 
 2 salad-oil. 
 
 Cizsar's civi- 
 lity not to 
 blame his 
 friend. 
 ^ ate. 
 
 * eaves. 
 
 ■ yielded not. 
 
 The Tiguri- 
 nians slain 
 by Labienus. 
 Araxjl. 
 
 ' array. 
 Ctrsar re- 
 fused his 
 horse when 
 he fought a 
 battle. 
 
 8 fort. 
 
 The Helve- 
 tians slain 
 by C(ssar, 
 
 diet, this example doth prove it. Cffisar sapping one night in 
 Milan with his friend Valerius Leo, there was served sperage* 
 to his board, and oil of perfume put into it instead of sallet-oiP. 
 He simply eat' it, and found no fault, blaming his friends that 
 were offended : and told them, that it had been enough for them 
 to have abstained to eat of that they misliked, and not to shame 
 their friend, and how that he lacked good manners that found 
 fault with his friend. Another time, as he travelled through the 
 country, he was driven by foul weather on the sudden to take a 
 poor man's cottage, that had but one little cabin in it, and that 
 was so narrow, that one man could but scarce lie in it. Then he 
 said to his friends that were about him : " Greatest rooms are 
 meetest for greatest men, and the most necessary rooms for the 
 sickest persons." And thereupon he called Oppius that was 
 sick to lie there all night : and he himself, with the rest of his 
 friends, lay without doors, under the easing* of the house. 
 
 17. The first war that Caesar made with the Gauls, was 
 with the Helvetians and Tigurinians, who having set fire on^ all 
 their good cities, to the number of twelve, and four hundred 
 villages besides, came to invade that part of Gaul -which was 
 subject to the Romans, as the Cimbri and Teutons had done 
 before, unto whom for valiantness they gave no place ^: and 
 they were also a great number of them (for they were three 
 hundred thousand souls in all) whereof there were an hundred 
 four score and ten thousand fighting men. Of those, it was not 
 Cffisar himself that overcame the Tigurinians, but Labienus his 
 lieutenant, that overthrew them by the river of Arax. But the 
 Helvetians themselves came suddenly with their army to set 
 upon him, as he was going towards a city of his confederates. 
 Cassar perceiving that, made haste to get him some place of 
 strength, and there did set his men in battle ray'. When one 
 brought him his horse to get upon, which he used in battle, he 
 said unto them : " When I have overcome mine enemies, I will 
 then get upon him to follow the chase, but now let us give them 
 charge." Therewith he marched forward on foot and gave 
 charge : and there fought it out a long time, before he could 
 make them fly that were in battle. But the greatest tioubie he 
 had was to distress their camp, and to break their strength « 
 which they had made with their carts. For there, they that 
 before had fled from the battle did not only put themselves in 
 force, and valiantly fought it out : but their wives and children 
 also, fighting for their lives to the death, were all slain, and the 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 S9 
 
 tattle was scant' ended at midnight. Now if the act of this 
 victory was famous, unto that he also added another as notable, 
 or exceeding it. For of all the barbarous people that had 
 escaped from this battle, he gathered together again above an 
 hundred thousand of them, and compelled them to return home 
 into their country which they had forsaken, and unto their 
 towns also which they had burnt : because he feared the Ger- 
 mans would come over the river of Rheyn^, and occupy that 
 country lying void. 
 
 1 8. The second war he made, was in defence of the Gauls 
 against the Germans : although before he himself had caused 
 Ariovistus their king to be received for a confederate of the 
 Romans. Notwithstanding, they were grown very unquiet 
 neighbours, and it appeared plainly, that, having any occasion 
 offered them to enlarge their territories, they would not content 
 them with their own, but meant to invade and possess the rest 
 of Gaul. Caesar perceiving that some of his captains trembled 
 for fear, but specially the young gentlemen of noble houses of 
 Rome, who thought ^ to have gone to the wars with him as only 
 for their pleasure and gain, he called them to council, and com- 
 manded them that were afraid that they should depart home, 
 and not put themselves in danger against their wills, sith* they 
 had such womanish faint hearts, to shrink when he had need of 
 them. And for himself, he said, he would set upon the barba- 
 rous people, though he had left him but the tenth legion only, 
 saying that the enemies were no valianter than the Cimbri had 
 been, nor that he was a captain inferior unto Marius. This 
 oration being made, the soldiers of the tenth legion sent their 
 lieutenants unto him, to thank him for the good opinion he had 
 of them: and the other legions also fell out* with their captains, 
 and all of them together followed him many days' journey with 
 good will to serve him, until they came within two hundred 
 'furlongs of the camp of the enemies. Ariovistus' courage was 
 well cooled, when he saw Caesar was come, and that the 
 Romans came to seek out the Germans; where" they thought, 
 and made account, that they durst not have abidden' them : 
 and therefore, nothing* mistrusting it would have comf so to 
 pass, he wondered much at Caesar's courage, and the more 
 when he saw his own army in a maze" withal. But much more 
 did their courage fall, by reason of the foolish women-prophe- 
 siers they had amongst them, which did foretell things to come : 
 who, considering the waves and trouble of the rivers, and the 
 
 ^ scarcely. 
 
 'The Rhine. 
 
 RhenusJ7. 
 
 Ctzsar made 
 •war with 
 king Ario' 
 vistus. 
 
 ^ intended. 
 
 * since. , 
 
 * disagreed. 
 
 " since, 
 
 ' stood 
 against. 
 B in no wise. 
 
 * perplexity. 
 The wise 
 women of 
 Germany ; 
 how they 
 didforetell 
 
6o 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 tkitigs to 
 tome. 
 
 King Ario- 
 vistus over- 
 tkro^Vfi by 
 Ctesar, 
 
 * contrive. 
 
 ^ inter- 
 changeably. 
 3 won. 
 
 * warned. 
 
 * most war- 
 lil^e. 
 
 Thi Belga 
 overcome by 
 Ceesar. 
 ? troop. 
 
 terrible noise they made running down the stream, did forewarn 
 them not to fight until the new moon. Caesar having intelli- 
 gence thereof, and perceiving that the barbarous people there- 
 upon stirred not, thought it best then to set upon them, being 
 discouraged with this superstitious fear, rather than, losing time, 
 he should tarry their leisure. So he did skirmish with them 
 even to their forts and little hills where they lay, and by this 
 means provoked them so, that with great fury they came down 
 to fight. There he overcame them in battle, and followed them 
 in chase, with great slaughter, three hundred furlongs, even 
 unto the river of Rheyn: and he filled all the fields thitherto 
 with dead bodies and spoils. Howbeit Ariovistus, flying with 
 speed, got over the river of Rheyn, and escaped with a few of 
 his men. It is said that there were slain fourscore thousand 
 persons at this battle. 
 
 19. After this exploit, Csesar left his army amongst the 
 Sequanes to winter there : and he himself in the meantime, 
 thinking of the affairs at Rome, went over the mountains into 
 Gaul about the river of Po, being part of his province which he 
 had in charge. For there the river called Rubico divideth the 
 rest of Italy from Gaul on this side of the Alps. Cffisar lying 
 there, did practise ^ to make friends in Rome, because many 
 came thither to see him : unto whom he granted their suits they 
 demanded, and sent them home also, partly with liberal re- 
 wards, and partly with large promises and hope. Now during 
 all this conquest of the Gauls, Pompey did not consider how 
 Caesar enterchangeably = did conquer the Gauls with the weapons 
 of the Romans, and wan^ the Romans again with the money of 
 the Gauls. Caesar, being advertised* that the Belgas (which 
 were the warlikest^ men of all the Gauls, and that occupied the 
 third part of Gaul) were all up in arms, and had raised a great 
 power^ of men together: he straight made towards them with 
 all possible speed, and found them spoiling and overrunning the 
 country of the Gauls, their neighbours, and confederates of the 
 Romans. So he gave them battle, and they fighting cowardly, 
 he overthrew the most part of them, which were in a troup' 
 together; and slew such a number of them, that the Romans 
 passed over deep rivers and lakes on foot, upon their dead 
 bodies, the rivers were so full of them. 
 
 20. After this overthrow, they that dwelt nearest unto the 
 seaside, and were next neighbours unto the Ocean, did yield 
 themselves without any compulsion or fight : whereupon he led 
 
JULIUS CySSAJ?. 
 
 01 
 
 his army against the Nervians, the stoutest warriors of all the 
 BelgEe. They, dwelling in the wood country, had conveyed their 
 wives, children, and goods into a marvellous great forest, as far 
 from their enemies as they could ; and being about the number 
 of six score thousand fighting men and more, they came one 
 day and set upon Cassar, when his army was out of order, and 
 fortifying of his camp, little looking! tj, have fought that day. 
 At the first charge, they brake ^ the horsemen of the Romans, 
 and compassing in the twelfth and seventh legion, they slew 
 all the centurions and captains of the bands. And had not 
 Cassar self^ taken his shield on his arm, and, flying in amongst 
 the barbarous people, made a lane through them that fought 
 before him : and the tenth legion also, seeing him in danger, 
 run unto him from the top of the hill where they stood in 
 battle, and broken the ranks of their enemies, there had not 
 a Roman escaped alive that day. But taking example of 
 Caesar's valiantness, they fought desperately beyond their power, 
 and yet could not make the Nervians fly, but they fought it out 
 to the death, till they were all in a manner* slain in the field. It 
 is written that of threescore thousand fighting men, there escaped 
 only but five hundred : and of four hundred gentlemen and 
 counsellors of the Romans, but three saved. The Senate under- 
 standing it at Rome, ordained that they should do sacrifice unto 
 the gods, and keep feasts and solemn processions fifteen days 
 together without intermission, having never made the like ordi- 
 nance at Rome for any victory that ever was obtained : because 
 they saw the danger had been marvellous great, so many nations 
 rising as they did in arms together against him : and further, the 
 love af the people unto him made his victory much more 
 famous. 
 
 : Cai. For when Csesar had set his affairs at a stay^ in Gaul, 
 on the other side of the Alps, he always used to lie about 
 the river of Po in the winter time, to give direction for the 
 establishing of things at Rome at his pleasure. For not only 
 they that made suit for offices at Rome were chosen Magis- 
 trates, by means of Caesar's money which he gave them, with 
 the which, bribing the people, they bought their voices, and 
 when they were in office did all that they could to increase 
 Caesar's power and greatness: but the greatest and chiefest 
 men also of the nobility went into Lucca . unto him ; as " 
 Pompey, Crassus, Appius, Praetor of Sardinia, and Nepos, 
 Proconsul in Spain. Insomuch that there were at one time 
 
 Nervii the 
 stoutestivftr- 
 riors of all 
 the Belgee. 
 
 ^ expecting. 
 » bruke. 
 
 ^ himself. 
 
 The Nervii 
 slain by 
 Cezsar. 
 *,as i£ were. 
 
 '' in order. 
 
 The great 
 lords of 
 Rome came 
 to Lucca to 
 CiBsar. 
 " as, for in- 
 stance. 
 
63 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' Rhine. 
 
 Ipes and 
 TertterideSf 
 people of 
 Germany. 
 
 " ask for. 
 
 CiBsaf^s 
 horsemen 
 fiut to flight, 
 3 nowise 
 suspected. 
 * tllereupon. 
 
 sixscore sergeants carrying rods and axes before the Magistrates ; 
 and above two hundred Senators besides. There they. fell in 
 consultation, and determined that Pompey and Crassus should 
 again be chosen Consuls the next year following. Further- 
 more they did appoint, that Csesar should have money again 
 delivered him to pay his army ; and besides, did prorogue the 
 time of his government five years further. This was thought 
 a very strange and an unreasonable matter unto wise men ; 
 for they themselves that had taken so much money of Csesar, 
 persuaded the Senate to let him have money of the common 
 treasure, as though he had had none before : yea, to speak 
 more plainly, they compelled the Senate unto it, sighing and 
 lamenting to see the decrees they passed. Cato was not there 
 then, for they had purposely sent him before into Cyprus. 
 Howbeit Faonius, that followed Cato's steps, when he saw that 
 he could not prevail nor withstand them, he went out of the 
 Senate in choler, and cried out amongst the people that it 
 was a horrible shame. But no man did hearken to him : some 
 for the reverence they bare unto Pompey and Crassus; and 
 others, favouring Caesar's proceedings, did put all their hope 
 and trust in him : and therefore did quiet themselves, and 
 stirred not. 
 
 22. Then Cassar, returning into Gaul beyond the Alps unto 
 his army, found there a great war in the country. For two 
 great nations of Germany had not long before passed over 
 the river of Rheyn^, to conquer new lands : and the one of 
 these people were called Ipes, and the other Tenterides. Now 
 touching the battle which Caesar fought with them, he him- 
 self doth describe it in his Commentaries, in this sort That 
 the barbarous people having sent ambassadors unto him to 
 require" peace for a certain time, they notwithstanding, against 
 the law of arms, came and set upon him as he travelled by the 
 way, insomuch as eight hundred of their men of arms overthrew 
 five thousand of his horsemen, who nothing at all mistrusted' 
 their coming. Again, that they sent him other ambassadors to 
 mock him once more: but that he kept them, and therewith* 
 caused his whole army to march against them, thinking it a 
 folly and madness to keep faith with such traitorous barbarous 
 breakers of leagues. Canutius writeth, that the Senate appoint- 
 ing again to do new sacrifice, processions, and feasts, to give 
 thanks to the gods for this victory, Cato was of contrary opiiiion, 
 that Caesar should be delivered into the hands of the barbarous 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 63 
 
 people, for to purge their city and commonwealth of this breach 
 of faith, and to turn the curse upon him that was the author 
 of it. Of these barbarous people, which came over the Rheyn' 
 (being about the number of four hundred thousand persons) 
 they were all in manner^ slain, saving a very few of them, 
 that flying from the battle got over the river of Rheyn again, 
 who were received by the Sicambrians, another people of the 
 Germans. 
 
 23. Caesar taking this occasion against them, lacking no 
 goodwill of himself besides, to have the honour to be counted 
 the first Roman that ever passed over the river of Rheyn with an 
 army, he built a bridge over it. This river is marvellous broad, 
 and runneth with great fury ; and in that place specially where 
 he built his bridge, for there it is of a great breadth from 
 one side to the other : and it hath so strong and swift a stream 
 besides, that men casting down great bodies of trees into the 
 river (which the stream bringeth down with it) did with the 
 great blows and force thereof marvellously shake the posts of 
 the bridge he had set up. But to prevent the blows of those 
 trees, and also to break the fury of the stream, he made a 
 pile of great wood above the bridge a good way, and did 
 forcibly ram them into the bottom of the river ; so that in ten 
 days' space he had set up and finished his bridge of the good- 
 liest carpenters' work, and most excellent invention to see to', 
 that could be possibly thought or devised. Then, passing* 
 over his army upon it, he found none that durst any more 
 fight with him. For the Suevians, which were the warlikest 
 people of all Germany, had gotten themselves with their goods 
 into wonderful^ great valleys and bogs, full of woods and 
 forests. Now when he had burnt all the country of his enemies, 
 and confirmed a league with the confederates of the Romans, he 
 returned back again into Gaul after he had tarried eighteen 
 days at the most in Germany, on the other side of the Rheyn. 
 
 24. The journey he made also into England was a noble 
 enterprise and very commendable. For he was the first that 
 sailed the West Ocean with an army by sea, and that passed 
 through the sea Atlanticum with his army, to make war in that 
 so great and famous iland^ (which many ancient writers would 
 not believe that it was so indeed, and did make them vary about 
 it, saying it was but a fable and a lie), and was the first that en- 
 larged the Roman Empire beyond the earth inabitable^ For 
 twice he passed over the narrow sea against^ the firm land of 
 
 The lies 
 and renter- 
 ides slain by 
 Ceesar. 
 > Rhine. 
 ^ as it were. 
 Sicambri, a 
 people of the 
 Germans, 
 
 Casar made 
 a bridge 
 over the 
 river of 
 Rhine. 
 
 s to behold. 
 
 * causing 
 pass. 
 
 5 wonder^ 
 fully 
 
 ■ Casar's _ 
 journey into 
 England. 
 
 " island. 
 
 ' habitable. 
 8 next to 
 
64 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ enrich. 
 2 from. 
 
 ^ warned. 
 The death 
 of Julia 
 CtBsars 
 daughiet. 
 
 * unstable. 
 
 The relel- 
 lion o/tl^ 
 Gauls. 
 " try. 
 
 Coiiiz, and 
 Titurius, 
 ivith tlieir 
 army, slain. 
 
 Gaul, and fighting many battles there, did hurt his enemies 
 more than inrich^ his own men : because, oP men hardly 
 brought up and poor there was nothing to be gotten. Where-' 
 upon the war had no such success as he looked for, and there- 
 fore, taking pledges only of the King, and imposing a yearly 
 tribute upon him, to be paid unto the people of Rome, he 
 returned again into Gaul. There he was no sooner landed, but 
 he found letters ready to be sent over the sea unto him : in the 
 which he was advertised' from Rome of the death of his daughter, 
 that she was dead with child by Pompey. For the which Pompey 
 and Cassar both were marvellous sorrowful : and their friends 
 mourned also, thinking that this alliance which maintained 
 the commonwealth (that otherwise was very tickle*) in good 
 peace and concord, was now severed and broken asunder; 
 and the rather* likely, because the child lived not long after 
 the mother. So the common people at Rome took the corpse 
 of Julia, in despite of the Tribunes, and buried it in the field 
 of Mars. 
 
 25. Now Cassar, being driven to divide his army (that 
 was very great) in sundry garrisons for the winter-time, and 
 returning again into Italy as he was wont, all Gaul rebelled 
 again, and had raised great armies in every quarter to set 
 upon the Romans, and to assay" if they could distress their 
 forts where they lay in garrison. The greatest number and 
 most warlike men of these Gauls that entered into action of 
 rebellion, were led by one Ambiorix: and first did set upon 
 the garrisons of Cotta and Titurius, whom they slew, and 
 all the soldiers they had about them. Then they went with 
 threescore thousand fighting men to besiege the garrisons which 
 Quintus Cicero had in his charge, and had almost taken them 
 by force, because all the soldiers were every man of them hurt : 
 but they were so valiant and courageous, that they did more 
 than men (as they say) in defending of themselves. These 
 news being come to Cfesar, who was far from thence at that 
 time, he returned with all possible speed, and leaving seven 
 thousand soldiers, made haste to help Cicero that was in such 
 distress. The Gauls that did besiege Cicero, understanding of 
 Cssar's coming, raised their siege incontinently', to go and 
 meet him : making account that he was but a handful in their 
 hands, they were so few. Caesar, to deceive them, still drew 
 back, and made as though he fled from them, lodging in places 
 meet for a captain that had but a few to fight with a great 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 65 
 
 cumber of his. enemies ; and commanded his men in no wise to 
 stir out to skirmish with them, bijt compelled them to raise up 
 the rampiers^ of his camp, and to fortify the gates as men that 
 were afraid, because^ the enemies should the less esteem of 
 them : until at length he took opportunity by their disorderly 
 coming to assail the trenches of .his camp, (they were grown to 
 such a presumptuous boldness, and bravery,) and then, sallying 
 out upon them, he put them all to flight with slaughter of a great 
 number of them. This did suppress all the rebellions of the 
 Gauls in those parts, and furthermore he himself in person 
 went in the midst of winter thither, where he heard they did 
 rebel: for that there was come a new supply out of Italy of 
 three whole legions, in their room^ which he had lost; of the 
 which, two of them Pompey lent him, and the other legion he 
 himself had levied in Gaul about the river Po> During these 
 stirs, brake* forth the beginning of the greatest and most 
 dangerous war that he had in all Gaul, the wbich had been 
 secretly practised" of long time by the chiefest and most war- 
 like people of that country, who had levied a wonderful great 
 power. For everywhere they levied multitudes of men, and 
 great riches besides, to fortify their strongholds. Furthermore, 
 the country where they rose was very ill to come unto', and 
 specially at that time, being winter ; when the rivers were frozen, 
 the woods andforests covered with snow, the meadows drowned 
 with floods, and the fields so deep of snow that no ways were to 
 be found, neither the marrishes' nor rivers to be discerned, all 
 was so overflown^ and drowned with water : all which troubles 
 together were enough (as they thought) to keep Csesar from 
 setting upon the rebels. Many nations of the Gauls were of 
 this conspiracy, but two of the chiefest were the Avernians and 
 Carnutes : who had chosen Vercingentorix for their lieutenant- 
 general, whose father the Gauls before had put to death, be- 
 cause they thought he aspired to make himself king. This 
 Vercingentorix, dividing his army into divers parts, and appoint- 
 ing divers captains over them, had gotten to take his part all 
 the people and countries thereabouts, even as far as they that 
 dwell towards the sea Adriatick*, having further determined 
 (understanding that Rome did conspire against Caesar) to make 
 all Gaul rise in arms against him- So that if he had but tarried 
 a little longer,'until Caesar had entered into his civil wars, he 
 had put all Italy in as great fear and danger as it was when the 
 Cimbri did come and invade it. . But Caesar, that was valiant 
 S. P. S 
 
 ' rampart'*. 
 
 ^ in order 
 that. 
 
 Ceesay sleiv 
 the Garc/a 
 led by Am- 
 bhrix. 
 
 ^ in place pf 
 them. 
 
 * broke. 
 
 s plotted. 
 
 The second 
 rebeltioii o/^ 
 the Gauls 
 against 
 Ctesar. 
 ^ hard of 
 accesi,. 
 
 " marshes. 
 ^ overflowed. 
 
 Veydngeii' 
 to fix <ap' 
 tain of ilie 
 •rebels 
 gainst 
 CtFsar. 
 
 * Some say, 
 that this 
 plate is to be 
 r^ad in ilte 
 Greek, irpos 
 Toi' 'Apapii/, 
 which is, tj 
 the river o^ 
 Sonne. 
 
66 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ assaults. 
 
 * letter-car- 
 
 Tlie ffedui 
 the Rojnaiis. 
 
 'sad. 
 
 * SifqnaJii, 
 
 Vcfchi^ejt- 
 ifirix over- 
 throivn by 
 CtFsiir. 
 
 '• himself. 
 " *;iideavour- 
 
 The siege a/ 
 A/i'xia. 
 '■ impregna- 
 ble., 
 
 CfFstiy'srfaft- 
 gef, mi.i 
 "tvise policy. 
 -8 from with- 
 
 in all assays^ and dangers of war, and that was very skilful to 
 take time and opportunity, so soon as he understood the news 
 of this rebellion, he departed with speed and i-eturned back the 
 self-same way which he had gone, making the barbarous people 
 know that they should deal with an army invincible, and 
 which they could not possibly withstand, considering the great 
 speed he had made with the same in so sharp and hard a winter. 
 For where they would not possibly have believed that a post^ 
 or currer^ could have come in so short a time from the place 
 where he was unto them, they wondered when they saw him 
 burning and destroying the country, the towns, and strong forts, 
 where he came with his army, taking all to mercy that yielded 
 unto him: until such times as the Hedui took arms against 
 him, who before were wont to be called the brethren of the 
 Romans, and were greatly honoured of them. Wherefore 
 Caesar's men, when they understood that they had joined with 
 the rebels, they were marvellous sorry*, and half discouraged. 
 Thereupon Cassar, departing from those parts, went through the 
 country of the Lingones to enter the country of the Burgonians*, 
 who were confederates of the Romans, and the nearest unto 
 Italy on that side, in respect of all the rest of Gaul. Thither 
 the enemies came to set upon him and to environ him on all 
 sides, with an infinite number of thousands of fighting men. 
 Caesar on the other side tarried their coming, and fighting with 
 them a long time, he made them so afraid of him, that at length 
 he overcame the barbarous people. But at the first, it seemeth 
 notwithstanding, that he had received some overthrow : for the 
 Arvernians shewed a sword hanged up in one of their temples, 
 which they said they had won from Caesar. Insomuch as 
 Caesar self* coming that way by occasion, saw it, and fell a- 
 laughing at it. But some of his friends going about ^ to take it 
 away, he would not suffer them, but bad them let it alone and 
 touch it not, for it was an holy thing. 
 
 26. Notwithstanding, such as at the first had saved them- 
 selves by flying, the most part of them were gotten with their 
 king into the city of Alexia, the which Caesar went and besieged, 
 although it seemed inexpugnable', both for the height of the 
 walls as also for the multitude of soldiers they had to defend it. 
 But now, during this siege, he fell into a marvellous great danger 
 wi'.hout^, almost incredible. For an army of three hundred 
 thousand fighting men, of the best men that were among all the 
 nations of the Gauls, came against him being at the siege of 
 
JULIUS C.-ESAR. 
 
 fi? 
 
 Alexia, besides them that were within the city, which amounted 
 io the number of threescore and ten thousand fighting men at 
 the lea§t : so that perceiving he was shut in betwixt two so 
 great armies, he was driven to fortify himself with two walls, 
 the one against them of the city, and the other against them 
 without'^. For if those two armies had joined together, Cassar 
 had been utterly undone. And therefore, this siege of Alexia, 
 and the battle he wan^ before it, did deservedly win him more 
 honour and fame than any other. For there, in that instant^ 
 and extreme danger, he shewed more valiantness and wisdom 
 than he did in any battle he fought before. But what a wonder- 
 ful thing was this ! that they of the city never heard anything 
 of them that came to aid them until Caesar had overcome them : 
 and furthermore, that the Romans themselves, which kept watch 
 upon the wall that was built against the city, knew also no more 
 of it than they, until it was done, and that they heard the cries 
 and lamentations of men and women in Alexia, when they per- 
 ceived on the other side of the city such a number of glistering* 
 shields of gold and silver, such store of bloody corslets and 
 armours, such a deal of plate and moveables, and such a number 
 of tents and pavilions after the fashion of the Gauls, which the 
 Romans had gotten of their spoils in their camp ! Thus sud- 
 denly was this great army vanished, as a dream or vision : 
 where the most part of them were slain that day in battle. 
 Furthermore, after that they within the city of Alexia had done 
 great hurt to Casar and themselves also, in the end they all 
 yielded themselves. And Vercingentorix (he that was their king 
 and captain in all this war) went out of the gates excellently well 
 armed, and his horse furnished^ with rich caparison accordingly, 
 and rode round about Cffisar, who sat in his chair of estate. 
 Then lighting from his horse, he took off his caparison and 
 furniture'*, and unarmed himself, and laid all on the ground, and 
 went and sat down at Cajsar's feet, and said never a word. So 
 Caesar at length committed him as a prisoner taken in the wars, 
 to lead him afterwards in the triumph at Rome. 
 
 27. Now Cffisar had of long time determined to destroy 
 Pompey, and Pompey him also. For Crassus being killed 
 amongst the Parthians, who only did see that one of them two 
 must needs fall, nothing kept Caesar from being the greatest 
 person, but because he destroyed not Pompey, that was the 
 greater: neither did anything let' Pompey to withstand that it 
 shpuld not come to pass, but because he did not first overcome 
 
 S— 2 
 
 ^ outside. 
 
 Ceesars 
 ^reat tic- 
 iory at 
 A lexia. 
 ^ won. 
 3 urgent. 
 
 * glitterinig. 
 
 Alexia 
 yielded up 
 to Cepsar 
 * eqiiippeil. 
 
 ' trappings. 
 
 7 prevent. 
 
68 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The discord 
 bciivixt 
 CtBsar and 
 Pompeyy 
 and the 
 caitse oftlie 
 eii'it ivars. 
 > despised. 
 " since. 
 CtBsar's 
 cra/tiuess. 
 
 2 soon. 
 
 * pretext, 
 excuse. 
 
 Tlt£ penph^s 
 voices bought 
 at Route for 
 money. 
 
 Osar, whom only he feared. For till then, Pompey had not 
 long feared him, but always before set light by^ him, thinking it 
 an easy matter for him to put him down when he would, sith ^ 
 he had brought him to that greatness he was come unto. But 
 Caesar contrarily, having had that drift in his head from the be- 
 ginning, like a wrestler that studieth for tricks to overthrow his 
 adversary, he went far from Rome, to exercise himself in the 
 wars of Gaul; where he did train his army, and presently' 
 by his valiant deeds did increase his fame and honour. By these 
 means became Csesar as famous as Pompey in his doings, and 
 lacked no more to put his enterprise in execution, but some 
 occasions of colour*, which Pompey partly gave him, and partly 
 also the time delivered him, but chiefly, the hard fortune and ill 
 government at that time of the commonwealth at Rome. For 
 they that made suit for honour and offices bought the voices of 
 the people with ready money, which they gave out openly to 
 usury, without shame or fear. Thereupon the common people 
 that had sold their voices for money, came to the market-place 
 at the day of election, to fight for him that had hired them : not 
 with their voices, but with their bows, slings, and swords. So 
 that the assembly seldom times brake up, but the pulpit for 
 orations was defiled and sprinkled with the blood of them that 
 were slain in the market-place, the city remaining all that time 
 without government of magistrate, like a ship left without a 
 pilot. Insomuch as men of deep judgment and discretion, see- 
 ing such fury and madness of the people, thought themselves 
 happy if the commonwealth were no worse troubled than with 
 the absolute state of a monarchy and sovereign lord to govern 
 them. Furthermore, there were many that were not afraid to 
 speak it openly, that there was no other help to remedy the 
 troubles of the commonwealth, but by the authority of one man 
 only, that should command them all : and that this medicine 
 must be ministered by the hands of him that was the gentlest 
 physician, meaning covertly Pompey. Now Pompey used many 
 fine speeches, making semblance as though he would none of it, 
 and yet cunningly underhand did lay all the irons in the fire he 
 could, to bring it to pass that he might be chosen Dictator. 
 Cato finding the mark he shot at, and fearing lest in the end the 
 people should be compelled to make him Dictator, he persuaded 
 the Senate rather to make him sole Consul, that, contenting 
 himself with that more just and lawful government, he should 
 not covet the other unlawful The Senate, following his counsd, 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 69 
 
 did not only make him Consul, but further did prorogue'^ his 
 government of the provinces he had. For he had two provinces, 
 all Spain and Africk, the which he governed by his lieutenants : 
 and further, he received yearly of the common treasure, to pay 
 his soldiers, a thousand talents. Hereupon Caesar took occasion 
 also to send his men to make suit in his name for the consul- 
 ship, and also to have the government of his provinces prorogued. 
 Pompey at the first held his peace j but Marcellus and Lentulus^i 
 (that otherwise hated Cassar) withstood them, and, to shame and 
 dishonour him, had much needless speech in matters of weight. 
 Furthermore they took away the freedom from the colonies which 
 Cassar had lately brought unto the city of Novumcomum in 
 Gaul towards Italy, where Caesar not long before had lodged 
 them. And moreover, when Marcellus was Consul, he made 
 one of the senators in that city to be whipped with rods, who 
 came to Rome about those matters : and said, he gave him 
 those marks, that he should know he was no Roman citizen, and 
 bade him go his way, and tell Cffisar of it. 
 
 28. After Marcellus' consulship, Caesar, setting open his 
 coffers of the treasure he had gotten among the Gauls, did 
 frankly give it out amongst the magistrates at Rome, without 
 restraint or spare. First, he set Curio the tribune clear out of 
 debt : and gave also unto Paul the Consul a thousand five hun- 
 dred talents, with which money he built that notable palace by 
 the market-place, called Paul's Basilick, in the place of Fulvius' 
 Basilick. Then Pompey, being afraid of this practice^ began 
 openly to procure, both by himself and his friends, that they 
 should send Caesar a successor : and moreover, he sent unto 
 Caesar for his two legions of men of war, which he had lent 
 him for the conquest of Gaul. Caesar sent him them again, 
 and gave every private soldier two hundred and fifty silver 
 drachmas. Now, they that brought these two legions back 
 from Caesar, gave out ill and seditious words against him among 
 the people, and did also abuse Pompey with false persuasions 
 and vain hopes, informing him that he was mai-vellously de- 
 sired and wished for in Cesar's camp : and though in Rome, 
 for the malice and secret spite which the governors there did 
 bear him, he could hardly obtain that he desired, yet in Gaul 
 he might assure himself, that all the army was at his command- 
 ment. They added further also, that if the soldiers there did 
 once return over the mountains ag^in into Italy, they would 
 all straight come to him, they did so hate Caesar, because he 
 
 ^ prolong. 
 
 Pompey 
 govertud 
 Spain atid 
 Africa. 
 
 Cofsar suetfL 
 the second, 
 t^ite to be 
 ionsul, and 
 jto have his 
 'government 
 prorogued. 
 
 Ctssar brill' 
 eth the 
 magistrates 
 at Rome. 
 
 ' contrivance. 
 
 Pompey 
 aintsed by 
 Jiatterers. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 * thwart. 
 
 "^ passed not 
 over. 
 
 CeFsar's re- 
 quests U7liO 
 tite Senate. 
 
 ■of. 
 
 * caused. 
 
 ^ apparently. 
 
 y impartially. 
 
 wearied them with too much labour and continual fight : and 
 withal, for that they suspected he aspired to be king. These 
 words breeding security in Pompey, and a vain conceit of him- 
 self, made him negligent in his doings, so that he made no 
 preparation of war, as though he had no occasion to be afraid : 
 but only studied to thwart Caesar in speech, and to cross' the 
 suits he made. Howbeit CsEsar passed not of^ all this. For 
 the report went, that one of Csesar's captains which was sent 
 to Rome to prosecute his suit, being at the Senate-door, and 
 hearing that they denied to prorogue Caesar's, time of govern- 
 ment which he sued for, clapping his hand upon his sword, he 
 said : " Sith^ you will not grant it him, this shall give it him." 
 Notwithstanding, the requests that Caesar propounded carried 
 great semblance of reason with them. For he said, that he was 
 contented to lay down arms, so that Pompey did the like : and 
 that both of them, as private persons, should come and make 
 suit of their citizens to obtain honourable recompence : de- 
 claring unto them that, taking arms from him, and granting 
 them unto Pompey, they did wrongfully accuse him in* going 
 about to make himself a tyrant, and in the mean time to grant 
 the other means to be a tyrant. Curio making these offers and 
 persuasions openly before the people in the name of Caesar, he 
 was heard with great rejoicing and clapping of hands, and there 
 were some that cast flowers and nosegays upon him when he 
 went his way, as they commonly use to do unto any man, when 
 he hath obtained victory and won the games. Then Antonius, 
 one of the tribunes, brought a letter sent from Cassar, and 
 made^ it openly to be read in despite of the Consuls. But 
 Scipio in the Senate, Pompey's father-in-law, made this motion : 
 that if Caesar did not dismiss his army by a certain day ap- 
 pointed him, the Romans should proclaim him an enemy unto 
 Rome. Then the Consuls openly asked in the presence of the 
 senators, if they thought it good that Pompey should dismiss 
 his army : but few agreed to that demand. After that again 
 they asked, if they liked that Cassar should dismiss his army : 
 thereto they all in manner^ answered, " Yea, yea." But when 
 Antonius requested again that both of them should lay down 
 arms, then they were all indifferently' of his mind. Notwith- 
 standing, because Scipio did insolently behave himself, and 
 Marcellus also, who cried, that they must use force of arms and 
 not men's opinion against' a thief, the Senate rose straight upon 
 it without further determination; and men changed apparel 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 71 
 
 through thfi city because of this dissension, as they use' to do 
 in a common calamity. After that, there came other letters 
 from Caesar, which seemed much more reasonable : in the 
 which he requested that they would grant him Gaul that 
 lieth between the mountains of the Alps and Italy and lUyria, 
 with two legions only, and then that he would request nothing 
 else ; until he made suit for the second Consulship. Cicero the 
 orator, that was newly come from the government of Cilicia, 
 travailed to reconcile them together, and pacified Pompey the 
 best he could : who told him he would yield to anything he 
 would have him, so he did let him alone with his army. So 
 Cicero persuaded Caesar's friends to be contented, to take, those 
 two provinces, and six thousand men only, that they might be 
 friends and at peace together. Pompey very willingly yielded 
 unto it, and granted them. But Lentulus the Consul would not 
 agi'ee to it, but shamefully drave^ Curio and Antonius out of the 
 Senate : whereby they themselves gave Cassar a happy occa- 
 sion* and colour* as could be, stirring up his soldiers the more 
 against them, when he shewed them these two noblemen and 
 tribunes of the people, that were driven to fly, disguised like 
 slaves, in a carrier's cart. For they were driven for fear to steal 
 out of Rome, disguised in that manner. Now at that time 
 Cffisar had not in all about him above five thousand footmen 
 and three thousand horsemen : for the rest of his army he left 
 on the other side of the mountains, to be brought after him by 
 his lieutenants. So, considering that, for the execution of his 
 enterprise, he should not need so many men of war at the first, 
 but rather, suddenly stealing upon them, to make them afraid 
 with valiantness, taking benefit of the opportunity of time ; be- 
 cause he should more easily make his enemies afraid of him, 
 coming so suddenly when they looked not for hitn, than he 
 should otherwise distress them, assailing them with his whole 
 army, in giving them leisure to provide further for him : he 
 commanded his captains and lieutenants to go before, without 
 any other armour than their swords, to take the city of Ari- 
 minum (a great city of Gaul, being the fii'st city men come to, 
 when they come out of Gaul) with as little bloodshed and tu- 
 mult as they could possible. Then, committing that force and 
 army he had with him unto Hortensius, one of his friends, he 
 remained a whole day together, openly in the sight of every 
 man, to see the sword-players handle their weapons before him. 
 At night he went into his lodging, and, bathing his body a 
 
 ^ opportu- 
 nity. 
 ^ excuse. 
 
 Antonius 
 and Curio, 
 iribmii's 0/ 
 the people, 
 Jfy/roii/ 
 Kome to 
 Ctesar. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' all to- 
 gelher. 
 
 Ccrsnrs 
 tlnubtficl 
 thoughts at 
 the riiter of 
 JitiHcon. 
 ^ halted. 
 
 ^ inclining. 
 
 "* The Greek 
 iiseth this 
 fhrase 0/ 
 speech : Ciist 
 the die, 
 
 Ctrsar took 
 the city of 
 Aritninitm, 
 
 Koiiie 171 
 tt/ifoar with 
 Ccesar's com- 
 ing. 
 
 little, came afterwards into the hall amongst them, and made 
 merry a while with them whom he had bidden to supper. Then, 
 when it was well forward night, and very dark, he rose from the 
 table, and prayed his company to be merry, and no man. to stir, 
 for he would straight come to them again : howbeit he had 
 secretly before commanded a few of his trustiest friends to fol- 
 low him ; not altogether', but some one way, and some another 
 way. He himself in the mean time took a coach he had hired, 
 and made as though he would have gone some other way at the 
 first, but suddenly he turned back again towards the city of 
 Ariminum. 
 
 29. When he was come unto the little river of Rubicon, 
 which divided Gaul on this side the Alps from Italy, he stayed^ 
 upon a sudden. For, the nearer he came to execute his pur- 
 pose, the more remorse he had in his conscience, to think what 
 an enterprise he took in hand : and his thoughts also fell out 
 more doubtful, when he entered into consideration of the despe- 
 rateness of his attempt. So he fell into many thoughts with 
 himself, and spake never a word, waving' sometime one way, 
 sometime another way, and oftentimes changed his detennina-- 
 tion, contrary to himself So did he talk much also with his 
 friends he had with him, amongst whom was Asinius PoUio, 
 telling him what mischiefs the beginning of this passage over 
 that river would breed in the world, and how much their pos- 
 terity, and they that lived after them, would speak of it in time 
 to come. BuJ at length, casting from him with a noble courage 
 all those perilous thoughts to come, and speaking these words 
 which valiant men commonly say, that attempt dangerous and 
 desperate enterprises :* "A man can be but once undone ; come 
 on," he passed over the river ; and when he was come over, he 
 ran with his coach and never stayed, so that before daylight 
 
 he was within the city of Ariminum, and took it The city 
 
 of Ariminum being taken, and the rumour thereof dispersed 
 through all Italy even as if it had been open war both by sea 
 and land, and as if all the laws of Rome, together with the ex- 
 treme bounds and confines of the same, had been broken up: a 
 man would have said, that not only the men and women for fear, 
 as experience proved at other times, but whole cities themselves, 
 leaving their habitations, fled from one place to another through 
 all Italy. And Rome itself also was immediately filled with the 
 flowing repair of all the people their neighbours thereabouts, 
 which came thither from all parts like droves of cattle, that 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 there was neither officer nor magistrate that could any more 
 command them by authority, neither by any persuasion of 
 reason bridle such a confused and disorderly multitude : so that 
 Rome had in manner '^ destroyed itself for lack of rule and order. 
 For in all places men were of contrary opinions, and there were 
 dangerous stirs and tumults everywhere, because they that 
 were glad of this trouble could keep in no certain place ; but, 
 runnijTg up and down the city, when they met with others in 
 divers places that seemed either to be afraid or angry with this 
 tumult (as otherwise it is impossible in so great a city) they 
 flatly fell out with them, and boldly threatened them with that 
 that was to come. Pompey hunself, who at that time was not 
 a little amazed, was yet much more troubled with the ill words 
 some gave him on the one side, and some on the other. For 
 some of them reproved him, and said, that he had done 
 wisely, and had paid for his folly, because he had made 
 Ca;sar so great and strong against him and the commonwealth. 
 And other again did blame him, because he had refused the 
 honest offers and reasonable conditions of peace which Caesar 
 had offered, him, suffering Lentulus the Consul to abuse him too 
 much. Oa the other side, Phaonius spake unto him, and bade 
 him stamp on the ground with his foot : for Pompey being one 
 day in a bravery ^ in the Senate, said openly : "Let no man take 
 thought' for preparation of war; for when he listed, with one 
 stamp of his foot on the ground, he would fill all Italy with 
 soldiers." This notwithstanding, Pompey at that time had a 
 greater number of soldiers then* Caesar: but they would never 
 let him follow his own determination. For they brought him so 
 many lies, and put so many examples, of fear before him, as if 
 Caesar had been already at their heels, and had won all : so that 
 in the end he yielded unto them, and gave place to their fury 
 and madness, determining (seeing all things in such tumult and 
 garboil*) that there was no way but to forsake the city ; and 
 thereupon commanded the Senate to follow, him, and not a man 
 to tarry there, unless he loved tyranny more than his own liberty 
 and the commonwealth. Thus the Consuls themselves, before 
 they had done their common sacrifices accustomed* at their 
 going out of the city, fled every man of them. So did likewise 
 the most part of the senators, taking their own things in haste 
 such as came first to hand, as if by stealth they had taken them 
 from another. And there were some of them also that always 
 Jov'ed CEesar, whose wits were then so troubled and besides^ 
 
 ^ boa'^tful 
 
 mood. 
 
 ^ be iinxious. 
 
 * than. 
 
 ' turmoil. 
 
 Pomfiey 
 Jlietftjrpin 
 Rome. 
 
 " usual. 
 
 ^ beside. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 'by. 
 
 Lahienus 
 J'orsook 
 
 Cee.^ar, and 
 Jltid to l^om- 
 fey. 
 
 " baggage. 
 
 ' expecting. 
 
 Domitins 
 escaped from 
 Ccesar, and 
 Jied to Pom- 
 pi/y. 
 
 * some of. 
 
 Pomj>ey Jll- 
 etk into 
 Epims. 
 
 themselves with the fear they had conceived, that they also fled, 
 and followed the stream of this fumult, without manifest cause 
 or necessity. But above all things it was a lamentable sight to 
 see the city itself, that in this fear and trouble was left at all 
 adventure, as a ship tossed in storm of sea, forsaken of her 
 pilots and despairing of her safety. This their departure being 
 thus miserable, .yet men esteemed their banishment (for the love 
 they bare unto Pompey) to be their natural country, and 
 reckoned Rome no better than Csesar's camp. At that time 
 also Labienus, who was one of Caesar's greatest friends, and 
 had been always used as his lieutenant in the wars of Gaul, 
 and had valiantly fought in his cause, he likewise forsook him 
 then, and fled unto Pompey. But Caesar sent his money and 
 carriage^ after him, and then went and encamped before the city 
 of Corfinium, the which Domitius kept with thirty cohorts or 
 ensigns. When Domitius saw he was besieged, he straight 
 thought himself but undone ; and despairing of his success, he 
 bade a physician, a slave of his, give him poison. The physician 
 gave him a drink, which he drank, thinking^ to have died. But 
 shortly after, Domitius hearing them report what clemency and 
 wonderful courtesy Csesar used unto them he took, repented 
 him then that he had drunk this drink, and began to lament and 
 bewail his desperate resolution taken to die. The physician 
 did comfort him again, and told him that he had taken a drink 
 only to make him sleep, but not to destroy him. Then Domitius 
 rejoiced, and went straight and yielded himself unto Caesar; 
 who gave him his life, but he notwithstanding stole away im- 
 mediately and fled unto Pompey. When these news were 
 brought to Rome, they did marvellously rejoice and comfort 
 them that still remained there : and moreover there were of-* them 
 that had forsaken Rome, which returned thither again. In the 
 meantime Caesar did put all Domitius' men in pay, and he did 
 the like through all the cities, where he had taken any captains 
 that levied men for Pompey. 
 
 30. Now Csesar, having assembled a great and dreadful 
 power together, went straight where he thought to find Pompey 
 himself. But Pompey tarried not his coming, but fled into 
 the city of Brundusium; from whence he had sent the two 
 Consuls before, with that army he had, unto Dyrrachium : and 
 he himself also went thither afterwards, when he understood 
 that Csesar was come, as you shall hear more amply hereafter 
 in his life. Caesar lacked no good will to follow him, but, 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 75 
 
 wanting "^ ships to take the seas, he returned forthwith to Rome: 
 so that in less than threescore days he was lord of all Italy, 
 without any bloodshed. Who when he was come to Rome, 
 and found it much quieter then he looked for, and many 
 senators there also, he courteously intreated^ them, apd prayed 
 them to send unto Pompey to pacify all matters between them, 
 upon reasonable conditions. But no man did attempt it, either 
 because they feared Pompey, for that they had forsaken him, or 
 else for that they thought Csesar meant not as he spake, but 
 that they were words of course^ to colour * his purpose withal. 
 And when Metellus also, one of the tribunes, would not suffer 
 him to take any of the common treasure out of the temple 
 of Saturn, but told him that it was against the law: "Tush," 
 said he, " time of war, and law, are two* things. If this that I 
 do," quoth he, "do offend thee, then get thee hence for this time: 
 for war cannot abide this frank and bold speech. But when 
 wars are done, and that we are all quiet again, then thou shalt 
 speak in the pulpit what thou wilt : and yet I do tell thee this of 
 favour, impairing so much my right ; for thou art mine, both 
 thou, and all them that have risen against me, and whom 
 I have in my hands." When he had spoken thus unto 
 Metellus, he went to the temple-door where the treasure, lay, 
 and, finding no keys there, he caused smiths to be sent for, 
 and made them break open the locks. Metellus theieupon 
 began again to withstand him, and certain men that stood by 
 praised him in his doing : but Caesar at length, speaking bigly 
 to him, threatened him he would kill him presently, if he 
 troubled him any more: and told him furthermore, "Young 
 man," quoth he, " thou knowest it is harder for me to tell it 
 thee, than to do it." That word made Metellus quake for fear, 
 that he got him away roundly^; and ever after that Caesar had 
 all at his commandment for the wars. From thence he went 
 into Spain, to make war with Petreius and Varro, Pompey's 
 lieutenants : first to get their armies and provinces into his 
 hands which they governed, that afterwards he might follow 
 Pompey the better, leaving never an enemy behind him. In 
 this journey he was oftentimes himself in danger through the 
 ambushes that were laid for him in divers strange sorts and 
 places, and likely also to have lost all his army for lack of- 
 -victuals. All this notwithstanding, he never left' following of 
 Pompey's lieutenants, provoking them to battle and intrench- 
 ing them in, until he had gotten their camp and armies into 
 
 ^ lacking. 
 
 * treated. 
 
 ^ formal 
 expressions. 
 * disguise. 
 
 '' i.e. diffe- 
 rent. 
 
 ' Silent leges 
 inter arttta.' 
 
 Ctzsar iak' 
 eth money 
 out of the 
 temple of 
 Satitrtt, 
 
 ® speedily. 
 
 CtBsat's 
 journey into 
 Spnin^ 
 against 
 Pompey's 
 lieutenants. 
 
 ' ceased 
 from. 
 
76 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cepsar Dic- 
 tator. 
 
 Ctpsar and 
 
 IsaitricHS 
 
 Cottsitts. 
 
 CtFsar goeih 
 iuto the 
 kingdottt of 
 J^pints, 
 
 Catnplaittis 
 of the old 
 soldiers 
 agaittst 
 Ceesar. 
 ' drag. 
 
 ' armour. 
 
 * at once. 
 " were angry. 
 
 his hands, albeit that the lieutenants themselves fled unto 
 Pompey. When Csesar returned again to Rome, Piso his father- 
 in-law gave him counsel to send ambassadors unto Pompey, 
 to treat for peace. But Isauricus, to flatter Cassar, was 
 against it. 
 
 31. Csesar being then created Dictator by the Senate, called 
 home again all the banished men, and restored their children 
 to honour, whose fathers before had been slain in Sylla's time : 
 and did somewhat cut off the usuries that did oppress them ; 
 and besides, did make some such other ordinances as those, 
 but very few. For he was Dictator but eleven days only, and 
 then did yield it up of himself, and made himself Consul with 
 Servilius Isauricus, and after that determined to follow the 
 wars. All the rest of his army he left, coming on the way, 
 behind him, and went himself before with six hundred horse, 
 and five legions only of footmen, in the winter quarter, about 
 the month of January, which after the Athenians is called Po- 
 sideon. Then having passed over the sea Ionium, and landed 
 his men, he wan^ the cities of Oricum and Apollonia. Then 
 he sent his ships' back again unto Brundusium, to transport 
 the rest of his soldiers that could not come with that speed 
 he did. They, as they came by the way, (like men whose 
 strength of body and lusty youth was decayed) being wearied 
 with so many sundry battles as they had fought with their 
 enemies, complained of Caesar in this sort : — "To what end and 
 purpose doth this man hale'' us aftei- him, up and down the 
 world, using us like slaves and drudges.' It is not our armour, 
 but our bodies that bear the blows away : and what, shall we 
 never be without our harness^ on our backs, and our shields on 
 our arms? Should not Caesar think, at die least when he seeth 
 our blood and wounds, that we are all mortal men, and that 
 we feel the misery and pains that other men do feel? And now, 
 even in the dead of winter, he putteth us unto the mercy of 
 the sea and tempest, yea, which the gods themselves cannot 
 withstand, as if he fled before his enemies and pursued them 
 not." Thus spending time with this talk, the soldiers, still 
 marching on, by small journeys came at length unto the city 
 of Brundusium. But when they 'were come, and found that 
 Cassar had already passed over the sea, then they straight* 
 changed their complaints and minds. For they blamed them- 
 selves, and took on* also with their captains, because they 
 had not made them make more haste in marching : and sitting 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 77 
 
 A great ad' 
 venture of 
 Ceesar. • 
 ^ embark. 
 
 Aninsjl., 
 ^ dro\'e. 
 
 upon the rocks and cliffs of the sea, they looked over the main 
 sea, towards the realm of Epirus, to see if they could discern the 
 ships returning back to transport them over. Caesar in the 
 mean time, being in the city of Apollonia, having but a small 
 army to fight with Pompey, it grieved him for that the rest 
 of his army was so long a-coming, not knowing what way 
 to take. In the end he followed a dangerous determination, to 
 imbark^ unknown in a little pinnace of 12 oars only, to pass 
 over the sea again unto :Erundusium, the which he could not 
 do without great danger, considering that all that sea was full of 
 ■Pompey's ships and armies. So he took ship in the night, 
 apparelled like a slave, and went aboard upon this little pinnace, 
 and said never a word, as if he had been some poor man of 
 mean condition. The pinnace, lay in the mouth of the river of 
 Anius, the which commonly was wont to be very calm and quiet, 
 by reason of a little wind that came from the shore, which every 
 morning drave^ back the waves far into the main sea. But that 
 night (by ill fortune) there came a great wind from the sea, that 
 overcame the landwind, insomuch as, the force and strength 
 of the river fighting against the violence of the rage and waves 
 of the sea, the encounter was marvellous dangerous, the water 
 of the river being driven back and rebounding upward, with 
 great noise and danger in turning of the water. Thereupon 
 the master of the pinnace, seeing that he could not possibly 
 get out of the mouth of this river, bade the mariners to cast 
 about' again, and to return against" the stream. Caesar hearing 
 that, straight discovered himself unto the master of the pinnace, 
 who at the first was amazed when he saw him; but Caesar 
 then taking him by the hand, said unto him, " Good fellow, 
 be of good cheer, and forwards hardily; fear not, for thou hast 
 CiEsar and Ws fortune with thee." Then the mariners, for- 
 getting the danger of the storm they were in, laid on load* with 
 oars, and laboured for life what they could against the wind, to 
 rget out of the mouth of this river. But at length, perceiving 
 they laboured in vain, and that the pinnace took in abundance 
 of water, and was ready to sink, Caesar then, to his great 
 gi-ief, was driven to return back again : who when he was re- 
 turned unto his camp, his soldiers came in great companies 
 unto him, and were very sorry that he mistrusted he was not 
 able with them alone to overcome his enemies, but would put 
 his person in danger to go fetch them that were absent, put- 
 'ting no trust in them that were present.. In th? mean time 
 
 ^ turn round. 
 
 * toiled hard. 
 
78 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ceesar's dan- 
 gers and 
 troubles in 
 the realm of 
 Epints. 
 ' exceeding- 
 
 ly. 
 
 2 ate. 
 
 ' kept guard, 
 * some of. 
 
 ' endurance. 
 
 Ctrsar s 
 army Jled 
 
 fyoiH Pont- 
 
 fey. 
 
 ■» halt. 
 « lifted. 
 ® anticlpat. 
 " struck. 
 
 Ctrsar s 
 vjords of 
 
 Antonius arrived, and brought with him the rest of his army 
 from Brundusium. 
 
 32. , Then Cfesar, finding himself strong enough, went and 
 offered Pompey battle, who was passingly"- well lodged for 
 victualling of his camp both by sea and land. Caesar on the 
 other side, who had no great plenty of victuals at the first, 
 was in a very hard case : insomuch as his men gathered roots, 
 and mingled them with milk, and eat^ them. Furthermore, 
 they did make bread of it also ; and sometime when they 
 skirmished with the enemies, and came along by them that 
 watched and warded^, they cast of* their bread into their 
 trenches, and said that, as long as the earth brought forth 
 such fruits, they would never leave besieging of Pompey. But 
 Pompey straitly commanded them, that they should neither 
 carry those words nor bread into their camp, fearing lest his 
 men's hearts would fail them, and that they would be afraid 
 when they should think of their enemies' hardness*, with whom 
 they had to fight, sith" they were weary with no pains, no more 
 than brute beasts. Caesar's men did daily skirmish hard to the 
 trenches of Pompey's camp, in the which Caesar had ever the 
 better, saving once only, at which time his men fled with such 
 fear, that all his camp that day was in great hazard to have been 
 cast away. For Pompey came on with his battle upon them, 
 and they were not able to abide it, but were fought with, and 
 driven into their camp, and their trenches were filled with dead 
 bodies, which were slain within the very gate and bulwarks 
 of their camp, they were so valiantly pursued. Ctesar stood 
 before them that fled, to make them to turn head again, but 
 he could not prevail. For when he would have taken the ' 
 ensigns to have stayed them, the ensign-bearers threw them 
 down on the ground : so that the enemies took two and thirty of 
 them, and Caesar's self also escaped hardly with life. For, strik- 
 ing a great big soldier that fled by him, commanding him to 
 stay' and turn his face to his enemy : the soldier, being afraid, 
 lift* up his sword to strike at Caesar. But one of Cesar's pages, 
 preventing' him, gave him such a blow with his sword that he 
 strake" off his shoulder. Caesar that day was brought unto so 
 great extremity, that (if Pompey had not either for fear, or 
 spiteful fortune, left off to follow his victoiy, and retired into his 
 camp, being contented to have driven his enemies into their 
 camp) returning to his camp with his friends, he said unto them : 
 "The victory this day had been our enemies', if they had had a 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 79 
 
 captain that could have told how to have overcome." So when 
 he was come to his lodging, he went to bed, and that night 
 troubled him more than any night that ever he had. For still 
 his mind ran with great sorrow of the foul fault he had com- 
 mitted in leading of his army, of self-will to remain there so 
 long by the sea-side, his enemies being the stronger by sea, 
 considering that he had before him a goodly country, rich and 
 plentiful of all things, and goodly cities of Macedon and Thes- 
 saly: and had not the wit to bring the war from thence, but to 
 lose his time in a place, where he was rather besieged of his 
 enemies for lack of victuals than that he did besiege them by 
 force of arms. Thus fretting and chafing to see himself so 
 straighted'^ with^ victuals, and to think of his ill luck, he raised 
 his camp, intending to go set upon^ Scipio, making account, 
 that either he should draw Pompey to battle against his will, 
 when he had not the sea at his back to furnish him with plenty 
 of victuals ; or else that he should easily overcome Scipio, find- 
 ing him alone, unless he were aided. This remove of Caesar's 
 camp did much encourage Pompey's army and his captains, 
 who would needs in any case have followed after him, as though 
 he had been overcome and had fled. But for Pompey himself, 
 he would in no respect hazard battle, which was a matter of so 
 great importance. For finding himself so well provided of all 
 things necessary to tarry time, he thought it better to draw this 
 war out in length by tract* of time, the rather to consume this 
 little strength that remained in Ca;sar's army : of the which, the 
 best men were marvellous well trained and good soldiers, and 
 for valiantness at one day's battle were incomparable. But on 
 ■the other side again, to remove here and there so oft, and to 
 fortify their camp where they came, and to besiege any wall, or 
 to, keep watch all night in their armour: the most part of them 
 could not do it, by leason of their age, being then unable to 
 away with^ their pains, so that the weakness of their bodies did 
 also take away the life and courage of their hearts. Further- 
 more, there fell a pestilent disease among them, that came by ill 
 meats hunger drave" them to eat. Yet was not this the worst : 
 for besides, he had no store of money, neither could tell how to 
 come by' victuals ; ■ so that it seemed, in all likelihood, that in 
 very short time he would come to nothing. For these respects 
 Pompey would in no case fight, and yet ha,d he but Cato only of 
 his mind in that, who stuck* in it the rather, because he would 
 avoid shedding of his countrymen's blood. For when Cato had 
 
 victory. 
 Ctesar trou- 
 bled ill mijiti 
 after his 
 loss. I 
 
 * straitened. 
 Mor. 
 
 ^ go and at- 
 tack. 
 
 Pompe^s de- 
 termination 
 for the ■war. 
 
 ' length. 
 
 support. 
 
 ' obtain*- 
 
 ^ continued. 
 
8o 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' others. 
 ^ on the 
 other hand. 
 
 caiied Aga- 
 tne??tnoti, 
 and khlg of 
 kings. 
 
 * outspoken. 
 
 The city of 
 Gomphes in 
 'rit£ssaly. 
 
 ^ Baccha- 
 nilians. 
 
 Pompey's 
 tire am iit 
 J'iutrsaiia. 
 Tlie security 
 o/tke Pom- 
 peintts. 
 
 * See note. 
 
 * bragging 
 mood. 
 
 viewed the dead bodies slain in the camp of his enemies at the 
 last skirmish that was between them, the which were no less 
 than a thousand persons, he covered his face, and went away- 
 weeping. All other' but he, contrarily^, fell out with him, and 
 blamed him because he so long refrained from battle : and some 
 prickt him forward, and called him Agamemnon, and king of 
 kings, saying that he delayed this war in this sort, bejause he 
 would not leave his authority to command them all, and that 
 he was glad always to see many captains round about him, 
 which came to his lodging to honour him and wait upon him. 
 And Faonius also, a hare-brained fellow, franticly counterfeiting 
 the round' and plain speech of Cato, made as though he was 
 marvellous angry, and said: "Is it not great pity, that we shall 
 not eat this year of Tusculum figs, and all for Pompey's ambitious 
 mind to reign alone?" and Afranius, who not long before was 
 but lately come out of Spain (where, because he had but ill suc- 
 cess, he was accused of treason, that for money he had sold his 
 army unto Cassar), he went busily asking, "why they fought not 
 with that merchant, unto whom they said he had sold the 
 province of Spain?" So that Pompey, with these kinds of 
 speeches, against his will, was driven to follow Csesar to fight 
 with him. Then was Cassar at the first marvellously perplexed 
 and troubled by the way, because he found none that would 
 give him any victuals, being despised of every man for the late 
 loss and overthrow he had received. But after he had taken the 
 city of Complies in Thessaly, he did not only meet with plenty 
 of victuals to relieve his army with, but he strangely also did rid 
 them of their disease. For the soldiers meeting with plenty of 
 wine, drinking hard, and making merry, drave away the infection ■ 
 of the pestilence. For they disposed themselves unto dancing, 
 masking, and playing the Baccherians'' by the way, insomuch 
 that drinking drunk they overcame their disease, and made their 
 bodies new again. 
 
 33. When they both came into the country of Pharsalia, 
 and both camps lay before each other, Pompey returned again 
 to his former determination, and the rather, because he had ill 
 signs and tokens of misfortune in his sleep. For he thought 
 in his sleep that, when he entered into the theatre, all the 
 Romans received him with great clapping of hands*. Where- 
 upon they that were about him grew to such boldness and 
 security, assuring themselves of victory, that Domitius, Spinther, 
 and Scipio in a bravery' contended between themselves for the 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 8r 
 
 chief bishopric which Caesar had. Furthermore, there were 
 divers that sent unto Rome to hire the nearest houses unto the 
 market-place, as being the fittest places for Praetors and 
 Consuls : making their account already, that those offices could 
 not scape them, incontinently^ after the wars. But besides 
 those, the young gentlemen and Roman knights were marvel- 
 lous desirous to fight, that were bravely mounted, and armed 
 with glistering^ gilt armours, their horses fat and very finely 
 kept, and themselves goodly young men, to the number of seven 
 thousand, where the gentlemen of Csesar's side were but one 
 thousand only. The number of his footmen' also were much 
 after the same reckoning. For he had five and forty thousand 
 against two and twenty thousand. Wherefore Caesar called his 
 soldiers together, and told them how Cornificius was at hand 
 who brought two whole legions, and that he had fifteen ensigns 
 led by Calenus, the which he made to stay about Megara and 
 Athens. Then he asked them, if they would tarry for that aid 
 or not, or whether they would rather themselves alone venture 
 battle. The soldiers cried out to him, and prayed him not to 
 defer battle, but rather to devise some fetch*, to make the enemy 
 fight as soon as he could. Then as he sacrificed unto the gods, 
 for the purifying of his army, the first beast was no sooner sacri- 
 ficed but his soothsayer assured him that he should fight within 
 three days. Caesar asked him again, if he saw in the sacrifices 
 any lucky sign or token of good luck. The soothsayer answered : 
 " For that, thou shalt answer thyself better than I can do : for 
 the gods do promise us a marvellous great change and alteration 
 of things that are now, unto another clean contrary. For if thou 
 beest well now, dost thou think to have worse fortune hereafter ? 
 and if thou be ill, assure thyself thou shalt have better." The 
 night before the battle, as he went about midnight to visit the 
 watch, men saw a .great firebrand in the element*, all of a 
 light fire, that came over Caesar's camp, and fell down in 
 Pompey's. In the morning also, when they relieved the watch, 
 they heard a false alarm in the enemies' camp, without any ap- 
 parent cause: which they commonly call a sudden fear, that 
 makes men besides * themselves. '• This notwithstanding, Caesar 
 thought not to fight that day, but was determined to have raised 
 his camp from thence, and to have gone towards the city of 
 Scotusa: and his tents in his camp were already overthrown', 
 when his scouts came in with great speed, to bring him news 
 that his enemies were preparing themselves to fight. Then was 
 S. P. 6 
 
 ^ immediate- 
 
 ly- 
 
 - glittering. 
 
 ^ infantry. 
 
 Pompey's 
 ar^ny as 
 g-reai a^ain 
 us Ccesar's. 
 
 * schei 
 
 A woiid'}- 
 seen in the 
 e'L'vie?it, 
 before the 
 battle in 
 Pkarsalia. 
 5 sky. 
 
 ' taken 
 down. 
 
82 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 essay's 
 army and 
 his order of 
 battle, in 
 t lie fields of 
 Pkarsalia. 
 ^ array. 
 ^ battalion. 
 
 ^ secretly. 
 *• rear guard. 
 
 Pompey^s 
 ariny and 
 his order 
 of battle. 
 
 An ill coun- 
 sel and fold 
 fault of 
 Poinpey. 
 
 ^ tumult, 
 ^ battalion. 
 
 he very glad, and after he had made his prayers unto the gods 
 to help him that day, he set his men in battle ray^, and divided 
 them into three squadrons, giving the middle battle' unto Domi- 
 tius Calvinus, and the left wing unto Antonius, and placed him- 
 self in the right wing, choosing his place to fight in the tenth 
 legion. But seeing that against that his enemies had set all 
 their horsemen, he was half afraid when he saw the great number 
 of them, and so brave besides. Wherefore he closely^ made six 
 ensigns to come from the rereward^ of his battle, whom he had 
 laid as an ambush behind his right wing, having first appointed 
 his soldiers what they should do when the horsemen of the 
 enemies came to give them charge. On the other side Pompey 
 placed himself in the right wing of his battle, gave the left wing 
 unto Domitius, and the middle battle unto Scipio his father-in- 
 law. Now all the Roman knights (as we have told you before) 
 were placed in the left wing, of purpose^ to environ Caesar's right 
 •wing behind, and to give their hottest charge there, where the 
 general of their enemies was: making their account, that there 
 was no squadron of footmen, how thick soever they were, that 
 could receive the charge of so great a troop of horsemen, and 
 that at the first onset they should overthrow them all, a.nd march 
 upon their bellies. When the trumpets on either side did sound 
 the alarm to the battle, Pompey commanded his footmen that 
 they should stand still without stirring, to receive the charge of 
 their enemies, until, they came to throwing of their darts. 
 Wherefore Csesar afterwards said, that Pompey had committed a 
 foul fault, not to consider that the charge which is given running 
 with fury, besides that it giveth the more strength also unto 
 their blows, doth set men's hearts also on fire : for the common 
 hurling^ of all the soldiers that run together, is unto them as a 
 box on the ear that sets men on fire. Then Cssar, making his 
 battle' march forward to give the onset, saw one of his captains 
 (a valiant man, and very skilful in war, in whom he had also 
 great confidence) speaking to his soldiers that he had under his 
 charge, encouraging them to fight like men that day. So he 
 called him aloud by his name, and said unto him : "Well, Caius 
 Crassinius, what hope shall we have to-day? how are we de- 
 termined, to fight it out manfully? " Then Crassinius, casting 
 up his hand, answered him aloud: "This day, O Ca;sar, we 
 shall have a noble victory, and I promise thee ere night thou 
 Shalt praise me alive or dead." When he had told him so, he 
 was himself the foremost man that gave charge upon his enemies. 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 83 
 
 with his band following of him, being about six score men ; and 
 making a lane throiigh the foremost ranks with great slaughter, 
 he entered far into the battle- of his enemies, until that, valiantly- 
 fighting in this sort, he was thrust in at length into the mouth 
 with a sword, that the point of it came out again at his neck. 
 Now the footmen of both battles being come to the sword, the 
 horsemen of the left wing of Pompey did march as fiercely also, 
 spreading out their troops, to compass in the right wing of 
 Caesar's battle. But before they began to give charge, the six 
 ensigns of footmen which Cassar had laid in ambush behind him, 
 they began to run full upon them, not throwing away their darts 
 far off, as they were wont to do, neither striking their enemies 
 on the thighs nor on the legs, but to seek to hit them full in the 
 eyes, and to hurt them in the face, as Ciesar had taught them. 
 For he hoped that these lusty young gentlemen that had not 
 been often in the wars nor were used to see themselves hurt, 
 and the which, being in the prime of their youth and beauty, 
 would be afraid of those hurts, as well for the fear of the 
 present danger to be slain, as also for that their faces should 
 not for ever be deformed. As indeed it came to pass, for they 
 could never abide that they should come so near their faces 
 with the points of their darts, but hung down their heads for 
 fear to be hit with them in their eyes, and turned their backs, 
 covering their face because they should not be hurt. Then, 
 breaking of themselves^, they began at length cowardly to fly, 
 and were occasion also of the loss of all the rest of Pompey's 
 army. For they that had broken them ran immediately to 
 set upon the squadron of the footmen behind, and slew them. 
 Then Pompey, seeing his horsemen, from the other wing of 
 his battle, so scattered and dispersed, flying away, forgat that 
 he was any more Pompey the Great, which he had been be- 
 fore, but was rather like a man whose wits the gods had taken 
 from him, being afraid and amazed with the slaughter sent 
 from above, and so retired into his tent, speaking never a 
 word, and sat there to see the end of this battle ; until at 
 the length all his army being overthrown and put to flight, 
 the enemies came, and got up upon the rampiers ^ and defence 
 of his camp, and fought hand to hand with them that stood 
 to defend the same. Then as a man come to himself again, 
 he spake but this only word: "What, even into our camp?" 
 So in haste, casting off his coat-armour^ and apparel of a 
 general, he shifted him*, and put on such as became his 
 
 6-2 
 
 The tattle 
 in ike fields 
 of Phar- 
 salia. 
 
 Ccrsaf^s 
 stratagem. 
 
 ^ breaking 
 Iheir ranks. 
 
 CcEsnr over 
 
 Cometh 
 
 Fompey^ 
 
 ' ramparts. 
 
 3 uniform. 
 ^ changed 
 his apparel. 
 
8+ 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 JUght. 
 
 Biittics that 
 steru Ccpsar 
 taken pri- 
 sorter at t/te 
 /•attle of 
 Fharsalia, 
 
 Signs and 
 tokens of 
 CfPsars 
 victory. 
 
 A strange 
 tale of Cor- 
 nelius an ex- 
 cellent prog- 
 itosticator. 
 
 miserable fortune, and so stole out of his camp. Furthermore, 
 what he did after this overthrow, and how he had put him- 
 self into the hands of the Egyptians, by whom he was miserably 
 slain, we have set it forth at large in his life. Then Csesar, 
 entering into Pompey's camp, and seeing the bodies laid on 
 the ground that were slain, and others also that were a-kill- 
 ing, said, fetching a gi-eat sigh: "It was their own doing, and 
 against my will. For Caius Cassar, after he had won so many 
 famous conquests, and overcome so many gi-eat battles, had 
 i been utterly condemned notwithstanding, if he had departed 
 from his army." Asinius PoUio writeth, that he spake these 
 words then in Latin, which he afterwards wrote in Greek ; and 
 saith furthermore, that the most part of them which were put to 
 the sword in the camp were slaves and bondmen, and that there 
 were not slain in all this battle above six thousand soldiers. As 
 for them that were taken prisoners, Cassar did put many of 
 them amongst his legions, and did pardon also many men of 
 estimation, among whom Brutus was one, that afterwards slew 
 Caesar himself: and it is reported that Csesar was very sorry 
 for him, when he could not immediately be found after the 
 battle, and that he rejoiced again when he knew he was alive, 
 and that he caine to yield himself unto him. Casar had many 
 signs and tokens of victory before this battle, but the nota- 
 blest of all other that happened to him, was in the city of Tralles. 
 For in the temple of Victory, within the same city, there was 
 an image of Csesar, and the earth all about it very hard of itself, 
 and was paved besides with hard stone : and yet some say that 
 there sprang up a palm hard by the base of the same image. In 
 the city of Padua, Caius Cornelius, an excellent soothsayer (a 
 countryman and friend of Titus Livius the historiographer), was 
 by chance at that time set to behold the flying of birds. He (as 
 Livy reporteth) knew the very time when the battle began, and 
 told them that were present, " Even now they give the onset on 
 both sides, and both armies do meet at this instant." Then sit- 
 ting down again, to consider of the birds, after he had bethought 
 him of the signs, he suddenly rose up on his feet, and cried out 
 as a man possessed with some spirit: "O Cassar, the victory is 
 thine." Every man wondering to see him, he took the crown 
 he had on his head, and made an oath that he would never put 
 it on again, till the event of his prediction had proved his art 
 true. Livy testifieth that it came so to pass. Casar afterwards 
 giving freedom unto the Thessalians, in respect of the victory 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 85 
 
 which he wan"^ in their country, he followed after Pompey. 
 When he came into Asia, he gave freedom also unto the Guid- 
 ians for Theopompus' sake, who had gathered the fables together. 
 He did release Asia also the third part of the tribute which the 
 inhabitants paid unto the Romans. Then he came into Alex- 
 andria after Pompey was slain : and detested Theodotus that 
 presented him Pompey's head, and turned his head aside be- 
 cause he would not see it. Notwithstanding, he took his seal, 
 and beholding it, wept. Furthermore, he courteously used all 
 Pompey's friends and familiars, who wandering up and down 
 the country, were taken of ^ the king of Egypt, and wan^ them all 
 to be at his commandment. Continuing these courtesies, he 
 wrote unto his friends at Rome, that the greatest pleasure he 
 took of his victory was, that he daily saved the lives of some of 
 his countrymen that bare arms against him. 
 
 34. And for the war he made in Alexandria, some say he 
 needed not to have done it, but that he willingly did it for the 
 love of Cleopatra : wherein he wan^ little honour, and besides 
 did put his person in great danger. Others do lay the fault upon 
 the king of Egypt's ministers, but specially on Pothinus the 
 eunuch, who bearing the greatest sway of all the king's servants, 
 after he had caused Pompey to be slain, and driven Cleopatra 
 from the court, secretly laid wait all the ways he could, how he 
 might likewise kill Caasar. Wherefore Cassar, hearing an inkling' 
 of it, began thenceforth to spend all the night long in feasting 
 and banqueting, thathis person might be in the better safety. 
 But besides all this, Pothinus the eunuch spake many things 
 openly, not to be borne, only to shame Cassar, and to stir up the 
 people to envy him. For he made his soldiers have the worst 
 and oldest wheat that could be gotten : then, if they did com- 
 plain of it, he told them they must be contented, seeing they eat 
 at another man's cost. And he would serve them also at the 
 table in treen* and earthen dishes, saying, 'that Cffisar had 
 away all their gold and silver, for a debt that the king's father 
 (that then reigned) did owe unto him :' which was a thousand 
 seven hundred and fifty myriads' ; whereof Cassar had before 
 forgiven seven hundred and fifty thousand unto his children. 
 Howbeit then he asked a million to pay his soldiers withal. 
 Thereto Pothinus answered him, that at that time he should do 
 better to follow his other causes of greater importance, and after- 
 wards that he should at more leisure recover his debt, with the 
 king's good will and favour. Caesar replied unto him, and said, 
 
 * won. 
 
 CeBsar's cle- 
 mency in 
 victory. 
 
 The cause 
 of Ccesa7^s 
 •war in 
 Alexandria. 
 
 Pothinus 
 the eitftnch 
 cajised Poni- 
 f>ey to be 
 slain, 
 
 = hint. 
 
 * wooden. 
 
 s sums of 
 
 10,000 
 
 pieces. 
 
86 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cleopatra 
 came to 
 Ccesar, 
 
 ^ means. 
 Cleopatra 
 trussed ttp 
 in a mat- 
 tress, atid 
 so brought 
 to Ccssar, 
 upon Apollo- 
 iiorus' back, 
 ^ bundle, 
 
 ^ behaviour. 
 
 * continually. 
 
 ' finally. 
 
 The great 
 library of 
 Alexandi'ia 
 burnt. 
 « Pharos, 
 lighthouse, , 
 ^ intending. 
 
 Ccssar's 
 swimming 
 •with books 
 in his hand. 
 
 that he would not ask counsel of the Egj'ptians for his affairs, 
 but would be paid ; and thereupon secretly sent for Cleopatra, 
 which was in the country, to come unto him. She, only taldng 
 Apollodorus Sicilian of all her friends, took a little boat, and 
 went away with him in it in the night, and came and landed 
 hard by the foot of the castle. Then having no other mean^ to 
 come into the court without being known, she laid herself down 
 upon a mattress or flockbed, which Apollodorus her friend tied 
 and bound up together like a bundle with a great leather thong, 
 and so took her upon his back and brought her thus hampered 
 in this fardle^ unto Czesar in at the castle gate. This was the 
 first occasion (as it is reported) that made Caesar to love her : 
 but afterwards, when he saw her sweet conversation^ and 
 pleasant entertainment, he fell then in further liking with her, 
 and did reconcile her again unto her brother the king, with con- 
 dition that they two jointly should reign together. Upon this 
 new reconciliation, a great feast being prepared, a slave of Cesar's 
 that was his barber, the fearfullest wretch that lived, still* busily 
 prying and listening abroad in every corner, being mistrustful 
 by nature, found that Pothinus and Achillas did lie in wait to 
 kill his master Caesar. This being proved unto Caesar, he did 
 set such sure watch about the hall, where the feast was made, 
 that in fine^ he slew the eunuch Pothinus himself. Achillas 
 on the other side saved himself, and fled unto the king's camp, 
 where he raised a marvellous dangerous and difficult war for 
 Cffisar: because he, having then but a few men about him, 
 was to fight against a great and strong city. The first danger 
 he fell into was the want of water: for that his enemies had 
 stopped the mouth of the pipes, the which conveyed the water 
 into the castle. The second danger he had was, that seeing 
 his enemies came to take his ships from him, he was driven 
 to repulse that danger with fire, the which burnt the arsenal 
 where the ships lay, and that notable library of Alexandria 
 withal. The third danger was in the battle by sea, that was 
 fought by the tower of Phar" : where meaning' to help his men 
 that fought by sea, he leapt from the pier into a boat. Then 
 the Egyptians made towards him with their oars on eveiy side : 
 but he, leaping into the sea, with great hazard saved himself 
 by swimming. It is said, that then, holding divers books in 
 his hand, he did never let them go, but kept them always 
 upon his head above water, and swam with the other hand, 
 notwithstanding that they shot marvellously at him, and was 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 87 
 
 driven sometime to duck into the water : howbeit the iDoat was 
 drowned presently 1. In fine, the king coming to his men that 
 made war with Caesar, he went against him and gave him 
 battle, and wan^ it with great slaughter and effusion of blood. 
 But for, the king, no man could ever tell what became of him 
 after. Thereupon Cassar made Cleopatra his sister queen of 
 Egypt, who, being great with child by him, was shortly brought 
 to bed of a son, whom the Alexandrians named Csesarion. 
 
 35. From thence he went into Syria, and so going into 
 Asia, there it was told him that Domitias was overthrown in 
 battle lay Pharnaces, the son of king Mithridates, and was fled 
 out of the realm of Pont with a few men with him : and that 
 this king Pharnaces, greedily following his victory, was not 
 -contented with the winning of Bithynia and Cappadocia, but 
 further would needs attempt to win Armenia the less, procur- 
 ing^ all those kings, princes, and governors of the provinces 
 thereabouts to rebel against the Romans. Thereupon Csesar 
 went thither straight with three legions, and fought a great 
 battle with king Pharnaces by the city of Zela, where he slew 
 his army, and drave* him out of all the realm of Pont. And 
 because he would advertise one of his friends of the suddenness 
 of this victory, he only wrote three words unto Anitius at Rome : 
 "Veni, vidi, vici :" to wit, "I came, I saw, I overcame." These 
 three words, ending all with like sound and letter in the Latin, 
 have a certain snort grace more pleasant to the ear than can 
 be well expressed in any other tongue. After this he returned 
 again into Italy and came to Rome, ending his year for the 
 which he was made dictator the second time, which office 
 before was never granted for one whole year, but^ unto him. 
 Then was he chosen consul for the year following. Afterwards 
 he was very ill spoken of, for that his soldiers in a mutiny 
 having slain two Praetors, Cosconius and Galba, he gave them 
 no other punishment for it, but instead of calling them soldiers 
 he named them citizens, and gave unto every one of them <x 
 thousand drachmas a man, and great possessions in Italy. 
 He was much misliked also for the desperate parts' and mad- 
 ness of Dolabella, for the covetousness of Anitius, for the drunk- 
 enness of Antonius and Cornificius ; which made Pompey's 
 house be pulled down and builded up again, as a thing not 
 big enough for him, wherewith the Romans were marvellously 
 offended. Ceesar knew all this well enough, and would have 
 been contented to have redressed them : but to bring his 
 
 C^sar made 
 Cleopatra 
 gueen of 
 E^yPt. 
 Ciesanon, 
 CtBsar's sojt, 
 begotten of 
 Cleopatra. 
 
 ^ persuading, 
 
 CcEsat^s vic- 
 tory of king 
 Pharnaces. 
 
 ^ drove. 
 Ccesar writ- 
 eth three 
 •words to 
 certify his 
 victory. 
 
 5 except. 
 
 ^ disposition. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 joiintey into 
 A/rica, a- 
 gainst Cato 
 a7td Scipio. 
 ' powerful, 
 2 midst. 
 
 ^ on land. 
 * hoisted. 
 
 " at once. 
 
 Cessars 
 troubles in 
 Africa. 
 A Iga and 
 dog's-tooth 
 given to tite 
 /torse to eat. 
 ' horses. 
 
 CeEsat^s 
 dangers in 
 Africa. 
 
 matters to pass, he pretended be was driven to sei-ve his turn by 
 such instruments, 
 
 36, After the battle of Pharsalia, Cato and Scipio being fled 
 into Africa, king Juba joined witli them, and levied a great puis- 
 sant^ army. Wherefore Cssar determined to make war with 
 them : and, in the middest^ of winter, he took his journey into 
 Sicily, There, because he would take all hope from his captains 
 and soldiers to make any long abode there, he went and lodged 
 upon the very sands by the seaside, and with the next gale of wind 
 that came, he took the sea with three thousand footmen and a 
 few horsemen. Then having put them a land', unawares to them 
 he hoised'' sail again to fetch the rest of his army, being afraid 
 lesb they should meet with some danger in passing over ; and 
 meeting them midway, he brought them all into his camp. 
 Where, when it was told him that his enemies trusted in an 
 ancient oracle, which said, that it was predestined unto the 
 family of the Scipios to be conquerors in Africa : either of pur- 
 pose to mock Scipio, the general of his enemies, or otherwise^, 
 in good earnest, to take the benefit of this name (given by the 
 oracle) unto himself, in all the skirmishes and battles fought, he 
 gave the charge of his army unto a man of mean quality and 
 account, called Scipio Salutius, who came of the race of Scipio 
 African, and made him always general when he fought. For he 
 was eftsoons" compelled to weary and harry his enemies, for that 
 neither his men in his camp had corn enough, nor the beasts 
 forage, but the soldiers were driven to take sea-weeds, called 
 Alga: and (washing away the brackishness thereof with fresh 
 water, putting to it a little herb called dog's-tooth) to cast it so 
 to their horse' to eat. For the Numidians (which are light 
 horsemen, and very ready of service) being a great number 
 together, would be on a sudden in every place, and spread all 
 the fields over thereabout, so that no man durst peep out of the 
 camp to go for forage. And one day, as the men of arms were 
 staying to behold an African doing notable things in dancing 
 and playing with the flute (they being set down quietly to take 
 their pleasure of the view thereof, having in the meantime 
 given their slaves their horses to hold) the enemies stealing sud- 
 denly upon them, compassed them in round about, and slew a 
 number of them in the field, and chasing the other also that fled, 
 followed them pellmell into their camp. Furthermore, had not 
 Cassar himself in person, and Asinius PoUio with him, gone out 
 of the camp to the rescue and stayed them that fled, the war that 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 8g 
 
 clay had been ended. There was also another skirmish where 
 his enemies had the upper hand, in the which it is reported 
 that Csesar, taking the ensign-bearer by the collar that carried 
 the eagle in his hand, stayed him by force, and turning his 
 face, told him : "See, there be thy enemies." These advantages 
 did lift up Scipio's heart aloft, and gave him courage to hazard 
 battle : and leaving Afranius on the one hand of him, and king 
 Juba on the other hand, both their camps lying near together, 
 he did fortify himself by the city of Thapsacus, above the lake, 
 to be a safe refuge for them all in this battle. But whilst he was 
 busy intrenching of himself, Caesar, having marvellous speedily 
 passed through a great country full of wood by by-paths which 
 men would never have mistrusted^: he stole upon some behind, 
 and suddenly assailed the other before, so that he overthrew 
 them all, and made them fly. Then following the first good 
 hap he had, he went forthwith to set upon the camp of Afranius, 
 the which he took at the first onset, and the camp of the Numi- 
 dians also, king Juba being fled. Thus in a little piece of the 
 day only, he took three camps, and slew fifty thousand of his 
 enemies, and lost but fifty of his soldiers. In this sort is set 
 down the effect of this battle by some writers. Yet others do 
 write also, that Caesar self was not there in person at the execu- 
 tion of this battle. For as he did set his men in battle ray 2, 
 the falling sickness' took him, whereunto he was given; and 
 therefore feehng it coming, before he was overcome withal, 
 he was carried into a castle not far from thence where the 
 battle was fought, and there took his rest till the extremity of 
 his disease had left him. Now for* the Praetor and Consuls 
 that scaped from this battle, many of them being taken 
 prisoners did kill themselves, and others also Caesar did put 
 to death : but he being specially desirous of all men else to 
 have Cato alive in his hands, he went with all possible speed 
 unto the city of Utica, whereof Cato was governor, by means 
 whereof he was not at the battle. Notwithstanding being certi- 
 fied by the way that Cato had slain himself with his own hands, 
 he then made open show that he was very sorry for it, but 
 why or wherefore, no man could tell. But this is true, that 
 Cffisarsaid at that present time: "O Cato, I envy thy death, 
 because thou didst envy my glory to save thy hfe." This not- 
 withstanding, the book that he wrote afterwards against Cato, 
 being dead, did shew no very great affection nor pitiful heart 
 towards him. For how could he have pardoned him, if living 
 
 ' suspected. 
 
 Ceesaf's 
 greatvLctory 
 and small 
 loss. 
 
 CiTsar trou- 
 bled with 
 the falling 
 sickness. 
 
 2 array. 
 
 3 epilepsy. 
 
 * as regards. 
 
 CiEsar was 
 sorry for the 
 death of 
 Cato, 
 
 CcEsar wrote 
 againstCatOf 
 being dead. 
 
90 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cicero wrote 
 a hook itt 
 praise of 
 Caio being 
 dead. 
 
 Jula, the 
 son 0/ king 
 Juba, a 
 famous 
 historio- 
 grapher. 
 
 Ciesar's 
 /I'osting of 
 the Romans. 
 
 '^ with sharp 
 weapons. 
 
 The muster 
 taken of the 
 Romans. 
 
 he had had him in his hands, that being dead did speak so 
 vehemently against him? Notwithstanding, men suppose he 
 would have pardoned him, if he had taken him alive, by the 
 clemency he shewed unto Cicero, Brutus , and divers others that 
 had borne arms against him. Some report that he wrote that 
 book, not so much for any private malice he had to his deatli, 
 as for civil ambition, upon this occasion. Cicero had written a 
 book in praise of Cato, which he entitled 'Cato.' This book in 
 likelihood was very well liked of, by reason of the eloquence of 
 the orator that made it, and of the excellent subject thereof. 
 Csssar therewith was marvellously offended, thinking that to 
 praise him of whose death he was author was even so much 
 as to accuse himself: and therefore he wrote a letter against 
 him, and heaped up a number of accusations against Cato, 
 and entitled the book 'Anticaton.' Both these books bave 
 favourers unto this day, some defending the one for the love 
 they bear to Caesar, and others allowing^ the other for Cato's 
 sake. 
 
 37. Caesar, being now returned out of Africa, first of all made 
 an oration to the people wherein he greatly praised and com- 
 mended this his last victory, declaring unto them that he had 
 conquered so many countries unto the empire of Rome, that he 
 could furnish the commonwealth yearly with two hundred thou- 
 sand bushels of wheat, and twenty hundred thousand pound 
 weight of oil. Then he made three triumphs, the one for Egypt, 
 the other for the kingdom of Pont, and the third for Africa : not 
 because he had overcome Scipio there, but king Juba. Whose 
 son being likewise called Juba, being then a young boy, was led 
 captive in the show of this triumph. But this his imprisonment 
 fell out happily for him : for, where he was but a barbarous 
 Numidian, by the study he fell unto when he was prisoner, 
 he came afterwards to be reckoned one of the wisest historio- 
 graphers of the Grecians. After these three triumphs ended, 
 he very liberally rewarded his soldiers : and to curry favour 
 with the people, he made great feasts and common sports. For 
 he feasted all the Romans at one time, at two and twenty 
 thousand tables, and gave them the pleasure to see divers 
 sword-players' to fight at the shaip^, and battles also by sea, 
 for the remembrance of his daughter Julia, which was dead 
 long before. Then after all these sports, he made the people 
 (as the manner was) to be mustered : and where there were, at 
 the last musters before, three hundred and twenty thousand 
 
JULIUS CyESAH. 
 
 9> 
 
 citizens, at this muster there were only but a hundred and fifty 
 thousand. Such misery and destruction had this civil war 
 brought unto the commonwealth of Rome, and had consumed 
 such a number of Romans, not speaking at all of the mischiefs 
 and calamities it had brought unto all the rest of Italy, and to 
 the other provinces pertaining to Rome. 
 
 38. After all these things were ended, he was chosen Consul 
 the fourth time, and went into Spain to make war with the sons 
 of Pompey : who were yet but very young, but had notwithstand- 
 ing raised a marvellous great army together, and shewed they 
 had manhood and courage worthy to command such an army, 
 insomuch as they put Caesar himself in great danger of his Ufe. 
 The greatest battle that was fought between them in all this war, 
 was by the city of Munda. For then Csesar, seeing his men 
 sorely distressed, and having their hands full of their enemies, 
 he ran into the prease^ among his men that fought, and cried out 
 unto them : "What, are ye not ashamed to be beaten and taken 
 prisoners, yielding yourselves with your own hands to these 
 young boys?" And so, with all the force he could make, having 
 with much ado put his enemies to flight, he slew above thirty 
 thousand of them in the field, and lost of his own men a thou- 
 sand of the best he had. After tbis battle he went into his tent 
 and told his friends, that he had often before fought for victory, 
 but, this last time now, that he had fought for the safety of his 
 own life He wan 2 this battle on the very feast-day of the 
 Bacchanalians, in the which men say that Pompey the Great 
 went out of Rome, about four years before, to begin this civil 
 war. For^ his sons, the younger scaped from the battle ; but, 
 within few days after, Didius brought the head of the elder. 
 This was the last war that Caesar made. But the triumph he 
 made into Rome for the same did as much offend the Romans, 
 and more, than any thing that ever he had done before : because 
 he had not overcome captains that were strangers, nor barba- 
 rous kings, but had destroyed the sons of the noblest man of 
 Rome, whom fortune had overthrown. And because he had 
 plucked up his race by the roots, men did not think it meet for 
 him to triumph so for the calamities of his country, rejoicing at 
 a thing for the which he had but one excuse to allege in his 
 defence unto the gods and men, that he was compelled to do 
 that he did. And the rather they thought it not meet, be- 
 cause he had never before sent letters nor messengers unto the 
 commonwealth at Rome, for any victory that he had ever won 
 
 C<BSay 
 Coftsiil the 
 fourth time. 
 
 Battle 
 foit^lii be' 
 tivixt CtESar 
 and the 
 yowig Pom- 
 peys, by the 
 city of M tin- 
 da. 
 
 ^ press, 
 throng. 
 CtEsat's 7fic~ 
 tory of the 
 softs of Foni- 
 pey. 
 
 CtBSaf^s 
 triumph of 
 Pompey's 
 sons. 
 
92 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 '^ undergone. 
 Casar Die- 
 tator per- 
 pciuaL 
 
 ■* reasons. 
 
 •rebel. 
 " pretext. 
 
 The temple 
 of Clemency 
 dedicated 
 tiHto Casar, 
 yor his 
 tourtesy. 
 Cassiiis and 
 Bruiits 
 PrcEtors. 
 
 Ctssay's say- 
 ing of 
 death. 
 Goodwill of 
 sitbjects, t/te 
 best guard 
 and safety 
 J or princes. 
 
 in all the civil wars : but did always for shame refuse the glory 
 of it. 
 
 39. This notwithstanding, the Romans, inclining to Caesar's ' 
 prosperity and taking the bit in the mouth, supposing that to be 3 
 ruled by one man alone, it would be a good mean* for them to 
 take breath a little, after so many troubles and miseries as they 
 had abidden 2 in these civil wars, they chose him perpetual Dicta- 
 tor. This was a plain tyranny : for to this absolute power of 
 Dictator, they added this, never to be afraid to be deposed. 
 Cicero pronounced before the Senate, that they should give him 
 such honours as were meet for a man : howbeit others afterwards 
 added too honours beyond all reason. For men striving who 
 should most honour him, they made him hateful and troublesome 
 to themselves that most favoured him, by reason of the un- 
 measurable greatness and honours which they gave him. There- 
 upon it is reported, that even they that most hated him were no 
 less favourers and furtherers of his honours than they that most 
 flattered him, because they might have greater occasions' to 
 rise*, and that it might appear they had just cause and colour^ 
 to attempt that they did against him. And now for himself, after 
 he had ended his civil wars, he did so honourably behave him- 
 self, that there was no fault to be found in him : and therefore 
 methinks, amongst other honours they gave him, he rightly de- 
 served this, that they should build him a temple of Clemency, to 
 thank him for his courtesy he had used unto them in his victor)'. 
 For he pardoned many of them that had borne arms against 
 him, and furthermore, did prefer some of them to honour and 
 office in the commonwealth : as, amongst others, Cassius and 
 Brutus, both the which were made Prsetors. And, where Pom- 
 pey's images had been thrown down, he caused them to be set 
 up again: whereupon Cicero said then, that, Csesar setting up 
 Pompey's images again, he made his own to stand the surer. 
 And when some of his friends did counsel him to have a guard 
 for the safety of his person, and some also did offer themselves 
 to serve him, he would never consent to it, but said: "It was 
 better to die once, than always to be afraid of death." But to 
 win himself the love and goodwill of the people, as the honour- 
 ablest guard and best safety he could have, he made common 
 feasts agam and general distributions of corn. Furthermore to 
 gratify the soldiers also, he replenished many cities again with 
 mhabitants, which before had been destroyed, and placed them 
 there that had no place to repair unto : of the which the noblest 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 93 
 
 and chiefest cities were these two, Carthage and Corinth : and 
 it chanced also, that like as aforetime they had been both taken 
 and destroyed together, even so were they both set on foot again, 
 and replenished with people, at one self ^ time. And as for great 
 personages, he wan'' them also, promising some of them to make 
 them Praetors and Consuls in time to come ; and unto others 
 honours and preferments : but to all men generally good hope, 
 seeking all the ways he could to make every man contented 
 with his reign. Insomuch as one of his Consuls called Maxi- 
 mus, chancing to die a day before his consulship ended, he 
 declared Caninius Rebihus Consul only for the day that remained. 
 So, divers going to his house (as the manner was) to salute him, 
 and to congratulate with him of his calling and preferment, 
 being newly chosen officer, Cicero pleasantly said : " Come, let 
 us make haste, and be gone thither before his consulship come 
 out'." Furthermore, Caesar being born to attempt all great 
 enterprises, and having an ambitious desire besides to covet 
 great honours, the prosperous good success he had of his former 
 conquests bred no desire in him quietly to enjoy the fruits of his 
 labours ; but rather gave him the hope of things to come, still 
 kindling more and more in him thoughts of greater enterprises 
 and desire of new glory, as if that which he had present were 
 stale and nothing worth. This humour of his was no other but 
 an emulation with himself as with another man, and a certain 
 contention to overcome the things he prepared to attempt. For 
 he was determined, and made preparation also, to make war 
 with the Persians. Then, when he had overcome them, to pass 
 through Hyrcania (compassing in the sea Caspium, and mount 
 Caucasus) into the realm of Pontus, and so to invade Scythia : 
 and, overrunning all the countries and people adjoining unto 
 high Germany, and Germany itself, at length to return by Gaul 
 into Italy, and so to enlarge the Roman empire round, that it 
 might be every way compassed in with the great sea Oceanuin. 
 But whilst he was preparing for this voyage, he attempted to cut 
 the bar of the straight* of Peloponnesus, in the market-place 
 where the city of Corinth standeth. Then he was minded to 
 bring the rivers of Anienes and Tiber straight from Rome unto 
 the city of Circees', with a deep channel and high banks cast 
 up on either side, and so to fall into the sea at Terracina, for 
 the better safety and commodity of the merchants that came to 
 Rome to traffic there. Furthermore, he determined to drain 
 and sew" all the water of the marishes^ betwixt the cities of 
 
 ^ same. 
 ^ won. 
 
 Caninitts 
 Sebilius 
 consul for 
 ojte day. 
 
 8 come to an 
 end. 
 
 • strait, 
 isthmus. 
 
 Aniettes. 
 Tiber^u. 
 " Circeii. 
 
 ^ drain. 
 7 marshes. 
 
94 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ harboul-. 
 
 CiESar re- 
 formed the 
 iHeguality 
 of the year, 
 ^ ordering. 
 
 ^ pleased. 
 
 * Mercedo' 
 nius mensis 
 intercalaris. 
 
 " in no way. 
 
 Why CeFsar 
 was fiated. 
 
 6 good rea- 
 'con. 
 
 Nomentum and Setium, to make firm land, for the benefit of 
 many thousands of people : and on the sea-coast next unto 
 Rome, to cast great high banks, and to cleanse all the haven 
 about Ostia of rocks and stones hidden under the water, and to 
 take away all other impediments that made the harborough^ 
 dangerous for ships, and to make new havens and arsenals 
 meet to harbour such ships as did continually traffic thither. 
 All these things were purposed to be done, but took no effect. 
 
 40. But the ordinance 2 of the calendar, and reformation of 
 the year, to take away all confusion of time, being exactly calcu- 
 lated by the mathematicians and brought to perfection, was a 
 great commodity unto all men. For the Romans, using then the 
 ancient computation of the year, had not only such uncertainty 
 and alteration of the month and times, that the sacrifices and 
 yearly feasts came, by little and little, to seasons contrary for 
 the purpose they were ordained : but also, in the revolution of 
 the sun (which is called Annus Solaris) no other nation agreed 
 with them in account : and, of the Romans themselves, only 
 the priests understood it. And therefore when they hsted^, they 
 suddenly (no man being able to control them) did thrust in a 
 month above their ordinary number, which they called in old 
 time Mercedonms*. Some say that Numa Pompilius was the 
 first that devised this way, to put a month between : but it was 
 a weak remedy, and did little help the correction of the errors 
 that were made in the account of the year, to frame* them to 
 perfection. But Csesar, committing this matter unto the phi- 
 losophers and best expert mathematicians at that time, did set 
 forth an excellent and perfect calendar, more exactly calculated 
 than any other that was before : the which the Romans do use 
 until this present day, and do nothing' err as others in the 
 difference of time. But his enemies notwithstanding, that envied 
 his greatness, did not stick to find fault withal. As Cicero the 
 orator, when one said, "to-morrow the star Lyra will rise:" 
 "Yea," said he, "at the commandment of Caesar;" as if men 
 were compelled so to say and think by Caesar's edict. But the 
 chiefest cause that made him mortally hated was the covetous 
 desire he had to be called king : which first gave the people 
 just cause, and next his secret enemies honest colour"*, to 
 bear him ill-will. This notwithstanding, they that procured 
 him this honour and dignity gave it out among the people that 
 it was written in the Sybilline prophecies, 'how the Romans 
 might overcome the Parthians, if they made war with them and 
 
JULIUS C^SAR. 
 
 95 
 
 were led by a king, but otherwise that they were unconquerable.' 
 And furthermore they were so bold besides, that, Caesar return- 
 ing to Rome from the city of Alba, when they came to salute 
 him, they called him king. But the people being offended, and 
 Caesar also angry, he said he was not called king, but Csesar. 
 Then every man keeping silence, he went his way heavy and 
 sorrowful, When they had decreed divers honours for him in 
 the Senate, the Consuls and Praetors, accompanied with the 
 whole assembly of the Senate, went unto him in the market- 
 place, where he was set by the pulpit for orations, to tell him 
 what honours they had decreed for hirii in his absence. But he, 
 sitting still in his majesty, disdaining to rise up unto them when 
 they came in, as if they had been private men, answered them : 
 'that his honours had more need to be cut off than enlarged.' 
 This did not only offend the Senate but the common people also, 
 to see that he should so lightly esteem of the magistrates of the 
 commonwealth : insomuch as every man that might lawfully 
 go his way departed thence very sorrowfully. Thereupon also 
 Csesar rising departed home to his house, and tearing open his 
 doublet-GoUar, making his neck bare, he cried out aloud to his 
 friends, 'that his throat was ready to offer to any man that 
 would come and cut it.' Notwithstanding it is reported, that 
 afterwards, to excuse his folly, he imputed it to his disease, 
 saying, 'that their wits are not perfit^ which have this disease of 
 the falling evil^, when standing on their feet they speak to the 
 common people, but are soon troubled with a trembling of their 
 body, and a sudden dimness and giddiness.' But that was not 
 true, for he would have risen up to the Senate, but Cornelius 
 Balbus one of his friends (or rather a flatterer) would not let 
 him, saying : "What, do you not remember that you are 
 Csesar, and will you not let them reverence you and do their 
 duties?" 
 
 \ 41. Besides these occasions^ and offences, there followed 
 also his shame and reproach, abusing the tribunes of the people 
 in this sort. At that time the feast Lupercalia was celebrated, 
 the which in old time men say was the' feast of shepherds or 
 herdmen, and is much like unto the feast of the Lycseans in 
 Arcadia. But howsoever it is, that day there are divers noble- 
 men's sons, young men, (and some of them magistrates them- 
 selves that govern then), which run naked through the city, 
 striking in sport them they meet in their way with leather 
 thongs, hair and all on, to make them give place*. And many 
 
 ^ perfect. 
 * epilepsy. 
 
 3 causes of 
 dislike. 
 The/east 
 Lu^ercalia, 
 
 * draw back. 
 
96 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ punishing- 
 bat. 
 
 Atitoimis, 
 being Con- 
 sul, was one 
 oftheLu- 
 percalians, 
 A niottiits 
 presented 
 the diadem 
 to Ceesar. 
 
 Ctesar saved 
 Alarctis 
 Briitits' life, 
 after i/te 
 battle of 
 Pliarsalia. 
 
 noblewomen and gentlewomen also go of purpose to stand in 
 their way, and do put forth their hands to be stricken, as scholars 
 hold them out to their schoolmaster to be stricken with the 
 ferula^ : persuading themselves that, being with child, they shall 
 have good delivery ; and so, being barren, that it will make them 
 to conceive with child. Caesar sat to behold that sport upon 
 the pulpit for orations, in a chain of gold, apparelled in trium- 
 phant manner. Antonius, who was Consul at that time, was 
 one of them that rail this holy course. So when he came into 
 the market-place, the people made a lane for him to run at 
 liberty, and he came to Caesar, and presented him a diadem 
 wreathed about with laurel. Whereupon there rose a certain 
 cry of rejoicing, not very great, done only by a few appointed 
 for the purpose. But when Cssar refused the diadem, then all 
 the people together made an outcry of joy. Then Antonius 
 offering it him again, there was a second shout of joy, but yet of 
 a few. But when Caesar refused it again the second time, then 
 all the whole people shouted. Caesar having made this proof, 
 found that the people did not like of it, and thereupon rose out. 
 of his chair, and commanded the crown to be carried unto 
 Jupiter in the Capitol. After that, there were set up images of 
 Caesar in the city, with diadems upon their heads like kings. 
 Those the two tribunes, Flavius and MaruUus, went and 
 pulled down, and furthermore, meeting with them that firstsaluted 
 Caesar as king, they committed them to prison. The people 
 followed them rejoicing at it, and called them Brutes, because 
 of Brutus, who had in old time driven the kings out of Rome, 
 and that brought the kingdom of one person unto the govern- 
 ment of the Senate and people. Caesar was so offended withal, 
 that he deprived MaruUus and Flavius of their tribuneships, 
 and accusing them, he spake also against the people, and called 
 them Bruti and Cumani, to wit, beasts and fools. 
 
 42. Hereupon the people went straight unto Marcus Brutus, 
 who from his father came of the first Brutus, and by his mother 
 of the house of the Servilians, a noble house as any was in 
 Rome, and was also nephew and son-in-law of Marcus Cato. 
 Notwithstanding, the great honours and favour Caesar shewed 
 unto him kept him back that of himself alone he did not con- 
 spire nor consent to depose him of his kingdom. For Caesar 
 did not only save his life after the battle of Pharsalia, when 
 Pompey fied, and did at his request also save many mo 2 of 
 his friends besides; but furthermore, he put a marvellous confi- 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 97 
 
 dence in him. For he had already preferred him to the Praetor- 
 ship for that year, and furthermore was appointed to be Consul 
 the fourth year after that, having through Caesar's friendship 
 obtained it before Cassius, who likewise made suit for the 
 same : and Caesar also, as it is reported, said in this contention, 
 "indeed Cassius hath alleged best reason, but yet shall he not be 
 chosen before Brutus." Some one day accusing Brutus while 
 he practised 1 this conspiracy, Caesar would not hear of it, but, 
 clapping his hand on his body, told them, "Brutus will look for 
 this skin :" meaning thereby, that Brutus for his virtue deserved 
 to rule after him, but yet that, for ambition's sake, he would not 
 shew himself unthankful or dishonourable. No w they that 
 desired rhangp^rij wishpH Rr gtus Only their prince and eover- 
 nor abovg~Sirot he^-, th'? y durst " ot come, to him themselves to 
 tell hi m what the y would have him to do. but in the night did 
 cast su ndry papers into the P raetor's seat, where he gave audi- 
 en ce, and the mos t_ of them to this effect: "Th ou sleepest, 
 Brutus, and art not Brutus indeed." Cassi us, fin ding Brutus' 
 ambition stirrerup_th£,in^e_bX_tfi^e^ditious bills", did prick^ 
 him for waj3~ajid egg himon* the more, foiFarpffvate quarrel 
 he had conceived a gainst Casar TTEe^crrcumstance whereof we 
 haveleT'down more at large in Brutus' life. Caesar also had 
 Cassius in great jealousy, and suspected him itiuch : whereupon 
 he said on a time to his friends, "what will Cassius do, think 
 ye.' I like not his pale looks." Another time when Caesar's 
 friends complained unto him of Antonius and Dolabella, that 
 they pretended^ some mischief towards him: he answered them 
 again, "As for those fat men and smooth-combed heads," quoth 
 he, " I never reckon of them ; but these pale-visaged and carrion- 
 lean peoi)le, I fear them most," meaning Brutus and Cassius. 
 
 43. I Certainly destiny may easier be foreseen than avoided, 
 considering the strange and wonderful signs that were said to be 
 seen before Caesar's death. For, touching the fires in the ele- 
 ment«, and spirits running up and down in the night, and also 
 the solitary birds to be seen at noondays sitting in the great 
 market-place, are not all these signs perhaps worth the noting, 
 in such a wonderful chance as happened? But Strabo the phi- 
 losopher writeth, that divers men were seen going up and down 
 in fire : and furthermore, that there was a slave of the soldiers 
 that did cast a marvellous burning flame out of his hand, inso- 
 much as they that saw it thought he had been burnt ; but when 
 the fire was out, it was found he had no hurt. ' C»sar self also 
 S. P. " 7 
 
 ' plotted. 
 Brutits con- 
 spiretk 
 against 
 Ctesay, 
 
 Cassius stir- 
 retk up 
 up Brutus 
 against 
 C<esar, 
 ^ letters. 
 ^ spur, 
 ^ incite him. 
 
 ' plotted. 
 
 ^ sVy, 
 
 Predtctioits 
 ajtd /orc- 
 skews if 
 Casar's 
 death. 
 
 ^ himself. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cczsaf's day 
 of his death 
 prognosti- 
 cated by a 
 soothsayer. 
 
 ^ anticipat- 
 ing. 
 
 The dream 
 
 of Calpitr- 
 
 tiin, CcpsaT^s 
 
 tvije. 
 
 ' rambling. 
 
 ' decoration. 
 
 ' satisfy. 
 
 Decius Bi-u- 
 tus Albimt^ 
 persuasion 
 to Casar. 
 
 doing sacrifice unto the gods, found that one of the beasts 
 which was sacrificed had no heart : and that was a strange thing 
 in nature, how a beast could live without a heart Furthermore 
 there was a certain soothsayer that had given Caesar warning 
 long time afore, to take heed of the day of the Ides of March, 
 (which is the fifteenth of the month), for on that day he should 
 be in great danger. That day being come, Cassar going unto 
 the Senate-house, and speaking merrily unto the soothsayer, 
 told him, "the Ides of March be come :" "so they be," softly 
 answered the soothsayer, "but yet are they not past." And the 
 very day before, Cffisar, supping with Marcus Lepidus, sealed 
 certain letters, as he was wont to do, at the board : so, talk falling 
 out amongst them, reasoning what death was best, he, prevent- 
 ingi their opinions, cried out aloud, "death unlooked for." 
 Theri going to bed the same night, as his manner was, and 
 lying with his wife Calpurnia, all the windows and doors of his 
 chamber flying open, the noise awoke him, and made him 
 afraid when he saw such light : but more, when he heard his 
 wife Calpurnia, being fast asleep, weep and sigh, and put forth 
 many fumbling'' lamentable speeches : for she dreamed that 
 Caesar was slain, and that she had him in her arms. Others 
 also do deny that she had any such dream, as, amongst other, 
 Titus Livius writeth that it was in this sort : the Senate having 
 set upon the top of Caesar's house, for an ornament and setting 
 forth' of the same, a certain pinnacle, Calpurnia dreamed that 
 she saw it broken down, and that she thought she lamented 
 and wept for it. . Insomuch that, Caesar rising in the morning, 
 she prayed him, if it were possible, not to go out of the doors 
 that day, but to adjourn the session of the Senate until another 
 day. And if that he made no reckoning of her dream, yet that 
 he would search further of the soothsayers by their sacrifices, 
 to know what should happen him that day. Thereby it seemed 
 that Caesar likewise did fear or suspect somewhat, because his 
 wife Calpurnia until that time was never given to any fear and 
 superstition : and that then he saw her so troubled in mind 
 with this dream she had. But much more afterwards, when the 
 soothsayers having sacrificed many beasts one after another, 
 told him that none did like* them : then he determined to send 
 Antonius to -adjourn the session of the Senate. 
 
 44. But in the mean time came Decius Brutus, surnamed 
 Albinus, in whom Caesar put such confidence, that in his last 
 will and testament he had appointed him to be his next heir. 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 ';9 
 
 and yet was of the conspiracy with Cassius and Brutus : he, 
 fearing that if Cassar did adjourn the session that day, the con- 
 spiracy would be betrayed, laughed at the soothsayers, and 
 reproved Cssar, saying, "that he gave the Senate occasion to 
 mislike with him, and that they might think he mocked them, 
 considering that by his commandment they were assembled, 
 arid that they were ready willingly to grant him all things, and 
 to proclaim him king of all his provinces of the Empire of 
 Rome out of Italy, and that he should wear his diadem in all 
 other places both by sea and land. And furthermore, that if 
 any man should tell them from him they should^ depart for 
 that present time, and return again when Calpurnia should have 
 better dreams, what would his enemies and ill-willers ''■ say, and 
 how could they like of* his friends' words ? And who could 
 persuade them otherwise, but that they would think his domi- 
 nion a slavery unto them and tyrannical in himself? And yet if 
 it be so," said he, "that you utterly mislike'' of this day, it is 
 better that you go yourself in person, and, SeJuting the Senate, 
 to dismiss them till another time." Therewithal he took Ceesar 
 by the hand, and brought him out of his house. Cssar was not 
 gone far from his house, but a bond-man, a stranger, did what 
 he could to speak with him: and when he saw he was put 
 back by the great press and multitude of people that followed 
 him, he went straight into his house, and put himself into Cal- 
 ; )urnia's hands, to be kept till Csesar came back again, telling 
 '. ler that he had greater matters to impart unto him. And one 
 . \rtemidorus also, born in the isle of Gnidos, a doctor of rhe- 
 I oric in the Greek tongue, who by means of his profession was 
 /■ery familiar with certain of Brutus' confederates, and there- 
 ore knew the most part of all their practices^ against Csesar, 
 :ame and brought him a little bill ^, written with his own hand, 
 )f all that he meant to tell him. He, marking how Caesar re- 
 ;eived all the supplications that were offered him, and that he 
 jave them straight' to his men that were about him, pressed 
 learer to him, and said : " Cassar, read this memorial to your- 
 self, and that quickly, for they be matters of great weight, and 
 touch you nearly." Caesar took it of him, but could never read 
 It, though he many times attempted it, for the number of people 
 that did salute him : but holding it still in his hand, keeping 
 it to himself, went on withal into the Senate-house. Howbeit 
 others are of opinion, that it was some man else that gave him 
 that memorial, and not Artemidorus, who did what he could 
 
 7—2 
 
 * were to. 
 
 * evil-wish- 
 ers. 
 3 approve. 
 
 * disapprove. 
 
 Decius Bru- 
 tus brovght 
 CiEsar into 
 the Senate- 
 house. 
 The tokens 
 of conspiracy 
 against 
 Ceesar. 
 
 5 plots. 
 ' scroll. 
 
 ' at once. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 TIte place 
 7vhere Cee- 
 sar was 
 slain. 
 ^ murder. 
 
 2 beside. 
 A ntoninSj 
 i iestr's 
 
 /nith/ul 
 
 frinnd. 
 
 Casta iJie 
 Jit St that 
 stnick at 
 Cwsar. 
 ^ btruck. 
 
 all the way as he went to give it Cassar, but he was always 
 repulsed by the people. For these things, they may seem to 
 come by chance ; but the place where the murther^ was pre- 
 pared, and where the Senate were assembled, and where also 
 there stood up an image of Pompey dedicated by himself 
 amongst other ornaments which he gave unto the theatre, all 
 these were manifest proofs, that it was the ordinance of some 
 god that made this treason to be executed, specially in that 
 very place. It is also reported, that Cassius (though otherwise 
 he did favour the doctrine of Epicurus) beholding the image of 
 Pompey, before they entered into the action of their traitorous 
 enterprise, he did softly call upon it to aid him : but the instant 
 danger of the present time, taking away his former reason, 
 did suddenly put him into a furious passion, and made him 
 like a man half besides^ himself. Now Antonius, that was a 
 faithful friend to Caesar, and a valiant man besides of his hands, 
 him Decius Brutus Albinus entertained out of the Senate-house, 
 having begun a long tale of set purpose. So Caesar coming 
 into the house, all the Senate stood up on their feet to do him 
 honour. Then part of Brutus' company and confederates stood 
 round about Caesar's chair, and part of them also came towards 
 him, as though they made suit with Metellus Cimber, to call 
 home his brother again from banishment : and thus prosecuting 
 still their suit, they followed Casar till he was set in his chair. 
 Who denying their petitions, and being offended with them 
 one after another, because the more they were denied the more 
 they pressed upon him and were the earnester with him, Metel- 
 lus at length, taking his gown with both his hands, puUed it 
 over his neck, which was the sign given the confederates to 
 set upon him. Then Casca, behind him, strake' him in the 
 neck with his sword [ howbeit the wound was not great nor 
 mortal, because it seemed the fear of such a deviUsh attempt 
 did amaze him and take his strength from him, that he kiUed 
 him not at the first blow. But Cassar, turning straight unto 
 him, caught hold of his sword and held it hard ; and they both 
 cried out, Cassar in Latin: "O vile traitor Casca, what doest 
 thou?" and Casca, in Greek, to his brother: "Brother, help 
 me." At the beginning of this stir, they that were present, not 
 knowing of the conspiracy, were so amazed with the horrible 
 sight they saw, they had no power to fly, neither to help him, 
 nor so much as once to make an outcry. They on the other side 
 that had conspired his death compassed him in on every side with 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 their swords drawn in their hands, that Caesar turned him no where 
 but he was stricken at by some, and still had naked swords in 
 his face, and was hackled' and mangled among them, as a wild 
 beast taken of = hunters. For it was agreed among them that 
 every man should give him a wound, because all their parts 
 should be in this murther': and then Brutus himself gave him 
 one wound about his privities. Men report also, that Caesar 
 did still defend himself against the rest, running every way with 
 his body : but when he saw Brutus with his sword drawn in his 
 hand, then he pulled his gown over his head, and made no more 
 resistance, and was driven either casually or purposedly*, by the 
 counsel of the conspirators, against the base whereupon Pom- 
 pey's image stood, which ran all of^ a gore-blood till he was 
 slain. Thus it seemed that the image took just revenge of 
 Pompe/s enemy, being thrown down on the ground at his feet, 
 and yielding up the ghost there, for the number of wounds he had 
 upon him. For it is reported, that he had three and twenty 
 wounds upon his body : and divers of the conspirators did hurt 
 themselves, striking one body with so many blows. 
 
 45. When Cses^r was slain, the Senate (though Brutus 
 stood in the middest^ amongst them, as though he would have 
 said something touching this fact') presently ran out of the house, 
 and flying, filled all the city with marvellous fear and tumult. 
 Insomuch as some did shut to the doors, others forsook their 
 shops and warehouses, and others ran to the place to see what 
 the matter was : and others also that had seen it ran home to 
 their houses again. But Antonius and Lepidus, which were two 
 of Caesar's chiefest friends, secretly conveying themselves away, 
 fled into other men's houses and forsook their own. Brutus 
 and his confederates on the other side, being yet hot with this 
 murther' they had committed, having their swords drawn in 
 their hands, came all in a troup together out of the Senate and 
 went into the market-place, not as men that made countenance 
 to fly, but otherwise boldly holding up their heads like men of 
 courage, and called to the people to defend their liberty, and 
 stayed to speak with every great personage whom they met 
 in their way. Of them, some followed this troup and went 
 amongst them, as if they had been of the conspiracy, and falsely 
 challenged^ part of the honour with them : amongst them was 
 Caius Octavius and Lentulus Spinther. But both of them were 
 afterwards put to death for their vain covetousness of honour, 
 by Antonius and Octavius Ceesar the younger ; and yet had no 
 
 * hacked, 
 ''by. 
 
 ^ murder. 
 
 * purposely. 
 ' with. 
 
 Casar slaiuy 
 and had 
 23 wounds 
 upon him. 
 
 ^ midst. 
 ' deed. 
 
 ^ murder. 
 
 The mur- 
 derers of 
 Casar do go 
 to the ittar- 
 ket-place. 
 
 ^ claimed. 
 
THE LIFE OF^ 
 
 ^ approved 
 of. 
 
 Ciesat's 
 /ttnerals. 
 
 > will. 
 
 * mangled. 
 
 ^ others. 
 
 Cinna^s 
 dreavi of 
 CtESdr. 
 * invited. 
 
 ^ common 
 people. 
 
 5 at once. 
 ® murdered. 
 
 part of that honour for the which they were both put to death, 
 neither did any man believe that they were any of the confede- 
 rates or of counsel with them. For they that did put them to 
 death took revenge rather of the will they had to offend than of 
 any fact' they had committed. The next morning, Brutus and 
 his confederates came into the market-place to speak unto the 
 people, who gave' them such audience, that it seemed they 
 neither greatly reproved nor allowed ^ the fact * : for by their great 
 silence they shewed that they were sorry for Caesar's death, and 
 also that they did reverence Brutus. Now the Senate granted 
 general pardon for all that was past ; and, to pacify every man, 
 ordained besides, that Caesar's funerals should be honoured as 
 a god, and established all things that he had done, and gave 
 certain provinces also and convenient honours unto Brutus and 
 his confederates, whereby every man thought all things were 
 brought to good peace and quietness again. But when they 
 had opened Csesar's testament', and found a liberal legacy of 
 money bequeathed unto every citizen of Rome, and that they 
 saw his body (which was brought into the market-place) all be- 
 mangled* with gashes of swords, then there was no order to keep 
 the multitude and common people quiet, but they plucked up 
 forms, tables, and stools, and laid them all about the body; and 
 setting them afire, burnt the corse. Then when the fire was 
 well kindled, they took the fire-brands, and went unto their 
 houses that had slain Caesar, to set them afire. Other* also ran 
 up and down the city to see if they could meet with any of them, 
 to cut them in pieces : howbeit they could meet with never a 
 man of them, because they had locked themselves up safely in 
 their houses. There was one of Cjesar's friends called Cinna, 
 that had a marvellous strange and terrible dream the night be- 
 fore. He dreamed that Caesar bad* him to supper, and that he 
 refused and would not go : then that Caesar took him by the 
 hand, and led him against his will. Now Cinna, hearing at 
 that time that they burnt Caesar's body in the market-place, not- 
 withstanding that he feared his dream, and had an ague on him 
 besides, he went into the market-place to honour his funerals. 
 When he came thither, one of the mean sort' asked him what 
 his name was? He was straight called by his name. The first 
 man told it to another, and that other unto another, so that it 
 ran straight ^ through them all, that he was one of them that 
 murthered" Caesar: (for indeed one of the traitors to Caesar was 
 also called Cinna as himself) wherefore taking him for Cinna 
 
JULIUS CMSAR. 
 
 103 
 
 the murtherer^, they fell upon him with such fury that they pre- 
 sently^ dispatched him in the market-place. This stir and fury 
 made Brutus and Cassius more afraid than of all that was past, 
 and therefore within few days after they departed out of Rome : 
 and touching their doings afterwards, and what calamity they 
 suffered till their deaths, we have written it at large in the life of 
 Brutus. Csesar died at six and fifty years of age, and Pompey 
 also lived not passing four years more than he. So he reaped 
 no other fruit of all his reign and dominion, which he had so 
 vehemently desired all his life and pursued with such extreme 
 danger, but a vain name only and a superficial glory, that pro- 
 cured him the envy and hatred of his country. 
 
 46. But his great prosperity and good fortune that favoured 
 him all his lifetime, did continue afterwards in the revenge of 
 his death, pursuing the murtherers' both by sea and land, till 
 they had not left a man more to be executed, of all them that 
 were actors or counsellers in the conspiracy of his death. Fur- 
 thermore, of all the chances that happen unto men upon the 
 earth, that which came to Cassius above all other, is most to be 
 wondered at: for he, being overcome in battle at the journey of 
 Philippes, slew himself with the same sword with the which he 
 strake* Caesar. Again, of signs in the element^, the great 
 comet, which seven nights together was seen very bright after 
 Cassar's death, the eighth night after was never seen more. Also 
 the brightness of the sun was darkened, the which all that year 
 through rose very pale and shined" not out, whereby it gave 
 but small heat : therefore the air being very cloudy and dark, 
 by the weakness of the heat that could not come forth, did cause 
 the earth to bring forth but raw and unripe fruit, which rotted 
 before it could ripe'. But above all, the ghost that appeared 
 unto Brutus shewed plainly, that the gods were offended with 
 the murther^ of C^sar. The vision was thus: Brutus being 
 ready to pass over his army from the city of Abydos to the 
 other coast lying directly against it, slept every night (as his 
 manner was) in his tent ; and being yet awake, thinking of his 
 affairs (for by report he was as careful a captain and lived with 
 as little sleep as ever man did) he thought he heard a noise at 
 his tent-door, and looking towards the light of the lamp that 
 waxed very dim, he saw a horrible vision of a man, of a wonder- 
 ful greatness and dreadful look, which at the first made him mar- 
 vellously afraid. But when he saw that it did him no hurt, but 
 stood by his bed-side and said nothing; at length he asked 
 
 The murder 
 qfCinna 
 ^ murderer. 
 ^ soon. 
 
 Cessar 56 
 years old 
 at his death 
 
 The revenge 
 
 qfCtssar's 
 
 death. 
 
 ^ murderers. 
 
 Cassius be- 
 ing over- 
 thrown at 
 the battle of 
 Philippes 
 slew himself 
 with the 
 selfsame 
 stvordt 
 wherewith 
 he struck 
 CcBsar. 
 
 * struck. 
 ^ sky. 
 
 * shone. 
 Wonders 
 seen in the 
 elements af- 
 ter Ctesar's 
 death. 
 
 A greUt 
 cojnet. 
 ' ripen. 
 8 liiurder. 
 Brutu^ 
 vision. 
 
 A spirit ap- 
 peared unto 
 Brtttus, 
 
I04 
 
 THE LIFE OF JULIUS CyESAR. 
 
 * won. 
 ^ drove. 
 
 The second 
 appearing of 
 ilte spirit 
 untoBmtui, 
 
 him what he was. The image answered him: "I am thy ill 
 angel, Brutus, and thou shalt see me by the city of Philippes." 
 Then Brutus replied again, and said, "Well, I shall see thee 
 then." Therewithal the spirit presently' vanished from him. 
 After that time Brutus, being in battle near unto the city of 
 Philippes against Antonius and Octavius Caesar, at the first 
 battle he wan^ the victory, and overthrowing all them that 
 withstood him, he drave^ them into young Caesar's camp, which 
 he took. The second battle being at hand, this spirit appeared 
 again unto him, but spake never a word. Thereupon Brutus, 
 knowing that he should die, did put himself to all hazard in 
 battle, but yet fighting could not be slain. So seeing his men 
 put to flight and overthrown, he ran unto a little rock not 
 far off, and there setting his sword's point to his breast, fell 
 upon it and slew himself ; but yet, as it is reported, with the 
 help of his friend that despatched him. 
 
CHAPTER III. 
 
 THE LIFE OF MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 I. Parentage of Brutus. 2. His studies. 3. He sides with 
 PoMPEY. 4. He is saved by Julius Caesar at the battle of 
 Pharsalia. 5. CxsA.^ makes him governor of GPlUAxCisx'LH^k. 
 He contends with. Cassius for the Proctorship of the city. 6. He 
 is distrusted by Cjesak. 7. Cassivs endeavours to gain over Bkutvs 
 ' to conspire against C/ESAR. 8. Brutus and Cassius induce many 
 to join them in their conspiracy. 9. Magnanimity of Portia, the 
 daughter of Ca.t:o, and wife of 'S'BiVTVS. 10. Dangers besetting the 
 conspirators. 11. VowTlx's terrors. 12. Assassination of CJESfiS.. 
 13. IVhy Antonius was not also slain. 14. Brutus makes an, 
 oration in the Capitol. 15. Oration of Antonius at Caesar's 
 funeral, 16. Murder of C\f^t:i P.. the Poet, and flight of the conspira- 
 tors. 17. Arrival of Oq.t:kmi\s^ Cx&KS. at Rome. 18. Brutus 
 leaves Italy, to the great grief of Portia, and arrives at Athens. 
 19. He is attacked by the disease called bulimy. He captures Caius 
 Antonius. 20. Formation of the first Triumvirate. 21. y unction 
 of the armies of Brutus and Cassius. 22. A comparison of their 
 characters. 23. Burning of the city of Xanthus. 24. Noble acts 
 o/Brutus. 25. 2«a?-?-^/ (/Brutus a«i/ Cassius. 26. Apparition 
 of a spirit to B^ViVi, and appearance of two eagles. 27. Preparations 
 for battle. 28. The battle of Philippi. 29. Defeat arid death of 
 Cassius. 30. Conduct of 'Skvtvs after the first battle. 31. Second 
 battle, and defeat of Brutus. 32. Death of Sta-TILIISS, and suicide 
 o/'Brutus and of Portia. 
 
 I. Marcus Brutus came of that Junius Brutus, for whom 
 the ancient Romans made his statue of brass to be set up in the 
 Capitol, with the images of the kings, holding a naked sword in 
 his hand : because he had valiantly put down the Tarquins from 
 the kingdom of Rome. But that Junius Brutus, being of a sour 
 stem nature not softened by reason, being like unto sword- 
 blades of too hard a temper, was so subject to his choler and 
 malice he bare unto the tyrants, that for their sakes he caused 
 his own sons to be executed. But this Marcus Brutus in con- 
 trary manner, whose life we presently write, having framed his 
 manners of life by the rules of virtue and study of philosophy, 
 and having employed his wit, which was gentle and constant, in 
 
 Argument. 
 
 The parent' 
 age df 
 Brutus, 
 
 BrutuJ 
 
 manners. 
 
loQ 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * inclined. 
 Serviiia, 
 M. Brutus' 
 inotker. 
 ^ endeavour- 
 ed. 
 
 3 as regards. 
 
 Seniilin, 
 Cato's sister. 
 
 Brutus* 
 studies. 
 
 Bruttts/ol- 
 lowed the 
 old Acade- 
 viics. 
 
 attempting of great things, me thinks he was rightly made and 
 framed unto virtue. So that his very enemies which wish him 
 most hurt, because of his conspiracy against Julius Caesar, if 
 there were any noble attempt done in all this conspiracy, they 
 refer it wholly unto Brutus ; and all the cruel and violent acts 
 unto Cassius, who was Brutus' familiar friend, but not so well 
 given' and conditioned as he. His mother ServiUa, it is thought, 
 came of the blood of Servilius Hala ; who, when Spurius Melius 
 went about^ to make himself king, and, to bring it to pass, had 
 enticed the common people to rebel, took a dagger and hid it 
 close under his arm, and went into the market-place- When he 
 was come thither, he made as though he had somewhat to say 
 unto him, and pressed as near him as he could: wherefore 
 Melius stooping down with his head to hear what he would say, 
 Servilius stabbed him in with his dagger and slew him. Thus 
 much all writers agree for' his mother. Now touching his father, 
 some, for the evil will and malice they bare unto Brutus, because 
 of the death of Julius Caesar, do maintain, that he came not of 
 Junius Brutus that drave out the Tarquins : for there were none 
 left of his race, considering that his two sons were executed for 
 conspiracy with the Tarquins ; and that Marcus Brutus came of 
 a Inean house, the which was raised to honour and office in the 
 common-wealth but of late time. Posidonius the Philosopher 
 writeth the contrary, that Junius Brutus indeed slew two of his 
 sons which were men grown, as the histories do declare ; how- 
 beit that there was a third son, being but a little child at that 
 time, from whom the house and family afterwards was derived: 
 and furthermore, that there were in his time certain famous men 
 of that family, whose stature and countenance resembled much 
 the image of Junius Brutus. And thus much for this matter. 
 Marcus Cato the philosopher was brother unto Serviha, Marcus 
 Brutus' mother : whom Brutus studied most to follow of all the 
 other Romans, because he was his uncle, and afterwards he 
 married his daughter. 
 
 2. Now touching the Grecian philosophers, there was no 
 sect nor philosopher of them, but he heard and liked it : but 
 above all the rest he loved Plato's sect best, and did not much 
 give himself to the new or mean Academy (as they call it), but 
 altogether to the old Academy. Therefore he did ever greatly 
 esteem the philosopher Antiochus, of the city of Ascalon : but he 
 was more familiar with his brother Ariston, who for learning and 
 knowledge was inferior to many other philosophers, but for 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 107 
 
 wisdom and courtesy equal with the best and chiefest. Touching 
 EmpylUs, whom M. Brutus himself doth mention in his Epistles, 
 and his friends also in many places, he was an orator, and left 
 an excellent book he wrote of the death of Julius Caesar, and en- 
 titled it "Brutus". He was properly' learned in the Latin 
 tongue, and was able to make long discourse in it : beside that 
 he could also plead very well in Latin. But for the Greek tongue, 
 they do note in some of his epistles, that he counterfeited that 
 brief compendious manner of speech of the Lalcedsemonians. 
 As, when the war was begun, he wrote unto the Pergamenians 
 in this sort : " I understand you have given Dolabella money : 
 if you have done it willingly, you confess you have offended 
 me ; if against your wills, shew it then by giving me willingly." 
 Another time again unto the Samians : "Your councils be long, 
 your doings be slow, consider the end." And in another Epistle 
 he wrote unto* the Patareians : "The Xahthians, despising my 
 goodwill, have made their country a grave of despair ; and the 
 Patareians, that put themselves into my protection, have lost no 
 jot of their liberty : and therefore, whilst you have liberty, either 
 choose the judgment of the Patareians, or the fortune of the 
 Xanthians." These were Brutus' manner of letters, which were 
 honoured for their briefness. 
 
 3. So Brutus, being but a young stripling, went into Cyprus 
 with his uncle Cato, Who was sent against Ptolemy, king of 
 Egypt ; who having slain himself, Cato, staying for certain neces- 
 sary business he had in the ile^ of Rhodes, had already sent 
 Caninius*, one of his friends, before, to keep his treasure and 
 gooijs. But Cato, fearing he would be Ught-fingered, wrote unto 
 Brutus forthwith to come out of Pamphilia (where he was but 
 newly recovered of a sickness) into Cyprus ; the which he did. 
 The which journey he was sorry to take upon him, both for re- 
 spect of Caninius' shame, whom Cato (as he thought) wrongfully 
 slandered : as also because he thought this office too mean and 
 unmeet for him, being a young man, and given to his book. 
 This notwithstanding, he behaved himself so honestly and care- 
 fully, that Cato did greatly commend him : and after all the 
 goods were sold and converted into ready money, he took the 
 most part of it, and returned withal to Rome. Afterwards, 
 when the empire of Rome was divided into factions, and that 
 Cffisar and Pompey both were in arms one against the other, 
 and that all the empire of Rome was in garboil^ and uproar: 
 it was thought then that Brutus would take part with Cffisar, 
 
 Empylus, an. 
 orator^ 
 wrote a hook 
 qfCiEsat^s 
 deatk, and 
 entitled it 
 Brutus, 
 • well. 
 Brutu^ 
 manner of 
 writing his 
 epistles in 
 Greek, 
 
 A brief lei- 
 ter to tke 
 Samians. 
 * See the 
 note. 
 
 Brutus fol- 
 lowed Cato 
 into Cyprus. 
 
 ' isle. 
 
 * Or Cani- 
 dius. 
 
 ^ tumult. 
 
loX 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Bnttus tak' 
 
 eth part 
 
 7vUh Potn- 
 
 pey. 
 
 * murderer. 
 
 Bnttus 
 studied in 
 Pompey's 
 camp. 
 
 ^ marshes. 
 ' scarcely. 
 
 * compen- 
 dium. 
 
 yulius Ca~ 
 sar careful 
 of Brutu^ 
 safety. 
 
 yulius CcE- 
 sar loved 
 Servilia, 
 Brutu^ 
 matJier. 
 
 because Pompey not long before had put his father to death. But 
 Brutus, preferring the respect of his country and commonwealth 
 before private affection, and persuading himself that Pompey- 
 had juster cause to enter into arms than Csesar, he then took 
 part with Pompey ; though oftentimes meeting him before, he 
 thought scorn to speak to him, thinking it a great sin and offence 
 in him, to speak to the murtherer^ of his father. But then, sub- 
 mitting himself unto Pompey as unto the head of the common- 
 wealth, he sailed into Sicily, lieutenant under Sestius that was 
 governor of that province. But when he saw that there was no 
 way to rise, nor to do any noble exploits, and that Caesar and 
 Pompey were both camped together, and fought for victory : he 
 went of himself, unsent for, into Macedon, to be partaker of the 
 danger. It is reported that Pompey, being glad, and wondering 
 at his coming, when he saw him come to him, he rose out of his 
 chair, and went and embraced him before them all, and used him 
 as honorably as he could have done the noblest man that took . 
 his part. Brutus, being in Pompey's camp, did nothing but study 
 all day long, except he were with Pompey; and not only the 
 days before, but the self-same day also before the great battle 
 was fought in the fields of Pharsaliji, where Pompey was over- 
 come. It was in the midst of summer, and the sun was very 
 hot, besides that the camp was lodged near unto marishes^, smd 
 they that carried his tent tarried long before they came : where- 
 upon, being very weary with travel, scant ^ any meat came into 
 his mouth at dinner-time. Furthermore, when others slept, or 
 thought what would happen the morrow after, he fell to his book, 
 and wrote all day long till night, writing a breviary * of Polybius. 
 4. It is reported that Caesar did not forget him, and that he 
 gave his captains charge before the battle, that they should be- 
 ware they killed not Brutus in fight ; and if he yielded willingly 
 unto them, that then they should bring him unto him : but if he 
 resisted and would not be taken, then that they should let him 
 go, and do him no hurt. Some say he did this for Servilia's 
 sake, Brutus' mother. For when he was a young man, he had 
 been acquainted with Servilia, who was extremely in love with 
 him. And because Brutus was born in that time when their 
 love was hottest, he persuaded himself that he begat him. For 
 proof hereof the report goeth, that when the weightiest matters 
 were in hand in the Senate, about the conspiracy of Catiline, 
 which was likely to have undone the city of Rome, Casar and 
 Cato sat near together, and were both of contrary minds to each 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 109 
 
 other : and then, that in the mean time one delivered Caesar a 
 letter. Caesar took it, and read it softly to himself: but Cato 
 cried out upon Caesar, and said he did not well to receive ad- 
 vertisements from enemies : whereupon the whole Senate began 
 to murmur at it. Then Caesar gave Cato the letter as it was sent 
 him, who read it, and found that it was a love-letter sent from 
 his sister Servilia : thereupon he cast it again to Cffisar, and said 
 unto him; "Hold^ drunken sopV When he had done so, he 
 went on with his tale, and maintained his opinion as he did be- 
 fore : so commonly was the love of Servilia known, which she 
 bare unto Caesar. So, after Pompey's overthrow at the battle of 
 Pharsalia, and that he fled to the sea, when Caesar came to be- 
 siege his camp, Brutus went out of the camp-gates unseen of any 
 man, and leapt into a marish' full of water and reeds. Then 
 when night was come, he crept out, and went unto the city of 
 Larissa: from whence he wrote unto Caesar, who was very glad 
 that he had scaped*, and sent for him to come unto him. When 
 Brutus was come, he did not only pardon hirti, but also kept him 
 always about him, and did as much honour and esteem him as 
 any man he had in his company. Now no man could tell 
 whither Pompey was fled, and all were marvellous desirous to 
 know it : wherefore Caesar walking a good way alone with Brutus, 
 he did ask him which way he thought Pompey took. Caesar 
 perceiving by his talk that Brutus guessed certainly whither 
 Pompey should be fled, he left all other ways, and took his 
 journey directly towards Egypt. Pompey (as Brutus had con- 
 jectured) was indeed fled into Egypt, but there he was villan- 
 ously slain. Furthermore, Brutus obtained pardon of Caesar 
 for Cassius ; and defending also the king* of Lybia's cause, he 
 was overlaid with a world of accusations against him ; howbeit, 
 intreating for him, he saved him the best part of his realm and 
 kingdom. They say also that Caesar said, when he heard 
 Brutus plead: "I know not," said he, "what this young man 
 would ; but what he would, he willeth it vehemently." For as 
 Brutus' gravity and constant mind would not grant all men their 
 requests that sued unto him, but, being moved with reason and 
 discretion, did always incline to that which was good and honest : 
 even so, when it was moved to follow any matter, he used a kind 
 of forcible and vehement persuasion, that calmed not till he had 
 obtained his desire. For by flattering of him a man could 
 never obtain any thing at his hands, nor make him to do that 
 which was unjust. Further, he thought it not meet for a man of 
 
 1 take It. 
 
 2 wmebil?ber. 
 
 Brutus 
 saved by 
 yulius C(r« 
 sar after t/itr 
 tattle of 
 Pharsalia. 
 ^ marsh. 
 
 * escaped. 
 
 • This king 
 was Juba : 
 htnvbeit it is 
 true also, ■ 
 that Brutus 
 wade inter' 
 cession/or 
 Deiotarus 
 king 0/ Gii- 
 laiia: wlw 
 was detitiv- 
 ed noiwith- 
 standiftg 0/ 
 ilte most 
 part of itis 
 country by 
 Ccesar ; and 
 therefore 
 this place 
 were best to 
 be under- 
 stood by 
 Deiotarus. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 Catsar ^nade 
 BruUisgo- 
 z'emor of 
 Gaul on this 
 side th£ 
 jnojtiitains, 
 ^ plundered. 
 
 Brutiis and 
 Cassiuscoii' 
 Undfor tfta 
 Pratorship 
 of the city. 
 ^ expected. 
 
 3 at variance. 
 Cassias 
 fnarried 
 jfunia, BrU' 
 tus* sister. 
 
 •by. 
 
 * pleased. 
 
 calling and estimation, to yield unto the requests and entreaties 
 of a shameless and importunate suitor, requesting things unmeet: 
 the which notwithstanding some men do for shame, because they 
 dare deny nothing; and therefore he was wont to say, "That he 
 thought them evil brought up in their youth, that could deny 
 nothing." 
 
 5. Now when Caesar took sea to go into Africa against Cato 
 and Scipio, he left Brutus governor of Gaul in Italy on this 
 side of the Alps, which was a great good hap for that province. 
 For where others were spoiled and polled* by the insolency and 
 covetousness of the governors, as if it had been a country con- 
 quered, Brutus was a comfort and rest unto their former troubles 
 and miseries they sustained. But he referred it wholly unto 
 Cassar's grace and goodness. For when Caesar returned out of 
 Africa, and progressed up and down Italy, the things that 
 pleased him best to see were the cities under Brutus' charge and 
 government, and Brutus himself; who honoured Caesar in person, 
 and whose company also Caesar greatly esteemed. Now there 
 were divers sorts of Praetorships in Rome, and it was looked 
 for'', that Brutus or Cassius would make suit for the chiefest 
 Prsetorship, which they called the Praetorship of the city: be- 
 cause he that had that office was as a judge, to minister justice 
 unto the citizens. Therefore they strove one against another: 
 though some say, that there was some little grudge betwixt them 
 for other matters before, and that this contention did set them 
 further out^, though they were allied together : for Cassius had 
 married Junia, Brutus' sister. Others say that this contention 
 betwixt them came by Caesar himself, who secretly gave either 
 of them both hope of his favour. So their suit for the Praetor- 
 ship was so followed and laboured of * either party, that one of 
 them put another into suit of law. Brutus with his virtue and 
 good name contended against many noble exploits in arms, 
 which Cassius had done against the Parthians. So Caesar after 
 he had heard both their objections, told his friends, with whom 
 he consulted about this matter : " Cassius' cause is the juster," 
 said he, "but Brutus must be first preferred." Thus Brutus had 
 the first Praetorship, and Cassius the second : who thanked not 
 Caesar so much for the Praetorship he had, as he was angry with 
 him for that he had lost. But Brutus in many other things 
 tasted of the benefit of Caesar's favour in any thing he requested. 
 For if he had Usted^jhe might have been one of Caesar's chiefest 
 friends, and of greatest authority and credit about him, Howbeit, 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 Cassius' friends did dissuade him from it (for Cassius and he 
 were not yet reconciled together sithence' their first conten- 
 tion and strife for the Prsetorship), and prayed him to beware of 
 Caesar's sweet enticements, and to fly his tyrannical favours: 
 the which they said Caesar gave him, not to honour his virtue, 
 but to weaken his constant mind, framing it to the bent of his 
 bow. 
 
 6. Now Csesar, on the other side, did not trust him over- 
 much, nor was without tales brought unto him against him: 
 howbeit he feared his great mind, authority, and friends. Yet, 
 on the other side also, he trusted his good nature and fair con- 
 ditions. For, intelligence being brought him one day, that 
 Antonius and Dolabella did conspire against him: he answered 
 "That these fat long-haired men made him not afraid, but the 
 lean and whitely-faced fellows," meaning that by^ Brutus and 
 Cassius. At another time also when one accused Brutus unto 
 him, and bad him beware of him : " What," said he again, clap- 
 ping his hands on his breast, "think ye that Brutus will not tarry 
 till this body die?" meaning that none but Brutus after him was 
 meet to have such power as he had. And surely, (in my opin- 
 ion) I am persuaded that Brutus might indeed have come to 
 have been the chiefest man of Rome, if he could have contented 
 himself for a time to have been next unto Caesar, and to have 
 suffered his glory and authority, which he had gotten by his 
 great victories, to consume with time. But Cassius, being a 
 choleric man, and hating Caesar privately more than he did the 
 tyranny openly, he incensed Brutus against him. It is also re- 
 ported, that Brutus could evil away with' the tyranny, and that 
 Cassius hated the tyrant : making many complaints for the 
 injuries he had done him ; and amongst others, for that he had 
 taken away his lions from him. Cassius had provided them 
 for his sports when he should be^dilis; and they were found in 
 the city of Megara, when it was won by Calenus : and CaesEir 
 kept them. The rumour went, that these lions did marvellous 
 great hurt to the Megarians : for when the city was taken, they 
 brake their cages where they were tied up and turned them loose, 
 thinking they would have done great misQhief to the enemies, 
 and have kept them from setting upon them : but the lions (con- 
 trary to expectation) turned upon themselves that fled unarmed, 
 and did so cruelly tear some in pieces, that it pitied their enemies 
 to see them. And this was the cause (as some do report) that 
 made Cassius conspire against C»sar. But this holdeth no 
 
 Thefirst 
 
 cause of 
 
 Cassius* 
 
 malice 
 
 agaitisi 
 
 Casar. 
 
 Ceesar sus- 
 pected Bru- 
 ttts. 
 
 Ceesar's say- 
 ittg of Bru- 
 tus. 
 
 * with re- 
 spect to. 
 
 Cassius in- 
 Cfnsetk Bru- 
 tus agaiftst 
 Ctesar. 
 ^ ill put up 
 with. 
 
 Cassiu^ 
 lions in 
 Megara. 
 
Ill 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cassius 
 enemy of 
 tyrants^ 
 
 ^ blows. 
 
 2 if. 
 
 limv Brutus 
 
 7vas incensed 
 
 against 
 
 Ccesar. 
 
 ^ as regards. 
 
 * scrolls. 
 
 ' provide i 
 that. 
 
 " behoved 
 them. 
 
 'his pre- 
 sence alone. 
 » deed. 
 
 Ca\'siiis 
 
 water: for Cassius, even from bis cradle, could not abide any 
 manner of tyrants ; as it appeared when he was but a boy, and 
 went unto the same school that Faustus the son of Sylla did. 
 And Faustus, bragging among other boys, highly boasted of his 
 father's kingdom : Cassius rose up on his feet, and gave him two 
 good wirts^ on the ear. Faustus' governors would have put this 
 matter in suit against Cassius: but Pompey would not suffer 
 them, but caused the two boys to be brought before him, and 
 asked them how the matter came to pass. Then Cassius (as it 
 is written of him) said unto the other: "Go to, Faustus, speak 
 again, and' thou darest, before this nobleman here, the same 
 words that made me angry with thee, that my fists may walk 
 once again about thine ears." Such was Cassius' hot stirring 
 nature. But for' Brutus, his friends and countrymen, both by 
 divers procurements and sundry rumours of the city, and by 
 many bills* also, did openly call and procure him to do that he 
 did. For under the image of his ancestor Junius Brutus, (that 
 drave the kings out of Rome) they wrote : " O, that it pleased 
 the gods thou wert now alive, Brutus ! " and again, " that thou 
 wert here among us now ! " His tribunal or chair, where he 
 gave audience during the time he was Praetor, was full of such 
 bills* : " Brutus, thou art asleep, and art not Brutus indeed." 
 And of all this Caesar's flatterers were the cause : who, beside 
 many other exceeding and unspeakable honours they daily de- 
 vised for him, in the night-time they put diadems upon the 
 heads of his images, supposing thereby to allure the common 
 people to call him King, instead of Dictator. Howbeit it turned 
 to the contrary, as we have written more at large in Julius 
 Caesar's life. 
 
 7. Now when Cassius felt his friends, and did stir them up 
 against Ctesar : they all agreed, and promised to take part with 
 him, so' Brutus were the chief of their conspiracy. For they 
 told him that so high an enterprise and attempt as that, did 
 not so much require men of manhood and courage to draw 
 their swords, as it stood them upon* to have a man of such 
 estimation as Brutus, to make every man boldly think, that by 
 his only presence'^ the fact* were holy and just. If he took 
 not this course, then that they should go to it with fainter 
 hearts ; and when they had done it, they should be more fear- 
 ful ; because every man would think that Brutus would not have 
 refused to have made one with them", if the cause had been good 
 and honest. Therefore Cassius, considering this matter with 
 
MARCUS BRUrUS. 
 
 115 
 
 himself, did first Qf all speak to Brutus, since they grew strange^ 
 together for^ the suit they had for the praetorship. So when he 
 was reconciled to him again, and that they had embraced one 
 another, Cassius asked him if he were determined to be in the 
 Senate-house the first day of the month of March, because he 
 heard say that Caesar's friends should move the council that day, 
 that Caesar should be called king by the Senate. Brutus 
 answered him, he would not be there. '' But if we be sent for," 
 said Cassius, "how then?" "For myself then," said Brutus, " I 
 mean not to hold my peace, but to withstand it, and rather die 
 than lose my liberty." Cassius being bold, and taking hold of 
 Ijthis word: "Why," quoth he, "what Roman is he alive that, 
 kwill suffer thee to die for thy liberty? What? knowest thou not 
 ttthat thou art Brutus? Thinkest thou that they be cobblers, tap- 
 Isters, or suchlike base mechanical^ people, that write these bills 
 land scrolls which are found daily in thy praetor's chair, and not 
 the noblest men and best citizens that do it? No ; be thou well 
 assured that of* other prsetors they look for gifts, common dis- 
 tributions amongst the people, and for common plays, and to 
 see fencers fight at the sharp 5, to shew the people pastime : but 
 at thy hands they specially require (as a due debt unto them) 
 the taking away of the tyranny, being fully bent to suffer any 
 extremity for thy sake, so that thou wilt shew thyself to be the 
 man thou art taken for, and that they hope thou art." There- 
 upon he kissed Brutus and embraced him : and so each taking 
 leave of other, they went both to speak with their friends about 
 it. Now amongst Pompey's friends, there was one called Caius* 
 Ligarius, who had been accused unto Caesar for taking part 
 with Pompey, and Caesar discharged" him. But Ligarius thanked 
 not Caesar so much for his discharge 7, as he was offended with 
 him for that he was brought in danger by his tyrannical power ; 
 and therefore in his heart he was always his mortal enemy, and 
 was besides very famihar with Brutus, who went to see him be- 
 ing sick in his bed, and said unto him : " Ligarius, in what a 
 time art thou sick?" Ligarius rising up in his bed, and taking 
 him by the right hand, said unto him : "Brutus," said he, "if 
 thou hast any great enterprise in hand worthy of thyself, I 
 am whole." 
 
 8. After that time they began to feel all their acquaintance 
 whom they trusted, and laid their heads together, consulting 
 upon it, and did not only pick out their friends, but all those also 
 whom they thought stout enough to attempt any desperate matter, 
 
 S. P. S 
 
 Brtthis first, 
 to help him 
 to put do -u't ■ 
 the tyratt '. 
 ^ at enmit/. 
 2 because of. 
 
 ^ mechanic. 
 
 5 with sharp 
 weapons. 
 
 * /« another 
 place they 
 call him 
 Qiiititiis. 
 *• acquitted. 
 ^ acquittal. 
 
 Bnitus 
 malieth Li- 
 garius one 
 0/ t'le Cfl7i- 
 s^iracy. 
 
114 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 They do 
 hide ike 
 conspiracy 
 against C(e- 
 sarfroTn 
 Cicero. 
 
 Civil war 
 worse than 
 tyrant icnl 
 govenuttent. 
 
 ' no rreat 
 figllter. 
 
 The ivondir- 
 ful faith 
 and secrecy 
 qftJie cotL- 
 spii ators of 
 Ccesar^s 
 death. 
 
 and that were not afraid to lose their lives. For this cause 
 they durst not acquaint Cicero with their conspiracy, although 
 he was a man whom they loved dearly, and trusted best : for 
 they were afraid that he being a coward by nature, and age also 
 having increased his fear, he would quite turn and alter all their 
 purpose, and quench the heat of their enterprise, (the which 
 specially required hot and earnest execution), seeking by persua- 
 sion to bring all things to such safety, as there should be no 
 peril. Brutus also did let other of his friends alone, as Statilius 
 Epicurian, and Faonius, that made profession to follow Marcus 
 Cato : because that, having cast out words afar off, disputing to- 
 gether in philosophy to feel their minds, Faonius answered, 
 ' that civil war was worse than tyrannical government usurped 
 against the law.' And Statilius told him also, 'that it were an 
 unwise part for him to put his life in danger, for a sort of igno- 
 rant fools and asses.' Labeo was present at this talk, and main- 
 tained the contrary against them both. But Brutus held his 
 peace, as though it had been a doubtful matter, and a hard thing , 
 to have been decided. But afterwards, being out of their com- 
 pany, he made Labeo privy to his intent ; who very readily 
 offered himself to make one. And they thought good also to 
 bring in another Brutus to join with him, surnamed Albinus : 
 who was no man of his hands^ himself, but because he was able 
 to bring good force of a great number of slaves, and fencers at 
 the sharp, whom he kept to shew the people pastime with their 
 fighting, besides also that Caesar had some trust in him. 
 Cass'ius and Labeo told Brutus Albinus of it at the first, but 
 he made Ihem no answer. But when he had spoken with 
 Brutus himself alone, and that Brutus had told him he was 
 the chief ringleader of all this conspiracy, then he willingly 
 promised him the best aid he could. Furthermore, the only'^ 
 name and great calling of Brutus did bring on the most of 
 them to give consent to this conspiracy : who having never 
 taken oaths together, nor taken or given any caution or assur- 
 ance, nor binding themselves one to another by any religious 
 oaths, they all kept the matter so secret to themselves, and 
 could so cunningly handle it, that notwithstanding the gods 
 did reveal it by manifest signs and tokens from above, and 
 by predictions of sacrifices, yet all this would not be beheved. 
 Now Brutus, who knew very well that for his sake all the 
 noblest, valiantest, and most courageous men of Rome did ven- 
 ture their lives, weighing with himself the greatness of the 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 IIS 
 
 danger : when he was out of his house, he did so frame and 
 fashion his countenance and looks that no man could discern 
 he had anything to trouble his mind. But when night came 
 that he was in his own house, then he was clean changed : for 
 either care did wake him against his will when he would have 
 slept, or else oftentimes of himself he fell into such deep thoughts 
 of this enterprise, casting in his mind all the dangers that might 
 happen : that his wife, lying by him, found that there was some 
 marvellous great matter that troubled his mind, not being wont 
 to be in that takingi, and that he could not well determine with 
 himself. 
 
 9. His wife Porcia (as we have told you before) was the 
 daughter of Cato, whom Brutus married being his cousin, not a 
 maiden, but a young widow after the death of her first- husband 
 _ Bibulus, by whom she had also a young son called Bibulus, who 
 afterwards wrote a book of the acts and gests^ of Brutus, extant 
 at this present day. This young lady, being excellently well seen^ 
 in philosophy, loving her husband well, and being of a noble 
 courage, as she was also wise : because she would not ask her 
 husband what he ailed before she had made some proof by* her 
 self: she took a little razor, such as barbers occupy^ to pare 
 men's nails, and, causing her maids and women to go out of her 
 chamber, gave herself a great gash withal in her thigh, that she 
 was straight all of a gore blood^ : and incontinently' after a 
 vehement fever took her, by reason of the pain of her wound. 
 Then perceiving her husband was marvellously out of quiet, and 
 that he could take no rest, even in her greatest pain of all she 
 spake in this sort unto him: "I being, O Brutus," said she "the 
 daughter of Cato, was married unto thee ; not to be thy bed-fel- 
 low and companion in bed and at board only, like a harlot, but 
 to be partaker also with thee of thy good and evil fortune. Now 
 for thyself, I can find no cause of fault in thee touching our 
 match : but for my part, how may I shew my duty towards thee 
 and how much I would do for thy sake, if I cannot constantly^ 
 bear a secret mischance or grief with thee, which requireth 
 secrecy and fidelity? I confess that a woman's wit commonly is 
 too weak to keep a secret safely : but yet, Brutus, good educa- 
 tion and the company of virtuous men have some power to 
 reform the defect of nature. And for myself, I have this benefit 
 moreover, that I am the daughter of Cato, and wife of Brutus. 
 This notwithstanding, I did not trust to any of these things 
 before, until that now I have found by experience that no pain 
 
 8—2 
 
 Porcia., Cz- 
 to^s daugh- 
 ter, wifi un- 
 to Brutus. 
 Bibulu^ 
 hook of Bnt- 
 tus^ ads. 
 Porcia 
 studied in 
 philosophy. 
 ^ doing's. 
 3 well versed, 
 7he courage 
 of Porcia. 
 *of. 
 " use. 
 
 ^ covered 
 with gore. 
 "^ immediate- 
 
 ly. 
 
 Great differ- 
 ence be- 
 tween a wife 
 and a har- 
 lot. 
 
 Porcids 
 words unto 
 her husband 
 Brutus. 
 
 8 with con- 
 stancy. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 "• expecting. 
 The woiuieT' 
 /til cottstaiL- 
 cy of the 
 cotspirators 
 in killing of 
 Ccesar. 
 
 or grief whatsoever can overcome me." With those words she 
 shewed him her wound on her thigh, and told him what she had 
 done to prove herself. Brutus was amazed to hear what she 
 said unto him, and lifting up his hands to heaven, he besought 
 the gods to give him the grace he might bring his enterprise 
 to so good pass', that he might be found a husband worthy of so 
 noble a wife as Porcia : so he then did comfort her the best he 
 could. 
 
 lo. Now a day being appointed for the meeting of the 
 Senate, at what time they hoped Cassar would not fail to come, 
 the conspirators determined then to put their enterprise in 
 execution, because they might meet safely at that time with- 
 out suspicion ; and the rather, for that all the noblest and chief- 
 est men of the city would be there : who, when they should see 
 such a great matter executed, would every man set to^ their 
 hands, for the defence of their liberty. Furthermore they 
 thought also, that the appointment of the place where the coun- 
 cil should be kept was chosen of purpose^ by divine providence, 
 and made all for them. For it was one of the porches about the 
 theatre, in the which there was a certain place full of seats for 
 men to sit in; where also was set up the image of Pompey, 
 which the city had made and consecrated in honour of him, 
 when he did beautify that part of the city with the theatre 
 he built, with divers porches about it. In this place was the 
 assembly of the Senate appointed to be, just on the fifteenth 
 day of the month iVIarch, which the Romans call Idus Martias: 
 so that it seemed some god of purpose^ had brought Casar 
 thither to be slain, for revenge of Pompey's death. So when the 
 day was come, Brutus went out of his house with a dagger by 
 his side under his long gown, that nobody saw nor knew but 
 his wife only. The other conspirators were all assembled at 
 Cassius' house, to bring his son into the market-place, wlio on 
 that day did put on the man's gown, called toga virilis; and 
 from thence they came all in a troop together unto Pompey's 
 porch, looking* that Caesar would straight come thither. But 
 here is to be noted the wonderful assured constancy of these 
 conspirators, in so dangerous and weighty an enterprise as they 
 had undertaken. For many of them being prsetors, by reason 
 of their office (whose duty is to minister justice to everybody) 
 did not only with great quietness and courtesy hear them that 
 spake unto them, or that pleaded matters before them, and gave 
 them attentive ear as if they had no other matter in their heads : 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 117 
 
 but moreover they gave just sentence, and carefully despatched 
 the causes before them. So there was one among them, who, 
 being condemned in a certain sum of money, refused to pay it, 
 and cried out that he did appeal unto Cassar. Then Brutus, 
 casting his eyes upon the conspirators, said : " Csesar shall not 
 let^ me to see the law executed." Notwithstanding this, by 
 chance there fell out many misfortunes unto them, which was 
 enough to have marred the enterprise. The first and chiefest 
 was Cassar's long tarrying, who came very late to the Senate: 
 for, because the signs of the sacrifices appeared unlucky, his 
 wife Calphurnia kept him at home, and the soothsayers bade 
 him beware he went not abroad. The second cause was, when 
 one came unto Casca being a conspirator, and taking him by 
 the hand, said unto him : " O Casca, thou keptest it close from 
 me, but Brutus hath told me all." Casca being amazed at it, 
 the other went on with his tale, and said : " Why, how now, how 
 cometh it to pass thou art thus rich, that thou dost sue to be 
 .lEdilis?" Thus Casca being deceived by the other's doubtful 
 words, he told them it was a thousand to one, he blabbed not 
 out all the conspiracy. Another Senator, called PopiUus Laena, 
 after he had saluted Brutus and Cassius more friendly than he 
 was wont to do, he rounded^ softly in their ears, and told them : 
 " I pray the gods you may go through with that you have taken 
 in hand; but withal, despatch, I reade^ you, for your enterprise 
 is bewrayed*." When he had said, he presently* departed from 
 them, and left them both afraid that their conspiracy would out. 
 1 1. Now in the meantime, there came one of Brutus' men 
 post-haste unto him, and told him his wife was a-dying. For 
 Porcia, being very careful^ and pensive for that which was to 
 come, and being too weak to away with' so great .and inward 
 grief of mind, she could hardly keep within, but was frighted 
 with every little noise and cry she heard, as those that are taken 
 and possessed with the fury of the Bacchantes ; asking every 
 man that came from the market-place what Brutus did, and 
 still^ sent messenger after messenger, to know what news. At 
 length Caesar's coming being prolonged (as you have heard), 
 Porcia's weakness was not able to hold out any longer, and 
 thereupon she suddenly swounded^ that she had no leisure to go 
 to her chamber, but was taken in the midst of her house, where 
 her speech and senses failed her. Howbeit she soon came to 
 herself again, and so was laid in her bed, and attended by her 
 women. When Brutus heard these news, it grieved him, as it is 
 
 ^ hinder. 
 Sundry jjiis- 
 foriunes to 
 have broken 
 off the enter- 
 prise. 
 
 ^ whispered. 
 
 " advise. 
 
 * betrayed. 
 ^ immedi- 
 ately. 
 
 The "weak- 
 ness of 
 Porcia, not- 
 •uiithstajui- 
 ing her for- 
 mer courage. 
 ^ anxious. 
 ■^ endure. 
 
 8 constantly. 
 
 8 swooned. 
 
ii8 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 1 others. 
 
 BruUis with 
 his counie- 
 tiajice en- 
 couraged Iiis 
 /earful coil' 
 sorts. 
 
 * In Ctssar's 
 life it is 
 saidy it was 
 Decius Bru- 
 tus Albinus 
 that ke^t 
 Antonius 
 with a talk 
 wttltout. 
 + In Ctesar's 
 life he is 
 called Metel- 
 hts Cimber, 
 
 to be presupposed : yet he left not off the care of his country 
 and commonwealth, neither went home to his house for any 
 news he heard. 
 
 12. Now it was reported that Caesar was coming in his 
 litter : for he determined not to stay in the Senate all that day 
 (because he was afraid of the unlucky signs of the sacrifices) 
 but to adjourn matters of importance unto the next session and 
 council holden, feigning himself not to be well at ease. When 
 Ccesar came out of his litter, Popilius Lasna (that had talked 
 before with Brutus and Cassius, and had prayed the gods they 
 might bring this enterprise to pass) went unto Csesar, and kept 
 him a long time with a talk. Ca?sar gave good ear unto him: 
 wherefore the conspirators (if so they should be called) not 
 hearing what he said to Caesar, but conjecturing by that he had 
 told them a little before that his talk was none other but the 
 very discovery of their conspiracy, they were afraid every man 
 of them ; and, one looking in another's face, it was easy to see 
 that they all were of a mind, that it was no tarrying for them 
 till they were apprehended, but rather that they should kill 
 themselves with their own hands. And when Cassius and certain 
 other^ clapped their hands on their swords under their gowns to 
 draw them, Brutus, marking the countenance and gesture of 
 Laena, and considering that he did use himself rather like an 
 humble and earnest suitor than like an accuser, he said nothing 
 to his companion (because there were many amongst them that 
 were not of the conspiracy), but with a pleasant countenance 
 encouraged Cassius. And immediately after Lsena went from 
 Caesar, and kissed his hand ; which shewed plainly that it was 
 for some matter concerning himself that he had held him so 
 long in talk. Now all the Senators being entered first into this 
 place or chapter-house where the council should be kept, all the 
 other conspirators straight stood about Caesar's chair, as if they 
 .had had something to say unto him. And some say that Cassius, 
 casting his eyes upon Pompey's image, made his prayer unto it, 
 as if it had been alive. Trebonius* on the other side drew 
 Antonius aside, as he came into the house where the Senate sat, 
 and held him with a long talk without. When Cffisar was come 
 into the house, all the Senate rose to honour him at his coming 
 in. So when he was set, the conspirators flocked about him, 
 and amongst them they presented one TuUius Cimbert, who 
 made humble suit for the calling home again of his brother that 
 was banished. They all made as though they were intercessors 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 "9 
 
 for him, and took Cffisar by the hands, and kissed his head and 
 breast. Cassar at the first simply refused their kindness and 
 entreaties ; but afterwards, perceiving they still pressed on him, 
 he violently tlirust them from him. Then Cimber with both his 
 hands plucked Caesar's gown over his shoulders, and Casca, that 
 stood behind him, drew his dagger first and strake Csesar upon 
 the shoulder, but gave him no great wound. Csesar, feeling him- 
 self hurt, took him straight by the hand he held his dagger in, 
 and cried out in Latin : " O traitor Casca, v/hat dost thou .?" 
 Casca on the other side cried in Greek, and called his brother 
 to help him. So divers running on a heap together to fly upon 
 Casar, he, looking about him to have fled, saw Brutus with a 
 sword drawn in his hand ready to strike at him : then he let 
 Casca's hand go, and casting his gown over his face, suffered 
 every man to strike at him that would. Then the conspirators 
 thronging one upon another, because every man was desirous to 
 have a cut at him, so many swords and daggers lighting upon 
 one body, one of them hurt another, and among them Brutus 
 caught a blow on his hand, because he would make one in 
 murthering of him, and all the rest also were every man of thern 
 bloodied'. 
 
 13. Csesar being slain in this manner, Brutus, standing in 
 the middest^ of the house, would have spoken, and stayed the 
 other Senators that were not of tiie conspiracy, to have told 
 them the reason why they had done this fact^. But they, as 
 nien both afraid and amazed, fled one upon another's neck in 
 haste to get out at the door, and no man followed them. For it 
 was set down and agreed between them, that they should kill 
 no man but Csesar only, and should intreat* all the rest to look 
 to defend their liberty. All the conspirators, but Brutus, de- 
 termining upon this matter, thought it good also to kill Antonius, 
 because he was a wicked man, and that in nature favoured 
 tyranny: besides also, for that he was in great estimation with 
 soldiers, having been conversant of long time amongst them : 
 and especially having a mind bent to great enterprises, he was 
 also of great authority at that time, being Consul with Csesar. 
 But Brutus would not agree to it. First, for that he said it was 
 . not honest^ : secondly, because he told them there was hope of 
 change in him. For he did not mistrust but that Antonius, 
 being a noble-minded and courageous man, (when he should 
 know that Cassar was dead), would willingly help his country to 
 recover her liberty, having them an example unto him to follow 
 
 The mitrddr 
 of Ceesar. 
 Casca the 
 first that 
 wotaideti 
 him. 
 
 ^ stain'ed 
 with blood. 
 
 ' midst. 
 > deed. 
 
 Why An- 
 tonius was 
 7lot slain 
 ■uiitk Cwsaf. 
 5 hnnoui- 
 able. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 lirntTis with 
 his consorts 
 iveni ujito 
 the Capitol. 
 
 their courage and virtue. So Brutus by this means saved An- 
 tonius' hfe, who at that present time disguised himself and 
 stole away: but Brutus and his consorts, having their swords 
 bloody in their hands, went straight to the Capitol, persuading 
 the Romans as they went to take their liberty again. Now at 
 the first time, when the murther' was newly done, there were sud- 
 den outcries of people that ran up and down the city, the which 
 indeed did the more increase the fear and tumult. But when 
 they saw they slew no man, neither did spoil or make havoc of 
 anything, then certain of the Senators and many of the people; 
 emboldening themselves, went to the Capitol unto them. 
 
 14. There, a great number of men being assembled together 
 one after another, Brutus made an oration unto them, to win 
 the favour of the people, and to justify that they had done. All 
 those that were by said they had done well, and cried unto 
 them that they should boldly come down from the Capitol: 
 whereupon Brutus and his companions came boldly down into 
 the market-place. The rest followed in troupe^, but Brutus went 
 foremost, very honourably compassed in round about with the 
 noblest men of the city, which brought him from the Capitol, 
 through the market-place, to the pulpit for orations. When the 
 people saw him in the pulpit, although they were a multitude of 
 rakehels' of all sorts, and had a good will to make some stir; 
 yet, being ashamed to do it, for the reverence they bare unto 
 Brutus, they kept silence to hear what he would say. "When 
 Brutus began to speak, they gave him quiet audience: howbeit. 
 immediately after, they shewed that they were not all contented 
 with the murther'. For when another, called Cinna, would have 
 spoken, and began to accuse Caesar, they fell into a great uproar 
 among them, and marvellously reviled him ; insomuch that the 
 conspirators returned again into the Capitol. There Brutus, 
 being afraid to be besieged, sent back again the noblemen that 
 came thither with him, thinking it no reason that they, which 
 were no partakers of the murther^, should be partakers of the 
 danger. Then the next morning, the Senate being assembled, 
 and holden within the tem.ple of the goddess Tellus, to wit, the 
 Earth : and Antonius, Plancus, and Cicero, having made a 
 motion to the Senate in that assembly that they should take an 
 order to pardon and forget all that was past, and to establish 
 friendship and peace again : it was decreed, that they should not 
 only be pardoned, but also that the Consuls should refer it to 
 the Senate, what honours should be appointed unto them. This ■ 
 
Marcus brutus. 
 
 being agreed upon, the Senate brake up; and Antdnius the 
 Consul, to put them in heart that were in the Capitol, sent them 
 his son for a pledge. Upon this assurance, Brutus and his com- 
 panions came down from the Capitol, where every man saluted 
 and embraced each other; among, the which Antonius himself 
 did bidi Cassius to supper to him, and Lepidus also bade Brutus ; 
 and so one bade another, as they had friendship and acquaint- 
 ance together. 
 
 15. The next day following, the Senate, being called again 
 to council, did first of all commend Antonius, for that he had 
 wisely stayed 2 and quenched the beginning of a civil war: then 
 they also gave Brutus and his consorts great praises ; and lastly 
 they appointed them several governments of Provinces. For 
 unto Brutus they appointed Creta; Africa unto Cassius; Asia 
 unto Trebonius; Bithynia unto Cimber ; and unto the other, 
 Decius Brutus Albinus, Gaul on this side of the Alps. When 
 this was done, they came to talk of Csesar's will and testament 
 and of his funerals and tomb. Then Antonius, thinking good 
 his testament should be read openly, and also that his body 
 should be honourably buried, and not in hugger-mugger', lest 
 the people might thereby take occasion to be worse offended if 
 they did otherwise : Cassius stoutly spake against it. But Brutus 
 went with the motion, and agreed unto it ; wherein it seemeth 
 he committed a second fault. For the first fault he did, was 
 when he would not consent to his fellow-conspirators, that An- 
 tonius should be slain; and therefore he was justly accused, 
 that thereby he had saved and strengthened a strong and griev- 
 ous enemy of their conspkacy. The second fault was, when he 
 agreed that Cassar's funerals should be as Antonius would have 
 them, the which indeed marred all. For first of all, when Csesar's 
 testament was openly read among them, whereby it appeared 
 that he bequeathed unto every citizen of Rome 75 drachmas a 
 man ; and that he left his gardens and arbours unto the people, 
 which he had on this side of the river Tiber, in the place where 
 now the temple of Fortune is built : the people then loved him, and 
 were marvellous sorry for him. Afterwards, when Caesar's body 
 was brought into the market-place, Antonius making his funeral 
 oration in praise of the dead, according to the ancient custom of 
 Rome, and perceiving that his words moved the common people 
 to compassion, he framed his eloquence to make their hearts 
 yearn the more; and taking Cajsar's gown all bloody in his 
 hand, he laid it open to the sight of them all, shewing what a 
 
 Hojiours efe- 
 creed for the 
 itjnrdei-e^s 
 ofCiesar. 
 
 2 prevented. 
 
 Ctssay^s witt 
 
 and/une- 
 
 ntls. 
 
 ^ in secrecy. 
 
 Bnttiis com- 
 mitted two 
 g^reat faults 
 after Cte- 
 sar's death. 
 
 Anion! lis' 
 funeral ora- 
 tionfor 
 Ceesar. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ midst. 
 
 ^ thoroughly. 
 
 Tlie strange 
 dream of 
 China tlie 
 poet. 
 
 ^ press, 
 throng. 
 The murder 
 of Cijtiia the 
 poet, bein^ 
 inistakenfor 
 another of 
 that name. 
 
 Brjttiis and 
 his consorts 
 dojlyfrom 
 Rome, 
 
 ^ persuaded. 
 
 ■'as it were. 
 
 number of cuts and holes it had upon it. Therewithal the people 
 fell presently into such a rage and mutiny, that there was no more 
 order kept amongst the common people. For some of them 
 cried out, " Kill the murtherers :" others plucked up forms, tables, 
 and stalls about the market-place, as they had done before at 
 the funerals of Clodius, and having laid them all on a heap 
 together, they set them on fire, and thereupon did put the body 
 of Caesar, and burnt it in the mids^ of the most holy places. 
 And furthermore, when the fire was throughly^ kindled, some 
 here, some there, took burning firebrands, and ran with them to 
 the murtherers' houses that killed him, to set them on fire. How- 
 beit the conspirators, foreseeing the danger before, had wisely 
 provided for themselves and fled. 
 
 1 6. But there was a poet called Cinna, who had been no 
 partaker of the conspiracy, but was always one of Cffisar's chiefest 
 friends : he dreamed, the night before, that Cffisar bad him to 
 supper with him, and that, he refusing to go, Ceesar was very 
 importunate with him, and compelled him ; so that at length he 
 led him by the hand into a great dark place, where, being mar- 
 vellously afraid, he was driven' to follow him in spite of his 
 heart^. This dream put him all night into a fever; and yet notwith- 
 standing, the next morning, when he heard that they carried 
 CeBsar's body to burial, being ashamed not to accompany his 
 funerals, he went out of his house, and thrust himself into the 
 prease'' of the common people that were in a great uproar. And 
 because some one called him by his name Cinna, the people, 
 thinking he had been that Cinna who in an oration he made 
 had spoken very evil of Cssar, they, falling upon him in their, 
 rage, slew him outright in the marlcet-place. This made Brutus 
 and his companions more afraid than any other thing, next unto 
 the change of Antonius. Wherefore they got them out of Rome, 
 and kept at the first in the city of Antiuro, hoping to return 
 again to Rome, when the fury of the people was a little assuaged. 
 The which they hoped would be quickly, considering that they 
 had to deal with a fickle and unconstant^ multitude, easy to be 
 carried", and that the Senate stood for them : who notwithstand- 
 ing made no enquiry for them that had torn poor Cinna the" poet 
 in pieces, but caused them to be sought for and apprehended 
 that went with firebrands to set fire on the conspirators' houses. 
 The people growing weary now of Antonius' pride and insolency, 
 who ruled all things in a manner' with'absolute power, they 
 desired that Brutus might return again; and it was also looked 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 fori- t^jat Brutus would come himself in person to play the plays 
 which were due to the people, by reason of his office of praetor- 
 ship. But Brutus, understanding that many of Caesar's soldiers 
 which served under him in the wars, and that also had lands 
 and houses given them in the cities where they lay 2, did lie in 
 wait for him to kill him, and that they daily by small companies 
 came by one and by one into Rome, he durst no more return 
 thither : but yet the people had the pleasure and pastime in his 
 absence, to see the games and sports he made them, which were 
 sumptuously set forth and furnished with all things necessary, 
 sparing for no cost. For he had brought a great number of 
 strange beasts, of the which he would not give one of them to 
 any friend he had, but that they should all be employed in his 
 games : and went himself as far as Byzantium, to speali to some 
 players of comedies and musicians that were there. And further 
 he wrote unto his friends for one Canutius, an excellent player, 
 that, whatsoever they did, they should entreat him to play in these 
 plays. "For," said he, "it is no reason^ to compel any Grecian, 
 unless he will come of his own good will." Moreover he wrote 
 also unto Cicero, and earnestly prayed hjm in any case to be at 
 these plays. 
 
 17. Now the state of Rome standing in these terms, there 
 fell out another change and alteration, when the young man 
 Octavius Caesar came to Rome. He was the son of Julius Caesar's 
 niece, whom he had adopted for his son, and made his heir, by 
 his last will and testament. But when Julius Caesar, his adopted 
 father, was slain, he was in the city of Apollonia (where he 
 studied) tarrying for him, because he was determined to make 
 war with the Parthians : but when he heard the news of his 
 death, he returned again to Rome. Where, to begin to curry 
 favour with the common people, he first of all took upon him his 
 adopted father's name, and made distribution among them of the 
 money which his father had bequeathed unto them. By this means 
 he troubled Antonius sorely, and by force of money got a great 
 number of his father's soldiers together, that had served in the 
 wars with him. And Cicero himself, for the great malice he 
 bare Antonius, did favour his proceedings : but Brutus mar- 
 vellously reproved him for it, and wrote unto him, that he seemed 
 by his doings not to be sorry to have a master, but only to be 
 afraid to have one that should hate him : and that all his doings 
 in the commonwealth did witness, that he chose to be subject to 
 amild and courteous bondage, sith* by his words and writings 
 
 ^ expected. 
 
 2 lodged 
 
 and sports 
 at Rome in 
 his abseJtce, 
 
 ^ it is use- 
 less. 
 
 Octavius 
 Cfpsaf's 
 coining to 
 Rome, 
 
 Brnins 
 refiroved 
 Cicero for 
 taiiing part 
 luith Octa- 
 vius Casar. 
 
 * since. 
 
124 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' endea- 
 voured. 
 
 ^ sale of 
 attendance 
 and service. 
 
 ^ Lncania. 
 
 Forcings 
 SQrr<nvful 
 return to 
 Rome, for 
 the absence 
 of her kus- 
 bandBniius. 
 ^ picture. 
 ^ betrayed. 
 The story of 
 Hector and 
 Androjnnche 
 set forth in 
 J>ainted 
 tables. 
 
 ^ ci>ntinii.illy. 
 
 he did commend this young man Octavius Cssar to be a good 
 and gentle lord. " For our predecessors," said he, " would never 
 abide to be subject to any masters, how gentle or mild soever 
 they were :" and, ' for his own part, that he had never resolutely 
 determined with himself to make war, or peace; but otherwise, 
 that he was certainly minded never to be slave nor subject. 
 And therefore he wondered much at him, how Cicero could be 
 afraid of the danger of civil wars, and would not be afraid of a 
 shameful peace-: and that, to thrust Antonius out of the usurped 
 tyranny, in recompense he went about^ to establish young Octa- 
 vius Caesar tyrant.' These were the contents of Brutus' first 
 letters he wrote unto Cicero. 
 
 i8. Now the city of Rome being divided in two factions, 
 some taking part with Antonius, others also leaning unto Octa- 
 vius CcBsar, and the soldiers making portsale^ of their service 
 to him that would give most : Brutus, seeing the state of Rome 
 would be utterly overthrown, he determined to go out of Italy, 
 and went on foot through the countiy of Luke^, unto the city of 
 Elea, standing by the sea. There Porcia, being ready to depart 
 from her husband Brutus, and to return to Rome, did what she 
 could to dissemble the grief and sorrow she felt at her heart : 
 but a certain painted table* bewrayed^ her in the end, although 
 until that time she shewed always a constant and patient mind'. 
 The device of the table was taken out of the Greek stories, how 
 Andromachd accompanied her husband Hector when he went 
 out of the city of Troy to go to the wars, and how Hector de- 
 livered her his little son, and how her eyes were never off him. 
 Porcia seeing this picture, and likening herself to be in the same 
 case, she fell a-weeping: and coming thither oftentimes in a day 
 to see it, she wept still°. AciHus, one of Brutus' friends, per- 
 ceiving that, rehearsed the verses Ar»dromachd speaketh to this 
 purpose in Hnmer : 
 
 " Thou Hector art my father, and my mother, and my brother. 
 And husband eke, and all in all: I mind not any other." 
 
 Then Brutus smihng, answered again: "But yet," said he, " I 
 cannot for my part say unto Porcia, as Hector answered Andro- 
 mache in the same place of the poet : 
 
 Tush, meddle thou with duly weighing out 
 Thy maids their task, and pricking on a clout. 
 
 For indeed the weak constitution of her body doth not suflTer 
 her to perform in shew the valiant acts that we are able to do: 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 125 
 
 but for courage and constant mind, she shewed herself as stout, 
 in the defence of her country, as any of us." Bibulus, the son of 
 Porcia, reporteth this story thus. Now Brutus embarking at 
 Elea in Luke\ he sailed directly towards Athens. When he 
 arrived there, the people of Athens received him with common 
 joys of rejoicing and honourable decrees made for him. He 
 lay 2 with a friend of his, with whom he went daily to hear the 
 lectures of Theomnestus the Academic philosopher, and of 
 Cratippus the Peripatetic, and so w ould talk with them in philo- 
 sophy, that he seemed he left all other matters, and gave himself 
 only to study : howbeit secretly, notwithstanding, he made pre- 
 paration for war. For he sent Herostratus into Macedon, to 
 win the captains and soldiers that were upon those marches^, 
 and he did also entertain all the young gentlemen of the 
 Romans, whom he found in Athens studying philosophy: 
 amongst them he found Cicero's son, whom he highly praised 
 and commended, saying: "That, whether he waked or slept, 
 he found him of a noble mind and disposition, he did in nature 
 so much hate tyrants." Shortly after, he began to enter openly 
 into arms: and being advertised^ that there came out of Asia a 
 certain fleet of Roman ships that had got good store of money 
 in them, and that the captain of those ships (who was an honest 
 man and his familiar friend) came towards Athens : he went 
 to meet him as far as the ile* of Carystos, and having spoken 
 with him there, he handled him so that he was contented to 
 leave his ships in his hands : whereupon he made him a notable 
 banquet at his house, because it was on his birthday. When 
 the feast-day came, and that they began to drink lustily one to 
 another, the guests drank to the victory of Bnitus and the 
 liberty' of the Romans. Brutus therefore, to encourage them 
 farther, called for a bigger cup ; and, holding it in his hand, before 
 he drank spake this aloud : 
 
 "My destiny and Phoebus are agreed 
 To bring me to my final end with speed." 
 And for proof hereof it is reported, that, the same day he fought 
 his last laattle by the city of Philippes", as he came out of his 
 tent, he gave them for the word and signal of battle, 'Phoebus' : 
 so that it was thought ever since, that this his sudden crying out 
 at the feast was a prognostication of his misfortune that should 
 happen. After this, Antistius gave him, of the money he carried 
 into Italy, fifty myriads. FuVthermore, all Pompey's soldiers, 
 that straggled up and down Thessaly, came with very good will 
 
 ^ Lucania. 
 Hmv Brutus 
 bestowed his 
 thiie at 
 A thetis. 
 ^ lodged. 
 
 Brutn ■ pre- 
 pareth kbit- 
 self to war. 
 ^ in those 
 borders. 
 
 Brutits coin- 
 mendeth 
 Cicero's son. 
 
 * warned. 
 
 ' isle. 
 
 ' Philippi. 
 
1^6 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ Demetrias. 
 
 ^ anticipate. 
 
 A stra7ige 
 disease took 
 Brutus at 
 Dyrra- 
 chium. 
 Why by 
 SHOW this 
 hungry 
 disease 
 iaketk vten 
 that are 
 viearied 
 luith travel. 
 3 voracious. 
 ^ insatiable. 
 ^ snowed. 
 
 Brntjts^ 
 thankfulness 
 and cte- 
 tnency, 
 ** won. . 
 t treat. 
 
 unto him. He took from Cinna also five hundred horsemen, 
 which he carried into Asia unto Dolabella. After that, he went 
 by sea unto the city of Demetriadei, and there took a great deal 
 of armour and munition which was going to Antonius : and the 
 which had been made and forged there by Julius Caesar's com- 
 mandment, for the wars against the Pavthians. Furthermore 
 Hortensius, governor of Macedon, did resign the government 
 thereof unto him. Besides, all the princes, kings, and noble- 
 men thereabouts, came and joined with him, when it was told 
 him, that Caius (Antonius' brother) coming out of Italy, had 
 passed the sea, and came with great speed towards the city of 
 Dyrrachium, and ApoUonia, to get the soldiers into his hands 
 which Gabinius had there. Brutus therefore, to prevent^ him, 
 went presently with a few of his men in the midst of winter 
 when it did snow hard, and took his way through hard and foul 
 countries, and made such speed indeed, that he was there long 
 before Antonius' sumpters that carried the victuals. 
 
 19. So that when he came near to Dyrrachium, a disease 
 took him, which the physicians call ^ovXi/iia, to say, a cormo- 
 rant^ and unsatiable* appetite to eat ; by reason of the cold and 
 pains he had taken. This sickness chanceth often both to men 
 and beasts, that travel when it hath snowen': either because 
 the natural heat, being retired into the inward parts of the body, 
 by the coldness of the air hardening the skin, doth straight 
 digest and consume the meat: or else because a sharp subtle 
 wind, coming by reason of the snow when it is molten, doth 
 pierce into the body, and driveth out the natural heat which 
 was cast outward. For it seemeth that the heat, being quenched 
 with the cold which it meeteth withal coming out of the skin of 
 the body, causeth the sweats that follow the disease. But hereof 
 we have spoken at large in other places. Brutus being very 
 faint, and having nothing in his camp to eat, his soldiers were 
 compelled to go to their enemies ; and coming to the gates of 
 the city, they prayed the warders to help them to bread. When 
 they heard in what case Brutus was, they brought him both 
 meat and drink; in requital whereof, afterwards, when he wan* 
 the city, Jie did not only intreat' and use the citizens thereof 
 courteously, but all the inhabitants of the city also for their 
 sakes. Now when Caius Antonius was arrived in the city of 
 ApoUonia, he sent unto the soldiers thereabouts to come unto 
 him. But when he understood that they went all to Brutus, and 
 furthermore, that the citizens of ApoUonia did favour him much, 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 127 
 
 he then forsook that city and went unto the city of Buthrotus ; 
 but yet he lost three of his ensigns^ by the way, that were slain 
 every man of them. Then he sought by force to Win certain 
 places of strengfli about Byllis, and to drive Brutus' men from 
 thence, that had taken it before : and therefore, to obtain his 
 purpose, he sought a battle with Cicero, the son of Marcus 
 TuUius Cicero, by whom he was overcome. For Brutus made 
 the younger Cicero a captain, and did many notable exploits by 
 his service. Shortly after, having stolen upon Caius Antonius 
 in certain marrishes^ far from the place from whence he fled, he 
 would not set on him with fury but only rode rpund about him, 
 commanding his soldiers to spare him and his men, as reckoning 
 them all his own without stroke striking. And so indeed' it 
 happened: for they yielded themselves and their captain Anto- 
 nius unto Brutus ; so that Brutus had now a great army about 
 him. Now Brutus kept this Caius Antonius long time in his 
 office, and never took from him the marks and signs of his 
 Consulship, although inany of his friends, and Cicero among 
 others, wrote unto him to put him to death. But when he saw 
 Antonius secretly practised^ with his captains to make some 
 alteration, then he sent him into a ship, and made him to be 
 kept there. When the soldiers whom Caius Antonius had cor- 
 rupted were gotten into the city of Apollonia, and sent from 
 thence unto Brutus to come unto them, he made them answer, 
 "That it was not the manner of Roman captains to come to 
 the soldiers, but the soldiers to come to the captain, and to 
 crave pardon for their offences committed." Thereupon they 
 came to him, and he pardoned them. 
 
 20. So IBrutus preparing to go into Asia, news came unto 
 him of the great change at Rome : for Octavius Caesar was in 
 arms, by commandment and authority from the Senate, against 
 Marcus Antonius. But after that he had driven Antonius out 
 of Italy, the Senate began theri to be afraid of him, because he 
 sued to be Consul, which was contrary to the law ; and kept a 
 great army about him when the empire of Rome had no need 
 of them. On the other side Octavius Csesar, perceiving the 
 Senate stayed not there, but turned unto Brutus that was out of 
 Italy, and that they appointed him the government of certain 
 provinces: then he began to be afraid for his part, and sent 
 unto Antonius to offer him his friendship. Then coming on 
 with his army near to Rome, he made himself to be chosen 
 Consul, whether the Senate would or not, when he was yet but 
 
 2 marshes. 
 
 C. Antonius 
 yielded unto 
 Brutus, 
 
 ^ conspired. 
 
 Octavius 
 CiEsar 
 
 joineth vjitk 
 Antonius. 
 
128 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 1 youngster, 
 
 Brutus ac- 
 cused atid 
 cotidemjied, 
 by Octnvius 
 Ccesar^s 
 ifieftyts, for 
 the death 
 of Julius 
 Cwsar. 
 ^ at once. 
 ^ rumour. 
 
 T/ie Trium- 
 virate. 
 
 * publish 
 
 lists. 
 
 C. Atltonius 
 jiturdeiTd, 
 
 * arruiiging. 
 
 a Stripling or springalU of twenty years old, as himself reporteth 
 in his own Commentaries. So when he was Consul, he pre- 
 sently° appointed judges, to accuse Brutus and his companions 
 for killing of the noblest person in Rome and chiefest magistrate 
 without law or judgment : and made L. Cornificius accuse 
 Brutus, and M. Agrippa, Cassius. So the parties accused were 
 condemned, because the Judges were compelled to give such 
 sentence. The voice-' went, that when the herald (according to 
 the custom after sentence given) went up to the chair or pulpit 
 for orations, and proclaimed 'Brutus' with a loud voice, sum- 
 moning him to appear in person before the judges, the people 
 that stood by sighed openly, and the noblemen that were present 
 hung down their heads, and durst not speak a word. Among 
 them the tears fell from Publius Silicius' eyes : who, shortly 
 after, was one of the prescripts or outlaws appointed to be slain. 
 After that, these three, Octavius Caesar, Antonius, and Lepidus, 
 made an agreement between themselves, and by those articles 
 divided the provinces belonging to the empire of Rome among 
 themselves, and did set up bills* of proscription and outlawry, 
 condemning two hundred of the noblest men of Rome to suffer 
 death, and among that number Cicero was one. News being 
 brought thereof into Macedon, Di-utus, being then enforced to do 
 it, wrote unto Hortensius that he should put Caius Antonius to 
 death, to be revenged of the death of Cicero and of the other 
 Brutus, of the which the one was his friend, and the other a 
 kinsman. For this cause therefore Antonius afterwards, taking 
 Hortensius at the battle of Philippes, he made him to be slain 
 upon his brother's tomb. But when Brutus said that, he was 
 more ashamed of the cause for the which Cicero was slain than 
 he was otherwise sorry for his death; and that he could not but 
 greatly reprove his friends he had at Rome, who were slaves more 
 through their own fault than through their valiantness'or man- 
 hood which usurped the tyranny : considering that they were so 
 cowardly and faint-hearted, as to suffer the sight of those things 
 before their ej es, the report whereof should only have grieved 
 them to the heart. 
 
 21. Now when Brutus had passed over his army (that was 
 very great) into Asia, he gave order for the gathering of a great 
 number of ships together, as well in the coast of Bithynia, as°also 
 in the city of Cyzicunt, because he would have an army by sea; 
 and himself in the meantime went unto the cities, taking ordel 
 for^ all things, and giving audience to princes and noblemen cl 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 \ii) 
 
 the country that had to^ do with him. Afterwards he sent 
 unto Cassius in Syria, to turn him from his journey into Egypt, 
 telling him that it was not for the conquest of any kingdom for 
 themselyes that they wandered up and down in that sort, but 
 contrarily, that it was to restore their country again to her 
 liberty : and that the multitude of soldiers they gathered to- 
 gether was to subdue the tyrants that would keep them in 
 slavery and subjection. Wherefore, regarding their chief jJur- 
 pose and intent, they should not be far from Italy, as near as 
 they could possible, but should rather make all' the haste they 
 could, to keep their counttrymen. Cassius believed him, and 
 returned. Brutus went to meet him, and they both met at the 
 city of Smyrna, which was the first time that they saw together 
 since they took leave each of other at the haven of Piraea in 
 Athens, the 6ne going into Syria, "and the other into Macedon. 
 So they were marvellous joyful, and no less courageous, when 
 they saw the great aritiies together which they had both levied : 
 considering that they departed out of Italy like naked and poor 
 banished men, without armour and money, nor having any ship 
 ready nor soldier about them, nor any one town at their com- 
 mandment ; yet notwithstanding, in a short time after, they were 
 now met together, having ships, money, and soldiers enough, 
 both footmen and horsemen, to fight for the empire of Rome. 
 
 22. Now Cassius would have done Brutus much honour, as 
 Brutus did unto him, but Brutus most commonly prevented^ him, 
 and went first unto him, both because he was the elder man as 
 also for that he was sickly of body. And men reputed him com- 
 monly to be very skilful in wars, but otherwise marvellous 
 choleric and cruel, who sought to ride men by fear rather than 
 with lenity : and on the other side,- he was too familiar with 
 his friends, and would jest too broadly with them. But Brutus, 
 in contrary manner, for his virtue and valiantness, was well be- 
 loved of the people and his own, esteemed of noblemen, and 
 hated of no man, not so much as of his enemies ; because he 
 was a marvellous lowly and gentle person, noble-minded, and 
 would never be in any rage, nor carried away with pleasure 
 and covetousness, but had ever an upright mind with him, 
 and would never yield to any wrong or injustice ; the which was 
 the chiefest cause of his fame, of his rising, and of the goodwill 
 that every man bare him : for they weie all persuaded that his 
 intent was good. For they did not certainly believe that, if 
 •Pompey himself had overcome Csesar, he would have resigned 
 S. P. 9 
 
 By'iiftis and 
 Cassiits J'^ 
 join ar tints 
 totrether. 
 
 anticipated. 
 
 The sharp 
 and cruel 
 coiiditioiia 
 of Cassius. 
 
 Brntiis' 
 gentle and 
 _fair con- 
 diiioiLS. 
 
 Brutits' 
 intent good, 
 if he had 
 overcame. 
 
130 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Antoniu^ 
 testimony of 
 Brutus. 
 
 ^ imminent. 
 
 ' whereas. 
 
 Brutits a 
 irtic pro- 
 phet cf 
 Antonius, 
 
 " obtain by 
 any means. 
 
 his authority to the law, but rather they were of opinion that he 
 would still keep the sovereignty and absolute government in his 
 hands, taking only, to please the people, the title of Consul, or 
 Dictator, or of some other more civil officp. And as for Cassius, 
 a hot, choleric, and cruel man, that would oftentimes be carried 
 away from justice 'for gain, it was certainly thought that he made 
 war and put himself into sundry dangers, more to have absolute 
 power and authority than to defend the liberty of his country. 
 For they that will also consider others that were elder men 
 than they, as Cinna, Marinus, and Carbo, it is out of doubt that 
 the end and hope of their victory was to be the lords of their 
 country, and in manner they did all confess that they fought for 
 the tyranny, and to be lords of the empire of Rome. And in 
 contrary manner, his enemies themselves did never reprove 
 Brutus for any such change or desire. For it was said that 
 Antonius spake it openly divers times, that he thought, that 
 of all them that had slain C^sar, there was none but Brutus 
 only that was moved to do it, as thinking the act commend- 
 able of it-self: but that all the other conspirators did conspire 
 his death for some private malice or envy, that they other- 
 wise did bear unto him. Hereby it appeareth, that Brutus did 
 not trust so much to the power of his army as he did to his 
 own virtue, as it is to be seen by his writings. For approach- 
 ing near to the instant' danger, he wrote unto Pomponius 
 Atticus that his affairs had the best hap that could be. " For," 
 said he, "either I will set my country at liberty by battle, or by 
 honourable death rid me of this bondage." And furthermore, 
 that they being certain and assured of all things else, this one 
 thing only was doubtful to them : whether they should live or 
 die with liberty. He wrote also that Antonius had his due pay- 
 ment for his folly: "for where^ he might have been a partner 
 equally of the glory of Brutus, Cassius, and Cato, and have made 
 one with them, he liked better to choose to be joined with Octa- 
 vius Caasar alone ; with whom, though now he be not overcome 
 by us, yet shall he shortly after also have war with him." And 
 truly he proved a true prophet, for so came it indeed to pass. 
 Now whilst Brutus and Cassius were together in the city of 
 Smyrna, Brutus prayed Cassius to let him have some part of his 
 money whereof he had great store ; because all that he could rap 
 and rend 3 of his side, he had bestowed it in making so great a 
 number of ships, that by means of them they should keep all the 
 sea at their commandment. Cassius' friends hindered this 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 131 
 
 request and earnestly dissuaded him from it, persuading him, 
 that it was no reason that Brutus should have the money which 
 Cassius had gotten together by sparing and levied with great 
 evil will of the people their subjects, for him to bestow liberally 
 upon his soldiers, and by this means to win their good wills, by 
 Cassius' charge'. This notwithstanding, Cassius gave him the 
 third part of this total sum. So Cassius and Brutus then de- 
 parting from each other, Cassius took the city of Rhodes, where 
 he too dishonestly and cruelly used himself: although, when he 
 came into the city, he answered some of the inhabitants who 
 called him lord and king, that he was neither lord nor king, 
 but he^ only that had slain him that would have been lord 
 and king. 
 
 23. Bmtus, departing from thence, sent unto the Lycians 
 to require 2 money and men of war. But there was a certain 
 orator called Naucrates, that made the cities to rebel against 
 him, insomuch that the countrymen of that country kept the 
 straights* and little mountains, thinking by that means to stop 
 Brutus' passage. Wherefore Brutus sent his horsemen against 
 them, who stole upon them as they were at dinner, and slew 
 six hundred of them: and taking all the small towns and vil- 
 lages, he did let ail the prisoners he took go without payment 
 of ransom, hoping by this his great courtesy to win them, to 
 draw all the rest of the country unto him. But they were so 
 fierce and obstinate, that they would mutine= for every small 
 hurt they received as he passed by their country, and did de- 
 spise his courtesy and good nature : until that at length he 
 went to besiege the city of the Xanthians, within the which 
 were shut up the cruellest and most warlike men of Lycia. 
 There was a river that ran by the walls of the city, in the 
 which many men saved themselves, swimming between two 
 waters, and fled : howbeit they laid nets overthwart the river, 
 and tied little bells on the top of them, to sound when any 
 man was taken in the nets. The Xanthians made a sally out 
 by night, and came to fire certain engines of the battery that 
 beat down their walls : but they were presently^ driven in again 
 by the Romans, so soon as they were discovered. The wind 
 by chance was marvellous big, and increased the flame so 
 sore, that it violently carried it into the cranewes' of the 
 wall of the city, that the next^ houses unto them were straight 
 set on fire thereby. Wherefore Brutus being afraid that all 
 the city would take ob fire^, he presently « commanded his men 
 
 9-2 
 
 ' at Cassius' 
 expense. 
 
 Cassius wo)i 
 the city of 
 R/wdes. 
 
 = i.e. the 
 man. 
 
 3 ask for. 
 
 * straits, 
 passes. 
 Briittts' gesis 
 in Lycia. 
 
 * mutiny. 
 
 The city of 
 Xanthus set 
 ojifire. 
 ^ at once. 
 
 " crannies, 
 8 nearest. 
 
 9 take fire. 
 
132 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The despe- 
 rate etid 
 of the . 
 Xntithiaiis, 
 ^ ramparts. 
 
 to quench the fire, and to save the town if it might be. But 
 the Lycians at that instant fell into such a frenzy and strange 
 and horrible despair, that no man can well express it: and a 
 man cannot more rightly compare or liken it than to a fran- 
 tic and most desperate desire to die. For all of them together, 
 with their wives and children, masters and servants, and of all 
 sorts of age whatsoever, fought upon the rampiers^ of their 
 walls and did cast down stones and fire-works on the Romans, 
 which were very busy in quenching the flame of the fire, to 
 save the city. And in contrary manner also, they brought 
 faggots, dry wood, and reeds, to bring the fire further into the 
 city as much as might be, increasing it by such things as they 
 brought. Now when the fire had gotten into all parts of the 
 city, and that the flame burnt bright in every place, Brutus, 
 being sorry to see it, got upon his horse, and rode round about 
 the walls of the city, to. see if it were possible for to save it, 
 and held up his hands to the inhabitants, praying them to 
 pardon their city, and to save themselves. Howbeit they would 
 not be persuaded, but did all that they could possible to cast 
 themselves away, not only men and womeii, but also little chil- 
 dren. For some of them, weeping and ciying out, did cast 
 themselves into the fire : others, headlong throwing themselves 
 down from the walls, brake their necks : others also made their 
 backs bare to the naked swords of their fathers, and undid 
 their clothes, praying them to kill them with their own hands. 
 After the city was burnt, they found a woman hanged up by 
 the neck, holding one of her children in her hand dead by 
 her, hanged up also, and in the other hand a burning torch 
 setting fire on^ her house. Some would have had Brutus to 
 I have seen her, but he would not see so horrible and tragical 
 a sight : but when he heard it, he fell a- weeping, and caused an 
 herald to make proclamation by sound of trumpet, that he 
 would give a certain sum of money to every soldier that could 
 save a Xanthian. So there were not (as it is reported) above 
 fifty of them saved, and yet they were saved against their wills. 
 Thus the Xanthians having ended the revolution of their fatal 
 destiny after a long continuance of time, they did through their 
 desperation renew the memory of the lamentable calamities of 
 their ancestors, who in like manner, in the wars of the Persians, 
 did burn their city, and destroyed themselves. Therefore 
 Brutus, likewise besieging the city of the Patareians, perceiving 
 that they stoutly resisted him, he was also afraid of that, and 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 '33 
 
 could not well tell whether he should give assault to it or not, 
 lest they would fall into the despair and desperation of the 
 Xanthians. Howbeit, having taken certain of their women 
 prisoners, he sent them back again without payment of ransom. 
 Now they that were the wives and daughters of the noblest men 
 of the city, reporting unto their parents that they had found 
 Brutus a merciful, just, and courteous man, they persuaded them 
 to yield themselves and their city unto him ; the which they did. 
 So after they had thus yielded themselves, divers other cities 
 also followed them, and did the like : and found Brutus more 
 merciful and courteous than they thought they should have 
 done, but specially far above Cassius. For Cassius, about the 
 self-same time, after he had compelled the Rhodians every man 
 to deliver all the ready money they had in gold and silver in their 
 houses, the which, being brought together, amounted to the sum 
 of eight thousand talents ; yet he condemned the city besides, to 
 pay the sum of five hundred talents more. Where^ Brutus in 
 contrary manner, after he had levied of all the country of Lycia 
 but an hundred and fifty talents only, he departed thence into 
 the country of Ionia, and did them no more hurt. 
 
 24. Now Brutus, in all this journey, did many notable acts 
 and worthy of memory, both for rewarding, as also in punishing 
 those that had deserved it : wherefore, among the rest, I will tell 
 you of one thing, of the which he himself and all the noblemen 
 of the Romans were marvellous glad. When Pompey the Great 
 (having lost the battle against Julius Csesar, in the fields of 
 Pharsalia) came and fell upon the coast of Egypt, hard by the 
 city of Pelusium, those that were protectors to the young king 
 Ptolemy, being then but a child, sat in counsel with his servants 
 and friends, what they should determine in that case. They 
 were not all of one mind in this consultation : for some thought 
 it good to receive Pompey : others also, that they should drive 
 him out of Egypt. .But there was a certain rhetorician called 
 Theodotus, that was born in the isle of Chio, who was the king's 
 schoolmaster to teach him rhetoric. He, being called to the 
 council for lack of sufficient men, said, "That both the one and 
 the other side went awry^, as well those that were of opinion to 
 receive Pompey as the other that would have had him driven 
 away : and that the best way was (considering the present time) 
 that they should lay hold on him, and kill him;" adding withal 
 this sentence', "that a dead than biteth not." The whole coun- 
 cil stuck to this opinion. So, for a notable example of incredi- 
 
 rhe Paia. 
 reians do 
 yield thciii' 
 seh>es unto 
 Bnttus, 
 
 The extreme 
 covetousness 
 ajid cruelty 
 of Caszins 
 to the 
 Rhodians, 
 
 1 Whereas. 
 Bnttus' cle- 
 fuency unto 
 tlte Lyciaiis. 
 
 Theodotus^ 
 bom in 
 Chio, a rhe- 
 torician, 
 schoolmaster 
 to Ptolemy 
 the young 
 king 0/ 
 Egypt. 
 ^ wrong. 
 
 ^ proverb. 
 Theodotus^ 
 saying, *A 
 
134 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 dead man 
 hUeth 710 1.' 
 
 Theodotits 
 Chiajtf ike 
 rhetoricuin 
 that gave 
 coztiisel to 
 kill Pofjipey, 
 tuas put to 
 death by 
 Brutus. 
 1 won. 
 
 Brutus and 
 Cassius do 
 meet at the 
 city of 
 Sardis. 
 
 Brutus' and 
 iSnssuis' com- 
 Jtlainls one 
 unto tfie 
 other. 
 ^ retire. 
 
 * outside. 
 
 M. Phaonius 
 afoUo7ver 
 oj Cato. 
 
 * mad. 
 
 '' attempted. 
 
 ^ useless. 
 
 ■ " hinder. 
 
 8 whim. 
 
 Cynic phi- 
 losophers 
 counteddogs. 
 
 ble misfortune, and unlooked-for unto Pompey, Pompey the 
 Great was slain by the motion and counsel of this wicked rhe- 
 torician Theodotus, as Theodotus aftenvards did himself boast 
 of it. But when Julius Caesar came afterwards into Egypt, the 
 wicked men that consented to this counsel had their payment 
 according to their deserts : for they died every man of them a 
 wicked death, saving this Theodotus, whom fortune respited a 
 little while longer ; and yet in that time he lived a poor and 
 miserable life, never tarrying long in any one place. So Brutus 
 going up and down Asia, Theodotus could hide himself no longer, 
 but was brought unto Brutus, where he suffered pains of death : 
 so that he wan^ more fame by his death, than ever he did in his 
 life. 
 
 25. About that time Brutus sent to pray Cassius to come 
 to the city of Sardis, and so he did. Brutus, understanding of 
 his coming, went to meet him with all his friends. There both 
 their armies being armed, they called them both £'»z/^r(7rj. Now 
 as it commonly happened in great affairs between two persons, 
 both of them having many friends and so many captains under 
 them, there ran tales and complaints betwixt them. Therefore, 
 before they fell in hand with any other matter, they went into a 
 little chamber together, and bade every man avoid 2, and did 
 shut the doors to them. Then they began to pour out their 
 complaints one to the other, and grew hot and loud, earnestly 
 accusing one another, and at length fell both a- weeping. Their 
 friends that were without^ the chamber, hearing them loud with- 
 in, and angry between themselves, they were both amazed and 
 afraid also, lest it would grow to further matter : but yet they 
 were commanded that no man should come to them. Notwith- 
 standing, one Marcus Phaonius, that had been a friend and a 
 follower of Cato while he lived, and took upon him to counterfeit 
 a philosopher, not with wisdom and discretion, but with a cer- 
 tain bedlern* and frantic motion : he would needs come into the 
 chamber, though the men offered^ to keep him out. But it was 
 no boot" to let' Phaonius, when a mad mood or toy* took him in 
 the head : for he was a hot hasty man, and sudden in all his 
 doings, and cared for never a senator of them all. Now, though 
 he used this bold manner of speech after the profession of the 
 Cynic philosophers (as who would say. Dogs), yet his boldness 
 did no hurt many times, because they did but laugh at him to 
 see him so mad. This Phaonius at that time, in despite of the 
 door-keepers, came into the chamber, and with a certain scofi5ng 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 13s 
 
 and mocking gesture, which he counterfeited of purpose^, he re-- 
 hearsed the verses which old Nestor said in Homer : 
 "My lords, I pray you hearken both to me, 
 For I have seen mo'' years than suchiei* three." 
 Cassius fell a-laughing at him : but Brutus thrust him out of the 
 .chamber, and called him dog, and counterfeit Cynic. Howbeit 
 his coming in brake their strife at that .time, and so they left 
 each other. The self-same night Cassius prepared his supper in 
 his chamber, and Brutus brought his friends with him. So 
 when they were set at supper, Phaonius came to sit down after 
 he had washed. Brutus told him aloud, 'no man sent for him,' 
 and bad them set him at the upper end : meaning indeed, at the 
 lower end of the bed^ Phaonius made no ceremony, but thrust 
 in amongst the middest^ of them, and made all the company 
 laugh at him. So they were merry all supper-time, and full of 
 their philosophy. The next day after, Brutus, upon complaint 
 of the Sardians, did condemn and note Lucius Pella for a de- 
 famed person, that had been a Prsetor of the Romans, and whom 
 Brutus had given charge unto : for that he was accused and con- 
 .victed of robbery and pilfery in his office. This judgment much 
 ■misliked^ Cassius, because he' himself had secretly (not many 
 days before) warned two of his friends, attainted and convicted 
 of the like offences, and openly had cleared them : but yet he 
 did not therefore leave^ to employ them in any manner of service 
 as he did before. And therefore he greatly reproved Brutus, for 
 that he would shew himself so straight » and severe, in such a 
 time as was meeter to bear a little than to take things at the 
 ■worst. Brutus in contrary manner answered, that he should re- 
 member the Ides of March, at which time they slew Julius Cassar, 
 who neither pilled' nor polled'" the country, but only was a favourer 
 and suborner of all them that did rob and spoil, by his counte- 
 nance and authority. And if there were any occasion whereby 
 they might honestly set aside justice and equity, they should 
 have had more reason to have suffered Cesar's friends to have 
 robbed and done whatwrongandinjury they had would"^ than to 
 bear with their own men. "For then," said he, " they could but 
 have said we* had been cowards, but now they may accuse us 
 of injustice, beside the pains we take, and the danger we put 
 ourselves into." And thus may we see what Brutus' intent and 
 purpose was. 
 
 36. But as they both prepared to pass over again out of 
 Asia into Europe, there went a rumour that there appeared a 
 
 ^ on purpose. 
 
 ^ more. 
 3 such. 
 
 * seat 
 '• midst. 
 
 ^ displeased. 
 
 " strait, 
 strict. 
 
 yulius C(S- 
 sar slain 
 at the Ides 
 of March. 
 9 robbed. 
 '» taxed, 
 spoiled. 
 
 n wished {to 
 do). 
 
 • Old edd. 
 'they'. 
 
 The tvonder~ 
 Jill con- 
 
■136 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 stniicy of 
 Brutus in 
 >:initei'S of 
 jjtsLice a7id 
 equity, 
 Brutui care 
 and match- 
 ing. 
 
 A spirit 
 a/ipenred 
 unto Brutus 
 in tJie city 
 cj Sardis, 
 
 ' Philippi. 
 ^ thereupon. 
 
 Cassius* 
 o/inlon of 
 spirits after 
 the Epicu- 
 rean sect. 
 
 The cajise 
 of dreams. 
 
 ^ conception. 
 
 wonderful sign unto him. Brutus was a careful man, and slept 
 very little, both for that his diet was moderate, as also because 
 he was continually occupied. He never slept in the day-time, 
 and in the night no longer than the time he was driven to be 
 alone, and when everybody else took their rest. But now whilst 
 he was in war, and his head ever busily occupied to think of his 
 affairs and what would happen, after he had slumbered a little 
 after supper, he spent all the rest of the night in dispatching of 
 his weightiest causes ; and after he had taken order for them, if 
 he had any leisure left him, he would read some book till the 
 third watch of the night, at what time the captains, petty cap- 
 tains, and colonels, did use to come to him. So, being ready to 
 go into Europe, one night very late (when all the camp took 
 quiet rest) as he was in his tent with a little light, thinking of 
 weighty matters, he thought he heard one come in to him, and 
 casting his eye towards the door of his tent, that he saw a won- 
 derful strange and monstrous shape of a body coming towards 
 him, and said never a word. So Brutus baldly asked what he 
 was, a god or a man, and what cause brought him thither? The 
 spirit answered him, " I am thy evil spirit, Brutus : and thou 
 shalt see me by the city of Philippes'." Brutus being no other- 
 wise afraid, replied again unto it: "Well, then I shall see thee 
 again." The spirit presently ^ vanished away: and Brutus called 
 his men unto him, who told him that they heard no noise, nor 
 saw anything at all. Thereupon Brutus returned again to think 
 on his matters as he did before : and when the day brake, he 
 went unto Cassius, to tell him what vision had appeared unto 
 him in the night. Cassius being in opinion an Epicurean, and 
 reasoning thereon with Brutus, spake to him touching the vision 
 thus. "In our sect, Brutus, we have an opinion, that we do not 
 always feel or see that which we suppose we do both see and 
 feel, but that our senses being credulous and therefore easily 
 abused (when they are idle and unoccupied in their own objects) 
 are induced to imagine they see and conjecture that which in 
 truth they do not. For our mind is quick and cunning to work 
 (without either cause or matter) anything in the imagination 
 whatsoever. And therefore the imagination is resembled to clay, 
 and the mind to the potter : who, without any other cause than 
 his fancy and pleasure, changeth it into what fashion and form 
 he will. And this doth the diversity of our drearns shew unto 
 us. For our imagination doth upon a small fancy grow from 
 conceipt* to conceipt, altering both in passions and forms of 
 
MAJiCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 137 
 
 things imagined. For the mind of man is ever occupied, and 
 'that continual moving is nothing but an imagination. But yet 
 •there is a further cause of t'his in you. For you being by nature 
 given to melancholic discoursing, and of late continually occu- 
 pied, your wits and senses, having been over-laboured, do easilier 
 yield to such imaginations. For, to say that there are spirits or 
 angels ; and if there were, that they had the shape of men, or 
 such voices or any power at all to come unto us, it is a mockery. 
 And for mine own part, I would there, were such, because that 
 we should not only have soldiers, horses, and ships, but also the 
 aid of the gods, to guide and further our honest and honourable 
 attempts." With these words Cassius did somewhat comfort 
 and quiet Brutus. When they raised their camp, there came 
 two eagles that, flying with a marvellous force, lighted upon two 
 of the foremost ensigns, and always followed the soldiers, which 
 gave them meat and fed them, until they came near to the city 
 of Philippes : and there, one day only before the battle, they both 
 flew away. 
 
 27. Now Brutus had conquered the most part of all the 
 people and nations of that country ; but if there were any other 
 city or captain to overcome, then they made all clear before 
 them, and so drew towards the coasts of Thassos. There Nor- 
 banus, lying in camp in a certain place called the strai-ghts^, by 
 another place called Symbolon (which is a port in the sea), 
 Cassius and Brutus compassed him in in such sort, that he was 
 driven to forsake the place, which was of great strength for him, 
 and he was also in danger beside to have lost all his army. For 
 Octavius Cssar could not follow him because of his sickness, 
 and therefore stayed behind: whereupon they had taken his 
 army, had not Antonius' aid been, which made such wonderful 
 speed, that Brutus could scant^ believe it. So Csesar came not 
 thither of ten days after : and Antonius camped against Cas- 
 sius, and Brutus on the other side, against CKsar. The Romans 
 called the valley between both camps, the Pbilippian fields : and 
 there were never seen two so great armies of the Romans, one 
 before the other, ready to fight. In truth, Brutus' army was in- 
 ferior to Octavius Ctesar's in number of men ; but for bravery 
 aiid rich furniture ^ Brutus' army far excelled Cajsar's. For the 
 most part of their armours were silver and gilt, which Brutus 
 had bountifully given them: although, in all other things, he 
 taught his captains to live in order without excess. But for the 
 braver}- of armour and weapon, which soldiers should cairy in- 
 
 A ivonderfid 
 sign by two 
 eagles. 
 
 1 straits. 
 
 2 tscarcely. 
 2 for. 
 
 Brjctus' and 
 Cassius^ 
 camps before 
 the city of 
 Phtlipfi, 
 agamst 
 Octavius 
 Ciesar and 
 A ntoniits. 
 Brutus' sol- 
 diers bravely 
 armed. 
 * equipment. 
 
 opinion for 
 the bravery 
 
1 38 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 qf soldiers 
 in their 
 armour and 
 •weapons. 
 
 Unlucky 
 sitfus unto 
 Cassius. 
 
 ^ pure. 
 ' birds. 
 
 Cassiu^ 
 and Brutus^ 
 opinions ^ 
 about t/ie 
 tattle. 
 
 their hands, or otherwise wear upon their backs, he thought that 
 it was an encouragement unto them that by nature are greedy 
 of honour, and that it maketh then! also fight hke devils that 
 love to get, and to be afraid to lose : because they fight to keep 
 their armour and weapon, as also their goods and lands. Now 
 when they came to muster their armies, Octavius Caesar took 
 the muster of his army within the trenches of his camp, and 
 gave his men only a little corn, and f}ve silver drachmas to 
 every man to sacrifice to the gods, and to pray for victory. But 
 Brutus, scorning this misery and niggardliness, first of all mus- 
 tered his army, and did purify it in the fields, according to the 
 manner of the Romans: and then he gave unto every band a 
 number of wethers to sacrifice, and fifty silver drachmas to 
 every soldier. So that Brutus' and Cassius' soldiers w-ere better 
 pleased, and more courageously bent to fight at the day of 
 battle, than their enemies' soldiers were. Notwithstanding, 
 being busily occupied about the ceremonies of this purification, 
 it is reported that there chanced certain unlucky signs unto Cas- 
 sius. For one of his sergeants that carried the rods before him, 
 brought him the garland of flowers turned backward, the which 
 he should have worn on his head in the time of sacrificing. 
 Moreover it is reported also, that another time before, in certain 
 sports and triumph where they carried an image of Cassias' 
 victory, of clean"^ gold, it fell by chance, the man stumbling that 
 carried it. And yet further, there was seen a marvellous number 
 of fowls^ of prey, that feed upon dead carcases : and bee-hives" 
 also were found, where bees were gathered together in a certain 
 place within the trenches of the camp : the which place the 
 soothsayers thought good to shut out of the precinct of the 
 camp, for to take away the superstitious fear and mistrust men 
 would have of it. The which began somewhat to alter Cassius' 
 mind from Epicurus' opinions, and had put the soldiers also in 
 a marvellous fear. Thereupon Cassius was of opinion not to 
 try this war at one battle, but rather to delay time, and to draw 
 it out in length, considering that they were the stronger in 
 money, and the weaker in men and armour. But Brutus, in 
 contrary manner, did alway before, and at that time also, desire 
 nothing more than to put all to the hazard of battle, as soon as 
 might be possible : to the end he might either quickly restore 
 his country to her former hberty, or rid him forthwith of this 
 miserable world, being still* troubled in following and maintain- 
 ing of such great armies together. But perceiving that, in the 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 '39 
 
 daily skirmishes and bickerings they made, his men were always 
 the stronger and ever had the better, that yet quickened his spi- 
 rits again, and did put him in better heart. And furthermore, 
 because that some of their own men had already yielded them- 
 selves to their enemies, and that it was suspected moreover 
 divers others would do the like, that made many of Cassius" 
 friends which were of his mind before (when it came to be de- 
 bated in council, whether the battle should be fought or not) 
 that they were then of Brutus' mind. But yet was there one of 
 Brutus' friends called Atellius, that was against it, and was of 
 opinion that they should tarry to the next winter. Brutus asked 
 him what he should get by tarrying a year longer.? " If I get 
 nothing else," quoth Atellius again, " yet have I lived so much 
 longer." Cassius was very angry with this answer: and Atellius 
 was maliced^ and esteemed the worse for it of all men. There- 
 upon it was presently determined they should fight battle the 
 next day. So Brutus, all supper-time, looked with a cheerful 
 countenance, like a man that had good hope, and talked very 
 ■wisely of philosophy, and after supper went to bed. But touch- 
 ing Cassius, Messala reporteth that he supped by himself in his 
 tent with a few of his friends, and that all supper-time he looked 
 very sadly, and. was full of thoughts, although it was against his 
 nature : and that after supper he took him by the hand, and 
 holding him fast (in token of kindness, as his manner was) told 
 him in Greek : " Messala, I protest unto thee, and make thee 
 my witness, that I am compelled against my mind and will (as 
 Pompey the Great was) to jeopard^ the liberty of our country to 
 the hazard of a battle. And yet we must be lively, and of good 
 courage, considering our good fortune, whom we should wrong 
 too much to mistrust her, although we follow evil counsel." 
 Messala writeth, that Cassius having spoken these last words 
 unto him, he bade him farewell, and willed him to come to sup- 
 per to him the next night following, because it was his birth- 
 day. The next morning, by break of day, the signal of battle 
 was set out in Brutus' and Cassius' camp, which was an arming 
 scarlet coat: and both the chieftains spake together in the 
 midst of their armies. There Cassius began to speak first, and 
 said: "The gods grant us, O Brutus, that this day we may win 
 the field, and ever after to live all the rest of our life quietly 
 one with another. But sith^ the gods have so ordained it, that 
 the greatest and chiefest things amongst men are most uncer- 
 tain, and that if the battle fall out otherwise to-day than we 
 
 AielliitJ 
 opitiion/ar 
 the battle. 
 
 ■ disliked. 
 
 Cassius' 
 wor/is unto . 
 Messala the 
 night before 
 the battle. 
 2 risk. 
 
 Brutus and 
 Cassius talk 
 before the 
 battle. 
 
■I40 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 BriUui 
 (nis'wer to 
 Cassius, 
 
 Ths hntth 
 at Philippi 
 ngaitist 
 Octavius 
 Ceesar atid 
 Antonius* 
 
 * marsh. 
 
 ^ written 
 messages. 
 
 wish or look for, we shall hardly meet again, what art thou then 
 deteitnined to do, to fly, or die?" Brutus answered him, being 
 yet but a young man, and not over greatly experienced in the 
 world : " I trust (I know not how) a certain rule of philosophy, 
 by the which I did greatly blame and reprove Cato for killing 
 himself, as being no lawful nor godly act, touching the gods : 
 nor concerning men, valiant; not to give place and yield to 
 divine providence, and not constantly and patiently to take 
 whatsoever it pleaseth him to send us, but to draw back and 
 fly : but being now in the midst of the danger, I am of a con- 
 trary mind. For if it be not the will of God that this battle 
 fall out fortunate for us, I will look no more for hope, neither 
 seek to make any new supply for war again, but v<\\\ rid me of 
 this miserable world, and content me with my fortune. For I 
 gave up my life for my country in the Ides of March, for the 
 which I shall live in another more glorious world."' Cassius 
 fell a-laughing* to hear what he said, and embracing him, 
 "Come on then," said he, "let us go and charge our enemies 
 with this mind. For either we shall conquer, or we shall not 
 need to fear the conquerors." After this talk, they fell to con- 
 sultation among their friends for the ordering of the battle. 
 Then Brutus prayed Cassius he might have the leading of the 
 right wing, the which men thought was far meeter for Cassius, 
 both because he was the elder man, and also for that he had 
 the better experience. But yet Cassius gave it him, and willed 
 that Messala (who had charge of one of the warlikest legions 
 they had) should be also in that wing with Brutus. So Brutus 
 presently sent out his horsemen, who were excellently well ap- 
 pointed, and his footmen also were as willing and ready to give 
 charge. 
 
 28. Now Antonius' men did cast a trench from the marrish^ 
 by the which they lay, to cut off Cassius' way to come to the sea : 
 and Cssar, at the least his army stirred not. As for Octavius 
 Caesar himself, he was not in his camp because he was sick. 
 And for his people, they little thought the enemies would have 
 given them battle, but only have made some light skirmishes to 
 hinder them that wrought in the trench, and with their darts 
 and slings to have kept them from finishing of their work : but 
 they, taking no heed to them that came full upon them to give 
 them battle, marvelled much at the great noise they heard, that 
 came from the place where they were casting their trench. In 
 the meantime Brutus, that led the right wing, sent little bills" to 
 
MARCUS BRUrUS. 
 
 141 
 
 the colonels and captains of private bands, in the which he 
 wrote the word of the battle ; and he himself, riding a-horseback 
 by all the troupes', did speak to them, and encouraged them to 
 stick to it like men. So by this means very few of them under- 
 stood what was tlie word of the battle, and besides, the most 
 part of them never tarried to have it told them, but ran with 
 great fury to assail the enemies ; whereby, through this disorder, 
 the legions were marvellously scattered and dispersed one from 
 the other. For 'first of all Messala's legion, and then the next 
 unto them, went beyond' the left wing of the enemies, and did 
 nothing, but glancing by them overthrew some as they went ; 
 and so going on further, fell right upon Caesar's camp, out of the 
 which (as himself writeth in his commentaries) he had been con- 
 veyed away a little before, through the counsel and advice of one 
 of his friends called Marcus Artorius : who, dreaming in the 
 night, had a vision appeared unto him, that commanded Octavius 
 Csesar should be carried out of his camp. Insomuch as it was 
 thought he was slain, because his litter (which had nothing in it) 
 was thrust through and through with pikes and darts. There 
 was great slaughter in this camp. For amongst others, there 
 were slain two thousand Lacedaemonians, who were arrived but 
 even a little befqre, coming to aid Csesar. The other also that 
 had not glanced by, but had given a charge full upon Caesar's 
 battle^, they easily made them fly, because they were greatly 
 troubled for the loss of their camp ; and of them there were slain 
 by hand three legions. Then, being very earnest to follow the 
 chase of them that fled, they ran in amongst them hand over 
 head^ into their camp, and Brutus among them. But that which 
 the conquerors thought not of, occasion* shewed it unto them 
 that they were overcome ; and that was, the left wing of their 
 enemies left naked and unguarded of ^ them of the right wing, 
 who were strayed too far off, in following of them that were 
 overthrown. So they gave a hot charge upon them. But, not- 
 withstanding all the force they made, they could not break into 
 the midst of their battle, where they found them that received 
 them and valiantly made head against them. Howbeit they 
 brake and overthrew the left wing where Cassius was, by reason 
 of the great disorder among them, and also because they had no 
 intelligence how the right wing had sped.' So they chased them, 
 beating them into their camp, the which they spoiled, none of 
 both the chieftains being present there. For Antonius, as it is 
 r.eported, to fly the fury of the first charge, was gotten into the 
 
 troops. 
 
 3 in grerit 
 ha^te. 
 * accident. 
 
 'by. 
 
142 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * nearest 
 2 ^arsh. 
 OctaviJts 
 Casar 
 falsely re- 
 ported to be 
 stain at the 
 battle of 
 Philifpi. 
 Cassius* 
 ints/ortune. 
 ^ rendered 
 bloody. 
 ■* vanguard. 
 ■' midst. 
 ^ host. 
 
 " glittering. 
 
 ^ armour. 
 '• shields. 
 
 ^ suspect 
 
 Cnssius 
 offended 
 luiih the 
 sundry 
 errors 
 Brutus and 
 his men 
 cotnniitted 
 in battle. 
 
 next^ marish': and no man could tell what became of Octavius 
 Caesar, after he was carried out of his camp. Insomuch that 
 there were certain soldiers that shewed their swords bloodied^, 
 and said that they had slain him, and did describe his face, and 
 shewed what age he was of. Furthermore, the voward* and the 
 middest* of Brutus' battle' had already put all their enemies to 
 flight that withstood them, with great slaughter : so that Brutus 
 had conquered all on his side, and Cassius had lost all on the 
 other side. For nothing undid them but that Brutus went not 
 to help Cassius, thinking he had overcome them as himself had 
 done ; and Cassius on the other side tarried not for Brutus, 
 thinking he had been overthrown as himself was. And to prove 
 that the victory fell on Brutus' side, Messala confirmeth, that 
 they wan' three eagles, and divers other ensigns of the enemies, 
 and their enemies wan never a one of theirs. Now Brutus re- 
 turning from the chase, after he had slain and sacked Csesar's 
 men, he wondered much that he could not see Cassius' tent 
 standing up high as it was wont, neither the other tents of his 
 camp standing as they were before, because all the whole camp 
 had been spoiled, and the tents thrown down, at the first coming 
 of their enemies. But they that were about Brutus, whose sight 
 served them better, told them that they saw a great glistering^ 
 of harness', and a number of silvered targets", that went and 
 came into Cassius' camp, and were not (as they took it) the ar- 
 mours nor the number of men that they had left there to guard the 
 camp ; and yet that they saw not such a number of dead bodies 
 and great overthrow as there should have been, if so many 
 legions had been slain. This made Brutus at the first mistrust" 
 that which had happened. So he appointed a number of men to 
 keep the camp of his enemy which he had taken, and caused his 
 men to be sent for that yet followed the chase, and gathered 
 them together, thinking to lead them to aid Cassius, who was 
 in this state as you shall hear. First of all, he was marvellous 
 angry to see how Brutus' men ran to give charge upon their 
 enemies, and tarried not for the word of the battle, nor com- 
 mandment to give charge : and it grieved him beside, that after 
 he had overcome them, his men fell straight to spoil, and were 
 not careful to compass in the rest of the enemies behind : but 
 with tarrying too long also, more than through the valiantness 
 or foresight of the captains his enemies, Cassius found himself 
 compassed in with the right wing of his enemy's army. Where- 
 upon his horsemen brake immediately, and fled for life towards 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 '43 
 
 the sea. Furthermore perceiving his footmen to give ground, 
 he did what he could to keep them from flying, and took an 
 ensign from one of the ensign-bearers that fled, and stuck it fast 
 at his feet : although with much ado he could scant keep his 
 own guard together, 
 
 29. So Cassius himself was at length compelled to fly, with 
 a few about him, unto a little hill, from whence they might easily 
 see what was done in all the plain : howbeit Cassius himself saw 
 nothing, for his sight was very bad, saving that he saw (and yet 
 with much ado) how the enemies spoiled his camp before his 
 eyes. He saw also a great troupe'- of horsemen, whom Brutus 
 sent to aid him, and thought that they were his enemies 
 that followed him : but yet he sent Titinnius, one of them that 
 was with him, to go and know what they were. Brutus' horse- 
 men saw him coming afar off, whom when they knew that he 
 was one of Cassius' chiefest friends, they shouted out for joy ; 
 and they that were faitiiliarly acquainted with him lighted from 
 their horses, and went and embraced him. The rest compassed 
 him in round about on horseback, with songs of victory and 
 great rushing^ of their harness', so that they made all the field 
 ring again for joy. But this marred all. For Cassius, thinking 
 indeed that Titinnius was taken of the enemies, he then spake 
 these words: "Desiring too much to live, I have lived to see 
 one of my best friends taken, for my sake, before my face." 
 After that, he got into a tent where nobody was, and took 
 Pindarus with him, one of his bondsmen whom he reserved ever 
 for such a pinch, since the cursed battle of the Parthians, where 
 Crassus was slain, though he notwithstanding scaped from that 
 overthrow : butthen, casting his cloak over his head, and holding 
 out his bare neck unto Pindarus, he gave him his head to be 
 stricken off. So the head was found severed from the body: 
 but after that time Pindarus was never seen more. Whereupon 
 some took occasion to say that he had slain his master without 
 his commandment. By and by they knew the horsemen that 
 came towards them, and might see Titinnius crowned with a 
 garland of triumph, who came before with great speed unto 
 Cassius. But when he perceived, by the cries and tears of his 
 friends which tormented themselves, the misfortune that had 
 chanced to his captain Cassius by mistaking, he drew out his 
 sword, cursing himself a thousand times that he had tarried so 
 long, and so slew himself presently* in the field. Brutus in the 
 mean time came forward still, and understood also that Cassius 
 
 Cassiu^ 
 vttliaitiness 
 in wars. 
 
 ^ troop. 
 
 ^ clashing. 
 ^ armour. 
 The impor- 
 tance of 
 error and 
 Tnisiaking 
 in wars. 
 
 Cassius 
 slain by his 
 man Pin- 
 darus. 
 
 ^ at once 
 The death 0/ 
 Titinnius. 
 
144 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 I impossible. 
 
 ' burial. 
 
 ' baggage. 
 * endure. 
 
 Tlie Jiniither 
 of men slain 
 at the battle 
 of Philifjii. 
 
 " anay. 
 
 had been overthrown : but he knew nothing of his death till be 
 came very near to his camp. So when he was come thither, 
 after he had lamented the death of Cassius, calling him the last 
 of all the Romans, being unpossible* that Rome should ever 
 breed again so noble and valiant a man as he, he caused his 
 body to be buried, and sent it to the city of Thassos, fearing 
 lest his funerals 'i within his camp should cause great disorder. 
 Then he called his soldiers together, and did encourage them 
 again. And when he saw that they had lost all their carriage^, 
 which they could not brook* well, he promised every man of 
 them two thousand drachmas in recompense. After his soldiers 
 had heard his oration, they were all of them prettily cheered 
 again, wondering much at his great liberality, and waited upon 
 him with great cries when he went his way, praising him, for 
 that he only of the four chieftains was not overcome in battle. 
 And to speak the truth, his deeds shewed that he hoped not in 
 vain to be conqueror. For with few legions he had slain and 
 driven all them away that made head against him : and if all his 
 people had fought, and that the most of them had not outgone 
 their enemies to run to spoil their goods, surely it was like 
 enough he had slain them all, and had left never a man of them 
 alive. There were slain of Brutus' side about eight thousand 
 men, counting the soldiers' slaves, whom Brutus called Brigas: 
 and of the enemy's side, as Messala writeth, there were slain, as 
 he supposeth, more than twice as many moe^ Wherefore they 
 were more discouraged than Brutus, until that, very late at 
 night, there was one of Cassius' men called Demetrius, who 
 went unto Antonius, and carried his master's clothes, whereof he 
 was stripped not long before, and his sword also. This encou- 
 raged Brutus' enemies, and made them so brave, that the next 
 morning betimes they stood in battle ray^ again before Brutus. 
 30. But on Brutus' side, both his camps stood wavering, 
 and that in great danger. For his own camp, being full of 
 prisoners, required a good guard to look unto them: and 
 Cassius' camp on the other side took the death of their 
 captain very heavily ; and beside, there was some vile grudge 
 between them that were overcome and those that did over- 
 come. For this cause therefore Brutus did set them in 
 battle ray*, but yet kept himself from giving battle. Now for 
 the slaves that were prisoners, which were a great number, 
 and went and came to and fro amongst these armed men, not 
 without suspicion, he commanded they should kill them. But 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 145 
 
 for the free men, he sent them freely home, and said that they 
 were better prisoners with his enemies than with him. For 
 with them, they were slaves and servants : and with him, they 
 were free men and citizens. So when he saw that divers cap- 
 tains and his friends did so cruelly hate some, that they would 
 by no means save their lives, Brutus himself hid them, and 
 secretly sent them away. Among these prisoners, there was one 
 Volumnius, a jester, and Sacculio, a common player, of whom 
 Brutus made no account at all. Howbeit his friends brought 
 them unto him, and did accuse them, that though they were 
 prisoners, they did not let' to laugh them to scorn, and to jest 
 broadly with them. Brutus made no answer to it, because his 
 head was occupied otherwise. Whereupon Messala Corvinus 
 said that it were good to whip them on a scaffold, and then to 
 send them naked, well whipped, unto the captains of their 
 enemies, to shew them their shame, to keep such mates" as 
 those in their camp, to play the fools to make them sport. Some 
 that stood by laughed at his device. But Publius Casca, that 
 gave Julius CKsar the first wound when he was slain, said then : 
 '" It doth not become us to be thus merry at Cassius' funerals^: 
 and for thee, Brutus, thou shalt shew what estimation thou 
 madest of such a captain thy compeer, by putting to death, or 
 saving the lives of these bloods*, who hereafter will mock him 
 and defame his memory." Brutus answered again in choler : 
 "Why then do you come to tell me of it, Casca, and do not 
 yourselves what you think good?" When they heard him say so, 
 they took his answer for a consent against these poor unfortu- 
 nate men, to suffer them to do what they thought good : and 
 therefore they carried them away, and slew them. Afterwards 
 Brutus performed the promise he had made to the soldiers, and 
 gave them the two thousand drachmas apiece ; but yet he first 
 reproved them, because they went and gave charge upon the 
 enemies at the first battle, before they had the word of battle 
 given them : and made them a new promise also, that if in the 
 second battle they fought like men, he would give them the sack 
 and spoil of two cities, to wit^, Thessalonica and Lacedsemon. 
 In all Brutus' life there is but this only fault to be found, and 
 that is not to be gainsaid : though Antonius and Octavius Caesar 
 did reward their soldiers far worse for their victory. For when 
 they had driven all the natural Italians out of Italy, they gave 
 their soldiers their lands and towns, to the which they had no' 
 ri<'ht : and moreover the only mark they shot at in all this war 
 
 S. P. 1° 
 
 Brutui 
 
 cletneficy 
 andcourtesy. 
 
 2 comrades. 
 
 ' burial. 
 
 * fellows. 
 
 * namely. 
 
 Brutus 
 
 fault wisely 
 excused by 
 Plutarch. 
 
X46 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' accused. 
 
 - stead. 
 ^ urgent. 
 
 * self-willed. 
 
 " expected. 
 ' marsh. 
 
 ^ whereljy. 
 " iinincdiate- 
 
 jinitlis^ vic- 
 tory by sea. 
 
 ]Voiuiey/itl 
 /amine 
 aiiwng CtP- 
 sar's sti/tiiers 
 by sea. 
 
 TIte igito- 
 i-ajtce of 
 Bnctus' vie 
 ioiy by sea 
 ivas his 
 utter de- 
 stncctioit. 
 
 they made, was but to overcome and reign : where in contrary 
 manner they had so great an opinion of Brutus' virtue, that the 
 common voice and opinion of the world would not suffer him 
 neither to overcome nor to save himself otherwise than justly 
 and honestly, and specially after Cassius' death ; whom men 
 burdened', that oftentimes he moved J3rutus to great cruelty. 
 But now, like as the mariners on the sea, after the rudder of their 
 ship is broken by tempest, do seek to nail on some other piece 
 of wood in lieu ^ thereof, and do help themselves to keep them 
 from hurt, as much as may be, upon that instant ^ danger: even 
 so Brutus, having such a great army to govern, and his affairs 
 standing very tickle*, and having no other captain coequal with 
 him in dignity and authority, he was furced to employ them he 
 had ; and likewise to be ruled by them in many things, and was 
 of mind himself also to grant them any thing that he thought 
 might make them serve like noble soldiers at time of need. P"or 
 Cassius' soldiers were very evil to be ruled, and did shew them- 
 selves very stubborn and lusty^ in the camp, because they had 
 no chieftain that did command them : but yet rank cowards to 
 their enemies, because they had once overcome them. On the 
 other side, Octavius Cassar and Antonius were not in much 
 better state ; for first of all they lacked victuals. And because 
 they were lodged in low places, they looked'' to abide a hard and 
 sharp winter, being camped as they were by the marish ' side : 
 and also for that, after the battle, there had fallen plenty of rain 
 about the autumn, wherethrough^ all their tents were full of mire 
 and dirt, the w-hich by reason of the cold did freeze incontinently". 
 But beside all these discommodities, there came news unto them 
 of the great loss they had of their men by sea. For Brutus' 
 ships met with a great aid and supply of men, which were sent 
 them out of Italy, and they overthrew them in such sort, tliat 
 there scaped but few of them : and yet they were so famished, 
 that they were compelled to eat the tackle and sails of their ships. 
 Thereupon they were very desirous to fight a battle again, before 
 Brutus should have inteUigence of this good news for him : for 
 it chanced so, that the battle was fought by sea, on the selfsame 
 day it was fought by land. But by ill fortune, rather than 
 through the malice or negligence of the captains, this victory 
 came not to Brutus' ear till twenty days after. For had he 
 known of it before, he would not have been brought to have 
 ■ fought a second battle, considering that he had excellent good 
 provision for his army for a long time; and besides lay in a 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 '47 
 
 place of great strength, so as his camp could not greatly be 
 hurt by the winter, nor also distressed by his enemies : and 
 further, he had been a quiet lord, being a conqueror by sea, as 
 he was also by land. This would have marvellously encouraged 
 him. Howbeit the state of Rome (in my opinion) being now 
 brought to that pass, that it could no more abide to be governed 
 by many lords, but required, one only absolute governor: God, 
 to prevent Brutus that it should not come to his government, 
 kept this victory from his knowledge, though indeed it came but 
 a little too late. For the day before the last battle was given, 
 very late in the night, came Clodius, one of his enemies, into his 
 camp, who told that Caesar, hearing of the overthrow of his army 
 by sea, desired nothing more than to fight a battle before Bi'utus 
 understood it. Howbeit they gave no credit to his words, but 
 despised him so much, that they would not vouchsafe to bring 
 him unto Brutus, because they thought it but a lie devised, to 
 be the better welcome for this good news. The selfsame night, 
 it is reported that the monstrous spirit which had appeared be- 
 fore unto Brutus in the city of Sardis, did now appear again unto 
 him in the selfsame shape and form, and so vanished away, and 
 said never a word. Now Publius Volumnius, a grave and wise 
 philosopher, that had been with Brutus from the beginning of 
 this war, doth make no mention of this spirit ; but saith that the 
 greatest eagle and ensign was covered over with a swarm of 
 bees ; and that there was one of the captains, whose arm suddenly 
 fell a sweating, that it dropped oil of roses from him, and that 
 they oftentimes went about ^ to dry him, but all would do no 
 good. And that, before the battle was fought, there were two 
 eagles fought between both armies, and all the time they fought 
 there was a marvellous great silence all the valley over, both the 
 armies being one before the other, marking this fight between 
 them; and that in the end, the eagle towards Brutus gave over 
 and fled away. But this is certain, and a true tale, that when 
 the gate of the camp was open, the first man the standard- 
 bearer met that carried the eagle, was an ^Ethiopian, whom the 
 soldiers, for ill luck, mangled with their swords. 
 
 31. Now after that Brutus had brought his army into the 
 field, and had set them in battle ray^, directly against the 
 %oward2 of his enemy, he paused a long time before he gave 
 the signal of battle. For Brutus riding up and down to. view 
 the bands and companies, it came in his head to mistrust some 
 of them, besides that some came to tell him so much as he 
 
 ro— 2 
 
 The evil 
 sfiirit aji- 
 p^arfd it^'iii) 
 lUiloBrnttti 
 
 Strange 
 si^hl^ ht'/orf 
 Jiriitiis 
 secondbdtile. 
 
 ' endeavour- 
 ed. 
 
 BnitJts' 
 second 
 Inittle. 
 ^ arr:iy. 
 3 vanguarJ. 
 
H8 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ perplexity. 
 
 ^ midst. 
 
 Brutus^ 
 Tiiliajitjfeas 
 titid ^reni 
 skitL in ivar. 
 
 riie death it/ 
 the vatlaiit 
 yfliitig inall 
 Cnto, tite son 
 of Marcus 
 Cato. 
 * much 
 liar:i£)sed. 
 
 thought. Moreover, he saw his horsemen set forward but faintly, 
 and did not go lustily to give charge, but still stayed to see what 
 the footmen would do. Then suddenly, one of the chiefest 
 knights he had in all his army, called Camulatius, and that was 
 alway marvellously esteemed of for his valiantness, until that 
 time: he came hard by Brutus on horseback, and rode before 
 his face to yield himself unto his enemies. Brutus was marvel- 
 lous sorry for it : wherefore, partly for anger, and partly for fear 
 of greater treason and rebellion, he suddenly caused his array to 
 march, being past three of the clock in the afternoon. So in 
 that place where he himself fought in person, he had the better, 
 and brake into the left wing of his enemies ; which gave him 
 way, through the help of his horsemen that gave charge with his 
 footmen, when they saw the enemies in a maze^ and afraid. 
 Howbeit, the other also on the right wing, when the captains 
 would have had them to have marched, they were afraid to have 
 been compassed in behind, because they were fewer in number 
 than their enemies, and therefore did spread themselves, and 
 leave the middest^ of the battle. Whereby they having weak- 
 ened themselves, they could not withstand the force of their 
 enemies, but turned tail straight and fled. And those that had 
 put them to flight, came in straight upon it to compass Brutus 
 behind, who, in the middest^ of the conflict, did all that was 
 possible for a skilful captain and valiant soldier, both for his 
 wisdom, as also his hardiness, for the obtaining of victory. But 
 that which wan^ him the victory at the first battle, did now lose 
 it him at the second. For at the first time, the enemies that 
 were broken and fled were straight cut in pieces : but at the 
 second battle, of Cassius' men that were put to flight, there 
 were few slain : and they that saved themselves by speed, being 
 afraid because they had .been overcome, did discourage the rest 
 of the army when they came to join with them, and filled all the 
 army with fear and disorder. There was the son of Marcus 
 Cato slain, valiantly fighting among the lusty youths. For not- 
 withstanding that he was very weary and over-harried*, yet 
 would he not therefore fly; but manfully fighting and laying 
 about him, telling aloud his name, and also his father's name, at 
 length he was beaten down amongst many other dead bodies of 
 his enemies, which he had slain round about him. So there 
 were slain in the field all the chiefest gentlemen and nobility 
 that were in his army, who valiantly ran into any danger to save 
 Brutus' life ; amongst whom there was one of Brutus' friends 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 149 
 
 called Lucilius, who seeing a troupe* of barbarous men making 
 no reckoning of all men else they met in their way, but going 
 all together right against Brutus, he determined to stay them with 
 the hazard of his life ; and being left behind, told them that he 
 was Brutus : and because they should believe hipi, he prayed 
 them to bring him to Antonius, for he said he wis afraid of 
 Caesar, and that he did trust ^Antonius better. These barbarous 
 men, being very glad of this good hap, and thinking themselves 
 happy men, they carried him in the night, and sent some before 
 unto Antonius, to tell him of their coming. He was marvellous 
 c;lad of it, and went out to meet them that brought him. Others 
 also understanding of it, that they had brought Brutus prisoner, 
 they came out of all parts of the camp to see him, some pitying 
 his hard fortune, and others saying that it was not done like him- 
 self, so cowardly to be taken alive of the barbarous people for 
 fear of death. When they came near together, Antonius stayed 
 a while bethinking himself how he should use Brutus. In the 
 meantime Lucilius was brought to him, who stoutly with a bold 
 countenance said: "Antonius, I dare assure thee, that no enemy 
 hath taken nor shall take Marcus Brutus alive, and I beseech God 
 keep him from that fortune: for wheresoever he be found, alive 
 or dead, he will be found like himself. And now for myself, I 
 am come unto thee, having deceived these men of arms here, 
 bearing them down^ that I was Brutus, and do not refuse to 
 suffer any torment thou wilt put me to." Lucilius' words made 
 them all amazed that heard him. Antonius on the other side, 
 looking upon all them that had brought him, said unto them : 
 " My companions, I think ye are sorry you have failed of your 
 purpose, and that you think this man hath done you great wrong : 
 but I assure you, you have taken a better booty than that you fol- 
 lowed. For instead of an enemy you have brought me a friend : 
 and for my part, if you had . brought me Brutus alive, truly I 
 cannot tell what I should have done to him. For I had rather 
 have such men my friends, as, this man here, than mine enemies." 
 Then he embraced Lucilius, and at that time delivered him to one 
 of his friends in custody ; and Lucilius ever after served him 
 faithfully, even to his death. Now Brutus having passed a little 
 river, walled in on every side with high rocks and shadowed with 
 great trees, being then dark night, he went no further, but stayed 
 at the foot of a rock with certain of his captains and friends that 
 followed him : and looking up to the firmament that was full of 
 
 ThefidelUy 
 of Lucilius 
 unto Brutus. 
 ^ troop. 
 
 * making 
 them be- 
 lieve. 
 
 Unttjis 
 flying. 
 
15° 
 
 Appian 
 luenneth 
 this by 
 Antonins. 
 
 "■ pioneers. 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * so ed. 1631 : 
 ln!d them ail 
 \v-as ti6i2). 
 
 The denih of 
 atatiiiiis. 
 
 < tried. 
 
 Brutits 
 sitying- of 
 Jiying zuith 
 
 Stars, sighing, he rehearsed two verses, of the which Volumnius 
 wrote the one, to this effect : 
 
 "Let not the wight from whom this mischief went, 
 O Jove, escape without due punishment : " — 
 and saith that he had forgotten the other. Within a little while 
 after, naming his friends that he had seen slain in battle before- 
 his eyes, he fetched a greater sigh than before, specially when he 
 came to name Labio and Flavius, of whom the one was his 
 lieutenant, and the other captain of the pioners ^ of his camp. 
 In the meantime one of the company being athirst, and seeing 
 Brutus athirst also, he ran to the river for water, and brought it 
 in his sallet^. At the same time they heard a noise on the other 
 side of the river: whereupon Volumnius took Dardanus, Brutus' 
 servant, with him, to see what it was : and returning straight 
 again, asked if there were any water left. Brutus smiling, gently 
 told kim, "All is *drunk, but they shall bring you some more." 
 Thereupon lie seat him again that went for water before, who 
 was in great danger of being taken by the enemies, and hardly 
 escaped, being sore hurt. 
 
 32. Furthermore, Brutus thought that there was no great 
 number of men slain in battle : and to know the truth of it, there 
 was one called Statilius, that promised to go through his enemfe, 
 for otherwise it was impossible to go see their camp : and from 
 thence, if all were well, that he would lift up a torch-light in 
 the air, and then return again with speed to him. The torch- 
 light was lift* up as he had promised, for Statilius went thither. 
 Now Brutus seeing Statilius tarry long after that, and that he 
 came not again, he said : " If Statilius be alive, he will come 
 again.'' But his evil fortune was such that, as he came back, he 
 lighted in his enemies' hands and was slain. Now the night 
 being far spent, Brutus as he sat bowed towards Clitus, one of his 
 men, and told him somewhat in his ear: the other answered him 
 not, but fell a-weeping. Thereupon he proved* Dardanus, and 
 said somewhat also to him : at length he came to Volumnius him- 
 self, and speaking to him in Greek, prayed him for the studies' sake 
 which brought them acquainted together, that he would help him 
 to put his hand to his sword, to thrust it in him to kill him. 
 Volumnius denied his request, and so did many others: and 
 amongst the rest, one of them said, there was no tarrying for 
 them there, but that they must needs fly. Then Brutus, rising 
 up, " We must fly indeed," said he, " but it must be with our 
 
MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 i5t 
 
 hands, not with our feet." Then taking every man by the hand, 
 he said these words unto them with a cheerful countenance : "It 
 rejoiceth my heart, that not oae of my friends hatli failed me at 
 my need, and I do not complain of my fortune, but only for my 
 country's sake : for as for me, I think myteelf happier than they 
 that have ovejioome, considering that I leave * a perpetual fame 
 of virtue and honesty,t the which our enemies the conquerors 
 shall never attain unto by force or money ; neither can let^ their 
 posterity to say that they, being naughty^ and unjust men, have 
 slain good men, to usurp tyrannical power not pertaining to 
 them." Having so said,t he prayed every man to shift for him- 
 self,|| and then he went a little aside i^ith two or three only, 
 among the which Strato was one, with whom he came first ac- 
 quainted by the study of rhetoric. He came, as near to him 
 as he could, and jtaking his sword by the hilt with both his 
 hands, and falling dmvn upon the point of it, ran himself through. 
 Othei's say that not he, but Strato (at his request) held the sword 
 in his hand, and turned his head aside, and that Brutus fell 
 down upon it, and so ran himself through, and died presently^ 
 Messala, that had been Brutus' great friend, becanie afterrfarctr^ 
 Octavius Caesar's friend : so, shortly after, Caesar being at good 
 leisure, he brought Strato, Brums' friend, unto him, and weeping 
 said : " Ctesar, behold, here is he that did the last service to my 
 Brutus." Caesar welcomed him at that time, and afterwards 
 he did him as faithful service in all his affairs as any Grecian 
 else he had about him, until the battle of Actium. It is re- 
 ported also that this Messala himself answered Csesar one 
 day, when he gave him great praise before his face, that he had 
 fought valiantly and with great affection for him at the battle of 
 Actium (notwithstanding that he had been his cruel enemy 
 before, at the battle of Philippes*, for Brutus' sake): "I ever 
 loved," said he, "to take the best and justest part." Now An- 
 tonius having found Brutus' body, he caused it to be wrapped 
 up in one of the richest coat-armours * he had. Afterwards also, 
 Antonius understanding that this coat-armour was stoleti, he 
 put the thief* to death that had stolen it, and sent the ashes of 
 his body unto Servilia his mother. And for Porcia, Brutus' 
 wife, Nicolaus the Philosopher and Valerius Maximus do write, 
 that she, determining to kill herself (her parents and friends 
 carefully looking to her to keep her from it), took hot burning 
 coals and cast them into her mouth, and kept her mouth so close 
 that she choked herself. There was a letter of Brutus found 
 
 hands, aiul 
 not uuith 
 feet. 
 
 * have 
 
 (1612), 
 
 t of our 
 
 courage and 
 
 manhood 
 
 (1612). 
 
 ^ hinder, 
 
 ^ wicked. 
 
 X said so 
 
 (16 1 2). 
 
 II themselvesi 
 
 (1612). 
 
 Bfiiius sleiu 
 hijiiselj. 
 
 Bntius* 
 faviiliar 
 andfriend. 
 3 lOrthvvilh. 
 
 Strato re- 
 ceived into 
 CtBsar's 
 friendship, 
 
 Messala 
 Corvin/is, 
 Brutus' 
 frieiid. 
 
 I Philippi. 
 
 " ornamented 
 cuat. 
 
 * chiefe 
 
 (1612). 
 
 Porcia^ 
 
 Briitii^ 
 
 tvije, kilh-d 
 
 herself ivitk 
 
 btirning 
 
THE LIFE OF MARCUS BRUTUS. 
 
 written to his friends, complaining of their negligence, that, his 
 • heal. wife being sick, they would not help ^ her, but suffered her to kill 
 
 herself; choosing to die, rather than to languish in pain. Thus 
 it appeareth that Nicolaus knew not well that time, sith^ the 
 letter (at the least if it were Brutus' letter) doth plainly declare 
 the disease and love of this lady, and also the manner of her 
 death. 
 
CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE LIFE OF MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 1. Panniag-e of AltTONlvs. i. His early acts. 3. He sides with 
 Jui.ius CAESAR. 4. His valorous deeds, and good service at the 
 battle of Pharsalia. 5. His dissolute manner of life. 6. Ho^v 
 he was the unwitting cause of the conspiracy against C^SAR. 7- lifur- 
 der of C/ESAR. S. Arrival of OCHAMIVS at Rome. .9. Patient 
 bearing of Antonius under adversity. 10. The first Triumvirate. 
 II. ZlOT/zi ^Brutus fl«a? Cassius. \i. Evil influence of Grecian 
 manners. 13. Kktot^ivs falls in love ntiith Ci.'kovkts.k; description 
 of her magnificence. 14. Extravagance of Kktokivs. 15. Sportive- 
 ■ ness of Cleopatra. 16. Death of Fulvia, and marriage of 
 Antonius tojV/4 OcTAviA. 17. &)?«efl<r««K<o/'SEXTus Pompeius. 
 18. Inferiority of Antonius to OcTAVius C/ESAR. 19. War 
 against the VASLrniANS, and triumph of Y'EiiTi'Divs. to. Quai-rel 
 between Antonius and Octavius. , 21. Antonius indulges his 
 love for Cleopatra, to his own great loss. 11. He besieges Phraata, 
 and encounters the Parthians. 23. The Parthians harass his 
 retreat. 24. Great sufferings of the Romans during their retreat. 
 25. Advice of Mithridates the Parthian. 26. The Romans 
 still retreat, and cross the Araxes. 27. Antonius returns to 
 Cleopatra. 28. Wars between ^& Parthians and Medes. 
 
 29. Octavia comes to Athens. Wily conduct of Cleopatra. 
 
 30. Antonius bestottis kingdoms on his sons. 31. Octavius 
 'excites the '&.6MXHS against him. 32. Antonius aW Cleopatra 
 arrive at Samos. He divorces his wife Octavia. 33. The prepa- 
 rations of Octavius for war. 34. Signs and omens. 3.=;. The 
 ba'tle of KCTIVU. 36. Plight of Cleofatra. 37. Events after 
 the battle. 38. k.-ti-YOm\i% follows the example of TlViO^ OY Kiylw%. 
 39. C\x.ova'\:ra makes experiments with poisons. 40. Negociations 
 with Octavius. 41. Death of Antonius. 42. Octavius 
 captures Cleopatra, and takes Alexandria. • 43. Antonius is 
 buried by Cleopatra. 44. Interview between Cleopatra and 
 Octavius. 45. Death of Cleopatra. 46. The children of 
 Antonius. 
 
 I. Antonius' grandfather was that famous orator whom 
 Marius slew because he took Sylla's part. His father was 
 another Antonius surnamed Cretan*, who was not so famous, 
 nor bare any great sway in the commonwealth : howbeit other- 
 wise he was an honest man, and of a very good nature, and 
 
 Antonius* 
 parentage. 
 * Because 
 that by his 
 death he 
 ended the 
 •war which 
 
154 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 he itit/ortit- 
 nately iitade 
 against ilwse 
 of Creta. 
 Tile libe- 
 ra tiiy of 
 Atitrmiiis^ 
 fil/wr. 
 
 specially very liberal in giving, as appeareth by an act he did. 
 He was not very wealthy, and therefore his wife would not let 
 him use his liberality and frank nature. One day a friend of his 
 coming to him to pray him to help him to some money, having 
 great need, AntoniuS by chance had no money to give him, but 
 he commanded one of his men to bring him some water in a 
 silver basin ; and after he had brought it him, he washed his 
 beard as though he meant to have shaven it, and then found an 
 arrand^ for his man to send him out, and gave his friend the 
 silver basin, and bade him get him money with that. Shortly 
 after, there was a great stir in the house among the servants, 
 seekingout of this silver basin. Insomuch as Antonius, seeing Jus 
 wife marvellously offended for it, and that she would examine all 
 her servants one after another about it, to know what was be- 
 come of it, at length he confessed lie had given it away, and 
 prayed her to be contented, liis wife was Julia, of the noble 
 house and family of Julius Caesar : who, for her virtue and chas- 
 tity, was to be compared with the noblest lady of her time. 
 Marcus Antonius was brought up under her, being married 
 after her first husband's death unto Cornelius Lentulus, whom 
 Cicero put to death with Cethegus and others, for that he 
 was of Catiline's conspiracy against the Commonwealth. And 
 this seemeth to be the original cause and beginning of the cruel 
 and mortal hate Antonius bare unto Cicero. For Antonius self 
 saith, that he* would never give him the body of his father-in-law 
 to bury him, before his mother went first to- entreat Cicero's 
 wife : the which undoubtedly was a flat he. For Cicero denied 
 burial to none of them whom he executed by law. Now Antonius 
 being a fair young man, and in the prime of his youth, he fell 
 acquainted with Curio, whose friendship and acquaintance (as it 
 is reported) was a plague unto him. For he was a dissolute 
 man, given over to all lust and insolency, who, to have Antonius 
 the better at his commandment, trained^ him on into great follies 
 and vain expenses upon women, in rioting and banqueting : so 
 that in short time he brought Antonius into a marvellous great 
 debt, and too great for one of his years, to wit', of two hundred 
 and fifty talents, for all which sum Curio was his surety. His 
 father hearing of it, did put his son from him, and forbad him 
 his house. Then he fell in with Clodius, one of the desperates! 
 and most wicked tribunes at that time in Rome. Him he 
 followed for a time in his desperate attempts, who bred greatr_ 
 stir and misqhief in Rome : but at length he forsook him, being 
 
MARCUS ANTONrUS. 
 
 weary of his rashness and folly, or else for that he was afraid of 
 them that were bent against Clodius. 
 
 2. Thereupon he left Italy, and went into Greece, and there 
 bestowed 1 the most part of his time, sometime in wars, and 
 otherwhile in the study of eloquence. He used a manner of 
 phrase in his speech called Asiatic, which carried the best 
 grace and estimation at that time, and was much like to his 
 manners and life : for it was full of ostentation, foolish bravery", 
 and vain ambition. After he had remained there some time, 
 Gabinius, proconsul, going into Syria, persuaded him to go with 
 him ; Antonius told him he would not go as a private man : 
 wherefore Gabinius gave him charge of his horsemen, and so 
 took him with him. So, first of all he sent him against Aristo- 
 bulus, who had made the Jews to rebel, and was the first man 
 himself that got up to the wall of a castle of his, and so drave 
 Aristobulus out of all his holds : and with those few men he had 
 with him, he overcame all the Jews in set battle, which were 
 many against one, and put all of them almost to the sword ; and 
 furthermore, took Aristobulus himself prisoner with his son. 
 Afterwards Ptolemy, king of Egypt, that had been driven out of 
 his country, went unto Gabinius to intreat him to go with his 
 army with him into Egypt, to put him again into his kingdom : 
 Tmd promised Jiim, if Jie would ^o wilh him, ten thoiisaad ta(«nts. 
 The most part of the captains thought it not best to go thither, and 
 Gabinius himself made it dainty to enter^ into this war, akhough 
 the covetousness of these 10,000 talents stuck sorely with him. 
 But Antonius, that sought but for opportunity and good occasion 
 to attempt great enterprises, and that desired also to gratify 
 Ptolemy's request, he went about to persuade Gabinius to go 
 this voyage. Now they were more afraid of the way they should 
 go, to come to the city of Pelusium, than they feared any danger 
 of the war besides': because they were to pass through deep 
 sands and desert places, where was no fresh water to be had all 
 the marishes* through, which are called the marishes^ Serbonides, 
 which the Egyptians call the exhalations or fume, by the which 
 the giant Typhon breathed. But in truth it appeareth to be the 
 overflowing of the Red Sea, which breaketh out under the ground 
 in that place where it is divided in the narrowest place from the 
 seaon this side. So Antonius was sent before into Egypt with 
 his-horsemen, who did not only win that passage, but also took 
 thexity of Pelusium (which is a great city) with all the soldiers in 
 it: and thereby he cleared the way, and made it safe for all the 
 
 ^ employed, , 
 
 Antonins 
 7tsed in his 
 pleading the 
 Asiatic 
 phrase. 
 ^ bragging. 
 
 Afttoiii?is 
 had charge 
 of horsemen 
 under Ga- 
 liniuij pro- 
 CQnsiti,^oiig 
 into Syria. 
 Antonius^ 
 acts against 
 Aristobnlus. 
 
 Antonius 
 took .A risto- 
 buijes pri- 
 soner. 
 
 ^ slir.Tnk 
 fi'um eiiter- 
 
 ' marshes. 
 
 A?itonius' 
 acts in 
 tlgypt undtr 
 Gabinitts. 
 
,5fi 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cimrtesyunto 
 Archela is 
 being deitii. 
 
 Antonius* 
 shape ami 
 presence. 
 
 The house oj 
 the A ntonii 
 descended 
 Jrotn Her- 
 cules. 
 
 ' rnbe. 
 ' abyve. 
 
 Anioniit^ 
 iiberaiity. 
 
 rest of the army, and the hope of the victory also certain for his 
 captain. Now did the enemies themselves feel the fruits of 
 Antonius' courtesy, and the desire he had to win honour: for 
 when Ptolemy (after he had entered into the city of Pelusium), 
 for the malice he bare unto the city, would have put all the 
 Egyptians in it to the sword, Antonius withstood him, and by no 
 means would suffer him to do it. And in all other great battles 
 and skirmishes which they fought, being many in number, Anto- 
 nius did many noble acts of a vahant and wise captain: but 
 specially in one battle, where he compassed in the enemies 
 behind, giving them the victory that fought in front, whereby he 
 afterwards had such honourable reward as his valiantness de- 
 served. So was his great courtesy also much commended Of all, 
 the which he shewed unto Archelaus : for having been his very 
 friend, he made war with him against his will while he lived ; 
 but after his death he fought for his body, and gave it honour- 
 able burial. For these respects he wan' himself great fame of them 
 of Alexandria, and he was also thought a worthy man of all the 
 soldiers in the Romans' camp. But besides all this, he had a 
 noble presence, and shewed a countenance of one of a noble 
 house : he had a goodly thick beard, a broad forehead, crooked- 
 nosed, and there appeared such a manly look in his countenance, 
 as is commonly seen in Hercules' pictures, stamped or graven in 
 metal. Now it had been a speech of old time, that the family of the 
 Antonii were descended from one Anton the son of Hercules, 
 whereof the family took name. This opinion did Antonius seek 
 to confirm in all his doings : not only resembling him in the 
 likeness of his body, as we have said before, but also in the 
 wearing of his garments. For when he would openly shew him- 
 self abroad before many people, he would always wear his cas- 
 sock" girt down low upon his hips, with a great sword hanging 
 by his side, and upon' that, some ill-favoured cloak. Further- 
 more, things that seem intolerable in other men, as to boast 
 commonly, to jest with one or other, to drink like a good fellow 
 with everybody, to sit with the soldiers when they dine, and to 
 eat and drink with them soldier-like, it is incredible what won- 
 derful love it wani him amongst them. And furthermore, being 
 given to love, that made him the more desired, and by that 
 means he brought many to love him. For he would further 
 every man's love, and also would not be angry that men should 
 merrily tell him of those he loved. But besides all this, that which 
 most procured his rising and advancement, was his liberality, 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 who gave all to the soldiers, and kept nothing for himself: and 
 when he was grown to great credit, then was his authority and 
 power also very great, the which notwithstanding himself did 
 overthrow by a thousand other faults he had. In this place I 
 will shew you one example only of his wonderful liberality. He 
 commanded one day his cofferer^ that kept his money, to give a 
 friend of his five and twenty myriads; which the Romans call in 
 their tongue decies. His cofferer marvelling at it, and being 
 angry withal in his mind, brought him all this money in a heap 
 together, to shew him what a marvellous mass of money it was. 
 Antonius seeing it as he went by, asked what it was : the cofferer 
 answered him, " It was the money he willed him to give unto his 
 friend." Then Antonius, perceiving the spite of his man, " I 
 thought," said he, "that decies had been a greater sum of money 
 than it is, for this is but a trifle :" and therefore he gave his 
 friend as much more another time, but that was afterwards. 
 
 3. Now the Romans maintaining two factions at Rome at 
 that time, one against the other, of the which they that took 
 part with the Senate did join with Pompey, being then in Rome : 
 and the contrary side, taking part with the people, sent for Cfesar 
 to aid them, who made wars m Gaul: then Curio, Antonius' 
 friend, that had changed his garments, and at that time took 
 part with Cffisar, whose enemy he had been before, he wan 
 Antonius ; and so handled the matter, partly through the great 
 credit and sway he bare amongst the people, by reason of his 
 eloquent tongue, and partly also by his exceeding expense of 
 money he made which Csesar gave him, that Antonius was 
 chosen tribune, and afterwards made augur. But this was a great . 
 help and furtherance to Caesar's practices ^ For so soon as Anto- 
 nius became tribune, he did oppose himself against those things 
 which the Consul Marcellus preferred (who ordained that certain 
 legions which had been already levied and billed', should be given 
 unto Cneus Pompey, with further commission and authority to 
 levy others unto them), and set down an order, that the soldiers 
 which were already levied and assembled should be sent into 
 Syria, for a new supply unto Marcus Bibulus, who made war 
 at that time against the Parthians. And further gave a pro- 
 hibition that Pompey should levy no more men, and also that 
 the soldiers should not obey him. Secondly, where Pompey's 
 friends and followers would not suffer Ceesar's letters to be re- 
 ceived and openly read in the senate, Antonius, having power 
 and warrant by his person, through the holiness of his tribune- 
 
 f 
 
 Antonitts 
 tribune of 
 the people, 
 ami augiir. 
 2 plots. 
 
 3 enrolled. 
 
 Antojiiu 
 acts for 
 Casar. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 Anionins 
 Jfiethfroin 
 Kojiie unto 
 Ctesar. 
 
 " confusedly. 
 
 ^ upheld. 
 * at ouce. 
 
 Cicero re- 
 pi'Oj'edjor 
 lying. 
 ^ .strong, 
 great. 
 
 ^ pretext. 
 
 ' .same. 
 
 A lexnnder, 
 Cyrus, attd 
 Ctesar, all 
 contended 
 to rei^n, 
 
 C(Fsni^s 
 ambition the 
 oii'v cause of 
 tiu: civil 
 
 ship, did read them openly, and made divers men change their 
 minds: for it appeared to them- that Csesar by his letters re- 
 quired no unreasonable matters. At length, when they preferred 
 two matters of consideration unto the Senate, whether they 
 thought good that Pompey or Caesar should leave their army, 
 there were few of the senators that thought it meet Pompey 
 should leave his army, but they all in manner ^ commanded 
 Cffisar to do it. Then Antonius rising up, asked whether they 
 thought it good that Pompey and Caesar both should leave their 
 armies. Thereupon all the senators jointly together gave their 
 whole consent, and with a great cry commending Antonius, they 
 prayed him to refer it to the judgment of the senate. But the 
 Consuls would not allow of that. Therefore Caesar's .friends 
 preferred other reasonable demands and requests again, but 
 Cato spake against them: and Lentulus, one of the Consuls, 
 drave Antonius by force out of the Senate, who at his going out 
 made grievous curses against him. After that, he took a slave's 
 gown, and speedily fled to Csesar, with Quintus Cassius, in a 
 hired coach. When they came to Ca2S"^r, they cried out with 
 open mouth, that all went hand over head^ at Rome : for the 
 Tribunes of the people might not speak their minds ; and were 
 driven away in great danger of their lives, as many as stood 
 with^ law and justice. Hereupon Caesar went incontinently'' 
 into Italy with his army, which made Cicero say in his Phi- 
 lippides : "That, as Helen was ciuse of the war of Troy, so was 
 .Antonius the author of the civil wars ;" which indeed was a 
 stark^ lie. For Ciesar was not so fickle-headed, nor so easily 
 carried away with anger, that he would so suddenly have gone 
 and made war with his country, upon the sight only of Anto- 
 nius and Cassius, being fled to him in miserable apparel, and 
 in a hired coach, had he not long before determined it with 
 himself But sith indeed Csesar looked of long time but for 
 some colour^, this came as he wished, and gave him just occa- 
 sion of war. But to say truly, nothing else moved him to make 
 war with all the world as he did, but one self cause which first 
 procured Alexander and Cyrus also before him, to wit, an insati- 
 able desire to reign, with a senseless covetousness to be the best 
 man in the world ; the which he could not come unto, before he 
 had first put down Pompey and utterly overthrown him. Now 
 after that Cssar had gotten Rome at his commandment, and 
 had driven Pompey out of Italy, he purposed first to go into 
 Spain against the legions Pompey had there, and in the mean- 
 
MARCUS ANTON/US. 
 
 time to make provision for ships and marine preparation, to 
 follow Pompey. In his absence, he left Lepidus, that was Praetor, 
 governor of Rome ; and Antonius, that was tribune, he gave 
 him charge of all the soldiers and of Italy. Then was Antonius 
 •straight marvellously commended and beloved of the soldiers, 
 because he commonly exercised himself among them, and would 
 .oftentimes eat and drink with them, and also be liberal unto 
 them, according to his ability. But then in contrary manner, 
 he purchased divers other men's evil wills, because that through 
 negligence he would not do them justice that were injuredj and 
 dealt very churlishly with them that had any suit unto him :^and 
 besides all this, he had an ill name to intice^ men's wives. To 
 conclude, Caesar's friends, that governed under him, were cause 
 why they hated Ctesar's government (which indeed in respect of 
 himself was no less than tyranny) by reason of the great inso- 
 lencies and outrageous parts that were committed : amongst 
 whom Antonius, that was of greatest po.wer, and that also com- 
 mitted greatest faults, deserved most blame. But Csesar, not- 
 withstanding, when he returned from the wars of Spain, made 
 no reckoning of the complaints that were put up against him : 
 but contrarily, because he found him a hardy man, and a valiant 
 captain, he employed him in his chiefest affairs, and was no 
 whit deceived in his opinion of him. 
 
 4. So he passed over the Ionian sea unto Brundusium. 
 being but slenderly accompanied, and sent unto Antonius and 
 Gabinius, that they should imbark^ their men as soon as they 
 could, and pass them over into Macedon. Gabinius was afraid 
 to take the sea, because it was very rough, and in the winter 
 time: and therefore fetched a great compass'^ about by land. 
 Jiut Antonius, fearing some danger might come unto Caesar, be- 
 cause he v/as compassed in with a -great number of enemies, 
 first of all he drave away Libo, who rode at anchor with a great 
 army before the haven of Brundusium. For he manned out 
 such a number of pinnaces, barks, and other small boats about 
 every one of his galleys, that he 'drave him thence. After that, 
 he imbarked* into ships 20,000 footmen, and 800 horsemen, and 
 with this army he hoised'' sail. When the enemies saw him, 
 they made out to follow him: but the sea rose so high, that the 
 billows put back their galleys that they could not come'near him, 
 and so he scaped that danger. But withal he fell upon the rocks 
 with . his whole fleet, where the sea wrought very high, so that 
 he was out of all hope to save himself. Yet, by good fortune. 
 
 Ccesar gave 
 the rfinrs^e of 
 Italy unto 
 Arttottius, 
 
 A7tt''nius^ 
 vices. 
 
 ^ embark. 
 
 A Htonius 
 taln'ih xect 
 with his 
 army at 
 Brundu- 
 sium, anil 
 goeth unto 
 Cefsar. 
 * embarked. 
 ^ hoisted. 
 
i6o 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ shipwrecks. 
 
 ' split. 
 
 jilatihaod 
 in war. 
 
 A 7tio?!iits 
 led the h'/t 
 ivittg oj Ccc- 
 sar's battle 
 at Phar- 
 salta, wlwre 
 Foilipey li)st 
 thefieU. 
 The dignity 
 q/thegeneral 
 of the 
 horsemen. 
 
 3 proposed. 
 
 * watched. 
 
 * suspected, 
 'uf. 
 
 suddenly the wind turned south-west, and blew from the gulf, 
 driving the waves of the river into the main sea. Thus Antonius, 
 loosing from the land, and sailing with safety at his pleasure, 
 soon after he saw all the coasts full of ship wracks^. For the 
 force and boisterousness of the wind did cast away the galleys 
 that followed him : of the which, many of them were broken and 
 splitted^, and divers also cast away; and Antonius took a great 
 number of them prisoners, with a great sum of money also. Be- 
 sides all these, he took the city of Lyssus, and brought Cssar a 
 great supply of men, and made him courageous, coming at a 
 pinch with so great a power to him. Now there were divers hot 
 skirmishes and encounters, in the which Antonius fought so 
 valiantly, that he carried the praise from them all : but specially' 
 at two several times, when Csesar's men turned their backs, and 
 fled for life. For he stepped before them, and compelled them 
 to return again to fight : so that the victory fell on Caesar's side. 
 For this cause he had the second place in the camp among the 
 soldiers, and they spake of no other man unto Csesar, but of him : 
 who shewed plainly what opinion he had of him, when at the 
 last battle of Pharsalia (which indeed was the last trial of all, to 
 give the conqueror the whole empire of the world) he himself 
 did lead the right wing of his army, and gave Antonius the lead- 
 ing of the left wing, as the valiantest man and skilfuUest soldier 
 of all those he had about him. After Caesar had won the victory, 
 and that he was created Dictator, he followed Pompey step by 
 step : howbeit, before, he named Antonius general of the horse- 
 men, and sent him to Rome. The general of the horsemen is 
 the second office of dignity, when the Dictator is in the city: 
 but when he is abroad, he is the chiefest man, and almost the 
 only man that remaineth, and all the other officers and magis- 
 trates are put down, after there is a Dictator chosen. Notwith- 
 standing, Dolabella, being at that time tribune, and a young 
 man desirous of change and innovation, he preferred ^ a law 
 which the Romans call Novas tabulas (as much to say, as a 
 cutting off and cancelling of all obligations and specialities ; and 
 were called New tables, because they were driven then to make 
 books of daily receipt and expense), and persuaded Antonius his 
 friend (who also gaped* for a good occasion to please and gratify 
 the common people) to aid him to pass this law. But Trebellius 
 and Asinius dissuaded from it all they could possible. So by 
 good hap it chanced that Antonius mistrusted^ Dolabella for» 
 keeping of his wife, and took such a conceit of it, that he thrust 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 i6i 
 
 his wife out of his house, being his cousin-german, and the 
 daughter of C. Antonius, who was Consul with Cicero ; and join- 
 ing with Asinius, he resisted Dolabella, and fought with him. 
 Dolabella had gotten the market-place, where the people do as- 
 semble in council, and had filled it full of armed men, intending 
 to have this law of the New Tables to pass by force. Antonius, 
 by commandment of the senate, who had given him authority 
 to levy men and to use force against Dolabella, went against 
 him, and fought so valiantly, that men were slain on both sides. 
 5. But by this means he got the ill will of the common peo- 
 ple ; and on the other side, the noblemen (as Cicero saith) did 
 not only mislike him, but also hate him for his naughty ^ life : 
 for they did abhor his banquets and drunken feasts he made at 
 unseasonable tinies, and his extreme wasteful expenses upon 
 vain light huswives 2; and then in the day-time he would sleep 
 or walk out his drunkenness, thinking to wear away the fume of 
 the abundance of wine which he had taken over night. In his 
 house they did nothing but feast, dance, and mask: and himself 
 passed away the time in heaiing of foolish play^, and in marry- 
 ing these players, tumblers,-jesters, and such sort of people. As 
 for proof hereof it is reported, that at Hippias' marriage, one of 
 his jesters, he drank wine so lustily all night, that the next morn- 
 ing, when he came to pleadbefore the people assembled in council, 
 who had sent for him, he being queasy-stomached^ with his sur- 
 feit he had taken, was compelled to lay up * all before them, and 
 one of his friends held him his gown instead of a basin. He had 
 another pleasant player called Sergius, that was one of the chief- 
 est men about him, and a woman also called Cytheride, of the 
 same profession, whom he loved dearly : he carried her up and 
 down in a litter unto all the towns he went, and had as many 
 men waiting upon her litter (she being but a player) as were at- 
 tending upon his own mother. It grieved honest men also very 
 much to see that, when he went into the countiy, he carried with 
 him a great number of cupboards full of silver and gold plate 
 openly iji the face of the world, as^ it had been the pomp or 
 shew of some triumph : and that eftsoons^ in the middest^ of his 
 journey he would set up his hals^ and tents hard by some green 
 grove or pleasant river, and there his cooks should prepare him 
 a sumptuous dinner. And furthermore, lions were harnessed in 
 trases" to draw his carts : and besides also, in honest men's 
 houses, in the cities where he came, he would have common 
 harlots, courtesans, and these tumbling gillotsi" lodged. Now it 
 
 S. P. II 
 
 Dissension 
 betivixt 
 Antonius 
 and Dola- 
 bella. 
 
 ^ wicked- 
 
 ' hussiei 
 
 Antonius' 
 
 abominable 
 
 lije. 
 
 Antonius 
 laid vp his 
 stomach 
 before the 
 •whole as- 
 sembly. 
 ^ sick. 
 * vomit. 
 Antonin:^ 
 insolcncy. 
 
 ^ as if. 
 
 ^ soon after. 
 '' mid.st. 
 ^ pavilions. 
 
 1" dancing 
 women. 
 
iCi 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 CfEsar and 
 Lcpidwi, 
 
 COHSIlls. 
 
 Antonius 
 t'uyeth Pafti- 
 pcy's hctise. 
 ' took 
 offence. 
 
 Anionuts 
 married 
 Fulvla, Clo- 
 nbt^ -widow, 
 i'asto. 
 Fitlvia 
 rttled A n- 
 tnjiius at 
 home and 
 abroad. 
 
 5 temper. 
 
 ' to prevent. 
 
 * jumped. 
 
 grieved men much to see that Csesar should be out of Italy fol- 
 lowing of his enemies, to end this great war with such great peril 
 and danger, and that others in the mean time, abusing his name 
 and authority, should commit such insolent and outrageous parts 
 upon their citizens. This m'ethinks was the cause that made the 
 conspiracy against Csesar increase more and more, and laid the 
 reins of the bridle upon the soldiers' necks, whereby they durst 
 more boldly commit many extortions, cruelties, and robberies. 
 And therefore Caesar after his return pardoned Dolabella, and 
 being created Consul the third time, he took not Antonius, but 
 chose Lepidus his colleague and fellow-consul. Afterwards when 
 Pompey's house was put to open sale, Antonius bought it : but 
 when they asked him money for it, he made it very strange', and 
 was offended with them ; and writeth himself that he would not 
 go with CKsar into the wars of Africa, because he was not well 
 recompensed for the service he had done him before. Yet 
 Cassar did somewhat bridle his madness and insolency, not 
 suffering him to pass his faults so lightly away, making as though 
 he saw them not. And therefore he left his dissolute manner of 
 life, and married Fulvia that was Clodius' widow, a woman not 
 so basely minded to^ spend her time in spinning and house- 
 wifery ; and was not contented to master her husband at home, 
 but would also rule him in his office abroad, and commanded 
 him that commanded legions and great armies : so that Cleopatra 
 was to give Fulvia thanks for that she had taught Antonius this 
 obedience to women, that learned so well to be at their com- 
 mandment. Now, because Fulvia was somewhat sour and 
 crooked of condition^, Antonius devised to make her pleasanter, 
 and somewhat better disposed : and therefore he would play her 
 many pretty youthful parts to make her merry. As he did once, 
 when Caesar returned the last time of all conqueror out of Spain, 
 every man went out to meet him, and so did Antonius with the 
 rest. But on the sudden there ran a rumour through Italy, that 
 Cassar was dead, and that his enemies came again with a great 
 army. Thereupon he returned with speed to Rome, and took 
 one of his men's gowns, and so apparelled came home to his 
 house in a dark night, saying, that he had brought Fulvia letters 
 from Antonius. So he was let in, and brought to her muffled as 
 he was, for* being known : but she, taking the matter heavily, . 
 asked him if Antonius were well. Antonius gave her the letters 
 and said never a word. So when she had opened the letters, 
 and began to read them, Antonius ramped^ on her neck, and 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 163 
 
 kissed her. We have told you this tale for example's sake only, 
 and so could we also tell you of many such like as these. 
 
 6. Now when Caesar was returned from his last war in 
 Spain, all the chiefest nobility of the city rode many days jour- 
 ney from Rome to meet him, where Caesar made marvellous 
 much of Antonius above all the men that came unto him. For 
 he always took him into his coach with him throughout all Italy, 
 and behind him Brutus Albinus and Octavius the son of his 
 niece, who afterwards was called Caesar, and became Emperor 
 of Rome long time after. So Caesar being afterwards chosen 
 Consul the fift^ time, he immediately chose Antonius his col- 
 league and companion ; and desired, by deposing himself of his 
 consulship, to make Dolabella Consul in his room, and had 
 aheady moved it to the senate. But Antonius did stoutly 
 withstand it, and openly reviled Dolabella in the Senate, and 
 Dolabella also spared him as little. Thereupon Csesar being 
 ashamed of the matter, he let it alone. Another time also, when 
 Caesar attempted again to substitute Dolabella Consul in his 
 place, Antonius cried out, that the signs of the birds were 
 against it : so that at length Cassar was compelled to give him 
 place, and to let Dolabella alone, who was marvellously offended 
 with him. Now in truth Caesar made no great reckoning of 
 either of them both. For it is reported that Csesar answered 
 one that did accuse Antonius and Dolabella unto him for some 
 matter of conspiracy: "Tush," said he, " they be not those fat 
 fellows an d fine combed men that I fe ar, but I mistrust rather 
 These pale and lean inen," meanin g Ey^~Brutu s~and Cassiiis,~who 
 "alterwards cofls pirtaj u s death and j lewtiim. Antonms, un- 
 awares, alterwards gave Caesar's enemies just occasion^ and 
 colour* to do as they did : as you shall hear. The Romans by 
 chance celebrated the feast called Lupercalia, and Caesar, being 
 apparelled in his triumphing robe, was set in the Tribune where 
 they use to make their orations to the people, and from thence 
 did behold the sport of the runners. The manner of this run- 
 ning was thus. On that day there are many young men of noble 
 house, and those specially that be chief officers for that year, 
 who running naked up and down the city, anointed with the oil 
 of olive, for pleasure do strike them they meet in their way with 
 ivhite leather thongs they have in their hands. Antonius, being 
 one among the rest that was to run, leaving the ancient cere- 
 monies and old customs of that solemnity, he ran to the tribune 
 where Caesar was set, and carried a laurel crown in his hand, 
 
 1 fifth. 
 
 Casar and 
 
 Antonius, 
 
 consuls. 
 
 ^ referring to. 
 
 Antonius 
 unwittingly 
 gave Casar's 
 enemies 
 occasion to 
 conspire 
 agaiftst him, 
 ^ reason. 
 
164 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Aiitonius 
 Luperciait 
 putteth the 
 diaclent upon 
 Ccesar's 
 lieati. ■ 
 
 Brttttts and 
 
 Cassius coH- 
 
 spireCtesaf's 
 
 death. 
 
 ^ conspiracy. 
 
 - approved 
 of. 
 
 Con^ulto' 
 tion about 
 the murther 
 of Antonins 
 with Ctesar. 
 
 having a royal band or diadem wreathed about it, which in old 
 time was the ancient mark and token of a king. When he was 
 come to CcBsar, he made his fellow-runners with him lift him up, 
 and so he did put his laurel crown upon his head, signifying 
 thereby that he had deserved to be king. But Caesar, making as 
 though he refused it, turned away his head. The people were 
 so rejoiced at it, that they all clapped their hands for joy. An- 
 tonius again did put it on his head : Cassar again refused it ; and 
 thus they were striving off and on a great while together. As 
 oft as Antonius did put this laurel crown unto him, a few of his 
 followers rejoiced at it: and as oft also as Csesar refused it, all 
 the people together clapped their hands. And this was a won- 
 derful thing, that they suffered all things subjects should do by 
 commandment of their kings : and yet they could not abide the 
 name of a king, detesting it as the utter destruction of their 
 Uberty. Csesar, in a rage, arose out of his seat, and plucking 
 down the collar of his gown from his neck, he shewed it naked, 
 bidding any man strike off his head that would. This laurel 
 crown was afterwards put upon the head of one of Cassar's 
 statues or images, the which one of the tribunes plucked off. 
 The people hked his doing therein so well, that they waited on 
 him home to his house, with great clapping of hands. Howbeit 
 Cassar did turn them out of their offices fol: it. 
 
 7. This was a good encouragement for Brutus and Cassius 
 to conspire his death, who fell into a consort' with their trus- 
 tiest friends, to execute their enterprise, but yet stood doubtful 
 whether they should make Antonius privy to it or not. All the 
 rest hked of^ it, saving Trebonius only. He told them that, 
 when they rode to meet Caesar at his return out of Spain, An- 
 tonius and he always keeping company, and lying together by 
 the way, he felt his mind afar off: but Antonius, finding his 
 meaning, would hearken no more unto it, and yet notwithstand- 
 ing never made Cassar acquainted with this talk, but had faith- 
 fully kept it to himself. After that, they consulted whether they 
 should kill Antonius with Cassar. But Brutus would in no wise 
 consent to it, saying, that venturing on such an enterprise as 
 that, for the maintenance of law and justice, it ought to be clear 
 from all villany. Yet they, fearing Antonius' power, and the 
 authority of his office, appointed certain of the conspiracy, that 
 when CEesar were gone into the senate, and while others should 
 execute their enterprise, they should keep Antonius in a talk 
 out of the senate-house. Even as they had devised these mat- 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 i6S 
 
 ters, so were they executed : and Cffisar was slain in the mid- 
 dest^ of the Senate. Antonius being put in a fear withal, cast a 
 slave's gown upon him, and hid himself But afterwards when 
 it was told him that the murtherers^ slew no man else, and that 
 they went only into the Capitol, he sent his son unto them for a 
 pledge, and bade them boldly come down upon his word. The 
 selfsame day he did bid Cassius to supper, and Lepidus also 
 bade Brutus. The next morning the senate was assembled, and 
 Antonius himself preferred^ a law, that all things past should 
 be forgotten, and that they should appoint provinces unto Cas- 
 sius and Brutus: the which the senate confirmed, and further 
 ordained, that they should cancel none of Caesar's laws. Thus 
 went Antonius out of the senate more praised and better es- 
 teemed than ever man was, because it seemed to every "man 
 that he had cut off all occasion of civil wars, and that he had 
 shewed himself a marvellous wise governor of the common- 
 wealth, for the appeasing of these matters of so great weight 
 and importance. But now, the opinion he conceived of himself 
 after he had a little felt the good-will of the people towards 
 him, hoping thereby to make himself the chiefest man if he 
 might overcome Brutus, did easily make him alter his first 
 mind. And therefore, when Csesar's body was brought to the 
 place where it should be buried, he made a funeral oration in 
 commendation of Csesar, according to the ancient custom of 
 praising noble men at their funerals. When he saw that the 
 people were very glad and desirous also to hear Csesar spoken 
 of, and his praises uttered, he mingled his oration with lament- 
 able words ; and by amplifying of matters did greatly move their 
 hearts and affections unto pity and compassion. In fine*, to 
 conclude his oration, he unfolded before the whole assembly 
 the bloody garments of the dead, thrust through in many places 
 with their swords, and called the malefactors cruel and cursed 
 murthere'rs. With these words he put the people into such a 
 fury, that they presently^ took Csesar's body, and burnt it in the 
 market-place, with such tables and forms as they could get to- 
 gether. Then when the fire was kindled, they took firebrands, 
 and ran to the murtherers' houses to set them on fire, and to 
 make them come out to fight. Brutus therefore and his accom- 
 plices, for safety of their persons, were driven to fly the city. 
 Then came all Cesar's friends unto Antonius, and specially his 
 wife Calpurnia, putting her trust in him, she brought the most 
 part of her money into his house, which amounted to the sum 
 
 ^ midst 
 
 ^ murderers. 
 
 ^ proposed. 
 
 ' finally^ 
 
 A nionius 
 inaketk up- 
 roar afno7tg 
 the people, 
 /or tke fnur- 
 iher of 
 Casar. 
 * forthwith. 
 
 Calpurnia, 
 Casar'swi/'e. 
 
i66 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 C/iaronites, 
 why so call- 
 
 M.Antonius 
 Consul. 
 Caius An- 
 tonius Pr£B- 
 tor. 
 
 J^ucius An- 
 toniiis Tri- 
 hrtite ; all 
 three bre- 
 thren. 
 
 Variance 
 
 betwixt 
 
 Antonitts 
 
 and Ocia- 
 
 viits CcEsar, 
 
 heir 7into 
 
 Julius Cce- 
 
 sar. 
 
 ^ close at 
 
 haiid, urgeliL. 
 
 Ociamus 
 Ciesar join- 
 ed in friend- 
 ship with 
 Cicero. 
 
 of 4000 talents ; and furthermore brought him all Caesar's books 
 and writings, in the which were his memorials of all that he had 
 done and ordained. Antonius did daily mingle with them such 
 as he thought good, and by that means he created new officers, 
 made new senators, called home some that were banished, and 
 delivered those that were prisoners : and then he said, that all 
 those things were so appointed and ordained by Caesar. There- 
 fore the Romans, mocking them that were so moved, they called 
 them Charonites, because that, when they were overcome, they 
 had no other help but to say, that thus they were found in 
 Cassar's memorials, who had sailed in Charon's boat, and was 
 departed. Thus Antonius ruled absolutely also in all other 
 matters, because he was Consul, and Caius, one of his brethren, 
 Praetor, and Lucius the other. Tribune. 
 
 8. Now things remaining in this state at Rome, Octavius 
 Cassar the younger came to Rome, who was the son of Julius 
 Caesar's niece, as you have heard before, and was left his lawful 
 heir by will, remaining, at the time of the death of his great 
 uncle that was slain, in the city of ApoUonia. This young man 
 at his first arrival went to salute Antonius, as one of his late 
 dead father Caesar's friends, who by his last will and testament 
 had made him- his heir ; and withal, he was presently in hand 
 with him for money and other things which were left of trust in 
 his l>ands ; because Cassar had by will bequeathed unto the peo- 
 ple pf Rome threescore and fifteen silver drachmas to be given to 
 every man, the which he as heir stood charged withal. Anto- 
 nius at the first made no reckoning of him, because he was very 
 y&ung, and said, he lacked wit and good friends to advise him, 
 if he looked to take such a charge in hand, as to undertake to 
 be Caesar's heir. But when Antonius saw that he could not 
 shake him off with those words, alid that he was still in hand^ 
 with him for his father's goods, but specially for the ready 
 money, then he spake and did what he could against him. And 
 first of all, it was he that did keep him from being Tribune of 
 the people: and also, when Octavius CKsar began to meddle 
 with the dedicating of the chair of gold, which was prepared by 
 the senate to honour Caesar with, he threatened to send him to 
 prison, and moreover desisted not to put the people in an up- 
 roar. This young Caesar, seeing his doings, went unto Cicero 
 and others, which were Antonius' enemies, and by them crept 
 into favour with the senate : and he himself sought the people's 
 good will every manner of way, gathering together the old sol- 
 
MARCUS ANTOmUS. 
 
 167 
 
 Antonius 
 and Octti' 
 vius became 
 friends, 
 Antonius* 
 dream. 
 
 diers of the late deceased Caesar, which w^-e dispersed in divers 
 cities and colonies. Antonius, being afraid of it, talked with 
 Octavius in the Capitol, and became his friend. But the very 
 same night Antonius had a strange dream, who thought that 
 lightning fell upon him, and burnt his right hand. Shortly after 
 word was brought him, that Csesar lay in wait to kill him. Cae- 
 sar cleared himself unto him, and told him there was no such 
 matter : but he could not make Antonius believe to the contrary. 
 Whereupon they became further enemies than ever they were : 
 insomuch that both of them made friends of either side to gather 
 together all the old soldiers through Italy, that were dispersed in 
 divers towns : and made them large promises, and sought also 
 to win the legions on their side, which were already in arms. 
 Cicero on the other side, being at that time the chiefest man of 
 authority and estimation in the city, he stirred up all men 
 against Antonius : so that in the end he made the senate pro- 
 nounce him an enemy to his country, and appointed young Cee- 
 sar sergeants to carry axes before him, and such other signs as 
 were incident to the dignity of a Consul or Prastor: and more- 
 over, sent Hircius and Pansa, then Consuls, to drive An^onius 
 out of Italy. These two Consuls, together with Caesar, who also 
 had an army, went against Antonius that besieged the city of 
 Modena, and there overthrew him in battle : but both the Con- 
 suls were slain there. 
 
 9. Antonius, flying upon this overthrow, fell into great mi- 
 sery all at once: but the chiefest want of all other, and that 
 pinched him most, was famine. Howbeit he was of such a 
 strong nature, that by patience he would overcome any adver- 
 sity : and the heavier fortune lay upon him, the more constant 
 shewed he himself. Every man that feeleth want or adversity, 
 knoweth by virtue and discretion what he should do : but when 
 indeed they are overlaid with extremity, and be sore oppressed, 
 few have the hearts to follow that which they praise and com- 
 mend, and much less to avoid that they reprove and mislike^: 
 but rather to the contrary, they yield to their accustomed easy 
 life, and through faint heart, and lack of courage, do change 
 their first mind and purpose. And therefore it was a wonderful 
 example to the soldiers, to see Antonius, that was brought up in 
 all fineness and superfluity, so easily to drink puddle water, and 
 to eat wild fruits and roots : and moreover it is reported, that 
 even as they passed the Alps, they did eat the barks of trees, 
 and such beasts as never man tasted of their flesh before. Now 
 
 Anionics 
 judged an 
 enemy by 
 the Senate. 
 
 Hircius and 
 Pansa Con- 
 suls, 
 
 Antoniits 
 overthrown 
 in battle 
 by the city 
 of Modena. 
 Antonius 
 patient in 
 adversity. 
 
 dislike. 
 
 Antonius* 
 hardness in 
 adversity, 
 notwith- 
 standing his 
 fine bring- 
 ing up. 
 
1 68 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' venture. 
 
 ntered. 
 
 Antpnins 
 ii'Oji all Le- 
 pidu^ army 
 Jrom him. 
 
 Varius sur- 
 
 jianted Co- 
 
 iyton. 
 
 ^ that is to 
 
 say. 
 
 their intent was to join with the legions that were on the other 
 side of the mountains, under Lepidus' charge: whom Antonius 
 took to be his friend, because he had holpen him to many- 
 things at Caesar's hand, through his means. When he was come 
 to the place where Lepidus was, he camped hard by him : and 
 when he saw that no man came to him to put him in any hope, 
 he determined to venter^ himself, and to go unto Lepidus. 
 Since the overthrow he had at Modena, he suffered his beard to 
 grow at length and never dipt it, that it was marvellous long, 
 and the hair of his head also without combing: and besides all 
 this, he went in a mourning gown, and after this sort came 
 hard'' to the trenches of Lepidus' camp. Then he began to 
 speak unto the soldiers, and many of them their hearts yearned 
 for pity to see him so poorly arrayed, and some also, through his 
 words, began to pity him : insomuch that Lepidus began to be 
 afraid, and therefore commanded all the trumpets to sound to- 
 gether to stop the soldiers' ears, that they should not hearken 
 to Antonius. This notwithstanding, the soldiers took the more 
 pity of him, and spake secretly with him by Clodius' and Lselius' 
 means, whom they sent unto him disguised in women's apparel, 
 and gave him counsel that he should not be afraid to enter into 
 their camp, for' there were a great number of soldiers that would 
 receive him, and kill Lepidus, if he would say the word. Anto- 
 nius would not suffer them to hurt him, but the next morning 
 he went with his army to wade a ford, at a little river that ran 
 between them : and himself was the foremost man that took' the 
 river to get over, seeing a number of Lepidus' camp, that gave 
 him their hands, plucked up the stakes, and laid flat the bank 
 of their trench to let him into their camp. When he was come 
 into their camp, and that he had all the army at his command- 
 ment, he used Lepidus very courteously, embraced him, and 
 called him father: and though indeed Antonius did all, and 
 ruled the whole army, yet he alway gave Lepidus the name and 
 honour of the captain. Munacius Plancus, lying also in camp 
 hard by with an army, understanding the report of Antonius' 
 courtesy, he also came and joined with him. 
 
 ID. Thus Antonius being afoot again, and grown of great 
 power, repassed over the Alps, leading into Italy with him 
 seventeen legions, and ten thousand horsemen, besides six le- 
 gions he left in garrison among the Gauls, under the charge 
 of one Varius, a companion of his that would drink lustily with 
 him, and therefore in mockery was surnamed Cotylon, to wit^ 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 169 
 
 a bibber^ So Octavius Czesar would not lean to Cicero, when 
 he saw that his whole travell^ and endeavour was only to re- 
 store the commonwealth to her former liberty. Therefore he 
 sent certain of his friends to Antonius, to make them friends 
 again: and thereupon all three met together (to wit', Caesar, 
 Antonius, and Lepidus) in an iland* environed round about 
 with a little river, and there remained three days together. Now 
 as touching all other matters they were easily agreed, and did 
 divide all the empire of Rome between them, as if it had been 
 their own inheritance. But yet they could hardly agree whom 
 they would put to death : for every one of them would'^ kill their 
 enemies, and save their kinsmen and friends. Yet at length, 
 giving place to their greedy desire to be revenged of their ene- 
 mies, they spurned all reverence of blood and holiness of friend- 
 ship at their feet. For Caesar left Cicero to Antonius' will, An- 
 ,tonius also forsook Lucius Cffisar, who was his uncle by his 
 mother : and both of them together suffered Lepidus to kill his 
 own brother Paulus. Yet some writers afiSrm, that Csesar and 
 Antonius requested Paulus might be slain, and that Lepidus was 
 contented with it. In my opinion there was never a more hor- 
 rible, unnatural, and crueller change than this was. For thus 
 changing* murther^ for murther, they did as well kill those whom 
 they did forsake and leave unto others, as those also which 
 others left unto them to kill: but so much more was their 
 wickedness and cruelty great unto their friends, for that they put 
 them to death being innocents, and having no cause to hate 
 them. After this plot was agreed upon between them, the sol- 
 diers that were thereabouts would have his friendship and 
 league betwixt them confirmed by marriage, and that Caesar 
 should marry Claudia, the daughter of Fulvia, Antonius' wife. 
 This marriage also being agreed upon, they condemned 300 of 
 the chiefest citizens of Rome to be put to death by proscription. 
 And Antonius also commanded them to whom he had given 
 commission to kill Cicero, that they should strike off his head 
 and right hand, with the which he had written the invective 
 orations (called Philippides) against Antonius. So when the 
 murtherers brought him Cicero's head and hand cut off, he be- 
 held them a long time with great joy, and laughed heartily, and 
 that oftentimes, for the great joy he felt. Then when he had 
 taken his pleasure of the sight of them, he caused them to be 
 set up in 'an open place, over the pulpit for orations (where, 
 when he was alive, he had often spoken to the people), as if he 
 
 ^ tippler. 
 ^ travail. 
 
 The conspi- 
 racy Mid 
 meeting of 
 CtEsar, An- 
 tonius, aiid 
 Lepidus, 
 ^ namely. 
 * island. 
 
 ^ desired to. 
 
 The pro- 
 scription of 
 the Trizttu- 
 
 ^ exchang- 
 ing. 
 7 murder. 
 
 Antonius* 
 cruelty unto 
 Cicero. 
 
IJO 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 L iicius 
 
 s^ved by his 
 sister. 
 
 had done the dead man hurt, and not blemished his own for- 
 tune, shewing himself (to his great shame and infamy) a cruel 
 man, and unworthy the office and authority he bare. His uncle 
 Lucius C»sar also, as they sought for him to kill him and fol- 
 lowed him hard, fled unto his sister. The murderers coming 
 thither, forcing to break into her chamber, she stood at her 
 chamber-door with her arms abroad, crying out still: "You 
 shall not kill Lucius Caesar, before you first kill me, that bare 
 your captain in my womb." By this means she saved her bro- 
 ther's life. Now the government of these Triumviri grew odious 
 and hateful to the Romans, for divers respects : but they most 
 blamed Antonius, because he, being elder than Csesar, and of 
 more power and force than Lepidus, gave himself again to his 
 former riot and excess, when he left' to deal in the affairs of 
 the commonwealth. But setting aside the ill name he had for 
 his insolency, he was yet much more hated in respect of the 
 house he dwelt in, the which was the house of Pompey the 
 great, a man as famous for his temperance, modesty, and civil 
 life, as for his three triumphs. For it grieved them to see the 
 gates commonly shut against the captains, magistrates of the 
 city, and also ambassadors of strange nations, which were 
 sometimes thrust from the gate with violence : and that the 
 house within was full of tumblers, antic dancers, jugglers, play- 
 ers, jesters, and drunkards, quaffing and guzzling ; and that on 
 them he bestowed the most part of his money he got by all 
 kind of possible extortions, bribery, and policy^. For they did 
 not only sell by the crier the goods of those whom they had 
 outlawed and appointed to murder, slanderously deceived the 
 poor widows and young orphans, and also raised all kinds of 
 imposts, subsidies, and taxes, but understanding also that the 
 holy Vestal nuns had certain goods and money put in their 
 custody to keep, both of men's in the city and those also that 
 were abroad, they went thither and took them away by force. 
 
 II. Octavius Caesar perceiving that no money would serve 
 Antonius' turn, he prayed that they might divide the money be- 
 tween them ; and so did they also divide the army, for them 
 both to go into Macedon to make war against Brutus and Cas- 
 sius ; and in the mean time they left the government of the city 
 of Rome unto Lepidus. When they had passed over the seas, 
 and that they began to make war, they being both camped by 
 their enemies, to wit, Antonius against Cassius, and Caesar 
 against Brutus, Caesar did no great matter, but Antohius hjid 
 
■MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 alway the upper hand, and did all. For at the first battle Caesar 
 was overthrown by Brutus, and lost his camp, and very hardly 
 saved himself by flying from them that followed him. Howbeit, 
 he writeth himself in his Commentaries, that he fled: before the 
 charge was given, because of a dream one of his friends had. 
 Antonius on the other side overthrew Cassius in battle, though 
 some write that he was not there himself at the battle, but that 
 he came after the overthrow, whilst his men had the enemies in 
 chase. So Cassius, at his earnest request, was slain by a faithful 
 servant of his own called Pindarus, whoni he had enfranchised : 
 because he knew not in time that Brutus had overcome Caesar. 
 Shortly after they fought another battle again, in the which 
 Brutus was overthrown, who afterwards also slew himself. Thus 
 Antonius had the chiefest glory of this victory, specially because 
 Casar was sick at that time. Antonius having found Brutus' 
 body after this battle, blaming him much for the murther^ of 
 his brother Caius, whom he had put to death in Macedon for 
 revenge of Cicero's cruel death, and yet laying the fault more in 
 Hortensius than in him, he made Hortensius to be slain on his 
 brother's tomb. Furthermore he cast his coat-armour^ (which 
 was wonderful rich and sumptuous) upon Brutus' body, and 
 gave commandment to one of his slaves enfranchised, to defray 
 the charge of his burial. But afterwards Antonius hearing that 
 his enfranchised bondman had not burnt his coat-armour ^ with 
 his body, because it was very rich and worth a great sum of 
 money, and that he had also kept back much of the ready money 
 appointed for his funeral and tomb, he also put him to death. 
 
 12. After that, C^sar was conveyed to Rome, and it was 
 thought he would not live long, nor escape the sickness he had. 
 Antonius on the other side went towards the east provinces and 
 regions to levy money : and first of all he went into Greece, and 
 carried an infinite number of soldiers with him. Now, because 
 every soldier was promised five thousand silver drachmas, he 
 wasdriven of necessity to impose extreme tallages^ and taxations. 
 At his first coming into Greece, he was not hard nor bitter unto 
 the Grecians, but gave himself only to hear wise men dispute, to 
 see plays, and also to note the ceremonies and sacrifices of 
 Greece, ministering justice to every man: and it pleased him 
 marvellously to hear them call him Philellen (as much to say, 
 a lover of the Grecians), and specially the Athenians, to whom 
 he did many great pleasures. Wherefore the Megarians, to ex- 
 ceed the Athenians, thinking to shew Antonius a goodly sight, 
 
 The valiani- 
 ttess of 
 Antoniits 
 against 
 Bruius. 
 
 The death of 
 Cassius. 
 
 Brutits slev.' 
 himself. 
 ^ murder. 
 
 ^ornamented 
 coat. 
 
 Antonius 
 gave 
 
 konortrahle 
 burial unto 
 Bruius. 
 
 ^ imposts. 
 
 Antoniits^ 
 great cour' 
 tesy in 
 Greece. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' perceived. 
 
 2 troubling. 
 
 ^ a kind of 
 guitar. 
 
 The plngites 
 of Italy^ ill 
 riot. 
 
 * psalteries. 
 ' hautboys. 
 
 A Htoniii^ 
 cruelty in 
 Asia. 
 
 Hybrteas* 
 •words unto 
 Antonius 
 
 they prayed him to come and see their senate- house and council- 
 hall. Antonius went thither to see it. So when he had seen it 
 at his pleasure, they asked him: "My lord, how like you our 
 hall?" "Me thinks," quoth he, "it is little, old, and ready to fall 
 down." Furthermore he took measure of the temple of Apollo 
 Pythias, and promised the senate to finish it. But when he was 
 once come into Asia, having left Lucius Censorinus governor in 
 Greece, and that he had felt' the riches and pleasures of the east 
 parts, and that princes, greai lords, and kings, came to wait at 
 his gate for his coming out : and that queens and princesses, to 
 excel one another, gave him very rich presents, and came to see 
 him, curiously setting forth themselves, and using all art that 
 might be to shew their beauty, to win his favour the more 
 (Csesar in the mean space turmoiling^ his wits and body in civil 
 wars at home, Antonius" living merrily and quietly abroad), he 
 easily fell again to his old licentious life. For straight, one 
 Anaxenor, a player of the cithern', Xoutus, a player of the flute, 
 Metrodorus a tumbler, and such a rabble of minstrels and fit 
 ministers for the pleasures of Asia (who in fineness and flattery 
 passed all the other plagues he brought with him out of Italy), 
 all these flocked in his court, and bare the whole sway : and after 
 that all went awry. For every one gave themselves to riot and 
 excess, when they saw he delighted in it : and all Asia was like 
 to the city Sophocles speaketh of in one of his tragedies : 
 Was full of sweet perfumes and pleasant songs. 
 With woeful weeping mingled there-amongs. 
 For in the city of Ephesus, women, attired as they go in the feasts 
 and sacrifice of Bacchus, came out to meet him with such solem- 
 nities and ceremonies as are then used : with men and children 
 disguised like fauns and satyrs. Moreover, the city was fuU 
 of ivy, and darts wreathed about with ivy, psalterions*, flutes, 
 and howboyes*; and in their songs they called him Bacchus, 
 ' father of mirth, courteous and gentle : and so was he unto some, 
 but to the most part of men cruel and extreme. For he robbed 
 noblemen and gentlemen of their goods, to give it unto vile 
 flatterers : who oftentimes begged living men's goods, as though 
 they had been dead, and would enter their houses by force. As 
 he gave a citizen's house of Magnesia unto a cook, because (as 
 it is reported) he dressed him a fine supper. In the end he 
 doubled the taxation, and imposed a second upon Asia. But 
 then Hybraeas the orator, sent from the estates of Asia, to tell 
 him the state of their country, boldly said unto him : " If thou 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 '73 
 
 wilt have power to lay two tributes in one year upon us, thou 
 shouldest also have power to give us two summers, two autumns, 
 and two harvests." This was gallantly and pleasantly spoken 
 unto Antonius by the orator, and it pleased him well to hear it : 
 but afterwards, amplifying his speech, he spake more boldly, and 
 to better purpose: "Asia hath paid thee two hundred thousand 
 talents. If all this money be not come to thy coffers, then ask 
 account of them that levied it : but if thou have received it, and 
 nothing be left of it, then are we utterly undone." Hybrasas' 
 words nettled Antonius roundly^. For he understood not of the 
 thefts and robberies his officers committed by his authority, in 
 his treasure and affairs : not so much because he was careless, 
 as for that he over simply trustsd his men in all things. For he 
 was a plain man, without subtilty, and therefore over late found 
 out the foul faults they committed against him : but when he 
 heard of them, he was much offended, and would plainly confess 
 it unto them whom his officers had done injury unto by counte- 
 nance of his authority. He had a noble mind, as well to punish 
 offenders as to reward well-doers : and yet he did exceed more 
 in giving than in punishing. Now for^ his outrageous manner 
 of railing he commonly used, mocking and flouting' of every 
 man, that was remedied by itself; for a man might as boldly ex- 
 change a mock with him, and he was as well contented to be 
 mocked as to mock others: but yet it oftentimes marred all. 
 For he thought that those which told him so plainly and truly 
 in mirth, would never flatter him in good earnest in any matters 
 of weight. But thus he was easily abused* by the praises they 
 gave him, not finding how these flatterers mingled their flattery 
 under this familiar and plain manner of speech unto him, as a 
 fine device to make difference of meats with sharp and tart sauce ; 
 and also to keep him by this frantic* jesting and bourding^ with 
 him at the table, that their common flattery should not be 
 troublesome unto him, as men do easily mislike^ to have too much 
 of one thing : and that they handled him finely thereby, when 
 they would give him place in any matter of weight and follow 
 his counsel, that it might not appear to him they did it so much 
 to please him, but because they were ignorant, and understood 
 not so much as he did. 
 
 1 3. Antonius being thus inclined, the last and extremest 
 mischief of all other (to wit, the love of Cleopatra) lighted on him, 
 who did waken and stir up many vices yet hidden in him, and 
 were never seen to any : and if any spark of goodness or hope of 
 
 touching 
 their great 
 payments 
 of money 
 imto kitn. 
 
 ^ greatly. 
 
 Anioniits' 
 simplicity. 
 
 Antoitins* 
 vianiters. 
 ^ as for 
 " befooling. 
 
 * deceived. 
 
 ^ foolish. 
 ^ joking. 
 
 ^ dislike. 
 
'74 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Antoniu^ 
 love to Cleo- 
 patra whom 
 he sent for 
 into Cilicia. 
 
 ^ observed. 
 
 , ^ in no way 
 suspected. 
 
 3 decked out. 
 
 * surpassing. 
 
 The wonder- 
 ful sumptu- 
 o?tsness of 
 Cleopatra^ 
 Queen of 
 Egypt, going 
 unto Anto~ 
 nins. 
 Cydnits Jl. 
 
 * hautboys. 
 ^ guitars. 
 
 rising <vere left him, Cleopatra quenched it straight, and made 
 it worse than before. The manner how he fell in love with her 
 was this. Antonius, going to make war with the Parthians, sent 
 to command Cleopatra to appear personally before him when h^ 
 came into Cilicia, to answer unto such accusations as were laid 
 against her, being this : that she had aided Cassius and Brutus 
 in their war against him. The messenger sent unto Cleopatra, 
 to make this summons unto her, was called Dellius ; who when 
 he had throughly considered* her beauty, the excellent grace 
 and sweetness of her tongue, he nothing mistrusted^ that Anto- 
 nius would do any hurt to so noble a lady, but rather assured 
 himself, that within few days she should be in great favour with 
 him. Thereupon he did her great honour, and persuaded her to 
 come into Cilicia, as honourably furnished' as she could possi- 
 ble ; and bad her not to be afraid at all of Antonius, for he was 
 a more courteous lord than any that she had ever seen. Cleo- 
 patra on the other side, believing Dellius' words, and guessing 
 by the former access and credit she had with Julius Caesar and 
 C. Pompey (the son of Pompey the Great) only for her beauty, 
 she began to have good hope that she might more easily win 
 Antonius. For Cassar and Pompey knew her when she was but 
 a young thing, and knew not then what the world meant : but 
 now she went to Antonius at the age when a woman's beauty is 
 at the prime, and she also of best judgment. So she furnished' 
 herself with a world of gifts, store of gold and silver, and of 
 riches and other sumptuous ornaments, as is credible enough 
 she might bring from so great a house, and from so wealthy 
 and rich a realm as Egypt was. But yet she carried nothing 
 with her wherein she trusted more than in herself, and in the 
 charms and enchantment of her passing* beauty and grace. 
 Therefore, when she was sent unto by divers letters, both from 
 Antonius himself and also from his friends, she made so hght 
 of it, and mocked Antonius so much, that she disdained to set 
 forward otherwise, but to take her barge in the river of Cydnus ; 
 the poop whereof was of gold, the sails of purple, and the oars 
 of silver, which kept stroke in rowing after the sound of the 
 music of flutes, howboys^, cithernes^, viols, and such other in- 
 struments as they played upon in the barge. And now for the 
 person of her self, she was laid under a pavilion of cloth of 
 gold of tissue, apparelled and attired 'like the goddess Venus, 
 commonly drawn in picture : and hard by her, on either hand of 
 her, pretty fair boys apparelled as painters do set forth god 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 175 
 
 Cupid, with little fans in their hands, with the which they fanned 
 wind upon her. Her ladies and gentlewomen also, the fairest of 
 them, were apparelled like the nymphs Nereids (which are the 
 mermaids of the waters) and like the Graces ; some steering the 
 helm, others tending the tackle and ropes of the barge, out of 
 the which there came a wonderful passing^ sweet savour of per- 
 fumes, that perfumed the wharf's side, pestered^ with innumera- 
 ble multitudes of people. Some of them followed the barge all 
 along the I'iver-side : others also ran out of the city to see her 
 coming in. So that in the end, there ran such multitudes of 
 people one after another to see her, that Antonius was left post' 
 alone in the market-place, in his imperial seat, to give audience : 
 and there went a rumour in the people's mouths, that the goddess 
 Venus was come to play with the god Bacchus, for the general 
 good of all Asia. When Cleopatra landed, Antonius sent to in- 
 vite her to supper to him. But she sent him word again, he 
 should do better rather to come and sup with her. Antonius 
 therefore, to shew himself courteous unto her at her arrival, was 
 contented to obey her, and went to supper to her : where he 
 found such passing* sumptuous fare, that no tongue can express 
 it. But amongst all other things, he most wondered at the infi- 
 nite number of lights and torches hanged* on the top of the 
 house, giving light in every place, so artificially set and ordered 
 by devices, some round, some square: that it was the rarest 
 thing to behold that eye could discern, or that ever books could 
 mention. The next night Antonius, feasting her, contended ^o 
 pass^ her in magnificence and fineness : but she overcame him 
 in both. So that he himself began to scorn the gross sei-vice of 
 his house, in respect of Cleopatra's sumptuousness and fineness. 
 And when Cleopatra found Antonius' jests and slents' to be but 
 gross^ and soldier-like, in plain manner, she/^ave it' him finely, 
 and without fear taunted him throughly i'/Now her beauty (as 
 it is reported) was not so passing as unmatchable of other 
 women, nor yet such as upon present view did enamour men 
 with her : but so sweet was her company add conversation, that 
 a man could not possibly but be taken^/And besides her beauty, 
 the good grace she had to talk and discourse, her courteous nature 
 that tempered her words and deeds, was a spur that pricked to 
 the quick. Furthermore, besides all these, her voice and words 
 were marvellous pleasant : for her tongue was an instrument of 
 music to divers sports and pastimes, the which she easily turned 
 into any language that pleased her. She spake unto few barba- 
 
 ^ surpass- 
 ingly. 
 2 crowded. 
 
 ^ posted. 
 
 The sittnpUt- 
 oits prepara- 
 tions 0/ the 
 suppers of 
 Cleopatra 
 aitd A nto- 
 nius. 
 * surpassing. 
 
 5 hung. 
 
 ' sly hits. 
 
 * coarse. 
 ^ derided. 
 ^'^ thoroughly, 
 Cleopatra's 
 ieauty. 
 
 X 
 
176 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' sole. 
 
 An order 
 set up by 
 Antonius 
 and Cleopa- 
 tra in Egypt. 
 
 rous people by interpreter, but made them answer her self, or at 
 the least the most part of them : as the ^Ethiopians, the Arabians, 
 the Troglodytes, the Hebrews, the Syrians, the Medes, and the 
 Parthians, and to many others also, whose languages she had 
 learned. Whereas divers of her progenitors, the kings of Egypt, 
 could scarce learn the Egyptian tongue only, and many of them 
 forgot to speak the Macedonian. 
 
 14. Now Antonius was so ravished with the love of Cleopa- 
 tra, that though his wife Fulvia had great wars, and much ado 
 with Csesar for his affairs, and that the army of the Parthians 
 (the which the king's lieutenants had given to the only^ leading 
 of Labienus) was now assembled in Mesopotamia, ready to in- 
 vade Syria ; yet (as though ail this had nothing touched him) he 
 yielded himself to go with Cleopatra unto Alexandria, where he 
 spent and lost in childish sports (as a man might say) and idle 
 pastimes, the most precious thing a man can spend (as Antiphon 
 saith), and that is, time. For they made an order between them, 
 which they called Amimetobion (as much to say, no life com- 
 parable and matchable with it), one feasting each other by turns, 
 and in cost exceeding all measure and reason. And for proof 
 hereof, I have heard my grandfather Lampryas report, that one 
 Philotas, a physician, born in the city of Amphissa, told him 
 that he was at that present time in Alexandria, and studied 
 physic ; and that having acquaintance with one of Antonius' 
 cooks, he took him with him to Antonius' house (being a young 
 man desirous to see things), to shew him the wonderful sumptu- 
 ous charge and preparation of one only supper. CWhen he was 
 in the kitchen, and saw a world of diyersities^^meats, and 
 amongst others eight wild boars roasted whole, he began to won- 
 der at it, and said : " Sure you have a great number of guests to 
 supper." The cook fell a-laughing, and answered him: "No," 
 quoth he, "not many guests, nor above twelve in aUTlbut yet all 
 that is boiled or roasted must be served in whole, o"PWse it would 
 be marred straight : for Antonius peradventure will sup presently, 
 or it may be a pretty while hence, or likely enough he will defer 
 it longer, for that he hath drunk well today, or else hath had 
 some other great matters in hand ; and therefore we do not dress 
 one supper only, but many suppers, because we are uncertain of 
 the hour he will sup in." Philotas the physician told my grand- 
 father this tale, and said moreover, that it was his chance shoitiy 
 after to serve the eldest son of the said Antonius, whom he had 
 by his wife Fulvia ; and that he sat commonly at his table with 
 
 Eight -wild 
 boars roast' 
 ed ivliole. 
 
 PJdIotas a 
 physician 
 bom in 
 Amphissa^ 
 reporter of 
 this feast. 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 177 
 
 his other friends, when he did not dine nor sup with his father. 
 It chanced one day there came a physician that was so full 
 of words, that he made every man weary of him at the board : 
 but Philotas, to stop his mouth, put out this subtle proposition 
 to him: "It is good in some sort to let a man drink cold water 
 that hath an ague : but every man that hath an ague, hath it in 
 some sort : ergo, it is good for every man that hath an ague to 
 drink cold water." The physician was so gravelled^ and amated* 
 withal, that he had not a word more to say. Young Antonius 
 burst out into such a laughing at him, and was so glad of it, that 
 he said unto him : " Philotas, take all that, I give it thee : " 
 shewing him his cupboard full of plate, with great pots of gold 
 and silver. Philotas thanked him, and told him he thought 
 himself greatly bound to him for this liberality, but he would 
 never have thought that he had had power to have given so 
 many things, and of so great value. But much more he marvel- 
 led, when shortly after one of young Antonius' men brought 
 him home all the pots in a basket, bidding him set his mark and 
 stamp upon them, and to lock them up. Philotas returned the 
 bringer of them,'fearing to be reproved if he took them. Then 
 the young gentleman Antonius said unto him: "Alas, poor man, 
 why doest thou make it. nice* to take them? knowest thou not 
 that it is the son of Antonius that gives them thee, and is able 
 to do it? if thou wilt not believe me, take rather the ready money 
 they come to: because my father peradventure may ask for some 
 of the plate, for the antick* and excellent workmanship of them." 
 This I have heard my grandfather tell oftentimes. 
 
 15. But now again to Cleopatra. Plato writeth that there 
 are four kinds of flattery : but Cleopatra divided it into many 
 kinds. For she (were it in sport, or in matters of earnest) still 
 devised sundry new delights to have Antonius at commandment, 
 never leaving him night nor day, nor once letting him go out 
 of her sight. For she would play at dice with him, drink with 
 him, and hunt commonly with him, and also be with him 
 when he went to any exercise or activity of body. And some- 
 time also, when he would go irp and down the city disguised 
 like a slave in the night, and would peer into poor men's win- 
 jiows and their shops, and scold and brawl with them within 
 ibe house, Cleopatra would be also in a chamber-maid's array, 
 and amble up and down the streets with him, so that often- 
 times Antonius bare away both mocks and blows. Now though 
 :;3nost men misliked' this manner, yet the Alexandrians were 
 S. P. 12 
 
 Philotas 
 
 physician to 
 
 the yoiiiiger 
 
 Antonius. 
 
 Philotas^ 
 
 siibilePro- 
 
 pasiiion. 
 
 1 posed. 
 
 2 olsconcert- 
 ed. 
 
 " seem re- 
 luctant^ 
 
 * antique. 
 
 Plato 
 writeth of 
 four kinds 
 of flattery. 
 Cleopatra 
 queen of all 
 Jlatierers. 
 
 ^ disliked. 
 
178 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ foolish. 
 
 A tUoniits' 
 fishing in 
 'Egypt 
 
 ^ discovered. 
 
 The wars of 
 
 Lucius An- 
 
 ionius and 
 
 Fulvia 
 
 against 
 
 Oclavins 
 
 Ccesar. 
 
 commonly glad of this jollity, and liked it well, saying very 
 gallantly and wisely: 'that Antonius shewed them a comical 
 face, to wit, a merry countenance: and the Romans a tragical 
 face, to say, a grim look.' But to reckon up all the foolish 
 sports they made, revelling in this sort, it were too fond' a 
 part of me, and therefore I will only tell you one among the 
 rest. On a time he went to angle for fish, and when he could 
 take none, he was as angry as could be, because Cleopatra 
 stood by. wherefore he secretly commanded the fishermen, 
 that when he cast in his line, they should straight dive under 
 the water, and put a fish on his hook which they had taken be- 
 fore : and so snatched up his angling-rod, and brought up a fish 
 twice or thrice. Cleopatra found^ it straight, yet she seemed 
 not to see it, but wondered at his excellent fishing : but when 
 she was alone by herself among her own people, she told them 
 how it was, and bad them the next morning to be on the water 
 to see the fishing. A nuinber of people came to the haven, 
 and got into the fisher-boats to see this fishing. Antonius 
 then threw in his line, and Cleopatra straight commanded one 
 of her men to dive under water before Antonius' men, and to 
 put some old salt-fish upon his bait, like unto those that are 
 brought out of the country of Pont. When he had hung the 
 fish on his hook, Antonius, thinking he had taken a fish in- 
 deed, snatched up his line presently^. Then they all fell a- 
 laughing. Cleopatra laughing also, said unto him : "Leave us, 
 my lord, Egyptians (which dwell in the country of Pharus and 
 Canobus) your angling-rod : this is not thy profession, thou 
 must hunt after conquering of realms and countries." 
 
 i6. Now Antonius delighting in these fond and childish 
 pastimes, very ill news, were brought him from two places. 
 The first from Rome, that his brother Lucius and Fulvia his 
 wife fell out first between themselves, and afterwards fell to 
 open war with Caesar, and had brought all to nought, that they 
 were both driven to fly out of Italy. The second news, as 
 bad as the first : that Labienus conquered all Asia with the 
 army of the Parthians, from the river of Euphrates and from 
 Syria unto the country of Lydia and Ionia. Then began 
 Antonius with much ado a little to rouse himself, as if he 
 had been wakened out of a deep sleep, and, as a man may 
 say, coming out of a great drunkenness. So, first of all he 
 bent himself against the Parthians, and went as far as the 
 country of Phoenicia ; but there he received lamentable letters 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 179 
 
 from his wife Fulvia. Whereupon he straight returned towards 
 Italy, with two hundred sail: and as he went, took up his 
 friends by the way that fled out of Italy to come to him. By 
 them he was informed, that his wife Fulvia was the only cause 
 of this war: who being of a peevish, crooked, and troublesome 
 nature, had purposely raised this uproar in Italy, in hope there- 
 by to withdraw him from Cleopatra. But by good fortune his 
 wife Fulvia, going to meet with Antonius, sickened ,by the way, 
 and died in the city of Sicyon: and therefore Octavius Caesar 
 and he were the easilier ^ made friends again. For when An- 
 tonius landed in Italy, and that men saw CeEsar asked nothing 
 of him, and that Antonius on the other side laid all the fault 
 and burden on his wife Fulvia ' the friends of both parties 
 would not suffer them to unrip any old matters, and to prove 
 or defend who had the wrong or right, and who was the first 
 procurer^ of this war, fearing to make matters worse between 
 them: but they made them friends together, and divided the 
 empire of Rome between them, making the sea Ionium the 
 bounds of their division. Foir they gave all the provinces east- 
 ward unto Antonius, and the countries westward unto Csssar, 
 and left Africa unto Lepidus : and made a law, that they three, 
 one after another, should make their friends Consuls, when they 
 would not be themselves. This seemed to be a sound counsel, 
 but yet it was to be confirmed with a straighter^ bond, which 
 fortune offered thus. There was Octavia, the eldest sister of 
 Caesar, not by one mother, for she came of Ancharia, and 
 Caesar himself afterwards of Accia. -It is reported, that he 
 dearly loved his sister Octavia, for indeed she was a noble lady, 
 and left the widow of her first husband Caius Marcellus, who 
 died not long before : and it seemed also that Antonius had 
 been widower ever since the death of his wife Fulvia. For he 
 denied not that he kept Cleopatra, neither did he confess that 
 he had her as his wife : and so with reason he did defend the 
 love he bare unto this Egyptian Cleopatra. Thereupon every 
 man did set forward this marriage, hoping thereby that this lady 
 Octavia, having an excellent grace, wisdom, and honesty, joined 
 unto so rare a beauty, when she were with Antonius (he lov- 
 ing her as so worthy a lady deserveth) ^he should be a good 
 mean* to keep good love and amity betwixt her brother and 
 him. So when Caesar and he had made the match between 
 them, they both went to Rome about this marriage, although 
 it was against the law that a widow should be married within 
 
 12—2 
 
 The death 
 
 of Fulvia, 
 
 Antonuts^ > 
 
 wife. 
 
 ^ more easily. 
 
 ^ author. 
 
 A Hike 
 ejnj>ire of 
 Rome di- 
 vided h£- 
 tweeK the 
 Triumviri. 
 
 " stricter. 
 
 Octavia the 
 half sister 
 of Octavius 
 Cizsar, aud 
 daughter of 
 Aftcharia, 
 which was 
 not CeBsar's 
 mother. 
 
 A law at 
 Rome for 
 
i8o 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 mnrrymg of 
 
 ividmvs, 
 
 AiUonins 
 
 jnarried 
 
 Octavia, 
 
 Octaviiis 
 
 Casars 
 
 half sister. 
 
 Antonitts 
 and Octa- 
 vius Ccesar 
 do make 
 peace ivith 
 Sexius 
 Poi/ipehis. 
 
 f 
 
 1 a certain 
 quantity. 
 
 2 lots. 
 
 Sextus 
 Pojnpeius* 
 taunt to 
 Atitonius. 
 
 ' enough. 
 
 Sextus 
 Pompeiiis 
 being offered 
 ■wojider/ul 
 great for- 
 iwte^for his 
 honesty and 
 faith's sake 
 re/used it. 
 
 ten months after her husband's death. Howbeit the senate 
 dispensed with the law, and so the marriage proceeded accord- 
 ingly. 
 
 17. Sextus Pompeius at that time kept in Sicilia, and so 
 made many an inroad into Italy with a great number of pin- 
 naces and other pirates' ships, of the which were captains two 
 notable pirates, Menas and Menecrates, who so scoured all the 
 sea thereabouts, that none durst peep out with a sail. Further- 
 more, Sextus Pompeius had dealt very friendly with Antonius, 
 for he had courteously received his mother when she fled out 
 of Italy with Fulvia, and therefore they thought good to make 
 peace with him.' So they met all three together by the mount 
 of Misena, upon a hill that runneth far into the sea : Pompey 
 having his ships riding hard by at anchor, and Antonius and 
 Csesar their armies upon the shore-side, directly over against 
 him. Now, after they had agreed that Sextus Pompeius should 
 have Sicily and Sardinia, with this condition, that he should 
 rid the sea of all thieves and pirates, and make it safe for 
 passengers, and withal, that he should send a certain^ of 
 wheat to Rome, one of them did feast another, and drew cuts^ 
 who should begin. It was Pompeius chance to invite them 
 first. Whereupon Antonius asked him: "And where shall we 
 sup?" "There," said Pompey; and shewed him his admiral 
 galley which had six banks of oars: "that," said he, "is my 
 father's house they have left me." He spake it to taunt An- 
 tonius, because he had his father's house, that was Pompey the 
 Great. So he cast anchors enow" into the sea, to make his galley 
 fast, and then built a bridge of wood to convey them to his 
 galley, from the head of mount Misena : and there he welcomed 
 them, and made them great cheer. Now in the midst of the 
 feast, when they fell to be merry with Antonius' love unto Cleo- 
 patra, Menas the pirate came to Pompey, and whispering in his 
 ear, said unto him : " Shall I cut the cables of the anchors, and 
 make thee lord not only of Sicily and Sardinia, but of the whole 
 empire of Rome besides ?" Pompey, having paused a while upon 
 it, at length answered him: "Thou shouldest have done it, and 
 never have told it me ; but now we must content us with that 
 we have : as for myself, I was never taught to break my faith, 
 nor to be counted a traitor." The other two also did likewise 
 feast him in their camp, and then he returned into Sicily. 
 
 18. Antonius, a:fter this agreement made, sent Ventidius be- 
 fore into Asia to stay the Parthians, and to keep th?m they 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 iSi 
 
 sHbuld come no further: and he himself in the mean time, to 
 gratify Caesar, was contented to be chosen Julius Caesar's priest 
 and sacrificer, and so they jointly together dispatched all great 
 njatters concerning the state of the empire. But in all other 
 manner of sports and exercises, wherein they passed the time 
 away the one with the other, Antonius was ever inferior unto 
 Csesar, and alway lost, which grieved him much. With Antonius 
 there was a soothsayer or astronomer of Egypt, that could cast 
 a figure, and judge of men's nativities, to tell them what should 
 happen to them. He, either to please Cleopatra, or else for that 
 he found it so by his art, told Antonius plainly, that his fortune 
 (which of itself was excellent good, and very great) was alto- 
 gether blemished and obscured by Caesar's fortune : and there- 
 fore he counselled him utterly to leave his company, and to get 
 him as far from him as he could. "For thy demon," said he, 
 (that is to say, the good angel and spirit that keepeth thee) "is 
 afraid of his : and being courageous and high when he is alone, 
 becometh fearful and timorous when he cometh near unto the 
 other." Howsoever it was, the events ensuing proved the Egyp- 
 tian's words true : for it is said, that as often as they two drew 
 cuts^ for pastime, who should have anything, or whether they 
 played at dice, Antonius alway lost. Oftentimes when they were 
 disposed to see cock-fight, or quails that were taught to fight one 
 ■ with another, Caesar's cocks or quails did ever overcome. The 
 which spited Antonius in his mind, although he made no out- 
 ward shew of it: and therefore he believed the Egyptian the 
 better. In fine^, he recommended" the affairs of his house unto 
 Caesar, and went out of Italy with Octavia his wife, whom he 
 carried into Greece after he had had a daughter by her. 
 
 19. So Antonius lying all the winter at Athens, news came 
 unto him of the victories of Ventidius, who had overcome the 
 iParthians in battle, in the which also were slain Labienus and 
 Pharnabates, the chiefest captains king Orodes had. For these 
 good news he feasted all Athens, and kept open house for all the 
 Grecians, and many games of price were played at Athens, of 
 the which he himself would be judge. Wherefore leaving his 
 guard, his axes, and tokens of his empire at his house, he came 
 into the shew-place or lists (where these games were played) in 
 a long gown and slippers after the Grecian fashion, and they 
 carried tipstaves* before him, as marshals' men do carry before 
 the judges, to make place: and he himself in person was a 
 stickler^ to part the young men, when they had fought enough. 
 
 Antonhts 
 told hy a. 
 sootlisayer 
 that his for- 
 tune was in- 
 /erior utit) 
 Octaviiis 
 Ccesar's, 
 
 ' lots. 
 
 Antonius 
 
 unfortunate 
 
 in sport and 
 
 earnest 
 
 against 
 
 Octai'ins 
 
 Ctesar. 
 
 ' finally. 
 
 ^ committed. 
 
 Orodes king 
 of Parthia, 
 
 ^ umpire. 
 
iSz 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 After that, preparing to go to the wars, he made him a garland 
 of the holy "olive, and carried a vessel with him of the water of 
 the fountain Clepsydra, because of an oi-acle he had received, 
 that so commanded him. In the meantime, Ventidius once 
 again overcame Pacorus (Orodes' son, king of Parthia) in a battle 
 fought in the country of Cyrrestica, he being come again with 
 a great army to invade Syria: at which battle was slain a great 
 number of the Parthians, and among them Pacorus, the king's 
 own son. This noble exploit, as famous as ever any was, was a 
 full revenge to the Romans of the shame and loss they had re- 
 ceived before by the death of Marcus Crassus : and he made the 
 Parthians fly, and glad to keep themselves within the confines 
 and territories of Mesopotamia and Media, after they had thrice 
 together been overcome in several battles. Howbeit Ventidius 
 durst not undertake to follow them any farther, fearing lest he 
 should have gotten Antonius' displeasure by it. Notwithstand- 
 ing, he led his army against them that had rebelled, and con- 
 quered them again : amongst whom he besieged Antiochus king 
 of Commagena, who offered him to give a thousand talents to 
 be pardoned his rebellion, and promised ever after to be at 
 Antonius' commandment. But Ventidius made him answer, 
 that he should send unto Antonius ; who was not far off, and 
 would not suffer Ventidius to make any peace with Antiochus, 
 to the end that yet this little exploit should pass in his name, 
 and that they should not think he did anything but by his lieu- 
 tenant Ventidius. The siege grew very long, because they that 
 were in the town, seeing they could not be received upon no 
 reasonable composition, determined valiantly to defend them- 
 selves to the last man. Thus Antonius did nothing, and yet 
 received great shame, repenting him much that he took not 
 their first offer. And yet at the last he was glad to make truce 
 with Antiochus, and to take three hundred talents for composi- 
 tion. Thus after he had set order for the state and affairs of 
 Syria, he returned again to Athens : and having given Ventidius 
 such honours as he deserved, he sent him to Rome, to triumph 
 for the Parthians. Ventidius was the only man that ever 
 triumphed of the Parthians until this present day, a mean man 
 born, and of no noble house or family : who only came to that 
 he attained unto, through Antonius' friendship, the which de- 
 hvered him happy occasion to achieve great matters. And yet to 
 say truly, he did so well quit^ himself in all his enterprises, that 
 he confirmed that which was spoken of Antonius and Caisar, to 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 183 
 
 wit, that they were alway more fortunate when they made war 
 by their heutenants than by themselves. For Sossius, one of 
 Antonius' lieutenants in Syria, did notable good service : and 
 Canidius, whom he had also left his lieutenant in the borders of 
 Armenia, did conquer it all. So did he also overcome the kings 
 of the Iberians and Albanians, and went on with his conquests 
 unto mount Caucasus. By these conquests the fame of Antonius' 
 power increased more and more, and grew dreadful unto all the 
 barbarous nations. 
 
 20. But Antonius, notwithstanding, grew to be mai-vellously 
 offended with Csesar, upon certain reports that had been brought 
 unto' him, and so took sea to go towards Italy with three hun- 
 dred sail. And because those of Brundusium would not receive 
 his army into their haven, he went farther unto Tarentum. 
 There his wife Octavia, that came out of Greece with him, 
 besought him to send her unto her brother, the which he did.. 
 Octavia at that time was great with child, and moreover had a 
 second daughter by him, and yet she put herself in journey, 
 and met with her brother Octavius Caesar by the way, who 
 brought his two chief friends, Maecenas and Agrippa, with him. 
 She took them aside, and with all the instance''- she could 
 possible, intreated them they would not suffer her, that was 
 the happiest woman of the world, to become now the most 
 wretched and unfortunates! creature of all other. " For now," 
 said she, " every man's eyes do gaze on me, that am the sister 
 of one of the emperors, and wife of the other. And if the 
 worst counsel take place (which the gods forbid) and that they 
 grow to wars : for yourselves, it is uncertain to which of them 
 two the gods have assigned the victory or overthrow. But for 
 me, on which side soever the victory fall, my state can be but 
 most miserable still." These words of Octavia so softened 
 Csesar's heart, that he went quickly unto Tarentum. But it 
 was a noble sight for them that were present, to see so great an 
 army by land not to stir ; and so many ships ailoat in the road 
 quietly and safe : and furthermore, the meeting and kindness 
 of friends, lovingly embracing one another. First, Antonius 
 feasted Caesar, which he granted unto for his sister's sake. 
 Afterwards they agreed together, that Caesar should give 
 Antonius two legions to go against the Parthians, and that 
 Antonius should let Csesar have an hundred galleys armed with 
 brazen spurs at the prows. Besides all this, Octavia obtained of 
 her husband twenty brigantines for her brother, and of her 
 
 Caniditts' 
 cougjtests. 
 
 New dis- 
 pleasures 
 beiw 'xi 
 Antonius 
 and Oct.i- 
 vius Ctzsar, 
 
 The words 
 of Octavia 
 unio Mtece- 
 ttas and 
 Agrippa. 
 ^ urgency. 
 
 Octavia 
 
 pdcijieth 
 
 tile quarrel 
 
 betwixt 
 
 Antonius 
 
 and iter 
 
 brotlter 
 
 Octavius 
 
 Casar, 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 Plato call- 
 eth concu- 
 piscence the 
 horse of the 
 vtind. 
 
 Antottius 
 sent for 
 Cleopatra, 
 into Syria. 
 Antonins 
 gave f^eai 
 provinces 
 jinto Cleo- 
 patra. 
 ' Isle. 
 
 ^ displeased. 
 
 Antfgonits 
 king of 
 feivry, the 
 first king 
 ifcheoiled by 
 Antonins, 
 
 Antonin^ 
 twins by 
 C leopatra, 
 and their 
 names. 
 ' for. 
 
 ^ cloak. 
 
 brother, for her husband, a thousand armed men. After they 
 had taken leave of each other, Cffisar went immediately to make 
 war with Sextus Pompeius, to get Sicilia into his hands. Antonius 
 also, leaving his wife Octavia and Uttle children begotten qf 
 her, with Csesar, and his other children which he had by Fulvia, 
 wept directly into Asia. 
 
 21. Then began this pestilent plague and mischief of Cleo- 
 patra's love (which had slept a long time, and seemed to have 
 been utterly forgotten, and that Antonius had given place to 
 better counsel) again to kindle, and to be in force, so soon as 
 Antonius came near unto. Syria. And in the end, the horse 
 of the mind, as Plato termeth it, that is so hard of rein (I 
 mean the unreined lust of concupiscence) did put out o f 
 An tonius' head all >innpct- and rQiTimKBdabl e thoughts; for 
 Eesent Fonteius Capito to bring Cleopatra into Syria: unto 
 whom, to welcome her, he gave no trifling things: but unto 
 that she had already, he added the provinces of Phoenicia, those 
 of the nethermost Syria, the ile' of Cyprus, and a great part 
 of Cilicia, and that country of Jewry where the true balm is, 
 and that part of Arabia where the Nabathseans do dwell, which 
 stretcheth out toward the ocean. These great gifts, much 
 misliked^ the Romans. But now, though Antonius did easily 
 give away great segniories, realms, and mighty nations unto 
 some private men, and that also he took from other kings 
 their lawful realms (as from Antigonus, king of the Jews, 
 whom he openly beheaded, where never king before had suf- 
 fered like death) : yet all this did not so much offend the Romans, 
 as the unmeasurable honours which he did unto Cleopatra. 
 But yet he did much more aggravate their malice and ill-will 
 towards hira, because that Cleopatra having brought him two 
 twins, a son and a daughter, he named his son Alexander, and 
 his daughter Cleopatra; and gave them, to^ their surnames, the 
 Sun to the one, and the Moon to the other. This notwith- 
 standing, he that could finely cloke* his shameful deeds with 
 fine words, said, 'that the greatness and magnificence of the 
 empire of Rome appeared most, not where the Romans took, 
 but where they gave much : and nobility was multiplied amongst 
 men by the posterity of kings, when they left of their seed in 
 divers places: and that by this means his first ancestor was 
 begotten of Hercules, who had not left the hope and continu- 
 ance of his line and posterity in the womb of one only woman, 
 fearing Solon's laws, or regarding the ordinances of men touch- 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 185 
 
 ing the procreation of children : but that he gave it unto nature, 
 and established the foundation of many noble races and families 
 in divers places.' Now when Phraortes had slain his father 
 Orodes, and possessed the kingdom, many gentlemen of Parthia 
 forsook him, and fled from him. Amongst them was Moneses, 
 a nobleman, and of great authority among his countrymen, who 
 came unto Antonius that received him, and compared his for- 
 tune unto Themistocles, and his own riches and magnificerice 
 unto the kings of Persia. For he gave Moneses three cities, 
 Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, which was called before 
 Bombice. Howbeit the king of Parthia shortly after called 
 him home again, upon his faith and word. Antonius was glad 
 to let him go, hoping thereby to steal upon Phraortes unpro- 
 vided^. For he sent unto him, and told him that they would 
 remain good friends, and have peace together, so he would but 
 only redeliver the standards and ensigns of the Romans (which 
 the Parthians had won in the battle where M. Crassus was 
 slain) and the men also that remained yet prisoners of this 
 overthrow. In the meantime he sent Cleopatra back into 
 Egypt, and took his way towards Arabia and Armenia, and 
 there took a general muster of all his army he had together, 
 and of the kings his confederates that were come by his com- 
 mandment to aid him, beinga marvellous number: of the which, 
 the chiefcst was Artavasdes king of Armenia, who did furnish 
 him with 6000 horsemen, and 7000 footmen. There were also 
 of the Romans about threescore thousand footmen, and of 
 horsemen (Spaniards and Gauls reckoned for Romans) to the 
 number of 10,000, and of other nations thirty thousand men, 
 reckoning together the horsemen and light-armed footmen. This 
 so great and puissant^ army (which made the Indians quake 
 for fear, dwelling about the country of the Bactrians, and all 
 Asia also to tremble) served him to no purpose, and all for the 
 love he bare to Cleopatra. For the earnest great desire he 
 had, to lie all winter with her, made him begin this war out of 
 due time, and for haste to put all in hazard : being so ravished 
 and enchanted with the sweet poison of her love, that he had 
 BO other thought but of her, and how he might quickly return 
 again, more than how he might overcome his enemies. For 
 first of all, where he should have wintered in Armenia to refresh 
 his men, wearied with the long journey they had made, having 
 come eight thousand furlongs, and then at the beginning of the 
 spring to go and invade Media before the Parthians should stir 
 
 Phraortes 
 sleiv his 
 father 
 Orodes kin^ 
 0/ Parthia. 
 
 ' unex- 
 pectedly. 
 
 Antonius* 
 great and 
 puissant 
 army. 
 
 2 powerful. 
 
 Antonitts 
 drunk with 
 tile iove 0/ 
 Cieopatra. 
 
i86 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Anionius 
 li'siegeih 
 the city of 
 I'hrniifa in 
 J\Iedia, 
 
 ' baggage. 
 ne Par- 
 ihiatis took 
 Antonijis' 
 engines o/ 
 battery. 
 
 ^ instigator. 
 
 out of their houses and garrisons: he could tarry no longer, 
 but led them forthwith unto the province of Atropatene, leaving 
 Armenia on the left hand, and foraged all the country. Fur- 
 thermore, making all the haste he could, he left behind him 
 engines of battery which were carried with him in three hundred 
 carts (among the which also there was a ram fourscore feet 
 long), being things most necessary for him, and the which he 
 could not get again for money, if they were once lost or marred. 
 For the high provinces of Asia have no trees growing of such 
 height and length, neither strong nor straight enough to make 
 such like engines of battery. This notwithstanding, he left th(-m 
 all behind him, as an hindrance to bring his matters and intent 
 speedily to pass : and left a certain number of men to keep thein, 
 and gave them in charge unto one Tatianus. 
 
 22. Then he went to besiege the city of Phraata, being the 
 chiefest and greatest city the king of Media had, where his 
 wife and children were. Then he straight found out his own 
 fault, and the want of his artillery he left behind him, by the 
 work he had in hand : for he was fain, for lack of a breach (where 
 his men might come to the sword with their enemies that 
 defended the wall\ to force a mound of earth hard to the walls 
 of the city, the which by little and little, with great labour, rose 
 to some height. In the meantime king Phraortes came down 
 with a great army, who, understanding that Antonius had left 
 his engines of battery behind him, he sent a great number of 
 horsemen before, which environed Tatianus with all his car-, 
 riage', and slew him, and ten thousand men he had with him. 
 After this the barbarous people took these engines of battery 
 and burnt them, and got many prisoners, amongst whom they 
 took also king Polemon. This discomfiture marvellously troubled 
 all Antonius' army, to receive so great an overthrow (beyond 
 their expectation) at the beginning of their journey : insomuch 
 that Artabazus, king of the Armenians, despairing of the good 
 success of the Romans, departed with his men, notwithstanding 
 that he was himself the first procurer^ of this war and journey. 
 On the other side, the Parthians came courageously unto An- 
 tonius' camp, who lay at the siege of their chiefest city, and 
 cruelly reviled and threatened him. Antonius therefore, fearing 
 that if he lay still and did nothing, his men's hearts would fail 
 them, he took ten legions, with ihree cohorts or ensigns of the 
 PrKtors (which are companies appointed for the guard of the 
 general) and ail his horsemen, and carried them out to forage, 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 1S7 
 
 hoping thereby he should easily allure the Parthians to fight a 
 battle. But when he had marched about a day's journey from 
 his camp, he saw the Parthians wheeling round about him to 
 give him the onset, and to skirmish with him, when he would 
 think to march his way. Therefore he set out his signal of 
 battle, and yet caused his tents and fardels^ to be trussed^ up, 
 as though he meant not to fight, but only to lead his men 
 back again. Then he marched before the army of the barbarous 
 people, the which was marshalled like a cressant^ or half moon, 
 and commanded his horsemen that, as soon as they thought the 
 legions were near enough unto their enemies to set upon the 
 voward*, that then they should set spurs to their horses, and begin 
 the charge. The Parthians standing in battle ray^, beholding 
 the countenance of the Romans as they marched, *took them for 
 soldiers indeed, for that they marched in as good an-ay as was 
 possible*. For in their march they kept their ranks a little space 
 one from another, not straggling out of order, and shaking 
 their pikes, speaking never a word. But so soon as the alarm 
 wasgiven,the horsemensuddenlyturned head upon the Parthians, 
 and with great cries gave charge on them: who at the first 
 received their charge courageously, for they were joined nearer 
 than within an arrow's shoot^. But when the legions also came 
 to join with them, shouting out aloud, and rattling of their 
 armours, the Parthians' horses and themselves were so afraid 
 •and amazed withal, that they all turned tail and fled, before 
 the Romans could come to the sword with them. Then Antonius 
 followed them hard in chase, being in great hope by this conflict 
 to have brought to end all or the most part of this war. But 
 .after that his footmen had chased them fifty furlongs off, and the 
 horsemen also thrice as far, they found in all but thirty prisoners 
 taken, and about fourscore men only slain : which did piuch 
 discourage them, when they considered with themselves, that 
 obtaining the victory, they had slain so few of their enemies : 
 and when they were overcome, they lost so many of their men, 
 as they had done at the overthrow when their carriage'' was 
 taken. The next morning Antonius' army trussed^ up their 
 carriage', and marched back towards their camp : and by the 
 way in their return they met at the first a few of the Parthians ; 
 then going on further, they met a few more. So at length when 
 they all came together, they reviled them, and troubled them 
 on every side, as freshly and courageously as if they had not 
 been overthrown : so that the Romans very hardly^ got to their 
 
 ^ bundles. 
 ^ packed. 
 
 ^ crescent. 
 
 * vanguard. 
 Battle be- 
 twixt ike 
 Parthians 
 and Anto- 
 nius. 
 ^ array. 
 *— *jo ed. 
 1631. 
 
 TheRoinans' 
 good order in 
 their inarch. 
 
 ' shot. 
 
 ' baggage. 
 ^ packed. 
 
 ^ with mucli 
 difficulty. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' guarded. 
 
 Decimation 
 a jtutrtial 
 ptiniskjneiU, 
 
 The crafi ef 
 the Par- 
 thians 
 against t/te 
 Romans. 
 
 " put up with. 
 
 camp with safety. The Medes on the other side, that were 
 besieged in their chief city of Phraata, made a sally out upon 
 them that kept^ the mount which they had forced and cast 
 against the wall of the city, and drave them for fear from the 
 mount they kept. Antonius was so offended withal, that he 
 executed the decimation. For he divided his men by ten legions, 
 and then of them he put the tenth legion to death, on whom 
 the lot fell : and for the other nine, he caused them to have 
 barley given them instead of wheat. Thus the war fell out 
 troublesome unto both paities, and the end thereof much more 
 fearful ; for Antonius could look for no other of his side but 
 famine, because he could forage no more, nor fetch in any 
 victuals, without gi-eat loss of his men. Phraortes, on the other 
 side, he knew well enough that he could bring the Parthians to 
 anything else but to lie in camp abroad in the winter. There- 
 fore he was afraid, that if the Romans continued their siege all 
 winter long, and made war with him still, that his men would 
 forsake him, and specially because the time of the year went 
 away apace, and the air waxed cloudy and cold in the equi- 
 noctial autumn. Thereupon he called to mind this device: 
 He gave the chiefest of his gentlemen of the Parthians charge, 
 that when they met the Romans out of their camp, going to 
 forage, or to water their horse, or for some other provision, 
 that they should not distress them too much, but should suffer 
 them to carry somewhat away, and greatly commend their 
 valiantness and hardiness, for which their king did esteem them 
 the more, and not without cause. After these first baits and allure- 
 ments, they began by little and little to come nearer unto them, 
 and to talk with them a-horseback, greatly blaming Antonius' self- 
 will, that did not give their king Phraortes occasion to make a 
 good peace, who desired nothing more than to save the lives of 
 so goodly a company of valiant men ; but that he was too fondly 
 bent to abide two of the greatest and most dreadful enemies 
 he could have, to wit, winter and famine, the which they should 
 hardly away withaH, though the Parthians did the best they 
 could to aid and accompany them. These words being often- 
 times brought to Antonius, they made him a little pliant, for 
 the good hope he had of his return : but yet he would not send 
 unto the king of Parthia before they had first asked these bar- 
 barous people that spake so courteously unto his men, whether 
 they spake it of themselves, or that they were their mastert 
 words. When they told them the king himself said so, and 
 
MARCUS ANTOmUS. 
 
 189 
 
 did persuade them further not to fear or mistrust them, then 
 Antonius sent some of his friends unto the king, to make 
 demand for the delivery of the ensigns and prisoners he 
 had of the Romans since the overthrow of Crassus, to the end 
 it should not appear that, if he asked nothing, they should 
 think he were glad that he might only scape with safety out 
 of the danger he was in. The king of Parthia answered him, 
 that, for the ensigns and prisoners he demanded, he should not 
 breaki his head about it : notwithstanding that, if he would 
 presently^ depart without delay, he might depart in peaceable 
 manner, and without danger. Wherefore Antonius, after he 
 had given his men some time to truss' up their carriage*, he 
 raised his camp, and took his way to depart. Buf though he 
 had an excellent tongue at Will, and very gallant to entertain 
 his soldiers and men of war, and that he could passingly* well 
 do^it, as well, or better than any captain in his time : yet, being 
 ashamed for respects, he would not speak unto them at his re- 
 moving, but willed Domitius vEnobarbus to do it. Many of them 
 took this in very ill part, and thought that he did it in disdain of 
 them : but the most part of them presently understood the truth of 
 it, and were also ashamed. Therefore they thought it their duties 
 to carry the like respect unto their captain that their captain did 
 unto them : and so they became the more obedient unto him. 
 
 23. So Antonius was minded to return the same way he 
 came, being a plain barren country without wood. But there 
 came a soldier to him, born in the country of the Mardians, 
 who, by oft frequenting the Parthians of long time, knew their 
 fashions very well, and had also shewed himself very true and 
 faithful to the Romans in the battle where Antonius' engines of 
 battery and carriage were taken away. This man came unto 
 Antonius, to counsel him to beware how he went that way, and 
 to make \\\5 army a prey (being heavily armed) unto so great a 
 number of horsemen, all archers in the open field, where they 
 should have nothing to let^ them to compass him round about : 
 and that this was Phraortes' fetch', to offer him so friendly con- 
 ditions and courteous words, to make him raise his siege, that 
 he might afterwards meet him as he would in the plains : how- 
 beit that he would guide him, if he thought good, another way on 
 the right hand, thiough woods and mountains, a far nearer way, 
 and where he should find gieat plenty of all things needful for 
 his army. Antonius hearing what he said, called his counsel 
 together to consult upon it. For after he had made peace with 
 
 ^ trouble. 
 ^ at once. 
 
 Antonius 
 reUtr?tei/i 
 from the 
 Journey of 
 the Par- 
 thians. 
 ^ pack. 
 ' baggage. 
 * exceeding- 
 ly- 
 
 * prevent. 
 ' device. 
 
I go 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * pleased. 
 
 ' from. 
 
 The Pitr- 
 tkians do set 
 upon Anto- 
 hiiis in his 
 return. 
 
 5 bullets. 
 
 • that. 
 
 *" rearguard. 
 ^ squadron. 
 
 The hold act 
 of Flavius 
 Gnliits. 
 ' fifth. 
 8 in fight. 
 « more. 
 
 the Parthians, he was loth to give them cause to think he mis- 
 trusted them : and on the other side also he would gladly 
 shorten his way, and pass by places well inhabited, where he 
 might be provided of all things necessary : therefore he asked 
 the Mardian what pledge he would put in, to perform that he 
 promised. The Mardian gave himself to be bound hand and 
 foot, till he had brought his army into the country of Armenia. 
 So he guided the army thus bound, two days together, without 
 any trouble or sight of enemy. But the third day Antonius, 
 thinking the Parthians would no more follow him, and tmsting 
 therein, suffered the soldiers to march in disorder as every man 
 listed 1. The Mardian, perceiving that the dams of a river were 
 newly broken up, which they should have passed over, and that 
 the river had overflown the banks and drowned all the way 
 they should have gone, he guessed straight that the Parthians 
 had done it, and had thus broken it open, to stay the Romans 
 for^ getting too far before them. Therefore he bade Antonius 
 look to himself, and told him that his enemies were not far from 
 thence. Antonius, having set his men in order, as he was placing 
 of his archers and sling-men to resist the enemies, and to drive 
 them back, they descried the Parthians that wheeled round about 
 the army to compass them in on every side, and to break their 
 ranks, and their light-armed men gave charge upon them. So 
 after they had hurt many of the Romans with their arrows, and 
 that they themselves were also hurt by them with their darts and 
 plummets' of lead, they retired a little, and then came again and 
 gave charge, until that the horsemen of the Gauls turned their 
 horses, and fiercely galloped towards them, that they dispersed 
 them so, as* all that day they gathered no more together. 
 Thereby Antonius knew what to do, and did not only strengthen 
 the rereward' of his army, but both the flanks also, with darts 
 and sling-men, and made his army march in a square battle^ : 
 commanding the horsemen, that when the enemies should come 
 to assail them, they should drive them back, but not follow them 
 too far. Thus the Parthians four days after, seeing they did no 
 more hurt to the Romans than they also received of them, they 
 were not so hot upon them as they were commanded, but ex- 
 cusing themselves by the winter that troubled them, they deter- 
 mined to return back again. The fift'' day Flavius Gallus, a 
 valiant man of his hands^, that had charge in the army, came 
 unto Antonius to pray him to let him have some mo^ of his 
 light-armed men than were already in the rereward, and some 
 
MARCUS ANTOmUS. 
 
 igr 
 
 of the horsemen that were in the voward', hoping thereby to do 
 some notable exploit. Antonius gi-anting them unto him, when 
 the enemies came according to their manner to set upon the 
 tail of the army, and to skirmish with them, Flavius courageous- 
 ly made them retire, but not as they were wont to do before, to 
 retire and join presently with their army ; for he over rashly 
 thrust in among them to fight it out at the sword. The captains 
 that had the leading of the rereward, seeing Flavius stray too 
 far from the army, they sent unto him to wilP him to retire, but 
 he would not hearken to it. And it is reported also, that Titius 
 himself, the treasurer, took the ensigns, and did what he could 
 to make the ensign-bearers return back, reviling Flavius Gallus, 
 because that through his folly and desperateness he Caused many 
 honest and valiant men to be both hurt and slain to no purpose. 
 Gallus also fell out with him, and commanded his men to stay. 
 Wherefore Titius returned again into the army, and Gallus still 
 overthrowing and driving the enemies back whom he met in the 
 voward', he was not ware* that he was compassed in. Then, see- 
 ing himself environed on all sides, he sent unto the army, that 
 they should come and aid him : but there the captains that led the 
 legions (among the which Canidius, a man of great estimation 
 about Antonius, made one) committed many faults. For where 
 they should have made head with the whole army upon the Par- 
 thian s, they sent him aid by small companies : and when they 
 were slain, they sent him others also. So that by their beastli- 
 ness' and lack of consideration, they had like to have made all 
 the army fly, if Antonius himself had not come from the front of 
 the battle with the third legion, the which came through the 
 middest^ of them that fled, until they came to front the enemies, 
 and that they stayed them from chasing any farther.- . Howbeit at 
 this last conflict there were slain no less than 3000 men, and 5000 
 besides brought sore hurt into the camp, and amongst them also 
 Flavius Gallus, whose body was shot through in four places, 
 whereof he died. Antonius went to the tents to visit and com- 
 fort the sick and wounded, and for pity's sake he could not re- 
 frain from weeping : and they also, shewing him the best coun- 
 tenance they could, took him by the hand, and prayed him to 
 go and be dressed, and not to trouble himself for them, most 
 reverently calling him their emperor and captain : and that for 
 themselves, they were v^hole and safe, so that he had his health. 
 For indeed to say truly, there was not at that time any emperor 
 or captain that had so great and puissant' an army as his to- 
 
 ^ vanguard. 
 
 2 desire. 
 
 3 vanguard. 
 * aware. 
 
 Canidius* 
 fajiltjAtito- 
 
 niu^ cap' 
 . tain. 
 
 ^ stupidity. 
 
 " midst. 
 
 Flaviits 
 Gallus slain. 
 Antonius* 
 care of them 
 that were 
 ivoHuded. 
 
 7 strong. 
 
192 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ to endure. 
 Tlie love 
 and rez'e- 
 rence oftlu 
 soldiers ujtto 
 Aittotuus. 
 2 equally. 
 
 Tke rare 
 and singular 
 gifts of 
 A ntoitius. 
 
 ' stayed in. 
 
 T/ie king of 
 Farthia 
 never came 
 to fight in. 
 thefield. 
 
 * uniform. 
 
 " others. 
 
 ^ dislike 
 
 gether, both for lusty youths and courage of soldiers, as also for 
 their patience to away with* so great pains and trouble. Fur- 
 thermore, the obedience and reverence they shewed unto their 
 captain, with a marvellous earnest love and good will, was so 
 great, and all were indifferently^ (as well great as small, the 
 noble men as mean men, the captains as soldiers) so earnestly 
 bent to esteem Antonius' good will and favour above their own 
 Hfe and safety, that, in this point of martial discipline, the ancient 
 Romans could not have done any more. But divers things were 
 cause thereof, as we have told you before: Antonius' nobility 
 and ancient house, his eloquence, his plain nature, his liberality 
 and magnificence, and familiarity to sport and to be merry in 
 company ; but especially the care he took at that time to help, 
 visit, and lament those that were sick and wounded, seeing 
 every man to have that which was meet for him : that was of such 
 force and effect, as it made them that were sick and wounded to 
 love him better, and were more desirous to do him sei-vice, than 
 those that were whole and sound. This victory so encouraged 
 the enemies (who otherwise were weary to follow Antonius any 
 farther) that all night long they kept^ the fields, and hovered 
 about the Romans' camp, thinking that they would presently fly, 
 and that then they should take the spoil of their camp. So the 
 next morning by break of day, there were gathered together a 
 far greater number of the Parthians than they were before. For 
 the rumour was, that there were not much fewer than 40,000 
 horse, because their king sent thither even the very guard about 
 his person, as unto a most certain and assured victory, that they 
 might be partners of the spoil and booty they hoped to have 
 had: for, as touching the king himself, he was never in any con- 
 flict or battle. Then Antonius, desirous to spealc to his soldiers, 
 called for a black gown, to appear the more pitiful to them: but 
 his friends did dissuade him from it. Therefore he put on his 
 coat-armour*, and being so apparelled, made an oration to his 
 army : in the which he highly commended them that had over- 
 come and driven back their enemies, and greatly rebuked them 
 that had cowardly turned their backs. So that those which had 
 overcome prayed him to be of good cheer : the other* also, to. 
 clear themselves, willingly offered to take the lot of decimation 
 if he thought good, or otherwise to receive what kind of punish- 
 ment should please him to lay upon them, so that he would for- 
 get any more to mislike', or to be offended with them. Anto- 
 nius seeing that, did lift up his hands to heaven, and made his 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 193 
 
 prayer to the gods, that if, in exchange of his former victories, 
 they would now send him some bitter adversity, then that all 
 might light on himself alone, and that they would give the vic- 
 tory to the rest of his army. 
 
 24. The next morning, they gave better order on every side 
 of the army, and so marched forward : so that when the Par- 
 thians thought to return again to assail them, they came far 
 short of the reckoning. For where they thought^ to come, not 
 to fight, but to spoil and inake havoc of all, when they came 
 near them, they were sore hurt with their slings and darts, and 
 such other javelins as the .Romans darted at them, and the Par- 
 thians found them as rough and desperate in fight, as if they 
 had been fresh men they had dealt withal. Whereupon their 
 hearts began again to fail them. But yet when the Romans 
 came to go down any steep hills or mountains, they would set 
 on them with their arrows, because the Romans could go down 
 but fair and softly. But then again, the soldiers of the legion 
 that carried great shields, returned back, and enclosed them 
 that were naked^ or light-armed in the midst among them, and 
 did kneel of one knee on the ground, and so set down their 
 shields before them : and they of the second rank also covered 
 them of the first rank, and the third also covered the second, 
 and so from rank to rank all were covered. Insomuch that this 
 manner of covering and shading themselves with shields was 
 devised after the fashion of laying tiles upon houses ; and to 
 sight was like the degrees ^ of a theatre, and is a most strong 
 defence and bulwark against all arrows and shot that falleth 
 upon it. When the Parthians saw this countenance* of the 
 Roman soldiers of the legion which kneeled on the ground in 
 that sort upon one knee, supposing that they had, been wearied 
 with travel, they laid down their bows, and took their spears 
 and lances, and came to fight with them man for man. Then 
 the Romans suddenly rose upon their feet, and with the darts 
 that they threw from them they ?lew the foremost, and put the 
 rest to flight, and so did they the next days that followed. 
 But by means of these dangers and lets^, Antonius' army could 
 win no way in a day, by reason whereof they suffered great 
 famine : for they could have but little corn, and yet were they 
 driven daily to fight for it ; and besides that, they had no in- 
 struments to grind it, to make bread of it. For the most part 
 of them had been left behind, because the beasts that carried 
 them were either dead, or else employed to carry them that were 
 
 Antonius 
 charitable 
 prayer to 
 the gods for 
 his army. 
 
 expected. 
 
 TheRomans 
 testudo and 
 cover ng 
 against shot 
 ^ unarmed. 
 
 5 steps. 
 *appe,arance 
 
 ' delays. 
 
 S. P. 
 
 13 
 
194 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Great fa- 
 7}iijie in 
 Autonhis^ 
 at my. 
 
 ^ upon. 
 
 A deadly 
 kerb incura- 
 ble ivithout 
 ■wine. 
 
 ^importance. 
 
 ' bile. 
 
 The valiant- 
 n,'ss of inn 
 thousand 
 Grecians^ 
 •whom Xeno- 
 phon brought 
 away njier 
 the oz'er- 
 throzv of 
 Cynts. 
 ^ nioie. 
 * cunsidera- 
 by. 
 
 Tiie Par- 
 iniaiis very 
 subtle attd 
 cafty peo- 
 ple. 
 
 sore and wounded. For the famine was so extreme great, that 
 the eight part of a bushel of wheat was sold for fifty drachmas, 
 and they sold barley bread by the weight of silver. In the end 
 they were compelled to live of^ herbs and roots, but they found 
 few of them that men do commonly eat of, and were enforced to 
 taste of them that were never eaten before : among the which, 
 there was one that killed them, and made them out of their wits. 
 For he that had once eaten of it, his memory was gone from 
 him, and [he] knew no manner of thing, but only busied himself 
 in digging and hurling of stones from one place to another, as 
 though it had been a matter of great weight^, and to be done 
 with all possible speed. All the camp over, men were busily 
 stooping to the ground, digging and carrying of stones from one 
 place to another : but at the last, they cast up a great deal of 
 choler'', and died suddenly; because they lacked wine, which 
 was the only sovereign remedy to cure that disease. It is 
 reported that Antonius, .seeing such a number of his men die 
 daily, and that the Parthians left them not, neither would suffer 
 them to be at rest, he oftentimes cried out sighing, and said-. "O 
 ten thousand!" He had the valiantness of 10,000 Grecians in 
 such admiration, whom Xenophon brought away after the over- 
 throw of Cyrus : because they had come a farther journey from 
 Babylon, and had also fought against much mo* enemies many 
 times told than themselves, and yet came home with safety. The 
 Parthians therefore, seeing that they could not break the good 
 order of the army of the Romans, and contrarily, that they them- 
 selves were oftentimes put to flight, and wellfavou redly " beaten, 
 they fell again to their old crafty subtilties. For when they 
 found any of the Romans scattered from the army to go forage, 
 to seek some corn or other victuals, they would come to them as 
 if they had been their friends, and shewed them their bows unbent, 
 saying, that themselves also did return home to their country as 
 they did, and that they would follow them no farther : howbeit 
 that they should yet have certain Medes that would follow them 
 a day's journey or two, to keep them that they should do no hurt 
 to the villages from the high-ways ; and so holding them with 
 this talk, they gently took their leave of them, and bad them 
 farewell, -so that the Romans began again to think themselves 
 safe. Antonius also understanding this, being very glad of it, 
 determined to take his way through the plain country, because 
 also they should find no water in the mountains, as it was 
 reported unto him. 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 195 
 
 25. So as he was determined to take his course, there came 
 into his host one Mithridates, a gentleman from the enemies' 
 camp, who was cousin unto Moneses that fled unto Antonius, 
 and unto whom he had given three cities. When he came to 
 Antonius' camp, he prayed them to bring him one that could 
 speak the Parthian or Syrian tongue. So one Alexander Antio- 
 chian, a familiar of Antonius, was brought unto him. Then the 
 gentleman told him what he was, and said that Moneses had 
 sent him to Antonius, to requite the honour and courtesy he had 
 shewed unto him. After he had used this ceremonious speech, 
 he asked Alexander if he saw those high mountains afar off, 
 which he pointed unto with his finger. Alexander answered he 
 did. "The Parthians," said he, "do lie in ambush at the foot of 
 those mountains, under the which lieth a goodly plain champion* 
 country : and they think that you, being deceived with their 
 crafty subtle words, will leave the way of the mountains, and 
 turn into the plain. For* the other way, it is very hard and 
 painful, and you shall abide great thirst, the which you are well 
 acquainted withal : but if Antonius take the lower way, let him 
 assure himself to run the same fortune that Marcus Crassus did." 
 So Mitliridates having said, he departed. Antonius was marvel- 
 lously troubled in his mind when he heard thus much, and 
 therefore called for his friends, to hear what they would say to 
 it. The Mardian also that was their guide, being asked his 
 opinion, answered, that he thought as much as the gentleman 
 Mithridates had said. "For," said he, "admit that there were 
 no ambush of enemies in the valley, yet it is a long crooked way, 
 and ill^ to hit* : where, taking the mountain way, though it be 
 stony and painful, yet there is no other danger but a whole 
 day's travelling without any water." So Antonius, changing his 
 first mind and determination, removed that night, and took the 
 mountain-way, commanding every man to provide himself of 
 water. But the most part of them lacking vessels to carry water 
 in, some were driven to fill their saUets* and murrians' with 
 water, and others also filled goats' skins to carry water in. Now 
 they marching forward, word was brought unto the Parthians 
 that they were removed : whereupon, contrary to their manner, 
 they presently followed them the self-same night, so that by 
 break of day they overtook the rereward^ of the Romans, who 
 were so lame and wearied with going^ and lack of sleep, that 
 they were even done'". For beyond expectation, they had gone 
 that night two hundred and forty furlongs ; and further, to see 
 
 13—2 
 
 Miihruiates 
 a Parthian 
 bewraycth 
 unto Anto- 
 nius the con- 
 s/itracy oj 
 his mvn 
 cottntTymen 
 against kini. 
 
 ' flit and 
 op-11. 
 
 2 as for. 
 
 ^ hard, 
 •find: 
 
 ' with. 
 
 ^ helmets. 
 ' morions, 
 head-pieces. 
 
 ^ rearguard. 
 ^ marching. 
 ^^ exhausted. 
 
196 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * vanguard, 
 A salt river. 
 
 ^ close by. 
 
 A ntoniu^ 
 great tibe' 
 rality imto 
 Mithrida- 
 tes,/or the 
 care he had 
 of his safety. 
 
 The tumult 
 of Antoniu:^ 
 soldiers 
 through CO' 
 vetousness. 
 ^ packages. 
 
 their enemies so suddenly at their backs, that made them utterly 
 despair : but most of all, the fighting with them increased their 
 thirst, because they were forced to fight as they marched, to 
 drive their enemies back, yet creeping on still. The voward' of 
 the army by chance met with a river that was very clear and 
 cold water; but it was salt and venomous to drink: for straight 
 it did gnawthe guts of those that had drunk it, and made them 
 marvellous dry, and put them into a terrible ache and pricking. 
 And notwithstanding that the Mardian had told them of it be- 
 fore, yet they would not be ruled, but violently thrust them back 
 that would have kept them from drinking, and so drank. But 
 Antonius, going up and down amongst them, prayed them to 
 take a little patience for a while, for hard by^ there was another 
 river that the water was excellent good to drink, and that from 
 thenceforth the way was stony and ill for horsemen," that the 
 enemies could follow them no further. So he caused the retrait^ 
 to be sounded to call them back that fought, and commanded 
 the tents to be set up, that the soldiei-s might yet have shadow 
 to refresh them with. So when the tents were set up, and the 
 Parthians also retired according to their manner, the gentleman 
 Mithridates before-named returned again as before, and Alexan- 
 der in like manner again was brought unto him for interpreter. 
 Then Mithridates advised him, that after the army had reposed 
 a little, the Romans should remove forthwith, and with all possi- 
 ble speed get to the river : because the Parthians would go no 
 further, but yet were cruelly bent to follow them thither. Alex- 
 ander carried the report thereof unto Antonius, who gave hirn a 
 great deal of gold plate to bestow upon Mithridates. Mithrida- 
 tes took as much of him as he could well carry away in his gown, 
 and so departed with speed. 
 
 26. So Antonius raised his camp, being yet day-light, and 
 caused all his army to march, and the Parthians never troubled 
 any of them by the way : but amongst themselves it was as ill 
 and dreadful a night as ever they had. For there were villains 
 of their own company who cut their fellows' throats for the money 
 they had, and besides that, robbed the sumpters and carriage* 
 of such money as they carried, and at length they set upon 
 Antonius' slaves that dravehis own sumpters and carriage) they 
 brake goodly tables and rich plate in pieces, and divided it 
 among themselves. Thereupon all the camp was straight in 
 tumult and uproar : for the residue of them were afraid it had 
 been the Parthians that had given them this alarm, and had put 
 
MARCUS ANTOmUS. 
 
 '97 
 
 all the army out of order. Insomuch that Antonius called for 
 one Rhamnus, one of his slaves enfranchised that was of his 
 guard, and made him give him his faith that he would thrust his 
 sword through him when he would bid him, and cut off his head, 
 because he might not be taken alive of his enemies, nor known 
 when he were dead. This grieved his friends to the heart, that 
 they burst out a-weeping for sorrow. The Mardian also did 
 comfort him, and assured him that the river he sought for was 
 hard by, and that he did guess it by a sweet moist wind that 
 breathed upon them, and by the air which they found fresher 
 than they were wont, and also, for that they fetched their wind^ 
 more at liberty ; and moreover, because that since they did set 
 forward, he thought they were near their journey's end, not lack- 
 ing much of day. On the other side also Antonius was informed 
 that this great tumult and trouble came not through the enemies, 
 but through the vile covetousness and villany of certain of his 
 soldiers. Therefore Antonius, to set his army again in order, 
 and to pacify this uproar, sounded the trumpet that every man 
 should lodge. Now day began to break, and the army to fall 
 again into good order, and all the hurly-burly ^ to cease, when 
 the Parthians drew near, and that their arrows lighted among 
 them of the rereward' of his army. Thereupon the signal of 
 battle was given to the light-armed men, and the legioners* did 
 cover themselves as they had done before with their shields, 
 with the which they received and defended the force of the Par- 
 thians' arrows, who never durst any more come to handy strokes* 
 with them : and thus they that were in the voward' went down 
 by little and little, till at length they espied the river. There 
 Antonius placed his armed men upon the sands to receive and 
 drive back the enemies, and first of all, got over his men that 
 were sick and hurt, and afterwards all the rest. And those also 
 that were left to resist the enemies had leisure enough to drink 
 safely and at their pleasure. For when the Parthians saw the 
 river, they unbent their bows, and bad the Romans pass over 
 without any fear, and greatly commended their valiantness. 
 When they had all passed over the river at their ease, they took 
 a little breath, and so marched forward again, not greatly trust- 
 ing the Parthians. The sixth day after this last battle, they 
 came to the river of Araxes, which divideth the country of 
 Armenia from Media ; the which appeared unto them very 
 dangerous to pass, for the depth and swiftness of the stream. 
 And furthermore there ran a rumour through the camp, that the 
 
 desperate 
 miitd. 
 
 ' breath. 
 
 ^ tumult. 
 
 * rearguard. 
 
 * men of 
 the legiun. 
 
 ^ close 
 quarters 
 ^ vauguard. 
 
 Araxes fl. 
 
198 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Eighteen 
 several bat- 
 tles/ought 
 ivith the 
 Parthiaiis, 
 
 T/ie ireacJte' 
 ry 0/ Aria- 
 bazHS king 
 of Armenia, 
 itnto Anto- 
 
 ' instigate. 
 2 favour. 
 
 Antonius 
 triu^npJied 
 of A rtaba- 
 zus king of 
 A rmenia^ 
 inEgvpt. 
 * dislike. 
 
 Parthians lay in ambush thereabouts, and that they would come 
 and set upon them whilst they were troubled in passing over 
 the river. But now, after they were all come safely over without 
 any danger, and that they had gotten to the other side; into the 
 province of Armenia, then they worshipped that land, as if it had 
 been the first land they had seen after a long and dangerous 
 voyage by sea, being now arrived in a safe and happy haven : 
 and the tears ran down their cheeks^ and every man embraced 
 each other for the great joy they had. But now, keeping the 
 fields in this fruitful country so plentiful of all things, after so 
 great a famine and want of all things, they so crammed them- 
 selves with such plenty of victuals, that many of them were cast 
 into fluxes and dropsies. There Antonius, mustering his whole 
 army, found that he had lost 20,000 footmen, and 4000 horse- 
 men, which had not all been slain by their enemies :. for the 
 most part of them died of sickness, making seven and twenty 
 days' journey coming from the city of Phraata into Armenia, and 
 having overcome the Parthians in eighteen several battles. But 
 these victories were not throughly performed nor accomplished, 
 because they followed no long chase: and thereby it easily ap- 
 peared, that Artabazus king of Armenia had kept Antonius from 
 ending this war. For if the sixteen thousand horsemen which 
 he brought with him out of Media had been at these battles 
 (considering that they were armed and apparelled much after 
 the Parthian manner, and acquainted also with their fight, when 
 the Romans had put them to flight that had fought a battle with 
 them, and that these Armenians had followed the chase of them 
 that fled) they had not gathered themselves again in force, 
 neither durst they also have returned to fight with them so often 
 after they had been so many times overthrown. Therefore all 
 those that were of any credit and countenance in the army did 
 persuade and egg^ Antonius to be revenged of this Armenian 
 king : but Antonius, wisely dissembling his anger, he told him 
 not of his treachery, nor gave him the worse countenance^, nor 
 did him less honour than he did before: because he knew his 
 army was weak, and lacked things necessary. Howbeit after- 
 wards he returned again into Armenia with a great army, and 
 so with fair words and sweet promises of messengers, he allured 
 Artabazus to come to him : whom he then kept prisoner, and 
 led in triumph in the city of Alexandria. This greatly offended 
 the Romans, and made them much to mislike^ it, when they 
 saw that for Cleopatra's sake he deprived his country of her due 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 199 
 
 honour and glory, only to gratify the Egyptians, But this was 
 a pretty while after. 
 
 27. Howbeit then, the great haste he made to return unto 
 Cleopatra caused him to put his men to so great pains, forcing 
 them to lie in the field all winter long when it snew^ unreason- 
 ably, that by the way he lost eight thousand of his men, and so 
 came down to the sea-side with a small company, unto a certain 
 place called Blancbourg : which standeth betwixt the cities of 
 Berytus and Sidon, and there tarried for Cleopatra. And be- 
 cause she tarried longer than he would have had her, he pined 
 away for love and sorrow: so that he was at such a straight^, 
 that he wist not what to do, and therefore, to wear it out, he 
 gave himself to quaffing and feasting. But he was so drowned 
 with the love of her, that he could not abide to sit at the table 
 till the feast was ended: but many times, while others banqueted, 
 he ran to the sea-side to see if she were coming. At length she 
 came, and brought with her a world of apparel and money to 
 give unto the soldiers. But some say notwithstanding that she 
 brought apparel and no money, and that she took of Antonius' 
 money, and caused it to be given amongst the soldiers in her 
 own name, as if she had given it them. 
 
 28. In the meantime it chanced that the king of the Medes 
 and Phraortes, king of the Parthians, fell at great wars together, 
 the which began (as it is reported) for the spoils of the Romans: 
 and grew to be so hot between them that the king of Medes was 
 no less afraid than also in danger to lose his whole realm. There- 
 upon he sent unto Antonius, to pray him to come and make war 
 with the Parthians, promising him that he would aid him to 
 his uttermost power. This put Antonius again in good com- 
 fort, considering that, unlocked for, the only thing he lacked 
 (which made him he could not overcome the Parthians, meaning 
 that he had not brought horsemen, and men with darts and 
 slings enough) was offered him in that«sort, that it did him more 
 pleasure to accept it than it was pleasure to the other to offer it. 
 Hereupon, after he had spoken with the king of Medes at the 
 river of Araxes, he prepared himself once more to go through 
 Armenia, and to make more cruel war with the Parthians than 
 he had done before. 
 
 29. Now whilst Antonius was busy in this preparation, 
 Octavia his wife, whom he had left at Rome, would needs take 
 sea to come unto him. Her brother Qctavius. Csesar was willing 
 to it, not for his respect at all (as most authors do report) as for 
 
 ' snowed. 
 
 Anio7iius 
 pined away 
 looking/or 
 Cleopatra. 
 ^ strait. 
 
 Cleopatra 
 came to 
 Blancbourg 
 unto Alt- 
 tonizts. 
 
 Wars he- 
 tioixt the 
 Partklans 
 and M^des 
 
 ^ snke. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' honourable. 
 2 pretext. 
 
 Octaviti, 
 Atttoniiis' 
 ivi/e, came 
 to Athens 
 to meet 
 ivilh him. 
 ^ desiring. 
 < tell. 
 
 ^ frequently. 
 
 The Jlicker- 
 ing entice- 
 I'lents of 
 Cleopatra 
 unto Anio- 
 f I ills. 
 
 " sweetheart. 
 
 that he might have an honest^ colour ^ to make war with Anto- 
 nius, if he did misuse her, and not esteem of her as she ought to 
 be. But when she was come to Athens, she received letters 
 from Antonius, willing' her to stay there until his coming, and 
 did advertise* her of his journey and determination. The which 
 though it grieved her much, and that she knew it was but an 
 excuse : yet by her letters to him of answer, she asked him 
 whether he would have those things sent unto him which she 
 had brought him, being great store of apparel for soldiers, a 
 great number of horse, sums of money and gifts, to bestow on 
 his friends and captains he had about him : and besides all 
 those, she had 2000 soldiers, chosen men, all well armed like 
 unto the Praetoi-'s bands. When Niger, one of Antonius' friends 
 whom he had sent unto Athens, had brought these news from 
 his wife Octavia, and withal did greatly praise her, as she was 
 worthy and well deserved, Cleopatra, knowing that Octavia 
 would have Antonius from her, and fearing also that if with her 
 virtue and honest behaviour (besides the great power of her 
 brother Csesar) she did add thereunto her rhodest kind love to 
 please her husband, that she would then be too strong for her, 
 and in the end win him away :| she subtly seemed to languish 
 for the love of Antonius, pining her body for lack of meatj Fur- 
 thermore, she every way so framed her countenance, that when 
 Antonius came to see her, she cast her eyes upon him, like a 
 woman ravished for joy. Straight again when he went from her^ 
 she fell a-weeping and blubbering, looking ruefully on the matter, 
 and still^ found the means that Antonius should oftentimes find 
 her weeping: and then when he came suddenly upon her, she 
 made as though she dried her eyes, and turned her face away, 
 as if she were unwilling that he should see her weep. All these 
 tricks she used, Antonius being in readiness to go into Syria, to 
 speak with the king of Medes. Then the flatterers that furthered 
 Cleopatra's mind blamed Antonius, and told him that he was a 
 hard-natured man, and that he had small love in him, that 
 would see a poor lady in such torment for his sake, whose life 
 depended only upon him alone. " For Octavia," said they, 
 " that was married unto him as it were of necessity, because her 
 brother Csesar's affairs so required it, hath the honour to be 
 called Antonius' lawful spouse and wife : and Cleopatra, being 
 born a queen of so many thousands of men, is only named 
 Antonius' leman^; and yet that she disdained not so to be 
 called, if it might please him she might enjoy his company, and 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 live with him : but if he once leave her, that then it is unpossible^ 
 she should live." To be short, by these their flatteries and 
 enticements, they so wrought Antonius' effeminate mind that, 
 fearing lest she would make herself away, he returned again 
 unto Alexandria, and referred^ the king of Medes to the next 
 year following, although he received news that the Parthians at 
 that time were at civil wars among themselves. This notwith- 
 standing, he went 'afterwards and made peace with him. For 
 he married his daughter, which was very young, unto one of the 
 sons that Cleopatra had by him : and then returned, being fully 
 bent to make war with Caesar. 
 
 30. When Octavia was returned to Rome from Athens, 
 Caesar commanded her to go out of Antonius' house, and to 
 dwell by herself, because he had abused' her. Octavia answered 
 him again, that she would not forsake her husband's house, and 
 that if he had no other occasion to make war with him, she 
 prayed him then to take no thought for her : " For," said she, "it 
 were too shameful a thing, that two so famous captains should 
 bring in civil wars among the Romans, the one for the love of a 
 woman, and the other for the jealousy betwixt one another." 
 Now as she spake the word, so did she also perform the deed : 
 for she kept still in Antonius' house, as if he had been there, and 
 very honestly and honourably kept his children, not only those 
 she had by him, but the other which her husband had by Fulvia. 
 Furthermore, when Antonius sent any of his men to Rome, to 
 sue for any office in the commonwealth, she received them very 
 courteously, and so used herself unto her brother, that she ob- 
 tained the things she requested. Howbeit thereby, thinking no 
 hurt, she did Antonius great hurt. For her honest love and 
 regard to her husband made every man hate him, when they 
 saw he did so unkindly use so noble a lady: but the greatest 
 cause of their malice unto him was for the division of lands he 
 made among his children in the city of Alexandria. And, to 
 confess a troth*, it was too arrogant and insolent a part, and 
 done (as a man would say) in derision and contempt of the 
 Romans. ■ For he assembled all the people in the show-place, 
 where young men do exercise themselves, and there, upon a 
 high tribunal silvered, he set two chairs of gold, the one for 
 himself, and the other for Cleopatra, and lower chairs for his 
 children ; then he openly published before the assembly, that 
 first of all he did establish Cleopatra queen of Egypt, of Cyprus, 
 of Lydia, and of the lower Syria ; and at that time also Caesarion 
 
 ' impossible. 
 
 2putofr. 
 
 The occasion 
 0/ civil war 
 heiivixt A it- 
 tonius and 
 Ctesar, 
 
 The love 
 of Octavia 
 unto Anto- 
 nius her 
 hicsband, 
 and her 
 •wise and 
 womanly 
 behaviour, 
 ^ deceived. 
 
 Antonius 
 arrogantly 
 divideth di- 
 verse pro- 
 vinces unto 
 his children 
 by Cleopa- 
 tra. 
 * truth. 
 
202 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Ca sayittTt, 
 the supposed 
 son ofCcFsar 
 by Cleopa- 
 irn. 
 
 Alexajtder 
 aJid Ptole- 
 my, Auio~ 
 jiiits' sons by 
 Cleopatra, 
 
 ' conical. 
 
 ' Accnsntlons 
 betvjixt 
 Octavhts 
 Ccesar and 
 A ittOTtiits. 
 
 ^ sic ; /or 
 triumvir. 
 
 * after a sort. 
 ^ as for. 
 
 king of the same realms. This Caesarion was supposed to be 
 the son of Julius Casar, who had left Cleopatra great with child. 
 Secondly, he called the sons he had by her the kings of kings, 
 and gave Alexander for his portion Armenia, Media, and 
 Parthia, when he had conquered the countiy; and unto Ptolemy 
 for his portion Phcenicia, Syria, and Cilicia. And therewithal he 
 brought out Alexander in a long gown after the fashion of the 
 Medes with a high cop-tank' hat on his head, narrow in the 
 top, as the kmgs of the Medes and Armenians do use to wear 
 them : and Ptolemy apparelled in a cloak after the Macedonian 
 manner, with slippers on his feet and a broad hat, with a royal 
 band or diadem. Such was the apparel and old attire of the 
 ancient kings and successors of Alexander the Great. So after 
 his sons had done their humble duties, and kissed their father 
 and mother, presently a company of Armenian soldiers, set 
 there of purpose, compassed the one about, and a like company 
 of Macedonians the other. Now for Cleopatra, she did not 
 only wear at that time (but at all other times else when she 
 came abroad) the apparel of the goddess Isis, and so gave audi- 
 ence unto all her subjects, as a new Isis. 
 
 31. Octavius Cassar reporting all these things unto the 
 Senate, and oftentimes accusing him to the whole people and 
 assembly in Rome, he thereby stirred up all the Romans against 
 him. Antonius on the other side sent to Rome likewise to ac- 
 cuse him, and the chiefest points of his accusations he charged 
 him with, were these. First, that having spoiled Sextus Pompeius 
 in Sicily, he did not give him his part of the ile^. Secondly, 
 that he did detain in his, hands the ships he lent him to make 
 that war. Thirdly, that having put Lepidus their companion and 
 triumvirate^ out of his part of the empire, and having deprived 
 him of all honours, he retained for himself the lands and reve- 
 nues thereof, which had been assigned unto him for his part. 
 And last of all, that he had in manner* divided all Italy amongst 
 his own soldiers, and had left no part of it for his soldiers. 
 Octavius Csesar answered him again : that for^ Lepidus, he had 
 indeed deposed him, and taken his part of the empire from him, 
 because he did over cruelly use his authority. And secondly, for* 
 the conquests he had made by force of arms, he was contented 
 Antonius should have his part of them, so that he would likewise 
 let him have his part of Armenia. And thirdly, that, for* his 
 soldiers, they should seek for nothing in Italy, because they 
 possessed Media and Parthia, the which provinces they had 
 
MARCUS ANTOmUS. 
 
 ^03 
 
 added to the empire of Rome, valiantly fighting with their 
 emperor and captain. Antonius, hearing these news, being yet 
 in Armenia, commanded Canidius to go presently to the sea-side 
 with his sixteen legions he had : and he himself, with Cleopatra, 
 went unto the city of Ephesus, and there gathered together his 
 galleys and ships out of all parts, which came to the number of 
 eight hundred, reckoning the great ships of burthen : and of 
 those, Cleopatra furnished him with two hundred and twenty 
 thousand talents besides, and provision of victuals also to main- 
 tain all the whole army in this war. So Antonius, through the 
 persuasion of Domitius, commanded Cleopatra to return again 
 into Egypt, and there to understand* the success^ of this war. 
 But Cleopatra, fearing lest ' Antonius should again be made 
 friends with Octavius Cassar by the means of his wife Octavia, 
 she so plied Canidius with money and filled his purse, that 
 he became her spokesman unto Antonius, and told him there 
 was no reason to send her from this war, who defrayed so great 
 a charge^: neither that it was for his profit, because thereby the 
 Egyptians would then be utterly discouraged, which were the 
 chiefest strength of the army by sea : considering that he could 
 see no king of all the kings their confederates that Cleopatra was 
 inferior unto, either for wisdom or judgment, seeing that long 
 before she had wisely governed so great a realm as Egypt ; and 
 besides that, she had been so long acquainted with him, by 
 whom she had learned to manage great affairs. These fair per- 
 suasions wan* him : for it was predestinated that the govern- 
 ment of all the world should fall into Octavius Caesar's hands. 
 
 32. Thus, all their forces being joined together, they hoised^ 
 sail towards the ile" of Samos, and there gave themselves to 
 feasts and solace. For as all the kings, princes, and com- 
 monalties, people, and cities, from Syria unto the marrishes 
 Maeotides', and from the Armenians to the lUyrians, were sent 
 unto, to send and bring all munition and warlike preparation 
 they could : even so all players, minstrels, tumblers, fools, and 
 jesters, were commanded to assemble in the ile' of Samos. So 
 ihat, where in manner all the world in every place was full of 
 lamentations, sighs, and tears, only in this ile" of Samos there 
 was nothing for many days' space but singing and piping, and 
 all the theatre full of these common players, minstrels, and sing- 
 ing-men. Besides all this, every city sent an ox thither to 
 sacrifice, and kings did strive one with another who should 
 make the noblest feasts, and give the richest gifts. So that 
 
 AiitontTts 
 can e -zuirh 
 eiglit hun- 
 dred still 
 ngainsi 
 Oaavins 
 Cepsar. 
 
 ^ observe. 
 2 result. 
 
 ' expense. 
 
 ^ hoisted. 
 Antonius 
 carrietk 
 Cleopatra 
 iviik hint 
 to the wars 
 as;ainst 
 Octaviits 
 Ctpsar : and 
 kept great 
 feasting at 
 the isle of 
 Samos to- ' 
 gether, 
 ^ isle. 
 
 ? marshes of 
 Maeotis, 
 
204 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 A ntoniiis 
 pitt his "wife 
 i hiavia out 
 of Ills house 
 at Rome. 
 
 ^ fortune. 
 
 ^ astonLshcd. 
 
 Octaviim 
 Ceesar 
 exacteth 
 griezw7ts 
 ^aytwnts of 
 the Romans, 
 3 asse-ised. 
 • eighth. 
 
 every man said, "What can they do more for joy of victory, if 
 they win the battle, when they make already such sumptuous 
 feasts at the beginning of the war?" When this was done, he 
 gave the whole rabble of these minstrels, and such kind of 
 people, the city of Priene to keep them withal during this war. 
 Then he went unto the city of Athens, and there gave himself 
 again to see plays and pastimes, and to keep the theatres. 
 Cleopatra, on the other side, being jealous of the honouis which 
 Octavia had received in this city, where indeed she was mar- 
 vellously honoured and beloved of the Athenians ; to win the 
 people's goodwill also at Athens, she gave them great gifts: 
 and they likewise gave her many great honours, and ap- 
 pointed certain ambassadors to carry the decree to her house, 
 among the which Antonius was one, who (as a citizen of Athens) 
 reported the matter unto her, and made an oration in the behalf 
 of the city. Afterwards he sent to Rome tq put his wife Octavia 
 out of his house, who (as it is reported) went out of his house 
 with all Antonius' children, saving the eldest of them he had by 
 Fulvia,'who was with his father: bewailing and lamenting her - 
 cursed hiip\ that had brought her to this, that she was accounted 
 one of the chiefest causes of this civil war. The Romans did 
 pity her, but nmch more Antonius, and those specially that had 
 seen Cleopatra: who neithe r excelled Oc tavja in beauty, nor yet 
 in young years. 
 
 33. Octavms CjEsar understanding the sudden and wonder- 
 ful great preparation of Antonius, he was not a little astonied^ at 
 it (fearing he should be driven to fight that summer) because he 
 wanted many things, and the great and grievous exactions of 
 money did sore oppress the people. For all manner of men else 
 were driven to pay the fourth part of their goods and revenue, 
 but the libertines (to wit, those whose fathers or other predeces- 
 sors had sometime been bondmen) were seissed'topay the eight* 
 part of all their goods at one payment. Hereupon there arose a 
 wonderful exclamation and great uproar all Italy over, so that, 
 amongst the greatest faults that ever Antonius committed, they 
 blamed him most for that he delayed to give Caesar battle. For 
 he gave Csesar leisure to make his preparations, and also to 
 appease the complaints of the people. When such a great sum 
 of money was demanded of them, they grudged^ at it, and grew 
 to mutiny upon it: but when they had once paid it, they re- 
 membered it no more. Furthermore, Titius and Plancus(two 
 of Antonius' chiefest friends, and that had been both of them 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 205 
 
 consuls) for the gi-eat injuries Cleopatra did them, because they 
 hindered all they could that she should not come to this war, 
 they went and yielded themselyes unto Csesar, and told him 
 where the testament"^ was that Antonius had made, knowing 
 perfectly what was in it. The will was in the custody of the 
 Vestal nuns : of whom Csesar demanded it. They answered 
 him, that they would not give it him: but if he would go and 
 take it, they would not hinder l)im. Thereupon Caesar went 
 thither, and having read it first to himself, he noted certain 
 places^ worthy of reproach: so assembling all the Senate, he 
 read it before them all. Whereupon divers were marvellously 
 offended, and thought it a strange matter that he, being alive, 
 should be punished for that he had appointed by his will to be 
 done after his death. Cassar chiefly took hold of this that 
 he ordained touching his burial: for he willed that his body, 
 though he died at Rome, should be brought in funeral pomp 
 thi'ough the middest* of the market-place, and that it should be 
 sent into Alexandria unto Cleopatra. Furthermore, among 
 divers other faults wherewith Antonius was to be charged for 
 Cleopatra's sake, Calvisius, one of Caesar's friends, reproved him, 
 because he had frankly given Cleopatra all the libraries of the 
 royal city of Pergamum, in the which she had above two hun- 
 dred thousand several books. Again also, that being on a time 
 set at the table, he suddenly rose from the board and trod upon 
 Cleopatra's foot, which was a sign given between them, of which 
 they were agreed on. That he had also suiifered the Ephe- 
 sians in his presence to call Cleopatra their sovereign lady. 
 That divers times, sitting in his tribunal and chair of state, 
 giving audience to all kings and princes, he had received love- 
 letters from Cleopatra, written in tables^ of onyx or crystal ; and 
 that he had read them sitting in his imperial seat. That one 
 day when Furnius, a man of great account, and the eloquentest 
 man of all the Romans, pleaded a matter before him, Cleopatra 
 by chance coming through the market-place in her litter where 
 Furnius was a-pleading, Antonius straight rose out of his seat, 
 and left his audience to follow her litter. This notwithstanding, 
 it was thought Calvisius devised the most part of all these accu- 
 sations of iiis own head. Nevertheless they that loved Anto- 
 hius were intercessors' to the people for him, and amongst them 
 they sent one Geminius unto Antonius, to pray him he would 
 take heed that through his neghgence his empire were not taken 
 from him, and that he should be counted an enemy tp the people 
 
 ' will. 
 
 Titi-Ui njul 
 Flanch'is 
 ret'oli ffom 
 Antonius, 
 and do yield 
 to Ctrsar. 
 ^ passages. 
 
 3 midst. 
 
 A/am'^trs 
 library 
 ilie city of 
 rer^a'inu7n. 
 
 ' tablets. 
 
 Funtius, an 
 eloq^ient 
 orator a- 
 7nong the 
 Rotttarts, 
 
 Geminius 
 sentj'rojn 
 Rome to 
 A ntoniiis, 
 to ,bid hint 
 take heed 
 to himself. 
 
206 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * waitinG; for. 
 " opportu- 
 nity. 
 
 Mflity of 
 Antoiuii^ 
 J\ isu ff d/1 
 J'orsiikcliun. 
 
 ' whereas. 
 
 A niotiiu^ 
 empire 
 ttikenfrovt 
 him. 
 
 * curled, 
 crisped. 
 
 Signs and 
 idondcrs be* 
 /ore ike 
 civil wars 
 betivixt 
 
 of Rome. This Geminius, being arrived in Greece, made Cleopatra 
 jealous straight of his coming, because she surmised that he 
 came not but to speak for Octavia. Therefore she spared not 
 to taunt him all supper-time ; and moreover, to spite him the 
 more, she made him to be set lowest of all at the board : the which 
 he took patiently, expecting^ occasion^ to speak with Antonius. 
 Now Antonius commanding him at the table to tell him what 
 wind brought him thither, he answered, 'That it was no table- 
 talk, and that he would tell him to-morrow morning fasting : but 
 drunk or fasting, howsoever it were, he was sure of one thing, 
 that air would not go well on his side, unless Cleopatra were 
 sent back into Egypt.' Antonius took these words in very ill 
 part. Cleopatra on the other side answered him, "Thou doest 
 well, Geminius," said she, "to tell the truth before thou be com- 
 pelled by torments :" but within few days after, Geminius stole 
 away, and fled to Rome. The flatterers also, to please Cleopatra, 
 did make her drive many other of Antonius' faithful sei-vants 
 and friends from him, who could not abide the injuries done 
 unto them: among the which these two were chief, Marcus 
 Syllanus, and Dellius the historiographer, who wrote that he fled 
 because her physician Glaucus told him that Cleopatra had set 
 some secretly to kill him. Furthermore, he had Cleopatra's dis- 
 pleasure, because he said one night at supper, that they made 
 them drink sour wine, where ' Sarmentus at Rome drank good 
 wine of Falerna. This Sarmentus was a pleasant young boy, 
 such as the lords of Rome are wont to have about them to make 
 them pastime, which they call their joys, and he was Octavius 
 Caesar's boy. Now after that Ca^sar had made sufficient prepa- 
 ration, he proclaimed open war against Cleopatra, and made the 
 people to aboligh the power and empire of Antonius, because he 
 had before given it up unto a woman. And Caesar said further- 
 more, that Antonius was not master of himself, but that Cleopatra 
 had brought him beside himself by her charms and amorous 
 poisons : and that they, that should make war with them, should 
 be Mardian the eunuch, Photinus, and Iras (a woman of 
 Cleopatra's bed-chamber, that frizzled* her hair, and dressed her 
 head) and Charmion, the which were those that rtled all the 
 affairs of Antonius' empire. ■ 
 
 34. Before this war, as it is reported, many signs and wonders 
 fell out. First of all, the city of Pisaurum, which was made a 
 colony to Rome, and replenished with people by Antonius, 
 standing upon the shore-side of the sea Adriatic, was by a ter- 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 ^1 
 
 rible earthquake sunk into the ground. One of the images of 
 stone, which was set up in the honour of Antonius in the city of 
 Alba, did sweat many days together : and though some wiped it 
 away, yet it left^ not sweating still. In the city of Patras, whilst 
 Antonius was. there, the temple of Hercules was burnt with 
 lightning. And at the city of Athens also, in a place where the 
 war of the "giants against the gods is set out in imagery 2, the 
 statue of Bacchus with a terrible wind was thrown down in the 
 theatre. It was said that Antonius came of the race of Hercules 
 (as you have heard before), and in the manner of his life he 
 followed Bacchus, and therefore he was called the new Bacchus. 
 Furthermore, the same blustering storm of wind overthrew the 
 great monstrous images at Athens that were made in the honour 
 of Eumenes and Attalus, the which men had named and in- 
 tituled^ 'the Antonians' : and yet did they hurt none of the 
 other images, which were many besides. The admiral-galley of 
 Cleopatra was called Antoniad, in the which there chanced a 
 marvellous ill sign : swallows had bred under the poop of her 
 ship, and there came others after them that drave away the first, 
 and plucked down their nests. 
 
 35. Now when all things were ready, and that they drew 
 near to fight, it was found, that Antonius had no less than 500 
 good ships of war, among which there were many galleys that 
 had eight and ten banks of oars, the which were sumptuously 
 furnished, not so meet for fight as for triumph: an hundred 
 thousand footmen, and 12,000 horsemen; and had with him to 
 aid him these kings and subjects following : Bocchus king of 
 Lybia, Tarcondemus king of high Cilicia, Archelaus king of 
 Cappadocia, Philadelphus king of Paphlagonia, Mithridates 
 king of Comagena, and Adallas king of Thracia. All which 
 were there, every man in person. The residue that were absent, 
 sent their armies : as Polemon king of Pont, Manchus king of 
 Arabia, Herodes king of Jewry^; and furthermore Amyntas king of 
 Lycaonia and of the Galatians : and besides all these, he had all 
 the aid the king of Medes sent unto him. Now for Caesar, he 
 had 250 ships of war, 80,000 footmen, and well near as many 
 horsemen as his enemy Antonius. Antonius for his part had all 
 under his dominion from Armenia and the river of Euphrates, 
 unto the sea Ionium and lUyricum. Octavius Csesar had also, 
 for his part, all that .which was in our hemisphere or half-part of 
 the world, from Illyria unto the ocean sea upon the west : then 
 all -from the ocean unto mare Siculum : and from Africa, all 
 
 Antonius 
 anil Octu' 
 vitis Cffsar. 
 l^esaro, a 
 city in Italy^ 
 sitttk into 
 the ground 
 by an eartk' 
 giuike. 
 ' cea'ied. 
 ^ sculpture. 
 
 ' entitled. 
 
 Ati ill sign ^ 
 /oresheweii 
 by swallows 
 breeding- in 
 Cleopatra's 
 skip. 
 
 Antonitis' 
 power (t- 
 ga'n<t Octa- 
 Z'ius Ctesar. 
 
 Antonius 
 luidei^Lt 
 kings, and 
 their power 
 to aid iilm. 
 
 * Judeea. 
 
 The army 
 and pffwer 
 of Octavius 
 Ccesar a- 
 gainst An^ 
 tonins. 
 Aiiloniu^ 
 dominions, 
 Ociavtns 
 Ca'sar's do- 
 
208 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Aniottius 
 too inncfl 
 rided by 
 Cleopatra. 
 
 ' sailors. 
 
 J scarcely. 
 
 ^ show. 
 5 manage- 
 ment. 
 
 *■ desire. 
 
 Antontus 
 rode at an- 
 chor at the 
 head of 
 Aciitttii'. 
 luhere the 
 city of NtcO' 
 polis stand- 
 eth. 
 
 * The grace 
 of this taunt 
 cannot pro- 
 perty be ex- 
 pressed in 
 any other 
 tongue be- 
 cause of the 
 eqnivocation 
 of this word 
 Toryne, 
 which signi- 
 fieth a city 
 of A Ibaniay 
 and also a 
 ladle to scum 
 the pot with : 
 as if she 
 meant, Cee- 
 sar sat by 
 the fire-side 
 scumming 
 of the pot. 
 ''-Icnew. 
 » lifted. 
 8 sky. 
 
 that which is against Italy, as Gaul and Spain. Furthermore, 
 all, from the province of Cyrenia to Ethiopia, was subject unto 
 Antonius. Now Antonius was made so subject to a woman's 
 will, that though he was a great deal the stronger by land, yet 
 for Cleopatra's sake he would needs have this battle tried by 
 sea: though he saw before his eyes, that for lack of water-men' 
 his captains did prest'' by force all sorts of men out of Greece 
 that they could take up in the field, as travellers, niuleteers, 
 reapers, harvest-men, and young boys ; and yet could they not 
 sufficiently furnish his galleys : so that the most part of them 
 were empty, and could scant* row, because they lacked water- 
 men' enough. But on the contrary side, Caesar's ships were not 
 built for pomp, high and great, only for a sight and bravery*, 
 but they were light of yarage', armed and fiirnished with water- 
 men as many as they needed, and had them all in readiness in 
 the havens of Tarentum and Brundusium. So Octavius Csesar 
 sent unto Antonius, to will^ him to delay no more time, but to 
 come on with his army into Italy : and that for his own part he 
 would give him safe harbour to land without any trouble ; and 
 that he would withdraw his array from the sea, as far as one 
 horse could run, until he had put his army ashore, and had 
 lodged his men. Antonius on the other side bravely sent 
 him word again and challenged the combat of him, man 
 for man, though he were the elder ; and that if he refused 
 him so, he would then fight a battle with him in the fields 
 of Pharsalia, as Julius Csesar and Pompey had done before. 
 Now whilst Antonius rode at anchor, lying idly in harbour 
 at the head of AcLium, in the place where the city of Nicopolis 
 standeth at this present, Caesar had quickly passed the sea 
 Ionium, and taken a place called Toryne, before Antonius under- 
 stood' that he had taken ship. Then began his men to be afraid, 
 because his army by land was left behind. But Cleopatra making 
 light of it, "And what danger, I pray you," said she, "if Caesar 
 keep at Toryne*?" The next morning by break of day, his 
 enemies coming with full force of oars in battle against him, 
 Antonius was afraid that if they came to join, they would take 
 and carry away his ships that had no men of war in them. So 
 he armed all his water-men, and set them in order of battle 
 upon the forecastle of their ships, and then lift' up all his ranks 
 of, oars towards the element', as well on the one side as on the 
 other, with the prows against the enemies, at the entry and 
 i mouth of the gulf which beginneth at the point of Actium : and . 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 20J 
 
 SO kept them in order of battle, as if they had been armed and 
 furnished with water-men and soldiers. Thus Octavius C^sar, 
 being finely deceived by this stratagem, retired presently, and 
 therewithal Antonius very wisely and suddenly did cut him 
 off from fresh water. For, understanding that the places where 
 Octavius Csesar landed had very little store of water, and yet 
 very bad, he shut them in with strong ditches and trenches he 
 cast, to keep them from sailing out at their pleasure, and so to 
 go seek water farther off. Furthermore, he dealt very friendly 
 and courteously with Domitius, and against Cleopatra's mind. 
 For he being sick of an ague when he went and took a little 
 boat to go unto Caesar's camp, Antonius was very sorry for it, 
 but yet he sent after him all his carriage^ train, and men : and 
 the same Domitius, as though he gave him to understand that 
 he repented his open treason, died immediately after. There 
 were certain kings also that forsook him, and turned on Caesar's 
 side, as Amyntas and Deiotarus. Furthermore, his fleet and 
 navy that was unfortunate in all things, and unready for service, 
 compelled him to change his mind, and to hazard battle by 
 land. And Canidius also, who had charge of his army by land, 
 when time came to follow Antonius' determination, he turned 
 him clean contrary, and counselled him to send Cleopatra back 
 again, and himself to retire into Macedon, to fight there on the 
 main land. And furthermore told him, that Dicomes king of 
 the Getes promised to aid him with a great power: and that it 
 should be no shame nor dishonour to him to let Caesar have the 
 sea, because himself and his men both had been well practised 
 and exercised in battles by sea, in the war of Siciha against 
 Sextus Pompeius : but rather that he should do against all 
 reason (he having so great skill and experience of battles by 
 land as he had), if he should not employ the force and valiant- 
 ness of so many lusty armed footmen as he had ready, but 
 would weaken his army by dividing them into ships. But now, 
 notwithstanding all these good persuasions, Cleopatra forced 
 him to put all to the hazard of battle by sea : considering with 
 herself how she might fly and provide for her safety, not to help 
 him to win thevictory, but to fly more easily after the battle lost. 
 Betwixt Antonius' camp and his fleet of ships, there was a great 
 high point of firm land that ran a good way into the sea, the 
 which Antonius used often for a walk, without mistrust of fear 
 or danger. One of Caesar's men perceived it, and told his 
 master that he would laugh if they could take up Antonius in 
 S. P. 14 
 
 Doniitiits 
 forsaketk 
 AntoniuSy 
 and goeth 
 unto Octa- 
 Tjhts Ceesar. 
 ^ baggage. 
 Atnyntas 
 atid Deiota- 
 rus do liot/i 
 rctiolt Irojn 
 Antonhis 
 and ^u itjtto 
 Ceesar, 
 
2IO 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * midst. 
 
 A ntonius 
 ijt clanger 
 of inking at 
 Actiu7n. 
 2 appeared, 
 2 wilh great 
 difficulty. 
 
 * are used. ! 
 
 A nionijts 
 regardeih 
 not the I 
 counsel of 
 his soldiers. 
 
 ^ put. 
 " excuse. 
 
 ' fifth. 
 
 Battle hy sea 
 at Acihun, 
 betwixt An- 
 toniits and 
 Ctesar. 
 
 * as for. 
 ^ array. 
 
 the middest^ of his walk. Thereupon Caesar sent some of his 
 men to lie in ambush for him, and they missed not much of 
 taking him (for they took him that came before him) because 
 they discovered^ too soon, and so Antonms scaped very hardly'. 
 So when Antonius had determined to fight by sea, he set all the 
 other ships on fire but three score ships of Egypt, and reserved 
 only the best and greatest galleys, from three banks unto ten 
 banks of oars. , Into them he put two and twenty thousand 
 fighting men, with two thousand darters and slingers. Now as 
 he was setting his men in order of battle, there was a captain, a 
 valiant man, that had served Antonius in many battles and con- 
 flicts, and had all his body hacked and cut : who, as Antonius 
 passed by him, cried out unto him, and said : " O noble em- 
 peror, how Cometh it to pass that you trust to these vile brittle 
 ships? What, do you mistrust these wounds of mine, and this 
 sword.' Let the Egyptians and Phoenicians fight by sea, and set 
 us on the main land, where we use* to conquer or to be slain on 
 our feet." Antonius passed by him and said never a word, but 
 only beckoned to him with his hand and head, as though he 
 willed him to be of good courage, although indeed he had no 
 great courage himself. For when the masters of the galleys and 
 pilots would have let their sails alone, he made them clap" them 
 on ; saying, to colour" the matter withal, that not one of his 
 enemies should scape. All that day and the three days following, 
 the sea rose so high and was so boisterous, that the battle was 
 put off. The fift' day the storm ceased, and the sea calmed 
 again, and then they rowed with force of oars in battle one 
 against the other : Antonius leading the right wing with Publicola, 
 and Caslius the left, and Marcus Octavius and Marcus Justeius 
 the midst. Octavius Cassar, on the other side, had placed Agrippa 
 in the left wing of his army, and had kept the right wing for 
 himself For* the armies by land, Canidius was general of 
 Antonius' side, and Taurus of Cesar's side : who kept their men 
 in battle ray^, the one before the other, upon the sea-side, with- 
 out stirring one against the other. Further, touching both the 
 chieftains : Antonius, being in a swift pinnace, was carried up 
 and down by force of oars through his army, and spake to his 
 people to encourage them to fight valiantly, as if they were on 
 main land, because of the steadiness and heaviness of their 
 ships : and commanded the pilots and masters of the galleys, 
 that they should not stir, none otherwise than if they were at 
 anchor, and so to receive the first charge of their enemies, and 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 that they should not go out of the streight^ of the gulf. Csesar 
 betimes in the morning going out of his tent, to see his ships 
 throughout, met a man by chance that drave an ass before him : 
 Csesar asked the man what his name was. The poor man told 
 him that his name was Eutychus, to say^, Fortunate: and his 
 ass's name Nicon, to say, Conqueror. Therefore Caesar, after he 
 had won the battle, setting out the market-place with the spurs 
 of the galleys he had taken, for a sign of his victory, he caused 
 also the man and his ass to be set up in brass. When he had 
 visited the order of his army throughout, he tooka little pinnace, 
 and went to the right wing, and wondered when he saw his 
 enemies lie still in the streight^, and stirred not. For discerning 
 them afar off, men would have thought they had been ships 
 riding at anchor : and a good while he was so persuaded. So he 
 kept his galleys eight furlongs from his enemies. About noon 
 there arose a little gale of wind from the sea, and then Antonius', 
 men, waxing angry with tarrying so long, and trusting to the 
 greatness and height of their ships, as if they had been invin- 
 cible, they began to march forward with their left wing. Caesar, 
 seeing that, was a glad man, and began a little to give back 
 from the right wing, to allure them to come farther out of the 
 streight' and gulf, to the end that he might with his light ships, 
 well manned with watermen, turn and environ the galleys of 
 the enemies, the which were heavy of yarage*, both for their 
 bigness, as also for lack of water-men to row them. When the 
 skirmish began, and that they came to join, there was no great 
 hurt at the first meeting, neither did the ships vehemently hit 
 one against the other, as they do commonly in fight by sea. For 
 on the other side Antonius' ships, for their heaviness, could not 
 have the strength and swiftness to make their blows of any 
 force : and Caesar's ships on the other side took great heed not 
 to rush and shock with the forecastles of Antonius' ships, whose 
 prows were armed with great brazen spurs. Furthermore they 
 durst not flank them, because their points were easily broken, 
 which way soever they came to set upon his ships, that were 
 made of great main square pieces of timber, bound together 
 with great iron pins : so that the battle was much hke unto a 
 battle by land, or to speak more properly, to the assault of a 
 city. For there were always three or four of Cssar's ships 
 about one of Antonius' ships, and the soldiers fought with their 
 pikes, halbards^ and darts, and threw halbards and darts with 
 fire. Antonius' ships on the other side bestowed among them, 
 
 14 — 3 
 
 ^ straits, 
 channel. 
 A lucky 
 sign- lento 
 Octavius 
 CtEsar. ~ 
 Eutyckjts 
 Nicoiij for- 
 tunate con- 
 queror. 
 ^ that is to 
 say. 
 
 ^ strait, chan- 
 nel. 
 
 ^ manage- 
 ment. 
 
 ^ halberds. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 'lufif. 
 
 Cleopatra 
 flieth. 
 
 ^ hoisting. 
 3 nndst. 
 
 \ 
 
 The soul 
 of <i lover 
 tiveth in 
 aimther 
 body. 
 A Jttonius 
 Jlieth after 
 Cleopatra. I 
 * embarked.' 
 
 with their crossbows and engines of battery, great store of shot 
 from their high towers of wood that were set upon their ships. 
 Now Publicola seeing Agrippa put forth his left wing of Caesar's 
 army, to compass in Antonius' ships that fought, he was driven 
 also to loofi off to have more room, and to go a little at one 
 side, to put those farther off that were afraid, and in the midst 
 of the battle ; for they were sore distressed by Arnintius. 
 
 36. Howbeit the battle was yet of even hand, and the victory 
 doubtful, being indifferent to both : when suddenly they saw the 
 threescore ships of Cleopatra busily about their yard-masts, and 
 hoising^ sail to fly. So they fled through the middest^ of them 
 that were in fight, for they had been placed behind the great 
 ships, and did marvellously disorder the other ships. For the 
 enemies themselves wondered much to see them sail in that 
 sort, with full sail towards Peloponnesus. There Antonius 
 shewed plainly, that he had not only lost the courage and heart 
 of an emperor, but also of a valiant man ; and that he was not 
 his own man (proving that true which an old man spake in 
 mirth, that the soul of a lover lived in another body, and not in 
 his own) ; he was so carried away with the vain love of this 
 woman, as if he had been glued unto her, and that she could 
 not have removed without moving of him also. For when he 
 saw Cleopatra's ship under sail, he forgot, forsook, and betrayed 
 them that fought for him, and imbarked* upon a galley with five 
 banks of oars, to follow her that had already begun to overthrow 
 him, and would in the end be his utter destruction. When she 
 knew his galley afar off, she Hft' up a sign in the poop of her 
 ship ; and so Antonius, coming to it, was plucked up where 
 Cleopatra was : howbeit he saw her not at his first coming, nor 
 she him, but went and sat down alone in the prow of his ship, 
 and said never a word, clapping his head between both his 
 hands. In the meantime came certain light brigantines of 
 Caesar's, that followed him hard. So Antonius straight turned 
 the prow of his ship, and presently" put the rest to flight, saving 
 one Eurycles a Lacedaemonian, that followed him near, and 
 pressed upofi him with great courage, shaking a dart in his 
 hand over the prow, as though he would have thrown it unto 
 Antonius. Antonius seeing him, came to the forecastle of his 
 ship, and asked him what he was that durst follow Antonius so 
 near? "I am," answered he, "Eurycles the son of Lachares, 
 who through Caesar's good fortune seeketh to revenge the death 
 of my father." This Lachares was condemned of felonv, and 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 '13 
 
 beheaded by Antonius. But yet EuryCles durst not venture 
 upon Antonius' ship, but set upon the other admiral galley (for 
 there were two), and fell upon him with such a blow of his 
 brazen spur that was so heavy and big, that he turned her 
 round, and took her, with another that was loden^ with very 
 rich stuff and carriage''. After Eurycles had left Antonius, he 
 turned again to his place, and sat down, speaking never a word, 
 as he did before : and so lived three days alone, without speak- 
 ing to any man. But when he arrived at the head of Tsenarus, 
 there Cleopatra's women first brought Antonius and Cleopatra 
 to speak together, and afterwards to sup and lie together. Then 
 began there again a great number of merchants' ships to gather 
 about them, and some of their friends that had escaped from 
 this overthrow, who brought news, that his army by sea was 
 overthrown, but that they thought' the army by land was yet 
 whole. Then Antonius sent unto Canidius, to return with his 
 army into Asia by Macedon. Now for himself, he determined 
 to cross over into Africa, and took one of his carec'ts* or hulks 
 loden* with gold and silver, and other rich carriage*, and gave 
 it unto his friends, commanding them to depart, and seek to 
 save themselves. They answered him weeping, that they would 
 neither do it, nor yet forsake him. Then Antonius very cour- 
 teously and lovingly did comfort them, and prayed them to de- 
 part ; and wrote unto Theophilus, governor of Corinth, that he 
 would see them safe, and help to hide them in some secret 
 place, iintil they had made their way and peace with Csesar. 
 This Theophilus was the father of Hipparchus, who was had in 
 great estimation about Antonius. He was the first of all his 
 enfranchised bondmen that revolted from him, and yielded unto 
 Cffisar, and afterwards went and dwelt at Corinth. And thus 
 it stood with Antonius. Now for" his army by sea, that fought 
 before the head or foreland of Actium, they held out a long 
 time, and nothing troubled them more than a great boisterous 
 wind that rose full in the prows of their ships ; and yet with 
 much ado his navy was at length overthrown, five hours within 
 night^. There were not slain above five thousand men : but yet 
 there were three hundred ships taken, as Octavius Cffisar writ- 
 eth himself in his Commentaries. Many plainly saw Antonius 
 fly, and yet could very hardly believe it, that he, that had nine- 
 teen legions whole by land, and twelve thousand horsemen upon 
 the sea-side, would so have forsaken them, and have fled so 
 cowardly, as if he had not oftentimes proved both the one and 
 
 ' laden. 
 2 baggage. 
 
 Antonius 
 licejiceth his 
 
 friends to 
 depart, a?id 
 giveth them 
 a skip loaden 
 with gold 
 and silver. 
 
 , 3 ships of 
 burden, 
 t laden, 
 s stores. 
 
 ^ as for. 
 
 A ntonius' 
 navy over- 
 thrown by 
 Ceesar, 
 ^ after night- 
 fall. 
 
214 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Antonius' 
 legwtLs do 
 yield ihetii' 
 selves unto 
 Octavhis 
 CcBsar, 
 
 ' wholly. 
 2 horses. 
 ^ burden. 
 
 • isle. 
 
 Luciiiits 
 spoken of in 
 Bnitus' life. 
 ^ Philippi. 
 
 Thefidelity 
 of Luciiiits 
 itnto Anto- 
 
 the Other fortune, and that he had not been thoroughly ac- 
 quainted with the diverse changes and fortunes of battles. And 
 yet his soldiers still wished for him, and ever hoped that he 
 would come by some means or other unto them. Furthermore, 
 they shewed themselves so valiant and faithful unto him, that 
 after they certainly knew he v/as fled, they kept themselves 
 whole together seven days. 
 
 37. In the end Canidius, Antonius' lieutenant, flying by 
 night, and forsaking his camp, when they saw themselves thus 
 destitute of their heads and leaders, they yielded themselves 
 unto the stronger. This done, Csesar sailed towards Athens, 
 and there made peace with the Grecians, and divided the rest 
 of the corn that was taken up for Antonius' army, unto the 
 towns and cities of Greece, the which had been brought to ex- 
 treme misery and poverty, clean ^ without money, slaves, horse^, 
 and other beasts of carriage'. So that my grandfather Nicar-' 
 chus told that all the citizens of our city of Chseronea (not one 
 excepted) were driven themselves to carry a certain measure of 
 corn on their shoulders to the sea-side, that lieth directly over 
 against the ile* of Anticyra, and yet were they driven thither 
 with whips. They carried it thus but once : for the second 
 time that they were charged again to make the like carriage, 
 all the corn being ready to be carried, news came that Antonius 
 had lost the battle, and so scaped our poor city. For Anto- 
 nius' soldiers and deputies fled immediately, and the citizens 
 divided the corn amongst them. Antonius being arrived in 
 Lybia, he sent Cleopatra before into Egypt from the city of 
 Paraetonium ; and he himself remained very solitary, having 
 only two of his friends with him, with whom he wandered up 
 and down, both of them orators, the one Aiistocrates a Grecian, 
 and the other Lucilius a Roman : of whom we have written in 
 another place, that, at the battle where Brutus was overthrown 
 by the city of Philippes*, he came and willingly put himself into 
 the hands of those that followed Brutus, saying that it was he : 
 because Brutus in the meantime might have liberty to save 
 himself. And afterwards, because Antonius saved his life, he 
 still remained with him, and was very faithful and friendly unto 
 him till his death. But when Antonius heard that he whom he 
 had trusted with the government of Lybia, and unto whom he 
 had given the charge of his army there, had yielded unto Cassar, 
 he was so mad withal, that he would have slain himself for 
 anger, had not his friends about him withstood him, and kept 
 
MARCUS ANTOmUS. 
 
 215 
 
 * isthmus. 
 
 The •wonder- 
 ful attempt 
 of Cleopatra, 
 2 endeavour- 
 ed. 
 
 him from it. So he went unto Alexandria, and there found 
 Cleopatra about a wonderful enterprise, and of great attempt. 
 Betwixt the Red Sea and the sea between the lands that point 
 upon the coast of Egypt, there is a little piece of land that di- 
 videth both the seas, and separateth Africk from Asia : the 
 which streighti is so narrow at the end where the two seas are 
 narrowest, that it is not above three hundred furlongs over. 
 Cleopatra went about ^ to lift her ships out of the one sea, and 
 to hale them over the bank into the other sea : that when her 
 ships were come into the gulf of Arabia, she might then carry 
 all her gold and silver away, and so with a great company of 
 men go and dwell in some place about the Ocean Sea, far from 
 the sea Mediterraneum, to escape the danger and bondage of 
 this war. But now, because the Arabians dwelling about the 
 city of Petra, did burn the first ships that were brought to land, 
 and that Antonius thought that his army by land which he left 
 at Actium was yet whole, she left off her enterprise, and deter- 
 mined to keep^ all the ports and passages of her r-ealm. 
 
 38. Antonius, he forsook the city and company of his 
 friends, and built him a house in the sea by the ile^ of Pharos, 
 upon certain forced mounts which he caused to be cast into the 
 sea, and dwelt there as a man that banished himself from all 
 men's company : saying that he would lead Timon's life, because 
 he had the like wrong offered him, that was before offered unto 
 Timon : and that for the unthankfulness of those he had done 
 good unto, and whom he took to be his friends, he was angry 
 with all men and would trust no man. This Timon was a citi- 
 zen of Athens, that lived about the war of Peloponnesus, as ap- 
 peareth by Plato and Aristophanes' comedies : in the which 
 they mocked him, calling him a viper and malicious man unto 
 mankind, to shun all other men's companies but the company 
 of young Alcibiades, a bold and insolent youth, whom he would 
 greatly feast and make much of, and kissed him very gladly. 
 Apemantus wondering at it, asked him the cause whaf" he meant 
 to make so much of that young man alone, and to hate all 
 others : Timon answered him, "I do it," said he, "because I 
 know that one day he shall do great mischief unto the Athe- 
 nians." This Timon sometimes would have Apemantus in his 
 company, because he was much like of his nature and condi- 
 tions, and also followed him in manner of life. On a time when 
 they solemnly celebrated the feast called Chois at Athens (to 
 wit, the feasts of the dead where they make sprinklings and 
 
 ^ guard. 
 « isle. 
 
 Aniomiis 
 followeih 
 the life ami 
 excitnple of 
 Timon Mi- 
 santhropes 
 the A theni- 
 an. 
 
 Plato and 
 Aristopha- 
 nes' testimo- 
 ny of Timon 
 Misanthro- 
 pes, ivhat he 
 was. 
 
 ' why. 
 
2i6 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ in despair. 
 
 The epitaph 
 of Tiinon 
 Aiisa/tthro- 
 pos. 
 
 ^ informed. 
 ^ Jewry, 
 Judsea. 
 
 AntoTtiu^ 
 rioting in 
 Alexandria 
 after his 
 great loss 
 and over~ 
 ihrmu. 
 * forego. 
 
 sacrifices for the dead) and that they two then feasted together 
 by themselves, Apemantus said unto the other : " O, here is a 
 trim banquet, Timon!" Timon answered again: "Yea," said 
 he, " so thou wert not here." It is reported of him also, that 
 this Timon on a time (the people being assembled in the mar- 
 ket-place about dispatch of some affairs) got up into the pulpit 
 for orations, where the orators commonly use^ to speak unto the 
 people : and silence being made, every man listening to hear 
 what he would say, because it was a wonder to see him in that 
 place, at length he began to speak in this manner: " My lords 
 of Athens, I have a little yard at my house where there groweth 
 a fig-tree, on the which many citizens have hanged themselves : 
 and because I mean to make some building on the place, I 
 thought good to let you all understand it, that, before the fig- 
 tree be cut down, if any of you be desperate-, you may there in 
 time go hang yourselves." He died in the city of Hales, and 
 was buried upon the sea-side. Now it chanced so, that the sea 
 getting in, it compassed his tomb round about, that no man 
 could come to it : and upon the same was written this epitaph : 
 
 Here lies a wretched corse, of wretched soul bereft : 
 
 Seek not my name : a plague consume you wicked wretches left ! 
 
 It is reported that Timon himself, when he lived, made this 
 epitaph: for that which is commonly rehearsed was not'his, 
 but made by the poet Callimachus : 
 
 Here lie I, Timon, who alive all living men did hate : 
 
 Pass by and curse thy fill: but pass, and stay not here thy gate'. 
 
 Many other things could we tell you of this Timon, but this 
 little shall suffice at this present. 
 
 39. But now to return to Antonius again. Canidius him- 
 self came to bring him news, that he had lost all his ai-my by 
 land at Actium : on the other side he was advertised* also, that 
 Herodes king of Jurie^, who had also certain legions and bands 
 with him, was revolted unto Cassar, and all the other kings in 
 like manner : so that, saving those that were about him, he had 
 none left him. All this notwithstanding did nothing trouble 
 him: and it seemed that he was contented to forgo ° all his 
 hope, and so to be rid of all his cares and troubles. Thereupon 
 he left his solitary house he had built by the sea, which he called 
 Timoneon, and Cleopatra received him into her royal palace. 
 He was no sooner come thither, but he straight set all the city 
 on rioting and banqueting again, and himself to liberality and 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 i\'j 
 
 gifts. He caused the son of Julius Caesar and Cleopatra to be 
 enrolled (according to the manner of the Romans) amongst the 
 number of young men: and gave Antyllus, his eldest son he had 
 by Fulvia, the man's gown, the which was a plain gown without 
 gard^ or embroderie^, of purple. For these things, there was 
 kept great feasting, banqueting and dancing in Alexandria many 
 days together. Indeed they did break their first order they had 
 set down, which 'they called Amimetobion (as much to say, 'no 
 life comparable'), and did set up another, which they called 
 Synapothanumenon (signifying the order and agreement of those 
 that will die together), the which in exceeding suiiiptugusness 
 and 'cost was not inferior to the first. For their friends made 
 themselves to be enrolled in this order of those that would die 
 together, and so made great feasts one to another : for every 
 man, when it came to his turn, feasted their whole company and 
 fraternity. Cleopatra in the meantime was very careful' in ga- 
 thering all sorts of poisons together, to destroy men. Now to 
 make proof of those poisons which made men die with least 
 pain, she tried it upon condemned men in prison. For when 
 she saw the poisons that were sudden and vehement, and 
 brought speedy death with grievous torments; and in contrary 
 manner, that such as were more mild and gentle had not that 
 quick speed and force to make one die suddenly : she afterwards 
 went about to prove* the stinging of snakes and adders, and 
 made some to be applied unto men in her sight, some in one 
 sort, some in another. So when she had daily made divers and 
 sundry proofs, she found none of them all she had proved so 
 fit as the biting of an aspick', the which causeth only a heavi- 
 ness of the head, without swooning or complaining, and bringeth 
 a great desire also to sleep, with a little sweat in the face ; and 
 so by little and little taketh away the senses and vital powers, 
 no living creature perceiving that the patients feel any pain. 
 For they are so sorry when any body awaketh them and taketh 
 them up, as those that be taken out of a sound sleep are very 
 heavy and desirous to sleep. 
 
 40. This notwithstanding, they sent ambassadors unto Oc- 
 tavius Cffisar in Asia, Cleopatra requesting the realm of Egypt 
 for their children, and Antonius praying that he might be suf- 
 fered to live at Athens like a private man, if CKSar would not 
 let him remain in Egypt. And because they had no other men 
 of estimation about them, for that some were fled, and those 
 that remained they did not greatly trust, they were enforced to 
 
 Toga viri- 
 lis. 
 
 Antyllus the 
 eldest son of 
 Antonius, 
 by his wife 
 Fulvia. 
 1 edging, 
 ^embroidery. 
 An order 
 erected by 
 Antonius 
 and Cleopa-' 
 tra, called ' 
 Synnpotha' 
 nuntenon^ , 
 revoking 
 the former 
 called A ini- 
 metobion. 
 
 Cleopatra 
 very busy 
 in proving 
 the force of 
 poison. 
 ^ industrious. 
 
 * test. 
 
 The proper' 
 ty of the 
 biting of an 
 aspick. 
 " asp. 
 
 Antonius 
 and Cleopa.' 
 tra send 
 ambassa- 
 dors unto 
 Octavius 
 Cessar. 
 
1!l8 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' J^wry, 
 Judaea, 
 
 Alsxas' 
 treasojt just- 
 ly ^itnishcd. 
 
 * soundly. 
 
 ' displease. 
 
 * whereas. 
 
 send Euphronius, the schoolmaster of their children. For Alexas 
 Laodicean, who was brought into Antonius' house and favour by 
 means of Timagenes, and afterwards was in greater credit with 
 him than any other Grecian (for that he had ever been one of 
 Cleopatra's ministers to win Antonius, and to overthrow all his 
 good determinations to use his wife Octavia well) : him Antonius 
 had sent unto Herodes king of Jurie^, hoping still to keep him 
 his friend, that he should not revolt from him. But he remained 
 there, and betrayed Antonius. For where he should have kept 
 Herodes from revolting from him, he persuaded him to turn to 
 CcEsar : and trusting king Herodes, he presumed to come in 
 Cffisar's presence. Howbeit Herodes did him no pleasure, for 
 he was presently taken prisoner, and sent in chains to his own 
 country, and there by Caesar's commandment put to death. 
 Thus was Alexas, in Antonius' life-time, put to death for be- 
 traying of him. Furthermore, Cassar would not grant unto 
 Antonius' requests : but for Cleopatra, he made her answer, 
 that he would deny her nothing reasonable, so that she would 
 either put Antonius to death, or drive him out of her country. 
 Therewithal he sent Thyreus one of his men unto her, a veiy 
 wise and discreet man: who bringing letters of credit from a 
 young lord unto a noble lady, and that besides greatly liked her 
 beauty, might easily by his eloquence have persuaded her. He 
 was longer in talk with her than any man else was, and the 
 queen herself also did him great honour: insomuch as he made 
 Antonius jealous of him. Whereupon Antonius caused him to 
 (be taken and well-favouredly^ whipped, and so sent him unto 
 Cassar: and bad him tell him, that he made him angry with 
 him, because he shewed himself proud and disdainful towards 
 him ; and now specially, when he was easy to be angered, by 
 reason of his present misery. "To be short, if this mislike^thee," 
 said he, "thou hast Hipparchus, one of my enfranchised bond- 
 men, with thee : hang him if thou wilt, or whip him at thy 
 pleasure, that we may cry quittance." From henceforth Cleo- 
 patra, to clear herself of the suspicion he had of her, made more 
 of him than ever she did. For first of all, where* she did 
 solemnize the day of her birth very meanly and sparingly, fit for 
 her present misfortune, she now in contrary manner did keep it 
 with such solemnity, that she exceeded all measure of sump- 
 tuousness and magnificence : so that the guests that were bidden 
 to the feasts, and came poor, went away rich. Now things passing 
 thus, Agrippa by divers letters sent one after another unto Caesar, 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 219 
 
 prayed him to return to Rome, because the affairs there did of 
 necessity require his person and presence. Thereupon he did 
 defer the war till the next year following: but when winter 
 was done, he returned again through Syria by the coast of Africa, 
 to make wars against Antonius and his other captains. When 
 the city of Pelusium was taken, there ran a rumour in the city, 
 that Seleucus (by Cleopatra's consent) had surrendered the same. 
 But to clear herself that she did not, Cleopatra brought Seleucus' 
 wife and children unto Antonius, to be revenged of them at his 
 pleasure. Furthermore, Cleopatra had long before made many 
 sumptuous tombs and monuments, as well for excellency of 
 workmanship, as for height and greatness of building, joining^ 
 hard to the temple of Isis. Thither she caused to be brought all 
 the treasure and precious things she had of the ancient kings 
 her predecessors : as gold, silver, emeralds, pearls, ebony, ivory, 
 and cinnamon, and besides all that, a marvellous number of 
 torches, faggots, and flax. So Octavius Cffisar, being afraid to 
 lose such a treasure and mass of riches, and that this woman 
 for spite would set it on fire and burn it every whit, he always 
 sent some one or other unto her from him, to put her in good 
 comfort, whilst he in the meantime drew near the city with his 
 army. So Ctesar came and pitched his camp hard by the city, 
 in the place where they run and manage their horses. Antonius 
 made a sally upon him, and fought very valiantly, so that he 
 drave'' Caesar's horsemen back, fighting with his men even into 
 their camp. Then he came again to the palace, greatly boasting 
 of this victory, and sweetly kissed Cleopatra, armed as he was 
 when he came from the fight, recommending one of his men 
 of arms unto her, that had valiantly fought in this skirmish. 
 Cleopatra, to reward his manliness, gave him an armour and head- 
 piece of clean 2 gold: howbeit the man-at-arms, when he; had 
 received this rich gift, stole away by night and went to Csesar. 
 Antonius sent again to challenge CtEsar to fight with him hand 
 to hand. Csesar answered him, " That he had many other ways 
 to die than so." Then Antonius, seeing there was no way more 
 honourable for him to die than fighting valiantly, he determined 
 to set up his rest', both by sea and land. So being at supper 
 (as it is reported) he commanded his officers and household 
 servants that waited on him at his board, that they should fill 
 his cups full, and make as much of him as they could : "For," 
 said he, "you know not whether you shall do so much for me to- 
 morrow or not, or whether you shall serve another master : and 
 
 Pehisintn 
 was y ielded 
 up to Octa- 
 vizis Ccesar, 
 
 Cleopatrtis 
 
 tnonumeiits 
 
 set up by ifu 
 
 teinple of 
 
 Isis. 
 
 1 adjoining. 
 
 s drove. 
 
 * make a 
 stand. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 > heal. 
 
 Strange 
 noises heard^ 
 ntidiwthittg 
 see7t. 
 
 Anioniu^ 
 navy do 
 yield them- 
 selves unto 
 Ceesar, 
 Aittonius 
 cverthro^vn 
 by Octaviits 
 Ceesar, 
 Cleopatra 
 Jlieth into 
 her iomb or 
 monument. 
 
 • without 
 arms. 
 
 it may be you shall see me no more, but a dead body." This 
 notwithstanding, perceiving that his friends and men fell a-weep- 
 ing to hear him say so, to salve ^ that he had spoken, he added 
 this more unto it, ' that he vi'ould not lead them to battle, vifhere 
 he thought not rather safely to return with victory, than valiantly 
 to die with honour.' Furthermore, the selfsame night, within 
 a little of midnight, when all the city was quiet, full of fear and 
 soiTOw, thinking what would be the issue and end of this war, it 
 is said that suddenly they heard a marvellous sweet harmony 
 of sundry sorts of instruments of music, with the cry of a multi- 
 tude of people, as they had been dancing, and had sung as they 
 use in Bacchus' feasts, with movings and turnings after the 
 manner of the Satyrs: and it seemed, that this dance went 
 through the city unto the gate that opened to the enemies, and 
 that all the troupe 2, that made this noise they heard, went out of 
 the city at that gate. Now such as in reason sought the depth 
 of the interpretation of this wonder, thought that it was the 
 god unto whom Antonius bare singular devotion to counterfeit 
 and resemble him, that did forsake them. The next morning 
 by break of day, he went to set those few footmen he had in 
 order upon the hills adjoining unto the city : and there he stood 
 to behold his galleys which departed from the haven, and rowed 
 against the galleys of the enemies, and so stood still, looking 
 what exploits his soldiers in them would do. But when by force 
 of rowing they were come near unto them, they first saluted 
 Csesar's men ; and then Caesar's men resaluted them also, and 
 of two armies made but one : and then did aD. together row 
 toward the city. 
 
 41. When Antonius saw that his men did forsake him, and 
 yielded unto Csesar, and that his footmen were broken and over- 
 thrown, he then fled into the city, crying out that Cleopatra had 
 betrayed him unto them with whom he had made war for her 
 sake. Then she, being afraid of his fury, fled into the tomb 
 which he had caused to be made, and there she locked the 
 doors unto her, and shut all the springs of the locks with great 
 bolts, and in the meantime sent unto Antonius to tell him that 
 she was dead. Antonius beheving it, said unto himself : "What 
 doest thou look for further, Antonius, sith' spiteful fortune' hath 
 taken from thee the only joy thou hadst, for whom thou yet 
 reservedst thy life ?" When he had said these words, he went 
 into a chamber and unarmed himself, and being naked*, said 
 thus: "O Cleopatra, it grieveth me not that I have lost thy 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 company, for I will not be long from thee : but I am sorry that, 
 having been so great a captain and emperor, I am indeed con- 
 demned to be judged of less courage and noble mind than a 
 woman." Now he had a man of his called Eros, whom he 
 loved and trusted much, and whom he had long before caused 
 to swear unto him, that he should kill him when he did com- 
 mand him : and then he willed him to keep his promise. His 
 man, drawing his sword, lift' it up as though he had meant to 
 have stricken his master: but turning his head at one side, he 
 thrust his sword into himself, and fell down dead at his master's 
 foot. Then said Antonius : " O noble Eros, I thank thee for 
 this, and it is valiantly done of thee, to shew me what I should 
 do to myself, which thou couldest not do for me." Therewithal 
 he took his sword, and thrust it into his belly, and so fell down 
 upon a little bed. The wound he had killed him not presently^, 
 for the blood stinted^ a little when he was laid : and when he 
 came somewhat to himself again, he prayed them that were 
 about him to despatch him. But they all fled out of the chamber, 
 and left him crying out, tormenting himself : until at last there 
 came a secretary unto him (called Diomedes) who was com- 
 manded to bring him into the tomb or monument where Cleo- 
 patra was. When he heard that she was alive, he very earnestly 
 prayed his men to carry his body thither, and so he was carried 
 in his men's arms into the entry of the monument. Notwith- 
 standing, Cleopatra would not open the gates, but came to the 
 high windows, and cast out certain chains and ropes, in the 
 which Antonius was trussed*: and Cleopatra her own self, with 
 two women only, which she had suffered to come with her 
 into these monuments, trised^ Antonius up. They that were 
 present to behold it said they never saw so pitiful a sight. 
 For they plucked up poor Antonius, all bloody as he was, and 
 drawing on with pangs of death : who holding up his hands to 
 Cleopatra, raised up himself as well as he could. It was a 
 hard thing for these women to do, to lift him up : but Cleopatra, 
 stooping down with her head, putting to all her strength to 
 her uttermost power, did lift him up with much ado, and never 
 let go her hold, with the help of the women beneath that bad 
 her be of good courage, and were as sorry to see her labour 
 so as she herself. So when she had gotten him in after that 
 sort, and laid him on a bed, she rent her garments upon him, 
 clapping^ her breast, and scratching her face and stomach. 
 Then she dried up his blood that had bewrayed'' his face, and 
 
 ' lifted. 
 
 Eros, Anto- 
 Kzus' ser- 
 vant, slew 
 himself. 
 
 Anttmius 
 did thrust 
 his sword 
 irtta himself, 
 but died not 
 presently, 
 ^ atonce. 
 3 ceased. 
 
 Antonius 
 carried unto 
 Cleojintra^s 
 tomb. 
 
 * wound. 
 
 ^ drew. 
 A lament- 
 able sight to 
 see Antonius 
 and Cleo- 
 patra. 
 
 ^ beating. 
 ^ beraved, 
 disfigured. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 The death 
 oj Antonius, 
 
 ' made 
 
 bloody. 
 
 Octavius 
 
 Ceesar la- 
 
 viciiteih 
 
 A nioniKs' 
 
 death. 
 
 Proculeius 
 sent by 
 Octavius 
 Ccesar to 
 iring Cleo- 
 patra alive. 
 
 * crannies, 
 ' learnt. 
 
 called him her lord, her husband, and emperor, forgetting her 
 own misery and calamity for the pity and compassion she took 
 of him. Antonius made her cease her lamenting, and called 
 for wine, either because he was athirst, or else for that he 
 thought thereby to hasten his death. When he had drunk, he 
 earnestly prayed her, and persuaded her, that she would seek 
 to save her life, if she could possible, without reproach and dis- 
 honour : and that chiefly she should trust Proculeius above any 
 man else about Caesar. And as for himself, that she should 
 not lament nor sorrow for the miserable change of his fortune 
 at the end of his days : but rather that she should think him 
 the more fortunate, for the former tiiumphs and honours he had 
 received ; considering that while he lived, he was the noblest 
 and greatest prince of the world; and that now he was over- 
 come, not cowardly, but valiantly, a Roman by another Roman. 
 ^£_AntoniusjgTC JJi©-4ast^jgi3V^ came that was 
 
 sent iroTn"'CEesarr For after Antonius had thrust his sword in 
 himself, as they carried him into the tombs and monuments of 
 Cleopatra, one of his guard (called Dercetaeus) took his sword 
 with which he had stricken himself, and hid it : then he secretly 
 stole away, and brought Octavius Csesar the first news of his 
 death, and shewed him his sword that was bloodied^. Cassar 
 hearing this news, straight withdrew himself into a secret place 
 of his tent, and there burst out with tears, lamenting his hard 
 and miserable fortune, that had been his friend and brother- 
 in-law, his equal in the empire, and companion with him in 
 sundry great exploits and battles. Then he called for all his 
 friends and shewed them the letters Antonius had written to 
 him, and his answers also sent him again, during their quarrel 
 and strife: and how fiercely and proudly the other answered 
 him, to all just and reasonable matters he wrote unto him. 
 
 42. After this, he sent Proculeius, and commanded him to 
 do what he could possible to get Cleopatra alive, fearing lest 
 otherwise all the treasure would be lost: and furthermore, he 
 thought that if he could take Cleopatra, and bring her alive 
 to Rome, she would marvellously beautify and set out his 
 triumph. But Cleopatra would never put herself into Pro- 
 culeius' hands, although they spake together. For Proculeius 
 came to the gates that were thick and strong, and surely barred, 
 but yet there were some cranewes^ through the which her voice 
 might be heard; and so they without understood', that Cleopatra 
 demanded the kingdom of Egypt for her sons : and that Pro- 
 
MARCUS ANTOmUS. 
 
 323 
 
 culeius answered her that she should be of good cheer, and not 
 be afraid to refer all unto Cssar. After he had viewed the place 
 very well, he came and reported her answer unto Csesar: who 
 immediately sent Gallus to speak once again with her, and bad 
 him purposely hold her in talk, whilst Proculeius did set up a 
 ladder against that high window by the which Antonius was 
 trised' up, and came down into the monument with two of his 
 men, hard by the gate where Cleopatra stood to hear what 
 Gallus said unto her. One of her women which was shut up in 
 her monuments with her, saw Proculeius by chance as he came 
 down, and skreeked'' out : " O poor Cleopatra, thou art taken." 
 Then when she saw Proculeius behind her as she came from the 
 gate, she thought to have stabbed herself in with a short dagger 
 she wore of purpose by her side. But Proculeius came suddenly 
 upon her, and taking her by both the hands, said unto her : 
 " Cleopatra, first thou shalt do thyself great wrong, and secondly 
 unto Csesar, to deprive him of the occasion and opportunity 
 openly to shew his bounty and mercy, and to give his enemies 
 cause to accuse the most courteous and noble prince that ever 
 was, and to appeach^ him, as though he were a cruel and mer- 
 ciless man, that were not to be trusted." So even as he spake 
 the word, he took her dagger from her, and shook her clothes 
 for fear of any poison hidden about her. Afterwards, Caesar sent 
 one of his infranchised men called Epaphroditus, whom he 
 straightly* charged to look well unto her, and to beware in 
 any case that she made not herself away : and for the rest, to 
 use her with all the courtesy possible. And for himself, he in 
 the meantime entered the city of Alexandria, and (as he went) 
 talked with the philosopher Arrius, and held him by the hand, 
 to the end that his countrymen should reverence him the more, 
 because they saw Cassar so highly esteem and honour him. 
 Then he went into the show-place of exercises, and so up to 
 his chair of state which was prepared for him of a great height : 
 and there, according to his commandment, all the people of 
 Alexandria were assembled, who, quaking for fear, fell down on 
 their knees before him and craved mercy. Csesar bad them all 
 stand up, and told them openly that he forgave the people, and 
 pardoned the felonies^ and offences they had committed against 
 him in this war: first, for the, founder's sake of the same city, 
 which was Alexander the Great : secondly, for the beauty of the 
 city, which he much esteemed and wondered at : thirdly, for the 
 love he bare unto his very* friend Arrius. Thus did Csesar 
 
 drawn. 
 
 2 shrieked. 
 
 Cleopatra 
 taken. 
 
 ' impeach, ' 
 accuse. 
 
 * strictly. 
 
 Ccesar took 
 tpLe city of 
 A lexalldria. 
 
 Ceesar great- 
 ly kottoitred 
 Arrizis the 
 philosopher. 
 
234 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Pkilostraius 
 ilie elaqitent- 
 est orator in 
 his time/or 
 present 
 speech upon 
 a sudden. 
 ^ sophists. 
 
 Atttylhis, 
 A ntoniu^ 
 eldest son by 
 FulviUj 
 slain. 
 2 struck. 
 
 * hung him. 
 
 * guarded. 
 
 The saving 
 . ofArrius 
 tlte philoso- 
 pher. 
 
 Cipsarion, 
 Cleopatra's 
 son, put to 
 death. 
 
 Cleopatra 
 burieih An- 
 tonius. 
 
 * injured. 
 
 honour Arrius, who craved pardon for himself and many others, 
 and specially for Philostratus, the eloquentest man of all the 
 sophisters^ and orators of his time,for present and sudden speech: 
 howbeit, he falsely named himself an Academic philosopher. 
 Therefore Csesar, that hated his nature and conditions, would 
 not hear his suit. Thereupon he let his grey beard grow long, 
 and followed Arrius step by step in a long mourning gown, still 
 buzzing in his ears this Greek verse : 
 
 A wise man, if that he be wise indeed, 
 May by a. wise man have the better speed. 
 
 Caesar understanding this, not for the desire he had to deliver 
 Philostratus of his fear, but to rid Arrius of malice and envy 
 that might have fallen out against him, he pardoned him. Now 
 touching Antonius' sons, Antyllus, his eldest son by Fulvia, was 
 slain, because his schoolmaster Theodorus did betray him unto 
 the soldiers, who strake^ off his head. And the villain took a 
 precious stone of great value from his neck, the which he did 
 sew in his girdle, and afterwards denied that he had it : but it 
 was found about him, and so Caesar trussed him up^ for it. For 
 Cleopatra's children, they were very honourably kept*, with their 
 governors and train that waited on them. But for Cassarion, 
 who was said to be Julius Caesar's son, his mother Cleopatra 
 had sent him unto the Indians through Ethiopia, with a great 
 sum of money. But one of his governors also, called Rhodon, 
 even such another as Theodorus, persuaded him to return into 
 his country, and told him that Ceesar sent for him to give him 
 his mother's kingdom. So, as Caesai- was determining with him- 
 self what he should do, Arrius said unto him : 
 
 Too many Csesars is not good, 
 alluding unto a certain verse of Homer, that szuth : 
 
 Too many lords doth not well. 
 Therefore Csesar did put Ccssarion to death, jifter the death of 
 his mother Cleopatra. 
 
 43. Many princes, great kings, and captains, did crave Anto- 
 nius' body of Octavius Ctesar, to give him honourable burial : but 
 Csesar would never take it from Cleopatra, who did sumptuously 
 and royally bury him with her own hands, whom Casar suffered 
 to take as much as she would to bestow upon his funerals. Now 
 was she altogether overcome with sorrow and passion of mind, 
 for she had knocked her breast so pitifully, that she had mar- 
 tyred* it, and in divers places had raised ulcers and inflamma- 
 
MARCUS ANTONWS. 
 
 225 
 
 tions, so that she fell into a fever withal ; whereof she was very 
 glad, hoping thereby to have good colour >■ to abstain from meat, 
 and that so she might have died easily without any trouble. 
 She had a physician called Olympus, whom she made privy to 
 her intent, to the end he should help to rid her out of her life : 
 as Olympus writeth himself, who wrote a book of all these 
 things. But Cassar mistrusted ^ the matter by many conjectures 
 he had, and therefore did put her in fear, and threatened her to 
 put her children to shameful death. With these threats, Cleo- 
 patra for fear yielded straight, as she would have yielded unto 
 strokes : and afterwards suffered herself to be cured and dieted 
 as they listed. 
 
 44. Shortly after, Csesar came himself in person to see her, 
 and to comfort her. Cleopatra, being laid upon a little low bed 
 in poor estate (when she saw Caesar come into her chamber)", 
 suddenly rose up, naked in her smock, and fell down at his feet 
 marvellously disfigured: both for that she had plucked her hair 
 from her head, as also for that she had martyred all her face 
 with her nails ; and besides, her voice was small and trembling, 
 her eyes sunk into her head with continual blubbering^; and 
 moreover, they might see the most* part of her stomach toirh 
 in sunder. To be short, her body was not much better than 
 her mind : yet her good grace and comeliness and the force of 
 her beauty was not altogether defaced. ^ But notwithstanding 
 this ugly and pitiful state of hers, yet she shewed herself within, 
 by her outward looks and countenance. When Csesar had made 
 her lie down again, and sat by her bedside, Cleopatra began to 
 clear and excuse herself for that she had done, laying all to the 
 fear sh6 had of Antonius : Caesar, in contrary manner, reproved 
 her in every point. Then she suddenly altered her speech, and 
 prayed him to pardon her, as though she were afraid to die, 
 and desirous to hve. At length, she gave him a brief and 
 memorial of all the ready money and treasure she had. But by 
 chance there stood one Seleucus by, one of her treasurers, who, 
 to seem a good servant, came straight to Csesar to disprove 
 Cleopatra, that she had not set in= all, but kept many things 
 back of purpose. Cleopatra was in such a rage with him, that 
 she flew upon him, and took him by the hair of the head, and 
 boxed" him well-fayouredly^. Casar fell a-laughing and parted 
 the fray. "Alas," said she, "O Caesar: is not this a great 
 shame and reproach, that thou having vouchsafed to take the 
 pains to come unto me, and done me this honour, poor wretch 
 S.P. IS 
 
 ^ pretext. 
 
 Cleopatras 
 physician. 
 
 ^ suspected. 
 
 CtFsar cavie 
 to see Cleo- 
 patra, 
 
 Cleopatra 
 a martyred 
 creature 
 through her 
 oivn passion 
 audfury. 
 ^ crying. 
 * greatest. 
 
 SeletiC7is, 
 one o/Cleo- 
 patrds 
 treasurers. 
 
 * mentioned. 
 Cleopatra 
 heat her 
 treasurer 
 before Octa- 
 vius Ceesar. 
 Cleopatrds 
 •words unto 
 CcBsar. 
 e beat. 
 ' soundly. 
 
THE LIFE OF 
 
 * wretched. 
 
 Cleopatra 
 Jittely de- 
 ceiveth Octa- 
 vius Ctesar, 
 as though 
 ilte desired 
 to live. 
 
 ' since. 
 
 Cleopatra^s 
 lamentation 
 07ier AntO' 
 itiiis' tontb. 
 
 and caitiff' creature, brought into this pitiful and miserable 
 state : .and that mine own servants should come now to accuse 
 me? though it may be I have reserved some jewels and trifles 
 meet for women, but not for me (poor soul) to set out myself 
 withal, but meaning to give some pretty presents and gifts 
 unto Octavia and Livia, that they, making means and inter- 
 cession for me to thee, thou mightest yet extend thy favour and 
 mercy upon me." Csesar was glad to hear her say so, per- 
 suading himself thereby that she had yet a desire to save her 
 life. So he made her answer, that he did not only give her that 
 to dispose of at her pleasure which she had kept back, but 
 further promised to use her more honourably and bountifully 
 than she would think for: and so he took his leave of her, 
 supposing he had deceived her, but indeed he was deceived 
 himself. There was a young gentleman, Cornelius Dolabella, 
 that was one of Caesar's very great familiars, and besides did 
 bear no ill will unto Cleopatra. He sent her word secretly (as 
 she had requested him) that Cassar determined to take his 
 journey through Syria, and that within three' days he would 
 send her away before with her children. When this was told 
 Cleopatra, she requested Cassar that it would please him to 
 suffer her to offer the last oblations of the dead unto the soul of 
 Antonius. This being granted her, she was carried to the place 
 where his tomb was, and there falling down on her knees, em- 
 bracing the tomb with her women, the tears running down her 
 cheeks, she began to speak in this sort : " O my dear lord 
 Antonius, it is not long sithence^ I buried thee here, being a 
 free woman; and now I offer unto thee the funeral sprinklings 
 and oblations, being a captive and prisoner ; and yet I am 
 forbidden and kept from tearing and murdering this captive 
 body of mine with blows, which they carefully guard and keep 
 only to triumph of thee : look therefore henceforth for no other 
 honours, offerings, nor sacrifices from me : for these are the last 
 which Cleopatra can give thee, sith^ now they cariy her away. 
 Whilst we lived together, nothing could sever our companies : 
 but now, at our death, I fear me they will make us change our 
 countries. For as thou, being a Roman, hast been buried in 
 Egypt : even so, wretched creature, I, an Egyptian, shall be 
 buried in Italy, which shall be all the good that I have received 
 by thy country. If therefore the gods where thou art now have any 
 power and authority, sith^ our gods here have forsaken us, suffer 
 not thy true friend and lover to be carried away alive, that in 
 
MARCUS ANTOmUS. 
 
 227 
 
 me they triumph of thee : but receive me with thee, and let me 
 be buried in one self* tomb with thee. For though my griefs 
 and miseries be infinite, yet none hath grieved me more, nor 
 that I could, less bear withal, than this small time which I have 
 been driven to live alone without thee." 
 
 45. Then having ended these doleful plaints, and crowned 
 the tomb with garlands and sundry nosegays, and marvellous 
 lovingly embraced the same, she commanded they should pre- 
 pare her bath ; and when she had bathed and washed herself, 
 she fell to her meat, and was sumptuously served. Now whilst 
 she was at dinner, there came a countryman and brought her a 
 basket. The soldiers that warded^ at the gates, asked him 
 straight what he had in his basket. He opened his basket, and 
 took out the leaves that covered the figs, and shewed them that 
 they were figs he brought. They all of them marvelled to see 
 so goodly figs. The countryman laughed to hear them, and 
 bade them take some if they would. They believed he told 
 them truly, and so bade him carry them in. After Cleopatra 
 had dined, she sent a certain table' written and sealed unto 
 C»sar, and commanded them all to go out of the tombs where 
 she was, but the two women ; then she shut the doors to her. 
 Csesar, when he had received this table, and began to read her 
 lamentation and petition, requesting him that he would let her 
 be buried with Antonius, found straight what she meant, and 
 thought to have gone thither himself: howbeit, he sent one 
 before in all haste that might be, to see what it was. Her death 
 was very sudden : for those whom CKsar sent unto her ran 
 thither in all haste possible, and found the soldiers standing at 
 the gate, mistrusting* nothing, nor understanding of her death. 
 But when they had opened the doors, they found Cleopatra 
 stark-dead, laid upon a bed of gold, attired and arrayed in her 
 royal robes, and one of her two women, which was called Iras, 
 dead at her feet : and her other woman (called Charmion) half 
 dead, and trembling, trimming the diadem which Cleopatra 
 wore upon her head. One of the soldiers seeing her, angrily 
 said unto her: "Is that well done, Charmion?" "Very well," 
 said she again, "and meet for a princess descended from the 
 race of so many noble kings :" she said no more, but fell down 
 dead hard by the bed. Some report that this aspick^ was 
 brought unto her in the basket with figs, and that she had com- 
 manded them to hide it under the fig-leaves, that when she 
 should think to take out the figs, the aspick should bite her 
 
 IS— 2 
 
228 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cleopatra 
 killed with 
 the bitijig of 
 an asjiick. 
 
 ' truth. 
 
 ' minute. 
 ^ scarcely. 
 
 TJie itTiage 
 of Cleo- 
 fatra, car- 
 ried in. 
 iriuntph at 
 Rome 'with 
 an aspick 
 biting of her 
 
 TJt£ age of I 
 Cleopatra \ 
 and Attto-' 
 tiius. 
 
 Of Ant T 
 nii.^ issv^e 
 cai/.e em- 
 perots. 
 
 before she should see her : howbeit, that when she would have 
 taken away the leaves for the figs, she perceived it, and said, 
 "Art thou here, then?" And so, her arm being naked, she put 
 it to the aspick to be bitten. Others say again, she kept it in a 
 box, and that she did prick and thrust it with a spindle of gold, 
 so that the aspick, being angered withal, leapt out with great 
 fury, and bit her in the arm. Howbeit few can tell the troths 
 For they report also, that she had hidden poison in a hollow 
 razor which she carried in the hair of her head; and yet was 
 there no mark seen on her body, or any sign discerned that she 
 was poisoned, neither also did they find this serpent in her 
 tomb : but it was reported only, that there was seen certain 
 fresh steps or tracks where it had gone, on the tomb-side toward 
 the sea, and specially by the door-side. Some say also that 
 they found two little pretty^ bitings in her arm, scant' to be 
 discerned : the which it seemeth Caesar himself gave credit unto, 
 because in his triumph he carried Cleopatra's image, with an 
 aspick biting of her arm. And thus goeth the report of her 
 death. Now Caesar, though he was marvellous sorry for the 
 death of Cleopatra, yet he wondered at her noble mind and 
 courage, and therefore commanded she should be nobly 
 buried, and laid by Antonius : and willed also that her two 
 women should have honourable burial. 
 
 46. Cleopatra died being eight and thirty years old, after 
 she had reigned two and twenty years, and governed about 
 fourteen of them with Antonius. And for Antonius, some say 
 that he lived three and fifty years : and others say, six and fifty. 
 All his statues, images, and metals, were plucked down and 
 overthrown, saving those of Cleopatra, which stood still in their 
 places, by means of Archibius one of her friends, who gave 
 Caesar a thousand talents that they should not be handled as 
 those of Antonius were. Antonius left seven children by three 
 wives, of the which Caesar did put Antyllus (the eldest son he 
 had by Fulvia) to death. Octavia his wife took all the rest, and 
 brought them up with hers, and married Cleopatra, Antonius' 
 daughter, unto king Juba, a marvellous courteous and goodly 
 prince. And Antonius (the son of Fulvia) came to be so great, 
 that next unto Agrippa, who was in greatest estimation about 
 Caesar, and next unto the children of Livia, which were the 
 second in estimation, he had the third place. Furthermore, 
 Octavia having had two daughters by her first husband Marcellus, 
 and a son also called Marcellus, Caesar married his daughter 
 
MARCUS ANTONIUS. 
 
 22g 
 
 unto that Marcellus, and so did adopt him for his son. And 
 Octavia also married one of her daughters unto Agrippa. But 
 when Marcellus was dead, after he had been married a while, 
 Octavia, perceiving that her brother Caesar' was very busy to 
 choose some one among his friends, whom he trusted best, to 
 make his son-in-law, she persuaded him that Agrippa should 
 marry his daughter (Marcellus' widow), and leave her own 
 daughter. Caesar first was contented withal, and then Agrippa : 
 and so she afterwards took away her daughter and married her 
 unto Antonius; and Agrippa married Julia, Caesar's daughter. 
 Now there remained two daughters more of Octavia and Anto- 
 nius: Domitius ^nobarbus married the one; and the other, 
 which was Antonia, so fair and virtuous a young lady, was 
 married unto Drusus, the son of Livia, and son-in-law of Csesar. 
 Of this marriage came Germanicus and Clodius'-: of the which, ' Claudius. 
 Clodius afterwards came to be emperor. And of the sons of 
 Germanicus, the one whose name was Caius^came also to be > Caligula, 
 emperor : who after he had licentiously reigned a time, was 
 slain, with his wife and daughter. Agrippina also (having a son 
 , by her first husband .iEnobarbus, called Lucius Domitius) was 
 afterwards married unto Clodius, who adopted her son, and 
 called him Nero Germanicus. This Nero was emperor in our 
 time, who slew his own mother, and had almost destroyed the 
 empire of Rome through his madness and wicked life, being the. 
 fifth emperor of Rome after Antonius. 
 
Argument. 
 
 The de- 
 scent of 
 A ugustus. 
 
 ^ when that, 
 when. 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE LIFE OF OCTAVIUS C^SAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 1. Parentage of Oct wivs. 2. His habits a^id mode of life. 3. Oc- 
 TAVIUS, Lepidus, and Antonius are jointly elected Triumviri. 
 4. Numerous proscriptions; various behaviour of slaves and relatives 
 towards the proscribed. 5. OcTAVlus drives Lucius Antonius 
 out of Rome. 6. His lieutenant Agrippa overcomes Sextus 
 PoMPEius. 7. Fall of luEViDVi, and death of S'E.yi'TVS VoMPEivs. 
 8. Battle of Aclium, and successes of OCTAVIUS. 9. He establishes 
 his power and system of government. 10. He repairs Rome, and 
 acquires the name of AUGUSTUS. 11. He divides Gaul into four 
 parts. Wars against the Cantabrians and Asturians. 12. Death 
 of M.A.ViC^iA.vs, his nephew. 13. Acts of Kvovsrvs in Greece and 
 Asia. 14. Agrippa appeases troubles in France and Spain. 15. 
 Augustus reforms various abuses and disorders in Rome. 16. He 
 founds some colonies in Gaul. 1 7. Death of Lepidus and rise of 
 Tiberius fflKi/ Drusus. 18. ZJmtt^DRUSus. 19. Augustus 
 pleads the cause of an old soldier, and makes laws against libel. 20. 
 His toleration of libels spoken against himself. Birth of CHRIST, 
 causing the pagan oracles to become dumb. 21. ^VIAA. dies in banish- 
 ment. 22. Defeat of the Thracians. 23. Akuvsivs defeats the 
 legions of QuiNTihlus Varus. 24. Last acts of AuavsTVS. His 
 peaceful death. 25. His will atul funeral honours. 
 
 Thy youth, Augustus, and thy tongue's good gift, 
 Thy valour, wisdom, and thy worthy feats, 
 Thy country's love, thy laws and statutes, lift 
 Thy throne above all other princely seats. 
 
 I. AcciA, the daughter of Accius Balbus and of JuUa the 
 sister of Julius Csesar, was married unto the father of this man, 
 whose life we write of now, and who was descended of the an- 
 cient race of the Octavians, issued out of the country of the 
 Volsces, and known at Rome from the time of Tarquinius, and 
 of Servius TuUus. Their son Octavius was born in the year of 
 the consulship of Cicero and of Caius Antonius, at that time 
 when asi the conspiracy of Catiline was discovered and sup- 
 pressed. He was called Thurinus : but afterwards, according to 
 the tenor of his uncle's testament, who made him his heir, he 
 was called Caius Julius Cassar, and lastly Augustus, by the ad- 
 
OCTAVIUS CAiSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 231 
 
 vice of Munatius Plancus, and by the decree of the Senate. He 
 was but four years old when his father died, and at twelve years 
 he made the funeral oration for his grandmother Julia : four years 
 after that, he became a gownman, though he were but young : 
 yet his uncle gave him a present at his return out of Africa, 
 such as the soldiers are accustomed to have of their captains. 
 Shortly after he followed his uncle into Spain, whither he was 
 gone against the children of Pompey, and passed through many 
 great dangers to overtake him. This war being ended, because 
 Cffisar undertook other longer journeys, Octavius was sent into 
 the city of Apollonia: and there plied his book^ very diligently. 
 And it chanced him, without having any mind to it, that, being 
 gone to see Theogenes a learned astronomer, he cast his na- 
 tivity ; and suddenly he leapt, being amazed, and honoured him. 
 The which made Octavius conceive great hope of himself, and 
 in memory of this good hap he caused certain pieces of money 
 to be coined, and he himself told the opinion of Theogenes. 
 Being returned from Apollonia to Rome, after his uncle was 
 slain by Cassius, Brutus, and their allies, he declared himself to 
 be his heir, though his mother and Marcius Philippus were of 
 another mind. And having put himself forward, he governed 
 the commonwealth of Rome, first with Antonius and Lepidus, 
 afterwards with Antonius, the space of twelve years : and lastly 
 himself alone, the space of four and forty years. But before we 
 speak of his government of common affairs in time of peace and 
 war, let us say somewhat (after Suetoniuj) of his family and his 
 manners. He married being yet very young the daughter of 
 Publius Servilius Isauricus : but having made peace with Anto- 
 nius after the war of Mutine^, and at the request of their armies, 
 who were desirous to see them friends, he married with Clodia, 
 the daughter of Publius Clodius and of Fulvia then wife of An- 
 tonius. But before he knew her, he sent her to her mother, 
 with whom he was somewhat discontented, and because of the 
 war of Perouse'. Immediately he married Scribonia, and kept 
 not her long, because she was too troublesome : yet he had a 
 daughter by her called Julia. But forsaking her, he took an- 
 other which he loved unto the end : and that was Livia Drusilla, 
 the wife of Tiberius Nero, whom he carried with him great with 
 child as she was, and had no more children by her but one, and 
 yet she went not out her time, and it had no hfe. His daughter 
 Julia was married unto Marcellus, the son of his sister Octavia: 
 and after his death unto Marcus Agrippa, by whom she had 
 
 studied at 
 Apollonia. 
 ^ studied. 
 
 A ugitstus 
 declared 
 kimself heir 
 to yjtliics 
 Ciesar. 
 
 Augustus 
 ruled aloue 
 44 years. 
 
 ^ Mutina. 
 
 3 Perusia. 
 
 Augustus 
 forsaking 
 his wives 
 warried 
 Livia, 
 tvhofii fie 
 loved to the 
 end. 
 
2^2 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 '■ Agrippina. 
 
 AngiisUts 
 ^nifitrtmiate 
 ill his pos- 
 terity. 
 
 2 dishonour- 
 able. 
 
 Augustus 
 ijianners in 
 his pyivaie 
 life. 
 
 * drank. 
 
 three sons, Caius, Lucius, and Agrippa: and two daughters, 
 Julia and Agrippine'. After the death of Marcus Agrippa, he 
 chose for his son-in-law Tiberius, the son of Tiberius Nero and 
 Livia DiTisilla, at that time a knight of Rome, and compelled 
 him to forsake his wife Vipsamia, of whoni he had a son called 
 Drusus. But as he was fortunate in managing the affairs of the 
 commonwealth, so was he unfortunate in his race : for his 
 daughter and his niece Julia committed so foul faults in Rome, 
 that he was constrained to banish them. Agrippine* was mar- 
 ried unto Germanicus, the son of his sister's daughter. Caius 
 and Lucius died in less than a year and a half one after 
 another: whereupon he adopted his nephew Agrippa, and his 
 son-in-law Tiberius. But because Agrippa was of a churlish 
 nature and unhonest^, he did disinherit him, and confined him 
 to Surrentum. His niece Julia had a child after she was 
 banished, but he would not know it, nor suffer it should be 
 brought up. 
 
 2. He was very modest and continent in all the parts of his 
 life, saving that he was somewhat given to women and play : for 
 the rest, he liked not great palaces, but was contented with 
 mean lodgings : and if there were any ornament, it was in 
 porches and parks. His household-stuff and apparel was nothing' 
 sumptuous nor costly. It pleased him well to make feasts ; he 
 very carefully made choice of his guests, and oftentimes he sat 
 down at the table a long time after everybody, and would rise 
 before others, which remained after he was up. In his ordinary 
 diet he banished superfluity of meats, he delighted to be merry 
 and pleasant among his friends, or to bring in pleasant players 
 of comedies to pass the time away. And he did not tie himself 
 to any certain hours to eat his meat, but when his stomach 
 served him he took something. So that sometimes he supped 
 not at all, and then, when every man was gone, he made them 
 bring him meat, neither dainty nor delicate. Also he drunk* 
 very little wine ; he slept in the day, and by times in the night, 
 talking with some or reading : so that oftentimes he slept not till 
 the break of day, and, for that he took no rest in the night, he 
 might chance to sleep in his litter as they carried him in the 
 streets in the daytime up and down Rome. He was a goodly 
 prince, and that kept himself in good state from the beginning 
 of his life to the latter end : not curious to set himself out, as 
 little caring to be shaven as to wear long hair : and instead of a 
 looking-glass, reading in his book or writing, even whilst the 
 
OCTAVIUS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 233 
 
 barber was trimming of him. Whether he spake or held his 
 peace, he had so comely a face, that many of his enemies, bent 
 to do him hurt, their hearts would not serve them so soon as ever 
 they looked on him. He had very clear and lively eyes, but 
 with time"^ he was subject to many diseases and infirmities, the 
 which he remedied with great care. As for his exercises, he left 
 arms and horses immediately after the civil wars: for he was 
 never any great soldier. He would play at tennis, at the bal- 
 lone^, he would go abroad in his coach to walk and stir himself. 
 Sometimes he would go a-fishing, or play at the bones, or at 
 nuts, with young children of the Moors and Syrians that had 
 some pretty manner and behaviour with them, and always spake 
 words to move laughter. He was learned in the liberal sciences, 
 very eloquent, and desirous to learn : insomuch that during the 
 war of Mutine', in the midst of all his infinite affairs, he did read, 
 he wrote, and made orations amongst his familiars. He never 
 spake unto the Senate nor people, nor to his soldiers, but he 
 had first written and premeditated that he would say unto them, 
 although he had speech at commandment, to propound or answer 
 to anything in the field. And because he would not deceive his 
 memory, or lose time in superfluous speech, he determined ever 
 ' to write all that he would say : and he was the first inventor of 
 it. If he had to confer with any man, or with his wife in any 
 matters of importance, he would put that down in his writing- 
 tables, because he would speak neither more nor less. And he 
 took pleasure to pronounce his words with ,a sweet voice and 
 good grace, having continually about him for this purpose a fine 
 man to frame his voice. But one day having a pain in his 
 mouth, he made his oration to the people by an herald. He 
 made many books and verses of divers sorts; but all is dead 
 with the time. His speech was as the rest of his life, eloquent, 
 well couched together, and sententious. He delighted to read 
 good authors, but he gathered nothing other than the sentences 
 teaching good manners : and having written them out word by 
 word, he gave out a copy of them to his familiars : and sent 
 them about to the governors of provinces, and to the magis- 
 trates of Rome and of other cities. He was somewhat, and too 
 much, given to divinations ; he was marvellously afraid of thun- 
 der and lightning; he had a great confidence in dreams, and in 
 such like vanities. But peradventure we are too curious search- 
 ing out his private life: yet that may sometime discover great 
 personages more than their public actions, in the which they are 
 
 * in course of 
 time. 
 
 ]Vhai exer- 
 cises A ugitS' 
 tus used. 
 2 a game 
 now called 
 pallmte. 
 
 'Mutin 
 
234 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 A ugusiu^ 
 vtemorable 
 acts don£ 
 •while he 
 reigned. 
 ^ impossible. 
 
 more careful to frame their countenances, and do counterfeit 
 most. 
 
 3. Now, as we have lightly run over his private life before 
 spoken of, so shall the memorable deeds done by his authority 
 be briefly represented : being unpossible^ to comprehend in a few 
 lines so many notable things, unless a man would make a great 
 book of them. This is to be noted in him, that so young a man, 
 having so small beginnings, coming out of a mean house in 
 comparison of others, hath excelled all other young and old men 
 in wisdom and greatness of courage ; should rise so high, that 
 before he had been prastor the Senate gave him the name of Au- 
 gustus, created him master of the horse, when as yet he never 
 had charge of a company of men-at-arms : proclaimed him em- 
 peror and sovereign captain, afore ^ he had been placed in any 
 public office by authority of the Senate. Furthermore, for the 
 first time he was chosen consul when he was but twenty years 
 old : and he was thirteen times consul, and twenty times called 
 sovereign captain. Afterwards, when he was not yet four and 
 thirty years old, the Senate and people of Rome gave him this 
 goodly name of father of his country, because he had main- 
 tained and preserved the commonwealth. It is a wonderful 
 thing that he could wind himself out of so many great affairs 
 and wars, that he could, within four and twenty years of age, 
 restore again into so good estate the commonwealth of Rome, 
 turmoiled and troubled with so many proscriptions and civil 
 wars as it was. And that afterwards, so long as he commanded 
 alone, he did so firmly establish this monarchy, that notwith- 
 standing the infinite troubles received under other emperors, yet 
 it stood upright and in so great prosperity for so many hundred 
 years. After the death of Julius Csesar, this man, being but 
 bare eighteen years old, came to Rome, where he was welcomed, 
 and immediately did contest with Antonius, hated of Cicero 
 and of many others : from whence the advancement of this 
 young Csesar came, and the declaration of the war against An- 
 tonius, judged an enemy of the commonwealth, and overcome 
 by the consuls Hirtius and Pansa. Cassar, who was their asso- 
 ciate, was called sovereign captain, though he had not yet 
 fought: both the consuls being dead of their hurts. But the 
 Senate, after this overthrow, beginning to change their mind, he, 
 perceiving that they were slow to grant him the consulship, 
 resolved to possess it by force of arms, and began to acquaint 
 himself with Antonius and Lepidus, which were joined together. 
 
OCTAVIUS CAESAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 S35 
 
 He made that the soldiers promised by oath the one to the 
 other, that they would fight against none of Csesar's troups^ 
 and sent 400 men to Rome to ask for him, in the name of all 
 the army, the office of consul. They having delivered their 
 charge unto the Senate, Cornelius the centiner^, chief of this le- 
 gation or ambassade, perceiving they would give him no present 
 answer, casting up his cassock and shewing the Senate the pom- 
 mel of his sword, said unto them : " This shall do it, if you will 
 not do it." So they being returned without obtaining their de- 
 mand, Csesar made Antonius and Lepidus come into Italy, and 
 he for his part having passed the river of Rubicon, marched 
 with eight legions right to Rome. This put all Rome in such a 
 fear, as they sent to Caesar to present him the consulship : and 
 twice so much in gift as they had promised the legions. Now 
 whilst the ambassadors were on their way, the senators begin- 
 ning again to take heart to them, encouraged by the arrival of 
 the legions of Africa, they determined to try all means before 
 they would betray the liberty of their country, being minded to 
 call back that which they had sent to Ctesar, and so disposed 
 themselves to make war. Caesar, being offended with this incon- 
 stancy, sent certain horsemen before to assure the people that 
 he would make no tumult at all : he drew his legions near, and 
 made himself lord of Rome without one stroke stricken : and 
 contrariwise, the people and Senate received him with shew 
 of great joy. Then, in the assembly of all the people, he wa? 
 chosen consul, just at the full accomplishment of twenty years of 
 his age. So he demanded in the field that they should proceed 
 criminally against those that had killed his father Caesar. 
 Q. Pedius, his fellow-consul, published the decree. So were 
 Brutus and Cassius and all their friends condemned, with inter- 
 diction of water and fire. But forasmuch as Augustus had too 
 small means to set upon Brutus and Cassius, he reconciled An- 
 tonius and Lepidus with the Senate, and made alhance with 
 them, followed with gi-eat armies. They joined, and were in 
 consultation of their affairs the space of three days together, 
 near unto Bolonia, or unto Mutine^: and as if the Roman empire 
 had been their own inheritance, they divided it between them 
 three. So that Caesar had the high and base* Lybia, with SiciUa 
 and Sardinia, Spain and Gaul Narbonense fell unto Lepidus : 
 and the rest of Gaul was for Antonius. They did decree also 
 that they should be called Triumviri, appointed for the re-esta- 
 blishment of the commonwealth, with sovereign authority for 
 
 * troops. 
 
 Augustus 
 obtaijieth , 
 the cattstil- 
 ship by farce 
 of an^ts. 
 
 ^ Mutina. 
 
 * low. 
 
 A7tg1tstttSj 
 
 Lepidus, 
 and Anto- 
 nius joint 
 rulers. 
 
 :^-' 
 
2j6 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * publish. 
 
 Aitioniics 
 
 aiid Lepidus 
 
 authors of a 
 
 bloody 
 
 tragedy. 
 
 ^ consenting, 
 
 ^ murderers. 
 
 Wise and 
 sage sen- 
 tences. 
 • lifted. 
 
 five years, to dispose and give the estates and offices to whom 
 they thought good, without asking advice of the Senate or 
 people. So they established Lepidus consul for the year follow- 
 ing, in the place of Decimus Brutus that was killed: and they 
 gave him the guard of Rome and Italy, so long as they two that 
 remained made their preparations to go against Brutus and 
 Cassius. Besides the presents they should make unto the sol- 
 diers after the victory, they promised to give them leave to ease 
 ■themselves, and eighteen rich towns in Italy for them to dwell 
 in. Then they began to set up^ a roll of all the citizens of 
 Rome appointed by them to be slain. And they decreed to 
 every free man that should bring the Triumviri a head of the . 
 prescripts, the sum of two thousand five hundred crowns, and 
 half so much unto the slaves with enfranchisement ; and the 
 like sum also to whosoever could discover any man that had 
 hidden or favoured the prescripts. Antonius and Lepidus were 
 thought to be the chief authors of this horrible tragedy ; and 
 Cassar seemed willing^ to none but to the murtherers^ of his 
 father, and did a long time oppose himself against the other 
 two : but at the length he gave over, and they made wonderful 
 changes, abandoning their own parents and friends the one to 
 the other, to be revenged of their enemies. But when the sword 
 was once drawn, he was no less cruel than the other two. 
 Cicero was not forgotten, as we may see in his life: and it 
 would be very hard to describe the wickedness of that time, 
 the which like a furious stream carried away so many citizens of 
 Rome. In whose history do appear most rare examples of all 
 sorts of vices and virtues in all manner of persons; of whom 
 we will make mention, after those that have written more at 
 large : as amongst others, Appianus Alexandrinus : which will 
 serve to shew, how much a man is a furious beast, being lift* up 
 in authority in the commonwealth, and given to revenge. That 
 there is nothing certain nor sure in man's prosperity, which 
 bringeth much envy to his servants : as to th^ contrary, 
 adversity maketh the afflicted contemptible, and everybody 
 ashamed of them. But they are wise men that in such tragical 
 accidents do carry an invincible heart, resolutely obeying nepes- 
 sity and a more high providence than that of man. We must 
 not call that intolerable which may happen to great or mean 
 men : for all human accidents are under the feet of Virtue. It 
 chanceth often that force and wisdom do defend a man, as 
 always these two virtues do preserve his honour. He is well 
 
OCTAVIUS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 m 
 
 advised that can finely pacify and divert the fury of an enemy : 
 as to the contrary, shame and despair do gripe'^ cowards, sloth- 
 ful, and fearful. But in fine, necessity presseth on the one 
 side, and danger on the other. 
 
 4. So they did set up the names of the prescripts fastened 
 in divers places of Rome, to the number of an hundred and 
 thirty senators for the first time, a hundred and fifty at the 
 second time, and two thousand Icnights. Then was the gate 
 open to all villanies and cruelties, fought withal by patience and 
 fidelity : but the examples will shew that better than all the dis- 
 course a man can make. Salvius Otho, tribune of the people, 
 was one of the first : who having invited his friends to his last 
 Supper, a centener^ came in, and in the presence of all his guests, 
 half dead for fear, strake^ off his head. Minutius the praefor 
 was also killed, sitting in his seat of judgment. L. ViUius An- 
 nalis, a man that had been consul, being escaped out of the 
 hands of the murtherers, saved himself in the suburbs in a little 
 house of one of his clients : but his own son, having no patience 
 to stay for the inheritance of his father, bewrayed* him unto 
 the soldiers, who went to kill him there. Shortly after this par- 
 ricide, being drunk, had a quarrel with the self-same soldiers, 
 who stabbed him in^ with their daggers. C. Toranius was be- 
 trayed in like manner by his own son, who having consumed in 
 a few days the succession which he' had so execrably pursued, 
 and being condemned for theft, was banished into a place 
 where he died for -want and poverty. Now against these wicked, 
 let us set some virtuous children. Q. Cicero was hid by his 
 son, whom they could never make confess (though he was tor- 
 mented) where his father was : who, not able any longer to en- 
 dure they should afflict so virtuous a son with so many evils for 
 his sake, came and presented himself to the murtherers. The 
 son began to intreat them to kill him before his father : but they 
 were both killed at one time. The Egnaces, father and son, 
 one embracing the other, were both run through and slain at 
 one blow. C.Hosidius Geta was buried for dead by his son: 
 who saved him, sustained, and kept him till it was peace. Ar- 
 rurttius, after he had comforted and strengthened his son, put 
 himself to the swords of the murtherers. The son died imme- 
 diately after for grief and famine, Some other children care- 
 fully saved and kept their fathers, and hid them. Certain 
 women also shewed themselves marvellous faithful and loving 
 to their husbands: and so were there, to the contrary, some 
 
 150 senator 
 and ^000 
 ktlights ap- 
 pointed to 
 be slain. 
 
 ^ centurion. 
 ^ struck. 
 
 * betrayed. 
 
 T700 parri- 
 cides JHstly 
 punished. 
 "stabbed him 
 mortally. 
 
 A good son. 
 
 Women : 
 some/aith- 
 ful to ikeir 
 husbands, 
 others itjt- 
 faithful. 
 
238 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 '■ wandered. 
 
 ^ ceiling. 
 
 ^ embarlced. 
 
 unfaithful, that discovered their wonderful wickedness. Tanusia 
 made such earnest suit, that she obtained grace of Ceesar for 
 T. Junius her husband, who was hidden by Philopcemen, his 
 bondman enfranchised ; whom Caesar knighted for his fidelity to 
 his master. Q. Ligarius, having been kept by his wife, was dis- 
 covered by a slave, and killed : wherefore his wife killed herself 
 with famine. Lucretius Vespillo, having erred^ and run in great 
 danger here and there, not knowing whither to fly, came se- 
 cretly to his wife Thuria, and was hidden and kept close betwixt 
 the seeling 1 and the top of the house, until she had obtained his 
 grace of the Triumviri. Apuleius was saved by his wife, who 
 fled with him. The wife of Antius wrapped up her husband in 
 coverlets, and made him be carried to the sea as a packet of 
 stuffi where he imbarked ', and sailed into Sicilia. Coponius was 
 saved by his wife, who put her honour aside in respect of her 
 husband's hfe : for she lent her body one night unto Antonius to 
 preserve him (which she did by that means) whom she loved 
 better than herself. Now to the contrary, some women, unfaith- 
 ful to their husbands, delivered them into the hands of the mur- 
 therers, because they might marry again. Amongst othei, the 
 wife of Septimius, having shamefully given her body unto one of 
 Antonius' familiars, she caused her husband to be put in the 
 number of the proscripts, that she might more easily continue 
 her adultery: and so was Septimius put to death. Q. Vettius 
 Salassus was hidden in a sure privy place, wherewith he ac- 
 quainted his wife ; but she straight revealed him to the mnr- 
 therers. The which he perceiving, from a high place where he 
 was, cast himself down headlong, choosing rather to die so, 
 than to make his cruel wife pastime. Fulvius was discovered 
 by a slave of his and his concubine, jealous because he had 
 married a wife, and had left her ; although notwithstanding he 
 had made her free, and had given her goods to live withal. 
 Now let us presently speak of the faithfulness and unfaithfulness 
 of slaves enfranchised. P. Naso was betrayed by his slave 
 freed, with whom he had been too familiar. But he sold his 
 death, for he killed the traitor with his own hands, and after- 
 wards held out his neck to the hangman. L. Lucceius had put 
 into the hands of two of his slaves manumissed* as much as 
 was necessary to have relieved him in his banishment: but they 
 ran away with all, and he came and put himself to the slaughter. 
 Haterius, that was in a secret place, was sold and discovered 
 by a slave of his. Cassius Varus, being bewrayed by a freeman 
 
 Enfranchis- 
 ed slaves ; 
 some treach- 
 erottSi some 
 true. 
 
 * manumit- 
 ted, freed. 
 
OCTAVIUS GySSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 ■239 
 
 that was his slave, escaped nevertheless, and hid himself among 
 reeds: where being found by those of Minturnesi, they took 
 him for a thief, and would have racked him to have bewrayed^ 
 his companions : he discovered himself to be a senator of Rome, 
 but they would not believe him, because he was in poor estate. 
 But whilst they were reasoning of the matter, there cometh a 
 centener' that strake* off his head. C. Plotius was saved by his 
 slaves ; but being a man given to perfume and rub himself with 
 odoriferous ointments, the sent° and smell of them discovered 
 him to the soldiers, that went ferriting^ up and down in his 
 house: yet could they not find him, but cruelly tormented his 
 servants, to make them confess where he was : which they would 
 never do. But Plotius, having compassion of the evils of his 
 faithful slaves, came out of the place where he was hidden ; and 
 because he would prolong their life, he shortened his own, and 
 presented himself to the murtherers. Appius Claudius, as he 
 was near to be had by the back, changed his gown with his 
 - slave, who went in that sort to present himself to the murther- 
 ers : but they took off his head, and so he saved his master's 
 head. Another slave of Menenius did the like: for he went 
 into his master's litter, and offered his neck to the sword of the 
 murtherers: who despatched him whilst his master got to the 
 port of the sea, from whence he escaped into Siciha. But the 
 slave of Urbinus Panopio is worthy of memory everywhere : for 
 he, hearing the murtherers came to sack^ his master, took his 
 master's gown from him and his ring, gave him his own, and 
 put him out at the back-gate. Then he goeth up into his mas- 
 ter's chamber, and lay down upon his bed, where he boldly 
 attended^ them, that killed him for Panopio. Another shewed 
 himself no less faithful in the behalf of Antius Restio : for al- 
 though his master had throughly thwacked him for his knavish 
 tricks played a few days before, and that then it seemeth he 
 had opportunity to be revenged ; he to the contrary employed 
 himself after a marvellous fashion to save his master : for he, 
 meeting with an old man in his journey, strake' off his head ; 
 and shewing that, with his whippings together, to the murther- 
 ers, he made them easily believe that he had been well revenged 
 of his master, with whom immediately after he saved himself in 
 Sicilia. The slaves of Martius Censorinus kept him a long 
 time, and so well, that he had leisure to go to Sextus Pompeius. 
 Q. Oppius, an honourable old man, and being almost at the pit's 
 brink, like to be killed, was rescued by his son, who having 
 
 1 Minturna;. 
 * betrayed. 
 
 ^ centurion, 
 * struck. 
 
 " scent. 
 ^ searching 
 
 Some en- 
 franchised 
 •meti give 
 tkeir fivtt 
 lives to stive 
 their inas~ 
 ters. 
 
 "^ plunder. 
 
 ' waited for. 
 
 ■* struck. 
 
240 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 *■ cleverly. 
 
 Sexius Pom- 
 peius res- 
 cueth the 
 proscripts. 
 
 T. Labienus 
 tormented 
 with a^ilty 
 conscience, 
 
 '^ waiting. 
 
 Strait 
 imprison- 
 mnent ajid 
 poverty held 
 •worse tfian 
 death. 
 
 a isle. 
 
 A treacher- 
 ous serz'ant 
 punisned, 
 
 * deed. 
 
 ' emerald. 
 
 finely! gotten him out of Rome, took him upon his shoulders, 
 and afterwards led him into Sicilia, where all the poor distressed 
 Romans were gently received. For Pompeius had sent certain 
 ships to keep upon the coast of Italy, and pinnaces everywhere, 
 to the end to receive all them that fled on that side; giving 
 them double recompence that saved a prescript, and honourable 
 offices to men that had been consuls and escaped, comforting 
 and entertaining the others with a most singular courtesy. 
 Many went into Macedon to, Brutus and Cassius : others into 
 Africa to Cornificius. Some, having escaped the tempest that 
 was in the time of Sylla, were even gluited with this cruelty : as 
 amongst others, M. Fidustius, and Lucius Philuscius. T. Labi- 
 enus was one of the number of the murtherers in the proscrip- 
 tion of Sylla. Afterwards he did nothing else but go up and 
 down with a soul possessed with furies : so that, being weary of 
 his life at this time, he went and sat in a chair at his gate, 
 quietly attending^ that they should put him in the number of 
 them that should be killed. Statius Samnis, an honourable 
 senator, being fourscore years old, because thieves should have 
 no part of his goods, he left them in prey to whosoever would 
 take them: and afterwards set his house on fire, and burnt 
 himself within it. Aponius, being kept a good while by his 
 slaves, was so weary to be shut up in a troublesome place, and 
 where he lived very poorly, that he came out to the market- 
 place, and held out his throat to the murtherers. Cestius, being 
 possessed with the like grief, caused his slaves to make a great 
 fire, and then cast himself in it. Sulpitius Rufus, a man that 
 had been consul, died because of an ile^ of his the which he 
 would not sell unto Fulvia: as also Ampius Balbus, for that 
 he refused to give this woman a pleasant place of his. Balbus 
 was betrayed by a servant of his, that shortly after was hanged 
 upon a gibbet by sentence of the people ; and so had his re- 
 ward for his villanous fact*. Antonius did put in the number 
 of proscripts a senator called Nonius Struma, and only to get 
 out of his hands an emerod^ esteemed at fifty thousand crowns. 
 But Nonius found the means to escape with his emerod, to the 
 great d-spite of him that greedily desired this prey. Some va- 
 liantly defended themselves, as Atteius Capito, that killed many 
 soldiers running rudely upon him, thinking he would have suf- 
 fered himself to be killed as others were. Howbeit after he had 
 sold his flesh dear, he was overcome by multitude of assailants. 
 Vetulinus, aided with his son, having many times valiantly re- 
 
OCTAVIUS CyESAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 241 
 
 pulsed the murtherers, he would have saved himself in Sicilia : 
 but in the straight^ he met with such a number of enemies, that 
 there he was killed. Sicilius Coranas, a senator, was put in the 
 number of proscripts, and because he would not with others 
 condemn Brutus and Cassius, devising how to escape, he put 
 himself in rank among those that carried a dead corpse to 
 burial : but he was discovered and put to death. The Triumviri 
 appointed such men as they liked of^, to take charge of them 
 that had been killed. They sold the goods of the proscripts by 
 the drum, at such a price as the soldiers would : and yet the 
 most part of them were spoiled and given away. They promised 
 the widows their jointure, and to the sons the tenth part of the 
 patrimony of their fathers, and to the daughters the twentieth 
 part. Howbeit there were few, and in manner none, that had 
 any benefit by that : but to the contrary, they sacked^ many that 
 demanded such rights. On the other side, they did exact great 
 sums of money upon the city of Rome, and over all Italy : the 
 owners were constrained to give the half of their yearly revenue : 
 the tenants to furnish one year's rent of that they held of others i 
 the masters of houses, the half of the rent of their houses, ac- 
 cording to the rent they went for. To encourage the soldiers, 
 the Triumviri gave unmeasurable* gifts, granted them daily new 
 pillage: the legions wintered in the richest towns, who were 
 compelled to feed the soldiers at their own charge. Further- 
 more, all the rich men were constrained to pay, in nature of a 
 tribute, at one time, the tenth part of all that they were worth. 
 To be short, so that they could find out new inventions, it was 
 enough to exact money. For the fear, and custom to endure 
 all, had fashioned men to be more slaves, than the murtherers 
 and exactors would have had them. And to close up all, the 
 Triumviri caused money to be coined, the which on the one 
 side had the image of Antonius with an inscription in Latin, the 
 effect^ whereof is this : M. Antonius Emperor, Augur, Triumvir, 
 for the establishment of the commonwealth. And on the other 
 side there were three hands joined together, with the marks of 
 the consulship, and had these words: SalUs generis humani, 
 that is to say: 'The health" of mankind.' 
 
 5. Now during the cruelties of this Triumvirate, Brutus 
 and his followers made themselves strong in Macedon, and did 
 divers exploits of war: and were afterwards overcome in the 
 fields Philippians^, as hath been said in the life of Brutus, 
 which we need not rehearse again, the principal being comprer 
 s. p. 16 
 
 * strait. 
 
 ^ approved. 
 
 Promise 
 
 broken with 
 
 t/ie widows 
 
 and children 
 
 o/ihe slain 
 
 men, 
 
 3 plundered. 
 
 Great exac- 
 tions nsed 
 by tite 
 Txiumviri. 
 
 * iiTimeasur- 
 able. 
 
 ^ meaning. 
 
 ^ safety. 
 
 ' fields of 
 Philippi. 
 
142 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^caused 
 
 » plotted. 
 
 A jigiistiis 
 leadeih his 
 army 
 
 against the 
 allies 0/ 
 Fitlvia : and 
 after driveih 
 L. Aitioniiis 
 out 0/ Rojne, 
 
 hended there. After this victory, Antonius went into the east 
 to dispose of his affairs in Asia, and to levy money there to pay 
 his soldiers, having promised to every one of them five hundred 
 crowns. Csesar returned into Italy to refresh himself, to assign 
 colonies to his soldiers, to pacify the troubles Lepidus had pro- 
 cured >■, and to set a pike betwixt him and Pompey at a need, if 
 he were never so little in league with him. Csesar fell griev- 
 ously sick at Brundusium : but being recovered again, he en- 
 tered into Rome, pacified all things, and kept Lepidus in his 
 wonted degree. But when he came to bring his soldiers into 
 colonies, then the storm began to rise : for the owners cried out 
 that they were tyrannized, being driven out of their inherit- 
 ances : the old soldiers they complained that promise was not 
 kept with them. Fulvia and some others practised ^ to set them 
 on, to the end to draw a war into Italy, and by this means to 
 make Antonius come again, besotted by Cleopatra. These 
 things proceeded so far that Fulvia took arms ; for she was then 
 in the camp, her sword by her side ; and commanded like a cap- 
 tain. Csesar on the other side, being angry, sent her daughter 
 home to her, unto whom he was betrothed, and led his army 
 against the Nursinians and Sentinates, the allies of Fulvia. In 
 the mean space Lucius Antonius departed in the night with 
 speed, and entered into Rome by treason: used it as a city 
 taken in war, and drave out Lepidus. Caesar left Salvidienus 
 to besiege the Sentinates, returned to Rome, and drave out 
 Lucius, followed him and shortened his journey as he was going 
 into Gaul, shut him up and besieged him a great time in 
 Perouse', and compelled him through famine to yield himself, 
 and to crave pardon, which he granted him. Perouse was burnt 
 by a strange accident : for one of the chiefest of the city having 
 set his house on fire, after he had wounded himself with his 
 dagger, a boisterous wind being risen upon it so dispersed the 
 flames abroad, that it burnt all the houses besides. Csesar 
 caused some of his captains to be killed that were against him. 
 He condemned the Nursinians in a great sum of money, and 
 because they could not pay it, he drave them out of their city 
 and territory. Afterwards he suppressed some troubles raised 
 in Naples by Tiberias Claudius Nero, father of Tiberius Caesar, 
 and favourer of Fulvia: who seeing herself under foot, she fled 
 unto Athens. But Caesar, to prevent a new conspiracy, sent 
 Lucius Antonius far from Rome, to command the legions that 
 were in Spain : he gave him also commissioners to look into 
 
OCTAVIUS CjESAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 H3 
 
 him, and to observe his actions. He finely! drave out Lepidus 
 also into Africa with six legions. On the other side, Fulvia 
 being dead, C^sar and Antonius agreed, being ready to fight : 
 after that, they made peace with Pompey that governed Sicilia. 
 Immediately after that, he went into Gaul, to appease some 
 troubles that happened there, and sent Agrippa before, who 
 compelled the Aquitans to submit themselves, and pacified all 
 Gaul. On the other side Cneus Calvinus subdued the Cereta- 
 nians in Spain. And because the legions had committed certain 
 insolencies, vvhereupon they fell together by the ears^ and the 
 enemies had the better hand, after he had sharply reproved 
 them, he took the tenth man of the two first bands, and be- 
 laboured Jubellius with a cudgel. 
 
 6. In the meantime Cassar sent at times troups of men of 
 arms into Dalmatia and Illyria, to the end to breathe^ them 
 for other wars that were a-hatching, as that of Sicilia was the 
 first. -For Manas the pirate, Sextus Pompeius' lieutenant, having 
 for despite^ brought his fleet unto Caesar, and taken his part, 
 unto whom also he delivered the iles^ of Sardinia and Corsica, 
 with three, legions, Csesar did him great honours, and refused 
 to deliver him again unto Pompey who asked him of him. Be- 
 sides that, Pompey complained of Antonius, and pretending to 
 have just occasions^, he took arms again. Wherefore Caesar 
 sent for Antonius and Lepidus out of Greece and Africa, to 
 come to aid him. Antonius came to the haven of Brundusium : 
 but upon the sudden, not known wherefore, he took sea again, 
 and returned from whence he came. Lepidus came too late, 
 which made Caesar (seeing all the weight fall on his arms) that he 
 sent his lieutenants against Pompey : who fought with them by 
 sea and by land, and had the better, and put Casarto great trou- 
 ble, who had like to have been killed by a slave also that would 
 have revenged the death of his master's father, that was a pro- 
 script. After that, Antonius being come to Tarentum with inten- 
 tion to make war against Cassar, Octavia, sister of the one and 
 wife of the other, agreed' them, so that they did yet prolong with 
 Lepidus their Triumvirate for five years more. Antonius went 
 against the Parthians, and Caesar prepared to set upon Pompey 
 again. Hereupon Menas, being angry for that he was not so 
 well accounted of as he thought he deserved, he returned again 
 to join with Pompey with seven galleys. Caesar's fleet having 
 sustained great hurt by tempest, was also beaten by Menas. 
 Lepidus won Lilybee^, and took certain neighbour villages. 
 
 1 6— 3 
 
 > finally. 
 
 A nffustits 
 and Atito- 
 niiis' agree 
 and after 
 make peace 
 ■with S. 
 Pompeius. 
 
 2 they quar- 
 relled. 
 
 ]Var again 
 between * 
 A ugitstus 
 and S. Pom' 
 peius. 
 * spite. 
 ^ isles. 
 
 Augustus' 
 lieutenants 
 oifercome by 
 Sextus 
 Pompeius. 
 
 ^ reconciled. 
 
 Menas re- 
 ijolts/rom 
 Augustus to 
 his old fnas' 
 ierS. Pom- 
 peius. 
 ^ Lilyb^euni. 
 
344 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' Lipara. 
 
 ^ won. 
 Augusius 
 ready to kill 
 kintself, is 
 saved by 
 Coniificius. 
 
 S. Pompeius 
 overcome 
 ty Agrippa^ 
 A u^tsttt^ 
 lieitienant, 
 flieth. 
 
 = isle. 
 
 *troops. 
 
 Augustus 
 unarmed 
 entereth into 
 Lepidus' 
 camp, who 
 being for- 
 saken loseth 
 all. 
 
 Csesar having repaired his ships and army by sea, and made it 
 stronger than before, under the conduct of Agrippa, who sailed 
 unto Lipare^, he gave battle by seaunto Pompey's lieutenants. 
 But they being aided by Menas (that was returned the second 
 time), he overcame and wan^ thirty ships. But the other fleet 
 that CKsar himself brought, was wholly overthrown by Pompey, 
 near unto Tauromenion, and Caesar brought to that extremity 
 that he was ready to kill himself. But Cornificius ran to the 
 shore, who saved him, and brought him to the camp : from 
 whence he retired further off, and very quickly (but with great 
 danger) unto Messala. 
 
 7. After certain encounters, where Pompey ever had the 
 better, insomuch as Lepidus was suspected to lean on that side, 
 Caesar resolved to commit all to the hazard of a latter battle : 
 and to draw Pompey unto it, he cut him so short of victuals, 
 that he was constrained to come to blows, and the fight was 
 very cruel ; wherein Agrippa bestirred himself so valiantly, that 
 he wan^ the victory, sunk twenty-eight ships, brake and spoiled 
 the most part of the rest, and took two of the chiefest captains 
 Pompey had : one of the which, called Demochares, killed him- 
 self with his own hands. Now for Pompey, who but a little 
 before had about three hundred and fifty sail, he fled away with 
 all speed only with seventeen, and went to Messina so discou- 
 raged, that leaving all hope and his army he had by land, he 
 went to the ile** of Cephalonie, where being somewhat come to 
 himself, he determined to repair to Antonius. But Tisienus, a 
 Frenchman (his lieutenant of the army by land), led all his 
 troupes* unto Lepidus : some Greek historians report that it 
 was to Caesar. Plemniinius was within Messina with eight le- 
 gions, and did capitulate with Lepidus, to render up the town 
 to him. Whereupon Agrippa happened to come thither : who 
 maintained that they ought to regard Caesar that was absent 
 then. But that stood him in no stead : for Lepidus entered the 
 town, and gave the spoil of it as well to Plemminius' soldiers as 
 to his. Thereupon Cjesar undertook a thing worthy of memory, 
 which was ; that, being unarmed, he went into Lepidus' camp, 
 and turning by the blows of the dai-ts that were; thrown at him 
 by some, which hit his cloke and pierced it, he took hold of an 
 ensign of a legion. Then the soldiers, all of them armed, fol-. 
 lowed him, and left Lepidus ; who shortly after lost empire and 
 army : he that with twenty legions promised himself Sicilia and 
 ,a great deal more. Cffisar gave him his life, and the office of 
 
OCTAVIUS C^SAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 '4S 
 
 sovereign bishop of Rome, whither he sent him. Some say he 
 was banished. Upon these stirs there rose a sedition in Ceesar's 
 camp through the insolency of the soldiers, that ran even to his 
 judgment-seat, using great menaces. But he wisely appeased 
 all, punished the authors of the tumult, and did cassiere' all the 
 tenth legion with great shame and ignominy, because the sol- 
 diers of the same did outbrave^ him in«words. He dispersed 
 and sent some others to their houses, and gave unto them that 
 had used themselves gently two thousand sesterces for every 
 soldier: which is thought to amount near to fifty crowns. He 
 made them to be mustered, and found that they were five and 
 forty legions, five and twenty thousand horsemen, and six and 
 thirty thousand lightly armed. Afterwards he did great honours 
 unto his lieutenant Agrippa for his notable service, and com- 
 manded Statilius Taurus to go into Africa to take possession of 
 the provinces of Lepidus. Whilst Antonius made war with the 
 Parthians, or rather infortunately* they made war with him to 
 his great confusion, his lieutenant Titius found the means to 
 lay hands upon Sextus Pompeius, that was fled into the ile* of 
 Sanios, and then forty years old: whom he put to death by 
 Antonius' commandment: for which fact* he was so hated of 
 the people of Rome, that though he had given them the pastime 
 of certain plays at his own cost and charges, they drave him out 
 of the theatre. 
 
 8. Moreover, Cassar, thinking -to have sailed out of Sicilia 
 into Mauritania, the sea being rough stayed him : which was the 
 cause that he sent his army into .lUyria, and set upon the 
 lapudes, which did him much mischief, yet at the last he over- 
 came them. Then he ran upon the Pannonians and the Dal- 
 matians, whom he made tributaries ; being hurt in his thighs, 
 in his arms, and in one of his knees, in this war against the 
 JUyrians. On the other side, Messala, his lieutenant, fought 
 against the Salassians, dwelling in a valley environed with high 
 mountains of the Alps ; and after divers overthrows, he made 
 them subject to the empire. And shortly after Caesar was 
 chosen consul the second time : but he resigned the office the 
 same day unto Autronius Paetus, being about to make himself 
 friends against Antonius : who, being stayed* about Cleopatra, 
 gave his wife occasion^ to return from Athens to Rome. Now 
 after the fire of enmity betwixt these two competitors had been 
 a-hatching a certain time, it stood either of them both upon', to 
 seek, all the means to overthrow his companion. The straijge 
 
 The tenth 
 legion 
 
 ca^siered for 
 their inso~ 
 lent words. 
 ^ cashier. 
 2 insult. 
 
 3 unfortu- 
 nately, 
 
 Sextus Poni' 
 peius put to 
 death by.tlie 
 cotnmajui- 
 tnent of 
 A ntonius, 
 * isle. 
 5 deed. 
 
 Avffusttis 
 hurt in his 
 thighs, 
 arftis, and 
 one of his 
 knees. 
 
 ^ delayed. 
 
 Topportu- ■ 
 nity. 
 
 8 behoved 
 one of them. 
 
2^6 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 M. Lepidits 
 put to death 
 /or conspi- 
 racy. 
 
 A ugustu^ 
 acts after 
 the otter- 
 throw of 
 Antonius. 
 * aVranged, 
 
 A ugitstus 
 triumplieth. 
 
 A itgitsttt^ 
 great libe- 
 rality. 
 
 ^ introduced. 
 
 proceedings of Antonius in favour of Cleopatra hastened the 
 war, whereupon followed the battle of Actium, the flying of 
 these wicked lovers, and the beginning of the monarchy of 
 Cffisar, confirmed by the conquest of Egypt, and the tragical 
 death of Antonius and Cleopatra. The which we touch briefly, 
 the whole being largely set down in the life of Antonius. They 
 did great honours untcf Cffisar after these exploits. The memory 
 of Antonius was condemned, and his statues maimed and thrown 
 down to the ground. A little before, M. Lepidus, son of the 
 Triumvir and of Junia sister of Brutus, conspired against Csesar^ 
 But after they had discovered it, he was put to death by the' 
 wisdom of C. Mecenas a knight, and governor of Rome ; his 
 wife Servilia killed herself, as Portia the wife of Brutus. After 
 the utter overthrow of Antonius, Caesar took order^ for the affairs 
 of the east parts. He made alliance with Herodes king of Judea. 
 He sent the king of the Parthians son in hostage to Rome, un- 
 til they should send all the ensigns and standards they had won 
 of Crassus and Antonius. He governed the affairs of Asia, re- 
 ceived into league and friendship with him the kings of Galatia, 
 Cappadocia, and Paphlagonia : and he punished some others by 
 fines, that were not his friends. He gave privileges to the cities 
 of Ephesus, of Nipe, Pergame, and Bithynia, to build temples 
 in the honour of Julius Caesar, of Rome, and of himself. He 
 set the Samians at liberty, and after he had taken order' for all 
 the rest, he went towards Italy : where, after he was arrived, it 
 cannot be expressed with what great joy he was received of 
 high and low, from Brundusium unto Rome. There he tri- 
 umphed three days together, for the lUyrians, for Antonius, and 
 for Cleopatra. He gave great presents unto soldiers, and be- 
 sides the money that was made of the booty, and distributed by 
 even portions, he gave every one fifty crowns apiece, the double 
 to a centener^, and the treble to a knight: and to every person 
 among the people ten crowns, even to little children. He 
 brought such store of gold and silver out of Egypt (by him re- 
 duced into a province, and condemned to pay twenty millions 
 of gold to the people of Rome for a fine) that he brought down 
 usury from twelve in the hundred, to four : and made that land 
 and houses were sold dear, where before the rich men had 
 them almost for nothing. Furthermore, he brought-in^ a mar- 
 vellous change in all traffic : he also abolished ,all taxes and 
 subsidies imposed by necessity of the civil wars. He cried 
 down all strange coin, which were at too high a price for their 
 
OCTAVWS C^SAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 247 
 
 law, and all through the iniquity of time. He lent out money 
 for a time, without interest, unto those that had means to make 
 double profit of it. He would not receive the gold which the 
 cities of Italy sent him to make him crowns : but sent them it 
 back again with his thanks for their good will. He gave the 
 pastime for all manner of games and magnificent sights unto 
 the people, such as they had never seen before. He made 
 goodly feasts unto the senators and magistrates, and by a world 
 of pleasures he appeased the sorrow of proscription, and of so 
 Inany civil wars. Being occupied in these matters, letters came 
 from Crassus, Cffisar's lieutenant, advertising that he- had sub- 
 dued the Bastarnes, divers people of MsEsia, of Dacia, and of 
 Thracia : that he had won seven or eight battles of them, that 
 with his own hands he had killed the king of the Bastarnes, 
 and had brought the king of Getes to such extremity, that he 
 killed himself. These news did increase the joy, and the tri- 
 umph was granted to Crassus, and to Cassar also : who by the 
 decree of the Senate caused the temple of Janus to be shut the 
 third time, which had remained open the space of 200 years. 
 At this time Cassar, that was in his fift^ consulship, numbered 
 and mustered all the people of Rome, reformed the senate, the 
 order of knights, the distribution of corn: and because of the 
 great dearth that was then, he made corn to be distributed to 
 the people at a very mean price to some, and for gramercy^ to 
 the poor. They that had been bound to the commonwealth of 
 too long a time, he discharged them and burnt their obligations. 
 He confirmed the propriety of houses, in strife betwixt them and 
 the commonwealth, if they had been in quiet possession any 
 convenient time. And to assure all those that had adhered 
 unto Antonius, and to keep them that they should no more 
 give ear to any new rumours, he sware^ unto them in good 
 faith, that having taken Antonius' coffers, he had burnt all the 
 letters he found in them, and read not one of them. He set 
 down an order for custom^ eased the customers ^ 'that had been 
 too much oppressed; also he restored the treasure again, and 
 the augur of health. And by reason of that above-named, he 
 ■was called Father of the Country in open Senate; and at the 
 same time he sent people to Carthage, to set up the families of 
 the patricians, greatly diminished by the proscriptions and civil 
 
 wars. 
 
 9. The next year following, which was the 725 of the foun- 
 dation of Rome, and the sixt" of his consulship, seeing all the 
 
 Good tidings 
 brought to 
 A ugiistus 
 frofn Cras- 
 sus his 
 iieutenaut. 
 
 The temple 
 of laini^ 
 shut the 
 third time. 
 1 fifth. 
 
 - gratis. 
 
 A ugustiis 
 setteih the 
 coijunon- 
 ivealth in 
 order. 
 
 3 swore. 
 
 * tribute. 
 
 * tax- 
 gatherers. 
 
 ^ sixth. 
 
248 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 A 7tgusitts 
 co^isultetk 
 whether he 
 ivere best to 
 lay a7uay 
 the imperial 
 dignity. 
 
 ■ straight- 
 way. 
 
 ^ dominion, 
 Mtucenas 
 dissiuidetk 
 Augustus 
 from laying 
 aside the 
 rule o/tke 
 comtnon- 
 wealth. 
 
 3 care for. 
 
 * against 
 men's wills. 
 
 wars appeased, peace established, arms laid <Jown everywhere, 
 the commonwealth in good strength, the laws honoured, justice 
 in authority, the senate in their ancient glory, and the people 
 restored by him to their rights of assembly to choose their 
 yearly magistrates, and to give out their commissions and 
 charges according to their old custom : he began to reason the 
 matter with himself, which of the twain was most profitable, 
 either to keep (for the good of the state, and under the title of 
 a prince) the empire which he had in his hands : or whether he 
 should render it up unto the people. He found himself grieved 
 for that Antonius had oftentimes accused him of tyranny and 
 unjust invasion: and on the other part also he apprehended the 
 fury of the people, and the factions of ambitious men, which, 
 like the billows of the sea, would incontinently ^ toss in horrible 
 fashion this unconstant sea. Being thus perplexed, one day he 
 took aside Agrippa and C. Maecenas, his two faithful friends, 
 very wise men and of great experience above all others; and 
 prayed them to tell him plainly, without flattery, what they 
 thought of it, being resolved to follow that which should be 
 most expedient for the good of the commonwealth. Agrippa 
 by an ample discourse did counsel him to render up to the 
 people his principality and signiority^ Maecenas was of the 
 contrary opinion, and gave such counsel as Caesar followed, 
 tempering both opinions, and made himself master in such sort 
 that the people felt it not, but rather confessed that they needed 
 such a physician to raise them up again from the incurable ma- 
 ladies they were fallen into. He thanked both his friends, gave 
 his niece Marcella to be the wife of Agrippa, and did him new 
 honours ; proceedeth to a new review of the citizens of Rome ; 
 and is chosen Prince of the Senate by Agrippa, who was then 
 his companion in the consulship. Furthermore, assuring him- 
 self that so much good and honours as had been communicated 
 to the small and great, would make them they would not much ^ 
 pass for^ their ancient dignities and hberty: and that the sweet- 
 ness of the ease and rest they did enjoy would make them for- 
 get all the good and evil past ; he borrowed of his magnanimity 
 the marvellous counsel that foUoweth. He resolved to discharge 
 himself of the principality into the hands of all the Senate, to 
 render it unto the people; hoping that the Senate, seeing his 
 affection so to submit himself to the accustomed order, and not 
 to seek a domination and government ill- willed*, they would 
 thank him the more : that all the great persons would lay aside 
 
OCTAVIUS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 249 
 
 the envy which they might bear, unto him, and that the people 
 would esteem and love him So much the more. Upon this 
 thought, and after he had acquainted some of the senators 
 withal that stood affected to him, to • the end to win others by 
 their means, he made an oration in open Senate, well studied, 
 and fit for the time. Having made a long discourse of the great 
 extent of the empire, and of his insufficiency, he added unto it, 
 that this common burthen could not be carried but by the im- 
 mortal gods : that he had continued some years to manage a 
 part of it, and that experience had made him know that his 
 shoulders were too weak to bear such a burthen as the princi- 
 pality, subject to infinite changes, and exposed to a thousand 
 ambushes. He therefore required^, the city being furnished 
 with so many noble persons, that the affairs might be managed 
 by many men, who joining themselves together, might more 
 easily satisfy the charges than one alone : that in a good hour, 
 having set all things in good estate again, he did put the com- 
 monwealth into the hands of the Senate and people of Rome. 
 This oration diversely moved the senators. Some of them 
 thought, there was more art than truth in it. Others judged,' 
 that it was not expedient to put the estate into the power of 
 many. The most of them, enriched and made great by Cffisar, 
 and that were risen up by the ruins of their country, said : that 
 they should prefer that which now they had in hand, before all 
 the time past, beaten with so many tempests. Many others en- 
 clined^ to that side, not that they were in good earnest of that 
 mind, but for fear to be looked upon with an evil eye, if they 
 did speak against their companions. So then all of them with 
 one consent, unadvisedly, rather than of a common and ripe 
 judgment, began to beseech and adjure Cffisar, that it would 
 please him to be chief and preserver of the empire, of the which 
 he had set down so many goodly and happy foundations. Im- 
 mediately they ordained that Caesar's guard should have twice 
 as much pay as they had before. Agrippa was of opinion, that 
 they should cassiere^ the Spanish guard, and Cssar in their 
 {ilace should choose a guard of Almaines*, knowing well that in 
 those great bodies there was little malice hidden, and less sub- 
 tilty : and that they were a people that took more pleasure to be 
 commanded, than to command. 
 
 10. He being thus established in his empire by the con- 
 sent of the Senate and people, to_the end they should not think 
 he would lift himself up above measure, or to give sure footing 
 
 ^ asked. 
 A ugHstus 
 reguireth 
 assistants 
 to rule the 
 empire. 
 
 ^ inclined. 
 
 The Senate 
 and the 
 people not 
 wiiling to 
 take the- 
 government 
 into their 
 hands. 
 
 3 casliier. 
 * Germans. 
 
 Augustus 
 takes charge 
 of the etn- 
 pirefor ten 
 years. 
 
25° 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' levy. 
 
 ^ horses. 
 
 * convicted. 
 
 * except. 
 
 AugiisUts 
 rcpairetk 
 the city of 
 Route. 
 
 The name of 
 A ugusius ■ 
 invented by 
 Jll. PtancuE. 
 
 to a perpetual monarchy: he would not accept the charge to 
 provide for the affairs of estate', and the government of the pro- 
 vinces, but for the space of ten years : with condition to give up 
 his charge before this term, if things were sooner settled in their 
 full estate. First therefore, he left a part of the provinces unto 
 the Senate and people, to take care for the government of the 
 same : and for himself, he kept those that were not yet in order, 
 and in the which he should be driven to make war. In those 
 that were quiet, he established proconsuls: and for others, he 
 governed them by his lieutenants, which had their lesson, ac- 
 cording unto the which they were bound to be directed. Among 
 other laws they were forbidden to leavie^ any money, or to ga- 
 ther men of war together, or to assail any province, without the 
 commandment ofthe Senate or of Csesar. That forthwith, when 
 they sent any successors, they should leave their government, 
 and repair to Rome within three months. He appointed also 
 unto the proconsuls a certain sum of money to bear their 
 charges for their horse " and carriage of the stuff. Furthermore 
 he established a law, that the proconsul or governor should not 
 go to his province appointed him, till the end of five years after 
 his commission granted him: to the end that they which were 
 convinced* for taking of money corruptly, should pay to the 
 provinces the fine they should be condemned in: and he det 
 prived them of all estates and honours which tlirough their evil 
 behaviours had been condemned in such fines. And further, 
 he would not that the officers that had to deal in his affairs 
 should have any authority, but' to demand their stipends and 
 money which the provinces were bound to furnish. And be- 
 cause he would beautify and adorn Rome, as the majesty of the 
 empire required, he raised up many common buildings, and re- 
 paired many that had been left unfinished or ruined, leaving the 
 names of the founders. His buddings, among other, were the 
 temple of Apollo in the palace, with the porch, and a library of 
 Greek and Latin books. Also the monuments, and the park for 
 the walks and pleasure ofthe people of Rome. In his seventlu^ 
 consulship, certain senators propounded, that they should caK 
 him Romulus, for that, he having preserved the city of Rome, it 
 was as much bound unto him as unto the first founder. But 
 he would not accept of that name. Wherefore Munacius PlanT 
 cus bethought himself of another, the which was given unto him 
 by common consent of all, and he held it to his death : as also 
 we will call him from henceforth in all that remaineth to be set 
 
OCTAVIUS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 451 
 
 down of his deeds: to wit^, Augustus. He, not to seem un- 
 worthy of this name, and to cany himself so that no man should 
 repent his change of government, began diligently to set his 
 hand to these affairs. He wisely reformed the ancient laws, and 
 made new that were very necessary. To make sure work in 
 these affairs, he chose from six months _ to six months fifteen 
 senators that had been consuls, and did privately acquaint 
 them with all that was requisite to be done for the preservation 
 of the quietness of the commonwealth, giving order that nothing 
 should pass but it should be searched and examined to the bot- 
 tom: saying that he would give the people laws which they 
 should all allow^, and that, he would not be his own judge alone. 
 Afterwards he reformed the assemblies of the city, where all 
 things were carried by suits, presents, and violence. He then 
 restored the people their right, by voices' to choose the magis- 
 trates. And to cut off all suits, he forbade them to make any 
 roll of suitors' names, but* of those that had laid down great 
 sums of money, to the end that, being convinced of* their suits, 
 they should be put to their fines: adding also this ignominy, 
 that such should be deprived of all estates and honours for the 
 space of five years. And furthermore, he finely^ hindered the 
 bad practices in elections, giving order that none should be put 
 in nomination but such as were virtuous and of good reputa- 
 tion.' He left unto the magistrates their charges' whole, and did 
 always require^ in all his consulships that they should give him 
 two companions ; howbeit the Senate would never agree unto it. 
 The year before, he had reduced the number of senators to six 
 hundred, all honpurable men. At that time also he re-esta- 
 blished the ancient order and dignity: ordaining that the Senate 
 should have the superintendency of the treasure, and of all the 
 revenufjs that belonged to the people of Rome: that all the 
 expenses for the commonwealth should be made by their ordi- 
 nance: that the senators should have the hearing of all crimes 
 of treason, conspiracy, ambushes, and offences to his Majesty's 
 person: and that it should pertain to them to give entertain- 
 ment and answer that should be fit, to ambassadors of nations. 
 When in matters of importance he asked the advice of the 
 Senate, instead of coming to the Prince of the Senate according 
 to the accustomed manner, or to him that was appointed Con- 
 sul, or to other senators by order : he made choice of any one 
 of them which he thought good, to the end that every one 
 should give attentive ear, and be ready to deliver his opinion:- 
 
 ^ namely. 
 
 Augusttts 
 by good tantis 
 reformetk 
 the commotf 
 wealth. 
 
 3 votes. 
 
 * except. 
 " convicted 
 
 Angustu^ 
 cavffor 
 election of 
 good magis- 
 trates. 
 *» greatly. 
 ' duties, 
 s requtist. 
 
252 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 A ugusiiis 
 )iis justice 
 i<yi(jafti 
 those that 
 were falsely 
 accused, and 
 toward slatt'- 
 derers. 
 
 ^ causeways. 
 
 Italy freed 
 from tliieves 
 attd robbers. 
 
 * anticipated. 
 
 A ugitstits 
 inaketh 
 peace in 
 France, and 
 divideth it 
 into four 
 parts. 
 
 and not to hold his head down in his rank, and content himself 
 to be of other men's minds. He ordained also, that the whole 
 body of the Senate should not assemble but from fifteen days 
 to fifteen days : howbeit that in ordinary matters the magistrates 
 should think of that that were expedient. In the months of Sep^ 
 tember and October, the senators were not bound to meet, but 
 only four hundred drawn by lot : who might establish any de- 
 cree. And as for himself, to honour this company the more, the 
 day of the assembly he never saluted any of the senators apart, 
 but all of them together in the council-chamber when they were 
 set, and all of them name by name, the one after the other. If 
 he would go out, and that he said he would detain the company 
 no longer, he bade them farewell in the same manner that he 
 had saluted them at his coming in. He ruled justice also civil 
 and criminal, and willed that amongst other things the criminals 
 accused by certain enemies should be set at liberty : with con-, 
 dition notwithstanding that they should be brought to prison 
 again, if the accuser did submit himself to receive the like 
 punishment as the offender, if it were found he slandered him. 
 Moreover, he made provision for comriion works, and repara- 
 tions of bridges, causeys^, and highways. And because he was 
 determined to make a voyage into Gaul, he established M-essala 
 governor of Italy and of Rome, for fear lest any trouble should 
 happen in his absence. But this place being troublesome tmto 
 Messala, he besought Augustus he would discharge him: and 
 therefore Agrippa was substituted, who rid all Italy of a great 
 number of thieves and robbers on highways, and stayed the 
 courses of many other troubles of the state. 
 
 1 1. The affairs of Rome and Italy being in so quiet estate, 
 understanding that England was full of sedition, Spain next 
 unto the mountains Pirenei in arms, and Gaul ready to rise: 
 he opened the temple of Janus, and took his journey to give 
 order for all. But the ambassadors of England prevented^ 
 him, and promised tribute. Then he went to Gaul in Narbonne, 
 to draw nearer to Spain. And so holding on his journey to 
 Narbonne, he pacified the Gauls, he made an exact numbering 
 of all the Gauls, of their goods, possessions, and slaves, and 
 caused the rolls to be brought unto him. He established laws 
 and customs in every place, and divided Gaul into four parts : 
 of the which the first part was called Narbonense, which ex- 
 tendeth itself from the river of Var unto the mountains Pirenei. 
 Aquitain the second, unto the river of Garonne. The third,. 
 
OCTAVIUS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 253 
 
 Gaul Lyonnoise, unto the river of Seine. Then Gaul Belgica, 
 bordered with the river of Rhein': and rated all the Gauls at 
 •ten millions of gold for a tax. Now there remained no more 
 for him to do, but to bring Spain to order: in the which the 
 Romans had made continual wars the space of 200 years to- 
 gether. Nevertheless the Cantabrians and Asturians (which 
 are the Basques) and other people neighbours dwelling in the 
 mountains, they neither cared for Augustus, nor for the empire : 
 for they were ever in arms, and made incursions upon the allies 
 of the people of Rome, and did them great mischief; who com- 
 plaining unto Augustus of the great necessity they were brought 
 unto, he, being .near unto them, came to aid them : and found 
 the Cantabrians besieging of a fort, having taken the town by 
 it called Sagesame. He charged them home with such fury 
 that he left them dead in the place, after they had valiantly de- 
 fended themselves. Afterwards he divided his army into three 
 parts, and environed the country of the Cantabrians, who made 
 head for the space of five years, and did marvellous great hurt 
 to the Romans : and if the streights 2, whereby they might easily 
 enter into their country, had not been discovered unto Augus- 
 tus, they had sent him home again to Rome with shame. But 
 having found the way to surprise them on every side, he made 
 a cruel war upon them, putting all to fire and blood. They retired 
 with speed to one of their highest mountains, with all that they 
 could carry with them. The Romans, perceiving that it was 
 too hard a match for fhem, if they should go thither to set upon 
 so warlike a nation, and that could not be subdued by force ; 
 they made forts in the midst of the mountain, and placed a 
 strong guard there, to the end to famish the Cantabrians, and 
 by that means to bring them to reason. But they on the other 
 side, instead of yielding themselves, did abide' all the miseries 
 that any man can possibly think of: and it came to that pass, 
 that even to sustain nature the strong sons killed their own fa- 
 thers, the mothers their infants, and the young men did devour 
 the old, eating up their flesh. Upon this evil there followed 
 another, to wit, discord among them. Some would yield, others 
 were of another mind. The former alleging, that they must 
 needs submit themselves to the mercy of the Romans: the 
 other, that they should make a desperate sally tipon the enemies' 
 camp, and so sell their lives. Their contention waxed so hot 
 and violent, that the Cantabrians thrust out ten thousand of the 
 Asturians with their wives and children, and compelled them to 
 
 ' Rhine. 
 
 Augustus 
 maJieth war 
 ■with ih£ 
 Cantabrians 
 and bringeth 
 ihetn to ex- 
 treme/w- 
 jnine aud 
 misery. , , 
 2 stra.ts,. 
 
 3 endure. 
 
254 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ pounA. 
 
 ^ wild celery. 
 
 ' state. 
 
 * troops. 
 
 = with such 
 
 small 
 
 patience. 
 
 ® moun- 
 taineers. 
 
 ■ Ebro. 
 
 Aufcustus 
 
 •warrhig 
 
 agaitist the 
 
 Astiirians, 
 
 driveih them 
 
 to exire7ni- 
 
 ties. 
 
 All goods 
 
 common 
 
 amotigst 
 
 frieiuLs^ 
 
 descend along the forts made by the Romans : whom they in- 
 treated with the tears in their eyes to make them slaves, and 
 to give them somewhat to eat. Tiberius then, .one of Caesar's 
 lieutenants, would not suffer them to be received, to the end to 
 famish the one by the other, and to end this war without any 
 bloodshed. This poor people, being deprived of sustenance and 
 hope, and being afraid the^ should yet endure greater evils, be- 
 gan to powne^ a venomous herb like unto smallage", and poi- 
 soned themselves. The young men killed themselves, running 
 one against another with their swords in their hands. The 
 others, to the number of three and twenty thousand, came down 
 in a most miserable estate^ from the top of the mountain, and 
 yielded themselves to the discretion of the Romans; who set 
 aside ten thousand of the strongest of them, to serve them in 
 the war which they intended to make against the Asturians. 
 The rest were sold by troups*, with condition that they should 
 be carried far from their country, and that they should not be 
 made free, before they had sei"ved them as slaves the space of 
 thirty years. They disarmed ten thousand of them : which they 
 bare so patiently*, that many killed themselves with their own 
 hands, esteeming their life nothing without arms. They say 
 that a little child with a dagger killed his father and brethren 
 that were chained together, and that by the commandment of 
 the father : and that a woman did the like to some of her kins- 
 folks. And that many of these mountainers^ accustomed to rob 
 passengers, being upon the gibbet, sang out songs aloud, even 
 at their death, shewing a joy and marvellous courage. Augus- 
 tus, being then in those parts, gave leave to the soldiers of his 
 guard of Spaniards to depart into the territory of the Gascons 
 with great presents, and privilege to enter in rank amongst the 
 Roman legions. He built Saragousse^, and other towns, which 
 he replenished with soldiers, to bridle the courses and tumults 
 of the Celtiberians : and afterwards made a stone bridge over 
 the famous river of Eber^. Then having overthrown the Co- 
 nisces, friends of the Asturians, taken their head city, and put 
 all the inhabitants thereof to the sword : he set upon the Astu- 
 rians, who, being environed of all parts, and choosing rather to 
 die than to be made slaves, burnt, killed, and poisoned them- 
 selves, and with them many other of their neighbours. There 
 were some of them yet left alive, with whom the Cantabrians 
 joined and other their neighbours, and that a long time. These 
 people had this custom, that all goods were common amongst 
 
OCTAVWS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 friends, and when one of them came to the other, he received 
 and used him as himself : and so also in adversity they ran one 
 fortune V or else killed themselves immediately after their friends 
 were dead. Among them were certain loose people gathered 
 together out of divers parts, who resolved all together to go 
 charge the Romans, and came to fight with such a fury, that 
 nothing but the night could separate them, having lost many of 
 both sides. The next morning they began to join^ again with 
 more violence than before, and the fight continued even till 
 night, that the Romans obtained the victory : but they confessed, 
 that they never encountered with such cruel enemies. They 
 that were left alive fled into a town, in the defence whereof they 
 made themselves all to be killed,- rather than to yield them- 
 selves. Augustus built certain places there in that country, 
 which afterwards by time were much enlarged. In this self- 
 Same year of his ninth consulship, Terentius Varro, his lieu- 
 tenant, subdued the Salassians, which are those of the vale of 
 Ostre : he disarmed them, sold the young men by the drum^ 
 gave part of the territory unto the soldiers Praetorians, and 
 built there a city called Augusta Pretoria. Vinicius also ap- 
 peased some troubles in Germany, and made war very fortu- 
 nately in divers places. By means of which victories, Augustus 
 was called the eight* time Imperator, as much to say as sove- 
 reign captain : and they suffered him to wear from that time 
 forth, the first day of the year, a hat of laurel and a robe of tri- 
 iimph. At his return he shut the temple of Janus the fourth 
 time, married Cleopatra (the daughter of Antonius and Cleo- 
 patra) unto Juba the story-writer, overthrown by Julius Csesar 
 in Africa, with a part of Mauritania and of Getulia, to reign 
 there. He reduced into a province Gallogrecia and Lycaonia, 
 which made a portion of a kingdom : and, by reason of .his sick- 
 ness, not able to be present at the marriage of his daughter 
 Julia, whom Marcellus married, the son of Octavia his sister, 
 he left all to the charge of Agrippa, and went to Rome, There 
 being chosen Consul the tenth time, the Senate gave him abso- 
 lute power over the estate and laws, to make and undo them at 
 his pleasure. They did him greater honours than before, and 
 gave Marcellus his nephew, before his time, great offices in the 
 . commonwealth : and to Tiberius his wife's son. He in token 
 of thankfulness gave to everyone of the people ten crowns 
 apiece. Whilst these matters were in hand, the Cantabrians 
 and their neighbours revolted, by subtilty caught some of the 
 
 • took the 
 same risk. 
 
 ^ join battle. 
 
 ' by auction. 
 
 eighth. 
 
 Augustus 
 liberality 
 towards tTte 
 people. 
 
2S6 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The people 
 of Rome are 
 gladfor 
 A Ttgitstu^ 
 health. 
 
 ' dignity. 
 
 Romans, and cut their throats. yEIius Lamia, governor in 
 those parts, to be revenged of this outrage, put all the whole 
 country to fire and blood, destroyed some towns, and sold their 
 young men by the drum. To be short, he followed them so 
 hard, that he brought them in subjection. .(Elius Gallus, go- 
 vernor of Egyptj almost about the same time, being sent by 
 Augustus' commandment with ten thousand men, five hundred 
 soldiers of Herod's guard, and fifteen hundred Nabateians un- 
 der the conduct cf a noble man of Arabia called Sylleus, he did 
 nothing to be accounted of, but discover the country. But 
 having lost the most part of his men within the deserts where 
 this Sylleus brought them, and overcome the Sabeans in a bat- 
 tle, he was enforced to retire. Afterwards this Sylleus, for that 
 he killed his king Oboda by treason, he was taken prisoner, and 
 beheaded by the decree of the Senate. 
 
 12. Augustus being consul for the eleventh time, the plague 
 was in Rome ; and, for himself, he was grievously sick, but 
 restored again to health by Antonius Musa his physician; the 
 people therefore caused a statue to be set up to this Antonius, 
 the Senate did him great honours, and, in favour of his pro- 
 fession, gave immunity to all others that from that time forth 
 did practise physic. Furthermore, by many ceremonies they did 
 shew the joy they had for the health of Augustus : and specially 
 fathers of household, dying, expressly commanded their children 
 to bring their sacrifices to the Capitol with a title in great letters, 
 saying : That at the day of their death they left 
 Augustus in good health. It was also ordained that from 
 that time forth they should never put any man to death, as often 
 as Augustus entered into the city. Shortly after he did associate 
 with himself Calpurnius Piso in the consulship, who had followed 
 the party of Pompey and of Brutus. Afterwards, when he was 
 gone from Rome into the country, he made Lucius Cestius his 
 deputy for him, an inward^ friend of Brutus and of his memory. 
 Whereat the Senate marvelling, by decree made him perpetual 
 proconsul of the Roman empire, tribune of the people, and gave 
 him power to assemble the Senate as often and when it pleased 
 him. The people would have compelled him to have been 
 dictator: but he bowing a knee, casting down his long robe, 
 and shewing his breast, besought them to discharge him of so 
 odious an estate^. In the meantime he accepted the decree of 
 the Senate, and the charge to cause corn to be brought in, 
 because of the dearth that chanced in Rome. In the which he 
 
OCTAVIUS C^SAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 m 
 
 served his turn by Tiberius, created quasstor at the age of nineteen 
 years. As for M arcellus his nephew, he was chosen ^dihs Curulis, 
 who aided him to set forth all the magnificent pomp of plays, 
 which he caused to be played before the people. Every man 
 judged that he should be the successor of all his power : but 
 this young man of great hope died shortly after, to the great 
 grief of every man : and no man can tell whether it was of 
 natural sickness, or of poison given him by the practices of 
 Livia. A little before his death, Agrippa, impatient to bear the 
 rising of this Marcellus whom he despised, went into Asia under 
 colour^ of another voyage. Tliey say that Augustus, much 
 troubled with sickness, returned to his first consultation, to put 
 the commonwealth again into the hands of the Senate and 
 people ; and for this cause he called for the senators and all the 
 other magistrates, unto whom he gave an account of the empire; 
 and that was a little book containing the numbering of all the 
 riches, towns, and provinces, allies, legions, armies by sea and 
 by land, of all the kingdoms and countries tributary, of all the 
 customs of the empire of Rome, that which was necessary to be 
 Jeavied'' or released. But being somewhat amended again, he 
 changed his mind. And furthermore, having given audience to 
 the ambassadors of Phrahartes king of the Parthians, which 
 demanded a son of his brought by Tyridates unto Augustus, he 
 sent back the child, and suffered Tyridates to remain at Rome, 
 where he sumptuously entertained him. By this means he kept 
 himself in friendship with the one and the other, and held the 
 Parthians in suspense, to the end they should alter nothing. 
 At the beginning of the next year following, under the consulship 
 of M. Claudius Marcellus and of L. Arruntius, the famine in- 
 creasing at Rome, he wisely provided for it. And then the 
 people would constrain him by force to accept the dictatorship, 
 and threatened to set the palace on fire and to burn all the 
 senators in it, if they refused to allow this decree. He would 
 none of the office of dictatorship, and did refuse also to be 
 censor, although that office had been void the space of 28 years. 
 But forasmuch as Munacius Plancus and jEmilius Lepidus, 
 who were chosen censors, deserved themselves to be censured, 
 because of their discords, Augustus without the name took upon 
 him to discharge it: and provided to reform infinite disorders 
 that were in Rome, in apparel, countenances 3, companies, and in 
 the fight of fencers at the sharp*. At the same time Fannius 
 Caepio and L. Murana, having conspired against him, and being 
 S. P. 17 
 
 Marcellus 
 A ugusius' 
 tiephew 
 dieth, to the 
 great grief 
 of all men. 
 
 ^ pretence. 
 
 * levied. 
 
 A ugttsius 
 
 re/ormetk 
 many disor- 
 ders in ap- 
 parel^ coin- 
 J>atiies, figkt 
 qf/encerSf 
 &>c. 
 
 * signs of 
 rank. - 
 
 * with sharp 
 weapons. 
 
258 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ■ badly 
 treated. 
 
 ^ each other. 
 
 ^ forced. 
 
 discovered by Castricius, were taken as they thought to have 
 escaped, and put to death. In the meantime the Asturians and 
 Cantabrians, ill intreated^ by Carisius, they rebelled, but were 
 overcome in a set battle, and the prisoners sold. The Canta- 
 brians, preferring death before servitude, killed, burnt, and 
 poisoned the one the other^. The Asturians, being overcome 
 the fourth time, did submit themselves, and their arms were 
 taken from them. In the same time, Petronius, governor of 
 Egypt, followed with 10,000 footmen, and with 800 horse, went 
 to make war with the Ethiopians, which dwell under Egypt, 
 who had invaded and ruined certain towns, overthrown and 
 carried away the statues of Augustus. Thereupon he pursued 
 them, and made them fly before him : took certain places upon 
 them, and pierced far into their country : so that he inforced^ 
 their queen to send her ambassadors unto Augustus (then 
 wintering in the ile^ of Samos) to pray peace, which he granted 
 them paying tribute. 
 
 13. At the beginning of the spring he prepared himself to 
 give order for the affairs in the east ; but because they that bent 
 themselves for the consulship had almost put the city in alarm, 
 and that in the end, notwithstanding the order he had set down, 
 the people had chosen men whom Augustus feared : through 
 the advice of Maecenas, he made Agrippa come again to govern 
 Rome in his absence, and married unto him his daughter Julia, 
 Marcellus' widow. Now whilst Agrippa gave order for the affairs 
 of the city, Augustus took sea, and having provided for the 
 affairs of Sicilia, he went into Greece, did much good for the 
 Lacedaemonians, and to the contrary, repressed the pride of the 
 Athenians, from whom he took away the tribute they had leavied= 
 of the iles^ .(Egina and Eretria. In the meantime, though he 
 made little account of strangers' ceremonies, yet he made himself 
 to be received into the fraternity of mysteries ; and the ambas- 
 sadors ofPersia having caused the temple of Jupiter Olympian 
 to be finished, begun of long time in Athens, they ordained that 
 it should be dedicated to the spirit of Augustus. Being passed 
 from thence into Asia, he gave order to his provinces and those 
 of the people of Rome ; punished the Cyzicenians that had killed 
 the Roman citizens in their town. He imposed a tribute upon 
 those of Tyre and Sidon, who had dealt badly, and brought 
 them into the form of a province. He did much good unto the 
 towns that had been faithful unto the commonwealth : to some 
 . of them he gave the right of burgesship of Rome, and to others 
 
 Augustus 
 saiietk iuto 
 Greece^ atid 
 into Asia, 
 and vital 7te 
 did t/iere. 
 * levied. 
 ' isles. 
 
OCTAVIUS CyESAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 2S9 
 
 the same rights and privileges which, the natural citizens of 
 Rome had. He built up again the cities of Laodicea, and of 
 Thyatira: he set them up of the ile^ of Chio again, afflicted before 
 by an earthquake ; he did exempt them from all subsidies for 
 six years. He restored certain realms unto their kings whom 
 he had subdued: or else he did establish others anew, who came 
 to attend him at his court as subjects, without any signs or 
 tokens of royal dignity. He sent Tiberius into Armenia, to 
 instal Tigranes unto his royal throne again, having been driven 
 out of it. Tiberius returned thither, and having fought with the 
 Armenians, he gave them Artavasdes to their king, who ruled 
 not long. Phraates, king of the Parthians, being afraid they 
 would set upon him, was very careful to get all the Romans 
 together, which were taken after the overthrow of Crassus and 
 Antonius ; whom he sent, every man of them, unto Augustus, 
 with all the .standards and ensigns, and also his son and nephews 
 for pledges of his faithful friendship unto the people of Rome. 
 Augustus granted him peace, and then he came into the ile^ of 
 Samos, comforted Rhodes, replenished Corinth and Patras with 
 a great number of men enfranchised, whom he made burgesses 
 of Rome. In this place also there came unto him embassadors 
 from Porus and Pandion, two of the mightiest kings of the 
 Indians, who prayed alliance and friendship with him, and 
 brought him very rare presents. There came with them a 
 philosopher of India called Zarmanus : who being brought to 
 the city of Athens, burnt himself alive, as one Calamus did in 
 the time of Alexander the Great. 
 
 14. In this mean space the city of Rome was full of great 
 trouble by the practices^ of Egnatius Rufus, who by force would 
 needs be chosen consul in Augustus' place being absent : who 
 gave not him his voice 5, but named Lucretius Vespillo, escaped 
 from the proscription, as hath been spoken of before. But this 
 put him in such a rage, that he conspired with M. Genucius and 
 Plautius Rufus to kill Augustus. But they being discovered 
 betimes, were imprisoned and executed by decree of the Senate : 
 who made infinite numbers of honours unto Augustus at his 
 return : howbeit he would not accept them all, but carried him- 
 self very modestly in every place where he was. The people 
 chose him censor for five years, and perpetual consul : and at 
 his request they granted triumph unto Cornelius Balbus, although 
 he were no Roman born (for he was a Spaniard) by reason of 
 his notable victories he had obtained as heutenant of Augustus, 
 
 17 — 2 
 
 ■isle. 
 
 RomefitU of 
 troubles in 
 Augustus 
 absence. 
 ' plots. 
 3 vote. 
 
26o 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Agrijtpa is 
 sent to fip- 
 pease trou- 
 iiles in 
 Franie ajtd 
 Spain, 
 
 * publicly. 
 
 2 resolute- 
 ness. 
 
 3 opportu- 
 nity. 
 
 Augustus 
 would not 
 make war 
 ■without 
 great and 
 just cause. 
 
 ^ barbarians. 
 
 Augustus 
 re/ormeth 
 abuses and 
 disorders in 
 Route, 
 
 upon the Garamantes. Agrippa on the other side was sent into 
 Gaul troubled by the invasions of the Germans, whom he 
 ordered well enough. Then he led his army into Spain, troubled 
 with the rebellion of the Cantabrians : the which came thus to 
 pass. The prisoners Cantabrians, whom they had sold by the 
 drum^, by a complot they made together, cut their masters' 
 throats, and then fled into their country, where they solicited 
 others to take arms, got their fortresses into their hands, and 
 set upon the Roman garrisons. Agrippa could by no means 
 bring his soldiers thither; whether that they desired to take 
 rest, or that the resolution^ of the Cantabrians did astonish 
 them. But after that he had brought them to his hand, he 
 marched directly against the enemies : who had the better at 
 the first encounter, and the Romans were well beaten. But they 
 being rebuked and punished by Agrippa, who gave them barley 
 for wheat, he returned again to fight. But then the Cantabrians 
 that bare arms were all cut in pieces, the rest disarmed, and 
 drawn from the mountain to dwell in the plain. Augustus was 
 saluted emperor or sovereign captain, because of this victory: 
 but Agrippa modestly refused triumph, and within a while after 
 he overcame the Pannonians also. The year following, the 
 Getes and Daces being at civil wars, Lentulus that had sub- 
 dued them before, counselled Augustus not to lose this occasion^: 
 for he might easily subdue these barbarous people being thus 
 divided. But Augustus not being of the mind to make any 
 wars at all with any nation, without great and just cause 
 (although there were more hope of gain than appearance of 
 loss), he answered: "There was no cause for him to do so:" 
 adding also, " that those that sought a little gain with great loss 
 and danger were like unto those that would angle with a golden 
 hook, the which breaking and falling into the water, no fish is 
 worth the value of it. And therefore that the barbarous* were to 
 be left to their own miseries : and that by their bloodshed by 
 their own companions, they were more than enough punished 
 for the ills they had done to the Romans, who ought not to 
 begin first to do evil." 
 
 15. In the same year Augustus, being very desirous to put 
 his hand to the reformation of abuses in Rome, and that effec- 
 tually, he joined with him his nephew Agrippa in the state of a 
 censor, and did establish him tribune for five years. First of all 
 he began to correct some disorders that were in the Senate, he 
 reformed the knights, spectacles, and plays, and the manner of 
 
OCTAVIUS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 i6i 
 
 sutes^ for public offices. He set fines upon their heads that 
 would not marry, and bestowed much upon them that had wives 
 and children. He gave unto Hortensius Hortalius five and 
 twenty thousand crowns, to procure him to take a wife, that he 
 might raise up issue to that noble house and family of the 
 Hortenses. He ordained also that maidens should be twelve 
 years old at the least before they married, and suffered them to 
 
 kill adulterers taken with the fact^ without punishment 
 
 And for military discipline, he looked very carefully unto that. 
 And because a knight of Rome had cut off his own son's thumbs, 
 for that he should not go to the war, he made him to be sold by 
 the drum, and all his goods. But because the regrators^ were 
 greedy to seize upon them, he made them cease the sale, and 
 put the knight into the hands of one of his bondmen enfran- 
 chised, and was contented to drive him out of Rome. Further- 
 more he procured that the Senate should not be kept but with 
 great reverence : that the senators should come together as into 
 a temple of devotion, and that no decree should pass, but in the 
 presence of 400 senators, if it might be : that no man should be 
 made free of Rome but upon great consideration. For the rest, 
 he and Agrippa gave the people the pleasure of secular yearly 
 games, which had not been seen an hundred years before. But 
 he took very great care that there should no insolencies* be 
 committed. He punished the players in divers sorts that be- 
 haved themselves more licentiously than became them. And 
 when one of them amongst them called him lord, he shewed the 
 people with his voice, his eyes, and his hand, that he was not 
 well pleased withal : and the next morning he published a sharp 
 edict, forbidding all persons expressly to say so, and would never 
 suffer that any of his should give him this name. But these 
 plays being ended, he adopted Caius and Lucius the sons of 
 Agrippa. In all this great business, the Sicambres, Usipetes, 
 and Tenchteres, people of Germany, surprised certain Romans 
 in their territory, hanged^ them up, passed over the Rhine, 
 spoiled Gaul, overthrew certain horsemen, and following their 
 purpose, overcame M. LoUius proconsul of Gaul, and took away 
 an ensign from him. Yet though he were a man of small action 
 and very courteous, nevertheless he was revenged of them, and 
 coming upon the invaders, fought with them, and drave them 
 beyond the Rhine. On the other side, C. Lentulus made war 
 with the Daces, and killed three of their chief leaders with a 
 great number of men ; and afterwards he established a garrison 
 
 Augustus 
 severe 
 against 
 adulterers, 
 2 in the act, . 
 Augustus 
 punishetk a 
 Roman 
 knight for 
 disabling . 
 his son, 
 '^ retail 
 dealers. 
 
 * wanton 
 acts. 
 
 '• hung. 
 
 Divers 
 rebels sub' 
 dued. 
 
jSj 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ^ Danube, 
 
 Tlie covet- 
 ousftess of 
 A Hgitstus 
 his soliciier 
 cajtse of 
 great trojt- 
 bles. 
 " steward. 
 
 * against. 
 
 * concerning. 
 
 Dntsits sent 
 by A ugitstjts 
 overcojneik 
 the critet 
 Khetiaits. 
 
 sixth. 
 
 • East. 
 
 by the river of Danuby', to stop the incursions of this wild 
 nation. Augustus seeing these troubles, disposed of the affairs 
 of Italy to go into Gaul, to rid himself of these griefs, and by 
 his absence to make his presence more honourable. At that 
 same time, divers peoples inhabiting upon the river of Danuby^, 
 rebelled : but Augustus' lieutenants bestirred them so well, that 
 they were all compelled to seek peace. At that time also all 
 Gaul was in commotion, and that in divers sorts. But the 
 covetousness of Licinius Enceladus, made free, and soliciter' of 
 the affairs of Augustus, was cause of all this mischief. For he 
 having commanded the people to furnish the tribute for every 
 month, he had put fourteen months in the year for twelve. So 
 being accused to his master for money ill gotten, although all 
 the world cried out of^ him, yet he found the means to escape 
 well enough. For after he had gotten an infinite mass of gold and 
 silver together, he brought it to Augustus, saying, he had never 
 other intention but to take from the Gauls the means to rebel. 
 For all this Augustus withdrew him from thence, and sent Tiberius 
 thither to settle all things in good estate again. Almost during' 
 these commotions and outrageous dissensions, the Rhetians, 
 near unto the lake of Como, brake into Gaul Cisalpine, and 
 took out of Italy store of booty. They were a people separated 
 from all others, and so cruel, that, having taken any place from 
 the Romans, they killed all the male children, and further, did 
 ask their soothsayers of* women with child : and if they said 
 she was great with a boy, they presently ran her through, and 
 killed her and the fruit of her womb. Augustus would not 
 endure these outrages, but sent Drusus the son of Livia against" 
 them, who drave them out of Italy, having overcome them in a 
 set battle, near under Trent. They say that their women shewed 
 themselves so crnel in this fight, that, their darts failing them, 
 they took their little children by their legs, and did most bar- 
 barously force themselves to smite their enemies in the face. 
 Those that were driven out of Italy would have entered into 
 Gaul, but they were repulsed by Tiberius. In the end, these 
 people and their allies were constrained to submit themselves, 
 
 i6. Augustus sent a colony unto Nismes in Languedoc and 
 made them free burgesses of Rome. It is thought that he sent 
 another unto Aries, of the sixt^ legion : and one of the second 
 unto Orange. Some make report of these colonies in the time 
 of Tiberius. M. Agrippa on the other side, he gave order for the 
 affairs of Asia, and of all the Orient", where he behaved himself 
 
OCTAVIUS C^SAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 26^ 
 
 ' Genoese. 
 2 Piedmont. 
 
 ^ Genoa. 
 
 Aiigushis 
 ret?tritiit^ to 
 Route, szic- 
 ceedetli 
 Lepidiis ill 
 the estate of 
 ck.ef priest. 
 
 SO well, that all that were friends to the people of Rome were of 
 better courage than before, and all their enemies so valiantly 
 •suppressed, that Augustus was saluted the tenth time sovereign 
 captain. But Agrippa, after his wonted manner, would have no 
 triumph ; which was the cause of the loss of ^;his custom ; and 
 others, following his example, were contented from thenceforth 
 with the ornaments of triumph. But of another side, the Pan- 
 nonians, the Genoveses*, and those of Piemont^ rebelling, they 
 were subdued by the Heutenants of Augustus: who builded two 
 cities in testimony of his victory against these two last people : 
 whereof Turin (called Augusta Pretoria) was one, and Genua^ 
 the other. 
 
 17. Augustus having pacified Gaul, stayed the invasions of 
 the Germans, and quenched the rebellion of Spain, he left 
 Drusus with authority and his army upon the Rhine, and came 
 to Rome as Agrippa did out of Asia, and became extremely 
 sick of the gout. Lepidus died at the same time, to whom 
 Augustus succeeded in the estate of chief bishop, and made 
 sumptuous spectacles and sights unto the people. He burnt all 
 the books of divination and prophecy, except those of the 
 Sibyls : and j'et he kept them not all. He reformed the calen- 
 dar, and ordained that there should be no leap-years for twelve 
 years following. He suffered that the sixt* month, then called 
 Sextihs, should be called Augustus after his name. All that 
 year was spent in plays and pastimes, saving that Augustus 
 (having been sick) caused all that he had done in his govern- 
 ment to be rehearsed before the Senate. He took a review of 
 . the senators, and confirmed his nephew Agrippa in the estate of 
 a tribune for five years more. But shortly after, this great person, 
 being returned from a journey out of Pannonia, whither he was 
 gone to prevent disorders that were likely to be renewed, he fell 
 sick and died, before Augustus could come in time. That was 
 a marvellous grief unto him : and not knowing now on whom he 
 should bestow his daughter Julia, in the end he chose Tiberius 
 his wife's son, and married them together: but they continued 
 not long in good terms together. From thenceforth Tiberius and 
 Drusus dealt almost in all the affairs of war, and Tiberius espe- 
 cially after the death of the other: of whom we shall speak to best 
 purpose in the life of Tiberius, yet we will briefly note it here. So 
 then Tiberius went and made war in Pannonia, risen by means 
 of the death of Agrippa : yet he made an end of it, killed some 
 of them, sold and subjected the rest : and compelled all that 
 
 Agrippn 
 AugiCit/is 
 his nepheiv 
 tiieth, and 
 •jfuliu his 
 widow is 
 married to 
 Tiberius. 
 
264 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ' Germany. 
 
 ^ SI rait, 
 slrict. 
 
 Drusits 
 overco7neth 
 the corifit/etii 
 presump- 
 tuous rebels. 
 
 * horses. 
 
 ' straitly, 
 
 closely. 
 
 * centurions. 
 
 people to submit themselves unto the people of Rome. Drusus 
 on the other side made war in high and low Almain.^, and 
 brought the most part of these nations unto some reason : and 
 afterwards he returned to Rome : where Augustus held so 
 straight^ a hand to bring the Senate to order, that there were 
 few men desired to be of the Senate, and many to the contrary 
 that gave up their offices. But Augustus compelled those that 
 were of age, of quality and sufficiency, and gave order also that 
 the dignity of the tribunes of the people should remain entire : 
 suffering those notwithstanding which had this office, their time 
 expired, to be amongst the senators, or with knights. As for 
 the towns of Asia afflicted with the earthquake, he paid of his 
 own to the commonwealth, the yearly tribute which they ought^. 
 And for the regard of those which were of his provinces, he 
 freed them from all imposts for six years, and gave them of 
 Palestine a great quantity of corn, whicli sustained great want 
 and famine. In the meantime Drusus passed over the Rhine, 
 made war with the Usipites, Sicambrians, Tenchteres, Cattians, 
 Cherusians, and Suabians, whom he overthrew in divers en- 
 counters : and especially in a great battle, where were killed a 
 very great number. For these people were gathered together 
 with such a confidence of victory, that they had already made 
 agreement amongst themselves for division of the booty. But 
 specially at the last battle, the Cherusians should have the 
 horse*, the Suabians they should have the baggage, and the 
 Sicambrians the prisoners. And yet to bind themselves more 
 straightly* together, they burnt 20 centeners^ of the Romans. 
 And this was the cause that the battle was so long and cruelly 
 fought betwixt them : yet in the end the victory remained to 
 Drusus, who gave the prisoners and all the booty to the soldiers, 
 making the horse*, baggage, and captives to be sold to them 
 that would offer most. AH the field, for a great league and a 
 half of length, was strewed with dead bodies, and they found 
 in the enemy's camp great store of iron chains prepared by 
 them for the Romans : howbeit they served for them. Drusus 
 set up a token of triumph, and was called imperator of his 
 troops in the field where the battle was pitched. Afterwards he 
 built above fifty castles upon the rivers of Meuse, Visurge, and 
 of the Rhine. Tiberius on the other side was in Dalmatia, 
 where he brought them under that rose in arms against them. 
 The triumph of Ovatio was decreed to them both, and Augustus 
 was saluted by the Senate imperator or sovereign captain, and 
 
OCTAVWS C^SAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 26s 
 
 this for the twelfth time. But in these businesses, the war 
 was hot in Thracia, and more than ever before : all the pro- 
 vinces being in rebellion under the conduct of Bulogaeses, who 
 had killed the king Rhacuspolis, an ally of the people of Rome, 
 driven out his uncle and lieutenant Rhymetalces out of Thracia 
 into Chersonesus. L. Piso, governor of Paraphilia, went against 
 them, and at the first encounter had not the advantage, but in 
 the second he overcame them utterly. Drusus, having made a 
 voyage to Rome, to celebrate the birthday of Augustus in great 
 magnificence, whilst his troops reposed themselves in their gar- 
 risons ; about the spring he returned into Germany, overcame 
 the Suabians, gave them a king : then he invaded the country 
 of the Marcomannes, fought with them divers times, killed a 
 great number of them, and made all the rest subject to the 
 Romans. Because of this victory, and of that of Piso, Augustus 
 was called imferator the thirteenth time. Almost in this time 
 he put Proculus to death in prison, one that he loved best of all 
 his bondmen made free : bemg convinced' of many adulteries. 
 He made the thighs of his secretary Thallus to be broken, for 
 the sum of an hundred crowns which he took for shewing a 
 secret letter. In this meantime Tiberius continued war in 
 Dalmatia and Pannonia, moved through the great imposts, 
 whereof the people complained . but in the end he subdued 
 them, and built many castles upon the river of Danuby to stay 
 the invasions of the enemies. Piso also in Thracia overcame 
 the Msesians, and Bastarnes, and brought away a great number 
 of prisoners, who bit their iron chains for anger, and most im- 
 patiently did bear their servitude. Drusus made the Cattians 
 subject also, then he came to Lyons to meet with Augustus : 
 from whence they both returned together into Italy. They had 
 a custom also that yearly on the first, day of January (though 
 Augustus were absent) all the senators, officers of justice, and 
 others of mean estate, brought him new-year's gifts to the 
 Capitol: and also every one cast a piece of gold or silver into 
 the lake Curtius, for a vow that they had made to his health. 
 He did bestow all these new-year's gifts to buy many rich 
 statues of the gods, which he set up in all the cross-streets. 
 
 18. In the five and thirtieth year of his principality, under 
 the consulate of Drusus Nero, and of Quintus Crispinus, Drusus 
 having subdued a great part of Germany, and preparing to go 
 further, a vision having the shape of a great woman, that spake 
 bigger and louder than a man's voice could do, said to him in 
 
 Procitlits an 
 adulterer 
 put to death 
 by A itgustus. 
 Thallus 
 putilshed for 
 disclosing 
 secrets of 
 state, 
 ^ convicted. 
 
266 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Drusus 
 dieth^ in 
 •wJwse place 
 Tiberiics 
 succeedeth 
 in t}u 
 charge of 
 
 diately. 
 
 2 shield. 
 
 AugitsUts 
 pleadetk the 
 cause of an 
 old soldier t 
 ivlio Imd 
 Heseri'ed 
 loell. 
 
 ^ over. 
 ^ along. 
 
 Latin: "Go no further:" which was a sign of his death, the 
 which followed incontinently* after. This young nobleman of 
 an excellent hope, being but thirty years old, Augustus had put 
 him in the roll of his heirs, and made an oration in his praisei 
 Afterwards all the charge of the wars of Germany was com- 
 mitted unto Tiberius. And for Augustus, he, being the same 
 year called for a witness in certain causes, did patiently suffer 
 any man to ask him, or refuse him, as he had oftentimes done 
 before. One day as he spake in full Senate, one of the senators 
 told him: "I understood nothing:" another, "I would speak 
 against it, if I might be heard." Another time being weary with 
 the contestations of certain pleaders, he went in choler out of 
 his seat. But some began to say unto him, that it was lawful 
 for senators to speak freely to any matter that came before 
 them: and that no man was ever offended for the replies or 
 contestations of any man. 
 
 19. Nonius Asprenas, one of his greatest friends, was accused 
 by Cassius Severus to have poisoned an hundred and thirty 
 bidden guests at a banquet. Augustus did not recommend^ him, 
 but let the senators alone, who banished Cassius. An old soldier 
 upon complaint being brought before the senators, and in danger 
 of his life, besought Augustus to help him. And when he had 
 given him an advocate to defend him, the soldier opened his 
 breast, and shewing the marks of the wounds which he had 
 received in the battle of Actium, said unto him : "But I beseech 
 thee, Augustus, consider that I have received these wounds 
 here upon my body for to defend thee, and would put no other 
 in my place." Augustus, moved with these words, appeared in 
 justice, and pleaded this man's cause, the which he wan. Soon 
 after he was saluted sovereign captain for the fourteenth time; 
 because of the victories which Tiberius and Sextus Apuleius 
 had obtained in Germany and in Italy. And the authority 
 which had been given him for ten years over the state of the 
 commonwealth being expired, was continued unto him for ten 
 years following. Then he did greatly enlarge the bounds of the 
 territory of Rome, and having advanced Salustius Crispus (the 
 son of the historian) unto the place which Maecenas held, the 
 Roman knight, his faithful friend and principal counsellor, de- 
 ceased in those days : and by Tiberius continued to bring the 
 Germans under : for the victory of* whom, and also for that he 
 had subdued all the people inhabiting alongst* the Alps, the Senate 
 had set up a token of triumph, and granted triumph to Tiberius, 
 
OCTAVIUS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 i^sl 
 
 Under the second consulate of Claudius Nero, and of Cal- 
 phumius Piso, Caius and Lucius, the young sons of Augustus, 
 were called young princes, and appointed consuls, although 
 they were but of tender years, and under fourteen years old. 
 This pleased Augustus greatly, though he fained* to take no 
 pleasure in it. Furthermore, he then made an edict touching 
 slanderous libels, declaring who should have the hearing of 
 those crimes, and how they should be punished: although he 
 himself cared not much, and patiently suffered they should gibe 
 at him; contented to answer, by open defence, unto the re- 
 proaches and mockeries they made of hira. They scattered 
 abroad one day in the palace many bills'^ of paper of cruel 
 injuries' against him. This moved him not at all, neither did he 
 trouble himself much to answer it : but instead of searching it 
 out, he did advise that hereafter they should have an eye upon 
 those, that by little books or epigrams published (under false 
 names) scandal against any man. Tiberius wrote a round* 
 letter to him one day, to the end he should carry a straighter^ 
 hand upon that : but he sent him these words : "I pray thee, my 
 friend, let not thy youth overrule thee in this matter, nor be not 
 so hot, though I be evil spoken of by some. It is enough if we 
 gain this point, that no man can hurt us." Afterwards he divided 
 the city of Rome into fourteen regions, and two hundred and 
 ten streets, and in every of them he established officers to see 
 that all things should be maintained as they ought to be, and 
 to report unto the prince any memorable thing that should 
 happen. He provided for the violence of fire, he built up the 
 temples that were burnt or ruined by time : and gave at one 
 time unto the temple of Jupiter Capitoline, for the renewing of 
 the same, sixteen thousand pounds of gold, and of rich and 
 costly pearls, to the sum of twelve hundred thousand crowns. 
 
 20. Now Caius and Lucius, his young sons, growing apace, 
 and Julia his daughter beginning to be too well known for her 
 wantonness, Tiberius, that could no longer endure her, nor these 
 two young princes (and because he would have the Romans a 
 httle long for him), he demanded and obtained leave with ex- 
 tremity", threatening to kill himself with famine, if they did not 
 grant him : and so went to study at Rhodes. In the meantfme 
 Augustus provided for the affairs of Istria, divided Italy into 
 eleven provinces : and, because he doubted' they did envy his 
 greatness, he chose nine Pretorian cohorts for his guard, of the 
 which he kept three of them in Rome, lodged here and there in 
 
 ^ feigned. 
 
 A itgustits 
 maketh an 
 edict against 
 in/ajtious 
 Iwels; and 
 his fiaiient 
 suffering etf 
 thenta^aitist 
 himself. 
 
 2 scrolls. 
 
 ^ reproaches. 
 
 * plain spo- 
 ken. 
 
 ^ .straiter, 
 stricter. 
 
 AngHsins 
 provideih 
 against the 
 violence cf 
 Jire. 
 
 ' difficulty. 
 
 7 feared. 
 
268 
 
 7'HE LIFE OF 
 
 * nearest. 
 
 ^ impute. 
 
 A n^i/stzts 
 his patient 
 forbearaitce 
 c/ill 
 tiingjtes. 
 
 3 desire, 
 
 * pretence. 
 ^ unruly. 
 
 « East. 
 
 ' plotted. 
 
 * maintained. 
 
 A parricide 
 justly ^un- 
 Lsfied. 
 
 houses, so long as they were in their quarter: and the six others 
 were quartered in the next "^ villages unto it. He also erected new 
 offices, to impart to so many men more the honours and charges 
 of the commonwealth. At the same time when, before the 
 Senate, they did object^ many crimes unto Aimilius jElianus, and 
 amongst other things that he spake ill of Augustus : he, turning 
 to the accuser, said unto him as in choler: "Prove me that, and 
 I will make Jilianus know that I have a tongue : for I will say 
 more of him than he hath spoken of me." He made no further 
 inquiry afterwards, and shewed himself very gentle and courteous 
 also unto Cassius of Padua, a man of a mean estate : who having 
 spoken openly at a table, that he lacked no good will' nor courage 
 to kill Augustus : he contented himself to impose this only 
 punishment upon him, as to drive him out of Rome. From his 
 eleventh consulship unto the, twelfth, there passed seventeen 
 years : all which time he divers times had refused this charge; 
 but now he demanded it and obtained it. His intention was to 
 advance Caius his little son to great dignity, whom he caused to 
 be proclaimed young prince, and sent him to see the provinces 
 and armies, in the title of a proconsul. Then he commanded 
 him to go into Asia, having given him for governors LoUius 
 and Sulpitius Quirinus. He himself in the mean time remained 
 at Rome, where he established extraordinary guards, under 
 colour* to keep thieves and masterless^ men from offering 
 violence, whilst the armies abroad were far off. The year fol- 
 lowing, Caius having travelled in divers parts of the Orient^, 
 made peace with Phraates, king of the Parthians, and brought 
 away (hostages for assurance thereof) the king's three brethren, 
 and all the princes of the blood. The which was practised' by 
 the means of the queen Thermusa, born in Italy, who being 
 sent by Augustus for a gift unto Phraates, he fell so in love 
 with her, and held her in such high estimation, that after she 
 had brought him a son called Phraataces, he received her for 
 his lawful wife. She, being desirous her son should possess the 
 crown, drave the right heirs far off by means of this peace. And 
 at the end of certain years Phraataces, who entertained^ it, killed 
 his father, and possessed the kingdom. But he was not long in 
 quiet possession, for the great lords conspired against him, and 
 took from him his Ufe and crown together. Furthermore Caius 
 conquered Armenia, and shortly after Augustus demanded the 
 thirteenth consulship, to the end to advance his little son Lucius 
 as he had done Caius. He sent him proconsul into Spain, but 
 
OCTAVIUS CAiSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 269 
 
 he fell sick by the way, and stayed almost a year at Marseilles. 
 Though these two brethren were far enough off Tiberius, who 
 kept himself as a simple scholar at Rhodes, yet they loved not 
 him greatly, nor he them : for which purpose the process^ served 
 not much against their mother Julia, banished because of her 
 adulteries in the isle of Pandatarie. Shortly after her daughter, 
 also called Julia, married unto Lucius Paulus, was also con- 
 vinced^ of the same crime that her mother was : and was 
 banished into another isle of the sea Adriatic, called Tremera. 
 This affliction, so near unto him, marvellously grieved Augustus, 
 who could not bear it but in mourning, and devouring himself with 
 sorrow. Then all the provinces of the Roman empire being in 
 peace, Augustus shut up the third time the temple of Janus : and 
 the King of kings, the Saviour of the vvorld, being born of a virgin 
 in Judea, appearing amongst men, he shut up the oracles of all 
 the Paynim" gods, as the oracle of Delphes among others was 
 constrained to confess, and never spake afterwards. Wherewith 
 Augustus being astonied, caused a great altar to be set up in 
 the Capitol with an inscription, signifying that it was 'The altar 
 of the God first born.' The year following, to stay the violent 
 course of great usuries, and to raise up again many families 
 decayed, he put into the exchange two millions and a half of 
 gold, that is to say, five and twenty hundred thousand crowns ; 
 and suffered private men to take of it for three years without 
 interest, putting in pawn mto the exchequer lands and pos- 
 sessions, being twice as much worth as the principal : and con- 
 demned the usurers that had taken interest more than Julius 
 Caesar had ordained, to pay four times as much : and, deducting 
 out of the principal that which had been paid over and 
 above the tax of the law, he gave the debtors three years' space 
 to pay it, at three equal times from year to year. He made 
 provision also for distributing of corn, and brought it to 200,006 
 heads of those that should come to have any of it : and did 
 wisely remedy divers discontentments of the people. Shortly 
 after Lucius Caesar, being 16 years of age, died at Marseilles : 
 which was the cause that, Tiberius being reconciled for some 
 other occasion* with Caius, he obtained leave to return from 
 Rhodes to Rome ; with condition (for so was Caius' will) that he 
 should meddle with no affairs of estate*, and that he should 
 remain yet the rest of the year at Rhodes. As touching Augustus, 
 he laboured to recreate himself with his friends, and did willingly 
 see learned men, and amongst others T. Livius, that renowned 
 
 yulia the 
 elder and 
 younger 
 banished, 
 •whose lewd- 
 itess was a 
 great grief 
 to A ngjtstjis, 
 ^ convicted. 
 
 At the birth 
 oj Christ 
 ■zvar ceaseth, 
 and the ora- 
 cles of Pay- 
 iiim gods 
 are inttte. 
 ^ pagan. 
 
 Augustus 
 represseth 
 usurers. 
 
 * reason. 
 
 ' state. 
 
 Augustus 
 visiteth 
 learned men. 
 
270 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * affair, 
 
 ^ nicknames. 
 
 ^ attaclc. 
 
 ^ plainly. 
 * convicted. 
 
 Tiheriits re- 
 ircrneth to 
 Rome, and 
 Cains dietk, 
 
 ° lasted. 
 
 ^ impatient- 
 ly- 
 ^ domestic. 
 
 historian ; the poets, Virgil and Horace ; but especially Virgil, 
 who was one of his most familiar friends. Which maketh men 
 think that Ovid committed some great fault, since he was a 
 banished man so long, and that he could obtain no grace, 
 though the greatest men were suitors for him. And yet the 
 historians say Augustus was not angry, as appeareth by the fact' 
 of Timagenes the historian : who having dispersed abroad some 
 pleasant by-names^ against Augustus, Livia, and their familiars 
 (whereat every one of them laughed, it was so pleasant an 
 encounter 3), Augustus was contented to advise him to moderate 
 his tongue from thenceforth, and did only forbid him his house 
 and familiarity, suffering him to wax old in the company of 
 Asinius Pollio. He did greatly support some also that were 
 accused to have sealed a false will, and mingled with the marks 
 of condemnation and absolution a third, pardoning all those 
 that it should seem had through ignorance sinned in this fact"-. 
 One, being evidently* convinced'' to have killed his father, was 
 even at the pomt to be sewed up in a leather sack, according 
 to the custom, and thrown into the sea: Augustus, desirous 
 this cursed wretch should not be thus handled, put the answer 
 in his mouth, in asking of him also: "Surely I believe thou 
 hast not killed thy father?" The son of Tarius being charged to 
 have conspired against the life of his father, Augustus was sent 
 for into Tarius' house, to counsel him what were best to be 
 done: he gave the father counsel to banish him far off from all 
 knowledge. And when Tarius would have made Augustus his 
 heir, he refused it, and obtained that the son should be banished 
 unto Marseilles ; and that during his father's life he should have 
 a pension to maintain him withal, 
 
 21, In the 44 year of the monarchy of Augustus, Tiberius, 
 having been absent the space of eight years, came again to 
 Rome, where he lived, and meddled with no matters. But that 
 held* not long : for in the same year Caius, upon whom Augustus o^ 
 principally looked, died in Lycia: and some say, that Livia 
 knew well enough of what death: for she greatly desired the 
 advancement of her son Tiberius, knowing that Augustus did 
 not greatly love the last son of Agrippa and Julia, by reason of 
 the rudeness of his nature, Augustus took the death of his son 
 Caius very unpatiently'. He made his schoolmaster and do- 
 mestical^ servants to be drowned : and furthermore, he disposed 
 all the forces of the empire and the legions amongst the pro- 
 vinces in commodious places, as well by sea as by land. After- 
 
OCTAVIUS CjESAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 lyr 
 
 wards he obtained the tribuneship for Tiberius, more through 
 the procurement! of Livia than otherwise : although in the end 
 he was content to advance him, to make his memory to be so 
 much the more be desired^, when they had made proof of his 
 successor; whom he knew better than any other, and never 
 spake anything well ; but he spied always some cross thing in 
 him, of a dangerous nature he had. And yet some judge, that 
 Augustus did repute the virtues in Tiberius to be greater than 
 his imperfections ; considering also that, in the oration he made, 
 his words tended to this end, that he adopted Tibeiius in favour 
 of the commonwealth. But before he would declare this adop- 
 tion, he compelled Tiberius to adopt his nephew Germanicus 
 the son of Drusus, and he adopted (with Tiberius) Agrippa 
 Posthumus, the son of M. Agrippa. Then to prevent the com- 
 plots' of some of the chiefest of Rome, he made Tiberius to be 
 chosen tribune for ten years following. That was the cause that 
 in Rome they began to speak well of Tiberius, whom they saw 
 by that means somewhat stepped into Augustus' place, so soon 
 as he should happen to die. Furthermore, at the instance of 
 the people of Rome and Tiberius himself, Augustus did tolerate* 
 the banishment of his daughter JuUa : howbeit for no entreaty 
 he would ever revoke" her again. So, after the decease of 
 Augustus, she was destitute of all help, and Tiberius made her 
 die for want, in an unknown place. 
 
 22. The year following, Valerius Messala, and C. Cinna, 
 little-son^ of the great Pompey, were elected consuls. Cinna, 
 that took part with his cousins^, was taken prisoner, and brought 
 to Augustus, who gave him life and advanced him. This not- 
 withstanding, he was afterwards attainted and convinced' to 
 have conspired against the life of Augustus, whom through the 
 counsel of Livia he sent for into his chamber, and gently re- 
 buked him. for all the good deeds he had done to him : pardoned 
 him this last offence, and afterwards raised him to the dignity 
 of a consul, being sorry that he durst not demand it. After that, 
 Cinna became his faithful friend and servant, and bequeathed 
 all his goods by will unto Augustus, against whom never any man 
 conspired more^. His heutenants in Africa obtained some vic- 
 tories, and Tiberius continued the war in Germany, from whence 
 he oftentimes returned to Rome, to keep himself in Augustus' 
 good favour. Who having limited the pay, recompence, com- 
 modityi", and time that the soldiers should have, he procured 
 for some time the good of the commonwealth, which had con- 
 
 TiberiiiS ad~ 
 vanced, ajtd 
 to what end. 
 ^ plotting. 
 
 2 regretted. 
 
 ' plots. 
 
 ^ moderate. 
 
 * recal. 
 yulia, an 
 adulteress^ 
 through 
 want dtetk 
 in bartisk- 
 ment. 
 ^ grandson. 
 ^ relatives. 
 
 ' proved. 
 
 Augustus by 
 his lenity 
 winneth 
 Cinna, a 
 traitor. 
 
 9 afterwards, 
 
 1" provision. 
 
■l^^ 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 A tigustus 
 exfielieth. 
 droties out 
 of the C0V1- 
 ntotLttiealth. 
 
 Divers re- 
 betlioTis ap- 
 peased, 
 ^ as regard- 
 ed. 
 
 The Tkra- 
 ciuHS over- 
 thrtnuit by 
 ike Romans, 
 
 ' command. 
 
 tinued longer in prosperity, if his successors had better enter- 
 tained military discipline. Afterwards, to resist the mutinies of 
 the people by reason of famine, he established corps-de-guard 
 in all the places of Rome, and drave out a multitude of unpro- 
 fitable mouths. And when corn came again to bear the ordinary 
 price, he was about to abolish the distribution of co^n which the 
 commonwealth made: because that the people, trusting unto 
 that, made no reckoning to plough their lands. At the same time 
 many towns in diverse provinces were enclined to rebel, which 
 caused the Senate to make a decree, that the governors of 
 provinces should command two years one after another, and 
 should not depart thence till their successors were arrived. 
 The Illyrians also began to rise, but they were suppressed 
 immediately by Valerius Messalinus. For^ Germany, all were 
 subject under the name of the Romans, except the Marcomannes, 
 and their king Maroboduus, a valiant and wise man, that kept 
 himself and his people in good discipline, having always an 
 army ready of threescore and ten thousand footmen, and four 
 thousand horse, all the which he trained and put in readiness 
 against his neighbours, to defend him the better against the 
 Romans, if they came to assail him. Tiberius prepared himself 
 with twelve legions to make war with him ; but being con- 
 strained to go against the Illyrians, he made agreement with 
 Maroboduus, that sought peace and quietness; and so marched 
 where necessity called him. For the Illyrians, to the number of 
 eight hundred thousand men and upwards, rose in manner^ all 
 at an instant, and mustered up in short time, with such order 
 in their affairs and vi^arlike exploits, that they possessed and 
 brought in subjection almost all Macedon, and put Augustus 
 into a marvellous perplexity, because they prepared themselves 
 to come into Italy. Hereupon Tiberius is chosen to go against 
 them, the which he did with so good direction and warlike 
 judgment, that he dispersed their army. But now, concerning 
 the country of Thracia, there the army of the Romans was put 
 to flight : yet taking heart again, they returned to meet with 
 their enemies, and obtained an honourable victory. For which 
 cause they called Augustus imperator or sovereign captain the 
 sixteenth time. The Illyrians made head again better than 
 before under the conduct^ of Bato Desidiates ; they made violent 
 and strange invasions, and Tiberius never came against them. 
 Whereupon Augustus, conceiving an evil opinion, despatched 
 Germanicus, the son of Drusus, to go into lUyria with a com- 
 
OCTAVIUS CJESAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 273 
 
 plete army. On the other side, Agrippa Posthumus shewed him- 
 self so insolent, and committed so many follies, that Augustus 
 could no longer endure them, and therefore he disavowed and 
 disinherited him, confiscated his goods, and confined him to 
 Surrentum : where being more audacious than before, he ban- 
 ished him into the isle of Planasia, near unto Corsica : and 
 caused the Senate to make an ordinance that he should remain 
 there till his death. By this means every man began to regard^ 
 Tiberius, who was also declared the son and colleague of 
 Augustus by decree of the Senate, who committed unto him all 
 the armies and provinces of the empire. Livia his mother did 
 help him greatly in all these affairs. Furthermore, he would not 
 stir out of lUyria until he had made an end of this war, which 
 continued three whole years. 
 
 23. Now at the arrival of Germanicus, the chieftains of the 
 Illyrians came suddenly to assail the camp of the Romans : who, 
 feigning to be afraid, staid till the enemy came to charge them 
 in disorder. Then they came out with fury against them, killed 
 a great number of them, and made the rest to fly. Germanicus 
 wan^ another battle against the Dalmatians, and pursuing his 
 victory, he followed them so nsai- at the heels, that they submit- 
 ted themselves and demanded peace. By reason whereof they 
 gave Augustus the name of Imperator the eighteenth time. 
 Bato Desidiates came to salute Tiberius set in his tribunal 
 chair, without holding down his head, or any way imbasingS 
 himself: and being asked why, after so many battles lost, he 
 did yet rebel again ? he answered boldly again, that the Romans 
 were the cause of it : who, instead of shepherds, had sent them 
 wolves to keep their flock. Peace was granted unto the Dalma- 
 tians upon certain conditions. And as for the Breucians which 
 continued their war, they were overthrown in many encounters, 
 and at the length brought to subjection by Plautius Silvanus, 
 who triumphed. Their king Bato Beucrus had betrayed and 
 delivered unto the Romans another great captain of the Illy- 
 rians called Pinnetes : and afterwards he was delivered himself 
 by his own men unto Bato Desidiates, who killed him with his 
 own hand : and then fortified himself in Dalmatia, where having 
 made head almost a year and a half against the armies of Tibe- 
 rius and Germanicus, he won and lost many battles : at the last, 
 being able to hold out no longer, he sent his son to demand 
 peace of Tiberius, promising to yield himself and his into the 
 hands of Augustus. He obtained safe conduct, and came by 
 S. P. 'S 
 
 Agrippa 
 Posthumus, 
 for kis/ol 
 lies and in- 
 soleficies 
 banished. 
 
 ^ respect. 
 
 Germanicus 
 overcotneih 
 the Illyriaus 
 and Dalnut' 
 tians. 
 
 3 debasing. 
 
 Oppressors 
 causers 0/ 
 rebellion. 
 
274 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * surrounded. 
 
 ^ as forj 
 
 Qitintiliits 
 Varus over~ 
 thrown. 
 ^ marshes. 
 
 * action' at- 
 luvv. 
 
 ^ purposely. 
 
 The tinman 
 £On]LseUcrs 
 cruelly 
 hunated by 
 tkeir eite~ 
 
 ', off. 
 
 night unto Tiberius' camp : who gave him very gracious enter- 
 tainment, and many rich presents. Afterwards he made him be 
 brought to Ravenna, and was also gently used, because that in 
 an encounter where he was inclosed ^ and in danger of his life, 
 he had given him means to escape and save himself. And be- 
 cause of the divers victories obtained by Germanicus and Tibe- 
 rius, Augustus was saluted for the nineteenth and twentieth 
 time Imperator or sovereign captain. And for^ the Pannonians, 
 their young men, that had so many times threatened Italy, were 
 constrained to bring all their arms together on a heap, as they 
 were commanded, and to fall on their knees before Tiberius to 
 demand peace of him. He received them into grace, and sent 
 them home to their houses, disposing his garrisons in strong 
 places, under the charge of Marcus Lepidus. The glory of Ti- 
 berius was yet more noble, and the anguishes of Augustus in- 
 creased, by the overthrow of Quintilius Varus : who, being gone 
 to assail Arminius, prince of the Cherussians, was enclosed in 
 marishes^, and utterly overthrown with, three Roman legions, 
 that were slain in the place: and for himself, fearing to fall alive 
 into the hands of the Cherussians, he killed himself with his 
 own hand. The victors did never so cruelly handle the Romans 
 as those whom they might know were common counsellers and 
 pleaders. For at the beginning, when Varus came to command 
 their country, whei'e they knew not what process'' meant, he 
 persuaded himself he should tame them well enough, using the 
 same form and order of process there amongst them, as they 
 did at Rome. So he had a judgment-seat, and all matters were 
 pleaded before him. Some of them amongst the rest, being 
 very subtle, seemed to esteem much this pleading ; and to bring 
 him asleep, they of purpose^ moved occasion of process and suit 
 one against the other : and then they went before him, and by Ro- 
 mans themselves, whose tongues they borrowed, they demanded 
 justice. Then they rejoiced not a little when they could catch 
 any of these counsellers : for they put out the eyes of some of 
 them, cut off the hands of others' of them ; and they say that 
 they cut out the tongue of one, and afterwards sewed up his 
 mouth ; and he that held the tongue in his hand said unto him ; 
 " O viper, at the last yet thou wilt leave" whistling." Augustus 
 was so astonied at this loss, that at times he would beat his 
 head against the wall, crying out, " Varus, give me my legions." 
 Certain years after, Germanicus buried the bones of the Ror 
 mans that were killed in this overthrow. The year following 
 
OCTAVIUS CMSAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 27s 
 
 Tiberius returned into Germany, and, to keep^ the passages of 
 the Rhine, Augustus served his turn with" the slaves enfran- 
 chised, which caused afterwards great confusions and seditions 
 in the Roman army. In all these stirs, two men of no worth, 
 called Andasius and Epicadus, complotted to take away Julia, 
 the daughter of Augustus, and Agrippa Posthumus, from the 
 places where they were, and to bring them to some legions, to 
 alter the estate'. But they were soon discovered, and punished 
 for their rashness. Some others also committed the like fond* 
 enterprises, but they vanished away without any effect. 
 
 24. Furthermore Augustus, being now old and broken, be- 
 gan to Jeave all great companies, cassiered' his guards^ and sent 
 them to garrisons far off, to the end they should not go about to 
 make any change. He gave commandment that the Gauls and 
 Germans should depart the city by a day prefixed. In the 
 meantime Tiberius, having divided his army into four parts, 
 entered into Germany, about five and twenty leagues into the 
 country beyond the Rhine, and put all to fire and blood : then 
 he retired, fearing some encounter of Varus. Touching Augus- 
 tus, he qualified some strict laws against the unmarried, the 
 gifts of the husband to the wife, the banquets and suits : he did 
 forbid the divines^ to answer the vain question of those, that 
 would know how long they should live : and he suffered the 
 knights (if they were challenged) to fight at the shai-p^. Ger- 
 manicus being returned to Rome, obtained the consulship, and 
 Tiberius triumphed of* the lUyrians, Pannonians, Dalmatians, 
 and Germans : followed with his lieutenant Germanicus, Vibius 
 Posthumus, Plautius Silvanus, and Marcus Lepidus, with triumph- 
 ing robes. But before he went up to the Capitol, he went out 
 of his charret" and fell down on his knees before Augustus. 
 Then he made a dinner for all the people, and had a thousand 
 tables set up for them., and gave to every one of them seven 
 crowns and a half Under the consulship of C. Silius and of 
 Munatius Plancus, Augustus, having obtained ten years with 
 Tiberius to provide for the affairs of the commonwealth, to the 
 end to quench many false rumours, about sixteen months before 
 his death, he made his will, and gave it to the Vestal virgins to 
 keep. Because his sickness kept him from coming .to the 
 Senate, he prayed the senators to think of some means to enter- 
 tain"" the men of war. Which they having well considered, found 
 no better means than that which he himself had found out, to 
 wit, of the twentieth part of the inheritances: and they all 
 
 18—2 
 
 ' guard. 
 ' employed. 
 
 Andasius 
 and Epica- . 
 dus seeking 
 to restore 
 Julia and 
 Agrippa, 
 are punish- 
 ed. 
 
 ^ govern- 
 ment. 
 * foolish. 
 " cashiered. 
 A ugustus 
 his acts in 
 his old age. 
 
 ^ sooth- 
 sayers. 
 
 ^ with sharp 
 weapons. 
 
 ^ chariot. 
 
 Augustus 
 enteriaineth 
 the people 
 bountifully. 
 
 ^^ maintain. 
 
276 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 A ugusius 
 /atUth sick 
 and diethf 
 appointing 
 Tiberius/or 
 his successor 
 by his last 
 •will. 
 
 agreed unto it. The next year following, he went (as they say) 
 to see Agrippa in his isle of Planasial, the which troubled Livia 
 much, for she knew what was past. At the same time he and 
 Tiberius took muster of the Roman citizens ; and shortly after ■ 
 he fell sick, whereof they recite many causes. But thereupon he 
 went into the country unto some places of pleasure, where he 
 mended a little, and passed the time away prettily merry, carry- 
 ing Tiberius with him, whom he would have brought on his way 
 to Benevent, from whence he went into Illyria. At his return 
 his sickness increased, that he was fain to stay at Nola, and sent 
 for Tiberius and talked with him a long time, very privately, and 
 after that did never anything of importance : although the his- 
 torians do not agree whether Tiberius was come before his 
 departure or not. For Livia had set spials^ in the house he lay 
 sick in, and on the highways, giving it out abroad that Au- 
 gustus was well : and on the other side sending messages upon 
 messages unto Tiberius, fame spreading it abroad that Augustus 
 was dead, and that Tiberius held his place. Augustus, being at 
 the point to give up the ghost, made himself to be combed, and 
 speaking to his friends, asked if nobody made any noise with- 
 out. So he exhorted them to rejoice with him, for that he had 
 so happily played the comedy of this human life. Then having 
 sent them all out of his chamber, he asked if Livia, Drusus' 
 daughter, were in health : and so, embracing his wife, said these 
 words unto her : " Farewell, Livia, behave thyself well, and re- 
 member our marriage :" and suddenly went away, making a 
 sweet end, which he always desired, as often as he heard talk of 
 those that died quietly. He died in the same town, and in the 
 same chamber that his father Octavius died in, and lived near 
 unto the age of threescore and sixteen years. 
 
 25. His corpse being brought to Rome, the Vestal virgins 
 brought out his will and testament, by the which he appointed 
 Tiberius his heir, and gave him three parts of his goods, and 
 his wife Livia the fourth part. Furthermore he gave to the peo- 
 ple of Rome twelve hundred and fifty thousand crowns: to the 
 five and thirty tribes, thirteen hundred, seven and thirty thou- 
 sand, five hundred crowns : to every one of the Pretorian soldiers 
 twenty-five crowns, to those of the town twelve crowns and a 
 half There were other legacies to be paid within a year, and 
 he said that, all his legacies performed, he left his heirs four 
 millions of gold. Within twenty years before his death, he did 
 inherit of his friends' goods which had made him their heir, 
 
 Augustus 
 died accord- 
 ing to his 
 desire. 
 
 Augustus 
 liberality at 
 his death. 
 
OCTAVIUS C^SAR AUGUSTUS. 
 
 277 
 
 about thirty-five millions of gold : howbeit that he had spent all 
 that, with two patrimonies of his own, for maintenance of the 
 commonwealth. With his testament there were three little 
 libels^ or codicils, the one^ shewing what he would have done' 
 at his funerals*- The second was a briefs of all his actions,, 
 which he commanded should be graven in copper tables before 
 his tomb. The third contained the state of his revenue, and of 
 the principal affairs of the empire. He had added to them also 
 the names of the enfranchised bondmen and of the slaves, 
 whom they might bring to account, and therewith he advised 
 them to keep the limits of the empire which they had at that 
 time. They carried him with great pomp into the field of Mars, 
 where he was reduced into ashes, which they closed up in his ' 
 ■ sepulchre, built in his sixth consulship ; after all these ceremo- 
 nies the Senate appointed him a temple and divine honours, 
 and he was placed in rank with the gods. To make his honour 
 yet greater, one Numerius Atticus, that had been prstor, a man 
 of great authority in Rome, v^as enticed by Livia, who gave him 
 five and twenty thousand crowns, to swear before all the people, 
 that he saw Augustus carried up into heaven. After his death, 
 jnany speeches were diversely spoken of his life : some reprov- 
 .irig him as much as others commended him. But his successor 
 ■made him oftentimes to be lamented. And so he was wont to 
 say of Tiberius, " that he should leave to the Romans, in suc- 
 . cession of the empire, a successor that never consulted twice of 
 one thing." And as he was a happy^ prince in all his enter- 
 prises, and that by his lieutenants had done an infinite number 
 of worthy exploits against the enemies of the empire ; so, in his 
 life amongst his friends, he shewed himself very gracious, plea- 
 sant, and well disposed in company : being learned, eloquept, 
 and sententious' in all his talk. And to conclude, such as the 
 empire of Rome had never any Augustus Caesar but him alone. 
 
 1 clauses. 
 
 2 first. 
 
 3 wished to 
 be done. 
 
 • -funeral. 
 ^ abstract. 
 
 Divers 
 speeches 
 went of 
 A ugusttis 
 after his 
 death. 
 
 ^ fortunate. 
 
 ' judicious. 
 
Argument. 
 
 Desire of 
 fame 
 Prickeih 
 men for- 
 luard to 
 great enter- 
 prises. 
 Tkesens and 
 Hercnles 
 near kins- 
 7i:eu. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF THESEUS. 
 
 (The lineage of T-KSS^vs. Mq-eus /Ae fa/Aer of T»ES%vs. ^thra, 
 daughter of Pitheus, was the mother of Theseus. Theseus visits 
 the oracle at Delphi. He hears of the robbers infesting the way from 
 Tra%en to Athens, and, retnembering how Hercules had destroyed 
 many such, resolves to imitate him.) i. Theseus destroys the 
 robber named Periphetes Corynetes, and spares the life of Peri- 
 go UNA. {ffe destroys the mild soio named Vh^a. I/e slays Cercyoi^ 
 tie Arcadian in a wrestling-match.) t. He arrives at Athens, 
 where Medea endeavours to perstiade j?iGEUS to poison him; but 
 .^GEUS, recognising him, acknowledges him as his son. (THESEUS 
 destroys the Pallantides, and takes the bull of MARATHON alive.) 
 
 3. Why the Athenians paid tribute to Minos of Crete. TJie 
 Cretan labyrinth. " Theseus sails to Crete, and overcomes Taurus. 
 
 4. Ariadne falls in love with Theseus. Theseus slays Deu- 
 calion, and deserts Ariadne. Various accounts of Ariadne's fate. 
 
 5. Death of JEa'E.vs. 6. Twesevs strengthens the city of Athens. 
 (He coins money stamped with oxen, and institutes the Isthmian games.) 
 7. Death of SOLOIS. 8. He wars with the Amazons, concludes 
 
 peace, and marries Hippolyta ; or, as otheis say, Antiopa. {Tlie 
 son it/' Theseus and Antiopa was named Hippolytus. Varimis 
 accounts of his many marriages.) 9. His friendship with PlRI- 
 Tiious. 10. How Theseus and Pirithous carried off Hv-i.^n 
 and Proserpina. (War between the Tyndarides and Athenians.) 
 II. HtlESiEl!?, delivered from prison by H^^CVl.'ES. ('t he Athenians 
 rebel against Theseus. Various accounts of his death.) 
 
 I. The wonderful admiration which Theseus had of Hercules', 
 courage made him in the night that he never dreamed but of his 
 noble acts and doings; and in the daytime, pricked forwards 
 with emulation and envy of his glory, he determined with him- 
 self one day to do the like, and the rather, because they were 
 near kinsmen, being cousins removed by the mother's side. For 
 .(Ethra was the daughter of Pitheus, and Alcmena (the mother 
 of Hercules) was the daughter of Lysidices, the which was half 
 sister to Pitheus, both children of Pelops and of his wife Hippo- 
 damia. So he thought he should be utterly shamed and dis- 
 graced, that Hercules, travelling through the world in that sort. 
 
EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF THESEUS. 
 
 279 
 
 did seek out those wicked thieves, to rid both sea and land of 
 them : and that he, far otherwise, should fly occasion that might 
 be offered him, to fight with them that he should meet on his 
 way.... With this determination, Theseus holdeth on his pur- 
 posed journey, with intent to hurt no man, yet to defend himself, 
 and to be revenged of those which would take upon them to 
 -assault him. The first therefore whom he slew within the ter- 
 ritories of the city of Epidaurum, was a robber called Periphetes. 
 This robber used for his ordinary weapon to carry a club, and 
 for that cause he was commonly surnamed Corynetes, that is to 
 say, a club-carrier. So he first strake at Theseus to make him 
 stand: but Theseus fought so lustily with him, that he killed 
 him. Whereof he was so glad, and chiefly for that he had won 
 his club, that ever after he carried it himself about with him, as 
 Hercules did the lion's skin. And like as this spoil of the lion 
 did witness the greatness of the beast which Hercules had slain, 
 even so Theseus went all about, shewing that this club, which he 
 had gotten out of another's hands, was in his own hands invin- 
 cible. And so going on further, in the straits of Peloponnesus 
 he killed another, called Sinnis, surnamed Pityocamtes, that is 
 to say, a wreather or bower of pine-apple trees : whom he put 
 to death in that self ^ cruel manner that Sinnis had slain many 
 other travellers before. Not that he had experience thereof, by 
 any former practice or exercise: but only to shew that clean 
 strength could do more than either art or exercise. This Sinnis 
 had a goodly fair daughter called Perigouna, which fled away 
 when she saw her father slain : whom he followed and sought 
 . all about. But she had hidden herself in a grove full of certain 
 kinds of wild pricking rushes called stcsbe, and wild sperage'', 
 which she simply like a child intreated to hide her, as if they 
 had heard, and had sense to understand her : promising them 
 with an oath, that if they saved her from being found, she would 
 never cut them down, nor burn them. But Theseus finding 
 her, called her, and sware by his faith he would use her gently, 
 and do her no hurt, nor displeasure at all. Upon which promise 
 she came out of the bush, and bare unto him a goodly boy, 
 which was called Menalippus. Afterwards Theseus married her 
 unto one Deioneus, the son of Euritus the Oechahan. Of this 
 Menalippus the son of Theseus, came loxus : the which with 
 Ornytus brought men into the country of Caria, where he built 
 the city of loxides. And hereof cometh that old ancient cere- 
 mony, observed yet unto this day by those of loxides, never 
 
 Periphetes 
 Corynetes a 
 famoits rob- 
 ber, slaht 0/ 
 T/leseus. 
 Tkeseus 
 carried the 
 club he waft 
 o/Peri- ' 
 plietes, as 
 Hercules 
 did the lion's 
 skin. 
 
 Sintiis Pi- 
 tyocamtes, « 
 cruel t/iur- 
 derer. slain. 
 
 ^ same. 
 
 /Pe 
 
 ^Perigoiinci 
 
 Sinnis' 
 
 dawgliter. 
 
 Titeseus be- 
 gat Menn- 
 lippus of 
 Perigouna. 
 
iSo 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 Medea per- 
 sit-uied 
 j^getts to 
 poison 
 T!iesejts. 
 
 ' opportuni- 
 ty. 
 
 ^ means. 
 ^geiis ac- 
 knowledgeik 
 Theseus /or 
 his son. 
 
 The Athe- 
 niatis paid 
 tribute to 
 Miftos king 
 p/ Cretan/or 
 tlie death o/ 
 A jidrogeus 
 his son. 
 
 The manner 
 of the tribute 
 conditioned. 
 
 to burn the briars of wild sperage, nor the stoibe, but they have 
 them in some honour and reverence.... 
 
 2. It is supposed he arrived in the city of Athens the eighth 
 day of the month of June, which then they called Cronius. He 
 found the commonwealth turmoiled with seditions, factions, and 
 divisions, and particularly the house of ..Egeus in verj' iU terms 
 also, because that Medea (being banished out of the city of 
 Corinth) was come to dwell in Athens, and remained with 
 iEgeus...But when she heard tell that Theseus was come, be- 
 fore that the good king .(Egeus (who was now become old, sus- 
 picious, and afraid of sedition, by reason of the great faction? 
 within the city at that time) knew what he was, she persuaded 
 him to poison him at a feast which they would make him as a 
 stranger that passed by. Theseus failed not to go to this pre- 
 pared feast whereunto he was bidden, but yet thought it not 
 good to disclose himself. And the rather to give /Egeus occa- 
 sion^ and mean^ to know him, when they brought the meat to 
 the board, he drew out his sword as though he would have cut 
 withal, and shewed it unto him. ./Egeus seeing it, knew it 
 straight, and forthwith overthrew the cup with poison which 
 was prepared for him: and after he had enquired of him and 
 asked things, he embraced him as his son. Afterwards in the 
 common assembly of the inhabitants of the city,he declared howhe 
 avowed him for his son. Then all the people received him with 
 exceeding joy, for the renown of his valiantness and manhood.... 
 
 3. Shortly after this exploit, there came certain of king 
 Minos' ambassadors out of Creta, to ask a tribute, being now 
 the third time that it was demanded; which the Athenians 
 paid for this cause. Androgeus, the eldest son of king Minos, 
 was slain by treason within the country of Attica : for which 
 cause Minos, pursuing the revenge of his death, made very hot 
 and sharp wars upon the Athenians, and did them great hurt. 
 But besides all this, the gods did sharply punish and scourge 
 all the country, as well with bairenness and famine as also with 
 plague and other mischiefs, even to the drying up of their rivers. 
 The Athenians perceiving these sore troubles and plagues, ran 
 to the oracle of Apollo, who answered them that they should 
 appease Minos, and when they had made their peace with him, 
 that then the wrath of the gods would cease against them, and 
 their troubles should have an end. Whereupon the Athenians 
 sent immediately unto him, and intreated him for peace : which 
 he granted them, with condition that they should be bound to 
 
THE LIFE OF THESEUS. 
 
 ■28 1 
 
 send him yearly, into Creta, seven young boys and as many 
 young girls. Now thus far all the historiographers do very well 
 agree, but in the rest not. And they which seem furthest off 
 from the troth *, do declare, that when these young boys were 
 delivered in Creta, they caused them to be devoured by the 
 Minotaur within the labyrinth : or else that .they were shut 
 within this labyrinth, wandering up and down, and could find 
 no place to get out, until such time as they died, even famished 
 for hunger. And this Minotaur; as Euripides the poet saith, 
 was 
 
 A corpse combin'd, which monstrous might be deetn'd : 
 A boy, a bull, both man and beast It seem'd. 
 
 But Philochorus writeth, that the Cretans do not confess that, 
 but say that this labyrinth was a gail^ or prison, in the which 
 they had no other hurt, saving that they which were kept there 
 under lock and key could not fly nor start away : and that Minos 
 had, in memory of his son Androgens, instituted games and plays 
 of prise', where he gave unto them that wan the victory those 
 young children of Athens, the which in the meantime notwith- 
 standing were carefully kept and looked unto in the prison of 
 the labyrinth : and that at the first games that were kept, one 
 of the king's captains called Taurus, who was in best credit 
 with his master, wan the prise'. This Taurus was a churlish 
 and naughty-natured* man of condition*, and very hard and 
 cruel to these children of Athens. And to verify the same, the 
 philosopher Aristotle himself, speaking of the commonwealth of 
 the Bottieians, declareth very well, that he never thought that 
 Minos did at any time cause the children of Athens to be put to 
 death : but saith, that they poorly toiled in Creta, even to 
 crooked age, earning their living by true and painful service.... 
 The time now being come about for payment of the third 
 tribute, when they came to compel the fathers which had 
 children not yet married, to give them to be put forth to take 
 their chance and lot : the citizens of Athens began to murmur 
 against ^geus, alleging for their grieves', that he, who only was 
 the cause of all this evil, was only alone exempted from this 
 grief. And that, to bring the government of the realm to fall 
 into the hands of a stranger, he cared not though they were 
 bereft of all their natural children, and were unnaturally com- 
 pelled to leave and forsake them. These just sorrows and com- 
 plaints of the fathers whose children were taken from them did 
 pierce the heart of Theseus, who, willing to yield to reason, and 
 
 ' truth. 
 
 The Mino- 
 taur what 
 it was. 
 
 The Lahy- 
 riftth a pri- 
 son itt Creta. 
 ^ gaol. 
 
 TaitrTts one 
 o/Minoi 
 caffiaijia. 
 * ill-natured. 
 ^ disposition. 
 
 Of the Bot- 
 tieians, 
 Plin. lib. iv. 
 cap, 2, 
 
 The third 
 time 0/ pay- 
 ment of the 
 irihtte. 
 The Athe- 
 niafts are 
 grieved to 
 depart iin'th 
 their chil- 
 dren, 
 •griefs. 
 
28j 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 Theseus of- 
 feretk to go 
 ivith the 
 children in- 
 to Creia. 
 ^ without re- 
 garding. 
 
 Lois drawn 
 for the 
 chlUiren 
 that sJwitid 
 SO- 
 
 The Athe- 
 nians sent 
 their chil- 
 dren ittlo 
 Creta in a 
 ship viith a 
 bltick sail, 
 j^geus 
 giiteth tJie 
 master of 
 tke^shiji a 
 7vhite sail to 
 signify tlie 
 safe retnrn 
 oj T/iesejts. 
 
 Cybernesia 
 games. 
 
 to 1-un the selfsame fortune as the citizens did, willingly of- 
 fered himself to be sent thither, without regard taking to' his 
 hap or adventure. For which, the citizens greatly esteemed of 
 his courage and honourable disposition, and dearly loved him 
 for the good affection he seemed to bear unto the commonalty. 
 But ^geus having used many reasons and persuasions to cause 
 him to turn and stay from his purpose, and perceiving in the 
 end there was no remedy but he would go, he then drew lots 
 for the children which should go with him. Hellanicus not- 
 withstanding doth write, that they were not those of the city 
 which drew lots for the children they should send, but that 
 Minos himself went thither in person, and did choose them, as 
 he chose Theseus the first, upon condition agreed between 
 them: that is to wit, that the Athenians should furnish them 
 with a ship, and that the children should ship and embark with 
 him, carrying no weapons of war : and that after the death of 
 the Minotaur this tribute should cease. Now before that time, 
 there was never any hope of return, nor of safety of their chil- 
 dren ; therefore the Athenians always sent a ship to convey their 
 children, with a black sail, in token of assured loss. Neverthe- 
 less Theseus putting his father in good hope of him, being of a 
 good courage, and promising boldly that he would set upon this 
 Minotaur, y^geus gave unto the master of the ship a white sail, 
 commanding him that at his return he should put out the white 
 sail if his son had escaped : if not, that then he should set up 
 the black sail, to shew him afar off his unlucky and unfortunate 
 chance. Simonides notwithstanding doth say, that this sail 
 which jEgeus gave to the master, was not white, but red, dyed 
 in grain, and of the colour of scarlet, and that he gave it him to 
 signify afar off their delivery and safety. This master was 
 called Phereclus Amarsiadas, as Simonides saith. But Philo- 
 chorus writeth, that Scirus the Salaminian gave to Theseus a 
 master called Nausitheus, and another mariner to tackle the 
 sails, who was called Phasas: because the Athenians at that 
 time were not greatly practised to the sea. And this did Scirus, 
 for that one of the children on whom the lot fell was his nephew : 
 and thus much the chapels do testify, which Theseus built after- 
 wards in honour of Nausitheus and of Phseas, in the village of 
 Phalerus, joining to the temple of Scirus. And it is said more- 
 over, that the, feast which they call Cybernesia, that is to say, 
 the feast of patrons of the ships, is celebrated in honour of 
 them. Now after the lots were drawn, Theseus taking with 
 
THE LIFE OF THESEUS. 
 
 383 
 
 him the children allotted for the tribute, went from the palace 
 to the temple called Delphinion, to offer up to ApoUo, for him 
 and for them, an offering of supplication, which they call hice- 
 teria: which was an olive bough hallowed, wreathed about with 
 white wool. After he had made his prayer, he went down to 
 the sea-side to embark, the sixth day of the month of March : 
 on which day at this present time they do send their young girls 
 to the same temple of Delphinion, there to make their prayers 
 and petitions to the gods. But some say, that the oracle of 
 Apollo in the city of Delphes had answered him, that he should 
 take Venus for his guide, and that he should call upon her to 
 conduct him in his voyage: for which cause he did sacrifice a 
 goat unto her upon the sea-side, which was found suddenly 
 turned into a ram, and that therefore they surnamed this god- 
 dess Epitragia, as one would say, the goddess of the ram. Fur- 
 thermore, after he was arrived in Creta, he klew there the Mino- 
 taur (as the most part of ancient authors do write) by the 
 means and help of Ariadne : who being fallen in fancy 1 with 
 him, did give him a clue of thread, by the help whereof she 
 taught him, how he might easily wind out of the turnings and 
 crancks^ of the labyrinth. And they say, that having killed this 
 Minotaur, he returned back again the same way he went, bring- 
 ing with him those other young children of Athens, whom with 
 Ariadne also he carried afterwards away. Pherecides saith 
 moreover, that he brake the keels or bottoms of all the ships of 
 Creta, because they should not suddenly set out after them. 
 And Demon writeth, that Taurus (the captain of Minos) was 
 killed in fight by Theseus, even in the very haven-mouth, as 
 they were ready to ship away and hoise^ up sail. Yet Philo- 
 chorus reporteth, that king Minos having set up the games, as 
 he was wont to do yearly in the honour and memory of his son, 
 every one began to envy captain Taurus, because they ever 
 looked that he should carry away the game and victory, as he 
 had done other years before ; over and above that, his authority 
 got him much ill will and envy, because he was proud and 
 stately, and had in suspicion that he was great with* Queen 
 Pasiphae. Wherefore when Theseus required that he might en- 
 counter with Taurus, Minos easily granted it. And being a 
 solemn custom in Creta, that the women should be present to 
 see those open sports and sights, Ariadne, being at these games 
 amongst the rest, fell further in love with Theseus, seeing him 
 so goodly a person, so strong, and invincible in wrestling, that 
 
 Hiceteria, 
 offering. 
 
 Theseus 
 tdketk ship 
 ■wiih the 
 tribute 
 children 
 the sixth rf 
 March^ rnii 
 saileth into 
 Creta. 
 
 Venus Epi- 
 tragia. 
 
 Theseus 
 sieiv the 
 Minotaur 
 hy means of 
 Ariadne, 
 king Mino^ 
 daughter. 
 
 •Aa 
 
 love. 
 
 ^ windings. 
 Theseu^ re~ 
 turn out 0/ 
 Creta. 
 
 Taurus, 
 overcome o/ 
 Theseus, 
 ivas a niajt. 
 3 hdUc. 
 
 * beloved by. 
 Taurus 
 suspected 
 •with Pasi- 
 phae, king 
 Minos' wife. 
 
 Hovi A ri- 
 adne/etl in 
 love with 
 Theseus. 
 
284 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 Minos seTid- 
 eth Theseits 
 home "with 
 his prison- 
 ers^ and re- 
 leaseth tJie 
 A theniaiu 
 of their tri- 
 bute, 
 1 free. 
 
 Theseus 
 sailed into 
 Creta, and 
 ivnn the city 
 cf Gnosus, 
 and slew 
 Deucalion. 
 2 itself. 
 
 3 truth. 
 Divers 
 ofiinions of 
 A riadne. 
 
 * isle. 
 
 y 
 
 Theseus* 
 master of 
 his ship 
 Jorgat to 
 set out the 
 tvhite sail, 
 J£gens* 
 death. 
 ^ captain. 
 
 Theseus 
 arrivethsafe 
 •with the 
 tribute 
 children in- 
 the haven of 
 Pltalerus. 
 
 he far exceeded all that wrestled there that day. King Minos 
 was so glad that he had taken away the honour from captain 
 Taurus, that he sent him home frank^ and free into his country, 
 rendering to him all the other prisoners of Athens : and for his 
 sake clearly released and forgave the city of Athens the tribute, 
 which they should have paid him yearly.... 
 
 4. Afterwards when all his ships were ready, and rigged out, 
 he took sea before the Cretans had any knowledge of it : inso- 
 much as when they saw them afar off, they did take them for the 
 barks of their friends. Theseus landed without resistance, and 
 took the haven. Then having Dsedalus, and other banished 
 Cretans for guides, he entered the city self ^ of Gnosus, where he 
 slew Deucahon in a fight before the gates of the labyrinth, with 
 all his guard and officers about him. By this means the king- 
 dom of Creta fell by inheritance into the hands of his sister 
 Ariadne. Theseus made league with her, and carried away the 
 young children of Athens which were kept as hostages, and con- 
 cluded peace and amity between the Athenians and the Cretans ; 
 who promised and sware, they would never make wars against 
 them. They report many other things also touching this mat- 
 ter, and specially of Ariadne: but there is no troth ^ nor certainty 
 in it. For some say, that Ariadne hung herself for sorrow, 
 when she saw that Theseus had cast her off. Other write, that 
 she was transported by mariners into the ile* of Naxos, where 
 she was married unto OEnarus the priest of Bacchus : and they 
 think that Theseus left her, because he was in love with another, 
 as by these verses should appear ; 
 
 jEgles, the nymph, was loved of Theseus, 
 Who was the daughter of Panopeus.... 
 
 5. But when they drew near to the coast of Attica, they 
 were so joyful, he and his master^, that they forgat to set up their 
 white sail, by which they should have given knowledge of their 
 health and safety unto jEgeus. Who seeing the black sail afar 
 off, being out of all hope ever more to see his son again, took 
 such a grief at his heart, that he threw himself headlong from 
 the top of a cliff, and killed himself So soon as Theseus was 
 arrived at the port named Phalerus, he performed the sacrifices 
 which he had vowed to the gods at his departure : and sent an 
 herald of his before unto the city, to carry news of his safe arri- 
 val. The herald found many of the city mourning the death of 
 King ^geus. Many other received him with great joy, as may 
 be supposed. They would have crowned him also with a gar- 
 
THE LIFE OF THESEUS. 
 
 28s 
 
 land of flowers, for that he had brought so good tidings, that the 
 children of the city were returned in safety. The herald was 
 content to take the garland, yet would he not in any wise put it 
 on his head, but did wind it about his herald's rod he bare in 
 his hand, and so returned forthwith to the sea, where Theseus 
 ina.de his sacrifices. Who perceiving they were not yet done, 
 did refuse to enter into the temple, and stayed without for ^ trou- 
 bling of the sacrifices. Afterwards, all ceremonies finished, he 
 went in and told him the news of his father's death. Then he 
 and his company, mourning for sorrow, hasted with speed to- 
 wards the city.... 
 
 6. Furthermore, after the death of his father .iEgeus, he un- 
 dertook a marvellous great enterprise. For he brought all the 
 inhabitants of the whole province of Attica to be within the city 
 of Athens, and made them all one corporation, which were be- 
 fore dispersed into divers villages, and by reason thereof were 
 very hard to be assembled together, when occasion was offered 
 to establish any order concerning the common state. Many 
 times also they were at variance together and by the ears ', mak- 
 ing wars one upon another. But Theseus took the pains to go 
 from village to village, and from family to family, to let them 
 understand the reasons why they should consent unto it. So he 
 found the poor people and private men ready to obey and follow 
 his will, but the rich, and such as had authority in every village, 
 all against it. Nevertheless he wan them, promising that it 
 should be a commonwealth, and not subject to the power of any 
 sole prince, but rather a popular state. In which he would only 
 reserve to himself the charge of the wars, and the preservation 
 of the laws : for the rest, he was content that every citizen, in all 
 and for all, should bear a Uke sway and authority. So there 
 were some that willingly granted thereto. Other^ who had no 
 liking thereof, yielded notwithstanding for fear of his displeasure 
 and power, which then was very great. So they thought it bet- 
 ter to consent with good will unto that he required, than to 
 tarry his forcible compulsion. Then he caused ail the places 
 where' justice was ministered, and all their halls of assembly, to 
 be overthrown and pulled down. He removed straight all 
 judges and officers, and built a town-house, and a council-hall, 
 in the place where the city now standeth, which the Athenians 
 call Asty, but he called the whole corporation of them, Athens. 
 Afterwards he instituted the great feast and common sacrifice 
 for all the country of Attica, which they call Panathensa. 
 
 The herald 
 bare a rod 
 in his liand. 
 
 ^ for fear of. 
 
 Theseus 
 brought ilie 
 inhabitants 
 o/tlie 
 country of 
 Attica into 
 one city. 
 
 2 at strife. 
 
 3 others. 
 
 Asty the 
 touin-hoHse 
 0/ the A the 
 nians. 
 
 The/easts 
 PanathetuBa 
 
286 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 and Meia- 
 cia. 
 
 Thesetis re- 
 si^neth his 
 kingdom, 
 aitd vtaketh 
 A tkens a 
 common- 
 ivealtk. 
 
 Theseus^ 
 jiiiiritey into 
 
 Mare Ma- 
 jor. 
 
 Atitiofia the 
 A mazon 
 carried off 
 by TIteseus. 
 
 ' hoisted. 
 
 Soloisfell in 
 to7'e loith 
 Antiopa. 
 ^ betrajed. 
 
 Solois 
 
 draivned 
 
 hintsel/for 
 
 iinie. 
 
 ^ to heart. 
 
 * learnt. 
 
 Then he ordained another feast also upon the sixteenth day of 
 the month of June, for all strangers which should come to dwell 
 in Athens, which was called Metoecia, and is kept even to this 
 day. That done, he gave over his regal power according to his 
 promise, and began to set up an estate or policy of a common- 
 wealth, beginning first with the service of the gods.... 
 
 7. Touching the voyage he made by the sea Major, Philo- 
 chorus, and some other hold opinion, that he went thither with 
 Hercules against the Amazons : and that to honour his valiant- 
 ness, Hercules gave him Antiopa the Amazon. But the more 
 part of the other historiographers, namely, Hellanicus, Phere- 
 cides, and Herodotus, do write, that Theseus went thither alone, 
 after Hercules' voyage, and that he took this Amazon prisoner ; 
 which is likeliest to be true. For we do not find that any other 
 who went this journey with him, had taken any Amazon prisoner 
 besides himself. Bion also the historiographer, this notwith- 
 standing, saith, that he brought her away by deceit and stealth. 
 For the Amazons (saith he) naturally loving men, did not fly at 
 all when they saw them land in their country, but sent them 
 presents, and that Theseus enticed her to come into his ship, 
 who brought him a present : and so soon as she was aboard, he 
 hoised"- his sail, and so carried her away. Another historio- 
 grapher Menecrates, who wrote the history of the city of Nicea 
 in the country of Bithynia, saith: that Theseus having this Ama- 
 zon Antiopa with him, remained a certain time upon those 
 coasts, and that amongst other he had in his company three 
 younger brethren of Athens, Euneus, Thoas, and Solois. This 
 last, Solois, was marvellously in love with Antiopa, and never 
 bewrayed^ it to any of his other companions, saving unto one 
 with whom he was most familiar, and whom he trusted best : so 
 that he reported this matter unto Antiopa. But she utterly re- 
 jected his suit, though otherwise she handled it wisely and 
 courteously, and did not complain to Theseus of him. Howbeit 
 the young man, despairing to enjoy his love, took it so inwardly', 
 that desperately he leaped into the river, and drowned himself. 
 Which when Theseus understood*, and the cause also that 
 brought him to this desperation and end, he was very sorry, 
 and angry also. Whereupon he remembered a certain oracle 
 of Pythia, by whom he was commanded to build a city in that 
 place in a strange country, where he should be most sorry, and 
 that he should leave some that were about him at that time, to 
 govern the same. For this cause therefore he built a city in 
 
THE LIFE OF THESEUS. 
 
 287 
 
 that place, which he named Pythopolis, because he built it only 
 by the commandment of the nun Pythia. He called the river, 
 in the which the young man was drowned, Solois, in memory of 
 him : and left his two brethren for his deputies and as governors 
 of this new city, with another gentleman of Athens, called 
 Hermus.... 
 
 8. Now hear what was the occasion of the wars of the Ama- 
 zons, which me thinks was not a matter of. small moment, nor 
 an enterprise of a woman. For they had not placed their camp 
 within the very city of Athens, nor had not fought in the very 
 place itself (called Pnyce) adjoining to the temple of the Muses, 
 if they had not first conquered or subdued all- the country there- 
 abouts : neither had they all come at the first, so valiantly to 
 assail the city of Athens. Now, whether they came by land 
 from so far a country, or that they passed over an arm of the 
 sea, which is called Bosphorus Cimmericus, being frozen as 
 Hellanicus saith: it is hardly to be credited. But that they 
 camped within the precinct of the very city itself, the names of 
 the places which continue yet to this present day do witness it, 
 and the graves also of the women which died there. But so it 
 is, that both armies lay a great time one in the face of the other, 
 ere they came to battle. Howbeit at the length Theseus, having 
 first made sacrifice unto Fear the goddess, according to the 
 counsel of a prophecy he had received, he gave them battle in 
 the month of August, on the same day in the which the Athe- 
 nians do even at this present solemnise the feast which they 
 call Boedromia. But Clidemus the historiographer, desirous 
 particularly to write all the circumstances of this encounter, 
 saifh, that the left point of their. battle bent towards the. place 
 which they call Amazonion: and that the right point marched 
 by the side of Chrysa, even to the place which is called Pnyce, 
 vpon which the Athenians, coming towards the temple of the 
 Muses, did first give their charge. And for proof that this is 
 true, the graves of the women which died in the first encounter, 
 are found yet in the great street which goeth towards the gate 
 Piraica, near unto the chapel of the little god Chalcodus. And 
 the Athenians (saith he) were in this place repulsed by the 
 Amazons, even to the place where the images of Eumenides are, 
 that is to say, of the furies. But on the other side also, the 
 Athenians, coming towards the quarters of Palladium, Ardettus, 
 and Lucium, drave^ back their right point even to within their 
 camp, and slew a great number of th?m. Afterwards, at the. 
 
 Pythopolis 
 built by 
 Theseus, 
 Solois Jl. 
 
 Ths cause of 
 the wars of 
 tlie A ma- 
 zon<: a- 
 gainst tlte 
 A th£niaiis. 
 
 Bosphonts 
 CimmerictiS 
 an arm of 
 the sea. 
 
 I Tlteserts 
 , Jiffhteth a 
 
 battle with 
 ' tfie Ama- 
 I zons. 
 
 The order 
 of the Ama' 
 zon^ battle. 
 
 ^ drove. 
 
■J88 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 Peace con- 
 cluded 
 at four 
 
 of Hipfo- 
 lyta. 
 
 end of four months, peace was taken between them by means 
 of one of the women called Hippolyta. For this historiographer 
 ^Jw^Sk^^J' '^^I's* 'h^ Amazon which Theseus married, Hippolyta, and not 
 Antiopa. Nevertheless, some say that she was slain (fighting 
 on Theseus' side) with a dart, by another called Molpadia. In 
 memory whereof, the pillar which is joined to the temple of the 
 Olympian ground was set up in her honour. We are not to 
 marvel, if the history of things so ancient be found so diversely 
 written.... 
 
 9. Albeit in his time other princes of Greece had done 
 many goodly and notable exploits in the wars, yet Herodotus is 
 of opinion, that Theseus was never in any one of them, saving 
 that he was at the battle of the Lapithae against the Centauri. 
 Others say, to the contrary, that he was at the journey of Chol- 
 chide^ with Jason, and that he did help Meleager to kill the 
 wild boar of Calydonia : from whence (as they say) this proverb 
 came, 'Not without Theseus ;' meaning that such a thing was 
 not done without great help of another. Howbeit, it is certain 
 that Theseus self did many famous acts without aid of any man, 
 and that, for his valiantness, this proverb came in use, which is 
 spoken — 'This is another Theseus.' Also he did help Adrastus, 
 king of the Argives, to recover the bodies of those that were 
 slain in the battle before the city of Thebes. Howbeit, it was 
 not, as the poet Euripides saith, by force of arms, after he had 
 overcome the Thebans in battle, but it was by composition^. 
 And thus the greatest number of the most ancient writers do 
 declare it. Furthermore, Philochorus writeth that this was the 
 very first treaty that ever was made to recover the dead bodies 
 slain in battle. Nevertheless, we read in the histories and 
 gests ' of Hercules, that he was the first that ever suffered his 
 enemies to carry away their dead bodies, after they had been 
 put to the sword. But whosoever he was, at this day, in the 
 village of Eleutheres*, they do shew the place where the people 
 were buried, and where princes' tombs are seen about the city 
 of Eleusin^ which he made at the request of Adrastus. And, 
 for testimony hereof, the tragedy yEschylus made of the Eleu- 
 sinians, where he causeth it to be spoken even thus to Theseus 
 himself, doth clearly overthrow the Petitioners" in Euripides. 
 Touching the friendship betwixt Pirithous and him, it is said 
 it began thus. The renown of his valiancy was marvellously 
 blown abroad through all Greece, and Pirithous, desirous to 
 Ifnow it by experience, went even of purpose to invade his 
 
 Theseu^ 
 battles. 
 
 ' Cholcis. 
 
 Proverb. 
 Not wttkoui 
 Theseus, 
 
 Pro7ierb. 
 This is 
 aiiotlier 
 Theseus. 
 
 ' agreement. 
 
 ' tales. 
 
 ^ Eleutherse. 
 
 ^ Eleusis. 
 
 ^ Supplices. 
 
 Theseu^ 
 z'aliautness 
 the cause 0/ 
 Piriikou^ 
 friendship 
 with him. 
 
THE LIFE OF THESEUS. 
 
 289 
 
 country, and brought away a certain booty of oxen of his, taken 
 out of the country of Marathon. Theseus, being advertised' 
 thereof, armed straight, and went to the rescue. Pirithous, 
 hearing of his coming, fled not at all, but returned b.ick sud- 
 denly to meet him. And so soon as they came to see one an- 
 other, they both wondered at each other's beauty and courage, 
 and so had they no desire to fight. But Pirithous, reaching out 
 his hand first to Theseus, said unto him : " I make yourself 
 judge of the damage you have sustained by my invasion, and 
 with all my heart I will make such satisfaction, as it shall please 
 you to assess it at." Theseus then did not only release him of 
 all the damages he had done, but also requested him he would 
 become his friend and brother-in-arms. Hereupon they were 
 presently sworn brethren in the field : after which oath betwixt 
 them, Pirithous married Deidamia, and sent to pray Theseus to 
 come to his marriage, to visit his country, and to make merry 
 with the Lapithae.... 
 
 10. Theseus and Pirithous went together to the city of La- 
 cedaemon, where they took away Helen (being yet very young) 
 even as she was dancing in the temple of Diana surnamed 
 Orthia: and they fled for life. They, of Lacedsemon sent after 
 her, but those that followed went no further than the city of 
 Tegea. Now when they were escaped out of the country of 
 Peloponnesus, they agreed to draw lots together, which of them 
 two should have her, with condition that whose lot it were to 
 have her, he should take her to his wife, and should be bound 
 also to help his companion to get him another. It was Theseus' 
 hap to light upon her, who carried her to the city of Aphidnes^, 
 because she was yet too young to be married. Whither he 
 caused his mother to come to bring her up, and gave his friend 
 called Aphidnus the charge of them both, recommending her to 
 his good care, and to keep it so secretly, that nobody should 
 know what was become of her. Because he would do the like 
 for Pirithous (according to the agreement made betwixt them) 
 he went into Epirus with him to steal the daughter of .^doneus, 
 king of the Molossians, who had surnamed his wife Proserpina, 
 his daughter Proserpina, and his dog Cerberus, with whom he 
 made them fight which came to ask his daughter in marriage, 
 promising to give her to him that should overcome his Cerberus, 
 liut the king understanding that Pirithous was come, not to 
 request his daughter in marriage, but to steal her away, he took 
 him prisoner with Theseus : and as for Pirithous, he caused him 
 
 S. P. 19 
 
 ' told. 
 
 Piritkoits 
 ttjld T/ieseiis 
 sviom bretk~ 
 7'eii ill the 
 field. 
 
 The manner 
 of Helenas 
 ravishment. 
 Diana 
 Orthia. 
 
 Theseus left 
 Helen in 
 the city of 
 Af>Hid)ies. 
 
 Thesetcs 
 went with 
 Pirithous 
 into Epirus 
 to steal 
 Proserpina 
 j^doneits' 
 daitghter. 
 
igo 
 
 THE LIFE OF THESEUS. 
 
 ^ forthwith. 
 Pirithoiis 
 torn ill 
 Jfieces with 
 Cerberus. 
 TJmsetts 
 close firi- 
 
 Theseus rJe^ 
 llvered out 
 of prisoK by 
 Hercule^ 
 
 presently* to be torn in pieces with his dog, and shut Theseus 
 
 up itl close prison 
 
 1 1. But ^doneus king of the Molossians, feasting Hercules 
 One day as he passed through his realm, descended by chance 
 into talk of Theseus and Pirithous, how they came to steal 
 away his daughter secretly ; and after told liow they were also 
 punished. Hercules was marvellous sorry to understand that 
 one of them was now dead, and the other in danger to die; 
 and thought with himself that to make his moan to j^doneus, 
 it would not help the matter: he besought him only that he 
 would deliver Theseus for his sake. And he granted him. Thus 
 Theseus being delivered of his captivity, returned to Athens, 
 where his friends were not altogether kept under by his ene- 
 mies : and at his return he did dedicate to Hercules all the 
 temples, which the city had before caused to be built in his own 
 honour 
 
CHAPTER VII. 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. 
 
 1. Description ^ Alcibiades, and anecdotes of his early days. (Al.ci- 
 liiADES saves the life of Socrates in battle, who requites him by 
 saving his life m return.) i. Anecdotes of the dog and quail. (Hyper- 
 HOLUS endeavours to banish Alcibiades by ostracism, but is banished 
 himself. Peace is concluded by NiCIAS between Athens and Sparta. 
 Alcibiades is chosen general of the Athenians^ 3. Wanton behaviottr 
 of Al.ciBiADES. 4. Interview between Alcibiades and TiMON the 
 misanthrope. (Alcibiades is accused of mangling the images of 
 Hermes, and of profaning the holy mysterits. His expedition to Sicily.) 
 5. He is sent for to answer to the charge of mutilating the images, 
 and condemned. He flies to Sparta. Description of his extreme versa- 
 tility. {He flies frotn Sparta to the court of IVihVilY.K^Y.i.) 6. The 
 Athenians, being afraid o/-'Tisaphernes, begin to desire the return of 
 Alcibiades. 7. He is recalled from exile. (His victories at Abydos, 
 Cyzicum, .and Byzantium.) 8. His honourable return to Athens. 
 
 9. Someof his failui-es were due to lack of money. (ALCIBIADES is 
 accused by Thrasybulus, and his authority as general is taken from 
 him. Athens is taken by Lysander, who appoints thirty tyrants.) 
 
 10. ■ Death of Alcibiades at a village in Phrygia. His burial by 
 Timandra. 
 
 I. Alcibiades, by his father's side, was anciently descended 
 of Eurysaces that was the son of Ajax, and, by his mother's 
 side of Aicmseon : for his mother Dinomacha was the daughter 
 of Me°-acles....Now for Alcibiades' beauty, it made no matter if 
 we spake not of it, yet I will a little touch it by the way: for he 
 was wonderful fair, being a child, a boy, and a man, and that at 
 all times, which made him marvellous amiable, and beloved of 
 eveiy man. For where Euripides saith that, of all the fair times 
 of the year, the autumn or latter season is the fairest : that com- 
 monly falleth not out true. And yet it proved true in Alcibia- 
 des, though in few other : for he was passing fair even to his 
 latter time, and of good temperature of body. They write of 
 him also, that his tongue was somewhat fat, and it did not be- 
 come him ill, but gave a certain natural pleasant grace in his 
 talk: which Aristophanes mentioneth, mocking one Theorus 
 that did counterfeit a lisping grace with his tongue: 
 
 19 — 2 
 
 A Icihiades 
 
 stock. 
 
 A Icibiade^ 
 
 beauty. 
 
 A Icibindes 
 
 lisped by 
 
 nature. 
 
29^ 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 * The equi- 
 vocation of 
 these two 
 Greek words 
 Kopa and 
 KoAa is 
 hard to 
 be expressed 
 tJi English, 
 instead 
 whereof I 
 have set 
 Jiatliitg 
 blffwSjfor 
 Jlattering 
 brows, ob- 
 serving the 
 grace of 
 lisping as 
 near as I 
 cojtld, like 
 to the Latin 
 and h'reyich 
 translations; 
 likewise 
 T/teolus for 
 Theorus. 
 
 Alcibiades 
 ambitious. 
 
 «if. 
 
 . Alcibiade^ 
 studies. 
 
 ^ a sort of 
 flageolet 
 
 'This Alcibiades, with his fat lisping tongue, 
 
 Into mine ears, this tnisty tale and song full often sung: 
 
 Look upon Theolus (quoth he) lo there he bows. 
 
 Behold his comely crow-bright face with fat and flatling* blows. 
 
 The son of Clinias would lisp it thus somewhiles, 
 And sure he lisped never a lie, but rightly hit his wiles.' 
 
 And Arcliippus, another poet also, mocking the son of Alcibia- 
 des, saith thus : 
 
 'Because he would be like his father every way, 
 In. his long trailing gown he would go jetting day by day, 
 
 And counterfeit his speech, his countenance and face: 
 
 As though Dame Nature had him given therein a perfect grace 
 
 To lisp and look aside, and hold his head awry, 
 
 Even as his father looked and lisped, so would he prate and pry.' 
 
 For his manners, they altered and changed very oft with time, 
 which is not to be wondered at, seeing his marvellous great 
 prosperity, as also adversity that followed him afterwards. Biit 
 of all the great desires he had, and that by nature he was most 
 inchned to, was ambition, seeking to have the upper hand in 
 all things, and to be taken for the best person : as appeareth 
 by certain of his deeds, and notable sayings in his youth, extant 
 in writing. One day wrestling with a companion of his, that 
 handled him hardly, and thereby was likely to have given him 
 the fall, he got his fellow's arm in his mouth, and bit so hard, 
 as he would have eaten it off. The other feeling him bite so 
 hard, let go his hold straight, and said unto him: " What, Alci- 
 biades? bitest thou like a woman?" "No, mary, do I not," 
 quoth he, " but like a lion." Another time, being but a little 
 boy, he played at skails' in the midst of the street with other 
 of his companions, and when his turn came about to throw, 
 there came a cart laden by chance that way : Alcibiades prayed 
 the carter to stay awhile, until he had played out his game, be- 
 cause the skails were set right in the highway where the cart 
 should pass over. The carter was a stubborn knave, and would 
 not stay for any request the boy could make, but drave his 
 horse on still, insomuch as other boys gave back to let him go 
 on: but Alcibiades fell fiat to the ground before the cart, and 
 bad the carter drive over, and" he durst. The carter, being 
 afraid, plucked back his horse to stay them: the neighbours, 
 frighted to see the danger, ran to the boy in all haste, crying 
 out. Afterwards, when he was put to school to learn, he was 
 very obedient to all his masters that taught him anything, sav- 
 ing that he disdained to learn to play on the flute or recorder'; 
 
THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. 
 
 293 
 
 saying that it was no gentlemanly quality. " For," said he, 
 " to play on the viol with a stick doth not alter man's favour^, 
 nor disgrace any gentleman : but otherwise^ to play on the flute, 
 his countenance altereth and changeth so oft, that his familiar 
 friends can scant^ know him. Moreover the harp or viol doth 
 not let' him that playeth on them from speaking or singing as 
 he playeth: where* he that playeth on the flute holdeth his 
 mouth so hard to it, that it taketh not only his words from him, 
 but his voice. Therefore," said he, "let the children of the 
 Thebans play on the flute, that cannot tell how to speak: as 
 for the Athenians, we have (as our forefathers tell us) for pro- 
 tectors and patrons of our country, the goddess Pallas and the 
 god Apollo : of the which the one in old time (as it is said) 
 brake the flute, and the other pulled his skin over his ears^ 
 that played upon a flute." Thus Alcibiades alleging these rea- 
 sons, partly in sport, and partly in good earnest, did not only 
 himself leave « to learn to play on the flute, but he turned his 
 companions' minds also quite from it. For these word's of Al- 
 cibiades ran from' boy to boy incontinently': '"that Alcibiades 
 had reason to despise playing on the flute, and that he mocked 
 all those that learned to play on it." So afterwards, it fell out 
 at Athens, that teaching to play on the flute was put out of the 
 number of honest and liberal exercises, and the flute itself was 
 
 thought a vile instrument and of no reputation 
 
 2. Alcibiades had a marvellous fair great dog, that cost him 
 threescore and ten minas, and he cut off his tail that was his 
 chief beauty. When his friends reproved him, and told him 
 how every man blamed him for it : he fell a-laughing, and told 
 them he had that he sought. " For," saith he, " I would have 
 the Athenians rather prate upon that, than they should say 
 worse of me." Moreover, it is said, the first time that Alcibiades 
 spake openly in the commonweal, and began to deal in matters, 
 was upon a gift of money he gave unto the people, and not of 
 any pretence^ or former purpose he had to do it. One day as 
 he came through the market-place, hearing the people very 
 loud, he asked what the matter was ; they told him it was about 
 money certain men had given to the people. Then Alcibiades 
 went to them, and gave them money out of his own purse. 
 The people were so glad at that, as" they fell to shoutmg and 
 clapping of their hands, in token of thankfulness : and hunself 
 was so glad for company, that he forgat'" a quail he had under 
 his gown, which was so afeard of ^^ the noise, that she took her 
 
 ^ counte- 
 nance. 
 
 A vile thing' 
 to ^lay an a 
 fiuie. 
 '^ scarcely. 
 
 ^ prevent. 
 
 ■1 whereas. 
 
 * the ears of 
 him. 
 
 immediate- 
 
 Alcibinih's' 
 great dog. 
 
 A Icihiades 
 largess. 
 
 ' that. 
 
 w forgot. 
 ^^ frightened 
 by. 
 
294 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 A Icibiadei 
 canting into 
 tkf itiminon- 
 iLtet^llk. 
 
 A Icibiades 
 7iiar2'etloi,s 
 eloqtwitt. 
 ^ comic. 
 
 Aicibiaiies' 
 •wii and im~ 
 pei/ection. 
 
 "^ midst. 
 
 A Icihiades* 
 I'ictoty at 
 tlie gavtps 
 Olynlpkal. 
 ^ prize. 
 
 ^ gnt, won. 
 ^ count. 
 
 flight away. The people, seeing the quail, made a greater 
 noise than before, and many rose out of their places to run 
 after her : so that in the end, it was taken up by a master of a 
 ship called Antiochus, who brought him the quail again, and 
 for that cause Alcibiades did love him ever after. Now albeit 
 the nobihty of his house, his goods, his worthiness and the 
 great number of his kinsmen and friends, made his way open 
 to take upon him government in the commonweal : yet the only 
 way he desired to win the favour of the common people by was 
 the grace of his eloquence. To prove he was eloquent, all the 
 comicaU poets do testify it : and besides them Demosthenes, 
 the prince of orators, also doth say, in an oration he made 
 against Medias, that Alcibiades, above all other qualities he 
 had, was most eloquent. And if we may believe Theophrastus, 
 the greatest searcher of antiquities, and best historiographer 
 above any other philosopher : he hath written, that Alcibiades 
 had as good a wit to devise and consider what he would say, as 
 any man that was in his time. Howbeit sometimes, studying 
 what he should say, as also to deliver good words, not having 
 them very ready at his tongue's end, he many times took breath 
 by the way, and paused in the middest^ of his tale, not speaking 
 a word, until he had called it to mind that he would say. His 
 charge was great, and much spoken of also, for keeping of run- 
 ning horses at games : not only because they were the best and 
 swiftest, but for the number of coaches he had besides. For 
 never private person, no, nor any prince, did ever send seven so 
 well-appointed coaches in all furniture, unto the games Olympi- 
 cal, as he did: nor that at one course hath borne away the first, 
 the second, and the fourth prise^, as Thucydides saith: or as 
 Euripides reporteth, the third. For in that game he excelled all 
 men in honour and name, that eve.r strived for victory therein. 
 For Euripides pronounced his praise, in a song he made of him, 
 as foUoweth : 
 
 O son of Clinias, I will resound thy praise ; 
 
 For thou art bold in martial deeds and overcom'st always. 
 Thy victories therewith do far exceed the rest 
 
 That ever were in Greece ygot^ therefore I corjipt^ them best. 
 For at th' Olympic games thou hast with chariots won 
 
 The first prise", second, third, and all which there in race were run. 
 With praise and little pain, thy head hath twice been crowned 
 
 With olive boughs for victory, and twice hy trumpets' sound 
 The heralds have proclaim'd thee victor by thy name 
 
 Above all those which ran with thee, in hope to get the game. 
 
THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. 
 
 295 
 
 Howbeit the good affection divers cities did bear him, contend- 
 ing which should gratify him best, did much increase his fame 
 
 and honour 
 
 Yet wiih all these goodly deeds and fair words of Alci- 
 
 biades, and with this great courage and quickness of under- 
 standing, he had many great faults and imperfections. For he 
 was too dainty in his fare, wantonly given, riotous in bankets^, 
 vain and womanish in apparel : he ware- ever a long purple 
 gown that swept the market-place as he walked up and down, 
 it had such a train, and was too rich and costly for him to wear. 
 And following these vain pleasures and delights, when he vi'as 
 in his galley, he caused the planks of the poop thereof to be cut 
 and broken up, that he might he the softer: for his bed was not 
 laid upon the overlop', but laid upon girths^ strained over the 
 hole, cut out and fastened to the sides, and he carried to the 
 wars with him a gilded scutchion', wherein he had no cogni- 
 zance, nor ordinary device of the Athenians, but only had the 
 image of Cupid in it, holding hghtning in his hand. The no- 
 blemen and best citizens of Athens perceiving this, they hated 
 his fashions and conditions, and were much offended at him, 
 and were afeard^ withal of his rashness and insolency : he did so 
 contemn the laws and customs of their country, being manifest 
 tokens of a man that aspired to be king, and would subvert and 
 turn all over-hand'. And as for the goodwill of the common 
 people towards him, the poet Aristophanes doth plainly express 
 it in these words : 
 
 The people most desire what most they hate to have: 
 And what their mind abhors, even that tliey seem to crave. 
 
 And in another place he said also, aggravating the suspicion 
 
 they had of him : 
 
 For state or commonweal much better should it be, 
 
 To keep within the country none such lion's looks as he: 
 
 But if they needs will keep a lion to their cost, 
 
 Then must they needs obey his will, for he will rule the roast 8. 
 
 For to say truly: his courtesies, his liberalities, and noble ex- 
 penses to shew the people so great pleasure and pastime as 
 nothing could be more : the glorious memory rf his ancestors, 
 the grace of his eloquence, the beauty of his person, the strength 
 and vahantness of his body, joined together with his wisdom 
 and experience in martial affairs: were the very causes that 
 made them to bear with him in all things, and that the Athe- 
 nians did patiently endure all his light parts, and did cover his 
 
 Alctbiades* ' 
 
 riot. 
 
 ^ banquets. 
 
 ^ wore. 
 
 ' orlop. 
 ' .'icraps. 
 
 " cicutcheon, 
 shield. 
 
 ' afraid. 
 
 " upside 
 down. 
 
 ^ be sole 
 master. 
 
tg6 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 Alcibiade^ 
 dishonesty 
 and ijuaKton- 
 ttess. 
 
 faults with the best words and terms they could, calling them 
 youthful, and gentlemen's sports. As when he kept Agartharcus 
 the painter prisoner in his house by force, until he had painted 
 all his walls within : and when he had done, did let him go, and 
 rewarded him very honestly^ for his pains. Again, when he gave 
 a box on the ear to Taureas, who did pay the whole charges^ of 
 a company of common players, in spite of him, to carry away 
 the honour of the games 
 
 4. And on a day as he came from the council and assembly 
 of the city, where he had made an excellent oration, to the great 
 good liking and acceptation of all the hearers, and by means 
 thereof had obtained the thing he desired, and was accompanied 
 with a great train that followed him to his honour : Timon, sur- 
 named Misanthropes (as who would say, loup-garou^, or the man- 
 hater), meeting Alcibiades thus accompanied, did not pass by 
 him, nor gave him way (as he was wont to do all other men), 
 but went straight to him, and took him by the hand, and said : 
 "O, thou dost well, my son, I can* thee thank, that thou goest 
 on, and climest' up still: for if ever thou be in authority, wo be 
 unto those that follow thee, for they are utterly undone!" When 
 they heard these words, those that stood by fell a-laughing : 
 other^ reviled Timon ; other again marked well his words, and 
 thought of them many a time after : such sundry opinions they 
 had of him for the unconstancy of his life, and waywardness of 
 his nature and conditions 
 
 5. Now though the people had no more occasion to occupy 
 their busy heads about the breakers of these images, yet was not 
 their malice thus, appeased against Alcibiades, until they sent 
 the galley called Salaminiana, commanding those they sent by a 
 special commission to seek him out, in no case to attempt to 
 take him by force, nor to lay hold on him by violence : but to 
 use him with all the good words and courteous manner that 
 they possibly could, and to will' him only to appear in person 
 before the people, to answer to certain accusations .put up 
 against him. If otherwise they should have used force, they 
 feared much lest the army would have mutined^ on his behalf 
 within the country of their enemies, and that there would have, 
 grown some sedition amongst their soldiers. This might Alci- 
 biades have easily done, if he had been disposed : for the sol- 
 diers were very sorry to see him depart, perceiving that the wars 
 should be drawn out now in length, and be much prolonged 
 under. Nicias, seeing Alcibiades was taken from them, who was 
 
THE LIFE OP ALCIBIADES. 
 
 297 
 
 the only spur^that pricked Nicias forward to do any service: 
 and that Lamachus also, though he were a valiant man of his 
 hands, yet he lacked honour and authority in the army, because 
 he was but a mean man born, and poor besides. Now Alci- 
 biades, for a farewell, disappointed the Athenians of winning the 
 city of Messina: for they having intelligence by certain private 
 persons within the city, that it would yield up into their hand, 
 Alcibiades, knowing them very well by their names, bewrayed' 
 them unto those that were the Syracusans' friends : whereupon 
 all this practice^ was broken utterly. Afterwards when he came 
 to the city of Thuries, so soon as he had landed, he went and 
 hid himself incontinently 3 in such sort, that such as sought for 
 him could not find him. Yet there was one that knew him 
 where he was, and said: "Why, how now, Alcibiades? darest 
 thou not trust the justice of thy counti-y?" "Yes, very well," 
 quoth he, "and* it were in another matter: but my life standing 
 upon it, I would not trust mine own mother, fearing lest negli- 
 gently she should put in the black bean where she should cast 
 in the white:" for, by the first, condemnation of death was sig- 
 nified : and by the other, pardon of life. But afterwards, hearing 
 that the Athenians for malice had condemned him to death : 
 " Well," quoth he, " they shall know I am yet alive." Now the 
 manner of his accusation and indictment framed against him, 
 was found written in this sort : ' Thessalus, the son of Cimon, 
 of the village of Laciades, hath accused and doth accuse Alci- 
 biades, the son of Clinias, of the village of Scambonides, to 
 have offended against the goddesses, Ceres and Proserpina, 
 counterfeiting in mockery their holy mysteries, and shewing 
 them to his familiar friends in his house, himself apparelled 
 arid arrayed in a long vestment or cope, like unto the vestment 
 the p:^st weareth when he sheweth these holy sacred mysteries : 
 and naming himself the priest, Polytion the torch-bearer, and 
 Theodorus of the village of Phygea the verger, and the other 
 lookers-on brethren and fellow- scomers with them, and all done 
 in manifest contempt, and derision of holy ceremonies and mys- 
 teries of the Eumolpides, the religious priests and ministers of 
 the sacred temple of the city of Eleusin V So Alcibiades, for 
 his contempt and not appearing, was condemned, and his goods 
 confiscate*. Besides this condemnarion, they decreed also, that 
 all the religious priests and women should ban' and accurse 
 him. But hereunto answered one of the nuns called Theano, 
 the daughter of Menon, of the village of Agraula, saying that 
 
 betrayed. 
 ' plot. 
 
 * immediate- 
 
 Mf. 
 
 Aiciiiades' 
 accusaiioii. 
 
 * ElensjB, 
 Alciiiades . 
 condentned 
 being absent. 
 6 confiscated. 
 ' curse. 
 
2g8 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 she was professed religious, to pray and to bless, not to curse 
 and ban. After this most grievous sentence and condemnation 
 passed against him, Alcibiades departed out of the city of Thu- 
 ries, and went into the country of Peloponnesus, where he con- 
 tinued a good season in the city of Argos. But in the end, 
 fearing his enemies, and having no hope to return again to his 
 own country with any safety: he sent unto Sparta to have safe 
 conduct and licence of the Lacedemonians, that he might come 
 and dwell in their country, promising them he would do to 
 them more good being now their friend, than he ever did them 
 hurt while he was their enemy. The Lacedjemonians granted 
 his request, and received him very willingly into their city; 
 where, even upon his first coming, he did three things. The 
 first was : that the Lacedeemonians, by his persuasion and pro- 
 curement, did determine speedily to send aid to the Syracusans, 
 whom they had long before delayed : and so they sent Gylippus 
 their captain to overthrow the Athenians' army, which they had 
 sent thither. The second thing he did for them, was : that he' 
 made them of Greece to begin war upon the Athenians. The 
 third, and greatest matter of importance, was : that he did 
 counsel them to fortify the city of Decelea, which was within 
 the territories of Attica self : which consumed and brought the 
 power of the Athenians lower than any other thing whatsoever 
 he could have done. And if he were welcome, and well esteemed 
 in Sparta, for the service he did to the commonwealth : much 
 more he wan^ the iove and goodwills of private men, for that he 
 lived after the Laconian manner. So as they that saw his skin 
 scraped to the flesh, and saw him wash himself in cold water, 
 and how he did eat brown bread, and sup of their black broth, 
 would have doubled (or to say better, never have believed) that 
 such a man had ever kept cook in his house, nor that he ever 
 had seen so much as a perfuming-pan, or had touched cloth of 
 tissue made at Miletum. For among other qualities and pro- 
 perties he had (whereof hfe was full) this, as they say, was one 
 whereby he most robbed men's heaits : that he could frame' 
 altogether with their manners and fashions of life, transforming 
 himself more easily to all manner of shapes than the chameleon. 
 For it is reported, that the chameleon cannot take white colour : 
 but Alcibiades could put upon him any manners, customs, or 
 fashions, of what nation soever, and could follow, exercise, and 
 counterfeit them when he would, as well the good as the bad. 
 For in Sparta, he was very painful*, and in continual exercise : 
 
THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. 
 
 299 
 
 he lived sparingly with little, and led a straight ^ life. In Ionia, 
 to the- contrary, there he lived daintily and superfluously, and 
 gave himself to all mirth and pleasure. In Thracia, he drank 
 ever, or was always on horseback. If he came to Tisaphernes, 
 lieutenant of the mighty king of Persia, he far exceeded the 
 magnificence of Persia in pomp and sumptuousness. And these 
 things notwithstanding, never altered his natural condition from 
 one fashion to another, neither did his manners (to say truly) re- 
 ceive all sorts of changes. But because peradventure, if he had 
 shewed his natural disposition, he might, in divers places where 
 he came, have offended those whose company he kept, he did 
 with such a vizard^ and cloke^ disguise himself, to fit their man- 
 ners whom he companied with, by transforming himself into 
 their natural countenance, as he that had seen him when he 
 was at Sparta, to have looked upon the outward man, would 
 have said as the common proverb saith : 
 
 It is not the son of Achilles, but Achilles self^. 
 Even so, it is even he whom Lycurgus brought up. But he that 
 had inwardly seen his natural doings and good-will indeed lie 
 naked before him 'would, contrarily, have used this common 
 saying : 
 
 This woman is no changeling 
 
 6. Then were the Athenians sorry, and repented them when 
 they had received so great loss and hurt, for that they had de- 
 creed so severely against Alcibiades, who in like manner was 
 very sorrowful to see them brought to so hard terms, fearing, if 
 the city of Athens came to destruction, that he himself should 
 fall in the end into the hands of the Lacedaemonians, who 
 maliced^ him to the death. Now about that time, all the power 
 of the Athenians was almost in the ile" of Samos, from whence, 
 with their army by sea, they sought to suppress the rebels that 
 were up against them, and to keep all that which yet remained. 
 For they were yet prettily'' strong to resist the enemies, at the 
 least by sea : but they stood in fear of the power of Tisaphernes, 
 and of the hundred and fifty galleys which were reported to be 
 coming out of their country of Phrenicia to the aid of their ene- 
 mies, which if thev had come, the city of Athens had been 
 utterly spoiled, and for ever without hope of recovery. The 
 which Alcibiades understanding, sent secretly unto the chiefest 
 men that were in the army of the Athenians at Samos, to give 
 them hope he would make Tisaphernes their friend: howbeit 
 
 ' Strait, 
 strict. 
 
 ^ mask. 
 ^ cloak. 
 
 * himself. 
 
 Tkp incoft' 
 stancy of 
 the comniott 
 people. ' 
 
 5 hated, 
 s isle. 
 
 ' fairly. 
 
300 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 not of any desire he had to gratify the people, nor that he 
 trusted to the commonalty of Athens, but only to the honourable 
 and honest citizens, and that conditionally, so as they had the 
 heart and courage to bridle^ a little the over-licentiousness and 
 insolency of the common people, and that they would take 
 upon them the authority to govern, and to redress their state, 
 and to preserve the city of Athens from final and utter destruc- 
 tion. Upon this advertisement^, all the heads and chief men 
 did give very good ear unto it : saving only Phrynichus, one of 
 the captains, and of the town of Dirades : who mistrusting (that 
 was true indeed) that Alcibiades cared not which end went for- 
 ward, nor who had the chief government of Athens, the nobihty 
 or the commonalty, and did but seek all the devices and ways 
 he could, to return again if it might be possible, in any manner 
 of sort, and that he did but curry favour with the nobility, 
 blaming and accusing the people,, he stood altogether against 
 
 the motion ; whereupon Alcibiades' device was not followed 
 
 7. Now the common people that remained still in the city, 
 stirred not, but were quiet against their wills, for fear of danger, 
 because there were many of them slain, that boldly took upon 
 them in open presence to resist these four hundred [of the no- 
 bility]. But those that were in the camp in the ile' of Samos, 
 hearing these news, were so grievously offended, that they re- 
 solved to return incontinently* again unto the haven of Piraea. 
 First of all, they sent for Alcibiades, whom they chose their 
 captain; then they commanded him straightjy" to lead them 
 against these tyrants, who had usurped the liberty of the people 
 of Athens. But nevertheless he did not herein, as another 
 would have done in this case, seeing himself so suddenly crept 
 again in favour with the common people : for he did not tjiink 
 he should incontinently please and gratify them in all things, 
 though they had made him now their general over all their ships 
 and so great an army; being before but a banished man, a 
 vacabond", and a fugitive. But to the contraiy, as it became a 
 general worthy of such a charge, he considered with himself 
 that it was his part wisely to stay those who would in a rage 
 and fury carelessly cast themselves away, and not suffer them to 
 do it. And truly Alcibiades was the cause of the preserving of 
 the city of Athens at that time from utter destruction. For if 
 they had suddenly (according to their determination) departed 
 from Samos to go to Athens : the enemies, finding no man to 
 let' them, might easily have won all the country of Ionia, of. 
 
 ^ isle. 
 
 ' at once. 
 
 A Icihiades 
 called home 
 frojn exile. 
 ^ straitly, 
 strictly. 
 
 ® vagabond, 
 wanderer. 
 
 ' stop. 
 
THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. 
 
 30 1 
 
 Hellespont,- and of all the other iles^ without stroke striking, 
 whilst the Athenians were busy fighting one against another in 
 civil wars, and within the compass of their own walls. This 
 Alcibiades alone, and no other, did prevent, not only by per- 
 suading the whole army, and declaring the inconvenience 
 thereof, which would fall out upon their sudden departure : but 
 also by intreating some particularly^ apart, and keeping a num- 
 ber back by very force 
 
 8. Now Alcibiades, desirous in^ the end to see his native 
 country again (to speak more truly, that his country-men should 
 see him) after he had so many times overthrown their enemies 
 in battle, he. hoised" sail and directed his course towards 
 Athens, bringing with him all the galleys of Ae Athenians 
 richly furnished and decked all about with skutchines* and 
 targets^, and other armour and weapon gotten amongst the 
 spoils of his enemies. Moreover, he brought with him many 
 other ships which he had won and broken in the wars, besides 
 many ensigns and other ornaments : all which being counted 
 together, one with the other, made up the number of two hundred 
 ships. Furthermore, where Duris Samian writeth (who chal- 
 lengeth" that he came of his house) that at his return one 
 Chrysogonus, an excellent player on the flute (that had won 
 certain of the Pythian games) did play such a note, that at the 
 sound thereof the galley-slaves would keep stroke with their 
 oars, and that Callippides, another excellent player of tragedies, 
 playing the part of a comedy, did stir them to row, being in such 
 players' garments as every master of such science useth com- 
 monly to wear, presenting himself in theatre or stage before the 
 people to shew his art ; and that the admiral J^ galley, wherein 
 himself was, entered the haven with a purple sail, as if some 
 maske^ had come into a man's house after some great- banquet 
 made : neither Ephorus, nor Theopompus, nor Xenophon, make 
 any mention of this at all. Furthermore, methinks it should not 
 be true that he (returning from exile after so long a banishment, 
 and having passed over such sorrows and calamities as he had 
 sustained) would so proudly and presumptuously shew himself 
 unto the Athenians. But merely" contrary, it is most certain 
 that he returned in great fear and doubt. For when he was 
 arrived in the haven of Pirsea, he would not set foot a-land", 
 before he first saw his nephew Euryptolemus, and divers other 
 of his friends, from the hatches of his ship, standing upon the 
 sands in the haven's mouth : who were come thither to receive 
 
 ^ isles. 
 
 2 separately. 
 
 3 hoisted. 
 
 A Icibiade^ 
 honourable 
 return inip 
 his country. 
 * escutch- 
 eons. 
 ^ shields. 
 
 ^ claims 
 
 ' admiral's. 
 
 " masque, 
 entertain- 
 ment. 
 
 3 wholly, 
 '» ashore. 
 
302 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM 
 
 and welcome him, and told him that he might be bold to land, 
 without fear of anything. He was no sooner landed, but all the 
 people ran out of every corner to see him, with so great love 
 and afffection, that they took no heed of the other captains that 
 came with him, but clustered all to him only, and cried out for 
 joy to see him. Those that could come near him, did welcome 
 and imbrace^ him : but all the people wholly followed him. And 
 some that came to him, put garlands of flowers upon his head : 
 and those that could not come near him saw him afar off, and 
 the old folks did point him out to the younger sort. But this 
 common joy was mingled notwithstanding with tears and sorrow, 
 when they came to think upon their former misfortunes and 
 calamities, and to compare them with their present prosperity : 
 waying^ with themselves also how they had not lost Sicilia, nor 
 their hope in all things else had failed them, if they had de- 
 livered themselves and the charge of their army into Alcibiades' 
 hands, when they sent for him to appear in person before them. 
 Considering also how he found the city of Athens in manner put 
 from the segniory^ and commandment of the sea ; and on the 
 other side, how their force by land was brought into such ex- 
 tremity, that Athens scantly* could defend her suburbs, the city 
 self being so divided and turraoiled with civil dissension : yet 
 he gathered together those few and small force that remained, 
 and had not only restored Athens to her former power and 
 sovereignty on the sea, but had made her also conqueror by 
 land. Now the decree for his repair home again passed before by 
 the people, at the instant request of Callias, the son of Callaes- 
 chrus, who did prefer" it: as he himself did testify in his Elegies, 
 putting Alcibiades in remembrance of the good turn he had 
 done him, saying : 
 
 I was the first that moved, in open conference, 
 
 The people's voice to call thee home, when thou wert banish'd 
 
 hence, 
 So was I eke the first which thereto gave consent, 
 And therefore may I boldly say, by truth of such intent : 
 I was the only mean' to call thee home again, 
 By such request, so rightly made, to move the peoples vain. 
 And this may serve for pledge, what friendship I thee bear : 
 Fast sealed with a faithful tongue, as plainly shall appear. 
 
 But notwithstanding, the people being assembled in council, 
 Alcibiades came before them, and made an oration : wherein he 
 first lamented all his mishaps, and found himself grieved a little 
 with the wrongs they had offered him, yet he imputed all in the 
 
THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. 
 
 303 
 
 end to his cursed fortune, and some spiteful god that envied his 
 glory and prosperity. Then he dilated at large the great hope 
 their enemies had to have advantage of. them : and therewithal 
 persuaded the people to be of good courage, and afeard^ of 
 nothing that was to come. And to conclude, the people crowned 
 him with crowns of gold, and chose him general again of Athens, 
 with sovereign power and authority both by land and by sea. 
 And at that very instant it was decreed by the people that he 
 should be restored again to his goods, and that the priests 
 Euraolpides should absolve him of all their curses, and that the 
 heralds should with open proclamation revoke the execrations 
 and cursings they had thundered out against him before, by 
 commandment of the people. Whereto they all agreed and 
 were very willing, saving Theodoras the bishop, who said : " I 
 did neither excommunicate him nor curse him, if he hath done 
 no hurt to the commonwealth." Now Alcibiades flourished in 
 his chiefest prosperity, yet were there some notwithstanding 
 that misliked'-' very much the time of his landing, saying it v/as 
 
 very unlucky and unfortunate 
 
 9. For if ever man was overthrown and envied for the esti- 
 mation they had of his valour and sufficiency, truly Alcibiades 
 was the man. For the notable and sundry services he had done 
 won him such estimation of wisdom and valiantness, that where 
 he slacked^ in any service whatsoever, he was presently* sus- 
 pected, judging the ill success not in that he could not, but for 
 that he would not : and that where he undertook any enterprise, 
 nothing could withstand or lie in his way. Hereupon the people 
 persuading themselves, that immediately after his departure, 
 they should hear that the ile^ of Chio was taken, with all the 
 country of Ionia, they were angry they could have no news so 
 suddenly from him as they looked for. Moreover, they did not 
 consider the lack of money he had, and specially making war 
 with such enemies, as were ever relieved with'' the great king of 
 Persia's aid, and that for necessity's sake he was sundry times 
 driven to leave his camp, to seek money where he could get it, 
 to pay his soldiers and to maintain his army. Now for testi- 
 mony hereof, the last accusation that was against him was 
 only for this matter. Lysander being sent by the Lacedaemo- 
 nians for admiral and general of their army by sea, used such 
 policy with Cyrus the king of Persia's brother, that he got into 
 his hands a great sum of money : by means whereof he gave 
 unto his mariners four obols a day for their wages, where before 
 
S04 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. 
 
 Alcibiades* 
 dream in 
 Phrygia be' 
 fore his 
 death.. 
 
 '■ cloak. 
 
 A Icihiade^ 
 death. 
 Timandra 
 buried A /• 
 cibiades. 
 
 they were wont to have but three, and yet Alcibiades had much 
 
 ado to furnish his with three only a day 
 
 lo. Now was Alcibiades in a certain village of Phrygia, with 
 a concubine of his called Timandra. So he thought he dreamed 
 one night that he had put on his concubine's apparel, and how 
 she, dandling him in her arms, had dressed his head, frizzled 
 his hair, and painted his face, as he had been a woman. Other 
 say that he thought Magseus strake off his head, and made his 
 body to be burnt : and the voice'^ goeth, this vision was but a 
 little before his death. Those that were sent to kill him, durst 
 not enter the house where he was, but set it on fire round about. 
 Alcibiades, spying the fire, got such apparel and hangings as he 
 had, and threw it on the fire, thinking to have put it out : and 
 so, casting his cloke^ about his left arm, took his naked sword 
 in his other hand, and ran out of the house, himself not once 
 touched with fire, saving his clothes were a little singed. These 
 murderers, so soon as they spied him, drew back and stood 
 asunder, and durst not one of them come near him, to stand 
 and fight with him : but afar off they bestowed so many arrows 
 and "darts on him, that they killed him there. Now when they 
 had left him, Timandra went and took his body, which she 
 wrapped up in the best linen she had, and buried him as honour- 
 ably as she could possible, with such things as she had, and 
 could get together. 
 
NOTES. 
 
 Page I, 1. 2 from bottom. The word wiff refers to Coriolanus, not 
 to his mother. Amyot has — " et fit voir par experience," &c, 
 
 P. 3, 1. II. were; so in ed. 1612; are, ed. 1631. 
 
 I. 14. iesirid (1612); bestird, a misprint (1631). 
 
 P. 7, !• 8. than; spelt then, here and elsewhere, in the early 
 editions. 
 
 1. 23, Laiius. So in the old editions, both in the text and side- 
 note. But we should read Lartius, as in Amyot. 
 
 P. II, 1. 20. Soter; Gk, cariip, a saviour, Callinicos, Gk. koX- 
 Wwxos, gloriously triumphant. 
 
 1, 23. Phiscon (1612) ; Piscon (1631). More properly Physeon, from 
 Gk. <l>i<!Kav, i.e. fat-paunch, a nickname of the fifth Ptolemy; Diog. 
 Laert. I. 8t. Grypos, Gk. ypvirh, hook-nosed. 
 
 1. 24. Muergetes ; Gk. eiepyirris, a benefactor* Philaddphes ; it 
 should rather be Philadelphos, Gk. ^iXii5eX0os. 
 
 1.26- Eudcemon; Gk., ei)5oi/iwi', fortunate. It refers to Battus the 
 Second, surnamed Eudsemon, reigned about B. C. 583 to 560. 
 
 1. 29. Antigones, i. e. Antigons ; or rather, Antigoni. Referring 
 to Antjgonus Doson, king of Macedonia, died B. c. 220. 
 
 1.31. Lamyros. Generally spelt Za//4^r«j, Gk. Adffoupos, of uncer- 
 tain meaning. It alludes to Ptolemy Soter II., surnamed also Lathyrus 
 or Lathuros, who died B.C. 81. 
 
 1. 36. Quick-fly, in the old editions quick-flie; clearly used here in 
 the sense of rapid. Amyot has ' ' prompt. " 
 
 P. 12, 1, 1 6, That fall out here means take place, is clear from 
 Amyot, who has — "qui estoyent necessairement ensuyuis de leurs 
 diuisions," &c. 
 
 P. 13,1. I. The French text is — " Parquoy les Consulz feirent une 
 roUe de ceux qu'ilz entendoient enuoyer a Velitres, pour y habiter en 
 forme de Colonie, et feirent aussi tout ensemble une leuee des autres, 
 qui demeuroient a Rome, " &c. 
 
 P. 15, 1. 9 from bottom. "To beware of self-will, which- belongs 
 to the family of solitude, is Plato's phrase of caution to Uion (Epist. iv. 
 p. 321). See the hfe of Dioir[in Plutarch], where it is repeated more 
 than once." — Clough. 
 
 P. 16, 1. 6. The word used is probably meant to be a past par- 
 ticiple here rather than a past tense, as the French text has "bien 
 accoustume de tout temps de I'accompagner et honorer.'' 
 
 S. P. 20 
 
3o6 NOTES TO PAGES 17—34. 
 
 P. 17, 1. 19. the city (1613) ; their city (1631). 
 P. 20, 1. 18. Nundinm (derived from novem, nine, dies, day), the 
 ninth day, the Roman market-day, when the country people who came 
 to market assisted also in the transaction of public business. 
 
 1. 28. Clodius (16 12); but Claudius (.1631), which seems to be a 
 correction, and has therefore been adopted. 
 
 P. 21, 1. 5. burden him (1612); burden them (1631), wrongly. 
 P. 23, 1. 14 from bottom. The original Greek runs thus — 9u/t^) 
 IL6,Xi(s6a.i, xoXeirop' 8 711^ o,v BIK^Q, i'uxvs Civehai. Clough says it is 
 from Heraclitus, and quoted in two other places by Plutarch, and also 
 by AristoHe. 
 
 The passage from Homer is from Helen's description of UlySses, 
 where she says — 
 
 djiipHv Svafieyiiav Kari&v iroKiv eipvdyviav ; 
 
 Odys. IV. 246.' 
 P. 25, 1. 24. into his mind (1612) ; in his mind (1631). 
 P. 26, 1. 13. A limmer is certainly the shaft or pole of a carriage, 
 and hence North says below that it is " the wood that runneth into the 
 axle-tree." This is not the right meaning of Jurca, however, since it 
 really signified a forked prop, such as would support the pole of a 
 carriage. 
 
 E'urca might have been translated by the provincial English word 
 nafe, which is thus noticed by Ray in his list of North-country words : 
 — "A nape or neap, a piece of wood that hath two or three feet, 
 with which they bear up the fore-part of a laded wain. This was the 
 furca of the ancient Romans thus described by Plutarch, JuXok SHrXoCi' 
 Tois inaiaa i(jiurTd<ri, which Is. Casaubon (Exercit. i6, § 77) thus 
 interprets, significat esse lignum divisum in altero extremo in duo 
 cornua, quod subjicitur temoni plaustri, quoties volunt aurigse rectum 
 stare plaustrum oneratum." 
 
 P. 27, 1. 6. Thensce; more often spelt tenses. See Tensie in Lat. 
 Diet. 
 
 P. 29, 1. 23. dough's translation has — "having taken by force 
 Toleria, Lavici, Peda, and Bola," and he adds the note — "Bo/a, in the 
 list with Toleria, Lavici, and Peda (or Pedum) is obviously meant for 
 a different town from Bola, a few lines below [1. 30], a town not above 
 ten miles from Rome. The spelling in the Greek differs, and there is 
 little doubt that in the latter place Bolla, so written in the Greek, 
 should be turned mto Bdilla, the equivalent used for the Latin 
 Bovillce." 
 
 P. 33. The first passage cited does not refer to a man, but to 
 Penelope ; see Od. xxi. i. The second passage does not appear to 
 be in Homer. For the rest, see Od. ix. 339, 299 ; //. I. i88,vi. 161. 
 
 p. 34, line 14 from bottom. The mother of Coriolarius was Vetu- 
 ria, and that of his wife Volumnia. Plutarch misnames them Volum-' 
 nia and Virgilia respectively, and Shakespeare foUowrs him. 
 
NOTES TO PAGES 34—69. 307 
 
 1. 6 from bottom, of some god (1612); as some god (1631), incor- 
 rectly. 
 
 P. 36, 1. 17. vnfortunatly (1579); "unfortunately (159S, 1603); 
 vnfortunaie (1612). It may be no more than an accidental coincidence, 
 but Shakespeare has vnfortunate, not vnfortunately, in Cor. v. 3. 97. 
 
 ■P- 37> 1. 7 from bottom. For vnnaturally (1603), we find thes 
 uimieaning corruption vniuersally in the edition of i6i2, and in later 
 editions. 
 
 P; 39, last line, dough's note is to this effect : " The sense of the 
 passage from Heraclitus, which is quoted also by Clement of Alexandria 
 (Stromata v. cxiii), is very uncertain. It may merely mean that divine 
 things transcend our powers of belief and knowledge." 
 
 P. 41, 1. 7. setting out {iti'i); setting vp (1631). The former 
 means adorning, which is the very word used in Clough's translation. 
 The mistaken alteration was easily made. 
 
 1. 14. The passage in the life of Numa, here referred to, is as 
 follows. "Numa ordained also, how long time every body should 
 mourn in black. And for a child from three years to ten years of age 
 that died, he ordained they should mourn no more months than it 
 had lived years, and not to add a day more. For he commanded that 
 the longest time of mourning should be but ten months only, and for 
 so long a time at the least he willed the women should remain widows, 
 after the decease of their husbands; or else she that would marry 
 within that time was bound by his order to sacrifice a whole bullock." 
 
 P. 46, 1. 10. The word "hell" in English of this period often 
 means simply Hades, but not here; the French text has— "qu'il rame- 
 noit des enfers, par' maniere de dire." 
 
 P. 56, 1. 24. enemies (1631); but enemie (1612), which seems an 
 inferior reading. 
 
 P. 59, 1. 3 from bottom, women fropheciers (1612); womens pro- 
 ihesies (1631). The latter is clearly a corruption of the former. 
 
 P. 60, 1. 5. withthis (1612); with the (1631). 
 
 P. 61, 1. 3 from bottom. Luke (1612); Luca (1631); Lucca is 
 meant. 
 
 P. 62, I. 16 from bottom. Ipes, called by Csesar Usipetes; Teh- 
 terides, called Tencteri. 
 
 1. 4 from bottom. Canutius ; an error for Tanusius, who is men- 
 tioned by Suetonius. 
 
 P. 66, 1. 17. maritellous (1612); maruellously (1631). 
 
 P. 67, 1. 8 from bottom, at Rome (1612) ; of Rome (iSii). 
 
 P. 6^, 1. 25. Clough notes here — "The first basilica built in 
 Rome was the Porcian, built by Cato the Elder.. .The Fulvian was the 
 next, built by the joint censors yEmilius and Fulvius, adorned by sub- 
 sequent members of the ^milian family, and now restored with the 
 help of Czesar's money. This was the. Basilica PauUi," 
 
 20—2 
 
3o8 NOTES TO PAGES 70—107. 
 
 P. 70, 1. 7 ; sidenote 2. For 'passed not over' read 'cared not for.' 
 
 1. 12. Silhyou[\^i2); Sith he (1631), wrongly. The best read- 
 ing would be Sithye. 
 
 1. 24. were some {idii); mas some (1631). 
 
 P. 73, 1. 14 from bottom. The Greek phrase means 'the die is 
 cast.' North uses an equivalent expression. 
 
 P. 76, 1. 18. Fosideon (1612); Posidion (1631). 
 
 P. 77, !. 6. long a coming (1612) ; long of coming (1631). The 
 former is better; since u. is put for on, which often has the sense 
 of in. 
 
 1. 13. Anitis; the river Aous, which flows into the sea near Apol- 
 lonia. 
 
 1. 30. Alluded to in i Hen. VI. I. 2. 
 
 P. 80, 1. 17 from bottom. Gomphes, an English and French plural 
 form ; the proper word is Gomphi. 
 
 1. 4 from bottom. There is some fault in the original text here, 
 so that it remains incoherent. No doubt something is lost. We may 
 suppose Pompey to have had a dream which he supposed to portend 
 evil ; but that his friends, to whom he told it, interpreted it in a con- 
 trary manner. See the account given in the Life of Pouipey, which 
 Sir Thomas North thus translates : — " The next night following Pompey 
 thought in his dream, that he came into the theatre, and that the 
 people (to honour him) made a marvellous great clapping of their 
 hands ; and that he himself did set forth the temple of Venus the con- 
 queror [i.e. Venus Victrix], with many spoils. This vision partly 
 put him in good courage, and partly made him again doubt [i. e. fear] ; 
 for that he was afraid, because Caesar's family was descended from this 
 goddess Venus, that his dream did signify, that he [Csesar] should have 
 the honour of the victory with the spoils he should win of him ;" ed. 
 1612, p. 664. 
 
 P. 90, 1. 17. bare (1612) ; beare (1631), which I prefer. 
 
 P. 91, 1. 3. brought (1612); wrought (1631). 
 
 P. 97, 1. 20. e^e (\(>\i); edge {i(>ix). 
 
 P. 103, 1. 3. more afraid than; old text, more afraid then, where 
 then is for than, as usual. There is no doubt about it, as the French 
 text has — ^'Cela espouuenta Brutus et Cassius plus que nuUe autre 
 chose.' 
 
 P. 106, I. i,^. stabbed him in; we should now omit in. The 
 French text is — 'il luy donna un coup de poignard.' 
 
 P. 107,1. 16. unto the Patareians. This is a mistake of North's ; 
 it should be — concerning the Patareians, which makes true sense. 
 Otherwise, there is a contradiction in the context. It is not stated to 
 whom the letter was written. The Greek text has — (cai xepi IlaTo- 
 piwi ; the French text has — 'Et une autre qu'il leur escrit des Pata- 
 reiens'; as though the letter were written to the Samians. The re- 
 
NOTES TO PAGES 109—149. 309 
 
 speqtive fates of the Xanthians and Patareians are narrated below, 
 
 PP- 132. 133- 
 
 P. 109, 1. 29. Deiotarus is the person meant. "King of Lybia'' 
 is Plutarch's mistake. See Cicero ; Letters to Atticus, XIV. 
 
 1. 10 from bottom. Quidquid uult, ualde uult were Cassar's words, 
 as recorded by Cicero, Letters to Atticus, xiv. i. 
 
 P. 123, 1. 17. To play in these playes; ed. 1612. Ed. 1631 
 omits in. 
 
 1. 5 from bottom. "Letters of Brutus to Cicero and to Atticus, 
 in which the phrases quoted by Plutarch occur, have come down 
 to us in a series from Cicero to Brutus (Epist. ad Brutum, I. 16, 
 17). But this whole collection also is regarded with suspicion." — 
 Clough. 
 
 P. 124, 1. 18. Luke here means Lucania; sometimes it stands 
 for Lucca. Elea or Velia is a little to the south of Psestum, 
 
 !!• 33> 38* Quoted from Homer, Iliad, vi. 429, 491. 
 
 P. 125, 1. 10 from bottom. Quoted from the dying words of 
 Patroclus ; Homer's Iliad, XVI. 849. 
 
 P. 126, 1. 19. Plutarch discusses the nature of ;8ouXi/i(a in his Sym- 
 posiac Questions, VI. 8. 
 
 P. 130, 1. 10. Marinus; sic. Marius is meant. 
 
 !"• I35> !• 3- Quoted from Homer, Iliad, I. 259. 
 
 P. 140, 1. 15. Ides (1612); misprinted lies (1631). Brutus then 
 "gave up " his life by placing it in peril. 
 
 P. 144,1. 23. Brutus (\(i-ti\) ; misprinted5?-a/«ff (1612). 
 
 1.29. Was stripped {iti^); were s^tripped [16^1). 
 
 P. 14S, 1. 2r. sliew (1612); view (1631). 
 
 P. 147, 1. 10 from bottom, awaw (1612) ; away (1631). 
 
 1. 7 from bottom, for ill luck; i. e. because they considered it an 
 evil omen. 
 
 P. 14S, 1. 9 from bottom, youths (1612) ; youth (1631). 
 
 P. 149, 1. 3. all together {1^11); altogether (1631). 
 
 L 12. understanding of it (1612); ed. 1631 omits of it. 
 
 1. 13. out of all parts (1612) ; from all parts (1631). 
 
 1. 18. stoutly (1612); ed. 1631 omits. 
 
 1.20. Kor shall (1612); or shall (16^1). 
 
 1.21. fortune. For {1612); fortune; iut {1631). 
 
 1. 22. now for my selfe (1612) ; touching my selfe (1631). 
 
 1. 23. here, bearing them downe (1612) ; making them heleeue (1631). 
 The two phrases have the same import. 
 
 1.28. companions (i6i2) ; friends (i6ii). 
 
 1. 34. such men my friends, as this man here, then enemies (1612) ; 
 such men as this my friends then mine enemies (1631). 
 
 1.38. walled in (\6i2)} enuironed {1631). euery side {161 2) ', either 
 side (1631); 
 
3IO NOTES TO PAGES I50— 172. 
 
 P. 150, 1. 3. The original of this verse is I. 332 of the Medea of 
 Euripides — ZeO, jut; \6.Boi ce rSiv^ 6s atrios xaKQv. 
 
 1. 10. atAirsi [1612); thirsiie (16^1) ; and so in 1. ii< 
 1. 16. told them, allwas (1612); told him. All is (1631)* 
 1. 20. For some curious reason, the edition of 1612, generally 
 more correct than that of 1631, has several inferior readings from this 
 point down to the end of the Life of Brutus. The variations are all 
 noted, and some of the better readings of the later edition have been 
 inserted into the text. 
 
 thought that there was no great number of men (1612); thought there 
 •were not many of his men (1631). 
 
 1.23. and from thence (1612) ; and thereupon (16^1)1 
 1. 24. that he would lift ; ed. 1631 o-B\\\sthat. 
 
 1. 27. Now Brutus seeing StatUius tarie long after that, and that hi 
 came (1612); and a good while after Brutus seeing that StatUius came 
 ('631). 
 
 1.30. lighted in {16 \ 2); fell into (iS-^i). 
 
 I. 34. at length (1612) ; and at last (1631). 
 
 1. 40. but that ( [612) ; ed. 1631 omits but. 
 
 last line. IVe must flie indeed, said he (1612) ; said, we must 
 flie indeed (1631). 
 
 P. isr, 1. 6. I have a perpetual fame of our courage and manhood 
 (1612); I leave a perpetual fam^ of virtue and honesty (1631). The 
 French text is — 'atte»du que ie laisse un gloire sempitemel de uertu'. 
 
 I. II. said so (1612); so said {1631). 
 
 II. II, 12. themselves [1612] ; him self {16^1). 
 
 1.20. became afterwards {1612); reconciled afterwards to (i6ii). 
 
 1.21. so, shortly (1612); and, shortly (1611). 
 
 1.24. Casar welcomed him at that time (1612); Then Casar received 
 him at that time (163 1). 
 
 1. 7 from bottom, thief {16^1) y misprinted chiefs (1612). 
 
 P. 152, 1. 4. appeareth (1612); seemeth (1631). that time (1612); 
 the time (1631). 
 
 P. 158, 1. 24. " Ut Helena Troianis, sic iste huic reipublicae causa 
 belli, causa pestis atque exitii fuit," Cicero; 2nd Philippic, cap. 22. 
 
 P. 166, 1. 9. Charonites. "Suetonius says Orcini ; which was 
 the common name given, even in the law-books, to slaves manumitted 
 by their owner, after his death, by his will. Charonitce, freedmen of 
 Charon, may have been a Greek translation of tlie Latin Orcini, 
 freedmen of Orcus, or the world below; or perhaps it was a more 
 familiar word for the same thing." — Clough. 
 
 ^ P. 168, last line. Cotylon ; so named from the Greek KmSK'n 
 (cotyle), a cup. 
 
 P. 171,1. 16. murther{i6i2); muriherer {1631). 
 
 P. 172, 1. 24. The reference is to Thebes at the time of the pesti-- 
 
NOTES TO PAGES 172—189. an 
 
 lence, described near the beginning of the CEdipus Tyrannus, 11. 
 4 and 5. . 
 
 1. 33. Father of mirth (Charidotes), and Gentle (Meilichius) were 
 two epithets of Bacchus ; so, in the next line, the words cruel and 
 extreme refer to two other epithets of the same god, viz. Omestes (the 
 ■Devourer), and Agrionius (the Savage). 
 
 P. 174, 1. 14. to come into Cilicia, as honourably furnished as she 
 tould possible is a parody of a line in Homer, with the substitution of 
 Cilicia for Ida. The original line is — i\9€.v els TStjv, eS imivaaav S 
 'airiir; Iliad, xiv. 162. 
 
 P. 177, 1. 19. returned, i.e. sent back; French text — 'renuoya le 
 porteur'. 
 
 1. .?8, See Plato ; Gorgias, chap. 19. 
 
 P. 180, 11. 23, 24. Pompey's answer, according to Dion Cassius, 
 was — "In Carinis." This might mean either "in the ships," or " in the 
 Carinae," which was the name of the quarter at Rome in which stood 
 his father's house ; see Clough's riote. 
 
 P. 182, L 3. The fountain named Clepsydra is on the north side of 
 the Acropolis. 
 
 P. 184, 1. 12. See Plato; Phsednis (about the middle of the 
 dialogue). The mind, according to Plato, has two horses, the one 
 willing and obedient, the other unruly and restive. When ill-governed, 
 the latter gains the mastery and hurries us to ruin, 
 
 P. 187, 1. 12. Ed. 1631 omits that then. 
 
 1. 13. The French text has — ' Si estoient les Parthes en battaile 
 qui regardoient la contenance des Remains a passer, & leur sembldient 
 bien gens de guerre ^ les ueoir marcher en si bonne prdonnance qu'il 
 n'estoit pas possible de mieulx.' The edition of 1612 has^'The Par- 
 thians standing in battell ray, beholding the countenance of the 
 Romaines as they marched, they appeared to be souldiers indeed, to see 
 them march \nso good array as was possible.' The edition of 1631 has — 
 •The Parthians stood m battell ray, and he\\o\dmg the countenance 
 of the Romanes as they marched, iooke them for souldiers indeed, for 
 that they marched iii as good array as was possible.' The former 
 translation is more literal; but, as it is somewhat ambiguous, the later 
 version has been here ( partly) preferred. 
 
 1.30. prisoners [idii); persons {\(>ii). 
 
 P. 188, 1. 13. The edition of 1631 has: — 'and on the other side, 
 ■Phraortes knew well enough that the Parthians would do any thing 
 rather then lie in camp,' fee. 
 
 1. 27, baites and (1612) ; ed. 1631 omits these tvro words. 
 ■ 1.29. a horseback (xfsxi); on horseback (\(>i\). 
 
 1.34. which they should (i()i2); which they could (i6ii). 
 
 p; 189, 1. 9. break his head, i. e. trouble himself; French text, 
 '.il ne s!eri ^onnast point de peine.' 
 
312 NOTES ro PAGES 189—212. 
 
 notwithstanding, that (1612); but (1631). 
 
 1. 10. presently depart (1612); depart presently (1631). depart in 
 peaceable manner (1612); do it peaceably (1631). 
 
 1. 14. gallant (1613); proper (1631). 
 
 1. 17. being ashamed for respects {1612) ; for shame {1631). 
 
 1. 18. willed D. ^. to do it (1612); gaue the charge tJiereof to 
 D. ^. (1631). 
 
 1. 37. by oft frequenting (1612); hauing bene long familiar with 
 (1631); which also omits the words of long time. 
 
 I. 5 from bottom, hmabeit that (1612); howbeit (1631), which also 
 puts if he thought good before he would guide him, 
 
 P. 190, 1. 8. the army (idii); his army {\63\). 
 
 1. II. therein. ..the soldiers {ifii'i); thereto. ..his soldiers {1631), 
 
 I. 18. far from thence (1612) ; farre off (1631). 
 
 1.30. Thereby (1612); Hereby (1631). 
 
 1.37. commanded (1612); accustomed (1631). 
 
 P. 191, 1. 9. they sent (1612) ; sent (1631). 
 
 1. 13. Ed. 1 63 1 omits //4o/ before through. 
 
 1. 18. Then seeing {1612); and seeing (1631). 
 
 1. 20. but there {1612); where {1631). 
 
 I. 29. front {1612]; affront {1631). 
 
 1. 30. Ed. 1 63 1 omits that they. 
 
 P. 192, 1. 15. Ed. 1631 omits thatheSore was, 
 
 P. 194, 1. 8. was gone (1612) ; went (1631). 
 
 1. 9. he omitted in ed. 1612 ; supplied from ed. 1631. 
 
 1. 1 3 from bottom, shewed (1612); shew (1631). 
 
 P. 196, 1. 24. possible speed (16 i 2); speed possible (1631). 
 
 P. 197, 1. s from bottom, sixth (1612); sixt (1631). 
 
 P. 199, 1. 8. Blancbourg is a name borrowed from Amyot ; the 
 place was called the White Village or White Town. 
 
 P. 205, 1. 25. of which they were agreed on (1612); that they were 
 agreed of {1611). 
 
 P. 206, 1. 27. their Joys. The Latin term is delicioe, Augustus 
 was fond of being waited on by little pages. 
 
 P. 207, 1. 7. " The Battle of the Giants with the gods was a piece 
 of sculpture in the south wall of the Acropolis." — Clough. 
 
 1. 17. Atitoniad. The nominative case is rather ^«/'o«jVij/ but we 
 speak in the same way of the Iliad, Such words in English most often 
 follow the accusative form of the noun ; and occasionally, the genitive. 
 Iliad is probably a short form of Iliados, 
 
 P. 208, 1. 9 from bottom. The place meant is Toryne. The Greek 
 toryne (TopiiKi)) means a ladle. Clough's translation is. better, viz. — 
 " We may well be frightened if Caesar has got hold of the Ladle!" 
 
 P. 212, 1. 7. "Arnmtius commanded in Cesar's centre;" Clough." 
 
NOTES TO PAGES 214—228. 313 
 
 P. 214, 1. n from bottom. In another place ; see page 149 of this 
 volume. 
 
 P. 215, 1. 1 4 from bottom. "Two passages are extant in the 
 Comedies of Aristophanes in which Timon is mentioned — the i S49th of 
 the Birds, in which Prometlieus calls himself a Timon, a sort of god- 
 misanthrope among the deities, and lines 805 — 820 of the Lysis- 
 trata, where his solitary, manhating life is briefly depicted. Plato, the 
 comic poet, was another contemporary. So also was Phrynichus, a 
 fragment of whom, describing Timon's habits, is preserved by a gram- 
 marian. But it seems to have been in the next century by Antiphanes, 
 one of the two great leaders of the second or Middle Attic Comedy 
 (quoted by Plutarch, Vol. v. p. 10, as ridiculing Demosthenes), that 
 Timon was elevated to be tlie ideal of the misanthrope, and made 
 the vehicle for general invective on mankind. Antiphanes wrote a 
 •play called Timon. This' passage in Plutarch is the most historical 
 account that we have of Timon, though it is from Lucian's dialogue 
 in the century following Plutarch that the modem representations 
 have been chiefly derived. Some have thought that Lucian probably 
 copied Antiphanes, but this is quite conjectural." — Clough. 
 
 1. 2 from bottom. "The Flagons or Choes, was [the name of] the 
 second day of the Anthesteriau feast of Bacchus, and was observed 
 by the Athenians as a special day of conviviality, when they met in 
 parties, and drank together;" Clough. " Oi X6es, the Pitcher-feast, 
 the second day of -the Athenian Anthesteria, on the twelfth day of 
 Anthesterion ; Aristoph. Acham. 961, 1076, 1211;" Liddell and Scott. 
 
 P. 216,1. 23. not his (iftii) ; not this (,i6},\). 
 
 P. 217, 1.8. 'A/u/iijTo'^tos, inimitable in one's life; Liddell and 
 Scott. • 
 
 1. 10. '2,m!i.TroBvT]<!xa, to die together with; Liddell and Scott. 
 "It was a name well known upon the stage. There were, two, if 
 not three comedies, called the Synapothneskontes, and one of them 
 had been translated into Latin by Plautus as the Commorientes •" 
 Clough. 
 
 P. 224, 1. 12 from bottom. Homer has — 
 
 oiK dyaBiv jroXwoi/JBwij* ets Kolpavos ItTra ; 
 
 II. II. 204. 
 
 i.e. 'the rule of many is not a good thing ; let there be but one ruler.' 
 By substituting Ctzsar in place oiKolpavos (ruler), we have:— 
 
 ote 6,yaB6v Tro\vKa.iffapiij — 
 i. e. 'for there to be too many Csesars is not a good thing.' 
 
 P. 226, 1. 6. Octauia {l(>i2); Octauius {1631). 
 
 P. 228, 1. 8. For in a hollffw razor, Amyot has " dans une petite 
 rape on estriUe." Cotgrave has:— "^«A, a raspe or a rough iile;" 
 and— "^rfrzV/^, a horse-combe; a curry-combe." 
 
314 NOTES TO PAGES 228—259. 
 
 1. 15. little pretty ; French, " fort petites." 
 
 1. II from bottom. The seven children of Antony by three 
 wives were as follows : His first wife was Fulvia, who had two sons, 
 the elder being Marcus Antonius, here called Antyllus; and the 
 younger Julius Antonius, here called simply Antonius. The second 
 was Octavia, whose two daughters were both named Antonia. The 
 third, Cleopatra, whose children were Alexander, Cleopatra, and 
 Ptolemy ; the two former being twins. The three emperors of 
 Antony's race were descended from Octavia. The elder Antonia 
 married Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, and their son wasthe'^nobarbus' 
 mentioned on p. 229, 1. 20; who, again, was the father of Lucius 
 Domitius, better known as the emperor Nero. The younger Antonia 
 married Drusus (brother of Tiberius), their sons being Germanicus 
 and the emperor Claudius. The son of Germanicus was the emperor 
 Caius Caligula. Thus Claudius was Antony's grandson, whilst Cali- 
 gula and Nero were his great grandsons. 
 
 P. 230. In the third line of the verse at the beginning, the 
 edition of 1631 has statues iox statutes (1612). 
 
 P. 231, 1. 20. Marcius {idii"); Marcus {16^1). The person meant 
 is L. Marcius Philippus, the step-father of Augustus. 
 
 1. 26. after Suetonius. The contents of the rest of this page, and 
 of pp. 232, 233, may be found (but at greater length) in Suetonius' 
 Life of Augustus; capp. Ixii.— xcii. 
 
 P. 234, 1. 16 from bottom. For did (1631), the ed. of 1612 oddly 
 Jias stid, by a misprint. 
 
 P- 235, 1. 12 from bottom. The Latin phrase "interdicere alicui 
 kqua et igni," to forbid one the use of water and fire, was e(iuiva- 
 lent to a sentence of exile, or banishment from Italy. 
 
 P. 242, 1. 24. Salvidienus ; misprinted Suluidienus : j6i2, 1631. 
 
 1. 27. into Gaule (1612); to Gaule (1631). 
 
 P. 245, 1. 7. outbraue (iiii) ; ouerbraue (16^1). 
 
 1. 10. amount (1612); mount {16 31). 
 
 P. 246, 1. 13. After Brutus, the word did is to be understood. 
 For the account of Portia's death, see p. 151. 
 
 1. 22. Nice, NicEEa, in Bithynia. Pergame, Pergamos. See Dion 
 Cassius, Hist. Rom. lib. li. cap. 20. 
 
 ' . P. 247, 1. 9 from bottom, customers, either (i) tax-gatherers; or (2) 
 tax-payers (?). The former meaning is the proper one, and is, I believe, 
 the one intended; cf Dion Cassius, Hist. Rom. lib. liii. cap. 15. The 
 context, at first sight, seems to suggest the latter meaning. 
 
 P. 249, 1. 6. The "long discourse " may be found in Dion Cas- 
 sius, Hist. Rom. lib. liii. capp. 3 — 10. 
 
 P. 252, 1. 2. Cf. Suetonius, Vita Augusti, cap. 35. 
 
 P. 259, 1. 3. It is. curious that the word He is, for once, spelt 
 
NOTES TO PAGES 259—283. 315 
 
 isle, in this place; but, as it is a quite unusual spelling in North's 
 Plutarch, I retain the spelling He, to prevent confusion. 
 
 P. 269, 1, II. deuouring (1612) ; pining (1631). 
 
 1. 15. amongst men, he shut (1612); amongst them, shut (i53i). 
 
 P. 270, 1. 19. Augustus (1612); but Augustus (1631). 
 
 1. 21. in asking of him also {1612); in saying unto him, (1631). 
 
 1. 27. obtained (1612); ordained (1631). 
 
 1. 31. came again (1612); he came again (1631). 
 
 P. 271, 1. 20. did tolle7-ate (i6ii); tolleraied {i6%i). 
 
 1.26. title son {1612); grandchild {16^1). The latter reading is a 
 gloss upon the former. 
 
 P. 272,1. 3. corps of guard (1612); corps de guard {1631). The 
 latter seems the better reading. 
 
 1.5. to bear the ordinary price {1612); to the ordinary price {16^1). 
 
 1.9. inclined (1612) ; inclined {i6^\). 
 
 P. 275, 1. 19. fearing some encounter of Varus, i. e. some encounter 
 like that in which Varus perished ; see the account of this on p. 274. 
 
 P. 279, 1. 10. Corynetes, i. e. Gk. KopwijVijs, a club-bearer, from 
 Kopxim), a club. 
 
 1. 20. Pityocamtes, i.e. Gk. iri,TVOKaji.trTi]i, the pine-bender; from 
 iriTi/s, a pine, and-KO/iTTTo?, I bend. It is said that Sinnis used to kill 
 travellers by tying them to two pine-trees which he had bent down till- 
 they almost met, and which he then suddenly let go. 
 
 1. 29. sta-be, i.e. Greek utoI^t), also called <S>iii>%, a prickly plant^ 
 supposed to be the Poterium spinosum of Linnaeus.' 
 
 P. 280, 1. 4. The Cronian festival, or Saturnalia, in honour of 
 Saturn, was celebrated on the 12th day of the month Hecatombseon, 
 hence sometimes called liTJv Kpovios, or the Cronian month. This 
 month corresponds rather to the latter half of July and the first half 
 of August than to the month of June. 
 
 1.19.. shewed {1612); sheweth {16^1). 
 
 P. 281, 1. II. A reference to the two lines : — 
 
 avtifUKTOv etSos KATro<f>ii\iav ^pe<f>05 — 
 
 Eurip. Thes. fr. vil. 
 
 1. 27. The reference given in the margin to Pliny, Lib. IV. c. 2, 
 [really c. 11] is of little service. Pliny merely says that the Botti^i 
 were a people of Thracia. 
 
 P. 282, 1. 3 from bottom. Cybemesia, Gk. Kv^epv^aia or Pilot's 
 Feast, a festival instituted at Athens in honour of the steersman of 
 Theseus ; derived from Gk. Kv^epvav, Lat. gubernare, to steer. 
 
 P. 283, 1. 2i Delphinion, Lat. Delphineum; a temple of Apollo at 
 Athens. 
 
3i6 NOTES TO PAGES 283—299. 
 
 1. 3. hiceteria, Gk. i/ceTi/pio (sub. Ao/o, pafiSos), an olive-branch 
 which a suppliant held in his hand as a symbol of his condition and 
 claim (Liddell and Scott). 
 
 1. 6. March. The original has novwxiiSiv, the name of the tenth 
 j\ttic month, answering to the latter part of April and the beginning 
 of May; in which was held the festival (here referred to) of the Muny- 
 chian Artemis. 
 
 1. 15. Epitragia, rather, 'the goddess of the he-goat'; from Gk. 
 rpdjos, a he-goat. 
 
 P. 285, 1. 3 from bottom, yisiy, i. e. Gk. dtrrv, the ' city ' or ' tipper 
 town' of Athens, as distinguished from the Peiraeeus. 
 
 last line. Panathenrea, i. e. festival of all the united Athenians. 
 
 P. 286, 1. 3. Metacia, Gk. to, lieroiKLa, a feast at Athens, to com- 
 memorate the change of abode {/xerouila) which took place when 
 Theseus settled the greater number of Athenian citizens in the city. 
 This Feast of Migration was held on the i6th day of Hecatombaeon. 
 
 P. 287, 1. 27. Boedromia, a festival held in the month named 
 Boedromion, i.e. the third Attic month, corresponding to the latter 
 half of September and the beginning of Qctober. 
 
 1. 31. Chrysa, i.e. golden; meaning the golden figure of Victory. 
 Pnyce, the Pnyx (jrpuj) ; the place at Athens where ^e assemblies of 
 the people were held. 
 
 1. 36. little god Chalcodus; rather, the demigod (or hero) Chalco- 
 don. 
 
 1. 2 from bottom. Lucium, i. c. the Lyceum or gymnasium, near 
 the temple of Apollo Lyceus. 
 
 P. 289, 1. 37. In the original, the daughter's name is Edpi;, i. c. 
 the girl or daughter ; under which name Proserpine or Persephone was 
 worshipped in Attica, the mother's name being Demeter. 
 
 P. 292, 1. I. See Aristoph. Vespce, 44, and observe North's mar- 
 ginal note. Aristophanes means that Alcibiades used to pronounce r 
 like /. 
 
 P. 293, 1. I J. Alluding to the story of Apollo and Marsyas. 
 
 P. 294, 1. 13. Medias, i.e. Meidias, See Demosthenes' oration 
 against Meidias, ed. Bekker, sect. 143. 
 
 P. 295, 1. 26. Tills passage and the next are from Aristoph. Potus, 
 J445. 1452. 
 
 P. 299, 1. 22. This is said of Helen by Electra, in Euripides, 
 Orestes, 1. 129. 
 
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 
 
 (N. B. The numbers refer to the pages.) 
 
 Abra, 50 
 
 Abydos, loi 
 
 Accia, 179, 230 
 
 Achillas, 86 
 
 Achilles, 299 
 
 Acilius, 56, 124 
 
 Actium, 151, 20S, 213— Z16, 
 
 246, 266 
 Adallas, 207 
 Adrastus, 2S8 
 Adriatic, 65, 206, 269 
 ^doiieus, 289, 290 
 ^geus, 280 — 284 
 .i^gina, 258 
 ^gles, 284 
 
 ^lianus, ^milius. 268 
 j^nobarbus, Domitius, 189, 229 
 i^ques, 41 
 ^schylus, 288 
 Ethiopian, 147 
 Ethiopians, 176 
 Ethra, 278 
 Afranius, 8c, 90 
 Africa, 56, 88, 90, no, &C. 
 African, Scipio, 88 
 Africk (Africa), 68 
 Agamemnon, 80 
 Agatharcus, 296 
 Agraula, 207 
 Agrippa, C., 261 
 Agrippa, L., 26 1 
 Agrippa, M,, 128 
 Agrippa, Menenius, 6 
 Agrippa, 183, 210, 212, 218, 
 
 229 — 232, &c. 
 Aprippina^ 229, 232 
 Ajax, 291 
 Alba, ps» 207 
 Albanians, 183 
 Albinus, gS, 100, 114, 121, 163 
 Alcibiades, 215, 291, &c. 
 Alcmaeon, 291 
 Alcmena, 278 
 Alexander of Antioch, 195, 
 
 196 
 Alexander, son of Cleopatra, 
 
 ~ 184, 202 
 Alexander the Great, 52, 158, 
 
 202, 22^, 259 
 Alexandria, 85, 86, 156, 176, 
 
 198, &c. 
 Alexandrians, 87, 177 
 
 Alexas, 218 
 
 Alexia, 66, 67 
 
 Almain, 264 
 
 Almaines (Germans), 249 
 
 Alps, 51, 54, 60—62, &c. 
 
 Amazonion, 287 
 
 Amazons, 286, 2S7 
 
 Ambiorlx, 64 
 
 Amimetobion, 176, 217 
 
 Amphisiia, 176 
 
 Amyntas, 207, 209 
 
 Anaxenor, 172 
 
 Ancharia, 179 
 
 Andasius, 275 
 
 Androgens, 281 
 
 Andromache, 124 
 
 Anienes, 93 
 
 Anitius, 87 
 
 Anius, 77 
 
 Annalis, L. Villius, 237 
 
 Anthemion, 14 
 
 Antiates, 9, 13, 20, 21 
 
 Anticaton, 90 
 
 Anticyra, 214 
 
 Antigoni, 11 
 
 Antigonus, 184 
 
 Antiochus, zo6, 182, 294 
 
 Antiopa, 286, 287 
 
 Antistius, 125 
 
 Antium, 23, 40, 122 
 
 Antius, 238 
 
 Anton, 156 
 
 Antonia, 229 
 
 Antoniad, 207 
 
 Antonians, the, 207 
 
 Antonius, C, 127, 128, 161, 
 
 166, 230 
 Antonius, L,, 166, 178 
 Antonius, M., 70, 71, 82, &t. ; 
 
 life of, 153 — 229 
 Antonius, P., 45 
 Antonius, the Cretan, 153 
 Antonius, young, 177, 228 
 Antyllus, 217^ 224, 228 
 Anytus, 14 
 Apemantus, 215, 216 
 Aphidnes (Aphidnse), aSg 
 Aphidnus, 289 
 Apollo, 3, 172, 250, 280, 293 
 Apollodorus, 86 
 Apollonia, 76, 77, 123, 126, 
 
 127, j66, 231 
 
 Apollonius, 44 
 
 Aponius, 240 
 
 Appian wny, 46 
 
 Appianus, 236 
 
 Appius, 61 
 
 Apuleius, 338, 266 
 
 Aquitain, 252 
 
 Aquitans, 243 
 
 Arabia, 184, 185, 207, 215 
 
 Arabians, 176 
 
 Arax, 58 
 
 Araxes, 197, igg 
 
 Arcadia, 95 
 
 Arcadians, 3 
 
 Archelaus, 156, 207 
 
 Archippus, 292 
 
 Ardettus, 287 
 
 Arethusa, 185 
 
 Argives, 2S8 
 
 Argos, 298 
 
 Ariadne, 2S3, 284 
 
 Ariminum, 72 
 
 Ariovistus, 59, 60 
 
 Aristobulus, 155 
 
 Aristocrates, 214 
 
 Ariston, 106 
 
 Aristophanes, 215, 291, 295 
 
 Aristode, 281 
 
 Aries, 262 
 
 Armenia, 87, 183, 185, 197— 
 
 203, 268 
 Armenians, 202, 203, 259 
 Arrius, 223, 224 
 Arruntius, 212, 257 
 Artabazus, 186,198 
 Artavasdes, 185, 259 
 Artemidorus, 99 
 Artorius, 141 
 
 Arvernians, 66; Avemians, 65 
 Ascalon, 106 
 
 Asia, i. e. Asia Minor, 87, &c. 
 Asinius, 160, 161 
 Asprenas, Nonius, 266 
 Asturians, 253, 254,- 258 
 Atellius, 139 
 Athenians, 76, 171, 258 
 Athens, 81, 182, 200, 204, 207, 
 
 214, &c. ; 280, &c. 
 Atlauticum, sea, 63 
 Attt)potane, 186 
 Attalus, 207 
 Attica, 284, 2851 298 
 
3i8 
 
 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 
 
 Atticus, Numerius, 277 
 
 Atticus, Pomponius, 130 
 
 Aufidius, T., 23, 24, 29, 40 
 
 August, 287 
 
 Augusta Praetoria, 255, 263 
 
 Augustus, name of, 234, 251 
 
 Aurelia, 49, 50 
 
 Avemians, 65 ; Arvemians, 66 
 
 Babylon, 194 
 Bacchanalians, 91 
 Bacchantes, 117 
 Baccherians, 80 ;■ 
 
 Bacchus, 50, 172, 174, 207, 
 
 220 
 Bactrians, 185 
 Balbus, Accius, 230 
 Balbus, Ampius, 240 
 Balbus, Cornelius, 95, 259 
 Basques, 253 
 Bastarnes, 247, 265 
 Battes (Batti,, 11 
 Bel gas, 60, 61 
 Belgica, Gallia, 253 
 Bellerophon, 33 
 Benevent, 276 
 Berytus, 199 
 Bibulus, 115, 125, 157 
 Bibulus, Calphurnius, 53 
 Bithynia, 43, 87, 128, 246) 286 
 Blancbourg, 199 
 Bocchus, 207 
 Boedromia, 287 
 Bolanians, 29 
 Bolonia, 235 
 Bombice, 185 
 Breucians, 273 
 Breucus, Bato, 273 
 Bosphorus, 287 
 Bottieians, 2S1 
 Brigas, 144 
 Britain, 56 
 Brundusium, 74, 76, 77, 159, 
 
 183, 208, 242—246 
 Bruti, 96 
 
 Brutus, Decius, 98, 236 
 Brutus, Junius, 6, 13, 105 
 Brutus, M., 96, &c. ; life of, 
 
 105 — 152 
 Bulogaeses, 265 
 Burgonians, 66 
 Buthrotus, 127 
 Byllis, 127 
 Byzantium, 123, 
 
 Cebcus, 12 
 Caetius, 210 
 Csepio, Fannius, 257 
 Caepio, Servilius, 54 
 CEesar;j£'^ArguinenttoCHAP. 
 
 n. i p. 42 
 Caesar, L., 169, 170 
 Caesar, Octavius, loi, 104, 
 
 &c. ; and see Chap, v., p. 
 
 230 
 Caesarion, 87, 201, 224 
 Caius, II 
 
 Caius, son of Augustus, 267 — 
 270 
 
 Caius (the emperor), 229 
 
 Calamus, 259 
 
 Calenus, 81, iii 
 
 Callaeschrus, 302 
 
 Callecians, 52 
 
 Callias, 302 
 
 Callimachus, 216 
 
 Callinicos, 11 
 
 Callipides, 301 
 
 Calphurnia, 54, 117; Calpur- 
 riia, 98, 99, 165 
 
 Calvinus, Cn., 243 
 
 Calvinus, Domitius, 82 
 
 Calvisius, 205 
 
 Calydonia, 288 
 
 Canidius, 183, 191, 203, 209 — 
 216 
 
 Caninius, 107 
 
 Canobus, 178 
 
 Cantabrians, 253, 255, 258, 260 
 
 Canulatius, 148 
 
 Canutius, 62, 123 
 
 Capito, Atteius, 240 
 
 Capito, Fonteius, 184 
 
 Cappadocia, 87, 207, 246 
 Carbo, 130 
 
 Carian, 279 
 Carisius, 258 
 Carnutes, 65 
 Carthage, 93, 247 
 
 Carystos, 17$ 
 Casca, no, 117, 119 
 
 Casca, P., 145 
 
 Caspium, sea, 93 
 
 Cassias, iq6, &c 
 
 Cassius of Padua, 268 
 
 Castor and Pollux, 3 
 
 Castricius, 258 
 
 Catiline, 48, 108, 154, 230 
 
 Cato, 7, 44, 49, 53, 54, 62, 68, 
 
 79. 80, &c. 
 Cato (a book so named;, 90 
 Cattians, 264, 265 
 Catulus, 47 — 49 
 Caucasus, 93, 183 
 Celer, 11 
 Celtiberians, 253 
 Censorinus, r, 172, 239 
 Centauri, 288 
 Cephalonia, 244 
 Cerberus, 289 
 Cercees (Circeii), 29; see Cir- 
 
 cees 
 Ceres, 2^7 
 Ceretanians, 243 
 Cestius, 240, 256 
 Cethegus, 48, 154 
 Chaeronea, 214 
 Charmion, 206, 227 
 Charonites, 166 
 Chersonesus, 265 
 Cherusians, 264, 274 
 Chio, 1^3, 259, 303 
 Choa; (libations),- 215 
 Cholchide (CholGis),,288 
 
 Christ, 269 
 
 Chrysa, 287 
 
 Chrysogonus, 301 
 
 Cicero, 44, 45, 48, 49, 55, &a 
 
 Cicero, Quintus, 64, 237 
 
 Cicero, the "younger, 127 
 
 Cilicia, 71, 174, 184, 202, 207 
 
 Cilicians, 43 
 
 Cimber, Metellus, 100 
 
 Cimber, T., 118 — 121 
 
 Cimbres, 47 ; Cimbri, 58, 59, 
 
 Cimon, 297 
 
 Cinna, 42, 102, 120, 126, 130, 
 
 271 
 Cinna (the poet), 122 
 Circees (Circeii;, 93. See 
 
 Cercees. 
 Cisalpine Gaul, 262 ^ 
 
 Claudia, 169; i^^ Clodia. 
 Claudius, Appius, 20, 239 
 Claudus, 12 
 
 Cleopatra, 85 — 87, 162, &c 
 Cleopatra (young), 184, 228; 
 
 255 
 Clepsydra, 182 
 Clidemus, 287 
 Clinias, 292, 294, 297 
 Clitus, 150 
 
 Clodia, 231 ; see Claudia 
 Clodius, P., 49—51, 55, &c.r 
 ^ 122, 154, 16S, 231 
 Clodius (emperor), 229 
 Cluiliae, 30 
 Comagena, 207 ; CommagenO;,' 
 
 182 
 Cominius, 7, g, 10, 11 
 Como, 262 
 Conisces, 254 
 Considius, 54 
 Coponius, 238 - 
 Coranas, Siciltus, 241 
 Corduba, 57 
 Corfinium, 74 
 Corinth, 93, 213, 259, 280 
 Coriolanus; see Argument tO" 
 
 Chap. I. p. i. 
 Corioles (Corioli), 7 
 Cornelia, 42, 46 
 Cornelius, 43, 84, 235 
 Comificiu;;, 81, 87, 128, 240 
 Corsica, 253, 273 
 Corvinus, 145 
 Corynetes, 279 
 Cosconius, 87 
 Cotta, 64 
 Cotylon, 168 
 Crassinius, 82 
 Crassus, 51, 53, 61, 62, 67, 143, 
 
 182, 189, 195 
 Crassus (Augustus' lieutenant^ , 
 
 247 
 Cratippus, 12s 
 Creta, 121, 281 
 Cretans, 284 
 Crispinus, Q., 265 
 Crispus, Salustius, 266 
 
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 
 
 319 
 
 Cronius, 280 
 
 Epaminondas, 4 
 
 Germany, 62, 63, 93, 255 
 
 265^ 
 
 Cumani, 96 
 
 Epaphroditus, 223 
 
 272 
 
 
 Cupid, T75 
 
 Ephesians, 205 
 
 Geta, C. Hosidius, 237 
 
 
 Curio, 49, 69— 7J, 1.54, 157 
 
 Ephesus, 172, 203, 246 
 
 Getes (Getae), 209, 247, 260 
 
 Curtius (lake), 265 
 
 Ephorus, 301 
 
 Getulia, 255 
 
 
 Cybernesia, 282 
 
 Epicadus, 275^ 
 
 Gnidos, 99 
 
 
 Cydnus, 174 
 
 Epicurean, 136 
 
 Gnosus, 284 
 
 
 Cynics, 134 
 
 Epicurus, 100, T38 
 
 Graces, 175 
 
 
 Cyprus, 62, 184, zoi 
 
 Epidaurum, 279 
 
 Grecians, 50 
 
 
 Cyrenia, 208 
 
 Epirus, 289 
 
 Greece, 17, 44, 45, &c. 
 
 
 Cyrus, 158, 194, 303 
 
 Epitragia, 283 
 
 Grypos, ir 
 
 
 Cylhende, 161 
 
 Eretria, 258 
 
 Guidians, 85 
 
 
 Cyzicenians, 258 
 
 Eros, 221 
 
 Gylippus, 298 
 
 
 Cyzicum, 128 
 
 Ethiopia, 208, 223 ; see iEthi- 
 
 Gyna;cia, 50 
 
 
 Daces (Dacians), 260, 261 
 
 opia. 
 Ethiopians, 258 
 
 Hala, Servilius, ic6 
 
 
 Dacia, 247 
 
 Eudsemon, 11 
 
 Hales, 216 
 
 
 Daedalus, 284 
 
 Euergetes, 11 
 
 Haterius, 238 
 
 
 Dalmatia, 243, 265 
 
 Eumenes, 207 
 
 Hebrews, 176 
 
 
 Dalmatians, 273 
 
 Eumenides, 287 
 
 Hector, 124 
 
 
 Danuby (Danube), 262 
 
 Eumolpides, 297, 303 
 
 Hedui, 66 
 
 
 Dardanus, 150 
 
 Euneus, 286 
 
 Helen, 158, 289 
 
 
 Decelea, 298 
 
 Euphrates, 178, 207 
 
 Hellanicus, 282, 286, 287 
 
 
 Deiadamia, 289 
 
 Euphronius, 218 
 
 Hellespont, 301 
 
 
 Deioneus, 279 
 
 Euripides, 281, 288, 294 
 
 Helvetians, 58 
 
 
 Deiotarus, 209 
 
 Euritus, 279 
 
 Heraclitus, 39 
 
 
 Dellius, 174, 206 
 
 Europe, 135 
 
 Hercules, 156, 184, 207, 
 
 278, 
 
 Delphes (Delphi), 269, 283 
 
 Eurycles, 212, 213 
 
 279, 286, 288, 290 
 
 
 Delphineon, 283 
 
 Euryptolemus, 301 
 
 HermuR, 287 
 
 
 Demetriade (Demetrias), 126 
 
 Eurysaces, 291 
 
 Herodes, 207, 216, 218, 
 
 246, 
 
 Demetrius, 144 
 
 Eutychus, 211 
 
 256 
 
 
 Demochares, 244 
 
 
 Herodotus, 286, 288 
 
 
 Demon, 283 
 
 Fabians, 55 
 
 Herostratus, 125 
 
 
 Demosthenes, 294 
 
 Falerna, 206 
 
 Hierapolis, 185 
 
 
 Dercetaeus, 222 
 
 Faonius, 62, 80, 114 
 
 Hipparchus, 213, 218 
 
 
 Dcsidiates, 272, 273 
 
 Faunus, 50 
 
 Hippias, 161 
 
 
 Deucalion, 284 
 
 Faustus, 54, iiz 
 
 Hippodamia, 278 
 
 
 Diadematus, n 
 
 Fidusdus, 240 
 
 Hippolyta, 288 
 
 
 Diana Orthia, 289 
 
 Flavins, 96 
 
 Hircius, 167 
 
 
 Dicomes, 209 
 
 Fulvia, 162, 169, 176—9, 184, 
 
 Hirtius, 234 
 
 
 Did i us, 91 
 
 204, 217, 224, 228, 231, 242, 
 
 Homer, 23, 33, 124 
 
 
 Dinomacha, 291 
 
 243 
 
 Horace, 270 
 
 
 Diomedes, 221 
 
 Fulvius, 69 
 
 Hortalius, 261 
 
 
 Dirades, 300 
 
 Dolabella, 44, 45, 87, 107, iii, 
 126, 160—163 
 
 Furcifer. 26 
 
 Hortenses, 261 
 
 
 Furnius, 205 
 
 Hortensius, 71, 126, 128, 
 Hostilius; Tullus, i 
 
 171 
 
 Dolabella, Cornelius, 226 
 
 Gabinius, 126, 155, 159 
 
 Hybrseas, 172, i7'3 
 
 
 Domitias, 87 
 
 Galatia, 246 
 
 Hyrcania, 93 
 
 
 Domitius, 74, 80, 203, 209; see 
 
 Galatians, 207 
 
 
 
 ^Liobarbus 
 
 Galba, 87 
 
 Iberians, 183 
 
 
 Domitius, L., 229 
 
 Gallogrecia, 255 
 
 Ides, 98, 116, 138, 140 
 
 
 Doson, II 
 
 Gallus, 223 
 
 lilyria, 54, 71, 204, 243, 
 
 272, 
 
 Drusus, 2zg, 232, 262 — 265 
 
 Gallus, ^lius, 256 
 
 273 
 
 
 Duris the Samian, 301 
 
 Gallus, Flavius, 390, 191 
 
 Illyrians, 203, 272 — 275 
 
 
 Dyrrachium, 56, 74, 126 
 
 Garamantes, 260 
 Garonne, 252 
 
 lUyricum, sea. 207 
 India, 259 
 
 
 Eber (Ebro), 254 
 
 Gascones, 254 
 
 Indians, 185, 224 
 
 
 Egnaces (Egnatii), 237 
 
 Gaul, 54, 57. 59-65, &c. 
 
 Ionia, 133, 178, 299, 300, 
 
 303 
 
 Egypt, 87, 90, 107, 109, &c. 
 
 Gauls, 55, 58—65, &c. 
 
 Ionium, sea, 76, 159, 207, 
 
 208 
 
 Egyptians, 84, 86, 156, i;8. 
 
 Gelon, 16 
 
 loxides, 279 
 
 
 210, &c. 
 
 Geminius, 205, 206 
 
 loxus, 279 
 
 
 Elea, 124 
 
 Eleusin (Eleusis), 288, 297 
 
 Qenoveses, 263 
 
 I pes, 62 
 
 
 Genua (Genoa), 263 
 
 Iras, 206, 227 
 
 
 .Eleutheres, 288 
 
 Genucius, M., 259 
 
 Isauricus, 47, 76, 231 
 
 
 Empylus, 107 
 
 Germanicus, 229, 271, 272 — 
 
 I sis, 202 
 
 
 Ence4adus, Licinius, 262 
 
 274 ■ . 
 
 I stria, 267 
 
 
 England, 6-^, 252 , 
 
 Germahs, 59, 63, 200, 275 
 
 Italy,'-48, 55, 60, &c. 
 
 
320 INDEX OF PROPER 
 
 NAMES. 
 
 Janus, temple of, 247, 
 
 252, 
 
 Lusitanians, 52 
 
 
 Metellians, 55 
 
 255, 269 
 
 
 Lybia, 109, 207, 214, 23S 
 
 
 Metellus, 11, 47, 75 
 
 Jason, 2S8 
 
 Jewry (Judsea), 184, 207 
 
 
 Lycffians, g5 
 
 
 Metcecia, 286 
 
 ; see 
 
 Lycaonia, 207, 255 
 
 
 Metrodorus, 172 
 
 Jurie 
 
 
 Lycia, 133, 270 
 
 
 Midas, 50 
 
 Jews, i<;s, 184 
 
 
 Lycians, 131 
 
 
 Milan, 58 
 
 Juba, 88, 89, 90, 255 
 
 
 Lycurgus, 299 
 
 
 Miletum, 44, 298 
 
 Judsea, 246, 269 
 
 
 Lydia, 178, 201 
 
 
 Minos, 280—284 
 
 Julia, 45, 54, 64, 229—232, 
 
 Lyonnoise (Gallia Lugdunen- 
 
 Minotaur, 2S0— 283 
 
 255» 263, 267, 269, 271 
 
 
 sis), 253 
 
 
 Minturn^e, 239 
 
 , une, 280, 286 
 
 
 Lyons, 265 
 
 
 Minutius, 239 
 
 . unia, no, 246 
 
 
 Lyra (the star so called, a 
 
 Misena, 180 
 
 , unius, 44 
 unius, T., 238 
 
 
 Lyrse), 94 
 
 
 Mithridates, 87, 195, ig6, 207 
 
 
 Lysander, 303 
 
 
 Modena, 167, 168 
 
 \ upiter, 26, 34, 258, 267 
 
 
 Lysidices, 278 
 
 
 Mcesia, 247 
 
 Jurie (JQd^a), 216, 218, 
 
 see 
 
 LyssuSj 160 
 
 
 Mcesians, 265 
 
 Jewry 
 
 
 
 
 Molon, 44 
 
 Justeius, M., 210 
 
 
 Macedon, 45, 108, 125, 
 129, 159, 209, 241, 273 
 
 126, 
 
 Molossians, 289 
 Molpadia, 288 
 
 Labeo, 114 
 
 
 Maecenas, 1S3, 246, 248, 
 
 258, 
 
 Moneses, 185, 195 
 
 Labienus, 58, 74, 176, 178 
 
 181 
 
 266 
 
 
 Moors, 238 
 
 Labienus, T., 240 
 
 
 Maeotides, 203 
 
 
 Munda, 91 
 
 Lacedsemon, 145, 2S9 
 
 
 Magaeus, 304 
 
 
 Muraena, L., 257 
 
 LacedEemonians, 107, 258 
 
 
 Magnesia, 172 
 
 
 Musa, Antonius, 256 
 
 Lachares, 212 
 
 
 Manchus, 207 
 
 
 Muses (temple of the), 287 
 
 Laciades, 297 
 
 
 Marathon, 289 
 
 
 Mutine (MutinaX Z3it 233, 
 
 Laelius, 168 
 
 
 Marcella, 248 
 
 
 235 
 
 Laena, Popilius, 117, 118 
 
 
 Marcellus, 69, 70, 157, 
 
 228, 
 
 
 Lamachus, 297 
 
 
 255. 257 
 
 
 Nabathseans, 184, 256 
 
 Lamia, jEHus, 256 
 
 
 Marcellus, C, 179 
 
 
 Naples, 242 
 
 Lampryas, 176 
 
 
 Marcomannes, 265, 272 
 
 
 Narbonense (GalHa Narbo- 
 
 Lamyros, 11 
 
 
 Mardian, a, 190, 195,, 196 
 
 197 
 
 nensis), 235 
 
 J^nguedoc, 262 
 
 
 Mardian, 206 
 
 
 Narbonne, 252 
 
 Laodicea, 259 
 
 
 Mardians, 189 
 
 
 Naso, P., 238 
 
 Lapithae, 288, 289 
 
 
 Marin us, 130 
 
 
 Naucrates, 131 
 
 Larissa, 109, 185 
 
 
 Marius, 43, 46, 47, 55, 
 
 59. 
 
 Nausitheus, 282 
 
 Latinus, T., 25 
 
 
 153 
 
 
 Naxos, 284 
 
 Lavinium, 30 
 
 
 Maroboduus, 272 
 
 
 Nepos, 61 
 
 Lentulus, 48, 69, 71, 154, 
 
 158, 
 
 Mars, 64 
 
 
 Nereids, 175 
 
 260 
 
 
 Marseilles, 56, 269, 270 
 
 
 Nero, 229 
 
 Leo, Valerius, 58 
 
 
 Martians, house of, i 
 
 
 Nero, Claudius, 267 
 
 Lepidus, iEmilius, 257 
 
 
 Martins, Ancus, i 
 
 
 Nero, Drusus, 265 
 
 Lepidus, M., 98, loi, 
 
 ia8, 
 
 Marullus, 96 
 
 
 Nero, T., 231, 232 
 
 168, 202—263, =75 
 
 
 Mauritania, 245, 255 
 
 
 Nero, Tiberius CL, 242 
 
 Leuctres (Leuctra), battle of, 
 
 Maximus, 93 
 Maximus, Valerius, 151 
 
 
 Nervians (Nervii), 61 
 
 B.C. 371; 4 
 
 
 
 Nicarchus, 214 
 
 Libo, 159 
 
 
 Medea, 280 
 
 
 Nice (Nicaea), 246; Nicea, 286 
 
 Ligarius, 113 
 
 
 Medes, 176, 194, 199, 201 
 
 202 
 
 Nicias, 296, 297 
 
 Ligarius, Q., 238 
 
 
 Media, 182, 185, 197, 202 
 
 
 Nicolaus, 151, 152 
 
 Lilybee (Lilybaeum), 243 
 
 
 Medias, 294 
 
 
 Nicomedes, 43 
 
 Lingones, 66 
 
 
 Mediterraneum, 215 
 
 
 Nicon, 211 
 
 Lipare (Lipara), 244 
 
 
 Megacles, 291 
 
 
 Nicopolis, 2o8 
 
 Livia, 226, 228, 229, 231, 
 
 2S7» 
 
 Megara, 81, in 
 
 
 Niger, 12, 200 
 
 270, 271, &c. 
 Livius, T., 84, 98, 269 
 
 
 Megarians, in, 171 
 
 
 Nismes, 262 
 
 
 Meleager, 288 
 
 
 Nomentium, 94 
 
 LoUius, M., 261, 268 
 
 
 Melius, Spurius, 106 
 
 
 Nonius, 240 ; see Struma 
 
 Lucca, 6i 
 
 
 Menalippus, 279 
 
 
 Novumcomum, 69 
 
 l<ucceius, 238 
 
 
 Menas, 180, 243 
 
 
 Numa, 1, 26, 41 
 
 Lucilius, 149, 214 
 
 
 Menecrates, 180, 286 
 
 
 Numidians, 88, 89 
 
 Lucium, 287 
 
 
 Menenius, 239 
 
 
 Nundinae, 20 
 
 Lucius (son of Augustus), 2G7 
 
 Menon, 297 
 
 
 Nursinians, 242 
 
 -269 
 
 
 Mercedonius, 94 
 
 
 
 Luctatius, Catulus, 47 
 
 
 Mesopotamia, 176, 182 
 
 
 Oboda, 256 
 
 LucuUians, 53 
 
 
 Messala, 139, 140, 141, 
 
 X44> 
 
 Octavia, 179—184, 199 — ao6, 
 
 Lucullus, M., 45, 51 
 
 
 151, 245, 2S2 
 
 Messalinus, ValeriuSj 271 
 
 
 226, 228, 255 
 
 Luke (Lucania), 124, 123 
 
 
 
 Octavians, 230 
 
 Lupercalia, 95, 163 
 
 
 Messina, 244, 296 
 
 
 Octavius, 276 
 
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 
 
 32> 
 
 Octavius (Augustus) ; see Ch. 
 
 V. ; also loi, 123, 124, 127, 
 
 T28, 137 — 142, &c. 
 Octavius, M., 210 
 CEchalian, 279 
 CEnarus, 284 
 Olympus, 225 
 Oppius, 57, 58 ; Q., 239 
 Orange, 262 
 Oricum, 76 
 Ornytus, 279 
 Orodes, 181, 182, 185 
 Orpheus, 50 
 Ostia, 94 
 Ostre, 255 
 Otho, Salvius, 237 
 Ovid, 270 
 
 Paconis, i8z 
 
 Padua, 84, 268 
 
 Fxtus, Autronius, 245 
 
 Palladium, 287 
 
 Pallas, 33 
 
 Pamphilia, 265 
 
 Panathenaea, 285 
 
 Paudatarie, isle of, 269 
 
 Pandion, 259 
 
 Pannonia, 2*^3 — 265 
 
 Pannonians, 245, 263, 275 
 
 Panopio, 239 
 
 Pansa, 167, 234 
 
 Paphlagonia, 207, 246 
 
 Parsetonium, 214 
 
 Parthia, 202 
 
 Parthians, 67, &c. ; 94, 110, 
 
 123, 126, 143, 174 — 185, &c. 
 Pasiphae, 283 
 Patareians, 107, 132 
 Patras, 207, 259 
 Paul, 69 
 Paulus, L., 269 
 Paulus, Lepidus, 169 
 Paynim ii.-e. pagan), 269 
 Pedanians, 29 
 Pedius, Q., 235 
 Pella, L., 135 
 
 Peloponnesus, 15, 93, 212, 279 
 PelopS; 278 
 
 Pelusium, 133, 15S, is6» 2^9 
 Pergamenians, 107 
 Pergamus, 44 ; Pergamum, 
 
 205 ; Pergamei 246 
 Perigouna, 279 
 Periphetes, 279 
 Perouse (Perusium), 231, 343 
 Persia, 185, 299 
 Persians, 93 
 Petra, 215 
 Petreius, 75 
 Petronius, 258 
 Petronius, Grauius, 56 
 Phasas, 282 
 Phalerus, 284. 
 
 Phar (pharos), 86; Pharus, 178 
 Pharmacusa, 43 
 Pharnabates, 181 
 Pharnaces, 87 
 
 S. P. 
 
 Pharos, 215; see Pharus 
 Pharsalia, 80, 88, 96, 108, 109, 
 
 133, 160, 208 
 Pharus, 178 ; Phar, 86 
 Pherecides, 286 
 Phereclus, 282 
 Philadelphes,ii 
 Philadelphus, 207 
 Philellen, 171 
 Philippians. fields, 241 
 Philippes (Phillppi), 103, 104, 
 
 125, 128, 136, 137, 151, 214' 
 Philippides, 158, 169 
 Philippus, M., 231 
 Philochorus, 281—283, 286, 288 
 Philopcemen, 238 
 Philostratus, 224 
 Philotas, 176, 177 
 Philuscius, 240 
 Phoanius, M., 134, 135 
 PhcEuicia, 178, 184, 202 
 Photinus, 206 
 Phraata, 186, 188, ig8 
 Phraataces, 268 
 Phraates, 268 
 Phrahartes, 257 
 Phraortes, 185 — 189, 199 
 Phrygia, 304 
 Phrygians, 50 
 Phrynichus, 300 
 Phygea, 297 
 Physcon, 11 
 
 Piemont (Piedmont), 263 
 Pindarus, 143, 171 
 Pinnetes, 273 
 Piraea {i. e. Piraus), 300 
 Piraica, Porta, 287 
 Pireuaei (Pyrenees), 252 
 Pirithous, 288, 289 
 Pisaurum, 206 
 Piso, 48, 54, 76 
 Piso, Calphurnius, 256, 267 
 Piso, L., 265 
 Pitheus, 278 
 Pityocamtes, 279 
 Flanasia, 273, 276 
 Plancus, T20, 168, 204, 231, 
 
 250, =57. 275 
 Plato, IS, iq6, 177, 184, 215 
 Plemminius, 244 
 Plotius, C, 239 
 Pnyce (Pnyx), 287 
 Po, 60, 61, 65 
 Polemon, 186 
 
 Pollio, Asinius, 72, 84, 88, 270 
 Polybius, 108 
 Polytion, 297 
 Pompeia, 46, 49 — 51 
 Pompeius, Sextus, 180, 184, 
 
 202, 209, 239, 244, 245 
 Pompey, 46, 53—55* 60—67, 
 
 &c. 
 Pompey, C, 174 
 Pompey, Cn., 157 
 Pompey's image, 116, 118 
 Pompilius ; see Numa 
 Pompilius, C, 45 
 
 Pont, 87, go, 207; Pontus, 93 
 Portia, 246; Porcia, 115, 117, 
 
 Porus, 2-59 
 Pdseideon, 76 
 Posthumius, 11' 
 Posthumus, Vibius, 275 
 Postumus, Agrippa, 273, 275 
 Pothinus, 85, 86 
 Priene, 204 
 
 Proculeius, 11, 222, 223 
 Proculus, 26s 
 Proserpina, 289, 297 
 Ptolemies, 11 
 
 Ptolemy, 107, 155,' 156, 202 
 Publicola, 34; 210, 212 
 Pyle, 15 
 Pythia, 286, 287 
 Pythopolis, 287 
 
 Quirinus, Sulpicius, 268 
 
 Ravenna, 274 
 
 Rebilius, Caninius, 93 
 
 Red Sea, 1=15, 215 
 
 Restio, Antius, 239 
 
 Rhacuspolis, 265 
 
 Khamnus, 197 
 
 Rhetians, 262 
 
 Rhcyn Rhine), 59, 60, 62, 63; 
 
 Rhein, 253 
 Rhudes, 44, 259, 267 — 270; 
 
 Rhodon, 224 
 Rhodians, 133 
 Rhone, 57, 107, 131 
 Rhymetalces, 263 
 Rome, I, 2, 3, &c. 
 Romulus, 250 
 Rubico, 6g; Rubicon, 72, 235 
 
 RufuS, 12 
 
 Rufus, Egnatius, 259 
 Rufus, Plautus, 259 
 Rufus, Sulpicius, 240 
 
 Sabines, s, 43 
 
 Sacculio, 145 
 
 Salassians, 245, 255 
 
 Salassus, 238 
 
 SaUistius, 266 
 
 Salutius, 88 
 
 Salvidienus, 243 
 
 Samians, 107 
 
 Samnis, Statius, 240 
 
 Samos, 203, 244, 258, 999 
 
 Saragossa, 254 
 
 Sardians, 135 
 
 Sardinia, 61, 180, 335, 243 
 
 Sardis, 134, 137 
 
 Sarmentus, 206 
 
 Saturn, 75 
 
 Satyrs, 220 
 
 Scaeva, Cassius, 56 
 
 Scambonides, 297 
 
 Scipio, 56, 70, 79, 80, 82, &c. 
 
 Scipios, 35 
 
 Scirus, 283 
 
 Scotusa, 81 
 
322 
 
 INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 
 
 Scribonia, 231 
 
 
 Taenarus, 213 
 
 Tisienus, 244 
 
 Scythia, 93 
 
 
 Tanusia, 238 
 
 Titinnius, 143 
 
 Seleucus, 219 
 
 
 Tarcondemus, 207 
 
 Titius, 191, 204, 245 
 
 Sentinates, 242 
 
 
 Tarentum, 183, 208, 243 
 
 Titurius, 64 
 
 Septimius, 238 
 
 
 Tarius, 270 
 
 Tolerinians, 29 
 
 Serbius, T., 230 
 
 
 Tarpeian rock, 19 
 
 Toranius, 237 
 
 S6rbonides, 155 
 
 
 Tarquin, 3; Tarquins- 105, 
 
 Toryne, 208 
 
 Sergms, i6x 
 
 
 106 
 
 Tralles, 84 
 
 Servilia, 106, 108, log. 
 
 151, 246 
 
 Tarquinius, 230 
 
 Trebellius, r6o 
 
 Servilians, 96 
 
 
 Tatianus, 186 
 
 Trebonius, 118, 121, 164 
 
 Sequanes, 60 
 
 
 Taureas, 296 
 
 Treiiiera, 269 
 
 Setium, 94 
 
 
 Tauromenion, 244 
 
 Trent, 262 
 
 Severus, Cassius;, 266 
 
 
 Taurus, 210; 281—284 
 
 Triumviri, 170, &c. ; 235 
 
 Sextilis (i. e. August), 263 
 
 Taurus, Statilius, 245 
 
 Troglodytes, 176 
 
 Sibyls, 263 
 
 
 Tegea, 289 
 
 Troy, 158 
 
 Sicambrians, 63: Sicambres, 
 
 Tenchteres, 261, 263 
 
 Tullus; j^^Aufidius 
 
 261, 264 
 
 
 Tenterides, 62 
 
 Turin, 263 
 
 Sicilian, Apollodorus 
 
 the, 86 
 
 Terracina, 93 
 
 Tusculum, 80 
 
 Sicily, 16, &c.;,i8o, 
 
 84, 202, 
 
 Teutons, 58 
 
 Typhon, 155 
 
 209, 235, &c. 
 
 
 Thallus, 265 
 
 Tyre, 258 
 
 Sicinius, 6, 13, 19 
 
 
 Thapsacus, 89 
 
 Tyridates, 257 
 
 Siculuin mare, 207 
 
 
 Thassos, 137, 144 
 
 
 Sicyon, 179 
 
 
 Theano, 697 
 
 Ulysses, 23 
 
 Sidon, log, 258 
 Silicius, P., 128 
 
 
 Thebans, 288, 293 
 
 Ustipetes, 261, 264 
 
 
 Thebes, 288 
 
 Utica, 89 
 
 Silius, C , 275 
 
 
 Themistocles, 185 
 
 
 Silvanus, Plautius, 27 
 
 3.275 
 
 Thensae, 27 
 
 Valeria, 34, 35 
 
 Simonides, 282 
 
 
 TheoJorus, 224, 303 
 
 Valerius, M., 5 
 
 Sinnis, 279 
 
 
 Theodotus, 85, 133, 134 
 
 Var, 252 
 
 Smyrna, 129, 130 
 
 
 Theogenes, 231 
 
 Varius, 168 
 
 Solois, 2S6 
 
 
 Theomnestus. 125 
 
 Varro, 75 
 
 Solon, 184 
 
 
 Theophilus, 213 
 
 Varro, Terentius, 255 
 
 Sophocles, 172 
 
 
 Theophrastus, 294 
 
 Varus, Cassius, 238 
 
 Sossius, 183 
 
 
 Theopompus, 85, 301 
 
 Varus, Quintilius, 274, 275 
 
 Soter, II 
 
 
 Theorus, 291 
 
 Velitres (Velitrae), 12, 13 
 
 Spain, 51, 52, 37, 61, 
 
 &c. 
 
 Therm usa, 268 
 
 Vellutus, Sicinius, 6 
 
 Spaniards, 185 
 
 
 Theseus; see Chap. VI., p. 
 
 Ventldius, t8o, 181, 182 
 
 Sparta, 298 
 
 
 278 
 
 Venus, 174, 175, 283 
 
 Spinther, 80, 101 
 
 
 Thessalians, 84 
 
 Vercingetorix, 65, 67 
 
 Statilius, 114, 150 
 
 
 Thessalonica, 145 
 
 Vespillo, Lucretius, 238, 259 
 
 Strabo, 97 
 
 
 Thessalus, 297 
 
 Vestal nuns, 205 
 
 Strato, 151 
 
 
 Thessaly, 125 
 
 Vetulinus, 240 
 
 Struma, Nonius, 240 
 
 
 Thoas, 286 
 
 Vetus, Antistius, 46 
 
 Suabians, 264, 265 
 
 
 Thracia, 207, 247, 265, 272 
 
 Vicanians, 29 
 
 Suetonius, 231 
 
 
 Thucydides, 2^4 
 
 Vinicius, 255 
 
 Suevians, 63 
 
 
 Thuries (Thuriii, 297, 29S 
 
 Virgil, 270 
 
 Surrentum, 273 
 
 
 Thurinus (*. e, Augustus, , 230 
 
 Virgilia, 34 
 
 Sybilline, 94 
 
 
 Thyatira, 259 
 
 Volsces, 7, 23 — 25, 28, IT — Ji 
 
 Sylla, 12, 4a. 43. 46 
 
 . 54. S5» 
 
 Thyreus, 218 
 
 230 
 
 112, 153, &c. 
 
 
 Tiber, 6, 93, 121 
 
 Volumnia, 34, 35, 36 
 
 Syllanus, M., 206 
 
 
 Tiberms, 232, 242, 255, 257, 
 
 Volumnius, 145, 147, 150 
 
 Sy Ileus, 256 
 
 
 263, &c. 
 
 Vopiscus, 12 
 
 Symbolon, 137 
 
 
 Tigranes, 259 
 
 
 Synapothenumenon, 
 
 217 
 
 Tigurinians, 58 
 
 Xanthians, 107, i^t — I's^ 
 
 Syracusans, 297, 298 
 
 
 Timagines, 218, 270 
 
 Xenophon, 194, 301 
 
 Syracuse, 16 
 
 
 Timandra, 304 
 
 Xoutus, 172 
 
 Syria, 157, 178, 183, 
 
 184, 202, 
 
 Timon, 215, 216, 296 
 
 
 &c. 
 
 
 Timoneon, 216 
 
 Zarmanus, 2<;q 
 
 Syrians, 176 
 
 
 Tisaphenies, 299 
 
 Zela. 87 
 
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 In this Index, the references are to the page, and to the number in the margin. Thus, in 
 the first reference, the word a-iand-w'ill be found on p. 88, opposite the explanation to which 
 ihe number 3 is prefixed. 
 
 The abbreviations s., adj., adv., pron., prep , conj., will be readily understood ; but the 
 following are used in a peculiar sense, viz. v. = a verb in the infinitive mood ; pt. s. = a verb 
 in the past tense, singular number, third person; pt. pi. = the past tense, plural, third 
 person {except wheu '* i p." or " 2 p." is subjoined) ; pp. = past participle. 
 
 A, prep, on; a-la.nd, on land, 88. 3; 301. 10. 
 Abide, v. to endure, 253. 3 ; Abidden, pp. 
 
 undergone, 26. 2 ; 92. 2 ; stood against, 59. 7. 
 Abord, adv. aboard, 56. 7. 
 Abused, pp. contemned, 22. 4; deceived, 
 
 173.4; 201. 3. 
 Accustomed, pp. usual, 73. 6. 
 Additions, s. pi. titles, 11. 2. 
 Advertise, v. to tell, 200. 4; Advertised, pp. 
 
 told, informed, 216. 4; 2S9. i ; warned, 60. 
 
 4 ; 64. 3 ; 125. 4. 
 Advertisement, s. notice, information, 300. 2. 
 Afeard, adj. afraid, 7. 8 ; 9. i ; 293. 11 ; 303. i. 
 Afore, conj. before, 234. 2. 
 Against, prep, next to, 63. 8. 
 Agreed, pt. s. reconciled, 243. 7. 
 All of a gore blood, phr. covered with gore, 
 
 115. 6. 
 , Allow, V. to approve, 251. 2 ; Allowing, pres. 
 
 part, approving, 90. i ; Allowed, pt. pi. 
 
 (they) approved o^ 102. 2. 
 Almain, s. Germany, 264. i. 
 Almaines, s. pi. Germans, 249. 4. 
 Alongst, prep, along, 266. 4. 
 Altered, pp. changed, overcome, 36. i. 
 Altogether, all together, 72. i. 
 Amated, pp. disconcerted, 177. 2, 
 Ambassade, s. embassy, 32. 2. 
 And, conj. if, 1x2. 2; 292. 2. 
 Anker, s. anchor, 44. 2. 
 Another, adv. again, secondly, 55. z. 
 Antick, adj. antique, 177. 4. 
 Appeach, v. to impeach, accuse, 223. 3. 
 Arming-coats, s..pl. armour, 8. 9. 
 Arrand, s. errand, 154. i. 
 As, conj. that, 12. 8 ; 22. 2 ; 28. 5 ; 190. 4; as 
 
 for instance, 61. 6; as if, 161. 5. 
 Aspick, s. an asp, 217. 5 ; 227. 5. 
 Assay, v. to try, 64. 6. 
 Assays, s. pi. assaults, 66. i. 
 Astonled, pp. astonished, 204. 2. 
 At the sharp, phr. with sharp weapons, 113. 5. 
 
 See Sharp. 
 Attended, pt. s. waited for, 239, 8; Attend- 
 ing, pres, part, waiting, 240. 2. 
 
 Avoid, V. to depart, 27, 4; to retire, 134. 2. 
 
 Away with, v. to put up with, 54. 5 ; 79. 5 ; 
 to endure, 117. 7; 192. i ; could evil away 
 with, could ill put up with, iii. 3. 
 
 Away withal, v. to put up with, 188. z. 
 
 Awry, adv. wrong, 133, 2. 
 
 6accherians,^s. pi. Bacchanalians, 80. 4. 
 
 Bad, pt. S, invited, 102. 6. 
 
 Ballone, s. a game now called pailone, in 
 which a large ball is struck with the wrist, 
 which is protected with thick pieces of 
 leather, 233. 2. 
 
 Ban, v. to curse, 297. 7. 
 
 Bankets, s. pi. banquets, 295. i. 
 
 Barbarous, s. pi. barbarians, 260. 4. 
 
 Bare, pt. s. bore, 11. i. 
 
 Base, adj. low, inferior, 235. 4. 
 
 Battle, s. battalion, g. 6; 82. 2 ; 82. 7; 141. 
 2; host, 142. 6; squadron, 190. 6. 
 
 Bearing them down, phr. making them be- 
 lieve, 149. 2. ; 
 
 Beastliness, s. stupidity, 191. 5. 
 
 Became, pL s. in phr. became of it,' came of 
 it, 21. 7. 
 
 Because, conj. in order that, 65. 2. 
 
 Bed, s. seat or couch at a banquet, 135. 4. 
 
 Bedlem, adj. mad, 134. 4- 
 
 Bemangled, pp. mangled, 102. 4. 
 
 Besides, prep, beside, 73. 7; 81. 6; 100. 2. 
 
 Bestowed, pt. s. employed, 155. i. 
 
 Betimes, adv. at once, 5. 4. 
 
 Bewray, v. to reveal, 24. 2 ; 36. 2 ; 48. 3 ; 
 Bewrayed, pt. s. betrayed, 124. 5 ; shewed, 
 286. 2 ; ■ Bewrayed, pp.* betrayed, 50. 3 ; 
 117. 4; 239. 2. 
 
 Bewrayed, pp. berayed, disfigiired, 221. 7. 
 Bewrayed \s a bad spelling ; it should have 
 been berayed. See Halliwell. 
 
 Bibber, s. tippler, i6g. i. 
 
 Bid, v. to invite, 121. i. 
 
 Bill, s. a list, 13. 2; a scroll, 99. 6; Bills, pi. 
 scrolls, 267. 2; letters, 97. 2; short letters, 
 112. 4; written messages, 140. 2; set np 
 billst to publish lists, 128. 4. 
 
3^4 
 
 GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 Billed, pp. enrolled, 157. 3. 
 
 Blacks, s pi. mourning, 41. 2. 
 
 Bloodied, pp. stained with blood, 119, i ; 142. 
 
 3; 222. I, 
 Bloods, s. pi. fellows, 145. 4. 
 Blubbering, s. crying, weeping, 225, 3. 
 Boldness, s. stoutness, 19. i. 
 Boot, s. use ; no boot, useless, 134. 6. 
 Bording, part, pres. boarding, 56. t. The 
 
 word bord, to approach, seems to have 
 
 been confused with the phrase to leap on 
 
 board. 
 Bourding, s. joking, 173. 6. 
 Boxed, pt. 5. beat, 225. 6. 
 Brake, pt. 5. broke, 65. 4 ; pi. 61. 2. 
 Bravery, s. insolence, 13. 8 ; audacity, 19. 5 ; 
 
 bragging, 15s. 2; boastful mood, 73. 2; 80. 
 
 5 ; show, 208. 4. 
 Break, v. to trouble, in the phrase Break his 
 
 head, trouble or vex his wiis, 189. i. 
 Breaking, pres. pt. ; breaking 0/ themselves ^ 
 
 breaking their ranks, 83. i. 
 Breathe, v. to exercise, 243. 3. 
 Breviary, s. compendium, 108. 4. 
 Bridle, v. to restrain, check, 300. i. 
 Brief, s. an abstract, 277. 5. 
 Brook, V. to endure, 144, 4. 
 Brought-in, pt. s. introduced, 246. 3. 
 Burden, v. to charge, 21. 3; Burdened, pt. 
 
 pi. accused, 146. i; Burdened, pp. charged, 
 
 21. 12. 
 Burthen, s. a burden, 17. 8. 
 But, conj. except, 87. 5 ; 350. 5 ; 251. 4. 
 By, prep, with reference to, iii. 2 ; 163. 2 ; 
 
 regarding, 21. 5 ; of, 115. 4. Even hard 
 
 by, quite close beside, 3. 3. 
 Bynames, s. pi. nicknames, 270. 2. 
 
 Caitiff, adj. wretched, 266. i. 
 
 Came about, pt. s. arrived, 20. 2. 
 
 Can thee thank, i p. s. pr. I render thee 
 thanks, 296. 4. Also used in the form " I con 
 thee thanks, ' where con signifies literally 
 to make known, and thanks (or thank) is 
 a substantive. 
 
 Caparison, s. trappings, 10. 4. 
 
 Carects, s. pi, ships of burden. 213. 3. Carect 
 is also spelt carrick or carrack. *'Car- 
 raque, the huge ship termed a Carricke ;" 
 Cotgrave. 
 
 Careful, adj. anxious, 6. 5; 117. 6; indus- 
 trious, 217. 3. 
 
 Carriage, s. baggage, 74. 2; 144. 3; 186. i; 
 187. 7; 189. 4; 209. i; 213. 2; burden, 
 214. 3: packages, 196. 4; stores, 2x3. 5. 
 
 Carried, pp. persuaded, 122. 6. 
 
 Cassiere, v. to cashier, 245. i ; 249. 3 ; Cas- 
 siered, pt s 275. 5. 
 
 Cassock, s. robe, 156. a. 
 
 Cast, V. to throw, 2. 8. 
 
 Cast about, v. to turn round, 77. 3. 
 
 Cast away, pp. lost, 56. 6. 
 
 Causeys, s. pi, causeways, 252. r. 
 
 Centiner, s, centurion, 235. 2; Centener, 
 237. 2; 239. 2 ; 246. 2; Centeners, pi. 264. 6. 
 
 Cercees, s. Circeii, 29. 3 ; Circees, 93, 5. 
 
 Certain, s. a certain quantity, 180. i. 
 
 Challengeth, pr. s, claims, 301. 6; Challeng- 
 ed, pt. pi. claimed, loi. 9. 
 
 Champion, adj. ; champion country, jBat and 
 open country, IJ5. i. Also spelt cham- 
 
 paign, as by Addison. 
 Char ■ 
 
 ■Changing, pres. pt. exchanging, 169. 6, 
 
 Charge, v. to accuse, 31. 5. 
 
 Charge, 5. expense, 203. 3 ; by Cassiits 
 charge, at Cassius' expense, 331. i : 
 Charges, pi. duties, 251. 7 ; expenses, 46. 
 5 ; 296- 2. 
 
 Charret, s. chariot, 275. 9. 
 
 Cheap, in phr. good cfieap, cheaply, 16. 11. 
 Here good cheap is put for at (or in) good 
 cheap, i. e. at (or in) a good market. 
 
 Choler, s. bile, 194 3. 
 
 Chronicled, pp. recorded as, 37. 2. 
 
 Circees, s. pi. Circeii^ 93. 5; Cercees, ag. 3. 
 
 Cithern, s. a kind of guitar, 172. 3 ; Cithernes, 
 pi. 174. 6. 
 
 Civil, adj. courteous, 20. 11. 
 
 Clap, V. to put, 210. 5. To clap on sails, to 
 put on all sail, make all sail. 
 
 Clapping, pres. pt. beating, 221. 6. 
 
 Clean, adj. pure, 138. i : 219. 3. Used of 
 gold, as in Piers Plowman, B. m. 22. 
 
 Clean, adv. wholly, 214. 1. 
 
 Climest, pr. s. 2 p. climbest, 296. 5. 
 
 Cloke, V. to cloak, 184. 4. 
 
 Cloke, s. a cloak, 299. 3 ; 304. z. 
 
 Closely, adv. secreUy, 82. 3. 
 
 Coat-armour, s. uniform, or ornamented 
 coat, 83. 3. Used here of the distinctive 
 outer dress of a general. It means properly 
 a dress marked with the coat-of-arms of 
 the wearer. See also 151. 5 ; 171. 2 ; 192. 4. 
 
 Cockle, s. darnel, tares, 16. 16. Spelt cokkel 
 in most MSS. of Chaucer. 
 
 Cofferer, s. treasurer, 157. i. 
 
 Colour, s. pretext, excuse, 68. 4; 71. 4; 92. 
 S; 158. 6; 163. 4; «oo. 2; disguise, X3, 4. 
 By colour, under cover, 53. 3. Honest 
 colour, good reason, 94, 6. 
 
 Colour, v. to excuse, 210, 6; to disguise, 
 75. 4- 
 
 Come by, v. to procure, 3. 5 ; 79. 7. 
 
 Comical, adj. comic, 294. 1. 
 
 Commodity, s. provision, 271. 10 ; general 
 advantage, 6. 7. 
 
 Compass, s. restraint, 2. 5 ; circuit, 159. 3. 
 
 Complots, s. pi. plots, 271. 3. 
 
 Composition, s. agreement, 288. 2. 
 
 Compt, pr. s. I p. I count, 294. 5. F. comp- 
 ter, Lat. cotnpntare. 
 
 Conceipt, s. conception, 136. 3. 
 
 Conceitive, adj. whimsical, fanciful, 11. 5. 
 
 Concluded, pt. pi. decided upon, 6. i ; de- 
 cided, 27. 8. 
 
 Condition, s. temper, 162. 3 ; disposition,-^ 
 281. 5. 
 
 Conduct, s. command, 272. 3. 
 
 Conduction, s. guidance, 40. 7. 
 
 Confiscate, pp. confiscated, 297. 6. 
 
 Consider, v. to perceive, 43. 3 ; Considered, 
 pp. observed, 174, i. 
 
 Consort, s. conspiracy, 164. i. 
 
 Constantly, adv. with constancy, 115. 8. 
 
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 3^5 
 
 Contentation, s. moderation. lo. 7. 
 Contrarily, adv. on the other hand, 80. 2 ; on 
 
 the contrary, 49. 3; 57. 3. 
 Contrary, adj. in phr. in contrary manner, 
 
 on the contrary, 22. 3, 
 Contrary, v. to oppose, 30. s; Contraried, 
 
 pt. s. opposed, 38. s- 
 Conversation, s. company, :c. 2 : behaviour, 
 
 86. 3. 
 Convinced, pp. convicted, 48. 4; 250. 4; 265. 
 
 i; 269. 2; 270. 5; 271. 8. Conziinced of 
 
 iJieir suits^ convicted in their suits, cast, 
 
 25'- 5- . . 
 
 Cop-tank, adj. conical, 202. 1. Halliwell 
 gives — Copatain^ a conical hat, one in the 
 form of a sugar-loaf. The word is also 
 spelt coPPed-ianke^ coppentante^ and coP' 
 pintanh; &c. 
 
 Cormorant, adj. voracious, 126. 3. 
 
 Countenance, s. appearance, 1^3. 4; favour, 
 igS. 2 ; Countenances, pi. signs of rank, 
 
 257- 3- 
 
 Courage, s. temper, 15. 10. 
 
 Course, s. ; words 0/ course, formal expres- 
 sions, 75- 3. 
 
 Cousins, s. pi. relatives, 271. 7. 
 
 Crancks, s. pi. windings, 283. 2. 
 
 Cranewes, s pi. crannies, 131. 7; 222. ■£, 
 
 Cressant, s. crescent, 187. 3. 
 
 Cross, v. to thwart, 70. i. 
 
 Currer, s. courier, 66. 3. 
 
 Custom, s. tribute, 247. 4. 
 
 Customers, s. pi. taxgatherers, 247. 5. 
 
 Cuts, s. pi. Jots, 180. 2; 181. I. I) raw cuts t 
 to draw lots. Some straws or slips are 
 
 ' held in the hand ; the bystanders draw one 
 each; and the lot falls on him who draws 
 • the cut,' i. e. the shortest straw or slip. 
 
 Dainty; made it dainty to enter, shrank 
 
 back from entering, 155. 3. See Nice. 
 Danuby, s. Danube, 262. i. 
 Declared, pt. s. shewed, 28. i. 
 Defer, v. to tarry, wait, 36. 4. 
 Degrees, s. pi. steps, 79^. 3. 
 Demetriades, s. Demetrias, a town in Ihes- 
 
 saly, 126. I. 
 Depart, v. to leave, 13. 10. 
 Desired, pp. regretted, 271. 2. 
 .Desperate, adj. in despair, 216. 2. 
 Despite, s. spite, 243- 4- 
 Discharge, s. acquittal, 113. 7. 
 Discharged, pt. s. acquitted, 113. 6. 
 Discommodities, s. pi. disadvantages, i. 2. 
 Discovered, pt. pi. appeared, 210. 2, Used 
 
 reflexively. 
 Disliking, s. displeasure, 18. 6. 
 Dislodged, pt. s. removed his camp, 38. ■^. 
 Divines, s. pi. soothsayers, 275. 6. 
 Domestical, adj. domestic, 270. 8, 
 Done, pp. exhausted, 195. ^°- , , 
 Doubt, V. to fear, 15- 41 Doubted, pt. s. 
 
 feared, 267. 7. 
 Drave, pt. s. drove, 56. 51 7i- 2 J 77- 2 : 79- 
 
 6; 219. 2 ; pi. 53. 7- , ... 
 
 Drum; by the drum,- by public auction, 
 
 255. 3 ; 260. I. 
 
 Drunk, pt. a. he drank, 232. 4. 
 
 Ears, s. pi. ; fell together by the ears, quar- 
 relled, 243. 2 ; by the ears, at strife, 285. 2. 
 
 Easilier, adv. more easily, X79. i. 
 
 Easing, s. eaves, 58. 4. Still in provincial 
 use. 
 
 Eat, pt. s. ate, 58. 3 ; pi. 78. z. 
 
 Eber, the Ebro, 254. 8. 
 
 Effect, s. meaning, 241. 5. 
 
 Eftsoons, adv. soon after, 88. 6; i6t. 6. A. S. 
 eeftsona. 
 
 Egg, v. to instigate, 198. i ; egg him on, in- 
 cite him, 97. 4. 
 
 Eight, ord. num. eighth, 204. 4; 255. 4. 
 
 Either, adj. one of two, 245. 8. 
 
 Elder, adj. older, 52. r. 
 
 Element, s. sky, 81. 5 ; 97. 6 ; 103. 5 i 208. 9. 
 
 Embroderie, s. embroidery, 217. 2. 
 
 Emerod, s. emerald, 240. 5. 
 
 Enclined, pt. pi. inclined, 249. 2. 
 
 Encounter, s. attack, 270. 3. 
 
 Enow, *adj. pi. enough, 180. 3. 
 
 Ensigns, s. pi. regiments, 52. 2; companies, 
 127. I. 
 
 Enter-changeably, adv. interchangeably, 
 60. 2. 
 
 Enterprise, v. to undertake, 4. 2. 
 
 Entertain, v. to maintain, 275. 10 ; Enter- 
 tained, pt. s. maintained, 268. 8. 
 
 Erred, pp. strayed, wandered, 238. i 
 
 Estate, s. state, 250. i ; 254. 3 ; 269. 5 ; dig- 
 nity, 256. 2 : government, 275. 3. 
 
 Esteem, pr, pi. regard, 4. 3. 
 
 Evidently, adv. plainly, 270. 4. 
 
 Evil. See Falliiig. 
 
 Execution, s. punishment, 25, 2. 
 
 Expecting, pres, pt. waiting for, 206. l. 
 
 Exquisite, adj. exact, distinct, 39. 2. 
 
 Extremity, s. difficulty, 267. 6. 
 
 Fact, s. deed, 13. 5; loi. 7; 102. 1; 112, 8; 
 119. 3; 240.4; affair, 270. i. With tlte 
 fact, in the act, 261. 2. 
 
 Fained, pt. s. feigned, 267. i. 
 
 Fall out, v. to take place, to happen, 12. 2 ; 
 17. 4; to turn out, 19. 2; to be come to, 
 16. 10. See Fell out. 
 
 Falling evil, s. epilepsy, 95. 2. 
 
 Falling sickness, s. epilepsy, 89. 3. 
 
 Fancy, s. love, 283. i. 
 
 Fardle, s. bundle, 86. 2; Fardels, pi. bun- 
 dles, 187. I. 
 
 Favour, s. countenance, look, features, 293. i. 
 
 Fearful, adj. dreadful, 36. 3. 
 
 Fell out, pt. s. took place, happened, t2. 9 ; 
 14.7; 20.4; 27.2; 31.7; pi. disagreed, 
 quarrelled, 28. 6 ; 59. 5^ See Fallout. 
 
 Felonies, s. pi. crimes, 223. 5. 
 
 Felt, pp. perceived, 172. i. 
 
 Ferriting, pres part, searching, 23^. 6. 
 
 Ferula, s. a punishing bat, 96. i. 't^i^ ferula 
 was of wood, shaped like a small battledore, 
 used by schoolmasters for inflicting pats 
 upon the in.side of the schoolboy's hand. 
 
 Fetch, s. a device, a scheme, 81. 4; 189. 7. 
 
 Fift, adj. fifth, 163. 1 ; 190, 7 ; 210. 7 ; 247. i. 
 
326 
 
 GLOSSARIAL INDEX, 
 
 Fine, in phr, injine^ lastly, 55. 3. 
 
 Finely, adv. cleverly, 240. i ; greatly, 251. 6 ; 
 finally (?), 243. i. 
 
 Fire. See On. 
 
 Flouting, pres. pt. befooling, 173. 3. 
 
 Fond, adj. foolish, 178. i : 275. 4. 
 
 Footmen, s. pi. infantry, 81. 3. 
 
 For, prep, as for, 44. 4 ; 91.3; i95- z ; 210. 
 S; because of, 24. 3; 113. 2; with regard 
 to, 31. 2 ; as regards, 106. 3 ; as regarded, 
 272. I ; from, (as in) stay ihe^n for getting^ 
 prevent them from getting, 190. 2 ; to 
 prevent, 162. 4 ; viisirustedfor, suspected 
 of, 160. 6 ; for pleasing, if he would please 
 men, 15. 8. 
 
 For that, conj. because, 46. 2. 
 
 Forgat, pt. s. forgot, 293. 10. 
 
 Forgo, V. to forego, 216. 6. (The old spelling 
 forgo is the more correct ; the prefix being 
 foT't notjore-, in this case). 
 
 Found, pt. s. discovered, 178. z. 
 
 Fowls, s. pi. birds, 138, 2. 
 
 Frame, V. to arrange, 94. 4. Frame withj to 
 comply with, 298. 3. 
 
 Frank, adj. free, 49. i ; 284. ±. 
 
 Frantic, adj. foolish, 173. 5. 
 
 Frizzled, pt. s. curled, crisped, 206. 4. 
 
 Fumbling, adj. rambling, 98. 2. 
 
 Funerals, s. pi. funeral, 277. 4 ; burial, 144. 
 z ; 145- 3- 
 
 Furnished, pp. equipped, 67. 5 ; decked out, 
 
 „ '74- 3- 
 
 Furniture, s. equipments, 10. 5 ; 28. 3 ; 137. 4 ; 
 tiappings, 67. 6. 
 
 Gail, s. gaol, 281. 2. 
 
 Gaped for, pt. s, watched for, 160. 4. 
 
 Gaping, pres. pt. wondering, 16. 8. 
 
 Garboil, s. turmoil, 73. 5 ; tumult, 107. 3. 
 
 Gard, s. edging, 217. 1. 
 
 Gate, s. journey, 216. 3. 
 
 Gave it, pt. s. derided, 175. g. Gave it hivt, 
 
 derided him, reproached him. Still in 
 
 vulgar use. 
 Gave back, pt. pi. retreated, 7. 9. 
 Genoveses. s. pi. Genoese, 263. i. 
 Genua, s. Genoa, 263. 3. 
 Gests, s. pi. tales, 288. 3; doings, 115. 2. 
 Gillots, s. pi. women; tumbling gillots^ danc- 
 ing-women, 161. 10. 
 Girths, s. pi. straps, 295. 4. 
 Give back, v. to retreat, iB. i. 
 Give place, v. to draw back, 95. 4. 
 Given; in phr. ivell given, well inclined, 
 
 106. I. 
 Glistering, pres. part, glittering, 67. 4 ; 81. 2 ; 
 
 142. 8. 
 Go, v. ; to go set upon^ to go and attack, 
 
 7^- 3- 
 Going about, pres. pt. endeavouring, 66. 6. 
 Going, s. marching, 195. 9; upo7t going aitt, 
 
 ready to go out, 29. 5. 
 Good cheap, adv. cheaply, 46. 4. S&q Cheap, 
 Gore-belly, s. fab-paunch, 11. 4. 
 Gore blood. See AIL 
 Got him, pt. s. went, 23. 3. 
 Grace, s, favour, 10. 6. 
 
 Gramercy, s. ; for graniercy, i. e. gratis, 247, 
 
 2. Short iox grand merci, many thanks. 
 Gravelled, pp. po.sed, perplexed, 177, i. 
 Great with, phr. beloved by, 283. 4. 
 Grieves, s. pi. griefs, 281. 6. 
 Gripe, V. to seize, 237. i. 
 Griping, s. grappling, wrestling, 2, 7. 
 Gross, adj. coarse, 175. 8. 
 Ground, v to found, 12. i. 
 Grudged, pt pi. murmured, 204. 5. 
 
 Hackled, pp. hacked, loi. i. 
 
 Had, pt. s. subj. would have, 4. 10. 
 
 Halbards, s. pi. halberds, 211. 5. 
 
 Hale, V. to drag, yS. 2. '' 
 
 Hals, s. pi. pavilions, 161. 8. Halliwell 
 gives — Hale, a tent, or pavilion. '^ Hale 
 in a felde for men, tref; " Palsgrave. Nares 
 gives an extract containing the word, but 
 wrongly explains it as a horse-litter. 
 
 Hand over head, phr. confusedly, 158. 2; in 
 great haste, 141. 3. 
 
 Hand. See In hattd. 
 
 Hands, s. pi. ; valiant of his hands, bold in 
 fight, igo. 8. See Man. 
 
 Handy strokes, s. pi. fighting at close quar- 
 ters, 197. 5. 
 
 Hanged, pt. pi. hung, 261. 5 ; pp. 175. 5. 
 
 Hap, s. fortune, 14. 4 ; 204. i ; evil liap^ ill 
 fortune, 22. 7. 
 
 Happy, adj. fortunate, 53. 4; 277. 6. 
 
 Harborough, s. harbour, 94. i. 
 
 Hard, advl close, 168. 2 ; Jiard by, close by, 
 196. 2. 
 
 Hardily, adv. boldly, 47. 3. 
 
 Hardly, adv with difficulty, 210. 3; very 
 hardly, with much difficulty, 187. 9. 
 
 Hardness, s. hardship, 2, 6; 57. i ; endur- 
 ance, 78. 5. 
 
 Harness, s. armour, 76. 3; 142. 9; 143. 3. 
 
 He, pron. i. e. the man, 131. 2. He "who, 
 the man who. 
 
 Health, s. safety, 241. 6. 
 
 Heart, s. wish, desire, inclination, 122. 3. 
 
 Heathy, adj. covered with heath, 12. 3. 
 
 Held, pt. s. lasted, 270. 6. 
 
 Help, V. to heal, 152. i ; Holpen, pp. re- 
 medied, 16. 7. 
 
 Hit, V. to find, ip5. 4. 
 
 Hoise, V. to hoist, 283. 3; pt. s. Hoised, 
 hoisted, 88. 4 ; 159. 5 ; 286. i ; pi. 203. 7 ; 
 Hoising, pres. part. 212, 2. 
 
 Hold, imp. s. take it, 109. i. 
 
 Holpen, pp. helped, remedied, 16. 7. See 
 Help. 
 
 Honest, adj. honourable, 37. 4; iig. 5; 200. 
 I ', Honestest, most honourable, 40. 3. 
 
 Honestly, adv, honourably, 296. i. 
 
 Honesty, s. an honour, 37. 3. 
 
 Horse, s. horses, 88. 7 ; 214. 2 ; 250. 3 ; 264. 
 4. The A. S. hors is a neuter noun, mak- 
 ing kors in the plural, without change. 
 The same is the case with sceap, a sheep. 
 We now say horses, but not sheeps. 
 
 Hour, s. time; in a good hour, in good time, 
 8. 6. 
 
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 327 
 
 Hoiise-doves, s. pi. stay-at-homes, 14. 2. 
 Howboys, s. pi. hautboys, 174. 5; Howboyes, 
 
 172. 5. 
 Hugger-mugger, s. secrecy, 121. 3. 
 Hurling, s. tumult, 82. 6. 
 Hurlyburly, s. confusion, 19. 8 ; tumult, 197. 
 
 2. 
 Huswives, s. pi. hussies, 161. z. 
 
 Hand, s. island, 44. 3 ; 63. 6 ; 169. 4. 
 lie, s. isle, 43. 4; 44. 5; 107. 2 ; 184. i ; 25S, 
 4; p|. lies, 243. 5. Very rarely, it'is spelt 
 isle in the original. See p, 315, 1. r. 
 Ill, adj. hard, 195. 3; very ill to covie unto^ 
 
 hard of access, 65. 6. 
 TU-willed, adv. against men's will*;, 248. 4. 
 lU-willers, s. pf. evil-wishers, 99. 2, 
 Imagery, s. sculpture, 207. 2. 
 Imbark, v. to embark, 77. i; 159. 2; Im- 
 
 barked, pt. s. 159. 4 ; 212. 4 ; 238. 3. 
 Imbasing, s. humiliation, 7. 2 ; debasing, 
 
 273- 3- 
 Imbrace, v. to embrace, g. 2 : 302. i. 
 Impossibleness, s. impossibility, 19. 9. 
 Impostume, s. abscess, 16.' 3- 
 In, prep, of, 70. 4 ; accuse him in, i. e. ac- 
 cuse him of. 
 In fine, adv. finally, 48. i ; 86. 5 ; 165. 4 ; 
 
 181. 2. 
 In hand, close at hand, ready to treat, ur- 
 
 genc, 166. T. 
 In manner, adv. as it were, 43. 5 ; 63. 2 : 73. 
 i; apparently, 70. 6; after a sort, 202. 4; 
 In a manner, as it were, 122. 7. 
 In round, adv. around, 19. 7. 
 Inabitable, adj. habitable, 63. 7. 
 Inclosed, pp. surrounded, 274. i. 
 Incontinently, adv. immediately, at once, 30. 
 4; 8i. i; 115. 7; 158. 4; 248. i; &c. 
 (Very common.) 
 Indifferently, adv. equally, 192^ 2 ; imparti- 
 ally, 70 7. 
 Indite, v. to indict, 51, i. 
 Inditement, s. indictment, 48. 5. 
 Inexpugnable, adj. impregnable, 66. 7. 
 Inforced, pt. s. forced, 258. 3. 
 Infortunately, adv. unfortunately, 245. 3. 
 Injuries, s. pi reproaches, 267. 3. 
 Inkling, s. hint, 85. 3. 
 Innocency, s. innocence, 19. 4 : 4°- 4- 
 Inrich, v. to enrich, 64. i. 
 ' Insolences, s. pi. wanton acts, 261. 4. 
 Instance, s. urgency, 15. 3 ; 183 i. 
 tnstant. adj. urgent, 38. 9: 67. 3; 146. 3: 
 
 imminent, 130. t. 
 Intice, V. to entice, 159. i. 
 intituled, pp. entitled, 207. 3. 
 Intreat, v. to treat, 5. 1 ; iz6. 7; to entreat, 
 119. 4; Intreated, pt. s. treated, 75. 2; »« 
 entreated^ badly treated, 258. i. 
 Inward, adj. secret. 256. i. 
 Inwardly, adv. to heart, 286. 3. 
 
 Jar, s. strife, 53. 2. 
 
 Jeopard, v. to risk, 139. 2. 
 
 Jewry, s. Judea, 207. 4 ; June, 216. 5 ; 21a. i. 
 
 Join, T. to join battle, 255. 2. 
 
 Joining, pres. part, adjoining, 219. i. 
 Jurie, s. Jewry, Judsea, 216. 5; 218. j 
 Jffiury^ 
 
 See 
 
 Keep, V. to guard, 215. 3; 275. i; Kept, pt. 
 pi. guarded 188. i ; pp. 224. 4. Kepi the 
 fields^ stayed in the fields, 192. 3; and see 
 29. I ; 14. 3. 
 
 Kinred, s. kmdred, 47. 2. 
 
 Laid at, pt. s. attacked, 8- 3 ; pi. Laid on load, 
 
 toiled hard (in rowing). 77. 4. 
 Lane in phr viade a lane, forced a passage, 
 
 cut out a way ; see p 8. 1. 17. 
 Lay, pt. s. lodged. 125. 2; pi. 123. ■£. 
 Layup, V. to vomit, 161. 4. 
 Leave, v. to cea.se, 17. 2; 135. 7; ?93. 6; to 
 
 forego, 21. 1; to leave off, 274. 6. See 
 
 Left 
 Leavie, v. to levy, 250. 2; Lea vied, pp. levied, 
 
 257. 2; 258. 5. 
 Lett, pt. s. ceased from, 75. 7 ; ceased^ 170. i ; 
 
 207. I. See Leave. 
 Legioners, s. pi. men of the legion, 197. 4. 
 
 Lat. legionarii. 
 Leman, s. sweetheart, 200 6. Contracted 
 
 from lief-man, where lief- dear. 
 Length, s; at the lengthy at last, 30. i. ^ 
 
 Let, v. to hinder, 53. 8; 117. 1; 134 7;. iSi- 
 
 1 ; to prevent, 189. 6 ; 293. 3 ; to hesitate, 
 
 145- '• 
 Lets, s. pi. delays, 193. 5. 
 Libels, s. pi. clauses, 277. i. 
 Lieu, s. stead, 146. 2. 
 Lift, pt. s. lifted, 78. 8; 208. 8; 212. 5; Lift, 
 
 pp. 38. I ; 150-3; 236- 4- 
 Light. See .5"^^. 
 Like, V. to satisfy, 98. 4: Liked him, pt. s. it 
 
 pleased him, 7. i ; Liked, pt. pi. approved, 
 
 241. 2. 
 
 Like of V to approve, 99. 3 ; Liked of, pt. 
 
 pi. approved. 164. 2. 
 Liking, pres pt.; in -phr. lining- well of ,hQing 
 
 pleased with. 18. 7. 
 Lllybee, s. Lilybseum, 243. 8. 
 Limmer, s. lunber. shaft, 26. i. The ,lce- 
 
 landic limar means branches of trees, of 
 ' which shafts were mafle. 
 Lipare. s. Lipara, 244. i. 
 Listed, pt. s. pleased, 16. 18 ; 190. i ; pi. 94. 
 
 3; pp. no. S- 
 Little-son, s. grandson, 271. o. 
 Load. See Laid. 
 
 Loaden, pp. laden, 14. 1; Loden, 213. 1. 
 Lnof. V. to luff, 212. I. 
 Looked, pt. pi. expected. 146. 6. 
 Looked for. v. to expect, 27. 5 ; Looked for, 
 
 pp. expected, 15. 6; no. 2; 123. 1. 
 Looke,d to, pp. watched, 49. 4- 
 Look up. V. to collect. 8. 5. 
 Looking, pres. part, expecting, 21. 11 : 61. i ; 
 
 Loupgarou, s. a werwolf, 296. 2. The word 
 garou is a French spelling of ivenvulf 
 much corrupted: and, the sense bemg lost. 
 
3^8 
 
 GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 the word lonp was again prefixed. The 
 
 werwolf, i. e. ntawwolf. was a man changed 
 
 into a wolf by enchantment. 
 Luke, s. Lucania, 124. 3; 125. i. 
 Lusty, adj: self-willed, 146. 5 ; Lustiest, 
 
 boldest, 16. 4. 
 
 Made. pt. s. caused, 70. s 
 
 'Maeotides, adj. pi. ; i.e. of Maeotis, 203. 7. 
 
 Malice, V. to begrudge. 10. 8; to hate, 23. 2; 
 
 Maliced, pp. disliked, 139. i ; pt. pi. 299. 5. 
 Man of his hands, phr. a great fighter, 114. z. 
 Manner, s. custom. 3. 4. In fjianner, as it 
 
 were, 61. 4 ; 15S. i ; 272. 2 See also In 
 
 tnanner. 
 Manumissed, pp. manumitted, freed, 23^. 4. 
 Marches, s. pi. borders ; upon those marches^ 
 
 in those borders. 125. 3. 
 Marish, s. a. marsh, 142. 2; 146. 7; Marrish, 
 
 56. 4; Z40. I ; Marishes, pi. 93. 7; 108. 2; 
 
 155. 4; Marrishes. 65. 7; 127. 2. 
 Martyr, v. to torture. 25. 3; Martyred, pp. 
 
 injured, 224. 5. The O. Fr. fnartirer 
 
 sometimes means to torment. 
 Maske, s. a masque, entertainment, 301. 8. 
 Master, s. captain, skipper, 284. 5. 
 Masteries, s. pi. ; in phr. try masteries^ i.e. 
 
 contend, 2. 9. 
 Maaterless. adj. unruly, 268. 5. 
 Mates, s pi, comrades, 145. 2. 
 Matter, s, purulent discharge, 16. ■£, 
 Maze, s. perplexity, 59. 9; 148. r. 
 Mean, s. means, way, 13. 3; 28. 4; 31.4; 86. 
 
 i; 92. t; 179. 4; 280. 2. 
 Mean, adj. low, 21. 10. 
 Meaning, pres. pt. intending, 86. 7. 
 Meaning by, pres. pt. referring to, 163. z. 
 Mechanical, adj. mechanic, 113. 3. 
 Meet, adj. fitting; that "were meet^'v/haXey^r 
 
 is fitting 2. I. 
 Merely, adv. wholly, completely, 30T. 9. 
 Middest, s. midst, 88. 2 ; 101.6; 119.2; 135. 
 
 5; &c. (Very common^. 
 Mids. s. midst, 122. i. 
 Mislike, v. to dislike, ig-a. 6; 198. 3; to dis* 
 
 please, 218. 3; pres. pi. dislike, 167. i; 173. 
 
 7; 2 p. (ye) disapprove, 99, 4; Misliked, 
 
 pt. $.. displeased. 135. 6; pt. pi. disliked, 
 
 177. 5; displeased, 184, 2; were displeased 
 
 with, 38. 3. 
 Mistrust, V. to suspect, 142, 11 ; Mistrusted, 
 
 pt. s. suspected, 160. 5 ; 225. 2 ; nothing 
 
 mistrusted, in no way suspected. 174. 2; 
 
 pt. pi. nothing' at all inisirustedy nowise 
 
 suspected, 62. 3 ; pp. Mistrusted, su.s- 
 
 pected, 89. I ; Mistrusting, pres. pt. sus- 
 pecting, 227. 4. 
 Mo adj. more, 96. 2; 135. 2; 190, 9; 194. 4. 
 
 See Moe. 
 Modesty, s. moderation, 18. 5. 
 Moe, adv. more, 144. 5, See Mo. 
 More, adj. majority of. 17. 5 ; greater, 34. 3 ; 
 
 adv. afterwards, 271, 9. 
 Most, sup. adj, greatest, 50, 2 ; 325. 4. 
 Mountainers, s. pi. mountaineers, 254. 6. 
 , Much, adj. great, 16. 6. 
 Murriuns, s.. pi. morions, head-pieces, 195. 7. 
 
 Murther, s. murder, 100. i ; 103. 8; izo. z; 
 
 &c. 
 Murthered. pt, pi. murdered. 102 9 
 Murtherer, s, murderer. 103. i ; 108. i ; Mur- 
 
 therers, pi, 103, 3; 165. 2; 236. 3. 
 Mutine, v. to mutiny, 20. 9; Z31. 5; Mu- 
 
 tined, pp. mutinied. 296. 8. 
 Mutining, s. mutinying. 40. 9. 
 Myriads, s. pi, sums of 10,000 drachmae, 49. 
 
 2; 8s. 5- 
 
 Naked, adj. unarmed, 193. 2 ; 220. 4. See 
 
 Othello, V. 2. 258. 
 Naughty, adj. wicked, evil, 16. Z5; 151. 2; 
 
 161. z. 
 Naughty>natured, adj, ill-natured. 281, 4. 
 Nearest, adj. next, 268. r. See Next. 
 Next, adj. nearest, 131. 8; 142. i. 
 Nice, adj. ; inake it nice, to seem reluctant, 
 
 177. 3- See Dainty. 
 Night, s. ; within nighty after nightfall, 213. 
 
 7- 
 Nothing, adv. in no way, 59. 8 ; 94. 5 ; 232. 
 
 3 ; not at all. 7. z. 
 Nothing the more, adv. none the more, 33. x. 
 
 Object, V. to impute, z68. 2; Objecteth, pres. 
 s. presents, 34. 1. 
 
 Occasion, s. cause 27. 3 ; reason, 269, 4 ; 
 accident, Z41. 4; opportunity, 20. 8; 31. 9; 
 71. 3; 245, 7; &c. Occasions, pi. reasons, 
 92, 3; causes of dislike, 95. 3. 
 
 Occupy, V. to employ, 57. 5; pres. pi. use, 
 115- 5- 
 
 Of, prep, from, 31, 6; 37. 5; 64. 2; by, 41, i ; 
 85. 2; 101. 2; IZO. 4; 141. 5, &c. ; about, 
 51, 2; with, 29. 2; Id. 5; 195.5; concern- 
 ing, 262. 4 ; over, 36. 5 ; 266. 3 ; 275. 8 ; 
 upon ; in phrases To live oJ\ to live upon, 
 i.,4. I ; Had an eye ofy had an eye upon, 
 49. s; In revenge of, for revenge upon, 12. 
 5 ; for ; in phrase Of ten days, tor ten days, 
 137, 3: against; in phr. Cried out of, cried 
 out against, 262, 3; in; the thing of, the 
 chief thing m, 15. 7. Of = some of, 9. 7 ; 
 74. 4; 78. 4_. 
 
 Of purpose, I.e. on purpose, 82. 5; 116. 3; 
 135- I- 
 
 Offer, V. to attempt, 8. i; Offered, pL pi. at- 
 tempted, 134. 5. 
 
 Omnipotency, s. omnipotence, 39. 3. 
 
 On, Take on fire^ to take fire, 131. g; set 
 fire on, to set fiie to, 58. 5 ; 132, 2. 
 
 One, the, i. e. the first, 277. 2; tiret of all, 
 55- I. 
 
 Only, adj, sole, 37. i; 176. i; mere, 114, 1; 
 the only heads, the heads alone, 16 so. 
 
 Only, adv. alone, 6. 3 ; 6. 8; Z4. 8; only 
 with, with only, 14. 6. 
 
 Opmion, s. .self-opinion, 15. 5. 
 
 Order, s. ; take such order, i. c, .«k> decide 
 48. 6; taking order for, arranging, laS. 5. 
 See Take order. 
 
 Order, v. to arrange, 50. i. 
 
 Ordinance, s. ordering, 94. 2. 
 
 Orient, s. Last, 26a. 6 ; 268. 6. 
 
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 3^9 
 
 Other, adj. : ike one the other, each other, 
 258. 2 ; Other, pi. others (very common), 
 4. 6; 80. I ; 102. 5; 118. i; &c. 
 
 Otherwise, adv. else, 88. 5, 
 
 Ought, pt. pi. owed, 40. 6 ; 264- 3. 
 
 Out, adv. at variance, no. 3. Come out, 
 come to an end, 93. 3. 
 
 Outbrave, v. to insult, 245. 2. 
 
 Overflown, pp. overflowed, 65. 8. 
 
 Overhand, adv. upside down, 295. 7. 
 
 Over-harried, pp. much hara:ssed, 148. 4. 
 
 Overlop, s. orlop {a nautical term), 295. 3. 
 Orlop, the modern form, is a contraction 
 of overlop, a word' directly borrowed from 
 the Dutch overlook, which signifies the 
 planking of a deck, and is perhaps derived 
 from {yverloopen, lit. to run over or run 
 across, from loopen, to run. From the 
 same Dutch verb ar6 derived elope (Dutch 
 entloopen, to escape or run away from), 
 and interloper, lit. one who runs between. 
 The corresponding English verb is leap, 
 which in old authors, means to run as well 
 as to jump. 
 
 Overthrown, pp. taken down, 81. 7, 
 
 Pain, s. effort ; the pain he had taken, the 
 effort he had made, g. 8. 
 
 Painful, adj. toilsome, 24. 4; laborious, en- 
 gaged in hard work, 298. 4. 
 - Painfully, adv. laboriously, 6. 4. 
 
 Particularly, adv. separately, 301. u. 
 
 Parts, s. pi. disposition, 87. 6. 
 
 Party, s. side ; on either party, on both 
 sides, 3. 2. 
 
 Pass, s. ; to so good pass, to such a success, 
 116. x: 
 
 Pass, V. to surpass, 4. 5 ; 7. 3 5 i75- 6 : 
 Passing, pres. part, causing to pass, 63. 4. 
 
 Pass for, V. to care for, 248. 3 : pt. s. Passed 
 for, cared for, 43. 6 ; professed, 16. 19. To 
 pass for obedience, to care to shew obe- 
 dience. 
 
 Passed of, pt. s. cared for, 70. 2. (The mar- 
 ginal explanation is wrong). 
 
 Passing, adj. surpassing, 48: 7; 174- 4- 
 
 Passing, adv. surpassingly, 175. i, 4* 
 
 Passmgly, adv. exceedingly, 10. 9; 78. i; 
 189. 5- 
 
 Passioned, adj. passionate, 16. i. 
 
 Patiently, adv. so patiently, with so small a 
 degree of patience, 254. 5. Such is the 
 sense required ; a better readmg would be 
 so impatiently; there is probably a mis- 
 print here in the original. 
 
 Paynim, adj. pagan, 269. 3. 
 
 Perfit, adj. perfect, 95. i. 
 
 Perouse, s. Perusia, 242. 3. 
 
 Pestered, pp. crowded, 175- z. 
 
 Phar, s. Pharos, lighthouse, 86. 6. 
 
 Philippes, Philippi, 125. 6; 136. i; iS^- 41 
 
 Philippmns, pi. adj. J Jields PhiUppians, 
 Philippian fields, fields of Phihppi, 241. 7- 
 
 Piemont, s. Piedmont, 263. 2. 
 
 PUled, pt. s. robbed, 135- 9- Neither pilled 
 nor polled, neither robbed nor overtaxed, 
 
 S. P. 
 
 Pioners, s. pi. pioneers, 150. 1. 
 
 Place, s. ; in phr. would give no plhce,'vKi\i\A 
 not yield, 9. s ; gave noplace, yielded not, 
 S8. 6. 
 
 Places, s. pi. passages {in>a docurnent), 205. 2. 
 
 Pleasure, v. to serve, to be of advantage to, 
 24. Q. 
 
 Plied his book, i. e, studied, 231. x, 
 
 Plumrnefs, s. pi. bullets, igo. 3. 
 
 Policy, s. cheating, 170. 2. 
 
 Poll, s. h^d, 16. 12 ; 21. 8. 
 
 Polled, pt. s. taxed, spoiled, 135. 10; Polled, 
 pp. plundered, no. i. See Pilled. 
 
 PortsEde, s. sale of attendance and service, 
 124. 2. See Halliwell. 
 
 Post, s. a letter-carrier, 66. 2. 
 
 Post, pp. posted, 175. 3. 
 
 Power, s. army, 5. 2 ; 60. 6. 
 
 Powne, V. to pound. 254. i. 
 
 Practice, s. pontrivance, 69. 2; plot, 297. 2,; 
 Practices, pi. plots, 99. 5; 157. 2; 259. 2. 
 
 Practise, v. to contrive, 60. i ; Practised, pt. 
 s. conspired, 97. i ; plotted. 127. 3 ; 242, 2; 
 pp. plotted, 12. 6;, 65. 5; 268. 7. 
 
 Prease, s. press, thfong, 91. i ; 122. 4. 
 
 Prefer, t. to propose, 302. 6; Preferred, pt. 
 s. proposed, 160. 3 ; 165. 3. 
 
 Preheminpnce, s. preeminence, 41. 3. 
 
 Present, adj. immediate, 27. 6. 
 
 Presently, adv. at once, 7. 9 ; 20. 6 ; 24. i ; 
 &c. ; forthwith, immediately, 104. i; 151- 
 3 ;- &c. ; soon, 68. 3 ; 87. i ; thereupon, 136. 2. 
 (Very common.) 
 
 ?rest, v. to press, to impress, 13. 9; 208. z. 
 
 Pretence, s. intention, 40. 8 ; 293. 8. 
 
 Eretended, pt. pi. plotted, intended, 97. 5. 
 
 Prettily, adv. /airly, tolerably, 299. 7. 
 
 Pretty, adj. minute, small, 228. 2. 
 
 Prevent, V. to anticipate, 126. 2; pt. s. anti- 
 cipated, 129. 1; pi. 252. 2; Preventing, 
 pres. part, anticipating, 78. 9 ; 98. i. 
 
 Price, 5, prize, 10. 3 ; Prise, 294. 3. 
 
 Prick, V. to spur, 97. 3 ; Pricked, pp. spurred, 
 24. 5. 
 
 Pricked out, pt pi. marked down, 13. 1. 
 
 Prise, s. prize, 294. 3. See Price. 
 
 Process, s. an action -at-law, 269. i ; 274. 4. 
 
 Procured, pp. caused, 242. i ; brought about, 
 12. 7; 13. 7; persuaded, 18.9. 
 
 Procurement, s. plotting, 271. i. * ^ _ 
 
 Procurer, s. author, beginner, 179.2; insti- 
 gator, 186. 2; pi. Procurers, promoters, 6. 9. 
 
 Procuring, pres. pt. persuading, 87. 3. 
 
 Properly, adv, well, 107. i. 
 
 Prorogue, v. to prolong, 69. 1. 
 
 Prove, V. to try, 24. 8; to test, 217. 4; Prov- 
 ed, pt. s. tried, 150. 4. 
 
 Psalterions, s. pi. psalteries, 172. 4. Greek 
 i/foATiJptoi', a stringed instrument. 
 
 Purchase, v. to procure, 40. 5. 
 
 Purgation, s. defence, 40. 2. 
 
 Purge, v. make clear, 19. 3 ; Purging, pres. 
 part clearing, 18. 4. 
 
 Puissant, adj. powerful, 88. i; 185. 2; 191. 7. 
 
 Purposedly, adv. purposely, loi. 4. 
 
 Quail, V. to fail, 45. 3- 
 
330 
 
 GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 Queasy-stomached, adj. sjck, i6i. 3. 
 Quit, V. to acquit, 51. 3; 182, i. 
 
 Rakehels, s. pi. turbulent men, 120. 3. A 
 
 singular corruption. The form in Chaucer 
 
 is rakel, meaning rash, hasty. 
 Ramped, pt. s. jumped, 162. 5. 
 Rampiers, s. pi. ramparts, 65. i ; 83. 2 ; 132, i. 
 Ran on head, pt. s. ran ahead, ntshtid for- 
 ward, 17. 6, 
 Ran one fortune, took the same risk, 255. i. 
 Rang it out, pt, pi. cried aloud, 17. 3. 
 Rap and rend, phr. obtain by any means, 
 
 130- 3- 
 Rather, adv. more, 64. 5. 
 Ray, s. array, 8. 7 ; 82. i ; 89. 2 ; 144. 6 ; 
 
 147. 2 ; 187. 5 ; 210. 9. 
 Reade, pres, s. i p. I advise, 117. 3. 
 Reason, s. ; it is no reason, it is useless, 123. 
 
 3. Had reason, was right, 14. 9. Used 
 
 as adj. reasonable, 5. 3. 
 Recommend, v. to shield, protect, s66. 2 ; 
 
 Recommended, pt. s. committed, 181. 3. 
 Recorder, s. a sort of flageolet, 2^2. 3. See 
 
 Hamlet, iii. 2. 360. 
 Referred, pt. s. put off, 201. ■£. 
 Regard, v. to respect, 273. i. 
 Regard-taking, s. regarding, 282. i. 
 Regrators, s. pi. retail dealers, 261. 3. 
 Rejoice, v. to delight, 4. 11. 
 Remove, s. removal, 32. 3. 
 Require, v. to ask for, be a candidate for, 1. 
 
 I ; to ask for, 62. 2 ; 130. 3 ; to request, 
 
 251, 8 ; Required, pt. s. demanded, 40. i ; 
 
 asked, 249. z. 
 Rereward, s. rear-guard, 8a. 4 ; 190. 5 ; 195. 8 ; 
 
 197- 3- 
 Resolution, s. resoluteness, 260. 2 ; decision, 
 
 16. 9. 
 Resolve, v. to decide, 21. 2 ; 23. i. 
 Respect, s. consideration, 4. 7; sake, 199. 3. 
 Restjin phr. to set up his whole rest, to rely 
 
 entirely, 3. i. 
 Retrait, s. retreat, 196. 3. 
 Revoke, v. to recal, 271. 5. 
 Rhein, the Rhine, 253. i ; Rheyn, 59. 2 ; 
 
 62. I. 
 Ripe, v. to ripen, 103. 7. 
 Rise, v^ to rebel, 92. 4. 
 Room, s. place, 47. 4 ; in their rdont, in 
 
 place-of them, 65. 3. 
 Round, adj. outspoken, 80. 3 ; plain-spoken, 
 
 267. 4. 
 Rounded, pt. s. whispered, 117. 2. 
 Roundly, adv. speedily, 75. 6 ; greatly, 
 
 173. I- 
 Ruff, s. height (of excitement), 47. i. 
 Rule the roast, phr. to have the chief power, 
 
 to be sole master, 295. 8. 
 Rushing, s. clashing, 14.3. 2. 
 
 Sack, V. to plunder, 239. 7 ; Sacked, pt. pi. 
 plundered, 241. 3. 
 
 Sallet, s. a helmet, 150. 2 ; Sallets, pi. hel- 
 mets, 195. 6. 
 
 Sallet oil, s. salad oil, 58. 2. 
 
 Salve, v. to heal, 220. i. 
 
 Saragousse, Saragossa, 254. 7. 
 
 Scant, adv. scarcely, 43. 2; 59. i; 108. 2: 
 137. 2; 208. 3; 228. 3; 293. 2. 
 
 Scantly, adv. scarcely, 302. 4. 
 
 Scaped, pp. escaped, 109. 4. 
 
 Scutchion, s. an escutcheon, slueld with a. 
 device, 295. 5 ; Skutchines, pL 301. 4. 
 
 See, v. ; to see to, to behold, 63. 3. 
 
 Seeling, s. ceiling, 238. 2. 
 
 St&a.,-pg.\iuell seen z«, well versed iii, 115. 3. 
 
 Segniory, s. mastery, 302. 3. 
 
 Seissed, pp. assessed, 204. 3. 
 
 Self, pron. himself, 54. 4 ; 6r. 3 ; 66. 5 ; adj. 
 same, 93. i ; 158. 7 ; 227. i ; 279. i. 
 
 Sent, s. scent, 239. 5. The old spelling is 
 the better, as the word is from Lat. sentire. 
 
 Sentence, s. proverb, 133. 3. 
 
 Sententious, adj. judicious, 277. 7. 
 
 Served his turn with, i.e. employed, 275. 2. 
 
 Set in^ pp. mentioned, included, 225. 5. 
 
 Set light by, pt. s. despised, 68. i. 
 
 Set out, V. ; in phr. set out feet^ to advance, 
 15. z- 
 
 Set to, V. to afi&x, 116. 2. Compare "hath set 
 to his seal," i. e. affixed his seal, attested ; 
 John iii. 33. 
 
 Set up, V. to publish, 236. i. Set up his rest, 
 to make a stand, 219. 4. 
 
 Set upon, V. to attack ; go set iipon, to go 
 and attack, 79. 3. 
 
 Setting forth, s. decoration, 98. 3. 
 
 Several, adj. different, 7. 4. 
 
 Sew, V. to drain, 93. 6. Hence the word 
 sewer. 
 
 Sharp, s. ; at the sharp, with sharp weapons, 
 90. 2; 257.4; 275. 7- 
 
 Shifted hxm, pt. s. changed his apparel, 83. 4. 
 
 Shined, pt. s. shone, 103. 6. 
 
 Shipwracks, i. pi. shipwrecks, 160. i. 
 
 Shoot, s. shot, 187. 6. 
 
 Should, pt. pi. would, 5. 4 ; were to, 99. 1. 
 
 Sight, s. ; in sight, i.e. it was evident, 45. 4. 
 
 Signiority, s. dominion, 248. 2. See Seg- 
 niory. 
 
 Sith, conj. since, 59. 4; 68. 2; 70. 3, &c. 
 (Common). 
 
 Sithence, prep, since, in. 1; conj. since, 17. 
 I ; 226. 2. 
 
 Sixt, adj. sixth, 247. 6; 262. s \ 263. 4. 
 
 Skails, s. pi. the name of a game much re- 
 sembling nine-pins, 292. x. In the form 
 squails, the word is still in use, though 
 applied to a different game. It was also 
 spelt keyles or kayles ; where kayle is the 
 same as the Fr. guille and the Ger. kegel. 
 Cotgrave has — " Quille, f. ; the keel of a 
 ship ; also, a keyle^ a big peg, or pin of 
 wood, used at ninepins or keyies," 
 
 Skreeked, pt. s. shrieked, 223. 2. 
 
 Skutchines. See Scutchion. 
 
 Slacked, pt. s. grew sladc, 303. 3. 
 
 Slents, s. pi. sly hits, 175. 7. Halliwell 
 gives — * Stent, a jest, sarcasm.' Also the 
 verb *Sleni, to glide.' It clearly means 
 * that which glances off.* 
 
 Smallage, s. wild celery, 254. a. 
 
GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 331 
 
 Snew, pt. s. snowed, 199. i ; Snowen, pp. 
 
 snowed, 126. 5. 
 So, conj. provided that, 112. 5 ; so that, 20.12. 
 Soliciter, s. steward, 262, 2. 
 Sop, s. a winebibber, 109. 2. 
 Sophisters, s. pi, sophists, 224. i. 
 Sorry, adj. sad, 66. 4. 
 Sort, s. people ; 7nean sort, common people, 
 
 102. 7. 
 Speed thee, imp. s. have success, 24. 7. 
 Sperage, s. asparagus, 58. i ; 279. 2, 
 Spials, s. pi. spies, 276. 1. See Nares. 
 Spited, pt. pi. were envious, 14. 5. 
 SpUtted. pp. split, 160. 2. 
 Springall, s. a ybungster, stripling, 128, i. 
 Stabbed (him) in, i.e. wounded him mortally, 
 
 237- 5- 
 Stand to,.v. to support, 20. 7. 
 Stark, adj_. strong, great, 158. 5. 
 Stay, s. ; in phr. at a stay^ in order, 61. g. 
 Stay, V. to halt, 7. 7 ; 78. 7 ; to stop, 8. 2 ; 
 Stayed, pt. s. halted, 72. 2; pp. delayed, 
 245. 6; prevented, 121. 2. 
 Stickler, s. umpire, 181. 5. To stickle is to 
 part combatants, or to preside as umpire. 
 '* I styckyll betwene wrastellers or any 
 folkes that prove mastries, to se that none 
 do other wronge, or I parte folkes that be 
 redy to fyght." — Palsgrave. See also 
 Trench's Select Glossary. 
 Still, adv. continually, 14. 10; 27. i; 57. 4, 
 &c. ; constantly, 117. 8; frequently, 200, 
 5 ; ever, 138. 3 ; always, 4. 8. 
 Stinted, pt. s. ceased, 221. 3. 
 Stomached, pt. s. resented, 17. 7. 
 Stood with, pt. pi. upheld, 158. 3. 
 Stood them upon, pt. s. it concerned theni, 
 18. 3 ; it behoved them, 30. 6; 112. 6 ; 245. 
 8. (Occurs in Shakespeare.) 
 Straight, s. strait, 30. 3 ; 199. 2 ; 241. i ; isth- 
 mus, 93. 4 ; Straights, pi. straits, 137. i ; 
 passes, 130. 4. The old spelling straight 
 is here incorrect. See Streight. 
 Straight, adj. strait, strict, 135. 8; 264. 2; 
 Straighter, straiter, stricter, ^^^. 3; 367. 5. 
 The old spelling straight is incorrect for 
 this sense of the word, which comes from 
 Lat. strictus. 
 Straight, adv. straightway, 4. i ; at once, 99, 
 
 7 ; 102. 8. 
 Straighted, pt. s. straitened, 79. x- A better 
 
 spelling would be straited^ 
 Straitly, adv. strictly, 49. 4 ; 223. 4 ; closely, 
 
 264- 5. See Straight^ adj. 
 Strained, pt, s. endeavoured, 4. 4. 
 Strake, pt. s. struck, 78. 10 ; 100. 3 ; 103. 4 : 
 237. 3; pi. 224. 2. . 
 
 Strange, adj. at enmity, ris- i. Made it 
 
 very strange^ took offence, 162. i. 
 Streight, s. straits, channel, 211. 3; an isth- 
 mus, 215. i; Streights, pi. straits, passes, 
 eS3. 2. See Straight. 
 Strength, s. a fort, 58. 7- 
 Stiick, pt. s. continued, 79. 8, 
 Suaged, pp. assuaged, 20. 5. 
 Success, s, result, 203. 2. 
 Suchie, adj. pi. such, 135. 3- 
 
 Sure, adj. affianced, 54. 3. 
 Sure, adv. evidently, 22, 5. 
 Sutes, s. pi. suits, 261. I. 
 Sware, pt. s. swore, 247. 3. 
 Swounded, pt. s. swooned, 117. 9. 
 
 Table, s. a tablet, letter, 227. 3 ; a picture, 
 124. 4; Tables, pi. writing-tablets, 205. 4. 
 Take thought, v. to be anxious, 73. 3. 
 Take order, to arrange, decide, 48. 6. So in 
 the Ballad of George Barnwell, 11. 325 — 
 328, in Ritson's Ancient Songs, i. 170, we 
 have : — 
 
 ' And once he thought to take 
 
 His father by the way. 
 But that he thought his master had 
 Took order for h^ stay.' 
 
 See Took order. 
 Take up, v. to rebuke, x^. 13. 
 Taken, pp. held, considered to be, 20. 10. 
 Taking, s. fit of anger, 22. 8 ; state of mind, 
 
 115- I. 
 Tallages, s. pi. imposts, 171. 3. 
 Tane, pp. taken, 33. 2. 
 Target, s. a shield, 54. i ; 36. 2 ; Targets, 
 
 pi. shields, 8. 8 ; 142. 10 ; 301. 5. 
 Tell, V. to count, 22. i. 
 Temper, v. to allay, 22. 6. 
 Xemperancy, s. moderation, 2. 4, 
 Testament, s. will, 102. 3 ; 205. 1. 
 Testimony, s. witness, 10. 2. 
 "JThat, pron, what, that which, 19. 6. 
 Them, pron. themselves, 6. 2, 
 Then, conj. than, 73. 4. See notes to p. 7, 
 
 1. 8, and p. 103, 1. 3. 
 Therefore, adv. on that account, 4. 12. 
 Thereupon, adv. on that account, 21. 4. 
 TTherewith, adv. thejreupon, 62. 4. 
 Thinking, pres, pt. eipecting, 74. 3. 
 Thorough, prep, through, 30. 2. 
 Thought, pt. pi. intended, 59. 3; expected, 
 
 193. I. 
 Throughly, adv. thordtighly, 6. 6 ; 38. 8 ; 
 , 122. 2; 175. 10. 
 
 Tickle, adj. unstable, 64. 4 ; uncertain, 146. 4. 
 Time ; hence, ijjitk time, in course of time, 
 
 233. i; ^^<?«^ ^zw^, for a long time, 11. 7. 
 Tipstaves, pt, s. ijiaces, 181. 4. Also called 
 
 tipped staves, i. e. staves with a metal tip. 
 To, prep, as to, 162. 2 ; for, 184. 3. 
 To say, phr. that is, 52. 4; 211. 2. 
 To wit, adv. namely, 145. 5 ; 154. 3 ; 169. 3 ; 
 
 251. I ; that is to say, 168. 4. 
 Tolerate, v. to moderate, 271. 4. 
 Took, pt. s. entered, 168. 3. Took the river, 
 
 took to the river, entered it. 
 Took on, pt. pi. were angry, 76. 5. 
 Took order, pt. s. arranged, 52. 3 ; 246. t 
 
 See Take order. 
 Toy, s. 'a whim, 134. 8. So used in the Two 
 
 Noble Kinsmen, ed. Skeat, Act V. Sc. 4. 
 
 1. 66. 
 Tract, s. length, 28. 2 ; 79, 4. Used of time. 
 Trained, pt. s. lured, 154. 2. 
 Trases, s. pi. traces, 161. 9. 
 Travell, s. travail, 169. 2 ; Travails, pi. la- 
 
332 
 
 GLOSSARIAL INDEX. 
 
 hours, 2." 3. The words travel and travail 
 
 were originally identical. 
 Treason, s, surrender, 31. 8. The true old 
 
 meaning, from Lat. traditionent. 
 Treen, adj. wooden, 85. 4. The old sense. 
 
 Spenser uses it. 
 Triumvirate, s. triumvir, 202. 3. The word 
 
 is misused. Our author should have said 
 
 triumvir. 
 Trised up, pt. s. drew up, 221. 5 ; pp. drawn 
 
 up, 223. I. 
 Troth, s. truth, 201. 4; 228. i ; 281. i ; 284. 3. 
 
 Troth and truth were originally the same 
 
 word. 
 Troup, s. a troop, 34. 2 ; 35. 2 ; 60. 7 ; Troupe, 
 
 120. 2; 149. i; Troups, pi. troops, 235. i; 
 
 254. 4; Troupes, 141. i; 244. 4. 
 Truss, V. to pack, 189. 3 ; Trussed, pt. pi. 
 
 packed, 187. 8; pp. packed, 1S7. 2; wound, 
 - 221. 4. Tnissedhitn up, hung him, 224. 3. 
 Tuition, s. tutelary power, protection, 13. 6. 
 Turmoiled, pp. agitated, 22. 9. 
 Turmoiling, pres. pt. troubling, 172. 2. 
 Two; in phr. two things^ different things, 
 
 75. 5- 
 
 Unconstant, adj. inconstant, 122. 5, 
 
 Undecent, adj. unbecoming, 54. 2. 
 
 Understand, v. to observe, 203. i ; Under- 
 stood, pt. s. learnt, ascertained, 208, 7; 
 286, 4 ; pi. 222. 3. 
 
 Unfoiled, adj. unsullied, 15. i. It is a quite 
 different word from uftsoiled; and not due 
 to confusion betweeny"and long j. 
 
 Unhappily, adv. unluckily, 52. 5. 
 
 Unhonest, adj. dishonourable, 232. 2. 
 
 Unmeasurable, adj. immeasurable, 241. 4. 
 
 Unpatiently, adv. impatiently, 270. 7. 
 
 Unpossible, adj. impossible, 33. 3 ; 39. i ; 
 144. i; 201. i; 234. I. 
 
 Unprovided, adv. unexpectedly, 185. 1. 
 
 Unrebatedj adj. unblunted, 11. 8. 
 
 Unsatiable, adj. insatiable, 126. 4. 
 
 Upon, prep, after, in consequence of, 17. 4; 
 on the point of, 29. 5; above, over, 156. 3* 
 And see Stood. 
 
 Use, pres. pi. are wont, 11. 6; 71. i; 216. i; 
 I p. we are used, 213. 4; Used, pp. ac- 
 customed, 16. 5. 
 
 Vacabond, s. a vagabond, wanderer, 300. 6. 
 
 Valiancy, s. valour, 35. i ; 38. 6. 
 
 Vaward. See Vo-ward. 
 
 Venter, v. to venture, 168. i. 
 
 Very, adj. true, 223. 6. 
 
 Vizard, s. a mask, visor, 299. 2. 
 
 Voice, s. vote, 259. 3, rumour, 128. 3; 304. i ; 
 Voices, pi. votes, 251. 3. 
 
 Void, adj. vacant, 43. i. 
 
 Vouching, pres. part, citing, 53. i. 
 
 Voward, s. vanguard, 142. 4; 147. 3; 187* 4; 
 igi. i; 196. i; 197. 6; (also spelt) Va- 
 ward, 9. 3. The forms vawardy voward. 
 
 vangttard^ are all from the French avant- 
 garde. 
 
 Wan, pL s. won, 4. 9 ; 56. 3 ; 60. 3 ; &c. 
 Very common ; and the true form of the 
 past tense. 
 
 Wanting, pres. pt lacking, 75. i. 
 
 Ward, s. defence ; /lardness of ward, sturdi- 
 ness of defence, 2. 10, 
 
 Warded, pt. pi. watched, kept guard, 227. 2; 
 guarded, 78. 3. 
 
 Ware, adj. aware, 191. 4. 
 
 Ware, pt. s. wore, 295. 2. _ 
 
 Warlikest, adj. most warlike, 9. 4; 60. 5. 
 
 Watermen, sb. pi. sailors, 208. i. 
 
 Waving, pl-es. pL wavering, inclining, 72. 3. 
 
 Waying^ pres. pt. weighing, 302. 2. 
 
 Weight, s. importance, 194. 2. 
 
 Well-favouredly, adv. soundly, i. e. very much, 
 225. 7 : (used of beating), 218. 2 ; consider- 
 ably, 194. s- , 
 
 Went aboiit, pt, s. endeavoured, 21. 9; 106. 
 2 ; 124. I ; pi. 147. 1 ; 215. 2 ; propo5ed,_i6. 
 14. See Gomg about. 
 
 What, conj. why, 215. 5. 
 
 When as, conj. when that, when, 230. i. 
 
 Where, conj. since, 59. 6; whereas, 46. i ; 
 130. 2; 133. I ; 206. 3; 293. 4. 
 
 Wherethrough, whereby, 146. 8. 
 
 Whereupon, conj. wherefore, 20. 3. 
 
 While, s. ; in this while^ meanwhile, 29. 8. 
 
 Will, s. desire, wish, 268. 3. By his •will, 
 with his consent, 29. 6. 
 
 Will, V. to desire, 191. 2 ; 208. 6 ; 296. 7 ; pr. s. 
 wishes to, 15. 9; pr. pi. require, 20. i; 
 Willed, pt. s. desired, 10. i ; pi. required, 
 31. 3 ; WilHng, pres. part desiring, 200. 3. 
 
 WilHn^, adj. consenting, 236. 5. Illwilling, 
 unwilling, 29. 4. 
 
 Wind, s. brea^, 197. i. 
 
 Wirts, s. pi. blows, cuffs, 112. i. 
 
 With, prep, for, 79. 2. Straighted vuith^ 
 straitened for. 
 
 Witl^, with, 50. 4. 
 
 Without, adv. from without, from outside, 66. 
 8 ; outside, 67. i. 
 
 Widiout, prep, outside, 134. 3. 
 
 Wonderful, adv. wonderfully, 63. 5. 
 
 Wordsof course, s. pi. formal expressions, 75. 3, 
 
 Worthy, adj. deserving, 11. 3. 
 
 Would, pt. s. wished, 16. 17 ; desired, 169. 5 ; 
 pi. desired, 18. 8 ; resolved, 21. 6. Would 
 together^ \*ould come together, would en- 
 gage in combat, 18. 2. W/iai tJiey had 
 would, whatever they wished to do, 135. 11, 
 
 Wrecked, pp. wreaked, 24. 6. 
 
 TTarage, s. management, 208. 5; 211. 4. From 
 the adj. yare, nimble, active. Shakespeare 
 has yarely. Tempest, i. i. 
 
 Yet, adv. nevertheless, 32. i. 
 
 Ygot, pp. got, won, 294. 4. The prefix y- is 
 due to the A. S. ge-. 
 
 CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.