V'- iS?«;i4!SK*«^«!S!ZS*-,**?i* feL. CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME OF THE SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND GIVEN IN 1 89 1 BY HENRY WILLIAMS SAGE H A-o Date Due Cornell University Library E 101.H32 1892 Discovery of North America: 3 1924 028 668 642 ...,...i ^^1 Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028668642 ^pe Vmonx^ of (Uor^p (^menca* 38o COPIES ISSUED AS FOLLOWS : lo COPIES ON Whatman Paper (For private dislrihution hy the Author). lo „ Japanese Paper. 40 „ Dutch hand-made Paper. 320 „ English Toned Paper. Copy No. 192. PRINTED BY JAMES CLEGG, ALDINE PRESS, ROCHDALE, ENGLAND. THE feiI0ti^itg 0|f ^0rtli iim^riiia A CRITICAL, DOCUMENTARY, AND HISTORIC INVESTIGATION, WITH An Essay on the Early Cartography of the New World, including Descriptions of Two Hundred and Fifty Maps or Globes EXISTING OR lost, CONSTRUCTED BEFORE THE YEAR 1 536 ; TO WHICH ARE ADDED A Chronology of One Hundred Voyages Westward, Projected, Attempted, or Accomplished between 1431 and 1504; Biographical Accounts of the Three Hundred Pilots who first crossed the Atlantic; AND A Copious List of the Original Names of American Regions, Caciqueships, Mountains, Islands, Capes, Gulfs, Rivers, Towns, and Harbours. BY Henry Harrisse. Xon&on: henry stevens and son, 39 great russell street il>ai1s: H. welter, 59 rue bonaparte. MDCCCXCII. /\. ^Z06^ '\ UINIVIHI ;rY ^ntto^uction. THE following pages lay claim to the share of- merit that may be due to a spirit of diligent research which took nothing at second hand where an original writer or document €ould be consulted, and would not be turned aside, by any authority, from the anxious pursuit and resolute vindication of the Truth. They are offered, therefore, with the confidence inspired by a consciousness of good faith." We ask our readers to accept these words, borrowed from the earliest American history of maritime discoveries," as an exact expression of the spirit in which we have prepared the present work. The discovery of the continent of North America has been the theme of more than one able historian. But, if we except the early Scandi- navian oceanic voyages, which have prompted a separate class of writings, it is generally in subordination to comprehensive historical narratives that the subject has been deemed worthy of analysis and discussion. Perhaps the time has not yet come for synthetic labours in the sphere of History. It may be that the student of the Past must still content himself with critical enquiries ; that he must " scorn delights and live laborious days " devoted to patient investigations, irksome, but exhaustive, leaving to another generation of not less loyal searchers after Truth the more difficult task and the higher honour of erecting the definite fabric. Our aim has been to smooth the way to this result by simply applying to a particular branch of the subject an exegetical process, ample and, we trust, efficient. ' A Memoir of Sebastian Cabot [by Richard Biddle], Philadelphia, 1831, 8vo, p. i. Conknie. PAGES. Introduction v. — vii. BOOK FIRST. CHAPTERS I. AND II. The First Voyage of John Cabot, 1497 i — 9. CHAPTERS III., IV., v., VI. The Claims of Sebastian Cabot 10 — 38. BOOK SECOND. CHAPTER I. The Second Voyage of John Cabot, 1498 — 1499 (?) 39 — 45. CHAPTER II. Other British Expeditions, i 501-1525 46 — 50. BOOK THIRD. The Portuguese in the Fifteenth Century 51 — 58. BOOK FOURTH. CHAPTER I. The First Voyage of Caspar Corte-Real, 1500 59 — 62. CHAPTER II. The Second Voyage of Caspar Corte-Real, 1501 63 — 74. CHAPTER III. Rescuing Expedition of Miguel Corte-Real, 1502 75 — 76. BOOK FIFTH. CHAPTER I. The North-East Coast yy — 92. CHAPTER II. Opinion of the Early Geographers 93 — 95. CHAPTER III. The Insularity of Cuba - - 96-101. X. Contents. CHAPTER IV. A:\IERICA BELIEVED TO BE DISTINCT FROM AsiA ; OPINIONS OF pages. Columbus, John Cabot, Vespuccius, Corte-Real 102 — 109. CHAPTER V. Proofs derived from Ancient Maps ho — 115. CHAPTER VI. The Belief shared by the Spanish Government 116 — 122. CHAPTER VII. Summing up of the Discussion 123 — 124. CHAPTERS VIII. AND IX. Clandestine Expeditions 125 — 133. BOOK SIXTH. CHAPTER I. First Official Knowledge of Florida 134 — 141. CHAPTER II. First Voyage of Ponce de Leon, 15 13 - - 142 — -153. CHAPTER III. Minor Expeditions to Florida, 15 17 — 1518 - 154 — 162. CHAPTER IV. Exploration of the Gulf of Mexico for Francisco de Garay ; Discovery of the Mississippi, 1519 - 163 173. BOOK SEVENTH. CHAPTER L Expeditions to Newfoundland — English, Portuguese, and French . Y']a,—i'](^. CHAPTER II. Voyage of Fagundes ; Colonisation of Nova Scotia, 1521 180 188. BOOK EIGHTH. CHAPTER I. Alaminos and the Gulf Stream, 15 19 - 189 197. CHAPTER II. Ayllon's First Voyage to Chicora, 1521 igg 211. CHAPTER III. Giovanni da Verrazano, 1523 — 1524 214 228 CHAPTER IV. Estevam Gomez, 1524 — 1525 - . 229 242 Contents. xi. CHAPTER V. PAGES. Recapitulation of Facts and Proofs 244 — 251. BOOK FIRST. CHAPTER I. The Early Cartography of the New World ; School of Hydrography ; Construction of Maps at Seville 255 — 262. CHAPTER II. The Padron Real, or Model-Map 263 — 268. CHAPTER III. The Early Spanish Maps now existing 269 — 271. CHAPTER IV. The Portuguese Charts 272 — 273. CHAPTER V. The St. Diey Cartography 274 — 280. CHAPTER VI. America blended with Asia for the first time, 1523 281 — 284. (See also Schoner's Globe of 1523, pages 524—528, and the Globe of Franciscus Monachus, pages 549—55°-) CHAPTER VII. Cartographical Re-action ; Mercator, 1538 285—288. BOOK SECOND. CHAPTER I. The Lusitano-Germanic Cartography ; the Five Types 289—291. CHAPTER II. The First Type - 292—293. CHAPTER III. The Second Type 294—297. CHAPTER IV. The Third Type, and its Nomenclature 298—304. CHAPTER V. The Fourth Type 305—309- CHAPTER VI. The Fifth Type 310—314- CHAPTER VII. The Lusitano-Germanic Nomenclature 315 — 321- xii. Contexts. CHAPTER VIII. I'AGRs. Evolution of the Lusitano-Germanic Nomenclature 322 — 324. CHAPTER IX. The Southern Regions 325 — 334- CHAPTER X. The Vespuccian Data 335 — 352- CHAPTER XI. The North-East Coast again - - - 353 — 362. CARTOGRAPHIA AMERICANA VETUSTISSIMA. Introduction, Years 1461 — 1493 — 1536 - 365 — 374. SECTION FIRST. Fifteenth Century, Years 1461 — 1500 375 — 4^1- SECTION SECOND. Sixteenth Century, Years 1500 — 1536 412 — 636. SECTION THIRD. Alleged Maps of the Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries - 637 — 648. SECTION FIRST. Chronology of Voyages before the Discovery of America, FROM 1431 TO 1492 651 — 661. SECTION SECOND. Chronology of Voyages, since the Discovery of America, FROM 1492 to 1504 662 700. Biographies of Pilots and Cartographers, 1492 — 1550 703 — 746. APPENDIX. Wardens' Accounts of the Drapers' Company of London, March — April, 1521, concerning Sebastian Cabot 747 — 750. Geographical Index - 7^3 — 784. Index of Names 785 — 799. Additions and Corrections - - 800 802. ^Pe ©i0coi?erg of (Uor^P (America* BOOK FIRST. t^t fixBi (po^a^e of 2o6n CaM. H97- CHAPTER I. IN a dispatch addressed to Ferdinand and Isabella, from London, July 25, 1498, by Pedro de Ayala, one of their joint ambassadors to the Court of Henry VH., concerning a transatlantic voyage lately accomplished under the British flag, we notice the following sentence : "I have seen the map made by the discoverer who is another Genoese like Columbus, who has been to Seville and Lisbon to obtain assistance for that discovery : — Yo he visto la carta que ha fecho el inventador que es otro genoves como Colon que ha estado en Sevilla y en Lisbona procurando haver quien le ayudasse a esta invencion." ' The phrase is ambiguous ; but although Columbus, fifteen years before, had been to Seville and Lisbon to obtain assistance, — a fact which Their Majesties certainly knew, — the general context of the sentence, the irrelevancy of the remark if applied to Columbus, and the positive ex- pression : "a esta invencion," authorize the interpretation that Ayala had in view the then recent discoverer, when speaking of the efforts made in Spain and Portugal. Who was he ? ' Carta de D. Pedro de Ayala A los Reyes Gato- (Charles VIII.), for, in reply to the letter of Dr. Puebla licos fecha en Londres A SS de Julio de IJfiS. sent from London, January 21, 1496 (lost unfortunately), Bergenroth, Calendar of Letters .... relating to informing them of Cabot's efforts to obtain aid from the negotiations hetween Englaiid and Spain, preserved Henry VII., they wrote: "We believe that this at Simancas; London, 1862, 8vo., Vol. I., p. 176, undertaking was thrown in the way of the King of No. 210; Jean et Sibastien Cabot, doc. xiii., p. 329. England with the premeditated intention of distracting Ferdinand and Isabella seem to have believed that him from his other business. " — Bergenroth, CoZenrfar, John Cabot was an emissary of the King of France Vol. I., p. 88, No. 128. B 2 The Discovery of North America. We know from the letters patent granted by Henry VII., March 5, 1496,2 and a dispatch sent from London, December 18, 1497, to the Duke of Milan, by his envoy Raimondo di Soncino, that this discoverer was John Cabot.3 Must we also infer that John Cabot visited Spain on such an errand before Christopher Columbus, or at the same time ? This inference is in a degree strengthened by the following passage of Pedro de Ayala's above-mentioned dispatch : "For the last seven years, Bristol people had sent out every year, two, three or four caravels in search of the island of Brazil and the Seven Cities, according to the fancy of this Genoese : — Los de Bristol ha siete anos que cada ano an armado dos, tres, cuatro caravelas para ir a buscar la isla del Brazil, y las siete ciudades con la fantasia deste Ginoves." Those "seven years" give 1491 as the time when John Cabot was already settled in England ; and his visit to Spain and Portugal is therefore anterior to that year. If Ayala's informations are exact, the critic must consider John Cabot as having also entertained, if not originated, at a very early date, the notion of crossing the Ocean in search of transatlantic lands, and actually endeavoured to carry it into efTect with the aid of Bristol seamen. 4 These deductions are not historically or chronologically improbable. The idea of reaching Asia by sailing constantly westward, was advocated in Italy, by Toscanelli, so early as 1474; 5 and John Cabot was yet a resident of Venice in 1476.6 A letter just brought to light shows that Toscanelli's notions in respect to transatlantic countries circulated in Italy, and that the news of the discovery accomplished by Columbus was considered as a confirmation of the theories of the Florentine astronomer. It is a dispatch from Hercules d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, addressed to his ambassador at Florence, as follows : " Messer Manfredo : Intendendo Nuy, che il quondam Mastro Paulo dal Pozo a Thoscanella medico fece nota quando il viveva de alcune Insule trovate in Ispagna, che ' Rymer, Fcedera, Conventiones, litterce . . . inter junior, which set out from Bristol in July, 1480. reyes Anglice; Hagse Comitis, 1741, folio, Vol. V., Itineraria Symonis Simeonis el Willelmi de Worcestre, P. IV., p. 89. edidit I. Nasmyth ; Cantabr., 1778, 8vo., p. 267, and 3 "Mezzer Zoanne Caboto." Second dispatch from -^ean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 44, note 3. Raimondo de' Raimondi di Soncino ; Desimoni, In- 5 See the original Latin text of the Copia misa torno a Giovanni Caboto, Genova, 1881, 8vo., p. 53; Christofaro Colombo per paulum fsicum (Toscanelli), Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. x., p. 324. first published in the Additions to the BiUiotheca " That the Bristol people did engage in expeditions Americana Vetustissima, pp. xvi-xviii. of such a character is evidenced by the voyage of ^ Venetian naturalisation papers of John Cabot • Thomas Lloyd, equipped at the expense of John Jay, Jean et Sebastien Cabot, docs. i. and ii., p. 309. John Cabot. — First Voyage. 3 pare siano quelle medesime che al presente sono state ritrovate per aduisi che se haniio de quelle bande, siamo venuti in desiderio de vedere dicte note, se lo b possibile. Et perb volemo, che troviate incontinent! vno Mastro Ludovico, Nepote de esso quondam Mastro Paulo, al quale pare rimanesseno li libri suoi in bona parte ed maxime questi et che lo pregiati strectamente per nostra parte chel voglia essere contento de darvi una nota a punctino de tuto quello chel se trova havere apresso lui de queste Insule, perch^ ne riceveremo piacere assai et ge ne restaremo obligati, et havuta che la haverite, ce la mandareti incontenenti. Ma vsati diligentia per havere bene ogni cosa a compimento di quello lo ha sicome desideramo. Ferrarie 26 funis 14^4: — Mr. Manfredo. As we have just heard that the late Paul dal Pozzo Toscanelli, a physician, penned in his lifetime a note concerning several islands found in Spain \sic\ which it seems, are the same which have just been rediscovered (according to news received from there), I desire, if possible, to see said notes. That is the reason why we want you to find immediately one Mr. Ludovico, who is the nephew of the late Mr. Paul, and appears to have inherited most of his books, and particularly those [notes]. We also wish you to request him on our part to give you an exact list of all he has with him concerning those islands; for we would be happy to obtain it, and will be thankful for the favor. And you, as soon as in possession of it, send the same at once. But do not fail to do everything in your power to get from him all he has ; for such is our desire. Fei-rara, June 26, 14^4." ' A passage in Soncino's dispatch may also be quoted in support of our interpretation of the above-mentioned remark of Ayala. It is the phrase where John Cabot is made to relate, in connexion with his first transatlantic voyage, that when he was in Mecca, he inquired from the caravans which brought spice from afar, whence the article came ; and, believing in the sphericity of the earth, he inferred from their reply that it was brought originally from the West. Cabot thus gave to understand that, like Columbus, his project was prompted by the hope of finding a maritime and shorter route to the land of pearls, gold, silks and cinnamon. At all events, the desire of John Cabot to propose the undertaking to Henry VII., was certainly enhanced, if not suggested, by the success which attended the first voyage of Columbus, the news of which he doubtless heard while in Bristol or London. His son Sebastian Cabot, who arrogated to himself the sole merit of having brought to a successful issue the first English westward expedition, confessed that he conceived the notion while in England, upon hearing of the discovery accomplished by Christopher Columbus ; it being the theme of conversation at the court of Henry VII. 7 State archives in U.oAena.—CaiicelUHa Ducale ; ia the BoUettino della Societa Oeografica Italiana, for UziELLi, L'Epistolano Colombo-ToscaiielH e i Danti, Oct. -Nov., 1889, p. 866. 4 The Discovery of North America, "Et se ne parlava grandemente per tutta la corte del Re Henrico vij., .... dicendosi che era stata cosa piu tosto divina che humana 1' haver trovata quella via mai piu sapata, d'andare in Qriente dove nascono le spetie per il che mi nacque un desiderio grande, anzi un ardor nel core di voler far anchora io qualche cosa signalata."^ Further, Raimondo di Soncino states that it was upon seeing the Kings of Spain and Portugal acquire new islands, that John Cabot thought of conferring a similar boon on the King of England : "El quale visto che li serenissimi Re prima de Portogallo poi de Spagna hanno occupato isole incognite, delibero fare uno simile acquisto per dicta Maesta."^ We should also recollect that London in the fifteenth century was the residence of numerous Genoese, several of whom occupied high positions at the Court of the English King.'° They formed with other Italians an important colony, who met daily in Lombard Street, and frequented the legations which Spain, several Italian princes and the Republic of Venice kept in London. Those active and intelligent foreigners, nearly all of whom were engaged in commercial pursuits, which they carried on by sea, direct from the peninsula, must have watched the progress of transatlantic discoveries, especially as these threatened to destroy the trade of the Italian cities with the East. Their means of information were great. The Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima shows Italy to have been the principal receptacle of such tidings ; whilst the considerable commerce carried on between that country and Great Britain, chiefly by means of Genoese and Venetian galleys," was a ready vehicle of news, still in- creased by the landing of those vessels in the principal ports of Spain and Portugal. John Cabot may have learnt from those countrymen of his, the news of Columbus' achievement, and formed then and there the project of following the footsteps of the great Genoese navigator. Be that as it may, John Cabot and his three sons, Lewis, Sebastian, and Sanctus, we do not know at what date exactly, filed the following petition : ^ Ramusio, Prima Volume delle Navigationi ; Venice; London, 1864, 8vo, Vol. I., Nos. 617, 751, Venetia, 1563, folio, f. 374. 77°, 77i- ' Ubi supra. This implies a contradiction as re- " Rawdon Brown, he. cit., p. Ixi., and No. 618 ; gards the alleged efforts of John Cabot in Spain and Rymer, Fcedera, Vol. II., P. II., p. 941 ; Heyd, Portugal. Histoire du Commerce du Levant, Leipzig, 1866, 8vo, "Rawdon Brown, Calendar of State Papers . . . Vol. II., p. 727; Les Colombo de France et d'ltalie, relating to English affairs, existing in the archives of P- 45- John Cabot — First Voyage. 5 " To the Kyng our sovereigne lord. Please it your highnes of your moste noble and haboundant grace to graunt unto John Cabotto citizen of Venes, Lewes, Sebestyan and Sancto his sonneys your gracious letters patentes under your grete seale in due forme to be made according to the tenour hereafter ensuying. And they shall during their lyves pray to god for the prosperous continuance of your most noble and royale astate long to enduer." ^^ We infer from the expression: "according to the tenoure hereafter ensuing," that a draft of the letters patent was added by the Cabots themselves to their petition ; just as in certain pleadings, American lawyers add the order or decree which they beg the judge to grant. In that case, the letters patent first published by Rymer in 1741, set forth in the Cabots' own words, their purpose and wishes, viz. : "Upon their own proper costs and charges to seek out, discover, and find whatso- ever isles, countries, regions, or provinces of the heathen and infidels, whatsoever they be, and in what part of the world soever they be, which before this time have been unknown to all Christians."" Henry VII. granted the petition on the 5th of March, 1496. " Desimoni, ubi supra. 1496, the computation of this monarch's reign being '3 For the Latin text, see Rymek, loc. cit., and from August, 1485. Hakluyt states it to be of 1495 for an English translation, Hakluyt, Divers voyages, (Vol. III. p. 5). looking, as we may infer, not to the London, 1582, and HaHuyt Society reprints, Vol. VII. Historical, but to the Legal or Civil Year, which The original document is preserved in the London commenced, prior to 1752, on the 25th March." Public Record Office, Chancery-Signed Bill, II. Henr. Bidble, Memoir of Sebastian Cahot, p. 71. VII., No. 51. "Rymer correctly refers it to 5th IVIarch, CHAPTER II. TO ascertain when the project of the Cabots was first carried into effect, and the precise character of the results attained, it is necessary to divide into two categories, and examine separately, the testi- monies which we possess on the subject, viz. : the evidence furnished by witnesses who obtained or may have obtained their information from John Cabot himself; and the evidence supplied, directly or indirectly, by his son Sebastian. The first series of proofs comprises three documents, which are : 1. An extract from a letter addressed from London, August 23, 1497, by Lorenzo Pasqualigo to his brothers at Venice ; ' 2. A dispatch sent from London, August 24, 1497, by Raimondo di Soncino to the Duke of Milan ; 2 3. Another dispatch from and to the same parties, dated in London, December 18, 1497 ; 3 From those documents we gather the following facts : The expedition consisted originally of a small vessel, manned by eighteen men: " uno piccolo naviglo e xviii persone." ^ - It sailed from Bristol: " partitisi da Bnsto porta occidentale de questo regno," i a few months before August, 1497: " sono mesi passate." ^ The voyage lasted three months: "e stato mexi tre sul viazo."7 When the vessel had reached the west coast of Ireland, it sailed towards the north, then to the east {sic. pro west), when, after a few days, the North star was to the right: " Passato Ibernia piu occidentale, ' Copia de uii capitolo scrive in una leltera Ser ' Rawdon Bkown, Calendar of State Papers re- Lorenzo Pasqualir/o fio di Ser Filippo, da Londra latinrj to English affairs existing in the archives of adi 33 Agosto, a Ser Alvise e Francesco Pasqualigo Venice, Vol. I., p. 260, No. 217, suo fradeli in Veniexia. Rixposta adi 23 Setembre 3 jjjj gn^m 1497. In Rawdon Brown, Ranrmali sulla vita e sulle . „ , . ,■ ,r ■ a . ^T ■ .o,» o T) . T * Soncino, second dispatch, opere di Jlarin Sanuto ; Venezia, 1037, svo, Part I., "^ p. 99; Calendar, Vol. I., p. 262, No. 752; Marin ^Ibidem. Sanuto, Diarii, Venet., 1879, 8vo> ^^o'- I-> P- ^06; ^Soncino, first dispatch. Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. viii., p. 322. 'Pasqualigo. John Cabot. — -First Voyage. 7 e foi alzatosi verso el septentrionej comencib ad navigare ale parte orientale, lassandosi (fra qualche giorni) la tramontana ad mano drita." ^ After sailing for seven hundred (or only four hundred) leagues, they reached the mainland : " dice haver trovato lige yoo lontana de qui terra ferma" says Pasqualigo.9 " Lontane da linsula de Ingilterra lege 400 per lo camino de ponente," reports Soncino. '° Technically speaking, all that which geographers can infer from those details is that Cabot's landfall was north of 51" 15' north latitude; this being the southern extremity of Ireland. Ireland, however, extends to 55° 15' lat. N. From what point between these two latitudes did he sail westward ? Supposing that it was Valencia, and that he continued due west, he would have sighted Belle Isle or its vicinity. But Cabot is said positively to have altered his course and stood to the northward. How far, and where did he again put his vessel on the western tack .'' We are unable to answer this important question, and can only allege suppositions based upon the following data : The place where he landed was the mainland: " captioe in terra ferma." " He then sailed along the coast 300 leagues : " andato per la costa lige 300." '2 As to the country visited, it is described as being perfect and temperate: "terra optima et temperata." It is supposed to yield Brazil- wood and silk : " estimanno che vi nasca el brasilio e le sete," whilst the sea bathing its shores is filled with fishes: " quello mare e coperto de pessi." '3 The country is inhabited by people who use snares to catch game, and needles for making nets : " certi lazi ch'era tesi per prender salva- dexine, e uno ago da far rede e a trovato certi albori tagiati." h The waters (tides) are slack, and do not flow as they do in England : " le ague e stanche e nan han corso come aqui" '5 Barring the gratuitous supposition about the existence of dye-wood and silk, and taking into consideration that the country was discovered in summer, Cabot's description could apply to the entire northern coast of America. « SONCINO, second dispatch. " Pasqualigo. - SoNciNO, first dispatch. '^ Pasqualigo. " SoNCiNO, second dispatch. "s /,„,;„;. 8 The Discovery of North America. The same may be said concerning the remark about slack tides. It was natural that John Cabot should have been surprised in seeing tides which are only from two and three quarters to four feet, whilst in the vicinity of Bristol they are from thirty-six to forty feet ; but this diminu- tiveness is peculiar to the entire coast from Nova Scotia to Labrador. '^ There is another detail, however, which is of importance. Cabot on his return saw two islands to starboard : " ale tornar aldreto a visto do ixole." '7 Those two islands were unknown before, and are very large and fertile : "due insule nove grandissime et fructiffereT '^ The existence of islands in that vicinity is further confirmed by the fact that Cabot gave one to a native of Burgundy who was his companion, and another to his barber : '"'' uno Borgognone compagno di mess. Zoanne . ... It ha donato una I sola ; et ne ha donato una altra ad suo barhero" '^'i What can those large islands be ? This question we propose to examine afterwards. "La e terra optima et temperata." The headlands clad in the pale green of mosses and shrubbery, may have conveyed at a distance to a casual observer the idea of fertility. As to the climate, it was in June and July that Cabot visited those regions. Now, in Labrador, "Summer is brief but lovely." ^o He did not see any inhabitant, and therefore we have no specific details enabling us to identify the race of men who inhabited the country. But the needle for making nets, and the snares for catching game, indicate the regular occupation of the Eskimo, whose proper home is from Cape Webeck to Cape Chudleigh ; whilst the ingenuity which the making of such implements supposes, agrees perfectly with that race said " to have been able in the manufacture of their tools to develop mechanical skill far surpassing that of savages more favourably situated." Nor should we forget "that judging from the traditions they must have maintained their present characteristic language and mode of life for at least I, GOG years." The Eskimos of Cabot's time may therefore be judged by those of to-day. But there is a circumstance in John Cabot's conversation with the Milanese ambassador, which is still more convincing. It is evident that ■^ Henry Mitchell, Sun^ey of the Bays of Fundy =>= See the excellent article on Labrador, in the last and Minas, for the United States Coast Survey (1877?), edition of the Encyclopedia Britannica ; Prof. Hind, quoted by Mr. Kiddee. Explorations of the Labrador Peninsula, 1863, and '7 rASQUALiGO. translation into French [by Sbllius] of Henry Ellis' ■8 SoNOiNO, first dispatch. Voyarje for the Discovery of a North-west Passac/e, 19 Soxcixo, second dispatch. Paris, 1749, i2mo. Vol. II., p. 164. (Zi6-i7X) loavD NHor do aovAOA xs'Hid; in-Bid John Cabot. — First Voyage. 9 the Venetian adventurer and his companions were greatly struck with the enormous quantity of fish which they found in that region. It surpassed anything of the kind they had ever seen, even in the Icelandic sea, where cod then was marvellously plentiful. He dwells at length and with evident complacency on that fortunate peculiarity : "Quello mare e coperto de pessi li quali se prendenno non solo cum la rete, ma cum le ciste, essendoli alligato uno saxo ad cio che la cista se imposi in laqua .... dicono che portaranno tanti pessi che questo regno non haveva piii bisogno de Islanda, del quale vene una grandissima mercantia de pessi che si chiamanno stochfissi : — That sea is covered with fishes, which are taken not only with the net, but also with a basket, in which a stone is put so that the basket may plunge into water .... They say that they will bring thence such a quantity of fish that England will have no further need of Iceland, from which a very great commerce of fish called stockfish is brought."^' It is clear that the existence of vast quantities of cod is a circum- stance which can apply to the entire transatlantic coast north of New England. Yet, however plentiful that species of fish may be on the banks of Newfoundland, the quantity is yet .surpassed near the entrance of Hudson's Strait. Modern explorers report that, there, cod and salmon "form in many places a living mass, a vast ocean of living slime, which accumulates on the banks of Northern Labrador ;" 22 and the section which is noted for its "amazing quantity of fish," is the vicinity of Cape Chudleigh, which the above details and other reasons seem to indicate as the place visited by John Cabot in 1497. =' SONCINO, second dispatch. '"^ Prof. Hind, op. dt. CHAPTER III. THE series of documents containing evidence supplied directly by Sebastian Cabot concerning the voyage of 1497, comprises the following : 1. A description given by Pietro Martire d'Anghiera (usually called simply Peter Martyr), in his third decade. ' 2. An account from some Mantuan gentleman (name unknown), furnished to Ramusio.^ 3. An engraved map dated 1544.3 Peter Martyr, relying evidently upon Sebastian Cabot's own state- ments, says that the latter sailed towards the north ; and, in July, being impeded by masses of floating ice, altered his course, and steered west ; then southward to about the latitude of Gibraltar, and again west, until he reached an island near the latitude and to the left of Cuba. He coasted those shores, which he called Baccalaos. It is plain that this description, whether it applies to the first voyage or subsequent expeditions, does not enable us to ascertain Cabot's landfall in 1497. Nor do we find any information on that point in Sebastian's own narrative, as reported by the Mantua gentleman, viz. : "With two {sic.) caravels .... in 1496 (sic), in the beginning of July, I sailed towards the North-West .... found that the land ran northwards .... coasted to the 56th degree, but seeing the coast turned towards the East, I sailed southward {sic.) as far as Florida («V.)" The description in the map above-mentioned is far more explicit, and, for this reason, requires to be examined carefully. ' Anglbkids (Petr. Martyr.) De rebus Oceanicus et been reproduced in facsimile by Jomakd, Monuments Orbe nouo Decades tres ; Basilese, 1533, folio, f. 55, B. de la Oiographie. The portion relating to Cabot's ' Ramusio, Discorso sopra varii Viarjgi, in Prima alleged discoveries, reproduced in facsimile by Pilinski Volume delle Navigationi et Viaggi, Venezia, 1563, is inserted in our Jean et Sdbastien Cabot. The folio, f. 374, E. legends were also facsimiled by Mr. BOKELLI (Jomard's "< The only copy known is in the Geographical son-in-law), but for private circulation, and only a few Department of the Paris National Library, and has copies have been lithographed. John Cabot. — First Voyage. i i That map is the unique and now celebrated planisphere said to have been constructed by Sebastian Cabot in 1544, but which was engraved we do not know when, where, and by whom. It contains a series of twenty-two legends inscribed on two columns, one on the right, the other on the left of the reader. The legends, which bear the numbers i — 17, are both in Latin and Spanish; that is, the columns set forth first a legend in Spanish, and then a translation into Latin. Legend 17 is the last numbered one, and bears the titles of Retulo (sic. pro Rotulo) and of Epilogus. The Spanish text begins as follows : " Sebastian Caboto capitan y piloto mayor de la S.c.c.m. del Imperador don Carlos quinto deste nombre, y Rey nuestro sennor hizo esta figura extensa en piano, anno del nacim[ient]o de nro Saluador lesu Christo de M.D.XLIIII. : — Sebastian Caboto, captain and pilot-major of His Sacred Cesarean [Imperial] Majesty the Emperor Don Carlos, the fifth of that name, and the King our Lord, made this figure extended on a plane [surface], in the year of the birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ 1544." The Latin counterpart of the above is somewhat different, viz. : "Sebastianus Cabotus Dux & archigubernius S.C.C.M. domini Caroli Imperatoris, huius nomini quinti, & Regis Hispanise domini nostri, summam mihi manum imposuit, & ad formam banc protahens, plana figura me delineauit, anno ab orbe redempto, natiuitate Domini nostri lesu Christi 1544 qui me iuxtk graduum longitudinem aclatitudinem, uentorumque situm, cum docte tum fideliter : — Sebastian Cabot .... wishing to achieve to convince me, made for me a plane figure, A.C. 1544, on which he traced for me with as much science and exactness, the degrees of latitude and longitude, and also the direction of the winds." Whether the grammatical construction of that legend implies the action of a third person intervening between Sebastian Cabot and the reader, (Dr. Grajales, for instance), or as is more probable, the sentence is only a pedantic prosopopoeia by which the map is made to speak as an animated being, we must consider the geographical data inscribed thereon as proceeding from Sebastian Cabot himself. It has been demonstrated elsewhere 4 that this map is not based upon Sebastian Cabot's real or fancied own explorations, but upon the Portuguese and French cartographical data which also served for Pierre Descelliers's Dieppe planispheres, and other Franco-Lusitanian maps of the second half of the sixteenth century. » Je,om et Sebastien Cabot, pp. 80-85. 12 The Discovery of North America. On Cabot's said map, in a position which, according to its scale, is 48° 30' north latitude, and about west longitude 6z, there is a pro- montory, on the north-eastern extremity of which we read: ''Prima tierra vista .- — the first land seen." This cartographical assertion is repeated in the 8th legend, to which reference is made in an inscription placed across the continent, west of the words above quoted. The legend reads as follows : " Esta tierra fue descubierta por loan Caboto Veneciano, y Sebastian su hijo, anno del nascimiento de nuestro Saluador lesu Christo de MCCCC.XCIIII. a ueinte y quatro de lunio por la mannana, a la qual pusieron nobre prima tierra uista: — That land was discovered by John Cabot, a Venetian, and Sebastian Cabot his son, in the year of the birth of our Saviour Jesus Christ 1494 \sic. fro 1497], on the 24th day of June in the morning, and they called it the first land seen." This description and the point marked on the said map, would place Cabot's first landfall at Cape Perc6, on the north-east coast of Cape Breton island. In reality, the landfall on that occasion must have been ten degrees further north at least. CHAPTER IV. THE assertions of Sebastian Cabot just quoted are in contradiction with the authentic averments of his father, who states that in the first transatlantic voyage undertaken under the British flag (1497), he sailed from the west of Ireland (which implies a starting point no further south than 51" 15' latitude N.), and that so far from having steered thenceforth in a southern direction, he held first a northward, and then a westward course. Nowhere do we find the least indication that John Cabot sailed, going or returning, south of the latitude of Valentia. Now the alleged landfall on the Cabotian planisphere of 1544 is only by 48° 30' lat. N. It is also at variance with the very explicit legends which mark on all previous maps the regions discovered by the English on the east coast of North America; and, as a consequence, with certain cartographical declarations set forth previously by or under the direct responsibility of Sebastian Cabot. We allude to the nautical charts which were designed by the cosmographers of Charles V., and to all maps derived, more or less directly from the same. But before describing their North American delineations and legends, it is necessary to give an account of what may be termed the Hydrographical Bureau at Seville, where, in the sixfeenth century, those charts originated. Pilotage and Hydrography were taught in Andalusia at a very early period, especially by Biscayan mariners. An ordinance from Ferdinand and Isabella, dated March 18, 1500, confirms the regulations which until then had been followed in a school of Basque pilots established at Cadiz. The document declares the origin of the school so ancient that "the memory of man runneth not to the contrary : — que de tanto tiempo aca que memoria de hombres non es en contrario." " ' Reai cedula de 18 de marzo de 1500 dada en Cosa, who accompanied Christopher Columbus on his Sevilla por los Reyes Don Ferdinando y Doila Isabel, first and second voyages. As he hved at Seville and conjirmando las ordenanzas del colegio de pilolos in the Puerto de Santa Maria at least since 1492, his Vizcainos establecido en Cadiz. Cited by Navarbetb, famous map of nearly the entire viforld, made in 15CO, Disertacion sobre la Historia de la Ndutica ; Madrid, gives us doubtless an exact idea of the method used 1846, 4to, p. 357. The most celebrated pilot and anciently in Cadiz by his Biscayan countrymen in cartographer of the time was a Basque, Juan de la making sea charts. 14 The Discovery of North America. On the 20th of January, 1503, their Catholic Majesties created in Seville the Casa de la Contratacion de las Indias.^ It was a vast State concern vi^hich embraced everything pertaining to the administration, laws, trade and maritime affairs in the New World. The Casa had its own pilots and cartographers, as well as professors of cosmography, and a technical office where charts were designed, or authenticated. Cosmography and chart making were nevertheless freely taught out- side of the institution, and the probability is that in all the ports of Andalusia there were pilots who made their living by drawing nautical maps, which they sold openly, and without being molested by the Spanish Government. 3 But to avoid the dangerous consequences arising from too great a multiplicity of sailing charts, it was ordered, August 6, 1508, that an official pattern, called Padron Real, should be established. 4 For that purpose a commission was named, and composed of the ablest pilots in the kingdom. Americus Vespuccius, for whom the office of Pilot- Major had been created expressly, 5 became its president. According to Herrera,6 Juan Diaz de Solis and Vincente Yafiez Pinzon were appointed Royal Pilots then and for the purpose of securing their services in that useful undertaking. The model which those able mariners were directed to create was to include "all the land and isles of the Indies theretofore discovered and belonging to the Crown." This general map was to be considered official, and all pilots were prohibited from employing any other, under a penalty of 50 doubloons. They were also enjoined to mark on the copy which had been used on their voyages, "all the lands, isles, bays, harbours and other new things worthy of being noted;" and, the moment they landed in Spain, to communicate the chart so amended or annotated to the Pilot-Major. 7 Whenever the Pilot-Major received new geographical data, they were communicated to the Crown cosmographers, with whom he discussed the expediency of inserting the same in the Padron Real But maps or ' Vettia Linage, NorU de la contratacion, Seville, 4 R^al titulo de Piloto mayor; Navarkbtb, Vol. 1672, folio, lib. i., cap. i. , p. 2, and Primeras III., doc. ix., p. 300. Ordenanzas para el estahlecimiento y rjohiemo de la 5 j-l-, , Casa de la Contratacion de las Indias j Navakebte, ^ ' ' •' i^- V'- Goleccion de los viages, Vol. II., doc. cxlviii, p. 285. , "^^™»A, Decad. I., lib. vii., cap. i, p. 177; ,0 -J- n. ■ >- A t- t ,1, r, . 1 • '^'^^ '"'^ "■'^'^ '5 erroneously mentioned under the year 3 See infra, the introduction to the Cartographia ^cnj Americana Vetustissima. 1507. >■ Navarrete, doc. ix., vol. iii., 199. Sebastian Cabot. 15 copies of that royal pattern were not issued by the Casa de Contratacion as they are, for instance, by the U. S. Coast Survey or the EngHsh Admiralty. The Pilot-Major and certain Crown pilots, by special appoint- ment, took or caused to be taken copies of the Padron Real, which they sold for their own benefit, according to a tariff fixed by the Casa.^ As to the elements which served for making the first model, they were borrowed from maps then current in Spain, and not from special or actual surveys, even for the New World. And we may take for granted that the Padron Real presented entire sections which remained for a century or more totally unaltered, though sometimes erroneous in many respects. But there were also configurations furnished by the Crown pilots or cosmographers, and derived from their own stock of information. Those of Portuguese or Italian origin, like Americus Vespuccius and the Reinels, must have furnished data of that kind. Now, Sebastian Cabot filled the office in Spain first of Crown pilot, from August 15, 1515, and then of Pilot-Major from February 5, 15 18, until October 25, 1525, and from 1533 until at least October, 1547.9 Nor should we omit to state that not only by virtue of his office Sebastian was supervisor of the Chair of Cosmography in the Casa de Contratacion, and filled the professorship of nautical and cosmographic science in the institution, 'o but was a member of the commission of pilots and geographers who in 15 15 were required by King Ferdinand to make a general revision of all maps and charts." Under the circumstances, it would prove highly interesting to compare some Sevillan official map made while Sebastian Cabot held the office of Pilot-Major, with the Cabotian planisphere of 1544. Unfortunately, they have all disappeared. The following fact also complicates the question. Although the Padron Real was the object of much solicitude from the government, we find in the ordinances enacted by Charles V., proofs of negligence on the part of the pilots and cosmographers to whom it had been intrusted. They were charged with failing to maintain the hydrography of the New World to the required standard. On the other ^ " For privilegios firmados A 12 de Julio de 1512, leur origine et leurs voyages ; itudes cChiatoire critique ; se concedid i. Juan Vispuche [sif.] y i. Juan de Solis pp. 123, 126, 127, 331-335, 355. que pudieran sacar traslados del padron general de las '" Navakbbte, Disertacion sohre la Historia de la Indias, y venderlos A, los pilotos al precio que dijesen Ndutka,-^. 134, mentions Sebastian Cabot as first on the los oficiales de la Casa de Contratacion." MuTioz list of the professors of cosmography in the Casa de M88,, Vol. XC, f°. 105, V. Contratacion. 9 For all those dates, see Jean et Sebastien Cabot, " Hekreka, Decad. II., lib. i., cap. xii. p. 18. 1 6 The Discovery of North America. hand, the sort of monopoly enjoyed first by SoHs, then by Juan Ves- puccius (Americus' nephew), who alone could dispose of copies of the Padron Real, induced unauthorized pilots to make and sell clandestine duplicates, which were necessarily inferior to the original, and probably introduced additional errors. The head pilots complained, as far back as 1 5 13, of those repeated infringements, but no remedy was applied for several years, although the counterfeits not only departed greatly from the Padron, but even presented different scales of degrees, '^ and, con- sequently, a variety of latitudes. At last, Charles V., not in the pecuniary interest of his cosmographers or to increase the State revenue, but to render navigation safer, determined to cure the evil. On the 6th of October, 1526, Fernando Columbus was commissioned to order Diego Ribero and other competent cosmographers '3 to construct a sailing chart comprehending all the islands and the continent discovered and to be discovered: "una Carta de navegar en la qual se situen todas las Islas e Tierra firme questhobiesen descobiertas e se descobriesen de ay adelante." H This royal order remained nevertheless a dead letter for nine years. At last, Queen Isabella of Portugal, during the absence of her husband Charles V. in Italy, May 20, 1535, enjoined Fernando Columbus to cause that all-important map to be executed at once: "lo acabeis con toda la brevedad, e sinon, entendais luego en que se efetue." '5 We do not know at what time it was completed ; but when ready, the Emperor confided the chart to the president and judges of the Casa de Contratacion, and ordered the Pilot-Major and cosmographers belonging to that institution to verify it twice a month. Charles V. went further. He authorized all professional cartographers residing at Seville, to design and sell maps of the New World, with no other restriction than to cause the same to be first approved by the Pilot-Major and the cosmographers of the Casa. He even permitted the Pilot-Major himself, not only to sell copies of " Coloqnio sobre las dos graduaziones diferentes que peror, in 1526. That junta not only comprised the las cartas de Ind^as tienen MuHoz MSS. , Vol. XLIV. , pilot-major and His Majesty's cosmographers, but more and ascribed to Fernando Columbus. We are indepted than one hundred experienced pilots, besides other to M. de LOLLIS, for copious extracts from the original members versed in nautical science: " Mis de cien of that curious dialogue; See, infra, in our History pilotos, muchos de alios antiguos en la navigacion de of the Lusitano-Germanic Cartography. 1,3 Indias, y otras personas peritas en el arte," say! '3 Heal Cedilla a Don Hernando Colon, in the Ae Coloquio. See also Herreea, Decad. III. lib. x Coleccion de documenios ineditos de Indias, Vol. cap- xi., p. 294. XXXII., p. S12. This ordinance, dated May 20, '' Beal Cedtda ahoye quoted 1535, refers to the one previously issued by the Em- 's Ibidem. Sebastian Cabot. 17 the Padron General {ex-Padron Real), but also maps and globes of his own making, provided that trade in such articles was not carried on within the city of Seville. '^ This chart, known thenceforth under the name of Padron General, was not a complete innovation, and could be considered only as the Padron Real improved. We possess no copy of that standard map ; but it doubtless revives in the description which Oviedo has given '7 of the chart made by Alonso de Chaves in 1536.18 As Ribero died August 16, 1533''^ Chaves, who stood so high then as a cartographer, must have been entrusted with the task of continuing the work. The commission to revise the Padron was appointed in 1526. On the other hand, Sebastian Cabot received, March 4, 1525,2° the nomina- tion of captain-general to command the fleet intended to visit the Moluccas; and actually sailed April 5, 1526, returning to Spain only in August, 1530.21 The maps designed in Seville or copied from the Padron Real between those two dates, were therefore commenced and terminated whilst Sebastian Cabot was on the Rio de la Plata. It is necessary nevertheless to examine them with the view of determining the character of their north-eastern configurations, and ascertain whether these must not be attributed, at all events, to Sebastian Cabot, or considered as containing data furnished by him while he filled the office of Pilot- Major. It is only a quarter of a century after Juan de la Cosa made his celebrated planisphere (1500), that we find a Sevillan or Spanish map exhibiting the north-eastern American regions. This is the mappa-mundi on an equidistant polar projection devised by Juan Vespuccius, engraved in Italy, and of which there are two editions known. 22 As the second edition is dated " 1524," the map was originally constructed before that year, and at Seville, while Sebastian Cabot still held and exercised there the functions of Pilot-Major ; Juan Vespuccius being designated therein under the title of " Pilot to the King," an office from which he was '^ Becopilacion de leyes de los reynos delaslndias; ^° Hbkkera, Decad. III., lib. ix., cap. iii. , p. 259, Del Piloto Mayor y Cosmografos, lib. ix. , tit. xxiii. , 260 ; Navabrete, Vol. V. , p. 440. laws iii., viii., xii. &c., Madrid, 1681. " He returned " poor and shabby :—muy desbaratado '? Oviedo, Historia General, lib. xxi., cap. x., e pobre." Letter of Dr. Simao Affonso, published Vol. II., p. 148 seq. by Francisco Ad. DE Varnhagen, Hiatoria geral do '8 See infra our Cartographia Amerieana Vetiistis- Brazil, ed. of 1854, 8vo, Vol. I., p. 439, note. sima, under the year 1536. " See infra, in the Cartographia Americana Ve- '^ Mufloz MSS., Vol. LXXVII., f°. 165, vo. tustissima, sub anno 1523. 1 8 The Discovery of North America. deprived only March i8, 1525. Now, in that extremely curious map, the Tera del Bachaglia, or the Codfish Country, is placed in the ex- treme north, bordering the Arctic circle, by 55" N. latitude according to its own scale. There are no further designations, but as the northern configurations are all beyond 55", they embrace necessarily the countries which Sebastian Cabot claimed to have discovered in that part of the New World. The next map is the one which was engraved at Venice for the readers of the Libri della historia de U Indie occidentali, published in that city by Ramusio in 1534 "24; but the map itself, or, rather, its prototype, is of an earlier date. The map states that it was made from two nautical charts designed in Seville by the pilots of His Majesty (Charles V.): " cauata da due carte da'nauicare fatte in Sibilia da la piloti della Maiesta Cesarea." One of those charts is said in the Libri to be the work of Nufio Garcia de Toreno, who ranked among the most reputed Spanish cartographers of his time,25 and to have been the property of Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, who died in 1526. As the Padron General was ordered in that year, and required considerable time and labour before it could be ready for use, we may fairly consider the map of the Libri as exhibiting data anterior to that year, and derived from the Padron as it existed when Sebastian Cabot was yet Pilot-Major. But it is not much older, as the name Steud goinez (Estevam Gomez), inserted by 45° latitude north, carries us to November, 1525, which is the date of the return of that navigator. It is but an extract, evidently abridged, and makes no explicit mention of the discoveries accomplished by the English in the northern regions of the New World. This omission would be sufficient to thrust it out of our inquiry, if it did not exhibit the configurations of the north-east coast precisely as we find them in all subsequent Sevillan maps, and, for that matter, as they must have been given in the charts copied at the Casa de Contratacion when Sebastian Cabot filled the office of Pilot-Major, and vised or otherwise endorsed all such copies. We now proceed to examine charts which doubtless reproduce the =3 Navarbetb, CoUccion, Vol. III., p. 306, note. '' Pedro Ruiz de Villegas, as quoted by Andres '* Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissi7na, No. 190, and Garcia DE Cespedes, Regimiento de Navigacion, infra in the Oartorjraphia. Madrid, 1606, folio, f°. 148. Sebastian Cabot. 19 configurations of the Padron Real, being the acknowledged works of Royal Cosmographers belonging to the Seville Hydrographic Bureau. Three such maps yet exist, viz. : Carta Universal, en que se contiene todo lo, qve del Mundo se a descvbierto fasta aora hizola un cosmographo de Sv Majestad Anno MDXXVII. en Sevilla?(> Here, the configuration of the north-east coast is identically as in the preceding map of Garcia de Toreno, except that where we read Lauorator only, the inscription bears in full : Tierra del laborador, but with no allusion whatever to English voyages. The legend relating to that region is also placed by 60° north latitude, although the land extends south to 56° N. The second map is the following : Carta Universal en que se contiene todo lo que del mundo Se ha descuhierto fasta agora, Hizola Diego Ribero Cosmographo de su magestad : Ano de. i^2g?l This likewise exhibits the same configurations of the north-east coast, placing the Labrador inscription by 60" lat. N., but with the most im- portant additional remark that it was discovered by the English: " Esta tierra descubrieron los Ingleses." Finally, we possess a duplicate of that map, made by Ribero himself, which marks identical configurations in the same latitudes, but wherein the inscription reads as follows : '''■ Tierra del Labrador la qual descu- brieron los Ingleses de la villa de Bristol." 28 This latter specification is certainly a reference to the voyage made by John Cabot in 1497, as the vessel was manned chiefly by Bristol men: "sono quasi tutti inglesi et da Bristo," and sailed from that port. — "partitosi da Bristo." 29 Now, what is the latitude ascribed by Ribero to those English discoveries ? From 56° to 60" N. The maps made by Vesconte de Maggiolo in 1527,30 Hieronymo Verrazzano3i in 1529, and the Wolfenbiittel map B,32 are, in those "^ Kohl, Die, Beiden Altesten general Karten von "^ Pasqualigo, uhi supra. Amerika, Weimar, i860, large folio ; Jean et Sibastien ^ Infra, facsimile, and Oartographia, sub anno, 1527. Cabot, No. II., pp. 172-175. 3" J. Carson Brevooet, Verrazano the Navigator, ^ Ibidem. New York, 1874, 8vo ; Henry C. Murphy, The Voy- "^ Thomasst, Les Papes gdographes, Paris, 1852, age of Verrazzano, New York, 1875, ^''o J Cornelio 8vo, pp. 118. The original is preserved at the Propa- Desimoni, Intorno al Fiorentino Giovanni Verrazzano, ganda, at Rome, and bears the arms of Julius II., which Genova, 1881, 8vo, p. loi. means only that it belonged to a member of the De ^- Jean et Sdbastien Cabot, p. 186, and infra, our La Rovere family, as the Pope of that name died in 1513. Cartographia, sub anno, 1530. 20 The Discovery of North America. particulars, derivatives from Sevillan planispheres, more or less direct. They also place the English discoveries by 56° — 60°, in Labrador ; the Wolfenbuttel chart referring likewise explicitly to the "■ Yngleses de la vila de bristol." The filiation is almost complete, and shows that in Seville the cosmographers of Charles V. never located the first transatlantic discoveries, accomplished under the British flag, by 45" north latitude, or at the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence close to Cape Breton Island. On the contrary they marked those discoveries ten degrees at least further north, along the region which cartographers then called Labrador. Reverting to the Sevillan charts, true it is that the direct agency of Sebastian Cabot in the making of those maps has not yet been shown, inasmuch as he was absent from Spain when they were made. But in respect to the north-east coast, the cartographers of Seville cannot but have acted constantly on information derived from him ; as we will endeavour to demonstrate. What those northern configurations were on the Padron Real when Americus Vespuccius and Dias de Solis supervised it, we can only guess ; but the reader may rest assured that if they differed from Sebastian Cabot's notions, he did not hesitate to correct them, as was his duty. When he first came to Spain, in 151 2, Ferdinand of Aragon engaged his services chiefly on account of the exclusive knowledge which he claimed to possess concerning "la navigacion a los Bacallos;" 33 that is, to the north-east coast of the New Continent. Is it not evident therefore that the first use which he made of his specific experience was to cause the northern regions in official maps to tally with the charts which he or his father had brought from their transatlantic expeditions.? It is not less certain that during all the time he had charge of the Padron Real, the Baccalaos regions must have been the object of particular attention on his part. Why should his successors in office alter those configura- tions, or place them in a different latitude 1 Between the Anglo- Portuguese navigation of 1505,34 and John Rut's voyage of 1527, there have been no English expeditions from which any Spanish cosmographer might have derived data unknown to Sebastian Cabot. Even if, perchance, John Rut 33 "Sabeis que en Burgos os hablaron de mi parte Cabot, September I2th, 1512. Jmn et Sdbastien Cabot, Conchillos i el Obp. de Palencia sobre la navegacion No. xiv., p. 331; Hbrrera, Decad. I., lib. ix., cap. a los Bacallos e ofrecistes servirnos," wrote King xiii. , p. 254. Ferdinand of Aragon, then regent of Castile, to Sebastian 34 See iiifra, the concluding chapter. Sebastian Cabot. 21 had discovered any lands, the legends in the maps which we have just described could not apply to that navigator, as he was from Ratclif and sailed from Portsmouth ; 35 whilst Ribero and his followers state positively that those northern regions were first seen by mariners from Bristol. As to the inscription which ascribes the discovery simply to " los Ingleses," without specifying the port they came from, we must recollect that the Sevillan cartographers of 1527 were not the originators of it, and that the expression only conveys a matter of universal belief at the time. For instance : In La Cosa's map of 1500, the line of English flags on the coast line bearing the legend "Mar descubierta por Inglese" begins with a Cauo de ynglaterra which, when reported approximately on our modern charts, corresponds with a point almost as high north as the entrance to Davis Strait. Humboldt 36 places the Cauo de ynglaterra near the Strait of Belle-Isle, which is by 53", whilst Kohl 37 reduces it to "about 50" N." In either case it is further north than the point given by Sebastian Cabot for his landfall in 1497. In the portolano of Vesconte de Maggiolo, made in 151 1, there is a "■ Terra de los Ingres" which that celebrated cartographer has placed about ten degrees 38 even further north than his Terra de Lavorador de rey de Portugall, which brings the " Lands of the English," certainly nearer the North Pole than to Cape Breton Island. In The forme of a Mappe sent 152^ from Sivil in Spayne by maister Robert Thome marchaunt to Doctor Ley Embassadour for King Henry the 8. to Charles the Emperour,'^') we notice on the same line with Nona terra laboratorum dicta, or Labrador, a legend which reads as follows: "Terra nee ab Anglis primum fuit inuenta : — This land was first discovered by the English." It is inscribed by about 60° north latitude. So far as we know, the Ribero map is the first in which the legend goes beyond stating that the discovery of Labrador was accom- plished by the English, and specifies that they were Englishmen from Bristol. This detail, which must be taken as a direct allusion to the 35 J. S. Brewer, Calendar, No. 3203. Letter from 38 d'Avezao, Atlas hydrogrwpUque de 1511 ; Paris, Albertus DE Prato, in PuKCHAS, Vol. III., p. 809. 1871, 8vo, p. 13; Jean et Sibastien Cabot, p. 166. 3* In F. W. Ghillany, Oe-tchichte des Seefahrers 39 Hakluyt. Dicers Voyages touching the Dis- Ritter Martin Behaim ; Nlirnberg, 1853, 4to, p. 2. coverie of America and the lands adjacent mito the 37 J G. Kohl, Documentary History of the State same, made first of all by an Enijlishman ; London, of Maine; Portland, 1869, 8vo, p. I54- 1582, 4to ; Jean et Sibastien Cabot, pp. 93 --md 176. 2 2 The Discovery of North America. Cabot expedition of 1497, was doubtless derived from Sebastian himself. Diego Ribero held daily intercourse with him at Seville since 1523, as one of the Crown cosmographers entrusted particularly with the making of nautical instruments.4o He was also his colleague at the famous council of Badajoz in 1524,41 where the voyages to our north-east coast must have been constantly mooted, as the intended expedition of Estevam Gomez to discover the North-West passage depended greatly on the ruling of that junta. The cartographical information concerning the northern latitudes had to be furnished to the members of the council by Ribero. Is it not certain that he never communicated a map to the Spanish or Portuguese commissioners without first submitting it to Sebastian Cabot who sat by his side, and who, in the capacity of Pilot-Major, was his superior .-^ Hence, naturally, conversations between those two cosmo- graphers relative to the history of the voyages made by the Cabots to the north-east coast, and details about the agency of British mariners. All those facts prove that the names, legends and configurations of the northern extremity of the New Continent, as inscribed and depicted in charts emanating from Spanish cosmographers in general, and Diego Ribero in particular, were supplied directly by Sebastian Cabot or through his professional instrumentality, and that during half-a-century he placed his landfall many degrees further north than is the Prima vista of the Paris Cabotian planisphere of 1544. *° Jean et Sdhantien Cahot, leur origine et lews "t' Navakrete, C'o?e('cio7i, Vol. I., p. 124; Heerera, voyages; pp. 173, 174, 184, note. Decad. III., lib. vi. , cap. 6, p. 184. CHAPTER V. THE Cabotian planisphere of 1544 is the first map of the sixteenth century which locates the English discoveries and Cabot's landfall so far south as Cape Breton Island. A statement so contrary to all previous knowledge of the matter has prompted the inquiry whether Sebastian Cabot was really the author of that map. It must be said at the outset that the legends from which we made the above extracts are not, in our opinion, the work of Sebastian Cabot, but of one Dr. Grajales, who wrote them at the Puerto de Santa Maria, shortly after the year 1544 ;' while the translation into Latin seems to have been made by some Dutch or German pedant^ of the place where the map was engraved. The cartographical data, however, which served as a basis for those tabular explanations, were certainly furnished by Sebastian Cabot, or published with his assent, particularly as regards the configuration of the north-east coast of the American continent and the alleged landfall at Cape Breton. In 1544, Charles V. reigned both in Germany and the Netherlands; and whether we consider the Cabotian planisphere as having been pub- lished in Spain, at Antwerp, or at Augsburg, it is not likely that anyone would have ventured to palm off on the Emperor's Pilot-Major a forgery of that character, nor add to the plate the Imperial arms. Besides, what proves the genuineness of the publication is the existence and circulation in England of the map while Sebastian Cabot lived and held an official position in that country. The importance of this fact makes it incumbent on us to produce our authorities for the statement. As to the first assertion, we must recall the circumstance that Sebastian Cabot was still living in 1557 ; and that Eden, before 1555, ' See infra, in the appendix of the first part of the gandi arte astronomiaque peritissimus . . . astrorum Cartofjraphia Americana Vetustisiima, the note en- peritia navigandique arte omnium doctissimus .... titled: Alleged ma^ of Columbus' navigations. Ada doctissimaque magistra ; " all three of which are in ' The self-laudatory expressions which also lead to the Latin version of the Legend XVII, do not exist in the think that Cabot did not write the legends, viz : "navi- Spanish text, manuscript or printed. 24 The Discovery of North America. which is the date of the first edition of his English translation of the Decades of Peter Martyr, published in that work certain " notable thynges as tovchynge the Indies," which, he said, were " translated owt of the bookes of Franciscus Lopes [Gomara] . . . and partly also owt of the carde made by Sebastian Cabot. "3 The Cabotian planisphere could be seen at Westminster. Purchas, after referring to the voyage of 1497, sums up the eighth tabular legend, and adds : " These are the wordes of the great Map in his Maiestie's priuie Gallerie."4 There was also a copy in the castle of the Earl of Bedford : " Cabot's table which the Earle of Bedford hath at Cheynies," says Richard Willes.5 The map was re-engraved in 1549 by Clement Adams, schoolmaster to the King's henchmen at Greenwich. Hakluyt calls the eighth legend of that chart "an extract taken out of the mappe of Sebastian Cabot cut by Clement Adams concerning his discovery of the West Indias, which is to be seene in her Maiesties privy gallerie at Westminster." ^ The original map of 1544 is a complete mappamundi. It is therefore a question whether the words in Hakluyt's caption : " concerning his dis- covery of the West Indias," which may refer either to an extract made by Hakluyt, or to the map itself, do not imply that Clement Adams only engraved the part relating to the New World, or a portion thereof. As to the date of 1549, we derive it from the marginal note of Purchas (placed on the same line with the quotation above given), viz.: " This map, some say, was taken out of Sir Seb. Cabot's map by Clem. Adams 1549;" which we interpret to mean that Adams' map was said to have been extracted in the year 1549 from "the great Map in his Maiesties priuie Gallerie." As Sir Humphrey Gilbert speaks of Cabot's maps in the plural tense : "His Charts which are yet to be seene in the Queenes Maiesties priuie Gallerie at Whitehall, "7 it may be that there could be seen both the map of 1544 or that of 1549, and Clement Adams' edition or supposed abstract. Be that as it may, Nathan Kochhaff saw at Oxford in 1566 one of those Cabotian maps, which bore the inscription: "Plana figura me delineavit 1549."^ 3EDEN,7)eea(Zes; London, 1555,410, f. 324. ^ TU Third and Last Volvme of the Voyages; '•Purchas, His Pilgrimage ; London, 1625, folio, London, 1600, folio, p. 6. Vol. III., p. 807. 7 Discourse in Hakluyt, op. cit., Vol. III., p. 24 5 WiLLEs' edition of Eden's Ilistorj/ of Travayle ; ^ chytr^us (Kochhaff), Variorvm in Evropa Iti- London, 1557, 4to, f. 232. nervm Ddiciiv ; Herborn, 1594; 410, p. 171. Sebastian Cabot. 25 We are inclined to believe that the map which Hakluyt first saw was the edition of 1544, as in the Principall Navigations of 1589 he gives for the discovery the erroneous date of 1494. If afterwards he altered it to 1497, we may infer that the change was due to his noticing the latter date on Adams' edition. Nor is it rash to suppose that the date of 1497 is a correction suggested by Cabot himself, as he and Adams certainly knew each other personally. Finally, " the copye of Gabote's map sett out by Mr. Clemente Adams was in many marchants houses in London. "9 It is impossible that the wily Venetian should not have been aware of the existence of those rhaps ; and if he had no agency in such publications, or disapproved their cartographical averments, we would find traces of protest and disclaimer in the works of Eden'o or of Hakluyt;" nor would they have quoted or used the map. What could then be Sebastian's object in placing at the southern entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence a landfall which for so many years previous had rightly figured, though it be only by implication, in all charts and portolani on the north-eastern coast of Labrador ? Was it his personal interest to do so, and have we any reason to consider him as capable of making wilfully untruthful statements ? These grave questions require the critic to examine with care and impartiality the real character of Sebastian Cabot. ' Hakluyt, Westeme. Planting, written in 1584, and published for the first time in Vol. II. of the Documen- tary History of the State of Maine, Portland, 1870, 8vo, p. 126. As Clement Adams died only in 1587, Hakluyt who, born circa 1553, lived until 1616, must have known him personally ; owing to their living in the same society circle, and devotion to congenial studies. '° Eden, who was personally acquainted with Sebastian Cabot, and derived information from him concerning his voyages (The Decades of the New Worlde, or West India, conteyning the navigations of the Spanyardes, London, 1555, preface, p. Ci, and fol. 249, 255, 268), has seen that map, and, as we have already said, actually republished one of its legends. " Hakluyt also reprinted a legend taken from the same chart, a copy of which he saw hung up "in her Maiesties' priuie gallerie at Westminster" (Principall Navigaticyas, 1589, p. 511, and 1599, Vol. III. p. 6), and besides, from his language, he must have consulted "all of Sebastian Cabote's own mappes and discourses drawne and written by himselfe, which (he is the first to say) are in the custodie of Master William Worthington who is very willing to suffer them to be overseene." — Divers voyages, 1582. CHAPTER VI. SEBASTIAN Cabot certainly enjoyed a great reputation in Spain and in England. Ramusio's anonymous informer says that Sebastian had not his equal in Spain as a man versed in navigation and cosmography : " e cosi valente et patrico delle cose pertinenti alia navi- gatione et alia cosmographia, ch' in Spagna al presente non v' e un suo pari." I Guido Gianeti de Fano writes to Livio Sanuto that Sebastian was held in the highest esteem in England : " all' hora honoratissimo si ritrovara."2 Ramusio, who corresponded with Sebastian Cabot, says that he was " a man of large experience, and uncommonly so in the art of navigation and the science of cosmography." 3 He enjoyed the confidence of Charles V. during many years, as notwithstanding his disguised flight to England that prince maintained him in the office of Pilot-Major, and even increased his pension.4 In the entry of the donation of ^200 which he received in March, 1551, from Edward VI., he is also called "Sebastian Caboto, the great Seaman." S The elements of control which we possess do not allow us to account for the reputation which Sebastian Cabot enjoyed as a scientific mariner. Everyone is convinced now that it was his father, not he, who discovered the north-east coast of the American continent in 1497. The expedition to La Plata, which Sebastian commanded in person, proved an absolute failure ;6 that of Willoughby and Chancellor, planned by him- self in 1553, was also disastrous; 7 and the expectations which Sebastian Cabot had caused the Company of Merchants Adventurers to entertain ' Ramusio, Prima Volume, f. 374. s Strype, Ecclesiastical memorials ; Oxford, 1822, = Sanuto (M. Livio), Georjrafia distinta, Vinegia, 8vo, Vol. II., p. 402. '^',.'\ ■ ,,, ^ Letter from Luis Ramirez, Revista Trimensal, 3 ' ■ Huomo Qi grande esperienza, et raro nell arte Rio de Janeiro, Vol. XV., pp. 14-21 ; Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Madrid, 1852, Vol. II., p. 176. del nauigare, et nella scienza di cosmografia. " — Ramusio, Terzo Volume, Venetia, 1565, folio; Preface, verso of Aiiij. ■ Every one knovirs the tragic end of Sir Hugh ■• Dispatch of Sir Philip Hoby ; Notes and Queries, Willoughby, vi-hich is probably the origin of the legend London, 3rd series, Vol. I., p. 125. of the Phantom Ship. Sebastian Cabot. 27 when he promoted the voyage of Stephen Burrough were not reaHsed.^ Notwithstanding his alleged discovery of the variations of the needle,9 and his boast that he had found a new method of ascertaining the longitude at sea,io no invention of any sort can be justly ascribed to him ; and as to the planisphere of 1 544, it is a very indifferent cosmo- graphical performance." The probability is that Sebastian Cabot owed his influence and reputation to the simple fact that he claimed to know where there existed a passage to the Pacific Ocean, first by the North- West, then by the South- West, and afterwards by the North-East ; and was shrewd enough to make Ferdinand of Aragon, Charles V., Henry VIII., Edward VI., and other influential people believe that he was actually in possession of that secret, — the great desideratum then and since of all maritime nations. '^ Be that as it may, whether Sebastian Cabot was or was not a great navigator and cosmographer, it is certain that we must consider him as a dishonest man, capable of disguising the truth, whenever it was his interest to do so. The account of the discovery of the north-east coast given by Peter Martyr is borrowed exclusively from Sebastian Cabot, when the latter was his guest : " Familiarem habeo domi Cabottum ipsum, et contuber- nalem interdum."i3 Yet, it contains no mention whatever of John Cabot, and the merit of the discovery is ascribed solely to Sebastian: " Scrutatus est eas Sebastianus Cabotus . . . Duo is sibi navigia propria pecunia in Britannia ipsa instruxit, et primo tendens cum hominibus tercentum ad septentrionem : — ^These northe seas haue byn searched by one Sebastian Cabot .... He therfore furnisshed two shippes in England at his own charges : And fyrst with three hundreth men, directed his course . . . ." H Had Sebastian ever mentioned his father's name to Peter Martyr in connection with that discovery, the latter would certainly have inserted it in his Decades. 8 The expedition commanded by Burrough was in- Golomh, Vol. I., p. 251, notes 1-3. Columbus in 1492 tended for the discovery of the passage to Cathay. As noticed (after others) the extent of the variation of the regards the Company of Merchant Adventurers, it is needle, and that it was different m various places; Log said to have been created by virtue of the charter granted book or Derrotero, in Navarrete, Colecaon de Vzages, byOueen Mary, February 26th, iS55.-LEMON',CaZe)iria.r, Vol. I. pp. 8, 9. , ^ 1, Vol I. p. 65. Yet in Sansbury's Calendar (East- ■" Jean Taisnier, A very ne,:essar,e and profitable Indies) Vol I., p. 3, No. 5, in the caption of Wil- Booke concerning narii/a/wn .... translated mto loughby's Journal, under the date of September iSth, Enulische by Richard Eden; London, s. a., 4to ; in the 1553, Sebastian Cabot is already called ' ' Governor of the Epistle Dedicatone. Mystery and Company of the Merchants Adventurers of " Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, p. 371. the city of London. " " Herrera, Decad. L , lib. ix. , cap. xui. , p. 254. ^ Legend 17 of the map of 1544 ; Sanuto, Geofjrafia -3 Anchiera, Decad. L, lib. vi., f. 55, u. distinta, f '■ 2 ; and the authorities quoted in Christophe '* Ibidem, c, and Eden's translation. 28 The Discovery of North America. Also in Sebastian's own words, as reported by the Mantua gentle- man, it was he alone who accomplished the first voyage, his father being said by him to have been dead when Henry VII. granted the required authorisation to undertake it : " Mori il padre in quel tempo che venne noua che'l signor don Christophoro Colombo Genouese havea scoperta la costa dell' Indie, et se ne parlava grandemente per tutta la corte del Re Henrico vij, che allhora regnava .... subito feci intender questo mio pensiero alia Maestk del Re, il qual ... mi armb due caravelle . . . . et cominciai a navigar ... in capo d'alquanti giorni la discopersi .... &c.: — When my father died in that time when newes were brought that Don Christopher Colonus Genoese had discovered the coasts of India, whereof was great talke in all the court of King Henry the Seventh, who then raigned .... I thereupon caused the king to be advertised of my devise, who immediately com- manded two caravels to bee furnished with all things .... and I began therefore to saile .... After certaine dayes I found .... &c."'* Now, Lorenzo Pasqualigo, who was an eye-witness of the navigator's return, and Raimondo di Soncino, who also interviewed him then, and was, moreover, his personal friend.'^ both name him " Zoanne Caboto," and never mention Sebastian. John Cabot, so far from being dead when the expedition was fitted out, received, personally, from Henry VII. on the 13th of December, 1497, a pension, evidently as a reward for the discovery which he had just accomplished. '7 Furthermore, there was only one discoverer, at least on that occasion, and not several, as the English King, August loth, 1497, that is, immediately upon the return of the expedition, gave from his privy purse ^10 "to hym that found the New Isle." '^ On the other hand, there can be no doubt about the identity of the discoverer whom Henry VII. meant, as in his second letters patent, dated February 3, 1498, he says that " the Londe and Isles of late found," were discovered " by the seid John Kabotto, Veneciane." '9 Nay, it is not certain that Sebastian even accompanied his father to the New World, although he is one of the grantees mentioned in the letters patent of 1496, the others being his father and brothers Lewis and Sanctius. Peter Martyr, notwithstanding the fact that he was on friendly terms with Sebastian Cabot, and not prone to disparagement, '5 Ramusio, Vol. I., loc. cit., and Hakluyt. Charles Deane, John and Sebastian Cabot, Cambridge, ,i,,,„^ . . . , ^ . „ 1886, 8vo, p. q6. " "tt per essere lo latto amico de Larmirante. ^g _ "The Admiral" is the name John Cabot then popularly „ , ,r ■ ^ r< -, '■ ^ , , i JT ^ '9 ^ Jfemoiro/ ySeO£M f°- 255. parientes de algunas personas, que dicen que es culpado ■t" Jean et SAastien Cabot, doc. xvii., p. 332. £" s"^ muertes, y por otros que desterro y tambien a pedi- *■ Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, uU sxi/pra. '"^"'° ^f^ ^='=^'' P""^ "° ^^^^"^ guardado las instruciones „ _ , , r „ , „ , , , . . 1"^ Uevo : y asi fue preso, y dada la corte por carcel con ■»= On the 5th of February, 1518, upon the death, it is ? >. at \t , ^t j •■ ., ^T T^. r. ,r , , . fianzas." — Navarrete, Vol. V., doc. xvn., p. SSS- said, of Juan Diaz DE SOLIS. Yet the latter died three ,, n i- ' n n •. . ■, . % . . ^^ ^ , ,, . Cometio con ellos [los capitanes, maestres y pilotos?] years previous, m 1515. Herrera, Decad. II., hb. 1., ,. ^ -j j „ „t t>-, ■• -.r ■ ^ .. muchas atrocidades. — Navarrete, BiUioteca Man- ""P- "'•' P- '^- tima, Vol. II., p. 698. 43 Dispatch of Contarini, in Bullo, op. cit., p. 64. 46 Ibidem, p. 699. ■" Rawdon Brown, Calendar, Nos. 557, 558, 607, 47 Documents mentioned in the lAsta de la Exposi- 632, 666, 670, 750, 1115 ; and Bullo, pp. 61-70. don Americanista ; Madrid, 1881, 8vo, B, Nos. 54, 55. Sebastian Cabot. 33 birth, such as Alonso de Chaves, Pedro de Medina, and Alonso de Santa Cruz. A document lately published, seems to indicate that the Emperor soon had occasion to regret this choice. On the 13th of March, 1534,48 he ordered that the manner in which Sebastian Cabot performed the duties of Pilot-Major, and particularly his mode of examining pilots for the purpose of granting them the required licence, should be inquired into. The tone of the order authorises us to think that it was prompted by some delinquency on the part of Sebastian Cabot. He was, however, maintained in office. Notwithstanding the Emperor's kind treatment, Sebastian recommenced intriguing with foreign nations ; and in 1547, under the same old pretence that he knew of a shorter sea route to China, managed to obtain from the Privy Council of Edward VI. 49 that his services should be secured on behalf of England. Pretexting doubtless some private affairs in that country, he obtained from Charles V. leave to absent himself; and, appointing ad interim in his place of Pilot-Major Diego Gutierez, who was a man of the same ilk as himself, repaired to London. Once there, although still in the employ of Spain, and receiving a salary and a pen- sion from the Emperor, he accepted from Edward VI., in 1548, a large annuitySo and an important office, if it was not yet the post of Grand- Pilot of England. Thus selling again the alleged secret for which he had already received and continued to receive pay from another, and committing one more breach of trust. Sebastian Cabot had been living in England only a few years, enjoying high honours and considerable emoluments, when he renewed his intrigues with the Venetian ambassador. Here again, we must refer the reader to diplomatic dispatchesSi for details concerning this third attempt from Sebastian Cabot at betraying a sovereign in whose eniploy he was, and notwithstanding the favours which he continued to receive from him. 43 Rml OMuU h los OfyciaXes de SeuUla mandandoles '° Hakluyt, The Third and La^t Volume of the fagan ynforma^ion para averignar los derechos quel Voyages . . . and D^scouer^es of the Enghsh NaHon, Oapitan Sebastian Caboto lleva por el exdmen de los V- '^°- „ , , -.r , ■,, -kt Pilotos; corns e de qui man.era los a examinado e =■ Rawdon Brown Calendar, Vol. V No 7"; r .1. n 1 ■ „ j„ ,;„„„™.>„/n» ,-., W>Vn« rle Jean et Sibashen Cabot, doc. xxxv., p. 361; Wm. B. examma. — In the Goleccion de documentos iiuaitos ae „ , , ^t r.- -r.^ . ,. „ , ,.,.,,,, .,„ TuRNBULL, Calendar, p. 171, No. 444; Sir Thomas Indias, Vol. XXXII., p. 479. ' , , . ^i i- ^ Hardy, Report on the documents m the archives of « Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. xxxiv. , p. 358. Venice, 1866, p. 8. 34 The Discovery of North America. Those documents exhibit Hkewise the duplicity which was so striking on similar occasions.52 Such proofs of constant mendacity and treason show that Sebastian Cabot was capable of swerving from the truth whenever it might profit him. What then were the interested motives which could prompt him in 1544 to locate at the southern entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence a landfall which in reality had been effected ten degrees further north .-' The absence of documents, and difficulty to scrutinize the inner incentives of anyone, compel us to answer this question only by resorting to hypothesis. In 1544, a great change had taken place relatively to the importance of the more northern coast of the new continent. The seas which bathed those regions were no longer a mere common fishing ground frequented by the smacks of Portugal, Biscay, Brittany, Normandy, and England. The successful explorations accomplished by Jacques Cartier, from 1534 until 1543, had been followed by the planting of French colonies. The site selected was not Labrador, on which, in all the maps of the time, was inscribed the uninviting legend : " No ay en ella cosa de provecho : — Here there is nothing that can be of any use," but around the Gulf of St. Lawrence and the island of Cape Breton, which the reports of Cartier and Roberval to Francis I. represented to be a beau- tiful and fertile country, with rich copper mines, fine ports and the most navigable rivers in the world. Gomara, in a work written before 1551, and addressed to Charles V., Says of that region : " The French are settling or will settle the country, for it is just as good a land as France : — Dicen que [los Franceses] pueblan alii 6 que poblardn, por ser tan buena tierra como Francia." 53 The voyage of Master Hore in 1536, favoured by Henry VI H., was doubtless prompted by the news of Cartier's first successful results ; 5= Sebastian Cabot is also charged with having "resiste mention the pension, the officials of the Casa de Contra- a payer les 10,000 maravedis i la veuve de Vespucci, tacion, — apparently at the suggestion of Sebastian Cabot, jusqu'i ce que I'on I'y eut contraint." Varnhagen, — Maria Cerezo appealed to Charles V., who declared Amerigo Vespucci, p. 119, note. The facts, however^ that it was a charge on the office of pilot-major, and are as follows : When Vespuccius died, February 22nd, ordered the five years' arrears to be liquidated at once, 1512, Juan Diaz DE SoLis succeeded him in the office of and the annuity to be paid until her death, regularly, pilot-major ; but under the express condition that out of She died, December 26th, 1524, without her leaving any his salary, he should pay to Maria Cerezo, Vespuccius' other heir than a sister, which is a proof that Americus widow, during her life-time, annually, 10,000 mrs. , which Vespuccius left no children. See document xiv. in he did faithfully. Sebastian Cabot was appointed to the Navarrete, Coleccion de viarjes, Vol. III., p. 308. post, February 5th, 15 18 (Navarrete, BiUiotheca Mari- 53 Gomara, Primera y sefjunda parte de la Historia tima, Vol. II., p. 308). But as the warrant omitted to de las Indias, p. 178. Sebastian Cabot. 35 and although it was not followed, so far as we know, by other English expeditions, Sebastian Cabot's cartographical statement, as embodied in the planisphere of 1544, may well have been a suggestion for British claims, and a bid for the King of England's favour. To place within the Gulf of St. Lawrence the landfall of 1497, was tantamount to de- claring that region to be English dominion, as the discovery had been accomplished by vessels sailing under the British flag : " sub banneris vexillis et insigniis nostris," and whose commander, by virtue of a royal commission, had actually planted that flag when landing on those shores for the first time. 54 Nor was the hint conveyed at an unseasonable time; Henry VIII. being then and remaining at war with Francis I. until 1547. At all events, it is certain that "the Title which England has to that part of America, which is from Florida to 67 degrees north- ward," is or was derived "from the letters patent granted to John Cabote and his three sons," to use the language of Hakluyt. 55 Such underhand dealings were also in keeping with Sebastian Cabot's natural disposition, as we have shown him constantly engaged in plotting and corresponding in secret with foreign rulers to advance his own interest. The planisphere was only designed in 1544: " hizo esta figura .... anno de MDXLIIII.;" and the engraving at a great distance from Seville, where Sebastian then lived, may have retarded its publica- tion until a year or eighteen months after that date. Now, there is in the Council Register of Edward VI., a ^100 warrant, dated October 7th, 1547, "for the transporting of one Shabot (stc), a Pilot, to come out of Hispain to serve and inhabit in England." S6 This individual is unquestionably Sebastian Cabot, inasmuch as in 1549, we see Charles V. request sternly the English ambassador to cause the return to Spain of "one Sebastian Gabote, his generall pilot, presently in England." 57 The order and warrant were then only the results of a series of efforts and 5^ Henry VII., in his letters patent of February 3rd, /., i, art. 1), where he bases on the discoveries or 1498, says that the " Londe and lies were founde by the voyages of Cabot, Robert Thorn and Eliot, " the Queenes seid John [Kabotto] in oure name and by oure commande- Maiesties Title Royale to these foreyn Regions and mente." Original text of those letters patent first pub- Islands." lished by Richard BiDDi.E, ilfemoir- 0/ S'e6a6'«iart Ca6o<, ^^ Jean et Sdbastien Cabot, doc. xxxiv., p. 358. p_ ye An imperfect transcription of the name (viz.: S. Cabot 55 Hakluyt, Divers voyages; London, 1582, in the misspelled ^^AaJoij easily accounts for the above erroneous dedication to Sir Philip Sydney. The earliest assumption spelling, or lapsus pennce. of that character which we have found, is in the long SJ Notes and Queries, London. 3d Series, Vol. I., p. argument written in 1580, by John Dee, on the back of 125, where the Emperor's demand is carefully printed his map of America (British Museum, MSS., Oott. Aiig. from the original text by Mr. 01. Hooper. 36 The Discovery of North America. intrigues on the part of Sebastian Cabot, to leave the service of Charles V. and obtain a better position in England. The time required for the endeavours and correspondence brings us very near the date when the planisphere must have reached London. It is difficult to see a mere coincidence between those facts ; and they certainly constitute important elements to ascertain the motives of Sebastian Cabot for placing the landfall of the English in a fertile country which was then being colonised by a rival nation. It follows that the placing of Cabot's landfall at Cape Breton was an afterthought. If in connection with this fact we recollect that during forty-four years previous, all the maps locate expressly or by implication the first discoveries of the English in the New World ten degrees further north ; that witnesses of undoubted veracity and entirely disinterested testify having heard John Cabot declare that he sailed westward of Ire- land, without alluding to a change southward in the course of the ship, at any time during the voyage, we feel constrained to place his prima tierra vista, in 1497, beyond 51" 15' latitude north. Taking moreover into consideration that, according to the same con- temporary and unimpeached evidence, John Cabot not only did not sail in his first expedition towards the south after he had proceeded westward from a point which was at or above 51° 15' latitude north, but on the contrary thence stood to the northward, and afterwards steered in a due westerly direction, the critic must place the landfall on some point of the north coast of Labrador, probably between the headlands of Sandwich Bay and Cape Chudleigh. The other data, however spare and vague, might lead us to suppose that John Cabot entered Hudson's Strait, followed the southern border of the Meta Incognita, retraced his course before going far into that direction, and came out at Cape Chudleigh, whence he would have sailed straight back to Bristol. A serious objection to this latter hypothesis is the fact that John Cabot, when homeward bound, saw two islands of considerable size to starboard. Pasqualigo does not specify the character of those islands, as he says only: " al tornar aldreto a visto do ixole." Soncino is more explicit. " The two islands were extremely large : — due insule grandis- sime." According to Professor Hind, that coast of North Labrador " is Sebastian Cabot. 37 fringed with a vast multitude of islands ; " 58 but nautical charts begin to mark large isles only at the entrance of Hudson's Strait. Of the two islands in Ungava Bay, one, Akpatok, is very large, but the other, Green, is rather small. Then, according to this hypothetic route, John Cabot, when reaching the headland at Cape Chudleigh, would have launched into what must have looked to him to be the open sea (as between Chudleigh and Resolution Island the gap is 45 miles wide), instead of hugging the shore and doubling the cape, which, owing to his small craft and the lack of provision, he would have been induced to do in preference. Is it not more probable, then, that after following up his supposed landfall in Labrador (somewhere about Sandwich Bay or Invuctoke), as far west as Cape Chudleigh, he turned his prow easterly, and when on the east shore of Newfoundland, mistook for mere islands the two large or other peninsulas which project on that side from the main body of the isle ? The latter hypothesis is so much the more plausible that the east coast of Newfoundland is indented with bays running, in some instances, 80 or 90 miles inland, and at no great distance from each other. 59 The peninsula of Avalon, pointing south-east, is even almost severed from the principal portion of the island, the connection being a narrow isthmus, in one place but three miles wide. 58 Lieut. Ed. Chappell, Narrative of a Voyage to s' Rev. M. Harvey, Encyclopedia Britannica, Vol. Hudson's bay; London, 1817. XVIL, p. 382. 38 The Discovery of North America. In fact, it was those deceptive profiles which caused all cartographers of the first half of the sixteenth century to represent Newfoundland as an archipelago. 60 Even in the Cabotian map of 1544, the isle is yet broken up into eleven large fragments. We should also recollect that the bays there have their shores clad in dark green forests to the water's edge ; and, as Cabot says himself that he merely sighted those islands ^i without circumnavigating them, the supposed mistake is perfectly accountable. If so, the adjoining map would represent the itinerary of John Cabot in the expedition of 1497. *" Indeed, the number of fragments is almost the test by all geographers for more than fifty years afterwards, to ascertain the antiquity of the configurations ascribed to The discovery of the Strait of Belle- Isle, by Jacques Newfoundland in the maps of the first half of the six- Cartier, only confirmed them in that erroneous opinion, teenth century. The only exception, perhaps, is the Terra Nova of Johannes RuYSCH in the mappamundi '" " E al tornar aldreto ■■• visto do ixole ma non ha of the Ptolemy published at Rome in 1508, which voluto desender per non perder tempo che la vituaria makes of that region a peninsula of one piece, soldered li mancava. " Letter of Lorenzo Pasqualigo, addressed to the American continent. This partially correct con- to his brothers, and dated London, August 3, 1497, in ception of the island remained, nevertheless, unheeded onr Jean et Sdbastien Oabnt, doc. viii. , p. 322. Plate III. SECOND VOYAGE OP JOHN CABOT (1498-^99 ?.) BOOK SECOND. €^t ^econb ^o^age of go^n CaM. 1 498- 1 499 (?). CHAPTER I. VERY soon after his return, John Cabot petitioned Henry VH. for new letters patent, authorising him to visit again the country which he had just discovered. The King granted his request on the 3rd of February, 1498.' There is no ground whatever for the assertion, 2 frequently repeated, that John Cabot did not command this second expedition, or that it was undertaken after his death. On the contrary, Pasqualigo3 and Soncino4 mention him by name exclusively as the party to whom Henry VH. intended to entrust the fleet. Besides, this time, John Cabot is the only grantee, and the new letters patent omit altogether the names of Sebastian and of his brothers. Moreover, John explained in person to Soncino 5 his plans for the second voyage; and July 25, 1498, Puebla and Ayala^ announced officially to the Spanish Sovereigns that the vessels had actually sailed out "con otro ginoves como Colon," which description does not apply certainly to Sebastian, but to John Cabot, as we know from corroborative evidence already stated. The fact is that the name of Sebastian Cabot appears in connection with those voyages, for the first time, in Peter Martyr's account, printed ■ BiDDLE, op. cit., p. 75 ; Desimoni, Intorm, p. 56. vole mandare XV. in XX. navili."-SONCiNO, in op. cit., „ „ „ ■ doc ix. " Chiamato Zoanne Caboto ; " doc. X. 'BIDDLE, iUdem, p. 80; George Bancrokt, m doc.__^^ ^_^^ ^ ^ ^ ^^^ ^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^^^^^ ^ ^^ Appleton's EncydopcEd^a, article on Cabot. ^.^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^^ "-Soncino, doc. x. 3 " El re le ha promesso a tempo novo navil X. e ^ „ ^j ^^^ ^^ Inglaterra embio cinco naos armadas armati come lui vork ... El qual sechiama Zuam ^^^ ^^^^ ginoves como colon .... dizen que seran Talbot."— Pasqualigo, incur Jean et Stihastien Cabot, ^^^^^^^ ^^^^ gj setiembre."— Puebla, doc. xii. "El doc. viii. ginoves tiro su camino ... El Rey de Ynglaterra me * "La Maesta de Re questo prime bono tempo gli ha fablado algunas vezes sobre ello."— Ayala, doc. xiii. 40 The Discovery of North America. twenty years after the event, ^ and taken from Sebastian's own lips ; which, as we have shown, is not a recommendation. In England, his name reveals itself as regards the discovery of the New World at a still later period, in John Stow's Chronicle, published in 1580.8 And, although both that historian and Hakluyt9 quote as their authority for the statement a manuscript copy of Robert Fabian's Chronicle, everything tends to show that the name of Sebastian Cabot is a sheer interpolation. The citation given by Stow and Hakluyt is not to be found in any of the editions of Fabian's Chronicle,^° nor in any of the MSS. quoted by Sir Henry Ellis for his edition;" but this, we grant, is not a de- cisive argument, as the first edition does not extend beyond the reign of Richard III., whilst the additions, which in the second year reach so late as 1509, are only brief notes. By comparing, however, the texts of Stow and of Hakluyt with the manuscript Cronicon regum Anglice in the British Museum, '2 which is in every respect of the beginning of the sixteenth century, '3 it is easily shown that the said manuscript has been the prototype either of Fabian or of the chronicle, whatever it may be, from which Stow and Hakluyt have derived their information con- cerning Cabot's voyage. For instance : CRONICON. "This yere . . . made hym self expert in knowyng of the world caused the Kyng to manne a ship w' vytaill and other necessaries for to seche an Hand whereyn the said Straunger surmysed to be grete commodities &c., &c." STOW. " Thys yeare . . . profes- sing himselfe to be experte in knowledge of the circuite of the worlde . . . caused the King to man and victual a shippe ... to search for an ilande whiche he knewe to be replenished with rich com- modities . . &c., &c." HAKLUYT. " This yeere . . . made himselfe very expert ... in knowledge of the worlde . . . caused to man and victuall a shippe . . to search for an Ilande, which hee saide hee knewe well was riche and replenished with rich com- modities . . . &c., &c." But there is an important difference, viz.: where those two last-named historians insert "one Sebastian Gabato," or ascribe the discovery to 1 Anghiera, De Orhe Novo Decades; Alcala, 1516, fol., Decad. III., lib. vi.; in the Basle edition of 1533, f- 55. D. ^ The Chronicle of England, from Brute unto the present yeare of Christ 1580, London, 410, p. 862. ' Hakluyt, Divers vogages touching the disrouerie of America, London, 1582, 4to. ■" London, 1516, 1533, 1542, 1559, folio. " London, 1811. The copy of Fabyan in the reading room of the British Museum contains a MS. note, as follows : "A third MS. in the Holkham Library." We have vainly sought for it. " MS. Cott. Vitellius, A XIV., f. 173. '3 Mr. Gairdner, who kindly re-examined that valu- able MS. at our request, wrote to us in 1882 that it was unquestionably a codex of the time, adding : " The early part of this chronicle is derived from a common source with several other London chronicles, such as Gregory's. The latter part has something in common with Fabyan, but there is a good deal in it for the reign of Henry VII. not to be found in any printed source." See Jean et Sihastien Cabot, pp. 315-317, for a literal transcript taken from the MS. John Cabot — Second Voyage. 41 "Sebastian Gabote," the original Cronicon describes the " Conditor of the saide Flete," simply as "a straunger venisian," and omits the name of Sebastian Cabot altogether. The expedition was composed of five vessels, H fitted out at the expense of John Cabot or of his friends: " payng for theym and every of theym." We have not the exact date when the fleet sailed. It was after April i, 1498, as on that day Henry VII. loaned ^30 to Thomas Bradley and Louncelot Thirkill, "going to the New Isle." On the other hand, Pedro de Ayala already states, July 25, 1498,16 that news had been received of the expedition, which was obliged to leave behind, in Ireland, one of the ships, owing to a severe storm. The vessels therefore set out (from Bristol ?) in May or June. Puebla states that they were expected back in the month of September following : " Dizen que seran venydos para el Setiembre ;"i7 yet, the vessels had taken supplies for one year : " fueron proueydas por hun afio." We possess no direct information concerning this voyage, nor do we know when Cabot returned to England. It is important to note, however, that the expeditions of 1497 and 1498, are the only ones which in the fifteenth century sailed to the New World under the British flag, and comprise, therefore, all the transadantic discoveries made by Cabot before the year 1 500. Our only data concerning the north-west coast which the Venetian navigator may have visited in the course of his second voyage, are to be found in the map drawn by Juan de la Cosa in the year 1500, but after the month of February, '^ as before that time the great Biscayan pilot was with Alonso de Hojeda exploring the Gulf of Paria and Venezuela "* SONCINO says that the intention of the King was to '' Bergenroth, Calendar, Vol. I., No. 210, p. 176 ; send this time from fifteen to twenty vessels : "gli vole Jean et Sebastien Cabot, doc. xiii., p. 329. mandare XV. in XX. navili." — Jean et Sihast. Cabot, '^ Jean et Sdbast. Cabot, doc. xii., p. 328. doc. ix., p. 323; Rawdon Brown, Calendar, Vol. III., '^ Navarrete, Coleccion, Vol. II., p. 122, states that p. 260, No. 759. The letters patent authorise Cabot La Cosa, who had accompanied Alonso de Hojeda, only to " take at his pleasure vj. Englisshe shippes of the returned to Spain "a mediados de Junio de 1500." Mr. boiirdeyn of cc. tonnes or under;" but Puebla and DE Leguixa, Juan de la Cosa, Madrid, 1877, 8vo, Ayala write that five vessels were sent : " embio cinco p. 70, says that, according to the manuscript records of naos armadas." One of those vessels apparently belonged the Casa de Contratacion, it was "en Febrero de 1500;" to Lanslot Thirkill of London, to whom Henry VII. but gives neither the text nor precise indications to find loaned ;i£^20, March 22nd, 1498, " for his ship going it. His date, however, is certainly erroneous, as, ac- towards the new Ilande." cording to Las Casas, Historia de las Indian, lib. i. , ^^ Excerpta Historica, p. 116; Desimoni, Iidorno cap. clxv. , Vol. II., p. 427, Hojeda and La Cosa did a Giovanni Cahoto genovese scopritore del Labrador e not leave the island of Hispaniola " sino cuasi en fin de di altre renioni dell' Alta America, p. 61 ; Jean et Febrero, entrante el aiio de 500, y aun creo que en Sdbastien Cabot, pp. 102, 256. Marzo. " 42 The Discovery of North America. coast. In that celebrated chart, there is, in the proximity and west of Cuba, an unbroken coast Hne, delineated like a continent, and extending northward to the extremity of the map. On the northern portion of that seaboard La Cosa has placed a continuous line of British flags, com- mencing at the south with the inscription ; " Mar descuhierta por ingleses ;" and terminating at the north with "Cape of England: — Gauo de yvglaterra." Unfortunately, those cartographical data are not suffi- ciently precise to enable us to locate the landfalls with adequate exactness. Nor is the kind of projection adopted, '9 without explicit degrees of lati- tude, of such a character as to aid us much in determining positions. We are compelled, therefore, to resort to inferences. The north-western portion of La Cosa's map sets forth twenty in- scriptions, seven of which are the names of capes, whilst one refers to a river {r° longo), another to an island {isla de la trinidad), and a third to a lake {lago fore ?). Although many of those designations convey no meaning to us (apparently on account of imperfect transcriptions), and are not to be found on any other map, they must be considered as proving that the coast had been actually visited before 1500. On the other hand, the northernmost names represent certainly the points marked by Cabot during his first voyage, whether we place them on the north coast of Labrador or on the east shores of Newfoundland. But as the line of English flagstaffs covers a space by far too extensive for, the voyage of 1497, which lasted only three months, the legends placed further south necessarily apply to the expedition of 1498. When preparing himself to return to the newly discovered regions, John Cabot told Ralmondo di Soncino that his intention was to pursue the undertaking as follows : — " From the place already possessed [discovered] he would proceed by constantly follow- ing the shore, until he reached the east, and was opposite an island called Cipango, situate in the equinoctial region : — Messer Zoanne ha posto I'animo ad magior cosa perche pensa, da quello loco occupato andarsene sempre a Riva Riva piii verso el Levante, tanto chel sia al opposite de una Isola da lui chiamata Cipango, posta in la regione equinoctiale." ™ All that is clear in this vague description, and which must be re- tained just now, is that John Cabot's ultimate objective, when he set out from England in 1498, was an equatorial or southern region: — "la regione '9 Nav ARRETS, Biblioteca Maritima. Vol. I., p. 212. =° Jean et Sehastien Cabot, doc. x., p. 325. Plate II. 7 ^ '^h 1 -r /^ / \ XC'. \ / ^V ^^^cT^i7 ii|m|d^ ~ — ^'''7~]7\\ 7 T^nXI ■ ■■■^•■^ 'x IIX'-N' 1 '^"^ ''> li' A'\ X J^P — 7 \ >X 77, 77 l^mH Bf^^ -7''^^v7 §^h7^ /^7i7^7f'A7 y S5 7\Vp ' 1 '—-Wv* / \X /\ 1 y^\y 7-'/\ -^-^T^^^ \ , 7 ii r^ B \ '^7^\i Iw7^^^x^\__ i r w^zm ^^ZP^'f'i- "-7 \7^' -^^^KsjvOTfc^^- _ 1, mm^gg^ f^S ^^7^\ THE NORTH-EAST COAST IN THE MAP OF LA COSA (1500) John Cabot — Second Voyage. 43 equinoctiale," situate south of the point reached by him in 1497. To this interpretation must be added the fact that the Hne of British flags in La Cosa's map, corroborates such an intention, as it indicates plainly a southward coasting. How far south then did John Cabot go in 1498 ? Taking the dis- tance from the equator to the extreme north in La Cosa's map as a criterion for measuring distances, and comparing relatively the points named therein with points corresponding for the same latitude on modern planispheres, the last English flagstaff in the southern direction seems to indicate a vicinity south of the Carolinas. This hypothetical estimate finds a sort of corollary in Sebastian Cabot's account, as reported by Peter Martyr. In describing his alleged north-western discoveries, Sebastian said that icebergs having compelled him to alter his course, he steered southwardly, and followed the coast until he reached about the latitude of Gibraltar : " Quare coactus fuit, uti ait, vela vertere et occidentum sequi tetendique tamen ad meridiem, littore sese incurvante, ut Herculei freti latitudinis fere gradus . . . ." 21 This statement was made at the latest in 1515.22 Several years after- wards, Sebastian Cabot again mentioned the matter in his conversation with the Mantua gentleman ; but this time he extended the exploration of the north-west coast five degrees further south, naming Florida as his terminus, and the point whence he sailed homeward : " Venni sino k quella parte che chiamano al presente Florida, et mancandomi gik la vettovaglia, presi partito di ritornarmene in Inghilterra." 23 True it is that assertions from Sebastian Cabot, particularly when calculated to enhance his merits in the eyes of others, must always be taken with a mental reservation ; but, excepting his unfilial custom of as- cribing to himself a credit which belonged to his father, we see no good reasons for rejecting his description in this instance. The statement confirms John Cabot's project as disclosed to Soncino, and is justified by the import of the expedition of 1498, which was on a much greater scale than that of 1497. It is also corroborated by Ferdinand and Isabella's order to Alonso de Hojeda, when on the eve of sailing for the Caribbean Sea, to stop "' Peter Martyr uhi supra. says : " Martio mense anni futuri MDXVI. puto ad ex- " In the same decade, Peter Martyr, alluding to a plorandum discessurum. "— Decad. III., lib. vl, i"- s6, A. projected exfiedition in search of the North-West Passage, '^ Ramusio, Vol. III. , {"■ 374. 44 The Discovery of North America. the progress of the English in their exploration of the newly-found con- tinent. 24 The letters patent which contain this injunction are dated June, 1 501 ; that is, three years after Their Catholic Majesties had been informed by Puebla and Ayala of the results of John Cabot's first voyage, and at a time when there had yet been no other expeditions under the British flag across the Atlantic, except that of 1498 just quoted. We must mention, however, a circumstance which at first sight might militate against Sebastian Cabot's exactness in this respect. Twenty years after his conversation with Peter Martyr, he was summoned as a witness on behalf of Luis Columbus, who had brought suit against the Crown, in vindication of certain rights acquired by his grandfather Christopher. Sebastian then declared, under oath before the Council of the Indies, December 31, 1535, that he did not know whether the mainland con- tinued northward or not from Florida to the Bacallaos region : "que desde el rio de Santi Spiritus [the delta of the Mississippi] en adelante, la Florida e los Bacallaos, no se determina si es todo una tierra firme 6 no." ^5 Strictly speaking, the phrase may be construed as implying that Sebastian Cabot possessed no information whatever relative to the coun- tries south of his first landfall ; which, however, could not be the case if, as he averred, he had followed the coast " littore sese incurvante," down to the latitude of Gibraltar, or to that of Florida, Sebastian might nevertheless give a dubitative answer in case the American coast surveys of his time still left a gap, however insignificant, between the Gulf of Mexico and 36° latitude north. His answer, therefore, does not, in the main, absolutely contradict the statement reported by Peter Martyr. Withal, it is difficult to reconcile its general bearing with facts which Sebastian Cabot, by virtue of his official position, was bound to know, to record, and to disseminate. Thus in 1535, which is the time when his deposition was taken, he could not be ignorant of the nature of the coast which lines the northern part of the Gulf of Mexico, as in the Seville map of 1527 that region bears the legend: "Tierra que aora va a poblar fanfilo de narvaes : — This is the land which Pamphilo de Narvaez is going to settle;" whilst on Ribero's (1529), we also read: "Tierra de ="• Navarrete, Vol. III., doc. x., p. 86, and infra, mas de 60 anos," for Sebastian Cabot was certainly lib. v., chapter x. twenty-one years old, at least, in 1496 ; else he could not =5 Prohanza, of December 31st, 1536. It was on this figure as grantee in such an act as the letters patent issued occasion that they declared him to be " 50 years of age by the British Crown at that date.— See the document in and upwards : — de mas de 50 aiios." It should be " de Desimoni, op. cit. John Cabot — Second Voyage. 45 Garay," which locates the exploration accomplished by Alonso Alvarez Pineda in 15 19. Besides, he had been certainly informed of the sailing of Antonio de Alaminos when despatched from Vera Cruz by Cortes in the latter year, and which must have doubled Cape Sable and hugged the Florida coast at least as high as Georgia, considering that when in the Bahama Channel, Alaminos "metiendo se al norte."26 He must also have been familiar with the expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon in 15 13 from 29° to 30" north latitude, 27 and then south to 25°. Nor could he fail to be aware of the sailing of Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon in 1526, along the Carolina and Virginia coasts.28 Finally, he was cognizant of the dis- coveries accomplished by Estevam Gomez in 1525, which ranged from 40° to 42° 30' north latitude,29 and established the connection between Ayllon's and John Cabot's own explorations, at all events. This con- tinuous coast line was so well known to exist that it is specifically marked on the very maps entrusted to Sebastian Cabot, and which were not per- mitted to be drawn or copied without having been first approved by him as Pilot-Major. How could he then depose and say in 1535 that he did not know whether the region extending from the Gulf of Mexico to Nova Scotia, or to Labrador, formed part of a continent ? We suspect in Sebastian's dubious answer some interested motives, as usual, but which the documents do not permit us yet to fathom. Be that as it may, those contradictions are not of such a character as to compel the critic to reject the statements made by Sebastian Cabot to Peter Martyr, and to the Mantua gentleman, concerning the coast which his father or both visited during a voyage which was necessarily accomplished in 1498- 1499. The adjoining map exhibits the route probably followed on that occasion. =' Bernal Diaz, Historia Verdadera ; Madrid, 1862, Herrera, Decad. III., lib. viii., cap. viii, , p. 241. book liv., p. 48; Herrera, Decad. H., lib. v., cap. xiv., " Treinta y cinco, y treinta y seis, y treinta y siete grados p. 132. norte-sur." — Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 153. '^ Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entdeck- ^ " Desde quaranta e un grados hasta quarenta e dos ungen, Stuttgardt, 1858, 8vo, p. 521. y medio. "-Oviedo, Historia General, Vol. II., lib. xxi., =* " Cien leguas mas al Norte de la Florida." — cap. x. , p. 147. CHAPTER II. WE cannot dismiss the present subject witiiout endeavouring to ascer- tain whether other expeditions were not sent to the New World under the British flag, in the twenty years which followed the Cabotian voyages and discoveries. That such expeditions were meditated and prepared does not admit of a doubt ; but, if ever accomplished, the results are not to be found mentioned in chronicles or histories, nor even in any unpublished docu- ment so far as known at this day. These, likewise, have left no record. We find, now and then, a few succinct indications, from which the critic infers attempts of that character. It is those brief notes which we now propose to examine. On the 19th of March, 1501, Henry VII. granted letters patent to Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, Bristol merchants, who were associated for the undertaking with Joam and Francisco Fer- nandez and Joam Gonzales, gentlemen of the Azores : •' Armigeris in Insulis de Surrys sub obediencia Regis Portugaliae oriundis." i Certain entries in the account of the privy purse expenses of Henry VII., under the dates of January 7 and September 30, 1502,2 as well as a reference in Stow's Annals under the latter year to " three men taken in the New- found Ilandes, and who were brought unto the King," indicate that the voyage was actually carried out. On the 9th of December, 1502, letters patent to the same effect were granted to Thomas A.shehurst, Joam Gonzales, Francisco Fernandez, and Hugh Elliott. 3 We possess no other information concerning this projected voyage. But the entry: "1503. Sept. 30. To the merchants of Bristoll that have bene in the Newefounde Lande, ^20," 4 may refer to that expedition, in which seems to have been Nicholas Thorne, the father of Robert, as he had for a companion then "a merchant of Bris- towe named Hugh Eliot." 5 = BiDDLE, Memoir, pp. 222, 312-320. 3 Rymer, Faidera, Vol. XIII., p. 37. ' N. H. Nicolas, Excerpta HUtorica ; or, Illustra- * Excerpta Hiatorka, pp. 129, 130. (JO/IS of Eiirjlinh History, p. 126. s Hakluyt, Principcdl Navigations, Vol. I., p. 219. John Cabot. — Second Voyage. 47 The gift made April 8, 1504, of i^2 "to a preste that goeth to the new Ilande,"6 impHes an EngUsh expedition undertaken in that year. We do not now feel so confident as regards the entry of Septem- ber (?) 25, 1505, where mention is made of ^5 which were given to " Portyngales that brought popyngais and catts of the mountaigne with other stuf [from the Newfound Island] to the Kinges grace," 7 and which were taken to Richmond. There are neither parrots nor catamounts in Newfoundland ; and these perhaps refer to animals and objects brought from Brazil by some Portuguese seamen, who, on their return to Portugal, may have shipped at Lisbon for some English port, carrying with them their birds and wild cats, as is frequently the case with sailors. We find then, about this time, the expedition of Sir Thomas Pert, or Spert.8 Whether the project dates of the years 1508-1509,9 or 1517,'° it does not seem to have been carried into effect. Towards the close of the month of February, 152 1, the wardens of the Twelve Great L,ivery Companies of London, as we have already stated, were informed officially by two members of the King's Council, Sir Robert Wynkfeld and Sir Wolston Brown, that Henry VIII. required of them five vessels for a maritime expedition : "To furnysche v. shipps after this man''- The Kings Grace to prepare them in takyll ordenaunce and all other necessaries at his charge. And also the King to here the adventour of the said shipps, And the merchaunts and companys to be at the charge of the vitaylling and mennys wage of the same shipps for one hole yere and the shipps not to be above vj" ton apece. And that this Citie of London shabe as hede Reulers for all the hole realm for as many Cites and Townes as be mynded to prepare any shipps forwards for the same purpos and viage, as the Town of Bristowe hath sent vp there knowledge that they wyll prepare ij. shipps."" The promised reward for the outlay was " that x yere aft there shall no nacion haue the trate but [the said companies] and to haue respyte for there custom xv monthes and xv monthes." The required vessels were intended "for a viage to be made into the newefound Hand;" and to be commanded by "one man callyd as understoud Sebastyan," who was no one else than Sebastian Cabot, although the latter's family name is not mentioned in the records. « Bxcerpta Historica, p, 131. '° Eden, Treatise of the Newe India, London, 1553, 7 Ibidem, p. 133. 4to, dedicace. 5 H. R. Fox Bourne, English Seamen under the " This and the following quotations are taken from the Tudors, London, 1868, Vol. L, p. 43. manuscript Wardens' Accounts of the Drapers Company 9 Frobisher's Voyages, Hakluyt Society's reprints, of London. See supra, p. 29, note 21, and infra, 1867, 8vo, p. 41- Appendix A. 48 The Discovery of North America. A meeting was held March i, 1521, to consider the demand, which met with decided opposition on the part of the liveries ; the Drapers' Company assuming the leadership, and being intrusted, as it seems, with the task of speaking in the name of the "other auncyaunt fifeliships.'' On the nth of March, the report drawn up by the wardens of the Drapers and of the Mercers, was read at a meeting of " the hole body of the ffeliship, ryche and poure." They objected to the King's demand on the plea that as regarded the intended expedition His Majesty, the Cardinal (Wolsey), and the Royal Council, " were not duely and sub- stancially enformed in suche manner as perfite knowledge myght be had by credible reporte of maisters and mariners naturally born within this Realm of England having experience and excersided in and about the for said Hand." This evidently aimed at the foreign nationality of Sebastian Cabot, whom they did not consider as being " naturally born within the realm of England." The wardens then expressed the greatest reluctance to the appoint- ment of Sebastian as commander of the expedition, in most energetic terms, which we have already quoted, and based upon their conviction that he had never been before to the New World, although arrogating to himself discoveries made by his father, in relating facts the knowledge of which he held from the latter and other people. Finally, they expressed willingness " in furnysshing of ij shippys and suppos to furnyssh the thryd." This decision having been communicated to the authorities, " the commissioners brought aunswere fro my lord Cardynall that the King wold haue the premisses to go furth and to take effect. And there vppon my lord the maire was send for to speke w' the King for the same matier, so that his grace wold haue no nay there in, but spak sharpely to the Maire to see it putt in execucion to the best of his power." On the 26th of March, the Mayor of London summoned before him the entire company at the Draper's hall, "where was w' grete labo'' and diligence and many diuers warnyngs grunted first and last ij C mcs. [200 marks] presentyd by a byll to the maire the ixth day of Aprill." What could be the object and destination of the voyage ? Must the words: " Newefounde Hand" be interpreted as meaning the island of New- foundland or any point of our American east coast ? We are not prepared to give an affirmative answer. John Cabot — Second Voyage. 49 As has been already stated, Sebastian Cabot, who was constantly plotting, intriguing, and betraying his employers, had proposed in 1522 to go to Venice, for the purpose of selling to the Republic secret information relative to a North- West Passage, which he claimed to have discovered : "come e il vero che io 1' ho ritrovata." The Council of the Ten sent the entire correspondence to Caspar Contarini, the Venetian ambassador at the Court of Spain, with instructions to interview Cabot. In their conversation, the latter, to enhance the value of the proposed enterprise, said that three years before, whilst being in England, Cardinal Wolsey had made great efforts to induce him to take the command of an important expedition to discover new countries, and had actually expended 30,000 ducats in equipping the fleet : " Hor ritrovandomi ja tre anni, salvo il vero, in In- gelterra, quel Reverendissimo Cardinal mi volea far grandi partiti che io navigasse cum una sua armada per discoprir paesi novi la quale era quasi in ordine, et haveano preparati per spender in essa ducati 30 m."'^ The words "paesi novi" do not apply, we think, to a western passage, but to new countries which Cardinal Wolsey, hoped to discover, perhaps in the tracks of the Spanish navigators. There may be an inkling of such intention in one of the arguments used by the wardens of the Drapers* company against the expediency of the enterprise, when they said : " Also we thynk it is dowbtfull that any English ship shalbe sufferd to laid [stc.] in Spayn and in other countres by reason of suche acts and statuts." It was in October, 1522, that Sebastian Cabot made those statements to Contarini, and ascribed to Wolsey's proposals a date corresponding with the years 15 19-1520. This is sufficiently near the spring of 1521, in a general conversation, to authorise the belief that the demands of Henry VIII. were intended for the expedition which he wished to entrust to Sebastian Cabot, in the three years next preceding the latter's interview with the Venetian ambassador. The Drapers paid their share of the expenses, for the records con- tain a list of names and the sums which each gave on that account. " My lord the Maire, Sir John Brugge," heads it with ^^8. This first list of " Masters and livery " contains seventy-eight names. There is a second list of forty-six "' Bachillers," who give smaller sums ; one gives /3 6s. 8d., the next 5 marks, then 40 shillings, down to many at 3s. 4d., 2od., and i2d. only. But the expedition never set out from England. We " C. BuLLO, La Vera patria di ykold de' Conti e 1880, p. 64, and Jean et Sdbantien Cabot, doc. xxviii., di Giovanni Gahoto, Studj e Donimenti, Chioggia, p. 348. 50 The Discovery of North America. have related elsewhere '3 how Sebastian Cabot plumed himself on having declined the proffered honour, and advised Charles V. to refuse the necessary authorisation for his leaving Spain on that account. Henry VIII. was, nevertheless, anxious to carry the British flag beyond the known regions. In 1525, he promised Paulo Centurione, a noted Genoese navigator and cosmographer, to equip several vessels for a voyage of discovery : " Et Paulo poi passo in Ingliterra, et fu ben veduto dal Re, il quale li prometteua alquanti naui per andare a discoprir paesi noui." The project failed on account of the untimely death of Centurione : " ma il bono et laborioso Paulo amfalo in Londra, et ando a cercare i paesi dell' altro mondo," adds Agostino Giustiniani.H some- what jocularly. Centurione seems to have entertained the notion which in 1553 prompted the expedition of Willoughby and Chancellor: "that noble adventure of seeking for a passage into the eastern parts of the World, through the unknown and dangerous seas of the North," '5 and to the establishment of the Muscovy Company in 1555. The project of Centurione is stated in these words : " Condur le speciarie e le altre mercanzie di Colocut e di Tauris in le parti nostre di Europa per via di Moscovia," so that even in this instance the idea cannot be said to have originated with Sebastian Cabot. '^ Jean et Sdbastien Cabot, p. Ii6. '5 Strype, Historical Memorialx, Vol. II., p. 402; '■• GiusTiNiANi, Ca.?%afiss»mi ^jiTiaZi, Genova, 1537, Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations, Voiages, and folio, lib. vi. , f"- cclxxviii. Discoveries of the English Nation, I. , 243. BOOK THIRD. CHAPTER I. NO nation in the fifteenth century exhibited so great a spirit of mari- time enterprise as the Portuguese. Their discoveries on the west coast of Africa prompted them to probe the Atlantic Ocean in every direction. So early as 1431, we see Prince Henry the Navigator send Goncalo Velho Cabral ' in search of the islands marked on the map which Dom Pedro, the son of King Joam I., had brought from Italy in 1428.2 Although imaginary, they led to the discovery of a portion of the Azores. So with regard to the geographical notions of Diogo de Teive, who, in 1452, sailed one hundred and fifty leagues south-west of Fayal, to find the Antillia island, claimed to have been sighted by a Portuguese vessel in the time of that enlightened prince. 3 Five years later, December 10, 1457, his nephew, Dom Fernando, Duke of Beja, receives from Affonso V. letters patent granting him the islands which he hopes to discover in the Atlantic Ocean. 4 Still believing in the reality of the western isles depicted on Majorcan and Italian charts, that King grants to Joam Vogado, February 19, 1462, two oceanic islands which he claims to have discovered, and thinks to be Ova and Capraria.5 On the 29th of October following, Dom Fernam receives the ownership of another fantastic island which Gon9alo Fernandez reports to have seen to the north-west of the Canaries.^ Portuguese mariners, particularly those ' Antonio Cordeyro, Historia Insulcma, Lisboa, ■• Jos^ de Torres, Memoria a cerca da originalidade 1717, folio, lib. iv., cap. i., p. 97; Candido Lusitano da N'avirja^aS do Oceano Atlanlico . . . . , in the (Jose Freire), Vida do Infante D. Henrique, Lisboa, Bevista dos Azores, Ponta Delgada, 1851, 8vo, Vol. I., 1758, 4to. P- 290. = Antonio Galvam, Tratado dos diuersos e desuay- 5 b. J. de Senna Freitas, Memoria historica sobre rados caminhos, Lisboa, 1563, 8vo, and 1730, folio, p. 22. intentado descobrimento de uma supposta ilha ao nortb 3 Ernesto do Canto, Archioo dos Azores, Ponta da Terceira nos annos 1649-1770, com muitas notas ; Delgada, 8vo, Vol. I., No. IIL, p. 250; Les Corte- Lisboa, 1845, 8vo, pp. 62-73, docs. B and G. Heal, p. 311. ^Op. ciL, p. 82, doc. G. 52 The Discovery of North America. living in the Azores, continued to entertain delusions of that character ; and June 21, 1473, Ruy Gon9alves da Camera obtains letters patent con- veying to him the islands which he proposes to discover in the ocean.7 But about that time, the belief which suggested all those efforts, evolves to its full extent, and the conviction gains ground that by sailing due west the east coast of Asia can be reached. Affonso V. directs his chaplain, Fernam Martins, to consult the great Florentine astronomer, Toscanelli, on the subject ; and June 25, 1474, the latter sends him a map and explanations already presenting all the arguments which Chris- topher Columbus was to adduce ten years later to enlist Ferdinand and Isabella in his projects. ^ Meanwhile, certain Portuguese still cling to their first notion ; and in the hope of discovering islands in the Atlantic, solicit privileges to that effect. On the 28th of January, 1475, Fernam Tellez receives letters patent, first limiting his explorations to the latitude of Guinea, and then, November 10, extending the right to the imaginary island of the Seven Cities.9 Although a number of enterprising inhabitants of the Azores, such, for instance, as Alvaro and Joam da Fonte, lose their entire fortunes in such ventures, '° the Portuguese islanders are not discouraged, and Antonio Leme, of Madeira, but of Dutch origin, sets sail, and affirms on returning that he has discovered three islands west of Terceira." In 1484, another Madeirean petitions Joam II. to entrust him with a caravel for the pur- pose of taking possession of an island which he pretended to have seen west of the Azores. '^ On the 30th of June in that year, a countryman of his (if it be not the same adventurer), called Fernam Dominguez de Arco, is made governor of the island which he hopes to discover in the Atlantic Ocean. '3 Two years afterwards, March 3, i486, Fernam d'Ulmo receives from Joam II., letters patent covering not only isles, but a continent even, which himself or his agents propose to find westward. H Attempts in that direction continued to be made during several years, as we have the testimony of two witnesses to the effect that Christopher ' De Torres, ubi supra. Saudades edited by Dr. A. R. de Azevedo, Funchal, ^ Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Additions, io73> °^o-) pp. xv.-xviii. " Bartolome de Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, 9 DE SEN^A FREITA.S, op. cit. , doc. E., p. 77. and ""'^f' '^]^'f''°'7°\ '•' P- t F. Adolfo DE Varnhagen, La Verdadera Gnanahani ^^, ^"""''^ °^ Columbus, in Navarrete, Coleccion, de Colon, Santiago, 1864, 8vo, p. 114. ' '' ' ■3 De Torres, op. at, p. 290; Christophe Colomb, " Caspar Fructuoso, Historia rjenealogica de San Vol. I. p. 310 note 2. Miguel, in his As Saudades da Terra, Ponta Delgada, .4 De Varn'hagen, op. cit., p. 116, docs, iv., v., and 1876, 8vo, p. 73. (This publication is different from thg vi.; Christophe Colomb, Vol. I., p. 312, note 2. Attempts of the Portuguese. 53 Columbus and Martin Alonso Pinzon went to interrogate one Pedro Vdzquez de la Frontera, who claimed to have accompanied an infant of Portugal on a voyage of discovery, which, however, failed owing to vast fields of sea weeds (the Sargasso Sea).i5 Finally, the King of Portugal, according to the testimony of Juan Rodriguez de Mafra, actually sent out one or two expeditions in search of those western lands. '6 Under the circumstances, we can readily understand why but little attention was paid to the projects which Christopher Columbus proposed while in Lisbon. The theory advocated by the great Genoese was not new to the Portuguese, and the reasons which he alleged in support of the proposed enterprise were only a repetition of what Toscanelli had written to the King's chaplain years previous. Had Affonso V. or Joam II. felt disposed to send vessels westward in search of the east coast of China, he would not have stood in need of a foreigner to com- mand the expedition. '7 The time was past when Portugal depended for maritime explorations upon Italian mariners. Joam de Santarem, Pedro de Escovar, and their pilots Martin Fernandez and Alvaro Esteves, who explored the coast of Guinea in 1470-72 ; Diogo Cam, who reached the Congo in 1484, and afterwards 22° latitude south ; Bartholomew Diaz and Joam Infante, who actually rounded the Stormy Cape in i486 ; nay, Vasco da Gama, who then already enjoyed so great a reputation that he had received instructions in 1487 to attempt to reach India by the new route, when Joam II. died,'^ were competent, it seems, to conduct Lusi- tanian vessels across the Atlantic. ^9 On the other hand, if the success achieved by Columbus caused the Portuguese to regret their want of faith or tardiness, they certainly con- sidered, upon reflection, that the discovery of the New World confirmed geographical hypothesis, however crude, which, as we have shown, had been current more or less for a number of years at the Courts of Affonso V. and of Joam II., as well as among the inhabitants of the ■s Depositions of Alonso Vel^z de AUid and Alonso muy altos y bien fundados marineros, que no lo estimaron, Gallego, Probanzas of Nov. I, 1532, and Dec. 22, 1535. y presumian en el mundo no haber otros mayores descu- See also the account of the attempts of Vincente Diaz : bridores que alios." — Andres Bernaldez, Historia de " tres y cuatro veces k buscar la dicha tierra hasta ciento los Reyes CaMlicos, Sevilla, 1870, 8vo, cap. cxviii., y tantas leguas," at the cost of a wealthy Genoese mer- Vol. I., p. 358. chant of Terceira, called Liicas de Cazana ; Las Casas, '^ Garcia DE Resende, Livro das Ohras, Lisboa, lib. i., cap. xiii., Vol. I., p. loi. 1555. fol-. ^' "cv. "> " El rei de Portogal avia armado una dos veces." "' Azurara, Valentim Fernandez, &c., &c., in E. A. Interrogatory of the pilot Mafra, in Varnhagen, La de Bettehcourt, Descobrimentos, guerras, e conquistas Verdadera Guanahani p. log. dos Portuguezes em terras do ultramar nos seculos XV. » " No le fu^ credito, porque el Rey de Portugal tenia e XVI.; Lisboa, 1881-1882, large 4to, Hthographed. 54 The Discovery of North America. Azores. It is fair to presume, therefore, that the results of Columbus' first voyage gave a new impetus to hopes and projects which they had thus far vainly attempted to realise. The critic is also justified in sup- posing that the memorable expedition of 1492, which claimed to have embraced "the Islands of India beyond the Ganges: — de Insulis Indise supra Gangem nuper inventis," induced them to forge new theories con- cerning the distance and configurations of what they imagined to be the Asiatic coast and archipelagos. What those surmises were exactly is a question to which hypothetic answers only can be given. Nor is it probable that much light will ever be thrown on the subject ; should we even discover the diplomatic notes which may have been exchanged between the Holy See and Cardinal Bernardino de Carvajal^o on the side of Spain, and Pedro da Silva^i on behalf of Portugal, when the papal bulls of May 3 and 4, 1494, were issued. We must be permitted to expatiate on this point. It is well known that by virtue of the donation of the Western World, alleged to have been made by Constantine to St. Silvester, coupled, however, with the apostolical plenitude of the Pope's power, no newly-discovered lands could belong to any sovereign without his being first invested with the sovereignty of the same by the Pontiff 22 j^^y, whenever a new Pope was elected, all the Christian Kings had again to do homage for their possessions, old and recent. The Embassy of Obedience sent on behalf of Spain when Alexander VI. 23 ascended the papal chair, was entrusted to Diego Lopez de Haro, who made his entry in Rome only June 12, 1493:24 but the news of the great dis- covery was known in Rome so early as April 11, a week at least before ^° It was Carvajal who, on the occasion of that em- Lorenzo Valla. Adrian IV., in investing Henry II. bassy, delivered a sermon at Rome, June 19, 1493, where with the sovereignty over Ireland, said : " Omnes insulte we find the earliest allusion (outside of accounts of the quibus Sol justiti^, Christus, illuxit, ad jus Sancti Petri voyage) to the discovery which Columbus had just accom- et Sacro Sanctse Ecclesite pertinent." plished. — Bihliot. Am. Vetust., No. 11. °3 xhe inscription on the tomb of Innocent VIII. says : =" Garcia DE Resende, op. rit.. cap. clxiij., f"- xcvij., " Novi orbis suo oevo inventi gloria;" but that Pope died seems to indicate that Joam II. sent his ambassadors to July 25, 1492, whilst the New World was discovered Rome very soon after August 17, 1492, which is the date nearly three months afterwards, October Ii-i2 following, when he heard of the death of Innocent VIII. Fernando =''' Burchard, Diarium, Thuasne's Edition, Paris de Almeida was adjoined to Pedro da Silva, and delivered 1884, 8vo, Vol. II., p. 80. We were in hopes that the likewise a sermon, where mention is made of the maritime Journal of the Master of Ceremonies of Alexander VI. discoveries accomplished by the Portuguese, but, of would contain some information concerning Columbus course, only in Africa. — B. A. V., Additions, p. i, note. and his achievements, but the discovery is not mentioned, == Gibbon, Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, even in the curious and bold discourse pronounced by Boston, 185s, 8vo, cap. xhx.. Vol. VI., p. 161 ; Excerpta Lopez de Haro in the public consistory which was held Colombiniana, p. 177, No. 234, article on the book of immediately after he had taken the oath. Attempts of the Portuguese. 55 Columbus reached Barcelona.^S it having been sent to the Holy See direct from Portugal. 26 On the other hand, Bernardino de Carvajal, who was the Spanish envoy since 1484, must have communicated the information officially, towards the end of April, for the purpose of ob- taining from the Pope the required investiture. No time was lost, as the first bull came forth from the Vatican, May 3, 1493. When reading that document with attention, it appears to have been drafted by the Holy See with no other object than to grant in general terms to Spain, for the newly discovered lands, rights similar to .those which had been already granted or confirmed to Portugal by five or six Popes,27 relatively to the discoveries accomplished on the west coast of Africa. As soon as issued, the bull was found to be vague in its terms, and calculated on that account to create difficulties between Spain and Portugal. Whether it was at the suggestion of Bernardino de Carvajal or of Pedro da Silva, we are unable to say, but on the next day, May 4, the Pope published a second bull. 28 This, after reciting again the tech- nicalities of the first, omits the passage relating to Portugal, ^9 inserts a compliment, to Columbus, 3° and then proceeds to state where the new dominion of Spain shall commence, viz.: one hundred leagues west of the Azores, and extend in longitude from pole to pole. Ferdinand and Isabella's prayer to obtain the required investiture is not likely to have been coupled either on their part or on that of Columbus, with suggestions concerning the establishment of a line of demarcation ; else the text of the first bull would have set forth mari- time limits. Besides, it was not the interest of Spain to circumscribe its action in this respect. It is not probable, therefore, that maps or nautical charts were forwarded to Rome then ; or if the ambassadors were consulted, that geographical data could be found among their notes and dispatches. Such must have been also the case with the bull of ^'s Domenico Malipiero in his ^nreaM Veneti {Archi- R. das Sciencias de Lishoa, Vol. IX., 1825, 4to, p. vio Storico Itcdiano, Firenze, 1843, Vol. VII., Part I., 239. The great Bidlarium, Romoe, 1743, folio, contains pp. 313-314) already gives a full description of Columbus' only the bull of Nicolas V., Vol. III., Part III., p. 70. voyage in an entry dated : " 1493. A'l i d'Avril." =^ One of the original printed copies of that papal bull '•'' " 1493. A di 18 April fo lettere di Roma nel legato, was sold at auction by Puttick and Simpson, May 24th, con avisi di Portogallo di le insule havene trovate ..." 1854, and bought by Rich, but no one knows what has Marin Sanudo, Summarii di Storia Veneziana; MS., become of that all-important Americanum. in our Christophe Colomb, Vol. II., p. 117, note. =' " Et quia etiam nonnulli Portugallias Reges in parti- =7 Martin V. (?), Eugene IV., in 1438; Nicolas V., bus AfricEE . . . ."— Navarrete, Vol. II., p. 26. in 1454; Calixtus III., in 1456; Pius II., in 1459; 30 " Virum utique dignum, et plurimum commendalum, Sixtus IV. in \^%i.-Historia e Mtmorias da Academia ac tanto negotio aptum." — Navarrete, Vol. II., p. 30. 56 The Discovery of North America. September 25, 1493, 3' which still more vaguely extends the dominion of Spain : " h^cia el Occidente y el Mediodia." Be that as it may, Portugal was not satisfied with one hundred leagues ; and soon commenced negotiating with Spain for a further ex- tension of the line westward. The reader is aware that by the treaty of Tordesillas, June 7, 1494, the line was removed three hundred and seventy leagues west of the Cape de Verd islands. 32 This treaty was signed during the absence of Christopher Columbus. Ferdinand and Isabella sent it to him by the first vessel, 33 requiring his approbation, as the treaty disposed of his share as well. But it is a curious fact, here- tofore unnoticed, that he never assented to the concession made ex parte to the King of Portugal, and which, in reality, deprived Columbus of "one-tenth of all pearls, precious stones, gold, silver, spices, and all other articles, in whatever manner found or gained," in Brazil, which was dis- covered in his life-time, six years afterwards. The documents show, tacitly, this want of consent. In instituting the sort of entail called a Mayorazgo, February 22, 1498, the great Genoese speaks of the line of demarcation as a " raya imaginaria sobre las islas de Cabo Verde, y aquellas de los Azores cien leguas."34 Eight years later, on the eve of his death, in the codicil of May 19, 1506, having occasion to mention the extent of his rights, he says still : " My share of the Indies are west, one hundred leagues from the Azores : — mi parte de las Indias, islas e tierra firme, que son al Poniente de una raya que [S. S. A. A.] mandaron marcar sobre las Islas de los Azores y aquellas del Cabo Verde, cien leguas, la cual pasa de Polo d Polo." 35 Here again, notwithstanding the details contained in the lengthy treaty of Tordesillas, and the fact that the negotiators were seconded by the most learned cosmographers and men versed in navigation that could be found in the two kingdoms, 36 there are in the documents no traces of geographical data enabling us to ascertain what were the cosmo- graphical notions entertained then on the subject by the advisers of Joam II. Yet, it would be important to know the hypothesis which they formed touching the configurations of the east coast of Asia, for 3' rsAVARRETE, vol. II., p. 404, Appendix. astrologia, puesto que habia harto pocos entonces en ^ Ibidem, doc. Ixxv. , Vol. II., pp. 130-143. aquellos reinos, y las personas de la mar que se pudieron 33LasCasas, lib. i., cap. Ixxxvii., Vol. I., p. 18. '^^'^^'^ * "° P"*^^ ^^'^^'^ ^°^ nombres dellas ni quien M -NT. ,,.„„. „ J • TT , TT , fueron)." — Las Casas, lib. i., cap. Ixxxviii., Vol. II., 3- I OT O H V) < ^ O O O < I — I <: Eh Unknown Navigators. i i i could lodge on deck, and a few Indians kidnapped with difficulty to sell as slaves in Spanish or Portuguese ports, is most probably all that they brought home. This, certainly, was not calculated to create such an impression as to induce governments or important ship-owners to " find the secret " of those western regions. Had the bold adventurers secured cargoes, were it only of dye wood and spun cotton, as did the expedi- tions which ranged the coasts of the West India islands under the Spanish flag, the probability is that we should find more positive traces of their efforts in the documents of the time, and in official maps. This had to be said in extenuation of the imperfect delineations of the north-western continental lands in the early charts which we now propose to examine, with the view of ascertaining to what extent they separate the newly discovered regions from the Asiatic continent and islands. As we have already stated, the earliest map germane to the subject is that of Juan de la Cosa {1500). We do not know positively what were the cosmographical notions which he entertained as regards the east coast of Asia, as his planisphere scarcely extends eastward beyond the Arabian sea. But if the vast continental land which, in his map, lays adjacent the West Indies had been intended for the eastern coast of Asia it would bear names recalling Mangi and Cathay, whilst the sea bathing those shores would not have been merely a Mare oceanus, but an Oceanus orientalis Indie. As Kohl justly says : " Cosa draws the entire coast of North America from the neighbourhood of Cuba to the high northern regions, in about 70° N., with a continuous line, uninterrupted by water. He appears to have thought that there was a large continental part of the world, back of the West India islands discovered by Columbus and his contemporaries." ' The map next in order is that of Alberto Cantino (1502). This is complete, and exhibits the entire Asiatic coast, with a precision and com- pleteness theretofore unknown, besides a series of names and legends which leave no doubt whatever that, in the opinion of the cartographer, the Asiatic continent did not extend beyond, and that two oceans, viz.: Oceanus orientalis and Oceanus orientalis meridionalis, separated the Asia- tic world from the newly-discovered countries. 2 We have now the recently-discovered manuscript mappamundi of the heretofore unknown Genoese cartographer Nicolay de Canerio, which is undated, but seems to be only a couple of years later than the Cantino ' Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, p. 515. ' See supra, facsimile of the Asiatic coast. 112 The Discovery of North America. map. Canerio exhibits also the north-western continental region, but carries it further south, with additional names, and hedges the entire coast between Spanish flags. There, likewise, this continental land is wholly separated from the Asiatic world, with a clearly-defined western coast. The King chart, and Kunstmann No. III., are Lusitanian works which exhibit the southern regions of the New World as continental, although the western coast of South America is left blank, whilst the northern section appears in the shape of a very elongated peninsula, named, however, not Ilha, but Terra de Cuba. Here again, the eastern coast of Asia is clearly delineated, curved and indented, with represen- tations of the city of " Guinsai," and of the Great Khan seated on his throne ; showing that, in the opinion of the map-makers, the configurations of the newly-discovered countries belonged to regions which were abso- lutely distinct from Asia. Of Ruysch's map (1508) we shall speak hereafter, although chron- ologically speaking, it is the next in order. The Hauslab globe No. i {circa 1509) also separates its American configurations, north and south, from Asia, by a broad ocean embracing a gore 40 degrees of longitude wide. The Cracow Stobnicza mappamundi (15 12) unites the continental north-western region of Cantino with the South American continent, forming a mass which, notwithstanding its crude character, is not unlike the reality. It also delineates the west coast of the New World, on which is inscribed Terra incognita, and then marks a space of 50 degrees before reaching the borders of Asia. The Orbis Typvs Vniversalis of WaldseemuUer (151 3) exhibits an absolutely independent representation of the Asiatic coast, whilst the American configurations appear on the other side of the map. Schoner's spheres, the Lenox globe, and the alleged Da Vinci gores, all represent America as wholly distinct from Cathay. How can we interpret that extensive series of cartographical state- ments otherwise than as a proof that from the earliest period of the discovery, and for more than thirty years afterwards, geographers viewed the New World as entirely different from the Old .'' Had they thought otherwise, we should see their early sketches of the American countries merge in the borders of Asia. The nomenclature of the Lusitano- Germanic maps would also be mixed, — as we shall notice it twenty years Unknown Navigators. 113 later, owing to newly-coined appreciations, — ^with the Asiatic names which dot the regions of Cathay and Mangi. If all those maps and globes had been copied one from the other, or proceeded from the same model, this long enumeration would have no greater argumentative force than if a single specimen had been pro- duced. But we intend to show that, so far as the separation of America from Asia is concerned, which is an important factor in the present dis- cussion, La Cosa and Cantino, one Spanish and the other Portuguese, though acting separately, evince a similar opinion. As regards the con- tinental land in Cantino, which is exhibited in nearly all the Lusitano- Germanic maps and globes of the first half of the sixteenth century, we expect also to demonstrate that these cartographical monuments have borrowed it from not less than five dififerent prototypes. Yet there have been cosmographers whose geographical productions are calculated, at first sight, to convey the impression that they held a contrary belief, and thought that the New World was a mere continua- tion of Asia. These need be examined in connection with the present chapter. The mappamundi of Johann Ruysch inserted in the Ptolemy of 1507- 1508, and omitted intentionally in the preceding enumeration, owing to its peculiar and unique character, now first claims our attention. Ruysch represents the northern extremity of the American hemisphere as forming a continuous coast line from Greenland to Newfoundland, where it is made to run due west and merge at its western extremity with Cathay. In the sea which washes the Asiatic borders there is an in- scription to the effect that the cartographer omits delineating the Cipango of Marco Polo, because he presumes that it is identical with the country which the Spaniards call Hispaniola : " Qua hispani spagnola vocant sipangu." Those two geographical opinions agree with each other, and show on the part of Ruysch the belief that a certain portion of the New World was only the east coast of Asia, and that the North Atlantic and the North Pacific oceans were identical. But when examining Ruysch's map south of Newfoundland, we notice that those cosmographical ideas apply exclusively to the American continent north of Cape Breton. South of that point, the German geographer has depicted a wide ocean bordering two large and distinct continental lands, far away from China and Japan. On the western extremity of the first Q 114 The Discovery of North America. of those cast away regions, we read : " Hvc vsqve naves Ferdinandi Regis Hispanie pervenerunt : — Thus far the vessels of Ferdinand, the King of Spain, have gone." Now, this continental land was absolutely borrowed from a Lusitanian map, akin to Cantino's, but of a later period, as can be ascertained from its more extended shape and complemental nomenclature. The other continental region is still further south, larger, and likewise at a great distance from the Asiatic coast. It bears an inscription stating that the country was discovered by the Spaniards, who called it the New World, owing to its considerable extent : " Hvc vsqve navte hispani venervnt et hane terram propter eivs magnitvdinem Mvndvm novvm appelarvnt." Those two continental configurations, which have both been borrowed entirely by Ruysch from some Portuguese chart akin to two which we still possess (Cantino and Canerio), show that they were inserted by him just as he found them, and without entertaining, as regards their intrinsic character, an opinion different from that of the Lusitanian cartographer whom he copied. Ruysch, therefore, believed that the countries north of Nova Scotia were Asiatic ; but he was also convinced that the two continental regions, depicted in his map at the south as representing the discoveries of Columbus and of the Spaniards, formed one or two continents entirely distinct from Asia. We now have the polar projection of the world belonging to the atlas which Vesconte de Maggiolo designed in 151 1. There the polar lands are all connected, beginning with a Terra de los Ingres, followed by Terra de Corte real de rey de portugall, and immediately adjoining the India occidentalis. The delineation is extremely crude, and we are unable to say where the Genoese cartographer borrowed those geogra- phical data, and how long he continued to use them. Although Maggiolo is the author of a number of atlases, yet his map of 1519 is the first after the above, which we have met containing configurations for the New World. Unfortunately, they extend only from Honduras to Uruguay, with no western delineations permitting us to ascertain what were then his notions regarding the supposed connection between Asia and America. But his great Ambrosian map of 1527 leaves no doubt on that point, as it boldly and frankly represents the entire New World from north to south, with a western coast extending from the Strait of Magellan to at Unknown Navigators. 115 least 50° north latitude, where it is made to trend eastward, being bathed at the west by the Mare Indicum. The next and last map of that class and period is Schoner's earliest globe. It cannot be doubted that the Nuremberg geographer never ceased to believe, theoretically, that America was merely the continuation of the coasts of China and India, as he repeatedly states in his Opusculum, published in 1533, and as is shown by the legend: "America Indi^ superioris et Asiee continentis pars," inscribed on the southern hemisphere of the Weimar globe No. 2. Yet we are at a loss to reconcile such a notion with the configurations depicted by Schoner himself on his globe of 1520. He clearly draws therein the entire Asiatic coast from Mare congelatum to India meridionalis, represented also as washed by Orientalis Oceanus, and then, cast far away on the other side, three large continental regions, separated from Asia by the said ocean and by Zipangri ; one of which regions he calls Terra de Cuba, another America, and the third Brasilia Inferior. The fact that Schoner inscribes on the west of those countries " Vltra nondum lustratum," does not remove the contradiction existing between the legends and the geographical profiles in his globes. No one can doubt, nevertheless, that an entire school of cartographers framed their western hemisphere so as to unite America with Asia, north of Mexico, and deliberately represented the North American continent as a mere prolongation of the Asiatic world. But when ? Not before the year 1525, and as a new contrivance, imagined by a Belgian monk, and transmitted by a long series of French and German cartographers in accordance with cosmographical theories, the origin of which we will hereafter show and describe to the full satisfaction of our readers. To sum up : The insularity of Cuba demonstrated by the earliest American maps known ; that island co-existing on said maps with a continental land at the north-west ; this continental region separated westerly from the Asiatic coasts by a wide ocean ; and the belief entertained so shortly after the discovery of the New World by the Spanish and Portuguese navigators that it was not a part of Asia, but a separate continent which they sought to traverse by a strait so as to reach Cathay beyond another ocean, are reasons which add considerable weight to our statement that the north-western continental region in the charts of La Cosa, Cantino, Canerio, and all the Lusitano-Germanic maps, was intended to represent an intermediary continent existing between Europe and Asia. CHAPTER VI. WE have set forth and discussed the opinion of the Spanish and Portuguese navigators, as well as of the cosmographers of the first quarter of the sixteenth century, concerning the existence of a continental land situate to the west of the Antillies, and deemed by them to be different from the Asiatic regions. We will now state the facts which lead us to believe that the Spanish government likewise, so far from con- sidering the notion as a vagary or mere surmise, was convinced, so early as the year 1501, that west of the West Indies there lay a regular continent which was not Asia. From the time of the first voyage of John Cabot to the east coast of the New World, Ferdinand and Isabella had been informed that the discoveries accomplished by the Anglo- Venetian adventurer were in the region belonging to Spain. Pedro de Ayala and Ruy Gonzales de Puebla, the Spanish ministers at the Court of Henry VII., wrote to their govern- ment as follows : " Lo que buscan es lo que Vuestras Altezas posseen . . . Lo que han hallado o buscan es lo que Vuestras Altezas poseen, porque es al cabo que a Vuestras Altezas capo [sic pro cupo] por la convencion con Portugal' . . . Yo dixe [al Rey de Ynglaterra] creya eran las halladas por Vuestras Altezas, y aun le dia la una razon, no lo querria : — That which they are in search of is that which belongs to your Highnesses . . . That which they have found or what they are in search of is that which your Highnesses already possess, because it is at the cape [or at the beginning of the region] which was attributed to your Highnesses by the treaty with Portugal ... I told the King of England that I believed it was what had been discovered for your Majesties; but, although I gave him the reason thereof, he did not like it."^ This unexpected news must have been a serious subject of uneasiness in Spain, as it threatened to jeopardize the projects and hopes which their Catholic Majesties had predicated upon the achievements of Columbus. This is shown by the tenor of the letters patent which they granted to Alonso de Hojeda, June 8, 1501, for his third expedition to the New ' The treaty of Tordesillas of 1494. In his translation = Dip^ches de. Ruy OonzaUs de Puebla et de Pedro of the present document, Bergenroth has omitted the de Ayala, in Jean et Sebattien Cabot, docs. xii. and words from "porque" to "Portugal." xiii., pp. 328 and 329. Unknown Navigators. 117 World. In that document he is enjoined to navigate towards a region which is expressly stated to be the country ascertained to have been discovered by the English : " Por razon que va hdcia la parte donde se ha sabido que descubrian los ingleses," and to set up, gradually as he advances (necessarily by following up the coast northwardly, with the implied belief that it was connected with the north-western lands), the escutcheon of Spain : " E vais poniendo las marcas con las armas de SS.AA."3 As to the reason for such a course, it is still more significant : " This you shall do," say Ferdinand and Isabella, " for the purpose of stopping the discoveries of the English in that direction : — para que atages el descubrir de los ingleses por aquella via." 4 To urge and encourage Hojeda in the undertaking, the Spanish sovereigns made him a princely gift : " We grant unto you for ever in the southern part of Hispaniola called La Maguana, six leagues of land .... [both] in consideration of the discoveries which you are to accom- plish, and for [your intended efforts] on the coast of the continent to bar the way to the English : — para lo que habees de descubrir e en la costa de la tierra firme para el atajo de los ingleses, y las dichas seis leguas de tierra sean vuestras para siempre."^ The expression which we have underscored "para el atago de los ingleses," certainly implies attempts already made by the English to con- tinue their first transatlantic enterprises, necessarily in a more southern direction, and by ranging the west coast southwardly. A private craft might have sailed from Bristol in the track of the Spanish ships, sur- reptitiously or otherwise, — although we possess no information whatever to ground such an hypothesis, — but that Ferdinand and Isabella should have been exercised to so high a degree, supposes the meeting in their transatlantic domain of some important expedition sailing under the British flag. The second voyage of John Cabot, which, as he implicitly informed Raimondo di Soncino, was to be westward and then southward, — and which Sebastian Cabot told Peter Martyr had extended to the latitude of Gibraltar, — ^must be the very navigation the progress of which, along the southern coast of the present United States, alarmed the Catholic Kings. 3 Beales cMulas y asiento hecho con Hojeda. — 5 Ibidem. That expedition proved a failure. See Navarrete, Vol. III., doc. X., pp. 86, 88. Navakrete's abstract of Documents, Vol. III., pp. * Ibidem. 28-39, and infra, our Chronology of Voyages. ii8 The Discovery of North America. This we infer from the fact that the two voyages of John Cabot (1497 and 1498-1499) are the only EngUsh expeditions ^ to the New World known to have been undertaken previous to the letters patent granted to Hojeda in June, 1501, and which contain the above quoted reference to attempted British extensions. Mufioz and Navarrete allege that Hojeda in his first expedition met the English in the vicinity of Maraycaibo : " Lo cierto es que Alonso de Hojeda en su primer viage hallo d ciertos ingleses por las inmediacones de Coquibacoa." 7 This statement may prompt two objections, calculated at first sight to throw doubt upon our proposed identification of John Cabot with the English mentioned in the above instructions given to Alonso de Hojeda. The first of those objections is that Cabot on his second voyage sailed from England in April, 1498, and was expected back home in September following: " sperase sean venidos para el Setiembre," ^ while Hojeda set out from Spain only in the spring of the following year. The reply is that nowhere it is said in the original documents that it was Hojeda, or any of his ships and companions, who saw the English in American waters. Then, we do not know when John Cabot returned from his second expedition. We have proofs that it was equipped on an important scale, numbering five vessels : " El Rey de Inglaterra em- bio cinco naos,"9 which carried stores for a whole year: " avitallados por un afio." 1° Besides, as the account of Sebastian Cabot implies a long exploration, the vessels may not have returned to England until the summer of 1499 ; and thus could have been seen by one of the six Spanish expeditions which visited those regions in 1498 and 1499,11 and returned to Spain before the date of the letters patent granted to Hojeda where mention is made of the English. The second objection is that the latitude of Gibraltar is the most extreme point said to have been reached by Cabot, while the " vicinity of Coquibacoa," where the alleged meeting is stated by Mufioz and Na- varrete to have taken place, is not less than 25 degrees further south, and implies a navigation in the midst of the West India islands. This ^ The next transatlantic voyage under the Brhish flag ^ Dispatch of Pedro DE Ayala, in our Jean et is the Anglo-Portuguese expedition undertaken by virtue SAastien Cabot, doc. xiii. of letters patent granted only March 19, 1501. BiDDLE, ' Dispatch of Gonzales de Pueela, op. at, doc. xii. Memoir of Cabot, pp. 222, 312-320. "° Dispatch of Pedro de Ayala, ubi supra. ^ Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 41. " See infra, our Chronology of Voyages. Unknown Navigators. 119 would be a very serious objection if there were any proofs that Hojeda, or any Spanish ship met the English actually " por las inmediacones de Coquibacoa." But our searches in the Spanish archives have failed to bring to light any document to that effect; and neither Mufioz nor Navarrete quote any authorities for their assertion. This has all the ap- pearance of an arbitrary deduction made by them from the letters patent granted to Hojeda, June 8, 1501, where Coquibacoa is mentioned, only, however, in connection with his appointment as governor of that place, and without any reference whatever to the English. Nor is it said therein, or anywhere else, that British seamen were seen by Hojeda, or by any Spanish commander in the vicinity of Coquibacoa. There is nothing to prevent Cabot having been met about Cuba by one of the transports or trading ships which, for the last three or four years, were already plying between Seville and the West Indies to carry supplies to the colonists. The latitude of Gibraltar mentioned by Cabot is, according to the old charts, nearly on a line with the point of the Floridian peninsula and the north coast of Cuba. That is likely the place where the English were seen, probably when homeward bound. And, as the coast bordering the Caribbean sea was then already believed to be "a lande to reach towarde the north on the back syde of Cuba," the recommendations of the Catholic Kings are easily understood. Taking into consideration that the only English navigator who could have been met there in those days was John Cabot, we must assume that when detected about those regions, he had reached the terminus of a coasting which commenced south of Newfoundland (after vainly trying to find an outlet leading to the other side), — according to his first pro- ject, as reported by Soncino. Otherwise, we should have to believe that, abandoning all intention of returning to the north-east coast of the New World, he darted directly from Bristol in a south-westerly direction, to land fifty degrees below his first landfall in 1497. But the letters patent which Henry VII. granted him in 1498 show that such a route would have been contrary to the King's intentions, as the voyage is therein expressly described as being intended " for the Londe and lies of late founde by the seid John ;" which we know to have been Newfoundland or thereabout. Under those terms, starting from the latter point, he could have ranged the coast southward, apparently without knowing that it would take him to the Spanish possessions ; but they certainly preclude a primary project to visit first of all the region of the West Indies. I20 The Discovery of North America. Let us add that if only one of the five ships of John Cabot, swifter than the rest, and carrying the British flag, went ahead of the fleet and was met probing her way about the Bahamas, that would be sufficient to account for the feelings expressed in the instructions given by Ferdinand and Isabella to Hojeda. Now, what is the exact date when those monarchs speak of the con- tinent : "la costa de la tierra firme," and order Hojeda to impede the progress of the English towards the south : " para que atages el descu- brir de los ingleses por aquella via?" The 8th of June, 1501 : "d ocho dias del mes de Junio afio de mil e quinientos d un afios." And this, Ferdinand and Isabella express in a manner which implies that their knowledge of British incursions dated a year or two previous ; at all events in time for Juan de la Cosa, already renowned as the greatest Spanish pilot living, to have cognizance of the fact when, having returned from Hojeda's first expedition, he constructed his famous planisphere "en el puerto de Santa Maria en ano de 1500." In that respect, the probability is rendered so much the greater that La Cosa, as the reader is aware, depicts already in the said planisphere, which was finished before October, 1500, a continental coast line to the west of Cuba, and carried without any break from " the sea discovered by the English : — mar descubierta por ingleses," to the Venezuelan regions and beyond. It is difficult not to see in that array of facts and necessary deduc- tions, all based upon authentic and contemporaneous statements, a proof that in the first year of the sixteenth century the belief was entertained in Spain, and necessarily in Portugal and England, that a continental region existed west and north-west of the Antillies. We can even trace the continuation of that early belief uninter- ruptedly almost down to the expedition of Magellan. Gomara states that many Spanish and Portuguese navigators, at a very early date, ranged the coast of Labrador, to ascertain whether they could find a sea passage to the land of spice : " Muchos han ido a costar la tierra del Labrador por ver addnde llegaba y per saber si habia paso de mar por alii, para ir a las Malucas y Especeria . . . Castellanos lo bu'scaron primero, como les pertenecen aquellas islas de las Especerias • . . y Portugueses tambiem : Many have gone to range the coast of Labrador to see where it led to, and to ascertain whether there was in that region a passage leading to the Molucas and [or the land of] Unknown Navigators. 121 Spice. . . . The Spaniards were the first to go in search of it, because the Spice islands belonged to them. . . . The Portuguese also [made the attempt]." ^^ Herrera reports that in 1506, Ferdinand of Aragon was most anxious to send a transatlantic expedition for the express purpose of forestalling the King of Portugal in his efforts to discover a strait leading to the Molucca islands : " Gran cuidado tenia el Rei Catolico en embiar a descubrir . . . causa era de esto la diligencia que el Rei de Portugal ponia en embiar Descubridores del Estrecho :— The Catholic King was very anxious to send [expeditions of] discovery. The reason was the diligence exhibited by the King of Portugal in sending discoverers for the Strait." Herrera goes so far as to say that the attempt had already been made by many navigators who, with such intentions, had explored the northern coast : " I muchos anduvieron por el Norte costeando, i trabajando en ello : — And many [such] sailed to the North, ranging the coast and making efforts thereon." ^' We know also that the expedition of Juan Diaz de Solis and Vicente Yafiez Pinzon, of 1 506, was apparently to find such a strait ; but it is of a more recent date than the attempts mentioned by Gomara and Herrera. As Navarrete justly says, Diaz and Pinzon's efforts then were to find a passage between the two oceans: "Al parecer con el objeto de hallar algun canal 6 estrecho de comunicacion con el otro mar." H The theory which has heretofore made the continental region west of the Antillies and south of Newfoundland a terra incognita until 151 3, requires, of course, that no part of that region should have been ex- plored, either by the Spanish or the Portuguese before the latter date. Nevertheless, in addition to the facts duly set forth in the preceding pages, the map of Reinel (Kunstmann No. III.), which is of the year 1505 (Kohl) or 1504 (Peschel), shows already a portion of Nova Scotia. Nay, a certain knowledge of the coast south of that country, (which knowledge, as we have just shown, was possessed by the Spaniards inde- pendently of what they could have gathered from the Lusitanian maps, in the first year, at least, of the sixteenth century) so far from being forgotten, continued to be acted upon by the Spanish government. The original agreement entered into between Ferdinand of Aragon and Juan de Agramonte authorises the latter to explore a land situate " Gomara, edit, of Vedia, p. 177. '■'Navarrete, Viagts msnores, Noticia historica, ■3 Herrera, Decad. I., Vol. I., p. lOO. Vol. III., p. 47. R 122 The Discovery of North America. towards the Baccallaos island : " Una tierra ques a la parte del Norte, hacia la Isla de los Bacallaos." This can only apply to the region south of the Portuguese possessions, as the sphere of explorations is placed within " los limites que d Nos pertenescen : — the limits of the country belonging to Spain." This, judging from the early maps, was deemed to be south and south-west of Newfoundland. It is worthy of notice that the information obtained by Agramonte was derived not from charts, but from two Indians, natives, as it seems, of that new country, whom he had with him in Spain. We must also call the attention of our readers to the fact that Agramonte was to re- ceive his sailing directions from Spanish officials : " por la via 6 derrota que vos serd senalado por mi mandado," which implies a previous know- ledge of that country on the part of the Crown pilots. 'S Now, this was before the coming of Sebastian Cabot to Spain, and before October, 1 5 II, which is the date of the Royal letter of Queen Juana, wherein mention is made of a contract to the same effect, entered into previously between her father and the said grantee. "^ In quoting this instance, which is not the only one of the kind, we wish simply to show, — as far as such vestiges permit us to ascertain, — that a sort of tradition was kept up in Spain concerning the existence' of a continental region to the north-west of Cuba. The following con- versation reported by Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, though written in I5i5,'7 or 1 516, expresses in the clearest manner a belief which, in our opinion, was shared for. a number of years previous by cosmographers and pilots all over Europe. " Andreas Moralis the pylot, and Oviedus," he says, " repayred to me at my house in the towne of Matrite. . . . They both agree that these landes and regions perteynynge to the dominion of Castile, doo with one continuall tract and perpetuall bonde, embrase as one hole firme lande and continent al the mayne lande lyinge on the north syde of Cuba and the other Ilandes, beinge also north-west both from Cuba and Hispaniola."'^ '5 Navarrete, Coleccion de viages y descubrimientos, bears no date, but mentions the wish of the Crown to Vol. III., Nos. XXXI-II., pp. 124-127. accede to the desire expressed by the people of Darien '^ A document lately published in the Coleccion de to have appointed as governor Vasco Nuiiez de Balboa. documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXII., p. 393, This circumstance seems to correspond with the Enciso refers to the agreement made with Agramonte. It is a and Nicuesa troubles in the spring of 15 11. La.s Casas, royal gedula of King Ferdinand, addressed to the Ccisa lib. ii. , cap. Ixvii. , Vol. III., p. 340. de ContratcKion, and containing a reply to various "' Anohiera, Epist. dxlii., p. 310. letters written by that institution. Unfortunately, it '^ Anghiera, Decad. III., lib. x., f. 67, D. CHAPTER VII. AT the close of a discussion like the present, it must be borne in mind that the north-western continental configurations set forth in the charts of Cantino, Canerio, Ruysch, Waldseemiiller, Schoner, and other geographers of the first half of the sixteenth century, have their equivalent in the reality of things. That is, there is actually exist- ing, as everybody knows, west and north-west of the Antillies such a continent as is depicted on those maps. This fact imparts to their geo- graphical averments a character of prima facie evidence entitling them to prevail, unless they be rebutted by the contradicter with documentary proofs. Limiting our inquiry to the charts, we have shown, and will here- after demonstrate technically, that the said continental region is absolutely represented as possessing a separate and special existence. In other words, that land cannot be considered as a duplicate of any one of the West India islands, nor of any portion of the countries south-west of that archipelago, which, by some unaccountable freak of imagination, a cartographer would have detached from its true place, enlarged, distorted, and located thirty degrees north of its real position, whilst leaving besides the original land or island where it truly belongs. It has been proved, besides, that in itself the said continental region, so far from being anomalous, formed part of a logical ensemble, as the map depicting it also represents the West Indies, together with Cuba clearly delineated as an island, and very nearly in her exact form and position. We have likewise asserted, and intend in the second part of this work to show, that the presence of a western continent on Portuguese original charts and Lusitano-Germanic derivatives was not a cartographical accident, servilely or unconsciously copied, but that it resulted from several independent prototypes. That is, at an early period, before 1502, there have existed maps which, independently of each other, exhibited those continental features, whilst presenting differences which showed a distinct origin for several in that class of documents. 124 The Discovery of North America. In the preceding chapters it has also been shown that in the opinion of leading geographers of the time, the north-western continent region inscribed on Lusitano-Germanic charts was considered as corresponding with a continent actually existing, and placed by them where modern maps exhibit the east coast of the United States. We believe, besides, to have demonstrated that those cartographical averments, so far from being controverted by authentic facts, or by state- ments from contemporary authorities of an historical character, were, on the contrary, corroborated by the same, as well as by another class of proofs. With the view of endeavouring to ascend to the earliest delineations of that continent, all the Portuguese and Lusitano-Germanic maps will be hereafter carefully examined, and their nomenclatures minutely compared. And although the results obtained do not permit thus far of a definite reply, yet cogent reasons will be alleged to prove that the north-western continental configuration was not necessarily based upon Vespuccian data, but that it proceeds from various sources. It remains now to see whether historical documents afford a clue, enabling the critic to ascertain how means of information could have been obtained for such geographical characteristics. The common (and erroneous) belief is that all which was known of the geography of the New World from the time of its discovery by Columbus, until the first year of the sixteenth century, was and could be obtained only from the voyages of Christopher Columbus (1492- 1493, 1493-1496, 1498-1500), John Cabot (1497, 1498), Pinzon, Diego de Lepe, Velez de Mendoza, Hojeda, Nino-Guerra, Vespuccius' second expedition (these seven accomplished between 1499 and 1500), Caspar Corte Real (1500-1501), and Cabral-Lemos (1500-1501), not to speak of Vespuccius' first voyage. These, however, were only official expeditions, sailing under the Spanish, English, or Portuguese flag, which, as we will soon demon- strate, do not preclude a number of other voyages from having been made then to America, and precisely of such a character as to yield geographical data other than those brought to Seville or Lisbon by royal pilots and commanders. CHAPTER VIII. THE agreement or capitulations of April 17, 1492, did not concede to Christopher Columbus the monopoly of expeditions to the country which he hoped to discover. This privilege was shared with the Crown. All that which Columbus could claim absolutely was one-eighth of the tax or royalty imposed on vessels intending to trade in the new regions. It follows that on the loth of April, 1495, Ferdinand and Isabella did not hesitate to publish a general decree authorising anyone' to equip expeditions for the distinct purpose of discovering isles and continents in the Indies and Ocean: "descobrir otras islas e tierra-firme a la parte de las Indias en el mar Oceano," subject, of course, to certain prior rights, taxes, and regulations. A number of sea captains availed themselves at once of the authorisation : " Diversi navium ductores ad diversa alterius hoemispherii littora missi sunt,"^ wrote Peter Martyr, on the nth of June, 1495. Who those commanders were, where they went, what countries they actually discovered or visited, are questions which no one can to-day answer with certainty. We only know that being forbidden to explore the regions already discovered, " demas de las islas e tierra-firme que por nuestro mandado se han descubierto en la dicha parte del mar Oceano," they must have landed in parts theretofore unknown. The date at which, according to Peter Martyr, those expeditions set out, prevents their being mistaken for the enterprises of Hojeda, Pinzon, Lepe, &c., which were four years later. Columbus, who always watched with a jealous eye his rights and privileges, complained of that decree. Two years afterwards, on the 2nd of June, 1497, the Catholic Kings, without yielding entirely to his requests, ■ Navarrete, doc. Ixxxvi., Vol. II., p. 165. As could avail themselves of ;the privilege. /)i/ra, p. 131. the decree is in the name of Ferdinand and Isabella, one '^ Anghiera, Opus Epistol., Epist. clx. (June 11, mightsuppose that the terms : " algunas personas, vecinos 1495), p. 9°- See also Documentos ineditos de Indias, e moradores en algunas Ciudades, Villas e Lugares e Vol. XXX., p. 317, for numerous petitions to be allowed Puertos de nuestros Reinos i Seiiorios," apply to all to make transatlantic discoveries, and to receive one half Spaniards ; but in reality, only Isabella's own subjects of the profits. 126 The Discovery of North America. published a new ordinance cancelling all authorisations theretofore granted which could be shown to be contrary to the privileges possessed by Christopher Columbus.3 He did not, however, long maintain such an exclusive policy, and we find him advocate the principle that permission should be granted to all who wished to accomplish discoveries : " Para en lo de descobrir de nuevas tierras, pares9eme se deva dar li^encia a todos los que quisieren yr, y alargar la mano el lo del quinto, moderandolo en alguna buena manera, a fin de que muchos se dispongan k yr : — Concerning the discovery of new lands, it seems to me that permission ought to be given to all who want to go, and that we should open the hand as regards the King's royalty, moderating it so as to induce many to avail themselves of the leave." * Consistently with his altered views in this respect, Columbus au- thorised many commanders, "muchos capitanes," to explore the newly- discovered lands. This we learn from Andres Bernaldez, who was an eye-witness : " Y estando el en la corte se negocid e concerto 6 se did licencia a otros muchos capitanes que la procuraron para ir a descubrir, 6 fueron 6 descubrieron diversas islas : — And being at the Court, authorisation was negotiated, agreed, and granted to many other captains, who obtained it for the purpose of going to discover, and, having gone, discovered various islands." s The reader will notice that, in the course of those expeditions, disco- veries were actually accomplished. Among the captains who then obtained the required license, we must doubtless include Cristobal Guerra, Diego de Lepe, Hojeda and Rodrigo de Bastidas, although in reality they held their privilege from the Crown. But three or four is a number which falls short of the expression "muchos;" and we may therefore assume that there were others, whose names and deeds have not come down to us. These, necessarily, need be placed among the navigators who may 3 "Defendemos firmemente que algunas personas no * Cartas deIndias,doc.i., p. 5. Americus Vespucci us sean osadas de ir contra ellas [the former 'mercedes'], e si was far from being so liberal, but expressed his opinion el tenor dellas en algo le perjudica la dicha provision que several years later. Having been asked by Cardinal asi mandamos dar, que de suso va encorporada, por la Ximenez, on the gth of December, 1508, whether it was presente la revocamos." — Navakrete, Vol. II., p. 202. not desirable that " cada uno tenga lybertad de yr i Uevar A certain phrase in the original Book of Privileges pre- lo que quisyere," which was the policy of Portugal con- served at Paris, seems to apply to new infringements of cerning her African colonies : ' ' segun que lo haze el rey that ordinance. Columbus himself says therein : " Fago de Portogal en lo de la mina del Oro ; " Vespuccius juramento que cantitad de hombres han ido a las Indias raised considerable objections against such an enlightened que no merescian el agua para con Dios y con el mundo, course of action. Ibidem, doc. ii. , p. Ji. y agora vuelven alia," f" Ixxij. That sentence is not to s Bernaldez, Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos, Vol. be found in the Genoa codex. II., cap. xxxi., p. 79. Clandestine Expeditions. 127 have visited the western continental regions, and brought home geographi- cal data of importance, as their charters forbade them expressly, as above stated, "to go to parts already discovered." There have been, consequently, in the seven years which followed the discovery of America, a number of transatlantic voyages in the course of which the coast lines were doubtless probed on many sides, and very likely with little pecuniary success ; which seems to be the chief cause why they were soon forgotten. As regards the expeditions carried out by virtue of regular licenses, If any of them actually reached the mainland to the north of Cuba, specific details then and thus obtained were withheld from the Crown pilots, other- wise the southern section of the northern continent in the map of La Cosa would be dotted throughout, like the charts of Cantino and Canerio, with names, legends, and Spanish flags, as it is all over its septentrional extremity with inscriptions and British emblems. But the great Basque cartographer became, nevertheless, possessed of general data concerning those continental regions. This is unquestionably shown by the continuous coast line delineated to the west of the Antillies in the map which he constructed in the year 1500. That, between 1493 and 1500, a number of vessels were, besides, unlawfully equipped in the ports of Spain, Portugal, and France, for the purpose of exploiting the New World, and sailed secretly or without being provided with any license whatever, does not admit of a doubt. The glowing accounts which Columbus gave of the newly-discovered regions ; the hope to find gold in quantity ; the Indians kidnapped and sold as slaves in Andalusia ; the cargoes of dyewood, spun cotton, and novel objects brought from America, were surely of such a character as to in- duce the bold mariners of the Peninsula to engage in the venture. So far as Portugal is concerned we see, from the start in 1493, a caravel sail from Madeira to find the countries which Columbus had just discovered, and King Manoel immediately send three vessels after the alleged truant ship, apparently to arrest her, but, in reality, to join in the expedition : " y podria ser que esto se fuiese con otros respetos, 6 que los mismos que fueron en las carabelas, una y otras, querrdn descu- brir algo en lo que pertenece k Nos." 6 The fact is that the Azores were the hot-bed, so to speak, of transatlantic expeditions. And the Portu- * Navarrete, doc. Ixxi., Vol. II., p. 109. 128 The Discovery of North America. guese notarial archives, as well as those of the Torre do Tombo, may yet yield information of that character, and of a date prior to the letters patent granted in October, 1499, to Joam Fernandez of Terceira, au- thorising a voyage to the New World, before any such privilege had yet been conceded to Caspar Corte-Real, or before anything was known of the latter's maritime attempts. As to such secret and illegal Portuguese expeditions we can know only of those which were the object of protests on the part of the Spanish government; as, for instance, the incursion of four Lusitanian ships which, early in the year 1503, went to the country discovered by Rodrigo de Bastidas, and returned to Lisbon loaded with dye wood and Indian slaves.7 We are loth to believe that this was a solitary case ; and if Portuguese ship owners sent vessels in the track of Bastidas, we may rest assured that they acted in the same manner, on a venture, when informed of the quantities of pearls brought by Cristobal Guerra, if not before. The French, who in the beginning of the sixteenth century, exhibited such a great maritime activity, at least in their western seaports, showed just as little scruple. We have authentic documents on that point. In the affidavit subscribed at Rouen by Binot Paulmier de Gonneville, June 19, 1505, mention is made of " Dieppe and St. Malo mariners, as well as other Normands and Britons, who, for years past go to the West Indies in search of dye wood, cotton, monkeys, parrots, and other articles." As this information must have been possessed by Gonneville before June 24, 1503 (when he sailed from Honfleur), we have in his depo- sition evidence that for years prior to 1503: " d'empu'is ancunes annees en 9a les Dieppois et les Malouins et autres Normands et Bretons vont querir aux Indes occidentalles du bois a teindre en rouge, cotons, guenons, et perroquets, et autres denrees."8 But who can tell how far those sea- faring men (who rank among the boldest that ever existed, and were sometimes accompanied by Portuguese mariners,) went and what countries they may have explored ? The probability is that those voyages were more or less connected with fishing expeditions to Newfoundland, which implies a ranging of its north-east coast southward, and consequently a knowledge of certain parts of the north-western continental region which is so conspicuous in early Portuguese and Lusitano-Germanic maps. ^ Infra, in the Chronology of Voyages, No. Ixxiv. ^ Infra, in the Chronology, No. Ixxii. Clandestine Expeditions. 129 As regards Spain, the Crown rendered lawful enterprises to the newly- discovered regions extremely difficult. Licenses were granted only to the subjects of Queen Isabella, that is, inhabitants of Castile, Leon, Asturias, Galicia, Estramadura, Murcia, and Andalusia ; while not only foreigners, but even her husband's own subjects (Aragonese, Catalans, and Valencians) were strictly excluded. 9 Nay, Isabella attached so much importance to such an exclusive right that if, in her testament, she speaks only once of the Indies, it is to affirm her absolute and personal prerogative on the subject. '° The royalty to be paid to the Crown, exclusively of Columbus' 10 % on the tonnage of every vessel, the obligation to have constantly on board State officials to watch proceedings" and record minutely the re- ceipts, together with a strict requirement to equip all ships in the only port of Seville, '^ where the law compelled them also to return and un- load, were likewise impediments which could but result in the fitting out of numerous clandestine expeditions to the New World, both for the purpose of barter and maritime discovery. The damage occasioned to the Crown from that cause compelled their Catholic Majesties several times to issue stringent orders to repress such illegal enterprises. The warning issued, September 3, 1501, recalls similar defences already published, and enacts very severe penalties against all those who should dare in the future to undertake unauthorised voyages in the Atlantic Ocean. '3 It must not be supposed, nevertheless, that those prohibitions ever prevented adventurers from running the gauntlet. As far back as 1497, 5 The undertaking of the Indies belonged exchisively was obliged to become a naturalised subject of the crown to the crown of Castile. OviEDO says : " As long as of Castile, before he could be allowed to trade in the Queen Isabella lived, no one was permitted to go to the Indies. — Doc. inedit. de Indias, Vol. XXXVI., p. 196. Indies except her own subjects, for they alone discovered »° " For quanto las islas . . . fueron descubiertas . . . the New World, and not the Aragonese, Catalans, and a. costa de estos mis Reynos, &c. " — Isabella's will in Valencians." — Historia General de las Indias, lib. iii.. Dormer, Discvrsos varios de Historia, Zarago9a, 1683, cap. i.. Vol. I., p. 74. GOMARA, Hist, de las Indias, 4to, p. 344. p. 167, recalls the fact, and even finds in it an explanation .. Licence granted to Bastidas ; in Navarrete, Vol. for the famous and apocryphal device : II-, P- 245. •^ " ANTtJNEZ, Memorias historicas sohre la Lenislacion Columbus found a neuo world. . ,,„ ■ ,, 1 -c . , , ■ •' , . ,,. ,,,•, ,0 y hromernodel Uomercto de losJispanoles en sus colonias. See also, Solorzano, Polihca Indiana, Madrid, 1648, j^^^^^^.;^ g^,^ fob, lib. iv., cap. xix., p. 670, and the fedM^aof Novem- ' ' ' • P- • ber, 1504, in Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 525. We find '^ " Sean osados de ir ni vayan sin nuestra licencia a that, even after the death of Isabella, when Ferdinand of descobrir al mar Oceano, ni a las islas e tierra-firme que Aragon administered the kingdom, December 4, 1507, en el hasta agora son descubiertas e se descubrieren. "— one Bernaldo Grimaldi (apparently a native of Genoa) Navarrete, Vol. II., doc. cxxxix., p. 258. S 130 The Discovery of North America. we see two of Columbus' own officers, one of whom, Alonso Medel, had been the master of the Niiia during the second voyage of discovery, elope with two armed vessels equipped by the Crown, and of which they were in command. Disregarding the orders of Columbus, and surrepti- tiously, this Medel, with Bartolome Colin, set sail for unknown regions. When they returned to Cadiz, Columbus asked Their Majesties to insti- tute legal proceedings, on the plea that the bold adventurers had been guilty, to use Navarrete's expressions, of " viages arbitrarios."'4 We do not know where those truant mariners went, but they certainly avoided the transadantic ports and coasts visited by licensed Spanish ships and officials. Later, February 4, 1500, we see another instance of the kind, when Ferdinand and Isabella charter three vessels for the purpose of overtaking in the open sea two ships which had sailed unlawfully from Seville to the New World. '5 It is worthy of notice that they belonged to a Genoese, Francesco de Rivarolla, the friend and banker of Christopher Columbus. It is plain that under the circumstances, unlicensed adventurers es- chewed, as much as possible, the localities where they ran the risk of meeting with caravels sailing under the royal flag, or the points of the coast already exploited by duly-authorised traders and seafaring men. This would lead them to unknown parts, the secret of which they kept to themselves, or marked on maps intended exclusively for the information of their employers. If, according to probabilities, in scouring west of the Antillies they sighted the north-east coast of America, or any portion of it, we can well realise how geographical information gathered during such secret and dangerous voyages may have remained unknown to the pilots and cosmographers of the Spanish Crown, and, as a matter of course, failed to figure on the official charts of the Sevillan Hydrography. Those facts will certainly be viewed by just critics as indicating several of the various sources whence may have been derived the carto- graphical data which appear on the Lusitano-Germanic maps, and constitute the subject of the present chapter. As Humboldt justly observes : "■< B&al provision a instancia de Cristobal Colon : — Juan Sanchez, con tres huques para ir en busca de dos Navarrete, Vol. HI., doc. xxxv., p. 507. carabelas con que hahian salido sin Ucencia. — Navar- ^^ Real cedula para prender a Francisco Riverol y rete. Vol. III., doc. xlii., p. 513. Clandestine Expeditions. 131 " Les documents officiels, ceux qui n'ont enr^gistrd que les expeditions faites aux frais du gouvernment espagnol, ne nous offrent pas un certitude absolue qu'k une ^poque donnde les d^couvertes n'aient 6t6 pouss^es que jusqu'k telle ou telle limite. II existait h Seville et k Lisbonne des notions r^pandues par des voyageurs clandestins : — The official documents, that is, those which have recorded solely expeditions undertaken at the cost of the Spanish govern- ment, do not afford positive assurance that at certain times discoveries were not carried beyond this or that limit. There were current at Seville and Lisbon notions spread by clandestine navigators." '° And, as to the voyages themselves, let us recall the statement of Lopez de Gomara, who was official chronicler of the Indies : " Entendiendo cuan grandisimas tierras eran las que Cristobal Colon descubria, fueron muchos a continuar el descubrimiento de todas, unos a su costa, otros k la del Rey, y todos pensando enriquecer, ganar fama y medrar con los reyes. Pero como los mas dellos no hi- cieron sino descubrir y gastarse, no quedd memoria de todos, que yo sepa, especialmente de los que navegaron hacia el norte, costeando los bacallaos y tierra del Labrador: — Many under- took to continue and complete the discoveries initiated by Christopher Columbus; some at their own cost, others at the King's expence, hoping thereby to become rich and famous But, as most of these who made discoveries were ruined thereby, there is no recollection left of any of them, so far as I know, particularly those who steered northward, coasting the Bacallaos region and Labrador." ''' We do not know what the day may bring forth ; but, in the present state of the question and of our knowledge of facts and documents, the critical historian of maritime discovery is justified in considering the north- western delineations in the Cantino planisphere as representing a conti- nental region really existing. Now, what is that country ? Necessarily a portion of the Atlantic shores of the present United States, shown now to have been discovered, visited, named, and described so far back as the close of the fifteenth century. "5 Gomara, Historia de las Jndias, Vbdia's edition, p. 169, has a positive statement to the same effect. Vol. I., p. 177. Herrera, Decad. I., lib. vi., cap. xvi., " Humboldt, Examen critique, Vol. II., p. 358. CHAPTER IX. THE conclusions which we have just expressed are based, geographi- cally speaking, upon the existence in the Cantino chart of a north- western continental region, which, as has already been stated, corresponds with the east coast of North America, from Florida to about the Delaware or Hudson river. Yet it must be confessed that the re- presentation is only general and approximate, with latitudes and longitudes very inexact, — not more so, however, than are the configurations and positions of other parts of the New World in all the maps and charts of the time. To discuss the bearing of such geographical data, we must not, there- fore, take as a guide the scales which are inscribed in detail on several of them. Else we would have to place, for instance, Cuba by 30° — 38° north latitude, instead of 19° 48' — 23° 11', which is its true situation. But we may nevertheless take that island for a starting point, as it is a reality ascertained practically by navigators of the period. In other words, the historian of maritime discovery can find no surer basis than such a point, and use it somewhat as we employ initial meridians for measuring distances. Under this aspect, the reader will notice that in Cantino the southern terminus of the continental land in question is about one degree south of the north-westernmost cape of Cuba. The explorations of the unknown navigators which have been discussed in the preceding chapters must be taken, therefore, as not having extended further south than that point, according to the data used in 1 501-1502 by Lisbon cartographers, which is the time when the Cantino chart was constructed. Now, were those voyages continued after that period, particularly in a southern direction, and, if so, do we po.ssess traces of such efforts ? As the reader will see it proved graphically and otherwise in our description of the Lusitano-Germanic maps and globes, not only do we possess geographical documents which exhibit a progression of that charac- ter, but the latter is so positive that its elements could be resorted to by us as a criterion for classifying and determining the origin of several important categories of maps of the sixteenth century. Clandestine Expeditions. 133 For the present, we will cite two examples. In the mappamundi of Johann Ruysch, that continental region indi- cates, on the contrary, at the point where in Cantino it is made to end, a large gulf, the borders of which carry the configuration five degrees further south, to the tropic of Cancer. In the planisphere of Nicolay de Canerio, the continental land, after exhibiting the aforesaid gulf of Ruysch, continues the coast uninterruptedly southward fifteen degrees, with peculiar profiles, and an extremely large island or peninsula, imparting to these additional configurations the appear- ance of the Gulf of Mexico, and of the Yucatanic country. Who were the navigators, when they visited that coast, and what are exactly the shores embraced in those mysterious expeditions, no one can tell. True it is that in Canerio the area is bordered at the north and at the south by Spanish flags, and that in several of the early Lusi- tano-Germanic globes the word Partus is inscribed across the new and supplementary region. But this is only an interpretation of German cos- mographers, who identified, we do not know on what grounds, the country discovered by Christopher Columbus in his third voyage, with the land which was certainly nameless on their prototype. Were it otherwise, Nicolay de Canerio, who sets forth the most numerous nomenclature to be found in that class of geographical monuments, could not have failed to insert likewise the name of Partus on his additional configuration. Meanwhile, it is enough for us to see, in the prolongation of that coast, evidence that the exploration of the same sea-boards was continued in the first few years of the sixteenth century to more than 15° south of the latitude of Cuba. BOOK SIXTH. 1511-1521. CHAPTER I. WE have now reached a new series of explorations to the north coast, and tread on historical grounds ; that is, where chronicles and histories contemporary of the events can be consulted. It does not follow, however, that the chain of documents is unbroken, or of such a precise character as to enable critics to trace accurately or in de- tail the progress of maritime discovery in the north-western regions. On the contrary, a number of geographical data are still hidden from our view, particularly for the period which elapsed between the origin of the facts deduced from the configurations in the chart of Canerio, and those which are to be derived from the rudimentary map of Peter Martyr. The documents begin only with the first expedition of Ponce de Leon to Florida. But previously, efforts, different from those which are implied by the configurations of the Lusitano-Germanic maps, were certainly made by vessels carrying the Spanish flag, to probe the Atlantic Ocean to the north-west of Cuba, in search of new countries. The reasons of a geographical character which prompted such attempts can easily be ascertained. The Castilian pilots knew of the existence of a north-western continent, not only by the great maps of Juan de la Cosa, but also by Portuguese charts ; for it is impossible that mappa- mundi of the type of Cantino and Canerio, which could be so easily obtained in Lisbon, and circulated in Italy and Germany, should have remained unknown to the Spaniards. The land, however, which haunted their imagination was supposed to be of a different type altogether, as the probability is that, with the conception of the value of things then prevalent, what they knew of our east coast was but little alluring to BiMiNi AND Florida. 135 adventurers who were only in search of gold, pearls, and spice. They seem to have been led by the hope of discovering a number of imaginary islands, of which the Lucayan archipelago had given them a foretaste and idea, but surmised to be richer. And it was in their repeated endeavours to reach those insular regions that several bold mariners before Ponce de Leon, and afterwards that navigator himself, landed in Florida, which they then, and for a number of years, considered to be a mere island, though of vast size. But a distinction must be established at the outset. Different points of the Floridean peninsula were thus explored ; these the Spanish pilots and cartographers believed to belong to separate islands. The " A/fl Bimini," " Bimene," or " Beniny," which seems to cor- respond with the most southern part of our Florida, was first seen and named, according to current information derived from the Lucayan Indians. " Boiuca," or " Agnaneo" appears to be some point of the east coast, already surmised to belong to a continental region. " Cautio " is probably the same country as " Botuca." Finally, we have " /s/a Florida," "Terra Florida" and "La Florida" visited by Ponce de Leon, and embracing the entire apex of the penin- sula, with the lowest portion of the coast, east and west. Those differences are shown by the documents, as well as by con- temporary accounts which will be discussed in the following pages. The distinction between "Bimini" and "Florida" we find established from the start. The letters patent granted to Ponce de Leon, February 23, 1512,1 refer only to the projected discovery of the island of Biminy or Beniny : "el descubrimento de la isla de Beniny." When the discovery of what he calls "Florida" has been accom- plished, Ponce still believes that there is another island besides, called " Benini " or " Bimini," and before returning home sends to search after it one of his captains, Juan Perez de Ortubia, who afterwards brings news to Porto Rico to the effect that the search has proved successful. He then petitions the King of Aragon for leave to settle the newly- discovered islands, and the new letters patent granted to him on that occasion explicitly refer to two separate isles: "ir a poblar d la Isla de Beniny e la Isla Florida." Nay, the Turin map {circa 1523), and the Weimar charts of 1527 and 1529, after naming our Floridian peninsula ' Cctpitulacion con Juan Ponce de Leon sobre el des- tres de Febrero de mil quimientos i doce ailos.— In the cubrimiento de la isla de Beniny. Burgos d veinte y Documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXII., p. 26. 136 The Discovery of North America. "Florida," inscribe, by about 2° longitude of its east coast, a small group of islets with the legends '' Bemene" and " Tierra de Bimini," which are unquestionably intended for the island or region claimed to have been discovered by Ortubia after parting with Ponce de Leon. It follows that the maps which set forth to the north of Cuba a configuration, named "Bimini'' exhibit cartographical data anterior to the discovery of Ponce de Leon. It is only when we see the name " Isla Florida," "La Florida" or "Terra Florida^" that the delineation positively refers to the famous expedition of 151 2 or 1513. Notwithstanding our efforts and researches in the archives of the Indies at Seville, we have failed to find any document calculated to throw more light upon that period of the history of maritime discovery, and elucidate the new series of clandestine as well as of official voyages which form the subject of the present chapter. We feel constrained, however, to discuss the elements which serve to constitute the chronology of that class of expeditions, which all sailed under the Spanish flag,' and led to the possession of the country ex- tending from Florida to the Baccalaos. Those elements are confused, sometimes contradictory, even when borrowed from each other ; whilst, in certain cases, separate expeditions are combined into one, and in others a single one mixes details belonging to several voyages. We will now proceed to analyse that category of explorations in the order, not of their real date, but of the years ascribed to them by historians. If, when referring indirectly to that class of voyages, we accept the date of 1 5 II, nay, the beginning of that year, given by Las Casas, the earliest reference to an expedition undertaken by Spaniards, openly, to the regions north of Cuba, is the following : " Por esto tiempo [al principio del aiio de 15 11] se juntaban en compaiiia y armaban uno 6 dos navios 6 mas, para ir a rebuscar los inocents que por las isletas donde mora- ban .... Entre otros se juntaron siete vecinos de las villas de la Vega y Sanctiago, a lo que creo, y no faltaban mercaderes que les ayudaban los cuales armaron dos navios, me- tiendo en cada uno 50 6 60 hombres, .... Salieron de Puerto de Plata, llegan a las islas de los Lucayos, pero no hallaron nada Acordaron de se ir hacia el Norte a descobrir terra . . . . y vieron cierto tierra a la cual se allegaron. Esta, cierto, fue la tierra y costa de mar, de la que agora llamamos la Florida Llegd a este puerto de Santo Domingo con su presa : — At that time [in the beginning of the present year 1511] a BiMiNi AND Florida. 137- partnership was formed, and two or more ships were equipped to go and abduct the innocent [Indians] who inhabited the small islands. Among others, seven inhabitants of the towns of La Vega and Sanctiago, as I believe, formed such an association, and no merchants were wanting to supply them with goods. They equipped two vessels, with from 50 to 60 men on board of each. Sailing from Puerto de Plata, they reached the Lucayas islands, in which nothing was found. They then determined to go north, in search of lands ... and they saw a certain country, where they landed. This was unquestionably the country and sea- board which we call Florida. . . . They returned to Santo Domingo with their booty." ^ Las Casas add.s that this relatively successful voyage gave Ponce de Leon the idea of the expedition which he undertook soon afterwards. Such a statement, if exact, would confirm the early date given by the humane bishop of Chiapas for that predatory enterprise. This can also be said of the first phrase, sub anno 15 12, in Herrera's often quoted account of Ponce de Leon's discovery of Florida : " I como havia nueva que se hallaban tierras a la vanda del ISTorte acordo de ir a descubrir acia aquella parte : — Having received news that lands had been found at the North, Juan Ponce de Leon decided to go and make discoveries in those parts." ' Las Casas supports his narrative by a reference to Peter Martyr, whom he represents as having mentioned the same facts : " Deste salto hace mencion Pedro Martin" In the second chapter of the Seventh Decade there is actually the following statement : " Cupiditate egitur habendi lucaios, more venatorum qui per nemora montana perque pelustria loca feras insectantur, ita quidam Hispani duobus nauigiis septem virorum impensa constructis, ex oppido Portus platae dicto, in Hispaniolee sito latere, qua septentrionem spectat, ad Lucaias homo cupii causa, anno ab hinc tertio transfretarunt . . . lerunt ergo illi, vesti- garunt universas has insulas, prseda non reperta, quod eorum conuicini iandiu ex amussim exploratus depopulati fuerant. Ne consociis irrisui forent si vacui ad Hispaniolam reuerterentur direxere proras ad Arctoon bootem. Aiunt plarique mentitos, qui sua sponte dixerint elegisse illud iter, sed inquiunt ab exorta et biduo perseuerata repentina tempestate fuisse raptatos, ad eius terrae, quam describemus, prospectum, viso a longe celso promontorio : — Prompted by the lust of possessing [?] the Lucayas, the Spaniards, after the mode of hunters who pursue wild beasts across forests, mountains, and swamps, sailed from the town of Porto Plata, on the north side of Hispaniola, facing the Lucayas, with two ships constructed at the cost of seven individuals, in search of men \i. e., to enslave]. That occurred three years ago . . . They then scoured all those islands without finding any prey, because the neighbours \J. e., the Spaniards living nearer] had long before explored the said islands, and completely dispeopled them. So as not to become the laughing-stock of their partners if they returned to Hispaniola with empty hands, they turned the prows of their vessels northward. Those who say that they ' Las Casas, lib. ii., cap. xx., pp. 457-459- ^ Herrera, Decad. I., lib. ix., cap. x.. Vol. I., p. 246. T 138 The Discovery of North America. selected such a route of their own accord speak falsely. [On the contrary] they were driven thither by a storm which burst suddenly, and lasted two days. It carried them to the land which we describe [above], and of which they had seen from afar the high promontory."* But Peter Martyr, as we have just seen, states that the event oc- curred " three years " before the time when he was then writing. The account is to be found in the Seventh Decade, which bears no date. We know, however, from his correspondence, that on the 7th of March, 1525,5 he had just finished writing that Decade; whilst book ix. of the preceding one is dated July 14, 1524. The event, therefore, is not of the year 151 1, as Las Casas says, but must have happened at least ten years later, that is, three years before 1524 — 1525, in 1521 — 1522. And what complicates the divergence is the remark of Peter Martyr, that in writing the above account, which is addressed to Francesco Maria Sforza, he has searched the archives for unpublished documents to send to him ; thus giving Sforza to understand that his account is based upon docu- mentary proofs. 6 It may be replied that few authors have ever been addicted in a higher degree to interpolations than Peter Martyr,7 and he may have inserted in his Seventh Decade, notes prepared when writing the Second. It can also be said that the account of Las Casas contains one or two particulars, such, for instance, as La Vega and Sanctiago being the places where those adventurers lived, which, not being in Peter Martyr, might indicate that he had consulted a different source of information. Unfortunately the bulk of his statement is, beyond a doubt, taken from the Decades. The circumstances that when the depredators landed in that region the inhabitants fled, but the Spaniards succeeded in seizing a man and a woman, whom they took on board ; that these having returned ashore, and related how well they had been treated, the King sent to the Spaniards fifty men loaded with victuals ; that many natives were abducted, carried to the port of Santo Domingo, and no punishment was inflicted on the captors by the local authorities ; that the men had a whiter ■•Anghiera, Decad. VII., cap. ii., p. 469, of the ° " Licet ea nunc ego scribam, per Camillum Gillenum edition of Hakluyt. efflagitatus, vt e scriniis archetyporum aliqua nondum 5 " Hoec latius in particularibus rebus Indieis, de qui- emissa, de his inuentis ad excellentiam tuam dirigenda bus propediem duas Decades habebitis; ad Mediolani perquirerutn." — Ubi supra. There are no traces at this Ducem directam unam, ad Pontificem alteram,— viii. day, in the Spanish archives, of such documents. Calendas Martii, M.D., xxv."—Epist. DOCCVI., p. 480. ? Joannes Vastus, Chronicon rerum memorabiliwm, The Seventh Decade is the only one which is dedicated to Hispanim, cap. iv. , apud Vossius, De Historicis Latin. , Sforza. The Eighth is dedicated to Clement VII., al- lib. iii., p. 671; but see the more recent works of thoughcontainingthedateof I526(p. 603, Hakluyt'sed.). Heidenheimer, Gerigk, and Bernays. BiMiNi AND Florida. 139 complexion than other tribes of Indians, while the women were clothed with lions' skins well prepared, and other details, are all given by Peter Martyr, and in the Seventh Decade referred to explicitly by Las Casas. It is certain therefore that this incursion on our east coast is of a later date than Las Casas asserts, and that the account which he gives and the one to be found in the beginning of the second chapter of Peter Martyr's Seventh Decade, are one and the same. The first positive mention of countries to the west of the Lucayas islands visited by Spanish mariners about that time, is to be found in the map which accompanies certain issues of the first edition of certain works of Peter Martyr, published at Seville in 151 1.^ On the verso of that map there is an epistle addressed to Cardinal Ximenez on the importance of illustrating the text of the Decades with a cartographical representation. It contains the following sentence : " Ad septentrionem vero miras etiam terras micosque tractus reperunt quorum vestigia cerne dextrorsuz sculpta : — At the north there have been discovered marvellous countries and lands, of which, on the recto [of the present leaf] see the engraved representation." The country alluded to is evidently the region exhibited north of Cuba, running parallel with that island, and bearing the legend : " Isla de beimeni parte." Eastwardly the coast is made to stretch towards the north, but without assuming the peninsular profile which is so striking in the geographical appearance of Florida. At first sight we should be disposed to dismiss it from the present inquiry, as seeming to be an hypothetical delineation, based upon the fables which circulated then and before concerning the Bimini island and its Fountain of Youth. But the reference to the " northern country actually discovered," makes it incumbent on us to ascertain the date when the notice was written, when the map was engraved, and what land it purports to represent. The First Decade, which forms part of the volume containing the map,- must have been entirely written before January 6, 151 1 ; since in the privilege bearing the latter date. Queen Juana recites a statement from Peter Martyr to the effect that he had then composed certain writings, one of which treated particularly of the transatlantic discoveries : " Especialmente vn libro en que se contienen las cosas que ay en el mar occeano y sus islas nueuamente halladas :— Especially a book containing the things which relate to the oceanic sea and its islands recently discovered." 8 Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 66 ; Additamenta, No. 41. I40 The Discovery of North America. As to the work itself, it bears the imprint: " Impressum Hispali . . . per Jacobum corumberger . . . Anno Millessimo quingentessimo XL, mense Aprili : — Printed at Seville, by Jacob Corumberger, in the year 151 1, the nth of April." The text, however, does not contain any reference to the discovery reported on the back of the map. We must infer that the event came to the knowledge of the author after the book was published. We know of seven copies of the edition of 151 1 containing that map, five of which are, or were until lately, in their original vellum binding ; but it should be said that the double leaf which contains both the map and a table of errata (not to be found in the mapless copies) is without signatures. This typographical peculiarity, and the absence of the map and table of errata from several copies of one of the issues, with a dif- ferent title page, can be interpreted only as an indication that the double leaf was printed to accompany a later issue, or that it was simply added to the unsold copies. In either case, the engraving of the map and the printing of the additional leaves, must have followed the publication of the work itself ; but scarcely more than a year or eighteen months afterwards, as would be the case now. Besides, so early as 15 16, Peter Martyr gave at Alcala a much enlarged edition of his work, containing two more Decades. He was most probably already engaged in preparing the edition for the press in 151 2. Under the circumstances, it is difficult to admit that he or his publisher would have assented, after that date, to a new issue of the editio princeps, improved by the addition of the new leaves and map, and thus forestalled the sale of the forthcoming second edition. The map, therefore, can scarcely have been published after the year 1512. Now, what discoveries does the map represent ; what is the allusion inscribed on the verso ? The first time when Peter Martyr, after the publication of that supplement, had occasion to refer again to Spanish discoveries north of the Antillies, was December 4, 15 14, which is the date of the last book of his Second Decade, published in 15 16. The statement is in these words: " Inter quas ad lequas ab Hispaniola quinque ac XX supra tercentum vnam esse in- sulam fabulantur, qui earn explorarunt ad intima, nomine Boiuca, alias Agnaneo, fonte perenni adeo nobilem, ut eius fontis aqua epota senes reiuuenescant : — Emonge the which [certeyne lands founde towarde the Northe syde of Hispaniola] there is an Ilande, about three hun- dreth and XXV. leagues from Hispaniola, as they say whiche haue searched the same, named BiMiNi AND Florida. 141 Boiuca or Agnaneo, in whiche is a continual sprynge of runnynge water of such maruelous vertue, that the water therof beinge dronk, perhappes with sume dyete maketh owld men younge ageyne." ^ The absence of the typical word " Beimini," replaced here by "Boiuca or Agnaneo," enables the critic to see in the above passage, a corrobo- ration of the statement printed on the verso of the map. But the reference to a discovery accomplished to the north of Hispaniola indicates maritime efforts crowned with success in those regions, and efforts, con- sequently, different as to the time and place. Peter Martyr, six years later, in his Enchiridion, written in 1520 and published the year following, gave an account of a discovery accom- plished to the west of the Lucayas islands. But this time it is a description of the first voyage of Ponce de Leon, which is expressly stated to have been to " Florida," without mentioning in any way, either " Beimini," " Boiuca," or " Agnaneo." " Putant hanc esse insulam [quam ?] loannes quidam Pontius, unius classiculse prs- fectus adiuit, et perturbatos reliquit ; fugant ab accolis ; Floridamque appellauerat, quia Resuirectionis die earn insulam repererint; uocat Hispanus pascha floridum resurrectionis diem :^It is thought that that island is the one which one Juan Ponce, the commander of a small squadron, visited, and left abruptly, being driven out by the inhabitants. He called it Florida, because that island was discovered by him on the day of Resurrection, which in Spain they call Flowery Easter."" Peter Martyr, therefore, gives three accounts of discoveries accom- plished to the west and north-west of the West Indies, and, as it seems in his opinion, in three different localities and at different dates. The first, before 15 12, in "Beimini;" the second, before 15 14, in "Boiuca" or " Agnaneo ;" the third, after the latter, in the country which Ponce de Leon called " Florida." ' Anghiera, Decad. II., cap. x., p. 175. morihus incolarum earmidem, in the Basle edition of '° Petrus Martyr de Insvlis nvper inventis, et de 1533 of the Decades, f°- 71, a. CHAPTER II. COMING to the actual discovery of Florida by Ponce de Leon, the account given by Peter Martyr is so brief, that the historian who next to him mentions that memorable expedition, must be first interrogated. We allude to Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo. Oviedo was well acquainted personally with Juan Ponce de Leon ; and as they doubtless met in Spain in 1515, when both returned home from the West Indies,' we were led to infer that he obtained from the discoverer himself, and very soon after the event, information on the subject. Unfortunately, the account which he gives in his Historia General de las Indias is also very meagre, and such as could be gathered at that time from mere hearsay. It is as follows : " Johan Pon^e acordo de armar i fud con dos caravelas por la vanda del Norte, e descubrid las islas de Bimini, que estan en la parte septentrional de la isla Fernandina ; y estonges se divulgo aquella fabula de la fuente que hagia rejovenesger 6 tornar mangebos los hombres viejos : esto fue el aiio de mill € quinientos y doge. . . . Tuvo noti9ia de la Tierra-Firme i vidola ^ puso nombre a una parte della que entra en la mar, como una manga, por espagio de gient leguas de longitud, e bien ginquenta de latitud, y llamdla la Florida. La punta 6 promonterio de la qual esta en veynte e ginco grados de la equi- nogial : — Juan Ponce decided to equip [an expedition] and went with two caravels northward and discovered the Bimini islands, which are to the north of the isle of Fernandina [Cuba]. Then was ascertained the fabulous character of the fountain which rejuvenated or restored to youth old men. This happened in the year 15 12. . . . He had notice of and saw the continent, to a part of which that advances into the sea like a wedge, he gave the name of Florida, which covers a space of 100 leagues in longtitude, and at least 50 in latitude. The point or promontory of the same is by 25° north of the equator."^ Bernal Diaz was in the West Indies soon after the discovery of Florida, and landed in that country in 151 7. His brief reference to the event, which must have been derived from the pilot of Ponce de Leon on that occasion, as he was the same who conducted the ship on which Diaz had taken passage, contains only one or two details not given either by Peter Martyr or by Oviedo. ' Oviedo left the New World in October, 1513, and Oviedo, Madrid, 1851-1855, 4to., Vol. I., p. xxvi. reached Seville in December following. — Amador de los ^ Oviedo, Historia General, lib. xvi., cap. xi., Vol. Rios's introduction to his edition of the Historia of I., p. 482. Ponce de Leon. — First Voyage. 143 "Llegados que fuimos a tierra, cerca de un estero que entraba en la mar, el piloto [Anton de Alaminos] reconocid la costa, y dijo que habia estado en aquel paraje, cuando vino con Juan Ponce de Leon a descubrir aquellas tierras, y alli le habian dado guerra los indios :— When we landed near an estuary opening in the sea, the pilot [Anton de Alaminos] recognized the coast, and told us that ten or twelve years previous, he had visited those parts when accompanying Ponce de Leon in the discovery of the country, and that the Indians had attacked them.'" The date is erroneous, as it would give for the expedition the year 1507 or 1505. But the statement confirms the fight with the Indians, and gives the name of the pilot, viz.: Anton de Alaminos. Another con- temporary historian is Bartolom^ de Las Casas. His account is peculiar : "Al olor, por ventura, desta nueva, en este tierapo, al principio del afio de [i]sii, debid moverse Juan Ponce de Leon . . . Este armd dos navios . . . y viniendo hacia el Norte desta isla Espanola, pasando las islas de los Lucayos, quiso tomar mas arriba k mano izquierda del viaje que los dichos dos navios habian llevado, y a pocos dias vido tierra, y estk fufe un cabo muy grande que sale a la mar del Norte, hacia el Sur, mas de noventa leguas . . . Uegdse a reconoscella y pusole por nombre la tierra Florida, porque debiera parecerle fresca y florida como este en 25° . . . Esta misma tierra llamd el mismo Juan Ponce Bimitie, no supe de ddnde o por qu€ causa tal nombre le puso, o de ddnde le vino, 6 si la llamaron asi los indios, por que no creo que saltd en tierra ni tuvo deste viaje habla con indios. . . . Tor- nos^ a la isla de Sant Juan . . . y de alli fu^ k Castilla . . . Torno de Castilla muy favorecido con titulo de Adelante de Bimine, que ^1 llamd por otro nombre la Florida . . . Llegado a la isla de Sant Juan, tomo todo lo que habia menester, y vinose a Santo Domingo donde se rehizo de gente y navios. Partidse deste puerto en el afio de [i]5i2, vise a su Bimine ... los de Bimine defendieron su patria . . . hirieron con una flecha al Juan Ponce . . . Dejasen la tierra y lo Uevasen k la Isla de Cuba . . . al puerto del Principe . . . y pasd desta vida . . . : — The indications springing from that news, at the time, in the beginning of the year 1511, could not but induce Juan Ponce de Leon . . . He equipped two ships . . . and sailing north of Hispaniola, passing the Lucayas islands, directed his course more to the left than had done the two vessels,* and in a few days saw land • and that was a very extensive cape extending from the north southwardly into the seas more than 90 leagues. He went to examine that land, and gave it the name of Tierra Florida, because he must have found it cool and flowery, being by 25° . . . Juan Ponce named that country [also] Bimine. It is not known whence or for what reason he gave that name, where he borrowed it, and whether it was used by the Indians; for I do not believe that he went ashore, nor had a parley with the Indians in that voyage . . . He returned to the island of Sant Juan [Porto Rico]; thence he went to Castile, from which he came back with the title of Governor of Bimine, which he [also] called La Florida . . . When in Sant Juan, he took all that was necessary, and went to Santo Do- mingo where he engaged ships and men. Sailing from that port in the year 1512, he went to his' Bimine, the inhabitants of which defended their home, and wounded Juan Ponce with an arrow . . . Leaving that country, he was brought to Puerto Principe, where he died.'" = Bernal Diaz, Verdadera Historia, cap. v., p. S- = Las Casas, Historia, de las Indios; lib. ii., cap. 4 He refers to the expedition cited supra, p. 136. xx.. Vol. III., p. 460. 144 The Discovery of North America. That account is evidently made up of general notions, and is erro- neous in many respects. The expedition could not have been undertaken in 151 1 ; Ponce de Leon did not give to the country which he then discovered the name of Bimine ; he actually landed on the coast ; and had even a fight with the Indians. Finally, the second part of the account did not occur in 1512, but nine years afterwards, in the course of the second expedition in 1521. Las Casas, therefore, adds nothing authentic to the account of Oviedo. The only new fact is, that Ponce de Leon died in Puerto Principe, and Las Casas states it in a some- what dubious form : "y creo, si no me he olvidado." The other historians say only : " vino a morir A la isla de Cuba." As to Gomara, his short mention is evidently borrowed from the above quoted passages of Peter Martyr and Oviedo, including other details found in the chronicle of the latter, such, for instance, as the intercession on behalf of Ponce de Leon by Pero Nunez de Guzman, to obtain for him the title of Adelantado of Bimini, and Governor of Florida. As to the assertion that his second expedition consisted of three ships equipped in Seville in 1515, it is clearly erroneous. The leading details of the account of Gomara are as follows : " Arm6 dos carabellas y fue a buscar la isla Boyuca, donde decian los indios estar la fuente que tornaba mozos a los viejos. . . . Entr6 en Bimini, y descubri6 la Florida en Pascua Florida del ano [is]i2, y per esso le puso aquel nombre : — He equipped two ships, and went in search of the Bayuca island, where the Indians said was the fountain which rejuvenated old men. ... He entered Bimini, and discovered Florida, on Easter-day of the year 15 12; and for that reason gave it the name."" All, therefore, which the historians of the sixteenth century knew con- cerning that expedition consisted in these few facts, viz.: In the year 1512, Juan Ponce de Leon, with two caravels, went in search of the Bimine islands and of the Fountain of Youth. That, having landed in a certain north-western country on Easter-day, he named it La Florida, and explored the region during more than six months. Being driven out by the natives, he returned home. His pilot was Anton de Alaminos. Those historians possessed no original information whatever as regards the landfall and points visited. Their geographical details and latitudes are all borrowed from maps of the Sevillan Hydrography current in the second quarter of the sixteenth century, and now represented by the ^ GoMAKA, Hiitoria de las Indias, cap. xlvi., p. i8i. Ponce de Leon. — First Voyage. 145 Weimar charts, the oldest of which, although depicted so late as 1527, bears neither legends nor designation of places on the east coast. This may be the reason why Oviedo, who in that respect often takes pains to be technical, does not cite a single name in any of the three instances in which he makes mention of the event. 7 If in other parts of the His- toria General we find several appellations relative to Florida, they are all borrowed from Chaves' map, which is of the year 1536. Half-a-century elapsed before historians added new details to the brief accounts above cited. They were published for the first time by Herrera, in his celebrated Historia de los Hechos de los Castellanos, ^ usually known under the title of Decades, first published in 1601. Decade I. contains a detailed narrative of the earliest of the two voyages of Ponce de Leon to Florida. It is so minute, and enriched W"ith so many dates and geographical descriptions, that Oscar Peschel as- cribed them to the original diary or log-book, which he thought Herrera must have seen and used. 9 Be that as it may, his account has been adopted since by all historians as the basis of their accounts of the dis- covery of Florida. Using Herrera's own words, that memorable voyage can be condensed as follows : " Sub anno IS12. Como Juan Ponce de Leon havia nueva que se hallaron Tierras a la Vanda del Norte, accordo de ir a descubrir acia aquella parte. Salio de la Isla [de San Juan] Jueves en la tarde k tres de Mar^o [del ano 1512] partiendo del el Puerto de San German. Salio al Norueste, quarto del Norte. El Martes k ocho del dicho [Margo], llegaron k los baxos de Babueca, a vna Isla, que dicen del Viejo, que esta en veinte i dos Grados i medio. Otro dia surgieron en vna Isleta de los Lucayos, dicha Caycbs. Luego surgieron en otra, dicha la Yaguna, en veinte i quatro Grados. A los once del mismo, llegaron a otra Isla, dicha Amaguayo, i alii estuvieron al reparo: pasaron a la Isla, dicha Maneguk, que esta en veinte i quatros Grados i medio. A los catorce llegaron a Guanahani, que estk en veinte i cinco Grados, i quarenta Minutos. Partieron de aqui corriendo por el Norueste, i Domingo k 27 que era dia de Pascua de Resurreccion, que comunmente dicen de Florida, vieron una Isla, i no la reconocieron 7 OviEDO, loc. ciL, and lib. xxxvi., cap. i.. Vol. III., zwar musz er ein Schiffsjournal vor sicht gehabt haben."— 621 • Vol I p. 486. Peschel, Oenchichte des Zeitalters, p. 521, note 2. We " 8 Herrera, Decad. I., lib. ix., cap. xi., Vol. I., p. 247. must add that there are no traces of such a document, 5 " Herrera ist der einzige Schriftfteller, welcher ge- either in the archives of the Indies or in the Muiioz col- nauere Angaben iiber Ponce's Entdeckung besitzt und lection of copies. U 146 The Discovery of North America. i el Lunes a 28 corrieron quince Leguas por la misma via, i el Miercoles anduvieron de la misma manera ; i despues, con mal tiempo, hasta dos de AJbril, corriendo k Luesnorueste, iendo desminuiendo el Aqua hasta nueve bra9as, h vna Legua de Tierra, que estaba en treinta Grades, i ocho Minutos, corriendo por luengo de Costa, buscando Puerto, i la Noche surgieron cerca de Tierra, k ocho bragas de Agua. Y pensando que esta Tierra era Isla, la llamaron la Florida. Salio h. Tierra h. tomar lengua, i posesion. Viernes h. ocho hicieron Vela, corrieron por la misma via ; i Sabado navegaron al Sui", quarta al Sueste : i navegando por el raismo rumbo hasta los veinte de Abril, descubrieron vnos Bohios [?] de Indios, adonde surgieron Martes k catorce [de Junio] acordaron de bolver a la Espanola, i a San Juan. Surgieron en vnas Isletas que son en los Baxos de los Lucayos a diez I ocho de Julio. A veinte i cinco de Julio salieron en demanda de Bimini . . . Encontraron Diego Miruelo, piloto, con vn Barco de la Espanols, que iba a sus Aventuras. Salieron Sabado a seis de Agosto, por donde havian ido. Partio el Navio de Juan Perez de Ortubia, con Anton de Alaminos por Piloto, a diez y siete de Septiembre, i Juan Ponce otro dia para su viaje, i en veinte i vn Dias llegd a reconocer a San Juan : — In the year 1512. As Juan Ponce de Leon had news that land in the region of the north had been discovered, he determined to go and make discoveries in those parts. Leaving the island of San Juan [Porto Rico], Thursday evening, March 3rd, he sailed from the port of Saint Germain. Sailing in the direction of the north-west, a quarter-wind north, they reached on Tuesday, March 8th, among the Babucca reefs, an island called Old Man's island, by 22" 30'. The day following, they came in sight of a Lucayan islet, called Caycos, and then another, called La Yagufia, by 24°. On the nth, they arrived at Amaguayo island, and stopped for repairs. Thence they went to the island called Manegua, by 24" 30'. On the 14th, they reached Guanahani, by 25° 40'. From that place they shaped their course to the north-west, and on Sunda)', 27th, which is the day of the commemoration of Resurrection, commonly called Flowery Easter, they came in sight of an island, but did not go ashore; and on Monday, 28th, they sailed fifteen leagues on the same tack. Wednesday [30th] they sailed in like manner, and also, afterwards with bad weather, W.-N.-W., until April 2nd ; the water becoming so shallow as to be only nine fathoms deep, one league from the shore, by 30° 8'. They continued coasting, looking for a harbour, and in the night approached the coast, with eight fathoms deep. Thinking that it was an island, they named it La Florida. They went ashore, and took possession [Sundaj', April 3rd ?]. Friday, 8th, they set sail in the same direction [northwardly ?], and Saturday [9th] they sailed southwardly, a quarter-wind south-east, continuing by the same rhumb until April 20th, when they landed." The account then represents Ponce de Leon as doubHng the southern cape, continuing the coasting among reefs and islets ; ranging the west Ponce de Leon. — First Voyage. 147 coast of the peninsula, without stating how far ; and finally, June 14th, deciding to return to .Porto Rico by the way of Hispaniola, but not before attempting to find Bimini. "July i8th, they found themselves again among the Lucayan reefs. July 2Sth, they sailed in search of Bimini ; and met Diego Miruelo, who, with a bark from Hispaniola, was exploring on his own accord. Saturday, August 6th, they set sail homeward ; but the ship commanded by Juan Perez de Ortubia, with Anton de Alaminos as pilot, sailed [to search after Bimini], September 17th. As to Ponce de Leon he came in sight of San Juan in twenty-one days." In the account of Herrera, we commence to find names only when Ponce de Leon, notwithstanding his north-eastern coasting of at least two degrees, had advanced considerably in his southern course ; and there are but six in all, viz. : Nombre de la Cruz. Gabo de Corrientes, by 28" 15'. The village of Abar'oa. The island of San Marta, by 27°. ,, Pola, by 26° 30'. The islets of Los Martires, by 26° 15'. Only the latter name is to be found in the maps of the sixteenth century, although the Maggiollo chart of 1527, which is the first one with names on the east coast of Florida, contains not less than nine designations facing the Atlantic. These cartographical facts show that the relation published by Herrera remained unknown until his day. It is a question with us whether we must take that account as it stands, or whether it does not betray the introduction of foreign elements of a later date. For instance, the latitudes given for every locality visited cannot have been copied from the original diary, however technical may be the statements. They were certainly borrowed from a map made fifteen years after the first voyage of Ponce de Leon to Florida. This we can show by a simple analysis. According to Herrera, the landfall (not the disembarkation) must have been by, at most, 27° north latitude. Their first landing, he says, was by 30° 8'. But before reaching it, and after first seeing land, on Sunday, March 27th, Ponce ranged the coast northwardly, a certain distance not stated. On Monday, 28th, he navigated fifteen leagues more : " quince leguas por la misma via." Tuesday, 29th, we do not know what distance 148 The Discovery of North America. he went over ; but Wednesday was like Monday : " Miercoles anduvieron de la misma manera;" which may be interpreted as yielding again fifteen leagues. He continued ranging the north-west coast until April 2nd, that is, for three days, when he reached 30° 8'. In other words. Ponce coasted due south of 30° 8' during seven days. If we ascribe an average of only ten leagues per day, Florida appeared to his view by about 27" north latitude. Now, the maps which represent the Bimini regions, and those which depict and name Florida for the first time, do not place any part of that country by such a low southern latitude. As to Bimini, we have only two maps. One of these is Peter Martyr's, above described. It gives no scales for latitudes ; but as the southern coast of its " Isla de Beimini " is on a line with " La Bermuda," and with an " estrecho " emerging from the eastern border of the map, in- tended for Gibraltar, if we take a map of the time, say Waldseemuller's {15 13), the southernmost point of Peter Martyr's Bimini is by 35°. The other map of that kind is Kunstmann No. IV., which is a Portuguese work of about the year 1519-1520. The apex of its " Tera Bimini " is by 35° — 36°. And it should be noted that this latitude is precisely the one which Nicolay de Canerio gives to the peninsula corres- ponding cartographically on all maps with Florida. As regards the charts which depict and name Florida, the two earliest are the Turin planisphere and the Havre Catalan atlas. The Turin planisphere ^° inscribes the Floridian peninsula, which is duly labelled " Isla Florida," between 30° and 37" of its own scale. The Havre atlas" places "La Florida" in a high latitude, which, however, the lack of scale prevents us from fixing in figures; but, judging from the relative position of the West India archipelago, it seems to be by about 30". In fact, it is only with the Sevlllan charts, constructed fifteen years after the Spanish explorations of Florida, that its apex is set forth by 25" (which is about the true latitude). This shows that the first geo- graphical conception of the countries situate to the north and north-west of the Antillies placed them in a relatively high ^^latitude ; and that, whether called " Bimini " or " Florida," they were not brought to the latitude of 25° before six or seven years after the first voyage of Ponce de Leon. "= Infra, in the Cartographia. " Infra, in the Cartographia. Ponce de Leon. — First Voyage. 149 On the other hand, that cartographical progress alone could permit Her- rera to locate his landfalls as he did. Under the circumstances, it is impossible to state exactly where the landings of Ponce de Leon were effected, and the subsequent itinerary given by that historian is thereby deprived of a sure basis. We now come to the date of the expedition. Herrera, like Oviedo, states explicitly, several times, that it was in the year 1512 : " Descu- briola Juan Ponce de Leon, Afio de I5i2."i2 If so, it is materially impossible that the landfall should have been on the 27th of March, which, he tells us, was Easter-day of that year: "Domingo a 27, que era Dia de Pascua de Resurreccion." In the year 1512, Easter-day happened Sunday, April nth. Oscar Peschel, who first noticed the contradiction, assumed that the landfall was not in 15 12, but in 15 13, as Easter-day occurred in the latter year on the 7th of March ; thus causing the various dates given in Herrera's account to agree. '3 Perhaps this interpretation is the correct one ; but, before accepting its consequences, we must call the attention of our readers to a document which, as it now stands, certainly leads to a different conclusion. After Ponce de Leon had accomplished his discovery, he petitioned Ferdinand of Aragon for leave to settle the country. This was granted to him, and we possess a document to that effect. It begins as follows : " El Rey. El asiento que se tomo por Nuestros mandado con vos Juan Ponce de Leon, para ir h poblar k la Isla de Beni'ny [sic] e la Isla Florida que vos descubristes por nuestro mandado:—!, the King. The agreement which was entered into by our command with you, Juan Ponce de Leon, to go and settle the island of Beniny, and the island of Florida, which you have discovered by our command . . . ." It is evident that when that document was written, Ponce de Leon had already accomplished the discovery of Florida. Now, what date does it bear ? " Fecha en Valladolid k veinte y seis de Setiembre de mil fe quinientos doce anos :— Done at Valladolid on the twenty-sixth day of September of the year one thousand five hundred and twelve."" The date is not in figures, but spelled out: "doce," and the head- ing of that document gives it again, in Arabic numbers : " 151 2." It " Herrera, Descripdon, p. 15. "' Coleccion de documentos ineditos de Indias, \o\. n Oscar Peschel, uU supra. XXII., p. 33. suh anno 1512. 150 The Discovery of North America. follows that, according to those letters patent, — the original of which is preserved in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, and has been pub- lished in the official Coleccion de documenios ineditos de Indias, — Florida had already been discovered by Ponce de Leon, September 26th, 1512. Not only is 151 2 the date which has been given by Oviedo, and by Herrera himself, but it is not contradicted by the few facts which have come to our knowledge. For instance, the privilege granted to Ponce de Leon to go in search of Bimini is dated February 23rd, 1512 : " Capitulacion con Juan Ponce de Leon sobre el descubrimiento de la Isla de Bininy. Burgos, a veinte y tres de Febrero de mil quini^ntos h doce aftos : — Agreement with Juan Ponce de Leon for the discovery of the island of Bininy. Burgos, on the twenty-third day of the month of February, in the year one thousand five hundred and twelve." " Ponce de Leon may have commenced preparing the expedition while expecting a favourable reply to his petition, as he had such influential friends at the Court, and belonged himself to one of the noblest houses of Spain. He may also have received the authorisation in time to sail from Porto Rico and accomplish the discovery of Florida on the nth of April, which is the date of Easter Sunday in the year 15 12. Nor is there any impossibility for the news of the successful issue reaching Spain in season to grant, on the 23rd of September of that year, the above-cited privilege solicited by Ponce de Leon, to settle the newly-discovered country. This would leave more than four months for the exploration of Florida. We advance those hypothetical deductions simply to show that the event may well have taken place in the year 1512, as reported by all historians. But as we have not before us the original of those documents; and more especially as our proposed interpretation necessarily involves the consequence that Herrera's account is a sheer fabrication, — a grave charge which, notwithstanding what precedes, we do not yet consider ourselves authorised to make, — the reader will have to examine our analysis and reasons only in the light of elements for further discussion. Upon the whole, the only important point in the present inquiry is that the expedition of Ponce de Leon was not a solitary or extem- poraneous effort, but an enterprise of which there had been similar ones before, and which were frequently repeated afterwards. In fact, whether the idea sprung from the hope of discovering marvellous regions, or ■5 Op. cit.. Vol. XXII., p. 26. Ponce de Leon. — First Voyage. 151 originated chiefly, as we think, with the purpose of slave-hunting, the historian of maritime discovery is constrained to believe that from a very early date the Spaniards visited the east coast of Florida. The rapid depopulation of the West India islands, and the necessity for obtaining slaves to work in the mines, must have prompted many such nefarious expeditions. Giving to Herrera the benefit of the doubt, and accepting for the time being the itinerary which he has ascribed to the first voyage of Ponce de Leon, the discovery then embraced only the southern portion of the east and a part of the west coast of the Floridian peninsula. But how far did he keep on - the northern tack ; can he even be said, if we follow Herrera, to have ranged at all the north-west coast ? The navigation on the west coast of Florida, as reported by that historian, is contained in these few lines : -' El Domingo, Dia de Pascua de Espiritu Santo, quince de Maio, corrieron por la Costa . . . hasta dos isleos blancos . . . pusieron por Nombre, los Martires : estan en veinte i seis Grados, i quince Minutos. Fueron navegando, vnas veces al Norte, i otras al Nordeste, hasta los veinte i tres de Maio, hasta a los veinte i quatro corrieron por la costa al Sur : — • On Sunday, Whitsuntide, May 15, they ranged the coast ... as far as two white islets, which they called The Martyrs, by 26° 15'. They sailed, sometimes on the northern, some- times on the north-eastern tack, until May 23 ; [andj until the 24th, they coasted towards the south." From that time they constantly sailed southwards until the expedition left the coast of Florida altogether. It follows that their north-western navigation absorbed only eight days. And as, from certain expressions, the sailing was impeded and irregular, they cannot have gone far towards the north. Now, we possess an official Spanish map, of the year 15 19, which implies on the part of Ponce de Leon, on that occasion, a sailing of five degrees north of the Martyrs' islands, and of two degrees of the west coast in longitude. That map, the original of which is preserved in the Archives of the Indies at Seville, '^ represents the entire Gulf of Mexico, beginning with a peninsula exhibiting the following legend : " La Florida, que decian Bimini que descubrio Juan Ponce :— Florida, said to be Bimini, which was discovered by Juan Ponce." '« Patronato, EstanU 1, Cajon 1, LegajoH ' 152 The Discovery of North America. Then the coast, at the most north-western point of the peninsula, assumes a curve running westwards. On that coast, which is the northern sea-board of the Gulf of Mexico, and after the Floridian peninsula has been entirely sketched out, we read : "Hasta aqui descubrio Juan Ponce :-As far as this, extends the discovery of Juan Ponce." The locality where we read that legend apparently corresponds on modern maps with our Apalachee Bay, and with the point where, in the Weimar maps, is inscribed the designation: " b. de Juhan ponce: — the bay of Juan Ponce," called by Oviedo '7 " Bahia de Johan Ponce de Leon," and said by that historian to be by 27° north latitude. Unfortunately the map is not dated, and, a priori, we can only say of it that the handicraft betrays the work of some Spanish cartographer of the first quarter of the sixteenth century. Such an opinion is not sufficiently precise. To prove of avail in the present inquiry, the map x must be shown to have been constructed before 1521,18 as Ponce de Leon returned to Florida in that year, and the attribution of a discovery by 27" north latitude could be said by hypercritics to have originated with data brought from his second expedition. But it can be proved that the map was made in 15 19. In the collection of copies made by Mufioz, there is a facsimile of the present map ; '9 to which he has added, as belonging to it, a tran- script of the letters patent granted to Francisco de Garay in 1521 ; taken, however, from a codex other than that which is reproduced in Navarrete's Collection, being less complete, and exhibiting verbal differences. In both texts of that document, we notice the following passage : " Los dichos navies hallaron cuarenta pueblos de una parte y de otra, y de todo lo que costearon e descubrieron los dichos pilotos, mirando muy bien la tierra, puerto i rios como por una figura que de nestra parte ante Nos fue traida por los pilotos que iban en la dicha armada parecia:— The said ships [of Garay, in the expedition of 15 19] found, in various places, forty villages ; and the entire coast discovered and ranged by the said pilots [the " buenos pilotos " on board the four ships of Garay], who surveyed carefully the land, ports, and rivers appears on a map brought to us, on your part, by the pilots 'of the said expedition." '7 OviEDO, Historia General de las Indias, lib. xxi., of the Goleccion de Viages of Navarrete • that is in cap. viii.. Vol. II., p. 144. connection with his publication of the letters patent of '8 See infra, chap, iv., an examination of the dates 1521, and as if the original had been found by him in- given by OviEDO and Herrera. serted in his codex, which was, when he copied it in the ■!> Munoz MSS., Vol. LXXVI., f- 246. There is a Archives of the Indias, in the first file of Descuhrimientos reduction of that map, facing p. 148 in the third volume en tierra firms, de 1500 d 1595. Ponce de Leon. — First Voyage. 153 Now, Mufioz, on the verso of his facsimile of the map, inscribes the following memorandum, which seems to have existed in the model : "Garay, 1519. Traga de la costa de tierra firme, i de las tierras nuevas : — Garay, 1519. Tracing of the continental coast, and of the new countries." Moreover, Mufioz' transcript of the letters patent of 1521, attached to the map, is entitled as follows : " Original Descripcion i poblaciones, 7 [sic. ?] juntamente con la figura o mapa que accompana : —Original description and populations [tribes ?], together with the delineation and map which accompanies the same." Nor should we forget to say that the map sets forth the entire Floridian peninsula, nearly as it appears in all subsequent charts of the Sevillan Hydrography ; and, so far as is known, for the first time. Those details force upon us the conviction that the map mentioned in the letters patent, and which was made by the pilots of Garay in the course of the expedition of 15 19, is the above-cited original map of the Archives of the Indies at Seville, and the one which Mufioz found at- tached to the said letters patent, and copied. 20 The immediate consequence to be drawn from the above analysis is that Ponce de Leon went further north-westward and westwardly in his first voyage to Florida, than the account of that expedition, as given by Herrera, would lead us to believe. The point reached then must have been by 30" north latitude and 70" west longitude, according to the above- described maps. =" These letters patent are duly labelled " Real cedula," affixed to that document, but to a sort of geographical which leads us to suppose that the map was not originally and ethnological memoir. CHAPTER III. THERE are now several minor expeditions which were not intended originally to explore Florida, but as they have ranged certain por- tions of its shores, landing even in several places during the years 15 17 and 1518,1 that is before the second voyage of Ponce de Leon, we must describe them, however insignificant may be the details which have reached us. The earliest allusions seem to refer to some point of the south-east coast of Florida. The reader has already seen, according to Herrera's account, Diego Miruelo engaged in a venture similar to that of Ponce de Leon, at the same time, but wholly independent. The latter had scarcely returned from his first voyage to Florida, when other Spaniards followed in his path, and abducted Indians from the main land. Ponce appealed to the Crown for redress, his rights being thereby infringed, and, in 1517, orders were sent to protect in his behalf "los indios de Bimini."^ It was in 1517 that Francisco Hernandez de Cordova landed in Florida, when on his voyage home, after having been repulsed by the Indians in Campeachy. The earliest historians who refer to that memorable expedition which initiated the series of efforts that culminated in the discovery and con- quest of Yucatan and Mexico,3 are Peter Martyr, 4 Oviedo.S Gomara,^ ■ According to Garcilasso DE LA Vega (La Florida venido i, su noticia que abian sacado los capitanes e navios del Inca, lib. i., chap, ii., p. 3) and Barcia (Ensayo e gente, que andavan por las islas de lucayos, los indios Chronologico, p. 2) Diego Miruelo in 1516 engaged in de la dicha isla de Bimini, la mayor parte dellos, los a trading expedition to Florida, from which he brought abian Uevado k la Isla Espanola. " Oedula dirigida d gold, &c. We have constantly neglected those two los padres Geronimos, sobre la reclamacion de J. P. de writers, particularly Barcia, as, in our opinion, they Leon, in Doc. inedit. de Indias, Vol. XI. , p. 295. are unreliable, and have not had access to original docu- 3 " £ aqueste fue el prinjipio de se descobrir la Nueva ments for that period. The statement seems to be de- Espaiia." — Oviedo, lib. xvii., cap. iv. , Vol. I., p. 498. rived from the mention of a Bahia de Miruelo made by ■* Anghiera, Enchiridion, i"- 69, a, Decad. IV., caps. Oviedo, Vol. I., p. 143, and which we are inclined to i., ii., pp. 287-292. -ascribe to Miruelo, the pilot of Pamphilo de Narvaez in ^ Oviedo, uhi supra. 1527, nephew of Diego Miruelo. ^ GoMARA, Historia de las Indias, cap. liii., chapter ' " No embargante le suso dicho [Ponce de Leon] abia Yucatan, page 185. BiMiNi AND Florida. 155 Las Casas,7 and Juan Cristobal Calvet de Estrella, or the anonymous author of De Rebus gestis Ferdinandi Cortesii,^ whoever he may be. They have all copied Peter Martyr almost literally, although the anonymous biographer of Cortez wa^ a critical historian who seems to have been in a position to consult certain original sources, and Oviedo appears to have obtained information direct from Anton de Alaminos, who was the chief pilot of Hernandez de Cordova on that occasion, while Las Casas9 was a personal friend of the latter, who even wrote to him on the subject. Now these five historians agree in representing the expedition as sailing straight back from the Mexican coast to Cuba, without mentioning Florida in any way : ." Se tornaron estos primeros descubridores de aquella tierra d la isla Fernandina, de donde avian salido." It is with Bernal Diaz that we find the first reference to Florida as having been visited by Hernandez de Cordova at that time ; but as he was an eye witness, his testimony is decisive. It may be condensed in his own words as follows : " Y luego alzamos anclas y dimos vela, siguiendo nuestro viaje para nos volver d la isla de Cuba. Parece ser el piloto Alaminos se concertd y aconsejo con los otros dos pilotos que desde aquel paraje donde estabamos atravesasemos k la Florida, porque hallaban por sus cartas y grados y alturas que estaria de alii obra de setenta leguas, y que des- pues, puestos en la Florida, dijeron que era mejor viaje i mas cercana navegacion para ir d la Habana que no la derrota por donde habiamos primero venido a descubrir ; y asi fu^ como el piloto dijo .... atravesando aquel golfo, en cuato dias que navegamos vimos la tierra de la misma Florida : — We then weighed anchor, and sailed to return to Cuba. But it seems that our pilot, Alaminos, decided with the other two pilots to sail straight from where we were to Florida, because, according to their maps, degrees, and altitudes, we found ourselves at a distance from Florida of only seventy leagues. They said that this would be a shorter and better route to go to Havana than the one which we had taken when first setting out on our voyage of discovery. We followed the advice of the pilot, and crossing the gulf, in four days of navigation we saw the land of Florida.'"" Diaz then relates in detail the landing and fight with the natives, who compelled the Spaniards to re-embark and leave hastily that inhos- pitable coast. It is in the description of the voyage homeward, that we ^ " Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, harto amigo '" Bernal Diaz, Verdadera Historia, caps. v. and vi.. mio."— Las Casas, Historia de las ludias, lib. iii., cap. pp. 5-6. It is that narrative which Herrera (Decad. xcvi. Vol. IV., p. 349. II-. lib. ii., caps, xvii-xviii., pp. 47-51) has copied almost 8 In Icazbalceta, Coleccion de documentos para la literally, and, as usual, without quoting his authorities. Historia de Mexico, Mexico and Paris, 1858, large 8vo, But the account of the Indians of Catoche,— with their Vol I D ^41 religious ceremonies, including the adoration of Christian 9 " Creo quel el Capitan quedo con treinta y tantas heri- crosses, which Oviedo disbelieved, although the assertion das, muy lastimado, segun el me lo escribid a mi, entre was made to him by Alaminos himself,— is taken from ostr'as cosas."— Las Casas, op. cit., pp. 361, 362. Peter Martyr, ubi supra. 156 The Discovery of North America. find one or two particulars enabling us to ascertain the part of Florida where the landing was effected : " Dimos vela para la Habana, y pasamos aquel dia y la noche, que hizo buen tiempo, junto de unas isletas que llaman los Martires, que son unos bajos que asi los llaman, los bajos de los Martires . . . mareabamos las velas y dabamos a la bomba, hasta que N. S. J. C. nos llevd \ Puerto de Carenas, donde ahora esta poblada la villa de la Habana, que en otro tiempo Puerto de Carenas se solia llaraar, y no Habana : — We set sail for Havana. On that day and following night we sailed with fair weather, coasting the islets called The Martyrs islands, on shoals called also The Martyrs' shoals . . . manoeuvring the sails and pumps, until, by the grace of our Lord Jesus Christ, we reached Puerto de Carenas, where now is the city of Havana, formerly called Puerto de Carenas, and not Havana'' It is evident from the above description that the landfall was on the west coast of the Floridian peninsula, scarcely higher than Cape Roman, by about 26° north latitude. In the order of dates, we should now mention the first voyage of Francisco de Garay, which ranged a part of the south coast of Florida ; but, as that expedition relates much more to the discovery of the north- west borders of the Gulf of Mexico, we leave it for awhile, so as to discuss the second and last voyage of Ponce de Leon. This investigation will prove useful, were it only to show how little is known relating to that unfortunate enterprise. Besides, our lack of information involves the important consequence that the early cartographical data which connect Ponce's name with the Floridian peninsula all refer, perhaps with a single exception, to his first voyage. The earliest historian who mentions those new efforts of Ponce de Leon is Oviedo. The beginning of his narrative is written so as to convey the impression that he possessed authentic details on the subject : " Volvid a armar con mas acuerdo y expensas, e provey6 e puso en orden giertos navios para entrar por la Tierra-Firme en la banda del Norte, en aquella costa e punta que entra en la mar ^ient leguas de longitud e ginquenta de latitud, poco mas 6 menos . . . eran dos gientos hombres € ginquenta caballos en los navios . . . € passd a aquella tierra por el mes de . . . del aiio de mill e quinientos i, veynte anos : — He recommended equip- ping with more care and at greater cost, and secured and fitted out several ships for the purpose of entering the continent northwards, by the coast and peninsula which projects into the sea 100 degrees of longitude and 50 degrees of latitude, more or less . . . There were aboard the said ships 200 men and 50 horses. The expedition went to that country in the month of ... of the year 1520."''^ " Diaz) Op. cit., cap. vi., p. 6. " Oviedo, lib. xxxvi., cap. i.. Vol. III., p. 622. BiMiNi AND Florida. 157 Oviedo then states that Ponce's intention was to plant a colony, and he enters into details concerning the catde and implements brought for the purpose. But he says : " El temple de la region era muy diferente e desconveniente k lo qudl llevaba imagi- nado, e los naturales de la tierra gente muy salvage e bellicosa h feroz . . . ni en elegion de aquellos frayles fe clerigos de que yba acompaiiado para el exergigio del culto divino fe service de la iglesia, aunque predicassen quanto quisiessen: — The temperature of the country was very unfavourable, and different from what he had imagined ; while the natives were extremely warlike and ferocious, and but little disposed to hearken to the monks and priests who had accompanied him to perform divine worship, as well as to advance the interest of the Church, although they preached much to them." Oviedo continues and concludes as follows : " Esta armada Uegd & aquella tierra et afio que esta dicho ; e luego el adelantado Johan Pon§e, cdmo se desembarc6, did como hombre proveydo, drden en que la gente de su armada descansasse ; 6 quanto le paresgio, movid con su gente y entro por la tierra y en una guagabara 6 batalla que ovo con los indios . . . Y en fin le desbarataron b mataron parte de los chripstianos ... y el salid herido de un flechago malamente, e acordd de se yr k la isla de Cuba para se curar . . . e llego al puerto de la Habana donde vivid poco : — That expedition reached the country in the year aforesaid ; and when the adelantado Ponce de Leon landed, he ordered, like a prudent man, that the men should rest awhile. He then advanced with them, and there was a fray or battle with the Indians. Finally the Christians were routed, and a number killed. Ponce came out of the fight badly wounded with an arrow . . . He decided to return to Cuba to be cured, and arrived in the port of Havana, where he did not live long." The date of 1520 is erroneous. We possess two letters written by Ponce de Leon, a week before he intended leaving Porto Rico for that expedition ; both are dated February 10, 1 52 1. The first of these is addressed to Charles V. After stating that he had discovered " la Ysla Florida," at his own cost. Ponce says that his intention is to plant there a colony and accomplish discoveries : " Tambien entiendo de descubrir mas, la costa de dicha Ysla e saber si confina con la tierra donde esta Diego Velazquez o con otra alguna . . . partire de aqui a cinco o seis (]ias : I also intend to discover further of the coast of the said island, and ascertain whether it confines on the land where Diego Velazquez now is, or on any other [country]. I shall start from this place in five or six days." '^ '3 Carta del adelantado Joan Ponce de Leon a Su a pohlarlas, i que dentro de cinco dia-i iba a ostros Marjestad dyciendole aher descubierto a su costa e myn- descubrymientos : por lo que pedia mercedes ; in the sion la Ida Florida e ostros en su comarca, que rolcia Documentos ineditos de Indian, Vol. XL., pp. 50-52. 158 The Discovery of North America. The other letter is directed to the Cardinal of Tortosa (Adrian) and in the same terms, with the addition, however, that the expedition was to be composed of two ships : " con dos navios.'' H Those two documents are dated : " Ysla de San Juan y cibdad de Puerto Rico, a diez dias de Hebrero de mil quynientos veinte y un anos : — Island of San Juan and city of Porto Rico, February 10, 1521." There was a third letter, addressed to Juan de Samano, the secretary of Charles V., which Herrera has seen, as well as the other two ; '5 but it is not to be found at this day. Finally, we have an official communication sent to His Majesty by the licentiate De la Gama, dated Porto Rico, February 15, 1521, and an- nouncing that Ponce de Leon would sail on the 20th following : " El Adelantado Joan Ponce de Leon parte desta Ysla a veinte deste mes, con otra Armada, a poblar a Ysla Florida a descubrir en sus comarcanas : — The Adelantado Juan Ponce de Leon starts from this island [Porto Rico] on the 20th of this month, with another expedition, to settle Florida and make discoveries in the adjoining country.'"" The reference to Diego Velazquez in Ponce's letter to Charles V. is curious, as Velazquez was the governor of Cuba, and never went to those continental countries. Ponce had doubtless in view the expedition of Pam- filo de Narvaez, which was sent to the coast of Mexico by Velazquez in March, 1520; but the unfortunate results of which can scarcely have been known in Porto Rico when Ponce wrote the above letters. Another fact to be noted is that he does not seem to be aware of the first expedition of Francisco de Garay and of its discoveries, which, as shown by the map of 1 5 19, connected the north-west coast of Florida with the entire sea-boards of the Gulf of Mexico. Yet he may have seen a chart which, like that at Turin, depicts the Isla Florida, and leaves a break of ten degrees of longitude before tracing the shores of the Gulf, which in the latter map begin only with the vicinity of the Rio del Espiritu Santo, or our Mississippi river. The next account is that of Gomara, who, with his usual inaccuracy, relates that the expedition was composed of three ships, equipped in Seville, whence Ponce de Leon sailing, about the year 15 15, went to Guadalupe, then to Boriquen, and finally to Florida, where he was killed by the Indians. '7 '■• Carta del adelantado Joan Ponee de Leon al Car- '5 Herrera, Decad. III., lib. i. , cap. xiv., p. 24. denal de Tortosa, pydiendo mercedes en atencion a sus '^ Coleccion de documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. largos servycios ; in the Coleccion dedocumentos ineditos, XL., p. 54. and same volume, page 47. '' Gomara, Jffist. de las Indias, cap. xlvi,, p. 181. BiMiNi AND Florida. 159 Las Casas, as we have shown, '8 is not better informed, considering that he places the second expedition of Ponce de Leon under the year 1512,19 and as having been fitted out in Santo Domingo: " vinose d esta isla y puerto de Sancto Domingo, donde se rehizo de gente y navios." The account of Oviedo involves contradictions when compared with the other narratives. The latter limits the action of Ponce de Leon to a mere landing, and re-embarkment soon afterwards. If so, the monks and priests who accompanied him cannot have had time to endeavour to evangelise the Indians, as Oviedo says. His mistake as to the date, and the fiUing-up of his narrative with generalities, lead us to think that he knew little concerning the second expedition of Ponce de Leon ; and it is not worth while for the critic to attempt to find in his narrative any elements to ascertain where the landfall was on that occasion. As to Herrera, he evidently follows Oviedo for his meagre details, adding, however, that Ponce de Leon was wounded in the thigh: "herido en vn muslo."2o We have endeavoured to find in other authors some data which could enable us to learn at least the duration of that unfortunate expedition. They are very scanty. Torquemada, who was in a position to obtain certain details through the accounts which the monks who accompanied the "conquistadors" sent to the principals of their order, contains the following phrase : " l.lego a esta sazon vn nauio i la Villa Rica, que digen era de Juan Ponce, que con dos auia ydo i. la Florida, y venia bien bastecido con poluora .... :^At that time there arrived at' Villa Rica [Vera Cruz] a ship, which was said to be one of the two that had gone to Florida with Juan Ponce. It was well supplied with gun powder. . . ."" Torquemada does not give a date, but his " esta sazon," refers to about the close of the siege of Mexico by Cortez. We find a similar statement in Bernal Diaz, but he says that the ship belonged to an expedition of Vazquez de Ayllon : " Tambien se nos habia acabado ya la polvora en todos tres reales, y en aquel instante habia venido A la Villa-Rica un navio que era de una armada de un licenciado Liicas Vazquez de Ayllon, que se perdi6 y desbarato en las islas de la Florida, y el navio aport6 & aquel puerto, y venian en ^1 ciertos soldados y polvora. ... We had exhausted our gun- '^ Supra, chapter!., pp. 136, 137. =" Torquemada, Mouarquia indiana, lib. iv., cap. ■9LAsCASAS,.ffis<.,lib. ii.,cap.xx.,Vol. III.,p.46i- xcviii., Vol. I., p. 614, of the edition of 1615, who "> Herrera, Descripcion, p. 15. probably took the statement from Herrera. i6o The Discovery of North America. powder in the three camps, but a ship had just arrived at Villa-Rica, a ship which belonged to an expedition of a licentiate [called] Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, which had been defeated and lost in the Florida islands. The ship brought to that part a number of soldiers, and gunpowder." ^ Diaz also places that event during the siege of Mexico, about two weeks before the taking of Guatemuz and of his lieutenants as prisoners, which occurred October 13, 1521. On the other hand, we will show that at the latter date, Ayllon had sent to Florida only one expedition. It was composed of two ships ; but if, as some believe, only one reached that port, as the other, according to the same authorities, foundered at sea with a cargo of Indian slaves, it certainly cannot be the vessel which landed at Vera Cruz. Diaz, therefore, has mistaken the two names. This interpretation is so much the more likely when we see how vague were his notions about Ponce de Leon, whom he sent to Florida so far back as 1505. The date, however approximate, given for the arrival of the ship at Vera Cruz compels the critic to place the defeat of the second expedition of Ponce de Leon somewhere in the middle of July, 1521. And, as he sailed from Porto Rico certainly on the 20th of February preceding, we feel authorised to consider the enterprise as having occupied about five months. This shows that the bold adventurer did more than sail out, land, fight, and immediately return to the West Indies. Else, it would make him spend from February 20th to about July 15th simply to go from Porto Rico to his landing place in Florida, whatever it may be. These deductions will perhaps aid us to surmise plausibly where he dis- embarked, and was routed on that occasion. To sum up ; the accounts and documents which have reached us concerning the second expedition of Ponce de Leon to Florida afford only this modicum of facts or positive inferences : Ponce de Leon fitted out in Porto Rico an expedition composed of two ships, carrying men and horses. The object was to plant a colony in Florida, and, at the same time, ascertain whether that country was an island, or a continental land connected with the Mexican regions just conquered by Cortes. It sailed from Porto Rico direct from Florida, February 20, 152 1, and effected a landing at some point on the coast of the peninsula ; but " Bernal Diaz, chapter civ., p. 193. BiMiNi AND Florida. i6r the Spaniards were assailed by the Indians, who killed many of them and wounded Ponce de Leon in the thigh with an arrow. The survivors were obliged to re-embark ; one of the ships going to Vera Cruz, while the other, with Ponce de Leon on board, sailed for Cuba, where he died from his wound, either in Havana or in Puerto Principe, soon afterwards. The expedition occupied, from the time it sailed out of Porto Rico to that of its return to the West Indies, at least five months. Now, where did Ponce de Leon in that voyage effect his first land- ing ; on the east or on the west coast, and if it be on the latter, at what point? Have we any means of answering those important questions? Do the scanty details which we have just summed up afford any clue, or permit deductions of a positive character ? Let us interrogate the few facts within our reach. Ponce de Leon says himself that he intended to ascertain whether Florida was joined with the lands which were then being explored or occupied by the order of Velazquez. That means the coast bordering on the Gulf of Mexico. Consequently, it was towards the western bor- der of the Floridian peninsula that Ponce de Leon directed his course, and where he must have first landed. The expedition had a two-fold object. One was, as we have just seen, exclusively geographical. The other consisted in colonising Florida. It is evident that the latter object must have been initiated before at- tempting the former ; as it would not be practical to undertake a voyage of discovery with the cumbersome implements, catde, men, &c., intended for planting a colony. We must therefore assume that Ponce de Leon's first preoccupation, when he found himself ranging the western coast of Florida, was to find an eligible spot, where he landed as soon as possible. Colonists, as well as live stock, could not be kept long on board in those days ; and the work was rendered still more difficult by there being fifty horses on deck, according to Oviedo. An important feature in the present discussion is the fact that the expedition lasted, at least, five months. Allowing three weeks for the voyage from Porto Rico to the apex of the Floridian peninsula, that is, from February 20th to March 15th, and assuming that after his repulse he sailed immediately homeward, — at the same time as the caravel which, landing at Vera Cruz at the end of July, must have left Florida about w i62 The Discovery of North America. the 15th of the latter month,23 — we have a space of four months spent on the western coast of Florida. Historians, therefore, are mistaken when they represent that enterprise as having consisted simply in a traject, a disembarkment, a fight, and a prompt return home. That being the case, we may advance a plausible hypothesis to ex- plain how those four months were employed. It is to this effect : Ponce de Leon landed, first in one place, — in Chatham Bay or in Charlotte Harbour, for instance, — then in another place, Tampa or Wakasasse perhaps, thinking on both occasions to have found the proper locality for a settlement. Being each time disappointed, he re-embarked and continued to range the coast northwards. It was probably during these temporary sojourns that the priests and monks, whom he had with him, endeavoured to evangelise the Indians, as Oviedo reports. We may then suppose that this coasting led the Spaniards to the mainland on the north-west of the Floridian peninsula, which Ponce de Leon had already visited, — as is shown by the map of Garay, — perhaps as far as the Baya de Juan Ponce, where it is not improbable that the great battle which resulted in his defeat was fought. This would explain in a measure the early presence of that designation, which is almost the only one to be found in the first cartographical delineations of Florida. °3 The arrival at Vera Cruz of one of Ponce de Leon's that vessel for sailing from Florida to Vera Cruz, and two ships, shows that his defeat on the coast of Florida less, if she came across the Gulf, — as Hernandez de Cor- can scarcely have occurred more than two weeks previous ; dova did in 151 7 — instead of ranging the coast. Seethe that is, about July 15th. We thus allow fifteen days to preceding chapter. CHAPTER IV. COEVAL with the expeditions which we have just discussed there is one embracing only a landfall in Florida, but which proved not less considerable by its consequences, since it resulted in the dis- covery and exploration of the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico. In this inquiry we must first examine the narrative of a contem- poraneous historian, Bartolom6 de las Casas ; not so much on account of its intrinsic merit as because it has been copied by Herrera, whose influence can be traced in all the writings which have since been intended to relate that important event of the history of maritime discovery. According to those two historians, the coasts of our States of Ala- bama, Louisiana, and Texas, were ranged for the first time, and the Mississippi River was discovered by a Spanish expedition led by Diego de Camargo, acting for Francisco *de Garay, in the year 1518. Here is the narrative of Las Casas : " Francisco de Garay . . . determind de enviar a un hidalgo, llamado Diego de Ca- margo, i descubrir e continuar el descubrimiento que Grijalva habia hecho, con uno 6 con dos navios ; el cual descubrio la provincia de Pdnuco, o, por mejor decir, comenzo de alli donde Grijalva se habia tornado, que {u6 desde Panuco, y anduvo navegando por la costa cien leguas hacia la Florida, y finalmente atribuy6 a su descubrimiento desde la provincia y rio de Panuco : — Francisco de Garay determined to send a gentleman, called Diego de Camargo, with one or two ships, to make discoveries and continue those of Grijalva . . . This gentleman discovered the province of Panuco, or, to speak more accurately, commenced where Grijalva had left off, which was from Panuco onward, and ranged the coast one hundred leagues, as far as Florida. Finally, he made his discovery start from the Panuco river." ^ Las Casas does not state a date for that expedition, but gives us to understand that it occurred in 15 18, which year is set forth explicitly by Gomara. It also appears from his statements that the sailing was from south to north, commencing at Panuco, ending in Florida, and under the command of Camargo. - Las Casas, lib. iii., cap. cxviii.. Vol. IV., p. 466. 164 The Discovery of North America. Those three assertions are erroneous. In the Real gedula authorising Francisco de Garay to colonise the province of Amichel, Charles V. (or the Regents acting in his absence), state that Garay equipped in the year 15 19, at his own cost, four vessels,2 which he sent to discover a western passage ; that they sighted Florida, and, not being able to advance in that direction, turned the prows west- wards, and coasted more than three hundred leagues, until they fell in with Fernand Cortes : 3 " El ano de quinientos diez y nueve vos armastes cuatro navios . . . y los embiastes para que fuesen d descubrir algund golfo h estrecho en la tierra firme . . . toparon la tierra Florida, y reconocida y vista quisiferonla costear para pasar adelante, fe no pudieron . . . fudles forzado volver costeando la tierra hkcia el poniente . . . et tanto andovieron hasta que toparon con Hernando Cortds." To that Statement is added that, in the course of the same voyage, they entered a river, very large and very full, where they remained forty days for repairs : " Entraron por un rio que hallaron muy grande y muy caudaloso . . . y estovieron en el mas de cuarenta dias los navios dando carena." The Emperor, and his representatives also say that, having well ex- plored the country, a map of the same was made and brought to him by the pilots of the expedition : " Mirando muy bien la tierra, puertos e rios corao por una figura que ante Nos fu^ traida por los pilotos que iban en la dicha armada." Finally, the Regents remark that the coast and country which were then discovered by Garay are called the Province of Amichel : " E la costa fe tierra que vos habeis asi descubierto se llama la provincia de Amichel." This language certainly excludes the notion of a previous expedition to, or discovery of that country by or for Garay; particularly in 15 18. As to the leader on that occasion, it was not Diego de Camargo ; and Las Casas mixes several voyages undertaken to those regions at the ' Bernal Diaz says that there were only " tres navios : edition, 8vo, pp. 13, 29, 47, and 51. three ships;" but adds that the expedition numbered 3 Real cedula dando facultad d Francixco de Garay two hundred and seventy men, with horses. Verdadera para pohlar la prouincia de Amichel, en la costa Jirme ^iston'rx, cap. Ix. p. 52. GoMARA, Historiade las Indias, que con navios armados por su cuenta para buscar un p. 182, and Coiiqiiista de Mejico, p. 325, also relates the estrecho hahia reconocido. Burgos a . . . dias de first adventures of Garay, but very erroneonsly. See also .... quinientos d veinte e un aRos. — Navarrete, Hernando Corte.s, Carta Sequnda, in Vedia's Madrid Vol. III., No. 45, p. 147. Garay's First Voyage. 165 cost of Francisco de Garay. As the Bishop of Chiapas is not the only historian who has erred in that respect, we will establish the chronology of Garay's similar enterprises, taking as a basis the narratives of Bernal Diaz, who was an eye-witness. He says : " Topamos en el camino a cuatro espanoles que venian i. tomar posesion en aquella tierra por Francisco de Garay, los cuales enviaba un capitan que estaba poblando de pocos dias habia en el rio de Panuco, que se llamaba Alonso Alvarez de Pineda 6 Pinedo . . . Pregunt61es Cortes por qu6 titulo . . . Respondieron los cuatros hombres que en el ano de 15 18, como habia fama en todas las islas de las tierras que descubrimos cuando lo de Fran- cisco Hernandez de Cordoba y Juan de Grijalva, y llevamos a Cuba los 20,000 pesos de oro a Diego Velasquez, que entonces tuvo relacion el Garay del piloto Alonso [sic pro Anton] de Alaminos y de otro piloto que habiamos traido con nosotros, que podia pedir a su ma- jestad desde el rio de San Pedro y San Pablo, y todo lo que descubriese; y por aquellas provisiones envi6 luego tres navios con hasta 270 soldados con bastimentos y caballos, con el capitan por mi nombrado, que se decia Alonso Alvarez Pineda o Pinedo : — We came across four Spaniards who had come to take possession of this country for Francisco de Garay, and were sent by a captain who, for the last few days, was engaged making a settle- ment on the Panuco river, and whose name was Alonso Alvarez de Pineda or Pinedo . . . Cortes asked them by what right . . . The four men repHed that in 15 18 the news circu- lated among all the [West India] islands, concerning the countries which we had discovered with the expeditions of Francisco Hernandez de Cordoba, and of Juan de Grijalva, and the 20,000 piastres in gold^ brought to Diego Velasquez. Garay was then informed by the pilot Alonso \i. e., Antonio] de Alaminos, and by another pilot whom we had brought with us, that he could solicit from His Majesty [the concession of] all that which he might discover from the San Pedro and San Pablo river northwards. And it was by virtue of such authorisation that he had sent three ships, with 270 soldiers, provisions, and horses, under [the command of] the captain I have mentioned, who was called Alonso Alvarez de Pineda or Pinedo." ° According to that account, the expedition was composed of three vessels, instead of four, as stated in the letters patent ; and Garay acted under leave previously obtained from Charles V. Bernal Diaz is positive on that point : " Y como el Garay tenia en la corte quien le favoreciese con el favor que esperaba, envid un mayordomo suyo que se decia Torralva," & lo negociar, y trujo provisiones para que fuese adelantado y gobernador desde el rio de San Pedro y San Pablo y todo lo que * It is the gold, of which Pedro de Alvarado brought ^ Oviedo, in giving similar details adds the name in |i6,ooo, and Juan DE Grijalva $21,000, in the autumn full of that agent, viz. : Johan Lopez de Torralva; of 1518. Bernal DiAZ, caps, xiv., xv. and xvi., p. 14. lib. xviii., cap. i., Vol. I., p. 582. He also remarks that 5 Bernal Diaz, caps. lix. and Ix. It is this account Francisco de Garay was married to a relative of Diego which has been copied or abridged by Herrera, Decad. Columbus, — of his wife Dona Maria de Toledo, we II., lib. vi., cap. i., p. I35- should say. 1 66 The Discovery of North America. descubriese : — And as Garay had at Court friends who could obtain for him what he wished, he sent his majordomo, called Torralva, to negotiate and obtain the office of Adelantado and Governor of [the country extending] from the San Pedro and San Pablo river to all which he might discover beyond."' Diaz here is mistaken. The authorisation by virtue of which Garay undertook his first expedition was granted to him by the Priors of the Order of the Hieronymites, who governed the Indies : " con licencia de los RR. PP. Priores de la orden de S. Ger6nimo, nuestros gobernadores que fueron de las Indias." ^ For the date of the above-described event, Diaz' narrative allows us only to say that it occurred between July 6th and the end of August, 1 5 19.9 Cortes, who relates the same facts (without giving the name of the captain), enables us, however, to fix a more precise date, viz.: eight or ten days after the i6th of August, 1519,'° that is, the last week in that month. We now have the second expedition of Garay, which is related by Diaz, as follows : " Vinieron cartas a Cortds como habia aportado un navio de los que el Francisco de Garay, habia enviado d. poblar a Panuco, e que venia por capitan uno que se decia Fulano Camargo, y que habian dicho que otro capitan que el Garay habia enviado d poblar a Panuco, que se decia Fulano Alvarez Pinedo, que los indios del Panuco lo habian muerto . . . y que este Camargo, viendo el mas suceso, se embarc6 . . . y se vino a socorrer i. aquel puerto . . . y mas dijeron, que el capitan Camargo habia sido fraile dominico : — ■ Letters were received by Cortes informing him that one of the vessels sent by Garay to colonise Panuco had arrived in port [of Segura de la Frontera], and that it was commanded by one Camargo ; that the other captain sent by Garay to colonise Panuco, called Alvarez Pinedo, had been killed by the Indians ; and that Camargo, seeing the ill success [of the expedition], had re-embarked, to seek relief in this port. It was also said that Camargo had been a Dominican friar." " Further on, Diaz adds : " Ya he dicho otras veces que los indios de Panuco . . . mataron el capitan Pineda y a todos los soldados y caballos que tenia, excepto obra de sesenta soldados que vinieron 7 Bernal Diaz, ubi supra. It follows that Garay had to send to Spain for the authorisa- ^ Navarrete, above quoted. The Hieronymite gover- tion mentioned in the patent. nors at that time were friars Luis de Figueroa, Alonso 9 Bernal Diaz, Historia Verdadera, caps. Ivi and Ixi. DE Santo Domingo, and Bernardino de Manzanedo. Anghiera, Decad. V. cap. i.,p.327, says only "mdxix," But strange as it may seem, they did not reside in the without mentioning the month. West Indies : " Their actual residence was the monastery ■■> Cortes, Serjunda carta de relacion, Oct. 30, 1520 ; of La Mejorada, situated two leagues from Medina del Gayangos edit. p. 54. We find the same account in Campo [in Spain] :— Los cuales religiosos solian estar y Ovibdo, lib. xxxiii., cap. iii., Vol. IIL, p. 262, but residir en el monasterio de la Mejorada, que es dos leguas taken literally from Cortes. de Medina del Campo."— Bernal Diaz, cap. Iv., p. 48. " Bernal Diaz, chapter cxxxiii., page 144. Garay's First Voyage. 167 al puerto de la Villa-Rica con un navio, y por capitan dellos un Camargo : — I have already said that the Indians of Panuco killed Captain Pineda and all his men and horses, except seventy soldiers, who came to the port of Villa Rica [de la Vera CruzJ in a ship under the command of one Camargo." ^^ Diaz does not give the date of this occurrence ; placing only the event after the death of Montezuma, which happened June 30, 1520.^3 On the other hand, as it is evidently the incident related by Cortes in his letter to Charles V. of October 30, 1520,14 the arrival of Camargo must be placed between those two dates. But considering that this and the other expeditions of Francisco de Garay sailed straight from Jamaica to Panuco, '5 we need not expatiate on them, for they belong to the his- tory of Mexico, and not to that of North America. What must be noted, however, is the fact that Pinedo conducted the first and second expedi- tions, while Camargo figured only in the latter ; consequently, to Alonso Alvarez Pinedo alone belongs the merit of having discovered and ranged, before any other Spanish captain, the shores of the Gulf of Mexico which now form part of the United States. But there is another question quite as interesting. How was the exploration accomplished, from north to south, or from south to north ; and did Pinedo in 15 19 range the Gulf shore once or twice? There is a divergence on that point between the wording of the patent of 1521, and Garay's sworn declarations in 1523. The description of the voyage of 15 19, in the letters patent, is as follows : "Anduvierbn ocho 6 nueve meses . . . entre otra tierra baja esteril que descubrieron toparon la tierra FJorida . • . y reconocida y vista quisieron la costear para pasar adelante, € no pudieron, porque le salia la tierra por la proas en derecho donde nace el sol, y por esto y por el viento que les fud siempre contrario, y por la mucha corriente que ansi mismo hallaron, fueles forzado volver costeando la tierra hacia el poniente, por la cual costa fueron muy bien mirando la tierra, puertos, & rios € gente della, i. todo lo demas que se debia miror, € tanto andovieron hasta que toparon con Hernando Cortds e los espanoles que con "= Bernal Diaz, chapter clxii., p. 212. posed, not of thirteen, but of eleven ships: " Honce '3 Clavigebo, Storia de Messico, Vol. III., p. 131. navios seiscientos hombres" (Documentos ineditos, Vol. « " Supe c6mo al puerto de Vera Cruz habia Uegado XXXVIII. , p. 500), with one Diego Morillo {sic pro una caravela pequena con hasta treinta hombres de mar Diego Miruelo ?) as pilot-major, it did not sail from y tierra, que Aiz que venia en busca de la gente que Fran- Jamaica until June 24, 1523, and the most northern point Cisco de Garay habia enviado a esta tierra . . . ."—Carta of the continent reached on that occasion was the Rio de segunda, p. 51 of Vedia's edition. Palmas, from which he went immediately to the river and ■5 TORQUEMADA, Moiiarquia Indiana, lib. iv., cap. city of Panuco, just founded by Cortes. He died in the Ixxix. Vol. I., p. 570. As to the last expedition, which, city of Mexico, apparently from pneumonia, during this time, Garay commanded in person, and was com- Christmas week following. Diaz, op. cit. , cap. clxii. 1 68 The Discovery of North America. el estaban en la misma costa, e llegados alli amojonaron el t^rmino hasta donde habian descubierto, h en todo lo que descubrieron e costearon, que fueron mas de tres cientas leguas, se tomo posesion en nuestro nombre, 6 fecho todo esto, se tornaron con los dichos navies hacias otras, y entraron por un rio que hallaron muy grande y muy caudaloso, a la entrada del cual diz que hallaron un grande pueblo, y estovieron en el mas de cuarenta dias los navies dando carena, y la gente de la tierra muy pacifica con los espanoles que en la dicha armada iban, tratando con ellos y dandoles de lo que tenian en tdrmino de seis leguas que entraron por el dicho rio arriba. Los dichos navios hallaron cuarenta pueblos de una parte y de otra : — They sailed eight or nine months .... Among other lands low and barren which they discovered, they came across the country of Florida found by Ponce de Leon ; and having sighted and noticed the same, endeavoured to range it, so as to advance further. But they were unable to do so, on account of the land which barred the way in extending eastward ly. For that reason, and owing to constant head winds and strong currents, they were compelled to alter the course of the ships, and followed the coast towards the west, examining carefully the country, harbours, rivers, inhabitants, and all that which deserved to be noted on the said coast. They thus continued sailing until they met with Fernand Cortes and the Spaniards who were in the same locality. When there, they marked the limit of the country which they had discovered ; and wherever they made discoveries and coasted, which extended over more than three hundred leagues, they took possession in our name. They then turned back with the said ships, and entered a river which was found to be very large and very deep, at the mouth of which they say they found an extensive town, where they remained forty days and careened their vessels. The natives treated our men in a friendly manner, trading with them, and giving what they possessed. The Spaniards ascended a distance of six leagues up the river, and saw on its banks, right and left, forty villages.""' Strictly speaking, the sense of that description is that Garay's Heu- tenant struck the coast of Florida. In endeavouring to proceed he was impeded by a coast line which trended eastwardly, and driven away by head winds and currents. Consequently, he changed the course of his four ships, and crossed the Gulf of Mexico due west. He then coasted westward and south-westward, until he fell in with Cortes in the Mexican region. Returning home, he followed the coasts of Texas and Louisiana as far as one of the passes of the Mississippi river, which he ascended for several leagues. Thence he sailed back to Jamaica. A document of the Archives of the Indies contradicts in a measure that statement. It is the sworn testimony of Francisco de Garay con- cerning the discoveries accomplished by his orders at that time, for his own benefit and at his own cost. It is as follows : " Parescio Francisco de Garay . . . con licencia de S. M. e a su propria costa, imbio con quatro navios a descobrir tierras nuevas en su Real Servicio, las quales fueron falladas ■' Navarrete, ubi supra. Garay's First Voyage. 169 e descobiertas por gracia de Dios Nuestro Seiior, que lo encamino, non tocando a Tierra ni en parte alguna que otra persona obiese fallado nin descobiorto en ningund tiempo, que fu^ dendel Rio del Espiritu Santo, e aun raucha parte de tierra mas abaxo hacia el Norte, hacia el rio que discen de San Pedro e San Pablo, donde llegaron los navios :— Francisco de Garay appeared and said that with the authorisation of His Majesty, and at his own cost, he sent four ships to discover new countries for the service of the Crown ; which were found and discovered by the grace of God our Lord, who showed the way. Nor was a landing effected in any land or part already found or disclosed by any one else at any time. This was from the Rio del Espiritu Santo over a great extent of country, further below in the direction of the north \sic pro south] towards the river called San Pedro e San Pablo, where the ships arrived . . . .'"'' The Rio del Espiritu Santo is our Mississippi. As to the Rio San Pedro e San Pablo, it is the Sant Pedro of the Cortes map, 18 the 5. p"- y S. pa"- of Ribero, 19 and the Rio de Sand Pedro y Sanct Pablo of Oviedo,2o which they all locate south even of Tampico. That is, ac- cording to Garay, his men discovered and coasted, in 15 19, from the Mississippi southward to within fifty miles of the city of Vera Cruz. There is, therefore, an important difference between Garay's statement and our understanding of the description set forth in the letters patent. If we follow Garay, his lieutenant's discoveries were accomplished in navi- gating from north to south ; whilst the tenor of the patent is that the Gulf shore, at least from Texas to the Mississippi, was discovered and ranged only on the homeward voyage. Let us add, in support of the latter interpretation, that the primary intention, as prompted by the advice of Alaminos, was precisely such a course : " desde el rio de San Pedro y San Pablo : — from the river of San Pedro and San Pablo," necessarily northwards, as no discoveries could be or were attempted south of that point. It is likewise the opinion of Las Casas, who may have known the letters patent, but cannot have read the Historia Verdadera of Bernal Diaz, which was written only in 1568, and published .seventy years after- wards for the first time. Now, we still possess the map ("figura") referred to by the Regents, and which Garay sent to them soon after his discovery, in 15 19-1520, when he petitioned the Crown for the privilege of settling the countries, ■' The declaration was made in the course of a judicial No. 125, and infra. Part Second, in the Cartogra/phia, inquiry, August 22 (1523?). — Coleccion de doc. inedit. under the year 1524. de Indicts, Vol. XXVIII., p. 500. "' Weimar map of 1529, by about 20° north latitude. '° That succinct but highly important map is to be ^° Oviedo, Historia General, lib. xxi., cap. viii.. Vol. found on the same leaf with the plan of Mexico in the II., p. 142, seems to follow here the map of Chaves, Latin Cortes of 1524; Bibliotheca Americana Vetust., and places that river 50 leagues north of Vera Cruz. X 170 The Discovery of North America. which had been discovered by his Heutenants. It is the map, or "trafa," which we have already mentioned when discussing the itinerary of Ponce de Leon on his first voyage to Florida. 21 That document shows clearly the extent of Garay's discoveries in 1519. The point where, on that map, we read the legend : " Desde aqui comenzo a descubrir Francisco Garay : — From here, Francisco Garay com- menced discovering," is east of the Rio del E spirit u santo, or Mississippi. The locality corresponds, graphically, with the vicinity of our Appalachi- ■cola.22 The line of discoveries is thence made to follow the sea-board along the north and north-west coasts of the Gulf of Mexico, crossing the Delta, and descending southwards as far, at least, as the Tampico region. The word "comenzo" certainly contradicts the description in the patent; else, we should read there "hasta aqui." There remains to be ascertained the time within which the expedition of 1 5 19 was carried out. On behalf of Diego Velasquez, Juan Carrillo, the Fiscal, appeared at Santo Domingo before Rodrigo de Figueroa, the Chief Justice of Hispa- niola, and preferred charges against Fernand Cortes ; one of which was as follows : " E el dicho Capitan Hernando Cortes xuntado consigo la dicha xente por fuerza por se facer mas fuerte . . . como otra muncha xente de otra armada que abia fecho Francisco ■de Garay, Teniente e Alcalde por V. A. de la Ysla de Xamaica, ymbio los navios de la dicha armada que abia hecho el dicho Francisco de Garay, sin xente :— And the said Captain Fer- nand Cortes, so as to increase his troop, enlisted the said men by force ; and has acted in the same manner with a great number of men belonging to an expedition sent by Francisco de Garay, the lieutenant of Your Majesty in, and Alcalde of the island of Jamaica. And he sent back the ships of the expedition of the said Francisco de Garay without the men."^ Now, what is the date of that document ? " Sabado veinte e quatro del mes de Dyciembre de mill e quynientos e diez e nueve anos : — Saturday, December 24th, 15 19." It follows that at the latter date the ships of Garay had returned home. And, as the letters patent state that the expedition lasted "eight "Supra, p. 151; and infra, in the Cartotjmphia, 32° longitude, which when transferred to modern charts under the year 1519. give the north-western coast of Florida. '^ As Garay's msfi sets forth neither latitudinal nor "^ " Testymonio de una Ynforrnacion fecha en Sancto longitudinal lines or scales, we cannot fix the degree. Domingo a yntanciaa del Fiscal de aquella Ahydencia, quez But the Weimar chart of 1527, which evidently borrowed sohre aher formado una armada Diego Velaaqu its delineation of the Gulf of Mexico from Garay's, in- In the Coleccion de documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. scribes: "desde aqui descobrio fr. de garay," by about XXXV. (1880), p. 7. Garay's First Voyage. 171 or nine months : — ^anduvieron ocho 6 nueve meses," the little fleet must have sailed out from Jamaica in April or March preceding. On the other hand, the first part of the voyage terminated when Garay's ships fell in with Cortes at Segura de la Frontera, which we know from the latter's Carta was during the last week in August. Allowing one month to go from Jamaica to the Floridian peninsula, the expedition ranged the con- tinental coast during about three-and-a-half months before reaching the Panuco river. Supposing now that they remained two weeks on the Mexican coast before sailing back home, they would have had from September 15th until the middle of December for the homeward voyage. This leaves ample time for the ranging and exploration of the coast north of Panuco. Unfortunately, Carrillo does not tell us how much earlier than the 24th of December Garay's ships returned to Porto Rico. If it was a couple of months, — which is not impossible, as we can readily understand how, after the ill success of the enterprise and the action of Cortes, Garay's lieutenants should have thought more of returning home than of making discoveries, — then there is not sufficient time left for such a laborious ex- ploration, which, as we have seen, includes a stay for repairs of forty days in the Mississippi river. On the other hand, Pinedo may have sent one of his ships direct from the Mexican coast to Porto Rico, in Sep- tember, to inform Garay of those untoward events, and, with the other vessels, set out ranging the coast northwards, thus accomplishing in detail the discovery as far as the west coast of Florida. But there is still another element of discussion. Peter Martyr, writing from Barcelona, December i, 1519, to "The Marqueses," that is, Lopez Hurtado de Mendoza and Pedro Fagiardo, says that : " Garay contemplates seeking after neighbouring islands ; and with such intent he has equipped ships at his own cost: — cogitat Garaius alias quserere vicinas insulas, ad id naves instruxit sua impensa. — Calendas Decembris, mdxix."^* We are unable to say whether Peter Martyr, in giving that piece of news alludes to Garay's first expedition, in which case he would be nearly a year behind time, or whether he refers to the second expec^ition, which sailed from Porto Rico early in 1520. If it be the latter supposition which is correct, for Peter Martyr to know anything on the subject so early as -■' Anghiera, Epistola dcxlix., p. 357. 172 The Discovery of North America. the I St of December the news must have been sent from Porto Rico about October 15th, and, consequently, Pinedo would have already reached home at the latter date. -5 Counting back "eight or nine months," we have February or January 15th for the time of his departure from Porto Rico for the Gulf, in 15 19; leaving, at most, five or six weeks only for the homeward voyage in September. These figures preclude the possibility of an exploration of the northern borders of the Gulf of Mexico during the latter period, as it required a stay of six weeks in the Mississippi river. If so, we have here positive proofs that the discovery was accom- plished by Pinedo when going, and not when returning. Unfortunately, Peter Martyr's dates are not always to be trusted. The reader will see at a glance what complicated hypothesis must be resorted to before the critic can hope to elucidate those data, and present a plausible account of the discovery which was actually accomplished by the lieutenant of Francisco de Garay in 15 19. In our turn, we cannot escape the necessity of attempting to harmonize the facts and inferences, much as conjectures and suppositions are averse to our method of study. We will first consider that the descriptions set forth in the letters patent, in the judicial declarations of Garay, and in the narratives of Las Casas and Bernal Diaz, are devoid of technical pretensions. They must only be viewed as incidental and colloquial, with no other purport than to convey a general notion. On the other hand, we propose to attach paramount importance to the map of Garay's pilots ; and, in that map, to a single legend, viz. : '■'■ Desde aqui conienzo a descuhrir Francisco Garay : — From here, did Garay commence discovering." Our theory, then, is as follows : Garay sent his caravels to accomplish discoveries north of the country occupied by Cortes. They sailed from Jamaica in February or March, 1 5 19, and directed their course, not north by the Windward Passage, but west, passing between Yucatan and the western coast of Cuba. Bearing =5 Strange to say, in the days of Oviedo it required no habemos de juzgar lo que raras veces se hace, sine lo more time to return from than to go to the New World : que es mas ordinario : — The return voyage requires more " La vuelta desde aquellas partes k estas sueles ser de time, fifty days more or less. Vet in the present year algo mas tiempo, asi como hasta cincuenta dias, poco mas 1525, four ships came from Santo Domingo to Sant Lucar 6 menos. No obstante lo cual, en este presente ano de in twenty-five days ; but, as we say, we must not judge 1525 han venido cuatro naos desde Santo Domingo h. by rare, but by common occurrences." — Oviedo Suma- Sant Lucar en veinte y cinco dias ; pero como dicho es, rio, cap. i., p. 473. Garay's First Voyage. 173 towards the north-east, they sighted the apex of the Floridian peninsula, which they approached from the south-west. It was then that, in en- deavouring to proceed further, the land was seen to stretch due east : " Salia la tierra por las proas derecho donde nace el sol." Now, why they steered north-east, instead of north-west or due north when passing out of the Caribbean sea, is more than we can tell. Impeded by this unexpected obstacle, — which shows their ignorance of the geography of Florida, notwithstanding the exploration of Ponce de Leon,^ — and driven away by headwinds and currents, they sailed across the Gulf of Mexico, not due west, but almost due north, landing on the northern shore, near Appalachee bay, in March or early in April, 15 19. And as the critic must account for the long time which elapsed between that landfall and the meeting with Cortes on the Mexican coast at the end of August, — a lapse of four or five months, — we suppose that the navigation west of Florida was extremely arduous, requiring finally the ships to be careened in the first favourable place, which in this instance was the Mississippi river. It is likewise probable that the coasting from Appalachee to Panuco was attended with great difficulty, perhaps in the attempt to find the famous western passage : " fuesen a descubrir algund golfo 6 estrecho en la tierra firme," according to their instructions. We also surmise that, soon after the troubles with Cortes, early in September, the ships, carrying just men enough to man them, returned home. Did they then resume the coasting, but, this time, northwards, rounding the entire north-western shores of the Gulf, passing between the Florida Reef and Cuba.? Or did they, on the contrary, sail direct across the Gulf to the north coast of Cuba, touching first at Havana to report to Diego Velasquez, and finally reaching Porto Rico by way of the Wind- ward passage, early in October or November .? In the present state of the question, it is impossible to tell. We incline, however, to the latter interpretation, which involves the consequence that Alonzo de Pinedo dis- covered the coasts of Alabama and the Mississippi river in March or April, and the shores of Louisiana and Texas in June and July, 15 19. Chronological requirements compel us now to leave, in this series of maritime efforts, a break of more than fifteen degrees of latitude, to relate certain Portuguese explorations, heretofore almost unnoticed. BOOK SEVENTH. €?e {pottu^utBt in Qtopa ^cotia* 1 52 I AND BEFORE. CHAPTER I. THE sad fate of Caspar and Miguel Corte-Real did not deter the Portuguese from returning to the northern regions of the New World. On the contrary, thenceforth, Newfoundland was consi- dered as forming part of the trans-oceanic dominions of Portugal, and frequented by numerous Lusitanian vessels, which, in all probability, paid a royalty to the Corte-Real family. The privileges granted, in 1500 to Caspar Corte-Real, and in 1502 to Miguel, were re-confirmed on behalf of the descendants of their eldest brother Vasqueanes in 1506, 1522, 1538, 1574, 1579,^ and, in fact, until Philip II. achieved the conquest of that kingdom. There would have been no necessity for renewing so frequently those letters patent if they had not been a source of profit. On the other hand, we possess a royal ordinance showing that the Crown, so early as October 14, 1506, already levied a tax on cod-fish brought from Newfoundland. 2 It does not follow, however, that, as a rule, Portuguese colonies were planted in North America, although at a later period attempts to colonise, first Nova Scotia, then Newfoundland, were actually made, in 1521 by Joam Alvarez Fagundes, and in 1567 by Manoel Corte-Real, a lineal descendant of Caspar's eldest brother. The appearance is that, generally, Portugal did not exercise her sovereignty otherwise than by establishing fisheries and temporary stations for .salting cod and salmon. At all events, ■ Lea Corte-Real et leurs voyages auNouveati- Monde, original manuscript by C. BoTELHO DE Lacerda Lobo, docs, xxiii., xxix., xxxi., xxxvii., xxxix. in the Memorias Economicas da Academia das Sciencias " Alvara dirigido a Diogo Brandao, cited from the de Lishoa, Vol. VIII., p. 338. The Portuguese in Nova Scotia. 175 no authentic traces of such settlements have yet been found there, and no historian mentions Portuguese colonies in that region. The English in 1501,3 1502,4 1503,5 1504,6 and 1505 ;7 the Bretons at an early period, ^ and the Normands frequently, although we can only fix the dates of 1509,9 1524,"° and 1527,11 sent fishing expeditions to Newfoundland. This implies numerous landing places and stations, which must have been named and figured on maps. Yet, the entire nomen- clature for the east coast of the island in charts made during the first half of the sixteenth century, whether in Portugal, Spain, France, or Italy, is exclusively Portuguese ; a fact which shows the paramount action of the followers of Caspar Corte-Real in Newfoundland. With the exception of the letters patent already mentioned, two or three documents only, concerning Terra Nova, have been found thus far in the Torre do Tombo. As they belong to a later date, we will examine them at the end of the present chapter. Meanwhile, it is incumbent on us to see whether there are not some other data enabling the historians of geography to establish a chronology of the discoveries made by the Portuguese in Newfoundland and the North American continent. The earliest maps may be examined to that effect, but without hoping to obtain positive results. The reader should bear in mind that we have scarcely any original charts of the fifteenth or sixteenth century. What our collections can show are maps made then unquestionably, but from other maps, which themselves may have been mere copies. This un- toward fact is demonstrated by the number of meaningless designations which mar every cartographical document of that time. Whether they are the work of Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, or French cartographers, or even pilots, the new regions exhibit names that are plainly corruptions of words which belonged originally to one of the Latin languages, and must have been Intelligible on the prototypes. The ignorance or care- lessness of copyists to whom the work was entrusted, it does not matter where or by whom, is the principal cause of geographical errors and enigmas, which the critic cannot ever hope to solve entirely. 3 Letters patent granted March I2th, 1501, to Warde, « Ibidtm, p. 131, also by implication. Ashehurst and others, Excerpta Historica, p. 126, and ? Ibidem, p. 133, as a consequence. BiDDLE, Memoir of Cabot, pp. 222, 312-320. ^ See infra, chapter ii. of the present Book VII. * Letters patent granted to Ashehurst, Gonzales etals., 9 EUSEBIUS, Chronicon, Paris, 1512, 410, f'- 172; Rymer, Foedera, Vol. V., pars, iv., p. 186; Hakluyt, B. A. V., Addit., p. 57. Principall Navigations, Vol. I., p. 219; and Excerpta "J. S. Brewer, Calendar, Henry VIII., Vol. III., Historica, p. 129. P"t i-. P- 33, No. 86. 5 Excerpta Historica, pp. 126, 130, by implication. " Ibidem, No. 3731 ; Jean et Sebastiea Cabot, p. 292. 176 The Discovery of North America. Another drawback is due to the unavoidable circumstance that a great deal depended on the model, which may have been more succinct than another. Then the absence of certain names can also be ascribed to voluntary omissions, rather than to discoveries not yet accomplished at the time when the map was being designed. We will, nevertheless, in- terrogate that class of document which, however approximate, is a resource not to be neglected. As Dr. Asher justly remarks, " The Portuguese, after the time of the Corte- Reals, continued their surveys of the northern coast, most likely for no other purpose than to discover advantageous fisheries. They seem to have advanced slowly, step by step . . . with the ancient maps, we can trace their progress." '^ It is this progress which we will attempt to show by means of the configurations and no- menclatures ascribed to Newfoundland, chiefly by the earliest Portuguese cartographers. The first map known on which is named a point of the coast of Newfoundland is the King chart, '3 drawn about the years 1 502-1 503. Unfortunately, although the coast line in that chart is represented as run- ning north-easterly to its 65° latitude (which, of course, is a great deal too far north), only one name is given ; but it is the typical Capo raso, placed, relatively, where it should be, and where modern maps still main- tain it, viz.: at the south-eastern extremity of the island. We then find another anonymous chart, which is preserved in the archives of the Bavarian army at Munich. Kunstmann, who first made it known, 14 fixes its date in the year 1504 or 1505. PescheDS ascribes to it that of 1502 or 1503. Without attempting to explain the meaning, or to correct the orthography of those names, we give them as they occur in that chart, beginning at the north : Baxos do medo,'^^ by 55°. '7 Ilha emcorporada,^^ by 53° 50'. Ilha de frey luis,'^^ by 52° 50. "G. M. Asher; Hmry Hudson, the Navigator, "reefs." It is an hydrographical term applied to small London, i860 ; 8vo, Introd., p. xcvi. sand banks, or to reefs covered by water. ■3 See supra, our facsimile of the King chart. •? Those latitudes are taken from the scale which runs « Die Entdeckung America's, p. 129. Kunstmann through the map, and occupies a position nearly corres- is of opinion that it was designed by the same carlo- ponding with the line of demarcation as fixed by the grapher who signed thus another map: " Salvat de Treaty of Tordesillas. Pilestrina en Mallorques en lay MDXI." 'S j;;j„ emcorSoroda,— Crooked island ? '5 Oeschichte des Zeitalters, p. 331. "3 The Island of Father Luis. Kohl is of opinion that ■^ Baxos or haixos do medio, viz. : the central or middle Cape Freels is an English corruption aud contraction of reefs. The word Baxos or Baixos, so often inscribed on the Portuguese words : Ilha do frey luis. If so, it must Portuguese and Spanish maps, does not mean precisely be located by about 49° 15'. The Portuguese in Nova Scotia. 177 Rio de rosa,'^° by 52°. Caho de san antonio,^^ by 51°. Baya de sante cyria,'^^ by 50" 50'. Cabo de cogefigion,'^'i by 50". Between the coast bearing the above designations and Iceland, there is a peninsula certainly intended for Greenland, and on which we read : Ca. de sd paulo.^^ C. de spu spirito ^5 C. de mirame et lexame.^^ Those names appear here for the first time ; but our impression is that they were given by Caspar Corte-Real, although the Cantino map omits them all. This omission was certainly premeditated on the part of Cantino's cartographer, as he exhibits an elaborate coast line, semi-lunar like, which is reproduced in the King chart, but, in the latter, as we have already said, with the all-important addition of a name inscribed on the' south-eastern extremity of the island, viz.: Capo raso. This shows that Cantino's prototype for those northern regions contained a nomen- clature ; the graphic similarity between the two is too great for it to have been otherwise. And, as to the surviving name being Corte-Realean, it is shown by the fact that the King chart is not more recent than the close of 1502, while the results of the exploration made of that coast to ascertain the fate of Caspar and Miguel Corte-Real (which is the first expedition sent to the north-east after the voyage of those unfortunate navigators) can scarcely have been known in Europe before the middle of 1503, and was limited to such a search. We feel confident that those configurations and names embody the cartographical data brought by Caspar Corte-Real in the autumn of 1500, and by his captains in October, 1501. As to the southernmost locality, viz.: Cabo de cofepicton,^7 the Pedro Reinel map will show that it is not Cape Race, but a point 2° further north. Nor do we think that the northernmost name, viz.: Baxos do medo, is near the apex of Newfoundland, considering that the cartographer has "° Rio de Rosas ? — The River of Roses ? ^' Conceicaoam, or Cape of Conception, that is, of the °' Cane of St Anthony Conception of the Virgin (December 8th). If that name r„ „ . is Corte-Realean, it must have been given by Caspar Corte- =' Bay of St. Cyria. „ , , . ,. ^ ,. . ,, , , Real durmg his first expedition, although we do not know =3 Conception Cape. There is still a Bme de la Con- ^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^.^ ^^^^^^_ O^j^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ j,;^ ^^. ceptio,,, the outlet of which is by about 47° 45'-48'' 20. ^^^^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ;^ ^„^ ^^^^^ ^^^^^^ ^p^;j ^-i Cape of St. Paul. 21, 1501 ; Les Corte-Real, Post Scriptum, pp. 9-1 1), '^ Cape of the Holy Ghost. but from this he never came back, whilst his captains °^ " Cape look at me and avoid me." remained away from April or May until October. Y 178 The Discovery of North America. placed it by his latitude of 55°, which on Reinel's map corresponds with a locality south of Cabo de bona ventura. It seems rather to be in the vicinity of one of the peninsulas which project eastward from the main body of the island, perhaps half-a-degree south of Belle-Isle Strait. In the order of approximate dates, the next cartographical document is the chart signed by Pedro Reinel. This is preserved in the Munich Royal and State Library, and was likewise published by Kunstmann. 28 Kohl assigns to it^Q the date of 1505. Peschel considers the map as being of the year preceding. 3° The new names in that map, which we find inscribed on Newfound- land, are the following. North of Ilha do frei luis, 3i Y. da fortuna, 3^ by 60" 50'. Y. da tormenta ,'i'i by 59" 60'. C. do 7narco, 34 by 59°. Sam .Johan,3S by 58° 50'. Sam Pedro, 26 by 58°. beginning with the name northernmost : Y. dos saues27 (sic), by 56° 50'. C. das gamas^'i^ by 56°. C. de boaventura,2:9 by 55° Y. de boaventura,^° by 55° C. do marco,^'^ by 54° 50'. 55- 50'- We now notice, south of the Bay a de Sante Ctria, by 53° Y. dos bocalhas,^^ by 52° 50'. Then, south of Cabo de cofepicion,'^^ by 52,° we read : G. da espera,'^ by 50° 50'. R. da pataSj^i by 51" 25'. °^ Atlas zur Entdechingen-geschichte America, plate i. °' Documentary History of Maine, plate ix., p. 178. 3° Geschichte de Zeitalters, p. 332. Concerning the Reinels, see Jean et Sdbastien Cabot, p. 162. 3" Frei is the title given to friars, and means ' ' brother ;" but when the friar is in orders or a priest,/rei is translated by " father." 3= Luck island. 33 Stormy island 3't We think that here a cedilla has been omitted, which involves the translation not of Cape of Mark, but of " The Cape of March." In the Ribeiro map, we read in the same vicinity, C. de Mar^o, which corresponds to the Cabo de Mar^o (for Marzo) of Oviedo, lib. xxi., cap. x.. Vol. II., p. 149, making of that point a "Cape of March," as we have already in the Cantino chart on the north-east coast, the "Cape of the End of April." GoMARA, Hist, de las Indias, p. 162, places the Cabo de Marzo by 60° north latitude, which is nearly the latitude ascribed here. 35 St. John. 3^ St. Peter. 37 Birds Island. "He aux Oyseaux. En cette ile il R. de Sam francisquo,'^^ by 51". G. Raso,^7 by 50." y a telle quantite d'oyseaux, que tous les nairres de France s'en pourroient charger sans qu'on s'en aperceut, ce dit le Capitaine lacques Quartier, et je le croy bien, pour en avoir veu preque de semblables. " — Lescarbot, Hist, de la Novvelle-France, Paris, 1612, 8vo, p. 225. i)o.s Saues is clearly a mistake for dos aves. 3^ Deer or Stag Cape. 3' Cape of Good Luck. 1° The Island of Good Luck. ■" This is a repetition, unless here we should read the c without a cedilla, in which case it would mean "The Cape of Mark. " ^' Codfish Island. According to Lescarbot, ubi supra, "I'ile de Bacaillos " was not Newfoundland, but Cape Breton island. ■•3 This cape is called by Rei-nel a bay (6) and spelled by him da comceicu, which is a modern Portuguese form. ■" Cape of Hope. Kohl is of opinion that Cape Speer or Spear is a corruption and contraction of Cabo de Es- pera. If so, it must be located by about 47° 30' lat. *3 Duck's River. ^' The San Francisco River. ■" The Low or Flat Cape. The Portuguese in Nova Scotia. 179' Here the coast turns to the west, and forms, with the southern side, a strait intended evidently for the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence ; but no names are inscribed on either shore. Yet, as south of that en- trance, near the coast, there is an island bearing the inscription Sam jfohan, the promontory at that place is Cape Breton. It has been shown elsewhere 48 that this island is one of the chief cartographical characteris- tics of the coast of Nova Scotia throughout the sixteenth century. At the north, facing the Y. da fortuna, there is an inlet, meant unquestion- ably for the opening which leads to Hudson and Davis straits. Those data show that when Pedro Reinel made this map, the entire coast of Newfoundland, the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Cape Breton, and a part of the coast of Labrador, had been already explored by the Portuguese. The map which follows is the mappamundi of the German Johann Ruysch,49 inspired certainly, as we have already had occasion to demon- strate, by a Portuguese chart akin to Cantino's or Canerio's, but of an intermediary period. It sets forth on its Terra nova five names, four of which are new, whilst three are not to be found on any subsequent maps. Those four names are : G. Glaciato. 5° R. Grado. 5^ Baia de Rockas. 5' G. de Portogesi. 53 These designations were given by Ruysch after his own voyage to the north-east coast, which did not extend south of the Gulf of St. Law- rence, and were probably borrowed from some early English map now lost. "^ Jean et Sihastim Cabot, p. 195. =' -ffocAiM,— the Rocky Bay. « Supra, chapter v., p. 113, and plate. == The Large River? s° The Frozen Cape. ^^ Cape of the Tortugiiese. CHAPTER II. THE few maps of the intermediary period which we still possess are disconnected as regards each other, very succinct, and bear no in- scription worth mentioning in connection with the present inquiry. The portolano of Vesconte de Maggiolo, dated February ii, 151 1, alone should be noticed here, on account of the legend inscribed across a region intended, apparently, for Newfoundland : Terra de corte reale de portugal, and Terra de pescaria. This designation we shall thenceforth read on almost every map, sometimes modified, however, under the term of Bacca- laos or Cod fish, which indicates the object then of nearly all maritime ■enterprises in that direction ; as for many years the discovery of north- western transatlantic countries resulted from mere fishing expeditions. The fact is that to find food for everyone was, in those days in a higher degree than now, the great economical problem ; inasmuch as the injunctions of the Roman Catholic Church rendered it necessary to abstain from eating flesh several days in the week. The news that fishing banks could be reached after "a voyage of not more than fifteen days," where " the sea is covered with cod-fish, which are caught in vast numbers simply by diving a basket into the water,"' must have soon circulated extensively in the seaports of Western Europe, and would induce many mariners to visit at once such a fortunate spot. The only indications which we have been able to gather concerning those early fishing or exploring expeditions, are the following : A voyage made by Jehan Denys and a pilot, called Gamart, about thirty-three years before 1539, that is, circa 1506.2 Gamart is said to have been of Rouen, while the vessel belonged to Honfleur ; and, as Ramusio, in relating a voyage accomplished to Brazil about 15 19, speaks ■ Dispatches of Pedro de Ayala, July 25, 1498, and great French captain from Dieppe, in Ramusio, Vol. Raimondo DI Soncino, August 24, 1497; Jean et III., f"- 423, F, and f"- 426, D. The great captain is Sihantien Cabot, pp. 323, 329. . Jean Parmentier, but the relation was written by Pierre " "Sono circa 33 anni che vn nauilio d'Onfieur, del Crignon. See Mr. Ch. Schefer's introduction to Le quale era Capitano Giouanni Dionisio, & il Pilotto Discours de la Navigation de Jean et Saoul Parmentier •Gamarto di Roano primamente v'ando." Relation of a Paris, 1883, 8vo, p. xxiii. The Portuguese in Nova Scotia. i8i of a navigator of the name of Denys, who was from Honfleur : " vno de Honfleur chiamato Dionisio di Honfleur,'''' it has been inferred that those two Denys were one and the same. Nothing whatever is known concerning the said expedition, and the researches 3 instituted in the ar- chives of Honfleur have proved fruitless. We find recorded, May 17, 1502, one Jehan Denis, — profession not named, — and before 15 18, Jehan Denys, senior, Jehan Denys, junior, and Jehan Denys, son of Jehan, all three together. This only shows Jehan Denys to have been Honfleur names; but it is only in 1597 that we find a "Jehan Denys, mestier de la mer." Ramusio then mentions 4 the expedition sent by Jehan Ango (the father of the great ship-owner), in 1508, under the command of Thomas Aubert. The vessel was named La Pensee, and sailed from Dieppe, carrying, it seems, the first colony sent by France to the east coast of North America. The year following (1509), a Norman vessel brought from the newly- discovered regions " ex ea insula, — quae terra noua decit," seven Indians, who were landed at Rouen. 5 The Brittons were doubtless among the first seafarers who, engaging in the venture, ^ followed the example of the English and Portuguese. Thus far, however, no contemporary documents have been produced to corroborate absolutely, in that respect, the statements of Ramusio, or the traditions reported by modern French authors. 7 Still, the probability is that in the main these repose on facts ; but, as our inquiry is limited to documentary proofs, we can only quote, in support of the French claims, two documents. One is a pardon granted to a sailor, wherein mention is made of the ship La Jaguette, from Dahouet (now P16neuf, 3 Reijistres de la C07ifivne de la GhariU ; Minutes du ^ " Detta terra e stata scoperta da 35 anni in qua cio^ iabellionage d'Auye, tt-c. , "• {Santo Pedro = St. Peter.) The first of these lies west of Capo Rasso, close to its coast. The second is on the mainland, corresponding with some point of Cape Breton island. We have shown elsewhere 2° that the Dieppe maps, such as the Har- leyan and the two Descelliers, proceed for their north-eastern configurations from Portuguese prototypes. For this reason, it is necessary for us to see whether they reproduce any of the Fagundes names. The Harleyan, which we consider the oldest of those charts [circa 1542), inserts one, viz.: St. Ann, which is applied to an island on the south-west coast of Newfoundland. ^^ Qoxri€i\oV)'e.%VAO^\, Alio secondointorno a Giovanni York, 1874, 8vo. We notice also two names west of Verrazzano, Appendix III., (Genoa, sine anno), for Cape Race, but they are unintelligible, a copy of the east coast, and facsimile infra. '^ Jean et Sihastien Cabot, Nos. 20, 23, 24, pp. 197, "'J. C. Brevoort, Verrazano the Navigator, New 211-220. Plate IX. THE VOYAGE OF FAGUNDE S (1521) The Portuguese in Nova Scotia. 187 In the planisphere of Sebastian Cabot (1544), who borrowed his North- American region from a Franco- Lusitanian map, which itself contained data for Newfoundland older than those used by Viegas.^i one of the Fagundes names is inserted, viz.: onsemilyogines, placed on a cluster of islands where the XI. virgenes of Maggiolo and Viegas occur. The Portuguese portolano of Joao Freire, bearing the date of 1546,22 but which must be more ancient, if we judge from the appearance of Newfoundland, also places west of Cape Race, and on the same coast line, C. donze myl v'geis, with an archipelago denominated ome myl v'geis. The Descelliers map of 1550 inserts two names derived apparently from a Portuguese chart, viz.: p. de x. {Pointe de la Croix, for Gabo or Ilha de Santa Crux), and ys. S. Pierre (for Ilha de Sam Pedro). These data, added to the information furnished by the declarations of Francisco de Sousa and Lazaro Luis above mentioned, authorise the critic to locate the discoveries or explorations of Fagundes in the Gulf of St. Lawrence, the periplus of which he certainly accomplished, and also along the coast of Nova Scotia, north and south. But what is still more worthy of notice is the fact that this is the identical region known under the name of Noranbega (Ramusio), which Jehan Alfonce declared 23 (1544) to be a late discovery of the Portuguese: " nouuellement descou- uerte par les Portugalois," and hence the verses of Jehan Mallart (1547): " O quel meschef et quelle ingratitude Ont commis ceulx qui scavent longitude, Qui nont voulu descrire onques leur stille. Car France feust maintenant k ses ysles, Ou portugays ont place primeraine."^* Applying now the liturgical data, which we have already employed to ascertain the time when certain localities of the Brazilian coast were first sighted, we find that Sam Joao may have been discovered June 21, Samta Ana, June 26; Santo Antonio, July 13; Sam Panteliom, July 27; Sam Pedro, August i ; Santa Cru2, September 14, and the archipelago of the Eleven Thousand Virgins (" Passio S. Ursulse et Sanctarum un- decim millium virginum martyrum ") only October 21, all of which before the year 1521. =■ This is shown by the island of Newfoundland being ^^ Voyages auantureux du Capitaine Ian Alfonce, represented, not of one piece, but in a great many frag- Poitiers, 1559, P- 53 ; ^otes sur la Nouvelle France, ments, as in early charts. No. 2, p. 6. ,„i. == Jean et SAastien Cabot, No. 25, p. 220. '■• JRotUier nmd, in Jean et Sebast. Cabot, pp. 227, 229. 1 88 The Discovery of North America. Judging from a sentence in the will of Dona Violante, ^5 the daughter of Joam Alvarez Fagundes, the attempt at colonising Nova Scotia by the Portuguese did not prove profitable, and was abandoned, probably at an early date. We think that one of the reasons of the failure may have been the fierce tribes of Indians who then occupied the country. Jehan Alfonce, speaking, in 1544, as an eye-witness of the aborigines, says: "Les gens de ceste coste et de Cap a Breton sont maulvaise gens, puissans, grandz fleschiers : — The inhabitants of that coast and of Cape Breton are bad people, powerful, and great archers." 26 Reverting to the motive of the present digression, viz.: the fact that countries already discovered were afterwards visited by other navigators, who claimed, nevertheless, to be the first discoverers, the letters patent granted to Fagundes may be cited as an example of such erroneous at- tributions. That document, as we have seen, positively ascribes to him the discovery of Nova Scotia and Cape Breton island, notwithstanding previous voyages accomplished thither by the Brittons, — as is proved by the configurations in Kunstmann No. IV, — and even by the Portuguese long before Fagundes visited that country. Our affirmation results from the continuation of the east coast south of Cape Race, dotted besides with Lusitanian flags, and the delineation of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, all to be found in Kunstmann No. I., which is a map certainly anterior to 152 1. The adjoining geographical outline exhibits the probable extent of Fagundes' explorations in the New World. °s " E depois de estar o dito testamento [the will of Dona Violante was -at the time mentioned the wife of Joao Alvares Fagundes] feito foi descobrir a Terra Nova, Joao de Soiisa, and lived at Vianna. em que fez muita despeza e toraou dinheiro emprestado, ^^ Cosmographie avec espere et regime du Soleil, MS., do que ficaram muitas dividas." In the Boletim da Paris National Library, Fonds Baluze, 7125,-a; and JSociedade de Geografia de Lishoa, No. of June, 1878, Notes sur la Nouvelle France, p. 7. BOOK EIGHTH, 1519— 1521— 1526. CHAPTER I. The Gulf Stream. WE cannot describe the explorations of our east coast, ' north of Florida, without first mentioning the voyage from Vera Cruz to Spain which Anton de Alaminos accomplished in 15 19, by the order of Fernand Cortes. It is generally believed to have initiated or encouraged the early official Spanish expeditions to those parts, by making known the existence of a clear sea-way between the West India islands and the continent ; and, particularly, the momentous current which carries, rather than impedes, vessels on their way from the south-west to the north-east, — in other words, the Gulf Stream. Certain writers even think that this great discovery, which has exerted such a paramount influence on the commercial as well as the geographical history of North America, was meditated by Alaminos, if not by Cortes himself. On those important points we scarcely possess any information. The little we know, however, needs to be critically examined. Let us take, first, the chroniclers and historians. Both Peter Martyr and Oviedo refer to that voyage, but vaguely. The former simply says : " Nuncios ad regem mittendos eligunt eodum Alamino nauclero duce : — They chose also certeyne messengiers to sende to the Kyng by the conduction of Alaminus the pylot." ' Although Oviedo had personal intercourse then with Alaminos, he ■ When using the term " east coast," we always mean = Anchieka, Enchiridion, f°- 73, a; Decad. IV., the east coast of North America. cap. vii., p. 311. iQo The Discovery of North America. refers to that voyage only on account of the gold and silver ornaments brought by the commissioners sent to Spain by Cort6s. 3 It is in the Conquistn de Mexico of Gomara that we find the first description ; but it is extremely succinct, and as follows : " Partieron pues Alonso Hernandez Portocarrero y Francisco de Montejo y Anton de Alaminos, de Aquiahuiztlan y Villarica, en una razonable nave, a 26 dias del mes de Julio del ano de 1519 .. . Tocaron de camino en el Marien de Cuba; y diciendo que iban k la Habana, pasaron sin detenerse per la canal de Bahama; y navegaron con harte pr6spero tiempo hasta llegar \ Espana :— Alonso Hernandez Portocarrero, Francisco de Montejo, and Anton de Alaminos, then sailed from Aquiahuiztlan and Villa Rica [de la Vera Cruz], in a good ship, on the 26th day of the month of July, 15 19 ... On the way they touched at Marien of Cuba. It is said that they went to Havana, and crossed, without stopping, through the Bahama channel. After a prosperous passage, they arrived in Spain."* As Gomara was the chaplain and secretary of Cortes,, who furnished him with information to write the history of his conquests, the above ex- tract shows that the "conquistador" himself had no knowledge of the discovery made by Alaminos. Else, his historian would not have failed to mention a fact which redounded to the credit of Cortes : having been accomplished in the course of an expedition sent by his orders. As to Las Casas, after relating the famous destruction of the fleet, he merely says : "No dejando mas de uno [navio] en que fuesen los procuradores que k Castilla envid . . . Proveyd lu^go enviar k Castilla procuradores, que fueron, a los dichos Alonso Puerto Carrero, de Medellin, tierra de Cortes, y a Francisco de Montejo, natural de Salamanca . . . Parti^ronse en aquella nao que de los barrenos se escap6, del puerto del Peiion, que llamaron la Villa Rica, por el mes de Julio, el ano de 1519; llegaron k Sevilla, creo, per Octubre . . . los dichos procuradores y el piloto Alaminos . . . vini^ronse con la corte hasta llegar k la Corufia, y en este camino los cognosci yo : — He saved only one ship, in which went the com- missioners whom he sent to Castile, who were Alonso Puerto Carrero, of Medellin, the country of Cortds, and Francisco de Montejo, a native of Salamanca . . . They sailed in the ship which escaped the scuttling [of the rest of the fleet], from the Port of the Cliff, which was called La Villa Rica, in the month of July, of the year 1519, and arrived at Seville, I think, in October . . . The said commissioners and the pilot Alaminos went with the Court as far as La Corufia ; and it is in that trip that I, myself, formed their personal acquaintance." ^ Here, again, Las Casas knows nothing of the discovery, although he derived his information concerning that important voyage from the voyagers themselves, including Alaminos, the Pilot-Maj'or. 3 OviEDO, lib. xxxiii., cap. i., pp. 259-260. s Las Casas, Historia de las Indian, lib. iii., cap. ■t Gomara, Conquista de Mexico, p. 823. cxxiii.. Vol. IV., p. 498. The Gulf Stream. 191 We commence to find a few details relative to the voyage only in the Verdadera Historia of Bernal Diaz, who was an eye-witness of the departure of the ship from Vera Cruz. They are as follows : " Se mand6 apercebir el mejor navio de toda la flota, y con dos pilotos, que fu^ uno Anton de Alaminos, que sabia como habian de desembarcar por la canal de Bahama, porque ^1 fud el primero que naveg6 por aquella canal : — Orders were given to equip the best ship in the entire fleet, with two pilots, one of whom was Anton de Alaminos, who knew how to sail out of the canal at Bahama ; for he is the first who ever sailed in that canal." ^ This shows that the Bahama canal was not explored for the first time on that occasion, and that the knowledge which Alaminos possessed of those passages had been acquired on a previous expedition ; for in- stance, when he led Ponce de Leon to Florida. Nor can there be any confusion possible between the Florida Gulf Stream, which would have been the course followed by Alaminos if, at the outset, he had attempted to find a new route from Vera Cruz by the north-east, and the Bahama Channel, which was the name then given chiefly to the sea region parallel with the north coast of Cuba. 7 It is clearly the latter route which was sketched out for Alaminos, when he sailed from San Juan de Ulloa, though with urgent recommendations to steer as far north from Cuba as he could, to avoid being caught by Diego Velazquez. The commissioners who were sent to Spain were not instructed, con- sequently, to navigate by a route heretofore unknown ; but simply to avoid going to Havana, so that Diego Velasquez might not be informed of their voyage and mission : " Les encomendamos mucho que por via ninguna entrasen en la Habana . . . porque no alcanzase a saber el Diego Velazquez lo que pasaba :— They were earnestly warned not to enter Havana in any way whatever, in order to prevent Diego Velazquez from being apprised of what was being done."" The next time Diaz speaks of that voyage, it is in these words : "Ya he dicho que partieron nuestros procuradores del puerto de San Juan de Ulua en 6 \sic\ del mes del Julio de 1519 aiios, y con buen viaje llegaron i. la Habana y luego desem- bocaron la canal, 6 dice que aquella fu^ la primera vez que por alii navegaron, y en poco 6 Bernal Diaz del Castillo, Verdadira Historia, « Bernal Diaz, cap. liv., p. 48. These expressions also show that what they called the Bahama channel in *'"^' s'^e 'the following note. those clays was parallel with Cuba. 19- The Discovery of North America. tiempo llegaron k las islas de la Terceira : — I have remarked that our commissioners left the port of San Juan de Ulloa on the 6th of July, in the year 1519. After a good passage they arrived in Havana, and then came out of the channel. This navigation is the first which was made by that route. In a short time they reached the Terceira islands." " It follows from the above extracts that all which contemporaneous historians knew of the voyage of Alaminos from Mexico to Spain, in 1 5 19, is comprised in these few details, viz.: He sailed from Vera Cruz, July 26, 15 19, touched at Marien in Cuba ; from thence either crossed what those writers call " the Bahama Channel" throughout, without stopping [Gomara) ; or came out of that channel by a route said never to have been attempted before {Diaz) ; and, after a quick run, arrived at Terceira [Diaz), and, in October, at Seville [Las Gasas). It is well to note that Gomara wrote in 1551, Las Casas in 1559, and Bernal Diaz in 1568; that is, at a time when the sea-way between the Lucayas and the continent had been entirely explored, and was per- fectly depicted on maps, but not under the name of the Bahama Channel, which we have failed to discover on any chart of the sixteenth century. Nor do we find in their writings the reasons for such a statement ; and we take the latter to be nothing else than an inference on their part, based upon the important fact, however, that Alaminos sailed over a new route. Nay, we are not even prepared to affirm that what then went by the name of " Bahama Channel " was at all the passage between Florida and the Lucayan islands. There are reasons to think that the term applied to the sea route, extending from west to east, between the north coast of Cuba and the Bahama bank. Hence the name of " Old Bahama Channel," given to the latter region in our sailing charts. It is with Herrera that we begin to see the notion assume a sort of technical character, with postulates, motives, and inductions ; which, however, have no other basis than the above few facts, likewise derived from the authorities we have quoted. Here is his narrative : " Dioles Hernando Cortds el mejor navio, i por piloto a Anton de Alaminos, porque hacian cuenta, por apartarse de Cuba, de pasar la Canal de Bahama : i este piloto era el mas experimentado de aquella Mar, i por acompanado fue otro piloto. Partieronse h. 26 de Julio de este aiio, con quince marineros, i tocando en el Marien de Cuba, pasaron 'k la Habana, i desembocaron la Canal de Bahama, i llegaron con prospero tiempo k Espana, siendo los primeros que hicieron aquella navegacion, por no dkr en manos de Diego Velazquez ; i a ^ Ibidem, cap. Ivi., p. 49. The Gulf Stream. 193, esto se determind Anton de Alaminos, juzgando con la niucha platica que tenia de los Lu- cayos, i de la Costa de 1^ Florida, que aquellas corrientes havian de acabar en alguna parte, i fue metendiose k el Norte : i sucediole bien, porque salido de la Canal con bien, hall6 el espacioso mar, i dichosamente entr6 en San Lucar por Octubre: — Cortes gave them the, best ship, and, for pilot, Anton de Alaminos, for they were warned to eschew Cuba in passing through the Bahama channel. He was the pilot best versed in navigating that sea ; and he was adjoined another pilot. They left July 26th of that year, with fifteen sailors, touched at Marien of Cuba, passed by Havana, and came out of the Bahama Channel. After a pros- perous passage they arrived in Spain ; being the first who had accomplished such a navigation, so as not to fall into the hands of Diego Velazquez. Anton de Alaminos adopted that course, judging from his great experience of the Lucayas and the coasts of Florida, that those currents must end somewhere. [Therefore] he sailed northwards, which proved favorable; for he came out of the channel successfully, found the broad sea, and, after a prosperous voyage, entered San Lucar in October."^" We feel no hesitation in considering the above narrative as a mere interpretation based upon the statements of Gomara, of Las Casas {for the date of arrival in Spain), and of Bernal Diaz, whose work, although printed only in 1632, was known to Herrera even when preparing the first edition of his Decades, published in 1601.1' But he, certainly, had not access to original maps or technical accounts. The inferences of that historian may be correct, and, upon the whole, are such as all of us would draw a priori; but the critic is bound to notice that they were not derived from positive geographical data. This is so much the more important as in none of the authentic details which have reached us is there any mention of the "Costa de la Florida," nor of the "corrientes," which must have been the necessary factors in Alaminos' project of dis- covery, as set forth by Herrera. We now proceed to examine the original documents themselves. The Carta de Relacion of Cortes, dated Villa-Rica de la Vera Cruz, July 10, 1 5 19, which may have contained some allusion to the then in- tended voyage, has not yet been discovered, either in print or in MSS. The Carta de la Justicia, under the same date, which supplies it in a measure, merely mentions the imminent departure of the messengers : "elegim'os por nuestros procuradores a Alonso Fernandez Portocarrero y 4 Francisco de Montejo, los cuales enviamos a V. M." '^ ■o HERRERA Historia General de los hechos de los a reference, Decad. II., lib. iii., cap. x., Vol. I., p. 96, -, ,., j p i„ of the edition of 1601, whichis the prtncep«. ^fSTe S^:^ A^tl ^prLs,; Je ino," and " Canas de CorUs, Gayangos' edition, p. 3X. 2 A 194 The Discovery of North America. Cortes' Carta of October 30, 1520, fixes the date of the sailing out of the ship from Vera Cruz, which was neither the 6th nor the 26th, as Gomara, Diaz, and Herrera state, but the i6th of July, 15 19: '' En vna nao, que de Esta Nueva-Espaiia de Vuestra Sacra Magestad despach^ h. diez i seiz de Julio del ano de quinientes i diez i nueve, embie k Vuestra Alte9a mui larga, i par- ticular Relacion .... la qual Uevaron Alonso Hernandez Puertocarrero, i Francisco de Montejo : — ^In a ship which I sent forth from this New Spain of Your Sacred Majesty, on the sixteenth of July of the year 1519, I have addressed to Your Highness a very extensive and detailed account, which was entrusted to Alonso Hernandez Portocarrero and Francisco de Montejo." " Notwithstanding positive orders, the pilot Alaminos, at the urgent request of Montejo, went to Cuba, touching at a point of the north-west coast, called Marien, where Montejo owned a plantation; but the arrival there, after the departure from Vera Cruz, was not so soon as the expression of Diaz: "con buen viage," would lead us to believe. It required more than five weeks, from July i6th to August 23rd, to cross the Gulf of Mexico. This we learn from the judicial petition addressed by Diego Velazquez to the King, November 19, 15 19: "En veinte e tres dias de Agosto pasado abia llegado a un puerto escondido de la dicha Habana una caravela que venia de las dichas Thierras . . . e que venia dentro en ella un Anton de Alaminos, Piloto Mayor ques del prencypio que flee descobrir aquellas Thierras . . . venian un Francisco de Montexo e otro Alonso Hernandez de Puerto-Carreno [sic]. — On the 23rd day of August last, there arrived from a secluded port of the said Havana [Cuba ?], a ship which came from those lands ; having on board Anton de Alaminos, Pilot-Major, who from the beginning, had accomplished discoveries in that region ; Francisco de Montejo, and Alonso Hernandez de Puerto-Carreno." " Such a voyage usually required from five to seven days only, says Oviedo. '5 Must we infer that it was during those five long weeks that the exploration northwards was effected ? This is scarcely admissible, as it would imply their turning back, and sailing south one hundred leagues or more, for no other purpose than to allow Montejo to visit his farm, and at a time when a speedy voyage to Spain was absolutely required. The first indication relative to the route which they then adopted is to be found in a letter addressed by Diego Velazquez to Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, on the 27th of November, 15 19. Referring to their departure from Marien, after having embarked fresh provisions, within a few, days, he says : '^ CartadeEelacion,'BARClA,IIistoriadores primitivos "5 " y desde ella [Santo Domingo] a Tierra-Firrae de las Indias Occidtntales, Vol. I., p. i. atraviesan las naos en cinco, y seis, y siete dias, y mas, "'' Testimonio, in the Coleccion de documentos ineditos segun a la parte donde van guiadas ;" Oviedo Sumario de Indias, Vol. XXXV., p. 21. cap. i., p, 473, of Vedia's edition. The Gulf Stream. 195 " Thoma la derrota e syguieron su viaxe facia las Yslas de los Yucayos por parte innave- gante, non sabida nin usada por ninguno : — They set out and pursued their voyage in the direction of the Lucayas islands, through parts heretofore unknown or sailed over by anyone."'^ The letter which Miguel de Pasamonte wrote to the King, from Santo Domingo, January 15, 1520, is somewhat more explicit: "El adelantado Diego Velazquez me a escripto que por el mes de Agosto pasado, aportd a la Isla Fernandina unas de las caravelas que fueron en el armada que ymbio k las Thierras nuevas que abia descobierto, des que ymbio por Capitan Hernando Cortes e que la dicha caravela tomo agua e mantenymientos en la punta de la dicha ysla', en una estancia de uno que venio en ella que se disce Montexo. Disce que se fycieron a la vela e tomaron su der- rota por la parte del Norte la via Despana o de Ingalaterra : — The Adelantado Diego Velazquez: has written to me that, in the month of August last, there arrived in the island of Fernandina [Cuba] one of the ships of the expedition which he had sent to the new regions discovered by [sic pro for] him, and under the command of Captain Fernand Cortds ; and that the said ship took in fresh water and provisions at the extremity of the island, at a farm belonging to one of those who were on board, called Montexo. He says that they set sail, and directed their course towards the north in the direction of Spain or of England." " Diego Velazquez, in his letter to Ayllon, gives the slight grounds upon which he bases his opinion in respect to the route then adopted by Alaminos : " A lo que se pudo colexir segund los yndios e la manera e calidad de las personas quen el dicho navio van, que se van a Reynosos e otras partes estranas : — As far as can be ascertained from the Indians, and the action and character of the persons on board, they are bound for foreign parts."" The conclusion to be drawn from our tedious analysis is that we scarcely know anything at all about the voyage of Alaminos. It amounts- simply to this : Alaminos sailed from the western extremity of Cuba, during the last week of August, 15 19. He sailed, not north, this being an impossibility, as it would have carried him straight to Apalachee Bay, in West Florida, but in the direction of Spain or England ; that is, north-east, and by adopting a new route. The reference to his having started towards the Lucayos islands : "facia las Yslas de los Yucayos," would imply a route across one of the Providence channels; for it is to the north-east of Cuba, and even of His- paniola, that the maps of the time, from Peter Martyr's to Kunstmann ■6Z)on(mentosireed!Vo.sde7n.*'a.«, Vol. XXXV., p. 33. '^ Coleccio7i de documentos de Indian, volume and ■7 Ibidem, Vol. XXX\^, p. 245. page above quoted. 196 The Discovery of North America. No. IV., inscribe " los lucaios ;" and that part of the archipelago may not have been explored before the year 15 19. We know, however, that Alaminos was prompted, above all, by the necessity of avoiding falling into the hands of Diego Velazquez, who, immediately upon hearing of his arrival on the coast, despatched two light, fast sailing vessels to seize his ship : " De presto mandd armar dos navios de poco porte, grandes veleros, con toda la artil- leria y soldados que pudo haber y con dos capitanes que fueron en ellos, que se decian Gabriel de Rojas, y el otro capitan se decia fulano de Guzman, y le mandd que fuesen hasta la Habana . . . llegaron en ciertos dias d la canal de Bahama, y preguntaba los de los navios i barcos que andaban por la mar de acarreto que si abian visto ir una nao de mucho porte, y todos dabian noticia della y que ya seria desembocada por la canal de Bahama, porque siempre tuvieron buen tiempo ; y despiies de andar barloventeado con aquellos dos navios €ntre la canal y la Habana . . . . se volvieron k Santiago de Cuba : — He ordered at once to arm two ships of small tonnage, but fast sailers, with all the artillery and soldiers which •could be lodged on board, under the command of two captains, one named Gabriel de Rojas, the other [Gonzalo] de Guzman, and ordered them to go as far as Havana . . . After a few days they reached the Bahama channel, and enquired from every coasting ship and bark if they had seen a large vessel. They all replied having met such a ship, which doubtless cleared the Bahama channel, as she had fair weather. After cruising in the channel and [between] Havana, the two small vessels returned to Santiago de Cuba." " Alaminos therefore ran the risk of falling in with any ship which Velazquez might send after him, if he ventured to sail east or north-east of Havana ; as it must have been by the Windward Passage that such a vessel, coming from Santiago de Cuba, would enter what is now called the " Bahama Old Channel." It is natural, therefore, that the skilful pilot, who, when ranging the south coast of Florida, first with Ponce de Leon, and then with Hernandez de Cordova, had certainly noticed the Gulf Stream and its direction, should have attempted to float it down, with the hope of reaching the Atlantic Ocean, north of the Antillies. But how far he sailed along the Gulf of Florida, or at what latitude he took his course due east, and whether he explored any part of the coast of Florida, Georgia, or the Carolinas, are questions which we are wholly unable to solve. All we can say is that, although the commissioners had no time to lose, they may have tarried on the way and effected a landing, inasmuch as Porto Carrero was very ill. Las Casas names the month of October for the return of Alaminos, but dubiously : " creo por Octubre." Oviedo, '' Bernal Diaz, cap. Iv., p. 48. The Gulf Stream. 197 who was a witness of the arrival of the commissioners, and went to ad- mire the gold ornaments they had brought with them, says that it was near the close of the year 1519: " quassi en fin del ano mill e quinientos e diez y nueve." ^o And, in support of a late landing in Spain, it must also be noted that the gold and valuables sent by Cortes were not ordered to be forwarded to the Casa de Contratacion of Seville before Decem- ber 5, 1 5 19. 21 Finally, Peter Martyr does not announce the coming of the messengers until the 9th of that month. 22 This implies a lapse of at least ten weeks between the sailing from Marien de Cuba (August 27th) and arrival in the Spanish port. ™ OviEDO, UU supra. by Gayangos, after MuSoz, op. cit., p. 34, note. =' Manual del Tesorero, MS. of the archives, quoted " Anghiera, Epistola DCL., p. 358. CHAPTER II. Ayllon's First Voyage. 1521. THERE are documents in existence concerning the first voyage of Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon to the east coast of the New Continent,' but we have been unable to discover or to obtain copies of them, and must therefore limit our investigations to the few facts which may be gathered from contemporaneous historians. In the Historia de las Indias of Lopez de Gomara, we notice a chapter, entitled " Rio Jordan en tierra de Chicora : — The River of Jordan in the country of Chicora," which begins as follows : "Siete vecinos de Santo Domingo, entre los cuales fu^ uno el licenciado Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, oidor de aquella isla, armaron dos navios en puerto de Plata, el ano de 20, para ir por indios a las islas Lucayos . . . Fueron, y no hallaron en ellas hombres que rescatar d saltear para atraer a sus minas, hatos y gran- jerias. Y asi, acordaron de ir mas al norte a buscar tierra donde los hallasen, y no tornase vacios. Fueron pues a una tierra que llama- ban Chicora y Gualdape, la cual estd en treinta y dos grades, y es lo que Uaman agora cabo de Santa Elena y rio Jordan ; algunos con todo esto, dicen como el tiempo, y no la voluntad, los ech6 alia." "Seven inhabitants of Santo Domingo, among whom was the licentiate Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, judge of that island, equipped two ships in Puerto de Plata, to go in search of Indians from the Lucayas islands. They went, but failed to find men to seize for the purpose of working in their mines and farms, and decided therefore to go further north in quest of a country where such [Indians] could be found, so as not to return with empty hands. They reached a land named Chicora and Gualdape, which is by 32°, and is that which is now called Cape of Santa Elena and the River of Jordan. Withal some say it was by stress of weather, and not intentionally, that they arrived there." ^ Gomara then relates how they enticed on board a number of Indians, after having returned two natives, a man and a woman, as decoys; that the King sent to the ships fifty of his men, all carrying victuals ; that thereupon ' The Hon. Henry C. Murphy has referred to such documents as far back as 1875 : "As we learn from the testimony of Pedro de Quejo, the pilot of Matienzo," said he when discussing the landfall of Ayllon, and quoted : "Proceedings before the Auditors of St. Domingo, by virtue of a royal decree of Nov. 1525, in relation to the dispute between Ayllon and Matienzo concerning their discovery, preserved in MS. at Seville." — The Voyarje. of Verrazzano, p. 123. ' Gomara, op. cit., cap. xliii., p. 170. Ayllon's First Voyage. 199 the Spaniards suddenly set sail, and brought to Santo Domingo a number of Chicoreans (as slaves) ; but that one of the vessels foundered at sea, with all on board. That narrative has served as a basis for every account written since of the first expedition of Vasquez de Ayllon. It has been literally copied by Herrera ; and modern historians have followed that chronicler. Gomara, as usual, has not consulted any original authority. His ac- count is a mere paraphrase of the second chapter of the Seventh Decade of Peter Martyr. This chapter, as we have shown, 3 has also furnished Las Casas with all the elements of a description, based upon the same materials as those used by Gomara in the present instance, but to which Las Casas ascribes a date anterior to the first expedition of Ayllon, and without connecting him with it, directly or indirectly. The critic therefore must revert to Peter Martyr as the sole origin of all those narratives. Now, Peter Martyr does not present that expedition to the north- west of the island of Cuba as having been accomplished in 1520, nor by Vazquez de Ayllon, nor does he place by 32° north latitude the region then discovered or visited. These particulars have been first advanced by Gomara, who mixed the details of the predatory cruise related at the beginning of the Seventh Decade, with the account of an expedition of Ayllon given also by Peter Martyr, but which is related as if entirely distinct and independent. In fact, we have failed to find any phrase where Peter Martyr ascribes that first slave hunt, expressly or implicitly, to the Santo Domingo judge ; although he was well acquainted with him personally, and they even con- versed together about his voyage to Chicora. Under the circumstances, it is necessary to reproduce literally Peter Martyr's own account, to show the origin of those statements. The text tends rather to deprive Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon of the merit of having sent the expedition which first 'landed on the shores of the Carolinas. This compels us to repeat the commencement of Anghiera's narrative, which we have already cited, but only to disprove certain allegations of the Bishop Bartholomew de Las Casas. 4 " Cupiditate igitur habendi lucaios, more " Prompted by the lust of possessing [?] the ■venatorum qui per nemora montana perque Lucayas, the Spaniards, after the mode of palustria loca feras insectantur, ita quidam hunters who pursue wild beasts across forests, Hispani duobus nauigiis septem virorum im- mountains, and swamps, sailed from the town pensa constructis, ex oppido Portus platas of Puerto de Plata, on the north side of J Supra, chapter ii., p. 143. ■• Supra, chapter i. p. 137. 200 The Discovery of North America. dicto, in Hispaniolas sito latere, qua septen- trionetn spectat, ad Lucaias homo cupii causa, anno ab hinc tertio transfretarunt . . . lerunt ergo illi, vestigarunt universas has insulas, praeda non reperta, quod eorum conuicini, iandiu ex amussim exploratas depopulati fue- rant. Ne consociis irrisui forent si vacui ad Hispaniolam reuerterentur direxere proras ad Arctoon bootem. Aiunt plarique mentitos, qui sua sponte dixerint elegisse illud iter, sed in- quiunt ab exorta et biduo perseuerata repentina tempestate fuisse raptatos, ad eius terras, quam describemus, prospectum, viso a longe celso promontorio. Quum se ad littus nostri appli- carent, miraculo stupidi monstrum aliquod ad se venire putarunt incolae, qubd usu navium ipsi careant : visendi studio primum ad littus certatim concurrunt, mox a descendentibus cum scaphis aura velocius aufugerunt omnes, littusque reliquere desertum : sequuntur ab- euntes nostri. Praeeunt agmen agiliores quidam juvenes, citatiore cursu properant, duos igna- vius currentes virum et foeminam prsehendunt, ad naves perductos vestibus ornant, solvunt. Moti ea liberalitate littora complent iterum incolae. Rex eorum intellecta nostrorum bene- ficentio . . . Sed quid ? Hospitii fidem violarunt Hispani tandem. Astu nanque artibusque variis, post cuncta diligenter vestigata, operam dederunt ut una dierum ad naves visendi causa multi concurrerent, implentur naves inspectan- tibus ; ubi refertas viris ac foeminis habuere, anchoris evulsis velis protentis, lugentes ab- duxerunt in servitutem. Ita regiones eas uni- versas ex amicis reliquerunt inimicas, et ex pacatis perturbatas, filiis a parentibus ablatis, ab uxoribus maritis. Sed fe duabus navibus una tantum evasit, altera nusquam ulterius visa est : submersam fuisse cum sontibus et insontibus, qubd esset vetusta conjectantur. Id spolium fuit Hispaniolae senatui molestissimum : im- punitos tamen reliquerunt. Cum de prasda remittenda consultassent, nil executioni man- datum est, rei difificultate animadversa, deper- dita prascipue una. Particularia quaedam ex Hispaniola, facing the Lucayas, with two ships constructed at the cost of seven individuals, in search of men [;'. e., to enslave]. That occurred three years ago . . . They then scoured all the said islands without finding any prey, because those living near had long before explored and completely dispeopled them. So as not to become the laughing- stock of their partners if they returned to Hispaniola with empty hands, they turned the prows of their vessels northward. Those who say they selected such a route of their own accord speak falsely. [On the contrary] they were driven thither by a storm which burst suddenly, and lasted two days. It carried them to the land which we describe, and of which they had Seen from afar the high promontory. As our men landed, the astonishment of the natives was very great, thinking that they were witnessing a pro- digious phenomenon, as they had never seen ships before. Impelled by curiosity, they first ran to the shore ; but, as soon as the Spaniards alighted from their boats, they fled like the wind. Some of our young men, among the swiftest, caught two of the natives, a man and a woman, whom they brought on board. Dresses were given to them, and they were set free. Moved by such generosity on our part, the natives again flocked to the shore ; and their King having been informed of our kindness . . . sent us fifty of his followers loaded with products of the country .... Finally, the Spaniards violated the laws of hos- pitality . . . They enticed the natives on board, and, when the ships were filled with men and women, they weighed anchor . . . and carried them into slavery . . . But only one of the two vessels escaped; and, as the other never was seen again, it is supposed that, being old, she foundered at sea, carrying to the bottom both the guilty and innocent. That abduction was resented in a high degree by the Tribunal of Hispaniola, which, however, failed to inflict any punishment. The judges deliberated as to Ayllon's First Voyage. 20I his k sapiente viro jurisperito sacerdote, qui dicitur Baccalarius Alvarus k Castro, ea didici. Is ob litteras et morum honestatem decanus est effectus antistes conceptionis in Hispaniola, et idem Vicarius ac una hereseos inquisitor, cui proestanda est his super fides liberior . . . Ad eorutn patriam, unde sumus digressi ; rever- tamur : vel Bacchalaos anno abhinc vigesimo sexto ex Anglia per Cabotum repertos, aut Bacchalais, de quibus late alias, contiguas, arbitror esse terras illas. De illarum coelesti situ ritibusque ac proventibus et moribus nunc dicendum est. Sub altitudine graduum eorun- dem et sub iisdem jacere parallelis affirmant, sub quibus Hispana jacet Vandalia, vulgo Andaluzia. Regiones perlustrarunt paucorum dierum intercapedine, plasrasque simul longe protento in terram adhserentes, ubi anchoras the means of returning [the Indians] who had been taken ; but this was found to be impos- sible, especially on account of the loss of one of the vessels. Those details were given to me by the bachelor Alvaro de Castro, who was both a very able jurist and a priest . . . On this point, the greatest reliance should be placed in him. . . . He says that several complaints were lodged against the ravishers . . . that the women were dressed in lions' skins, and that the race has a white complexion ... As to the country, I think it is the land of Baccallaos, which was discovered by Cabot twenty-six years ago, or one adjoining the same. It is said to be in the latitude of Andalusia . . . The Spaniards coasted the country during a few days, landed in several places, and went inland after casting anchor. The two principal parts are Chicora and Duharhe." jacere, Chicoram et Duhare primarias. After describing further the appearance of the Chicoreans, Peter Martyr invokes another testimony, but only as regards the looks, habits, and customs of those Indians, as follows : " Chicoranos aiunt seraifuscos esse, uti nostri " It is said that the Chicoreans are semi- sunt agricolse sole adusti aestivo. Capillos nigros brown, like our sun-burned husbandmen. The cingulo tenus viri nutriunt, foeminas longiores in giros : uterque sexus nectit comam. Sunt im- berbes : sit ne id a natura, vel ab arte, medica- raenti aliquo genere adhibito, vel pilos evellant more Tenustitanae gentis, est in ambiguo : utcunque sit ostendere se leuigatos delectantur Testeni alium cito non minoris inter laicos autoritatis, quam decanus ille sit inter initiatos : Is Lucas Vazquez Aiglionus licentiatus dicitur, civis Toletanus, et ex Hispaniolse senatoribus unus, eius [si'c^] impensse duorum navigiorum men let their hair, which is black, grow until it falls to the waist. The women carry their hair, which is curled, longer .... They have no beard. Whether it be natural, or caused by their pulling off the hair, like the people of Tenustitan [Mexico], I cannot tell. I shall quote another testimony, appre- ciated by laymen in as high a degree as that of Alvaro de Castro is valued by the initiated. It is the attestation of Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, particeps : ad nostrum rerum Indicarum sena- who came [ to Spain ] tum ab Hispaniola missus procurator, venit et diu efflagitavit dari sibi veniam repetendi terras illas, condendte in eis colonise causa. Ex Chicoranis advectis unum adduxit secum, qui ei famuletur, baptizatum appellat Franciscum, ab suo natali Chicora cognomen induit. Bum negociis intendens moraretur, habui aliquando 5 This sentence is almost unintelligible. Perhaps we should read: "cum Matienzo particeps," although it would not render it much more correct. The above text on a mission from the Tribunal of Hispaniola to our Council of the Indies. Having been a partner in the equipment, at his own cost, of two ships, he long solicited the authorisa- tion of returning there to plant a colony. He had brought with him, as a servant, one of the Chicoreans taken over [to Hispaniola], is the same in the editio princeps and in the edition given by IIakluyt, De Orbe Novo, Paris, 1588, 8vo. ^ Those or any such accounts are lost. 2 B 2o; The Discovery of North America. convivas et Aiglionum herum et Franciscum Chicoranum famulantem. Non est hebes ingenio is Chicoranus, nee inepte sapit, idiomaque sat commode didicit Hispanum. Qus igitur Aig- lionus ipse licentiatus ex sociorum relatu Uteris mandata mihi ostendit, et quae Chicoranus viva voce fassus est miranda quidem, ea recensebo. Demat addatque fidei rerum, quas recitabo, ex ingenio quisque suo .... Chicora ergo relicta, latus aliud sinus ejus adierunt et regionem captarunt dictam Duharhe : hos incolas esse candidos ait Aiglionus, affirmante Francisco Chicorano suffusco, sed flavis demissisque ad talum usque crinibus. Regem habent hi giganteae proceritatis .... Regio est alia huic propinqua nomine Xapida." whom he caused to be baptized and called Francis, with the surname of Chicora, from his native land. I entertained both at my house on several occasions. I shall now proceed to repeat the contents of the ac- counts composed by Ayllon with the relations written by his companions/ and what Fran- cisco Chicorano told me Having left Chicora, they went to another region called Duharhe, whose inhabitants are said by Ayllon to have a white complexion, but Chicorano asserts that it is brown. . . Their hair is fallow, and comes to the heels. Their King is of gigantic size There is another country near, called Xapida."' It must be confessed that the enterprise first described by Peter Martyr in his Seventh Decade, resembles in important particulars what we know from other and authentic sources, of the expedition which Ayllon sent to our east coast in 1521. For instance: The date of both is nearly the same. The letters patent of 1523, which we will soon discuss, say that it was a short time before the latter year : "nuevamente;" while Peter Martyr states that this event took place "three years before writing his Seventh Decade," which was completed in 1525.8 Ayllon's expedition, as well as the other one, was composed of two ships : " dos carabelas," and " duobus navigiis," equipped in and sailing from Puerto de Plata: "ex oppido Portus Plata;." 9 The object of both was to kidnap Indians from the Lucayas islands: "ad Lucaias homo cupii causa," and " por yndios lucayos."i° The two expeditions directed their course northward: "a la parte del norte," and " direxere proras ad Arctoon bootem." The part of the continent where they both landed contained provinces severally named "Chicora" and "Duharhe" (Peter Martyr); "Chicora" and " Duache " (Letters patent," and Oviedo). But there is a most important circumstance which, thus far, belongs only to the anonymous expedition. We refer to the loss at sea of one of ? Anghiera, De, Orbe Nouo, Compluti, 1530, fol., Decas Septima, cap. ii., f"- xcii., and pp. 468-472 of Hakluyt's edition. * On the 7th of March, 1525, according to his own statement. See supra, p. 138. ' The documents published in the Goleccion de docu- mentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXIV., pp. 563-7, and XXXV., pp. 547-62, show that Puerto de Plata was the place where Ayllon equipped his expeditions. It is described by Enciso, Suma de Geografia, verso of H, as a poor port, but little frequented: "El lugar es pequerio y el puerto no es bueno, y a esta causa es poco el trato." '° Complaint of Matienzo in the Documentos ineditOH de Indias, Vol. XXXIV., p. 563. " Text of the Doc. ined. de Indias. Avllon's First Voyage. 203 the two ships, with all on board ; and that event being given, besides, as the reason why the captured Indians were not returned to their native land. It is also an extraordinary fact that Peter Martyr, who relates the two voyages from trustworthy sources, such as Alvarez de Castro for the one, and Ayllon himself for the other, should have represented them as wholly distinct ; if in reality, they were found to be one and the same. It was impossible that he should be so misinformed on the subject. If he knew that there was no difference between the two expeditions, we must infer that, being a perfect courtier, he avoided connecting the name of Ayllon, who was an influential judge, with a piratical enterprise which he had just branded as an injustice and a disgrace. Now, there is a consequence to be drawn from this analysis. If the anonymous expedition and that of Ayllon are entirely distinct, then he did not discover the Carolinas, and we must ascribe the discovery to the unknown and predatory adventurers whose disgraceful exploits are related by Peter Martyr at the commencement of his Seventh Decade. Be that as it may, Ayllon cannot be deprived of the merit of having caused those shores to be explored, and, afterwards, of having attempted to plant a colony there. Unfortunately, the only document which has come to our knowledge concerning his first expedition is the patent which was granted to him by Charles V. on the 12th of June, 1523, to which we have already referred. According to those letters patent, '^ the enterprise required two ships, 13 which were equipped by Ayllon in partnership with a brother judge of the Court of Santo Domingo, called Juan Ortiz de Matienzo, H and a notary of the same place, named Diego Caballero. That expedition discovered a land theretofore unknown, not a long time before the month of June in the year 1523. " ReaZ Cedilla que contiene el asiento capitulado con of Sotil, together with the remark that the two ships in Lucas Vazquez de Aillon para proseguir el descubri- Ayllon's iirst expedition belonged to Separate owners, miento principiado con huques suyos y de otros por los indicate also on the part of Brevoort a knowledge of 55° d, ST N-8. de la isla Espaflola, y para buscar M71 the documents quoted, as above stated, by the Hon. estrecho. — Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 153, and Doc. H. C. Murphy in 1875. We are disposed to think that inedit. de Iiidiax, Vol. XXII. those "Proceedings" were found among the papers of the '3 Kohl says (Documentary Hintory of Maine, p. 246) late Buckingham Smith. we do not know on what authority, that " the chief pilot '■•This Matienzo afterwards removed to Mexico, of the expedition was Diego MiRt;ELO." Our late friend where in 1530 he was excommunicated, not, however, J. Carson Brevoort stated in his Verrazzano, published for having engaged in the slave trade : " pudiendo la in 1874, that the other pilot of Ayllon's ship was Pedro absolucion de la excomunicacion por aber sacado del DE QuEJO, and that the vessel of Matienzo had for pilot corral de San Francesco al reo de Christobal de Angulo." Fernando Sotil. The names of Quejo, or Quexo, and In the Documenlos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XLI. 204 The Discovery of North America. That land was at the north, and extended from 35° to 2)7° latitude (according to the scale then in use by Spanish navigators). It was fertile, appropriate for colonisation, containing many trees and plants like those in Spain, '5 and peopled with inhabitants better fitted for civilisation than those of Hispaniola. The country was under the sway of a king of gigantic size, and was divided into provinces severally named : Letters Patent : Suache. Chicora. Xapira and Tatancal. Anicatiye. Cocayo, Guacaya. Xoxi. Sona. Pasqui. Arambe. Xamunambe. Huaq. Tanzaca. Yenyohol. Paor. Yamiscaron. Corixaynsiguanin. Anoxa. OviEDO : Duahe. Chicora. Xapira. Anica. Tive90cayo. Guacaya. Xoxi. Sona. Pasqui. Aranui. Xamunamuc. Huaque. Tanaca. Yenyohol. Pahoc. Yamiscaron. Orixa and Inisiguanin. Noxa. We possess no means of controlling those statements, except with regard to the names which are set forth in the letters patent as repre- senting parts of the country just discovered. Oviedo, who was in a position to be well informed on the subject, having known personally, at the time, the parties engaged in the enterprise, '^ affirms that those names were wholly imaginary, and invented by the Indian called Francisco Chicora, whom Ayllon had brought with him to Spain : '5 RiBERO inscribes on his map: " Tiera de Ayllon: el qual descubrio y boluiendo la a poblar porque es tierra muy dispuesta para dar pan y vino y todas las cosas de Espana : — The country of Ayllon, who discovered it, and returned there to make a settlement, being a land well cal- culated to yield bread and wine, and all things of Spain." '* Oviedo, Hintoria General de las Indiaa, lib. xxxvii. , cap. i., Vol. III., p. 628. Ayllon's First Voyage. 205 " Y en toda la costa, ni en lo que dentro de la tierra vieron los espaiioles, ni se pudo ver ni aver notigia de provingia ni puerto, ni rio ni poblagion que tal nombre tuviesse : ni vieron tierra ni provincia que se llamasse de los nom- bres que se contenian en la capitulagion quel licengiado tuvo con S. M., que yo he visto, que son los quel dicho indio le debiera avisar." " And, neither on the coast nor inland, did the Spaniards see or have notice of provinces, harbors, rivers, or population so named [/. e., Chicora]. Nor did they see any lands or provinces bearing the names inserted in the letters patent granted by His Majesty, which I have seen, and were doubtless furnished by that Indian."" The preceding pages were already in type when our attention was called to a succinct, but new and clear, account of Ayllon's first voyage to the east coast, written by Mr. John Gilmary Shea, '^ and based upon documents which, so far as we know, have not yet been published. They belong to the files '9 in the suits which Matienzo brought against Ayllon, at Santo Domingo, in 1525 and 1526. Being unable at this late hour to institute researches in the Archives of the Indies, or to obtain copies of those documents, we depart from our custom of taking all historic data from original authorities, and borrow the narrative of Mr. Shea, who, moreover, is one of our few trustworthy historians. "In 1520, Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon having secured the necessary license, despatched a caravel under the command of Francisco Gordillo, with directions to sail northward through the Bahamas, and thence strike the shore of the continent. Gordillo set out on his explora- tion, and near the island of Lucayoneque, one of the Lucayuelos, descried another caravel. His pilot, Alonso Fernandez Sotil, proceeded towards it in a boat, and soon recognised it as a caravel commanded by a kinsman of his, Pedro de Quexos, and fitted out, in part, by Juan Ortiz de Matienzo. This caravel was returning from an unsuccessful cruise among the Bahamas for Caribs, — the object of the expedition being to capture Indians in order to sell them as slaves. On ascertaining the object of Gordillo's voyage, Quexos proposed that they should continue the exploration together. After a sail of eight or ten days, in which they ran little ■' OviEDO, «6J supra. As to the names of Chicora and Gualdape, the following remark of Herreka (Decad. III., lib. viii.,cap. viii.,p. 241) must be noted: "Adonde estaba vn Pueblo, que por Uamarle Oritza, le dixeron Chicora, porque los Castellanos nunca repararon en cor- romper poco los vocablos, i otro lugar, que se decia Gucde, Uamaron GuaXdape : — There is in that locality a village called Oritza, which the Spaniards, with their habit of corrupting names, call Chicora; and another denominated Guale, they name Gualdape." '" Narrative and Critical History of America, edited by Mr. Justin WiNSOR; Boston, s. a.. Vol. II., pp. 238-239. '' Those documents are probably preserved at Seville in what is called the Patronato (Estante 2, Cajon i ?) from which were taken the complaint of Matienzo, and certain depositions collected on behalf of Ayllon in- serted in the Documentos iiiedilos de Indias, Vol. XXXIV., pp. 563-67, and XXXV,, p. 547-62. These two documents are far less interesting than those which Mr. Shea had the good fortune to secure. They contain only two facts of importance. The first is, that the object of the expedition was to kidnap Indians from the Lucayos, as well as to accomplish discoveries ; the other fact is that Ayllon's second expedition returned to Santo Do- mingo in August, 1525. 2o6 The Discovery of North America. more than a hundred leagues, they reached the coast of the continent, at the mouth of a con- siderable river, to which they gave the name of St. John the Baptist, from the fact that they touched the coast on the day set apart to honor the Precursor of Christ. The year was 1521, and the point reached was, according to the estimate of the explorers, in latitude 33" 30' {Testimony of Pedro de Quexos, and Act of faking possession by Quexos). Boats put off from the caravels, and landed some twenty men on the shore ; and, while the ships endeavoured to enter the river, these men were surrounded by Indians, whose good- will they gained by presents. Some days later, Gordillo formally took possession of the country in the name of Ayllon, and of his associate Diego Caballero, and of the King, as Quexos did also in the name of his employers, on Sunday, June 30, 1521. Crosses were cut on the trunks of trees to mark the Spanish occupancy [Testimony of Aldana). Although Ayllon had charged Gordillo to cultivate friendly relations with the Indians of any new land he might discover {Answer of Ayllon to Mafienzo), Gordillo joined with Quexos in seizing some seventy of the natives, with whom they sailed away, without any attempt to make an exploration of the coast. On the return of the vessel to Santo Domingo, Ayllon condemned his captain's act, and the matter was brought before a commission presided over by Diego Columbus, for the consideration of important affairs. The Indians were declared free, and it was ordered that they should be restored to their native land at the earliest possible moment. Meanwhile they were to remain in the hands of Ayllon and Matienzo." ^ In his critical essay on the sources of information, Mr. Shea adds the following important detail : " As regards the joint exploration of the vessels of Gordillo and Quexos, the testimony of the latter helps us, as well as his act of taking possession, which puts the proceeding in 1521; though some of the witnesses give 1520 as the date; both parties unite in calling the river which they reached, the San Juan Bautista. Herrera is wrong in calling the river the Jordan, — named, as he says, after the captain or pilot of one of the vessels, — since no such person was on either vessel, and no such name appears in the testimony." ^' The above-quoted testimonies contradict, in an important particular, the leading statement of the letters patent of June 12, 1523, viz.: " Dos carabelas descubrieron tierra ... a la parte del norte, lacual dicha tierra diz que esta en treinta y cinco, y treinta y seis, y treinta y siete grados : — -The two caravels discovered land .... at the north, which land, they say, is by thirty-five, and thirty-six, and thirty- seven degrees." ^^ This technical description implies that the two ships of Ayllon and Matienzo did actually range the coast extending from 35° to 37" north latitude ; that is, a space corresponding with us to the distance between =° Narrative and Critical History, edited by Justin ^' Narratioe and Critical History, p. 285. WiNSOR, Vol. II., pp. 238-239. " Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 153. Ayllon's First Voyage 207 Pamlico Sound, in North Carolina, and Cape Henry, in Virginia. It means that they did not limit their action to a mere disembarkment in one place only, but that, on the contrary, the expedition followed the coast for a distance of at least two degrees of latitude, with several landings. 23 Now, according to the deposition of Pedro de Quexos, their landfall was in latitude 33° 30', at the mouth of a large river, which they as- cended a certain distance. This happened on the 24th of June, 1521. From that place, so far from coasting at all, shortly afterwards " they sailed away, without any attempt to make an exploration of the coast." 24 As to the Jordan river, Herrera is doubtless mistaken when he states that it was so named after the captain or pilot of one of the ships, since Mr. Shea has not found such a name in the testimony. But the ex- plorers must have called " Rio Jordan " a river of the newly-discovered region, as we already see a " R. Jordan" in the Ribero map, by 31° 30' north latitude, carried, however, by Oviedo to 33° 40'. 25 This name is not uncommon in the early charts. Kunstmann No. 2 inscribes a Rio Jordan on the Brazilian coast; the Maggiolo of 1527, on the shores of Newfoundland ; whilst the Turin map has a Rio Giordan by 36°, and a Rio de Jordan by 23° south latitudes. But, as the present designation appears in cartographical documents only in 1529, and that, between 1520 and 1527, Ayllon sent three expeditions to our east coast, it is impossible to say in the course of which this Carolina stream was so named. If how- ever, the first expedition sighted no other part of the coast than the mouth of a river which was then called the St. John, it is evident that we must make the name of "Rio Jordan" date either from 1525 or 1526. We incline to consider the name of Jordan as having been given at the latter date, being probably the landfall in the third voyage ; else it would figure in the Weimar chart of 1527. There remains to be seen whether the above data permit the critic to ascertain where the landfall was in 1521. Notwithstanding the discrepancy existing between those accounts, and our inability to demonstrate absolutely which of the two statements is the correct one, we will base our hypothesis upon the declarations of Pedro de Quexos, as summed up by Mr. Shea. Our reason for the preference »3 Peter Martyr states also that the expedition did not intercapedine, plerasque simul longe protendo in terram remain in one place, but speaks only of "the Spaniards adhxrentes." Supra, p. 201. having sailed during a few days, landing in several =* Shea, ubi supra. localities:— Regiones perlustrarunt paucorum dierum =s Oviedo, lib. xxxvii., cap. i., Vol. III., p. 628. 2o8 The Discovery of North America. is that Ayllon was interested in magnifying the efforts of his lieutenant, being, in 1523, an applicant for new privileges from the Crown. Under the circumstances, it was a much better argument to claim an extensive search than to limit his action to a mere landing and prompt departure after having secured a cargo of Indian slaves. Quexos, on the other hand, could have no interest in diminishing his own efforts, and besides, as the declaration was made in the course of a judicial enquiry, he would have been promptly contradicted, had his assertion proved to be untrue. Now, Quexos says that he visited only one point of the coast, which was in latitude 33° 30'. What did that latitude represent exactly in the eyes of a Spanish pilot in 1526, when those sworn testimonies were taken? We possess a precious document on that question. It is the Weimar chart of 1527. It records the discovery of Ayllon; at the latter date, how- ever, he had already accomplished, personally or by his lieutenants, three voyages to the east coast ; and we must therefore endeavour to determine which of these furnished the geographical data inscribed on that chart. The second expedition of Ayllon was carried out in the spring of 1525, and Mr. Shea informs us that not less than two hundred and fifty leagues of the coast were then explored. But, as the chief object of the voyage was to prevent Ayllon's privileges from becoming void for non- performance of the conditions, we are inclined to think that the report remained in the hands of the local authorities at Santo Domingo, in the form of a legal notice. The third expedition set out in the middle of July, 1526. Ayllon, who had led it in person (his first visit to that country), died on the 1 8th of October following. It was the commencement of a series of misfortunes and unsuccessful attempts at colonising in two places, which ended with internal feuds. Judging from Oviedo's account, those sad events absorbed much time, and were not possibly known elsewhere until the survivors of the expedition returned to Santo Domingo. The geo- graphical data which they brought with them cannot therefore have reached Spain seasonably enough to be used by the maker of the chart of 1527. At all events, if the data in that map were derived from either of the two last expeditions, the cartographer would not have inscribed only " Tierra del licen9iado Ayllon," but, as in the case of Narvaez : " Tierra Ayllon's First Voyage. 209 que aora va a poblar Lucas de Ayllon ;" it being well known that the letters patent of 1523 were predicated upon a colonisation of the newly- discovered land. The Weimar chart of 1527 gives us therefore the point of the coast where the first expedition of Ayllon effected its only landing and only survey of the country. With what part of modern maps does the legend in the chart of 1527, " Tierra del licen9iado Ayllon," correspond? The distance in that chart between Cape Sable, at the extremity of Florida, and Cape Race, at the southern apex of Newfoundland, covers twenty-two and one-third degrees of latitude. In our Admiralty maps, that interval of space embraces twenty-two degrees. There is, therefore, a difference of only twenty miles between the two measurements. Both in the chart of 1527 and in the Admiralty maps, the south end of Florida is by 25° north latitude. It follows that both on the chart of 1527 and on Admiralty maps, 33" 30' (which is the latitude given by Pedro de Quexos for his first landfall on the east coast) must be accepted as the exact point of the discovery in 152 1. That point, in our opinion, is Georgetown Entrance in South Carolina, which, besides, is only half-a-degree further south than the locality where is inscribed, on the chart of 1527, "Tierra de Ayllon." We must also remark that, with the exception of the Santee, there is no river or mouth of river, within fifty or seventy-five miles, north or south of 33° 30', which is sufficiently important to answer the description, however succinct it may be. And, if we do not name the banks of the Santee as the landfall on that occasion, it is because its latitude is still further south ; while the indications lead rather more to the north. The first intimation of an intervening voyage to Chicora undertaken by the orders of Ayllon, is to be found in Herrera, sub anno 1525. And although his references to the legal proceedings instituted by Matienzo against Ayllon show that he has had access to the documents since pub- lished, and to which we shall call the attention of our readers, the details to be gathered from the Decades are extremely brief They convey no other information, though valuable so far as it goes, than the fact that the expedition was composed of two ships, which returned promptly to Santo Domingo : 2 c 2IO The Discovery of North America. " Armd dos Navios en la Ciudad de Santo Domingo, i las embid, con pensamiento de apercibir maiores fuergas, si el Viage sucedia bien . . . Bolvieron presto, con relacion de que havian descubierto Tierras de buenas muestras . . . por lo qual se declar6, que para cumplir tnejor con lo capitulado, queria armar otro Navio, demks de los dos, i hacer, en Persona, la Jornada : — He equipped two ships in the city of Santo Domingo, and sent them, with the intention of preparing a larger expedition if the voyage proved successful . . . They returned to port promptly, with the news of a discovery of lands of good appearance. Upon •which Ayllon announced his intention, so as to fulfil better the conditions of his patent, to equip a ship, in addition to the other two, and lead the enterprise in person."^ That important statement escaped the attention of Navarrete, who, like Gomara and others, thought that Ayllon had undertaken but two expeditions, one in 1521 and the other in 1526. It was only when the new volume of the Coleccion de documentos ineditos de Indias appeared, in 1888, that documents commenced to be published. These consisted of the judicial allegations mentioned by Her- rera as regards the action brought by Matienzo against his former partner, and, particularly, of the petition which Ayllon addressed to the Audiencia or Tribunal of Santo Domingo, as he was preparing his third and last expedition. It confirmed the statement of Herrera, by giving the exact date of the return, in August, 1525, of ships which Ayllon had sent on a voyage of discovery : " Desde que vynieron las carabelas del descobrymiento de la dicha Thierra que fu^ por el mes de Agosto del afio passado : — Since the arrival of the caravels from the discovery of the said country, which was in the month of August of last year." "" The document is dated March 5, 1526. Consequently, the voyage alluded to, or the return of the ships, "el afio passado," occurred in 1525. And, as to the fact itself, it is corroborated by four eye-witnesses. Notwithstanding our efforts, we could find no further information con- cerning that second voyage. Here, again, light is thrown upon the subject by the documents of Mr. Shea, who mentions the expedition as follows : "To secure his rights under the Asiento, Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon despatched two cara- vels under Pedro de Quexos to the newly-discovered land, early in 1525. They regained the goodwill of the natives, and explored the coast for two hundred and fifty leagues, setting up stone crosses with the name of Charles V. and the date of taking possession. They returned to Santo Domingo in July [August? see above\ 1525, bringing one or two Indians from each province, who might be trained as interpreters {Interrogatories of Ayllon; Testimony of Quexos)."^^ '^ HERREtiA, ffistoria de los Hechos de los Espafioles ; sohre ima espedycion que oho de facer en la Florida, Decad. III., lib. viii., cap. viii.. p. 241. March 5, 1526. Coleccion de doc. ineditos de Indias '^ Ynformacion fecha en la Ahdyencia de Santo Vol. XXXV., p. 549. Domingo a petycion del Oydor Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon =^ Shea, uhi supra. Ayllon's First Voyage. 21 r We suppose that those two hundred and fifty leagues were coasted northward, and, as we also presume, north of the landfall in 1521, which was by 33° 30'. One reason is that the voyage was made in furtherance of the conditions imposed by the patent of 1523, which required a coasting of eight hundred leagues, or until the commander had reached lands al- ready discovered: "navegareis ochocientas leguas 6 hasta dar en tierra descubierta." Now, Ayllon's lieutenant could not turn the prow of his ships southward, and expect to run along the east coast, without feeling convinced that he would soon reach the Florida regions, which he certainly knew had been discovered by and conceded to Ponce de Leon. On the other hand, he could go towards the north as far as he wished, without running any other risk than to come across countries claimed by the English or the Portuguese. Another argument is that the regions attributed by the Ribero map of 1529 to Ayllon, and which extend to 39" north latitude, can have been discovered only in the course of his second voyage. This fact compels us to break our chronology, in order to discuss the expedition which Ayllon led in person in 1526. All we know concerning that voyage is borrowed exclusively from the account given by Oviedo. It amounts to this : Being threatened by the Royal Council of the Indies to have his letters patent revoked, and another captain entrusted with the undertaking, Ayllon sailed from Puerto de Plata in the middle of July, 1526.29 The expedition was composed of a large vessel. La Bretona, which served as flagship ; another. La Sancta Cathalina ,- a third. La Ghorruca ; a brig, and a lighter or barge, carrying together five hundred men and eighty or ninety horses. Ayllon, who this time, and for the first time, was on board, sailed direct from Hispaniola to the east coast, landing near a river called (since when ?) Rio Jordan. The entrance of that river is set at 33" 40': "en treynta e tres grados e dos tercios," which is within ten miles only of the first landfall of 1521, as set forth by Quexos. In entering the river, the flag-ship went aground and was entirely lost ; but the other ships sailed up successfully, we do not know to what distance. »9 Oviedo, lib., xxxvii., cap. i.. Vol. III., p. 628. Antonio de Cervantes, O. S. D. in 1561." The latter, Mr. Shea says "the date is clearly fixed after May 26 it seems, was a companion of Ayllon in the voyage of and before June 9, as Ayllon testitied on the former day, 1526, together with Antonio DE Mo.ntesinos and Pedro and on the latter his procurator appeared for him." Oj>. DE Estrada. There is a reference to some writings cii. , p. 240, note 3. That historian also quotes " Testi- of Mo.ntesinos on the subject, but we have failed to find mony of Alonzo Despinosa Cervantes, and of Father them in the Archives of the Indies. 212 The Discovery of North America. Finding the land inappropriate for a colony, they determined, after a few days, to leave, and make a settlement elsewhere. What follows, in Oviedo, comprises all that can be ascertained relative to the future move- ments of Ayllon, or of his men after he died. It is in these words : " Acordaron de yrse a poblar la costa adelante hagia la costa occidental, 6 fueron a un grand rio (quarenta o quarenta 6 q'mco leguas de alli, pocas mas 6 menos) que se dige Gualdape ^ alli assentaron su campo 6 real en la costa d^l : — They decided to go and settle on the coast beyond, in the direction of the west coast ; and they went to a large river (forty or forty-five leagues from that place, more or less) called Gualdape; and there they established their camp or settlement on the coast." We are constrained to take Oviedo's text and figures as they stand, and endeavour to ascertain whether logical deductions can be drawn from the same. Being at the east, on a continental coast, Ayllon, strictly speaking, could direct his ships towards a western coast, " ha^ia la costa oc9idental," only through a water-way which was inland, and running westward. That water-way, according to Oviedo's description, presented two pe- culiarities, viz.: a large river, " un grand rio," poured into it; and the entrance to that large river was distant from the point whence Ayllon set out after breaking up his first encampment : " de alli," one hundred and twenty or one hundred and thirty-five miles: "quarenta o quarenta e ginco leguas." The point from which Ayllon started on this subsequent coasting exploration, we infer from Oviedo's statement to have been in the vicinity of the landfall, that is, the estuary of the Rio Jordan, which he locates ty 33' 40'. Now, taking a wide range, there are on the east coast, between 32° and 34" 30' north latitude, only three inland water-ways answering at all to the above description, viz : The Santee River, by 3^° 7', and which extends over 130 miles. Georgetown Entrance, with Winyah Bay and the Great Pedee, by 33" 10'; extending together over 150 navigable miles. Cap Fear River, by ^t,° 50', and 250 miles long. Which of these was navigated by Ayllon after leaving the Rio Jordan, and where he made his last attempt to plant a colony .? The first datum to notice in Oviedo's narrative is the word "costa," which he applies to the region explored by Ayllon. In Spanish it has no other meaning than a sea-coast. Ayllon's First Voyage. 213 If Oviedo had used the term "orilla," instead of "costa," we should assume at once that Ayllon simply ascended a river, which the critic would have to select from the three streams above mentioned. But the word "costa" compels us to introduce some sea coast as a necessary factor in the investigation. We are also bound to place the locality beyond 33° 40' north latitude, that having been the starting point. To understand Oviedo's meaning, we must suppose him writing with a map before his eyes, Ribero's for instance, and notice that, north of its Rio Jordan, the sea coast is made to trend considerably eastward ; which is also the case in the reality of things, if we consider the north-eastern shores of Long Bay in modern maps. This reasonable hypothesis permits us to imagine how Oviedo may call "west" the recess exhibited by the coast in the longitude of his Rio Jordan, relatively to the eastward trend which is seen north of the supposed locality of that river. Now, the extent of sea coast, from either of the two estuaries above mentioned to the entrance of Cape Fear River, cannot be less than one hundred miles ; taking into account the curves and windings which the ships followed closely, being in search of an eligible spot to land. We then find the mouth of the river, which, almost as high up as Wilmington, is sufficiently wide to permit the term " costa " to be applied to its shores as a continuation of the sea coast below. This approximate traject gives about twenty miles more, and indicates a point of Cape Fear River, be- tween Smithville and Wilmington, as the locality where Ayllon probably made his second settlement in the summer of 1526, and where he died a couple of months afterwards. It also follows from what precedes that, in 1521 and 1526, Ayllon's expeditions did not range the sea coast beyond 33° 50' north latitude ; and that, until new documents show that there was another Spanish voyage to the east coast, at those dates, or before 1529, the names: C. de S. Roman, Rio del Principe, C. Traffalgar, Rio del Espiritu Santo (at the north), B. de 5"- Maria, and C. de St. Juatt, inscribed for the first time by Ribero, must be attributed to the second expedition sent by Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon, in 1525. CHAPTER III. Giovanni da Verrazano. 1523—1524- IT is almost universally admitted that a navigator, or corsair, called Giovanni da Verrazano, of Florentine birth, sailing under the French flag by command of Francis the First, discovered, or explored, the Atlantic coast of North America, from Florida to Nova Scotia, between the years 1523 and 1524. That belief, which has been shared by all historians for three cen- turies, was based at first solely upon an account published by Ramusio in 1556, in the third volume of his celebrated RaccoUa, under the following title : "Relatione di Giouanni da Verrazzano Fiorentino della terra per lui scoperta in nome di sua Maesta, scritta in Dieppa, adi 8. Luglio, m.d.xxiiii.: — Relation by Giovanni da Verrazano, a Florentine, of the country which he has discovered in the name of His Majesty, written at Dieppe, on the 8th day of July, 1524." Such an opinion could only be strengthened when Hakluyt, in the dedication to Philip Sidney of his Divers voyages touching the discoveries of America, printed in 1582, referring to the north-west passage, made the following statement : " Master John Verarzanus which had been thrise on that coast \i. e., the north-east coast of America] in an olde excellent mappe, which he gave to King Henry the eight, and is yet in custody of Master Locke, doth so lay it out as it is to bee seene in the mappe annexed to the end of this boke, being made according to Verarzanus plat." Finally, an older text than the one published by Ramusio, but printed only in 1841,' together with another document since so frequently quoted as "the Carli letter," 2 also added weight to the belief then entertained by every one that the publication of Ramusio was genuine, the statement 'Florence National Library; ex-Magliabecchiana ; August 4, 1524, first printed in the Roman journal of MS., Class XIII., Cod. 89 ; Verrazano; — Collections of history, // Saijgiatore, I., 257, says Mr. Murphy. But the New York Historical Society, Vol. I., new series, see for a more exact text, Archivo Slorico Italiano, of 1841, p. 55. Vieusseux, Vol. IX., Appendix, 1853. See also the ^ Lettera di Fernando Carli a sua Padre ; Lyons, Bibliography in Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 279. Giovanni da Verrazano. 215 of Hakluyt entirely reliable, and the voyage ascribed to Giovanni da Verrazano absolutely authentic. The first doubts were raised by Buckingham Smith, in 1864,3 and supported with additional arguments, in 1875, by the Hon. Henry C. Murphy. 4- The question has since been ably discussed pro and con in a number of elaborate dissertations. Not being yet in possession of the new facts which we hope may result from researches initiated, at our special request, by the French Government among the papers of Admiral Bonnivet, and in the Parlia- mentary archives at Rouen (Honfleur and Dieppe have been exhausted), as well as in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, by a friend whom we have commissioned to sift through the diplomatic correspondence of Joao da Silveyra, Pedro Gomez Teixeira, and Diego de Gouveya, we shall abstain for the present from discussing the documents above mentioned. We propose to limit our task, just now, to an analysis and arguments based exclusively upon what might be termed extrinsic or parallel evidence. That is, we will ignore entirely the account of Ramusio and the Carli letter, although both are given as representing either the very words or the substance of the official report addressed by Giovanni da Verrazano to the King of France. We will even leave aside the statements and map of Hakluyt, which could be made important factors in a discussion almost entirely cartographical. The case would be otherwise, perhaps, if we had before us the original of the Ramusio and Carli transcripts, and of the " olde excellent mappe" which Hakluyt ascribes to Giovanni da Verrazano ; neither of which, however, we mean to question. There is so much to be said in regard to those documents, particularly the account said to have been addressed to Francis I. (no French text of which has yet been found), that we thought it interesting to see whether the problem could not be solved otherwise. Withal, the reader should know that the absence of original French documents relative to that voyage of Verra- zano, thus far, can be easily explained ; as the documentary history of the Valois is in course of formation. When we see that the patents of Francis I. increase from 3,500 to 18,000, hopes may yet be entertained. 3 Buckingham Smith, An Inquiry into the authenti- * Henry C. Murphy, The Voyage of Verrazzano : city of documents concerning a discovery in North a chapter in the Early History of Maritime Discovery America, claimed to have been made hy Verrazano; in America; New York, 1875, 8vo. An appendix was New York, 1864, 4to. published by the author in 1876 or 1877. 2i6 The Discovery of North America. The Bihliotheca Amhrosiana at Milan possesses a mappamundi on two sheets of vellum, one of which is devoted exclusively to the New World. That valuable map bears the following inscription : " VeSCONTE DE MaIOLLO CONPOSUY HANC CARTAN. In JANUA anno DNY 15. 7. DIE XX. Decenbris : — Vesconte de MaioUo composed this map at Genoa, in the year 15.7, on the 20th day of December. " It is intentionally that we have placed a dot where the inscription inserts a numeral. The reason is that the entire date must be explained. At first sight, the figures, which are Arabic, read 158'/ ; and, for a long time, the map was believed to have been constructed in that year. The palaeography, however, was a cause of doubt and misgivings, as it seemed to be older than 1587. The fact that the Pacific coast of South America, instead of the nomenclature which dots with numerous names the same region in the maps of the second half of the sixteenth century, exhibits only the legend " Terra Incognita," ignoring even Peru and the first discoveries of Pizarro, also appeared strange in an important cartographical document, alleged to be of a much later period than the atlases of Agnese, Martines, and Oliva ; not to speak of the engraved maps of Gastaldi, which circulated everywhere in Italy. Another motive for doubting prima facie the exact character of the date of 1587 sprung from the fact that the signature was the only trace of a Maggiollo, pre- named Vesconte, 5 existing after the one who died between 1547 and 1551. That family of cartographers had produced a Giovanni-Antonio, and a Jacopo, both sons of the Vesconte of 1511-1547, and a Baldassare, who lived in 1588; but in none of the copious Abecedarios and lists of names of the Genoese archives ^ was there any mention of a Vesconte de Mag- giolo after the year 1551. The characteristic language and orthography used in the legends, viz: "coraposuy," and "cartaw," instead of " com- posuy," and "cartaw," deserve also to be noted; the latter forms having been adopted by Vesconte de Maggiolo only towards the end of his career, as shown by his portolano of 1547. Finally, the handwriting and palaeographical peculiarities of the legend were precisely those, not only of the Paris Maggiolo map of 1547, but also of the other Ambrosiana Maggiolo map of 1524. Was it likely that, after sixty-three years, there could exist a Vesconte de Maggiolo whose penmanship and spelling re- sembled perfectly that of his supposed homonymous ancestor ? 5 The Vesconte of 1588 was pre-named "Baldassare." Sopra Agostino Noli e Visconte Macjrjiolo cartografi, ^ Atti della Societa Ligure di Storia P atria ; in the Giornale Ligii^fACo; Genoa, No. for both the Genoa, Vol. III. (1866), p. ccxUi.; Marcello Staglieno, months of February and March, 1875, p. 71. o O I — I o < w o m o o to o o Giovanni da Verrazano. 217 It was reserved for the distinguished Genoese archivist and scholar, Signor CorneHo Desimoni, to solve the question simply by comparing the two legends, viz.: Vefconte oc AUioiio conpof »;* bnnc arbin. ♦3n3ainia iinno xyiy* ij V ^^ ^^* c>e<:i^nbri^» Then, by bringing the figures closely together, Signor Desimoni dis- covered that the numeral S, in the date of the first legend, was only a 2, which had been altered by an oblique line being drawn across. 7 The present map, therefore, was constructed not in 1587, but in iS^y. , It behoves us now to describe the configurations of the New World in that map. 8 They are entirely novel ; and, thus far, we have failed to find any cartographical document, whether Spanish, Portuguese, Ma- jorcan, or Italian, from which Maggiolo can have borrowed data for a single one of his delineations and nomenclature. The east coast of America is drawn at the north from what seems to be Greenland, there called " Lavoratore," as far south as the " Streito donde pacio magaianes." The Atlantic profiles and latitudes differ from contemporaneous Sevillan charts, as, for instance, those which are pre- served at Weimar, although the general aspect and trending of the coast, north of Florida, indicate a complete exploration, different, however, from that of Gomez ; as graphic details and names tend to prove. The posi- tion assigned, in 1527, to such well-known parts as the West India islands and the neighbouring continental coast are also peculiar. Cuba appears as extending far south of the tropic of Cancer, and yet with its septen- trional coast projecting to about i" 30' north of the apex of Florida,. The most curious part is the western seaboard of the continent. The coast is made to continue ; but, above the equator, it forms an elbow projecting far into the Pacific Ocean, and there turns abruptly. ' Cornelio Desimoni, Alio studio secundo iniomo a photographic facsimile, here reproduced, of the legends Oiovanni Verrazzano ; Appendice III.; in the Atti in the two MaioUo or Maggiolo maps preserved in the delta Societa Ligure di S. P., 1881, pp. 355-378. We Ambrosiana. are under obligations to the learned abbe Ceriani for a ^ See adjoining facsimile of Maggiolo map of 1527. 2 D 2i8 The Discovery of North America. The trend eastward is so considerable, that it approaches the east coast sufficiently near to depict, where we place in modern maps the Carolinas, a very narrow isthmus, a mere thread, which alone separates, in that lati- tude, Mare Oceanus (Atlantic) from Mare Indicum (Pacific). Such a peculiar form, together with a regular strait cut from north to south, back of Yucatan, indicate, on the part of the maker of the prototype used by Maggiolo, the necessity of explaining cartographically the hypothesis of a western passage. This intention, and the dubious character of the drawing, are shown by the legend : " Stretto dubitoso : — Doubtful Strait," placed at the southern entrance of the aperture. The fact must be noted, for it is an important factor in the present discussion. Withal, the point of leading importance, just now, lies in the nomen- clature of the east coast from Florida to about 42° north latitude. We notice first, in the middle of that extensive space, inland, the foyal standard of France, with three lilies in the centre, and a border containing a number of those emblematic flowers. Then there is, across the region, in large letters: Francesca, and, along the coast, a nomenclature which, so far as is known, appears here for the first time. It consists of fifty names, among which must be noted the following : On the Floridian coast : Diepa and Anaflor. These are evidently translations into Italian of " Dieppe " and " Honfleur." On the coast of our Middle States : S. Ludouico, Monicellt, Norman- villa, Anguileme, G. de Germano, Longavilla. Here, again, we have French names Italianised, viz.: "Saint Louis, Monceaux, de [St.] Ger- main, Normanville, Angouleme," and " Longueville." An island close to the shore is named Luisa, for " Louise," and a group of islets are called Le figole de nauarin, which may be interpreted as " Les fils de la Navarre : — The sons of Navarra." It is impossible not to see in that flag, in the general designation Francesca, and in those names, proofs that, in the opinion of Maggiolo, the entire coast had been ranged by French ships, and the country taken possession of in the name of France, or of her King Francis. Further both the exploration and the claim are of a date prior to December, 1527; Maggiolo's present map having been completely executed on the 20th day of that year and month. The critic is also bound to note that, no name of discoverer being given in the map, the tacit attribution cannot be con- sidered as intended to redound to the glory of any navigator in particular. Giovanni da Verrazano. 219 Finally, in 1527, Francis I. was an unfortunate king, who, after having suffered a crushing defeat at Pavia, remained, only the year before, a prisoner in the hands of Charles V., then the leading spirit in Italy.. Under the circumstances, it is difficult to imagine an Italian endeavouring to flatter France or her vanquished monarch, by attributing to him a merit which he should not have possessed. The tendency would . have been rather the reverse. What is that French expedition which ranged the east coast from Florida to Nova Scotia, before the year 1527.'' Maggiolo's map yields, on that point, only the following data : The flag with the lilies shows that it was not a private enterprise. The hypothetical configurations about a strait indicate that its object was to discover a passage leading from the Atlantic to the Indian seas. The names Dieppe, Longueville,9 Normanville, 1° Monceaux, " Honfleur, &c., prove that it was an expedition equipped in Normandy, or manned by Normand mariners. Facts still more specific, even than these, can be gathered from other cartographical sources. There is, in the library of the Propaganda Fide at Rome, a large manuscript planisphere, undated, but the chirography of which is of the first half of the sixteenth century, and the work of an Italian cartographer. The latter fact is shown, besides, by the inscription : " Hieronemvs de Verrazano faciebat :-^Made by Jerome de Verrazano." '^ Its configuration of the east coast differs materially from that in the Maggiolo map, and shows on that account, and for other geographical reasons, a different origin. That outline was certainly borrowed from a ' Sevillan chart resembling, in a high degree, the Weimar plani-sphere of 1527; as can easily be ascertained by comparing the north-eastern profiles in both. But it is an eclectic construction, for its west coast, in the parts which the Weimar charts omit to delineate, is traced here entirely, and after the model presented by the Maggiolo map. That is, the Pacific seaboard is distinctly laid out from the Strait of Magellan to latitude 62° north, forming, in 45", an extensive elbow west of the Mexican regions, but turning abrupdy to the east, and carried so far in the latter direction as ' Longueville, in the Department of Seine-Inferieure, " Monceaux or MonticelU. There are two towns so in Normandy. called in Normandy, one in Calvados, the other in Eure. 1° IJ'ormanville. There are two towns of that name in " See the engraved reduction of that map in the work Normandy, one in Eure, the other in Seine-Inferieure. of Mr. Murphy, above quoted. 220 The Discovery of North America. to form, by its 42° north latitude, that most narrow isthmus which is the distinctive trait in that series of maps ; of which the Maggiolo planisphere of 1527 is the oldest specimen known. The great importance of this document in the present enquiry does not consist, however, either of those or of its Atlantic configurations. Nay, the latter can be traced back to Spanish data, based upon the voyages of Ponce de Leon, Ayllon, and even Estevam Gomez ; as shown by the legends of the Ribero map, inscribed in the midst of geographical delineations and along minute profiles, all borrowed servilely from the Weimar map of 1527. The importance lies chiefly in a series of in- scriptions of an affirmative character, which appear in the present map for the first time ; and in the nomenclature, which connects the latter with the Maggiolo map of 1527. Taking only the French typical names, we again find : Dieppa = Dieppe; Darajior {iox A'naflor) = Wo'Ci?i^\ir ; Lungavt'l/a = honguevi\le; San Germano = Saint Germain ; Angolemme = Angouleme ; Luisa = Louise ; G. de S. Luis = C. de Saint Louis ; Le figle de navarra = Les fils de Na- varre. But to those should be added: Tolonvilla=To\ir\ajv\\\e.;'^'i Vendomo=^ Vendome ; Navarro = \^'a. Navarre; Bonivetto = V>oxm\v&\.,'^^ and Orlean = Orleans. As to the claim, it is laid in the following general title and legend : " Nova Gallia sive Ivcatania. — The New Gaul or lucatania." "Verrazana seu Gallia Nova quale discopri 5 anni fa Giovanni di Verrazano fiorentino per ordine et comandamente del Chrystianissimo Re di Francia : — Verrazana, or New Gaul, which was discovered five years ago by Giovanni di Verrazano, a Florentine, by order and command of the Most Christian King of France." Nothing can be clearer thus far. The critic now must show that there have been two men named, the one, Hieronymo da Verrazano, who made the map ; the other, Giovanni da Verrazano, who is alleged to have accomplished the discovery. He should also prove that both of those Verrazanos were in the conditions of time, place, and avocations war- ranting the acts ascribed to them, implicitly by the Maggiolo map, and positively by the cartographical document which we have just analysed. And, first of all, the parties above mentioned must be connected with France, particularly with Normandy, and before the year 1527. '3 Tourlaville, a town of Normandy, in the Manche. Admiral, and favourite of Francis I. He was killed at "• Charles Gouffier de Bonxivet, celebrated French the battle of Pavia in 1525. jr Giovanni da Verrazano. 221 The Judicial archives of Rouen contain a power of attorney given to one "Jerosme de Varasenne," in that city, "le vendredi onze mai 1526: — Friday, May 12th, 1526." '5 So much for the maker of the map. '6 That document is signed "Janus Verrazanus," otherwise called in the body of the forensic act " Noble homme Jehan de Varasenne, capitaine des navires : — John [or Giovanni] de Varasenne [or da Verrazano], captain of the ships." '7 There are two other documents corroborating the above, in regard to that Giovanni da Verrazano. One is a petition for a stay of proceedings (" clameur de haro "), addressed to the Tribunal at Rouen, on behalf of " Messire Jehan de Verrasane," by a merchant of that place, called Zanobis de Rousselay, '8 "Vendredi penultieme jour de Septembre, 1525: — Friday, the last but one day of September, 1525." Finally, we possess another and more special power of attorney given by "Messire Jehan de Varasenne," to a citizen of Rouen: "bourgeois de Rouen," on the 12th of May, 1526.19 In the latter, as in the first document, Verrazano is called a captain of ships, and the acts refer to an intended voyage to the Indies : " Capi- taine des navires equippez pour aller au voiaige des Indes." Consequently, it cannot be doubted that, in 1525 and 1526, there resided in Normandy a sea-captain, called, in Italian, Giovanni da Verra- zano, who, in the latter year, was in command of a small fleet, " des navires." It is also shown that there and then resided, likewise, an individual, named, in Italian, Hieronymo da Verrazano, who, moreover, was the brother and heir of Giovanni : " Son frere et heritier." These circumstances tend to show that the latter was in a position to obtain geographical data for a map setting forth maritime discoveries accomplished by the said Giovanni. 'S Revue Critique d'Histoire et de LittercUure, Paris, Verrazano map, a reference to Bonnivet, the admiral No. of January i, 1876. who necessarily supervised the equipping at that time of '* The other attorney in fact appointed by Giovanni da all maritime expeditions in a Normandy port, such as Verrazanoon that occasion, is "Zanobis DE ROUSSELAY." Dieppe, Honfleur or Havre. Cf. the intervention of Now in the Maggiolo map we notice on the coast of the Chabot (who was Bonnivet's successor as " Amiral de region called Francesca, a place called, Lorto de rucelay, France "), in the contract made with Verrazano in 1526. that is " Rucelay's Garden." The c. with or without a '' Revue Critique, above quoted. cedilla, would convey here to an Italian the sound of the "' De Costa, Verrazano, the Explorer, New York, French double ,s's ; which leads us to see in that denomi- 1881, 4to, with facsimile of the globe of Ulpius. nation a reference to Verrazano's legal representative in '' Our article in the Revue critique, on the Verrazaiw Normandy. Just as we see in Bonivetto, inscribed on the of the Hon. Henry C. Mukphy. 222 The Discovery of North America. The above " Voiaige des Indies " has the appearance of a private enterprise only, since Giovanni da Verrazano binds himself formally to pay back, on his return, the money which is to be expended in equipping one of the ships, viz.: "La Barque de Fescamp, dont est maistre, apres Dieu, Pierre Cauvay." But, as the map of Hieronymo claims that the discovery of the east coast was accomplished by the command and order of the King of France, we must show that Giovanni was in a position to be employed by Francis I. for such an enterprise. In the Manuscript Department of the Paris National Library there is a very old and authentic copy of an agreement for a maritime expedition. 20 That enterprise was to consist of three ships equipped at the joint cost of the French government, implicitly represented by Philippe de Chabot, called in the act "Amiral de France," and Guillaume Preudhomme, therein designated as " General \_des Finances] de Normandiej" the famous Jehan Ango, of Dieppe, two other individuals, and " Jehan de Varesam prin- cipalle pillote." And, although it was ostensibly " pour faire le voiaige des espiceryes aux Indies," the real object consisted simply in cruising the ocean to seize and plunder merchantmen or galleons returning from Asia or from America. This is shown by the character of the contracting parties, and the expressions: "pour le bien prouffict et utillite de la chose publicque du royaulme de France," which would scarcely be employed if the question at stake was only to barter, and secure a cargo of pepper or of nutmegs. Further, the agreement specifies that it will be executory only after letters patent shall have been obtained from the King : " Et fera mondit Sr. Lamyral expedier lettres du Roy en patent pour avoir licence et conge de faire le dit voiaige." Finally, it was considered as Verrazano's own expedition, since the document bears the heading : " Pour le voiaige de Messire Joan." As to the date of those stipulations, it was in April, 1526; since Chabot received the title of "Amiral de France," March 23, 1526 (1525 old style). 21 while Guillaume Preudhomme had ceased to be "General des Finances," to become what we now call the Secretary of the Treasury ("Tr^sorier de I'Epargne ") on the i8th of April following. 22 =° It has been correctly printed by Mr. Murphy, op. =' Catalor/ue des actes de Francois ler. Published by cit., under the titleof Agreement of Philippe Chahoticith M. PicoT, Paris, 1888, in 8vo, Vol. I., No. 2305. certain Adventurers. We have the original document '- MS. Depart, of the Paris National Library, Fonds before us. It is now in the Fonds Moreau, 770, f'- 60. Fran^ais, 25720, doc. 255. Giovanni da Verrazano. 223 A mariner who, In 1526, was Pilot-Major of an expedition sailing under the royal flag of France, can well have been entrusted with ships sent, a couple of years before, to accomplish maritime discoveries, " by order of the Most Christian King Francis I." Withal, the possibility is not sufficient. The critic must show, out- side the assertions of Hieronymo da Verrazano, that his brother was actually put in command, not only of an expedition, but of one intended to discover a western passage to Cathay, in 1523. This proof also exists. We find it in a diplomatic dispatch addressed by Joao da Silveyra, the Portuguese Ambassador in France, to .King Joam III. The document is dated from Poissy, near Paris, on the 25th day of April, 1523, and contains this decisive piece of information: " By what I hear, Maestro Joao Verazano, who is going on the discovery of Cathay, has not left up to this date, for want of opportunity and because of differences, I understand, between himself and men ; and on this topic, though knowing nothing positively, I have written my doubts in accompanying letters. I shall continue to doubt unless he take his departure."*' We have failed to find thus far, in the diplomatic correspondence of Silveyra any further mention of Verrazano. But, in the History of Joam III., written by Francisco d'Andrada, historian of Philip III., who ordered him to write the work, there is a detailed account of Silveyra's embassy to France ; which was sent expressly to regulate certain maritime affairs between the two kingdoms. It contains the following passage : " Neste mesmo tempo foy el Rey auisado por alguns Portugueses qud negoceauao em Fran5a que hum loao varezano Florentine de nagao se offerecera a el Rey Francisco para descubrir no Oriente outros reynos que os Portugueses nao tinhao descubertos : — At that time [shortly after the discovery accomplished by Magellan ; the news of which was known in Por- tugal only in the autumn of 1522] the King was informed by certain Portuguese who traded in France, that one John Varezano, of Florentine nationality, had proffered his services to King Francis to discover, in the East, kingdoms different from those which the Portuguese had yet discovered.'"* The ambassador states positively that the expedition was a voyage of discovery contemplated towards " Cathay," giving to understand that the ships were already equipped ; since what prevented Verrazano from sailing out was only a favourable opportunity, and differences with his '3 Letter of Joao da Silveira, the Portuguese Ambassa- =■• Francisco d'Andrada, Cronica do muyto alto e dor; MS. Archivo de la Torre do Tomho, in Lisbon, muyto poderoso Rey destes Reynos de Portugal D. Joao Corpo Chronologico, Part I., ma<;o 'J9, documento 54, o III. deste name; Lisboa, 1613, large 8vo, Tart I., quoted by Mr. MuRl'HY, in his Verrazzano, p. 162. caps. xiii. and xiv., f"*- 13, 14. 2 24 The Discovery of North America. men. The chronicler says that the object of the enterprise was to find eastern regions as yet undiscovered by the Portuguese ; which is nearly the same thing. The one therefore confirms the other, thus far. But then, Andrada, summing up the results of Silveyra's embassy to France, adds that, during the following nine consecutive years which the ambassador spent in France, of all the matters entrusted to him he only succeeded in the one which consisted in preventing the voyage of the Florentine : "Joao da Silveyra que forao noue annos continuos, nos quais em fim nam acabou mais em todos os negocios que leuaua a cargo que embargar a viagem do Florentino de que atras fiz mencao." That sentence would dispose at once of the question if it stood by itself, or was to be construed literally. It allows, however, of a different inference when connected with the entire text. And first, Verrazano was not prevented from sailing again " in the nine consecutive years," since we have positive proofs, unfortunately for him, that three years afterwards, in September or October, 1527, he was captured by a Spanish fleet while in command of a large privateer carrying the French flag, brought to Cadiz, and hung as a pirate in November following. ^5 Then we do not see by virtue of what right Portugal could require France to abandon a project of sending an expedition to Cathay, and discovering a western passage. Nor is it likely that a solemn embassy would have been sent to France for such a purpose. There was something else ! After the above-quoted passage, Andrada says : "Foy el Rey auisado . . . que nos portos de Normandia se faziao prestes armadas para com fauor dos almirantes da costa de Fraga, et dissimulacao del Rey Francisco, irem pouar a terra de Santa Cruz Ihamada Brasil ... Et a juntandosse a isto as queixas que aula no reyno dos danos que recebia dos cossayros Franceses pareceolhe a el Rey necessario acudir a isto con toda aprestez a possiuel, et para isto mandou por embaixador a Franga loao da silueyra : — King Joao was also informed that a fleet was being equipped in the ports of ^5 Letter from the Judge of Cadiz [Juan de Giles] to Paris, November 14, 1527, stating that he is preparing to Charles V. , gioinr) the Names of the Principal Persons visit America with five ships," which Mr. Pierre Margry Captured with Juan Florin [Giovanni da Verrazn.no], claims to possess (apud Rev. DE CosTA, op. cit.) is a and of his death ; and Letter from the same in answer forgery. Nearly all historians relate that Verrazano was to a Boyal Missive, stating by whom Juan Florin was killed and eaten up by savages in a subsequent voyage to Captured., and his Execution. These two documents America. The legend probably sprung from Oviedo's from the Simancas archives (Estado: Legajo 13, fol. 346) account of the death of " Johan Florin, gascon 6 francos," contain the dates extending from October 13, 1527, to the companion of liiigo DE VascuSa, who was sent to the middle of November following, and have been pub- Coro in Venezuela, by Ambrosio de Alfinger, about lished (in English) by Mr. Murphy, uhi supra. Those the year 1528, and killed by the Indians. Oviedo, Hist. dates show that the pretended " letter of Verrazano dated General, lib. xxv. , cap. vi. , Vol. II., pp. 287, 288, 291. Giovanni da Verrazano. 225 Normandy under the auspices of the admirals of the coast,'^" and concealed by [King] Francis, to colonise the land of Santa Cruz, called Brazil. This, together with the complaints made on all sides relative to the harm done by French corsairs, required that steps should be taken at once by the King [of Portugal]. Accordingly, he sent as ambassador to France Joao da Silveyra." We then learn that the mission proved successful, as Francis I. "gave orders that the ships which were being prepared in his ports should be stopped : — mandou sobrestar os nauios que nos seus portos se armauao para a India." In other words, Andrada connects in his mind Verrazano's intended voyage to Cathay with the expedition which the King of France was preparing to send out to Brazil, and to the East Indies ; in which the chronicler is doubtless right, as the first was probably a mere cloak to scour the seas. His conclusion is also correct when he says that Francis I. abandoned the project, and embargoed the voyage of Verrazano ; but, as we think, only in so far as it related to its connection with those enter- prises, or even with predatory excursions against the Portuguese. Nor do these concessions on the part of the French King necessarily involve the abandoning of any contemplated voyage of discovery towards Cathay. On the contrary, it was one more reason why the expedition should then, that is in 1523, be promptly undertaken; so as not to lose entirely the benefit of the preparations which had been made with great expense in the ports of Normandy. At this stage of the discussion we must endeavour to find a new link, and prove that, about that time, a new country was discovered, and was named so as to recall the agency of France. There is, in the Geographical Department of the National Library at Paris, a brass globe of perfect workmanship, gilt over, — hence its name " Le Globe Dor6," — and constructed, apparently, in Germany. It is not dated, but the legends and configurations exhibit geographical data which do not extend beyond the year 1528. For that, and other reasons, 27 we have assigned to this fine metallic sphere the latter date. The delineations indicate a family of maps entirely different from that to which belonged the prototypes of Maggiolo and of Hieronymo da Verrazano. The east coast runs almost due north from Florida to '^ The admirals mentioned, can have been only, We are now investigating their papers and letters, for Brittany, Louis II., Sire DE LA Tremoille, and which, however, are extremely incomplete, for France proper, Charles Gouffier de Boxnivet. =? See m/ra, in the CartojjfnxpAra, under the year 1528. 2 E 226 The Discovery of North America. the latitude of Newfoundland. Then only do we notice the excessive easterly trend which is one of the peculiarities of all the early maps. But what is more typical still, is the west coast, about the equator, represented as continuing uninterruptedly westward, and absolutely joining America with Asia. This is a notion which originated so late as 1525, and in Belgium, as we will afterwards demonstrate. The nomenclature also presents capital differences. The east coast, for instance, does not set forth a single name to be found in the Mag- giolo, Verrazano, or Weimar maps, while several of its designations date so far back as the early Lusitano-Germanic cartography. These peculiarities prove beyond a doubt, that the prototype of the Gilt Globe was wholly different from the one which had been used by the two Italian cartographers above mentioned. The only complete point of resemblance, and it is of the utmost importance, lies in a legend stamped across the north-eastern region, viz.: terra francisca, which in the Gilt Globe contains besides, the significant words : nvper lvstrata. That is, " The French country, recently discovered." And this legend we find repeated thenceforth, in a series of globes and maps, such as the Sloane map, the Wooden and the Nancy globes, &c., &c., which are not copies of the present, although based upon historical data of similar origin. Nay, by analogy, it can be shown that such is likewise the case with the double cordiform mappamundi of Orontius Fineus of 1531, as the inscription Terra Francesca nuper lustrata Is also inscribed on the single cordiform engraved map of the World of that celebrated cosmographer. We have expatiated upon the above legend because it was necessary to trace its genesis, so to speak, from 1527 (when we see it for the first time, thus far), to some ten or fifteen years afterwards. Otherwise, misinformed critics might have been tempted to consider the designation, together with the attribute "nuper lustrata," as referring to the discoveries made in Canada by Jacques Cartier in 1534, 1536, and even 1541, under the French flag and for Francis the First. The name " Terra Francesca " refers therefore to a transatlantic dis- covery accomplished under the auspices of France or of her King, and shows, by implication, that the discovery was recent when Maggiolo designed his map, or when Its prototype, — as yet unknown, — was con- structed. The words " nuper lustrata" prove, but, this time, explicitly, that such was likewise the case at the date of the making of the Gilt Globe or of its model. Giovanni da Verrazano. 227 It remains to find the year when that voyage was accomplished. The despatch addressed by Joao da Silveyra to the King of Portugal, April 25, 1523, above quoted, shows that at the latter date, Verrazano was in command of a maritime expedition ; and the extracts which we have published from the chronicle of Andrada, prove a delay of not less than five or six months before Francis I. changed its des- tination, — according to our reasoning. In the narrative of a voyage published by Ramusio.^S but entirely different from Verrazano's, and entitled : " Discorso d'vn gran capitano di mare Francese del luoco di Dieppa : — Discourse of a great French sea captain, from Dieppe," we find the following passage, in relation to the east coast extending from Cape Breton to Florida : " La qual costa fu scoperta 15 anni fa per messer Giouanni da Verrazzano in nome del Re Francesco et di madamma la Reggente,°' et questa terra da molti 6 delta la Francese, at similmente per li Portoghesi medesimi : — T^is coast was discovered 15 years ago by Giovanni da Verrazzano, who took possession of the same in the name of King Francis and of My Lady the Regent. That country is called ' The French Land ' by many, even by the Portuguese themselves." The Discourse is not dated ; but Ramusio in his introduction says 3t> that it was written in the year 1539: "discorso fatto del 1539." Is it an inference drawn by him from the above mentioned and from the date of Verrazano's account published in his Raccolta, or is it derived from the French original manuscript, now lost? At all events, the critic cannot reject Ramusio's assertion in that respect, until rebutting evidence has been produced; inasmuch as the date coincides with the time inferred from the contemporary documents which we have analysed. 3' Deducting 15 from 1539, yields 1524, as the year when Verrazano accomplished that discovery. Now, as there are traces before 1534 of only one French expedition of that character ; and as " the great French captain," — whoever he may have been, — ascribes to the presefit the date of 1524, while his attributing the discovery to Giovanni da Verrazano is confirmed by the Propaganda =8 Ramusio, Vol. III.,f""'423-426; with a map bearing ^i Although Juan Florix, the French corsair, has been the inscription : La Nvova Francia. fully identified with Giovanni da Verrazano, and we *9 The Regent was Louise de Savoie, the mother of possess a number of dates for his exploits and where- Francis I. This seems to account for the inscription both abouts, no document has yet been adduced showing that on the Maggiolo and Verrazano maps : Luisa. Verrazano cannot have been ranging the east coast of 3° Ramusio, Terzo rolvme delle naoigaiioni et i-iai/gi ; America in 1524. See our article in the Revue Critique, Venetia, 1565, f- 417, verso, F. for January, 1876, p. 20. note 3. 2 28 The Discovery of North America. map, and stands corroborated, — though it be only impHcitly, — rather than contradicted by the other cartographical documents known, we do not see how, in the present state of the question, the authenticity of the voyage and discovery credited to the Florentine mariner by such an array of authorities, can be questioned. The only serious objection is the fact that the French kings and government never based their claim to the possession of Canada on the voyage of Verrazano ; which is not even mentioned in the diplomatic correspondences. They always made the rights of France date no further back than the expeditions of Jacques Cartier. The reason of such a neglect may be the ill-success of the enterprise, as Verrazano returned to France without having discovered the famous Strait (which had been the sole object of the expedition), and without bringing any articles of value, such as gold, cotton, or spice. The fact that the country was reported to be fertile, could be no inducement, as in those days France was not desirous to colonise anywhere. Besides, when Verrazano returned from his expedition in 1525, the batde of Pavia had just been fought and lost ; Francis I. was a prisoner in Spain, and he did not recover his liberty until 1526. We may well presume that in the midst of such ■distress, but litde attention was paid to the unsuccessful voyage of the bold corsair, and still less to whatever written account he may have addressed to the King, who, then confined in his Madrid jail, was certainly not in a position to receive such a report. Basing our data upon the nomenclature and positions in the Maggiolo map, which, thus far, is certainly the cartographical document nearest to the date given for the expedition of Verrazano, we find that it embraced a ranging of the east coast in north latitudes from about 27° [Dieppa, its most southern new name) to about 43" [R. de la hueUa, its most northern new designation) ; that is, from some point in Florida, to a locality in Maine, at all events. CHAPTER IV. EsTEVAM Gomez. 1524—1525- ON the 27th of March, 1523, while at ValladoHd, Charles V. entered into an agreement for a voyage of maritime discovery with the Portuguese pilot Estevam Gomez, who had been in his service since the loth of February, 15 18, and had sailed with Magellan. The expedition was to be composed of one ship only, of 50 tons burthen, equipped at the expense of the Crown, victualled for one year, and at a maximum cost of 1,500 ducats (that is less than 2,600 dollars of the time), or, according to the tenor of the letters patent : " Armar una caravella de porte de hasta cinquenta toneles, armada y fornecida de mantenimientos por un aiio hasta mil y quinientos ducados. . . . Vos mandate armar a Nuestra costa la dicha caravela."' It is therefore inexact to say, with Antonio Galvam,^ that the cost of the enterprise was borne by three private citizens, one of them being called Dr. Beltram. The only agency of the latter consisted in counter- signing the agreement, simply by virtue of his official position, just as three months later he affixed his signature to the letters patent granted to Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon. One year elapsed before the project was carried into effect. It seems for a while even to have been abandoned, as its intended leader was appointed in February 1524, one of the consulting mariners of the Badajoz conference for settling the question of the Moluccas. A month afterwards however, March 21st, Charles V. appointed in his place the Dominican friar and mathematician Tomas Duran, "the services of Gomez being wanted elsewhere." Yet again nine months passed away before the expedition set out from Spain. The object of that voyage is not clearly expressed in the agreement : ■ Capitulacion que se tomd con Esteban Gomez, piloto, quiniento y veinte y tres anos ; in the Documentos para el descubrimiento del Catayo Oriental. Fecha en ineditosde Indias, Vol. XX., pp. 74-78. Valladolid a veinte y siete del mes de Marzo de mil e ' See infra, p. 232. 230 The Discovery of North America. " Vos OS ofreceis de ir a descubrir el Catayo oriental, de que teneis noticia y relacion, per donde hazeis fundamento de descubrir hasta las Nuestras Islas de Maluco : — You propose to go in search of Eastern Cathay, concerning which you possess notions and reports affording ground for making discoveries as far as Our Molucca Islands." Peter Martyr is more explicit, as he states clearly that Gomez was commissioned to reach Cathay by a strait supposed to exist between Florida and Newfoundland : " Misimus artis maritimae peritum virum quendam nomine Stephanus Gomez, cum una tantum navi, Caravdla vulgo, ex Clunio discessit, fretum quassiturus inter floridam tellurem et Baccalaos. Cataium inde se repertum inquit, eat bonis avibus : — VVe have just sent a man versed in the art of navigation, called Stephen Gomez. With one ship only, [of the kind] commonly called Caravels, he sailed from Coruna in search of a passage between the land of Florida and the Baccalaos. He says that, starting thence, he will find Cathay. Good luck to him.'" We possess but little information concerning that important voyage, as the account which Gomez wrote on his return to Spain, and handed to Charles V. in Toledo,* is lost, notwithstanding the repeated assertion of Buckingham Smith 5 that it exists in the still unpublished Islario General of Andres Garcia de Cespedes.^ That work is still preserved in the National Library at Madrid. 7 The manuscript has been examined, and we are positively informed that it does not, nor ever did, contain the narrative which Gomez ad- dressed to the Spanish Government, or any original description of his voyage. With the exception of a few details and a map, which we will soon mention, the historian therefore can only consult brief allusions scattered in the writings of Peter Martyr,^ Oviedo,9 Gomara,i° Galvam,'' Herrera,'^ and the legends inscribed on the planispheres of Nufio Garcia de Toreno and Diego Ribero. 3 Anghiera, Epistola dccc, p. 474; and Decad. por Andres Garcia de Odspedes su cosmographo mayor. VI., cap. X., f'- xc, verso. MS. of the Madrid Biblioteca Nacional, folio, with ■* •' E truxo relation de lo que vido en esta costa del coloured maps, J. -92. Norte el mesmo afio (de mill e quinientos y veinte y cinco ^ Anghiera, De Orbe Nouo, Decad. VI., cap. x., aiios) a Toledo, lo qual se dira adelante, en otra parte and Decad. VIII., cap. x. mas oportuna." — Oviedo, lib. xxi., cap. ix., Vol. II., ' Oviedo, Sumario de la Natural historia de las p. 147. Thi.s promised description of that historian is Indias, cap. x., p. 480; and Historia Oeneral, lib. xxi., not to be found in any of his works, printed or manuscript. caps. ix. and x. , Vol. II., page 147. 5 Buckingham Smith, Hernando Magellanes and "° Gomara, Historia de las Indias, p. 178. It is only Estevam Oomez; a paper read before the N. Y. His- an amalgamation of Peter Martyr with Oviedo. torical Society, June 5, 1S66. " Galvam, Tratado dos diuersos e desuayrados ^ Cespedes, Segimiento de Nauegacion mando hazer caminhos . . . veyo da India; pp. 67, 68. elrei; Madrid, 1606, fol., f'- 152. " Herrera, Decad. II., lib. iii., cap. vii.; Decad. ^ Islario general de todas las islas del mundo dirigido III., lib. i., cap. xiv. ; lib. iv., caps. iv. and xx. ; lib. d la S. G. S. 21. del Eey don Philipe [III. ] nuestro .5'°''. vi. , cap. i. ; lib. viii. , cap, viii. EsTEVAM Gomez. 231 Gomez sailed from Corufia with one ship only, as it had been stipu- lated in the agreement : " Cum una missum caravella dixi ad fretum aliud floridam tellurem et Bachalaos satis tritos quaerendum." '3 In what year ? Navarrete cites a Qedula of February 10, 1525, appointing Estevam Gomez Pilot to the King, from which it has been inferred H that he undertook his voyage soon after. We hesitate to accept this inference, for it is necessary to' ascertain first whether Navarrete does not mis- take his cedula of February 10, 1525, with that of February 10, 1518,1s in both of which Gomez receives the appointment of Pilot to the King ; as, according to the documents which we have examined, those pilots were not appointed for more than one year at a time. Our hesitation is also prompted by the official report of the voyage of Gomez, addressed to Charles V., as we find it mentioned in Oviedo, and where the date of 1524 is given, as follows : " Despues que V. Mag. estk en esta Cibdad de Toledo, Uego aqui en el Mes de Noviembre, el Piloto Estevan Gomez, el qual en el ano pasado de 1524. per mandado de V. Mag. fue a la parte del Norte : — Since Your Majesty has gone to the city of Toledo, Stephen Gomez, the pilot Vho, hy the order of Your Majesty, went north last year, 1524, returned here in the month of November." '* The above passage is to be found in Oviedo's Sumario, which was completely printed February 15, 1526.17 If we consider the time required to print a volume in folio, with plates, and the fact that our quotation occurs in the beginning of the book, we are authorised to infer that it was written in 1525, and that the sentence "en el ano passado," actually refers, as therein expressly stated, to the year 1524. Yet, we must say that Oviedo, in his Hisioria General, written fourteen years after the Sumario, says that the discovery was accomplished in 1525: " Descubrio el piloto Esteban Gomez, el ano de mille e quinientos y veinte y 9inco anos."i8 Finally, Diego Ribero, in his map of 1529, also says: "laqual descubrio por mandado de su magestad el ano de 1525." '3 Anghiera, Decad. VIII., cap. x., f"- cxvii. '* Oviedo, Historia General, lib. xxi., cap. x., Vol. '■• Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 179; Kohl, Documen- II., p. 147. Peter Martyr in his epistle of August 8, tary History of Maine, p. 273. 1524 (dccc, p. 474) says : " We have just sent off a very ■5 Libro de Titulos i Mercedes, in the Muiioz collection expert seaman, Estevam Gomez : — Misimus artis mari- of copies, Vol. A, 103, f*- 84. timas peritum vium quendam nomine Stephanus Gomez," "' Oviedo, Sumario, cap. x., p. 16. Vfhich is one of the mistakes in dates we find so frequently ■7 " Se acabo en la cibdad de Toledo a XV. dias del mes in his works. See infra, p. 233, a corresponding ac- de Hebrero de A. D. xxvj. anos." B. A. V., No. 139. count, taken from the Decades. 232 The Discovery of North America. These dates may be conciliated by admitting that Gomez sailed from Corufia at the close of the year 1524, made his landfall in the New World in February 1525, and was back in Spain during the month of December following. What may be objected to in those dates are the statements of Peter Martyr and Santa Cruz, that the voyage of Gomez lasted ten months : "Is nee freto neque a se promisso Cataio repertis regressus est intra mensem decimum a dicessu." Now, as Gomez is said to have returned in November, 1525, the date of his departure, to agree with Peter Martyr, would require to be placed in January of that year, which, at all events, is one month earlier than the gedula from which Navarrete claims to derive the date of the sailing out of Gomez from Spain. What was the extent of his discovery ? The most ancient data concerning his voyage of 1524- 1525 are to be found also in the Sumario of Oviedo. They are in these words : " Fue \ la parte del Norte, i hall6 mucha " Gomez went to the northern parts, where Tierra, continuada con la que se llama de los he discovered an extensive country, which is Bacallaos, discurriendo al Occidente, i puesta a continuation of the one called the Baccalaos en quarenta Grados, i quarenta i vno, i asi algo [/. «., the cod-fish region], and continued west- mas, i algo menos, de donde truxo algunos ward, reaching 40" and 41°, more or less. He Indios, i los ai de ellos al presento en esta brought from that country several Indians, who Cibdad, los quales son de maior estatura que are at present in this city [Seville.?]. They los de la Tierra firme, segun lo que de ellos are generally taller than those of the continent paresce comun, i porque el dicho Piloto dice, according to the statement of the said pilot que vido muchos de ellos, i que son asi todos : [Gomez], who has seen many of them. Their la color es asi como los de Tierra-firme, i son complexion is like that of those of the main- grandes Frecheros, i andan cubiertos de Cueros land. They are great archers, and wear skins de Venados, i otros Animales, i ai en aquella of wild beasts and others. The country con- Tierra excelentes Martas Cebellinas, i otros tains excellent martens of the 'sable kind and ricos enforros, i de estas pieles truxo algunas other fine fur-bearing animals. The said pilot el dicho Piloto : tienen plata, i cobre, segun brought some of those skins. They have silver estos Indios dicen, i los dkn k entender por and copper, as they gave to understand by senas, i adoran el Sol, i la Luna, i asi ternan signs. They worship the Sun and Moon and otras idolatrias, i errores, como los de Tierra share the other idolatries and errors of the firme " natives on the continent . . . ." '^ Oviedo speaks evidently as an eye-witness, and repeats what he must have heard Gomez himself say. Yet, in his Historia General, the limit reached by Gomez is extended to 42° 30': "desde quarenta e un grados hasta quarenta e dos y medio," 2° instead of 40° — 41°, without alleging; '5 Oviedo, Sumario, loc. cit. ™ Oviedo, Historia General, loc. cit. EsTEVAM Gomez. 233 any fact for the addition. Nor can he be said to have been prompted by the sight of Ribero's map, as the latter locates the discoveries accom- plished by Gomez at least five degrees further north. As to Garcia de Toreno, he inscribes the name of the Portuguese navigator near a large estuary, by his 45", and which appears to be Penobscot Bay. If so, the Spanish cosmographers of the time seemed to place the country discovered by Gomez in Nova Scotia ; for the charts of the Sevillan Hydrography inscribe, by 45° north latitude, the " Tierra de los Bretones." As to the return of Gomez to Spain, Peter Martyr supplies us with additional details, but no date : " Nunc ad Stephanum Gomez, quem cum " I now come to Stephen Gomez, whom, as vna missum carauella dixi ad fretum aliud I have said, was sent with a caravel in search inter floridam tellurem et Bachalaos satis tritos of another strait between Florida and the qu^rendum. Is nee freto neque k se promisso Baccalaos, [a region] sufficiently known and Cataio repertis regressus est intra mensem de- frequented. Finding neither the passage nor V,.. T u- u-u •• Cathay, as he had promised, he has returned, cimum a discessu. Inanes hums bom hommis ... , . . fore cogitatum exisitimaui ego semper et prae" within ten months after his departure That same Stephen Gomez having obtained " ' nothing of what he expected to discover, so nil horum assecutus quae se reperturum arbitra- ^3 ^^t to return with empty hands; and con- batur, ne vacuus rediret contra leges h nobis trary to the instructions which we had given dictatas, ne quis vUi gentium vim afferat, ab him not to molest anyone whatever, filled his innocentibus quibusdam seminudis populis, ma- ship with innocent people of both sexes, half galibus pro domibus contentis, utriusque sexus naked, who were satisfied with living in huts hominibus nauim farciuit. Vbi accessit in por- in lieu of houses. When he arrived in Coruna, tum Clunium, vnde vela fecerat ." whence he had set out . . . ."^^ Antonio Galvam gives a different account. According to that his- torian, ^i the Count Fernando d'Andrade, Dr. Beltram, and a merchant whom he calls Christoval de Sarro (Christoval de Haro, a rich shipowner of Antwerp, who, after having had an establishment at Lisbon, removed to Seville in 15 19^2), supplied Gomez with a galliass equipped at their joint expense, thus making of the expedition a private enterprise altogether. This assertion we have already shown to be entirely erroneous. Gomez then, sailing from La Coruna, went to Cuba, thence to Florida, and, navigating only in the day-time to avoid shoals and reefs, steered northward as far as the 44° latitude. From this point he returned to Spain with a cargo of kidnapped Indians, to be sold as slaves. "■"Anghiera, Decad. VIII., cap. x., f^-cxvi., recto. ^ Navarrete, Coleccion de viages de los Espauoles ; =' Galvam, loc. cit. Vol. IV., p. Ixxiv. 2 F 2 34 The Discovery of North America. Galvam's statement may be based upon Portuguese data ; yet we find in it details which he certainly borrowed from Peter Martyr, particularly the poor pun : " Esclavos enim Hispanium idioma servos appellat, et gariophyllos noncupat clavos."23 Such a paucity of facts concerning this important expedition, compels the critic to interrogate all sources of information, although with little hope of obtaining salient details. The Islario of Alonso de Santa Cruz, which has not yet been printed, is one of those sources. The great Spanish cosmographer must have known Estevam Gomez personally in Spain, from 1521 until 1524, and during the winter of 1526. Besides, by his official position, he had access to all documents relating to the maritime expeditions sent by the Spanish government. Under the circumstances, we could not fail to consult his Islario General del Mundo, "written by order of Philip II., though it was at such a late date as 1560. Thanks to Dr. A. Goldlin de Tiefenau, custodian of the Vienna Imperial Library, and Mr. Castan, director of the Besangon Library, 24 who, at our request, have kindly re-examined the manuscripts of that work preserved in those two institutions, we are enabled to publish the passage which refers to Gomez and his voyage to the east coast. " Esteuan Gomez Piloto de quien arriba " Stephen Gomez, the pilot whom we have •diximos en aquella Jornada y espedigion que already mentioned '^ in connection with the voy- higo con mandado y ligengia de V. m'- en age and expedition which he made by the order •demanda y descubrimiento del Catayo ciudad and leave of Your Majesty, in search of and to oriental de la Yndia y de aquel passo, o discover Cathay, which is a city of East India, ■estrecho tan desseado que saliese al mar as well as the passage or strait so much desired, comunmente llamado del sur enel qual estuuo and leading to the sea commonly called the ■diez meses dentro de los quales descubrio South Sea. It took him ten months, and he por esta costa gran numero de yslas, juntas* discovered on that coast a great many islands -al continente, y principalmente vn Rio muy near the continent; and particularly a very ancho y caudaloso que el lo puso nombre de large and deep river, which he called Deer los garaos, por los muchos que alii havia sem- River, on account of the great number of those brado, todo de yslas en las quales en el verano animals which he found there. It is full of venian los yndios de la tierra firme a habitar en islands in which the Indians of the continent ■ellas por razon de las muchas pesquerias que come to live in summer, owing to large fisheries =•3 The word "esclavos, or slaves," being understood of Santa Cruz, see infra in the Cartographia, under "clavos, or spice," — the latter having been supposed to the year 1536. be the nature of the cargo brought by Gomez; "pro * Gentes ; Besan9on MS. ■esclauis clauos esse aduectos prjeconando. " =3 The only other reference to GOMEZ in the Mario is "* For an account of the manuscript copies of the Islario the extract vchich we give infra, p. 237. EsTEVAM Gomez. 235 junto a ellas havia de salmones y savalos y bogas y otros muchos generos de pescados que en estas partes ay. El qual Rio cl navego por mucho espagio creiendo fuesse el estrecho que el deseaua hallar pero alo fin hallo esto ser vn famoso Rio de gran concurso de aguas de donde se arguyo el gran tracto y espacio del continente que alii ay y puesto que el creiese la muy firme oppinion que ay de la Canal y passo que arriba diximos contra el continente de los bacalaos y la tierra Uamada del labrador el tuuo por cierto que no havia necessidad de esperiengia por no ser possible poderse pasar por ella segun el impedimiento que avria de frialdad t en las partes vezinas laqual oppinion y desculpa de no haver in- trado a pasar por el quedo tan asentada por ' buena escusa que nunca se ha mas ynien- tado a pro^eder en este caso siendo cosa que tanto importaua al bien e serui^io de V. m' por que se pretendia por alii el gobierno y trato de las yslas de los malucos con otras muchas que por alii ay del dominio y derecho de su corona real aunque este estrecho o canal y aqui se pudiese passar pues por com- paragion de lo que oy se sabe que se nauega a la rredonda de escondia era possible que da un grande scrupulo que seria estremadamente dificultoso para los habitadores a temperamiento tan contrario, o distante de tan gran estremo como Espana de la parte tan setentrional como esta [?] por loqual si los grandes cuidados que a V. m'- fatigan diesen lugar que su magnanimo coragon congebiesen vna cosa tan vtil y neces- saria cosa como era juntar el mar del Sur y el Ogeano Ogidental por J aquel estrecho de tierra de Panama al Nombre de Dios pues ayuda a ello la dispusigion del lugar de dizesiete leguas que son las doze y mas de vn Rio llano y fagil que pueden subir por el vergantines y varcos por f Difi'Cuitad ; Besan9on MS. J Para; Besanfon MS. '^ Probably Alosa menhaden, which ascend the rivers of the Middle States in such vast numbers. ^7 Or some sparoid iish. of salmon, shads,^^ and boops" [?], as well as other species of fish which are found in that part of the stream. He sailed up the river for a considerable distance, thinking that it was the strait which he desired to discover, but ascer- tained instead that it was a grand river with a very great flow of water, from which he inferred that it belonged to the continent of immense size which is there. And although firmly believing in the existence of the aforesaid canal or pas- sage close to the Cod-fish continent and the country called Labrador, he was also convinced of the inutility of proving it experimentally, as the obstacles arising from the cold temperature of the neighbouring regions would prevent the passage from being used. This opinion and plea was deemed sufficient to prevent in the future any further attempt to effect the object, although it was of great moment to Your Majesty, being calculated to insure the govern- ment of the Molucca islands, and of many others belonging to the dominion of the Crown. Still, that strait or passage could be crossed, judging from the navigations which, we know, are being secretly carried out in its vicinity ;. though it would perhaps prove extremely diffi- cult for people [who live under] a climate so much adverse and distant as is that of Spain from such a high northern region. If notwith- standing the great cares of Your Majesty, his magnanimous heart should conceive an enter- prise so useful and necessary as that of joining the South Sea with the Western Ocean by such a strait, from Panama to Nombre de Dios,'^ the undertaking would be facilitated by the space which is [only] 17 leagues, more than 12 of which are over a river navigable for brigantines and barks. The undertaking is not 72 miles ''^ across land, like that of Sesostris, the King of Egypt, then of Darius, the King of the Persians, "^ This is not the earliest suggestion relative to cutting a canal from the Atlantic to the Pacific. The idea dates so far back as Fernand CoRTfo. =' That canal was 200 kilometers long. It is attributed by Herodotus, not to "Sesostris," but to Nekou II. 236 The Discovery of North America. manera que [no] § sesenta y dos milas de espagio which was ahnost accomplished by Ptolemy, de tierra como intento Sosotis Rey de Egito y despues Dario Rey de los Persas y despues casi la acabo Tolomeo intentando de juntar la mar bermeja con el Rio Nilo de Egito loqual despues de hecha se dexo de juntar por ciertas causas sino hasta quinze serian las que rrestarian de rrasgar boluiendo las yslas del Rio de las gamas y de las adia^entes al continiente vezinos son las mas como dicho tengo pobladas y princi- palraente de verano de yndias como las de sant domingo dequien luego diremos y de me- jores cuerpos ellas y ellos tienen sus arcos y flechas y langas tostadas con que pelean en la tierra muy templada y de mucha arboleda que en estas partes ay como enzinas y robles, oUiuas hallaron se muchas partes siluestras con hubas y muchas plantas e yeruas como las de Espaiia y mucha margarita que pensaron ser oro. truxieron en el galeon muchos yndios de la tierra a Espana los quales pusieron en su libertad pasado este Rio e yslas al Poniente. Junto a la costa hazia la Florida se hallan muchas yslas y todas desiertas y de pocho prouecho las quales vido y descubrio el ligen- 9iado Ayllon que era oidor de la changilleria de Sancto Domingo yendo a poblar al con- tinente do murio el y mucha gente de la que llevo consigo y se perdio toda su armada como largo habraremos en nuestra general geografia. || estan pues todas estas yslas en altura de quarenta y tres y quarenta y quatro grados y en el clima setima y su maior dia es de quinze horas y un quarto." H and purported to unite the Red Sea with the Nile of Egypt, but was afterwards abandoned for certain reasons, leaving only fifteen miles unfinished. Reverting to the islands in Deer River, and the islands near the continent, they are mostly inhabited, as we have said, particu- larly in summer, by Indians like those of Santo Domingo, of whom we will speak afterwards. These are of larger frame, and likewise possess bows, arrows, and sharp lances, which they use in fighting. The country is quite temperate, containing many [species of] trees, such as oak, birch, olive, wild vines with grapes in great quantity, and many plants and herbs like those of Spain.** There is also much margarita,^' which was [then] supposed to be gold. They brought over to Spain in the galleon, many Indians,*' who were set at liberty." Passing beyond those islands and that river, westward, near the coast, there are many islands, all deserted and poor, which were discovered by the licentiate Ayllon, of the Court in Santo Domingo, when he went to settle the continent, where he lost his life, with many of his followers and his entire expe- dition, as we will relate at length in our General Geography." All those islands are by 43° and 44° north latitude, in the seventh climate,'*^ and their longest day is 15}^ hours." In addition to that interesting extract we must mention a certain passage of the Islario of Andres Garcia de Cespedes, which has always § The Besan9on text inserts here the word mo, which ■we have adopted, as rendering the sense clearer. II Tractaremos ; Besan9on MS. II Vienna Imperial Library, MSS. Cod. Pal. Vindob. 5542 ; f"' 40, sequitur. 3° The legend inscribed by RiBERO on the map of 1529 is much in the same words : " Ay en ella muchos arboles y fructas de los de espana y muchos Rodouallos, y salmones y sollos : no han allado oro : — There are many trees and fruits like those of Spain, and quantities of rodovallos [?], salmons and pikes [sturgeons?] ; but no gold." 3' Mineralogists call now Marguerite a mica, which is sometimes yellowish, and found in Massachussets. In Europe it is frequently taken for gold. But Gomez' Margarita was apparently iron or copper pyrites. 3° Regarding those Indians, see supra, p. 232. 33 We are not convinced that the Indians brought by Gomez were set at liberty ; but see Anghiera, Decad. VIII., cap. X., p. 602. 3* It is probably the Corografia de los lugares de todo el mundo, which Vanegas ascribes to him ( Diferencias de los libros que hay en el Unioerso ; Toledo, 1540, chapter xvi. ), but which is lost. 35 About that seventh climate see infra our facsimile of the Wooden Globe, and Glareanus, De Geographia Liber UHUs, Freyburg, 1533, 4to, p. 12. EsTEVAM Gomez. 237 been attributed to that cosmographer.36 We have since ascertained that it was boldly plagiarised from the Islario of Santa Cruz. This discovery adds weight to the statement itself, which is now found to have originated not so late as the beginning of the seventeenth century, but so early as the time when the first news was received in Spain ; since it is reported by an eye-witness of the return of Gomez, who was also his colleague in the naval service. Besides, Santa Cruz himself ascribes explicitly the information to that navigator. The unexpected character of the facts stated, and our remarks con- cerning the plagiarism committed by Cespedes, prompt us to give the version and its duplicate : SANTA CRUZ : "En la baya que diximos Uamarse delos bretones y en muchas cartas de navegar a los principio a quando esta tierra se comengo a descubrir se puso assi asta que estevan CESPEDES : " En la baya que diximos Uamarse de los bretones y en muchas cartas de navegar a los principios, quando esta tierra se comenzo a descubrir se ponia assi, hasta que estevan gomez [truxo] esta relacion algo discrepante gomez piloto truxo esta relacion algo discre- de la qual se tenia estar esta ysla no en la baya do dezian que estava sino junto a esta tierra do agora esta de la qual no hay uso que contarse a salvo que el dicho estevan gomez piloto dize que a la pasada pante de la que se tenia, que es estar esta ysla n6 en la baya do dezian que estaua, sino junto a esta tierra do agora esta de la qual ysla no ay cosa que de contar sea, salua ql. dicho esteuan gomez piloto dize qiie a la por ella vido muchos humos en ella y seiiales passada por ella vido muchos humos en ella de ser habitada hay a un canal entre ella y senales de ser habitada hazesse una canal y tierra firme Uamado canal de sanct Julian entre ella y tierra firme llamada canal de San de cinco o seis leguas de ancho." Julian de cinco 6 says leguas de ancho." We now proceed to give the entire passage as it reads in the Islario General del Mundo of Alonso de Santa Cruz : " Passadas las yslas de las onze mil virgines hazia la mar una gran ensefia llamada baya de bretones que por la venida que hazen cada ano pescar a esse Baya y tierra los dichos Bretones en esta ensenad dizen haver muchas yslas y to- das despobladas principalmente ay una dicha de sancta elmo a la qual le pusieron el tal nombre 3' Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 285. 3' The Eleven Thousand Virgins constitute a small archipelago situate, in the Maggiolo map of 1527, close to the south-west of Newfoundland, and to which Oviedo (Vol. II., p. 149) ascribes the latitude of 49°. The reference to those islands indicates either that Santa " Passing beyond the islands of the Eleven Thousand Virgins," towards the sea, there is a large bay, called " Bay of the Brittons," because every year the Brittons come to fish in that bay and country. The said bay is represented to contain many islands, all without inhabitants, particularly one called " Sanct Elmo,'"* so named Cruz makes his description from north to south, or that such was the traject of Gomez when he explored that part of the north-east coast. 3* The map of Chaves mentioned the " Isla de Sanct Telmo," which, OviEDO says (Vol. II., p. 148), belongs to the group of islands so named. 238 The Discovery of North America. ciertos Pescadores bretones que por una noche tomandoles sobre ellos una tormenta diezen que bieron en la ysla muchas candelas ardiendes aquellos laman sanct elmo que dizen que viene en tal figura, passada la dicha baya mas al occi- dente y junto a una punta llamada cabo breton comienga h prolongarse a una ysla levante poniente dicho de sanct Joan que tiene de largo cinquenta y seis leguas y por lo mas ancho veinte esta ysla dixieron algunos pilotos que no estava en esta parte de mar sino metido en la baya que diximos llamarse delos bretones y en muchas cartas de navegar a los principios a quando esta tierra se comengo a descubrir se puso assi asta que estavan gomez [truxo] esta relacion algo discrepante de la qual se tenia estar esta ysla no en la baya do dezian que estava sino junto a esta tierra do agora esta de la qual no hay uso que contarse a salvo que el dicho estevan gomez piloto dize que a la pasada por ella vido muchos humos en ella y senales de ser habitada hay a un canal entre ella y tierra firme llamado canal de sanct Julian de cinco o seis leguas de ancho dizen tener muy buena vista y de mucho arboleda y rios que salen a la mar tienen a la redonda des .... muchos ysleos todas deshabitadas esta deste quarenta y seys hasta quarenta ocho grades y en el ®["?] ocho tiene su mayor dia de buinze horas y dos tercios junto al cabo Breton se hallan algunas ysletas deshabitadas do ay muchos avez y al viede- dor dellas ay grandes pesquerias." by some fishermen from Brittany, who say that during a very stormy night they saw many of those burning lights known, as St. Helmo flames [will o' the wisp], which are said to assume such appearance. Passing the bay, more towards the west, and close to a point of land named " Cape Breton," the [coast] begins to extend towards an island [which is] east and west, called " Sanct Joan," 56 leagues long by 20 leagues wide. Certain pilots state that the latter island is not in that part of the sea, but within the bay which we call " Bay of the Brittons; " and in many early sailing charts, when that country was fiirst discovered, it was so depicted, until Stephen Gomez brought that information, which differed in some respect from the opinion entertained concerning the position assigned to the island within the bay. Hi said [on the contrary] that it was joined to the land where it is now. The statement should not be contradicted, except where Estevam Gomez says that in passing before [the island] Ae saw many [columns of] smoke, and signs that it was inhabited. There is between the island and the continent, a passage, called "Canal de Sanct Julian,'"" from five to six leagues wide. [The island] is said to be of good appear- ance, with many trees, and rivers which empty into the sea. There are around it many islets, all without inhabitants. The island extends from 46° to 48° . . [?]. The longest day is fifteen hours and two-thirds. Close to Cape Breton there are deserted islets, with birds in great numbers, and, apparently, extensive fishing grounds." It is to be regretted that Santa Cruz and C6spedes should refer to " muchas cartas de navegar," instead of Hmiting their description to the alleged narrative of Gomez. The reason of our regret is that the above extracts betray endeavours to establish a concordance, which increases still more the confusion of the subject ; particularly as regards the mysterious island of St. John, which is one of the obscure problems of the early cartography of the north-east coast. 35 Here there are two or three words illegible or in- * We possess neither map nor ancient account mention- comprehensible, ing a " Canal de Sanct Julian," in that northern latitude. EsTEVAM Gomez. 239 And, in the first place, what is that " Baya de los Bretones?" We knew already a " Tierra de los Bretones," a " Cabo de los Bretones," an " Entrde des Bretons," and an " I sola de Bretoni," but it is the first time that mention is made of a bay of that name. As in all the maps and accounts of the sixteenth century, what is ascribed to the Brittons is the northern region of Nova Scotia, or Cape Breton Island, the " Baya de los Bretones " can only be the Gulf of St. Lawrence. To comprehend the statement of Santa Cruz, we must try to ascertain the exact character of the cartographical elements which he had before him when describing the voyage of Gomez. The great Spanish cosmographer first states that the island of St. John, before the exploration commenced by Gomez, was placed within the bay: "en la baya do dezian que estava." We have no knowledge of any map of the first quarter of the sixteenth century which represents the interior of the Gulf of St. Lawrence. The two earliest delineations of that north-eastern region, viz.: the map of Pedro Reinel or Kunstmann No. L, and the Havre Catalan atlas, set forth only the entrance of that gulf. If, in 1525, which is the year of Gomez' voyage, there existed maps depicting the shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, we have no reason to think that they were more complete in that respect than the portolano of Caspar Viegas, which is of the year 1534. This exhibits only reefs or islets within the gulf; but, at its Atlantic opening, it de- lineates a nameless island of vast size, longitudinal in form and position. Our opinion is that we have here the earliest imagery of Cape Breton Island, transmitted through Portuguese maps now lost ; and which, on account of its fictitious canal running from south to north, is the origin of the island of St. John in many of the old charts, — Spanish, Lusitanian, and French. 4i Both Santa Cruz and Cespedes state that the alleged situation of that island was first shown to be erroneous by Estevam Gomez. The error, they say, was ascertained by the Portuguese navigator, de visu, when he passed before the island, and brought back to Spain a description of the country : " A la pasado por ella vido . . . truxo esta relacion." He re- ported then that the island was adjacent to the continent, and not in the bay : " es esta ysla no en la baya do dezian que estaua, sino junto d esta tierra ; " and that, between the two, there is a channel, five or six leagues wide, called the " Canal de Sanct Julian." •»' Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 233. 240 The Discovery of North America. How could Gomez ascertain that fact unless he had ranged the coast beyond 44° north latitude ? The consequence of those averments of Gomez, as set forth by Santa Cruz, is that the Portuguese pilot continued coasting Nova Scotia and Cape Breton Island, as far as the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and there ascertained that the imaginary island of St. John did not exist. Or, if there was such a region, that it had been misplaced ; its proper place being north, very near the mainland. The "Canal de Sanct Julian," in such a case, can only be the Gut of Canseau ; unexpected as the sup- position will doubtless appear at first sight. Or we may suppose that Santa Cruz made his description simply from one of those numerous maps which depict their island of St. John parallel with the coast of the country, where modern geographers locate Nova Scotia. Withal, the historian must accept the account ascribed to Gomez as it stands in the words of Santa Cruz. And we are constrained to say that it does not allow of any other interpretation than a voyage carried as far, at least, as the southern extremity of Newfoundland, and an ex- ploration of the east coast south of that island. But we possess, besides those written accounts, Spanish maps of the time. Do they permit the critic to carry the discoveries of Gomez to such high latitudes ? A survey of that character would have resulted in geographical in- formation which the Sevillan Hydrography could not ignore. Now, we have only to glance at the Weimar maps to see that, as regards those north-eastern regions, Spanish cartographers know nothing beyond the first data which had been transmitted by Pedro Reinel, so far back as 1504 or 1505. This would scarcely be the case if they had ever been in possession, — as they were entitled to be, — of specific details brought by Estevam Gomez from his voyage to Cape Breton island. It is true that the famous " Ilha de Sam Joam" is not to be found in the Weimar mappamundi of 1527 and 1529, which omission may be interpreted as a result of the data brought by Gomez, according to the averments of Santa Cruz. Yet, let it be said, we find still that imaginary island cast into the Atlantic, parallel with the " Country of the Brittons," or Nova Scotia, in the manuscript map of one of the Royal cosmographers, Diego Gu- tierrez; who designed it at Seville, so late as 1550.42 ^ Jean et Sebastien Cabot, p. 231. Plate XI. EsTEVAM Gomez. 241 There is another map, unpublished until now, which accompanies, in the Islario of Santa Cruz, his account of the voyage of Gomez, and of which we subjoin a facsimile, reduced only a couple of inches. The reader will notice, on the right side of that map, eight dots, the second of which, at the extremity of the north-east coast, is numbered 4$, and the seventh 40. There is also a Scala de leguas, or scale of distances, which, when applied to the configurations of the map, yields about 120 leagues, from north to south, for the area of the country re- presented to have been discovered by Gomez. This, Alonso de Santa Cruz locates between 38° — 45° north latitude ; that is, from about the Chesapeake to some point in Nova Scotia, if we accept his latitudes as laid down. The nomenclature along the coast requires to be repeated here, to show its resemblance with that of the Weimar charts, although more complete in certain respects than in the Ribero map. Beginning at the south, in the latitude of the Bermuda islands, by about 38° 30', which Santa Cruz asserts expressly to be erroneous : "no es este el uerdadero sitio desta isla," but without giving a better position, the names are as follows : C. de san Ju [an] Rio seco C. de las arenas C. de arracifes C. de Santiago Arcipielago Baia de S. xpoual C. de Santa Maria Rio de sant antonio C. de muchas islas Montanas Rio de las gamas Rio de buena madre Costa de medanas C. de sant Ju [an] baptista Golfo Rio de montanas It should also be noted that not only the map exhibits no profiles recalling Cape Breton island, and (as such should be the case according to the account of Santa Cruz), the entrance of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, but it fails to extend the Gomez region as far as we see it depicted in the chart of Ribero. The last name given by Santa Cruz is to the " Rio de Montanas," while the Weimar charts inscribe beyond, before reaching the " Tierra de Bretones," two more names which no Spanish exploration prior to 1525 permits to attribute to any other navigator, viz.: " Sargales " {Zarzales, or moors .?), and " Rio de la Vuelta." 2 G 242 The Discovery of North America. Must we now consider that map as based upon Gomez' own, or as one constructed entirely by Santa Cruz, upon data borrowed from written accounts only ? It is on a larger scale than Ribero's, but, so far as the configurations extend, we notice precisely the same profiles. Santa Cruz, however, inscribes two names, which do not figure in that region on any map of the second quarter of the sixteenth century, viz.: " Rio Seco," and " Cabo de Santa Maria," and a third name, which appeared for the first time in the Cabot mappamundi of 1544, viz.: "Rio de las Gamas." But, as those three names are duly set forth in the description which Oviedo has given of the lost map, or padron real, of Chaves, 43 we feel confident that the latter is the source from which Santa Cruz has bor- rowed the cartographical elements for his " Tierra qve descvbrio el piloto Estevan Gomez." If we possessed only the series of maps extending from the Weimar chart of 1527 to the present, we should not hesitate to assert that the highest northern limit reached by Gomez in his voyage of 1525, was one degree or two beyond the Penobscot ; and it is that bay which we should recognise in the vast estuary full of islands. The latter attribution is probably correct. But how can we disregard statements based upon the declarations of Gomez himself, and their unavoidable consequences relative to what the critic must interpret as an exploration of the northern shores of Cape Breton Island ? On the other hand, Oviedo was in Toledo when Gomez brought to the Court the account of his voyage. 44 And if the Portuguese pilot had attained the relatively high latitude of 47°, and solved the geographical problem of the island of St. John, would Oviedo, who was then engaged in writing his Sumario, have limited the expedition of Gomez to 40° — 41°? In the present state of the question, and with no other documents than those which we have quoted, the critic is unable to affirm that Gomez went as far north as Newfoundland. Nor, on the contrary, can he assert that the exploration did not extend beyond the coast of Maine. Withal, the fact that the expedition did not sail, as usual, from a southern port, but was equipped in and sailed from Coruna, in the most north-western part of Spain, together with other reasons,45 leads us to think that Gomez located his prospective landfall in a relatively high latitude. Our surmise and impression, therefore, are that he first steered ••3 Such is also the case with the " Isla de St. Elmo." ■•s J. Q. Kohl, Documentary History of the State of « See supra, p. 230, and p. 231, note 16. Maine, pp. 277-278. EsTEVAM Gomez. 243 in the direction of Newfoundland. Once there, we infer that he turned the prow of his ship southward, and, when noticing the abrupt trend of the coast westerly, he must have followed it, with the hope of finding within the Gulf of St. Lawrence an entrance to the hypothetical strait. The representations then current of the aperture, as exhibited in such maps as Reinel's portolano, the Havre Catalan atlas, and even the map- pamundi of Ruysch (which had been produced before the members of the Badajoz Conference), must have confirmed Gomez in such an erroneous notion. It was apparently in that internal exploration, and when issuing out of the Gulf into the Atlantic, that he ascertained the real geogra- phical character of Cape Breton, as reported by Santa Cruz. And if Cape Breton Island with the Gulf of St. Lawrence do not figure in the map of Santa Cruz, nor as countries ascribed to Gomez, while his actual dis- covery is limited by his earliest historian to 42° 30', it is doubtless because the region north of that point was well known of the numerous English, French, Portuguese, and even Basque fishing ships, which frequented those regions. We infer consequently that the latitude given by Oviedo and others must be taken as the limit of the regions believed by Spanish historians and cartographers to have been discovered by Gomez, but not as the extreme northern point reached in the course of his transatlantic exploration. CHAPTER V. Conclusion. WE have now concluded the first part of our task, and reviewed a number of doubtful points in the history of the discovery of North America. Several important problems yet remain unsolved ; and we confess that the structure of our work presents, in various places, wide chasms and broken lines. The fault, however, does not rest with the author, and should be ascribed to a lack of documents. The historian of transatlantic discoveries stands in the position of medallists who strive to re-construct the annals of ancient kingdoms. Although coins were struck, and in- scriptions engraved, in vast numbers originally, yet many reigns, families, and provinces are now represented in collections only by a few effaced medals, disconnected from the series, and, on that account, impossible to classify, or even describe with accuracy. It must also be stated on our behalf that we did not propose to write a didactic history of maritime enterprises beyond the ocean, nar- rating every event and discussing all facts, with their causes, effects, and documentary proofs. Our sole object has been to investigate anew the exactness of the current allegations which, by being constantly repeated, are now received as historical truths ; and to establish on a solid basis the principal elements of discussion. Some of the results obtained, so far from seeming new, may be con- sidered simply as confirming opinions shared at present by the generality of critics. Others will doubtless create doubt and surprise, although they are here presented with an array of tests and deductions deserving, we think, of the attention of analytical historians. The main points attained in this elaborate survey of all the facts and documents known can be re-capitulated as follows, — perhaps with less assurance than a desire to be succinct may undesignedly impart to our expressions : I. — The discovery of the continent of North America, and the first Conclusion. 245 landing on its east coast were accomplished not by Sebastian Cabot, but by his father John, in 1497, under the auspices of King Henry VII. Book I., chapter vi., pages 2'j-28. 2. — The first landfall was not Cape Breton Island, as is stated in the planisphere made by Sebastian Cabot in 1544, but eight or ten degrees further north, on the coast of Labrador ; which was then ranged by John Cabot, probably as far as Cape Chudley. Book I., chapter it., pages 6-g, 36 -jy. 3. — This fact was tacitly acknowledged by all pilots and cosmo- graphers throughout the first half of the sixteenth century ; and the knowledge of it originated with Sebastian Cabot himself, whatever may have been afterwards his contrary statements in that respect. Book /., chapter iv., pages ig-22. 4. — The voyage of 1498, also accomplished under the British flag, was likewise carried out by John Cabot personally. The landfall on that occasion must be placed south of the first ; and the exploration embraced the north-east coast of the present United States, as far as Florida. Book II., chapter i., pages 34-45. 5. — In the vicinity of the Floridian east coast, John Cabot, or one of his lieutenants, was detected by some Spanish vessel, in 1498 or 1499. Book K, chapter vi., pages 1 16-123. 6. — The English continued in 1501, 1502, 1504, and afterwards, to send ships to Newfoundland, chiefly for the purpose of fisheries. But the expedition prepared by Cardinal Wolsey in the spring of 1521, and which was to be under the command of Sebastian Cabot, notwithstanding strong opposition from the Livery Companies of London (which considered him .a mendacious adventurer of foreign birth, who had never discovered anything), did not set out, and was soon abandoned. Book II., chapter i., pages 46-50 ; Book I., chapter vt., pages 29-30. 7. The Portuguese mariners who lived in the Azores were the first who probed the Atlantic in search of oceanic islands and continents. Their objective, after the discovery achieved by Christopher Columbus, was the north-east coast of the New World. Book III., chapter i., pages 51-58. 246 The Discovery of North America. 8. — The earliest authentic records of Lusitanian transatlantic expedi- tions begin only with Gaspar Corte-Real, who made three, and not two voyages only ; all to the same regions, as follows : The first voyage of that navigator was undertaken previous to May, 1500, in the direction of Greenland and Newfoundland, and proved an absolute failure. The second voyage lasted from the early part of the summer of 1500 until the autumn of that year, and embraced the east coast of Newfoundland, from its northernmost point down to Cape Race. The third expedition set out from Lisbon early in the spring of 1501. It was composed of three vessels. One of these returned to port on the 8th or 9th of October, the second on the nth following. As to the third, which was under the immediate command of Gaspar Corte-Real, it was ice-bound or shipwrecked, we do not know when nor where, but probably in Hudson Bay, during the winter of 1 501-1502. The country visited during the first part of the expedition seems to have been the northern extremity of Newfoundland and the coast of Labrador. Book IV. J chapters i. and ii., pages S9-74- 9. — The expedition of Miguel Corte-Real, in search of his brother, sailed May 10, 1502, and was also lost. Geographical data, however, must have been brought by another rescuing expedition, which set out from Lisbon in 1503, and returned apparently in the same year. Book IV., chapter Hi., pages 'J5-'j6. 10. — Portugal continued to send ships to the fishing banks ; and the region south of Newfoundland was explored, particularly by Joao Alvares Fagundes before 1521. This adventurer sailed round the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and ranged the east coast of Nova Scotia, where he even planted a colony, which did not thrive, and of which no vestiges remain. Book VII. J chapters i. and ii., pages 1^4-188. II. — The assertion that already in the time of Christopher Columbus navigators and geographers believed in the existence of a continent inter- posed between the West Indies and Asia, and which was not Cathay, stands uncontroverted either by contemporary authorities, or by the early Spanish charts. Nay, it is corroborated by that class of proofs. Book v., chapter Hi., pages g'j-iio. Conclusion. 247 ^2. — The absolute insularity of Cuba was an acknowledged fact years before the periplus made by Sebastian de Ocampo, in 1508. Book v., chapter in., pages gy-ioi. 13- — The mainland of the New World was believed to be a continent distinct from Cathay and from India the moment navigators commenced to search after a strait leading from the Atlantic Ocean to the Asiatic seas. Book v., chapter iv., pages 102-ioj. 14. — The idea that America was a mere prolongation of Asia, ceased therefore to be entertained almost immediately after the discovery of its east coast. By John Cabot, in 1497. By Americus Vespuccius, before 1501. By Caspar Corte-Real, before 1502. Book v., chapter iv., pages 106, loy, log. 15. — Christopher Columbus himself soon ceased to think that he had discovered Cathay, or the Asiatic coast. Book v., chapter iv., pages 104-106. 16. — So early as October, 1501, the notion prevailed in Europe that from Circulus articus to Pollus Antarticus, the newly discovered land formed a single coast line belonging to a separate continent. Book v., chapter iv., page log. 17. — The Spanish monarchs, at a very early date, also shared the opinion that west of the Antillies there lay an independent continental region, extending from north to south ; and acted in consequence. Book v., chapter vi., pages 116-123. 18. — Two of the earliest charts, Spanish and Portuguese {1500-1502), depicting the discoveries of Columbus, Vespuccius, and Corte-Real, set forth graphically the same geographical conclusions. Book v.. chapter vii., page 123. IQ, Those maps, together with a number of derivatives called by us Lusitano-Germanic (which exhibit likewise a north-western continent), pro- ceed from several different prototypes. Book v., chapter vii., page 123. 248 The Discovery of North America. 20. — Those continental configurations are geographically logical, cor- responding in form and position with a continent actually existing ; and predicated upon a true and complete representation of the Antillies. Book v., chapter i., pages 8g-g2 ; chapter in., pages gy-ioi. 21. — The reality of the north-western region, and its existence apart from Cathay, or from any of the isles of the West India group, was a tenet of all the cosmographers and cartographers of Europe, with a single exception, for thirty years after the discovery of America. Book v., chapter it., page pj ; chapter in., page g'j. 22. — Those geographical and cartographical averments correspond en- tirely with and confirm the belief entertained by contemporaneous writers concerning the existence of a continent lying west and north-west of Cuba, ever since the year 1497 ; but they do not spring from such a source. Book V.J chapter iv., page 12^. 23. — This cosmographical conception may have been, with mariners, at first a mere theory, or deduction from certain physical characteristics, but it soon became an empirical credence. Book v., chapter v., pages iio-iii. 24. — The twenty-two names, or legends, inscribed on the said con- tinental coast in a map made before 1502, show that the region was visited several times prior to that date. Book v., chapter i., pages 86, go-gs. 25. — Those north-western configurations proceed from various original maps now lost, and represent, in the aggregate, fractional surveys, as well as different landings effected independently of each other. They evince a regular and empiric progression. Book v., chapter ii., pages g^-g^. 26. — That northern continental land and its nomenclature existed in maps until they were made to merge in delineations brought by Spanish naviga- tors, so late as 1525; but remained recognisable for ten years afterwards. Only in 1526 did the New World suffer a cartographical eclipse by being deprived of its geographical entity, and brought to combine alto- gether with Asia, near the equator. Book v., chapter ii., page pj. ' ' See in Part Second, the chapter : Final evolution of the Lusitano-Germanic Cartography. Conclusion. 249 27. — Ever since the first news of the discovery accomplished by- Columbus, a number of private and unlicensed expeditions to the New- World were fitted out in Spain and Portugal, and sailed westward in search of new countries. The series of those clandestine voyages extends, without interruption, from 1493 until after the year 1502. Book v., chapter viii., pages i2§-i;^o. 28. — The regions thus visited by unknown adventurers embrace our east coast ; now found to have been explored by Europeans (other than the Northmen), fourteen years, at least, before the Spanish official ex- peditions which are represented to have resulted in the discovery of the continent south of Newfoundland. Book v., chapter viii., page iji. 29. — Such unknown mariners continued to range the coast, and des- cended probably as far as Honduras at the beginning of the sixteenth century. Book v., chapter ix., pages /j2-/jj. 30. — Bimini, Boinca, or Agnaneo, and Cautio, are different points of the Floridian peninsula. These were visited by Spaniards in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Book VI., chapter i., pages 134-136, I2g-i4i. 31. — The first authorised expedition to Florida is that which Ponce de Leon led in person, in 1512, rather than in 15 13. Book VI., chapter ii.. pages I4g-i$i. 22. The landings of Ponce de Leon cannot be ascertained. His discovery, however, embraced the extreme south-east of Florida, and, westwardly, perhaps to 30" north latitude and 70" west longitude. Book VI., chapter ii., pages I45-I4g. 151, and 133. 32, The point of Florida visited by Francisco Hernandez de Cor- dova, in 1 517, was on the west coast, by about 26° north latitude. Book VI., chapter Hi., page 156. ^4. The second expedition of Ponce de Leon to Florida lasted longer than historians report. Its duration was from February 20, 152 1. 250 The Discovery of North America. until July- August following, with four months spent on several points of the west coast of the Floridian peninsula. Book VI., chapter in., pages 160-162. 35. — Pinedo's discovery of the north-west shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and of the Mississippi river, was accomplished -when going to Panuco, between April and August, 15 19. The landfall was the western apex of Florida ; but the coasting com- menced only with Appalachee Bay, including discovery and stay in a branch of the Mississippi river, between April and May ; thence west- ward and southward. Book VI., chapter iv., pages lyo-i'/j. 36. — The accounts of the discovery of the Gulf Stream by Anton ■de Alaminos are not based upon specific data. The first part of his voyage (from Vera Cruz to Cuba, in 15 19) re- quired so much as five weeks ; but he did not then float down the great current. The exploration of the Gulf Stream was not premeditated ; nor is it certain that Alaminos, on the occasion, sailed along the Gulf of Florida. He may have taken one of the Providence channels. Book VIII. J chapter i., pages igj-ig^. 37. — There are no proofs that the first predatory expedition to the country of Chicora, related by Lopez de Gomara and Herrera, was sent by Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon. Book VIII., chapter ii., page igg. 38. — It is not unquestionable that the discovery of Chicora was made by Ayllon, or by his lieutenant. Book VI II, chapter ii., page 20 j. 39. — "Chicora" and the seventeen other names ascribed to parts of the country discovered by the order of Ayllon, are all imaginary. Book VIII., chapter ii., page 204. 40. — Ayllon did not send two expeditions only, but three, to the east coast of the New World. The first expedition (June 24, 1521) was limited to its landfall, by 2,'^'' 30' north latitude. Conclusion. 251 The second expedition (spring of 1525) alone ranged the coast. It has furnished all the geographical data inscribed in maps as representing Ayllon's discovery. The third expedition (July, 1525) is the only one which he led in person. It was confined to a very limited portion of the coast. This we presume to have extended from some point north of Georgetown Entrance to Cape Fear River. It is within the said river, probably between Smithville and Wilmington, that Ayllon made his last attempt at colonising the country, and died. Book VllL, chapter ii., pages 2oy-2o8, 212-213. 41. — The Atlantic seaboards, from Florida to Nova Scotia, have been explored by an expedition under the Royal flag of France, before 1527. That expedition the critic discovers to be that of Giovanni da Verrazano, without even resorting to the account published by Ramusio. Authentic maps of the period afford the necessary evidence. Book VIII., chapter Hi., page 21^. 42. — The expedition of Estevam Gomez to the east coast was not a private, but an official enterprise. Book VLIL, chapter iv., pages 22g. 43. — It was composed of one ship only, which sailed from Corufia at the close of 1524, made its landfall early in 1525, and returned to Spain in the beginning of November following. Gomez commenced his exploration at the north ; and ranged the coast from Newfoundland to within the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and continued coasting southward, along the Atlantic shores of the Cape Breton peninsula. The region claimed to have been discovered on that occasion seems to be the east coast, from Nova Scotia to Cape May. Book VIII.j chapter iv., page 24J. [End of Part First.] ant ^^t0ni. (Uew TTorfi.. BOOK FIRST. CHAPTER I. THE discovery of the New World was a private undertaking of Queen Isabella, I over which she always' claimed an absolute and personal right. In her testament she speaks of the Indies only once, and it is to declare that her own subjects alone were permitted to trade in the newly discovered regions, as it was by them, and at her own cost, that those countries had been found and conquered. ^ And as Andalusia belonged to the crown of Castile, that province became from the start, and remained, the centre of all maritime affairs concerning " Las Indias," that being the name by which America was designated in Spain officially, and is to this day. It was, consequently, at Seville, at Cadiz, and at Palos, that the transatlantic expeditions which were ordered by the Spanish government were generally equipped. It was, likewise, from those cities that the ships belonging to Castilians who had obtained the necessary authorisations were compelled to sail. But a number of vessels, fitted out by private citizens who possessed no licence whatever, also started from Spanish ports clan- destinely for the New World. 3 Hydrography and navigation were taught at Cadiz from remote times, chiefly by pilots of Biscay origin. As we have already remarked, there is a 9edula of Ferdinand and Isabella, dated March i8, 1500, confirming the ordinances which theretofore had regulated the administration of a ■ Cedtda of November 17, 1504 ; Navarrete, Vol. ■« «!/», e trate, e nerjocie destos mis ReynoH de Costilla, III 'p 525 ; OviEDO, HUtoria General, book iii., cap. V de Leon, y en ellos, y a ellos vemja todo lo que della, vii Vol I p 74; GoMARA.lfi^i;. (ie;as/n*-a.s, p. 167; ^etraxere: por ende ordeno, e mando que assi se cumple Christophe Colomh, Vol. I., p. 397- "-'"' ^" ^"^ que fasta aqui sea descuUertas, como en fe -"For quanta las Mas, e Tierra ferme del 2Iar l^e se descubriran de aqui adelaiite en otra parte al- Occeano e Mas de Canaria, fueron descuUertas, e con- £/««»• "-Dormer, Discvrsos varios, p. 344. quistadasacostadeestosmisReynos,econlosnaturales ^ See supra, pp. 129-131, and Z,es Corte-Beal, § vui., dellos, y por esto es razon que el trato, e provecho deltas PP- 102-104. 256 The Discovery of North America. school of Basque pilots, established at Cadiz " from a time when the memory of man runneth not to the contrary : — que de tanto tiempo acd que memoria de hombres non es en contrario." A fact worthy of notice, in that decree, is the prominence given already to the laws concerning voyages westward: " leyes para navegar al poniente."4 We believe that, notwithstanding the creation in 1503,5 of the Casa de Contratacion, which was a State institution intended to concentrate all transactions relative to the New World, with its own pilots and school of cosmography, the Basque nautical college continued to exist for several years, and that a number of sailing charts were constructed by its pro- fessors, particularly after the discoveries accomplished by Columbus, the Pinzons, Hojeda, De Lepe, and Bastidas. Only one of those early Spanish cartographical documents is now known to exist. It is the map of the world made by De la Cosa. Juan de la Cosa, the most famous pilot and cartographer Spain could boast of in those days, was, as his surname ''El Vizcaino" indicates, a native of Biscay. He lived at Seville and at the Puerto de Santa Maria at least since 1492 ; and he must have been influenced by the professional action and methods of his countrymen, if he was not himself, — which it is difficult to believe, — one of the promoters of cartography and nautical science at Cadiz. His famous planisphere, constructed in one of the Andalusian sea ports during the year 1500, certainly conveys to us an adequate notion of the process and projection adopted then, and of the first steps of the Sevillan Hydrography, which was destined to play such an important part in the scientific development of the discoveries achieved by Columbus. Before the establishment of the Casa de Contratacion, Bishop Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca who, aided by Francisco Pinelo and Juan de Soria, had the upper hand in all matters pertaining to maritime and colonial affairs under Charles V., as well as under Ferdinand and Isabella from the time when the second expedition of Columbus was being equipped, and who held his sway for more than half-a-century, ^ must have exercised an imperious control over all pilots and cosmographers everywhere in Spain. It is even certain that when, by the ordinance of January 20, ■* Real cidula de 18 de marzo de 1500 dada en Sevilla Disertacion sobre la Historia de la Ndutica, p. 357. jior los Het/r.x Don Fernando y Dofia Isabel, confir- 5 Navarrete, Coleccion de viages de los Esparioles, mando las ordenanzas del colegio de pilotos Vizcainos Vol. II., doc. cxlviii., p. 285. establecido en Cadiz. Simancas archives, in Navarrete, ^ Bishop Fonseca died only November 4, 1554. Early Cartography. 257 1503, this control was transferred to the administrators of the Casa de Contratacion, the dictatorial and overbearing bishop continued to exert a paramount influence over mariners of all classes. Withal, it must not be believed that the tendency then, or at any time in Spain, was to concentrate in the hands of the government every cartographical work, and enjoy in that respect an absolute monopoly. On the contrary, we are satisfied that map-making and the science of trans- atlantic navigation were freely taught at Seville, and that cartography was always an art openly inculcated in that city as well as in Cadiz or Palos, without any interference on the part of the authorities. Making and selling charts was deemed so simple an occupation that we see, in 1501, Christopher Columbus himself, who was interested more than anyone in preventing transgressions of his privileges, order, without any hesitation, for the use even of foreigners, a map of the newly dis- covered lands, detailed and complete : " copiosa et particular di quanto paese e stato scoperto." When, for instance, Angelo Trivigiano, the Secretary of the Venetian Legation in Spain, wished to convey to the celebrated admiral Domenico Malipiero a correct idea of the discoveries accomplished by Christopher Columbus, he asked the latter to furnish him with a map. The great Genoese at once sent his own copy to Palos to be copied entirely by a pilot of that place. 7 In fact, we are loth to believe that the Spanish government ever made a mystery of the maritime discoveries carried out under the Cas- tilian flag, and that no one in Spain could disclose any part of them without being liable to severe penalties. It would have been impossible to keep such information secret. Did not the numerous ships equipped in Seville, in Cadiz, and in Palos, for the West Indies, carry charts, and was it not indispensable that such maps should be as exact and as com- plete as possible ? When once in the hands of the one hundred and eighty pilots, and more than two hundred masters, 8 who at one time were 7 " Per suo mezo ho mandato a far fare a Palos che h sailing directions from Spain to Santo Domingo, which is un loco dove non habita, salvo che marinari, et homini signed by more than one hundred pilots. Coleccion de pratichi de quel viazo del Columbo, una carta ad istanza documentor imditos de Indias, Vol. XLII., p. 544. In de la Magnificienta Vostra ; la qual sari benissimo fata et the eighteen years which followed Vasco da Gama's copiosa et particular di quanto paese € stato scoperto."- memorable voyage of 1497, the Portuguese alone sent Letter from Angelo Trivigiano, dated Granada, August round the Cape of Good Hope and across the Atlantic, 21 IWI- ChristopheGolomb,Yol. IL, pp. 116-124. officially, not less than two hundred and ninety four 's Nav'arrete says that in the middle of the sixteenth vessels : " Desde ano 1597 [stc pro 1497] en que el Rey century for the navigation of the Indies alone, they D. Manuel embio a Vasco de Gama al descubrimiento de counted one hundred and eighty pilots, and more than la India, asta el aiio de 1521 . . . se despacharon 294 two hundred masters. Sisertacion nobre la Hisloria de baxeles de que se perdieron 26, o poco mas." Faria y la Nantka, p. 368. We know of a single abstract of SouSA, Asia Portugiie-.a ; Lisboa, 1675, Vol. III., p. 559. 258 The Discovery of North America. together in the employ of the Spanish government exclusively for the American trade, how could they escape the curiosity of the numerous merchants and adventurers who flocked into the southern ports, waiting for a favourable opportunity to cross the Ocean and explore new countries? Yet, a moment may have come when the Spanish government endea- voured to restrict the publicity of certain charts ; but it was when men like Sebastian Cabot, for instance, tried to sell, or sold, to Venice and to England, the pretended "Secret of the Strait," and that certain cosmo- graphers of Charles V. flattered themselves that they knew of a shorter route to the Molucca islands. Veitia Linage relates 9 that the official charts issued by the Casa de Contratacion were kept in a coffer, with two locks and keys, one of which was entrusted to the Pilot-Major, and the other to the cosmographer last appointed to the ofiice. This precaution is of the sixteenth century, but we are of opinion that it was only a continuation of an old custom. So as regards the ordinances of Charles V. and Philip II. cited in the margin of the Recopilacion de las leyes de Indias.^° Nevertheless, we must not understand those precautions to mean that the Spanish government was averse to communicating the geographical information contained in the State maps. They imply no other meaning than a positive intention not to give, to the trade, charts which had not been approved by the com- petent authorities : " para que no se pudiessen vender ni usar si ser aprovadas." It is in the same manner that we must also interpret the defence directed to the Pilot-Major, to construct maps "hacer cartas;" for the text adds immediately afterwards : " para vender." Even that restriction soon disappeared. There is an ordinance, dated July 12, 1512," whereby Juan Diaz de Solis and Juan Vespuccius, lately appointed, the former Pilot-Major and the second simply Pilot to the King, were authorised by virtue of a special privilege to take copies of the official model, or Padron Real, and to sell them to all and any pilot, but at a price previously fixed by the Casa de Contratacion. What the government then, in the interest of mariners, did not tolerate was only a competition which might have been created by incompetent cartographers. The first maps, owing to their various origins, were often contradic- tory in important particulars. To prevent the dangers to navigation which 'J. DE Veitia Linage, iVorte (ie Za Contratacion de '"Del Piloto Mayor y Cosmografos ; lib. ix., titulo Xa Indias occidentales, Sevilla, Bias, 1671, small folio ; xxiii., leyes viii., xii. and c. lib. ii., cap. xi., p. 146. " MuNOZ MSS., Vol. XC, f"- 105. Early Cartography. 259 might arise from such a diversity, the Spanish government, as far back as August 6, 1508, ordered the creation of an official pattern, called the Padron Real.'^^ To carry out the project, a commission of pilots, chosen from among the most competent men in the kingdom, was appointed. Americus Vespuccius, by virtue of his office of Pilot-Major, which had been expressly and lately created for him, '3 was called to preside over that junta. According to Herrera, '4 Juan Diaz de Solis and Vicente Yafiez Pinzon also received then the appointment of Pilots to His Ma- jesty, for the express purpose of assisting in that most useful work. The model map which those scientific and practical mariners were to establish was "to embrace all the lands and isles of the Indies until then discovered and belonging to the Crown." It was clothed with an official character, as thenceforth no one could use any other under a penalty of 50 doblas.'^^ Finally, all pilots were enjoined to mark on that map "every land, island, bay, harbour, and other things, new, and worthy of being noted ;" and, as soon as they landed in Spain, to communicate their said chart, so annotated, to the Pilot-Major. '6 We can now imagine the method employed to maintain the Padron Real in keeping with geographical discoveries, officially communicated to the Casa. The Pilot-Major kept, in the hydrographic department of that institution, a mappamundi of large dimensions, on which could easily be inscribed names, legends, and configurations. It was evidently a plane chart, traversed by the line of demarcation, such as it had been settled between Spain and Portugal in 1494, drawn at a distance equal to five degrees of longitude west of the westernmost of the Cape de Verde islands ; but at first with no indication of the degrees of latitude, except such as could be derived from its equator and tropic of Cancer, as in La Cosa's great map. Afterwards it was crossed with latitudinal and, later still, also with longitudinal lines. ■= " Se ordene e haga un padron de todas las tierras e " IIerrera, Decad. I., lib. vii., cap. i., Vol. I., page islas de las Indias que hasta hoy se han descubierto .... I77, where he erroneously ascribes to the cedula the date el cual se llame el Padron Real, por el cual todos los of 1507. pilotos se hayan de regir e governar .... que hallando '= About $231 of the time. The dohla or dobloon of nuevas tierras 6 islas 6 bahias 6 nuevos puertos 6 calquier Charles \., as described in the ordinance of Philip II., cosa que sea dina de ponella en nota en el dicho padron November 13, 1566, weighed 6 grains and 776 miUigr. real, que en viniendo a Castilla vayan a dar su relacion The grain in gold = 22 quilats = nearly 60 American cents; al piloto mayor."— Navarrete, Beal Titulo, in op. making the dohla worth nearly §4.63. .See Heiss, cit., doc. ix., Vol. III., p. 300. 3Ionedcs, pp. 325, 4I3- ■3 The ordinance is dated March 22, 1508; Navar- '^ Beal Hiulode Piloto mayor, con extensas factUtades ; RETE, Vol. III., doc. vii., p. 297. Navarrete, op. cit. 26o The Discovery of North America. After the death of Americus Vespuccius (February 12, 15 12, at the age of 61), his nephew, Juan Vespuccius, and Juan Diaz de Solis were entrusted with the Padron Real. The ordinance is of July 24, 15 12. '7 There were two classes of special cosmographers, viz.: the cosmo- graphers of the Casa de Contratacion,'^^ and the cosmographers of the Council of the Indies. '9 We are inclined to believe that both took the title of " Cosmographer to His Majesty :— Cosmografo de Su Majestad ;" unless this denomination indicates a third class, or an honorary title given by the King. Just as there was a Pilot-Major, they had also a Cosmographer-Major. The creation of those technical offices, of which we regret to be unable to fix the date 20 when they were first instituted, betrays a great cartographical activity, which must have received a new impetus with the discoveries which were constantly made during the thirty years which followed the discovery of America. On the other hand, it is evident that a science which produced, so early as 1500, a work like the remark- able map of the world of Juan de la Cosa, had already brought forth, in the fifteenth century, cartographical monuments of importance, and that maps showing improvements both in the projection and configurations con- tinued to be constructed. Unfortunately, they have nearly all disappeared ; and there is a chasm of at least twenty years between the chart of the great Basque pilot and the earliest productions which we possess of the Sevillan Hydrography. The critic is unable, therefore, to trace the progress accomplished in that space of time, and particularly the modifications which Spanish cartographers gradually introduced into their geographical repre- sentations of the New World. The cosmographers employed in Spain were almost of every nation. In 1515, Ferdinand of Aragon gave orders to secure the services of the best pilots and cosmographers to be found anywhere. This, however, was not an innovation, as, in 151 2, he had already given one office of that kind to Sebastian Cabot, whom he considered as an Englishman. 21 That king caused to come from Rome one Antonio Maurio, 22 who ■? Navarrete, Disertacion sohre la Historia de la tratadon de Sevilla y para osiras cosas de las Indias, y yautica ; p. 138. de la naueijacion y contratacion dellas, quoted by Veitia '^ Becopilacion, lib. ix., titulo xxiii. Linage in his advertisement to the reader, and which '^Ibidem, lib. ii., titulo 13, leyes l and 4, Vol. II., probably contains information on the subject, ps. 185-6, of the edition of 1681. It may be that the " "A Sebastian Caboto Ingles he hecho merced de cosmographers of the Council date only from Philip II. nuestro capitan de mar . . ." — Jean et 8ibastien Cabot, '° Notwithstanding our efforts, we have been unable to pp. 331, 332. consult the OrdenaiK^as Reales para la Oasa de la Con- '' Herrera, Decad. II., p. 18. Early Cartography, 261 enjoyed a great reputation as a cosmographer, but who has left no traces in Spain that we can find, beyond being probably the Antonio Romano, " who was represented to be a very learned cosmographer and mariner : — que decian que era mui Docto, Cosmografo, i Marinero," and endeavoured to be appointed cosmographer of the expedition of Pedrarias Davila, in 1514.23 In 1 5 19, and probably before, there were at Seville Portuguese cosmographers engaged in constructing maps and globes, especially the Reinels. We still find, in 1522, pilots of that name, who, with another Portuguese, Simon de Alcazaba, entered the service of Charles V. The two Faleiros, Ruy and Francisco (1519), as well as Diego Ribero, also came from Portugal. Yet, we are not authorised to presume that those foreigners were enlisted altogether on account of superior skill in making charts. Our impression is that the special knowledge of certain countries which they claimed, or were supposed to possess, was the chief cause why their services were engaged by the Crown. Sebastian Cabot was retained on account of his presumed particular information concerning the Baccalaos regions, and the Faleiros because of their knowledge of a new route to the Molucca islands. But the labours of the Portuguese cosmographers were not confined to the Asiatic countries, as we can see from the Newfoundland nomenclature in all Spanish maps of the sixteenth century, which is entirely Lusitanian. For reasons as yet unexplained, but which may be that Spain no longer stood in need of foreign mariners, Charles V. on the 2nd of August, 1527, issued an order excluding all strangers from the offices of pilot and mate. As Cabot and Ribero continued to be employed, we must infer that this order only precluded the employment of foreign born in the future.24 The scientific mariners who in Spain under the reigns of Ferdinand of Aragon (acting as regent for his daughter Joanna), Charles V., and Philip II., either as Cosmographer- Majors or as Pilot - Majors, were employed in correcting maps or in elaborating the Padron Real, were numerous ; but we have been able to ascertain only the names of the following : ^5 Pilot-Majors : — Americus Vespuccius, Juan Diaz de Solis, Francisco de Soto (brother of the latter), Sebastian Cabot, and Alonso de Chaves. =3 IlERRERA, Decad. L , p. 284. °^ All those names are the subject of separate articles in =4 Fecopilacion de leyes de los reynos de las Iiidias, the Biographical Notes concerning the Commanders, Vol in. f"- 288 of the Madrid third edition of 1774. Captains, &c., &c., Part Fourth of the present work. 262 T?iE Discovery of North America. Pilots to His Majesty : — Andr(is de San Martin, Juan Rodriguez de Mafra, Juan Vespuccius, Andres Garcia Nino, Francisco de Torres, Vasco Gallego, Andres de Morales, Simon de Alcazaba de Soto- Mayor, Estevam Gomez, and Francisco Albo. Cosmographer-Majors : — Alonso Estanquez, Pedro Ruiz de Villegas, and Alonso de Santa Cruz. Cosmographers to His Majesty: — Diego Ribero, Diego Gutierrez (senior), Pedro Mexia, and, especially, Nufio Garcia de Toreno : " muy grande oficial de hazer cartas, y trabaj6 de auer los majores padrones que pudo : — -A very great adept in making maps, and who made great efforts to secure the best models possible," says Andres Garcia de Ces- pedes, on the authority of Ruiz de Villegas. Nor should we forget Juan de la Cosa, who, in the second voyage of Columbus had the title of Professor of Cartography : " Maestro de hacer cartas." What we designate under the generic name of the " Sevillan Hydro- graphy" are the cartographical works, known and unknown, existing and lost, of those noted geographers. CHAPTER II. IT follows from the preceding pages that there was in Spain, at least since the year 1508, an official map of the New World, copies of which could be easily obtained at Seville, at a price fixed by the Casa de Contratacion, and which were made by certain cosmographers in the employ of the Castilian Crown. That official map went by the name of Padron Real. It was, ap- parently, the object of great solicitude on the part of the government, particularly when it was found to have bearing on political questions of great importance. In 15 15, Portuguese vessels visited places which Spain claimed to be within the Line of Demarcation, and seized them. Por- tugal pretended that her ships had gone to regions which they had a right to visit, and retaliated by taking seven Spanish ships, on the plea that these had crossed the line, in the vicinity of Cape St. Augustine.' The question, therefore, between the two kingdoms was one of fact, which could be settled only by ascertaining from maps, where the Line of De- marcation actually passed. It was then that the charts were found to be at variance ; and the Casa de Contratacion petitioned the King of Spain to be authorised to call a junta of pilots to correct, in such an important respect, all cartographical documents. Ferdinand of Aragon assented, suggesting, however, that it would be desirable first to send competent persons to examine de visu the points alleged to have been encroached upon by the Portuguese, and, as a matter of course, to ascertain their true longitude. It seems that, in those days, Spain was not guided, as we might have believed from the ordinance of August 6, 1508, by a Padron Real, but by a map of Andres de Morales, which, having been approved by Solis and other able mariners, was considered the best : " Pues Juan Diaz de Solis, i otros Hombres muy peritos en el Arte, havian aprobado la Carta, que higo el Piloto Andres de Morales, aquella se debia de creer, que era la mejor." 2 ■ Herrera, Dectid. I., lib. i., cap. xii., Vol. II., p. i8. = IIerrera, ibidem. 264 The Discovery of North America. The Junta was authorised, and the King ordered the Casa to com- pose that commission with the most competent pilots and cosmographers to be found. It was then that the Roman Antonio Maurio, whom we have already mentioned, was appointed a member, together with Sebastian Cabot, Juan Vespuccius, and the eldest Pinzons. According to Fernando Columbus, in addition to these celebrated mariners, there were more than one hundred pilots, many of whom were acquainted for many years with the navigation to the Indies : " y mas de cien pilotos, muchos de ellos antiguos en la navegacion de las Indias."3 What the results of that great commission were, and what is the map which was then constructed, 4- are questions which we cannot answer ; the documents known being silent on the subject. We find in several ordinances allusions which show that the act creating the Padron Real was frequently infringed, and that no respect was paid to the monopoly granted to Solis and Juan Vespuccius relative to copying and selling copies of the official map. Pilots in all the ports of Andalusia constructed charts which were more or less exact, and even counterfeited the Padron Real, without regard to the rights possessed by Solis and Juan Vespuccius; to such an extent that in 1513, they felt compelled to apply to the Court for redress. 5 This state of things continued nevertheless, and, as it seems, for a number of years, notwithstanding the construction of a new Padron Real. Maps, in fact, became altered to such a degree that the graduation was of two kinds. In a very curious dialogue written by Fernando Columbus, under the title of Coloquio sobre las dos graduaziones diferentes que las cartas de Indias tienen, we find that this untoward circumstance was due chiefly to vexations at the hands of the Pilot-Major, who, by refusing arbitrarily to approve maps made (as the law permitted) out of the Casa, left no other alternative to pilots than to dispense with securing the required certificates. This, necessarily, led to the making of cartographical works different in kind, and varying according to the notions of those independent pilots 3 Fernando Columbus, Coloquio, MS. This small Coloquio: " Pero decidme, Senor, i el padron que la Casa work was written about the year 1527 ; as speaking of tiene es muy antiguo? — No es muy antiguo, que despues the then last Padron Reed, Don Fernando says : " poco que se hizo no se ha ananido cosa nueva." Vet, since mas de diez aiios aqui es fecho : — constructed little more that time, the entire Gulf of Mexico had been explored than ten years ago," showing that he refers to the Junta by the order of Garay ; and Ayllon, as well as Gomez, of 1515. had visited the coasts of the present Southern States of ■• The map was doubtless made within two or three North America, years afterwards, judging from the expression used in the s MuNOZ MSS., Vol. XC, i°- 123. Early Cartography. 265. and map makers. The passage in the Coloquio of Fernando Columbus, where mention is made of those annoyances, is worth reproducing, as it initiates us into the workings of that nefarious practice : " Haveis de saver que todas las cartas e in- stramentbs de la Navegacion los esamina el Piloto maior, en esta manera : Cada vez que el Piloto o maestre a de hir a qualquier viaje de Indias es obligado a hacer muestra de sus aparejos al dicho Piloto maior, para que vea si estan buenos, que se entiende carta y Agujas, Astrolabio, y Regimiento : y como el dicho Piloto maior demas de ser com- padre dal que hace las Cartas es su mui grande Amigo ; Si alguna persona hace Carta o otro istrpmento alguno, al tiempo que el Piloto o Maestre, hace muestra dello el Piloto maior, lo conoce que no es de su compadre y luego dice que esta falsa y que no lo a de firmar hasta que lo vea vien y tienselo en su casa mucho tiempo, que por ninguna via no lo quiere dar, y enfin no lo firma ni quisiere que pase, por mui bueno que sea ; y al que lo compro porque no quiere que lo hizo y al que lo compro porque no quiere que haya otro que haga cosa de Navegacion sino su Compadre, y como esto se save, no hay quien se ponga a hacer cosa alguna porque aunque sea mui perfecto no habrea quien lo compre y si algun piloto o maestre lo compra por el raismo caso que da enemigo del piloto maior y de su compadre, y esto digo como hombre que asi lo a visto." At last Charles V. determined again to remedy the evils arising from that multiplicity of maps, and, on the 6th of October, 1526, directed Fernando Columbus 7 to order from Diego Ribero, and other cosmo- graphers, a sailing chart embracing all the islands and continent which had been discovered up to that time, and which would be found thence- forth. Here are the words of Queen Isabella of Portugal, Charles V.'s wife, who governed Spain during his absence : "You should know (says Teodosio to Ful- gencio) that all maps and nautical instruments have to be examined by the Pilot-Major in the following manner : Whenever the pilot or master is about to undertake a voyage to the Indies, he must show his implements to the Pilot-Major, that the latter may see whether they are in working order ; by which [implements] are meant the map, compass, astrolabe, and sailing directions. And as the Pilot-Major, besides being the col- league of the cartographer, is his great friend, if any other person has constructed the map or instrument, the Pilot-Major, seeing that it is not the work of his companion, declares the same at once unfit for use, and refuses his certificate, on the plea that those implements must be examined again thoroughly. He then keeps the map and instruments at his house for a long time, and finally gives neither his approbation nor leave to use them, however good they may be. The reason is that he does not want any other than his companion to con- struct naval objects. And as that is known, no one cares to make such things, however perfect they might be, as no one would buy them, for fear of the enmity of the Pilot-Major and of his companion. I speak as an eye-witness."" « Coloquio, MUNOZ MSS., Vol. XLIV., f 2, seq. ' Those juntas seem to have been generally presided over by some distinguished and influential person, and not by a professional man. Thus it was the Marquis de MONDEJAR who presided over the junta which had been appointed by Philip 11. to examine the works and instru- ments of Apianus. See Navarrete, Opusculos, Vol. II. p. 65. Fernando Columbus doubtless owed his appointments as much to the high position which he held personally at Seville and to the political memoirs which he wrote about the rights of the Spanish Crown to the Molucca islands, as to his scientific attainments. These were respectable, but there is not a particle of evidence showing that he was a professional cosmographer or cartographer, and that the Weimar map of 1527, or any other map, was made by him. 2 K 266 The Discovery of North America. " Don Hernando Colon : bien sabeis como " Don Fernando Columbus : You are well el Emperador Mi Senor, por una su §^dula, aware that my lord the Emperor, by one of fecha en Granada a seis dias del mes de his gedula dated from Granada, on the sixth Otubre de mill e quynientos e veinte e seis day of the month of October, in the year one anos, OS encarg6 thomasedes a Diego Rivero, thousand five hundred and twenty-six, charged Nuestro Piloto e otras personas, e fycieredes you with ordering from Diego Ribero, our pilot, una Carta de navegar, en la qual se situen to- and other individuals, a sailing chart which das las Islas e Tierra-Firme questhobiesen des- should embrace all the islands and continent cobiertas e se descobriesen de ay adelante . ." now discovered, or to be found hereafter . ."* According to Herrera, Fernando Columbus used great diligence, and corrected geographical errors, which proved of importance : "I haviendo vsado Don Hernando Colon (por la comision que tuvo de Su Majestad) de mucha diligencia, se enmendaron i corrigieron algunos yerros que fueron de mucho provecho."9 Veitia Linage goes further, for he says that it was Don Fernando who made the map : " Hernando Colon . . . junt6 los Cosmographos y Pilotos de su Mag. y hizo vn mapa, y padron, por el qual se haviessen de regir de alii adelante las navegaciones." "o Those statements are erroneous. If the map was ever made, it must have been at least ten years afterwards, and under different circumstances. In the gedula of Queen Isabella of Portugal, already quoted, which bears date May 20, 1535, after the passage above cited, we read the following lines, which are quite conclusive : " E porque fallamos que abreis entendido " And whereas you have [heretofore] at- en ello con el cuidado e delyxencia que con- tended to this matter with proper care and viene, Yo vos Encargo e Mando, que si quan- diligence, We order and direct you that if, do esta rrescebieredes, obieredes comenzado a when you receive the present letter, what was facer lo que por la dicha Cedula se vos ymbi6 ordered by the said gedula [of 1526] has been a mandar, lo acabeis con toda la brevedad, e commenced, then that you see that it be ter- sinon, entendais luego en que se efetue . . . minated with all possible dispatch. If, on the contrary, such is not the case, I order you to " cause it to be done at once." It was evidently in anticipation of the completion of this map, that Charles V. ordered, August 2, 1527, that the Padron Real, thenceforth called Padron General, should be committed to the care of the president and judges of the Casa de Contratacion, and verified by the Pilot-Major ^ Real Cedula A Don Hernando Colon, mandandole '" Veitia Linage, Norte de la Contratacion de la-t que tan luego como cmicluya defcu:er la Carta de Nave- Indias occidentales, Seville, 1672, fol., lib. ii., cap. xii., (jar que por cHula de 6 de Otubre 1526 se la encargo. p. 146. That is probably the origin of the legend which Mayo SO de 15S5, in the Coleccion de documentos ined. ascribes the making of the anonymous Weimar chart of de Indias, Vol. XXXII. (1879), p. 512. 1527 to Fernando Columbus, who, as we have just stated, " Herrera, Decad. III., p. 294 ; IV., p. 30. never made any such map. Early Cartography. 267 and cosmographers of that institution twice a year. In that cedula there is an article which well shows the liberal spirit that animated the govern- ment in regard to map-making. It states that every professional cosmo- grapher residing in Seville could thereafter construct and sell maps of the New World, provided these were first submitted to and approved by the Pilot-Major and cosmographers of the Gasa de Contratacion.^^ We have already shown how far those functionaries succeeded in nullifying the privilege, and the strong language used by Fernando Columbus to con- demn the nefarious practice, in this respect, of the Pilot-Major. But what shows the limited importance given to the official map is, besides the liberty enjoyed by any cosmographer living in Seville to make charts of his own invention, though subject to being approved by the competent authorities, the fact that another ordinance of Charles V. per- mitted even the Pilot-Major himself to construct and sell maps and globes of his own manufacture, provided it was outside the city. Those ordi- nances were confirmed by Philip II. '^ We still possess several original manuscript maps made at Seville in that space of time, particularly the one bearing date 1527, preserved at Weimar, stated to be the work of one of His Majesty's cosmographers ; and another of the year 1529, which was made and signed by Diego Ribero, also preserved in that city. The fact that neither bears the ap- probation of the Pilot-Major (who then was, apparently, Alonso de Chaves, named to the office in the absence of Sebastian Cabot), implies that the cosmographers to His Majesty dispensed with such a certificate, although we see no such privilege mentioned in the ordinances, or the perfect freedom with which maps were at that time being constructed and copied in Seville. It may also be that those maps are not regular sailing charts, within the meaning of the regulations of the Casa, but simply maps for ordinary use. At all events, they represent the state of official geographi- cal knowledge at the time in Spain, particularly as regards the New World, and, on that account, are to us extremely interesting. " "Y quando algun cosmografo de Sevilla hiciere ix., tit. xxiii., fey iii. The object of this restriction seems algunas cartas, no los pueda vender si no fueren primero to have been to prevent the Pilot-Major from being in- aprobados per el Piloto mayor, y Cosmografos." In the fluenced on account of his having sold such implements Secopilacion de los reynos de las Indias, Vol. III., to the candidates for the functions of pilot. The ordinance f" 286 of the edition of 1774. of Charles V., requiring an investigation into the manner ■=" Pueda hazer Mapas y Globos, para si o para vender in which Sebastian Cabot granted licences to pilots fuera de la ciudad de Sevilla," in the Recopilation, lib. (supra p. 33) may refer to some abuse of the kind. 268 The Discovery of North America. When Fernando Columbus was enjoined by Queen Isabella to proceed with the map, Diego Ribero had been dead two years ; Fernando's time was also absorbed by the great litigation which involved the rights of Don Luis, the lineal descendant and heir of Christopher Columbus, to the principal privileges granted to his grandfather. '3 Appearances are, therefore, that he then ceased to occupy himself with the Padron Real ordered in 1526. At all events, Juan Suarez de Carvajal, afterwards bishop of Lugo, who, by a qedula dated August 17, 1535, had been entrusted with the mission of inspecting the functionaries of the Gasa de Contratacion, called together in 1536, a junta of pilots and cosmographers. This is evidently the one mentioned by Navarrete, H and in which Alonso de Santa Cruz, who was a member of the commission, '5 presented his newly-invented instrument for ascertaining longitudes at sea. Oviedo, writing in 1536, speaks already of "the map lately corrected by order of Charles V.: — la carta corregida nuevamente por mandado de Cessar.'''^ This can only be the Padron Real issued by the new junta. It is said to have been the work of Alonso de Chaves : " La carta moderna, fecha por el cosmografo Alonso de Chaves, el ano de mill e qui- nientos y treinta y seys aftos despues que por el Emperador fueron mandados ver y examinar : — The recent map, made by the cosmographer Alonso de Chaves, in the year 1536, after the Emperor had ordered them [/. e. the members of the junta], to see and examine it."" We do not know whether those words of Oviedo must be interpreted as meaning that the map had been entirely constructed by Chaves, — which he would not have had sufficient time to do, — or that Chaves, after the death of Ribero in 1533, took his place, and continued the work initiated by the latter. That chart is lost. Fortunately, we possess a detailed description of it, made by Oviedo himself, '^ from a copy in the own hand of Chaves: — " Del qual padron tengo una de la mano de Alonso de Chaves." The reader will find it described and analysed infra, in the Gartographia Americana Vetustissima, of which it constitutes the last item. ■3 Excerpta Colonibiniana, p. i8. Gutierrez speak of " el padron que ahora se hace." "• Navarrete, OpuscvXos, Vol. II., p. 63. "' Oviedo, op. cit.. Vol. II., p. 150. 'S " Fue uno de los diputados para la correfion de las '^ Ibidem, pages 1 12-152. It is in reality a. critical cartas de navegar." — Oviedo, Historia General, lib. examination both of the Chaves and Ribero maps, with xxi., cap. ii., Vol. II., p. 116. corrections obtained verbally from Alonso DE .Santa '^ Ibidem. That Padron does not seem to have been Cruz : " Algunos nombres destos quel [A. de S. C] me yet completed at the close of the year; for in the dio e informo, no los hallo en la carta moderna que digo." Froba7izas of December 31, 1536, Santa Cruz and Loc. cit., pp. 114-116. CHAPTER III. IT would prove highly interesting to follow on Spanish maps the pro- gress accomplished, not only as regards maritime discoveries, but in cartography proper. Unfortunately, between the chart made by Juan de la Cosa in the year 1500, and the map of the King's Library, at Turin, which was constructed towards 1523,' we possess only the rough and small woodcut delineation of the West Indies inserted in a later issue of the first edition of Peter Martyr's First Decade. The latter scarcely exhibits more of the mainland than the seaboards of the Carib- bean Sea, and the southern coast of Florida ; but the Turin map is much more complete, particularly for the southern configurations, as it delineates a large portion of the coasts of the New World, east and west, south of the tropic of Cancer. With so few elements, that is, a map of the year 1500, which naturally ignores most of the south-eastern seaboard, and westwards, the entire coast ; a map limited to the Antillies ; the Turin planisphere, just mentioned ; and the Weimar charts, all made from fragmentry prototypes concerning which we know so little, it is impossible to establish a pre- cise filiation, and ascertain the original form of the cartographical data which have reached us after undergoing very great modifications. There is a conclusion, however, which appears certain, when we compare the leading traits of those maps. It is that the Turin mappa- mundi is based upon elements which were unknown to the Spanish official cosmographers, and to the board of the Casa de Contratacion. Else, as no Padron General was constructed in the four years which elapsed between the making of the Turin map and of the Weimar charts, the latter would exhibit the same nomenclature as the former. We have thus traces of explorations, apparently of a clandestine character, which were doubtless a continuation of similar voyages undertaken ever since the New World was first discovered by Christopher Columbus. = Facsimile infra. All the maps mentioned in the and discussed in the part entitled Cartographia Ameri- present disquisition are separately described at length cana Vetmlissima. 270 The Discovery of North America. This inference leads us also to believe that the Weimar maps only exhibit such technical information as, by virtue of the ordinances which we have quoted, pilots and masters were bound to communicate to the Pilot-Major on their return to Seville. But it is evident that these con- stituted merely a small portion of the geographical knowledge which had then been already obtained. Besides the unlawful expeditions, which, of course, made a secret of their discoveries, there were numerous ships, equipped on a venture by private citizens, whose captains, although pro- vided with a regular license, did not communicate to the Casa the points of the coast first visited by them, and where they had found abundance of dye-wood, or roaming Indians who could be easily kidnapped and en- slaved for the European markets. Their maps could not fail to exhibit peculiar nomenclatures and configurations, different altogether from those which were inscribed on the Padron Real. It is in that class of private charts that we should look for the origin of several important delineations, insular as well as continental, which of late years have attracted the at- tention of the historians of maritime adventure. We find no traces of the influence of the Spanish maps north of Spain and Portugal during the first quarter of the sixteenth century. And although Italy was the country where the news of the discoveries accom- plished by Columbus, Vespuccius, Magellan, and other navigators sailing under the flag of Castile, circulated most extensively, their accounts being translated and printed at Rome, Venice, and Florence, ^ it was only at a comparatively late period that Italian maps commenced to take notice of the New World. The atlases, portolani, or charts of Giorgio Giovanni of Venice (1494), 3 of Conte Freducci of Ancona (1497), 4 even those of Andrea Benincasa (1508), 5 of Battista Genovese (i5i4),6 of Jacopo Russo (1520), 7 and of many other cartographers of the time, ignore the New World altogether ; and, in their delineation of the Atlantic, do not go beyond the fantastic islands which mar all maps of the fifteenth century. It is true that the Ptolemy published at Rome, in 1508, contains a mappamundi representing the newly-found regions, but it is the work of a German, Johannes Ruysch, who has chiefly copied Lusitanian maps, and even seems to have never seen a chart made in Spain. In fact, the " Biblioteca Americana Vetuistissima, and Additions. In the Wolfenbiittel Ducal Library. 3"Georgius Joanis de Veniciis fecit Veneciarum, = In the Library of the Propaganda, at Rome. M.CCCC.LXXXXIIIJ." In the Royal Library at Parma. « In the Wolfenbiittel Ducal Library. *> "Contes Hectomanni de Fredutiis de Ancona, 1497." ? In the State Archives at Florence. Early Cartography. 271 first truly Italian map which depicts America is the atlas made at Naples, in 151 1, by Vesconte de Maggiolo. This was soon followed by the cordiform mappamundi of Bernardo Sylvano of Eboli, printed at Venice in 151 1, but whose transatlantic delineations, so far from being taken from a Spanish map, were made after a purely Portuguese chart, of the same type as those of Kunstmann. In reality, it is only through the map which Vesconte de Maggiolo constructed in 1527 that the Sevillan Hydrography, by a circuitous route, however, made its appearance in Italy, and began to influence a certain family of maps. Yet, for a number of years pre- vious, several fine planispheres constructed in the Iberian peninsula had found their way into Italian collections. Nay, Malipiero, the Venetian admiral, even possessed an authentic copy of the map which Christopher Columbus had made himself to illustrate his memorable discoveries. That important cartographical document may yet be exhumed from among the rubbish of some palace in Venice ; but we may rest assured that, if ever found, it will be seen to set forth configurations differing materially from those which have been used by Italian cartographers, without being for that reason any more complete or correct. CHAPTER IV. IT was reserved for the Lusitanian cartographers to convey to German savants their first notions concerning the geography of the New- World, and to inspire for nearly half-a-century all the maps and globes executed in Northern Europe. Hakluyt and modern writers state that no maps could be obtained from Portugal, and that the Portuguese pilots or cosmographers who gave or sold charts to strangers forfeited their life. There is some truth in the statement, but it applies only to an exceptional case. Angelo Trivigiano, who had so easily obtained from Christopher Columbus a detailed chart of the New World, writes, August 21, 1501, that he had been unable to get in Lisbon a map " of a certain recent voyage to Calicut, as the King of Portugal had edicted the penalty of death against anyone who should venture to communicate a map of that expe- dition : — de la carta del qual viazo non e possibile haverne, chel R6 ha messo pena la vita a chi la da fora."' That voyage was evidently Cabral's, who had returned from the East Indies in the month of July preceding, and confirmed the promises held by Vasco da Gama relative to an abundance of spice and precious stones, which thenceforth were brought to Portugal by a partially new route from those distant regions. This restriction is only one which many govern- ments would have imposed when in possession of particular geographical data concerning certain newly-found countries, where there was hope to exercise a trading monopoly. The prohibition, therefore, applied only to the Moluccas ; and it must be said that the anxiety of the Portuguese Crown on the subject was felt during many years. On the 31st of Sep- tember, 1531,^ we see the agent of Joao III. enter into a contract at Savona with Leone Pancaldo, whereby the latter, for a compensation of 2,000 ducats, binds himself not to teach anyone the route to the Moluccas, and not to make any chart tracing the way to those productive islands. ' ZuRLA, Marco Polo, Venezia, 1818, Vol. II., p. 362. //. e quattro docum&nti regaardante il pilota savoneite = Cornelio Desimoni, Una moneta colnomedi Giulio Leone Pancaldo. Savona, 1891, 8vo. Early Cartography. 273 But the colonial policy of Portugal was generally a liberal one. On the 9th of December, 1508, Americus Vespuccius, in answer to a question addressed to him by Cardinal Ximenez de Cisneros, who wished to allow anyone to visit and import all objects of commerce into the New World : " que cada vno tenga lybertad de yr i llevar lo que quisyere," acknow- ledge that this was the policy of Portugal as regarded her most important African colony : " Segun que lo haze el rey de Portugal en lo de la Mina del Oro."3 This implies the right to trade and navigate in those coun- tries, and, consequently, to own and use sailing charts. We have proofs, however, that the Portuguese government, as a rule, did not make a secret of its maps. Andrea Corsali, after describing to Giuliano de Medici the usual navigation to the East Indies, advises him to consult the chart which Michael da Silva, the ambassador of Portugal, had brought to Rome: "Come per la carta del navigare, che Don Michiele Selua, Orator del Re, reco a Roma, potr4 V.S. comprendere."4 Besides, our readers have seen that when Alberto Cantino, in 1502, wished to have a map made for the Duke of Ferrara, depicting the maritime dis- coveries recently accomplished by the Portuguese, he found no difficulty whatever in having it executed in Lisbon. We still possess that map, and can easily see depicted thereon, with appropriate legends, Newfound- land and Brazil duly represented as the regions which Caspar Corte-Real and Pedro Alvarez Cabral had just discovered for the King of Portugal. Nay, it sets forth in detail Calicut and the entire Indian Ocean and its coasts with a perfection theretofore unknown : marking even on important localities their degree of latitude, and calling the attention of the reader to the valuable products to be obtained in those Lusitanian colonial marts. Such was likewise the case with the elaborate mappamundi copied about the same time, in Portugal, we believe, by the Genoese cartographer, Nicolay de Canerio. If maps so elaborate as those of Cantino and Canerio were sent to Italy, we have positive proofs that, in the first few years of the sixteenth century, cartographical monuments of the same character also found their way into Germany ; and have inspired German geographers during many years. Their works constitute what we call the Lusitano-Germanic carto- graphy, and form the subject of the following chapters. 3 Cartas de Indias, page ii. * Ramusio, Vol. I., f"- i8o (sic pro 280). CHAPTER V. RENE II., Duke of Lorraine,' took the greatest interest in geography. The Vosgian Gymnasium at St. Diey, with its nucleus of scholars, was under his protection, and he particularly seconded the efforts of those who devoted themselves to scientific pursuits. Three of these, Matthews Ringmann (^Philesius), Gaultier Lud, and Martin Waldseemtiller {Hylacomilus), resolved, before the year 1508, to publish a new edition of Ptolemy. That determination has been the starting point of a most important evolution in the cartographical history of the New World. Waldseemtiller, who held the Chair of Cosmography in the Gymnasium, was an able cartographer ; and his associates entrusted him with the task ■of preparing the maps which were to accompany that important publication. The Ptolemy was published at Strasburg, after March 15, 1513,- and it contained a number of newly-constructed maps, several of which have exerted considerable influence on the conceptions of the New World, par- ticularly among German cosmographers. But, previous to the issue of that valuable work, Waldseemtiller had made a mappamundi more important still ; as it greatly promoted, if it did not initiate, the geographical de- velopment which we have now to describe. If that first planisphere of Waldseemtiller's, which was executed to accompany the first edition of the Cosmographies Introductio, printed at St. Diey, 3 could be discovered, the genesis, so to speak, of the purely Lusitanian maps which reached Germany at the beginning of the sixteenth century, might be established with a certain degree of precision. Meanwhile, our belief is that the primary configurations and nomen- clature adopted then by Waldseemuller, can be ascertained by means of the Tabula Terre Nove which he designed for the Ptolemy of 1513 ; as ' " Le due de Lorraine, mecene naturel de I'association, collahorateurs. Voyaije d' exploration et de dtkouvertes ; contribuait pour sa part a la reunion des donnees les plus Paris, 1867, 8vo, pp. 13-25. curieuses et les plus difficiles k obtenir."— d'Avezac, ' Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 29. Martin Hylacomyliis WaXtzemidler, ses ouvracjen et ses 3 Ibidem, Nos. 44-47, and Additions, No. 24. Early Cartography. 275 it is not likely that he used, within a very few years, to construct the latter map, data different from those which were employed in making the planisphere annexed to the St. Diey treatise. 4 But, first of all, we must demonstrate the Lusitanian origin of Waldseemtiller's elements, so far, at least, as his American configurations are concerned ; it being necessary to establish the connection between the Portuguese charts described in the preceding pages, and the important category of maps which we have called " Lusitano-Germanic." The reader is aware that when Americus Vespuccius visited the Brazilian country, in the track of another Portuguese expedition, he entered, September 24, 1503, a port, which in the course of a previous voyage, probably on the ist of November, 1501, had been discovered and named " The Bay of All-Saints." That name is always correctly rendered in the purely Lusitanian maps, as " A baia de todos los santos." When the Spanish geographers mentioned the transatlantic dominions of the Crown of Portugal, they also named that point of the Brazilian coast under its proper name. The earliest of these, Martin Fernandez de Enciso, in his Suma de Geografia, printed at Seville in 1519,5 writes " La haya de todos sanctos ;" Ribero and his colleagues mark in their planispheres : " b. de todos sanctos." But in all the cartographical monu- ments executed in the north of Europe, whether they be maps, charts, or globes, we invariably find the inexact rendering of " Abatia omnium sanctorum," or "All-Saints Abbey" instead of "Bay." This mistake, which is the touchstone for a large family of German maps, originated with a mere slip of the pen, which, although absent from all Lusitanian maps and documents, is nevertheless of Portuguese origin, and may be traced to Americus Vespuccius, or the Italian scribe who wrote in his name. On the 4th of September, 1504, Vespuccius addressed to some one, not named,6 but living at Florence, an account in the Italian language, of his transatlantic voyages.7 In the description of the fourth expedition, ■* We should not feel so confident if the Tabula be- * The probability is that it was " Piero di Messer trayed elements borrowed from a Spanish chart ; but as Tommaso Soderini," the gonfalonier of Florence ; Ban- it sets forth only Lusitanian names, configurations and DINI, Vita e Lettere di Amerigo Vespucci, Firenze, latitudes, which we recognise again in other maps based I74S, 4to, p. xxv., and Bartolozzi, Eicerche istorico- also upon Portuguese models, though of different origins, critiche .... Firenze, 1789, 8vo, p. 67. — such as RuYSCH and Schoner, — the presumption ' Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci delle Isole nuouamente needs to be accepted. trouate in quattro s^ioi viaggi. No. 87 of the Bihliotheca 5 Bihliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 97. Americ. Vetustis., and Additions, pp. xxiii.-xxvii. 276 The Discovery of North America. we read, relatively to that locality of the Brazilian coast : " Fussi a tenere nella terra che el viaggio passato discoprimo in un porto che li pone' mo la badia di tucte e sancti : — We made for the land which we had dis- covered the year before [and] a harbor which we [had then] named the Abbey \sic\ of All-Saints." That is the immediate origin of the mistake, which affords the clue enabling us to connect all the maps containing Abatia instead of a baia with the geographical productions emanating from the Vosgian Gymnasium. In the above mentioned Cosmographies Introductio of Waldseemiiller, issued for the first time from the St. Diey press, on the 25th of April, 1507, there is an account of Vespuccius' four voyages, in Latin, said to be a translation from the French, and which was itself translated from the Italian language. In fact, it is only a clumsy version of the Letter a di Amerigo Vespucci, sent to Florence from Lisbon on the 4th of Sep- tember, 1504, cited in one of our preceding notes. The name of the party to whom Vespuccius addressed this Italian text is not given, but, as we have said, everything tends to show that it was Pier Soderini. The Latin version in the St. Diey book is more explicit, but names some one else, as it bears the following heading : " lUustrissimo Renato, Iherusalem et Sicilise regi, duci Lotharingiae ac Bar[ensi], Ameri- ■cus Vespucius humilem reverentiam, et debitam recommendationem : — To the Most Illustrious Rene, King of Jerusalem and Sicily, Duke of Lorraine and Bar, Americus Vespuccius, &c." In the main, both the Latin and Italian texts are alike ; but although the latter was printed before the Cosmographies Introductio, it is not likely that the St. Diey scholarly association would have presumed to palm off on the Duke of Lorraine a mere translation from a book which was on sale, and invent such a dedication. Nor can we admit that Gaul tier Lud would have dared to say to Rene himself, though it be in another work,^ when alluding to the said account of Vespuccius : " Quorum etiam regionum descriptionem ex Portugallia ad te Illustrissime rex Renate, gallico sermone missam : — which was sent from Portugal to thee Most Illustrious King Ren^ in the French language." When Waldseemiiller's treatise appeared in print, Ren6 was living ; and to accept an epistle dedicatory of that explicit character, would also imply on his part either an ignorance which is not in keeping with what ^ Speculi orbis dedaratio, Strasburg, 1507, folio, f. 2 ; B. A. V., No. 49. Early Cartography. 277 we know of his accomplishments, or a weakness unworthy of his high character. Our impression is that Vespuccius caused his Italian account to be translated into French in Lisbon (that being Rene's own language), by some one who overlooked the sentences intended for Soderini. It was sent to Nancy before February 5, 1505, which is the date of the letter of introduction Christopher Columbus gave him in Seville.9 In that letter, the great Genoese alludes to Vespuccius' ill luck and dis- appointments. May we not infer that when the Florentine navigator thought of quitting the service of Portugal, he sent the narrative of his four voyages to the Duke of Lorraine, probably as he did to the gon- falonier of Florence, and perhaps to other princes, according to the custom of the time, as a bid for some favour.'* Be that as it may, the Latin version in Waldseemiiller's Gosmographice Introductio, which version is the fountain-head of the account of Ves- puccius' four voyages printed and reprinted, copied and commented all over the north of Europe in the sixteenth century, calls the " Bay," the " Abbey of All Saints : — Omnium sanctorum abbatiam." It is fair to conclude, therefore, that when the geographical productions, planispheres, maps, and globes, emanating from the St. Diey savants, particularly Wald- seemliller, gave that erroneous name to the same point of the Brazilian coast, they borrowed it from the Qunluor Americi Vesputii navigationes,^° which they had translated and published. To complete the connection, it is important to ascertain the existence of some map of the ^orld, or of the newly-discovered countries, coeval with that publication, and which should be the undoubted work of the cartographer of the Vosgian Gymnasium. Traces of such a map exist. The CosmographicB Introduciio accompanied a planisphere constructed by Martin Waldseemiiller. This is stated on the verso of the double leaf containing the Figurant universalem, in these words : " Propositum est hoc libello quandam Cosmographise introducdonem scribere : quam nos tarn in soUdo quam piano depinximus. In solido quidem spaeio exclusi strictissime. Sed latius in piano: — We have proposed in this little book to write a sort of introduction for the Cosmography which we have depicted both on a globe and on a plane chart, very succinctly, of course, on the globe, where space was wanting, but more extensively on the mappamundi." As to that map, from the very few details scattered in Waldsee- muller's book we learn that it was a planisphere, dedicated to the Emperor 9 Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 351. '° Inserted in the Cosmoriraphiai iMrodur.tio. 278 The Discovery of North America. Maximilian, each country bearing the arms of the reigning prince, whilst the newly-discovered regions displayed the escutcheons both of Spain and Portugal : " Denique in quartam terrae partem per inclytos Castilise et Lusitanise reges repertam eorundem ipsorum insignis posuimus." Small crosses marked the shoals or dangerous rocks. It was printed, before the year 1507, through the instrumentality or at the cost of the Duke of Lorraine: " ministerio Renati dum vixit . . . liberius prselographationi tra- dita est." Being evidently on a large scale, that map of the world cannot well have been printed at St. Diey, where printing had just been intro- duced, as the Cosmographice Introductio of May, 1507, is the first book which came out of the press in that small town. The probability is that the map was printed at Strasburg by Schott, who, a few years afterwards, in that city, executed the St. Diey Ptolemy. This opinion is borne out, we think, by the assertion of Ortelius that the Marine Chart of Waldsee- miiller was edited in Germany : " Martinus Waldseemuller Universalem navigatoriam in Germania editam."" St. Diey in 1507 was not German, whilst then and for nearly two centuries afterwards Strasburg remained a Germanic city. It follows that the planisphere which Joannes Trithemius bought at Worms, in August, 1507, that is, a couple of months after the publication of the Cosmographice introductio, which map, he says, had been lately published at Strasburg: " nuper Argentinse impressam," '^ is most probably Waldseemiiller's. If so, we may add to the above description that it was really a mappamundi on a large scale : "in magna dispositione globum terrae in piano expansum," and extending towards the south as far as the tenth parallel, that is, to the 50° of Austral latitude : " ac versus meridiem ad parallelum ferme decimum," which, let it be said, is the point where ends the South American configuration in Waldseemiiller's Orbis Typus. No copy of that engraved planisphere of Waldseemuller has yet been found, but we can doubtless realise what its general appearance was, by means of the reconstruction which Lelewell has attempted, in uniting four maps of the Ptolemy of I5i3.'3 Yet, as it is necessary to ascertain " "Martinus Waldseemuller, Universalem navigate- '^ "Nous avons profile de cette reunion de cartes de riam (quam marinam vulgo appellant) in Germania meme origine et nous avons elabore la carte generale editam." Ortelius, Theatrum orbis Terranim, Anl- hydrographique, extrayant des quatre cartes speciales tout werp, 1570, folio, in the Oatvtlogus auctor. tahul. ijeogra- ce qui a pu se placer surnotre echelle . . .'' — Lelewell, phirarum. Oiogrwphie du Moyen Age, Bruxelles, 1852, 8vo, Vol. '° loannis Trithemii ahhatis Spanhemensis Epislola- II., p. 143, note 299, and 11 8th map in the Atlas. Cer- rum libri duo, Haganoze, 1536, 4to ; Bibliolheca Americ- tain critics imagine this map to be an out and out original ana Vetiisfissima, p. 34.7, No. 213. chart of the time. Plate XII. THE NEW WORLD IN THE MAP OF STOBNICZA C1512) Early Cartography. 279 what were the American configurations of the great planisphere, we will go beyond Lelewell's hypothetic delineation (which, however, he only applied to his understanding of Waldseemuller's idea of the two hemi- spheres in 1 5 13), and endeavour to proceed from the Tabula of the latter date upwards to its original inception in 1507, and perhaps further still. As we will show in the next chapter, the map which Waldseemiiller made for the Ptolemy of 15 13, reproduces in the main the features of the Cantino planisphere. But it also exhibits a cartographical difference, — already noted, — curious and important, viz.: In that planisphere the north- eastern coast line is disconnected from the Gulf of Venezuela. Waldsee- miiller, on the contrary, connects it in his map, absolutely with the South American regions. At first sight this seems to be an innovation of Waldseemiiller, and to date from the time when he prepared the maps for the Ptolemy of 1 5 13. It is, however, more ancient than the latter publication, as identical configurations occur in the map added to the Introductio in Ptholomei Cosiiiographia of Johannes de Stobnicza, which was printed the year previous, at Cracow in 15 12. '4 The relationship between that Polish mappamundi and Waldseemuller's map, or Its prototype, is further shown by the inscriptions : " Cabo de bona ventura," on the north coast, and on the southern, "Arcay, Caput deseado, Gorffo hermoso, Monte fragoso," and " Caput St. Crucls." The distance between Strasburg and Cracow is considerable, and it must have required a certain time before Stobnicza heard of the existence of Waldseemuller's original map, or procured it with the purpose of borrowing the geographical information required for the work which the Polish geographer Intended to write. On the other hand, the passages where Stobnicza gives instructions to make the new editions of Ptolemy serve for the late transatlantic discoveries, prove that the map originally belonged to the first edition of his Introductio, printed as we have said in 1 51 2, that is, one year before Waldseemuller's Ptolemy. ^* B. A. v., No. 69, Addilloiis, No. 42, and the fac- that Stobnicza borrowed his geographical data directly -simile of the map reproduced by zincography, after the from those of the St. Diey cosmographer ; although copy in the Imperial Library at Vienna, for Muller of their prototypes certainly Ijelonged to the same carto- Amsterdam ; and nupra, our own facsimile. It is the graphical family. It is also worthy of notice that the existence of the continuous coast line in the map of Asiatic coast in the mappamundi of Stobnicza is only that ■Stobnicza which led us to imagine that this configuration of the well-linown globe of Martin Behaim ; whilst may date further back than the construction of AValdsee- Alberto Cantino and Martin \Valdseeiiuller set forth miiller's lost planisphere of 1507. For it is not shown a much improved coast for every part of Asia. 28o The Discovery of North America. Those inferences enable the critic to trace the pecuHar configurations set forth in the Tabula of 1513 beyond the latter date, and force upon us the conclusion that the great planisphere which Waldseemiiller con- structed and the Duke of Lorraine caused to be engraved at his own expense to accompany the Cosmographice Introduction exhibited the geo- graphical features afterwards reproduced by Stobnicza and by Waldsee- miiller himself In other words, the great planisphere, like the later geographic productions of these two cosmographers, already connected North America with South America, eastward, by a continuous coast line. Whether further discoveries of cartographical documents will carry the origin of that configuration to a still earlier date, we are unable to say. Meanwhile the critic must see in that first planisphere of Waldsee- miiller, now lost, and dating so far back as 1507, an important stage of the geographical evolution which gave rise to what we have termed the " Lusitano-Germanic cartography." That mappamundi having been engraved, it soon became an article of sale, and promptly circulated in Northern Europe. This is shown by the well-known letter of the Benedictine Trithemius, of August 12, 1507, above cited, relating that he had purchased, at Worms, a mappamundi lately printed at Strasburg, and representing the newly-discovered regions. A material question remains to be solved. That is, whether the connection between the two American continents, which we have just described, originated with a Portuguese prototype, or whether it is an innovation introduced by German copyists of Lusitanian charts, and more particularly by Waldseemiiller, at an early date. This is a question we are not in a position to discuss, as no Portuguese map of the first quarter of the sixteenth century has yet been found with that coast line unbroken. Meanwhile, the problem has advanced a certain step ; and we have at- tained the chief object of this long and tedious disquisition in establishing a direct connection between the purely Portuguese charts, like those of Cantino, Canerio, and the Kunstmann copies, and the earliest engraved specimen known of the cartography initiated at St. Diey, under the aus- pices of the Duke of Lorraine. CHAPTER VI. IN the year 1521, Adam Petri' published, at Basle, a small work by Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, which created a deeper impression in Cen- tral Europe than even his celebrated Decades. It was a description of the recent discoveries of Juan de Grijalva and of the first conquests of Hernando Cortes, which he had written for Pope Leo X. This book, usually quoted as Peter Martyr's Enchiridion, was immediately followed by a number of similar historic accounts, printed at Augsburg, Antwerp and Nuremberg, 2 while the translation into Latin, and publication in that city in 1524, of the Letters of Cort6s, increased still more the curiosity of the public, and attracted the attention of geographers. All the maps and globes constructed beyond the Rhine continued to be Lusitano-Germanic ; that is, they exhibited for the New World the north-western continental regions yet separated (with two or three excep- tions) from South America by a wide gap. The glowing accounts which Peter Martyr gave of " Cozumella, lucatana, Colluacana or Olloa, being al landes lately founde, and so rich, fruteful, and pleasant, that they may in maner be compared to the earthly Paradyse," together with his remark that the discoverers "adiudged the land of Colluacana to be parte of the supposed continent," and that " the lande whiche they sawe a farre of before their fase, they supposed eyther to be annexed to owre continent, or to bee ioyned to the large North regions cauled Baccalaos : — Terram uero procul uisam a fronte, uel continenti nostro annexam, uel septentrio- nalibus coniungi plagis ad Baccalaos, "3 induced one, or several cartographers to blend the newly-discovered countries with Asia. ■ De Hvper svb D. Carolo repertis Insulis, simulque Enchiridion, given by Adam Petri himself to the Car- incolarum moribus, R. Petri Martyris, Enchiridion, thusian Convent of that city. See also Stockmeyer Domince Margaritm, Diui Max. Cam. Jiilice dicatum. and Reber, p. 144, No. 66. Basileae, 1521, 4to. Bibliot. Americana Vetustissima, ' Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Nos. 113, No. no. The dedication shows that the book was 115; Additions, "iios. ^o,^2, T^. printed by Adam Petri, and not by Heinrich Petri 3 Eden, The Decades of the New Worlde, or West his son, who commenced printing only in 1528 or 1529. India . . . translated into Englysshe, London, 1555, 4to., Mr. Louis Sieber kindly informs us that the Library of 11. 156, 161; and De Insulis nuper inventis fin De rebus the Basle University possesses the copy of Peter Martyr's Oceanicis, Basil, 1533, S. 69 D, 70 A, 71 B, 72 d.). 2 M 282 The Discovery of North America. We find an early proof of this conception in what may be considered as the first known specimen of the maps of that school, viz.: the small mappamundi printed in the treatise De Orbis Situ, written by the Fran- ciscan friar, Franciscus Monachus, or Fran9ois le Moyne, at Antwerp4 in 1526. That small and crude mappamundi is of such importance in the history of American maps ; it is based upon retrograde notions which are so unexpected ; and it was prompted by motives much more hypothetical than scientific, that we feel bound to reproduce it in facsimile. It must be said at the outset that Franciscus Monachus sets up his opinion, as regards the absolute connection alleged by him to exist between the New World and the Old, north of the equator, in opposition to the geographical configurations which are exhibited in the Lusitano- Germanic map of Johannes Ruysch for the countries between Greenland and Central America. 5 The cartography of the German geographer (as commented upon by Marcus Beneventanus) he pronounces to be, in that respect, or in so far as it disconnects North America from South America about the tropic of Capricorn, entirely erroneous. * De orbis sitv ac deseriplione, ad Beuerendiss. D. archiepiscopum Panormitanum, Francisci, Monachi ordinis Franciscani, epistola sane quam luculenta. In qua Ptolemcei, cceterorumque superiorum geographorum hallucinatio refellitur aZiaque prmterea de recens inuen- tis terris, mart, insulis ( " A very exquisite letter from Francis, a monk of the Franciscan order, to the most reverend Archbishop of Palermo, touching the site and description of the Globe. Wherein the delusions of Ptolemy and other geographers are dispelled. Also, concerning the newly-discovered lands, seas, and islands. ") Antwerp, sine anno (but 1526). See Bihliot. Americ. Vetustissima, No. 131 ; and infra, in the Oartographia, under the year 1526, where we describe three or four edi- tions of that work, and Appendix. 5 Infra, page 304. Early Cartography. 285, " Secutus est Marcus Beneuentanus, hie vero quamuis recentiorum navigationum inuentis et indkijs, ac nonnullorum itinerarijs geographiss turn absoluendae, turn emendandse sedulam operam nauarit, nihilo tatnen secius k mea longe diuersus abit opinione. Nam orientis terras ultra zonam Capricorni porrectas inter- fluo mari ab occidentalibus nuper repertis regionibus disiunxit. In summa huius multo maxima pars sententiae sunt, vt ad occasum dudum inuentas plagas ab orientalibus finibus diremptas aequoris interuentu, ac disclusas existiment. Ego contra sentio et prsesenti descriptione demonstro nauigationes ab occasu cunctas in orientis demum fines spectasse. Turn generatim Asiam, Aphricam, Europam, et particulatim Indiam Culuacanam, ac ad Septentrionem Suediam, Russiam, Tartariam, Baccalaream, terram floridam, omnes hasce regiones spaciosissimas, et longissimo dissitas interuallo continenti tractu, et perpetuo limite cohoerere, atque ipsam prseterea Americam Orientalibus et Culuacanae connexam esse, quanquam hoc postremum nondum certo nobis constat, fieri tamen potest vt nunc hispanis non sit ignotum." " Then we have Marcus of Benevent. Al- though he pretends to have taken into account the new discoveries and data, and to have endeavoured to complete and correct diverse accounts of voyages, I do not share his opinion; for he exhibits the sea as separating the lands situated beyond the zone of the Capricorn from the regions lately discovered. The majority of people entertain the same belief [as Marcus Beneventanus], relatively to the western coun- tries recently found, which they think are sepa- rated from the eastern regions by a sea. I hold a contrary opinion, and in the present descrip- tion, I demonstrate that all navigations which start from the west, lead to the eastern countries, and that, in general, Asia, Africa, Europa, and particularly the Culvacanian India,^ as well as at the north, Sweden, Russia, Tartaria, the Bac- calaos and Terra Florida, all of which [although] vast regions separated by very great distances, are connected with each other by a continuous tract of country, and an uninterrupted route ; and that America itself is joined to the eastern regions and to Calvacania ; though the latter fact is not yet proved absolutely. Perhaps this is not to-day unknown to the Spaniards."' In Other words, Franciscus Monachus rejects the configurations set forth by Ruysch in his mappamundi ; and reproves him for separating North America from South America in the latitude of the tropic of Capricorn ; and for placing an ocean between the west coast and the Asiatic regions. He further says that this disconnection between the two American continents, and the existence of a sea between the New World and the Old, are notions shared by the majority of people : " In summa huius multo maxima pars sententiae sunt." This acknowledgement is precious, as confirming the only reasonable interpretation which could be given for the presence of a north-western continental country in the early Portuguese and Lusitano-Germanic maps. It also shows once more that the geographers of the time considered that region as representing the American continent, and nothing else. ^ That is, the country discovered by Hernando Corte;s. ^ De Orhis situ, recto of A 4. 284 The Discovery of North America. The erroneous idea that America was only a prolongation of Asia, sprung therefore from Peter Martyr's descriptions, which, as we have said, Franciscus Monachus at once interpreted as proving that the coun- tries lately conquered by Cortes were not only connected westward with the Old World, but also at the north with the Baccalaos. As to the identity exisiting between those new regions and the east coast of Asia, in the opinion of the Belgian monk, it is an absolute fact : "Apud Ferdinandus Calua, siue Culuacana "The Culva or Culvacana of Hernando provincia est in qua iacet regia Imperatoris [Cortes] is the province in which is situated the «rientalis, in itinerariis alias Cataya, vel Catay residence of the Emperor of the East. In Tiuncupatur. Themistetam neotericis est, seu other accounts of voyages, it is also called Tenostica ante Quinsam, ab Oderico Themisan Cataya or Catay. Its modern name is Themis- vocata, isque propius veritatem attigit, concordi tetam, or Tenostica, formerly Quinsay, which et consentiente traditione autorum, de regionis Odoric calls Themisan.^ This author is nearer eiusdem opibus et positura Ad septen- the truth North of Culvacania triones a Culuacana terra Thamachum [ the spreads Thamacho, formerly called Tangut. above Tamagd\ protenditur, ohm Tangut dicta. In former times, Tevis was known as Tebet Teuis superiora saecula nuncuparunt Tebet, vel or Cibet. The name of the province of •Cibet, Messigo prouincia temporibus auorum Messigo, was celebrated when the ancestors Mansi vocabulo innotuit." of Mansus were living." We now understand why Mexico, in the family of maps initiated by Franciscus Monachus, forms part of the Asiatic World, and is placed between Cathay and Mansi, adjoining Tamacho and Tangut. ^ There is no such word as "Themisan" in any of niicle de Odoric de Pordenone, Paris, 1891, 8vo). Nor the seventy-three MSS. of the Voyages of Odoric da is the word to be found in Marco I'olo, any more than Pordenone, or in any of the printed editions in any in the pseudonymous compiler Mandeville, whose real language (Henri CORDIER, Les Voyages en Asie au XIV' name is nowascertained to have been Jean deBourgogne. CHAPTER VII. WE will close this summary with an account of the cartographical revolution, or re-action, due to the efforts of the great Mercator, and which brought back the North Pacific coast to configurations resembling those of the early maps, but, of course, greatly improved. We assume that for his mappamundi of 1538 and for his globe of 1541,1 Mercator borrowed geographical data from one and the same model. Owing to the distortions imposed by the cordiform projection and small size of the mappamundi of 1538, the great geographer has inscribed on the north-east American coast, in the latter, merely a few names. One of these, however, is typical, viz.: Terra florida. In the globe, he in- serted only " Florida," omitting, probably from want of space, the noun Terra, which is one of the touchstones of that peculiar nomenclature ; ^ but we find in the same region : " Caninor, Bonaventura, Costa alta. La- cobras, R. de los garlatos," and " Comelo,'' which belong exclusively to that variety of the Lusitano-Germanic cartography, as is shown by the Gilt, Wooden, and Nancy Globes. Besides, the configurations, when re- duced to Mercator's projection of 1569, are precisely those which were adopted by the cartographers of that school, at a time when the works of the Sevillan Hydrography first made known in Central Europe the dis- coveries of Ponce de Leon, Ayllon, and Gomez. Now, although Mercator did not yet know of the exploration of the Californian coast, which, by the order of Cortes, had already been carried to such an extent as to prompt the experimental belief that it continued sufficiently far at north to make of America a continent absolutely distinct ' A set of original gores for that globe has been pub- ° Ida, Florida, and Florida are the usual forms, lished in facsimile in Leu Sphdres terrestres et cJlestes de Terra florida is found nearly always in the present family Merr.ator, de 1541 et 1651 ; Bruxelles, 1875, folio. of maps. The only exception (to our knowledge) is the Either in gores or mounted, there are not less than five Spanish map of Thorne, and this we ascribe to the fact duplicates known at this date. Dr. Van Raemdonck, that it was a planisphere akin to the prototype of the Le.i Sphires de Mercator de 1541 et 1651 ; Bruxelles, latter, which introduced the first modifications in the 1175, Atlas in folio. We borrow our data from the one profiles of the north-western continent in the Lusitano- in the Paris Observatory. The others are in Vienna, Germanic maps, after the discoveries of Ponce de Leon Weimar, St. Nicolas de Vaas (in Belgium), and Brussels. and Cortes. See infra, p. 287. 286 The Discovery of North America. from Asia, he boldly separated one from the other by an ocean, and re- jected, on the coast beyond, the Asiatic names, which, from Franciscus Monachus down, had figured in the very heart of the New World. Mercator maintained, in subsequent works, his " Oceanus orientalis," as almost every day brought him a confirmation of that geographical idea and truth, which had suffered a sort of eclipse within the last ten years ; but he modified it in all his later globes or maps, narrowing the ocean each time. For instance, in 1538 it extends from 265° to 240" longitude, presenting, north of the equator, a width of 25°. In 1541, it extends from 250° to 241", with a breadth of 9°. Finally, in 1569, Mercator ascribes a width of 3" only to the North Pacific, and, again changing its position, locates it between 183° — 180". 3 After Mercator, but apparently without having seen his mappamundi of 1538, although it circulated so largely, and so late that in 1567, he yet sold not less than fifty-nine copies to Plantin alone,4 other cosmographers came to the same conclusion, and commenced running a series of maps parallel and adverse, so to speak, to the globes and mappamundi above mentioned, which until the end of the sixteenth century 5 continued to represent America as a continuation of Asia. The mappamundi, maps, and globes of Demongenet (1552), Zalteri (1565), Jean Cossin (1570), and Porcacchi (1572), all exhibit an "Oceanus Occidentalis," which, differing in each, either as regards the configurations of its shores, or in its longtitudes, indicate personal notions and individual efforts on the part of all those cartographers. The initiative in that respect continued for a number of years. The curious brass globe which once belonged to the Abbe I'Ecuy, and was constructed at Rouen, ^ Is a remarkable instance of the preoccu- pation of a certain category of cosmographers at that time, concerning the absolute separation of America from Asia, in opposition to the other school of map-makers then very flourishing. 3 In 1538 and 1 541 Mercator adopted the meridian bien si, a son extremite septentrionale, elle fait continent of the Canary Islands. In 1569, that of the Cape Verde, avec I'Asie. Hondius nous apprend, a son tour, que, which, in the relative dimensions of those maps, presents jusqu'en 1612, on etait encore incertain si I'Amerique du no great difference. Nord se hmitait, oui ou non, par la mer." — Van Raem- ■»" Petite mappemonde (1538). A la foire de sep- DONCK, Les SpMres terrestre et cJle-nte de Oirard tembre 1567 ; 59 exemplaires non enlumines a 8 patards Mercator, 1875, 8vo, p. 295. [eight cents]." J. Van Raemdonck, Relations com- ^ Nova et iiiterjra universi orbis descriptio. Rhoto- merciaZes entre Girard Mercator et Christophe Plantin; magi ; Geographical Department of the Paris National Anvers, 1880, 8vo, p. 29. Library, No. 387. It takes its name from Canon l'Ecut, 5 " On ne sait pas encore — dit Ortelius en 1572 — who was abbot general of the Premontres, and at whose si I'Amerique est circonscrite tout autour par la mer, ou sale, at Bourges {?), it was purchased as old copper. Early Cartography. 287 The basis of that fine and original globe was unquestionably one of the maps or spheres which, after the publication of the Enchiridion of Peter Martyr, blended the Asiatic with the American worlds, but modified the nomenclature when news of the discoveries accomplished by Verrazano commenced to circulate in Central Europe. This can be seen by the legends : " Terra francesca," and " Terra florida." 7 A question much controverted is the date when the I'Ecuy globe was constructed. It ranges from before 1524 (d'Avezac apud Van Raemdonck) to after 1587 (M. Eugene Chatel). In our opinion, the latter date is nearer the truth, but for other reasons than those alleged by its first advocate. As the west coast of America is nameless north of the 40° of lati- tude, whilst it inscribes along the shore : " Hec littora nondvm cognita," we infer that the geographical data for that region are not older than the survey of the Californian coast by Domingo del Castillo in 1542-3. Another inscription on the I'Ecuy globe is worthy of notice. It is that which we read on the north-west passage, stretching by 66° north latitude, viz.: " Fretvm arctic vm per quod Lusitani in orientem \_sic\ et ad Indos et Molvccas navigare cognati svnt : — Strait through which the Portuguese have endeavoured to reach eastward \sic pro westward ^J the Indies and Moluccas." What can that Portuguese expedition be ? We know only of one attempt, since that of Caspar Corte-Real, made by Lusitanian mariners to find a north-west passage. It is the effort which Hakluyt relates as follows : " One Anus [Vasqueanes] Cortereal sent a shippe to discouer the North- West passage of America, and the same shippe arriuing on the coast of the saide America, in fiftie-eyghte degrees of Latitude, founde a great entrance exceeding deepe and broade without all impedi- ment of ice, into which they passed above twentie leagues, and founde it alwaies to trende towarde the south . . . And they perswaded themselves verely that there was a way open into the South Sea [/. e., the Pacific]." If the I'Ecuy globe refers to that expedition, then it was not con- structed until 1574, which is the date assigned by Richard Hakluyt to this alleged voyage, nor, perhaps, until after 1582, when the statement first appeared in print. 9 ^ See supra, pape 285, note 2. Vasco DA Gama for Portugal, in 1497. * The passage to the Moluccas eastwards, as it is well ' Hakluyt, Diverts coyarje-^, 1532, 410, p. 7 of the known, had been discovered since the famous voyage of London reprint. 2 88 The Discovery of North America. There is another legend which seems to bear out such a conclusion. Immediately under the " Arcticus circulus," between 280" and 320" longi- tude, we read " Terra per Britannos inventa." In such a latitude, and taking the handicraft of the globe generally, this can only refer to the expeditions of Frobisher (i 576-1 578), as the delineations of the supposed strait in the I'Ecuy Globe are precisely those of the mappamundi in Beste's description of the voyages of that navigator,'" with this difference, that where one inscribes : Frobisshers Straightes, the other gives the above in- scription, which refers to the British in general terms. There are other reasons. It is true that the English sent expeditions to the north-west before 1578. These were John Rut's {1527), Hore's (1536), John Hawkins' (1565), and, at the same time, that of Gilbert and Raleigh (1578); but none of them went beyond the north coast of Labra- dor, or higher than 53" or 55° north latitude. Now, notwithstanding the comparatively recent time when the I'Ecuy Globe was constructed, which seems to be within the last twenty years of the sixteenth century, and the number of mappamundi and globes already in existence which depicted the " Oceanus occidentalis," we see its maker come to the conclusion that the New World was separated from the Old, not from sfeeing those cartographical documents, but from geographical treatises or accounts of voyages. Further, it is from such data that he fixes the position and breadth of the Pacific Ocean. This is shown by the following legend, which is inscribed on that oceanic sea, in the lati- tude of Upper California : " Hoc loco secvti svmvs recentiores hanc partem verivsa continenti separantes : — At this place, we have followed the modern authors, who, with greater truth, separate this part from the continent." The borders and longitudes marked for the Pacific show that the data employed by the Rouen cartographer were different from those used by Mercator and others. The I'Ecuy Globe assigns to the New World a width of one hundred degrees, places its west coast by 240", and the east coast of Asia by 231", thus giving n" for the breadth of the Pacific. '° George Beste, ^ True Dincoiirse of the late voyages the North-Weast, under the conduct of M. Frobisher,, of difsroveriefor the finding of a passage to Cathay by Generall. With a particular card ; London, 1578,410. BOOK SECOND. C^e Bmitano ^ (Bermamc Cdtioc^tajp^^^* CHAPTER I. The Five Types. IN the preceding pages we have frequently alluded to a class of carto- graphical documents called " Lusitano-Germanic," and expressed the intention of showing their influence both on the geography of the New World and map-makers in Central Europe for more than twenty- five years. As the name indicates, that series of charts and globes was based upon data sent from Portugal. That is, the configurations and nomen- clatures were derived from maps constructed by Lusitanian cosmographers, with information furnished at the close of the fifteenth century by Spanish or Portuguese navigators, and which soon afterwards found their way into Lorraine and Germany. The prototypes have long since disappeared. We possess only what may be called " derivatives," ' more or less direct, some in manuscript, others engraved, the complete filiation of which cannot be established, as we do not know how many productions of that character have intervened, or when they were devised, nor precisely in what form originally. Yet the data which those derivatives set forth are so characteristic that we can almost re-construct the mother-charts and divide them into cartographical families, as follows : I. — The first type omitted altogether the north-western continental regions, which were probably yet unknown when that type was created ; but it exhibited the entire group of the West Indies, with Cuba, therein ' We use the noun "derivative " in the sense of a map elements derived from a pre-existing chart ; and not, of havinsr proceeded from another map, or formed with course, in the sense of turning aside from such a chart. 290 The Discovery of North America. called " Terra de Cuba," although the island was depicted in an insular form and in its proper place. A striking peculiarity consisted of a wide break on the north coast of the southern continent, between Brazil and Venezuela. Cast far away into the sea, to the north-east of the north-west coast, there was Newfoundland, designated as "Terra de Corte-Real ;" whilst Greenland, under the name of " Terra laboratoris," assumed the shape of a. long and narrow island, stretching from east to west. Kunstmann No. 2 is the oldest specimen of that type which we possess. 2. — The second type set forth the same South American configurations as the first, but with the Venezuelan coast unbroken. The West Indian archipelago was also complete, including Cuba, which is there named " Ilha yssabella." A new and important feature was, west and north of that island, an extensive continental region running from south to north, bearing no general title, but dotted with many names of capes, rivers, and landing places ; the east coast bathed by the " Oceanus occidentalis." To the north-east of that land, and at a great distance, lay an insular country ascribed to the Corte-Reals ; and, still more easterly, Greenland, but this time in the form of an extensive peninsula, trending west from Northern Europe. The Cantino map is the most ancient specimen known of this second type which has, thus far, reached us. 3. — The third type differed from the Cantino chart in respect to the north-western continental region by its extension southward about five degrees, and additional names inscribed on the northern coast. We possess no original specimen of this third type. But, notwith- standing cartographical distortions, due chiefly to the kind of projection adopted by the maker of the map, the original profiles of that continental land can be easily recognised in the corresponding region depicted by Johann Ruysch in his mappamundi. 4. — The fourth type differed from the preceding by a more complete or elaborate delineation of the north-eastern continental region, which here extended, southwardly, about eleven degrees, with insular additions. This fourth type is represented by the curious planisphere of Nicolay de Canerio, and, with modifications, in the Schonerean globes. Plate XIII RUYSCH (EnlsLTg-ed) TYPES SECOND, THIRD, FOURTH AND FIFTH COMPARED Lusitano-Germanic Cartography. 291 5- — The fifth type presented the same nomenclature and configurations as the preceding, but probably with different legends or general tides for the north and south continental regions. Its material difference from the three last types above described, consisted in a continuous coast line con- necting the north-western mainland with the southern continent. Neither do we possess a direct specimen of this fourth type ; but it certainly revives in the mappamundi of Stobnicza, and in the Tabula Terre Nove of Waldseemiiller. Those five types may be said to indicate a geographical evolution, the phases of which were apparently as follows : I. — A map with Cuba exhibited in an insular form, according to the first statements of Columbus himself, and without any continental region situate west of that island. 2. — A map with Cuba (called " Isabella ") represented together with a western continent close to it, but the latter extending southward only to about our 20° 30' north latitude. 3. — A map resembling the preceding, but with its north-eastern coast prolonged through a gulf, about five degrees southwardly. 4. — .A map prolonging that coast still further towards the south by^ about eleven degrees. 5. — A map with a continuous coast line, connecting definitely both sections of the American continent. This evolution found its last term when the Lusitanian nomenclature, which is inscribed on that continental region, was blended with configura- tions borrowed from the Sevillan Hydrography, upon the latter appearing directly for the first time in Central Europe. CHAPTER II. The First Type, KUNSTMANN NO. IT is evident that the first maps which were constructed after the return of Columbus represented the New World only in the form of an archipelago, with Cuba at its westernmost point, and in the shape of an island. This insular configuration was based upon the account of the discovery written by the great Genoese, which begins with the sentence : " Yo falle muy muchas islas : — I have found a great many islands."' Those maps, although maintaining the insular shape, called Cuba " Tierra," or a "land," owing to the expression then also used by Columbus: " con- tinuamente esta tierra era isla,"^ when referring to the island of that name, but which was first called " Juana." ' Notea on Columbus, p. 89. depicted as a perfect island in all the Lusitano-Germanic " Ibidem. The term " Tierra " is not always used by maps, is invariably called " Terra Corterealis ;" on the the early Spanish and Portuguese navigators in the sense other hand, continental regions are frequently called of "continental land." Thus, Newfoundland, which is "islas." The First Type. 293 The maps of that kind which were made in the fifteenth century have all disappeared. Those which we possess are posteriors to September 8, 1502, as they invariably exhibit and name the "Baya de todos Sanctos," which was made known only when Vespuccius returned to Lisbon from his third voyage. But here we must call the attention of our readers to a certain fact. Several of the ancient maps present, for certain parts, geographical delineations which are behind the knowledge generally supposed to have been possessed at the time when those maps were made. For instance, Lisbon cartographers sometimes inserted in their charts of the New World, which were constructed, let us suppose, in 1502, the discoveries accom- plished under the Portuguese flag in 1500 (Cabral), in 1501 (Corte-Real), and in 1502 (Vespuccius), without caring to set forth the configurations of countries belonging to rival nations. This is not a mere theory on our part. Kunstmann No. 3, which is a Lusitanian map of the first three or four years of the sixteenth century, depicts, in detail, Brazil and New- foundland, which were then Portuguese possessions ; and yet it omits not only the long north-western continental region, — which must not be con- founded with the " Terra Corterealis,"— but also excludes the Venezuelan coast, Cuba, and the entire group of the Antillies ; although these were discovered, drawn, and described a number of years before Cabral and Corte-Real ever crossed the Atlantic. The other early Lusitanian charts, which limit the transatlantic world in the north-west to the westernmost capes of Cuba (which is therein depicted absolutely as an island, though called "Terra de Cuba") may be considered as of that character. But they may also be viewed as showing, a priori, the geographical notions entertained by the Portuguese map-makers regarding the New World before they introduced, to the north- west of the island of Cuba, the peculiar western continental region which we are now discussing. Those maps constitute the first type, and are represented by two specimens, viz.: Kunstmann No. 2, and the King chart.4 It is from a map of the same family that Sylvanus of Eboli borrowed the transadantic elements for his cordiform mappamundi of 151 1. 3 The map of Juan de la Cosa, which was made two " So named from having been discovered among the years before does not belong to that category, as it papers of Dr. Richard King, the English traveller ; but exhibits a continental land to the west of Cuba. made known and described by Dr. E. T. Hamv. CHAPTER III. The Second Type. THE CANTINO CHART. THE maps of the first type have exercised no influence on the carto- graphers of Central Europe. What we call the Lusitano-Germanic cartography begins only with the introduction of mappamundi which belonged to the second type. The Second Type. 295 We possess but one specimen of this type. It is the planisphere made at Lisbon, in 1502,' for the Duke of Ferrara, by order of his envoy, Alberto Cantino. Hence the name given to it of the " Cantino Chart," and " Cantino Planisphere." For a description of that most im- portant document, we must refer the reader to what has been already written on the subject in the preceding pages. We will only again remark that it is the earliest map known where the north-western continental land is made to appear ; and, as it constitutes the starting-point of our comments on the Lusitano-Germanic cartography, it is necessary at the outset to recall its geographical bearing and nomenclature. Taking, as a model, the outline placed at the head of the present chapter, that characteristic configuration, in its earliest known form, is as follows : A A is the continental land which emerges from the north-western extremity of the map, and trends eastwards. B represents its peninsula, with one of the names which serve to identify the relative positions in Lusitano-Germanic maps and globes. C is the west end of the island of Cuba, here called, as in all that class of maps, " Isabella." The Cantino planisphere exhibits no scale of latitudes. All the other maps have such a scale ; unfortunately, it can be of no service in this analysis. For instance, in reality the north-western coast of Cuba is by 23" II' north latitude. In Cantino it is by 38° 30'; in King, by T,f; in Schoner, by 31°; and in Waldseemilller, by 37° 30'. But, as there can be no doubt as to the intention of the makers of all those maps to represent Cuba (under the name of Isabella), and as we know the exact latitude of that island, we will adopt its most northern cape, as fixed in modern charts (23° 11'), for a sort of meridian and touchstone to establish the relative position of all lands and islands in that part of the Lusitano- Germanic maps and globes. ' November 19, 1502, Cantino writes to the Duke of when they had waited in vain for his return to Lisbon. Ferrara that in passing through Genoa, he left the map The name "a baia de todos, sanctos " would carry the in that city to be forwarded to him. (Lts Corte-Real, date as far down as September, 1502, if it were not p 70 ) On the other hand, one of the legends in the inscribed in a different caligraphy, showing that it is an handwriting of the body of the map states that Gaspar interpolation, though made, in our opinion, at Lisbon, CORTE REAL " is supposed to have lost his life." Such before Cantino left Portugal on his way to Italy, m the an opinion can have been formed only several months autumn of 1502. We give, in the following chapters, .after the return of his first caravels, October 19, 1501, arguments for such a deduction. 296 The Discovery of North America. By comparing together the configurations of that north-western con- tinental land in the maps which represent what we call Types II., III., IV., and v., 2 the reader will notice and bear in mind that in Cantino (Type II.), the said region ends at the south with a sort of peninsula trending eastward. In Ruysch (Type III.), the peninsula constitutes the northern shore of a semi-circular gulf, followed by about three degrees of southern coast. In Canerio (Type IV.), that southern coast, after exhibiting likewise the semi-circular gulf, continues still further, and shows lower down, close to the shore, two large islands, one lozenge-like, the other somewhat triangular, both of which are also to be seen at that place in Waldseemiiller and Schoner. In Stohnicza (Type V.), the southern coast continues unbroken until it meets the northern borders of South America. As to the nomenclature, in its relatively first stage, it contains the following names, beginning with the most southerly designation inscribed on that continental land : I — Rio de las palmas. 2 — Rio do corno. 3 — C:. arlear. 4 ^G:. do lurcor. 5 ^C:. do mortinbo. 6 — C:. lurcar. 7 — El golfo bavo. 8 — C:. do fim do abrill. 9 — Cornejo. lO- — Rio de do diego. II — C:. delgato. 12 — Punta Roixa. 13 — Rio de las almadias. 14 — Cabo Santo. IS — Rio de los largartos. 16 — Las cabras. 17 — Lago luncor. 18 — Costa alta. 19 — Cabo de bona bentura 20 — Canju . . . 21 — Cabo d. licotu. 22 — Costa del mar vgiano. We must, however, call the attention of our readers to a peculiarity of the Cantino chart, as it exists at present. The map presents no border or margin of any kind. It is not likely that such an elaborate planisphere, executed for a prince, should have been left without some ornamented frame. There is, besides, a long easel stroke near the northern extremity of the line of demarcation, which has the appearance of the lower end of an ornate capital letter, which may have belonged to a running title. This, together with the fact that the map, when rescued from the butcher's shop, was pasted on ^ See supra, the plate representing these four types together. The Second Type. 297 a screen after it had been stolen from the palace of the Dukes of Fer- rara, indicate that the map may have suffered, on the part of its last owner, an excision all around the border. If so, there was probably a scale of latitude. Nor is it impossible that it should have also exhibited in the supposed cut-off part, a prolongation of the coast southward, such as we see in the map of Nicolay de Canerio. The consequence of these deductions would be to make, of our second and third types, one type only, and cause the cartographical progression above described to start from Ruysch, and not from Cantino. This, however, is only an hypothesis which other facts tend to repel. For instance, there are, both in Ruysch and Canerio, geographical repre- sentations and narhes showing that their prototypes differed in important respects from Cantino.3 The north-western continental land in Ruysch is also far less complete than we find it depicted in Canerio ; and it is cer- tain, from its shape and position, that if Ruysch's prototype had presented a coast line extending, for instance, so far south as our 10° north latitude, he would not have cut it off ten degrees. From the moment that we admit the existence of a map which ex- hibited the north-western continental region as reaching only to the tropic of Cancer, we are authorised to presume that there may also have been a map which represented that land ten degrees shorter still ; inasmuch as such is, prima facie at least, its latitudinal area in the map of Cantino. In the present state of the enquiry, the critic is bound, therefore, to accept, as being within the meaning of the original cartographer, the con- figuration and extept of that continental land as we find them measured and depicted in the said map. ■' The Asia.tic coasts are different ; the nomenclature Sada," which must have been derived from the account presents also a nmnber of names which are in one and of Tristao d'AcuSa, made known after his return in 1506. not in the other two, and vice versa. Madagascar, in That Portuguese map, however, may have been limited Ruysch is evidently borrowed from a recently made Portu- to the Asiatic and African -regions ; or if it was a plani- guese map, as is evidenced by the name " Sada" therein sphere, may have exhibited more ancient configurations inscribed, and which is an abbreviation of " Comoro for the New World. 2 O CHAPTER IV. The Third Type, THE MAPPAMUNDI OF RUYSCH. THE only specimen of the third type which we possess is the Uni- versalior cogniti orhis tabula of Johannes Ruysch, published with the second issue of the Ptolemy of 1507.' The configuration of the continental land which corresponds with the north-western region of Cantino is distorted in that map, but perfectly recognisable. Withal, Ruysch exhibits a geographical peculiarity which must be noted and explained. He depicts no island, whether named "Isabella" or otherwise, between that northern continent and Hispaniola. Such an omission, if interpreted strictly, would make of that land nothing but Cuba, and reject the document among the maps of the first type. In reality, the absence of an island between the north-western coast and Hispaniola must be ascribed either to an oversight, or to a late inno- vation introduced by that geographer upon his own responsibility. ' Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 56. The Third Type. 299- Ruysch's knowledge of the New World, south of Newfoundland, was derived exclusively from a Lusitano-Germanic map, as we shall shortly demonstrate, to the satisfaction of our readers. Meanwhile, it behoves us to show the Portuguese origin of his geo- graphical data, south of what he names "Terra Nova," which, with him, does not mean the New World, or the country newly discovered, but our Newfoundland exclusively; in imitation of the English mariners with whom he visited that island. " Qui peninsulae Terra Nova vocatse," says his commentator, Marcus Beneventanus. To that effect, we have simply to compare first the nomenclature of the region placed in Ruysch's mappamundi, south of his Terra Nova, with the names inscribed on the north-western continental land in Cantino and Canerio,2 both of which are Lusitanian maps, with no admixture of foreign geographical elements whatever. We shall then establish a similar com- parison between Ruysch's South America and the latter continent in all the charts, now known, which circulated in Europe when he constructed his mappamundi. We know of seven such maps. One is Spanish, and the work of Juan de la Cosa, who designed it in Andalusia before October, 1500. The other six originated in Portugal, and were delineated during the first few years of the sixteenth century. They are : I. — Cantino. 4. — Kunstmann No. 3. 2. — Kunstmann No. 2. 5. — Kunstmann No. i. 3. — King. 6. — Canerio. In those maps, the American coast lines of the mainland bear names. For the north and south together, De la Cosa gives twenty-nine ; Kunst- mann No. 2, forty-four ; Kunstmann No. 3, twenty-three ; and Canerio, eighty-one. As to the few names inscribed on King and on Kunstmann No. I, they are of no importance just at present. Ruysch inscribes thirty-six names, 3 but not one of them is to be found either in the De la Cosa or in any other Spanish map whatever ; = "Nous nous empressons de reconnattre avec liii Kunstmann Nos. 2 and 3, and in Ruysch, are marked on [VARNHAGEN]quelaterrequiy est figuree [in Waldsee- Newfoundland and Greenland, those regions being re- MiiLLER's Tabida] dans I'ouest du meridien de Cuba est presented by them as disconnected from the continent, ibien la meme qu'avait dessinee Ruysch immediatement The probability is that the Portuguese map contained k I'ouest de I'lle Espagnole." — d'Avezac, Les voyages even more names than Waldseemiiller's model, and that d' Amine Vesjmce au compte de I'Espagne, et lex mesures if only thirty-five or thirty-six figure in Ruysch's map, itiniraires employies par les mariiis espagnols, p. 53. it is because the latter is drawn on a much smaller scale, 3 We omit from these designations the names which, in and consequently, abridged. 300 The Discovery of North America. while thirty-one out of its whole number are duly set forth either in Cantino, or in Kunstmann No. 2, or in Canerio (not to speak of Wald- seemiiller and Schoner, which are derivatives of Portuguese maps), as is shown by the following table : 4- NORTH-WESTERN CONTINENTAL REGION Cantino. C. d. licotu Cornejo C. do fim do abrill C. lurcar G. do lurcor (?) Kunstmann No. 2. delisleo terra seccha G. de Uenetia monte retondo G. de inferno aide venada' cavo frenoso rio de arena c. de pario' de alegroza (?) rio de le aues ' RUYSCH. C. Elicontii Corveo C. de fvndabril Cvlcar Anterlinoi Lago de loro C. S. Marci = SOUTH-EASTERN COAST ; RuYSCH. lix leo terra seca golfo de vericida mons rotvndvs golfo delinferno capo formoso rio de lareno golfo de pareas canibalos in [sula] terr de pareas r. formoso r. de fiagraza r. de foco cecho r. de les aves rio grando Canerio. C. dellicontir Comello Cauo do fim de abrill Cauo lurcar Gorffo do lineor Lago del lodro Canerio. Gorffo do linferno y. de los canbales Gorffo fremoso Rio grande ' In this as in the following tables, we insert those names precisely as they appear on the maps, and regard- less of their distortions and incomprehensibility. s If, as we have seen it lately alleged, without a par- ticle of evidence, these names in Cantino and in the Lusitano-Germanic maps, " are mere flights of geogra- phical fancy," how does it happen that such pretended Portuguese fabrications figure at all in an absolutely authentic " map of the Spanish school," — as the mappa- mundi of RuYSCH is affirmed to be, — and in the proportion of five at least out of seven names ? ^ For an interpretation of a certain number of the names inserted here, see infra, chapter vii. ' Aldea vencida: — the conquered village ; name given by Hojeda, according to Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 6, on the authority of instructions and depositions existing among the files of the great suit, which it would be well to publish in full. 8 G. de Paria. ' Here, in Kuntsmann No. 2, there is a voluntary break, implying probably that the cartographer possessed no information concerning that part of the coast. KUNSTMANN No. 2. San rocche Sancta maria de agoodia '" monte de S. uincenzo " C. maria de rapida Capo de Sancta hj< San michael rio de S. francisco bafra barill rio di perera Serra de S. madlena di gratia rio de cava (or caxa ?) punta real rio de sao hieronymo rio do odio rio de melo monte fregoso a baia de tutti santi rio de S. jacomo rio do s. augustino rio de S. Helena rio de Cosmes rio de uirgene rio de San lohan punte seguro barefres uermege rio de brazil barossa monte de pasqual rio de Sta lucia serra de santhome rio de arefeces bova de reis pinotulo derentio (?) rio Jordan rio de sao antonio punta de san uincentio rio de cananor The Third Type. RUYSCH. nios. s. vincenti caput s. crvcis 301 r. de s. ieronimo abatia oniv. sactorv. r. de brasil mote pasqvale r. de s. Ivcia serra de s. antonio rio de oreferis baia de reis r. iordan r. de s. antonio r. de s. vicent r. de cananor Canerio. San Rocho Sta. Maria de gracia Monte de Sam Visenso Sta. Maria de Rabida Cabo do Sta. croxe Sam Michel rio de Sam Francisco razia baril rio de pereza Serra de Sta. Maria de Gracia rio de caixa porto real rio de Sam Jeronimo rio de oido rio de mexo monte Fregoso bale de tutti li santi rio de Sam Jacomo rio de Santo Agustino rio de Sta. Lena rio de Scoemoo rio de vergine rio de Sam Joam porto seguro bareras vermeias rio de brazil barossa mont passqual Rio de Sta. Lucia Sierra de Sam Tome rio da resens baie de reis pinachulto de tencio rio Jordam rio de Sto. Antonio porto de Sam Visenso rio de cananor '° Perhaps we must read " Sancta Maria de la An- tigua," which was the name of Hojeda's flag ship during his second expedition. " " Doblassimo un cauo, alquale pon^mo nome el cauo di sec' Augustino." — V estv cciv s' Lettera, third voyage, in August, 1501, p. 27. Here the Co.wwJ<," H as King Manoel wrote to Fer- dinand and Isabella, July 29, 1501. But the Spaniards always, and justly, claimed to have discovered that country, as Pinzon had sighted and actually taken possession of the land situate by 8° 19' south latitude, three months before. They consequently never accepted its Lusitanian name, and in- variably called that region " Tierra del Brasil." The Portuguese, on the other hand, at once named it "Terra Sancta Crvcis,"i5 as is evidenced by the original documents above quoted, as well as by the King chart, and particularly Kunstmann No. 2, where we read on a scroll : " Terra sancta crucis," whilst, on the mainland, there is a legend which begins thus : " Ista terra q. inuenta sunt positum est nomen terra sac >J< eo quod in die sancte crucis inuenta est." Popularly it was also called " La terra dagli Papaga,"i6 or "Parrots' Land," on account of those large and beau- tiful birds, '7 which Caspar de Lemos first brought to Portugal. It was only at a later date 18 that it was named "Brazil," by reason of the large quantity of dye-wood found in that country. "Cabral, Tuesday, April 21, 1500, notices certain Cruz;" but Sancta instead of Vera was the adjective sea weeds indicating the proximity of land ; Wednesday, adopted immediately afterwards. April 22, he sees from the sea the summit of a mountain "^ " Scoperto una terra nova chiamao deli Papaga per which, on account of Easter week, he names " Monte esser gene idc] di longeza de brazo. I. et mezo di varii Pascoal,"and drops anchor six leagues from the coast. colori: li quali ne havemo visto. " Giovanni (Saxuto and Thursday, April 23, he enters the mouth of a river, from Heyd), not Matteo (Fulin), nor Lorenzo (Foscarini), which Nicolas COELHO is sent ashore. Friday, April Cretico; writing from Lisbon in July, 1501, as an eye- 24, on account of the storm, he weighs anchor and goes witness of Cabral's return. Paed Nouamente ntrouati, north, where he finds a safe harbour and makes a stay. lib. vi., cap. cxxv. Damiao DE Goes is therefore mis- See Pedro Vaz de Caminha's account of Cabral's taken when he ascribes the importation of those birds to voyage dated Porto Seguro, May I, 1500, in Do Cazal, Gonzalo Coelho. They figure for the first time in the Corografia brazelica, Vol. L , pp. 12-34, note. Cantino map. Perhaps De Goes means Nicolas Coelho, ■3 BiUiotheca Americana VetustUdma, Addit., No. one of Cabral's captains, who is the first Portuguese who 18 p. 24, and Navarrete, Coleccion de viacjex y descu- landed on those shores. ' . ,, , TTT „,• '7 Tellus Pdtacorutn, 01 Ara Macao, bnrmevtox, Vol. III., p. 95- ^ , ^ ,., . ■■ r. 00 t-u .4 Tra.n.dado de Carta que el Rey nosso Seflor escreveo ■» B arros, Decad. L , lib. iv. , cap. 11. , f '• 88, vo. The a el Rev de Castella seu padre da nova da Imoya. name Brasil was, however, already in use before April 6, Para dar an ambaixador de Venezia. Escripta em 1503, for Giovanni da Empoli, in the relation of a Lixhoa a xxviij d'auguo^to de 1501. Published by Prof voyage which commenced at that date, but was accom- Belgrano in the Bollettim delta Soc. Oeogr. italiana, pHshed and apparently written out, September 16, 1504, ' says: "la terra Delia vera croce, ouer del Bresil co.-.i '^^"p'edro^VA^z OT Caminha says "ha Terra de Vera nominata."-RAMUSio, Vol. L, (■'■ 14S, recto. 304 The Discovery of North America. , Now, as all the maps which Ruysch can have consulted and taken as a basis for his cartographical rendering, invariably insert, between the tall continental region and Hispaniola, the island of Cuba (therein called " Isabella "), the omission of that island must be viewed altogether as a lapsus on his part. '9 Withal, Ruysch did not follow his model in a servile manner. On the contrary, he introduced a most important alteration in removing New- foundland from the broad Atlantic, where Caspar Corte-Real had placed it, so that the region should belong to Portugal by giving it a longitude within the Portuguese line of demarcation. This Ruysch did in accor- dance with the maps of the British mariners in whose ship he visited that country. For he himself told Marcus Beneventanus, one of the con- tributors to the Ptolemy in which the map is inserted, that he had made a voyage to the new regions : " Dixit, se navigasse ab Albionis australi parte, et tamdiu quo ad subparallelum ab sub- aequatore ad boream subgradum, 53 pervenit, et in eo parallelo navigasse ad ortus littora per angulum noctis atque plures insulas lustrasse, quarum inferius descriptionem assignabimus : — He said that he had sailed from the south of England, penetrated to 50° north latitude, navi- gated on that parallel west in the direction of the east, somewhat northwardly, and observed many islands." * But it must not be forgotten that Ruysch never sailed south of New- foundland, which he considered as the easternmost border of Asia ; whilst, in his opinion, all the countries south of Newfoundland, which southern countries he knew from Lusitanian charts, were parts of a different world altogether, concerning which Ruysch's notions afterwards became the theme of very elaborate criticisms on the part of Franciscus Monachus. Taking Ruysch's own map, the Belgian monk, as we have shown, 21 soldered its Cantinean continental region first to its "Terra Nova" (or Newfoundland), and then, at the south, with Central America. Thus did Franciscus prove once more, that, in the opinion of geographers, the said continental land was not the island of Cuba, but formed part of the north-western continent. '' " M. de Varnhagen fait observer avec raison que from Trinity, Conception, Placentia and Fortune bays. rSle de Cuba a ete oubliee sur la carte de Ruysch." — See the outline of Newfoundland, supra, p. 37. d'Avezac, Les Voyages d' Amririr Vespuce, p. 48. " See supra, Bk. I., chap, vi., pp. 281-284, anfl infra, '° Orbis noua descriptio, in the Ptolemy of 1508. in the Cartographia Americana Velustissima our des- What Ruysch calls "many islands," can only be the cription of the mappamundi of Ruysch and of the globe deeply indented and narrow peninsulas which emerge of Franciscus Monachus. CHAPTER V. The Fourth Type, MAP OF CANERIO. THE oldest specimen which we know of the fourth type is an ex- tremely important mappamundi recently discovered ' in the archives of the Hydrographical Department of the Navy at Paris. It was made by a Genoese cartographer, whose subscription is: ''Opus Nicolay de Ganerio Januensis" but it bears no date whatever. The caligraphy, however, is of the beginning of the sixteenth century ; and the prototype of the model copied by Canerio was certainly Lusitanian, as is ■ By Mr. L. Gallois, University Professor of Geo- we investigated those archives for the Cartography in- graphy at Lyons. It was not yet known to exist when serted in our lYotes sur la Nouvelle France in 1872. 2 P 3o6 The Discovery of North America. shown by the identical resemblance of the configurations, and nomenclature in his map with those in the chart of Cantino, which was made at Lisbon in 1 502 ; by the leading legends, which are in the Portuguese language ; and by the fact that we read on the Brazilian coast : " The Bay of All Saints," instead of "The Abbey of All Saints." This map also exhibits the north-western continental land, which is the distinctive trait of the cartographical series now under consideration. Its outline and details are precisely such as we see them in Cantino and in Ruysch, and bear the same nomenclature ; with this difference, however, that the southern coast of that land, which, in Cantino, ends about three- and-a-half degrees beyond the northernmost point of Cuba, and six degrees still lower in Ruysch, is here made to extend twelve degrees further south. According to the scale inscribed by Canerio, thirty-five degrees ^ of that continental region were then known ; and, what is more remark- able, he places at both extremities the standard of Castile and Leon. Do those flags indicate Spanish discoveries, or only Spanish posses- sions ? They may mean both, as we know from the despatch sent by Pedro de Ayala to Ferdinand and Lsabella, giving an account of Cabot's discoveries in 1497, that the Spanish Ambassador to the Court of Henry VII., actually stated that the lands found by Cabot formed part of the transatlantic dominions of the Crown of Castile. The envoy of the Re- public of Venice, when relating the discoveries just accomplished by Caspar Corte-Real (1501), also expressed the opinion that the country discovered by the latter was connected with the Spanish possessions in the New World. 3 If to those surmises, which must have been current then, we add the clauses of the Treaty of Tordesillas, which Portugal was the first to invoke, so as to maintain her rights to Newfoundland and Brazil, the appearance of Spanish flags on a western continent appears quite natural, even in a Portuguese map. Of all the types of the Lusitano-Germanic cartography, that which has exercised the greatest influence in Central Europe, is the one which was derived from the prototype copied by Canerio. A map resembling the latter in most respects, found its way into Germany at an early date ; for we find its chief configurations in globes which were constructed during the first ten years of the sixteenth century. The oldest of these, = From 20° to 55° north latitude, according to the ^ Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau scale inscribed on the map of Canerio. Monde, docs, xviiii and xviii. Plate XIV, NORTH-EAST COAST IN THE CHART OF CANERIO C Oreo. 15 03 ) The Fourth Type. 307 so far, if we may judge from its crude workmanship, is represented by a set of twelve gores, engraved on wood, probably at Strasburg, and now known by the name of the " Hauslab Gores." 4 THE HAUSLAB GORES. Therein the north - western continental region covers about forty degrees of north latitude, exhibiting the great gulf and prolongation of the coast southward, but no inscription or name whatever. The southern continent is entirely separated from that region, which sets forth clearly the umbel-like peninsula of Paraguana ; and inscribing only one name, viz.: America. It is in these gores that the southern continent is so called, and assumes, for the first time, the pyramidal form. We scarcely need say that this shape is not due to a periplus having been then or before accomplished, but, in a degree, to a cartographical necessity in globe making, coupled with a general belief, based upon the mammiform configuration of Africa, India, and the Malacca peninsula in the oldest maps, that all continental regions were pyramidal south of the equator. Besides, as Humboldt justly says : 4 The only copy known is in the collection of Prince collection now dispersed. The entire set has been re- LlECHTENSTEi.x at Vienna, and comes from the Hauslab produced in fac-simile by Dr. Nordenskiold. 3o8 The Discovery of North America. "Depuis I'exp^dition de Diego de Lepe (1500) et I'observation que fit ce navigateur qu'en doublant le cap St. Augustin, la cote commence k se diriger au sud-ouest, on pou- vait conjecturer en Europe la forme pyramidale de I'Am^rique du sud : — Since the expedition of Diego de Lepe (1500), and his having then noticed that in rounding Cape St. Augustine, the coast begins there to trend south-west, the pyramidal form of South America could be inferred in Europe."' An anonymous island, cast far into the Atlantic, by 60° north latitude, is intended evidently for the " Terra Corte-Realis." We now come to the series of globes constructed by or ascribed to Schoner, and those called by us " Schonerean," from their great resem- blance to the latter. They are relatively numerous, and seem to com- mence with the year 15 15, when the celebrated but overrated Nuremberg cosmographer first made one, for which he wrote the tract entitled : Luculentissima qucedam terree totius descriptio. The Schonerean globes exhibit, but in a much more elaborate form, the configurations of the Hauslab gores, and proceed evidently from the prototype of the latter, which prototype was similar to that of Canerio. This similarity is shown by the nomenclature, particularly in the most com- plete specimen of that class of globes, which bears the name of Joannes Schoner, and the date of 1520.6 But it was not the planisphere of Canerio itself that Schoner copied, as he gives names which the Genoese carto- grapher omits, viz.: on the Venezuelan coast, " Lixleo, Terra seca. Terra de parias, Rio de flagranza," &c. Nor did he borrow the nomenclature of Cantino, as he inserts designations which are not in the Modena chart, viz.: "Terra seca, Monte rotondo, G. de'Pari[a], P. de Arena," &c. A peculiarity of the Schonerean globes is the insertion of the name Parias on the prolongation of the north-western continental land. This must be considered as an attempt to identify that region with the countries discovered by Columbus during his third voyage, 7 or as a continuation of those discoveries. The oldest derivatives of the fourth type are the following : I. — Canerio. \.- — Boulengier Gores. 2. — Hauslab Gores. 5.- — Nordenskiold Gores. 3. — Sciioner's First. 8. — Schoner of 1520. 4. — Hauslab Mounted Globe. 9. — Frankfort Globe. 10. — Map of Apianus. 5 Humboldt, Examen critique. Vol. I., p. 328. ' Columbus discovered Paria in August, 1498, but the ' There is a fine coloured facsimile of a portion of that news commenced circulating in Central Europe only in globe in Ghillany, Oeschichte des Seefahrers Sitter January, 1499. (Letter of Simone del Verde ; Chris- Martin Behaim; Niirnberg, 1853, large 4to. tophe Colomh, Vol. II., p. 95.) The Fourth Type. 309 Our impression is that, of all these, the prototype of the Nordenskiold Gores has exerted the greatest influence on the second series of geographers in Middle Europe, who, beginning with Schoner, have propagated the con- figuration of the north-western continental land, which extends to about 10" north latitude. In fact, it is this cosmographical interpretation, — owing chiefly to the popularity of the works of Apianus, — and not the more exact one depicted by Waldseemiiller and his, school, which has continued the Lusitano-Germanic tradition ; at least until the broken coast line was made to merge in the complete Atlantic sea-boards, which were delineated after the then recent Spanish discoveries. The Nordenskiold gores, in admitting that they are the earliest of that category, do not date so far back as is generally believed. This is shown by the legend inscribed on the island of Hispaniola, viz.: "Insula in qua reperitur lignum Guaiacum : — Island in which is found the Guaia- cum wood." Such a notion cannot have originated in Central Europe before 1 5 17-15 18, when the wood and bark of that tree began to be known in Germany, and were held forth as a panacea for lues venerea. Ulrich de Hutten says 8 that the medicament was introduced in that country in 1517. This assertion is implicitly corroborated by Leonard Schmaus, who, writing in 15 18, states 9 that the substance then was scarcely known in Germany. At all events, Augsburg is the place from which the notion spread in Central Europe, apparently through the instrumentality of Paulus Riccius,i° the physician of Charles V., then exercising in that city. It was first made known in print by an anonymous pamphlet" published at Augsburg on the ist of December, 15 18; then by Schmaus' Lucuhratincula, issued apparently from the same press, a week or two afterwards. Ulrich de Hutten's celebrated dissertation, printed the year following, and so often reprinted, rendered the belief universal, and made of Guaiacum wood almost a household word everywhere. 8 Hutten, De. Guaici, edition dated " mense Aprili, '° See Ricci's letters in Hutten's De Guaici, edition nxix," quoted by Cocking, in his great work on Hutten, of Petr. Vidoue, sub scuio Basil., f"- 37. Hutten, Vol. I. , p. 40. See infra, in our Cartographia, the however, says that he acted under the advice of a certain map described sub anno, 1518. Dr. Stomer. s Lucuhratincula de morbo Gallico, in Bibliotheca " Ain recept von ainem holtz zubrauchen fur die Americana Vetustissma, Additions. No. 55. Kranlchait der frantzosen. Paris Nat. Lib., 7" ;:-'5, e 5. CHAPTER VI. The Fifth Type, MAP OF WALDSEEMULLER. THE all - important peculiarity of the Fifth Type is the connection therein exhibited between the northern and southern continents of America. Instead of ending above the equator, as in Canerio ; or so high as the tropic of Cancer^ as in Ruysch ; or higher still, as in The Fifth Type. 311 Cantino, the north-western continental region is here made to continue until it merges absolutely in the Venezuelan country, and to extend its unbroken coast line to 40° south latitude. Not the oldest, as we have shown, but the most complete specimen which we possess of a map based upon the data of the Fifth Type, is the well-known Tabula Terre Nove designed by Waldseemiiller, and added to the edition of the Ptolemy published at Strasburg in 151 3. The above is a reduced facsimile of that portion of the map which interests us just now. As to a description of its origin, historical bearing, and scientific importance, we beg to refer the reader to the pages which we have already written on the subject. ' We must, however, revert to its most important characteristic, viz.: the continuous coast line ; and again endeavour to ascertain whether it is a devise of Waldseemiiller, or if he borrowed the notion from a pre- existing Lusitanian chart. That unbroken sea-board is proved to have existed in Stobnicza's mappamundi, which is anterior to Waldseemiiller's Tabula of 1 5 1 3 ; and the fact that the Polish geographer does not seem to have been the ori- ginator of such a configuration, implies the existence of a map setting forth that coast line before 15 12. This brings us near the date when Waldseemiiller made his first great mappamundi, which we have already discussed. But, as the latter was inspired by the Lusitanian map which Rene II. communicated to him, he may be supposed to have borrowed the idea of the connection between the two continents from that important document. Unfortunately, this can only be an hypothesis, as above stated, so long as we have not discovered a purely Portuguese map of the time exhibiting such a configuration. On the other hand, it is not impossible that the junction of the two continents should have been simply devised, and added by the St. Diey cosmographer to the copy which he doubtless made of the Lusitanian chart that had been sent to the Duke of Lorraine. There were then elements for the belief that the South-American continent was only a direct continuation of the Northern. In our Chronology of Maritime Voyages Westward, we intend to show that at least sixty-six expeditions were sent to the New World between its ■discovery in 1492 and 1504. The number for the two or three years ■ Supra, Chapter V. of the Early Cartography of the New World. 312 The Discovery of North America. following may be increased to one hundred. Many of these did not range the coast beyond Maracaybo, whilst others went only to Brazil. But several of the licensed vessels, as we have shown, which sailed for the West Indies, must have endeavoured to probe the regions south and south-west of that archipelago, and obtained information concerning the continental character of the coast. The clandestine expeditions must have also endeavoured to land in parts where they did not run the risk of meeting ships bearing the royal flag ; and in their efforts to find dye- wood, and Indians to kidnap, may have gone beyond the West Indies. The attempts made by many navigators to find a strait, mentioned by Herrera,2 and which prompted Ferdinand of Aragon in 1508, to send Diaz de Solis and Vicente Yanez Pinzon on a transatlantic voyage of discovery requiring so many points of the coast to be explored, could not but have resulted in acquiring geographical notions, which, however crude, incomplete, and even hypothetical in many respects, were dis- seminated everywhere by the pilots, officers, and men on their return to Europe. A mere echo of those reports was certainly sufficient to prompt cosmographers to delineate a continuous coast line between the con- tinental regions exhibited in maps akin to those of Cantino or of Canerio, which they always accepted as exact, and the seaboards of Venezuela, which were already depicted in the planisphere of La Cosa, and in all the Lusitanian charts. If we except the second edition of Waldseemiiller's Tabula Terre Nove prepared by Laurent Fries for the Ptolemy of 1522, the reprints made in 1520, 1525, 1535, and 1541, together with the reproduction, slightly modified, apparently by the same Fries, and inserted in the various editions of the Yslegung der mercarthen oder Cariha Marina (152 7- 1530), we find traces of the influence directly exercised by the cartographical productions of the St. Diey geographer only in the Typus Universalis terra juxta modernorum distinctionem et extensionem per regna et pro- vincias.'i inserted in the Margarita philosophica of Gregory Reisch, in the edition published at Strasburg in iSiS-'^ This map also exhibits the north-western continental region precisely as we see it depicted in Waldseemiiller's Tabula. Its names and legends 'Supra, Book Fifth, chapter vi., Unknown Navi- himself, who, besides, has marked thereon a number of 3«^or.,, page 121. '°"'''.IT\ . • 3 See the adjoining plate, which is a section of a fac- ' BiUiotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 22, and simile of Reisch's original map, but made by Schoner Additions, No. 45. Plate XV. o a, < 1 — I Pi < o Pd <; ^^ w w O Pi w -o K u in ■ a < ft o The Fifth Type. 313 are very few, but peculiar. The southern continent bears the inscription : " Paria sev Prisilia," which must have been borrowed from a map as yet unknown, considering that it is the first time we see it on that region;? whilst the northern continent is called there, and on no other map or globe known, Zoana Mela. Zoana is the Venetian form for Juana, which was one of the names given originally to Cuba. Taken by itself and in connection with the locality where it is placed, critics might be tempted to interpret the con- figuration as designing the island of Cuba, and infer that it was borrowed from some original chart, notwithstanding the presence thereon of two "Isabellas" in the engraved copies. The meaningless appendage "Mela," however, betrays the fabrication. The reader is aware that Angelo Trivigiano, the secretary of the Venetian legation in Spain, obtained a copy of the original Latin text which afterwards constituted the first of Peter Martyr's Decades. This he translated into " volgare," that is, in Italian strongly impregnated with Venetian dialect, and sent the manuscript to Venice, where it was pub- lished in 1504, under the title of Libretto de tutta la navigation de Re de Spagna.^ In the First Book, when relating Columbus' voyage of discovery, Peter Martyr had written to Ascanio Sforza : " Patefecit navigatione hac prima, sex tantum insulas, atque ex iis duas inauditae mag- nitudinis : quarum alteram Hispaniolam : loannam alteram vocitavit : sed loannam esse insulam non pro certo habuit : — In this fyrst navigation, he discouered vi. Ilandes, whereof twoo were exceding great : Of whiche, the one he called Hispaniola, and the other Johanna. But at that tyme he knewe not perfectly that lohanna was an Ilande."' Trivigiano also faithfully translated : " Et in questa prima navigatione scopersono sei insule, sole do delle quali, de gran- decia inaudita, una chiamola Spagnola, I'altra la Zoana, Ma la Zoana non ebbe ben certo che la fussi isola." ' Unfortunately, when a certain text of Trivigiano's version was en- trusted to Albertino Vercellese da Lisona, that printer committed a strange mistake. He cut up the book into chapters, and so clumsily, s The name Farias already occurs in the earliest in the Additions, 'No. 1 6., pages 21-22. of the Schonerean globes, but it is located near the tropic ' Anghiera, Decad. I. , lib. i. , f"- i. , c. of Cancer, whilst here it is placed by its 30°-40° south ^ Prof. Giuseppe Ferraro, Relazione delle scoperte latitude. fatte da C. Colombo, p. 24 ; but we take our quotations ° Biblioiheca Americana VetiislUsima, No. 48, and from the Ferrara MS. direct. 2 Q 314 The Discovery of North America. that the above passage, in chaper if., reads as follows : " discoprino. vi. isole. do de lequale de gradeza inaudita : una chiama Spagnola : laltra la zoana mela." Then, instead of continuing the sentence, he commenced chapter iii. thus : '• Zoana no hebero ben certo ch' la fuste isola." Fracanzo da Montalboddo, in 1507, inserted bodily the Libretto in his Paesi Novamente retrouati without noticing or correcting the mistake, which was servilely repeated in all subsequent editions and translations. The probability is that Griiniger's cartographer took it from the German, or from the Low-Saxon 9 version of the Paesi published at Nuremberg in 1508, where we read: " Vnd ist eine genant Spagnola, die andere Zoanna Mela," and transferred the fabricated name to the north-western continental region, '° which was probably nameless in his model. ^ Bibliotheca Americ. Vetust., Additions, No. 29. Geschichte der Erdhunde in den ersten Decennien de« '° Dr. Franz WiESER, Zoana Mela. Ein Beitrag zur X VI. Jahrhunderts. CHAPTER VII. The Lusitano-Germanic Nomenclature. IF, as we have endeavoured to demonstrate, the five types exhibit a progressive genesis, it may be considered illogical, taking the date when the specimens in existence are supposed to have been designed or engraved, to place them in the order above given. For instance, Ruysch's mappamundi, which is dated 1508, should be placed after that of Canerio, which is of no later year than 1504; the map of Stobnicza, printed in 151 2, should take precedence over the earliest of Schoner's globes, constructed only in 15 15, &c. The contradiction is only apparent, and springs from the fact that we possess no complete series of maps. Our collections contain merely a few broken links of the great chain of cartographical documents which origi- nated during the first few years of the sixteenth century, and these are nearly all disconnected. To use a familiar illustration, the five types are not the offspring of the same parent, while the genealogical tree of each ascends to periods which are not the earliest they should show. What- ever conclusions may be taken from this aspect of the case, a fact certainly results from the data above set forth : it is the belief in the existence of a continental land situate to the west and north-west of Cuba, which, as we hope to have demonstrated, was shared by all the leading geographers, long before the time when that continent first appeared on Spanish maps illustrating the explorations accomplished by Ponce de Leon, Vasquez de Ayllon, and Estevam Gomez. The lack of intervening cartographical links does not prevent us, nevertheless, from finding, in the nomenclature of the maps still existing, a proof of their progressive character. This is shown by the adjoining comparative tables of the names inscribed in the two oldest , Portuguese charts known, and three of the leading Lusitano-Germanic maps. Those names, besides, afford data of importance in an investigation of the kind which constitutes the basis of the present work. 3i6 The Discovery of North America. Cantino. Costa del mar u^iano ^ cabo d. licotu ' canju •••[?] cabo de boa Ven- tura' costa alta * lago luncor ' [?] las cabras * Rio de los largar- tos' cabo Santo* Rio de las Alma- dias" puta Roixa '" C. delgato " cornejo [?] "^ Rio de do diego " C do fim do abrill" el golfo baxo " C. lurcar [?] "> G. do lurcor [?] C. do mortinbo " C. arlear [?] rio do corno "* Rio de las palmas" Canerio. Costa del mar vsiano Cabo dellicontir caninor cabo de bona uentura costa alta lago luncor lacabras Rio de . . argartos cabo santo rio de las alma- dias ponta roixa c. delgato comello rio de do diego cauo doffim de abrill el gofo bazo cauo luicar Gorffo de lineor cauo de mortinco cabo arlear rio de corno Rio de la parmas lago del lodro RUYSCH. C. Elicontii Corveo [?] C. de Fvndabril Cvlcar [?] Anterlinoi [?] Lago de Loro *" ScHONER. Costa d'mar Vnanno Cabo dellicontir Caninor Cabo d' Bona Ventura Costa alta Lagoluncor Lacabras Rio de los lagactos Cabo sancto Rio delas al madias Ponta roixa Cabo del gato Comello Rio de dodiego Cauo dofifim de abul Cauo linear Cauo de mortinco Rio de como Rio de la parmas Lago dello dro Waldsee- MtiLLER. C. del mar usiano C. delicontir Camnor [?] C. de bonauen- tura Costa alta lago luncor larubins rio de los garlartos C. Santo rio de las Alma- dias ponta roya C. delago Comello [?] C. doffim ide abril C lurcar [?] G. doliuor [?] C. arlear [?] rio de corno rio de la parma lacco dellodro ■ Coast of the Oceanic sea. ° Cabo del encontro [?] : " The Cape of the renconter," or "of the meeting." This interpretation implies either a fight with natives, or the falling in with another ship. 3 The Cape of Luck. * The High Coast. s The Lake of ... . « The Goats. ' Alligators River. * The Holy Cape. Columbus called a headland Puntci Santa, but it was in the island of Hispaniola. Navarretb, Vol. I., p. 129. 9 The River of the Rafts or of the Canoes. '" The Red Headland. Punta roja is a name given by Columbus, but to a point at the extremity of His- paniola. Navarretb, Vol. I., p. 129. This designation was frequently used by navigators everywhere. " The Cape of the Cat, or perhaps we should read : Caho delgado — The Barren Headland. " There is no such word as Cornejo, meaning ' ' the elbow," either in Portuguese or Spanish. In the latter language we find only Cornijal, meaning " Cornice," which, however, by extension may have been taken in the sense of '' corner," as Comijon is sometimes used to mean a street corner. '3 The River of Don Diego. DO might stand for dom, but Diego instead of Diogo, implies a Spanish name. ■♦ Cape of the End of April. '5 El golfo baxo, for baixo. The Low or The Rocky Cape. '* The Ptolemy of 1520 spells that name C. lurtar. '7 C. do Martinho [?], Cape of Martin. '* Rio do Corvo, The River of the Raven. The Ptolemy of 1522, prints Rio de como [?]. '9 Palms River. °° The Lake of Gold, but it is apparently the Lago del ladro of Canerio, which was originally written with a contraction over the 0, and means therefore : " The Lake of the Thief." Lusitano-Germanic Nomenclature. 317 Canting. Tamarique ^ ilha Rigua boacoya Ylha do gigante "^ Ylha do brasill ^ golfo del un- ficisno °° Costa de gente braua " Rio de fonseca ^ montanbis albis- sima'*' Canerio. tamarique yarqua arcay bacoia insula de gigantes y do brasil Gorffo de linferno Costa de gente brava Rio de Fonsoa montagna altis- simas RUYSCH. C, S. Marcii '' Tamaraqva Lixleo ^ Terra seca '^ Golfo deVericida^ Mons rotvndus "^ Golfo delinferno Capo Formoso ^'■ Rio de lareno '' Golfo de Pareas "^ SCHONER. Tamarique Lixleo Terra sura Monte rotonda Arcai insula d'gigantibus De brasill Gorfo de Linferno Costa d'gente praua Rio de fonsoa Altissima motana Waldsee- MilLLER. riqua Arcaybacoia " insula gigantu y. do brassil Gorffo del inferno Costa de gente braua rio de fonseca montana altissima " Cape of St. Mark. This name is not to be found on any other map. If it were inserted on the coast of New- foundland, we might ascribe it to John Cabot, on account of his Venetian nationality. '' The word seems to have affinity with Maracaibo, and with the river Tamaro, which empties itself in the great New Granada Lake. °3 Cabo del Isleo. See the instructions given by Alonso DE HojEDA to Pedro, his brother, March 12, 1502 ; Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 105. It means an island or headland surrounded with shoals, and was afterwards the eastern terminus of Hojeda's government. Cf. the Real cedula para que Alhonso Doxeda [Hojeda] sea govema- dor de. la casta de Ouquebacoa e ffuraba, dendel Cabo que se disce de Sisleo [sic], faata do dicen de los loxos, ques de aquel cabo del Golfo de Huraba cd Poniente incluaio. Sept. 21, 1504; Ooleccion de documentos in- editos de Indias ; Vol. XXXI., p. 250. =■• The Dry Land. =s Golfo de Venetia, KuNSTMANN No. 2. Here Juan la CosA inscribes only Venecuela, which does not indicate the Gulf of that name, btt an Indian village so called : " Un lugar de casas de indios que se llama Ueneciula esta en. x. grados entre este golfo de Veneciula y el cabo de Coquibacoa. " Knciso, Suma de Geografia, {"■hiij. Vespuccius discovered or first described that village (August 6, 1497?): "Fumo a terra in un porto, doue trouamo una populatione fondata sopra lacqua come Venetia;" ( Lettera, page 10.^ As to the Golfo de Venecia, it was so named by Hojeda afterwards, in the spring of 15CX). =« The Round Mount. '' ' ' Las islas de Arquibacoa ... las cuales descubrio Alonso de Hojeda." Capitulations of July 20, 1500; Navarrete, Vol. II., p. 252. " La terra de Caquivacoa que Hojeda descubrio." Op. cit.. Vol. III., p. III. ^ The Island of the Giant : " Chiamo questa isola, lisola di giganti." Vespuccius, i^eWera, p. 22 ; second voyage, August, 1499. Hojeda also claimed to have discovered the entire region. Navarrete, Vol. V., p. 709, and OviEDO, Historia Natural, p. 480. °' Dye-wood Island. 3° The names in Canerio, Waldseemuller, Schoner and RuYSCH certainly mean " The Infernal Gulf;" but we are not quite so certain that Unficisno, though a corruption in Canting, had originally the same meaning. 3' The Beautiful Cape. Cabo frenoso, Kunstmann No. 2, Oabofermoso, Enciso. 3= Rio de arena, Kunstmann, No. 2. 33 O. de Paria, Kunstmann, No. 2. 3'' The Coast of Courageous Men. 35 The River of Fonseca. 3' The extremely High or extremely White Mountains. The latter is the correct meaning. Enciso writes: " Las sierras nevadas comienfan en Sancta Maria . . . que parece encima bianco como nieve." These are apparently the white mountains of Citarma, first noticed by Basti- das in his voyage of 1500- 1 502. Ii8 The Discovery of North America. Cantino. cabo de las perlas"' Ylha della Rapossa '^ 1° tres testigos *' golfo de las perlas*" terra de pane" [?]" boca del drago '^ ilha de los canj- bales *' las gayas [?] la punta de la galera " cabo deseado *' Rio grande ^ todo este mar he de agua doge^' Canerio. cabo de las perlas y. de la rapossa y. de los canbales las gaias la ponta de la galera cabo deseado Rio grande todo esto mar he de agua dolce RUYSCII. Terr de pareas R. Formoso R. de flagrStza ** Canibales in[sula] R. de foco cecho R. de les aves ''^ Rio grando Schoner. Cabo de las perlas De larapossa R. d' la reno G. de paxi C. d' frado Terra de parias Cvrtana Rio de flagraza Canibales Las gaias La ponta dela galeia P. de Arena *" Rio d'foroseco " Rio de les Euas rio grade Waldsee- MiiLLER. C. de las perlas y. de la rapossa y. de los canibales las gaias la ponta de las galeras C. deseado Rio grande 3? The Cape of Pearls. So named by Columbus in August, 1498. Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 258. 3* She-Fox Island. 39 "A otras tres isletas juntas [Colon] Uamo los Tes- tigos." Las Casas, lib. i., cap. cxxxxviii., Vol. II., page 262. "" The Gulf of Pearls. So named by HojEDA : " En- traron en el golfo, que Uamo Hojeda de las Perlas." Las Casas, lib. i., cap. clxxi.. Vol. II., p. 436. ■" Terra de Paria, — The country of Paria. " E me dejeron como llamaron a esta tierra Paria." Columbus, August 3, 1498 ; Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 250. "Pariam ipse tractum hunc appellari ab incolis dicit." Anghiera, Epist. CLXViii., October 8, 1496, p. 96. *" The Dragon's Mouth. So named by Columbus, August 13, 1498. Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 258, and Las Casas, lib. i., cap. cxxxviii., Vol. II., p. 259. ^ The Fragrant River. Here Kunstmann, No. 2, gives de alerjrosa for alegreza, joy ? ♦^ Cannibals' Island. "Determine de andar a las islas de los Caribales [sic]," Columbus v^rote, August, 1498. Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 247. *5 The Headland of the Galley. This name vfas given by Columbus, July 31, 1498. Navarrete, Vol. I., page 247. ^ Sandy Cape. It is probably the Punta del Arenal, discovered and named by Columbus, August i, 1498. ■•' Bio defondo seco (?) — The Dry Bed River. ■" Bio de le aues, Kunstmann, No. 2, — Birds' River. 't' The Desired Cape. Perhaps Cabo desecado, the Arid Cape. 5° The name of Bio Grande, was given to several of the South American rivers. Oviedo says that it was given to the St. John's River, but after the explorations of Bastidas : " Pero no vido el rio de Sanct Juan, que tam- bien le Uaman Rio Grande." (Historia General, lib. iii., cap. viii., Vol. I., p. 76.) Diego DE Lepe discovered a " Rio Grande de Santa Catalina " (Deposition of Juan Gonzales; in Navarrete, Vol. III., page 553). The present, however, is doubtless the Amazons River : " Rio grande que se llama Maraiion" (Deposition of Luis DEL Valle ; in Navarrete, loc. cit., p. 554). ^' "All that sea is fresh water." That sea of fresh water is to be seen only at the mouth of the Amazon River. (Humboldt, Examen CrifAque, Vol. V., p. 62, note.) Columbus noticed it in his third voyage: "Y hall^ quel agua dulce siempre vencia" (Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 253). Kunstmann No. 2giveshere: "Questo lago e aqua dolce," which, together with its " a baia de tutti santi," indicates the hand of an Italian cartographer copying a Portuguese map, but for Portuguese readers, as the other legends are all purely Lusitanian. Lusitano-Germanic Nomenclature. 319 Cantino. golfo fremosso '^^ Cabo de Sam Jorge " anaresma "" san miguel Rio de sa franc" ' porto seguro '"' Rio de brasil "'■ Canerio. Gorffo fremoso sta. maria de gracia Monte de sam vicenso Cabo sta. croxe Sam michel rio de sam Francesco rio de perera rio de caixa vazia baril Sam Rocho porto real rio de sam ieronimo RUYSCH. Mos. S. Vicenti Caput S. Crvcis R.de S. Ieronimo^ SCHONER. Gorfo fremoso Sera d' S. Maria '^ S. Rochij S. Vicenty C. scte cruc^ S. Maria d' rabida S. Michael'' Rio d' S. francisco S. Maria rabida R. de perera ™ Rio d' casa Vazian baril S. maria Porto Real " Rio S. Hieronomi Waldsee- MliLLER. Gorffo fremoso Mons. s. vicentj C. Scte crucis" s. michael Rio de san francis porto seguro rio de brasil S. Roxho"^ S. maria de gracia "^ Porto real 5° We are unable to say whether in this place the word should read fragoso (rough) otfermoso (beautiful). Fer- inoso is often written for Hermoso (Columbus' Journal, Oct. 19, 1492). 53 Sera d' 8. Maria may stand here for Santa Maria de la Granada, which was the name of the vessel commanded by Juan DE Vergara, in Hojeda's second expedition. — ■ Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 29. 5< Cape of St. George. No cape of that name occurs there on any other map known. In Cantino it is written twice in the same place, although in a cursive hand different from the rest, but of the same time. ss The Cape of the Holy-Cross. So named by Cabral, April 23, 1500. Pedro Ramirez and Manuel de Valdo- viNOS (Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 550, 552) claimed to identify it with the cape called by Vespuccius "Cape St. Augustine" (Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 4, note), by Vi- cente Yaiiez PiNZON, " Santa Maria de la Consolacion " (Las Casas, lib. i. , cap. clxxiii.. Vol. II., p. 448), and by Diego DE Lepe, " Rostro Hermoso" (Deposition of Luis DEL Valle (Navarrete, loc. cit., p. 554). These various identifications are far from being certain. 5'' We must probably read Arrecifes, Reefs. " La costa arracifes e baxos que entra en la mar." — Enciso. 5' Name apparently given by Vespuccius, September 29. 1501, to a range of reefs. Lopes de Souza, Diario, p. 15, mentions, in that locality : " Arrecife de Sam Miguel." ^ " Desde rio de Sant francisco fasta la baya de todos sanctos, ay setenta leguas; esta la Baya al sudeste." — En- ciso. Name probably given by Vespuccius, October 4, 1501. The Weimar maps mark two rivers of that name, one by 11° lat. N. , which is evidently the one to which Lopes DE Souza (Diario, p. 7) inscribes " onze graos e meo ;" and another by 5° lat. S. s' The Safe Harbour. So named by Cabral, April 24, 1500. Vaz DE Caminha's letter is dated from Porto Se- guro. ' ' Pedraliiarez poso nome que ora tern, que he Porto Seguro."— Barros, Decad. I., lib. iv., cap. ii., I., f". 88. ^ Pears River. Perhaps Rio despera : Hope River. *' Dye-wood River. ^' S. Roclio, Ptolemy of 1522; Saint Rock. Name given probably by Vespuccius, August 16, 1501. ^3 Perhaps it is the Sancta Maria de Agoodia (Agoada? The Watering Place) of Kunstmann No. 2. Santa Maria de la A ntigua, was the name of Alonso de Hojeda's flag-ship in his second expedition, but he never visited the east coast of Brazil. ^* Name probablygiven by Vespuccius, Sept. 30, 1501. "5 The River of St. Jerome. 320 The Discovery of North America. Cantino. A baia de todos sanctos Cabo de seta Marta ™ Canerio. Santa Maria de Rabida rio do oido rio de mezo serra de sta. maria de gracia monte fregosso baie de tuti li santi rio de sam iacomo rio de sto. agustino rio de sta. lena rio de Sexinos ™ rio de vergine rio de sam ioam porto seguro bareras vermeias barossa rio de brazil mont passqual rio de Sta. lucia sierra de sam tome RUYSCH. Abatia oniv sac- torv R. de Brasil M6te Pasqvale '" R. de S. Lvcia * Serra de S. An- tonio^* SCHONER. Rio d'odio [?] Rio domezo^ S. d' S. Maria d'gra Monte fregoso Abatia omni sctor Rio de S. Jacobi ' Rio S. Augustini Rio d' virgine'* Rio d. S. Joann Porto segur Bareras vermega" Barossa [?] " R. de brazil '« Mons. pasqual R. de S. Lucia S. de S. Thome Waldsee- MiiLLER. , maria de rabida «« Serra de S. maria de gracia'' monte fregoso °' Abbatia omim Scto[rum] rio de S. Augustin " Rio de S. lena ''« Mont pasqual Rio de S. lucia Serra de S. thom ^' ^ "About half-a-league from the little seaport town of Palos de Moguer in Andalusia there stood, and continues to stand at the present day, an ancient convent of Fran- ciscan friars, dedicated to Santa Maria de Rabida." — ■ Washington Irving. La Eahida is the name of the hill where the convent is situated. The name may have been given to the place in honour of some Palos vessel belonging to one of Hojeda's expeditions. «? Rio do Medo ? The Middle River. ^ The Mountain of St. Mary. ^ Monte frioso, (lomfriijus ? The Frigid Mount or Cliff. 7° All-Saints Abbey, pro All-Saints Bay. Cantino, Canerio, Kunstmann No. 2, and the Weimar maps (the latter with the simple abbreviation of b), write properly A baia. T Name given probably by Vespuccihs, Oct. 21, 1501. 7^ Rio de St. Helena, Kunstmann No. 2. Name given probably by Vespuccius, August 11, 1501. " Rio de feixinhos ? Fagots' River. M The River of the Maiden, or rather, of the 11,000 Virgins. Name given probably by Vespuccius, October 21, 1501. 75 Barreira Vermelha : The reddish bar ? Coroa Ver- melha : — The red sand bar, is the name of the reef where, it is said, the first mass was celebrated, April 26, 1500. '* We must probably read Cabo de Sancta Maria (not Sancta Marta). It seems to correspond with the Cabo de Santa Maria of Kunstmann No. 4, and Lopes de Souza's (Diario, p. 32), who places it "em altura de trinta e quatro graos e tres quartos {30° 45')." " Barroso (preceded by some noun ?), The Muddy . . . '" Dye-wood River (duplicate ?). " Mount Easter. Discovered and named by Cabral before landing, Wednesday, April 22, 1500 : " Aho qaal monte alto ho capitaim pos name ho Monto Pascoal." — Vas DE Caminha, in the Corografia Brazil., p. 13, note. *" The River of St. Lucy. Named probably by Ves- puccius, December 13, 1501. ^' Serra de San thome /—The Cliff of St. Thomas, Kunstmann No. 2. Name given probably by Vespuc- cius, December 21, 1501. ^' We must probably read here Serra de Sam thome, as in Kunstmann No. 2, Canerio, Waldseemuller, and ScHoNER ; that is, the Cliff of St. Thomas, instead of the Cliff of St. Anthony. Yet, Lopes DE SouZA (Diario, p. 16) cites, by 10° 40' lat. : " Serrao de Santo Antonio." Cantino. lusitano- Canerio. Alapego de sam pauUo Germanic Nomenclature. RuYSCH. 1 Schoner. !2I rio de refens baie de reis pinachuUo de tencio rio de Sto. antonio rio iordam porto de sam sebastiano porto de sam visenso rio de cananor Rio de oreferis *' Baia de Reis ^ R. de S. Antonio R. Jordan Pagus S. pauli R. da refens [?] Baia de rees PinachuUo de tentio ^ Rio de S. Anthoni Rio Jordan Porto d' S. sebas- tiano R. de S. Vicent. Porto de S. Vin- cento R. de Cananor Rio de cananor '' Waldsee- mUller. pagus S. pauli "^ Rio da resens [?] p. marhuUo de telro [?] Rio de S. Antonio ^ Rio iordan porto de S. Sebastiano ^ por. de S. vincento ^ Rio de cananor *> '^ The Village of St. Paul. It is one of the only two Brazilian names inserted in Waldseemiiller's Typus Orbis : " Altapago de S. paulo." *■• Sio de arefeces, Kunstmann No. 2 ; Bio de Are- cife, Kunstmann No. 5 ; The River of Reefs. ^s Amgra de Reis, Kunstmann No. 3 ; Baya de reis, Kunstmann No. 2 ; The Bay of the Kings or of the Magians. Name given probably by Vespucchts, January 6 (Epiphany), 1502. "^ Pinaculo de rentio, Kunstmann No. 2 ; Pinacolo de tencio, Kunstmann No. 5 ; Pinaculo de tantacd (Turin map), The Summit of the Temptation. ^' Name given probably by Vespuccius, Jan. 7, 1502. ^ Name given probably by Vespuccius, Jan. 20, 1502. *^ Kunstmann No. 2 has here Punta (headland), in- stead of Porto (port) of St. Vincent. Name probably given by Vespuccius, January 22, 1502. 5° The Rio de Cananor, marked in the Weimar maps by 47° lat. S. , must not be mistaken, we think, for the Rio de la Cananea of Enciso, placed in the Weimar maps by 24° lat. S. Lopes DE SouzA [Diario, p. 28) inserts, south of Rio de Janeiro, an Ilha da Cananea, The Island of the Cananean woman." 9' The nomenclature of the globe of Schoner has been kindly corrected by the learned and obliging custodians of the Germanisches Nationalmuseum at Nuremberg on the globe itself. The reader will notice that many names were omitted or imperfectly rendered in Ghillany's- otherwise highly useful facsimile. CHAPTER VIII. Evolution of the Nomenclature. WE cannot dismiss the question of .separate titles and names without reverting once more to the nomenclature which imparts such a peculiar character to the north-western continental region in the Lusitano-Germanic maps, and serves also as a touchstone to identify the charts and globes which belong to that important family of cartographical documents. Thus far, the continental land possessed, in the five types, an exis- tence sui generis, so to speak. It is now material to ascertain what became of that configuration and its special names, when the progress of geo- graphy and map-making commenced to alter the appearance of charts as regards the New World ; particularly those which were designed and published in Central Europe, during the second quarter of the sixteenth century. The first question on the subject is, What was thought of those ancient profiles and designations which are so conspicuous in the mappa- mundi of Cantino, Canerio, Waldseemiiller, and Schoner, when Spanish data, derived from accounts of the discoveries accomplished by Ponce de Leon, Grijalva, Cort6s, Vasquez de Ayllon, and Estevam Gomez, first found their way into Germany and the Netherlands. Were they rejected as imaginary and spurious, as certain critics would be tempted to believe a priori? The question was important, and thus far difficult to solve, considering that we had so few means of ascertaining how the old geo- graphical data and the new ones comported themselves when pitted against each other. Judging from appearances, the old names seemed to have dis- appeared at once. This first impression was erroneous. The German geographers, even the Belgian, like Gerard Mercator, never ceased to believe in the reality of the north-western continent as depicted on all the Lusitano-Germanic maps, and which, from Cantino to Schoner, exhibited constant progress by a continuation of the coast southwardly. Evolution of the Nomenclature. 32;^ We possess no less than four globes, constructed in Central Europe between the years 1528 and 1541, which demonstrate this fact by their insertion of the nomenclature of Cantino and Canerio, together with the new names made known, not only by Peter Martyr, but also by the Spanish maps which were constructed after the discoveries of Ayllon and Gomez. Two of those globes are preserved in the Paris National Library ; the third is the celebrated Nancy globe ; the fourth is the Globus terrcB, constructed in 1541 by Gerard Mercator, dedicated to Cardinal de Gran- velle, neither of which had been studied in that respect with proper care and attention. They all exhibit a continuous coast line, which, beginning with the Labrador country, follows faithfully the sea board to the Floridian penin- sula, duly labelled " Terra Florida ;" thence it depicts the Gulf of Mexico, with the addition of the well known "Caluacam," followed by other Mexi- can names, and trends eastward to the elbow formed by the northern Brazilian regions, where it takes a downward course as far as the Strait of Magellan, — -just as in the Weimar maps. The identity of the northern part of that continent with the present United States, is proved by the inscriptions Baccalearvm regio, Labrador, and Corte Real at the north ;. and, on the peninsula which terminates it. Terra Florida or Terra Pascua Florida, on the mainland Terra francisca, and, in the more recent ones, R. noronbega or Anorombega. Now, between the two extreme points of that northern continent, we read on the oldest of those globes, which is the " Globe dor^ ": C. Litar {pro Lurcar) C. Arlear C. Baxo R. de la Parma C. d. Lago On the next globe in point of date, called the "Wooden Globe": Caninor Ponta ro[xa] Costa alta C. lutar R. bon[a ventura] C. baxo C. Santo C. arlear Lago de lodro On the third, or Nancy Globe : Caninor R. Santo Costa alta Ponta [roixa] 324 The Discovery of North America. Finally, in the Globe of Mercator, dated 1541, of which there are still extant, either in gores or mounted, not less than five duplicates, we read : Caninor R. de los garlatos Bonauentura Lacobras Costa alta Comelo' All those names belong exclusively to the Lusitano-Germanic nomen- clature, and it is evident that the lack of space alone prevented, in this instance, the globe-makers from inserting every name inscribed on the north-western continental region in Cantino, Canerio, Ruysch, or Schoner. It must also be noted that those four globes are not direct copies from the same original, or derived from each other. The difference of origin is shown by the presence of some of those designations in one globe and not in the other, and vice versa, as well as by technical dissimilarities and details which are duly exposed and discussed in our Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. Those globes, however, exhibit an extraordinary change in their American configurations. They blend absolutely the New World with the Old, and suppress, north of the equator, the ocean which, in all Lusitano-Germanic maps, separates America from Asia ; yet maintaining, as we have just shown, the north-east coast of the new regions, with its peculiar nomenclature. This unexpected geographical combination, and return to the first erroneous ideas concerning the cosmographic character of the New World, we have already described and explained. ' In the beautiful French portolano, signed G. B., planisphere, close to the ca6 de Fleuride, two of those dated 1543, and bearing the arms of Arthur de Cosse, names, viz.: Canano and Riviere de pama. (Private a French Marshal (who died in 1582), we still read in the Collection of H. Y. Thompson, Esq., London.) CHAPTER IX. The Southern Regions. STRICTLY speaking, we should limit all these investigations to the east coast of North America, and critics may, at first sight, deem it irrelevant to extend our analysis so far as the Central and South American regions. Unfortunately, we possess but few contemporaneous data, and they are so much scattered that it is necessary to examine with the utmost patience every indication which they present, however discon- nected and isolated such vestiges may seem to be. Names, in particular, when methodically interrogated, yield very useful results, which reach even distant questions. On that account, we beg leave, at this juncture, to expatiate on the designations and legends in- serted along the southern coasts of the New Continent in the maps and globes above classified. We propose, likewise, to study, both in them- selves and historically, the meridional configurations in those maps and globes, with the view of eliciting facts which may enable the critic to ascertain the origin and date of the entire document, and its direct or indirect bearing on the particular question we are striving to elucidate. The Cantino chart, adopted here as a starting point owing to its positive and early date, its relative completeness and its abundant nomen- clature, exhibits for the south-east seaboards a continuous coast line which corresponds relatively, in modern maps, to an area extending from about 13" north to 20" south latitudes, and from 20° to 36° west longitudes. To facilitate the present investigation, it is necessary to divide that space into two sections. The first section will include the northern coast of the South American continent, from its north-eastern angle to the westernmost point indicated in the early Lusitanian maps. The second division will cover the southern coast, from its most northern cape to the end of the line at the south. 3-6 The Discovery of North America. It is impossible to determine the landfall of the Spanish and Portu- guese navigators who were the first to sight the north-east coast of Brazil.' Nor can it be said positively that Caha de Santa Maria de la Gonsolacion, Cabo Rostro Hermoso, and Caho de Sto. Agostinho are names which apply- exactly to the same locality, notwithstanding affirmative testimonies taken before the rogatory commissions in 1515. The critic, therefore, meets at the outset with difficulties, considering that the northern coast of South America was first ranged from east to west. For the sake of convenience we will adopt as the dividing line the present Cape of St. Augustine (lat. 8° 38' S.). The westernmost point, on the contrary, is depicted so clearly on the ancient Portuguese maps that it is impossible not to recognise at once the umbel-like peninsula of Peragoana, and, in the great aperture adjoining, the entrance to the Gulf of Maracaybo. As to the large island i^Ilha Riqua or Tamarique) close to the gulf in those maps, it can only be the extremity of the peninsula, the eastern side of which forms the western shore of that vast bay. As we have already stated, the Cantino chart exhibits a continuous line along the north coast of the southern continent. But, as the carto- grapher who made that chart had achieved his work before October, 1502, the critic who seeks to ascertain the origin of the names, profiles, and positions inscribed thereon must circumscribe his investigations within the accounts of voyages the results of which were known in Spain or Por- tugal before that date. The first of these is the third expedition of Columbus (1498- 1500). But he remained on that coast only from July 31 until August 15, 1498; and his exploration was confined to the mouths of the Orinoco, the Gulf of Paria and Cumana coast, with the Margarita island as the extreme western limit then. - The second and third are the expeditions of Alonso de Hojeda, which, for the sake of argument, we will describe hereafter. ' Adolfo DE Varnhagen names thirty-five headlands Las Casas, lib. i., cap. cxxxii. , Vol. II., pp. 226, 229, or capes in the supposed vicinity of their primary landing. 234, 257, 241, 243, 245, 254, 265; Peter Martyr, Examen de quelques points de I'histoire (jeographique Decad. I., lib. vi. ; Oviedo, Historia General, lib. iii., du Bresil ; Paris, 1858, 8vo; p. 23, and Bulletin de la cap. iii.; Rogatory Commissions in Na\-arrete, Vol. Societe de Geographie {01 March and Apn\, 1858. III., doc. Ixix. ; Letter of Simone DEL Verde, in our 'Relation in Navarrete, Vol. I., pp. 242-264; Chrintophe Colomb, Vol. II., pp. 95-101. The Southern Regions. 327 The fourth was the very profitable voyage of Per Alonso Nino and Cristobal Guerra (1499-1500), 3 embracing almost the same route which Columbus had followed, except that it extended about two degrees further to the west {Chusfa, Canchieto?) The fifth is that of Vicente Yafiez Pinzon (1499- 1500), after he had doubled northward his "Cabo de Sta. Maria de la Consolacion." This was limited to the Boca del Drago, whence he sailed straight for Hispaniola, which he reached June 23, 1500; returning to Palos on September 30 following. 4 The sixth is Diego de Lepe's first expedition westward after he had rounded his " Rostro Hermoso." It did not reach further west than the coast of Paria. 5 The seventh is the first voyage of Rodrigo de - Bastidas (October, 1500 — September, 1502). We do not know where on that occasion his landfall was. Bernaldez simply says : " Por la via que miraba al Norte por la mano derecha de la Juana : — On the route facing the north, to the right of Juana island ^ [Cuba]." Oviedo is more explicit: "La primera tierra que tomaron fue una isla ... la llamaron Isla Verde, laqual isla esti d la banda que hay desde la isla de Guadalupe hdcia la tierra firme: — The first land sighted was an island, which they called Green Island, and which lies on the side extending from the island of Guadeloupe to the mainland." 7 If so, Bastidas may have inscribed on his maps names over the space which, westward in the Lusitanian charts, corresponds with about ten of our degrees of latitude. But, as his discoveries then extended, according to Hojeda's own statement: "Desde Quinquibacoa fasta elgolfo de Urabd,"^ the Cantino chart would certainly exhibit that portion of the coast, as far as Darien, — which it fails to do, — if its cartographer had borrowed any data from the maps of Bastidas. 9 3 " Cristobal Guerra y Pero Alonso Niiio descubrieron ^ Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, cap. la tierra firme dende la boca del Drago de Parid toda la cxcvi. , Vol. H., p. 253. costa de tierra firme fasta el golfo de las Perlas." De- ' Oviedo, Historia General de Ian Indias, lib. iii., position of Hojeda, in Navarrete, Vol. IH., p. 541 ; cap. viii., Vol. I., p. 76. Peter Martyr, Decad. I., cap. viii.; Paesi novamente * Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 545. rilrovaii, cap. oxi.; and Book VI. of the Antipodes in 'According to a Rogatory Commission executed in the Ferrara MS.; also Las Casas, lib. i., cap. clxxi., Spain and addressed to Judge Lebron of Hispaniola, Vol. II., p. 440, who gives the date of their return, or July 7, 1515 (Navarrete, Viages apdcrifos, p. 20), the landing in Gallicia, at Bayona (Deposition of PORRAS), discoveries on the northern coast of South America were February 6, 1500. considered by the Spanish government to have been as * Paesi novamente ritrovati, cap. cxii.; and Book follow: Guerra and Nino (1499- 1500) discovered the VII., of the Antipodes in the Ferrara MS. mainland of Paria and Margarita island ; HojEDA and 5 /m/ra, chapter X., p. 337. La Cosa (1499-1500) the mainland beyond, westerly; 328 The Discovery of North America There have, doubtless, been other expeditions before 1502 to the north coast of South America. For instance, Alberto Cantino, in one of his letters to the Duke of Ferrara, dated October 27, 1501, mentions the arrival in Cadiz, on the 5th of that month, of a caravella bringing pearls and slaves. '° This indicates a voyage to the Cumana coast ; but we must confess that, in the present state of the question, it is impossible to connect that expedition with any names known ; and, until positive in- formation concerning such alleged enterprises are brought to light, we must, of course, limit our enquiry to the explorations above mentioned. The voyages which we have enumerated were calculated to yield car- tographical data embracing parts of the coast which extends from Brazil to Paria, but none could disclose any configurations beyond the latter region except the voyage of Bastidas, and even this related solely to the section extending from 70° to ']']° longitude west. The only voyage embracing the entire seaboard of the north coast of South America, as depicted in the Cantino chart, is the first expedition commanded by Hojeda. There are no official documents concerning that enterprise, nor is its precise date known. The year, month, and day given by modern his- torians are exclusively borrowed from Las Casas, who in turn took them from the Four Navigations of Vespuccius, assuming that the latter's first voyage and Hojeda's were one and the same. It follows that when Hum- boldt" and others compare these two voyages to prove their identity, they set forth elements of comparison borrowed from one source only, and so merely repeat the printed statements of the Quatuor Americi Vesputii Nauigaiiones. Hence, and naturally enough, the great resemblance noted between the dates and details given in the Historia de las Indias and those of the Cosmographies introductio. The chief authorities of Las Casas, for his description of Hojeda's first voyage, we still possess. They consist particularly of the St. Diey Bastidas and La Cosa (1500-1502) the mainland beyond havea mandate piu raesi faniio alle sue insule Antile, et ha Uraba ; Vicente Yaiiez PixzoN (1499- 1500) the south- portato sexanta schiavi, trecento cantara de braxilio, et east coast, from Cape St. Augustine to the mouth of the trecento de verzino, et cinquanta marchi de perle, dele Amazona ; Diego de Lepe (1499-1500) from Cape St. quale ne son sta portate alcune in questa terra, et io le Augustine southward as far as the point known in I5I5(?); ho vedute et toche, non son molto grosse, et non hanno Columbus, a portion of the coast of Veragua ; and all chiareza in se, ma piu presto tranno al columbine." — the rest by PiNZON and Sous (1506). MS. Diapacci dalla Spagiia. Cancelleria Ducale ; State '° " Alii cinque del presente, giunse nel porto de Calice, Archives in Modena. una caravella de la Maiesta del Re di Spagna, la quale " Examen Critique, Vol. IV., pp. 195-200. The Southern Regions. 329 publication just mentioned, '^ which, as he believed, described that expedi- tion, but under the cover of Vespuccius ; and the depositions taken by the Fiscal, first printed by Navarrete in 1829. '3 The only original docu- ments which the bishop of Chiapas has consulted, outside those depositions, are a letter written by Francisco Roldan to Columbus, and one from the latter, prompted by that of Roldan. Considering that for the present discussion we propose to derive our facts, however succinct they may be, from sources other than Vespuccius' own recitals, those two letters must be looked upon as of great importance, particularly as eliciting an approxi- mate date for Hojeda's first voyage. The gist of that short correspondence is as follows : In September, 1499, Columbus was informed that on the 5th of that month, four vessels had anchored in a harbour of Hispaniola, called Yd.- quimo [Jacmel], and that they were under the command of Alonso de Hojeda. He at once sent Francisco Roldan to watch their movements. In the account which the latter sent to Columbus, he stated having seen the authorisation granted to Hojeda by Bishop Fonseca; and, in the letter addressed to the Catholic Kings on the subject, mention is made of a statement from some of Hojeda's crew, to the effect that they had not been away from Spain long enough to discover new countries. H This shows the expedition to have been a lawful one ; whilst the time when it landed at Ydquimo, implies that the vessels set out from a Spanish port early in the summer of 1499. Las Casas says that it was in May : " por Mayo," but we are unable to ascertain whether this date was bor- rowed from the letter of Columbus or from Vespuccius' printed account. Hojeda remained on the coast of Hispaniola until February or March, 1500, '5 when he returned to Spain, where we see him in July following. '^ His first expedition, therefore, absorbed from the beginning of the Summer of 1499 until the Spring of 1500, only three or four months of which were employed in exploring the shores of the Caribbean sea. But a second expedition, unnoticed by historians, was initiated and carried out soon afterwards, as shown by the following documentary proofs. " Las Casas, lib. i. , cap. cxl. , Vol. II., pp. 268, 271- '5 "No partieron sino ciiasi en fin de Febrero, entrante 27'', 393. 39S> 414 ; ^"<1 ^°^ ^^^ Rogatory Commission, el ano de 500, y aun creo que en Marzo, como parece por ibidem pp. 272, 416. las cartas que yo vide y tuve en mi poder. " — Las Casas, ■3 Navarrete, Vol. III., pp. 538-591. Historia de laslndias, lib. i., cap. clxix.. Vol. II., p. 427. ■4 " Dicen estos marineros que, segun la brevedad del The Historie, cap. Ixxxiii. , f°- 186, only says : " nel mese tiempo que parti6 de Castilla, que no puede haber descu- di Febraio dell' anno M.D." bierto tierra."— Las Casas, lib. i., cap. cxliv.. Vol. II., "* Contract of July 28, 1500, recited in Navarrete, page 392- ^°'^- "•' ^°'' ^^^■' P' ^5- 330 The Discovery of North America. On the 8th of June, 1501, Alonso de Hojeda was authorised to equip ten vessels for another voyage to the New World. The letters patent recite a similar agreement entered into between Bishop Fonseca, on behalf of the Crown, and Hojeda, the year previous, July 28, 1500. And, as the said document of 1501 states that the new privilege is given to the bold adventurer because his previous expedition had involved heavy ex- penditure, and yielded but little profit to him : " habia consideracion a lo que gastastes e servirstes en este viage que fuistes a descubrir, el poco provecho que dello ovistes,"''7 referring to a voyage undertaken by virtue of the above-mentioned letters patent of July 28, 1500, it is evident that a second expedition was actually carried out by Hojeda between the latter date and June, 1501. The information concerning these two voyages of 1499- 1500 and 1500- 1501 is very meagre, and by inference only can we ascertain what belongs to the one, or to the other. It consists of the testimonies elicited in the execution of the rogatory commissions ordered by the Fiscal (which de- positions fail to name dates), and a short passage from Roldan's above- mentioned letter to Columbus, written in October, 1499, which, on that account, is valuable as relating unquestionably to Hojeda's first voyage. Roldan's brief statement is in these terms : " Hago saber a vuestra senoria, como yo '' I beg to inform Your Lordship that on Uegud adonde estaba Hojeda, el domingo 29 Sunday, September 29 [1499], I reached the de Setiembre yo hobe de ir a place where Hojeda was ... In consequence, las carabelas y falld en ellas d Juan Velasquez I repaired to the vessels, where I met Juan y a Juan Vizcaino, el cual me mostrd una Velazquez and Juan Vizcaino [De la Cosa], capitulacion que traian para descubrir, firmada who showed me letters patent signed by the del Senor Obispo, en que le daba licencia Bishop [Fonseca], granting leave to make dis- para descubrir en estas partes, tanto que no coveries in these parts, provided no landing tocase en tierra del Seiior rey de Portugal, ni was effected in the country belonging to the en la tierra que V. S. habia descubierto fasta King of Portugal [Brazil], nor in the region el afto de 95. Descubrieron en la tierra que found by Your Lordship before 1495. They agora nuevamente V. S. descubri6 ; dice que have accomplished discoveries in the land now pasaroH por luengo de costa 600 leguas, en discovered by you, and say that they coasted que hallaron gente que peleaba, tantos con 600 leagues, and found fighting natives, who tantos, con ellos, y hirieron 20 hombres y wounded twenty and killed one of their com- mataron uno ; en algunas partes saltaron en panions. In certain places they landed, and tierra y les hacian mucha honra, y en otras were very well received, in others they were no les consentian saltar en tierra.'"' not allowed to go ashore." '1 iiAVARn-E.TK,Colecciondelosviaf/esyde>icnbrimentos regretted that the Bishop of Chiapas did not give the de los Espafloles, Vol. III., doc. x., p. 86. entire letter, for it is, thus far, almost our only source of '^ Las Cabas, op. cit., p. 393. It is very much to be direct information concerning Hojeda's first voyage. The Southern Regions. 331 The reference to the land lately discovered by Columbus shows that the country then visited by Hojeda bordered on the Caribbean sea, where the great Genoese navigator, on the 31st of July, 1498, had first sighted the American continent. The account in the Historie, which seems to have been borrowed from an original document, adds that Hojeda's ex- pedition was composed of four ships: "Alonso di Ogieda, che venia con iiii nauigli da scoprire," and also that he had discovered, in the direction of the west, on the coast of Paria, six hundred leagues of country: "ch' ei venia da scoprire per la costa di Paria all' Occidente DC leghe." ^9 The other details are furnished by depositions taken before the Fiscal in 1 51 2 and 15 15. Hojeda himself then declared that "he was the first man who, after Columbus, accomplished transatlantic discoveries, and found the southern continent : al medodia la tierra firme, which he coasted for two hundred leagues before he reached Paria, sailing out by the Boca del Drago. Thence he continued to range the coast as far as the Gulf of Pearls, landed in the Margarita island, sailed along the shore of the continent, discovering the entire coast from Los Frailes to the Island of Giants, the Gulf of Venice [Maracaybo], and the province of Quinquibacoa ; thus having ranged two hundred leagues east of Paria, and two hundred leagues west of that country." ^o Three of Hojeda's companions, Diego Fernandez Colmenero, Nicolas Perez, and Anton Garcia, confirmed his de- clarations, but without entering into details. In that deposition of Hojeda no date is given, and we are unable tO' say positively, from his statement, whether it was during the first voyage that he reached the province of Quinquibacoa, which is described as the western terminus of his discoveries. Happily, Hojeda added that he had with him, when he discovered those countries. La Cosa and Vespuccius : " Trujo consigo a Juan de la Cosa, piloto, e Morigo Vespuche." Now, La Cosa's famous planisphere is dated : " En el puerto de Santa Maria en ano de 1500." We have also proved that Hojeda and his companions, so far as is known, alone had then coasted west of Cumana, while the second voyage of Hojeda cannot have been accomplished before 1501. Consequently, La Cosa's planisphere must exhibit the entire region which was surveyed or discovered during the voyage of 1499- 1500. Such is ■' Historie, cap. Ixxxiiii., f9- 185, verso. ='' Navarrete, Vol. HI., p. 544. 332 The Discovery of North America. really the case, and we find that the said map confirms the deposition of Hojeda, as its westernmost headland is the " Cabo de la Vela." ^i What must be noticed in this short digression is that, in the course of Hojeda's first voyage, two hundred leagues were coasted east of Paria ; that, westward, the Cape de la Vela was reached ; and that both Juan de la Cosa and Americus Vespuccius were on board on that occasion. To carry our investigation further it is necessary to examine another point. La Cosa and Vespuccius were renowned cartographers. They doubtless made maps of the countries which, under the leadership of Hojeda, had just been discovered by their joint agency. The planisphere of La Cosa, of course, reproduces his own data there and then obtained. Unfortunately, we have no information relative to the map designed on that occasion by Vespuccius. But a comparison between the planisphere of La Cosa and the Cantino chart may, by exhibiting important differ- ences, allow us to presume that the latter was based upon data borrowed from the Florentine navigator. We will limit this comparative investigation, for the present, to the two hundred leagues which Hojeda claimed to have coasted west of Paria, as, in 1500, his expedition was the only one which ranged that coast, as we have shown. Columbus, Pinzon, Lepe, and Nino having, on the other hand, visited the main points east of Paria, it would be running the risk of introducing cartographical elements borrowed from their maps were we just now to include the latter coast : Cantino Chart. La Cosa Map. m. de S. eufemia soto de uerbos Tamarique c. de la Vela ilha Rigua aguada boacoya golfo del unficisno lago venecuela almadabra montanbis albissima m. alto c. de espera Ylha do brasill y. de brasil =' There are two names inscribed on La Cosa's chart, feast-day of that saint. As to the other name it most west of the Cape de la Vela, viz.: " m. s. eufemia," and likely means "sato (the o\i {oxm of Semhrado) deyerbas," "sato de uerbes." The first refers probably to the that is, " strewed with herbs," from one of the vast fields summit of the Sierra Nevada de Citarma, which can be of sea-weeds (Sargassum natans) which are met with in seen at a great distance from the sea, and was named, the tropical seas, and that we find so often mentioned in as we suppose, after St. Euphemia by Hojeda, on the early accounts of transatlantic discoveries. The Southern Regions. 333 Cantino Chart : La Cosa Map : Ylha do gigante y. de gigantes costa de gente braua c. de la mota p. flechado aldea de turme [?] Rio de fonseca costa pareja m. tajado Cabo de las perlas 3 echeo [?] Canpina Ylha de la Rapossa ylhas de Sana golfo de las perlas G. de las perlas terra de paria Margalada 1° tres testigos tres hr [hermanos] boca del drago boca del drago The difference is certainly great between those two nomenclatures. Yet, as we have already remarked, when the Cantino chart was made, there had been no expedition to the coast which lies between Cumana and Maracaybo,22 except the one made by Hojeda in connection with La Cosa and Vespuccius, above described. Now as the Cantino map contains a series of names not to be found in the more numerous nomen- clature of the La Cosa chart for the same coast, whilst giving, besides, different designation for the same localities, we must presume that the map-maker of Cantino used materials other, in the main, than those employed by La Cosa. Whence then were derived the cartographical elements for the Cantino chart ? The Cantino chart was made in Lisbon, and before October 1502. Americus Vespuccius resided in that city from August 1498 until May 1499, from September 1500 until May 1501, and also in September 1502. He was a renowned cartographer, and, as we have just seen, accompanied Alonso de Hojeda during the expedition in course of which the region west of Paria was first surveyed. Finally, we possess the direct testimony of Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, who states that there existed a marine chart, of Portuguese make, in which Americus Vespuccius was said to have had a hand : " Quas nautse chartas uocant nauigatorias, plures: Quarum una d Portugalensibus de- picta erat, in qua manum dicitur imposuisse Americus Vespuccius Florentinus, uir in hac arte " The nomination of Hojeda as governor of Coqui- other than his own, to the country which he had dis- bacoa, June lo, 1501, precluded exploring expeditions covered. Navakrete, Vol. HI., doc. xi., p. 89. 334 The Discovery of North America. peritus : — Mappes which are commonly cauled the shipman cardes, or cardes of the sea. Of the which, one was drawen by the Portugales, whereunto Americus Vesputius is said to have put his hande, beinge a man moste experte in this faculties, and a Florentyne borne.'"" This was written less than three years after the death of Vespuccius. Nor should we forget that Peter Martyr had known him personally and officially for a number of years. Do not all these facts authorise the belief that the famous Florentine furnished the materials, directly or indirectly, for that section of the Can- tino map, which, therefore, may be said to be based upon and exhibit, thus far at all events, Vespuccian data ? =3 Anghiera, Decad. II., lib. x., f"' 41, C. CHAPTER X. The Vespuccian Data. WE must now proceed to examine, in the Cantino map, the east coast of South America, from its most north-eastern point to its southern terminus. A curious and valuable means of information in ascertaining dates of certain maritime discoveries, and to infer thereby the relative positions of points inscribed on maps, is the well-known custom ' of the old Spanish and Portuguese mariners to give to almost every newly-found locality the name of the saint on whose feast day it was discovered. ^ Availing our- selves, in our turn, of that peculiarity, we find that a large number of designations in the charts which we have just described yield the following dates, taken from the calendar of the Roman Catholic Church : S. Roxho, or St. Roch (Canerio, Waldseemiiller) August i6. Rio de S. Una, or St. Helena (Canerio, WaldseerauUer) August i8. Rio de S. Augustin (Canerio, Waldseemiiller, Schoner) August 28. Rio de S.Jacinto, or lacinctus the martyr (Schoner) September 11. Sa9t Miguel (Cantino, Canerio, Waldseemiiller, Schoner) September 29. R. de S. leronymo (Canerio, Schoner) September 30. R. de S. Francisco (Cantino, Waldseemiiller, Schoner) October 4. R. d' Virgine, or 11,000 Virgins (Canerio, Schoner) October 21. R. de S. Lucia (Canerio, Ruysch, Waldseemiiller, Schoner) December 13. Serra de S. Thoma (Canerio, Waldseemiiller, Schoner) December 21. Baia de Reis, or Epiphany (Canerio, Ruysch, Schoner) January 6. R. de S. Antonio (Canerio, Ruysch, Waldseemiiller, Schoner) January 7 P. de S. Sebastian (Canerio, Waldseemiiller, Schoner) January 20. F. de S. Vicentio (Canerio, Ruysch, Waldseemiiller, Schoner) January 22. = Here are one or two applications ; March 14, 1502 : porque tal dia entraron en ella" (Herrera, Decad. II., " Al cabo que alll se puso pornombre de Lazaro, porque lib. iv. , cap. 10). pasamos por alii dia de S. Lazaro" (Actuaciones por "^ Adolfo DE Varnhagen, Diario de Navegacdo de orden deAlonso de JSojeda; in Navarrete, Vol. III., Pero Lopes de Souza; Lisboa, 1839, 8vo, p. 88. Also p. 104) ; " Y los Castellanos la pusieron de Santa Lucia, resorted to by Peschel, d'Avezac, Kohl, &c. 336 The Discovery of North America. A priori, and taking into consideration the great probability that all those names belong to one expedition only, being so near each other in point of date, and inscribed nearly in the order above set forth, we must find, amongst the earliest explorations of the Brazilian coast, one extending from August to January. That is the problem. To apply those liturgical data for that purpose, it is necessary to commence by establishing a chronology of the voyages which were under- taken to Brazil, from the time when it was first discovered to a date which covers the epoch when the charts of Cantino, Canerio, King, Kunst- mann Nos. 2 and 3, and the prototypes of Waldseemiiller, Ruysch, and Schoner had already been constructed. Then we will see whether the period of time in which those voyages were accomplished embraces one or all of the feast-days corresponding with the names of saints given to capes, headlands and promontories, rivers, estuaries, and harbours in those maps. But we must likewise ascertain the extreme limits which were reached by each of those expeditions, both at the north and at the south. Vicente Yafiez Pinzon (November 18, 1499-3 — September 30, 1500), was unquestionably the discoverer of Brazil (January 20, 1500). 4 But after landing at a point named by him the Cape of Santa Maria de la Consolacion, which is at or near about our present Cape St. Augustine, he continued his exploration, not southwardly, but towards the north and north-west. The names south of that cape, and which are embraced in the nomenclature at present under examination were not therefore given by Pinzon, and, besides, they are of a later date than January 20, 1500. Diego DE Lepe, who sailed very shortly afterwards, in December, 1499,5 took the same course ; but not, however, in the track of Pinzon. 3 The only accounts of Pinzon's voyage giving an ex- memory was quite fresh, as only one year had elapsed plicit date for his departure from Spain are, first, the since the return of Pinzon, whilst it was eleven years Libretto, which states that he sailed from Palos, Novem- afterwards that he wrote indecisively : " circiter kalendas ber 18, 1499: ''Adi. xvm. Novembrio " (cap. xxix., decembris," at a time when the exact date, apparently, recto of Dii.). Then the Ferrara MS. (p. 117) also says : was obliterated from his recollections, "adi 18 di Novembre," which the Paesi likewise copied. ■• Anghiera (Decad. I., lib. ix., f. in, edition 1511) Peter Martyr, who furnished to Trivigiano the proto- prints : " Septimo kalendas februarij," which is January type of those three texts, only writes : "circiter kalendas 26. In the Ferrara MS. we find " all 20 di gener," and decembris" (Decad. I., cap. ix., edit, of 1511, f"' in). in the Libretto, " adi xx. zenaro." Here, as elsewhere. The fedula of December 5, 1500 (Navarrete, Vol. III., we give the preference to the Ferrara MS. and to the p. 82.) which states : " there may be a year since, more Libretto, both having been written nine and seven years or less : — puede hacer un aiio poco mas 6 menor," is too respectively before the first Decade was printed, vague to contradict the date of November 18. When s " Por el mismo mes de Diciembre y ano de 1499 Peter Martyr communicated it to Trivigiano, his aiios." — Las Casas, lib. i., cap. clxxiv., Vol. II. , p. 453. The Vespuccian Data. 2)C)7 His landfall was a headland, apparently the latter's Cape of St. Augus- tine, or one not far from it, to which he gave the name of " Rostro Hermoso." ^ Where did he thence direct his course ? The Fiscal in 1515, took it for granted that it was southward, and that Lepe went as far as the limits which had been attained at the time of the execution of the Rogatory Commission. The question asked was the following : " Si saben que Diego de Lepe, e los que con €\ fueron otro viage, descubrieron desde la dicha punta [the Cape of St. Augustine], la costa que vuelve facia el mediodia d el sur fasta el tdrmino que agora esta descubierto ? : — Whether Diego de Lepe and those who went with him in the other voyage, did discover beyond that cape the coast towards the south, as far as the terminus now known ? " ' Nearly all the witnesses replied in the affirmative ; which, if exact, would carry Lepe beyond the Rio de la Plata. Rodriguez de la Calva and Cristobal Garcia, however, named as the southernmost point then reached, a Bay of Santa Julia, or a River of St. Julian. ^ Where is that bay or river? In the Mappe sent 132^ from Siuil in Spayne by maister Robert Thorne marchaunt to Doctor Ley Embassadour for King Henry the 8. to Charles the Emperour,^ there is, at the end of the South American peninsula, a " P. S. lulian ;" but, besides the fact that P. cannot stand for "Bay" or for " River," it is known that "Port de Sainct lulian" belongs to the Magellanic nomenclature, which, of course, those witnesses cannot have known in 15 15. Must we infer that mariners had before the latter date coasted so far south ? That is not improbable. In a map of 1619 there is a " Rio de S. Giano," by 14° south latitude, said therein to be " I'ancienne Riviere de St. Julien." 1° Such a coasting would cover the Brazilian explorations as marked in the Cantino chart. There remains, however, to be ascertained the date when Lepe undertook his first voyage ; as, to correspond with the above liturgical data, that navigator must also have been exploring the south- east coast of Brazil from August until February. Now, Las Casas says " " E corrieron en el audueste fasta que fallaron la Calva ; loc. cit. , p. 553. tierra, k que dieron en Rostro-hermoso. " — Deposition of ' Hakluyt, Divers voyages touching the discouerie Luis DEL Valle ; Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 554. 0/ America ; London, 1582, 4to, and Jean et S^bastien 7 Navarrete, Vol. IIL, p. 553, Oabot, No. 12, p. 176. * "Todo lo que descubrio .... dende el rio de S. '° Linsohoten, Navigation aux Indes Orientales ; Julian;" Deposition of Cristobal Garcia; loc. cit. Amsterdam, 1619, fol., cap. x. , p. 33 ; in d'Avezac, " Santa Julian ; " Deposition of Alonso Rodriguez DE la Considerations,^. 166, note. 338 The Discovery of North America. that Diego de Lepe sailed in December, i499-" He cannot, therefore, have sighted Cape St. Augustine or its immediate vicinity in August, as, that being his first landfall, he would have taken eight months to cross the Atlantic. We know, besides, that from the Rio de San Julian he re- traced his steps, and coasted northward so high as the Orinoco, Amazona, and Paria,i2 which implies a long voyage ; yet we find him already en- gaged in lawsuits at Palos on the 9th of November, 1500. These facts militate against the possibility of Lepe having named those points of the Brazilian coast. Moreover, if he was the author of that nomenclature, his exploration being an official one, and accomplished under the Castilian flag, the names inscribed on the Brazilian coasts and regions in all the ■charts issued by the Sevillan Hydrographic Bureau (such as the Weimar maps) would be entirely Spanish, and omit altogether the names given by the Portuguese ; inasmuch as Spain justly claimed that the region had been first discovered by Pinzon, although they were bound by the Treaty of Tordesillas to consider it as belonging to the Crown of Portugal. We, nevertheless, read in the planisphere of Ribeiro, " C. de S. Agostin," where there should be " Cabo de Santa Maria de la Consolacion," which name was given by Pinzon ; " B. de todos Sanctos," which originated with Vespuccius when he was in the service of Portugal ; and " Monte Pascual," which we have shown to come from Cabral. It is true that Diego de Lepe led another expedition to Brazil, but it was only after January, 1502, '3 and too late, therefore, to have furnished names which could be inscribed on the Cantino map, on or before the summer of that year. Several expeditions were sent in 1 500-1 501 to the Brazilian coast. Besides those already mentioned of Vicente Yanez Pinzon, of Pedro Al- varez Cabral, and of Diego de Lepe, here is another which also sailed from Spain during the last year of the fifteenth century. In the opinion delivered November 13, 15 15, by several pilots whom the Spanish Crown consulted concerning the exact position of Cape St. " Supra, p. 336, note 5. Las Casas is the first author who always is Las Casas' chief guide, says that Pinzon who gives a date for the departure of Diego de Lepe on sailed "about the kalends of December " (supra, p. 336, that voyage. Our impression is that he has no other note 4), the good bishop naturally came to the conclusion authority for the statement than an inference deduced that Lepe set out from Palos in December, which, how- from the deposition of Hernando Esteban, who declared ever must be correct. that Pinzon and Lepe sailed about the same time : '= Depositions of La Cava, Garcia, and Del Valle ; " aquel viage, que fue asl todo uno en pos de otro" op. cit., page 553. 6oo miles from . , Lisbon, five had lately returned with large novamente cmque ne sono retornate cariche . . •' ^ •I ,. . . . . ^ , ,, , ,, cargoes of spice, a quantity of pearls, and de grandissime spiciane et perle molte et altre ,, . . , ^ ^,, , '^ ' . ,. . . other precious articles. Ihe other seven cara- cose assa. d.gn.ssime : le sette a compimento ^^j^ ^-^^ ^^^ ^^^^^^^ p^^^^^^ j^^^^ ^^^^ de dodece con 500. persone per una grandis- ^^ecked and lost during a very great storm, sima fortuna se son perse et anegate, et cusi el In consequence, the King is arming twelve sopradieto Re al presente altre dodece ne arma, other ships with great rapidity, which are in- et con gran celerita a quella parte le manda, tended for those countries, it being publicly perche narrase publicamente haver retrovate reported that precious and marvellous things cose riche et maravigliose, le quale piacendo a have been found there. God willing, I hope dio spero alia giornata dame a V. S. de veduta ^°°'^ '° ^^^^ to Your Excellency, news [ob- nove piu et piu verissime.— Adi. xix. Luglio. tained] de visu, and more and more reliable.— del MDi." July 19th, 1501." 2« This letter, in disclosing a fact heretofore unknown to historians, viz.: the landing of Cabral at Cadiz before coming to Lisbon, enables us to fix the controverted date 29 of his return to Portugal, and particu- larly to understand the precise meaning of the first phrase of the letter whereby Manoel informed Ferdinand and Isabella of the successful issue of that enterprise. The letter of the King of Portugal begins as follows : Critique, Vol. I., p. 315; Vol. IV., p. 177, and particu- by about 17° (Espinosa, La Cruz and RoussiN, in larly Vol. V., pp. 54-61. As the first land seen was a. Humboldt, loc. cit.). high and round mountain, called by Cabral " Monte =» MS. State archives in Modena. Pascoal,"— which has been identified, it seems, with one =' Humboldt, Examm Critique, Vol. V., pp. 77-79 of the peaks of the Serra dos Aymores,— the landfall was note. ' ' ' The Vespuccian Data. 343 "Estees djas pasados, despois que a primera nova da Indya cheguou, nom escripvuy loguo a Vossas Seiioryas as coussas dell^ porque nom era aimda vinido Pedro Alvarez Cabrall meu capitaao moor da frota . . . E despois de sua cheguada sobre syuy niso, porque tam- bem non eram da Imda vinidas duas naaos de sua companhia . . . E despois de chegua- das as ditas . . .'"" "These days past, after the first news from India arrived, I failed to write to Your High- nesses on the subject, because Pedro Alvarez Cabral, the commander in chief of the fleet, had not yet come [to Lisbon] ; . . . . and, from the time of his arrival, I have postponed writing, as two of his other vessels had not yet come These said ships having since arrived " This was written from Santarem 3i on the 29th of July, 1501, and shows that not very long before, at a time when Cabral had hot yet ar- rived in Lisbon, news had already been received of his return to Europe. The letter of the King of Portugal also shows that the Portuguese com- mander finally landed in Lisbon a very short time before July 29th. The fatt of the return of the fleet to Lisbon at the end of July is corroborated by the statement of Cabral's own pilot, who says : " giun- gemmo in questa citta di Lisbona nella fine di Luglio," 32 and by the Chronicle of Damiao de Goes, where we read : " chegou a Lisboa ao derradeiro dia de lulho de mil, et quinhentos, et hum." 33 On the other hand, Giovanni Cretico, 34 in a letter dated from Lisbon, June 27, 1501 : "Data adi xxvii. Zugno M.ccccci.," gives the news of Cabral's success, as brought by a vessel which entered the port of Lisbon, in the afternoon of the day of St. John : " questa intro la sera di San Joane," that is, on the 24th of June. This date is also given by Barros : " vespora de S. loao Baptista," 35 who borrowed it, doubtless, from one of the numerous editions and translations of the Paesi, which were current everywhere in Europe during the sixteenth century, 36 and all of which contain Cretico's letter. 3° Original Portuguese text, lately discovered in the State archives at Venice ; BoUetino della Soc. Oeogr. Italiana, March, 1890, page 274. 3' That is the date of the letter itself. See Navarrete, Vol. III., pp. 94-101 ; but the above Portuguese text is dated "escripta em Lixboa a xxviij. d'auguosto de 1 501," referring doubtless to the day when the transcript was obtained. 3= Navigation del Oapitano Pedro Alvarez, scritta per vn Piloto Portoghese; Ramusio, Vol. I., f" 127, v. 33 Damiam de Goes, Primeira Parte de la Chronica do Rey Emanvel, cap. Ix., Vol. I., p. 159. This histo- rian, however, is mistaken when he says : " Do Cabo verde sem tomar outro porto, chegou a Lisboa." 34 Pa^si novamente ritroivati, edition of 1507, lib. vi., cap. cxxv., and Marin Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. IV., col. 99, in the letter sent from Spain to the Signoria of Venice by Domenico Pisani, July 27, 1501. This Giovanni (erroneously called Domenico) Cretico had been a pro- fessor of Greek at the university of Padua, and was appointed secretary to Domenico Pisani September 6, 1500 : " Proposi fusse manda uno secretario, onsieme con Domenego Pixani, va orator in Spania, qual poi debe andar in Portogallo [which accounts for the presence of Cretico in Lisbon] . . fo aricordato uno Zuam Creticho, dere a Padoa in grecho, qual orator mena con lui." Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. III., col. 736. 3S Anghiera, Decad. I., cap. ix., f" 104, verso. 3" Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Nos. 48, 55, 58, 70, 83, 84, 86, 90, 94, 109, III, &c. 344 The Discovery of North America. The date given by Juan Cretico is corroborated by the dispatch sent by Domenico Pisani to the Signoria of Venice, from Lisbon, July 27, and which also states " intorno la sera di San Zuane." 37 The language used by Cretico is, besides, too positive to admit of any doubt : " That vessel, says he, entered the port the evening of St. John's day, and when she arrived I was with the King, who called me and told me to rejoice, as his vessels had come from India with cargoes of spice : — mi atrouaua dal Seren. R6, el qualle me chiamo et disieme congratulasse che le sue nave de India erano zonte cargo de specie." Now Cantino's letter is clearly dated "die 19 July, 1501," and this date cannot be erroneous, as he relates then having met at Almeria, on the 9th of that month, a Portuguese fleet of seventy sails, which was the expedition commanded by Joao de Menezes, and sent at the request of Pope Alexander VI. against Bajazet II. to protect the Greek posses- sions of the Republic of Venice. 3^ Nor could we admit that Cantino would relate to his master, as an event which on July 29 had just taken place : " era pur hora," and as having been informed of it by the King himself, " et hami narrato," a fact alleged to have happened twenty-six days before. The apparent contradiction between the two statements disappears when we read entirely Cretico's letter, but more particularly the letter of Juan Francesco de la Faitada, dated Lisbon, the 26th of June, 1501, forwarded to the Signoria of Venice by Domenico Pisani, and inserted in the Diarii of Marin Sanuto.39 In that interesting document we notice that when at the Cape of Good Hope, Cabral decided to send ahead to Lisbon the swiftest vessel in the fleet, to bring news of his success. The ship selected was the smallest of all, and the private property of four residents of Portugal ; named, Don Alvaro (?), Bartolo fiorentino, Hieronymo (?), and a Genoese whose name is not given. Only one of these is known to us, viz., " Bartolo," that is, Bartolomeo Marchionni, the head of a noted Florentine firm in Lisbon. The ship arrived in that port on the 25th of June, as 3' Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. IV., cols. 99 and loi. is the identical "Francescho de la Saita Cremonense" of 3^ Gaspar Gorte-SecU ; la date exacte de sa demiire the Paesi, but the above letter is different from the one expedition au Nouveau Monde, or Po8t Scriptum, p. 15. published in the Vicenza collection, lib. vi. , cap. cxxvii. 39 Letera di Zuan Franceseo de la Faitada, scrita in La Faitada and Cretico wrote on the same day, the Liibona, a di 2G zugno 1501 , drizata in Sparjna a sier former announcing the latter's description ; "Ben che per Domenego Pixani, laqiiaX, per sue di x luio, la mando missier Cretico sara scrito a compimento ..." This in questa terra [Venice], Sanuto, Diarii, Vol. IV., indicates that both used the same authorities, but La col. 66 ; and confirmed on col. 87. This De la Faitada Faitada's letter is the most satisfactory of the two. The Vespuccian Data. 345 in his letter dated "26 zugno 1501," De la Faitada writes, " eri, al tardi, vene uno de li navilij." As to the above statement, it is in these words: " Gionti al Capo de Bona Speranza, el capitanio command6 que questo, ch' e venuta [the above mentioned vessel], per esser meglior de le vele, se partisse de I'altre, e venisse dar nova de esse . . . e lo piu picolo de tutto." We must add that both the ship and cargo belonged to the parties above named. We are now enabled to describe with tolerable accuracy the return to Lisbon of Cabral's fleet, as follows : The swiftest of his vessels, shooting ahead of the rest from the Cape of Good Hope by order of Cabral, arrived at the port of Lisbon in the afternoon of June 25 (or 24), 1501. The King felt uneasy concerning the remainder of the fleet, now composed of only four ships, 4° seven having been lost during the voy- age,— when on the 19th of July, he received news that four of Cabral's vessels, including the flagship, had landed in Cadiz, either by stress of weather,4i or to obtain supplies. Two of these then arrived in Lisbon about a week afterwards with Cabral on board, followed a couple of days later by the two ships, when Manoel wrote the above mentioned letter to his father and mother-in-law. The pertinence of this analysis will appear when describing further on the third voyage of Americus Vespuccius. On the 5th of September, 1501,42 Vicente Yanez Pinzon was em- powered to lead an expedition for the purpose of colonising a portion of the country he had discovered in 1499- 1500, viz.: from the Maranon to Cape St. Augustin. The gedula of October 15, 1501, shows that serious preparations were made for the expedition, to which reference is explicitly made therein: "para ayuda al viage que agora habeis de tornar d hacer en nuestro servicio."43 But we have no information whatever concerning *■ King Manoel says that Cabral's expedition was 25th of June, and the four which were at that time safe composed of thirteen ships : ' ' Con trece naos parti6 de in the harbour of Cadiz. Lisboa " (Navabrete, Vol. III. , p. 95) ; but when about ■•' The words of the King : " de dos naos que para ello to double the Cape of Good Hope on the way to Calicut, iban una de ellas se perdio en la mar, e otra se aparto de Cabral sent one of these back to Lisbon : " me envio la flota con tiempo fortunoso," may refer to storms en- de alli un navio a me notificar . . ." (Ibidem.) Seven countered then. were lost at sea: "ma di 13 che furono son perse le 7" *' Navarrete, Vol. IH., p. 40, in the note, quotes (Sanuto, Vol. IV., col. loi.) When Canting men- those letters patent, but without giving the text, which tions five vessels as having then arrived with cargoes of has never been published, spice, he includes the one which landed at Lisbon on the *^ Ibidem, doc. xvi., p. 102. 2 U o 46 The Discovery of North America. that voyage, which, at all events, could yield no cartographical names and, configurations south of Cape St. Augustine. A document from the State archives in Modena, now first published,44 may be interpreted as indicating that Portugal sent to Brazil one or more several vessels, immediately upon receiving news of the discovery of that country by Cabral. In the letter addressed by Alberto Cantino to the Duke of Ferrara, on the 17th of October, 1501, we read the following passage: "Mettero un termine il quale hora ha posto "The King of Portugal has published a in USD questo Re ; tutti coloro quali nel sue decree to the effect that all criminals liable to regno commettono cose digne de gran pena severe punishments, even the penalty of death, overo di morte, tutti quelli fa pigliare ne al- are not to be executed, but imprisoned for a cun ne amaza, et servandoli col tempo gli time, and then sent to the places and islands manda in questi lochi et insule ritrovate, et [lately] discovered. The condition is that, imponeli questo, che se mai per alcun tempo later, they will be allowed to return to Lisbon, ritornarano de dende gli harano lassati per receive a pardon for the offences committed, terra a Lisbona, perdonali el delicto, et fall and 500 ducats. But I doubt whether any mercede de cinque cento ducati, ma credo io will ever be disposed to come back ; for five che rari ve ne ne tornarano, benchd in un sailors, who had deserted the vessels of the locho che se chiama Sancta Croce, per essere King, and fled to a place called Santa Croce dilectevole di bona aria et de dolcissimi fructi [Santa Cruz or Brazil *'], on account of its abondante, fugirno cinque marinari dele nave wholesome air and abundance of delicious del Re, et non volseno piu tornare in nave, fruit, would not return on board, and re- et li restarno."*^ mained in that country." When Cantino wrote that letter, there had been in Portugal, so far as we know at present, only two arrivals from Brazil, viz.: that of Caspar de Lemos, 47 the bearer of the news of the discovery of that country, who, sailing Porto Seguro the first week in May, 1500, reached Lisbon apparently a couple of months afterwards, and that of Pedro Alvarez Cabral during the last week of July, 1501. Must we suppose that some unknown expedition was sent from Lisbon to Brazil immediately after the return of Lemos to Portugal, which could have been back home before the summer of 1501 ? The assertion of Humboldt that the letter of Vaz •" A portion of that letter was published in our Docu- ■" Dispacci dcdla Spagna, sub anno 1501. Cancelleria ment Mdit concernant Vasco da Gama. Relation Ducale. State archives in Modena. adressie d Hercvle d'Este, due de Ferrare, par non <' "Dali espedio hum nauio, capitao Caspar de Lemos.'' anibassadeur a la cour de Portugal ; Paris (privately Barros, Decad. I., lib. v., cap. ii., f" 88. The name printed), 1889, sm. 8vo. of that commander is omitted in the letter of Vaz de ■•5 See supra, chapter x., p. 341, for complete details Camwha, although the latter's epistle to the King was concerning the expedition of Cabral and naming of Brazil. entrusted to Lemos. The Vespuccian Data. 347 de Caminha urged King Manoel to continue the discovery by sending other vessels to the land of Vera Cruz, 48 would authorise such a pre- sumption, if it were exact. Unfortunately, we have failed to discover any passage to that effect in Vaz de Caminha's letter, 49 and as to the state- ment concerning the five sailors who fled from the Portuguese vessels, it may be explained without resorting to the hypothesis of an intermediary voyage. In the letter of Vaz de Caminha we notice the following phrase : " Creo que com estes dous desgrados, que aquy ficam, ficam mais dous grumetes, que esta noute se sayram desta naao no esquife fugidos, hos quaaes nom vijeram mais : — I believe that the two criminals who are to remain in the country, will not be alone. Two cabin boys ran away last night, and they have not been seen since." This information was known in Portugal so far back as the autumn of 1500. It may have been also repeated by Cabral, who had been in Lisbon nearly three months when Cantino mailed his letter. True it is that " five sailors : — cinque marinari," is a description which does not exactly coincide with " two criminals and two cabin boys : — dous desgra- dos et dous grumetes ; " but the chief circumstance in the account is the fact that a certain number of Portuguese seamen remained in Brazil in May, 1500. At all events, there is no impossibility in the flight of five sailors, and in the information having been conveyed by Cabral in person. As to the decree of the King, we must consider it as having been prompted by Cabral's own description of the country which he had so fortunately and unexpectedly discovered. Another question is whether Caspar de Lemos may not have brought the cartographical data used in the Cantino chart ? In Vaz de Caminha's letter, it is stated that a council was held at Porto Seguro to take the following resolution : " Com hos quaaes asy a todos se nos parecia seer beem mandar ha nova do acha- mento desta terra a V. A. polo navio dos mantimentos, para milhor mandar descobrir, e saber de la mais do que agora nos podiamos saber, per hirnos de nosa viajem :— "Whether it would not be desirable to send to the King, by the supply ship, news of the discovery "8 " Pedro Vaz de Caminha ajoute qu'on expedie Lemos Oiographie du Nouveau Continent, Vol. V. page 49. afin que S. A. puisse le plus tot possible continuer cette « Letter of Vaz de Caminha, published by Manoel decouverte en envoyant d'autres vaisseaux a la terre de la Ayres DE Cazal in his Coroarafia hrazeUca, p. 33. Vera Cruz." De Humboldt, Examen Critique de la S' Ibidem. 348 The Discovery of North /\merica. just accomplished, while the captain of that vessel would endeavour to make greater dis- coveries, and ascertain more [about the country] than we could then, being obliged to con- tinue our voyage." The reply is that in Vaz de Caminha's letter, which contains an account of the voyage homeward, there is no mention of further dis- coveries. It follows, that the maps brought by Lemos could only describe the portion of the Brazilian coast about Porto Seguro. We have now the expedition which Cabral met when on his way back to Lisbon, at Cape Verde, and mentioned by one of his pilots in these words, as reported by Ramusio : " Doue trouammo tre nauili che'l nostro Re di Portogallo mandaua a discoprire la terra nuoua, che noi haueuamo trouata quando andauamo a Calicut : — We landed at the first land near Cape Verde, which is called Beseneghe, and where we met three vessels, which the King of Portugal had sent to discover the new land which we had found when on our way to Calicut." ^ What is that expedition to Brazil ? Several authors have ascribed it to Gon9alo Coelho, but Humboldt has shown the fallacy of such an opinion. 52 The little we know concerning that or any voyage of Gon9alo Coelho is contained in the following lines, written by Damiao de Goes in 1568 : "No mesmo anno [M.D.iij.] mandou Gon5alo Coelho com seis naos k terra de Santa Cruz, com que partio do porto de Lisboa aos diez dias do mes de Junho, das quaes por ainda terem pouca noticia da terra, perdeo quatro, et as outras duas trouxe as regno, com merca- dorias da terra, que entam nam erao outras, que pko vermelho, a que chamam Brasil, bogios, et papagaios :— In that same year [1503**], the King sent Gongalo Coelho with six ships to the country of Santa Cruz, which sailed from the port of Lisbon the tenth day of the month of June. But owing to his poor knowledge of that land, he lost four of his vessels. He returned to this kingdom with goods from the country, consisting of red wood, called Brazil, monkeys, and parrots."" Pedro de Mariz, who wrote in 1594, has only copied De Goes, adding an absurd statement, taken probably from Gabriel Soarez, 55 to the effect that when Coelho returned to Portugal it was Joao III. who was on the 5- Navigation del capitano Pedro Alvarez scritta per 54 Damiam de Goes, Primeira Parle da Chronica do vn Piloto Portoghese, in Ramusio, Vol. I., i" 127. Rey Emanrel, cap. Ixv., p. 170. 5= Humboldt Examen Critique de la GiograpUe du 5S ^^otiria do Brazil, in the Revista trimemal Vol. Nouveau Continent, Vol. V., p. ia-i. ytv nn n ^e.r c i • 1 c r- ', „„, , , . ' , '1; '^■>• ^iv., pp. 13-365. Gabriel Soarez db Sousa (erro- The whole of that chapter in De Goes is devoted to neously called Francisco da Cunha) wrote so early as events which occurred " No anno M.D.IIJ." the year I^S?. The Vespuccian Data. 349 throne: " se apresentou a El Rey Dom Joao III. que ja neste tempo regnava." 56 This would have made Coelho absent from Portugal on that expedition at least eighteen years, 57 as Manoel died on the 13th of December, 1521. Finally, Father Simao de Vasconcellos has simply taken his account of Coelho from Pedro de Maris, word for word, but gave him as his authority. He adds, however, the phrase that Joao III. was then on the throne, "owing to the death of Manoel." S8 The simple date, " M.D.iij.," shows conclusively that the vessels met by Cabral at Beseneghe, in the summer of 1501, did not belong to Gongalo Coelho's expedition. In 1842, Varnhagen made known 59 a diplomatic dispatch from Alvaro Mendez de Vasconcellos, the Portuguese envoy to the Spanish Court, dated Medina del Campo, December 4, 1531, and concerning a claim urged by Portugal for the possession of the Rio de la Plata. The pre- tention was predicated upon an alleged discovery of that river by one Nuno Mangel. Varnhagen being of opinion that the Rio de la Plata had been dis- covered by Americus Vespuccius during his third voyage, assumed at once that the said Nuno Manoel was the commander of Vespuccius' third expedition. If so, we would have here a voyage to Brazil and south of it, carried out between May, 1501, and September, 1502. There is a great deal to be said against that theory. In the first place, let us state that all we know concerning the said expedition is contained in the following three lines : " Huma armada de dom nuno manoel que por mandado del Rey voso paj que estaa em gloria foy descubrir ao dito Rio [da prata] : — A fleet of Dom Nuno Manoel which, by the order of your late father, was sent to discover that River de la Plata."*' No date is assigned to the event, and our only means of ascer- taining when it took place leaves a margin of twenty-six years, as nothing 5« P. DE Mariz, Bialogo de. varia historia, Lisbon, translations) he only paraphrases De Gobs. 1740 4to Dialog, v., cap. ii., Vol. II., p. 40. ^' Primeiras negociou;oes diplomaticas respectiuas ao 57 De Goes, op. cit., Part IV., cap. Ixxxiii., p. 634. Brazil, in the Memorias do Instituto historico e fjeo- 58 Simao DE Vasconcellos, Chronica da Gompanhia graphico, Rio de Janeiro, 1842; and de Varnhagen, de Jesv do Estado do Brasil ; Lisboa, 1663, fol., p. 16. Nouvelles recherches sur les demiers voyages du Navi- As to OSORIUS (in the original Latin edition of X>e Rebus gateur fiorentin, (Vienna, 1870) folio, page 9. Emanuelis, for, the passage is omitted in the French ^Ibidem. 350 The Discovery of North America. is said on the subject except that the discovery was made while the father of Joao III., to whom the dispatch is addressed, was living. Now the father of Joao III. was Manoel, who reigned from 1495 until 1521. By referring to the Provas da Historia Genedlogica, that is, the complement of Antonio Caetano de Sousa's great work,^' Varnhagen seeks to identify the discoverer with Nuno Manoel, the King's " Guarda mor," " Almotace mor," and lord of Salvaterra de Magos, an old courtier who seems to have spent his entire life at the Court of Portugal, whose services and offices are frequently enumerated, 62 and who is never mentioned as having accomplished maritime discoveries of any kind. Damiam de Goes names ^3 him among the high functionaries who accom- panied King Manoel to the shrine of St. James of Compostella, when that monarch made the pilgrimage for the better success of his expe- ditions to the East Indies. That was in October, 1502. As Vespuccius returned to Lisbon on the 7th of September of that year, there is no impossibility in his commander having accompanied the King. Yet, taking into consideration the object of the pilgrimage, and how De Goes is wont to give details about those voyages of the Portuguese, it is worthy of notice that he lets pass such an opportunity of recalling the important discovery which Nuno Manoel is said to have then just accomplished. We must add that neither the name of " Ryo da prata," nor a men- tion of any river carrying an abundance of silver, occur in the accounts which we possess of the third voyage of Vespuccius. Withal, it is possible that the Florentine navigator should have omitted to relate the circum- stance, but he would not have stated explicitly that there were no minerals in that country : " Uisto che in questa terra non trouauamo cosa di minero alcuno,"64 or, if he had mentioned one of the precious metals, it would have been silver, not gold ; whilst, on the contrary, he says that the latter is the only metal existing in those regions : " Nulla ibi metallorum genera habent preter auri. " 65 We are unable, therefore, to place that expedition within the limits assigned to it by Varnhagen, and still less "aceitar sem nenhuns escru- pulos como verdadeiro chefe dessa expedicao [of Vespuccius] a D. Nuno Manuel." ^' De Sousa, Historia oenecUogica da casa real portu- mor. Partio el Rei de Lisboa afiforrado no mes Doctubro gueza; Lisboa, 1735-49, 14 vols, sm. folio. The Provas deste anno de mil, et quinhentos et dous."— De Goes, were also published at Lisbon, in folio, 1739-48, 6 vols. Chronica do Rey D. Emanoel, Part I., cap. Ixiv., p. 167. ''^ Historia genealogica, Vol. XL, p. 422. ^-t Italian edition of the Lettera. ^3 "O accompanhou dom Nuno Emanuel seu guarda *s Separate Latin edition of the Third Voyage. The Vespuccian Data. 351 In fact, of all the transatlantic enterprises known the only one which corresponds a priori with the data borrowed from the statement of Cabral's pilot, from the liturgical names inscribed on the Cantino chart, and from the period of time within which it must have been accomplished, is the third voyage of Americus Vespuccius under the Portuguese flag. First, as to the meeting with Cabral's fleet at Cape Verde, we have shown that the latter reached Lisbon only at the end of July, but that he had been obliged to land at Cadiz, on or about the 15 th of the same month. This landing implies that he met with difficulties on the voyage, after leaving Cape Verde. Now, Vespuccius, having sailed from Lisbon on the loth^e or on the 1 4th 67 of May, 1501, reached the very place of Beseneghe {Bese- chicce^^) in time, to all appearances, to meet Cabral there. The latter would then have encountered the storms or other obstacles which retarded his arrival in Lisbon, and compelled him to land in Spain, as shown by Cantino's letter, between that date and about July 15, which is the time of his landing at Cadiz. At present, concerning the voyage of Vespuccius across the Atlantic, if we calculate the time required by that navigator to go from Lisbon to the Canaries (ten days ?), three days' sojourn there ; the time to reach about Cape Verde [Besechicce, fifteen days ?), eleven days' stay at that point ; thence sixty-seven days to the Brazilian landfall, — all of which data we borrow from the Lettera ^9 itself, — Vespuccius is shown to be exact when stating that he anchored off the coast of Brazil on the 7th of August. According to his account, he continued the exploration along that coast, southwardly, until after February 15, 1502, when he steered south-east. Those dates cover exactly the liturgical nomenclature, which ^"Partimo di q'sto porto di Lisbona adi. 10. di occurs the following explicit statement: " trovammo Maggie 1501," and "Lettera die Mail decima MCCCCC. et surto due navi del Re di Portogallo, ch'erano di ritorno primo," in the St. Diey, or WaldseEmiiller's Cosmo- d'alle parte d'India orientale, che sono di quelli medesimi graphicE Introductio. che andarono a Calichut, ora quattordici mesi fa." This ^ " Prospero cursu quarta decima mensis mail quin- letter is dated "dalF Isola del Capo Verde, sotto di 4. gentesimo primo" (Letter to Soderini) ; "A. XIIII di di Giugno 1501." It is well, however, to recollect that del mese de Mazo del m.ccccci.." (Paesi. cap. cxv.) the lan4ing of Cabral at Cape Verde appeared in print «« " Fumo nella costa dethiopia ad un porto che si dice for the first time only in 1550, at Venice, in the editio Besechicce " ( Lettera ) ; " Ab ethiopicis Beseghice " princeps of Ramitsio's Baccolta (recto of {"■ 138), printed (separate edition of the Third Voy^e). We leave aside, " lanno mdl nel mese di Maggio." as it would involve a long dissertation about its authority, ^ Lettera di Amerigo Vespucci dette isole nuouamente the letter of Vespuccius first published by Baldelli trouate in quattro stwi viatjgi ; Bihliotheca Americana BONI (II Milione di Marco Polo, Vol. I., p. liii.), where Vetustissima, No. 87. 35- The Discovery of North America. we made the basis of the present analysis and description, that is, from our Cape St. Roque to the Port or to the River of St. Vincent. There is another name, quite typical, at this juncture, virhich, as has already been shown, can also be traced to Americus Vespuccius. It is the " Bay of All-Saints." We find it in print for the first time in the Italian edition of his famous Letter a, as follows : " Dipartimo . . . teneuamo un reggimento del Re, che si mandaua, che qualunche dalle naui che siperdesse della flocta, o del suo capitano, fussi a tenere nella terra, che el uiaggio passato \sic\. Discoprimo in un porto che li pone'mo nome la badia di tucte e sancti." This textual punctuation renders the passage unintelligible, and we agree with Varnhagen who proposed to read :".... che el viaggio passato discoprimo," by making a single sentence of the two. The phrase thus corrected may be translated as follows : " We departed [from Lisbon] . . . with instructions from the King, which ordered that if any of our ships became separated from the fleet or happened to lose her captain she should make for the land which we discovered in the preceding voyage, and [for] a port to which we gave [or had given] the name of the Abbey \sic\ of All-Saints." This sentence is in the account of Vespuccius' fourth voyage, which could not have been known in Portugal before June, 1504. But as it is therein stated that the name was given to that bay in the preceding voyage, they certainly knew it in Lisbon so far back as the 7th of September, 1502, when Vespuccius returned from his third expedition, and in time therefore to be inserted in the Cantino chart. We have shown, in the above chapter ix., that the first section of the Cantino chart exhibits configurations and a nomenclature based upon or derived from Vespuccian data. We now claim to have demonstrated that such is likewise the case with the second section of the said chart, so far, at least, as its names and legends are concerned. CHAPTER XI. The North-East Coast Again. WE have now ascertained the geographical origin of the two sections of the Cantino and other early Portuguese charts, which, together, embrace the regions extending from the Gulf of Maracaybo tJ their southern terminus on the Brazilian coast. At present it is necessary to elucidate in the same manner, if possible, the third section, which embraces the north-east coast of a continent depicted, according to one of its scales (Canerio's), as commencing at 20° north latitude, and con- tinuing northward to 57° or 58°; but which, when placed on modern maps, begins by about 80" west longitude, and comprises the space between 25" and 45° north latitudes, i The cartographical and relative characteristics of that continental region have been fully discussed in the first part of the present work, where we have also investigated a number of historical data, which all apply to a continent then already believed to lie west and north-west of the Antillies. To that category belongs the relation of the first voyage of Americus Vespuccius, alleged to have been accomplished between May, 1497, and October, 1498, and which our line of argument requires us to examine again. We are fully aware of the difficulties which the historian of maritime discovery encounters when examining critically the account which we possess of that expedition, and the impossibility to accept several of its leading statements and descriptions. Nor do we pretend to explain them away. It is not our province just at present. But we find ourselves in presence of a narrative which was publicly printed and translated in the life time of all the personages mentioned therein by name, such as King Ferdinand, King Manoel, the Gonfalonier Pier Soderini, Rene II., Duke of Lorraine, and Americus Vespuccius ' According to the scale inscribed in Canerio, that Cantino, from 35° to 55°, or twenty degrees of latitude, continental region covers, for the portion configurated in It is not equal in all such maps. 2 V 354 The Discovery of North America. himself; and when were also living those who, like the sons of Colum- bus, Alonso de Hojeda, Juan de la Cosa, and others, were entitled to enter a protest. And yet, every allegation in that account is accepted, repeated, and made the basis of numberless scientific works all over Europe for several centuries, without scarcely a dissenting voice. Although the life of Vespuccius is known documentarily from the time of his birth to that of his death almost, and with an abundance of details which are not to be found in the biographies of Columbus, of John Cabot, and other great navigators of that period, no alibi can be proved or shown for the period said to have been spent in his first transatlantic voyage. Finally, there exists in reality a continental region west of his alleged landfall, which can be coasted northwardly for eight hundred and seventy leagues or more, as the relation ascribed to him claims to have been effected then and there. Those circumstances clothe the narrative in question with a character of prima facie evidence that no impartial critic can disregard, especially when his inquiry is limited to a comparison of geographical data. Concerning the first point, we need only recall the fact that in the opinion of bibliographers, the Lettera delle hole novamente trovate, which contains the oldest narrative now known of the first voyage of Ves- puccius, was printed at Florence by Gian Stefano di Carlo di Pavia, within a year or two after September 4, 1504, which is the date of its fourth and last part. As to the second point, no document has yet been produced to prove that, between May, 1497, and October, 1498, Americus Vespuccius cannot have been engaged in a maritime expedition. The affirmations set forth thus far 2 are based altogether upon the circumstance that after the death of Juanoto Berardi, which occurred in Seville during the month of De- cember, 1495,3 Vespuccius received, for the Berardi estate, from Pinelo, ° " Pues habia continuado en tales aprestos, por lo of January 12, 1496, which is no proof whatever, menos hasta mayo de 1498." Navarrete, Bihlioteca 3 In a document lately published, Juanoto Berardi, Jfaritima,'Vo\. I., p. 57. " Les documents authentiques December 15, 1495, being at Seville, and on his death- trouves par mon ancien et illustre ami, don Juan Baptista bed, executes a notarial act concerning claims against Munoz, parmi les Libros de gastos de armadas, et etablis- Christopher Columbus, and in which he calls Ves- sent que Vespuce, place en decembre 1495 a la t4te de la puccius his factor, friend, and executor testamentary : maison de commerce de Berardi, etait charge de I'arme- " Amerigo Vespuchi, mi fator, . . mi albacea, e especial ment de navires pour la troisieme expedition de Colomb. " amigo. " Documentos escogidos del Archivo de la Casa Humboldt, Examen Critique, Vol. IV., p. 267. The de Alba. Los puhlica la Duquesa de Berwick y de only document ever produced in that respect is the receipt Alha, Condesa de Siruela ; Madrid, 1891, 8vo, p. 202. The North-East Coast. 355 the Crown Treasurer of Castile, 10,000 maravedis on account of wages due to sailors or masters of vessels fitted out for Hispaniola. The sum was paid on the 12th of January, 1496,4 and the document quoted by Munoz and Navarrete in that respect only proves that Vespuccius was in Seville at the latter date. His presence in Spain is next derived from the assertion of Hojeda that Vespuccius accompanied him in an expedition to the New World, which set out from Cadiz in the spring of 1499. But between January, 1496, and May, 1499, there is a space of more than three years, during which no trace whatever of Americus Vespuccius is to be found in the Spanish documents. The statement that he continued in the house of Berardi is a mere supposition, based upon another hypothesis, viz., that Vespuccius supervised the equipment of the caravels for the third voyage of Christopher Columbus, which sailed from San Lucar in May, 1498. The surmise is certainly erroneous. The twelve ships fitted out by the house of Berardi in consequence of the agreement of April 9, 1495, and concerning which Vespuccius gave a receipt to Pinelo, January 12, 1496, were contracted to sail four in April, four in June, and four in Septem- ber, 1495,5 while Columbus was in Hispaniola. They were not, therefore, intended for his third expedition, which, besides, was not initiated until two years afterwards ; and no one has yet shown that either Juanoto Berardi or Vespuccius was ever connected with that voyage. Nay, the probability is that the house went into liquidation immediately after the death of this Berardi, as, on his death-bed, we see him speak like a man who had lost all his worldly goods. In notarial instructions given to Americus Vespuccius and his other executors, to collect from Christopher Columbus 180,000 maravedis for monies advanced and services rendered to him in 1492,6 he says : "He dexado, por le seruir, mi trato e biuienda, y perdido y gastado mi hacienda y de mis amigos : — To serve him [Christopher Columbus], I have abandoned my business and home, and lost and spent my property and that of my friends." ' Berardi then proceeds to say that he requires that sum to pay debts and obligations contracted on behalf of his daughter, " and thus free his * Navarrete, Ooleccion de viages, Vol. III., p. 317. ' Oredito de Janoto Berardi contra Christoval Colon, 5 Op. cit., Vol. II., doc. Ixxxiv., p. 159. in the important and already quoted Documentos escogi- ^ " Tres anos ha," and the document is dated " Sevilla, dos del Archivo de la Casa de Alba, published by the martes quinze dias del mes de diziembre, ano de mill e Duchess of Berwick and Alba, Countess of Siruela, at quatrocientos e nouenta e cinco aiios." Madrid, 1891, 8vo, p. 202. 356 The Discovery of North America. soul and conscience : — asy cumple al descargo de mi dnima e consciencia. In fact, the tenour of the entire document indicates a ruined man, leaving behind him nothing but debts, and certainly no commercial house of any kind whatever. The only names of shipowners and merchants mentioned as having been employed to equip the third expedition of Columbus, and for a large amount, are those of the Genoese Pantaleone Italiano and Martin Cen- turione. The account of January 12, 1496, was extracted from the account books of expeditions to the Indies. The fact that neither Mufioz nor Navarrete, although the latter wrote three biographical sketches of Ves- puccius (published in 1829, 1848, and 1852 respectively), make no further mention of payments made either to Vespuccius or to the house of Berardi, tends to prove that his connection with that commercial establishment or its liquidation ceased soon after the winter of 1495- 1496. The sixty-eight letters addressed to Americus Vespuccius which we extracted from the Carteggio of the Medici in 1868,8 and written from 1488 until November, 1491, while he was yet living in Italy, show him to have been then exclusively engaged in mercantile pursuits. A docu- ment newly brought to light, dated December 30, 1492, and signed : " Amerigho Vespucci, merchante fiorentino in Sybilia,"9 as well as the receipt of January 12, 1496, show occupations of the same character. But when mention is next made of him, it is in relation to the transatlantic enterprise of Alonso de Hojeda, which sailed from Cadiz on the i6th of May, 1499 ; and then he is spoken of by the chief commander himself not as a merchant or supercargo, but apparently as a professional pilot : " Juan de la Cosa, piloto, h Merigo Vespuche e otros pilotos." 1° And thenceforth he appears solely either as a navigator or commander of mari- time expeditions, ending by being appointed, March 22, 1508, Pilot-Major of Spain. It is not likely that Vespuccius passed, all at once, from the counting-room of Berardi to the helm of Hojeda's flag-ship. He must have acquired great nautical experience before being entrusted with such a post in a fleet sailing under the royal flag, and sent across the Atlantic to discover new lands. This forces upon us the belief that, between 1496 ^ State archives in Florence, Documents of the Ludovico IL MoRO in Genoa. See our Colombo de, Medici, file Ixviii., No. 259. France, et d'ltalie ; Mdmoire lu d VAcadimie den ' Gilberto Govi, Come veramente si chiamasne il Inscriptions et Belles Lettres ; pp. 72, 127, 129, 130. Vespucci. Extract from the Rendiconti della Real " Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 544. We have reasons Academia dei Lincei, Roma, 1888, 8vo., p. 299. The to think that Hojeda's deposition has been curtailed by letter is addressed to Corradolo Stanga, the agent of the learned editor. The North-East Coast. 357 and 1499, Vespuccius led a seafaring life, and, therefore, may have been navigating from May, 1497, to October, 1498, which is the time when he claims to have coasted 870 leagues of a north-western continental region. Now, what was that expedition exactly, who commanded it, and the position in the fleet assigned to Americus Vespuccius, are questions which have no immediate bearing upon the point under investigation. Nor is it our task to offer a solution. But it is necessary to recall the fact that the account of that first voyage which we possess, is only a clumsy abridgment of the geographical treatise that Americus Vespuccius had written, and to which reference is expressly made as an elaborate work describing his four expeditions most minutely : " un volume in stilo di geografia : & le intitulo Le Quattro Giornate : nella quale opera se con- tiene le cose per minuto." If we possessed that work in its original form, it is evident that many difficulties would certainly disappear when endeavouring to elucidate the text of the Lettera. Be that as it may, we only propose at the present juncture, and as a consequence of our system of argumentation, to inquire whether, after having shown that the regions extending in the Lusitanian charts from about 10° north to about 22".. south latitudes, were borrowed from Ves- puccian data, gathered by the Florentine navigator dc visu, the repre- sentation of a north-western continental land in said maps is not based upon elements also derived, directly or indirecdy, from one of his charts or original narratives. According to the relation ascribed to Americus Vespuccius, and in which he is made to speak in the first person, the expedition sailed from Cadiz on the loth May, 1497 : " del porto di Calis adi 10 maggio 1497."" It was composed of four ships, which had been equipped by order of the Spanish Crown, for the special purpose of discovering new countries in the direction of the west: "El Re don Ferrando di Castiglia hauen- do a 7nandare quattro naui a discoprire nuoue terre verso loccidente." Thirty seven days after the expedition had sailed westward from the Canary islands, they descried a new land, which they believed to be a continent: " alcapo di 2)7 giorni^'^ fumo a tenere una terra che la giudi- camo essere terra ferma." " We follow verbatim the text of the Lettera, which is Waldseemuller's Cosmographice introductio. ' ' Et sol- doabtless the oldest and most authentic of all ; adding vimus vigessima die Mail MCCCCXCVii de porta Calicje." however, differences taken from the Latin version of " " Ut viginti septem vix elapsis diebus . . ." 358 The Discovery of North America. This land was by i6° (north latitude): " tronamo el polo del septen- trione alzare fuora del sua orizonte i6. gradi" and by 75° (west longi- tude) : "■ piu occidentale che le tsole di Canaria 75. gradi-" and there they cast anchor. They then ranged the coast northward : " nauigamo per el maestrale, che cost sicorreua la casta," until they reached a port, where the habita- tions of the natives were built on the water, like Venice : " un porto, done trouamo una populatione fondata sopra lacqua come Venetia." Thence, they continued to range the coast northwardly to the 23° (north latitude): '■' doue alza el polo dello orizonte 2 j gradi." Resuming their course, they kept on coasting the shore in the direc- tion of the north, until they had thus sailed 870 leagues : " nauigamo allungo delta casta sempre a uista delta terra, tanta che corremo dessa Syo leghe tutta uia uersa el maestrale " stopping, however, in many places : " faccenda per epsa molie scale." Having been then navigating for thirteen months, they stopped in a harbour which they considered the best in the world, and where they remained thirty-seven days repairing their vessels prior to returning home : " Erauamo gia stati ij. mesi nel uiaggio . . . doue stoma 27- giorni . . . un porta elmiglior del monda . . . tornarcene per la uolta di Spagna." They then left, bound homeward, steering east and north-east: "alia uolta del mare per el uento infra greco et leuante." After various incidents and landings in islands, they finally arrived in Cadiz on the 15th of October, 1498: " giungnemo nel porta di Calls adi i^. doctobre 14^8." '3 The first point to ascertain is where to place the landfall of Vespuc- cius on that occasion. If the "16 gradi " of his narrative corresponds with our 16° north latitude, there is no difficulty in coming to a con- clusion ; and the first landing in 1497 must be fixed on the shores of the Honduras Gulf. From there he may have coasted northwardly along Yucatan, the Gulf of Mexico, Florida, Georgia, the Carolinas, nay, so far as the Delaware and Hudson ; all of which can be considered as being embraced within the 870 leagues of coasts mentioned in the account of that voyage. ■3" XV. Octobris die, anno Domini mcccclxxxix" lxxxxix " (edition of September) ; in the St. Diey Cos- (edition of May). " xv. Octobris die. Anno diii M.CCCC. mographice introductio. The North-East Coast. 359 Unfortunately, we cannot accept as precise the latitudes, longitudes, or distances in miles and leagues expressed in the accounts of the early- navigators, owing to the imperfection of their nautical instruments and modes of computation. To determine (relatively, of course,) the points which in the mind of Portuguese or Spanish pilots corresponded with such specific statements, the only resource is the scale set forth in their charts, together with the true position of certain localities perfectly recognisable, such as Cuba, Maracaybo, or Cape St. Augustine. This may at least enable us to locate the regions approximately and in respect to the whole, — though regardless of exact latitudes and longitudes. The earliest of those maps exhibiting a scale which can be easily interrogated in that respect, are the King and Canerio charts. Now, their sixteenth degree of north latitude would fix the landfall of Ves- puccius in 1497, somewhere on the coast of Guyana. Ruysch's and Waldseemiiller's Tabula carry us nearly to the same point. Starting from that position, and coasting thence westwardly, and then northwardly for 870 leagues (as we did when predicating the inquiry upon our modern 16° north latitude), we again embrace within the space said to have been navigated by Vespuccius in 1497- 1498, regions answering the north-western continental coast in the Lusitano-Germanic charts. Here, however, we meet with a difficulty, which applies likewise to the supposed landfall in Honduras. The narrative states that the 870 leagues were navigated along the coast, always in sight of land : " naui- gamo allungo della costa sempre a uista della terra, tanto che corremmo dessa 870 leghe tutta uia uerso el maestrale." If so, in either hypothesis, there should not be the large gap which mars the Cantino, Canerio, Ruysch, and Schoner maps west of the Gulf of Venezuela or Maracaybo. The coast would continue westward along Darien, Panama, then north- ward around Honduras, Yucatan, and the Gulf of Mexico. The configuration in that part of the Lusitano-Germanic maps (with the exception of the maps of Stobnicza and Waldseemiiller) does not agree therefore with the data set forth in the account of Vespuccius' first voyage. But what is almost certain and of some importance in the present enquiry is that Vespuccius must have seen and tacitly approved the con- figurations of the Cantino chart, including, of course, the delineation of that north-western continental land. 360 The Discovery of North America. Alberto Cantino and Americus Vespuccius were both Italian by birth ; they found themselves at the same time in Lisbon ; '4 and their respective positions brought them together at the Court of Portugal, just as the map was about to be sent to Italy. It had been ordered by an Italian prince through his diplomatic agent, whose instructions were to obtain the latest information concerning transatlantic discoveries. Is it not natural to believe that, under such circumstances, Cantino, before packing and forwarding the map to Ferrara, should show it to Vespuccius, who had just returned from his third expedition ? We may even reasonably suppose that the inter- polations were prompted by the Florentine navigator, then and there ! Withal, it would prove erroneous to infer that, at the close of the fifteenth century, the positive notion of a continent existing west of the Antillies could have been derived solely from Vespuccian data, whether epistolary or cartographic, expressed or implied, and that assertions pre- dicated upon the existence of such a continental configuration in maps must sink or float according to whether we accept or reject the narrative of Vespuccius. In the chapter of the present work entitled Unknown Navigators, we have shown that, so far back as April, 1495, all the subjects of Queen Isabella, notwithstanding the privileges conceded to Columbus in 1492, were authorised to equip expeditions for the distinct purpose of discovering isles and continents beyond the Atlantic, and that a number of mariners availed themselves of the leave ; That Columbus himself finally approved of the permission, which ap- proval was immediately followed by voyages across the Ocean ; but that the requirements of the Spanish Crown were so severe that they induced certain adventurers to engage in clandestine expeditions, which were fitted out in Spain (and Portugal) between 1493 and 1501 ; That the leading condition imposed, even on licensed seafarers, by the Spanish government was an absolute prohibition to explore American regions already discovered, and that, consequently, unauthorised adventurers, espe- cially at a time when the law could not be infringed with impunity, must, "» Alberto Cantino left Lisbon on his return home, set out on his fourth voyage before May, 1503. True it only late in the autumn of 1502; passing through Genoa is that in these eight months he may have been absent where he left the map to be forwarded to Ferrara. From from the city, but it is not likely that he left Portugal Rome, November 19, 1502, he informed Hercules d'Este until at least a few weeks after his return from such an that he had deposited the same with Francesco Cataneo. eventful expedition ; and that is sufficient to authorise the (ies Corte-Recd, doc. xxi., p. 216). As to Vespuccius, belief that Cantino and Vespuccius met then at the he reached Lisbon September 7 or 8, 1502, and did not Court of Joao II. The North-East Coast. 361 as a rule, have avoided lands already known, or kept to themselves the results of their unlawful voyages ; That such an interdiction necessarily led a number of those explorers, licensed and unlicensed, to direct their course not only south-westerly, but also north-westerly, beyond the Antillies ; That notwithstanding incomplete researches in the Spanish and Por- tuguese archives, governmental as well as notarial, and the loss of a vast number of documents, we possess authentic proofs of not less than ninety vessels belonging to twenty-nine expeditions (besides those of Columbus, Vespuccius, De Lepe, Bastidas, Hojeda, Guerra, Pinzon, and La Cosa), all equipped before 1504, and which sailed over the area of the West Indies, which are within ninety miles of the continental region, north-west of the Bahama bank ; that is, a distance which a gust of east or of south- east wind would have enabled any swift caravel to run over in twenty- four hours. And, in that list of vessels, there are only three or four clandestine expeditions ; whilst we know that these were numerous. Nor do we speak of the Norman and Brittany ships which Captain de Gonne- ville, in 1505, asserted to have visited the West Indies: "d'empuis aucunes ann^es en qa," viz.: before 1503 ; That the map of Juan de la Cosa, completed in the autumn of 1500, already depicts the entire coast line west and north-west of the Antillies, and wholly distinct from Cuba, or from any of the West India islands ; That in said map the north-western continental land is washed by the Atlantic Ocean, which, along the sea board, bears the inscription : " Mar descubierta por Ingleses : — Sea discovered by the English ;" That the region ascribed to the English discoverers is represented thereon as extending at the south beyond the latitudes reached by John Cabot during his first voyage ; That the Spanish government, already in the fifteenth century, appre- hended an extension southward of the English explorations ; that these were then actually carried out by John Cabot ; and that so early as 1 501, Hojeda was cornmissioned to stop such progress ; That the accounts brought to Portugal by Caspar Corte-Real, or his captains, in 1501, imply the belief that from the northern regions dis- covered by the Portuguese, the coast continued uninterruptedly in a southern direction as far as the Spanish possessions ; 2 w 362 The Discovery of North America. That the numerous endeavours made before 1502 to find a strait leading to the Asiatic islands and countries, force upon impartial students of the history of maritime discovery the conviction that the navigators who first crossed the Atlantic Ocean, believed at a very early period in the existence to the west and north-west of Cuba, of a continent which was neither Cathay nor Asia. All those facts present a source of geographical information, more or less crude, yet sufficient to account for the presence in Portuguese and Lusitano-Germanic maps, of that north-western continental land, without our being obliged to derive it from the account of the first transatlantic voyage of Americus Vespuccius. [End of Part Second.] fart ihM. Car^ograp^ift (^mencana (^ttmiisema. PART THIRD. 1461— 1493— 1536. THE following lists of maps, charts, globes, and portolani, are divided into two parts. The first comprises cartographical documents the date of which is anterior to the discovery of the New World, ac- complished by Christopher Columbus in 1492. The second embraces those which were constructed from 1493 until 1536. We should perhaps have carried our descriptions to the year 1543, when Bartolome Ferrelo, the pilot-major of Juan Rodriguez Cabrillo, returned from the expedition in the course of which he reached 43° north latitude, near Cape Orford in Vancouver, having thus nearly completed the periplus of the American continent ; but the number of maps and globes for those seven additional years is relatively so considerable, that it would have enlarged the present work to excessive dimensions. We have preferred to leave the description of that class of cartographic monuments for a Third Section, which, if the sight of our eyes permit, we may write at some future time. The present lists, therefore, terminate with the great map of Alonso de Chaves, which constituted, in 1536, the Padron Real, and became the supreme authority for all Spanish navigators, by order of Charles V. Unfortunately, that map is lost ; and we have been obliged to reconstruct it with the elements furnished by the analysis of Oviedo. Strictly speaking, our cartography ought also to commence with the year 1493 ; but we have deemed it useful to mention, among the vast number of charts and atlases constructed before the return of Columbus, those which, directly or indirecdy, may have exercised an influence on the cogitations of cosmographers during the last quarter of the fifteenth century, when meditating about the existence of transatlantic countries. 366 The Discovery of North America. Nor did we limit our efforts to maps still existing. The cartographi- cal documents which are lost deserve, likewise, to be cited or described, though it be only from incomplete mention scattered in various writings of the time. Their date, as well as the coasts which they delineated, enable the historian to link together elements serving to establish the origin and filiation of many important geographical data. We are constrained to confess that there are in existence, so far as is known at the present day, for the twenty-five years which followed the discovery of America, no maps constructed out and out with information obtained by the cartographer, either de visu, or direct from original graphic notes. In other words, we possess no prototype of that time. Even the famous chart of Juan de la Cosa, although it is an autograph, and the work of the greatest Spanish pilot of the period, does not escape this defect in important particulars, as can be easily seen by the unintelligible names inscribed on the islands and coasts of the New World. Pilots then already followed the method which has never ceased to be in use with nearly all map-makers. When in possession of a clear geographical outline, they assumed that it corresponded with existing confi- gurations. Gradually, as they remarked in notes brought from transatlantic voyages new profiles and new names, they inserted them in their own general padron. This led to a sort of inlaid work, from which certain elements were eliminated, and others added. And as, in many instances, the map so prepared was entrusted by the pilot himself to copyists of foreign origin, chiefly Italians, who were not perfectly conversant with the language in which the nomenclature had been originally written, and whose merit consisted only in being good caligraphers or miniaturists, there crept into the map new errors, which the original informer could not, or did not care to correct. Cantino, Kunstmann No. 2, and Canerio, however invaluable in themselves, do not seem to be even maps of that secondary degree. They are mere copies of copies made by Italian artists, who probably possessed no scientific attainments, and accomplished their work ^ very much as Baptista Agnese afterwards designed and caligraphed such a great number of atlases in Venice. But the maps which we have just named are the most ancient of that category which have reached us ; and, as they in their turn became models, besides each exhibiting what may be termed progressive configurations, their importance is considerable for the present enquiry. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 367 The characteristics of those maps impose on us the necessity, at this juncture, to examine the question of priority between the earliest specimens of the Lusitanian hydrography described in the following lists. As we have already stated, there are still in European collections five manuscript charts of that kind, viz.: Cantino, Kunstmann Nos. 2 and 3, King, and Canerio. Neither in Spain or Portugal, in public or private archives or libraries, do they possess (with the exception of the plani- sphere of La Cosa) a single manuscript map, or globe, representing American configurations, which dates from the first fifteen years of the sixteenth century. We are bound, therefore, to limit our analysis to the above mentioned maps, which constitute, directly or indirectly, the origin of what we have termed the Lusitano-Germanic Cartography. Those documents certainly proceed from different types ; as we claim to have shown in the preceding chapters. Their data, which are more or less complete, seem also to belong to different epochs, though comprised within a few years. When one, for instance (Kunstmann No. 2), exhibits Brazilian configurations which are posterior to 1501, it omits a portion of the north coast of South America, which was never- theless known to have been visited, explored, and described several years before. Another (Kunstmann No. 3) delineates the discoveries of Caspar Corte-Real, the news of which reached Lisbon in the autumn of 1501, while it excludes altogether the West Indies. A third exhibits the coast of Brazil according to data brought by Caspar de Lemos, or by Cabral, but imparts to its " Terra de Cuba," the form of an island, and omits the north-western continental region which is so conspicuous in Cantino and Canerio. Differences of that importance, which are due to various causes, such as a desire to inscribe exclusively the Portuguese possessions in the New World ; or to mark only parts visited by certain navigators ; or, simply to lack of knowledge concerning new countries which were beyond the range of action of the mariners who furnished technical elements for making the maps, show that we must not interrogate the geographical ensemble to ascertain the date. Answers spring, so to speak, from some point in particular. A touchstone of that character can be found, for instance, in the extent and nomenclature of the Brazilian coast. Those charts having been originally executed for Portuguese enquirers, must be considered as 368 The Discovery of North America. ■containing all that was known of Brazil when they were made. This notion, if correct, yields, necessarily, elements of a controlling character, clear and positive, yet not absolute ; as they permit us only to determine the time before which the map cannot have been designed, but not how long afterwards. One of those tests is the following : We notice in all the above-mentioned Lusitanian maps, with the ex- ception of one which purposely omits the Brazilian nomenclature entirely, the " Baya de todos Sanctos." At first sight, this name would imply a date posterior to June i8, 1504, as that is the time when Vespuccius returned from his fourth voyage; in the account of which mention is first made, by name, of the " Bay of All-Saints." But since the Florentine navigator refers to his third expedition as being the one in course of which that bay was discovered and so named, the designation must have been known in Portugal during the month of September, 1502, when Vespuccius returned from his third voyage. It follows that all maps which inscribe on the coast of Brazil " A baya de todos Sanctos," or its equivalent in Latin or in Spanish, were, or may have been, designed after September 8, 1502, but not before. There is, however, an exception, which we find in the Cantino chart. There the designation "A baya de todos Sanctos" is duly inscribed, but in a handwriting different to the rest, except for five other names placed in the same region, and which were certainly inserted simultaneously. Those six names are in the Portuguese language, which shows that they were added to the map before it left Portugal for Italy, Otherwise, we should have to assume that the interpolation was made after the map had been lodged in the Ferrara archives, since we know from Cantino's letter that it went direct from Lisbon to Genoa, at the close of October, 1502. But, in such a case, the additional names would be in Italian, and not in Portuguese ; for, if we can readily understand why a map copied in Portugal should be written in the language of that country, although in- tended for an Italian, we do not very well see why, when once in his possession', cursory names or legends should be added in any other lan- guage than his own. Vespuccius returned to Lisbon on the 8th of September in that year ; and Cantino, who had not yet taken his departure from that city, hearing of the discoveries lately accomplished by his countrymen and his presence Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 369 in Lisbon, doubtless caused those new names, which belong to the success- ful voyage of 1 501 -1502, to be added.' We must, therefore, infer that the Cantino chart is older than the four other Lusitanian maps referred to. When Cantino's cartographer made the map, he possessed no other Brazilian data than those which had been brought by Caspar de Lemos in the summer of 1500, or by Cabral himself in July, 1501. But these embraced only the landfall, or Porto Seguro, a few miles further north. The description given by the discoverers indicated nevertheless a con- tinuation of the coast southwardly, as a mere surmise, and not as the result of an actual exploration ; since from Porto Seguro, after remaining only ten days in Brazil, they had darted off straight across the Atlantic for the Cape of Good Hope. It was this supposition which induced the cartographer of Cantino to extend the coast line a certain distance south of Porto Seguro. What shows the hypothetical character of the pro- longation is the fact that the coast is made to trend eastward, whilst in reality it is the reverse. We also see that it was thus designed at the same time with the rest of the map, as there is no disconnection, or difference in the colouring. Further, had the cartographer been asked to continue the line after the map was made, he would have also inscribed the six additional names, which, on the contrary, are in a cursive and different handwriting. In the other Portuguese charts which are now under examination, the coast south of Porto Seguro shows a continuous seaboard which, according to the scale inserted in those maps, covers not less than thirty degrees of latitude ; one of these contains, on that coast line, twelve, and another thirteen names, not to be found in Cantino. That coast, which in these Lusitanian maps exhibits mouths of rivers, large bays, extensive peninsulas, and the additional nomenclature just mentioned, all of which reveal the same easel and pen as the rest of the map, betray a production of a later epoch than the Cantino chart. Yet, the data themselves may come from the same source as the six extra names in the latter ; that is, from the geographical information brought by Americus Vespuccius in September, 1502, since the Florentine navigator claims to have coasted during the third voyage, beyond 52° south latitude: "che ci troua'mo tanto alti, chel polo del meridione ' See the letters addressed on the subject by Alberto voyages des Corte-Real au Nouveau Monde, page 70, Cantino to Hercules d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, in Les and doc. xxi. 2 X 370 The Discovery of North America. cistaua alto fuora del nostro orizonte ben 52. gradi." But the data can also have been derived from his fourth voyage, considering that Ves- puccius on this occasion also ranged the coast south of Porto Seguro, at least 260 leagues : " et io correr la costa : et nauiga'mo piu inanzi 260. leghe." In such a case, the said Lusitanian maps could not have been made before September, 1504. Unfortunately, we do not find in them any intrinsic evidence enabling the critic to decide which of those two dates, viz.: September, 1502, or September, 1504, must be assigned. All we can say is that, thus far, the two voyages made by Vespuccius under the Portuguese flag are the ■only transatlantic expeditions known which were calculated to supply those Lusitanian cartographers with the geographical information exhibited in the Brazilian regions. The voyages of Alfonso d' Albuquerque (1503)- Francisco d' Almeida (1505), and of Tristram da Cunha (1506), cannot have yielded the necessary elements, as only a point of the coast of Brazil was touched by these commanders when on their way to Calicut. The other expeditions, like that of Joao da Nova (i 501 -1502), sailed direct from Portugal to the East Indies. As to the voyage of Christovao Jaquez, which, on the authority of De Cazal, was supposed to have been accom- plished in 1503, Varnhagen has shown ^ that it is only of the year 1526. Now, which of those three Portuguese maps, viz.: Kunstmann No. 2, Kuntsmann No. 3, or the King chart, was designed first .-* We have no means of ascertaining. The King chart, owing to its comparative lack of American desig- nations, might be considered the oldest, were it not for the fact that it exhibits precisely the same extent and form of coasts south of Porto Seguro, as Kunstmann No. 2 ; of which it is a mere outline. In reality, if the King chart sets forth there so few names, the paucity must not be ascribed so much to a want of knowledge, as to the little importance given to the New World by the cartographer, who has reserved for Africa 3 and Asia, more details and a richer list. But Kunstmann No. 2 is the work of an artist who has Italianised certain portions of the nomen- clature, or copied unconsciously Italian names and legends, which defect imparts to his map the inferiority of a second-hand production ; whilst the King chart and Kunstmann No. 3 are absolutely Portuguese, and, on " Varnhagen, Primeiras negocia^oes diplomatkas, whilst there are two hundred and fifty-five from Tangiers page 127. to Melinde, in rounding the Cape of Good Hope. Dr. 3 The American continent contains only four names, Hamy, Notice sur une ma/ppemonde portugaise, p. 149. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 371 that account, nearer the original. Therefore, we insert the latter before Kunstmann No. 2, and the King chart between the two. As to Canerio, the prolongation of the north-western continental region so far south as its 20" north latitude, places it after all the above-mentioned Lusitanian maps. Our classification is necessarily of a relative character ; nor can it ever be made absolute, owing to the fact that so many intervening maps are lost, without our being able to find traces which would permit critics to fix the date when those cartographical documents were originally framed, and to ascertain their primary configurations. More than five hundred charts have certainly been constructed, or copied, a great number of these with important changes and additions, between 1494 and 1504. The Chronology of voyages westward inserted at the end of the present work shows, for that space of time, at least one hundred ships crossing the Atlantic, and twice as many pilots engaged in conducting vessels to the newly-discovered regions. Every one of those mariners possessed several maps. But, as their charts have all disappeared, only broken and in- complete categories can be established. These categories, however, chiefly for the purpose of devising a practical classification, we have embodied into five types. Limiting the elements of comparison to the profiles and names of the north-western continental region in the Portuguese and Lusitano- Germanic maps and globes constructed before the year 1520, the five types described in the preceding chapters are represented in our lists by the following specimens, viz.: First Type. Kunstmann No. 2 King Lenox globe Sylvanus Second Type. Cantfno Third Type. Ruysch Fourth Type. Canerio Hauslab No. i Boulengier Nordenskiold Hauslab No. 2 Schoner of 1515 Paris Green globe Schoner of 1520 Frankfort globe Apianus Fifth Type. Stobnicza Waldseemiiller Margarita map As our classification of the Lusitano-Germanic maps and globes is based upon the gradual extension southward of the north-western con- tinental land, we should have created, perhaps, one more type ; the place 372 The Discovery of North America. of which would have been between the above Fourth and Fifth ; thus making the latter, the Sixth and last Type. Canerio, Hauslab No. i, and Boulengier, depict the southern terminus of that north-western continental region by 20° north latitude. But the Schonerean globes, and the maps based upon the latter's data, carry it nearly nine degrees further in the direction of the equator. SCHONER S GLOBE OF 1520. This new Fifth Type, therefore, would have comprised the following spheres and mappamundi : Nordenskiold Hauslab No. 2 Schoner of 15 15 Paris Green Globe Schoner of 1520 Frankfort Globe Apianus' Mappamundi Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. ^y^ But we were apprehensive to complicate the subject by creating too many categories. Nor were we convinced that this new prolongation of the coast was not a devise of Schoner or of some other early German cartographer, who, identifying with the north-western continental land, both the American continent and the septentrional region discovered by Vespuccius, made room for the Parias country. Kunstmann No. 3, is a map exclusively Portuguese, in so far as its delineations for the New World are made to embrace only the discoveries accomplished under the royal flag of Portugal ; and as it contains no data relative to the West Indies, nor to Spanish voyages to the mainland, we omit it from the above divisions. Else we should have been compelled to create a special type for a map which is suis generis, so to speak, and never became the prototype of any chart or globe. The same reason applies, in a great measure, to the Leonardo da Vinci gores, so called. Nomenclatures are so important to ascertain the origin, filiation, and approximate dates of maps, that we have reproduced every name which occurs in the charts, portolani, mappamundi, and maps of all kinds which are described in the following Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. But those names are given only when they appear for the first time in that class of documents, so far as this class has reached us. The geographical index at the end of the work, will indicate the original chronicles or histories of the discovery of America where the same names are men- tioned. Certain designations have been omitted from our lists, although frequently seen in charts of the time. The reason is that they were not intended to be strictly geographic, and are mere designatives used for a purpose, which is of no avail in the present enquiry. It is evident that when the cartographer or pilot inscribed on his sailing chart " here is a ledge of reefs," or "there are low lands," etc., he did not mean to create a geographical name. His only object was to mark certain peculiarities, exclusively for his own use or that of other pilots, and which in a general cartography convey no useful information. The original maps may have set forth several of those words with the addition of some term which rendered them entirely geographical ; but, at the present time, the critic is generally unable in that respect to separate the grain from the chaff. 374 The Discovery of North America. The isolated substantives or adjectives which we have excluded are chiefly the following : Arecifes or Aguada ,. Ancon „ Alacranes ,, Arena „ Baxa „ Baxos ,, Camarona ,, Culata ,, Costa iesa „ Costa ,, Desconecida ,, Farralones „ Golfo „ Lago „ Lucayos „ Laguna „ Malabrigo ,, Motas „ Medanos ,, shoals. watering place. small gulf. crabs. sands. low. reefs. lobsters. depression. abrupt coast. coast. unknown. sand banks. gulf. lake. keys. lagoon. bad shelter. hummocks downs, Martireno or Matas ,1 Montaiias ,, Pescarias ,, Playa ,, Puerto ,, Pequena ,, Placel ,, Reftigio ,, Reparo ,, Rescate „ Sar sales, or Zar sales... „ Sierra alta „ Sierras „ Salinas ,, Tortugas „ Terra anegada „ Terra liana ,, Terra plana ,, Terra bassa „ sea-eels, bushes, mountains, fisheries, beach, port, small, sand bank, refuge, reparation trade, moors. high mountain, mountains, salt pits turtles. land overflowed, low land. Cavtoc^tap^^. SECTION FIRST. — FIFTEENTH CENTURY. 1461. No. I. Laurana's Medal. THE belief in the existence of another continent different from the three parts of the world then known, assumed various forms. The present, which we are unable to connect with any of the cosmo- graphical notions set forth in the geographical treatises of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, is probably the most curious of all. It is exhibited on the verso of a bronze medal giving the effigy of Charles IV. of Anjou, Count of Maine, and brother of Rene of Anjou, King of Sicily. That prince was born in 1414, and died in 1475. As to the medal, it was engraved by the celebrated Italian artist, Francesco 376 The Discovery of North America. Laurana, and, in the opinion of Mr. Aloiss Heiss, about the time when he executed other medals for members of the family of Rend, in 1461. It is described by that learned numismatist as follows : Redo : " KaROLVS . CENOMANI^ . COMES . FILIVS . FRATER . REGVM . ALVPNVS . REGIS . PATER . REGNI . PARDENTIA . CONSILIOQVE . KAROLO . VII. . IMPERA . ANTE. BuStC k droite coifK d'un bonnet, revetu d'un hoqueton avec collet found : — Charles, Count of Maine, SON and BROTHER OF KINGS, WARD OF THE KlNG, THE FATHER OF THE COUNTRY, BY HIS PRUDENCE AND COUNSEL, ChARLES VII. BEING ON THE THRONE. The buSt On the rCCtO bears a cap ; is dressed in a cassock without sleeves, with a fur collar." Verso : " Franciscvs . LAVRANA . FECIT. Une mappemonde entourde d'eau, avec una tete da vent k chacun des points cardinaux ; les differentes parties du monda sont distingu&s par les mots EVROPA . asia . africa . brvm/e. Bronze. Diamfetra 70 mm.: — Executed by Francesco Laurana. A mappamundi surrounded by water, with an Eolian head at each of the four cardinal points. The different parts of the world are severally denominated : EVROPA . ASIA . AFRICA . BRVM^. Bronze. Diameter 70 millimeters." ' That curious medal, of which there is only one specimen known to exist, is preserved in the Numismatic Department of the Paris National Library, and was recently acquired at a public sale. It is worthy of notice that the prince in honour of whom the medal was engraved is the grandson of Rene, in whose service Christopher Columbus claimed to have been ; and the uncle of Rend, Duke of Lor- raine, under whose patronage Waldseemiiller wrote the Cosmographies in- troductio and designed the maps for the Ptolemy of 1513. Those Anjou princes, like the dukes of Ferrara, all showed a taste for geography. Not only had King Rene caused several mappamundi to be painted on the walls of his residence at Angers and Chanze, but Antonio Marcello presented to him the Latin translation of Strabo which Guarino of Verona had recently completed. It was to his son John, Duke of Cala- bria, that Antoine de la Salle dedicated the strange historico-geographical work quaintly entitled La Salade,'^ containing a curious mappamundi, which, however, does not exhibit Byumcg, or " The Foggy Continent." As to Rene II., we have already recalled his zeal for the science of cosmography. ' Aloiss Heiss, Les mddailleurs de la Renaissance, 8vo, Vol. I., page 40. Our facsimile is a " frotti " or Paris, 1882, folio ; Alfred Armand, Les medailleurs pencil rubbing, kindly furnished us by Mr. Heiss. itcdieiis des quinzieme et sehieme slides; Paris, 1883, ' Bibliotheca Americana VetusL, Additions, No. 66. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. '^^'j'j 1463. No. 2. Graciozo Benincasa. Map of the Atlantic Ocean, taken from the atlas executed by Gracioso Benincasa of Ancona in the year 1463. "This map is remarkable because it has in the latitude of Spain the Island of ^ Antilia,' nearly as large as Portugal, and two other large islands to the west and north of it, named ' Rosellia ' and ' Salvaga,' which islands appear in the same or a somewhat varying manner and shape on many other maps, and may be considered as the first indication of larger coun- tries to be found to the west of Europe." — Kohl.' It is to be regretted that no mention should have been made of the library where the above atlas is to be found at the present day, or where Kohl has copied the map. The only atlas of Gracioso Benincasa reported to have been designed in 1463, is the one which was sold with the library of Matteo Pinelli at London in 1789.4 Zurla 5 and Santarem ^ also mentioned that atlas, but not de vt'su. Both derived their information from Morelli. We accept, of course, Kohl's description and facsimile as absolutely authentic ; regretting only that we are unable to see the original, as further elements of discussion might perhaps be derived from some other parts of the map. Meanwhile, it must be said that the representation of what has been justly termed the " Fantastic islands of the Atlantic Ocean in the Middle Ages," particularly the Antilia, differs here from its appearance in other maps of the time. In the present map, for instance, not only is the Antilia of considerable dimensions, but it assumes the shape of a parallelogram, and bears seven names, besides the general one, viz.: Anna Ansetti Antioul Ansolli Anselli Ansoldi Cori That configuration and its nomenclature are no longer to be found in the maps which Graciozo Benincasa designed in 1466, 1467,7 and 1471.8 3 Report upon the United States Geographical Survej/s = Zurla, Di Marco Polo, Vol. II., page 351. west of the one hundredth meridian ; Washington, 1889, * Santarem, Essai sur Vhistoire de la Cosmographie, 4to, Vol. I., p. 498, with a facsimile. Vol. I., p. xlii. •• " Carte Nautiche quattro desegnate da Graciozo ' Paris National Library, Geogr. Department, and a Benincasa Anconitano in Venezia, I'anno 1463 ; in f<>- dateless as well as anonymous one lately purchased, and picciolo." MORELLl's Pinelli Catalogue, Vol. V., page preserved in the MS. Department, loi No. 3905. ' Santarem, Atlas, plates 48-50. 2 Y 378 The Discovery of North America. But we may well imagine how such an important delineation may have strengthened the belief in the existence of transadantic lands, and prompted so many maritime efforts westward. The fact is that the numerous attempts which we have described, 9 as well as the theories of mariners, were not due so much to ratiocination of an abstract character, fables, or legends, as to the graphic description of those islands to be seen in charts, since, at least, the second half of the fourteenth century. 1° But the notion became more general when the Antilia commenced to figure in portolani, towards 1424." All those isles, with their fanciful names and localities, were certainly believed by every pilot and sailor to be positively existing. The Portuguese derived their credence on the subject from the map which Dom Pedro, the son of Joao I., brought from Italy in 1428. Tos- canelli goes even so far as to mark, in his chart of 1474, the islands and countries where navigators crossing the Atlantic may find a refuge in case of bad weather. Martin Alonso Pinzon claimed to have seen depicted on one of the Vatican maps '^ the transatlantic regions which he afterwards discovered in company with Christopher Columbus. We could mention a number of other instances, but these are sufficient to authorise the inser- tion in the present Cartography of Benincasa's map. 1474. No. 3. TOSCANELLI. Map made by Paol del Pozzo Toscanelli (>J' 1482), and sent by him to Affonso v.. King of Portugal, June 25, 1474. " Mito ergo sue Maiestati cartarn manibus meis factam in qua designantur litora vestra €t insule ex quibus incipiatis iter facere versus occasum senper " : — I send to His Majesty a map which I have designed with my own hands, and on which I have marked the coasts and islands which may serve to you as a starting point when you undertake that navigation, in steering always westward." 9 5'Mpra, Book Third, chapter i., p. 51 ; and Les Pre- et qui fut composee en 1424 par un cosmographe an- curseurs, in Christophe Colomh, Vol. I., pp. 307-329. conitain dont le nom est efface." d'Avezac, lies de '" Medicean Atlas of 1 35 1 : Baldblli, Del Portulano I'Afrique, p. 24. mediceo, in his Storia del Milione, pp. cliij.-clxxij., and '= Infra, No. 8. map 5 of the atlas. '3 Original Latin text of Toscanelli's letter to Fer- " " L'ile Antilia, que I'on voit dessinee sur une carte nam Martins, Bibliotheca Americana Vetustisdma, conservee dans la bibliothjque grand-ducale de Weimar, Addit., p. xvi. Concerning that letter, see infra, p. 381. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 379 Before 1484. No. 4. TOSCANELLI. Duplicate of the above mentioned map sent by Toscanelli, with a letter, to Christopher Columbus : " Copia misa christofaro colonbo [sz'c] cvm vna carta navigacionis." This map was crossed with longitudinal lines indicating the distances from east to west, and with horizontal ones showing the distances from north to south. The interval between those lines was called a "space," and each space measured from east to west 250 Italian miles. '4 From Lisbon to the city of Quinsay there were 26 such spaces, which 26 spaces xepresented, in the opinion of Toscanelli, about one- third of the surface of the entire globe. '5 On that map were marked, adjoining the coast of Portugal, islands which we assume to have been the Azores, and, west of the same, that is, on the opposite shores of the Atlantic Ocean, the province of Mango, near Cathay, and the Empire of the Great Khan, the extremity of which bore the name of Zaitam. Nearly in the middle of the Atlantic, was the imaginary Antilla island, 10 spaces distant from the island of Cipango.'^ Finally, the map stated "how much it was necessary to deviate from the pole and from the equinoctial line." This primitive and original chart was in the possession of Las Casas when he wrote his History of the Indies, '7 and apparently until the time of his death, which occurred in 1566. It doubtless belonged originally to the library of Fernando Columbus ; and we are of opinion that it was given to Las Casas by the Dominican friars, who were yet in charge of that library as residuary legatees, when he was ordained bishop in their monastery of San Pablo, at Seville, in 1544. There is a minute description of the map in Book I., chapter l., of Las Casas' Historia General de las Indias, to which we refer the reader. '4 The Italian mile was equal to 1481 meters. The with those which are to be found in a manuscript of early Spanish navigators considered the nautical league Toscanelli (Florence National Library, Codies Maglia- as equal to four miles : " Volunt lequam Hispani millia bechiano, Class XL, No. 121) which we have examined passuura quatuor continere mari pr^sertim : terra ver6, on the indications furnished us by Dr. Gustavo UziELLL tria." Anghiera, Decad. II., cap. x., p. 174- See his interesting paper, Delia grandeza della terra. '5 Las Casas says : " Tenia en circuito 2,400 millas, secondo Paolo del Pozzo Toscanelli, Roma, 1873, 8vo. que son 600 leguas," Historia General, lib. i., cap. 1., ■? " La carte de marear que le invi6, yo, que esta his- VII D -^eo toria escribo tengo en mi poder." hAS Casas, loc. cit. , ■« It would prove useful to compare the above figures Vol. I., pp. 96, 316, and 360. 380 The Discovery of North America. But if the map itself is irretrievably lost, we still have the letter which Toscanelli sent to Columbus at the same time. It is to be found among the manuscript annotations added by the great Genoese to the few books which he possessed, and are now preserved '^ in the Colombina Library, where they have beenv..an object of curiosity for three centuries, '9 with- out anyone suspecting until May 8, 1871, that they contain the original Latin text of Toscanelli's important epistle, theretofore supposed to have been originally written in Italian.^o That letter is so inseparable from the geographical data which led to the discovery of the New World ; it has played so great a part in the evolution of American cartography in its incipient stage, and it serves in such a high degree to comprehend the lost map of Toscanelli, that we feel constrained to reproduce it in connection with the present chapter. As the reader is aware, Columbus wrote a letter to Toscanelli, which is lost. We know, however, that it was a request for information con- cerning the " Land of Spice," which he thought possible to reach direct from Europe by sea. Judging from the Florentine's reply, Columbus desired more particularly to ascertain what route he should take, the dis- tance to sail over, the stations on the way, landfalls and landing places. Toscanelli replied ^i by sending him the above-mentioned map, together with a copy of a letter which he had formerly addressed to Fernam Mar- tins, the chaplain of the King of Portugal, in answer to just such a request. The letter written to Martins was dated from Florence, June 25, 1474, but Columbus only received communication of it years afterwards. In the note accompanying the package, Toscanelli says that the original letter had been written : " antes de las guerras de Castilla : — before the wars in Castile." Consequently the copy was sent after September 24, 1479, when the treaty of peace between Spain and Portugal was signed. 22 That letter was translated into Spanish probably by Fernando Columbus when engaged writing the Life of his father. That translation "' It is transcribed in the own handwriting of Christo- dado gran interes y nos ha sacado de nuesto error, por lo pher Columbus on the fly-leaf of the edition of the que le deben estar agradecidos los aficionados . . .—Jose Histnria rerum uhique yestarum of ^neas Silvius M. Fernandez y Velasco ; EibUotecario Mayor de la (PiCCOLOMiNi), printed at Venice in 1477 by JOHANN Biblioteca Colombina. Sevilla, die. 23. 73." Cf. the of Cologne and Manthen of Gernsheim. See Bihlio- Bulletin de la SocUU de Giographie de Paris, for theca Americana Vetustisfiima, Additions, pp. xv.-xviii. November 1874, pp. 525-526. '^ Christophe Colomh, son origine, ses voyages, sa ="-For an earlier version, in Spanish, of Toscanelli's famille, et ses descendants, Vol. I., p. 129. letter to Columbus, see Las Casas, Historia de las '" "Mr. H. H . . . . Yo conocia hace anos el testo Indias, lib. i., cap. ii., Vol. I., p. 92. latino de la carta de Toscanelli, pero no le daba impor- " Bernaldez, Historia de los Reyes Catolicos, chap, tancia, creyendo que el original era el italiano. V. le ha xli. , Vol. I., p. 119, Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. ?8i has been inserted by Las Casas in his Historia General de las Indias, but it is far from being Hteral. Certain geographical descriptions, bor- rowed apparently from Toscanelli's map, explanations which are regular commentaries, and personal details, of which we do not know the source, have been intercalated. Several passages are also inserted not in their proper place. It follows, that the critic can no longer remain satisfied with the Italian version first published in the Historie in 1571, and which was the only one known, until the Spanish translation from which it had been taken was printed with Las Casas' work in 1875. Nor is the latter version any more satisfactory, as it contains the same defects. The original Latin text of that letter is as follows : " Copia misa christofaro colonbo per paulum fisicum cum vna carta nauigacionis. Ferdinando martini canonico vlixiponensi paulus phisicus salutem. a [de?] tua valitu- dine de gracia et familiaritate cum rege vestro genero[siss]imo [etj magnificentissimo principe iocundum mihi fuit intelligere. cum tecum allias locutus sum de breuiori via ad loca aromatum per maritimam nauigacionem quam sit ea quam facitis per guineam, querit nunc S[erenissimusJ rex a me quandam declaracionem ymo potius ad occulum ostensionem vt etiam mediocriter doti illam viam caperent et intelli- gerent. Ego autem quamvis cognoscam posse hoc ostendi per formam spericam vt est mun- dus tamen determinaui, pro faciliori intelli- gencia ac etiam pro faciliori opera, ostendere, viam illam per quam carte nauigacionis fiunt illud declarare. Mito ergo sue Maiestati car- tam manibus meis factam in qua designantur litora vestra et insule ex quibus incipiatis iter facere versus occasum senper et loca ad que debeatis peruenire et quantum a polo vel a linea equinotiali debeatis declinare et per quan- tum spacium siue per quot miliaria debeatis peruenire ad loca fertilissima omnium aroma- tum et gemarum, et non miremini si voco occidentales partes vbi sunt aromata cum " Copy sent to Christopher Colonbo by Paul the physician, with a nautical chart. To Ferdinand Martins, a canon in Lisbon, Paul the physician, greeting : I have learnt with pleasure that your health is good, and that you are on terms of intimacy with your very generous and very magnificent sovereign. On a previous occasion I have spoken to you of a sea route to the land of spice, shorter than the one which you \i. e., the Portuguese] take by the way of Guinea. That is the reason why the Most Serene King''' asks of me to-day information on the subject, or, rather, an explanation sufficiently clear to enable men, even but little learned, to understand the existence of such a route. Although I know that it is a consequence of the spherical form of the earth, I have decided, nevertheless, so as to be better understood and to facilitate the enterprise, to demonstrate in constructing a nautical chart that the said route is proved to exist. I therefore send to His Majesty a map which has been drawn with my own hands, and on which are marked your coasts and the islands which may be taken as a starting point, when you undertake the voyage, by steering constantly towards the vvest.^' You will also find thereon the indi- =3 Affonso v., surnamed " The African," ►!< 1481. Poniente, tornando desde Irlanda al Austro hasta el fin =■• Las Casas here (Vol. I., p. 93) makes the following de Guinea. . . con las islas." These details may be interpolation: "en la ciial esta pintado todo el fin del added to his description of the map. ;82 The Discovery of North America. communiter dicantur orientales, quia naui- gantibus ad occidentem senper ille partes inueniuntur per subterraneas nauigaciones. Si enim per terrain et per superiora itinera, ad orientem senper* reperirenturf linee ergo recte in longitudine carte signate ostendunt distan- ciam ab orientem I versus occidens, que autetn transuerse sunt, ostendunt spacia a meridie versus septentrionem. notaui autem in carta diuersa loca ad que peruenire potestis pro maiori noticia nauigancium siue ventis vel casu aliquo alibi quam existimarent venirent ; partin § autem vt ostendant incolis ipsos habere noticiam aliquam patrie illius, quod debebit esse iocundum satis, non considant|| autem in insulis nisi mercatores aserit. IT ibi enim tanta copia nauigancium est cum mercimoniis vt in toto reliquo orbe non sint sicuti in vno portu nobilisimo vocato zaiton.** aserunt enim centum naues piperis magne in eo portu sin- gulis annis deferri, sine aliis nauibus portanti- bus allia aromata. patria ilia est populatisima ditisima multitudine prouinciarum et regnorum et ciuitatum sine numero, sub vno principe qui dicitur magnus Kan quod nomen significat in latino rex regum, cuius sedes et residencia est vt plurimum in prouincia Katay. antiqui sui desiderabant consorcium christianorum iam sunt .200. anni, tt misceruntj]; ad papam et postulabant plurimos dotos in fide vt illumina- rentur; sed qui missi sunt, inpediti in itinere§§ redierunt. etiam tempore Eugenii'' venit vnus ad eugenium qui de beniuolentia magna erga * Legas, Lege, Legito ? t Read reperientur. X Oriente. § Partim. 11 Considunt. II Aseritur ? ** Marco Polo, cap. 105. ft In the original we read minis. Xt Sir pro miserunt. g§ Marco Polo, prologue. cation of the countries which you must fall in with ; how much you will have to deviate from the pole, and from the equinoctial line; and finally, the space, that is to say, the number of leagues you have to sail over to reach the country, which is so rich in spice and precious stones of all sorts. Do not be surprised if I call the country of spices a western country, whilst it is the custom to call it eastern. The reason is that in making the voyage by sea, in the hemisphere which is opposite our own, that country will always be found on the west side. If, on the contrary, the land route is adopted, in crossing the higher hemisphere it will always be found in the east. The longi- tudinal lines traced on the map show the dis- tance from east to west ; the horizontal ones show the distance from south to north. I have also marked, for the use of navigators, several countries where you may touch in case contrary winds or some accident should drive mariners to some other coast than the one intended. I wanted to enable them to show the aborigines that we were not without posses- sing some knowledge of their country, which must please them. Only merchants, as we are informed, settle in those islands ; for there is such a great concourse of navigators with goods that the port of Zaiton alone, which is famous, contains a greater number of them than all the rest of the world together. It is asserted that every year one hundred large vessels, loaded with pepper, arrive in that port ; without speaking of the other ships which bring different kinds of spice. That country is very much peopled, and very rich. It is composed of a multitude of provinces, kingdoms, and innumerable cities, all of which are under the sway of a single prince, called "The Grand Khan." That title means, in Latin, "The King of Kings." His residence is mostly in the province of Cathay. His an- =3 Necessarily Pope Eugene IV. (1431-1447), and not Pope Eugene III., mentioned by Marco Polo, ch. 55. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 383 christianos afirmabat et ego secum longo ser- mone locutus sum de multis, de magnitudine edificiorum regalium et de magnitudiue fluui- um * in latitudine et longitudine mirabili et de multitudine ciuitatum in ripis fluuium,t vt in vno flumine .200. circiter ciuitates siut consti- tute, et pontes marmorei magne latitudinis et longitudinis vndique colonpnis ornati. hec pa- tria digna est vt per latinos queratur, non solum quia lucra ingencia ex ea capi posunt auri argenti gemarum omnis generis et aroma- tum que nunquam ad nos deferuntur, verum propter doctos viros philosofos et astrologos peritos et quibus ingeniis et artibus ita potens et magnifica prouincia gubernentur | ac etiam bella conducant. hec pro aliquantula satisfac- tione ad suam peticionem, quantum breuitas temporis dedit et occupaciones mee conceps- cerunt.ll paratus in futurum regie maiestati quantum volet latius satisfacere. data florende 25 iunii 1474. A ciuitate vlixiponis per occidentem in di- recto sunt .26. spacia§ in carta signata quo- rum quadlibet habet miliaria .250. vsque ad nobilisim[am] ex maximam ciuitatem quinsay. circuit'^ enim centum miliaria et habet pontes decern et nomen eius sonat cita del cielo ciuitas celi et multa miranda de ea narrantur, de multitudine artificium et de reditibus. hoc spacium est fere tercia pars tocius spere, que ciuitas est in prouincia mangi, siue vicina prouincie Katay H in qua residencia terre regia est. Sed ab insula antilia vobis nota ad insu- * Fluminum. t Fluminum. % Gubernetur. § Concesserunl. II It is the interval marked in Behaim's globe. H Marco Polo, cap. 98. cestors being desirous to have intercourse with the Christians sent, two hundred years ago, an embassy to the Pope to obtain doctors in theology to teach them the Catholic religion ; but the envoys were prevented from continuing their route, and returned home. In the time of Eugene,''' one of them visited the Pope, and assured him that his countrymen enter- tained very good feelings towards Christians. I have conversed with him a great deal on all topics. He spoke to me of the large size of the royal palaces ; of .the prodigious extent of rivers in breadth and length; of the multitude of cities built on their banks (nearly two hun- dred towns were on the banks of a single river) : finally, of marble bridges very wide and very long, adorned with a double row of columns. That country deserves to be sought after by the Latins, not only because enor- mous wealth can be acquired there, in gold, in silver, in precious stones of all kinds, and in certain sorts of spice which never reach our country, but on account of the scholars, philo- sophers, and learned astrologers (from India), who may teach us by what means a province so powerful and so magnificent is governed, and their manner of waging war. Let these short details suffice to satisfy, in a measure, the King who asked for informa- tion. My occupations, which absorb my entire time, do not allow me to speak more at length. But, later on, I shall be disposed to comply with the desires of His Royal Majesty as ex- tensively as he may wish. Given at Florence, on the 25th of June, 1474. From the city of Lisbon, towards the west, in a direct line, there are twenty-six spaces (of 250 miles each) marked on the map as far as the famous and very large city of Quinsay. The circumference of that city is 100 miles. It possesses ten bridges, and its name means ^'Nicolo Di CoNTi says only: " Quinsai, ha trenta Flormt. HUtoricz de varietaU fortwim ; Pans, 1723, miglia di circuito," although he adds, "et piu populata 4to, lib. iv. Also Yvi.^ Cathay and the u-aythrther; dell' altre."-RAMUSio, Vol. I., f- 3^0, F. London, 1866, p. cxxxvni ; and Co.D.ER, B^U^otheca =7 See the relation of N. Conti in Poggii BraccioUni Simca, Vol. I. 384 The Discovery of North America. lam nobilisimam cippangu sunt decern spacia * " The City of the Heavens." They relate est enim ilia insula fertilisima aur[o] margaritis marvellous things relative to the multitude of et gemmis, et auro solido cooperiunt tenpla et objects [of art?] found there, and the amount J • ., ^ •,• of its revenues. That space is about one-third domos regias, itaque per ygnota itmera non "' "^ icvcuucs. ^ . . . , . / . „ . of the entire globe. J The city is in the pro- magna mans spacia transeundum. multa for- ° ^ , r A < • i.- u ..,,,, ,.,. vince of Mango, near that of Cathay, in which tasse assent apentus t declaranda, sed diligens .^ ^^^ ^^^.^^^^^_ ^^^^ ^j^^ ^^^^.^ j3,^„^_ considerator per hec poterit ex se ipso reliqua ^^.^^^ ^^^ ^^^^_ ^^ ^j^^ ^^^^^^ i^l^^d of Ci- prospicere. vale dilectisime. ^^^^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ten spaces. That island yields quantities of gold, pearls, and precious stones. * The iZ'J.ttone (f- 18) make here the following inter- rr.1 ^ 1 j 1 „f tu^ Vi^r, ^^a in ., . / ' ., . ^ . ,. The temples and palaces of the King are m- polation : " che fanno due mila et cinquecento miglia, "^ ^ ... , • - J . . .■ • 1 u- " laid with olates of gold. It will not be neces- cioe dugento, et venticinque leghi. '"^" vyh.ii ^^10.1.1,0 v^i 5^'" t Apertius. sary, therefore, to cross very extensive spaces J CoNTi here says : " Piu oltre di qiiest.i provincia di over the sea on an unknown route. Perhaps Mangi.sene trouavn'altracheelamigliordi tuttel'altre j should have given more minute details On del mondo nominata il Cataio . . . et la pricipal cittL et la ... , . /■ , „u„„„,„, „„„ „f ,.,.,. ^ , , „ , 1 •, many things, but a careful observer can, ot piu nobil SI chiama Cambalu . nella quale e posto il ^ ° . palazzo del Re." Viaggio di Nicolo di Oonti, scrittopor himself, supply much of what may be wanting. Messer Poggio ; in Ramusio, uhi supra. Good-bye, Dearest. That important letter must not be considered simply as a familiar communication of which Toscanelli had kept a copy for ten years or more. It was evidently based upon some scientific paper, which embodied notions shared by a certain class of thinkers in quarters where the pro- blems of Cosmography were frequently mooted, and whose writings have not all come down to us. We are even justified in supposing that the idea of the existence of transatlantic lands which could be easily reached by steering westward, had been the subject of conversations in the Italian cities. This is shown by the fact, reported in the first chapter of the present work.^S that the Duke of Ferrara viewed the discovery accom- plished by Columbus as a confirmation of the ideas advanced by Tos- canelli ; and in 1494, requested his ambassador at Florence to institute researches among the papers of the Florentine astronomer, then in the possession of his nephew Ludovico, and to secure any note or writing on the subject. It would certainly be a strange circumstance that Her- cules d'Este should have known at such an early date of Toscanelli's geographical theories, if they had not been discussed ever since 1474. It will soon be shown, moreover, that those ideas were not confined to Florence or to Ferrara. We insert in the following pages an elaborate letter from a Nuremberg savant, who, not knowing yet that Columbus had carried the project into execution, proposed it to the King of Portugal ; °' Supra, pages 2 and 3. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 385 and precisely with the same reasons which are set forth in the above epistle of Toscanelli. Documents of that kind may yet come to light in the archives of Italy and Germany, showing that the human mind had advanced step by step to that great conception, and was ripe for its accomplishment in 1492 ; even if mere chance, — as with Cabral's discovery of Brazil seven years later, — did not reserve it for a lucky gust of the east wind. 29 No. 5. Columbus' Globe. Globe which Christopher Columbus sent to Toscanelli through Lorenzo Girardi, from Lisbon, together with the letter requesting from the Floren- tine astronomer information as to the means to reach Cathay by the west : " Acordo de escribir al dicho Marco Paulo [sz'c] fisico, y enviole una es- fera, tomando por medio A un Lorenzo Birardo \_stc]." 3° The Historie'i^ write the latter name correctly, and add that the globe was a small one : " Col mezo d'un Lorenzo Girardi Fiorentino, che era in Lisbona e gli mandd una picciola sfera : — By the channel of one Lorenzo Girardi, a Florentine, who was in Lisbon and sent him a small sphere." No. 6. Bartholomew Columbus. Maps which, according to the Chancellor Antonio Gallo, Bartholomew Columbus made in Lisbon, as a professional cartographer : "Sed Bartholomseus minor natu in Lusitania demum Ulyssiponae constiterat, ubi intentus qusetsui tabellis pingendis operam dedit, quels ad usum Nauticum justis illineationibus, et pro- portionibus servatis maria, portus, littora, sinus, insulae effigiantur : — Bartholomew Columbus, the younger brother of Christopher, having settled in Portugal, and ultimately at Lisbon, de- voted himself to making charts for the use of mariners, which depicted with exactness the seas, harbours, coasts, gulfs, and islands.'"^ "^ The discovery of the Cape of Good Hope by Bartho- which he did not suspect, carried him unawares to Brazil, lomeu Diaz in i486, prompted JOAo II., the King of March 22 or 24, 1500. Portugal, to send several expeditions to the Indian seas 3° Las Casas, op. cit., lib. i., cap. xii.. Volume I., by the new route ; and it was for one of those voyages page 92. that Vasco da Gam a prepared sailing directions, in ^' Historie del S. D. Fernando Colombo, cap. vii., which he warned Cabral to avoid certain trade winds f- 15, verso. Concerning Girardi, see Christophe from the south-east, and the calms which prevailed in Colomb, Vol. I., pp. 128, 298, 303, 304. the Gulf of Guinea. These instructions led Cabral to ^ Gallo, De Navigatione Columbi, in Muratori, lean further to the west; and the equatorial currents ItcU. Script, Vol. XXIH., col. 302. 386 The Discovery of North America. Las Casas, who possessed many specimens of the cartographical skill of the two brothers, says that, as a map and globe-maker, Bartholomew was superior to Christopher : "En mi poder estan muchas cosas de las manos de ambos ... en hacer 6 pintar cartas de navegar, y esferas . . . presume que en algunas cosa destas le excedia : '^ — I have in my possession many things in the handwriting of both . . . and as regards making or painting nautical charts and spheres ... I think that in some of these [Bartholomew] was the most skilful of the two." We may fairly suppose that some of those maps set forth either his own or his brother's notions about transatlantic lands, considering that, according to Antonio Gallo, already quoted : " Si quis ^thiopum meridionalibus littoribus relictis in pelagus ad manum dexteram Occidentem versus cursum dirigeret, ut is procul dubio continentem terram aliquando obviam esset habiturus : — He demonstrated to Christopher that by starting from the south coast of Ethiopia, and steering westward on the right in the open sea, a continent would certainly be reached." " 1488. No. 7. Bartholomew Columbus. Map of the world made in London by Bartholomew Columbus for Henry VII. According to Las Casas,35 who seems to mention it de vtsu, as he speaks of a certain portion of the epigraph as being badly written, incorrectly spelled, and illegible: "de muy mala e corrupta letra y sin ortografia, y parte dellos que no pude leer," the map contained the following verses : Terrarum quicumque cupis atque sequoris oras Noscere: cuncta decens hasc te pictura docebit. Quan [sic] probat et Strabo, Ptholomeus, Plinius atque Isidorus, non una tamen sententia queis est. Hie etiam nuper sulcata carinis : Hispania [sic] Zona ilia prius incognita genti Torrida : quae tandem nunc est notissima multis. 3^ Las Casas, Hi.toria, lib. i., cap. xxix., Vol. I., 35 Las Casas, Ilistoria, lib. i., cap. xxix. Vol I p. 224, and cap. ci., Vol. II., p. 80. page 225. We copy literally the poor text of the 34 Gallo, loc. at. Madrid edition. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 387 Pro authore seu pictore. Gennua cui patria est, nomen cui Bartholomeus Columbus de terra rubea : opus edidit istud Londonijs : anno dotnini tnillesimo quatercentessimo octiesque uno Atque insuper anno octavo : decimaque die mensis Februarii. Laudes Christo cantentur abunde. The version of that piece of indifferent poetry, as given by the Historie, 3^ is somewhat different. It was composed of two parts, the first of which being as follows : Terrarurn quicunque cupis feliciter oras Noscere, cuncta decens doctfe pictura docebit, Quam Strabo affirmat, Ptolemaeus, Plinius, atque Isidorus : non vna tamen sententia quisque. Pingitur hie etiam nuper sulcata carinis. Hispanis Zona ilia, prius incognita genti, Torrida, quae tandem nunc est notissima multis. Then, a little lower : Pro auctore, sine pictore. lanua cui patriae \sic\ est nomen, cui Bartholomaeus Columbus de Terra rubra opus edidit istud Londoniis Anno Domini 1480, atque insuper anno Octauo, decimaque die cum tertia mensis Februarij. Laudes Christo cantentur abunde. " Whomsoever you may be, who desires to know the earth and the seas, this picture will give you the detail thereof in full ; which has already been related by Strabo, Ptolemy, Pliny, and Isidor [of Seville]. Yet their information differs. Here is represented the torrid zone recently navigated by the Spanish [wV]" vessels, until then unknown, and now well known. " As to the author or painter, Genoa is his native country, his name is Bartholomew Columbus of Terra Rubra ; he has executed this work at London, in the year of our Lord 1480, and, besides, the year 8, and the tenth day, with the 3d of the month of February." That is, for those who are not compelled to distort words in order to construct poor verse: "On the 13th day of the month of February, 1488." 3« Historie, cap. xi., f"- 31, verso. We take our text after crossing the torrid zone, then supposed to extend for the second series of verses from the table of errata in throughout the ocean (Santarem, Hist, de la Cosmo- the edition of 1571. graphie au moyen age. Vol. III., p. 212). But Diaz 37 This is evidently an allusion to the discovery of the sailed under the Portuguese flag, and the Spaniards had Cape of Good Hope which Bartholomeu Diaz had re- nothing whatever to do with this or any other similar cently accomplished (August, 1486-Decemter, 1487), expedition during the fifteenth century. 388 The Discovery of North America. The reader will notice that not only the wording of the Historie differs somewhat from that of Las Casas,— which should not be the case if both had copied the original document,— but Las Casas assigns the date of February loth : " decimaque die mensis Februarii," instead of February 13th: "decimaque die cum tertia mensis Februani." Nor are we certain that their 1488 is not 1489, new style. Neither Las Casas nor the Historie give any description of the map, and the above is all that we know concerning it. What is said on the subject, or relative to the presence of Bartholomew Columbus in London, by Hakluyt,38 Bacon, 39 Purchas,4o and Herrera,4i was entirely borrowed from the Historie. The offer made to England is confirmed by Christopher Columbus himself, 42 by Alessandro Geraldini,43 and by Oviedo44; but the original English documents, thus far, have yielded no information whatever on that point. Bartholomew Columbus very probably made maps whilst living in France. He says himself that when his brother returned to Spain in 1493 the latter sent for him, being then living with " Madama de Bor- bon,"4S who was either Anne de Beaujeu, or Jeanne, the widow of Louis de Bourbon, 46 the admiral. 1491. No. 8. Rome Map. Map consulted at Rome in 1491 by Martin Alonso Pinzon, and said to have contained indications concerning transatlantic lands. The assertion rests chiefly on the testimony given by Arias Perez Pinzon, son of Martin Alonso, before the Fiscal at Seville in 1513. It is as follows : ^ Hakluyt, The Principall Navigations, ed. of 1589. « Geraldini, Itinerarium ad regiones svb ceqvinoc- 35 Bacon, Historie of the raigne of King Henry the tiali plaga constitvtas, page 203. Seventh, edition of 1622, p. 189. ■" Oviedo, Historia General, lib. i., cap. iv., Vol. I., *° PURCHAS, Pilgrimes, edition of 1625, Part III. page 18. *■ Herreka, Decad. I., lib. i., cap. vii., p. II ; lib. *^ Coleccion de documentos ineditos para la Historia ii., cap. XV., p. 58. de Espaila, Vol. XVI., 1850, pp. 551, 559. *" Navarrete, Vol. II., page 254. 46 Christophe Colomb, Vol. II., pp. 194-196. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 389 " Estaba este testigo en Roma con merca- "Witness and his father were at Rome, with derias de su padre, 6 que iuh el dicho su merchandize, the year before the latter sailed padre a Roma aquel dicho su padre estando on the voyage of discovery. Being one day un dm en la libreria del Papa, allende de j^ j^e Pope's library, where his father had otras muchas veces que habia estado por razon r^ u -,,■•• , , . . . oiten been owing to his intimate acquaintance de mucho conocimiento que tenia con un . , , , , , , familiar, criado del Papa, que era grande cos- ""'^ °"' °^ '^" attendants of the Pope, that mdgrafo y tenia muchas y largas escrituras, y ^"^ndant, who was a great cosmographer and alii las ensefio, platicando muchas veces el °'^''^^ ™^"y extensive manuscripts, conveyed dicho su padre y este testigo con el suso dicho information to them there in the course of criado del Papa en las cosas con el mapa- numerous conversations and by means of a mundo, alii fu6 informado el dicho su padre mappamundi. Thus were they made aware y este testigo de estas tierras que estaban por that there existed lands yet to be discovered, descubrir, e juntamente con mucha industria and with much skill and science in maritime ^ saber en las cosas de la mar el tenia, dijo matters [the said person] told witness fre- muchas veces a este testigo como andaba 6 quently how he should equip two vessels, to queria armar dos navios ^ ir a descubrir estas go and discover those lands." tierras . . ." " In executing the Rogatory Commission sent to Palos nearly twenty years afterwards, November i, 1532, additional testimonies were elicited on that point, Pedro Alonso Ambrosio declaring that Martin Alonso Pinzon went to Rome at his own cost in his own bark loaded with sardines, and brought back information concerning the navigation to the Indies, which had been derived from the mappamundi of the Pope and from a book : — " Fue a Roma A su costa en su barco cargado de sardina, e traj6 sacado del mapa mundo del Papa e de un libro, avisos para saber la navegaci6n de las Indias." 4-8 We place no confidence whatever in those depositions. Yet, the two Pinzons may have visited Rome during the pontificate of Innocent VIII., and seen in the Vatican a mappamundi, exhibiting, like all the old charts, imaginary islands far into the Atlantic Ocean. That of Graciozo Benin- ■casa, perhaps. We have examined all the manuscript maps known (by outsiders) to exist in the Vatican library. As there is no general cata- logue, either of that collection of books or of the cartographical docu- ments, 49 and it is extremely difficult to ascertain where the maps and portolani can be found, we append the necessary rubrics : ■>7 Navarrete, Vol. III., pp. SS9. S^o- ^^'^y manuscript maps, by John Holmes, F.S.A. In *^ Prohanzas of November i, 1532. two volumes. At f. 59, Vol. I., is inserted a catalogue ♦' Since the above was written we have found in the of MS. charts in the Vatican library, communicated by ■catalogue of manuscripts in the British Museum, imder Miss E. SwANN to Captain Washington, R.N., in 1840. No. 20,752, the following interesting item : " Notes on Small 4to." 390 The Discovery of North America. 1358, Palatino. 283, Urhin. 1013, 548, Regin. S. 340. 1770, ,- MS. 5360, Vatican. i960, 2035, „ 2972, 3236, 1362, Palatino. See also : Orbis totius descriptio., 1993 — 244. Terra none Ducis responsto ad Regem Catholici de Monaresia, 5457 (ante anno 1538?). Nowhere did we find in any of the alphabetical catalogues or rubrics, the names : Columbus, Vespuccius, or Anglerius. In the Secret Archives of the Vatican (Archivio Segreto della Santa Sede), now open to the public, on the inside front wall can be read this noble inscription, engraved for the first time in 1 880 : leo xiii pont max historiae stvdiis consvlens tabvlarii arcana reclvsit anno mdccclxxx Unfortunately, the fact that our researches embraced particularly the last seven years of the fifteenth century, prevented us from obtaining any information whatever. 5° But very extensive promises were made to us. 1492. No. 9. Maps of Lorenzo de Medici. In connection with maps of that period, we may perhaps mention the two mappamundi which figure in the inventory taken after the death of Lorenzo de Medici, in 1492. "Uno tondo grande dipintovi uno universale chon uno festone di node intaglato intorno diametro br. . . . [Valued at 50 florins]." "Uno colmo di bracia 4j^ dipintovi I'universo [Valued also at 50 florins]." Both of those maps hung in rooms of his palace at Florence. Si 5° Those years embrace the greater part of the pontifi- =■ E. MliNTZ, Les OoUeciions des Medicis, Paris, i888, cate of Alexander VI. (Rodrigo Borgia). 4to, pp. 62, 64. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 391 1492. No. 10. Behaim's Globe. Its diameter measures 530 mm. The globe is pasted over with vel- lum, and the configurations exhibit flags, figures of kings, and inscriptions, in gold and colours. It is mounted on an iron stand, with brass meri- dian and horizon, on the edge of which is inscribed the date Anno Domini 15 10 die 5 Novembris, which refers to these two metallic additions. There are numerous legends, in old German language, which have been reproduced by De Murr, at a time when they were yet perfectly legible ; although the vellum had already turned nearly black. Parts of these are omitted or imperfectly rendered in Ghillany's facsimile of the western hemisphere. The globe was repaired in 1825, and it is after having been thus put in order, that Jomard obtained in 1847 from Baron Frederic Carl von Behaim " senior familiae," that it should be temporarily removed from that gentleman's mansion to the School of Arts of Nuremberg, to be fac-similed entirely at the expense of the French government, for the Geographical Department of the Paris National Library. That facsimile is now on exhibition in the latter place, but very difficult to decipher, on account of the fading away of the colouring. As to the original globe, it is still preserved in the archives of the Behaim family, in Nuremberg, Egydienplatz, No. 15. The following legend, which is inscribed in German on the globe, gives the history of that important geographical monument : "At the request of the wise and venerable magistrates of the noble imperial city of Nuremberg, who govern it at present, viz.: Gabriel Nutzel, P. Volkamer, and Nicholas Gro- land, this globe was devised and executed, according to the discoveries and indications of the Knight Martin Behaim, who is well versed in the art of Cosmography, and has navi- gated around one third of the earth. The whole was borrowed with great care from the works of Ptolemy, Pliny, Strabo, and Marco Polo, and brought together, both lands and seas, according to their configuration and position, in conformity with the order given by the aforesaid magistrates to George Holzschuer, who participated in the making of this globe, in 1492. It was left by the said gentleman, Martin Behaim, to the city of Nurem- berg, 'as a recollection and homage on his part, before returning to meet his wife [Johanna de Macedo, daughter of job de Huerter, whom he married in i486], who lives in an island fat Fayal] seven hundred leagues from this place, and where he has his home, and intends to end his days." 39- The Discovery of North America. Our interpretation of the above quotation is that Martin Behaim furnished the geographical data and legends, but that the globe was constructed, painted, and inscribed by a gentleman 5^ of the name of George Holzschuer. For a complete geographical description of the globe, we refer the reader to the following works : De Murr, Diplomatische Geschichte des Portug. beruhmten Ritters Martin Behaims, Nurnberg, 1779, 8vo.; and in French by Jansen, Paris and Strasburg, 1802, Svo. Humboldt, Examen Critique de V Histoire de la Geographie du Nouveau Continent et des progres de V astronomie nautique dans les XV" et XV° siecles, Vol. I., pp. 257-274. Breusing, Zur Geschichte der Geographie, Regiomontanus, Martin Behaim und der jfakobstabj Zeitsch. der Gesellsch. f. Erdk. zii Berlin, 1869, Svo. Ghillany, Geschichte des Seefahrers Ritter Martin Behaim; Niirn- berg, 1853, 4to. Lelewel, Epilogue de la Geographie du May en Age; Bruxelles, 1857, pp. 1 84- 1 91 ; and Kohl, Documentary History of the State of Maine, pp. 147-150. There is a good (but not a facsimile) reduced copy of the configu- rations and legends in Doppelmayr, Historische Nachricht von den Nilrn bergischen Mathematicis und Kitnstlern ; Nurnberg, 1730, fol. Johan Muller, the artist who reproduced the globe for the French Government in 1847, also made a lithographed fac-simile for Ghillany in 1853. In Jomard's Monu?nents de la Geographie, it is incomplete, and otherwise imperfect. Our chief reason for inserting Behaim's globe in our list, is that it exhibits the geographical notions which would have guided him if Joao II. had listened to the Emperor Maximilian's advice to go in search of Cathay by a maritime route westward, and to Dr. Jerome Miinzmeister's suggestion to secure the services of Martin Behaim for that bold and great undertaking. This fact, which is not generally known, is proved by the following extremely curious letter, viz.: 3= The HOLZSCHUEKS were Nuremberg patricians ; one monarch, February 2, 1503, an additional escutcheon, of that family, Wolf, lived in Portugal, and having The arms of the Holzschuer family are also painted on rendered services to King Manoel, received from that Behaim's globe. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 393 "Carta que enuiou Hieronimo montaro doutor alemao da cidade de norumberga em Alhemanha ao serenissimo Rey do Joham segumdo de Por- tugal. Sobre o descobrimento do mar Oceano et prouin(ia do Gram Cavi de Catay tirada de latim em lingoagem par mestre Aluaro da torre: mestre em theologia da ordem de sam domingos pregador do dito Senhor Rey. Ao serenissimo e inuictissimo Johane Rey de Portugal e dos algarues e da mauritania maritana, e inuentor primeyro das ylhas fortu- nadas Canarias, da madeira e dos adores. Hieronimo montario doutos alema muy humil- dosamente se encomenda. Porque atee que este louuor recebeste do serenissimo Infante do Anrique teu tio que nunca perdoaste a trabalho nem despesas pera descobrir a redon- deza das terras e pera tua industria fezeste tributaries atee os pouos maritimos da Ethio- pia e ho mar de Guine atee ho tropico de Capricorno co suas mercadurias : assi como Ouro, Graos de parayso, Pimenta, Escrauos e outras cousas. Com o ho qual ingenho gan- haste pera ti louuor immortalidade e gloria e tambem muy gram proueito, e nam he duuida que em breue tempos os de Ethiopia quasi bestas em semelhanga humana, alienados do culto diuino dispa per tua industria sua bes- tialidade e venham a guardar a religiam catho- lica. Considerando estas cousas, Maximiliano inuictyssimo Rey de Ramanos quis conuidar tua magestade a buscar a terra oriental de catay muy rica : porque Aristoteles confessa em fim do liuro segundo de celo et mundo. E tambem Seneca qnto \(iuinto\ liuro dos na- turaes e Pedro de aliaco cardeal muy letrado na sua ydade e outros muytos varoes esclare- cidos cofessam digno ho principio do oriente habitauel : ser achegado assaz ao fim do occi- dente habitauel, sam sinaes os elefantes que S3 MiiNZER or Munzmeister ; see infra, p. 397. s* Antoxio, BM. Hisp. Nova, Vol. I., page 61; Innocencio F. DA Sylva, Diccionario Bihliorjraphico Portuf/uex ; Vol. I., page 51. "A letter which Hieronymus Monetarius,^^ a German doctor from the city of Nuremberg in Germany, sent to the Most Serene King Dam Joao II. of Portugal, concerning the discovery in the Oceanic Sea and province of the Great Khan of Cathay. Translated from Latin in [the Portuguese] language by Master Alvaro da Torre^^ a Master of Theology, of the order of Dominicans, Preacher to our lord the said King. To the Most Serene and Invincible King of Portugal, of the Algarves and of Maritime Mauritania, [ who is ] the first discoverer of the Fortunate islands. Canaries, Madeira, and Azores, Hieronymus Monetarius, a learned German, most humbly recommends himself. As you have laudably imitated the Most Serene ^ Infant Dom Henry, your uncle, in sparing neither efforts nor expense to demonstrate the sphericity of the earth, and succeeded in bringing under your sway the people of the coast of Ethiopia and of the sea of Guinea as far as the tropic of Capricorn, with the products thereof, viz. : gold, grains of Para- dise,'^ you have won praises, immortality, and glory, together with very great profits. It cannot be doubted that within a short time the Ethiopians, who are animals almost, but with the appearance of men, and entirely ignorant of divine worship, will, through your efforts, lose their bestiality, and embrace the Catholic religion. Maximilian, the Most Invincible King of the Romans, noticing all those things, has re- quested Your Majesty to search for the very rich coast of Cathay, because Aristotle states at the end of Book II., De Cxlo et Mundo, and also Seneca, Book V. of Naturalium QucBstionum, and Cardinal Peter de Alyaco,^ a great savant in his day, and many illustrious persons think, that the inhabitable extreme 53 Amomuin Melerjueta, also called " Guinea grains," and " Mallaguetta pepper." 3'5 Pierre d'Ailly, the " Eagle of the doctors of France," who died in 1420. 3 A 394 The Discovery of North America. a [Ad] muitos aqui nestes dous lugares, e tam- bem as canas que a tormenta laga da praya do oriente as prayas das ilhas dos agores sa tambem infindos, porque assy ho diga, muy certos argumentos, polios qes [guaes] demos- tratiuos se proua aquella maar em puocos dias nauegar-se contra Catay oriental e no se trouue Alfragano e outros sem speriencia os qes [quaes] disera soomente huma quarta parte da terra estar descoberta ao mar, e a terra segundo as tres partes estar alagada sob o mar porque nas cousas que pertencem a ha- bitagam da terra mays se a de creer a espe- riencia e as prouauces estorias que as ymagi- nagoes fantasticas. For que certo sabeys que muytos autorizados astronomos negarom ser alguma habitagam debayxo dos tropicos e equinocios. A as quaes cousas tu achaste serem vas e falsas p [por] tua experencia. Nam seja duuida que a terra nam esta ala_ guada sob ho mar : mays pello contrayro ho maar esta immerso. E ainda a redondeza orbicular della. Abondam tambem a ty as abastagas e riquezas, e sam a ty marinheyros muy sabios os qes [quaes] assy mesmo deseja gaynhar immortalidade e gl'ia [gloria]. O quanta gloria alcangaras se fezeras ho oriente habitauel ser conhecido ao tea occidente, e tambem quanto proueyto os comercios te daram : O.ue [oure] mays faras as ilhas do oriente tributarias, e muytas vezes os Reys marauilhados se sogigara muy leuemente ao teu senhorio. Ja te louuam por grande prin- cipe OS Alemaos e ytalicos e os Rutanos, Apolonios scitos os que moram debayxo da Seca estrella do polio artico. Com ho grande duque de Moscauia, que na ha muytos annos que debayxo da sequedade da dita estrella foy nouamente sabida a grande Ilha de Grulanda, bue corre por costa trezentas leguoas, na qual a grandisima habitagam de gente do dito sen- horio do dito senhor duque. Mays se esta East is very near the West, as is shown by the numerous elephants found in both, and by the bamboo stalks which are driven by storms to the shores of the Azore islands. Numberless arguments, so to speak, prove that after sailing but a few days the east coast of Cathay could be reached. No notice must be taken of Alfragano and other inexperienced individuals who afErm that only one-fourth of the earth is above the sea, and that the other three-fourths are under water ; as in such matters we should believe experience and trust- worthy accounts rather than fantastical suppo- sitions. You know, doubtless, that several astro- nomers of great repute have denied the possi- bility of living under the tropics and in the equinoctial regions, yet you have effectually proved" that those were erroneous and ground- less affirmations. No attention should be paid to [the statement] that the greatest part of the earth is submerged, because, on the contrary, it is the sea which is smaller than the earth. Moreover, there is the fact that the earth is round. You possess ample wealth and very able mariners who are eager to acquire immortality and fame. How glorious it would be for you to disclose the East to your West ! How trade [with those new regions] would prove profitable ! You should also bear in mind that the eastern islands will become your tri- butaries, and that the majority of kings, carried away by their admiration, will readily place themselves under your protection. Already the Germans, Italians, and Rhu- tenians, and Apollinians of Scythia, who dwell under the dry star of the Arctic pole, all sing your praises, together with those of the Grand Duke of Moscovia,^ who, only a few years since, has found under that star the great is- land of Greenland, three hundred leagues long, 57 By the discoveries accomplished in Africa. great territorial accessions as far as Siberia and Laponia, 58 IwAN III., who died in 1505, celebrated for his tut who never discovered or conquered Greenland. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 395 espediQam acabares a leuatarteam em louuores como deos, ou outro Hercules e teeras tam- bem se te apraz pera este caminho po com- panheyro deputado do nosso rey Maximiliano ho senhor martinoh boemio singularmente pera esto acabar, e outros muytos marinheyros sabedores que nauegaram ha largura do mar, tomando caminho das ylhas dos a9ores per sua industria per quadrante chilindro e astro- labio e outros ingenhos onde nem frio nem calma os anojara : e mais nauegaram a praya oriental sob hua temperanga muy temperada do aar, e do mar muytos infindos argumentos sam pellos quaes tua magestade pode ser esti- mada. Mays que aproueyta esporear a quem corre. E tu mesmo es tal que todalas cousas com tua industria atee a vnha examinas. E por tanto escreuer muytas cousas desta cousa he impedir aquem corre que nam achegue ao cabo. Ho todo poderoso conserue a ti em teu proposito e acabado ho caminho do mar d[e] teus caualleyros sejas celebra- do CO immortalidade. Vale de Noruberga villa de alta Alemanha a quatorze de Julho salutis de mil e quatrocentos e nouenta e tres annos." which, with a numerous population, is [now] under the sway of the said Duke. If you succeed in that undertaking, you will be praised as a god or as another Her- cules. At your bidding you may secure, to accompany the expedition, the envoy of our King Maximilian, [viz.:] His Lordship Martin of Bohemia, who is so well fitted for carrying out the undertaking, and also several other expert mariners, who will cross the broad sea, starting from the Azores, and who by their skill and by means of the quadrant, cylinder, astrolabe, and other instruments, and fearing neither the cold nor the heat, will sail to the East, with a favourable wind and smooth sea. All those arguments should convince Your Majesty. But why spur on the running cour- ser ? And this so much the less as you are yourself able to fathom all things ! To expa- tiate on the subject is to impede the runner in his course. Let the Almighty preserve you in this design ; and when the crossing shall have been effected, may your knights [sic] confer on you immortality. Farewell. From Nuremberg, a city of Upper-Germany; July 14, A.D. 1 493-" Maximilian I. was the son of Leonora of Portugal, and therefore the cousin of Joao II. He was Emperor of the Romans from February 16, i486, until August 19 following, when he became Emperor of Ger- many. He waged war in person against France from 1492 until May 23, 1493. It is consequently prior to the spring of 1492, or between the end of May and the second week in July, 1493, that Maximilian wrote on the subject to Joao II. On the other hand, Martin Behaim was at Nuremberg from 1491 until 1493, 59 and as it was an Imperial residence, whilst his birth and position allowed him to frequent the Court, we may infer that he met Maximilian in that city ; and after suggesting a transatlantic voyage of discovery, requested the Emperor to write to his cousin the King of S9 November 22, 1491, Wolf Behaim speaks of his and March 11, 1494, he writes that the year preceding brother Martin as being then at Nuremberg. Martin he went to Portugal. — Ghillany, op. cit., Urkunde states in the globe that he made it at Nuremberg in 1492 ; IX. , pages 105 and 106. 396 The Discovery of North America. Portugal on the subject, apparently in 1491 or 1492. This seems to imply unsuccessful efforts in that respect on the part of Behaim when he was at Lisbon, previous to 1491. Another curious coincidence is the fact that the arguments used by Munzmeister to convince Joao II., are precisely those which were ad- vanced by Toscanelli, and adduced by Columbus to convince Ferdinand and Isabella, viz.: ist. — "Aristode states at the end of Book II, De Ccelo et Mundo, .... that the East is very near the West," alleged Munzmeister. Columbus said : " Dal fine occidentale dell' Africa, et della Spagna potrebbe nauigarsi per I'Ocddente al fine orientale dell' India ; et che non era gran mare quelle, che in mezo giaceua, secondo che aflferma Aristotele nel fine del secondo libro del Cielo, et del Mondo : — It is possible to sail from the western coast of Africa and Spain westward to the easternmost part of India, because there is no wide sea between the two ; as Aristotle states at the end of Book II. of The Heavens and Earth." «» 2nd. — " It is not true that the greatest part of the earth is submerged. On the contrary, it is the sea which is smaller than the earth," pretended Munzmeister. Columbus said : " El enjuto del mundo es seis partes, la septima solamente cubierta de agua : — Six parts of the world are dry land; only the seventh is submerged."^' 31'd. — " After sailing but a few days the coast of Cathay can be reached," affirmed Munzmeister. Columbus said ; " Si aquel espacio fuese mar, seria facil cosa navegarlo en poco dias : — If the inter- vening space is sea, then it will be easy to cross it in a few days.""^ 4th. — " There is also the fact that the earth is round," remarked Munzmeister. Columbus said : " Como todo el agua y la tierra del mundo constituyan una esfera y por consiguiente sea redondo :— As all the seas and lands of the world form a sphere, and the earth conse- quently is round, it is possible to go from east to west."^ 5th. — "Bamboo stalks are driven by storms to the shores of the Azore islands," wrote Munzmeister. * Historie, cap. vii., f ■■ 14. 6= j^^^ Casas, lib. i., cap. v., Vol. I., p. 56. '■ Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 300. 63 L^s casas, loc. cit., p. 55 ; Hhlorie, cap. vi., {"■ 12. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 397 Columbus, referring to a statement of his brother-in-law, said : " Pietro Correa . . . gli disse, nell' Isola di Porto Santo hauer veduto vn' altro legno, venutoui con gli stessi venti, et che medesimamente v'erano recate canne cosi grosse : — Pedro Correa' told him [t. e. Columbus] that in the island of Porto Santo he had seen another piece of wood driven by the same [West] wind, and in the same manner thick canes." ^* Finally, both the Nuremberg doctor and Columbus, quote in support of their assertions, the same authorities, viz.: Aristotle, Seneca, and the then celebrated Cardinal Pierre d'Ailly.^S As to the writer of that curious letter, his name was Jerome Miinzer or Munzmeister, in Latin Hieronymus Monetarlus, a Nuremberg savant, who is evidently the " Doctor leronimus " mentioned by Martin Behaim in the postscript of his letter ^6 of March 11, 1494, and consequently one of his personal friends. He is called " Philosophus et medicinse doctor," and is the author of a work on the discoveries of the Portuguese in Africa.67 He also wrote an account of his travels during the years 1494- 1495 in Germany, France, Spain, and Portugal.^s The first of those works has been published by Kunstmann,69 who gave only an analysis of the second, and an excellent introduction. Dr. Laubmann, who, at our request, has kindly examined the codex containing all the writings of Munzmeister, preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, with the view of ascertaining whether Munzmeister mentions the discovery of the New World, Columbus, or Behaim, reports negatively. This is unexpected, as Miinzmeister met Behaim at Lisbon, as can be seen by the postscription to the latter's above mentioned letter of March 11, 1494, forwarded necessarily in November or December of that year, considering that Miinzmeister left Lisbon for home, December 2nd. He speaks only of the house of Behaim's father-in-law. Job de Huerter, in that city, and of a handsome black slave from the "Galloff" country in Africa, whom he possessed. It is interesting to learn that Miinzmeister, who had been introduced to Joao IL by the Sicilian poet and jurisconsult Cataldus Aquila, dined four times with that King, conversing all the while on Cosmography. Miinzmeister died August 27, 1508. S4 Historie cap. ix., f"- 20, recto. per Hispaniam, Franciam et Alemanniam, H9Ji-95. «s Historie, caps. vii. and ix., £■«• 14, 15, 28. * Abhandlunrjen der Hixtor. Classe der K. Baye- «5 In Ghillany, Oeschichte des seefahrers Sitter rischer Ahad. d. PTwseKscAa/toi, Vol. VII. (1854), page Martiii Behaim, Urhinde, XI., p. 107. 289 seg. See also Schmellek, Ueher VcUentim AUnrn ^7 De inventione Africie maritimce et occidentalis page 9; in Abhandlungen der Philos.-Philologischen videlicet OenecB per Infantem Jlenricum PortuycUlice. Olasse der K. Bayerischer Ahad. der Wissenschaften, es Hieronymi Monetarii Itimrarium sive peregrinatio Vol. IV., 1847. 398 The Discovery of North America. There is a circumstance concerning this letter which at first sight appears peculiar. It is that so late as July 14, 1493. they should not have heard yet in Nuremberg of the expedition of Columbus, and more especially of his successful return. It may be said that the equipping and sailing out of those three small caravels were then an unimportant event, which, besides, could not well have been heralded beyond Seville or Palos. As to the news of its success, the Franco-German war, which ceased only with the Treaty of Senlis at the end of May, 1493, pre- vented all intercourse by land between Portugal and Germany. Nor did it produce in Europe the effect which we imagine. So far as our re- searches extend, the news of the discovery of the New World seems to have been made known north of Spain and Italy, only through the edition made at Rome by Stephanus Plannck, of De Cosco's Latin translation of Columbus' letter, in the spring of 1493 ; as is seen by the reprints made at Basle, Antwerp, and Paris.7o It is also worthy of notice that the famous Chronicle of Hartmann Schedel, although its title states : " Consummatum autem duodecima mensis Julii. Anno salutis nostre. 1493," 7i and was printed at Nuremberg, does not mention at all the memorable discovery accomplished by Columbus, and known in Europe since April of that year. As there is only one copy known to exist 72 of the volume from which we have extracted the above letter of Miinzmeister, a bibliographical description may prove interesting to our readers : Under a woodcut of a sphere, with a king on one side, and a cosmographer on the other, appears the following title : " Tradado da Spera do mundo tiraroa de latim em lingoage portugues Com bua [sic pro umci\ carta que huun grade doutor Alemam mandou a el Rey de Portugall dom Joam ho segundo." Small 8vo., black letter, 36 unnumbered leaves, signat. in fours, sine anno aut loco, but on the 19th leaf, in the border of a woodcut serving as title for the Regimento da declinagam do sol, is inscribed the name : German Galhard. 7° BiUiotheca Americana Vetust., Nos. i-6. These tions to Mr. Annibal Fernandez Thomaz, for his reprint reprints were all made from the/rs« Roman edition. of Miinzmeister's Letter (Coimbra, 1878, 12 pp., privately T- Ibidem, No. 13, pp. 37-41. printed), and to Mr. Ernesto DO Canto for his edition of '^^ That unique copy is preserved in the City Library of the same (Ponta Delgada, 1879, folio. 4 PP-)- The Evora, to the chief librarian of which, Mr. Antonio Carta was reprinted for the first time in the Folha do Francisco Barata, we are indebted for facsimiles and Sul (of Evora, No. 88, March 15, 1865), but with many minute bibliographical details. We are also under obliga- typographical errors, which are here corrected. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 399 The French printer, Germain Gailhard, exercised his art at Lisbon so early, at least, as March, 1509, as is shown by the missal which he printed in Lisbon at that date.73 The above Tratado is a Sacrobusto ; and although Germain Gailhard printed, at Lisbon in 1537, a Tratado da sphera . . . tirado nouamenie de Latim em linguagem, 74 which also contains a Sacrobusto, the present is entirely different, and seems to date from the time when Gailhard com- menced printing in Lisbon, — we do not know in what year. The fact that his name appears so late as 155775 and 156076 authorises the sup- position that there have been two Germain Gailhards, just as at that time there were two Jehan du Pres, two Guillaume Nyverds, two Jehan Trepperels, and two Anthoine Verards. "n No. II. Martin Behaim. Map containing the configurations which are on Behaim's globe : " Dans le d^pot des archives de la famille de Behaim il y a un dessin assez exact et assez propreraent fait de ce globe, sur deux feuilles de velin."'* We have been informed that it is a drawing of the time. If so, it might prove interesting to print the legends, as they are scarcely legible ' now on the globe itself, and we find differences between the text given by De Murr, and Ghillany's fac-simile. No. 12. Christopher Columbus. Chart which Christopher Columbus intended to make when he set out on his first transatlantic voyage : 73 Missale secundum consentidinem Mborensis ecdesim This, together with the subscription on the title-page : noviter impressum .... Tmpressum Vlixipone expeiisis ' ' Foy impesso em Lisboa em casa de GermaS Galharde, magistri Antonii Lermet Elbore.iuis ciuitatis librarii per Anno 1560," has led us to think that he died in the latter Germanum gallardum. Ano Salutis nostre millesimo year, whilst the book was in course of publication. This, quinneniesimo nono. Pridie Kalendas martii. {Evora however, is not a sure test, as the successor of a deceased Public Library.) printer frequently maintained the name or mark of the '•• BiUiotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 222, and latter on the title-page, although printing his own in the Additions, No. 117. colophon. 75 Lei de D. SebastiaO, 1557, mentioned by Ribeiro '' Excerpta Golombiniana. Bibliographie de quatre DOS Santos in Memoria de Litteratura portugueza, cents pieces gothiques fran^aises, italiennes et latines. Vol VIII. p. 119. ^^ C. T. BE MvKR, Histoire diplomatique du chevalier 7^ There is a Reportorio dos tempos on the colophon of Portugais Martin Behaim. The third edition of H. J. which it is stated that the book was printed by the widow Jansen's translation into French, Strasbourg and Paris, of " German Galharde que santa gloria aja anno 1560." 8vo, p. 12. 400 The Discovery of North America. "Tengo propdsito de hazer carta nueva de navegar, en la qual situar^ toda la mar y tierras del mar ocgeano en sus proprios lugares, debaxo su viento; y mds, componer vn libro y poner todo por el semejante por pintura, por latitud del equinocial y longitud del occidente: — I intend, said he (in the introduction to his Journal), to make a new sailing chart, in which shall be depicted the entire sea and lands of the ocean, in their proper place and under their own rhumb. Also, a book containing the same, painted, with the equinoctial latitude and western longitude."^ We can realise what was the appearance of that map when Colum- bus returned to Spain in 1493. It represented, of course, the Atlantic Ocean with its eastern and western seaboards, the latter being thereon set forth as the coast of Asia ; such as we see it in the early mappa- mundi. Near the Asiatic continent, there were seven or eight islands bearing names, and placed within a vast archipelago. The two largest islands exhibited probably only their northern coast. These were His- paniola and Cuba, but the latter, which was by 26° latitude, stretched due west, to about ']']' longitude, where the coast was made to trend southward, to connect, probably, with Cipango or with Cathay. The only curious parts of that map were certainly Columbus' tables of dis- tances, or the longitudes which he gave to the newly discovered islands, to make their position, as ascertained then by him, correspond with his preconceived notions concerning the circumference of the earth, which, as is well known, he believed to be a quarter at least smaller than it really is. 80 The polar regions may have also presented configurations different from those which we notice in the globe of Behaim. 1492-1493. No. 13. — Columbus. Map which Columbus had on board during his first voyage, and communicated to Martin Alonzo Pinzon on the 22nd of September, 1492. It contained oceanic islands depicted by Christopher Columbus himself: "Navarrete, Vol. I., page 3. que valerent quinque milia et centum leucarum." On ^ The notions of Columbus in that respect were the margin of Columbus' own copy of the Imcujo Mundi, borrowed from Pierre d'Ailly, who had taken them preserved in the Biblioteca Colombina at Seville, there from Roger Bacon. In d'Ailly's Imar/o Mundi (cap. is a long manuscript note in his own handwriting con- X., f" 9, or recto of 6) we read : " gradus circuitus terre taining the following interpretation : " Tucigitur posimus habet quinquaginta sex miliaria et duas tercias unius, et [sic pro possumus] dicere quod circulus terrse sub areu sic habet totus circuitus. XX milia et cccc miliaria . . . eqnocti ali a [sic pro est] 20400 miliarum." Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 401 "Iba hablando el Almitalite con Martin Alonso Pinzon . . . sobre una carta que le habia enviado tres dias hacia a la carabela, donde segun parece tenia pintadas el Almirante ciertas islas por aquella mar: — The Admiral went to converse with Martin Alonso Pinzon . . . concerning a chart which he had sent him, to his ship, three days ago, in which the Admiral seemed to have painted certain islands in that sea."^' Las Casas says that it was the original map which Toscanelli had sent to Columbus : " Esta carta es la que le embio Paulo Fisico el Floren- tin."82 But^ as Humboldt justly remarks.^s Columbus did not sail by the latter map ; else, " he would have kept a more northern course in the parallel of Lisbon. Instead of this, he steered half the way in the lati- tude of Gomera, one of the Canaries, in the hope of more speedily reaching Zipangu (Japan) ; and subsequently keeping a less high altitude, he found himself, on the 7th of October, 1492, in the parallel of 25° 30'." 1493. No. 14. Bergmann de Olpe. Map of the islands discovered by Christopher Columbus during his first voyage. It is a rough woodcut, 80 by no mm., engraved at Basle in 1493, and inserted in the illustrated edition of Columbus' Epistola de Insults Inveniis, printed in that city by Bergmann de Olpe. 84 The names are : hyspana (la Espafiola), fernada (Fernandina), Ysabella, Saluatorie {sic pro San Salvador), Conceptois (Concepcion), marie (belongs to the previous name, viz.: Santa Maria de la Concepcion). It is scarcely necessary to add that the map is absolutely fanciful, made by a Swiss engraver from the description of the Epistola. The identical woodcut has served for the Verardus published by the same printer, also at Basle, in 1494. No. 15. Bergmann's Hispaniola. Map or graphic representation of the Insula hyspana. Published also by Bergmann de Olpe, in the same work as the above. 8- Navarretb Vol. I. , page 13. '' Humboldt, Cosmo,, London, 1849, Vol. II., p. 637. 8= Las Casas, jyis^oWa, lib. i.,cap. 12, Vol. I., p. 279. =^ Christophe Colomb, Vol. II., page 27. 3 B 402 The Discovery of North America. No. 1 6. Queen Isabella's. Maps which Queen Isabella requested Columbus to make, very soon after his return, and that he was to give her before starting on his second voyage. She reminded him of it, August 4, 1493, in these words: "Las cartas de navegar, Nos enviad en todo caso que os partais : — The nautical charts, which in any event you will send us before setting out."^ The Queen renewed her request, September 3 following, and stated that the map or maps were to be very complete, and to contain the names of the localities discovered by him : " La carta que vos rogamos que nos enviisedes antes de vuestra partida, nos enviad luego muy cumplida, y escritos con ella los~~nombres :*' — The map which we asked you to send us before your departure, forward it immediately, well completed, and write the names thereon." This request seems to have been prompted by the fact that the rela- tion of his voyage which Columbus remitted to the Queen failed to state the geographical position of the newly - found regions, and the degrees which he traversed to reach those countries : " Habiamos menester saber los grados del camino por donde fuistes, por servicio nuestro que nos los envieis luego : "' — It is necessary that we should know the degrees of the route over which you have sailed for our service, and that you should send it to us at once." This recommendation implies that Columbus did not communicate to Isabella the map mentioned in the introduction to his Journal. The omission to state the degrees of latitude and longitude was evidently voluntary on the part of Columbus, as the Queen in her request says : " Y si vos pareciere que no la debemos mostrar nos lo escribid : — If you do not wish that we should show it to anyone, write so." No. 17. Jaume Ferrer. The mappamundi which Jaume Ferrer, de Blanes, was requested by Cardinal Mendo9a, August 26, 1493, to bring with him to Barcelona : " Y traed con vos el mapa mundi y otros si teneis tocantes a cosmografia : — And bring with you the map of the world, and others if you have any such, on the subject of Cosmo- graphy." ^ ^^ Coleccion de documentos iiiediton de Indian, Vol. ^' Carta mennagera de la Reina ; Nav., uU supra. XXX., page 196. ^ Sentencias catholicas del divi poeta Dant florenti ; ^' Navarrete, Vol. II.. docs. Ixx. and Ixxi., pp. Barcelona, 1545, sm. 8vo, f- 45 ; Navarrete, Vol. II., 107 and 109. p. 98. Bihliot. Americ. VetusL, Additions, No. 154. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 403 1494. No. 18. Maps of the Antillies. Maps which were made, as we suppose, by the master map-makers who accompanied Columbus during his second voyage : "Tbdas las personas que vienen en estos navios, entre los cuales hay maestros de cartas de marear : — All the persons who come in those vessels, amongst whom there are masters in chart making." ^ Those cartographers must have constructed charts of what had been ascertained then of the island of Cuba, as Columbus refers to their testi- mony concerning the extent of the region, and its trending southward : " Y porque ellos viesen como esta tierra es grandisima, y que de aqui adelante va la costa della ai mediodia : — And because they saw how that country is very considerable, and that thence the country trends southwards."™ We must add that in the course of the second voyage, maps of the discovery were constructed with great care, gradually as it progressed, by order of Columbus. In the manuscript letter of Michael de Cuneo, the Savonesian gentleman who accompanied him, we read : "Videmo molto Isole, le quale tutte il S. Armirante le fece mettere in carta distinta- mente : — ^We saw many islands, which His Lordship the Admiral ordered to be inscribed on the map distinctly." "' No. 19. Francesco Mantegna. It was a map of the world made by Francesco Mantegna, 92 for Francesco Gonzaga, Marquis of Mantua, to whom he wrote as follows : "Mantue 12 [and] 15 Ottobr. 1494 se degni farmi dar tanto chio possi vivere et servire alia Signoria Vra. per sino a tanto che finito sia el Mapamundo. . . . Dico che io scripsi alia Signoria Vra. et scrivo solum per le spese del mio vivere per- sino a tanto che finito sia il Mapamondo che sere presto : ''— "Mantua, October 12 and 15, i494 If you deign to give me what I need to sustain myself and serve Your Highness, until the mappamundi is completed I write only to obtain the necessary means to live until the Mappamundi is finished, and it will be achieved " S'Navarrete, Vol. II., doc. Ixxvi., p. 144, dated University of Bologna, Cod. 4075. Supra, p. 104. 9= The son of Andrea Mantegna. ''^"^Liforlacion y testimonio ; Na v arrete, iUdem. « Giovanni Gave, CarU<3^io inedito d'artisti ; Firenze, „ . ., T 7 /I • i8^o 8vo, Vol. I., pp. S27, 328, and E. MiiNTZ, Revue 9- Nov. 20, 1494. De nomtatihus Insul. Ocoeam ]°29 °vo, , pf j /, j , i\ov. ^u, iify^ „f ,!,„ Crif 3 404 The Discovery of North America. As Francis II., the Marquis of Mantua, was in possession of an account of Columbus' discovery sent him from Florence by Luca Fancelli, so far back as April 22, 1493, we may infer that Mantegna's mappamundi exhibited some delineation of the New World. If so, it must have re- presented America as an immense island, with tremendous rivers, and formidable mountains : " una ixola grandisima laquale aveua grandisimi fiumi e teribile montagnie," according to Luca's description. No. 20. Hojeda's Hispaniola. This map of Alonso de Hojeda is mentioned by Columbus himself, as follows : " Hojeda, criado del Duque de Medinaceli, muy discreto mozo y de muy gran recab- do, que sin duda y aun sin comparacion, descubrio mucho mas [que Gorbalan], segun el memorial de los rios que 6[ trajo : — Hojeda, who belonged to the household of the Duke de Medina Celi, a young man of very good mind and extremely sedulous, and, who, with- out any doubt and above all comparison, discovered more [than Gorbalan], judging from the account of rivers which he brought." " According to this, it was a graphic and minute description of the country discovered by Hojeda in Hispaniola. No. 21. Mappamundi of King Joam II. That map was in the King's palace at Lisbon when Dr. Jerome Munzmeister visited the place in November, 1494. He describes it as follows : "Similiter cosmographiam in maxima et bene descripta tabula deaurata, cujus dyameter erat 14 palmarum :— On a gilt table a very large and well depicted cosmography, of 14 palms diameter." ^ We understand this sentence to mean that it was a mappamundi, of i'".3369552 diameter,96 depicted on a plane, and gilt. Who knows but that it served as a model for the configurations in Behaim's Globe ? •>* Memorial addressed to Ferdinand and Isabella by MS., in Kunstmann, Hieronymm Munzer-s Berkht Christopher COLUMBns, from the city of Isabela, January ilher die Entdeclcung der Guinea ■ in Ahh d Hist CI 30 1494 ; Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 226. d. Bay. AK. d. W. VII. (1855), page 303. See supra, Mieronymi Monetani Itmerarium sive peregrinatio p. 397, our account of the Nuremberg savant per mspamam, Franciam et Alemanniam, im-W5. '* In Upper Germany the palm was equal to o™. 954968 Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 405 1495. No. 22. Jaume Ferrer. Plane chart which Jaume Ferrer, de Blanes, sent to Ferdinand and Isabella on the 27th of January, 1495 : " Una forma mundi en figura extensa en que podran ver los dos Emisferios ... el nuestro Artico y el oposito Antartico ... el circolo equinoccial y los dos trdpicos de la de- clinacion del Sol : — A description of the World, on a plane surface, in which can be seen the two hemispheres . . . and our Arctic [pole] and its opposite Antarctic [one] ; the equinoctial circle, and the two tropics of the declination of the sun." That technical phraseology is curious for the time, particularly the idea of representing the earth on two hemispheres, — eighteen years before the mappamundi of Johannes de Stobnicza. This map was intended evidently to illustrate the claims of Spain as regards the line of demarcation. See the letters of February 28th, I495> ^^^ *^^ August 5th following, in the Sentenctas Catholicas.97 1496. No. 23. Christopher Columbus. Map made by Christopher Columbus when he returned from his second expedition. " Remeansque, quantum licuit, sinus, promontoria, portus, atque omne litus decursum signavit in tabula," says Antonio Gallo,98 the Chancellor of the Bank of St. George. This learned Genoese may have seen in Italy, some map made by Columbus, as he speaks of letters in the handwriting of the latter concerning his trans- atlantic voyages, which he declares to have examined himself: ." Ipsemet in ^pistolis quas vidimus manu propria ipsius subscriptas, prodidit." Yet, although- there were in Seville branches of Genoese firms, several of which equipped the caravels employed by Columbus in his voyages of discovery (Casano Negri, Francesco de Rivarola, Paolo Centurione, =7 Navarrete, CoUccion de viages, Vol. II., pp. 97" Maisonneuve Catalogue, 1881, No. 2765. lOS • Navarrete, Disertacion sobre la HUtoria de la '" Gallo, De Navujatione Golumbi, in Muratgri, Ndutica, page 120; B. A. V., Additions, No. 152; Ital. Script., Vol XXIU., col. 304. 4o6 The Discovery of North America. Pantaleone Italiano, &c.), and which sent home information about the discoveries accomplished by their great countryman, 99 there is not in the rich archives of Genoa, a single map of that time, or, in fact, any old map of the New World whatever. No. 24. John Cabot. The mention is to be found in the first English manuscript which cites the discovery accomplished by John Cabot, viz.: "/« anno 13 Henr. VII. — This yere the Kyng at the besy request and supplicacion of a Straunger venisian, which by a Coeart made hym self expert in knowyng of the world, caused the Kyng to manne a ship w' vytaill and other necessaries for to seche an Hand . . ."™ That " Straunger venisian " was John Cabot, and the above text is the earliest reference to his voyage known. The Chronicle of Robert Fabyan, as quoted by Stow, "o' says that it occurred "In anno 14 Henr. VII.," while Hakluyt gives the date of "In the 13 yere of King Henrie the VII., i498."'°2 All those dates are certainly erroneous, as ^enry VII. ascended the throne of England, August 21 or 22, 1485, and the first letters patent granted to John Cabot and his sons are dated March 5, 1496. About 1497. No. 25. Vasco da Gama. Map which is said to have been used by Vasco da Gama, and on which the New Continent was depicted in the form of an island. That map still existed at Lisbon in 1847, and Viscount Santarem possessed a minute description of it,'o3 which he never published and that we have vainly endeavoured to discover. » " Perpiii Lettere de'nostri Mercatanti di Spagna ;" ■<" Stow, ChronideH of Emiland, London, 1580, 410, Allegretto Allegretti, in MuRATORi, op. aV., col. 827, page 862. and Chriitophe Colomb, Vol. I., p. 78. >» Hakluyt, Divers voyages. Supra, p. 40. «» MS. Cott. riteWus, A xw (xvi. ?), f. 173 ; British "s Santarem, Bulletin de la SociM de Gior,raphi, Museum, and Jean et Sibastien Cabot, p. 316. de Paris, No. of April, 1847, p. 321. 'lie Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 407 1497. No. 26. John Cabot. Map and globe which John Cabot brought from his first transatlantic voyage : "Esso messer Zoane ha la descriptione del mondo in una carta, et anche in una sphera solida che lui ha fatto et demostra dove e capitato, et andando verso el levante ha passato assai el paese del Tanais : — This Mr. John has the description of the world on a map, and likewise on a solid globe which he has made, and he shows where he landed, and that sailing eastward [sic jiro westward] he has passed far beyond the country of the Tanais."'" The latter expression indicates that his mappamundi, like all plane charts of the time, set forth a well defined coast bordering the eastern seaboards of Asia; and that the lands discovered in 1497 by John Cabot were not south of but north-west of the coast of Labrador, which he doubtless believed to continue westward, and then southward, until it reached the Asiatic regions. ■ 1498. No. 27. John Cabot. Map of the first expedition of John Cabot, and shown by him, in London, to Pedro de Ayala, one of the two Spanish envoys, before July 25, 1498 : " Yo he visto la carta que ha fecho el inventador : — I have seen the map which the discoverer has made.""' No. 28. John Cabot. Map describing either the first voyage, or a part of the second expedition of John Cabot. It is mentioned in the aforesaid dispatch of Pedro de Ayala, dated July 25th, 1498, but the language used is ambiguous : .04 Dispatch of Raimondo Di SONCINO, December l8. -^ Bergenroth, Calendar of Letters, Di.pat.:he., 1407 • in Desimoni, Intomo a Giovanni Cohoto, p. 53 ; »»^ State Papers, at Svmanc.s, Vol. I., p. 176, No. jl'et Saastien Cabot, doc. x., p. 324. -- / "^-'^ ^' ^^^-'-" ^«'"''' ^'°^- ""'■' ?" 3^9- 4o8 The Discoverv of North America. " Ha venido nueva, la una en que iva un otro Fray Buil aporto en Irlanda con gran tormento rotto el navio. El Ginoves tiro su carmine. Yo, vista la derrota que llevan y la cantitad del camino hallo que es lo que han hallado o buscan lo que Vuestras Altezas poseen, porque es al cabo que a Vuestras Altezas cupo por la convencion con Portugal : — (The fleet was composed of five vessels.) News have been received [to the effect] that the ship in which went one Friar Buil landed in Ireland owing to a leak caused by a great storm. The Genoese has continued his route. I have seen the direction which they took, and the extent of space found; [and] what they have found, or are in search of, is what Your Highnesses already possess, because it is at the extremity of that which was assigned to Your Highnesses by the convention with Portugal." '"" We think, however, that "derrota" refers to the voyage accomplished in 1497, and not to the portion of the route which the ship of Father Buil had already made, when the storm compelled her to return home. If so, the description was only a continuation of that which is mentioned in the above No. 26. The same consequence applies to the closing paragraph in said dispatch of Ayala : " Asymismo al carta o mapa mundi que este ha fecho, yo no la enbio agora, que aqui la ay, y a mi ver bien falsa por dar a entender, no son de las islas dichas : — Also as regards the chart or mappamundi that he has brought, I do not send it at present [although] I have it here, as to me I deem it quite false since it conveys the notion that those are not [your] aforesaid islands." It is evidently the same alleged spurious map of John Cabot which Ruy Gonzales de Puebla (the other and leading Spanish ambassador) also states to have seen : "Vista la derrota que llevan alio que lo que buscan es lo que Vuestras Altezas poseen: — I have seen the route which they brought, and what they are in search of is [the country] which Your Highnesses possess." '"^ No. 29. Columbus' Paria. Map of the Gulf of Paria, made by Christopher Columbus during his third voyage, in course of which he sighted, for the first time, the American continent, August 3rd, 1498 ; landing two days afterwards, on Sunday, August 5th. "Entretanto yo enviar^ d vuestras Altezas esta escriptura y la pintura de la tierra:'"^ — Meanwhile I shall send to your Highnesses that description and the picture of the country." ■»« Dispatch of July 25, 1498, Bebgexroth, Calendar, the above ; Jean et Sibaxtien Cabot, doc. xii., p. 328. Vol. I., p. 176; /eai««^5f^6a«<>'e«Ca6o<, p. 329. '"^ Navarrete, Tercer Viage de Cristobal Colon, "7 Another dispatch of the same date, apparently, as Vol. I., p. 264. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 409 The map was actually sent, as Hojeda testified to having seen it : "Vi6 la figura que el dicho Almirante al dicho tiempo'™ envid' a Castilla al Rey y Reina de lo que habia descubierto : — I have seen the figure which the said Admiral at that time sent to Castille to the King and Queen concerning what he had discovered."™ Bernardo de Ibarra adds that it was a sailing chart, setting forth the rhumbs and winds which led Columbus to the land of Paria : "Y le envid senalado con la dicha carta en una carta de marear los rumbos e vien- tos por donde habia llegado a la Paria : — And he sent it describing with the said letter in a sea chart the rhumbs and winds by means of which he had reached Paria.""' According to the same witness, that map served as a model, or was copied to make others : " e oyo decir como por aquella carta se habian hecho otras," which were used by Alonso Nino, Hojeda, and other navi- gators when they visited those parts : " Por ellas habian venido Pedro Alonso Merino [sic] 6 Hojeda 6 otros que despues han ido h aquellas partes : — By those [maps] have come Pedro Alonso Merino [i.e. Nino], as well as Hojeda and others who went to those parts." This assertion was confirmed by Francisco de Morales : " Vido una carta de marear do el Almirante puso A Pdria, y cree que por ella se go- bernaron todos : — I have seen a nautical chart, which the Admiral made [?] at Paria ; and I believe that all have sailed by the same." It was. doubtless, the map which Columbus sent from Hispaniola, October 18, 1498, together with an account of his third voyage ; and which is mentioned by Las Casas as follows : " Envid tambien a los Reyes la pintura d figura de la tierra que dejaba descubierta, con las islas distintas que cerca estaban, y, por escrito, todo su viaje. Por esta pintura d debujo que a los Reyes envid de la dicha tierra de Paria . . . vino Alonso de Hojeda:— He sent also to the Kings the picture or representation of the country which he had dis- covered, with the islands distinctly marked which laid adjacently, and, in writing, his entire voyage. By that picture or delineation of the land of Paria which he sent to the Kings, Alonso de Hojeda went there." "- But the map must have been drawn by some one else, as Columbus was then suffering from a kind of ophthalmia. "« Soon after August 31, 1498, which is the date of the "' Ibidem, pp. 587, 588. return of Coltjmbus to Santo Domingo. '" Las Casas, ffintoria General de las Indias, lib. i., ■■" Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 539- cap. clvii., Vol. II., p. 353. 3 C 4IO The Discovery of North America. It is worthy of notice that, in the opinion of Christopher Columbus, the country described in his said map was the terrestrial paradise: " Creo que alii es el Paraiso terrenal." "3 No. 30. Christopher Columbus. Maps mentioned by Columbus in the deed instituting a majorate, February 22, 1498 : " Trescientas € treinta € tres leguas de tierra-firme de la parte del Austro al Poniente, allende de ciento y siete de la parte del Setentrion, que tenia descubierto al primer viage con muchas islas, como mas largo se vera por mis escrituras y memorias y cartas de navegar : — 333 leagues of continental lands [running] from the austral regions to the west, besides 107 at the north, which I discovered during my first voyage, together with many islands, as will be seen more at length in my writings, memorials, and naval charts."'" 1499. No. 31. Velez de Mendoza. Map of the portion of Brazil alleged to have been discovered by Francisco Velez (de Mendoza), which map Arias Perez Pinzon is said to have seen : " lo sabe porque tambien le mostr6 la tierra que traia debujada." "5 It depicted Cape St. Augustine, and the coast south of that point. See supra, page 339. Before 1500. No. 32. Vaaz Bisagudo's. Mappamundi which was in the possession of one Pero Vaaz Bisagudo, at Lisbon, and which Master Joao, physician and surgeon of King Manoel "3 Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 259 and 300. despues bolui a Castilla a sus Altezas, y me tornaron a "■• Memorial del Pleyto, No. 886, and Navarrete, recebir a la empresa e a poblar y descubrir mas : e asi me Vol. II., p. 227. The following passage is not withont dio nuestro Senor vitoria, que conquiste y hize tributaria interest, although referring to the same matter: "E la gente de laEspanola: laqual boxa 600 leguas, y des- plugo a nuestro Senor que en el ano de 1492 descubrieste cubri muchas Islas a los Canibales, e 700. al Poniente de la Tierra firme de las Indias, e muchas Islas, entre las la Espaiiola .... como mas largo se vera por mis escri- quales es la Espaiiola, u que los Indios della Uaman turas, h memorias, e cartas de nauegar." Feitl [also Xecti, for Haiti] los Monicondos de Zipango "5 Navarrete, Vol. HI., p. 555. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 411 of Portugal, advised the latter to consult, in a letter dated from Vera Cruz (Santa Cruz or Brazil), May i, 1500. That mappamundi described Brazil (according to the writer, who was with the discoverers of that country, as he accompanied Cabral), in the form of one of the four large islands, which in that map, represents the New World : " Quanto senor al sytyo desta terra mande " As regards the position of this land, let vosa alteza traer un mapamundy que tiene Your Highness order to be brought the mappa- pero vaaz bisagudo e por ay podra ver vosa mundi which is owned by Pero Vaaz Bisagudo, alteza el sytyo desta terra enpero a quel mapa- and thereby Your Highness will be able to see mundy non certyfica esta terra ser habytada the site of this country [Brazil], although that no es mapamundy antiguo e ally fallera vosa map does not represent the latter as being alteza escrita tan byen la mina,™ ayer easy inhabited. Nor is the said mappamundi an entetidymos por asenos que esta era ysla e old one, as Your Highness will see depicted que eran quatro." thereon La Mina." "' It is a question with us whether Dr. Joao does not refer to a map relating to the prototype of the Cantino mappamundi. The Corte-Real region not yet figuring, on account of the date of its discovery, there would remain the tall north-western country, besides Cuba, Hispaniola, and the southern regions, represented as four separate entities. The reader should also recollect that Cantino sets forth in his Africa, and prominently, the " Castello damina." "^ The fort of St. George of the Mine was constructed "' Carta de Mestre Joao Physico d'el Rei. De Vera in 1484. Dapper, Naukeurige Beschrijvinge der Afrik. Cruz ao 1" de Maio de 1500. In the Revista trimensal, gemesten. Amsterdam, 1668, fol., p. 439. Vol. V. (1843), p. 342. SECTION SECOND.— SIXTEENTH CENTURY. 1500. No. 33. Juan de la Cosa. MAP of the world constructed by La Cosa, who had been Columbus' pilot, at the Puerto de Santa Maria, near Cadiz, between July and the end of December, 1500. It is on parchment, 1800 by 960 mm. Under a miniature representing Christ carried on the shoulders of St. Christopher, there is the following inscription : "Juan de la cosa la fizo en el puerto de S: mj* en ano de. 1500: — John de la Cosa made it at the Port of Santa Maria in the year 1500." That most important map was discovered in a bric-a-brac shop in Paris,' during the cholera epidemic of 1832, by Baron Walckenaer. After his death, it was purchased at public sale, April 21, 1853,2 by the Spanish government for 4,020 francs. It is now framed, and on exhibition in the Naval Museum at Madrid. Notwithstanding several large holes, the map may be said to be in a good state of preservation. There is, however, a regrettable gap on the northern coast of Brazil, where a piece two inches wide, containing names, has been torn off and thrown away. The planisphere does not extend eastward beyond the northern border of the Arabian sea, omitting, therefore, Hindostan, the Malay Peninsula, and China. Yet it depicts the " Rio Ganges," but where we place the Indus. All that portion of the map is extremely inferior, particularly when compared with the Cantino chart, although there is only a difference of eighteen months between the two. Withal, it should not be inferred - La ROQVETTE, Bulletin de la Society de Geographic, 'Catalogue of the Walckenaer sale, Paris, Potier, No. of May, 1862, p. 298. 1853, 8vo., No. 2,904. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 413 from such an important omission that La Cosa considered the continent, depicted by him west of Cuba, as identical with the east coast of Asia, and, consequently, could not have added the latter to his eastern confi- gurations without repeating what he had already marked in the same map. Had such been his geographical conception of the world, he would not have omitted the India intra and extra Gangem, and especially the Mo- lucca regions, nor to name Cathay, Mangi, and all the cities or provinces rendered famous by Marco Polo, and which, on that account, figure in all the mappamundi of the fifteenth century. The lack of degrees of latitude and longitude, and the style of the projection do not permit us to determine adequately for the New World the various positions. It has been attempted, however, by several savants, but with different results. Where, for instance, Humboldt sees 3 the nor- thern shores of the Gulf of St. Lawrence, Kohl recognises the south coast of Newfoundland. For the former, the " Cavo de Yngleterra" is a cape near Belle Isle ; for the latter it is Cape Race. 4 But as Kohl says : " Cosa draws the entire east coast of North America, from the neighbourhood of Cuba to the high northern regions, in about 70" N., with a continuous line, uninterrupted by water. He appears to have thought that there was a large continental part of the world, back of the West India Islands discovered by Columbus and his contemporaries."' It must be added that the said line continues southward uninterrup- tedly, in La Cosa's configuration of the New World, as far as Cape St. Augustine, where he inscribes the following legend : " Este cauo se descubrio en ano de mil y iiiixcix por Castilla syende descobridor vicentians : — This cape was discovered in the year 1499 for Castile, Vicente Yaflez [PinzonJ, being the discoverer." To the south-west of that cape, the Basque cartographer depicts a fragment of the continent, and, not far from it, some very large island bearing the following inscription : "Ylla descubierta per [or por] portugal :— Island discovered for Portugal." It is a reference to the discovery of Brazil by Cabral, the news of which had just been brought to Portugal by Caspar de Lemos. 3-4 Humboldt, in Ghillany's Geschichte den See- = Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, Vol. I., fahrers ritter Martin Behaim, p. 2. p. 152- 414 The Discovery of North America. The names which in now existing maps appear here for the first time, are the following. ^ Y. verde' S. grigor Cauo de ynglaterra C. sastanatre^ Agron Cauo de S. iohan S. nicolas NORTH-EASTERN CONTINENT Isla de la trenidat R°- longo Forte (or Fonte) Argare (or Argair) Menistre S. luzia C°- de lisarte lusquei Requilia ' C°' de S. Ansro Lagofori C- de S. luzia Jorge Cauo descubierto On the continent there are two unintelligible and half-effaced words, viz.: " cctra si terra;" but south of the last name on the coast, and alongside : " Mar descubiera por inglese : — Sea discovered by the English." NORTH COAST OF THE SOUTHERN CONTINENT M. de S. eufemia'" Sato de uerbos " C. de la bela Almadabra C. de espera Veneguela Y. de brasil Gigan Y. de ge'2 M. alto C. de la mota P. flechado Aldea de turme Costa parej '^ Boca del drago M. tasado" 3. echo Canpina YUas de sana G. de las perlas Margalada Tres or '^ ^ We follow for the nomenclature a photograph of the size of the map, made from the original in 1889. But as in 1832 and 1837 the map was more legible than it is at present, we have compared our reading of the names with the nomenclature copied also from the original by Rembieuxski, Humboldt, and Ramon de Sagra (Histoire physique de Vile de Cuba, 1838). But as we stated supra, p. 374, we omit the nouns which are not followed by an adjective, such as aguada (portable water), lago (lake), arcafes for arecifes (shoals or reefs), plaia (beach), &c. In the nomenclature to which in the follow- ing descriptions we may have occasion to refer, the names inscribed in any preceding map will be omitted ; as other- wise the present work would attain excessive dimensions. But this method will present the advantage of setting forth implicitly, when certain names appear for the first time in cartographical documents. Those names are also printed precisely as we read them on the originals. ' A priori this first series of names was borrowed by La Cosa from an English map, as it describes a region which in 1 500 had been visited only by British mariners, as is shown besides by the long legend on the coast. We begin with the northernmost name, which is omitted in Jomard's facsimile. See our facsimile, supra, p. 42. ^ The long s and / are so much alike in this map, that the word may have been originally "Cape Finistere." ' Rio ralia, or Rio condia ? '" We begin with the westernmost name. " Sato (the old form for Sembrado) de yerbas : — Strewed with herbs. It is a reference to the fields of sea-weeds (Sargassum). " Isla de gigantes. ■3 Costa parej a : — Similar coast ? '* Monte tajado : — The cleaved mountain ? '5 Los tres hermanos ; — The three brothers (peaks, islands, or reefs). Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 415 R. de la posesion Mar de agua duce Rio del obpa'^ Tres hermanos "' Flaia de cordoba R" de holganca C. de S. d" Las planosas Tierra de S. anbrosio Costa anegada BRAZILIAN ELBOW : El macareo G. de S. mj' " Ysla de S. telmo Mas alta la mar que la tierra " Costa plaida .... anca^ .... plata Costa de arena R° de arboledos P. fermoso. Costa pareja M. negro R° negro G. de arecifes R" do se fallo una cruz ^ Punta del medano C de St mja^ Motas arenosas^' R° de bazia bariles^* Plaia de arena When we see so many names to which no meaning can be ascribed, although the letters, in a number of instances are legible, and that this imperfect nomenclature is also seen in regions which we know to have been visited by the cartographer whose name figures on the map, it be- comes a question whether the manuscript chart preserved in the National Museum at Madrid is really an autograph of Juan de la Cosa, or a mere copy of the time, made by some one else. The latest geographical datum in the present map is the discovery of Brazil, the first news of which reached Europe in June or July, 1500; Caspar de Lemos, the bearer, having sailed home from Porto Seguro in May of that year. A very good facsimile executed by E. Rembidlinski when the original was still in the Walckenaer collection has been published by Jomard. But before, Ramon de la Sagra had copied all the American names and drawn an outline, which he published 25 in 1837. For an exact description of the part relating to the New World, see Kohl, in his Documentary History of Maine. Humboldt's intended analysis never was printed, and the manuscript is lost. '* Rio del Obispo : — The river of the Bishop. '7 Los tres hermanos, again ? ■^GolfodeStaMaria? ■9 " Here the sea is above the land." "> Anca and 'plala are what is left of the name where there is a hole in the map. =' " River where there is a cross." " Cape of Sta Maria? =3 Sand bars. =■• " Vasabarris, s. m. lieu, sur la cote du Bresil, oii il y a eu beaucoup de naufrages. Dar com tudo em Vasa- barris (fig. fam.), tout gater tout ruiner."-J. I. ROQUETTE Nouveau Dktionnaire Portugais-Fran<;ais. We present this definition, which was doubtless borrowed from the Corografia of De Cazal, as a mere suggestion, and without vouching for the etymology. It is evident that in 1500 La Cosa could not have knowledge of shipwrecks on the coast of Brazil. That word is spelled differently in almost every map. Here we are not sure but it must be read hazra barilas. Valiza (balise), seems to enter in the original formation of the word. °s Parte correspondiente a la America de la carte general de Juan de la Ctisa . . . calcada sobre la original por D. Ramon de la Sagra, in his Historia Ji-sica . . . de Cuba, Paris, 1837. The Geografia was engraved by L. Boufkard. 41 6 The Discovery of North America. No. 34. Vicente YaSjez Pinzon. In reply to the seventh question of the Fiscal, Pedro de Ledesma made the following declaration, which has been omitted by Navarrete.26 "Pedro de Ledesma dize que vydo este testigo partir al dicho vicenty anes y su companya en demanda del viaje contenido en esta pregunta y que lo vido este testigo bolver y traher la figura de todo lo que descobryo y que este puesta su figura en el padron de su alteza :"' — Pedro de Ledesma said that he saw Vicente Yaftez [Pinzon] and his companions sail for the voyage mentioned in the question [Pinzon's, in 1499-1500], and that the said witness saw him return nnd bring a map of all he had discovered ; and that this map was inserted in the Padron of His Highness." No. 35. De Lepe's Companions. In reply to the eighth question of the Fiscal, Pedro de Ledesma made the following declaration, which has also been omitted by Navarrete : " Pedro de Ledesma dize que al tiempo que diego de lepe fue a descobrir vydo este testigo yr las naos y la gente que con el yvan y las vydo boluer a esta 9ibdad de Seuilla saluo al dicho diego de lepe que non vino y que los que con el fueron traxieron la figura de lo que descubrieron que dezian que hera desde la dicha punta contenyda de suso hasta la costa que buelve al medyo :™ — Pedro de Ledesma saith that when Diego de Lepe sailed on his voyage of discovery, he saw the ships and men depart, and return to Seville, except the said Diego de Lepe who did not come; and that those who had been with him brought a map of their discoveries, which marked that it was from the said point [viz. the Cape of St. Augustine], as far as the coast which trends [volver ?] southward." Ledesma adds that the map was brought as an evidence of truth, and as such, inserted in the model chart : " Lo trujieron por fee, e por este testimonio esta puesto con el padron real." This declaration must refer to Lepe's first voyage (Dec. 1499 — Nov. 1500), as when he returned from the second, Ledesma was in the New World, being one of Columbus' pilots in the latter's fourth expedition (May 1502 — Nov. 1504). No. 2s^. Velez de Mendoza. It was a map of Brazil, south of Cape St. Augustine, which Arias Perez Pinzon asserts was shown him by Velez de Mendoza on his return to Spain : =« Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 547. in Est. 1, Caj. 1, Leg. f.„ doc. 16, {■>■ 9. ^' Prohaiizas del Finral, MS. Archives of the Indies ; '* Op. cit., f"- 10. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 417 "E que lo sabe porque tambien le mostrd la tierra que traia debujada: — And he knows that it is so, because he showed him the delineation of country which he brought.'"' No. 37. Americus Vespuccius. The planisphere and the globe, which, July 18, 1500, Americus Ves- puccius intended to send to Lorenzo di Pierfrancesco de' Medici : " E fark una carta in figura plana, e un Apamundo in corpo sperico, il quale intendo di mandarvi per la via di mare per un Francesco Lotti nostro Fiorentino : *" — I shall make a map on a plane surface, and a mappamundi in the spherical form, which I propose to send you by the sea route, to the care of one Francesco Lotti, who is a Florentine countryman of ours." Doubts have been expressed concerning the authenticity of the letter containing the above quoted sentences' 1500—1501. No. 38. Americus Vespuccius. Portuguese map, said to have been made partly by Americus Ves- puccius, and which was owned by Bishop Juan de Fonseca, when Peter Martyr d'Anghiera saw it in 15 13. "Quarum una k Portugalensibus depicta erat, in qua manum dicitur imposuisse Ameri- cus Vespucius .... In hoc indice latiorem esse primam huius terrae frontem reperimus, qukm reguli Vrabenses nostris persuaserint de suis montibus : ^- — One [of those shipmans cardes] was drawen by the Portugales, whereunto Americus Vesputius is sayde to haue put to his hande, beinge a man moste experte in this facultie and a Florentyne borne : who also vnder the stipende of the Portugales, hadde sayled towarde the south pole many degrees beyond the Equinoctiall. In this carde we founde the fyrst front of this land to bee brooder then the kynges of Vraba had persuaded oure men of theyr mountaynes." That Vespuccius should have had a hand in the making of a Portu- guese map, it must have been done when he was in the service of the King of Portugal; that is, between September 1500 and May 1501, or between September 1502 and May 1503, or between September 1504 and the close of that year. The reference to Uraba implies an early date. =9 Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 555. ^' Camus, Mimoire sur la collection De Bry, pages 3=Bandini, Vita e Lettere di Amerigo Vespvcci, 131, 132; Vawhagen, Amerigo Vespucci,p. 67. ' gc 3= Anghiera, Decad. II., lib. x., f" 41, D. Firenze, 174S, 4io-' P^^ °->' 3 D 41 8 The Discovery of North America. 1501. No. 39. Globe of Columbus. It accompanied a letter which Columbus sent to their Catholic Majesties from Cadiz, or from Sevilla in 1501. " Con la cual carta les envid cierta figura redonda 6 esfera : ^ — With said map, he sent to Their Majesties a certain round representation or sphere." No. 40. Columbus' own Map. This is the map which Columbus had with him at Granada, when he received the visits of Angelo Trivigiano, in the summer of 1501. " Qui non ce ne salvo una de ditto Columbo, ne fe homo che ne sapia far : "' — There is here only one map of Columbus, and nobody in this place is competent to copy it." We are unable to ascertain from the context of Trivigiano's letters, whether the map which he caused to be made, was a copy of the one then in the possession of Columbus, and to which he refers, or a copy of a map which the pilots had with them at Palos. We incline to the latter interpretation, as the distance between Granada and Palos is rela- tively considerable, and it is not likely that Columbus would have parted with such an important document. Besides, owing to his continuous claims and revendications, it is natural that he should always have at hand a map, which was a sort of voucher. Then the fact that Trivi- giano intended to have it made of large dimensions, so that it might be finer: " lo fatta far del compasso grande," may indicate that it was not a servile copy ; unless we interpret the expression as meaning that he would have it executed of " the large original size." No. 41. Christopher Columbus. It is the map made at Palos in 1501 for the Venetian Admiral, Domenico Malipiero, with data furnished by Columbus, and which must have embraced the first three voyages. 33 Las Casas, lib. i., cap. iii.. Vol. I., p. 48. 34 Christophe Colomb, Vol. II., p. iig. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 419 " lo ho tenuto tanto mezo che ho preso " I have had so much intercourse with Co- pratica, e gran amicizia cum el Columbo lumbus that we are now on a footing of great Per sue mezo ho mandato a far intimacy . . . Through him I have caused to be fare a Palos, che 6 un loco dove non habita executed at Palos, which is a place exclusively salvo che marinari, et homini pratichi di quel inhabited by mariners and men familiar with that viazo [stc\ del Columbo, una carta ad istanza voyage of Columbus, a map, at the request of de la M. V., la qual sark benissimo fata et Your Excellency, which map will be extremely copiosa, et particular di quanto paese e stato well done, ample, and detailed, of the countries scoperto lo fatta far del compasso already discovered I have ordered it of grande, perchfe la sia piu bella." ^ large size, so that it may be handsomer." That map was probably brought to Venice by Angelo Trivigiano himself,36 early in the winter of 1502. 1502. No. 42. Bastidas and La Cosa. Map of the discoveries accomplished on the north coast of South America, by Rodrigo de Bastidas and Juan de la Cosa. "Arias Perez dice que . . . se hallaba en la Espanola cuando volvid por alii Bastidas con oro y joyas, y le ensenaron el dibujo de la tierra que habian descubierto : ^ — Arias Perez [Pinzon] says that he was at Hispaniola when Bastidas arrived there with gold and jewels, and they [La Cosa and Bastidas] showed him a delineation of the country which they had discovered." This was shortly before 38 July, 1502; and the map must have de- picted the coast of South America from Quinquibacoa to Darien, and from the latter point to Puerto del Retrete.39 No. 43. On Columbus' Coat of Arms. In the letters patent granting arms to Columbus, May 20, 1493, he is authorised to quarter with "gilt islands on sea waves :— en el cuadro bajo a la mano derecha unas islas doradas en ondas de mar."4o But when in 1502, Columbus caused to be made the copies of his privileges which he entrusted for safe keeping to Nicolo Oderigo, the Genoese 35 ZuRLA Di Marco Polo e degli nltri viaggiatori p. 12, who acquired his information from Bastidas him- reneziani Vol. 11., p. 362, note. self: " tuve mucha conversacion y amistad con Rodrigo s^Chriltophe Colomb, Vol. II., pp. 116-123. de Bastidas" {ibid. p. 11). 37 Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 546. ^ Deposition of Alonso de Hojeda, see Navarrete, 38 Finalmente, salio desta isla para Espana, aiio de op. cit., page 545. 502, por Julio." L.A.S Casas, lib. ii., cap. ii.. Vol. II., "" Navarrete, Vol. II.. doc. xx., p. 37. 420 The Discovery of North America. ambassador to the Court of Spain, he inserted in the volume a coat of arms, where the above mentioned quarter represents, in addition to the islands, a regular continent.4i Oviedo says that the latter is intended for the mainland of the Indies. His heraldic description, although erro- neously represented to be based upon the arms originally conceded to Columbus, — and containing other important errors besides,42— is interesting : "Y en la parte derecha del escudo una mar en meraoria del grande mar Oc^ano : las aguas al natural azules y blancas, e puesta la Tierra- Firme de las Indias, que tome quasi la circun- feren§ia deste quarto ; dexando la parte superior ^ alta d^l abierta, de manera que las puntas desta tierra grande muestran ocupar las partes del mediodia 6 tramontana. E la parte inferior, que significa el Occidente, sea de tierra con- tinuada, que vaj'a desde la una punta a la otra desta tierra; y entre aquestas puntas lleno el mar de muchas islas grandes e pequenas de di- versas formas ; porque esta figura, segund estd blasonada en este quarto, es de la manera que se pueden significar estas Indias. La qual tierra ^ islas ban de estar muy verdes 6 con muchas palmas 6 arboles, porque nunca en ellas pierden la hoja sino muy pocos ; e ha de haber en esta Tierra-firme muchos matiges fe granos de oro, €n memoria de las innumerables 6 riquissimas minas de oro que en estas partes 6 islas hay."*^ " On the right side of the shield a sea, in remembrance of the great Oceanic sea, the waves, as in nature, blue and white, with the mainland of the Indies covering nearly the circumference of this quarter, and leaving the upper part open so that the capes of that large land are shown to embrace the southern and northern portions. In the lower part, which is intended for the west, a continuous land extending from one point of the same to the other. Between those capes, a sea covered with islands, large and small, of va- rious forms, because in this quarter they are intended to represent the [ West ] Indies. That country and those islands very verdant, with many palms and trees, because they never lose their leaves, except very little. On the mainland, many golden hues and parcels of gold, in remembrance of the in- numerable and most rich mines of gold which are found in those parts and islands." No. 44. Unknown Mariners. Marine charts consulted by Christopher Columbus while at Puerto del Retrete, November 26, 1502 : " Fue lo postrero que descubrid una tierra do falld un puerto muy pequeno que puso nombre el Puerto del Retrete y en algunas cartas de navegar de algunos de los marineros juntaba esta tierra con la que habia descubierto Hojeda y Bastidas que es la costa de las perlas : " — The last thing which he [Columbus] discovered was a land where he found a very small port to which he gave the name of Puerto del Retrete, .... and in marine charts of several mariners, that land was connected with the one which was dis- covered by Hojeda and Bastidas, and is the Coast of Pearls." *' Codice Diplomatico Colombo- Americano, and fac- similes in Christophe Colomh, Vol. II. 1= Christophe Colomh, Vol. II., p. 168. « OviEDO, ^is«. (?e»iW.,lib. ii.,cap. vii.,Vol. I.,p.3l. ^ Relacion del viage (by Diego de Porras), in Navar- RETE, Vol. I., p. 285. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 421 No. 45. Mateos' Veragua. Map of Veragua made by the sailor, Pedro Mateos, as an eye-witness of the discovery, and which was taken from him by Christopher Columbus. It depicted all the mountains and rivers : " Pedro Mateos fue por marinero, y escribi6 un libro que tenia todas las sierras € rios que vi6 en la dicha provincia .... y el dicho Almirante se lo tomd despues : " — Peter Mateos went as a sailor, and wrote a book which contained all the mountains and rivers he had seen in that province .... and the Admiral took it away from him." No. 46. Morales and Lepe. Map of the discoveries accomplished by Vicente Yafiez Pinzon in the year 1500, constructed by the pilot Andres Morales for Bishop Fonseca. Morales, in reply to the interrogatory of the Fiscal as to his know- ledge concerning the aforesaid voyage of Pinzon, and whether the latter did discover from the point of the coast heretofore found, as far as the cape called Santa Cruz and S. Augustine, and thence as far as the mouth of the large river whence flowed fresh water into the sea, answered : " Sibelo porque le oy6 al mismo Yanez y &. Diego de Lepe, descubridor, que murid en Portugal, y por sus informaciones hizo una figura del descubrimiento para el obispo Fonseca : " — He saith he knows it because he heard it affirmed by the said Yanez and by Diego de Lepe, [one of] the discoverers, who died in Portugal,*^ and with their information he constructed a map of the discovery for Bishop Fonseca." He further testified as follows : " Andres de Morales, piloto, vecino de Triana, " Andres de Morales, a pilot, residing at habla de una carta maritima que habia formado Triana, spoke of a sea chart which he made for para el obispo D. Juan de Fonseca, y compren- Bishop Fonseca, and which contained the Cape dia el cabo de S. Agustin, segun los informes de of St. Augustine, according to information from los descubridores y navegantes sucesivos y con subsequent discoverers and navigators, and with acuerdo de Diego de Lepe, cuya carta habian the advice of Diego de Lepe, which map was examinado Juan Dias de Solis y otros . . . examined by Juan Dias de Solis and others . . , . . y en ella coloca el cabo en and on it the Cape [St. Augustine] was 16° [sic pro 8°?] sur distante de las islas de placed by 16° south, at a distance of 560 leagues cabo Verde 560 leguas " from Cape Verde island." « Navarrete Vol. III., p. 584. ■" His family continued to live in Spain, and he seems •I's Navarrete, Vol. III., pp. 319 and 552, in reply to have been a connexion of the Pinzons. See Navar- to the question addressed p. 547- R^te, BecU provision of Sept. 1519, Vol. III., p. 145. 422 The Discovery of North America. Pinzon returned to Pales 48 on the 30th of September, 1500; Lepe, before November following. Morales went with the expedition of Bastidas and La Cosa, which sailed from Cadiz apparently in October, 1500. In the absence of more precise dates, it is not impossible that Morales should have obtained the aforesaid information early in October, 1500. But as all three may have met again 49 at the close of the year 1502, our im- pression is that the geographical data furnished by Pinzon and Lepe were communicated to Morales more probably during the latter period. No. 47. Cantino's. It is a planisphere on vellum, coloured and gilt, measuring 2200 by 1005 mm., and bearing, in a different handwriting, the following inscription : " Carta da nauigar per le Isole nouam" tr [ouate] in le parte da I'lndia : dono Alberto Cantino Al S. Duca Hercole : — Nautical chart for the islands newly found in the region of India. Gift from Alberto Cantino to His Lordship the Duke Hercules." As we have already stated, Alberto Cantino, who was the envoy (orator) of Hercules d'Este, Duke of Ferrara, to the Court of Portugal, 5° kept his master apprised of the discoveries accomplished beyond the seas under the Portuguese and Spanish flags. The Duke having expressed a desire to obtain a map illustrating those voyages, Cantino ordered it from a cartographer living in Lisbon, and whom we suspect to have been an Italian artist. 5' The latter charged him by contract twelve gold ducats, 52 and required about ten months, from December 1501, to October 1502, to execute the work. While yet in Lisbon, the probability is that Can- tino interviewed Americus Vespuccius, who had just returned to that city from his third voyage, and obtained from him supplementary information, which we assume to be the additional names in a cursive handwriting. Cantino having occasion to return to Italy, took the map with him, left it in Genoa to be forwarded to Ferrara ; and from Rome, wrote to his master the following letter : 48 " Pridie cal. Octob." lotion adressde d Hercule d'Este, due de Ferrare par I'We infer that Morales returned with Bastidas, son amhassadeur ii la courde Portugal; V3xh,i?&g,&\-o. which return, according to Bernaldez, was in Septem- 5i Our opinion is that there were then in Portugal ber, 1502 (iSeyes OatoZicos, cap. cxcvi., Vol. II., p. 253). several Italian artists who made maps, not as carto- As to Diego de Lepe, he sailed on his second expedition graphers, but as copyists and miniaturists. The map of only after January, 1502 (Doc. ineditos. Vol. XXXI., Nicolas DE Canerio and Kunstmann No. 2, are clearly p. 119). We do not know when he returned, nor the works of that kind. dale of his removal to Portugal, and of his death. 5^ About $29 of the time. See Cornelio Desimoni, 5° Document inedit concemant Vasco da Gama. Re- Tavole dei Vcdori, p. 18, No. 45 of the Moneta d'oro. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 423 "111""" Principi et Ex"" Duci et Domino, Domino Herculi Duci Ferrarie et Domino meo Benefactorique observandissimo. Ferrarie. Per una de V. Ex. in risposta d'una mia a giorni passati a quella drizata, ho inteso quanto in epsa se contiene, et maxime circha la Charta del navichare: II che humilmente a V. S. res- pondendo adviso, che dicta Charta lassai in Genoa a dicto messer Francesco Catanio et da lui hebbi Ducati vinte striti, cio6 de libre tre ciascuno. Vero fe che dicta Charta in Portogallo a me de pacto facto mi costo Ducati dodice d'oro in oro. Ma astretto dal' bisogno et non havendo ove ricorrere fui sforzato a tuor dicti denari et far quanto a V. S. scrissi : la Charta fe di tal sorte, et spero che in tal manera piacerk a V. Ex. che non gli serk molesto haver per epsa exbursato dicta quantitade perchfe di quel piu che sopra spendera V.S. ciofe de dodice. Si che V. Ex"" piacendoli mi advisi quanto circha questo ho adoperare, et continuamente fra nu- mero de suoi fideli Servitori mi tenga. Romae die 19. novembris 1502. 111. et Ex. Dub. D. V. Servitor Albertus Cantinus scripsi." "Most illustrious and most excellent Duke and Prince, my respected Lord : I did comprehend what Your Excellency asked of me by the letter sent in reply to the one which I wrote Y. E. some time ago, particularly as regards the nautical chart. By this humble answer I inform Y. E. that I have left said map in Genoa in the hands of Mr. Francesco Cataneo,'' who has paid over to me twenty narrow ducats, that is, ducats of three "libre" each. In truth, the map cost me in Portugal, by contract, twelve gold ducats ; but being hard pressed, and not knowing whom to ask, I was constrained to accept this sum, and to do what I have said to Y. E. The map has been so success- fully executed, and I hope Y. E. will be so much pleased with it, that Y. E. will regret neither the amount expended, nor the sum above the twelve ducats the map cost me, for which I shall be under obligations to Your Excellency. Rome, November 19th, 1502. Your High- ness' servant Alberto Cantino, who wrote this.'"* The planisphere duly reached its destination and was lodged in the archives of the House of Este, in Ferrara, where it remained until 1592. In that year the map suffered the fate of the entire ducal library and collections, and was transferred to Modena when Pope Clement VIII. despoiled Cesare d'Este of his duchy. The last possessor of that most valuable document put it to a very singular use. Wishing to cover a common screen, he had the map pasted on its folds, after cutting off and throwing away the top margin, which doubtless contained a title engrossed in large gothic letters, the tail end of one of which is still visible. During the popular outbreak of 1859, the palace was invaded by a mob and the map stolen. A few years afterwards, the librarian of the S3 Francesco Cataneo belonged to one of the oldest patrician families of Genoa. He was Genoese ambassa- dor to France, and to Aragon. We have letters addressed by him to. Doge Foscari, and published in the Epistolce Principum, Venet, 1571. A member of his family, Franco Cataneo, was settled in Cadiz, and it is to him that Columbus, May 10, 1502, entrusted a copy of his famous Oodice, to be sent to Nicolo Oderigo. ^ State archives in Modena, Dispacd dalla Spagna. Cancelleria Duccde, sub anni 1501-1503. 424 The Discovery of North America. Biblioteca Estense, the Signer Boni, happening to pass in the Via Farini, noticed in the shop of a pork butcher, called Giusti, the Cantino chart still put to such ignominious use. He bought the map, removed the vellum from the screen, and presented that all-important geographical monument to the Este Library where it is now preserved. We have reproduced elsewhere, in facsimile of the size of the original, the portion representing the New World, and, in reduced di- mensions, for the present work, that section, and also the Asiatic coast. 55 The names inscribed on the Cantino Chart, and which appear for the first time in now existing maps, are the following : Costa del mar v9iano ^ Cabo d. licotu ^ Canju . . .*> Cabo de b . . . a bentura^ Costa alta Lago luncor Las cabras" NORTH-WESTERN CONTINENT. Rio de los largartos C:- do fim do abrill El golfo bavo*^ C:- lurcar " Cabo Santo Rio de las almadias Pdta Roixa C:- del gate Rio de do diego Cornejo ^ Rio de las palmas. C:- do mortinbo^ G:- do lurcor"^ C:. arlear Rio do corno*^ Tamarique "" Ilha Rigua Arcay Boacoya Golfo del unficisno ^ Costa de gente braua Rio de fonseca Montanbis albissimas'" Cabo de las perlas SOUTHERN CONTINENT: Ylha della Rapossa 1° tres testigos Terra de pan° Ilha de los canjbales Las gayas La pilta de la galera Cabo deseado Rio grande Golfo fremosso Canjbales Cabo de Sam jorge (it's) Anaresma San miguel Rio de Sa francisco Abaia de todos sanctos Porto seguro Rio de brasil Cabo de seta Maria ^'■ 55 See supra, pages 76 and 1 1 1. 5* For a full and technical description of the map, see Les Corte-ReaX et leurs voyages au Nouveau Monde . . . suivi d'uTie importante carte nautique portugaise ; Paris, 1883. Desimoni, Le Carte nauticlie italiane del Medio Evo ; Geneva, 1888, Svo, pp. 32-36. *>' We commence with the most northerly name. ^ Dellincontir (Canerio), for Del Encuentro, — Cape of the meeting, or of the fight ? 5' Caninor, in Canerio. '° Bona Ventura, in Canerio : — The Cape of Good Luck. ^' La cab . . . in Canerio : — The Goat, or Goats. '^ Comello, in Canerio and WaldseemUUer. *3 Baxo, in Canerio. ^* Cauo luicar, in Canerio. *s Cauo de mertineo, in Canerio. ^ Gorffo de lineor, in Canerio. *' Rio de covro, in Canerio. ^ Tamarique y arqua. Arqua doubtless belonged originally to Boacoya, and read " Arcaybacoa. " ^ Gorffo de linferno, in Cantino. 7° Montagna altissimas, [.sic], in Cantino. ?' This Cabo de seta Maria is different from the C" de St. mja of Juan de la Cosa, as the latter is placed much further north than the " ysla descubierta per por- togal," that is, Brazil, the news of which discovery reached Portugal, as we have said, in June or July, 1500, by the caravel of Caspar de Lemos. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 425 The latest geographical datum in the present map is, at the north, the legend expressing fears that Caspar Corte-Real had perished : " e crese que he perdido." This can have been inscribed only several months at least after the return to Lisbon, in October 1501, of two of his ves- sels ; and perhaps so late as May 2, 1502, when Miguel Corte Real 72 sailed from Portugal in search of his brother. The names north and south of Porto Seguro, on the Atlantic coast, were inscribed, as already stated, after the map had been delivered to Cantino, but very soon afterwards, and at Lisbon. As to the north-western configuration, we are loth to believe that it appeared in Cantino for the first time. It doubtless originated with other maps, and proceeds from a type on which had been grafted data bor- rowed from fragmentary surveys brought by mariners of different nations, as we suppose, and who must have visited that coast several times in the course of clandestine expeditions. See supra. Book Fifth, pages 77-133. After 1502. No. 48. KUNSTMANN No. 3. It is a sort of Catalano-Lusitanian map of the world, the American portion of which has been reproduced in facsimile by Dr. Kunstmann,73 who recognised in it the hand which made another chart, also preserved * at Munich, and signed : " Salvat[ore] de Pilestrina en Mallorques en lay MDXi." Peschel believed 74 that it was constructed between the years 1502 and 1503, whilst Kohl assigns 75 the date of 1504. In our opinion, that map does not contain sufficient intrinsic elements to enable critics to fix either of those dates. The names which, for the New World, appear for the first time in this map are the following : T' Damiao DB Goes, Ohronka do feUdssimo Rei " Oscar Peschel, Oeschichte des Zeitaiters der Ent- dom Emanvel, Lisboa, 1565-67, fol., f 65. deckimgeii ; 1858, page 331. 73 KuNSTMANN, Die Entdeckung America's, p£^e 29, " Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, page 174, plate iii.; Jean et SJbastien Cahot, No. 5, page 161. plate viii. 3E 426 The Discovery of North America. GREENLAND AND NEWFOUNDLAND. Ca de sa paulo C. de Spu scto C. de mirame et lexame"' Sam Roq Sta m. datalaya Mote de St. vicente Sta m. da Rabeoda" Cabo de Santo agustinho Baxos do medo Ilha de frey luis Rio de rosa BRAZILIAN COAST. [Mon]te pascual Rio das ostras Cabo frio da Rame G. de Reds™ Cabo frio Rio de cananea. Cabo de san anton Baya de santa Cyria Cabo de concepicion Rio de Ranie" Amgra de Reis Cabo de paz Rio de Sam Vicente Ilha de goanas*" The map is preserved in the Geographical Department of the Koniglich Bayer'schen Haupt Conservatorium at Munich. No. 49. KUNSTMANN No. 2. That map exhibits Greenland in the form of an elongated island ; Newfoundland with the eastern profile already noticed in the Cantino chart, and to the south west of it, on a line with its apex, a region named "Terra di Cuba." Then comes the north coast of South America, beginning evidently, with the Cape de la Vela. But before reaching Brazil, the coast presents a wide and intentional break. It starts again with the Brazilian regions, continues around the Cape of St. Augustine, and descends to about 30°. We notice on the Atlantic shores, south of the " Serra de Santhome," configurations which, on account of certain characteristics, seem to have been borrowed from a real exploration, probably of the present Rio de Janeiro. The map is described, de visu, by Kunstmann, as follows : 1^ Cape look at me and avoid me. This strange de- signation is also found in the map of Pedro Reinel. '>^ Santa Maria de la Rabida. That name, which figures on no other map, betrays a Spanish origin for the original denomination, although in old Portuguese there is also such a word (Rabida, now Raivosa). It comes doubtless from a famous sanctuary on a mountain near Palos. We see the name still in French manuscript sailing directions of 1 540- 1 545 , " Saincte marie darabeda. " '= Probably " Golfo de los Reis :" The Gulf of Kings ; although the same map contains also "Amgra de Reis," which is nearly the same thing, and is a reference to the Magians, or the day of Epiphany. This would indicate two different voyages to the Brazilian coast ; the first, in the course of which one of the points was discovered January 6 ; the second, in which the other point was found on the same day. T> Rio de Ranie : — The River of Frogs. *• Simao DE Vasconcellos, Nolicias do Brazil, Lisboa, 1668, 4to, p. 75, mentions an important tribe of Indians in Southern Brazil called ' ' Goayanas. " On the other hand, the Portuguese dictionaries cite as the generic and native name of certain beautiful Brazilian birds, represented by nine species, " Gohanhambig. " Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 427 " Die zweite Karte ist ein getreues Bild der Zeit, in welcher, wie oben S. 72 bemerkt wurde, man sich den Norden Amerikas aus einer Menge grosser und kleiner Inseln beste- hend dachte. Schmeller^' hat diese Karte (cod. iconogr. 133) gleichfalls. beschrieben, und hinsich- thch des librigan Inhaltes (S. 250) bemerkt, dass das grosse von den Portugiesen in Jahre 1506 entdeckte und anfangs Insula Sancta Laurentii genannte Eyland Madagascar ihr noch unbekannt sei." *' The new names in this map are the following : GREENLAND AND ISLANDS ADJOINING. Terra dauens da mirla da sontedo de farlla^ SOUTH AMERICAN CONTINENT. De lisleo Terra seccha G. de Uenetia Monte retondo G. de inferno Aide venada ^' Cavo frenoso Rio de arena C. de pario . . . de alegroza Questo lago e aqua dolce ^ Rio de le aues Sancta maria de agoodia ' Capo de Sancta i^ Bafra barill " Rio di perera Serra de S. madlana di gratia Rio de caxa Rio de sao hieronymo Rio do odio Rio de melo ^ Monte fregoso Rio de S. jacomo Rio de S. augustino Rio de S. Helena Rio de Cosmes Rio de uirgene Rio de San johan Barefres uermege '' Rio de sta lucia Serra de santhome Rio de arefeces Pinotulo de rentio ^ Rio Jordan Rio de sao antonio Punta de San uincenzo Rio de cananor ^' The designation : " Questo lago e aqua dolce," and the names r " A baia de tutti santi, Capo de Sancta >i<, San Michael, Rio di pe- rera," and " Madlana di gratia," clearly indicate slips of the pen com- mitted by an Italian cartographer who, copying a Portuguese chart, reverts unconsciously to his mother tongue. ^' J. A. ScHMELLER, Ueber eiiiiije dltere haiidsehrifl- liche Seekarten, in Ahhandlungen der I. 01. d. Ah. d. Wisa. IV. Bd. Ahth. I.; Munich, 1844, p. 252. *^ KuNSTMANN, Die Entdeckuru] America'^, p. 127. *3 Apparently a corruption and equivalent of " C. de mirame et lexame," of Kunstmann No. 3. 84 For " Aldea vencida :" Tlie conquered village. ^= That legend here is in the Italian language ; and the word "lago "is probably intended for "lagone," which is sometimes taken in the sense of sea, or large extent of water. ^ Perhaps the " Isla de Sancta Maria de Agosto," of the Granvblle manuscript copy of the Islario of Santa Cruz, preserved at Besanjon. ^^ " Baziabariles " in La Cosa. ^ Rio do mezo. (?) ^ Or " Bareros vermego," and " Bareras vermeias," in Canerio : — The Red Bars. 9° Or " Pinaculo de tentio. " Probably the Pinaculo de tantaca of the Turin map, which may mean The Summit of the Temptation. 9' Rio de [la] Cananea, in Kunstmann No. 3. 428 The Discovery of North America. If in the present map the BraziHan configuration and nomenclature are not anterior to those in Kunstmann No. 3, its representation of Newfoundland certainly belongs to an older type than the outline of this island in the latter map. Instead of an elongated island running from •east to west, Kunstmann No. 3 correctly ascribes a peninsular form to Greenland, and in lieu of a nameless isle cast into the broad Atlantic, it represents Newfoundland apparently soldered to the continent, inscribes thereon six names, and delineates the beginning of a coast intended to continue southward. These differences may be due to information brought by the two caravels of Miguel Corte Real, which returned to Lisbon in the autumn of 1502, but too late to be inserted in the Cantino chart, as they left Newfoundland sometime after August 20 of that year.92 But as we have shown that the names of capes, rivers, and mountains in- scribed on the coast of Brazil in the present, and in Kunstmann No. 3, may have originated with the fourth voyage of Vespuccius (1503- 1504), the reasons suggested by those Newfoundland configurations do not allow us to place Kunstmann No. 3 after the present Kunstmann No. 2. No. 50. NicoLAY de Canerio. That important map, recently discovered 93 in the Archives du Service hydrographique de la Marine at Paris, represents the entire world as known in 1 502-1 504, and measures 2250 by 11 50 mm. It is a Portuguese map, undated, but signed as follows : " Opus Nicolay de Canerio Januensis : "'^The work of Nicolas de Canerio, Genoese." That is, the present mappamundi was constructed (or only copied) by a Genoese cartographer, most probably in Portugal ; as if he had executed his work in Italy, there would have been no reason for inscribing the legends in the Portuguese language, and he would have translated ^ Les Carte-Heal, page 167. before the first collection of papers relating to maritime '3 L. Gallois. Une Nouvelle Carte marine du X VI^ aiiTairs was ordered by Colbert and entrusted to Pierre ■liecle. Le porlulan de Ninlas de Canerio. Extrait Clairembault Junior, in 1680; and thirty years before du Bulletin de la SociM de Oeographie, Lyon, 1890, the creation of the archives of the French Navy, in 1699, 8vo, 28 pages ; and two fragments of that map, one re- by Pontchartrain. See our N'otes sur la Nouvelle presenting the New World, one half the original size, the France, page 6. ■other, Africa, full size. We are indebted to Mr. Bouquet 94 Searches have been instituted at our request in the DE LA Grye for a perfect photograph of the entire map, numerous Indices and Abecedaries of the State and Nota- of the dimensions of the original. This map entered the rial archives in Genoa, for the names of Canerio and archives of the State Department in 1669 ; eleven years Cauerio. Neither could be found anywhere. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 429 them into Italian. On this point we must give the precise text of the two leading legends : OVER THE WEST INDIES. "Has antilhas del rey de Castella desco- "The Antillies of the King of Castile, dis- berta por collonbo [«V] ienoeize almirante covered by CoUonbo, Genoese [this word is not que es de las aquales ditas insullas [ilhas] in Cantino] Admiral, which islands were dis- se descobriram per mandado do muyto alto covered by command of the very high and very et poderoso principe Rey dom Fernando Rey powerful prince the King Dom Fernando, King de castella." of Castile." ON THE BRAZILIAN COAST. " Auera crus chamada per nome aquall achou " The True Cross, so called, which was dis- pedaluares cabral fidalgo da cassa del rey de covered by Pedro Alvarez Cabral, gentleman of portugall e uelle adescoiero [a descobrio] por the household of the King of Portugal ; and he capitano [moor] do [de] xiiii nauos que rey discovered it in navigating as chief captain of mandaua a caliqut ie nel [i en el] caracho fourteen ships which the said King was sending [caminho] induto poi [indo tapou] com esta to Calicut, and, in following his route, he found terra aqual terra secrem [se cree] esser [ser] that land, which is believed to be a continent, terra foerme [firme] em aquel [aqual] a muita where are many men endowed with reason, and gente de descricacam [descricam andam] nuos men and women who go naked, as brought into omes e mulieres [molheres] como quas [suas] the world. They are rather white than dark, mais \^firo mais] os pario sum [sam] mais with smooth hair. The said land was discovered biancos [brancos]""' in the year [one thousand] five hundred." The configurations and nomenclature, everywhere in this chart, are those of the Cantino map, but they do not proceed from the latter, as the profiles exhibit differences, and there are additional names indicating another prototype of a later date. A very important feature in the present map is a regular scale of lati- tudes. According to that scale, the continental region in the north-west, first delineated in Cantino, extends here from 50° to 20" north latitude ; showing a prolongation of that region southward of eighteen degrees, less, however, than in Schoner's first globes, and with new profiles. As on this prolongation the Nuremberg geographer has inscribed the word " Parias," and as his prototype was certainly very like Canerio's, we are inclined to believe that the prolongation was originally intended to repre- sent the countries discovered by Columbus during his third voyage ; the first mention of which appeared in print on the loth of April, 1504, in the Libretto de tutta la Nauigatione de Re de Spagnafi^ but was known in 95 The words between brackets we borrow from the '' "Comprodeuano che questa terra sechiamasseparia," same legends in Canting. Libretto, cap. xxii., f" 19. 43° The Discovery of North America. Italy so early as the autumn of 1501, when Angelo Trivigiano sent his account to Domenico Malipiero.97 ' In the nomenclature on the north-western continent, we see for the first time the name " Lago del ladro," which appears in Ruysch as " Lago del oro," and in Waldseemliller as " larro dellodro ;" but was probably inscribed on the prototype, " Lago del ladro," for " Lago del ladron," or "The Lake of the thief," and not "Lago del oro," or "The Lake of Gold." Two other names are spelt differently, but not more intelligibly. Where Cantino writes : " G: do lurcar," and " C. do mortinbo," Canerio inscribes : " Gorffo de lineor," and " Cauo de mertineo." Finally, the preposition " of" which in Cantino is written " do," as in Portuguese, appears in Canerio as " de," in the Spanish form, whilst that north- western continent exhibits in the latter, at both ends, the standard of Castile and Leon ; which indicates in the opinion of the cartographer, Spanish possessions, and perhaps also Spanish discoveries or explorations. The southern continent extends from 12° to 35" south latitude, which is about ten degrees more than in Cantino. The nomenclature for the north coast of Brazil is as in the latter ; but on the eastern seaboard, the list comprises, in addition to the names in Cantino, those of Kunst- mann Nos. 2 and 3, with the addition of " Porto de Sto Sebastiano," and " Alapago (pagus) de Sam Paullo," both of which make here their first appearance. Newfoundland presents the configuration already seen in Cantino, and is placed in the same erroneous longitude, but bears no inscriptions whatever. Nor is the line of demarcation depicted. The Portuguese legends concerning the discoveries of the Land of the True Cross and of the Antillies, are as in Cantino, but Canerio takes care to recall the action of his countrymen by adding to the map : " descoberta por collonbo ienoeize ;" and the cross of St. George to the Canarian island of " Lansarotto." The latter, however, is a peculiarity already existing, not only in the celebrated Catalan chart of 1375, but also in the recendy discovered Majorcan mappamundi, which bears the inscription : " Hoc opus fecit angelino Dulcert ano m°ccc°xxxviiij de mense augusti in ciuitate maioricarum." This map constitutes the earliest specimen known of the Fourth Type. See Supra, page 305. '" Christophe Colomh, Vol. II., p. 122. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 431 No. 51. The King Chart. Map of the world on parchment, 940 by 590 mm., discovered in the papers of an Englishman called Richard King, said to have been a traveller. It was made known and first described, with a reduced fac- simile of its American part, by Dr. E. T. Hamy.98 As we have already stated, this map presents for the New World only a skeleton of Kunstmann No. 2. The nomenclature is limited to six names, viz.: " Terra Laboratoris," given to a narrow insular Greenland ; " Terra Cortereal," written on Newfoundland, which island is fully identified by the following inscription ; " Capo Raso," named here for the first time either in accounts or on a map ; " Terra de Cvba," on an insular region, situate between 35° and 40° north latitude of the scale inscribed on the map ; " Isabella ;" " Terra scte crvcis." The map contains no general denomination for the New World. We believe that the Lusitano- Italian prototype which served for making Kunstmann No. 2, has also inspired the maker of the King chart. Not only the American configurations, gaps, omissions, and geo- graphical errors are the same in both, but the all-important name of "Capo Raso" also betrays either an Italian cartographer, or a model containing Italian words; the "p" in the word "capo," not being either Spanish or Portuguese. See supra, in The First Type, page 293. 1502-1504. No. 52. Sailors' Maps. Those maps are referred to by Diego de Porras, in his official report of November 7, 1 504, in these terms : " En algunas cartas de navegar de algunos de los marineros juntaba esta tierra con la que habia descubierto Hojeda y Bastidas que es la costa de las perlas : — On some of the sailing charts of certain sailors, that land [Veragua] is connected with the land discovered by Hojeda and Bastidas, which is the Coast of Pearls."*' ss Dr. E. T. Hamy, Notice mr une mappemonde descriptive, Paris, 1887, No. 4. portvgaise anonyme de 1502, ricemment dicouverle il " Relation of Diego de Porras, in Navarrete, Vol. Londres ; in the Bulletin de Geographie historique et I., p. 285. 432 The Discovery of North America. 1503. No. 53. Juan de la Cosa. Two maritime charts of the Indies, made by Juan de la Cosa, and presented by him to Queen Isabella in September, 1503, at Segovia: " Dos cartas de marear de las Indias." This reference was taken by Navarrete '°° from the Munoz Collection of MSS., the only source of information, almost, used by Spanish savants to this day. The statement seems to have been borrowed from the Book of Accounts of the Casa de Contratacion, sub anni 1503-1515, where is inscribed the following very interesting item: " Que pago a Niculosa Espindola en nombre de Juan de la cossa dos mill y seiscientos y veinte y cinco mrs. por dos cartas de marear que dio a la Reyna nuestra senora e para su satisfacion de los caminos que hizo en Portugal : — Pay to Nicolo Spinola "' in the name of [or for] Juan de la Cosa, 2625 raaravedis for two sailing charts which he gave to the Queen, and as [a token of her] satisfaction for the voyages which he made to Portugal." One of those two maps may be that which we mention in the next item, from the list published by D. Diego Clemencin. No. 54. Queen Isabella's. Map which Queen Isabella had in her own library, and is described in the inventory of her property as follows : " No. 25. Un mapa mundi en pargamino pintado: — -A mappamundi on vellum, coloured.""^ Isabella possessed two collections of books, one of which, numbering 201 volumes, was preserved in the Alcazar of Segovia. The other col- lection contained only 52 volumes, and was entrusted to her chamberlain Sancho de Parades. The said mappamundi belonged to the latter set, "the broken remains of which," says Prescott,'°3 "have contributed to swell the magnificent library of the Escurial." We have seen in that library several important MSS. concerning Peru, but no maps whatever could be discovered. "" Navarrete, Biblioteca Maritima Espailola, Vol. ■°' Clemencin, Elogio de la Riina catdlica Dofia II., art. Juan de la Gona. Isabel, p. 476. '"' Spinola was a Genoese banker settled in Seville. '°3 Ferdinand and Isabella, Vol. II., p. 188. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 433 No. 55. Maps of Columbus' Crew. Those maps were seized by him, about May 1503, on the plea that they proved to be a great impediment to maritime discoveries. " Los marineros no traian ya carta de navegar que se las habia el Almirante tornado d todas : se decian que el yerro que se hizo al principio habia causado gran desconcierto en el descubrir : — The sailors did not have with them sailing charts, because the Admiral had seized all those which they had, alleging that the mistake committed at the outset had greatly impeded the work of discoveries."'"* About 1503. No. 56. Hispaniola. Manuscript map of the island of Hispaniola which we found inserted in Fernando Columbus' own copy of the Peter Martyr of 151 1, preserved in the Biblioteca Colombina at Seville. It is on vellum, measures 410 by 290 mm., and may be only a fragment of a large map of the Antillies. We noticed a number of names, several of which were given by Christopher Columbus. On the north coast : " Puerto de Plata, Isabella, Puerto Real." '"' On the west coast : " Manati, Hatiei,"*' Granada, Caralmi." On the south coast : " Salvatiera, lagaqye, Isleos blancos, Yucan . . . , Acya." In the interior : " Lares, Concepcion (de la Vega), Santiago (de los Caballeros), San Juan de la Magyana,'"' Hagyei." Rivers : laqye, Naiba, Lyna, Tireo, Hanu, and Hatiboni." The great stream, " Rio de Santiago," is nameless ; but several of the above mentioned towns set forth edifices. It is worthy of notice that the following names have been omitted, viz.: Xamana (or Samana), i°8 Bohio (or Boio), Albao, Monte-Cristo, Zuruquia (or Xaragua), Navidad (deserted in the year 1493), Cibao,'°9 Niti ( although the mountains about the place show the explorations attempted by Hojeda), Mpnte-Juan, Janico, Bonao, Pani, Cabo-Franco, Punta de Brasil, Nueva Isabella (or San Domingo), all of which names are to be found in the map of Juan de la Cosa, or in the descriptions of Dr. Chanca, Oviedo, and Bernaldez. "■t Official report of Diego DE PoRRAS, in Navarrete, "^ Caonabo was the cacique of "La Maguana." Vol. I., p. 287. That town is mentioned by OviEDO. 105 11 Puerto Real " is in Oviedo, Vol. I., p. 48. ""^ " Samana " is to be found in the Cantino chart. "^ It is " Hayti," name given to the portion of the "^ In the country of Cibao there was a fortress named island first visited by Columbus (Chanca). It is spelled "Santo Thomas." According to Bernaldez, "Cibao" " Ayti " by Bernaldez. means " a rocky place." Reyes Catdlicos, cap. cxxi. 3F 434 The Discovery of North America. 1504. No. 57. Vesconte de Maggiolo. Atlas of Vesconte de Maggiolo or Maiolo, dated 1504, exhibited during the Geographical Congress held at Venice, and bearing No. 433 in its catalogue. "° We have been unable to ascertain the American configurations set forth in that atlas, which has disappeared since the death of its owner. It is the earliest work known of that Genoese cartographer, who exercised his art'" until 1549 or 1551. About 1504. No. 58. Gregorio Diaz. They were maps of Paria, Uraba, Darien, and Veragua, made by the pilot Gregorio Diaz, who visited those regions with Columbus : " Anduvo todo aquello en compania del Almirante. Ha hecho cartas de todo ello : — He sailed over all those parts in company with the Admiral. He has made maps of all of them." ™ 1505. No. 59. Globe belonging to Julius II. It was apparently a mounted globe which Isabella d'Este, daughter of Hercules I., Duke of Ferrara, and wife of Francesco de Gonzagua, Marquis of Mantua, ordered Floramonto Brognolo, on the 20th of Feb- ruary, 1505, to be made by copying the one in the Vatican, or Pope's library at Rome : " M. Floramonte. — Non ce aggravara la " Mr. Floramont. — As the cost will not ex- spesa de quaranta Ducati quando lo exempio ceed 46 ducats to secure a fine copy of the del Mapamondo et Zodiaco fia facto bello, et mappamundi with a zodiac, like that which is simile aquello che se ritrova in la libraria dil in the Pope's library, you may order it ; but Papa . Si che ordinati pure chel fu facto, ma let it be executed very promptly, and of the cum summa diligentia, et misura . Bene Valete . exact size. Good-bye. Mantua, February 20, Mantuse xx Februarij 1505." i5°S-" "° Desimoni, Alio studio secondo intomo a Giovanni and infra, under the year 1527, for a list of atkses exe- Verrazzano, Appendice III., page 95. cuted by this Vesconte de Maggiolo. "'Jean et Sihastien Cabot, p. 165; supra, p. 216; "° Navarrete, Vol. III., pp. 582, 591. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 435 This letter of Isabella d'Este, published here for the first time, is preserved in the State archives at Mantua. We have vainly looked In the Vatican Library and Secret Archives for the globe alluded to. The reader is aware that the princes of the House of Este took a great interest in Geography. Besides Isabella's father, who ordered the Cantino map, "3 and took such pains to secure the geographical notes and writings left by Toscanelli, "4 upon hearing of Columbus' discovery, we should not forget that it was to the father of Hercules, Borso d'Este, that Nicholas the German {alias Nicholas Donis), dedicated or addressed, "5 in 1466, his famous first twenty-seven "^ Ptolemaic maps (engraved in 1478). No. 60. Pedro Reinel. This map, which is probably a stray sheet of some important atlas or portolano, is on vellum, undated, but bears in semi-gothic letters the inscription : " Pedro Reinel a fez." It is preserved in the Royal Library at Munich, and has been par- tially reproduced in fac-simile by Kunstmann,"7 and by Kohl,"^ who has added a detailed description of the map. Barros mentions "9 a " Pero Reinel mo^o d'esporas," who, so far back as 1487, had the reputation of being an experienced navigator: " homem costumado andar naquellas partes," that is, on the African coast. We are unable to say whether he is the author of the present map. We see a young Reinel established at Seville as a cosmographer, and, in 1519, employed in constructing a sphere ("poma") and a map of the Asiatic archipelago, which his father came to complete, by adding the Molucca islands.'^o But as we do not possess the christian names of those Reinels, it is impossible to identify either with the Pero Reinel mentioned by Barros, or with another Pero Reinel cited by Herrera. "3 Supra, p. 77, and p. 422, No. 47. "' Kunstmann, Atlas zur Entdeckungen-geschichte "* Supra, Book I., chapter i., p. 2. America's; plate i. "i Illvstrissimo. principi. ac dUo. domino. Borsio. "^ Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, p\aXe ix. , Marchioni. Estetisi. Rodrigii . . . comiti sws donnvs and page 177. [for " Dominus," or for "Dom," — hence the erroneous "'Barros, Decad. I., lib. iii., cap. xii., f"- 58. name "Donis"], Ificolavs Germanvs. Paris National "M090 d'esporas," must not be taken literally, we think, Library, MSS., Fonds Latin, No. 4,805. See d'Avezac, in the sense of equerry, but of one belonging to the Bulletin de la SociM de Geographie, Vol. V. (1863), household of a nobleman, page 301. "" Carta escrita en Sevilla aZ Rey de Portugal por "^ The five modern maps were added several years Sebastian Alvarez; Navarrete, Vol. IV., p. 155; afterwards. only for a Spanish translation from the Portuguese. 436 The Discovery of North America. Herrera relates '^i that in 1522, two Portuguese cosmographers of that name entered the service of Charles V. As they came expressly from Portugal, apparently for the first time in 1522, in company with Simon de Alcazaba, who was a deserter, we are again unable to say whether these Reinels were also pre-named Pero. The Pero Reinel of Herrera was a pilot of much repute : " piloto de mucha fama." The present map was doubtless made in Portugal, as all its names and legends are in the Portuguese language. Kohl says that it was executed in 1505 ; Peschel, the year previous. '22 The new names are on Greenland and on Newfoundland, as follows : Baya de Sante Cyria Cabo de cogepision Ilha emcorporada 1505-1506. No. 61. Christopher and Bartholomew Columbus. Map of the New World, which had been commenced by Columbus, and finished by his brother Bartholomew, and was in the possession of Bishop Fonseca when Peter Martyr saw it. This must have been shordy after March 11, 15 13, which is the date of the election of Leo X. as Pope, considering that the second decade was written at the latter's re- quest when in the papal chair, 123 whilst the said decade bears the date of December, 15 14. " Alteri Colonus vivens, cum ea perlustratet loca, dedit initium : cui et frater eius Bartholomseus Colonus, Hispaniola Adelantus, indicium suum addidis'''* . . . : — Wherupon I repayred to the byshoppe of Surges beinge the chiefe refuge of this nauigation. As wee were therfore secretly togyther in one chamber, we had many instrumentes perteynynge to these affayres as globes and manye of those mappes which are commonly cauled the ship- man's cardes, or cardes of the sea. Of the which, one was drawen by the Portugales . . . To an other, Colonus the Admiral whyle he yet lyued and searched those places had gyuen the beginnynge with his owne handes : VVherunto Bartholomeus Colonus his brother and Lieuetenaunt had addid his iudgement, for he also, had sayled aboute those coastes." The purport of the book of the Decade containing the above extract, indicates that the map gave a delineation of the north coast of South America, comprising the lands visited by Christopher Columbus and his ''■ Herrera, Decad. III., lib. iv., cap. xiii., p. 132. tuae nomine ista redigerem in Latium sermonem ..." '"Peschel, Geschichte des Zeitalters der Entec- Anghiera, Decad. II., lib. x., £"•41, C; and p. 172 of hungen, page 332. the Paris Hakluyt edition. "=3 " Ex quo parere statui postulantibus, ut sanctitatis "* Ibidem. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 437 brother Bartholomew during the fourth voyage. It was made, consequently, after the 7th of November, 1504; but as Bartholomew went to Italy in 1506, the map was necessarily completed between those two dates. Between 1506 and 1508. No. 62. Map of Veragua. Pictorial description and map of the Veragua country, made at Rome by Bartholomew Columbus, between 1506 and 1508. " Del 1505 essendo Bartolamio Colombo fratello di christophoro Colombo da poi la sua morte'^ andato a Romd per haver lettere del pontifice'''^ al Re di Spagna chel volese esser contento di darli caravelle Confesato da uno frate Hieronimo de I'ordine di frati canonici regulari in S. Joanni Laterano li dete di suo mano uno disegnio de' litti di tal terre dove eron discripte i lochi la con- ditione et natura et costumi et abiti di quelli popoli et esendo ditto frate Hieronimo qui in Venetia nel monasterio loro della caritk essendo mio amico mi dette el tal disegnio et el simile mi dette in scripto la conditione et popoli di tal paesi li quali in brieve lo Alex" . . . '" li notero . . . '"* " While at Rome in 1505, Bartholomew Columbus, brother of Christopher, where he had gone after the latter's death, to obtain from the Pope a letter to the King of Spain [praying] to give him ships ... In his inter- course with one Jerome, a friar of the regular order of St. John of Latran, he gave him a delineation in his own hand of the coast of that country [Veragua] with a description of the region, nature, customs, and dress of the people. And the said monk Jerome, when at Venice, in the monastery of the Charity, and being a friend of mine, gave me that drawing, and also, in writing, the description of the people . . . which I, Alexander . . . shall give in brief . . ." We assume that the description contained a map ; such being the meaning which must be given to " uno disegnio de' litti di tal terre," though it may have represented only the coasts. "^ The date of 1505 is erroneous, as Christopher Columbus died in 1506. On the other hand, Bartholo- mew Columbus had an illegitimate child born to him in Spain, on the nth of December, 1508, under circum- stances showing that he was at Seville in the latter year. Christophe Colomh, Vol. II., p. 206 and 466. ''* That Pope was Julius II. who occupied the papal chair from November 3, 1503, until his death, February 20, or 21, 1513. As he was born, not at Albisola, but at Savona in 1441, and commenced by being a mere boatman, says Erasmus {Adagionim, chiliad, iii., cent, iv., No. 85), Bartholomew Columbus, whose father lived in that place from 1470 until 1484, may have met the future Pope when on a visit to his parents. '=7 We must read : " Alessandro ZoRZl," who was the compiler of a new edition of the Paesi novamente ri- trovati which never was published. We found among his MSB. (National Library in Florence, Conti, Strozzi, 4to, cod. 24, Class xni., Alberico, Class xiii., cod. 81), the above text and a number of other documents, but not that pictorial description. "^ Informatione di Bartolomeo Colombo della navica- tione di Ponente et Garhin di Beragua ; in the Bihlio- theca Americana Vetustissima, p. 471. 438 The Discovery of North America. Before 1507. No. 63. Behaim's Mappamundi. The present is not his famous globe preserved at Nuremberg, nor the mappamundi copied from the latter, which is yet in the archives of the Behaim family. We refer to the map which was preserved in the Treasury of the King of Portugal in 15 17. This map is said to have been communicated to Magellan, who noticed the delineation of a strait, which confirmed his belief in the existence of a western passage : " Mais le capitaine general [Magellan] dist quil y auoit vng aultre estroict pour saillir, et dist quil le scauoit bien pource quil lauoit veu par vne carte marine du roy de Portugal. La quelle carte vng grand pilot et marinier nomme Martin de boesme auoit faictes : — But the Captain General said there was another strait leading out ; and that he knew well, for having seen it on a naval chart of the King of Portugal. That map was the work of a great pilot and mariner called Martin of Bohemia." '^ As Martin Behaim lived at Fayal from the close of 1494 until 1506, and at Lisbon until his death, which occurred July 29, 1507, we may readily believe that he continued to construct globes and nautical charts, which embodied the transatlantic discoveries which he must have been among the first to learn. It is therefore almost certain that King Manoel possessed a planisphere which indicated the transatlantic countries recently discovered, and particularly the south-east coast of the new continent, as the regions found by Cabral (being easterly of the line of demarcation) belonged to Portugal by virtue of the Treaty of Tordesillas. Behaim then doubtless traced, hypothetically, the celebrated Strait which Magellan was destined to discover thirteen years later. We can guess what was the appearance of that map. East, there were Europe, Africa, and Asia, such as Behaim depicted them on his globe of 1492. West, we suppose that towards the north he designed continental lands which resembled the north-western continent in the Cantino and Canerio planispheres, if they were not precisely alike. The coasts of South America continued unbroken until they formed an apex, which Behaim traced in the form of Africa, by way of analogy. The seaboard was probably made to ascend on the Pacific side as high as "=5 MSS. of the Paris National Library. Fondsfran- MS. because it is unquestionable that Pioafetta's fai«, No. 24, 224, verso of the 14th f"- We quote this account was originally written in the French language. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 439 the equator. So that upon the whole, it must not have been much unHke the first globe of Schoner. The Italian abridgment of Pigafetta's account '30 adds that the map was preserved " Nella Thesoraria del Re di Portogallo." The fact of the communication is also mentioned by Las Casas ; but although he had a personal conversation with Magellan on the day when the latter paid his visit to the High Chancellor, Pigafetta is his only authority for the statement. 131 The little we know concerning the map mentioned by Pigafetta is yet sufficient to account for the peninsular form given to the South American continent before the voyage of Magellan in so many of the Lusitano-Germanic maps and globes. And as Behaim continued to cor- respond with his family and friends at Nuremberg until his death, '32 we feel inclined to suppose that it was one of his maps which became the prototype used by Schoner. No. 64. Veldicus' Globe. This globe was constructed by William Van de Velde, of Veldius in Gelderland ; hence his name of Wilhelmius Veldicus Monapius. '33 It was purchased from him by Henry de Bunau, who died '34 between 1506 and 1507. " Henricum de Bunau diu uita audiui defunctum, sed libros eius et globum cosmo- graphise quem olitn comparauit ex officina tua, remansisse apud Saxoniae principes, quod tu existimas, non audiui : — I have been told that Henry de Bunau ^ died some time ago, but I have never heard it said that his books and the cosmographical globe which he had bought in your laboratory remained with the princes of Saxony, as you believe."'*' '30 BiUioiheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 15, and brated Codex epistolaris Conradi Celtis, which, hpw- Ramusio Vol. I. ("■ 3?2. ever, contains no geographical information. We regret '3' Las Casas Historia, lib. iii., cap. ci., Vol. IV., to have been unable to ascertain the exact date of Bunau's Daee '^77 death, as it would prove interesting to learn whether it "3= " En Allemagne le nom de Behaim se trouvait dans was before May, 1507, which is the date of the first toutes les bouches."— Lelewel, Giorjra/phie du Moyen edition oS the Cosmographiai introditctio. J. Burckaru Ane Vol. II. p. 137, note 287; and Murr, loc. cit., (De linr/um latincn . . in Germania falls ; Wolfenbutteli, pages 124 12=;. 1721, Vol. II., p. 280), says: " Quum Trithemius sig- '33 Valerius Andre, Bihliot. belgica., p. 335, and Van nificarit huic se olim commodasse volumina ista Henrico DBR Aa, Biographisch Woordenhock XIX. de Bunau, sequitur, ut hie ante annum CiD lo vi, quo "3^ See the letters of August 12, 1507, and November epistola scripta est, diem suum obierit," but his date of 6, 1506, in Trithemius, Epistolatfamiliares, Hagenoe, 1506 is erroneous ; Bunau being mentioned by Trithe- 1536, 4to, pp. 197 and 209. Mins only August 10, in the year 1507, and without a '35 As regards this Henry DE Bunau, Dr. Goldlin reference authorising such a deduction. DE TlEFBNAii kindly calls our attention to J. G. "36 Letter addressed " Vuilhelmo Veldico Monapio RUPRECHT, Oratio de Societate litteraria Rhenana a plebano in Dyrmstein, theologo et mathematico," by Conrado Celte instituta, Jenje, 1752, 4to, and the cele- Trithemius, op. cit., p. 197. 440 The Discovery of North America. No. 65. Small Italian Maps. Very small maps of "Puerto Reale," the island of "Bunchema" (sz'c), Hispaniola, Jamaica, Cuba, and of the coast of South America, inserted in the Ferrara manuscript of the collection of voyages afterwards printed under the title of Paesi nouamente riirovati.'^^'^ No. 66. RenjS of Lorraine's. Nautical chart possessed by Rene, Duke of Lorraine, and described as follows : " Charta autem marina quam Hydrographiam " The marine chart, or Hydrography so called, vocant per Admiralem quondam serenissimi corrected by means of exact navigations [accom- Portugaliae [sic] regis Ferdinandi \sic\ cseteros plished] first by a late admiral of the most serene denique lustratores verissimis peragrationibus King of Portugal Ferdinand, and lately by other lustrata : ministerio Renati dum vixit, nunc explorers, which [chart] was given to be printed pie mortui''* Ducis illustrissimi Lotharingige through the instrumentality of the illustrious liberialus proelographiosii tradita est." Ren^, in his lifetime Duke of Lorraine." "^ This was the map which Martin Waldseemiiller must have used as a model, first for the planisphere which accompanied the Cosmographies Introductio, and then for the two maps of the New World inserted in the Ptolemy of 151 3. See supra. Part II., chapter v., pages 274-281. 1507. No. 67. WaldseemlIller's Globe. Terrestrial globe of small size constructed by Martin Waldseemiiller, at St. Diey, in Lorraine, and which sold with his Cosmographice Intro- ductio, published in May and September, 1507. " Propositum in hoc libello quandam Cosmographiae introductionem scribere : quam nos tam in solido quam piano depinximus. In solido quidem spacio exclusi strictissime : — We ■37 Those small maps, evidently copied or extracted which was printed at Vicenza for the first time in from some map of the world akin to Cantino's, have 1507, and so often reprinted and translated since in been reproduced in Professor Ferraro's very inexact German, Latin, and French. Relazione delle scoperte fatte da C. Oolumho ; Nos. '^s r^ne IL, born in 1 451, and who became Duke of XXX., xxxvii.-viii., xli., Ixxvii. -viii. , Ixxxii.-iii. The Lorraine in 1473, died on the loth of December, 1508. reader is doubtless aware that the above mentioned '^ Ptolemy of 1^13 [Bibliot. Americ. Fcte«<., No. 74) Ferrara codex presents an earlier text than the one verso of the title of the supplement. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 441 have proposed in this small book to write a sort of introduction to the cosmographi [cal configurations] which we have depicted both on a globe and on a plane [chart], but, of course, of smaller dimensions on the globe."'*" If there is very little prospect of ever discovering one of those globes, we may yet hope to find the set of gores which served to make them, printed on a single sheet; as within the last few years several series of that kind have come to light. We are unable to say positively whether it was a set of gores, or the globe itself, which Waldseemuller promised, on Easter Monday, 1507, to send to Joannes Amerbach, in a curious letter discovered by Mr. Louis Sieber, the learned librarian of the Basle University Library, and pub- lished by the venerable Doctor Charles Schmidt. Hi That letter contains much interesting information concerning the famous edition of Ptolemy published afterwards at Strasburg, in 1513, with maps which have exercised such a great influence over German cosmographers in their configurations of the New World, that we deem it necessary to republish it in full. " Insigni viro M. Joanni Amerbachio lite- rarum bonarum instauratori diligentissimo. Basileae. S. p. d. Non credo te latere nos Ptholomei cosmographiam, recognitis et adiectis quibus- dam novis tabulis impressuros in oppido Divi Deodati. Et cum exemplaria non concordent, obsecro te ut non tam mihi quam etiam dominis meis Gualthero et Nicolao Ludd morem gerere velis. Id autem facies credo eo libentius quod ea res communi rei litterariae proderit, pro qua tu et manibus et pedibus sine fine laboras. Est apud praedicatores vobiscum in bibliotheca Ptholomei liber grsecis caracteribus scriptus quem ego ut originale arbitror emendatissimum. Itaque rogo te ut quibus mediis id fieri possit procurare velis ut eum ipsum librum sive tuo sive nostro nomine per unius mensis spacium habere valeamus. Quod si opus fuerit vel vade 140 Verso of the folded leaf inserted in the St. Diey editions of the Cosmographim Introductio (Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Nos. 44-47). " To the distinguished man Mr. Johannes Amerbach, the very diligent renovator of polite literature, at Basle, greeting : • I think you know already that I am on the point to print in the town of St. Diey the Cos- mography of Ptolemy, after having added to the same some new maps. But as the texts do not agree, I beg of you to aid me just as do [?] the Messrs. Gaultier and Nicholas Ludd [in that respect]. I believe that you will do so with so much the more readiness as it will prove useful to our common literary studies, for which you labour with both hands and feet. There is in the library of the Dominicans of your place a Greek text [of Ptolemy] which I deem to be as faithful as the original itself That it the reason why I ask you to endeavour by all means to obtain, either in your name or in my own, that the said book [MS.] be allowed to remain with me during one month. If it be '■" C. Schmidt, Mathias Ringmann - Philesius-, Humaniste alsacien et lorrain, in Mimoires de la SociM d'Archeologie lorraine, Vol. III., Nancy, 1875, p. 227. 3G 442 The Discovery of North America. vel recognitione, curabimus ut quodvis istorum necessary to give a guarantee or a receipt, I actutum fiat. Sollicitassem et alios, nisi crede- shall try that one of the two be given at once, rem te id oneris et libenter subiturum et etiam I would have appealed to some one else had I {namque potes) impetraturum. Solidum quod ad generale Ptholomei paravimus nondum im- pressum est, erit autem impressum infra mensis spacium. Et si Ptholomei illud exemplar ad nos venerit, •curabo ut solidum tale et alia quasdam quae filiis tuis prodesse poterunt ad te cum ipso Ptholomeo redeant. Vale et cura ut non frustra te sollicitasse tuamque operam invocasse videamur. Ex Divi Deodati oppido, ipso lunae post Paschae. Anno 1507. Martinus WualdsemuUer alias Ilacomylus tibi ad vota subiectissimus." not been sure that you would readily accept the task, and succeed, for you can do so. The globe [solidum ?] '" [comprising] Ptolemy in general, which we have prepared, is not yet printed, but will be so in a month. And if the manuscript I have just spoken of is sent to me, I shall see that it be returned to you, together with that globe and some other articles "° which may be useful to your sons. Farewell, and let it not appear that we have appealed to you in vain. From the city of St. Diey, on Easter Monday [April sth], 1507. Martin WualdsemuUer, alias Ilacomylus, your humble servant." That edition of Ptolemy, which was first projected by the brothers Ludd so early as 1505, was to comprise only a Latin version of the original text and maps.i44 It is generally believed that the idea of adding an account of modern discoveries originated not with the savants of the Vosgian Gymnasium, but with Francesco Pico de la Mirandola, who, besides, contributed to the edition in entrusting to Ringmann a Greek manuscript of Ptolemy. Be that as it may, the notion of adding maps of the newly- discovered countries had been conceived a year before, as in Gaultier Ludd's Speculum Orbis, written at St. Diey in 1507,145 the author informs the Duke of Lorraine that His Highness will soon be able to see in the Ptolemy which he and Waldseemiiller were preparing for the press, a map of the countries lately found by the King of Portugal {sic pro Spain), and up to that time unknown. h6 This map can only be the Tabula Terre Nove of the Ptolemy published in 1 5 1 3. H7 '*" Dr. Schmidt when analysing that letter in his most valuable Histoire littiraire de I' Alsace a la fin du XV^ et au commencement du XVJ' siicle (Paris, 1879, 8vo, Tol. II., p. 114), translates "solidum" by "le dessin du globe," which might be rendered in English by "the depicted gores of the globe." Neither in Du Cange nor in FORCELLINI have we found that meaning given to ■solidum, and must say that our translating it by "globe" is a mere inference on our part. ■*3 The Oosmographice Introductio first published in May following? judiciously asks Dr. Schmidt. '*• d'Avezac, Waltzemuller, p. 148. '■•s The letter of Francisco Pico referring to the pro- jected Ptolemy is dated "Novi quarto Calendas Septemb. Anno a partu virginis mdviii." (Ptolemy of 1513, verso of f" 72.) Gaultier Ludd's Speculum bears the date " Ex oppido divi Deodati anno millesimo quingentesimo et septimo." '■•' See infra, No. 68, p. 443. ■47 We think that it is the Tahvla rather than the Orhis typvs vniverscUis, because Ludd speaks, not of a plani- sphere, but as we understand from the word ' ' era : — seaboard," of a special map of the newly discovered regions. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 443 No. 68. Ludd's. A rough and hastily made map of the newly-discovered regions, drawn up by Walter or Gaultier Ludd. " Non tamen imus inficias in extensse illius Europae locum congruenter poni posse quem de ignota terra per Lusitanise regem pridem et post paratum Orbis Speculum inventa propere paravimus typum : — Yet, we are not disposed to deny that in the place of the development which we have given to Europe, it would not be proper to place the representation which we hastily prepared of the unknown land discovered sometime since by the King of Portugal, but subsequently to the preparation of this Mirror of the World." '^* We must also call attention to the following sentence : " De qua ora plura et veriora in Ptolomeo per nos et Martinum Ilacomylum talium rerum scientissimum cum multis additamentis recognito (quem nostris impensis mox Christo favente imprimemus) : — A more exact and more detailed representation of those shores may be seen in the Ptolemy, which, God willing, we will publish at our expense, reviewed and greatly augmented by ourselves and by Martin Ilacomylus [Waldseemiiller], who is the most competent man in such matters." That sentence well shows that Ludd's map of the New World was not the Tabula Terre Nove afterwards published in the Ptolemy of 15 13. Although the St. Diey savant speaks only of the lands discovered "by the King of Portugal," as the statement is made on account of the voyages of Vespuccius, we must construe it as not referring to the dis- coveries or voyages accomplished by the Portuguese in Africa and the East Indies, but to the New World. As to the revolving disk which, in Ludd's Speculum Orbis, contains a stereographic mappamundi (of very small dimensions), it omits the trans- atlantic regions altogether. No. 69. Waldseemuller's Lost Map. It was a map of the world, of large size, constructed by Martin Wald- seemiiller, at St. Diey, before the month of May, 1507, and probably printed at Strasburg by Schott. It is, doubtless, the mappamundi which is mentioned in a letter ad- dressed by Waldseemiiller to Ringmann (Philesius), in February, 1508, and where the map is represented as being already printed, published, and admired at that date. ■48 Speculi succintiss. sed neque poenitevda neque in- Reinhart of Griinigen, or Gruniger ; and quoted by dagans Dedaratio et Canon ; printed at Strasburg by Mr. d'Avezac, Martin WaZtzemiiller, p. 65. 444 The Discovery of North America. " Cosmographiam universalem tam solidam quam planam non sine gloria et laude per orbem disseminatam nuper composuimus : depinximus : et impressimus.""' The following sentence from the Cosmographice Introductio also refers to that map : "Totius orbis typum tam in solido quam in piano (velut prseviam quandam ysagogen) pro communi studiosorum utilitate paraverim. Quem tuae sacratissimae majestati, cum terrarum dominus existas, dicare statui." Waldseemuller again speaks of it in a dedication which he addressed to Anthony, Duke of Lorraine, as follows : " Neque enim oblitis sumus qua aurium dementia : [He speaks of Ren^ II.] . . . generalem orbis descriptionem : ac alia etiam litterarij laboris nostri monimenta sibi oblata a nobis susceperit." '" Finally, it was the map of the entire world so much admired, and of which Ringmann says, in a letter addressed to Waldseemuller : " Plurimum tibi devincis Martine studiosorum pectora, qui cum pridem genSfalem totius orbis typum dedalissime publicaveris." "' If it is ever discovered, geographers will see that its configurations are precisely those of the Orbis typvs vniversalis iuxta hydrographorvm traditionem, and of the Tabvla Terre Nove in the Ptolemy of 15 13, joined together, and resembling the re-construction devised by Lelewel under the title of Charia marina Portugalensium. The two continents will be seen connected, the coast running in a continuous line from about 40° south to about 50" north latitudes, the mainland adorned with the escutcheons of Castile and Portugal. '52 The whole artistically made, ' 53 coloured, and setting forth small crosses to mark the shoals or dangerous rocks : " Denique in quartam terrse partem per inclytos Castiliae et Lusitanise reges repertam : eorundem ipsorum insignia posuimus. Et quod non est ignorandum : vadosa maris littora (vbi naufragia timentur) imaginibus crucis signauimus sed haec iam missa facientes." "* It is doubtless the planisphere which Trithemius says was printed at Strasburg'SS a short time before August, 1507. "" In the Margarita PhilosopMca Nova of Reisch, '^' " In quartam terrse partem per inclytos Castilise et printed by Gruniger, Argentoraci, 1508, 4to, quoted by Lusitanice reges repertam eorundm ipsorum posuimus Mr. d'Avezac, Martin Hylacomylus Waltzemuller, ses (Cosmographim Introductio, i" 15). Ita orbis terrarum ouvrages et ses coUahorateurs, p. no. This edition regionesprsecipuasdominoruminsigniisnotare studuimus" ■differs from the one also published in 1508, but at Basle (verso of the folded leaf), by ScHOTT. '53 " Quem pulchre depictum," Trithemius, op. cit. "5° Instrvctio manvdvctionem prcBstans, Argentorati, "54 In the description inserted in the verso of the folded 1511, 4to, preface, f" 2, recto. d'Avezac, loc. cit., leaf mention is made of yellow and red crosses: "crux p. 137 ; Bibliotheca Americ. Vetustissima, p. 128, note. rubra," &c. ■S' Ibidem, f 5. '55 Infra, No. 70, page 445. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 445 No. 70. Trithemius' Globe and Planisphere. These are mentioned by Johannes Trithemius as follows " Orbem terrae marisque et insularum quem pulchre depictum in Vuormotia scribis esse venalem, me quidem consequi posse optaretn, sed quadraginta pro illo expendere florenos, neme facile mihi persuadebit . . simul et in magna dispositione globum terrje in piano ex- pansum, cum insulis et regionibus noviter ab Americo Vesputio hispano inventis in mare occidentali ac versus meridiem ad parallelum ferme decimum cum quibusdam aliis ad earn speculationem pertinentibus . . . '"'* " I wanted to buy the finely painted globe of the earth, seas, and islands which I wrote was for sale at Worms, but I could not be easily induced to give for it such a price as 40 florins (There has been printed lately at Strasburg) also a globe extensively spread on a plane, with the islands and countries discovered by the Spaniard Americus Vespuccius in the western sea, by about 10" latitude, and other things on the subject." We are inclined to believe that the " globe extensively spread on a plane," is the large map of Waldseemiiller above described. The "finely painted globe," may be Veldicus'. No. 71. Trithemius' Small Globe. Terrestrial globe of small size, bought cheaply at Worms by the same Johannes Trithemius in 1507. " Comparavi autem mihi ante paucos dies pro sere modico sphseram orbis." '^'' It is apparently the small printed globe of Waldseemiiller, as the purchase is mentioned in a letter of August 12, 1507; and Hylacomylus says that his little sphere was published before May of that year ; while St. Diey is at no great distance from Worms. The probability is that it was a globe, made either of wood or of pasteboard, but covered with printed gores. If so, it is evident that it was neither Albert Durer.'SS nor •5^ Letter of Trithemius. " Ex Herbipoli duodecima die mensis augusti anno christianorum millesimo quin- gentesimo septimo." The sum was equal to $72 of the time : " Le fredericus et florin de bauiere de : Ixxviij au mark a xx. 3. pat." {Ordonnaiice de Charles Quint; Anvers, Vosterman, 1531, sm. 4to). " Lxxviij au mark, poise ij. estrelins un az fort. Ou ii deniers xi. grains forts, faict xxj patards et demy " (Ordonnantie ende Placcaete ; Amsterdam, 1559, sm. 8vo.). That is, as the said florin was worth about 9 francs, the map cost 360 francs = about $72, By the word "florenos," Trithemius meant gold florins of his country, for the silver florin first appeared only towards the year 1600. '57 Trithemius, op. cit. '^ DURER, Underweisung der mensung mit dem Zirclcel . . . 73rd-79th 11. of the edition of 1538, and pp. 150-151 of lib. iii. of the Geometry, in the Latin translation, Lutet., Wechel, 1532. We are unable to say whether the passage is also to be found in the original Nuremberg edition of 1525, folio. 446 The Discovery of North America. Henry Loritz {Glareanus^^^), who first taught the process of making spheres of that description, as has been asserted. '^ Before 1508. No. 72. Bartholomew Columbus' Veragua. This map was, in 1501, in the possession of one of Nicuesa's pilots: "Al qual piloto tracto mal de palabra Diego de Nicuesa desde su caravela, digiendole que no sabia lo que degia ni podia ser, porque €\ tenia una carta € relagion de los puertos de aquella costa y senas dellos hasta llegar al rio de Veragua : la qual relagion degia que le avia dado el adelantado don Bartolomd Colom : — Diego de Nicuesa from his ship spoke harshly to that pilot, saying that he did not know what he talked about, and that it could not be so, because he had a map and description of the ports and gulfs of that coast, as far as the Veragua river, which he said had been given to him by the seneschal Bartholomew Columbus." '=' In our Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, pages 471-474, there is a geographical description of Veragua written by Bartholomew Columbus, about the year 1507, and in which mention is made of a map of that country made by him. See supra, No. 62. 1508. No. 73. Morales' Cuba. In 1508, Nicolas Ovando ordered Andres de Morales, who was perhaps a greater pilot and cartographer even than La Cosa, if we judge from the authority enjoyed by his maps, to make the periplus of the island of Cuba, and to construct a map embodying the results of his exploration. But, as we have had occasion to show, this undertaking was not the first of the kind which had been accomplished ; as is demonstrated by the delineations of the entire island in the charts of Cantino, Canerio, King, and others. Regarding that map of Morales, Las Casas says : '^2 ■59 Glareanus, De Geographia liber unus ; Basil., Vol. II., p. 467. 1527, 4to, in chapt. xix., de inducetida papyro inglobum. '^ Las Casas, lib. ii., cap. xli., Vol. III., page 209. 160 jfonatUche Correspondenz . . . von F. vonZach; Herreea, Decad. I., lib. vi., cap. xviii., p. 171, who Gotha, Vol. XIII., 1806, p. 157. as usual, copies Las Casas, inserts instead of " desta ■'' OviEDO, Historia General, lib. xxviii., cap. i., isla," the word " Hispaniola." Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 447 " En estos dias el Comendador Mayor man- d6 a un piloto Uamado Andres de Morales, que anduviese todos los rincones desta isla y pusiese por escripto cudntos rios, y cuantas sierras, y cudntos montes, y cuintos valles, con la dispusicion de cada uno, que en ellos hal- lase. No pude ver yo esta descripcion despues que cai en buscarla, puesto que muchos afios dntes, si cayera en ello, me la diera el mismo Andres de Morales. Pienso que la tiene Alonso de Sancta Cruz, cosmografo, vecino de Sevilla, porque destas cosas tiene en su poder hartas." ''At that time the Grand Commander [of Alcantara] ordered a pilot called Andres de Morales to survey all the windings [of the coasts] of this island, and to put down in writing all the rivers, mountains, hills, and valleys, and the position of each. When the thought struck me to see that description I could not procure it. Had I entertained the desire several years before, Morales himself would have given it to me. I think Santa Cruz, a cosmographer residing at Seville, has that description, for he possesses a number of such things.'"^ No. 74. Bordone's First Mappamundi. In a privilege granted to Benedetto Bordone, designated therein as a professional miniaturist, "miniator," on the 19th of September, 1508, by the Senate of Venice, we read the following statement : " Cum sit che cum gravissima fatica et industria sua et non mediocre spesa se habii in longo tempo ingegnado ad stampar tutta la provincia de Italia '''* et etiam lo Apamondo in forma rotunda de bella cosa et nova et etiam di rnirabile utilita a tutti quelli chi de tal vistu fano professione'^: — Who with great labour and industry, and no little expense, applied himself for a long time to imagining and printing the entire country of Italy, and also the mappa- mundi in spherical form, finely executed, new, and of marvellous use for all those who take an interest in such objects." This Benedetto Bordone, or Bordoni, is considered to be the same whose Islario'^^^ was first printed in 1528, at Venice by Nicolo d'Aristotile, alias Zoppino. On the other hand, the fact that the present Bordone was connected with the edition of certain dialogues of Lucian, published so early as 1494, at Venice, '^7 prompts the question whether there have not been two or several Benedetto Bordones. i«3 We still possess the Catalogue of Santa Cruz' collection of maps. See infra. No. 230. ''■* That map was dedicated to Francesco Cornaro, — evidently the Cardinal born in 1478, and who died in 1543- ''5 State archives at Venice, Collegia Notarorio, reg. 24. c. We are indebted for a copy of that privilege to Mr. Charles Ephrussi. '^ Infra, No. 180, and Bibliotheca Americana Vetus- tissima, pp. 266, 268, 284, 310, 355, &c. '^ Luciani de ueris narrationibus. Venetiis per Simonem heuilaquam m.cccc.xciiii. die xxv. augusti. Small 4to. (Paris National Library, Z. Reserve.) In the colophon we read : ' ' CoUectu hinc illinc : pressaque Bordo. dedit . . . Benedictus miniator p. quum ope et auxilio sublimitatis ur. statuerit imprimere opera." 448 The Discovery of North America. No. 75. Honduras. Maps of the coast of Honduras, describing the voyage of Vicente Yanez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de SoHs. '68 We mention those lost maps chiefly on account of the cartographical correction set forth in the Historie, though it is not perfectly intelligible ; but the statement may enable us to ascertain the origin of charts which can yet be brought to light. " Nauigando verso terra ferma alia volta del " Sailing southward for the continent, we Mezodi, giungemmo a certe Isole, benche non [Christopher and Fernando Columbus] reached vi prendemmo terra se non nella maggiore, certain islands, but landed only on the largest, che si chiamaua Guanara, dal cui nome poi called "Guanara," whence the name of "Gua- quelli, che fan le carte nauigatorie, nomarono nara islands " given by chart-makers to all tutte quelle Isole Isole de' Guanari, le quali these islands, which are distant at least twelve son distanti quasi xii leghe dalla terra ferma leagues from the continent, near the province presso alia prouincia, hor chiamata Capo now called Honduras, although the Admiral di Honduras :• quatunque allhor I'Ammiraglio named it then [July 30, 1502] ' Punta de la chiamasse punta di Casine. Ma, percioche Caxinas.' costoro fanno cotai carte senza andar per lo But, as the said cartographers make their mondo, sono incorsi in ci6 in grandissimo er- maps without having ever navigated, they com- rore; il quale, poi che hor m'occorre il dime, mit very great mistakes, which I will here ex- voglio raccontare, se bene io romperd il filo della pose, since I have now occasion to speak on mia historia: & € tale. Queste medesime Isole, the subject. & la terra € da costoro posta due volte nelle Those isles and the land adjoining [?] are lor carte nauigatorie, come se in effetto fossero set down in their charts twice, as if these terre distinte : &, essendo il capo di Gratie a formed distinct countries ; and although Cape Dio, & il quale essi chiamano Capo di . . . Gracias a Dios, and what they call Cape . . . tutti vna medesima cosa, essi li fanno due."'^ are but one and the same, they make two of it." The island " Guanaja" appears only in two of the maps which we still possess. First in the map of Peter Martyr (1511), under the name of " guanasa ;" then as "Guanara" in the Turin planisphere (circa 1523), whence it disappears altogether, and is not even seen in the Weimar charts. The singular number adopted in the two above mentioned maps, although the island figures therein within a group of islets, shows that these maps were not copied from the charts of Pinzon and Solis, but that they proceed rather from those brought by Columbus,'7o November 7, 1504. Nor do we possess any map where the coast extending from Cape Gracias a Dios to Cape Honduras, together with that small archipelago, may seem to have been inserted twice. This can be easily ascertained by measuring the longitude of those two capes. '«* See swpra. No. 76. '7° Guanaja is the present Bonacco. It may be the '* Historie, cap. Ixxxix. , f"- 198, verso. " San Francisco " of the Weimar charts. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 449 No. 76. RUYSCH. Map of the World constructed by a German geographer called Johann Ruysch, and bearing the following title : " Universalior cogniti orbis Tabvla ex recentibvs confecta observationibvs : — A more uni- versal map of the known world, constructed by means of recent observations." It first appeared as an addition to the issue of the Ptolemy originally published at Rome in 1508, together with a commentary written by Marcus Beneventanus, under the title of Orbis nouo descriftio. That treatise is absolutely predicated upon the aforesaid mappamundi of Ruysch. This must be noted, as it constrains us to limit our inter- pretation of the geographical configurations and legends to the map itself Marcus adds nothing whatever as regards facts and data ; nay, it is less complete, considering that he fails to mention either Cuba or the con- tinental land which the map exhibits between Newfoundland and South America. It is even doubtful whether the Celestinian monk, or any of the parties engaged in the publication of the Ptolemy of 1507- 1508, had ever personal intercourse with Ruysch. Else we would certainly find in the elaborate description which Marcus Beneventanus gives of the transatlantic discoveries of the Spaniards and Portuguese, '71 some statement or name which should have been omitted in the map. The few personal details given by the commentator, and by Thomas Aucuparius in the preface, were most probably conveyed by a letter accompanying the map when it was sent in manuscript from Germany to Rome, as we believe. If Ruysch had supervised the engraving in person, the probability is that the nomenclature would have been entirely in Latin, or according to its original Portuguese form, instead of being so frequently Italianised, as is seen in the pronoun do, everywhere written de, and in the words " Terra secca," " C. Glaciato," and " Capo formoso," which certainly indicate a translation of Portuguese names, made not by a German, but by an Italian, without being slips of the engraver. The basis of the entire map, was a purely Lusitanian planisphere, similar to those of Cantino and Canerio, but constructed after the former and before the latter ; that is, between 1 502 and 1 504, as we have shown '"' Chapter viii. , verso of signal. 6 3, and Chapter xiiij. , verso of 6 6 and recto of fc 7. 3 H 450 The Discovery of North America. in a comparative description of the continental region which is north of Central America in Portuguese charts. '72 There are in the section of the map delineating the New World, two very distinct parts, based upon data of similar origin, one of which, however, was modified in a most important respect. '73 The first part is that which represents Newfoundland. Originally, the region was delineated nearly as we see it in Cantino, and in all the Lusitano-Germanic maps. This can be seen simply by comparing the eastern profile of the " Terra del Rey de portugall " in Cantino and King {which is nothing else than our Newfoundland), with the profile of the " Terra Nova " of Ruysch, which is exactly the same region. EASTERN PROFILE OF NEWFOUNDLAND.* RUYSCH. CANTINO. KING. But as the German geographer had himself visited the northern part of Newfoundland on board an English vessel, and acquired from experience positive data concerning the situation of that peninsula, as he calls it : "qui peninsulae Terra Noua uocatse," without having the same reasons as Caspar Corte Real to place it in the middle of the Atlantic, within the Portuguese line of demarcation, Ruysch, following the charts used by his English companions, brought Newfoundland close to the western continent. Now what was, in his opinion, the real character of the regions west of and connected with Newfoundland ? Nothing else than the east coast of Asia. The configurations of his map leave no doubt whatever on that point. Such likewise was the belief of its commentator : -■" Supra, pp. 283, 298-304, 316-321. which Lusitanian cartographers had of the configuration -^3 See the accompanying facsimile. of the region itself. The reader will have also to take ^ We omit the small islands which dot the coast of into account, when examining the coast in Ruysch, the Newfoundland in Ruysch as well as in the Portuguese distortion resulting from the peculiar projection which and Lusitano-Germanic charts ; to show better the idea he has adopted. Plate KVI THE NEW WORLD IN THE MAPPAMUNDI OF RUYSCH (1508) Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 451 "Joannes vero Ruschi Germanus Geographo- " Johannes Ruysch, who, in my opinion, is rum meo iudicio peritissimus : ac in pingendo the most competent geographer and the one orbe diligentissimus cuius adminiculo in hac who has best depicted the world, and upon lucubratiuncula usi sumus : dixit : se navigasse whom we rely in this little work, says he has ab albionis australi parte: et tam diu quo ad navigated from the southern part of England sub parallelum ab subsequatore ad boream sub to 53° north latitude, and that he has sailed gradibus 53. peruenit : et in eo parallelo naui- on the latter parallel as far as the eastern gasse ad ortus littora." coasts." A fact which must be also noted, is that, although saiHng in an EngHsh ship, Ruysch used for his nomenclature and configuration of Newfoundland, a map also based upon Portuguese data. This we detect in such words as " R." or " C. Grando," and " C. de Portogesi," which certainly betray a Lusitanian rather than a British origin. As to the second part of the mappamundi, it represents both the north-western continental land and the portion of South America originally depicted in the early Lusitanian maps. These Ruysch left exactly as he found them on his Portuguese or Lusitano-Germanic prototype, adding only a few explanatory legends. That is, he considered Newfoundland as the extreme eastern border of Asia, and thought that from Cape Race ("C. de Portogesi"), the coast ran due west nearly 30 degrees, where he believed it joined uninterruptedly the kingdoms of Gog, Magog, and Cathay. As regards the continental regions south of Newfoundland, and dis- covered by the Spaniards and Portuguese, Ruysch was clearly of opinion that they were entirely distinct from Newfoundland or the pseudo Asiatic country which he had visited and delineated; and that they constituted a new world, as yet imperfectly known, particularly regarding its west coast. This coast Ruysch could not admit to be connected in any manner with Asia, as he already depicts in detail the eastern Asiatic seaboards, from the point where they merge with his northern regions, to 39° south lati- tude, which is the termination of the map. We have stated that the American configurations in Ruysch were borrowed out and out from a map constructed with Portuguese data. This is shown simply by comparing its delineations and nomenclature (as we have already done) with those in Lusitanian maps, such as Can- tino, Kunstmann No. 2, and Canerio, also with derivatives of Portuguese charts, like Waldseemliller and Schoner. But its prototype is yet un- known, as Ruysch exhibits a peculiar prolongation of the north-western 452 The Discovery of North America. continental land, the special dimension of which is not to be found in any other map extant. Now, was the model followed by Ruysch a purely Lusitanian chart, or one made in Germany with Portuguese elements } Our opinion is that Ruysch has copied merely a Lusitano-Germanic map. Our reasons are based upon the fact that Ruysch inscribes an erroneous name, which was certainly taken from the Latin account of the Cosmographies introductio, first printed at St. Diey, in Lorraine, in May 1507, viz.: "Omnium Sanctorum abbatiam." As we have frequently proved, none of the Lusitanian charts known commit that extraordinary mistake, which may be considered as the touchstone of Lusitano-Germanic maps. The Portuguese charts all inscribe "A baia de todos sanctos" and even "a baia de tutti santi," or "baie de tutti li santi," when copied by an Italian cartographer. That is, the Bay and not the Abbey of All-Saints. Notwithstanding the high compliment paid by Marcus Beneventanus to Joannes Ruysch, whom he calls : " Geographorum peritissimus ac in pingendo orbi diligentissimus," of all the ancient maps, none have exercised so little influence over the cartography of the New World as his mappa- mundi. We have never seen its configurations reproduced anywhere ; whilst it is only mentioned twice in the first half of the sixteenth cen- tury. The first time, it was at the Junta of Badajoz, where one of the cosmographers remarked that " Catigara estaba mucho antes descubierta y puesta en su sitio e lugar por Juan Roxo Aleman, segun parece por el suplemento de Tolomeo hecho por Marco Beneventano impreso en Roma 174 el ano 1508." The second time was when Franciscus Monachus made it the object of elaborate criticisms for having separated Newfound- land from the rest of the American continent. ^75 The new names are : ON NEWFOUNDLAND : Terra nova''« R. Grado '" C. Glaciate C. de Portogesi Baia de Rockas'" Barbatos in[sula]"^ ■M Navarrete, Vol. IV., No. xxxvii., p. 355. -78 The Ic, in Rockas, may be a remnant of an English ■" Supra, p. 283, and infra, No. 171, sub anno 1526. map, perhaps Cabot's, who can have inscribed there, the '7* Marcus Beneventanus describes it as a peninsula, "Bay of Rocks." Neither in Portuguese, Italian, or called Newfoundland, and larger than Peloponesus : Spanish is the h found in such a word. " Peninsulam quam Terram nouam uocat. Joannes 'ra In that locality, which, if exactly described, would [Ruysch] majorem longe satis Peloponesso. " It is evi- correspond with our Fortune Bay or with Placentia Bay, dent that Ruysch never explored the south coast of New- Marcus says that there is a gulf which might be called foundland, else he could not have failed to see and note the " Gulf of Barbatontem," on account of an island of the northern apex of Cape Breton ; instead of which he that name : "Que portio terminat ad ortum sinum quem- delineates a sea seven degrees wide. dam quem Barbatontem licebit appellare ob quam insulam '" Marcus Beneventanus writes : " Caput Grande." istius nominis eius ore sitam." Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 453 NORTH-WESTERN CONTINENT : C. S. Marci'so Anterlinoi"' Lago del ladro'«= SOUTHERN CONTINENT: R. de flagraza' R. formoso^^ Terra de pareas'^ R. de foco cecho Abatia omnium sanctorum '*° 1508-1509. No. ']']. PiNZON AND SOLIS. Map of the voyage accomplished by Vicente Yanez Pinzon and Juan de Solis jointly to the north coast of the South American continent. As a description of that now lost cartographical document involves the authen- ticity of the alleged discovery in 1506 of Yucatan by those two navigators, the reader will excuse the length of the present item. "Alonso de Hojeda visto la figura de la tierra que trajeron de su descubrimiento."' Andres Morales vi6 una carta de marear que trajeron los descubridores al Comendador Mayor: — Alonso de Hojeda saw the map of the country discovered by them, which they brought. Andres de Morales saw a nautical chart which the discoverers brought to the Grand Commander."'^ We possess technical details only as regards two points of the map. The first of these is in reference to the unbroken coast line set forth in the chart : "Anton Garcia, piloto, vi6 la figura de lo que descubrid Juan Diaz, y que es todo una costa : — Antonio Garcia, pilot, saw the map of the discoveries of Juan Diaz, which [exhibited] a continuous coast." '^ '*■ It is the first and only time where " C. S. Marci " is found inscribed on a chart. It may be a remnant of Cabot's map, which could well have figured in the chart used by the English mariners with whom Ruysch made his voyage ; St. Mark being the patron saint of Venice, of which John Cabot was a naturalised citizen. — Jean et SAastian Cabot, docs. i. and ii., p. 309. ■'■ " Anterlinoi " is another erroneous rendering of the name not less erroneously inscribed in Cantino as "G. do lurcor," and in Canerio as " G. de lineor," whatever that may have been and meant originally. '^^ We believe that it is the " Lago del ladro," of Ca- nerio, which originally had probably an abbreviating sign over the 0, for "ladron." ■83 Very probably the " R. de alegroza " of the map which we call Kunstmann No. 2. 184 '< Pareas," for " Paria," we think. ■®5 Here Canerio inscribes ' ' Gorffo fremoso. " '^ It is here that the famous erroneous inscription ap- pears for the first time; but the lost mappamundi of 1507 made by WaldseemUller must have contained it. '"? Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 558. '^ Navarrete, op. cit., p. 559, who, however, omits the last sentence, which is in the original Probanza. The personage called simply, first " el Comendador," and afterwards "el Comendador Mayor," is always, with Spanish historians, " Don fray Nicolas de Ovando, de la orden de Alcantara." — Las Casas, lib. ii., cap. iii., Vol. IV., p. 17. '^ Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 558. 454 The Discovery of North America. The other point concerns the Guanaja island or islands, which when brought in connection with a map already described, i9o is not without interest. Speaking as an eye-witness of the discovery accomplished by his father, July 30, 1502, Fernando Columbus says : "Quindi poscia nauigando verso terra ferma alia volta del Mezodi, giungemmo a certe Isole ; benche non vi prendemmo terra, se non nella maggiore, che si chiamaua Guanara, dal cui nome poi quelli, che fan le carte naui- gatorie, nomarono tutte quelle Isole Isole de ' Guanari, le quali son distant! quasi xn leghe dalla terra ferma presso alia prouincia, hor chiamata Capo di Honduras ; . . . Queste medesime Isole, et, la terra fe da costoro posta due volte nelle lor carte nauigatorie, come se in efTetto fossero terre distinte ; et, essendo il Capo di Gratie a Dio, et il quale esse chia- mano Capo di . . . tutti una medesima cosa, essi li fanno due . . . Ma la regione, et il disegno delle carte ci6 chiaro dimostrano ; percioche vi si mette due volte vn ' istessa cosa, et I'Isola di vn ' istessa forma, et in vn ' istessa distanza ; per hauer, quando essi tornarono, portato quel paese dipinto, com ' egli* fe vera- mente : ma diceuano, ch ' ei giacea piu oltra quello, che I'Amiraglio haueua scoperto. Di modo che due volte giace situata nella carta una medesima terra . . ." '" "Then, sailing [from Jamaica] southward towards the mainland, we fell in with certain islands; but landed only on the largest, called Guanaja. Whence it came that makers of nau- tical charts named all those islands the Guanaja Islands, which are at a distance of about 12 leagues from the continent, near the province now called Cape of Honduras. Those islands and the country are twice set down in their nau- tical charts, as if in reality they were distinct regions. And although Cape Gracias a Dios, and what they call Cape of . . . ''^ are one and the same thing, they make of it two separate ones . . But reason and the configuration in the map clearly show this, as the same thing is twice set forth thereon, and the island is of the same form and at the same distance; for they brought, when they returned home, a delineation of the country as it is in reality, with the simple remark that it lay beyond the country which had been discovered by the Admiral. Consequently the same country is described twice on the map." We infer from the above that Pinzon and Solis' map represented the north coast of Honduras ; followed however by an exact repetition of the same westward ; with duplicate delineations of the point of land depicted on our charts by 15° N. latitude, and about 83" W. longitude. The first of those points was named therein "Cape Gracias a Dios; and the second it is not now known how. We possess no map presenting such a configuration, unless it be, perhaps, the woodcut inserted in the second issue of the 1511 edition of Peter Martyr's works. This rough map, which was certainly engraved before knowledge could be obtained in Spain of the wreck of the regidor ■5° Supra, No. 62, p. ■'■ Historie, cap. Ixxxix., f°' 198, 199. '^ The name is left blank in the original, and no other document of the time attempts to supply the omission. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 455 Valdivia on the coast of Yucatan (15 12), continues the seaboard, after passing " c. gra. de dios " and " guanosk," westward, to an anonymous and much larger cape, carrying the coast northwardly, even beyond the latitude of Cuba. Such a configuration, at that early date, is certainly deserving of notice ; but we are not prepared to say that it is based upon geographical data borrowed from the, map of Pinzon and Solis. First, because the fact would doubtless be mentioned in the description printed on the verso of the woodcut ; and second, because it contradicts Peter Martyr's own statements, as we propose to show in the following pages. The voyage depicted on the map which was seen by Hojeda and Garcia, is described by the leader of the expedition, Vincente Yafiez Pinzon, as follows : "Vicente Yanez Pinzon dice que este tes- "Vicente Yanez Pinzon says that with Juan tigo € Juan de Solis fueron por mandado de de Solis they were sent by the order of Their S.S.A.A., e descubrieron toda la tierra que Highnesses, and that they discovered the en- hasta hoy esta descubierta desde la isla de ^'^e land which thus far has been found be- Guanaja fasta la provincia de Camarona, yen- '^e^" '^e Guanaja island and the province of ,, .Ji i.-'i -iu^ Camarona, in coasting, without stopping, east- do la costa de luengo hacia el oriente hasta , . „ , ° , . . „ _, , , T^- . wards as far as the province called Chabaca la provincia que se llama Chabaca e Pintigron, , tt ■ , • , 1 j- j • u t •^ ^ ° and Pintigron, which he discovered with Juan que descubrid este testigo € Juan de Solis ; € ^^ g^jj^ . ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^,3^ discovered, in que asimismo descubrieron, yendo la costa snowing the coast beyond, a large bay, to adelante, una gran bahia, que la pusieron la ^^ich they gave the name of the Great Bay gran bahia de la Navidad, € qu^ de alii des- of the Nativity, and that thence he discovered cubri6 este testigo las sierras de Caria € otras the mountains of Caria, and other lands still tierras de mas adelante." further.""* The purport of that description is a voyage entirely eastward from the Guanaja island to the great bay " De la Navidad," and beyond. Withal, the language is somewhat vague, owing doubtless to the abridged form in which Pinzon's deposition has been transmitted to us. We must therefore endeavour to elucidate it by means of the other testimonies gathered by the Fiscal in executing the Rogatory Commission at Seville, on the 1 2th of February, 15 13, when he collected the deposition of Vicente Yafiez above given. The witnesses interrogated on that point were Rodrigo de Bastidas and Nicolas Perez, both of whom, however, gave only hearsay evidence, or such information as they gathered from the sight of the map. There ■93 Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 558. 456 The Discovery of North America. was also Pedro de Ledesma, evidently a prejudiced witness, and of doubtful veracity, '94 but who accompanied Pinzon and Solis in that voyage. Bastidas deposed as follows : " Rodrigo de Bastidas [dice] que Yanez y Juan Diaz de Solis fueron a descubrir abajo de Veragua, que no sabe qu6 tanto descubrieron, pero que es todo una costa con lo que el Almirante descubrid primero : — Rodrigo de Bastidas says that Yanez and Juan Diaz de Solis went to make discoveries below Veragua, but he does not know the extent of their dis- covery, except that it forms part of the coast which the Admiral [Columbus] first discovered.""' This language is also ambiguous, as the word " abajo " is not suffi- ciently precise to enable us to ascertain therefrom whether Pinzon and Solis' coasting was west or east of Veragua ; nor do the words " es toda una costa," mean positively that their discovery embraced the region first found by Columbus, or that it was a coast connected with the same. The deposition of Nicolas Perez is clearer on this point : " Nicolas Perez dice que el Almirante descubri6 en aquel viaje que fue i. Veragua, hasta el cabo de Gracias a Dios, e que de alii adelante todo lo que esta descubierto des- cubrieron Yanez e Juan Diaz de Solis ; que esto lo sabe por la carta de marear que trajeron estos, y que por ella se rigen agora todos los que van d aquellas partes : — Nicolas Perez says that the Admiral [Columbus] discovered in that Veragua expedition as far as the Cape Gracias a Dios, and that all that which there is of discovered lands beyond was found by Vincente Yanez and Juan Diaz de Solis ; and that his knowledge is derived from the nau- tical chart which they brought with them, and by which all mariners who frequent those parts at present guide themselves." '^^ We now come to the deposition of Pedro de Ledesma. His asser- tions are at variance with Pinzon's own testimony ; for the latter describes the voyage as being eastward from the Guanaja islands. Here, on the contrary, we have a voyage from Veragua westward, locating Chabaca and Pentigron west of the Guanaja islands, and continuing the discoveries in a western and north-western track. '54 Pedro de Ledesma had accompanied Columbus el 29 de Junio siguiente : salio de alld el 14 de Julio, y in his first and last voyage, but was his enemy, having no llego al cabo de Gracias a Dios hasta el 14 de been one of the mutineers in the rebellion of PORRAS. Setiembre. ,; Como, pues pudo ■yer Ledesma desde los Nor was he a truthful man, as Navarkete has shown in navios del Almirante, hallandose segun dice atras del his OhaervacAon II. s6hre la dedaracion del piloto Pedro golfo de Uraba, a Bastidas y la Cosa que venian de de Ledesma a la pregunta nexta del Fiscal, inVol. III., descubrir cuando el y el Almirante no habian aun page 593, of the Ooleccion de los viages. A striking salido de Castilla?" Besides, here Ledesma appeared example of Ledesma's disregard for truth is the following, as Pinzon's witness, in opposition to the heir of reported by Navarrete : "El Almirante Colon salio Columbus. de Cddiz para su quarto viage, en que iba Ledesma, el 'ss Navarrete, op. cit., Vol. III., p. 558. dia II de Mayo del aiio 1502, y llego a Santo Domingo 'ss Navarette, Vol. HI., p. 559. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 457 " Pedro de Ledesma, piloto, dice que fue en compania de Vicente Yanez 6 Juan Solis por mandado de S. A., e vido quel dicho Vi- cente Yanez 6 Juan de Solis descubrieron adelante de la tierra de Veragua, d una parte d la via del Norte, todo lo que hasta hoy esta ganada desde la isla de Guanaja hacia el norte, 6 que estas tierras se llaman Chabaca & Pintigron, 6 que Uegaron por la via del norte fasta 23 grados 6 medio, i que en esto no andubo el dicho D. Cristobal Colon, ni lo descubri6 ni lo vido." "Pedro de Ledesma, a pilot, says that he accompanied Vicente Yanez and Juan de Solis by order of His Highness, and saw the said Vicente Yanez and Juan de Solis make discoveries beyond the Veragua country, in a north-western part, [and these constitute] all that which has been acquired to this day, from the Guanaja islands northwards. Those regions are called Chabaca and Pintigron, and they reach by the northern track, as far as 23° 30'. Columbus never sailed over, or discovered, or saw that country.'"" According to that description Pinzon and Solis, after reaching Veragua (necessarily from the east), commenced, by about 82° west longitude, to coast westward, and then northward, until they attained the tropic of Cancer. That traject is somewhat unexpected ; yet, its direction westward, instead of eastward, is also given by the Historic -. '98 "Un certo Gioan Diaz di Solis . . . et un Vincenzo Agnez . . . andarono insieme a sco- prire I'anno mdviii., con intentione di seguir la terra, che hauea I'Ammiraglio scoperta nel viaggio di Beragua verso Occidente ; et, se- guendo essi quasi quello istesso camino, capi- tarono nella Costa di Cariai, et passarono presso al capo die Gratie a Dio fino alia punta di Casine, che essi chiamarono di Hon- duras; et le dette Isole chiamarono i Guanagi, prendendo il nome di tutte da quel della principale." "One Juan Diaz de Solis and one Vincente Yanez set out together to discover in the year 1508, intending to range the coast which the Admiral had discovered in his voyage to Veragua westward ; and, following nearly the same route, they reached the coast of Cariai, passed by Cape Gracias a Dios, as far as Cape Caxinas, which they called Honduras, and the said islands which they named Gua- najas, giving the name of the largest to the entire archipelago." This conformity, however, ceases to surprise us, when we find that the authority for the statement is doubtless Pedro de Ledesma himself : " Non ostante che vn Piloto loro, detto Pietro di Ledesma, il quale era andato prima con I'Ammiraglio in quel viaggio di Beragua, dicesse loro, che egli conosceua quelle regioni, e che erano di quelle, ch' ei con I'Ammiraglio hauea aiutato a scoprire ; da cui io intesi poi questo : — Pedro de Ledesma, one of the pilots of Pinzon and Solis, who had accompanied the Admiral in his voyage to Veragua, told them that he knew the country, and had been there with the Admiral when the latter discovered it. I learned this afterwards from himself'"'' '" Ibidem, p. 558. '5* Historic Del S. JD. Fernando Colombo, edition of 1571 ; cap. Ixxxix., f"- 199. '^ Ibidem. 31 458 The Discovery of North America. Those testimonies show that no map was exhibited before the Fiscal, and that the alleged ranging of the coast west and north-west of the Guanaja islands rests exclusively upon the assertions of Pedro de Ledesma, and a map now, and then already lost. There is much to be said on the evidence furxiished by that pilot. In the first place, it is very strange, to all readers who have studied the character of the Pinzons, especially when opposed to Columbus, to find Vicente Yanez so modest, and to see him forego his claim to the dis- covery of a country extending seven degrees of latitude beyond the point where he himself locates the beginning of his discoveries. Then, according to his own deposition, the declaration was from west to east, whilst Ledesma, on the contrary, makes it from east to west. But we possess a description of that voyage of Pinzon and Solis.^oo written by Peter Martyr, at the time when those commissions were being executed, and who, on account of his position as a member of the Coun- cil of the Indies, 201 was in a position to be correctly informed. The celebrated chronicler first states that the exploration of the mainland undertaken by Pinzon and Soils, commenced after they had ranged the south-west coast of Cuba. It was initiated therefore in about our 85° west longitude : " Hie Vincentius Annez meridionale Cubas " Vincentius Annez therefore, knowing nowe latus uniuersum ab oriente perlustrauit ad oc- by experience that Cuba was an Ilande, cidentem .... Vincentius Annez cognito iam sayled on further, and found other landes experimento patenti Cubam esse insulam, pro- westward from Cuba, but such as the Ad- cessit ulterius, et terras alias ad occidentem mirall had fyrst touched .... Wherefore, CubK offendit : sed tactas prius ab Almiranto. beinge in maner encompased with this newe Quare implicitus noua terra, in laeuam con- lande, [he turned] his course towarde the versus.'""^ lefte hande."™ =°° Anghiera does not mention the name of SoLis in subject of Anghibra's appointment, which he dates of connection with this voyage; but the date which he the year 15 18, only (^isJoWa ffeneraZ, Vol. IV.. p. 214); assigns to it : " Anno priore a dicessu ducum Nicuesse et but in the privilege granted by Queen Juana, January 6, Fogedse:— The year preceding the departure of the cap- 151 1, for printing the first edition of the Decades, he is tains Nicuesa and Hojeda," shows that it is the expedition already named : "El protonotario Pedro Martyr del mi of Pinzon and SoLis. See infra, p. 463, note 205. The cojisejo." This implies that he received the appointment localities mentioned in Peter Martyr's account : "Chia- at the time of the creation of the Council, which RiOL conus Pintiguanus," and " Baia Natiuitatis," complete says: " Instituyole el senor rey Dn. Fernando el Catho- the identification. Besides, in his first description of the lico en el ano de 1511 " (/ji/orme, 1726, MS.). Ang- region extending from Guanaja island to Paria, he says : hiera was appointed secretary of the Council upon its "Percurrisse quoque feruntur ea littora occidentalia re-organisation in 1520 (^ptsJ. DCCC, p. 474). Vincentius Agnes et Joannes quidum Diaz Solisius Ne- =■" Anghiera, Decad. II., lib. vii., f"- 38, a. brissensis." (Decad. I., lib. x., f<>- 25.) =°3 That is, upon the larboard when sailing south from '"^ We know of the statements of Las Casas on the Cuba. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 459 Peter Martyr then proceeds to describe the course which Pinzon followed from that point of the mainland, in these words : "Vincentius Annez . . . illius terrse littora "Vincent Yanez . . . rasing the coastes of per orientem abradens, Beraguse, Vrabse et that lande by the east, ouerpassinge also the Cuchibacose sinuum fauces transgrediens, ad mouthes of the goulfes of Beragua, Vraba, and regionem, quam diximus in decade Parium Cuchibachoa, he arryued at the Region which appellari et Os Draconis, nauim suam qua in the [fyrst] Decade we cauled Paria and Os uehebatur applicuit : ingressusque est uastum Draconis : And entered into the greate goulfe sinura, a Colono tactum, dulcium aquarum."^ of fresshe water, which Colonus discouered." *" And as modern authors pretend 206 that the exact locality of the Bay of the Nativity mentioned by Peter Martyr is the Gulf of Uraba, also called " Mar Dulce," it is well to give that chronicler's own notion on the sub- ject. It is to be found in the continuation of the above account, and description of the Paria country : "His iam omissis ad Pariae regulos redeamus . Hos reperit Vincentius Annez esse apud Parienses . . . &c." "Sinum eum ab Almiranto Colono primo repertum uocant Baiam natiuitatis, quia natalis Christi die fuerit eum ingressus®^: — The goulfe beinge fyrste founde of the admirall Colonus, they caule, Baia Natiuitatis, bycause he entered into the same in the day of the natiuitie of Christe." As to the designations " Chabaca " and " Pintigron," they are the title and name 208 of one of the caciques of the province of Paria : " Ad nostros cum muneribus uenisse € regulis quinque referunt : quorum nomina hie inserere statui ad tantse rei memoriam, Chiaconum Chiauaccham (Chiaconos nanque suos optimates uno nomine appellant), Chiaconum Pintignanum, Chiaconum Chamailaba, Chiaco- num Polomum, Chiaconum Pot : — Fyue of theyr princes came to owre men wyth theyr presentes, whose names I thought worthy to bee put in this historie in rememberance of soo notable a thinge Chiaconus Chiauaccha (that is the prince of Chiauaccha, for they caule princes of kinges Chiaconos),^'" Chiaconus Pintiguanus, Chiaconus Chamailaba, Chiaconus Polomus, and Chiaconus Potto." In Other words, Pinzon and Solis, after having explored the south coast of Cuba, sailed from some south-western point of that island, crossed the Caribbean sea, reached the continent on the coast of Honduras by about 86° west longitude, and thence ranged the entire coast eastward as far as the Gulf of Paria. "■* Anghiera, Oceanece decadis secundce ; Liber septi- ^°^ The first explorers almost always gave to the new mils, {"■ 38, verso. regions the name of their cacique. We see that custom °°s Eden's version, f"- 78. in nearly every page of Peter Martyr and of Oviedo. '"^ d'Avezac, Les Voyages d'AmSric Vespuce, p. 49. ™' That word "Chiaconus" is probably the origin of "' Anghiera, op. cit., l"- 38, c. our term "cacique." 460 The Discovery of North America. What course did Solis and Pinzon then follow ? Did they retrace their steps, range the same coast again, but this time westward, even be- yond Honduras, as Pedro de Ledesma asserts ? Here is the reply, once more in the words of Peter Martyr : " Icto faedere cum illis Chiaconis, Vincen- " When Vincentius had thus made a league tius Annez institutum iter suum prosequens, with these Princes, folowinge his appoynted ad orientem regiones inuenit aquarum creba course, he founde many regions towarde the illuuie desertas, et stagnantia magnis tractibus East, desolate by reason of diuers fluddes and loca. Nee destitit k proposito, donee terrse ouerflowynges of waters : also many standynge illius longissimae cuspidem attigit : si cuspides pooles in dyuers places of excedynge largenes. appellare licet cuneos ad aut frontes acutas. He ceased not to folowe this tracte vntyll he «el promontaria marinas terras terminantia." "° came to the poynte or cape of that longe lande." According to that description, Pinzon and Solis, from the Gulf of Paria, continued their exploration eastward, notwithstanding the deltas of the Orinoco and of the Amazona, and went as far as Cape St. Roque, — which must have been the case, considering that they were bound to follow that coast on their homeward voyage. As to their having rounded the cape, and ranged the coast of Brazil to 40° south latitude, as Herrera says, we doubt it. The voyage lasted only a year ; Solis and Pinzon did not commence their exploration of the continental coast until they had already surveyed the entire southern sea-board of Cuba ; and such an alleged voyage southward, after ranging the entire north coast of the southern continent, would have required more time than they actually took on that occasion. Besides, had Solis and Pinzon made such an explora- tion of the Brazilian regions, there would have been no necessity for the expedition entrusted to Solis expressly for such a purpose a few years later : " para ir d descubrir desde el cabo de Sant Agustin, que agora llaman la costa del Brasil los Portugueses, adelante hdcia el Mediodia," as Las Casas relates. 21 1 We have expatiated upon this expedition, and endeavoured to ascer- tain its positive character, because, as already stated, it involves a question of importance, which all modern historians erroneously consider as being absolutely solved. =■" Anghiera, op. dt., f- 38, c. golpho de Higueras lo descubrieron los pilotos Vicente =" Las Casas, lib. iii., cap. Ixxxii., Vol. IV., p. 270. Yanez Pinzon e Johan Diaz de Solis e Pedro de Ledesma OviEDO's statement concerning the Gulf de Higueras, con tres caravelas, antes que el Vigente Yanez descu- which is our Gulf of Honduras, and more than 2° west of briesse el Marailon, ni que el Solis descubriesse el rio de the Guanajas, may be an implicit reference to such a la Plata. "—iri««ona General, lib. xxi., cap. viii.. Vol. discovery; but it is given in very vague terms: "El II., p. 140, and Vol. IIL, p. 187. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 461 We allude to the voyage alleged to have been accomplished by Solis and Pinzon in 1506, and in course of which they are said to have dis- covered and ranged the entire east coast of Yucatan. Now, we propose to show that the pretended voyage of 1506, is only the voyage which we have just analysed ; that it was not accomplished in 1 506 ; and, as the reader can easily see from the above extracts, that Solis and Pinzon did not discover Yucatan or any part thereof. The belief in that expedition and discovery, which plays such an important part in the Histories of America published in the last two hundred years, is derived exclusively from the account given by Herrera ; and Herrera, as usual, has only plagiarised Las Casas ; adding arbitrarily, however, a date and positive assertions of his own. The following exhibits the texts of those historians, which are iden- tical, almost word for word. Las Casas : "Acordaron ludgo, un Juan Diaz de Solis y Vicente Yanez Pinzon . . . de ir a descubrir 6 proseguir el camino . . . fueron d tomar el hilo desde la isla 6 islas de los Guanajes . . . y dellas tornarse hacia el Oriente . . . nave- garon hacia el Poniente, desde los Guanajes, y debieron llegar en paraje del golfo Dulce, Herrera : "Juan Diaz de Solis, i Vicente Yanez Pin- zon determinaron de ir a proseguir el camino, i fueron a tomar el hilo desde las Islas de los Guanajos, i bolver de ellas al Levante . . . desde las dichas islas hacia el Poniente, hasta el parage de el Golfo Dulce, aunque no lo vieron, porque estd escondido ; reconocieron aunque no lo vieron porque esta escondido, 1 .. J . , la entrada, que hace la mar entre la Tierra. sino que vieron la entrada que hace la mar ' ^ v- »"<= ^a iicua, entre la tierra que contiene el golfo Dulce y ^"^ contiene el Golfo, i la de lucatan, que la de Yucatan, que es como una gran ense- ^^ como vna grande Ensenada, 6 Bahia . . . nada o bahia grande . . . Asi que como vieron Y como vieron aquel rincon grande, que hace aquel rincon grande que hace la mar entre las la Mar entre dos Tierras : la vna, que esth k dos tierras, la una que estk a la mano izquier- la mano izquierda, reniendo las espaldas al da, teniendo las espaldas al Oriente, y esta es la costa que contiene el puerto de Caballos, y adelante d6\ el golfo Dulce, y la otra de la mano derecha que es la costa del reino de Yucatdn, parecioles grande bahia, y por . . . pusieron nombre la gran bahia de la Navidad, y que (ie alli descubrieron la sierras de Caria . . volvieron al Norte. Y por todo esto parece que sin duda descubrieron entonces mucha parte del reino de Yucatan.'""' Oriente, que es la Costa, que contiene el Puerto de Caballos, i de adelante de h\ el Golfo Dulce ; i la otra de mano derecha, la Costa del Reino de lucatan, parecioles gran Baia, i por esto la llamaron, la gran Baia de Navidad, desde donde descubrieron las Sierras de Caria, i bolvieron al Norte, i descubrieron mucha parte de el Reino de lucatan." '^ " Then one Juan Diaz de Solis and Vicente Yanez Pinzon decided to go in search of and continue the route [t. e. the route initiated by Columbus] . . . They commenced follow- ing up the same from the Guanaja island or islands . . . and thence turning against [?J the =" Las Casas, lib. ii., cap. xxxix., Vol. III., p. 201. "3 Herrera, Decad. I., lib. vi., cap. xvii., p. 170. 462 The Discovery of North America. East, they navigated westwards, starting [?] from the Guanajas, and must have reached the vicinity of The Gulf of Fresh Waters, but they did not see it, owing to its being hidden from view. They only sighted the entrance of the sea into the land where the Fresh Water Gulf and that of Yucatan are, which is like a large estuary or great bay. Thus noticing the considerable recess which the sea forms between those two lands, the one on the left having its back eastwardly, and is the coast where the Harbour of Horses is, beyond the Gulf of Fresh Waters ; whilst the land on the right is the coast of the kingdom of Yucatan, that recess seemed to them to be a large bay, and for that reason they named it the Great Bay of the Nativity; and thence they discovered the Mountains of Caria . . . They returned to the North. From all that they seem beyond doubt to have discovered then a great part of the kingdom of Yucatan." The reader will see at a glance that the above extract from Las Casas is only his own interpretation of the testimonies of Vincente Yafiez Pinzon, and of Pedro de Ledesma given before the Fiscal at Seville, in 15 13, and which we have reproduced in the preceding pages. Besides, he says so himself : "Y por eso el Vicente Yafiez en la deposicion que con juramento hizo en el dicho proceso, presentado por testigo por el Fiscal, dijo.: — Thus, Vicente Yanez, in the deposition which he made under oath, in the said law suit, as a witness before the Fiscal, said . . " ''" It follows that the Bishop of Chiapas was not better informed on the subject than we are ourselves, and possessed no other elements for his analysis. These he simply examined by the light of a map of the middle of the sixteenth century, from which he drew his statements and inferences. We leave it now to the reader to decide whether the evidence above given authorises the conclusion of Las Casas and of Herrera, in preference to our own. But it must be said on behalf of Las Casas, that he only gives as a supposition : " Y por todo esto parece que sin duda ....," what Herrera sets forth as a fact: " reconocieron " . . . "vieron;" the latter winding up with the positive assurance that : " returning north they dis- covered a great portion of Yucatan : — bolvieron al Norte, i descubrieron mucha parte de el Reino de lucatan;" where Las Casas contents himself with stating "segun los otros testigos dicen : — according to what the other witnesses said." Now, the depositions of those witnesses, as we have shown, convey no assurance of the sort, and, naturally enough, ignore altogether the name of Yucatan. There remains to fix the year of the voyage of Solis and Pinzon, described in all those depositions. "^ Las Casas, uhi supra. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 463 Herrera inserts his account sub anno 1506; and that is evidently the origin of the date reported by all modern historical writers without ex- ception. But that is a pure supposition on his part. Las Casas, who is the sole authority which he could invoke, only says that Pinzon and Solis undertook their expedition after Columbus had returned to Spain from his last voyage : " Despues que el Almirante sali6 del aislamentio y trabajos que padeci6 en Jamaica, y fu6 k Castilla," that is, after the 7th of Novem- ber, 1504. That vague date is, at least, as erroneous as the one given by Herrera; 21 5 but it had to be mentioned to show that the latter pos- sessed no documentary proof whatever for his sub anno 1506. Fernando Columbus, in describing the voyage of Pinzon and Solis which we have just analysed, and is, so far as authentic documents go, the first and only one in which those two mariners were engaged con- jointly, says that it took place in 1508: " Andarono insieme a scoprire I'anno mdviii ; — They set out together to discover, in the year 1508." 216 Navarrete is more precise : "Salieron de Sankicar el dla 29 de Junio de 1508, dia de S. Pedro y S. Pablo: — They sailed from Sanlucar on the 29th day of June, 1508, the day of St. Peter and St. Paul." *" Navarrete does not cite his authority for the statement ; but the pre- cision with which it is presented, compels the critic to accept that date. As to the return of Pinzon and Solis, he only says : " Lo cierto es que regresaron a Castilla a fines de Octubre de 1509 : — It is certain that they returned to Castile at the close of the month of October, 1509." There, Navarrete's positive assertion is erroneous, for we find in the Mufioz transcripts the following entry : "En 14 Nov. 1509 ... ha venido de su viage Vicente Yaiiez i Juan Diaz de Solis: — On the 14th of November Vicente Yanez and Juan Diaz de Solis returned from their voyage." ^'^ To sum up. The genesis of the legendary voyage of 1506, in course of which Pinzon and Solis are represented to have discovered Yucatan, may be established as follows : "5 Anghiera only says: "Anno priore a dicessu The latter was the naval leader, and carried the light: ducum NicuesEe et FogedEe," but it amounts also to 1508, " i que Uevase el Farol Juan Diaz de Solis." Cap. ix., as NicUESA and Hojeda sailed out from Spain in 1509. p. 188, under the year 1509, Herrera says : " Partieron See supra, p. 458, note 200. de Sevilla, el Ano pasado, Juan Diaz de Solis i Vicente ='* Historie, cap. Ixxxix., f" 198, verso. Yaiiez Pinjon, con las dos caravelas," not knowing that =■7 Navarrete, Vol. III. , p. 474. Herrera, Decad. he had already described this voyage under the year 1 506. I., lib. vii., cap. i., p. 177-178, under the year 1507, We also find in that new description the origin of the speaks of the preparations which were being made for error which makes Solis and Pinzon range the coast of that expedition, and gives the instructions addressed to Brazil in 1508, to 40° south latitude. Pinzon and Solis, apparently from an original document. "^ MuNOZ MSS., Vol. LXXV.: f<«239, 319. 464 The Discovery of North America. Peter Martyr, in mentioning the voyage accomplished by Columbus in 1 502- 1 504, and in which he had ranged the coast of Honduras, from the longitude of the Guanaja islands to Cape Gracias a Dios, and thence to near the Gulf of Darien, first advanced the following hypothetical statement : " Percurrisse quoque feruntur ea littora occidentalia Vincentius Agnes et loannes quidam Diaz Solisius Nebrissensis, multique alij : quorum res nondura bene didici : modb uiuam, ali- quando ilia uidere licebit™: — It is sayd also that Vicentius Agnes and one loannes Diaz of Lebrixa (with dyuers other of whose vyages I have as yet no certeyne knowleage) haue ouer runne those western coastes . . ." This prompted Gomara to repeat the statement, but with the addition of an arbitrary date : " Dicen algunos que tres anos antes, lo habian andado Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon y Juan Diaz de Solis : — Some say that three years before (t. e. three years before 1502, or in 1499) Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis ranged that coast." ^'' Las Casas then, adopting the assertion, and seeing that the deposi- tions before the Fiscal described a voyage to Honduras accomplished by Pinzon and Solis, but to which no date was given in the records, assumed that this voyage and the voyage mentioned by Peter Martyr, or by Go- mara, were one and the same. Noticing also that the testimonies indi- cated a continuation of the exploration towards the north-west, he followed the alleged route on some Sevillan map, like that of Chaves, and identified its "Mare Duke," which therein is the Gulf of Uraba,22i with the Great Bay of the Nativity referred to in Pinzon's deposition. Following up on the map the statement of the witness Ledesma, which carries the traject northward to 23" 30', he naturally came to the conclusion that Solis and Pinzon "seem, doubtless, to have discovered then a great part of Yucatan." Finally, Herrera, fixing upon the statements and inferences of Las Casas, and noticing that they are inserted in the pages which come imme- diately after the chapter where the death of Columbus is described under the year 1506, simply followed, as he had done throughout, the example and chronology of Las Casas. Thus did it come to pass that, from the year 1601 to this day, all historians of maritime discovery have erroneously believed, stated, and re- peated, that Yucatan has been discovered by Vicente Yafiez Pinzon and Juan Diaz de Solis even so far back as 1506. =■9 Anghiera, Decad. I., lib. x., f". 25, B. =■»' Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, Madrid =^ Gomara, Historia de las Indias, p. 187. edition, Vol. II., p. 134. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 465 1509. No. 78. The " BiicHLiN " Globe. In the colophon of the German translation of Vespuccius' voyages, printed at Strasburg in 1509,222 ^vg j-ead : " Wie die aber dye Kiigel vii beschreibung der gantzenn welt versten soltt wiirst die her- nach finden unnd lesen : — ^But how you shall understand the globe and the description of the whole world, is that which you will hereafter find out and read." This implies, in our opinion, that a real globe accompanied and was sold with the " Bilchlin.'" No. 79. The " Globus Mundi " Globe. Under the title of Globus Mundi there was published at Strasburg, in 1509, a tract 223 claiming to be an "Exposition or description of the world, and of the terrestrial sphere constructed as a round globe similar to a solid sphere, whereby every man, even of moderate learning, can see with his pwn eyes that there are antipodes, whose feet are opposite ours." 224 This title conveys the impression that the pamphlet was written to accompany a real globe. Nor do we know who was the author of the tract. Panzer believed that it was Henry Loritz ( Glareanus ). 225 Others have named Waldseemiiller ; but without producing any evidence in support of either supposition. The connection between this work and Waldseemuller's Cosmographice introductio would, if proved to be direct, tend to fasten the authorship of the Globus Mundi on that geographer, 226 but it has not yet been demon- strated. The references in the latter to a "prssenti libro digno," and to the new discoveries : " quemadmodum liber iste edocet," apply either to the edition of the Cosmographice introductio printed at Strasburg by Griininger in 1509,227 or to the German translation of the Four voyages '^ Diss hilrhlin sarjet wie die zwS durchlilchtigsti oppositi sunt. . . . Argentina, Griininger, 1509. herren her Fernandus . . . GedriicJctziiStrassburg durch =^^5 Panzek, Annates Typogr., Vol. VL, page 44; Johannes Griininger . . . Mccccc. ix. See the Bibliotheca Humboldt, Examen Critique, Vol. IV., page 142. Americana Vetustissima, No. 62. '^ d'Avezac, Martin Waltzemilller, p. 115. ^^3 Bibliotheca Americana Vetustis.fima, No. 61. '"'' Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 60. The "■• Globus Mundi. Declaratio sine descriptio mundi et Strasburg Cosmographiiv Introductio and the Globus totius orhis terrarum. glohulo rotunda comparati vt Mundi are not unfrequently found bound together in a spera solida. Qua cuiuis etiam mediocriter docto ad binding of the time (Mazarine and Genoa University oculum videre licet antipodes esse, quorum pedes nostris Libraries). 3K 466 The Discovery of North America. of Vespuccius, which he also published in that city in the same year, to- gether with the Globus Mundi. Now, WaldseemuUer's instrumentality as regards those publications of Grijninger had not yet been shown, although the latter's edition of the CosmographicB introductio is a mere "reprint of the St. Diey original. At all events, the only scholar named in connec- tion with the publications of Griininger just mentioned is Johannes Adelf- fus of Miihlingen : "Joanne Adelpho Mulicho Argentinen. Castigatore {Cosm. Introductto) \ "Adelpho castigatore {Globus Mundi);" " Uff ostern Johanne Adelpho castigatore (IVell Kilgeiy No. 80. The German " Globus Mundi " Globe. Johannes Griininger also published at Strasburg, in 1509, a German translation of his Latin edition of the Globus Mundt.^^^ And as the title too says : " Beschrybung der welt vnd dess gantze Erttreichs hie ange- zogt vn vergleicht einer rotunden Kuglen . . . ," we infer that it was likewise sold with a real globe. Although that globe is lost, we may perhaps get an inkling of its appearance from the small woodcut of a globe which is on the title-page of the German tract, as well as on that of the Latin edition. It exhibits on the south-west of Africa a land with the inscription " Niiw welt," which probably existed also on the globe. The same globe sold, possibly, with both editions ; but as there may have been one with legends and names in German, and the other with inscriptions in Latin, we make separate items of the two publications. No. 81. Geoffroy Tory. It is an oval Ptolemaean mappamundi, engraved on wood, measuring 300 by 280 mm. South of " Tabrobana " and of the "Mare Indicum" we read, in an abbreviated form : " Hie not! terra sed mare e[st] ; in quo mir[s] magnitudi[n] is i[n]sul£e sed Phtolomeo fuerunt incognitae: — Here, there is no continent, but a sea containing marvellously large islands, unknown of Ptolemy." The above belongs to the edition of the Cosmographia of ^neas Sylvius, published at Paris by Henry Estienne in 1509, 4to,229 and was apparently engraved by Geoffroy Tory, the celebrated engraver and printer. -^ Der Welt Kugel, in the Bibliotheca Americana copies, two with the map. See also A. Bernard, VetUKtismma, Additamenia, No. 32. Geoffroy Tory, peintre et graveur, premier iiiqjrimeur ==' Mazarine Library, Recueil 16, 150; 40; three roi/al; Paris, 1857, 8vo, pages 3 and 86. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 467 Although it contains no American configurations, we insert the map in our Cartography, as the quotation is the first reference to the disco- veries of the Spaniards and of the Portuguese to be found in a French map. That legend already figures in the mappamundi which accompanies some of the early editions of the Margarita philosophica.'^y The fact is that Geoffroy Tory has borrowed both the nomenclature and configurations from the latter work, making changes only in the- surrounding ornaments, which are less elaborate in his plate, especially as regards the heads of winds. About 1509. No. 82. Hauslab Globe No. i. It is a set of gores, printed from a rough woodcut, intended to be pasted on a globe, measuring 120 mm. in diameter. The only specimen known was formerly in the collection of General Von Hauslab, and is now in that of Prince Liechtenstein, at Vienna, who caused it to be reproduced in facsimile for private distribution. A title has been added to the effect that it is probably the globe of Waldseemiiller, made to accompany the tract entitled Globus Mundi, printed in 1509.^31 But let it be said that several years before the publication of the facsimile, the present supposi- tion had assumed the -form of a fact in the opinion of several savants.232 We do not share such a belief. As it has been already stated, there is no evidence that Waldseemiiller is the author of the Globus Mundi. Nor has it been shown that there is any connection between the latter work and the present Hauslab gores. The little we know or can guess concerning the globe which accom- panied the Globus Mundi is that, judging from the woodcut of a terres- trial sphere printed on the title page, the American continent bore the name of " Neiiw Welt," which is not to be seen on the Hauslab globe, wherein we find inscribed instead, America, and apparently for the first time on a globe. ^^° Particularly GruNINGEr's editons of 1504 and 1508. mot America, sur la grande terre ainsi denommee par See NORDENSKioLD, plate xxxi. Waltzemiiller." — d'Avezac, Allocution d la SocUte de =3" Erster gedruckter Globus. Martin Hylocomylus Geographic de Paris, No. of January, 1872, of the ( WaltzemiUler ). GehSrt wahrscheinlich zn seinem Bulletin. Varnhagen also says {Jo. Schoner e P. 1509 herausgegebenen buche Globus Mundi. Phot. Hth. Apianus, Vienna, 1872, 8vo, p. 47): " Comparando u. im. K. k. t. u. s. Militar-Comite (Vienna), 1879. maneira da execu9ao da gravura do dito globo, com a da =3= " Un exemplaire nouvellement retrouve et jusqu'a do frontespicio do opusculo publicado em 1509 sob o present unique, de la projection imprimee en fuseaux, du titulo de Globus Mundi Dedaratio . . . recoohece-se Globe terrestre, a la date de 1509, avec I'inscription du toda a identidade no trabalho." 468 The Discovery of North America. Our knowledge of Waldseemiiller's notions concerning the configura- tions of the New World is based upon his Tabula Terre Nove of 15 13. In that map, he connects altogether the northern with the southern con- tinent. Here the break between the two continents is absolute, and was borrowed evidently from a prototype similar to that which was used by Schoner in all his early globes. Nor can it be said that the continuous coast line may have been an improvement devised by Waldseemiiller in 15 13, and after the publication of those gores; as we have shown that the probability is that it existed so far back as the publication of Wald- seemiiller's large 1507 lost mappamundi. Another reason is that those gores represent the earliest map known where the southern continent is made to assume the pyramidal form. Had Waldseemiiller adopted such a shape in 1509, he would certainly have given it to America in his maps of 15 13. As to the date when these gores were designed, it is impossible to say, beyond the fact that the name America inscribed on the new con- tinent implies a construction posterior to the year 1507. We place them circa 1509 simply because at that time there was great activity in the production of geographical works of that description in Germany, where those gores, judging from the handiwork, were certainly engraved ; but they may date of the years 1507- 1509, as well as of 1509-15 15. See a facsimile of the American portion of those gores, supra, p. 307. 1511. No. 83. Maggiolo. Atlas of Vesconte de Maiolo, or Maggiolo, constructed at Naples in 151 1. It is composed of ten leaves, each measuring 400 by 280 mm., and bears the following inscription : "Vesconte de maiolo cujus Janue conposuy. In neapoly de anno. 1.5. 11. die xx January: — Vesconte de Maiolo, from Genoa, composed it. In Naples, in the year 15 11, on the loth day of January." The configurations in the sixth map are peculiar. They exhibit the polar regions and a frozen sea, the shores of which extend from "Noruega" to "Terra de los Ingres: — Land of the English," and " Terra de Lavorador de rey de portugall." Further south, we notice " Terra de corte reale de rey de portugall," and " terra de pescaria." Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 469 As far as we know, it is the earliest Italian portolano which delineates the northernmost regions of the New World, although they were already indicated in the mappamundi of Ruysch published at Rome in 1508, but merely as Asiatic configurations of Ptolemsean origin. Messrs. Desimoni,233 d'Avezac,234 Uzielli, and Amat di S. Filippo,235 have described atlases or portolani bearing the name of Vesconte de Maggiolo, and dated respectively, 1504 (? — Private Library, Bologna); 236 Naples, March 10, 15 12 (National Library, Parma); June 11, 1512 (Private Library, Venice); Aug. 29, 1513 (Private Library, Vienna); 237 Genoa, 1519 (Munich Royal Library); Aug. 10, 1524 (Ambrosiana); July 8 or 7, 1525 with his son Giovanni, (Parma National Library); Dec. 20, 1527 (Am- brosiana); Sep. 3, 1535 (State Archives, Turin); 1535 (Library of the Cathedral in Toledo?); 238 Feb. 5, 1536 (Pesaro, Bibliotheca Oliveriana); 1537 (Paris, Dep6t Hydrographique) ; October 29, 1547 (Paris National Library); and Dec. 10, 1549 (Town Library, Treviso). Documents concerning that cartographer have been published by the Marquis Marcello Staglieno.239 No. 84. Sylvano. Cordiform map of the world in the Ptolemy of Bernardo Sylvano of Eboli, published at Venice in 151 1.240 The configurations for the New World were borrowed from a Por- tuguese map belonging to our first type, but which was not the prototype of Kunstmann No. 2, or of the King chart. It seems to have been more like one of the maps used for making the prototype of Cantino, before the north-western continental region commenced to be inserted by profes- sional cartographers. This is shown by the "Terra cubae," which, instead of being narrow and elongated, as in the two Portuguese charts above mentioned, assumes precisely the shape of the island of Cuba (" Isabella") in Cantino and all the Lusitano-Germanic maps. Reproduced in Nordenskiold's Facsimile Atlas, plate xxxili. =33 Desimoni, Elenco di Carte, Nos. 24, 25, 27,28, '^^ L.vksc'h, ZweidenkmalecdterKartographie, p. 270. 29, 33, 34, 35) 37) 47) '" the GiornaU Ligustico, Feb. °38 Haenel, Catal. libr. MSS., col. 997. and March, 1875. °39 Staglieno, Giornale Ligustico, loc. cit. =34 d'Avezac, Atlas hydrographique de 1511, p. 8. °''° Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 68, and =35 Uzielli and A. di S. Filippo, Studi hiografici e Lelewell, Gdographie du Moyen Age, Vol. II., pp. bibliografici. Vol. II. and Appendix, Nos. 159, l6l, 151-156. In our opinion the finest Latin manuscript 166, 167, 181, 182, 191, and 193. Ptolemy in existence is the one preserved in the Paris =3« /fticf. No. 476, and Desimoni, Ferrazano, Append. National Library, -La<. 10764- It is signed: " Ex offi- iii., p. 95. cina Bernardi Ebolite in anno 1490." 470 The Discovery of North America. No. 85. The Casket Mappamundi. Cordiform map of the world engraved on a casket of the Trivulziana Collection at Milan. The configurations were borrowed from Sylvano's map. "La Cassettina Geografica, veduta presso Meneghetti in Ruga a Rialto, ha di lunghezza police! II, di larghezza pollici 7, di altezza poUici 5." We quote the above from the very interesting work of Daniele Fran- cesconi, -4i which contains also a facsimile of the map, made by Josefo Mezzani, and engraved on copper by Antonio Sandi, in 1800. Jomard's Monuments (plate xviii.), give likewise a copy, but made from the original after it had become the property of the Marquis Trivulzio Rinuccini. The casket has also been reproduced, with an extremely interesting memoir on that kind of engraving by our friend Mr. Henri Lavoix ;242 from whom we learn that in the legend " Pavlvs. Ageminvs. faciebat," the middle word is not a family name, as certain authors believe. Algemina or Azziminia means a branch of the art of damasquening. No. 86. Map for Nicuesa. Sent to Diego de Nicuesa by King Ferdinand of Aragon, July 25, 151 1 : " Os ymbib una Carta Mapa para esos questan en vuestra compania '^^ : — We send you a map for those who are in company with you." We suppose that it was a map of the northern coast of South America, from Cape de la Vela to Cape de Gracias a Dios, including the Castilla del Oro ; that being the territory granted to Nicuesa and Hojeda, for their joint expedition of 1509. But Nicuesa did not receive the map, as no one knows what became of him after November, 15 10, when he was expelled from Darien by Nunez de Balboa. ^44 About 1511. No. 87. The Lenox Globe. Copper globe of only 127 mm. diameter. It was found at Paris in 1855 or 1856, and is now preserved in the Lenox collection at New York. ^' Francesconi, Ilhistrazione di un' Urnetta lavo- "■^ Ooleccion de Documenlos ineditos de Indias, Vol. rata d'oro e die rarj altri metalli all' agemina coll' iscri- XXXII., p. 239. zione Paulus Ageminius faciebat ; Venezia, sine anno ^■" Herrera, Decad. I., p. 217, disposes of the legend {sed 1800), 8vo. which represents Nicuesa as landing safely in Cuba, "■*= Henri Lavoix, Les Azziministes, in the Gazette dying there, and having a monument erected to his rZev Beaux Art-i, Paris, 1862, p. 65. memory. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 471 The Encyclopedia Britannica ^45 contains a reduction and description of that curious globe. Its American configurations seem to be derived from • the same prototype as the gores erroneously attributed to Leonardo da Vinci. The legend : " c. de bone speranza " may indicate a French cartographer copying an Italian model. In the alleged da Vinci map, the large island west of the " Terra de Brazil " may have been originally " Zipancri," while " Zipancri " of the Lenox globe may have become the " Terra Florida " of the said alleged Da Vinci map. After 1511. No. 88. The Indian Seas. The archives of the Staff of the Bavarian army at Munich, possess in the same portfolio four maps, three of which are erroneously ascribed to Salvatore de Palestrina,246 who signed only one of them.247 It is a map 1300 by 690 mm., representing the Indian seas, and depicting, thus far for the first time, the Malucca islands, which were discovered by the Portuguese in 151 1. Its importance to us, lies in the unexpected fact that east of the Asiatic coast, there is a continental land, running from 4" south to 40° north latitudes. What can that continental region be if it is not the west coast of the New World ? And if so, how curious it is to see the Pacific shores so clearly and so extensively depicted at such an early date ; nay, previous, apparently, to the great discovery of the Pacific Ocean by Nunez de Balboa in 1513 ! Before 1512. No. 89. Americus Vespuccius. It was either a printed mappamundi, or printed gores pasted on a globe, and preserved in the year 1518, as the work of Americus Ves- puccius, in the apartments of the Infant Ferdinand, brother of Charles V. " Hai otro secreto. En el oriente posee Portugal mucho ques de V. M. La misma ciudad de Maluca que tiene 25000 vezinos la toca segun parece por este Mapa-mundi que hizo enpremir Americo que anduvo por aquellas partes, el qual tiene en forma redonda el Sr. Inf =« Edition of 1879, Vol. X., p. 681. nnd Plant ; Munich, 1832, p. 6, No. 3. =*^ Catalog iiher die in KCnirjlich Bayerschen Haupt '*'' Kunstmann No. 3, supra, No. 48, p. 425. See also GonMrvatorium der Armee hefindlichen Landharten Peschel, Oeschichte, p. 331. 4/2 The Discovery of North America. en su camara :— There is another secret. In the East, Portugal possesses much which belongs Your Majesty. The very city of Maluca, which contains 25,000 inhabitants, is held [by Por- tugal], as appears from the map of the world which Americus, who has travelled in those parts, caused to be printed, and that His Highness the Infant possesses in spherical form in his room." We extract the above from a letter written by Alonso Quago to the Emperor, from Santo Domingo in the island of Hispaniola,248 Jan. 22, 15 18. No. 90. Garcia de Toreno. Maps made by the celebrated cosmographer Nufio Garcia de Toreno, in the house of Vespuccius, and with his advice : " Nuno Garcia opina que se debe dar cr^dito d Amerigo ... el cual fue al Cabo de San Agustin, y tom6 su derrota desde la isla de Santiago, que es al occidente del cabo "Verde ... y me decia muchas veces que podia poner el cabo en 8°, haciendo yo cartas en su casa :— Nuno Garcia was of opinion that credit should be given to Americus . . . who went to Cape St. Augustine, beginning his voyage from the island of Santiago, west of Cape Verde . . . and he [Vespuccius] told me [Nuno Garcia] a number of times that I could place the Cape [S. Augustine] by 8°, while engaged making maps in his own house."^*^ 1512. No. 91. Map of the Isthmus. Map which King Ferdinand ordered Pedrarias and Balboa to make: " La figura de la tierra que mand6 V. A. hacer a Pedrarias y Vasco Nunez de Balboa han hecho este . . . Son lo senalados desde aquel golfo toda la costa al poniente y la tierra adentro hasta el Mar del Sur: — The map of the country which Your Majesty ordered Pedrarias [d'Avila] and Vasco Nunez de Balboa to have made, has been executed. It contains the con- figuration of the entire coast from that gulf westwards, and the country beyond as far as the Southern Sea [Pacific]."^ No. 92. Stobnicza. Mappamundi roughly engraved on wood, measuring 380 by 270 mm. for the two hemispheres, and belonging to the Introductio in Ptholomei Gosmographiam of the Polish savant Johannes de Stobnicza, first printed at Cracow 251 in 1512. ^"^ Archives of Simancas. Munoz Collection, Vol. ^5' Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographicam cum LXXVI., f'- 32, verso. Imperfectly printed in the Golec- longitinihus et latitunihus rerjionum et ciuitatum cele- lion de documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. I., p. 296. h-iorum. Cum carmine Sapphico Rudolphi Agricolm id =® Navarrete, Opiisculof, Vol. I., p. 67. Episcopum Posnaniensem .... Impressum Cracouie =5° Muiioz Collection of MSS., Vol. LXXV., {"■ 338. p. Florianum Unglerium. Anno M.D.xij., 4to. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 473 It is constructed after a partial and subspherical projection truncated at the poles, to use Brevoort's definition ; and may be considered as imitating or foreboding the invention of Mercator ; but it is not, as certain critics believe, the first map which represents the world on two hemispheres. Jaume Ferrer sent one of that sort to Ferdinand and Isabella, so far back 252 as 1495 ; unfortunately it is lost. The New World exhibits a continuous coast line from its 50° north to its 40° south latitude, just as in Waldseemiiller's later Tabula Terre Nove ; except that it ascribes the peninsular form to the southern regions, and separates the new continent entirely from Asia. This shape, how- ever, must not be interpreted as if it were a geographical expression altogether, but, in some respects, as a technical necessity in the early construction of globes. From the moment that a complete form had to be imparted to the southern continent, it is natural that cosmographers should have adopted the pyramidal one, as, judging from the representations of Africa and India then current, they were convinced that it was the necessary southern end of every continental region. The names inscribed on that map proceed evidently from a prototype akin to Waldseemiiller's, or belonging to the Lusitano - Germanic carto- graphy altogether.253 They are : Cabo de bona ventura Arcay [Arcaybacoa] Caput de stado [deseado] Gorffo spemoso [fremoso] Caput S. crucis Monte fregoso Abba[tia omnium Sanctorum]. Allapego [Pagus S. pauli] Those names we have already seen either in Cantino, Canerio, or in the Kunstmann maps. We notice on the western borders " Terra incognita," which shows that Stobnicza, like all the Lusitano-Germanic cartographers, possessed only hypothetical reasons for delineating the Pacific coast. Simon Starawolski, whose work ^54 is the fountain head for the little which we know concerning Polish writers of the name of De Stobnicza, =3= Supra, First Section, No. 22, p. 405. and who was in corresi^ondence with Vadianus {Bibliot. 'S3 The passage (verso of f° vii.) " Non solum aut p. Americ. Vetnst., No. 112). But the model map which dictce tres partes nunc sunt lacius lustrate, verum et alia he consulted for making his mappamundi cannot well quarta pars ab Amerigo vesputio sagacis ingenii viro have been sent him by Vadianus, as the latter, at so irlventa est, quam ab ipso Americo eius inventore Ameri- late a period as 1534, still adhered to the configurations gem quam si americi terram sive americam appellari vo- which broke up the north-east coast, such as they are lunt," shows on the part of Stobnicza an acquaintance represented in Ruysch and in the early globes of with the geographical productions of the St. Diey Gym- Schoner. nasium. They may have been communicated to him by '^ Simon Staravolscius, Scriptorum Polonicorum, Rudolf Agricola junior, who resided then at Cracow, Francoforti, 1644, 410, No. xxxii., p. 53. 3 L 474 The Discovery of North America. mentions a " Joannes Stobnicensis Medicus," and a " Joannes Stobnicensis Philosophus ; " but without enabling us to ascertain which of the two is the author of the Introductio in Ptholomei Cosmographiam. The dates lead to the belief that it is the philosopher. If so, Stobnicza was not a savant who made of cosmography a regular study, but a Franciscan friar, who was known by his works on metaphysics. The continuator of Wadding,2S5 who ought to be well informed on the subject if our Stob- nicza was really a Minorite, mentions only philosophical treatises as having come from his pen. So does Wiszniewski. in his more extended notice.256 Let it be said, however, that Stobnicza, being a professor of Philosophy, was probably also entrusted with the chair of Cosmography and the Natural Sciences, according to the custom in those days. The notice of Starawolski may be summed up almost in these words : "Adolescens prima laurea Philosophica anno 1494 in Acad. Cracov .... Minimum se in ordine Minorum de Observantia videre voluit et sacrum habitum ipsorum indutus." For further details, we beg to refer to the Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, and supra, page 279, for explanations and facsimile. No. 93. Javano-Lusitanic Map. It was a sailing chart, made by the Portuguese pilot Francisco Rodriguez, and based upon a map constructed by a Javanese pilot, which represented, among several regions, the country of Brazil. The map was ordered by the great Affonso de Albuquerque : "Tambem vos vay hum puda^o de padram que se tirou de ua gramde carta dum piloto de jaoa, aquall tinha ho cabo de booa esperamga, portugall e a terra de brasyll . . . .'"'"' After 1512. No. 94. Peter Martyr's. It is a map of the West Indies and Carribean Sea,258 290 by 200 mm., roughly engraved on wood, and inserted in a later issue of the first ^ss Scriptor. ordiji. J/morum, RoiriEe, 1806, fol., p. 463. 'iT Carton de Affonso de Albuquerque seguitas de °5* Michala Wiszniewskrigo, Hixtorya Literatury Documentos que as elucidam . . . , Lisboa. Typ. da Acad. Polshiej ; W. Krakowie, 1841, 8vo, Vol. III., pages R. das sciencias, 1884,410, Vol. I., p. 64; quoted by 200-205. See also in the Bibliotheca Americana Vetus- Dr. Hamy, U oeuvre geographique des Eeinel, Paris, iixsima, Nos. 69 and 95, pages 129, 164-166, and Addit., 1891, 8vo. p. 34. The letter is dated April I, 15 12. No. 42, page 56. There is an excellent facsimile of the "^ Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 66, and entire map in the atlas of Nordenskiold, plate xxxiv. Additamenta, No. 41. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 475 edition of the works of Pietro Martire d'Anghiera, published at Seville in the year 151 1, by Jacob Corumberger. On the verso of the map, there is a sort of epistle dedicatory, which is not as interesting as it might have been. We feel constrained never- theless to insert it, owing to the allusion to discoveries then recently accomplished in the Floridian peninsula, anterior, however, as we believe, to the first expedition of Juan Ponce de Leon . " lUustrissimo et reuerendissimo diuo [sic] fran. ximenez archiepiscopo toletano Cardinal! et primati hispaniarum. Ut dilucidius queant, reuerendissime purpu- rate, nostrarum nereidum (libellorum vtpote decadis occeanee) latebras (si que in [stc] sint) lectores intelligere : decadis ipsius calcem hac sculpta statui tabella fulcire. Qui sibi formare horum tractuum speciem nauigationem que in intellectu desiderant : hunc ibi ordinem ca- piant. In extremo tabelle margine duas pro- montorias cuspides inspice: has hispanus vocat strecho de Gibraltar : latina lingua fretum her- culeum. In leuam si te inde conuerteris sep- tem veluti scopulos videbis : he sunt canarie insule apud latinos fortunate : licet non desint qui alias sentiant, e fortunatis recta itur ad occidentem et ad hispaniolam de qua preg- nantes sunt nostri libelli. Quadrata ea que Hispaniole ab oriente vicina est: sant ioannem appellant [Porto Rico]. De hac late (quia est aurifera) in epilogo perpendicular!, ab insulis autem fortunatis leuorsum tractum discurre ilium flexibilem : infinitum : varium. Is est de quomulta : vbi os draconis : paria : curiana : cauchiet : cuquibachoa : vraua : beragua et relique prouintie amplissime quas continentem putatum indicum diximus ea vero tellus que ad occidentem hispaniole primum occurrit insulis vndique (veluti feta pullis gallina) circumual lata : cuba est ingens insula. A leua vtrique adiacet a nobis satis trita iamaica. " To the most illustrious and most reverend lord Francis Ximenez, Archbishop of Toledo, Cardinal and Primate of the Spains. In order. Most Reverend empurpled [Lord] that the readers may more easily reach the recesses of our [/. e. my] Nereids (I mean our [my] small books, such as the Oceanic Decade), I have decided to add to the end of that decade the map herein engraved. Thus will those who desire to have an idea of the said treatises, and retrace in the mind that navigation, find there the direction. In the lower margin of the map, see two promon- tories. The Spaniards call them the Strait of Gibraltar ; in Latin, the Strait of Hercules. If thence you turn to the left, you will see seven small reefs. Those are the Canaries, named by the Latins the Fortunate islands ; although some have a different idea of them. Starting from the Fortunate islands, we go in a direct line towards the west, and to His- paniola ; from which sprung my books. The square island, near Hispaniola, on the east side, they call St. John. From that island, of which I speak at length in the epilogue, because it is auriferous, advance in following a straight line from the Fortunate islands; but on the left, follow with me that meandered, diversified, and infinite traject. It is the one of which much has been said, where are the Dragon's Mouth, Paria, Curiana, Cauchieta, Cuquibacoa, Uraba, Veragua, and the other very large provinces which are said to be the Indian Continent. The land which is first seen to the west of Hispaniola, surrounded on all sides with islands (like a hen with her chickens), is Cuba, the large isle. On the left, near those two islands, is Jamaica, of which we have sufficiently spoken. At the 476 The Discovery of North America. Ad septentrionem vero miras etiam terras north, marvellous lands and marvellous coun- mirosque tractus repeerunt quorrum vestigia tries have been found, of which you can see cerne dextrorsuz sculpta. the engraved representation on the right. 1 „ .. ,. . , , ... have omitted the Cannibal islands, the archi- Canibahcas autem insulas et archipelagus . , ■ ,. rpntre of pelago and others which are in the centre oi atque aha multa que adiacent media pretermissi |^^^^ ^^ ^^ ^^ ^^^j^ confusion in this map. \sic\ : ne tabellam confunderem. Hec et cetera . ,, ■ . ^^^ other things, my small books libelli aperient ergo vale splendidissime pur- ^jj^ g^piain. Farewell then, Most Splendid purate et nos qui excellentiam tuam obseruamus empurpled Lord, and love us, who venerate €t colimus diligito." ^^^ worship Your Excellency." A point to be noted in the map, is the prolongation of the coast, westward and northwards of the Guanaja islands, at such an early date; for it corresponds to our Honduras. That coast bears only one name, which is not to be found on any other map in that locality, viz.: " Baya d'lagartos ; " 260 and, strange to say, it is not inscribed on a bay, but across a great promontory, which does not exist in those regions. Had this configuration been borrowed from a map, it would also mark the deep recess which is our Honduras Gulf True it is, that Oviedo, in describing the latter (under the name of " de Higueras," the Gulf of Figs), states that it was discovered by Vincente Yafiez Pinzon, Juan de Solis, and Ledesma ; but he is clearly borrowing the erroneous notions about the alleged voyage 261 of 1506, with a vague and not less mistaken idea concerning the date of that expedition. As Oviedo adds that the dis- covery was accomplished before Pinzon discovered the Amazona river : " antes que el Vicente Yafiez descubriesse el rio Marafion," Honduras would have been found and explored by those three navigators so far back as the fifteenth century. Withal it is not impossible that prior to 15 13, those regions were visited by now unknown Spanish mariners. Such discoveries we have shown to be in perfect keeping with their enterprise. At all events, the map of Peter Martyr is the first now existing, which delineates the coast west of Maracaybo. But, so far as the portion beyond our Truxillo is concerned, it can be based only upon general notions derived from in- distinct or incomplete reports. '^ There was already and continued to figure on maps voyage undertaken by SOLIS and PiNZON jointly than a " Bio de Lagartos," but it is the river discovered and the expedition of 1508, which he located expressly east of named by Christopher Columbus, in Veragua : " a ryuer our 35° west longitude, and consequently in a contrary which Colonus named Largartos, bycause it nooryshethe direction of the north-west coast depicted in his map. greate bysardes whiche in the -Spanysshche toonge are Nor does he refer anywhere in his later Decades, to the cauled Largartos." Pietro Martire d'Axghiera, Decad. discovery of those regions, except in connection with the II., lib. ii., f' 28, c. voyages of Hernandez de Cordova and Grijalva '"' Supra, No. 77, p. 460, note 211. In the pages 458- {1517-1518). The fact is that neither SOLIS nor PiNZON 460, we have shown that Peter Martyr knows of no other ever visited those shores in 1506. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 477 The new names in this map are the following : Isla de beimeni parte Beragua Vraba Baya d' lagartos El marmol G. de paria C. gra[cias] de dios La t[ri]nidad Isla verde Aburema Taricue [?] C. de cruz Bermuda. See supra, pages 1 34-141, the chapter Bimini, Florida, and the Gulf Shore; and No. 75, page 448, the exploration to the eastward of Honduras. 1513. No. 95. The Cacique's Map. Map of the coast of Quito, traced by the Cacique of Thumaco for Vasco Nufiez de Balboa : "Tumdco dio Nuevas k Vasco Nunez, como toda aquella Costa adelante corria larguisima- mente, sin fin, senalando kcia el Peru . . . i de Tierra higo vna figura, para que mejor se entendiese ''^ : — Tumaco informed Vasco Nunez how the entire coast extended continuously as far as Peru ; and, to make himself better understood, he drew a map of the country." No. 96. Waldseemuller's " Tabula." It is the Tabula Terre Nove belonging to the Ptolemy published at Strasburg in 15 13, by Jacob Aeszler and George Uebelin.263 This map, which represents the newly discovered transatlantic regions, bears neither name nor monogram of maker ; but it was undoubtedly made by Martin Waldseemiiller, otherwise called Hylacomylus. Besides the fact of the intimacy existing between that geographer and the savants of the Vosgian Gymnasium during all the time when the above mentioned edition was projected, prepared, and finally printed (1505- 1 5 1 3), and his acknowledged collaboration in that important work as being the cosmographer most competent in such matters : " et Mar- tinum Hylacomylum talium rerum scientissimum,' 264 we have direct proofs that he was the maker of the new maps, including the present, inserted in the Ptolemy of 15 13. This, Waldseemiiller says himself in his letter to Amerbach, written from the town of St. Diey, April 5, 1507 : "^ Herrera, Decad. I. , lib. x. , cap. il. , p. 267. teiida neque inelegans Declaratio et Canon. ; f° 3, quoted "53 Bibliotheca Americana Vetiistissima, No. 74. by Mr. d'Avezac, Martin Hylacomylus Waltzemiiller, =w LuDD, Speculi orbis succintiss. sed neque poeni- ses ouvrages et ses collaborateurs ; p. 65. 478 The Discovery of North America. " Non credo te latere nos Ptholomei cosmographiam, recognitis et adiectis quibusdam novis tabulis impressuros in oppido Divi Deodati'^: — I think you know already that I am on the point to print, in the town of St. Diey, the Cosmography of Ptolemy, after having added to the same some new maps." He was in that undertaking the collaborator of Gaultier Ludd ; and the latter, in his Speculum Orbis, printed also at St. Diey in 1507, in- forms Rene, Duke of Lorraine, that he and Waldseemiiller were then engaged in preparing for the press, " a map of the countries lately dis- covered ; " which was to form part of a Ptolemy greatly augmented by the said Waldseemiiller or Martin Hylacomylus : " De qua ora plura et veriora in Ptolomeo per nos et Martinum Ilacomylum talium rerum scientissimum cum multis additaraentis recognito." ^^^ Finally, in the Ptolemy published at Strasburg in 1522, there is a reduction of the present map, bearing also the title of Tabula Terre Nove, and to which is added the following frank statement : " Et ne nobis decor alterius elationem inferre videatur. Has tabulas a novo a Martino Ilacomylo pie defuncto constructas, et in minorem quam prius unquam fuere formam redactas notificamus : — Not wishing to arrogate to himself the merit of others, he declares that those maps were constructed by the late Martin Ilacomylus, though published here of smaller dimen- sions than the original." ^^ The nomenclature is precisely the same as in Canerio, and with identical spelling. The latitudes are also similar in both. For a critical review of those parallels, see Lelewell.268 As to the configurations, they present in Waldseemiiller the all- important modification which consists in continuing the north-east coast until it is made to join absolutely with the northern seaboards of South America, by 8° north latitude. This graphical connection does not appear in the present map for the first time, as it is already exhibited in the mappamundi of Stobnicza {supra No. 92) printed at least one year before, in Poland. This indicates the existence of a Portuguese, or of a Lusi- tano-Germanic model, already circulating in the north of Europe prior to the publication of the St. Diey Ptolemy, and exhibiting the last link in the chain of north-western continental configurations which began with Cantino, and was continued in the maps of the Fifth Type. ='5 Supra, page 441. -63 Lblewell, Oiocjra-phh du Iloyen Age, Vol. II. =« Supra, page 442, note 145. page 147, for a comparison with Ptolemy's ; and page =«? Ptolemy of 1522, verso of f" 100. 158 for a review of the present. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 479 We notice only one new name, viz.: " Porto Real," as Waldsee- miiller's " Pagus S. pauli," is the "Alapago de Sam PauUo " of Canerio. A designation already given is here somewhat modified, viz.: " La punta de las galeras," in the plural. The entire map has been reproduced by Nordenskiold, plate xxxvi. See also our reduced facsimile, limited to the north-east coast of the New World, and description of the Fifth Type, pages 310-312. No. 97. Waldseemuller's Small Mappamundi. It also belongs to the Ptolemy of 1513, and bears the following title: "Orbis typvs vniversalis iuxta hydrographorvm traditionem: — Representation of the entire world, according to the teachings of hydrographers." The present completes the Tahvla Terre Nove'^^^; that is, whilst the latter does not give configurations beyond 54° north latitude, the present delineates as far as go". It follows that we notice thereon an important island or region, by 55° and 65° north latitude. Its erroneous position and eastern profile, when compared with the "Terra Corterealis" of the early Lusitanian maps, such as Cantino, King, and the name "Capo rasso" in the latter, show it to be, undoubtedly, our Newfoundland. The same map, printed from the original block,27o was inserted in the Ptolemy of 1520. It has been facsimiled by Nordenskiold, op. cit., plate XXXV., under the title of Hpdrographia she Charia Marina. 1514. No. 98. A Rome Printed Map. Alessandro Gabloni, a Mantuan priest, proposes to the Marquis of Mantua, in a letter dated May 21, 15 14, to send him a new and much admired map of the world cbntaining a description of the countries lately discovered by the Portuguese, and recently printed at Rome : =^ Philbsius, in his letter to Hylacomylus, inserted veris : — As it is granted that the science of cosmography in the Introductio manuductionem proistans, printed at is of no small importance, you, Martin, have commanded Strasburg by GrUninger in 1511, contains the following the approbation of many studious men, in having already reference to a map of the world : " Cum cosmographise published a general map of the entire world, extremely noticia non parum conducibilis esse inveniatur : plurimum well executed." Ringmann doubtless alludes not to the tibi devincis Martine studiosorum pectora, qui cum present, but to WaldseemUller's large map of 1507. pridem generalem totius orbis typum dedalissime publica- ='" BibUotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 5S. 480 The Discovery of North America. "Perche V. Ill""- S'" si soleva delectare " As Your Highness has [always] taken a great vidder picture de Cosmografia per tanto es- pleasure in cosmographical delineations, I inform sendo novamente stampato in Roma una nova y. H. of a new map recently printed at Rome, tabula cum la descriptione del mundo vechio exhibiting the old world, and the new one which e novo ritrouato dalla navigatione de portugesi j^^^ ^^^^ discovered by the navigation of the et essendo multo laudata rae parsso mandarlla p^^^ ^^ ^nd the same being much praised, alia S. V. Ill"'' la qual supplico si voglia dignar ^ j -^ ,. ^.r -a u t u^rr ^^ , ^, . . , . , I propose to send it to Y. H., whom I beg to comandarmi perche essendo notissima a lei la "^ ... , . u r u 1 ^ command me; for my devotion is so great that fede et devotione che li ho la po esser certa ' V • • , u J- there could be no greater pleasure to me ; and che maggior a piacere non posso hauere che di "-""^ i-umu u^ i^w 5 ^^ , gratificarla el obedirla a lei baso la mane. ... I kiss the hand of Your Highness. Rome xxj Maij 1514. Humil S'^ Alex. Rome, May 21, 1514. Your humble servant gabion. Archidiac^ Mantuanus.^^ Alexander Gabloni ; Archdeacon of Mantua." This map is otherwise entirely unknown. The words : " novamente stampata," prevent its being Ruysch's mappamundi, which was published at Rome, but six years before. The reference to the discoveries of the Portuguese seems to imply that the Molucca islands in particular are meant. But as Gabloni's description mentions both the Old and the New World : "el mundo vechio e novo," we may infer that the present was a mappamundi, necessarily exhibiting also America. Before 1515. No. 99. Andres de Morales (?). Sailing chart to the West Indies, which was approved by Juan Diaz de Solis and other special experts ; "Carta de Marear a las Indias Occidentalis, que aprobaron Juan Diaz de Solis, y otros practicos en esta navegacion." ^ Juan Diaz de Solis left Spain, October 8, 151 5, for La Plata, where he was killed and eaten up by the Indians. The present is probably the map which is said by Barcia273 to have been made by Morales : "Carta de marear d las Indias Occidentales, que aprobaron Juan Diaz de Solis y otros prdcticos en esta navigacion." Withal there is great confusion concerning that class of maps. ^?' MS. in the State archives at Mantua. =" Barcia, Epitome de la BiUioteca Oriental y Occi- ■r- Herrera, Decad. II., lib. i., cap. xii., p. i8. dental, Madrid, 1737, fol.. Vol. II., col. nog. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 481 No. 100. Benci's Mappamundi. It is mentioned by Leonardo da Vinci in one of his memoranda, ^74 twice on the same sUp of paper, which shows the importance he attached to that map. The great artist first writes : " El mio mappamondo che a Giovanni Benci : — My mappamundi which Giovanni Benci has." This sentence impHes ownership on the part of Leonardo, and possession on that of Benci. But two Unes further he says : " Mappamondo di Giovanni Benci : — Mappamundi of Benci." Here, the sentence when brought in connection with the first, seems to indicate that Benci was the maker of the map. The fact that it was then in the hands of Benci, shows the above quoted memoranda to have been penned in Italy, consequently before December 151 5, which is the time when Leonardo da Vinci accompanied Francis I. to France, where he died, May 2, 15 19, not at Fontainebleau, and still less in the arms of the French King, as people generally believe. Perhaps this mappamundi is only the set of gores which was found among the manuscripts of Leonardo, preserved in Her Majesty's library at Windsor, and described here below. Yet, it may also be a more important map, which, notwithstanding its date, contained no American configurations whatever; as is the case with the mappamundi of Johannes Stabius, which, although of the year 15 15, and constructed by the cos- mographer of the Emperor Maximilian I.,275 ignores altogether the transatlantic regions. This is so much the more possible that in the mass of writings, where the earth is the object of so many disquisitions, Leonardo da Vinci never alludes once to the discovery of America. 1515. No. loi. The "Margarita" Map. It is a rough woodcut bearing in capital letters the following title : " Typvs vniversalis terra ivxta modernorvm distinctionem et extentionem per regna et prouincias : — Representation of the entire earth according to modern divisions . . ." This mappamundi belongs to the edition of the Margarita Philosophica "T'']. P. RiCHTER, The. Literary Worlts of Leonardo =7S " Maximiliani I. Imper. cosmographus. " G. M. da Vinci, London, 1883, imperial 8vo, Vol. II., p. 224, Koenig, Bibliotheca vetus et nova, Altdorf., 1678, fol.,. No. 1444- P^'g^ 350. 3 M 482 The Discovery of North America. Nova of Gregory Reisch, published at Strasburg by Griininger in 1515.276, The Vienna Imperial Library possesses 277 a manuscript copy of that map, made by Johann Schoner. It is coloured, and presents certain dif- ferences in the lettering and abbreviations. These are corrections 278 made by the Nuremberg savant. Where the engraved copy calls both the large West India islands " Isabella," he names one " Isabella," and the other " Spagnolla." On the Brazilian mainland we read " Paria sive Brasilia," instead of " Paria seu Prisilia ;" the scale of latitudes runs from 80" to 60°, instead of 85" to 61", but it omits the equatorial line and tropics. The fact that the continuous coast line is the object of no observa- tion on the part of Schoner, leads us to believe that he made this copy after 1523, when he conceived for the first time the idea of connecting North with South America. In both the woodcut and the copy the New World assumes the form of a continent running from 75° north to 55" south latitudes, bearing on the northern continental land the erroneous and curious inscription, now elucidated, 279 of Zoana Mela. It is the first map of the kind inserted in the numerous editions of the Margarita. In the one which was published by Griininger, in 1504, there is a mappamundi, but the existence of the New World is only in- ferred by the legend : " Hie non terra sed mare est : in quo mirae magnitudinis Insulae, sed Ptolemseo fuerunt incognitae : — Here there is no land [continent], and only a sea, in which are wonderfully large islands, which Ptolemy has not known." In the Margarita of 1535, the 15 15 engraved map is reproduced, but with the omission of the principal names. See Nordenskiold, plate xxxviii., and, supra, page 313, The Fifth Type, with facsimile of the American portion of Schoner's copy. No. 102. Velasquez's Cuba. Complete map of Cuba, made by order of Governor Diego Velasquez, and which was sent to the King of Spain in 1515 : ^^BihUotheta Americana Ve.tu>itisdma,-iio.%2. Strasse, p. 15, as being "in einem handschriftlichen 'J7 E. Cod. Pal. Vindoh. 3505. We are indebted for Notiz-buche Schoner's." an excellent copy of this manuscript map and for other =78 We interpret Schoner's annotation near the West valuable favours, to Dr. A. Goldlin de Tiefenau, India islands, by "iste est imperfectionem," or, "that Custodian of the Vienna Imperial Library. It is the map stands corrected." which was first mentioned by Dr. Wieser, MagalMes- =" WiESER, Zoana Mela, in Kettler's Zeitschrift. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 483 "Havia hecho Diego Valazquez sacar vna figura de la isla de Cuba, con todos los Montes, Rios, Valles, i Puertos de alia, i la havia embiado al Rei, por mano de Passa- monte:— Diego Velasquez caused to be made a map of the island of Cuba, with all its mountains, rivers, valleys, and ports, and sent it to the King by Passamonte." '^ No. 103. MORALlfis' HiSPANIOLA. Map of the island of Hispaniola, made by Andres de Morales : "... sensi uenisse quendam Andream Mo- " This man [ Andres de Morales ] had ralem, nauium ea littora noua percurrentium dyligently searched the tracte of the sup- nauclerum : qui et crediti continentis eras, et posed continente, and especyally the inner insularum adiacentium tractus, et Hispaniote regyons of the ilande of Hispaniola, where- interna omnia diligenter soliciteque scrutatus unto he was appointed by his brother [«c^'], est. Vestigandse Hispaniolae curam uiro huic Nicolaus Ouandus because he frater Nicolaus Ouandus demandauit : was a witty man and more apte to searche quod ingenio polleret, essetque ad huiusmodi such thynges then any other : So that with rem explorandam cseteris aptior. Super his his owne handes he drew fair cardes and Andreas hie indices et tabellas formauit egre- tables of suche regyons as hee discovered. gias : quibus prsebetur fides h. reliquis rem " intelligentibus." ^ " But the experte shyppe mayster Andreas " Hie autem Andreas Morales nauclerus, Moralis broughte me the forme therof . . aliter depictam parum tamem ad me tulit : ab .... from bothe the corners, as from utroque quippe angulo, orientali puta et acci- the Easte angle and the West, he described dentali, magnis sinubus eauatam esse describit, it to be indented and eaten with many great eornuaque protendere longissime. Intraque goulfes on the East syde. magnum sinum orientalem portus locat amplos But I trust shortly soo to trauayle further tutosque. Dabimus operam ut aliquando ad herein, that a perfecte carde of the particu- sanctitatem tuam is index particularis His- lar description of Hispaniola may bee sente paniolse mittatur." '^^ vnto yowre holynesse [Leo X.]." These extracts from the Third Decade of Peter Martyr d'Anghiera, authorise the supposition that there may be an original map of Hispaniola in the Vatican, but we failed to find any such document. No. 104. MoRALiSs' Brazil. Map of Andres de Morales, which, when the Spanish government in 15 1 5 called the junta of pilots to examine the claims of Portugal to Cape St. Augustine, was considered the best then extant : " La carta que higo el Piloto A. de Morales, aquella se debia de ereer, que era la raejor : — The map made by the pilot A. de Morales, which had to be received as the best of all." ^* =*> Herrera, Decad. II., lib. ii., cap. xi., p. 17. =^^ Anghiera, Decad. III., lib. vii., f- 57, D. »8' OvANDO was certainly not the brother either of =^3 Anghiera, Decad. III., lib. vii., f" 58, D. Morales or of Pedrarias Davila. " Frey " is meant. ='"' Herrera, Decad. II., lib. i., cap. xii., p. 18. 484 The Discovery of North America. No. 105. OUEVEDO'S. It was a map of the country extending from Cartagena to Gracias a Dios, made by order of the Crown, and sent to Spain by Juan de Quevedo, the first bishop of Darien, January 20, 1515. " La figura de la terra que mandd V. A. " The map of the country which Your Ma- hacer a Pedr»- [Pedrarias Davila] i V- Nunez jesty ordered Pedrarias and Vasco Nunez to [Vasco Nunez de Balboa] han hecho este i make has been made by them ... It is sent el Obispo porque el Gov"- siempre ha estado herewith, and mentions the caciques who are malo. Aora se embia, notados los Caciques at peace, those who are at war now, and those que estavan de paz, i agora de guerra, i des- who have been destroyed. Therein is indi- truidos. Son los senalados desde aquel golfo cated 'from that Gulf the whole of the west toda la costa al poniente i la terra adentro coast, and the country inland to the Southern hasta el mar del Sur. El Maestrescuela [Tor- sea. The superintendent of education who ribio Cintado] que la lleva dara mas razon." brings it will give ampler details.'"^ No. 106. Weimar Globe, No. i. It is the terrestrial globe for which Schoner is believed to have written the tract Luculentissima qucedam Terrce totius DescriptiOj^^^ printed in 15 15, and which could not be copied or counterfeited without incurring a heavy penalty : " Cum Globis cosmographicis : sub mulcta quinquaginta florenorum Rhen. et amissione omnium exemplarium : — With a cosmographical Globe : under a fine of Five Hundred Rhenish florins, and forfeiting all copies." Johann Schoner constructed a number of globes, several of which sold with a descriptive tract like the one above mentioned, and from which we know that spheres were executed by him 287 in 151 5, 1523, and 1533. But it is certain that he made other globes, as there is one in existence dated 1520, bearing his signature and own explanations. The probability is that we possess still others, which must be sought among the anonymous globes which have lately come to light. The only practical mode to classify those cartographical documents and show their =^5 Munoz Transcripts, Vol. LXXV. , i" 338, vo. The All we know is that he was one of the discoverers of map is further described in another letter from Quevedo; Darien. There is a letter addressed by him to the MuNOZ, op. cit., i" 330, vo. A propos of Darien, Emperor Chakles V., dated Mopox, June 24, 1 541 ; who was Cristobal de la Tovilla, and what is his MS. in the archives of the Indies. history, called La Barbarica, which Las Casas {Hist. '^ Bihliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 80, pp. General, Vol. III., p. 289 ; IV., pp. 73, 277, 411) quotes 140-142. as an authority for his details concerning Alonso DE =^' See infra, under the years 1515, 1520, 1523, and HojBDA, Vasco Nunez and the conquest of Darien? 1533, for descriptions of globes ascribed to Schoner. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 485 affinity, is to compare the configurations and nomenclatures, taking as a basis the globe of 1520, which was undoubtedly constructed by Schoner. Limiting our analysis to the New World, we first notice that it is chiefly represented by two continental lands, separated by a sea, placed between the tropic of Cancer and the equator, in about 10° north latitude. The northern section extends from that parallel to 51", and the southern, from the latter to 46° south latitude. As to the South American con- tinent, it assumes the form of a triangle, the apex of which constitutes the northern shore of a nameless and narrow passage, which causes the Occidentis Oceanus to communicate with the Oceanus orientalis. Concern- ing that strait, it is necessary to call attention to the Gopia der Newen Zeitung auss Presillg Landt,'^^^ which was first printed at Augsburg, 289 and contains this curious statement : " Item wist das auff den Zwelfften tag des Monadts Octobers Ein Schiff auss Presillg landt hye an ist kummen vmb geprech der Victualia, So dan Nono vn Christoffel de Haro vnd an- dere gearmirt oder geriist haben. Der Schiff sein Zway, durch des konigs von Portugal er- laubnuss vmb das Presilglanndt zu beschreiben oder zu erfaren Vnd haben das Lanndt in Sechs Oder Syben hundert meyll weyt deschribiert, dann man das vor wissen hat gehabt. Vnnd da sie kommen sein ad Capo de bona sperantza, das ist ein spitz oder ort so in das meer get gleich der Nort Assril \sic\, vnd noch ein grad hoher oder weyter. Vn do sie in solche Clima oder gegent kommen sein Nemlich in Viertzig grad =^ Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, p. xlix., note 157, and Nos. 99 and 100, pp. 172-176. 2S9 >i Getruckt zu Augspurg durch Erhart Oeglin," says the colophon, which, however, is sine anno. =90 Unfortunately the year is omitted, and nowhere in the tract, or elsewhere, do we find any indication enabling us to supply it. The reference to Christopher de Hard might serve for that purpose, if we knew when he com- menced trading with Portugal. All we know is that after residing in Lisbon, Haro removed to Spain in 15 19. "Acaban de Uegar juntos a esta Cristobal DE Hard y Juan DE Cartagena," writes Sebastian Alvarez from Seville, July 18, 1519 (Navarrete, IV., 153). On the other hand, MuSoz cites a letter from Antwerp, from which must be inferred that Christoval de Haro and two namesakes— one pre-named Diego,— supposed to be his brothers, were yet residing at Antwerp in 1517: "Cristoval de Haro con otros dos Haros, quiza hermanos, " Learn also that on the twelfth day of the month of October,^ a ship from Brazil has come here,^' owing to its being short of pro- visions. *" The vessel had been equipped by Nono [sic pro Nuno] and Christopher de Haro, in partnership with other [merchants]. Two of those'''' ships were intended to ex- plore and describe the country of Brazil, with the permission of the King of Portugal. In fact, they have given a description of an extent of coasts, from six to seven hun- dred leagues, concerning which nothing was known before. eran moradores y comerciantes alll " (quoted by Navar- rete, IV., p. Ixxiv., n.). If so, he must have obtained the privilege of sending ships to Brazil, before coming to reside in Portugal. The Haros vvere Spaniards by birth, as we find Christoval qualified in 1538, of "Vecino y regidor de la ciudad de Burgos " (Medina, Coleccion de docs, inedit. para la Hist, de Chile ; Santiago, 1888, 8vo, Vol. II., p. 291). =3' That port is not mentioned. Humboldt (Examen critique, V., 240) thinks it was Lisbon. ^^ If Humboldt's above-mentioned surmise is correct, we may suppose that Antwerp, where the Haros had their principal establishment, was the destination of the ship, as her alleged coming into the port of Lisbon is ascribed to the lack of provisions. ^3 That reference and the word ' ' item, " show that the Carta is only an extract. Unfortunately the rest of the document has not yet been found. 486 The Discovery of North America. hoch, Haben sie das Presill mit ainem Capo, das ist die spitz oder ein ort, so in das mer get, funden. Vn haben den selbigen Capo vmbseylet oder vmbfaren, vn gefunden, das der selb Calfo \sic pro Capo] gleich ist gangen wie Europa leyt mit dem Syt ponente leuante, das ist gelegenheyt zwischen dem auffgangk oder Ost, vnd nyderganngk oder West, Dann sie haben auff der anndern seyten auch die landt gesehen, Als sie bey Sechtzig meyllen vmb den Capo kommen sein, zu geleicher weyss als wen ainer in Leuanten fert, vnd die skritta \sic pro stritta] de gibil terra passiert, das ist, furfert, oder hyndurch einfarn, vnd das landt von Bar- baria sicht. Vnd als sie umb den Capo kum- men sein, wie gemelt ist, vnd gegen vns Nord- westwertz geseylet oder gefaren haben. Do ist vngewitter so gross worden, aucht windt gewesen, das sie nicht weyter haben kunnen saylen, oder faren. Do haben sie durch Tra- montana, das ist Nort, oder mitternacht, wider her vmb auff die annder seyten vnd Costa, das ist landt, von Pressill, miissen faren." ^'^ They reached the Cape of Good Hope, which is a point extending into the ocean, very similar to Nort Assril \i. e., very similar to the point of Africa?^'], and one degree still further. When they had attained the altitude of the fortieth degree, they found Brazil, which had a point extending into the sea. They have sailed around that point, and ascertained that the country lay, as in the south of Europe, entirely from east to west. It is as if one crossed the Strait of Gib- raltar to go east in ranging the coast of Bar- bary. After they had navigated for nearly sixty leagues to round the Cape, they again sighted the continent on the other side, and steered towards the north-west. But stormy weather [or a storm] prevented them from making any headway. Driven away by the Tramontane, or north wind, they retraced their course, and returned to the country of Brazil." We have reproduced the above statement chiefly because it is the basis of the opinion entertained by several writers, that the great austral passage was known, and had been crossed before Magellan discovered the strait which bears his name. That description must have also prompted Schoner to adopt the pyramidal configuration which he imparted, so far back as 1515, to the termination of the South American continent. Dr. Wieser, in his very valuable disquisition on this important point of the history of maritime discovery, has shown 296 by copious extracts from the Luculentissima descriptio and from the Copia der newen Zeitung, that Schoner had read and been influenced by the German tract. But there were doubtless other reasons for depicting the strait, such for in- stance as sprung from the a priori belief that the New World was separated from the Old by the Oceanus orientalis, and the cartographical ^'■t Dr. Wieser {MagcUhdes-Strasse, p. loo, note 2), proposes to read " Nort ao Sul," said to be a nautical term like the "Ponente levante" of Italian seamen. But we do not see how a cape can resemble a wind, and much prefer the suggestion of Mr. von der Hagen (in Humboldt, Examen critique, Vol. I., p. 255), who sees in "Nort" and "Assril," bad readings of "Ort" and of "Affric ;" so that the original text was : "gleich dem ort Affric." The long ss are often taken {ox ff. =5S We borrow our German text from Dr. Wieser's reprint (op. cit.), and we have used Humboldt's version (Examen Critique, Vol. I., (p. 240-245) for making the present translation. =9« Wieser, MagcdhAes-Strasse, pp. 28-32. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 487 necessity arising therefrom. Else, we would have to assume that the Hauslab gores and the mappamundi of Stobnicza, both of which give likewise the pyramidal form to South America, also borrowed the notion from that or a similar account. What is certain, however, is the fact that Schoner has imagined from the Gopia to call the alleged austral continent " Brasilie Regio," and that he is the originator of the latter erroneous designation, which continued to mar so many maps of the sixteenth century. ^97 Reverting to the globe itself, it must be noted that the name America is inscribed across the southern continent. As to the con- figurations of the northern, they have been borrowed from the north- western continental region in a map akin to Canerio ; which modified Cantino by an elongation of the coast southwards, with profiles of a peculiar kind. In Schoner that continuation bears the name of " Parias," which indicates that it was considered as representing the country dis- covered by Columbus in the course of his third voyage. In the Green globe, which is unquestionably Schonerean, instead of " Parias," we read there and on the southern continent, the name America. The nomen- clature is the same as in Canerio, omitting, however, twenty of the latter's designations. But what proves that Schoner did not work on a proto- type absolutely Canerian, is the fact that he has inserted along the American coast, not less than fifteen names which are not in Canerio, although nine of these figure in Ruysch, viz.: Lixleo C. de frado Rio de foroseco Terra sura Terra de parias Rio de les Euas Monte rotonda Curtana S. Rochij R. de la reno Rio de flagranza S. Maria de rabida G. de paxi P. de Arena S. Maria The West India archipelago, with Cuba, called Isabella, is represented in the form peculiar to all the Portuguese and Lusitano-Germanic maps. In fact, Schoner's American configurations and nomenclature have been copied servilely from one of the latter, which perhaps already imparted the pyramidal form to the southern continent, as can be inferred from the Hauslab globe No. i. His innovations, thus far, seem to consist of certain legends, and the insertion of the austral continent, which can have originated only with a savant. In fact, his " Brasilia Regio " is the =97 WiESER, op. cit., pp. 59-73- 488 The Discovery of North America. southern zone, or Antichthon of the poet Marcus Manilius, of Pomponius Mela, and of all the cosmographers of the Middle Ages, who believed in the existence of that region, south of the torrid zone, but from which it was separated by a sea. 298 At all events, it is in Schoner's globe of 1515, that we, thus far, see an austral land for the first time. We had entertained the thought that the Nuremberg mathematician always considered America as a mere continuation of Asia. This belief was derived from the opinion which he so forcibly expressed in the Opus- culiim of 1533. And, although unable to account for the contradiction existing between such a theory and his graphic descriptions as exhibited in the globes of 15 15 and 1520, the idea did not strike us that we might perhaps solve the problem simply by consulting Schoner's Luculentissima descriptio, which, as already stated, he wrote to elucidate the globe of 1515 ; and it is only a few days since, ^99 thanks to the kindness of the learned custodians of the Munich Royal Library, that we have been en- abled to ascertain the truth. Now, we were entirely mistaken. Schoner, in 1515 and 1520, was no exception to all the cosmographers of Central Europe in those years ; and, like every one of them, he believed that the north-western continental land in the Lusitanian and Lusitano-Germanic maps or globes represented the American regions, and that these regions were absolutely distinct and entirely separated, north and south, from Asia. Here are Schoner's own words : " Hunc in modum terra quadripartita cosnoscitur et sunt tres primae partes continentes i. e. terra firma : sed quarta est insula quia omniquaque mari circumdata conspicitur : In this way it is ascertained that the earth is divided into four parts, and the first three parts are continents, that is, mainlands ; but the fourth [part] is an island, because we see it sur- rounded on all sides by the sea. ™ And that there should be no misunderstanding as to the "Fourth Part," the above quotation is found in the chapter of the Luculentissima descriptio entitled : De America^ quarta orhis parte. Nor is that all. In examining the configuration meant to represent the New World in the globes of 1515 and 1520 the reader will notice, as we have already stated, that the main part of the northern section =98 Santarbm, Hist, de la Oosmogrcuphie, Vol. II., what we have written, supra, p. 115, from the third to pp. 81, 89, 152, 174, 181 and 278. the eighth line. =99 It is necessary therefore to correct in that respect ^°° Luculentissima descriptio, f" 60. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 489 bears in large letters the name of Parias. Schoner describes that region in the above-mentioned work 3oi as follows : "Parias insula, quae non est pars vel portio prioris, sed specialis magna portio terree hujus quartae partis mundi :— The island of Parias, which is not a part or portion of the said country, but a large special portion of the earth in that fourth part of the world." Nor do we find anywhere in that tract any reference to a supposed cosmographical connection between Asia and America. Although the activity of cartographers, particularly in Germany, during the first quarter of the sixteenth century has been much greater than is generally supposed, and there were many map-makers whose names have not reached us, and who doubtless copied, counterfeited, or were inspired by models which met more or less with the favour of the public, we feel constrained, for the present, to qualify as " Schonerean globes " all those which answer the above description. But as Johann Schoner, who was born in 1477, lived until 1547, and therefore may have constructed globes during fifty years, whilst among those which can be ascribed to him only one is dated, we will classify these in taking as a basis the degree of finish and number of names and legends which these globes exhibit. This, we must confess, is not conclusive, as in our opinion the model used by Schoner for the globes which he constructed previous, at least, to the year 1523, was the same for all, whilst the more complete character of the one dated 1520 is due simply to its size and a greater amount of labour which the cartographer was disposed to bestow. But we could devise no better basis for our classification. The crudest and least complete of those Schonerean globes is the present one, which is preserved in the Grand-Ducal Library at Weimar. It has been facsimiled by Dr. Wieser, 302 who has also ably advocated the connection of that globe with the Luculentissima descriptio. We have no other reason for ascribing to it the date of 15 15. Its diameter is 270 mm. No. 107. The Paris Green Globe. It is a wooden mounted globe, the surface of which was covered with a thick layer of paint, originally white, on which the geographical delineations were drawn in aquarel. The configurations and colouring are artistically executed, with the seaboards deeply shaded, so as to give 3"" Lxicvl. descripL, verso off" 60. ^ Wieser, Magalhdes-Strasse, p. 19, plate ii. 3 N 490 The Discovery of North America. the continents and islands the appearance of being raised above the seas, which are painted in very dark green ; hence the name given to the globe. The caligraphy is extremely neat, clear, and of the first quarter of the sixteenth century, about the year 151 5. Certain parts, especially the tropics, still show traces of gilt. Its diameter measures 240 mm. This valuable globe was discovered at Venice, 303 and purchased in 1879 by the geographical department of the Paris National Library, where it is numbered 242. The configurations and nomenclature are entirely Schonerean ; 304 but the latitudes present differences, as here, the northern section of the American continent is made to extend from 20° to 60°, whilst in Schoner's globe of 1520, it covers only the space between 11° and 51° north latitudes. That northern region is precisely, in shape and in its details, like the corresponding region in Canerio and the Schonerean globes above described ; that is, the coast is prolongated southward, with identical profiles. But where in the earliest of these {supra. No. 104) no names of localities are given, here we notice eight, all of which are also in- scribed in Canerio and in WaldseemuUer, viz.: C. delicontir C. arlear Costa alta Capo doffin d'abril Caninor C. de bona ventura C. Santo Lago dellodro Those names, which with seven more, also Cantinean, are likewise on the tall northern continental section in the globe of Schoner dated 1520. A striking feature is the name America, inserted four times, whilst in the Weimar and Nuremberg globes we see it inscribed only once. Here, it also appears, for the first time, on the northern section ; and across the southern continent, instead of being given in its simplest form, it reads as follows : "America ab inuentore nuncupata." Yet the Antilles bear this legend : " Iste insule per Columbum genuensem almirantem ex mandato regis Castelle invente sunt." The conclusion is that, in the opinion of the cartographer, Columbus only discovered the West India islands ; but that the merit of the discovery of the American continent, north and south, belongs to Vespuccius. 303 "Feu M. le comte Riant avail achete le globe k Geographie historique et descriptive, Paris, 1889, p. 173. Venise, cher un brocanteur, avec un lot assez important 304 it ^^s been stated that the said northern section de cartes, globes et instruments qui provenaient (disait-on) presented here, north of the tropic of Cancer, a break, de la collection d'un patricien, le dernier des Quirini, dividing it in two or three vast islands ; this is, a mistake, tombe dans une profonde misere." — G. ISIarcel, Un That section is {ill of one solid piece, just as in all the ylobe numuscrit de Vicole de Schoener, in Bulletin de Schonerean globes. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 491 The nomenclature presents another peculiarity. Several localities here (which is not the case with the other Schonerean globes), are designated as regions : Regio de Cananorino Regio de S. Anthonio Regio Santi Heronimi Regio grande On the other hand, the vast austral continent, called elsewhere : " Brasilie regio" or "Brasilia inferior," here is nameless. As to the well known denomination : " Papagalli terra," it is recalled by the legend : " Hie reperiuntur rubei psitaci," which indicates that the prototype, like the Cantino and Canerio charts, was adorned with representations of the Ara Macao, first brought to Europe, either by Caspar de Lemos in 1500, or by Pedralvarez Cabral in July, 1501. The present globe, much as it resembles those made by Schoner, is not in our opinion, the direct work of that geographer. No. 108. The Frankfort Schonerean Globe. This globe, which is preserved at Frankfort-on-the-Main, has been copied imperfectly, and in the form of gores, by Jomard.3o5 These indi- cate a diameter of 270 mm. It is believed by Dr. Wieser3o6 to be the work of Schoner, and a mere duplicate of the Weimar globe above described. This point can be settled only after the originals of both these globes shall have been com- pared together, although it is unquestionable that the configurations are identical, particularly for the New World. No. 109. Mounted Hauslab Globe. It is 360 mm. diameter, and reproduces the American configurations of the Schoner globe of 151 5, except that south of the apex of the southern continent there is not, as in the former, that immense region denominated by Schoner " Brasilie Regio." The northern section bears only the name "par . . . [ias]." The southern section is likewise called America, but exhibits in addition a number of names belonging to the Lusitanian nomenclature already described in the Kunstmanns, and set forth in the 1520 globe of Schoner. 3°s E. F. Jomard, Las Monuments de la Oiocjra/phie ; terrestre de la premUre moitii du X VI' sidcle. Paris, 1854, fol., plates xv. and xvi., entitled: Globe 3o6 Wjeser, o^. «!;., p. 22. 492 The Discovery of North America. The attention of the public was first called to that globe, in 1872, by Adolfo de Varnhagen, who, from the fact that the relatively unimpor- tant town of Brixen is therein inscribed, thought it was made in the latter place, circa I5i3.3°7 We place that globe at random, next to Schoner's of 1515. The American portion has been reproduced and very carefully described by Prof. Luksch.3o8 No. JIG. Map of Da Silva. It was a Portuguese sailing chart for the navigation to the East Indies ; but as the expeditions from Lisbon to the Moluccas at that time touched or could touch at some point of the Brazilian coast, their maps necessarily exhibited the configuration of Brazil : " Come per la carta del nauigare, che Don Michiele di Selua, Orator del Re, reco a Roma, potra V. S. comprendere :— As by the nautical chart which Don Michael da Silva, the ambassador of the King [of Portugal] brought to Rome, Your Lordship, can understand." That sentence is to be found in a letter addressed by Andrea Cor- sali to Giuliano de Medici.309 1517. No. III. Magellan's Globe. Globe which Hernando de Magellan had with him when he came from Portugal to offer his services to Spain for the discovery of the Strait : " Traia Hernando de Magellanes vn Globo bien pintado, adonde se mostraba bien toda la Tierra, i en el fel seiialb el camino, que pensaba llevar, i de industria dexb el Estrecho en bianco, porque no se le pudiesen saltear : — Hernando de Magellan had with him a globe well painted, showing the entire earth, and he showed thereby, the route which he thought of taking; but intentionally he had left the strait blank, so that his secret might not be stolen from him." ™ Argensola says, we do not know on what authority, that it was a planisphere painted by Pedro Reinel : " Vn Planisferio dibuxado por Pedro Reynel."3ii 3°' Varnhagen, Jo. ' ScJioner e P. Apianus, (Bene- 3'" Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. iii., cap. ci., witz); Vienna, 1872, 8vo., pp. 51 and 52. Vol. IV.,"- p. 377, and, following him, Herrbra, Decad. 3"* J. LuKSCH, Htvei Denhmcde alter Kortographie, in II., lib. ii., cap. xix., p. 52. What adds to the statement Mittheilungen der K. K. Oeographischen Gesellschaft in of Las Casas is the fact that he conversed with Her- Wien; Band XXIX., No. 7 and 8, pp. 364-370. nando de Magellan just after the latter had his inter- 3W Ramusio, Vol. I., f°- 180 (erroneously marked 280), view with the High Chancellor, and Lettera di Andrea Corsali alio ill. sign. Duca Ju- 3" B. L. de Argensola, Gonqvista de las Islas Mal- liano de Medici ; Firenre, 1516, 4to. vcas, Madrid, 1609, fol., p. 16. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 493 About 1518. No. 112. PORTOLANO OF FrANCIS I. In France, the kings and princes of the house of Valois always mani- fested a very decided taste for literature, history, and the fine arts. They formed important collections, amongst which graphic descriptions of the World occupied a prominent place. John, Duke of Berry, possessed not less than five " bien grandes mappamondes,"3i2 which, like nearly all carto- graphical documents of that time, have disappeared. We have found, in the royal inventories, several mentions of maps ; unfortunately, they are so succinct that it is impossible to ascertain whether those maps date from after the discovery of the New World, or before, One, coming from the library of the castle of Blois, which was formed at the beginning of the sixteenth century, and figuring in the inventory of 1518,313 was apparently a portolano which, doubtless, contained Ameri- can configurations : " Dedans ung coffre carre de boys de sapin. Une Mapemonde pour naviguer, faict en maniere de livre, couvert de vert : — In a square chest of pine wood there is a nautical map of the world, made in the shape of a book, covered with green [velvet or leather]." In a later inventory, made when the library of Francis I. at Blois was transferred to Fontainebleau, we also read : " Livre ou sont contenues 7 tables de nauigations en feuUets de boys et de cuir . . Ung sphre a globe de papier qui est tout rompu et effacd et les mouements et roues toutes rompues^": — A book, containing seven nautical charts on boards and leather. A sphere [or] globe made of paper, entirely broken and effaced, with the mechanism and wheels all broken up." Catherine de Medicis possessed seven large maps. We will cite only the two following, which being anterior to 1589, do not belong to the present list, but deserve to be mentioned, as they are, after Cartier's, the earliest mentioned authentic maps of Canada : " Une carte figurde k la main de la description de la Nouvelle France . . . Une autre carte figurde k la main de la description des Terres neufves et Canada ;— A map drawn by 3" They are described in Mr. Delisle's admirable foss ler, d Blois; Paris, 1863, 8vo, p. 43. From Blois work : Le Cabinet des Manuscrits de la Bibliotheque that library was transferred in 1544 to Fontainebleau, impdricde, Paris, 1868, 410, Vol. III., p. 405, Nos. 191- where it remained until 1595, when it was removed to 195. Charles VII. possessed also a "quarte de mer." Paris. What was left of that splendid collection is now Imentaire de la BibliotUque du roi Charles VII., fait in the National Library, but we have vainly searched for en U:.'S par ordre du due de Bedford. the present article. 3'3 MiCHELANT, Catalogue de la BibliotUque de Fran- 3.4 paris Nat. Libr., MSS., No. 5600, art. 1734, 1759. 494 The Discovery of North America. hand of the description of New France . . . Another map, drawn by hand, of the descrip- tion of the New[ly discovered] Lands and Canada." '" No. 113. Magliabechiana Manuscri.pt Maps. In the collection prepared by Alessandro Zorzi for a new edition of the Paesi novamente ritrovati, preserved in the Magliabechiana Library,3i6 and from which we have extracted several important geographical docu- ments, 3^7 there is a series of manuscript maps relating to the New World, one of which, larger than the rest, and coloured, is inserted after f°- 57. It was made apparently to accompany the account of Cortes' discoveries, which map bears the date of 1 517-1520. Yet this, as well as the other maps in the manuscript are of a somewhat later period, but they were certainly constructed with early data. No. 114. Boulengier's Gores. The present is a set of twelve gores, engraved on a copper plate measuring 180 by 390 mm., and bearing neither date nor name of place where made, or of maker. It is encircled with the following inscription : " Vniversalis cosmographie descriptio tam in solido quem \_sic\ piano." "* Those gores were found inserted in a copy of Waldseemiiller's Cos- 7nographi(B Introduction printed by Jean de la Place, at Lyons, sine anno,^'^9 but between November 22, 15 17, which is the date when Bishop Jacques Robertet, to whom it is dedicated, was installed into the see of Alby, and May 26, 1 5 18, when he died. Even if we suppose that Jacques could assume the episcopal title upon the death of Charles Robertet, who had resigned the bishopric in his favour in articulo mortis, this would only yield August 9, 1515,32° for the date of its publication. Together with the twelve gores, there were inserted in that copy two copper plates. One is entitled: Astrolabium phisicum ; the other: Motiis novcB spore et trepidacionis spere MDXIV., and signed: "Artificio Ludovici 3'5 The oldest map of the kind now extant is one in our 3ia CatcUorjue de livres appartenant a M. H. Tross ; own collection: Descripsion des costs, pf, rades, illes de Paris, 1881, No. 4924, with a facsimile of the gores. la nouuele france fairt selon son vray meridien . . 3'9 Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 63, where Auec la declinaison de lement . . . ohserui par le sieur the work should have been inserted under the date of de Ghamplain (dated) 1607.— MS. on vellum, 545 by 1517-1518, instead of 1510. 370 mm. 3Z0 Gallia Christiana in provincias ecclesiasticas dis- ^'^ SJf Gonti. Sfrozz. in 4".; cod. 24, class xiii. tributa; Parisiis, ex typographia regia, 1715, folio ; Vol. 3'7 Bihliothera Americana Vetustissima, Appendix. I., columns 36, 37, and 1002. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 495 Boulengier, AUebie, 15 14." And as that edition of the Cosmographice tntroductio was prepared for the press by Louis Boulengier of Alby, a somewhat noted astronomer, geometrician, and geographer of the time, 321 critics have inferred that he also designed the map, at the same time as the other plates, in 15 14. The three plates have not been found in a book preserving its ori- ginal binding ; there is no evidence that the gores and the other two plates were engraved at the same time, and Boulengier continued to write on scientific subjects until 1535, if not 1565.322 Jt follows that the gores may well be of a later period than 15 14. On the other hand, as we have already stated, Louis Boulengier was the editor 323 of the work in which those gores were found, and a carto- grapher, if we may judge from the titles of two of his books.324 It must also be noted that the Lyons Cosmographice Introductio, just like the St. Diey edition, but in different terms (which shows that in this respect the former is not a servile copy of the latter), reference is made to a globe which the reader is supposed to have before him : " Habes candide lector tabellam preinsculptam tibi latitudinem graduum regionium . . . In globo vero diei quantitatem et noctis . . . Sic comprehendere potes omni de regione tarn per globum quam per sexagenarium : — You have. Dear Reader, before you, a small plate on which are inscribed the degrees of latitude of the countries . . . On the globe [you see] the duration of the day and night . . . Thereby you will be able to ascertain [the position of] every country, by the globe as well as by the sexennium." ''^ These facts authorise the question whether Boulengier did not con- struct, or cause to be constructed, a globe to sell with his edition of the Cosmographice introductio, just as Waldseemiiller constructed one to accompany the editio princeps of that work ? And yet, the reference 3=' See the work.s of Boulengier described by .Mr. G. '^ Calculation, description et gdocjraphie virifiee du Marcel, Louis Boulengier d'Alby, in Bulletin de Odo- royaume de France, Lyon, 1525; Description de la graphie historique et descriptive ; Paris, 1890. quarte Galicane Tant desca que dela les mons. Et autres 3== La Croix du Maine, BihUotMque fran(;aise, 1772- parties de VEurope, Lyon, 1535 ; 410, 32 pp. The prob- 73, Vol. IL, p. 45, says of Boulengier's Description ability is that the latter accompanied a regular map of de la quarte gallicane, that it was printed at Toulouse by France, now lost. Jacques de Grabam in 1565, and written "par le com- ^^s Verso of the folding plate which belongs to chapter mandement du roi Charles IX." (who reigned 1560-1572.) viii., signat. c. At that place, in the folding plate of the 3^3 " Seu eversse parcendum est : Tum (ut soles) meam St. Diey edition, we read, instead of the above quotation : gratanter lucubrationem excipe . . ." Epistle dedicatory " Propositum in hoc libello quandam Cosmographias in- bearing the following heading : " Reverendo in Christo troductionem scribere : quam nos tam in solido quam patri et dno. do. Jacobo Roberto albien. presuli dignissimo piano depinximus." As to the word "sexagenarium," ludovicus Boulonger {sic} S. D. P." See, also in the ad- it is apparently a reference to the division and subdivision dress of Jean DES EcOLES, the sentence: " Venit forte of the degrees of the circle; and the word "tabella" niihi ad manus Cosmographia magistri Ludovici Boulan- doubtless refers to a scale containing those degrees, gierii." 496 The Discovery of North America. may also apply to the diagram engraved 326 on the recto of the folded leaf Withal, it should be noticed that Boulengier in his dedicatory epistle, states having added to his edition "other globes previously pub- lished by others :— auctam a ceteris globis ab aliis jamdudum in lucem editis." Was this set of gores originally intended for one of those globes, and is it, consequently, in its present form, a mere copy or reprint? If so, although the configurations are of an older date, as we already see them in Hauslab No. i, the gores were engraved, like the book, between 1 5 1 7 and 1 5 1 8. The north-western continental land therein is derived from a map akin to Canerio, as is seen by the deep gulf, and the extension of the coast southward as far as 18° north latitude. The southern continent bears this inscription : " America noviter reperta," while the northern ex- hibits a truncated one of which remains only nova. It was originally terra nova, but without any reference to our Newfoundland. An island to the north-east of Cuba, contains 327 the unintelligible letters cod. No. 1 1 5. Nordenskiold Gores. We ascribe the date of 15 18 on account of the legend inscribed on the island of Hispaniola, viz.: "Insula in qua reperitur lignum Guaiacum," which can not be older than the time when Guaiacum wood began to be known in Germany, and to be considered as a panacea for lues venerea. Ulrich de Hutten says 328 that it was in 15 17, which is corroborated by Leonard Schmaus, 329 who, writing in 15 18, states that the substance then was scarcely known in Germany. At all events, Augsburg is the place from which the notion spread in Northern Europe, apparently through the instrumentality of Paulus Ricius,33o the physician of Charles V., then exer- cising in that city. It was first made known in print by an anonymous pamphlet published at Augsburg 33' on the ist of December, 15 18; and 3** The Paris Arsenal Library copy which has the recto civra eius nouiter reperta cum lig?io Indico. August. — of that leaf left blank (d'Avezac, Waltzemuller, page Vindelic. 1518, 17 Decembris ; 4to, described in the 1 19) is an exception. Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissijna, Additions, No. 55. 3^1 Perhaps it is the " Terra corterealis " displaced, and 33° See Rici's letters in Hutten's De Gvaici medecina; inserted in the position of Hispaniola, with what was Petri Vidoue, sub scuto Basilensi, fo. 37. Hutten, how- left of the original inscription : ' ' Cort. " ever, says that he acted under the advice of one Dr. 328 Hutten, De Guaici medicina et morbo Gallico. Stomer. 3Ior/rtirii (sic) in aedibus ioannis Scheffer mense Aprili 33' ^in recept von ainem holtz zubrauchen fur die interrerjni vero quarto anni MDXIX; sm. 4to. (quoted Krankhait der frantzosen . . . Augspurg an dem ersten by Ed. BoCKiNG, Ulrici JSzitteni Opera, hipsiee, 1859- tag des Manadts Decembris funjf hundert und achtzehen 1870, Vol. I., p. 40). jare. 4to, 4 11., title within an engraved border, used e, S 3=^ Schmaus, Lucubratiuncida de morbo Gallico et also for Schmaus' tract. Paris National Library, ' ''' Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 497 soon afterwards by the Lucuhratincula of Schmaus, issued apparently from the same press. Ulrich de Hutten's celebrated dissertation, printed the year following, and so often reprinted, rendered the belief universal, and made of Guaiacum almost a household word everywhere. It was followed by a number of works on that substance, printed in France and Germany, which have singularly enriched the Bibliotheca Medicina. In this globe there is, as in Canerio, a continental land stretching from about 12° to 60° north latitude, corresponding with the continent of North America, and bearing two inscriptions, viz. : " Terra Cuba " and " Parias." The southern continent assumes a sort of pyramidal form, and bears the following inscriptions: America, and "Terra Noua Inuenta est Anno 1497." Those configurations, the peculiar date of 1497. a^id the fact that the only two European cities inscribed are Ingolstadt and St. James of Compostella (" S. lacobus"), all of which peculiarities, save one, are also noticeable in the cordiform map of Apianus (1520), render it cer- tain that the present globe is either the work of the celebrated Ingolstadt geographer, or that it proceeds from the prototype whence he has borrowed those data. As to the date of 1497, the probability is that it appeared for the first time in the present gores. It was, doubtless, derived from the accounts of the first voyage of Americus Vespuccius. Be that as it may, the date of 1497 has prevailed for a long time, even where we least expect to find it, as, for instance, in an engraved map bearing the name of a Spanish royal cosmographer of note :332 " Americae, sive quartse orbis partis, nova et exactissima descriptio. Auct. Diego Gvtiero Philippi regis Hisp Cosmographo. Hiero. Cock excudse. 1562." »'' We read thereon the following inscription : " Quarta hec orbis pars geographis omnibus usque in annum 1497 incognita permansit, quo tempore iussu Regis Castellse ab Americo Vespucio inuenta est, a quo tanquam ab inuen- tore etiam nomen [accepit ?]." *'* We now possess three specimens of those gores, issued from the same plate; one (ex-Hauslab) in the collection of Prince Liechtenstein at Vienna, a second in that of Dr. Nordenskiold, who has facsimiled it, 335 and the third, lately discovered, in the Geographical Department of the Paris Na- tional Library. 33= Jean et S.-ha.lim Cabot, pp. 231-236. now preserved in the British Museum, No_. ^^l? ex-Tross. 333 Antverpim, although sine loco. ''' Om en marhlig Olobaharta /ran bOrjan of sextonde 334 Six sheets, measuring together 930 x 920 mm., -"eUet, Stockholm, 1884, 8vo. 498 The Discovery of North America. 1519. No. 116. The Reinels. Globe and maps for the voyage of Magellan, commenced by Reinel junior, and completed by Reinel senior, at Seville, before July 18, 15 19. The traject from Spain to America was traced as follows : " A rrota que se diz que han de levar he " (The route is direct from Sanlucar) to Cape dir'° ao cabo fryo ficando Ihe o brazy a Frio, leaving Brazil on the right until the line of mao dir** ate pasar a linha da particao e demarcation has been passed ; and thence, to daly navegar ao eloeste e loes noroeste navigate west and west-north-west straight to dir*"' a maluco a quail terra de maluco Maluco. That country of Maluco I have seen Eu vy asentada na poma e carta que ca depicted on the globe and map which were con- fez o f° de Reynell a quail no era acabada structed here by the son of Reinel, and were not quando caa sen pay veo por ell, e seu pay completed when his father came here to finish acabou tudo e pos estas terras de maluco e it, and this was done entirely by the latter, who p. este padram se fazem todallas as quaees inscribed thereon the Maluco country. By that faz di° Ribeiro e faz as agulhas quadrantes model Diego Ribeiro makes all his compasses, e esperas, porem no vay narmada nem qr. quadrants, and globes, but he does not go in the mais q[ue] ganhar de comeer p. seu engenho. fleet, for his only wish is to gain [enough] to eat Desd este cabo frio ate as Ilhas de maluco by his skill. From Cape Frio to the Maluco p. esta navegagam no ha nehuas trras asenta- islands, throughout their route, no lands are das nas cartas que leva." marked on the maps they carry with them."^^ It is quite curious to notice that the maps exhibited no delineation south of Cape Frio, which Ribeiro locates by 22° south latitude. The coast below was well known in 15 19, at least for thirteen degrees further, through the expedition of Solis to La Plata ; and if we consider its peculiar form and dangerous approaches, we are at a loss to understand why it was omitted from those maps. Is it that Magellan wanted his pilots to look to him alone when advancing south of the Brazilian elbow ? No. 117. Garcia de Toreno. Nuno Garcia de Toreno constructed maps at least since 1512, but we only possess one specimen of his skill as a cartographer {infra, sub anno 1522, No. 143). The present are the charts which he executed for Magellan's voyage by order of the government : 33« Lord Stanley of Aiderley, The first voyage text of Alvarez' letter. See also Carta escrita en around the World by Magellan; London, Hakluyt Sevilla al Eey de Portugal por Sebastian Alvarez; Society, 1874, Appendix x., for the original Portuguese Navarrete, Vol. IV., p. 155. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 499 "1125 maravedis que se dieron a Nuno Garcia para comprar pergaminos para hacer las cartas : 900 por una docena de pieles de pergamino que se dieron al dicho : 864 mara- vedis que costaron otra docena de pieles que se dieron al dicho Nuno Garcia: 13,125 mara. vedis por siete cartas de marear que hizo por la orden de Ruy Falero a cinco ducados ; 11,250 maravedis que se pagaron a Nuiio Garcia de once cartas de marear que hizo por la 6rden de Fernando de Magallanes • 13,503 maravedis por otras seis cartas de marear que hizo hacer Ruy Falero, con una que envid a S. A." "11 25 maravedis which were given to Nuno Garcia to purchase parchment to make the maps, viz.: 900 for a dozen skins which were delivered to him ; 864 maravedis for another dozen skins which were also handed to the same; 13,125 maravedis for seven nautical charts which he made by order of Ruy Falero, at the rate of five ducats; 11,250 maravedis which were paid to Nuno Garcia for eleven sailing charts which he made by order of Fer- nando de Magellan; 13,500 maravedis for six other sailing charts which were ordered by Ruy Falero, together with one which was sent to His Highness.'"-"" These twenty-five maps must have contained a configuration of Brazil, as Magellan intended to effect a landing in that region : " Y hablando yo con el Magallanes, dicidndole qu^ camino pensaba llevar, respondidme que habia de ir A tomar el cabo de Sancta Maria, que nombramos el Rio de la Plata, y de alii seguir por la costa arriba"^: — And, conversing with Magellan, I asked him what route he intended to take. He replied that he would touch the Cape Santa Maria, which we call the Rio de la Plata, and thence range the coast above [sic]." ^^ Sebastian Alvarez says that the landfall was to be Cape Frio ; but, judging from the latitude given by Enciso to that point (33° 30'), the difference must not then have been deemed important. Those maps were distributed among the pilots of the expedition, and Pigafetta relates that Magellan, when he came out of the newly-discovered strait, asked them how they pricked their charts : "Ci6 ben sapeva il nostro Capitano generate, e pereio, quando ci trovammo vellegiando in mezzo al mare, egli domando a tutti i piloti, ai quali gii indicato aveva il punto a cui doveano tendere, per qual cammino puntassero nelle loro Carte, resposser tutti, che puntavano falso, e che convenia ajutare I'ago calamitato : — When we were in the open sea, the Captain- General indicated to all the pilots the points where they had to steer, and asked them what route they pointed on their maps." °" No. 118. RiBEiRo's First Maps. Maps made by Diego Ribeiro in 15 19 at Seville, from the model chart constructed by the two Reinels, father and son : 337 J. T. Medina, Coleccion de documentos ineditos 339 There is doubtless a lapsus, viz.: " arriba " for para la Historia de Chile, Santiago de Chile, 8vo, Vol. I., p. 138- 338 Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. 111., cap. ci.. Vol. IV., p. 377- 339 There is doubtless a lapsus, viz. " abajo," as his course was southward. ^*° Text of the Ambrosiana, in Amoretti's Pigafetta, p. 47. sub anno 1521, January. This passage is not in the Paris MSS. 300 The Discovery of North America. " For este padron se hacen todas las cartas que las hace Diego Riveiro :— By that model chart are made all the maps executed by Diego Ribeiro."°" Like Garcia de Toreno's these were intended for Magellan's voyage round the World, and must likewise have contained the configurations of Brazil, since " Cabo Frio " was indicated as the proposed landfall in the New World : "La derrota que diz llevan, es de San Lucar derecho d Cabo Frio; "342 that is, the " Baya de Cabo Frio," now Rio de Janeiro,343 not discovered therefore by Magellan, as is generally said. And, in fact, it was there that he actually landed, December 13, 15 19; but he descried land for the first time, more to the north, "altura 19 grados 59 minutos," on the 8th of that month.344 No. 119. Figuerora's Porto Rico. It is a map of Porto Rico, 260 by 160 mm., sent by Rodrigo de Figueroa to Charles V., September 12, 15 19, when the question was to transfer the city of Porto Rico to a place nearer the port : " Embio a V. M. el debujo del asiento con la informacion i ruego proveo presto."**" The map depicts, at the north, a small island bearing the inscription : " Isleta para el pueblo. Hai en ella una legua fuerte ; " and to the east, a peninsula, on which is inscribed : " Otra isleta es mayor que la otra." It was accompanied by a letter containing a description : " Carta al Rey, con fecha en la ciudad de Sto. Domingo a 12 de setiembre de 15 19, haciendo una descripcion del asiento de la ciudad de San Juan de Puerto- Rico, su isleta y puerto." 346 No. 120. Vesconte de Maggiolo. Map of Vesconte de Maggiolo, belonging to an atlas in the Royal Library at Munich, 347 bearing the following inscription : ^'" Carta, escrita en Sevilla al Rey de Portugal por TRANSYLVANUs(Dcilfofeccis7?isMK.s, Colonise, md.xxiii. Sebastian Alvarez su factor ; July l8, 1519 ; Navar- 4to, recto of A 4) places the landfall at Cape St. Mary : RETE, Vol. IV., doc. XV., p. 155, and supra, p. 499. " ac intra certos dies felici nauigatione promontorinum ^'Ibidem. detexere, cui sanctas Mariee nomen inditum est," which 3^3 Called however by Magellan " Bahia de Santa Magellan did not reach until January 10, 1520. Lucia," it being the feast day on which he entered the ^^ Archives of Simancas. Muiioz Collection, Vol. bay, according to Francisco Also and Ant. Pigafetta. LXXVL, f'- 153. 3« Log book of Francisco Albo ; Navarretb, Vol. 346 Navarrete, Bihlioteca Maritima, Vol. II., p. 340. IV., p. 210. Albo adds: "Y este dia Queves 8 del ^*'' Ex monasterio Benedict, in vico Metten. Codex mes de Diciembre] vimos tierra playas planas, y fue el iconogr. 135. Codices manuscripti Bibliothecce Regies ■dia de la Concepcion N. S.," op. cit. Maximilianus Monacensis, Vol. VII., No. 1004, p. 271. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 501 " Vesconte de Maiollo civis Janue composuy banc cartam in Janua de anno Domini 1519 ■• — Vesconte de Maiollo [or Maggiolo], a citizen of Genoa, composed this map in Genoa, in the year of our Lord 1519." This map shows only the Atlantic coast of the New World, from Honduras to Uruguay ; and it is very much to be regretted that the pre- sent atlas does not contain other maps relating to the New World. The portolani of Vesconte de Maggiolo, particularly those of 151 1, 1519, and 1527, show that he was a very conscientious cartographer, who took pains to procure the most recent and reliable geographical data. The words : pescaries (fishing stations), terra plana (low lands), playia (beach), salinas (salt pits), terra bassa (low land), terra anegada (overflowed land), a hadia (a bay), arecifes (shoals or rocks), &c., repeated in the same regions, are also proofs that he used several regular charts, made by navigators who actually explored the coasts. For the period between the Peter Martyr map (151 1), and the Turin chart [circa 1523), Maggiolo's atlas of 15 19 is invaluable, as it fills a gap in the Hydrography of the New World, which cannot be replaced, thus far, by any other cartographical document. This map contains the most extensive nomenclature yet exhibited for the north and east coasts of South America. We notice in that rich list, partially translated from a Portuguese chart, which for the Brazilian region was akin to Kunstmann No. 2, the following names : Las bastias^^ Tera de Xagoito Bai da Yagoa^"" Rio de cama Par de quimedio C. de Sto dominico S. tomas La cosera bruxada'^ P. de Ygeo Rio de aldea^' Cabo de ygeo Aldea de machin Sete arma''^ S. Vicenty G. Triste Rio sercado Aldea cemada'® P. de tuty li Santy Rio de la barca Rio verde C. branco Rio de nauida Costa de paricuria C. bianco Tera de fumos^ A baia de palses C. de palme C. de nigri P. de fumos Cauo corso C. de plazer Terra callida Rio de S. dominico C. de Spisell Rio de piedre*^ Rio plimero'^" G. de San Antonio Rio de cassia Rio reale Rio da vedoa'"' Bassidabrilogio Rio de raceo Aldea de ieorgi '*' A baia de volta Rio de dragos Rio de stremo Rio de volta G. de patos Rio de negros This map has been facsimiled by Kunstmann, plate v. 348 " Las bastias :" The Palissades. 3-19 Perhaps the " Boacoya" of Canerio. 35° " La costa brozada :" The brambly coast. 35' " Rio de aldea :" The river of the village. 35= " Sete armas :" The seven arms. 353 "Aldea quemada :" The village destroyed by fire. 354 " Tierra de fumos :" The land of winds. 355 " Rio de piedras :" The rocky river. 35^ " Rio primero :" The principal river. 357 " Rio da vedroa :" The bushy river. Some maps have " da vedova :" of the widow. 353 "Aldea de Jorge :" George's village. 502 The Discovery of North America. No. 12 1. WoLFENBiiTTEL MaP A. This map comprises only the West Indies and Central America. Our counter-drawing, unfortunately, is almost limited to " Cvba," 70 mm. in length, with the shape given in Spanish maps of the Turin kind. North of that island, but altogether in the insular form with a north coast, there is " Florida." It is the latter peculiarity which leads us to ascribe the date of circa 15 19 to that map, which doubtless deserves to be studied thoroughly. It is preserved in the Wolfenbiittel Grand-Ducal Library. No. 122. Enciso's Planisphere. Map which was ordered by Martin Fernandez de Enciso : " Hize hazer vna figura en piano en que puse todas las tierras y prouincias del vniverso de que fasta oy ha auido noticia por escrituras autenticas: — I caused to be made a plane chart on which were inscribed all the lands and provinces of the Universe of which we have any notice to this day through authentic documents." ^ Enciso proposed to present that mappamundi, together with his Suma de Geograjia, to Charles V. No. 123. Francisco de Garay's. The original, which is preserved at Seville, 360 measures 430 by 220 mm., and bears neither title nor name of maker, or indication regarding its origin. Mufioz made a copy 361 of it, on the verso of which he wrote : "Garay . 1519 . Traga de la costa de tierra firme, i de las tierras nuevas :— Garay . 1519 . Tracing of the continental coast, and of the new countries." On the folio preceding his copy of the map, the Spanish savant gives the agreement entered into between the King of Spain and Francisco de Garay in 1521 ; but his text is less verbal and less complete than the one which Navarrete has published. 362 Mufioz, however, adds to his transcript a note of importance, viz. : "Original descripcion i poblaciones, 7, juntamente con la figura o mapa que acompaiia. Hizose este despacho, i la firmaron los Governadores de Espafta en ausencia del emperador mas quedaron por llenar algunos blancos. La firma del Cardenal que despues creado Papa fue Adriano VI. es asi :— Original description and settlements, 7, together with the delineation 3S9 Enciso, Suma de Geografia, Sevilla, 1519, fol., ^^i Munoz transcripts, Vol. LXXVL, f 246. dedicace, verso of aij. 36- Navarrete, Coleccion de viagen, Vol. III., doc. 3* Archives of the Indies, Patronato i, i, ^^ xlv., pp. 147-153. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 503 or map which accompanied it. This despatch was drawn and signed by thef Regents of Spain in the absence of the Emperor, but they left certain blanks to be filled. The signature of the Cardinal, who afterwards was Pope Adrian VI., is as follows." ^ This map is bordered at the north by Florida, on which is inscribed : " La Florida que decian Bimini que descubrio Joan Ponce." Thence the coast runs westward, to a point where we read : " Hasta aqui descubrio Joan Ponce;" then to another, bearing, the inscription: " Desde aqui co- men9o de descubrir Francisco de Garay," and to the mouth of a wide river named " Rio del Spiritu Santo," evidently one of the mouths of the Mississippi. From the latter the coast assumes the shape of a semi-circle, extending to a large projecting peninsula which can only be Yucatan, al- though nameless and absolutely connected with the mainland. This is an extremely remarkable configuration in a Spanish map of the year 15 19, considering that the Weimar charts (1527 and 1529) still represent Yucatan as an island. The coast then continues westward as far as Darien. The new names are important, viz. : La Florida Tamahox provincia C. p*. de las higueras Rio del Spiritu Santo Vera Cruz Sevilla Rio Sta. Anna Almeria Nombre de Dios El Darien There is also a legend which must be noted, as it marks the limits of the discoveries accomplished in those regions, viz. : " Hasta aqui descubryo francisco de Garay hazia el ueste y diego Velazquez hazia el este hasta el cabo de las higueras que descubryeron los pyngones y se les ha dado la poblacion : — As far as this, westward, Francisco de Garay did discover; and Diego Velazquez did discover, eastward, as far as the Cape de las higueras [of figsj, which was discovered by the Pinzons. And the privilege to settle the country was granted to them." The map inserted by Navarrete364 is a reproduction of Mufioz's copy. See supra, p. 169. No. 124. Espinosa's Pearls Islands. Map which Caspar de Espinosa caused to be made of the Archi- pelago of Pearls, and of other islands on the western coast of Panama. " E pens6 que con hager pintar el li^engiado Caspar de Espinosa [quiso degir qudi las avias descubierto] una carta i su sabor 6 intitularlas islas de Sanct Pablo : — And the licentiate Caspar de Espinosa imagined to have a map made according to his liking, and to call the islands, St. Peter's islands." »<» 363 It is followed by a facsimile of the signature of the ^ss Oviedo, Iliiioria General de las Iiidia.^ ; lib. future Pope, Adrian VI. "'"''>'■•' '^^'P- "•' Vol. IV., p. 8. See also Anghieea, 364 Navarrete, ubi sHpra. Decad. III., cap. x., f- 66. 504 The Discovery of North America. This map was intended to give Espinosa the merit of the discovery, which, in reality, belonged to Gon9alo de Badajoz. No. 125. Alleged Da Vinci Map. It consists of a set of eight gores of small dimensions, intended for a globe. They were found in a collection of papers in the handwriting of Leonardo da Vinci, preserved in the Royal Collections at Windsor (Nos. 232b and 233^). Mr. R. H. Major first called the attention 366 ^q that mappamundi, of which he gave a facsimile, in a memoir written to prove that it had been designed by the great artist himself The late Marquis Girolamo d'Adda has shown 367 that such was not the case. Dr. Wieser's work on Magellan 368 exhibits its configurations of the New World as they would appear on a plane. North America is represented only by two distant islands, called respectively, " Terra Florida " and " Bacalar." The Southern continent assumes also the insular form, but it extends chiefly from east to west. The northern coast does not spread eastward further than Veragua ; but westerly, it runs along the entire Brazilian region. The northern shores of South America, were borrowed from a Spanish prototype akin to the one used, for the region extending from the Gulf of Uraba to the great elbow, by the Turin map, as is shown by the following names : PRESENT GORES : Calata Ciribiceni Arefep S. Marta Tanabacoa Plaia TURIN MAP : La Culata Chiribichi P" de Arecife S. Marta Tabacora La Praya On the south-east coast, we notice, for the first time since the Cantino chart, and in the same place as in the latter, " C. S. lorgio." West of the Gulf of Uraba, there are two new names, viz.: "C. de S. Giovanni " and " Mastilca." Florida represented as an island and named " Terra Florida," together with a nomenclature which recalls the designations of the Turin and other Spanish maps, lead us to suppose that the present is of a later date than 3^ R. H. Major, in the Archmologia, London, Vol. Leonardo letterato e scienziato, in Saggio delle opere di XL., 1886. Leonardo da Vinci, Milan, 1872, 8vo, p. 12. ^ d'Adda, Leonardo da Vinci e la Cosmografia, in 368 Wieser, Magalhdes-Strasse und Austral-continent La Per-.everanza, Milan, 1870, and Prof. Gilberto Govi, auf den globen des J. SchSner, plate iii. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 505 1 5 1 9, which is the year of the death of Leonardo da Vinci ; and conse- quently that it never belonged to him, although found among his papers. Our impression is that we have here a mixed arrangement based originally upon an early Spanish map, and " improved " by a cartographer who has read the Cosmographies Introductio , as the names "America" and "Abatia" indicate. At all events, its configurations are not Lusitano-Germanic. 1520. No. 126. Petrus Apianus'. It is a cordiform mappamundi, roughly engraved on wood, 420 by 290 mm., and bearing the following title : " Tipvs orbis vniversalis ivxta Ptolomei cosmographi traditionem et Americi Vespvcii aliorvmque Ivstrationes a Petro Apiano Leysnico elvcvbrat[vs] An. Do. M.DXX." This map was first published with the edition of Solinus' Polyhistor given at Vienna by Gamers in 1520,369 and then inserted in the Pom- ponius Mela printed at Basle in 1522.370 When those works are found bound together in a binding of that period, the map is usually inserted between the two. In the border of the map, on the left of the reader, there is the monogram of Luc Alantse, of Vienna, at whose expense the map was doubtless engraved ; and, in the corresponding corner, that of Lorenz Friess, of Golmar. Apianus has borrowed his geographical elements from a Lusitano- Germanic map of our fourth type, and which was the same model used for the Nordenskiold gores. Consequently, the north-western continental land is akin to the same region in the Canerio chart, the prototype, or a near derivative of which Apianus has certainly consulted, as can be seen from the two Spanish flags placed at both ends of that land. The in- scription " Parias," inscribed thereon, as in the early globes of Schoner, must proceed from a Canerio modified, which was probably the source of the geographical information for the New World used, at first, by the Nuremberg cartographer. The map of Apianus also contains the legend about Guaiacum wood,37i and the one which states that the discovery of the southern continent was 3*' Sibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. io8. On the contrary, he excludes it, as may be seen from the 37° Ibidem No. 1 12. legend in his globe of 1520 : " Hec gignit Aurum, Mas- 37' It is a mistake to state that the inscription about ticem, Aloen, Porcellanam et Canzellum et Zinzibrem," cuaiacura is to be found "in some of Schoner's globes." mentioning no other substance. 5o6 The Discovery of North America. accomplished in 1497 ; but it is worthy of notice that immediately under the date of 1497 Apianus inscribes: " Haec terra cum adiacentibus insulis inuenta est per Columbum lanuensem ex mandato regis Castellse ; thus blending his Vespuccian data with those derived from Columbus. As to the inscription: "America prouincia," it is not found anywhere else. The map was apparendy designed at Landshut.372 Apianus continued to con- struct maps, and he seems to have had a preference for the ellipsoidal form. There must have been a number of such mappamundi which came out of his laboratory ; but we know only of the following : I. Ante 1522, to accompany the Declaratio et Usus Typi Cosmographici. (Lost). 1522, Small planisphere inserted in the work just mentioned. 1524, Two diminutive maps in the Cosviographicus liber. Circa 1524, Described in the Isagoge. (Lost.) 1530, Ingolstadt. From his own private press. 1530, Antwerp. Printed by Peter de Vales de Guldenhant. A MS. mappamundi made for Charles V., formerly preserved in the Escurial. (Lost.)'™ The privilege of the Astronomicum Ccssareum,iT'^ granted at Ratisbon, July 3, 1532, mentions: " Tabulas seu Mappas, vt vocant, vniversi ter- rarum drbis generales." We are unable to say whether these maps are different from those above mentioned. The present cordiform mappamundi has been reproduced in facsimile several times, particularly in the atlas of Nordenskiold, plate xxxviii. No. 127. Schoner's Nuremberg Globe. A mounted wooden globe, made by Johann Schoner at Bemberg in 1520, and which he brought with him, in 1524, to Nuremberg, where it is still preserved, and on exhibition in the Germanisches National Museum. Its total height is 57 centimeters, the diameter, 35.5. On the sea which bathes the Antarctic regions of the western hemi- sphere, we read the following verse : 37^ The Gosmographicus liber, which is the earliest 1533, fol-i 'l^^ purchaser found inserted in the binding, work of Apianus we know, was printed at Landshut in which was of the time of the book, a set of twelve gores, 1524, when he was twenty-nine years old. See Carl intended for a mounted globe. Unfortunately no des- Prantl, Geschichte der Ludwig - Maximilians - Uni- scription was taken, and we have been unable to ascertain versitaet in Ingolstadt, Landshut, Miinclien ; Munich, what became of the volume. 1872, Vol. I., p. 210, Vol. II., p. 489. At the Bearzi 373 for all those maps see infra, and respective dates, sale, Paris, Tross, 1855, No. 3055, in the copy of Apia- 374 Schoner, Astronomicum Cmsareum ; Ingolstadt, xus' Inscriptiones sacro sanctoe vetustatis, Ingolstadt. 1540, large folio. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 507 Hie globus immensum complectens partibus orbem Atque typum teretis sinuoso corpora mundi Est studio vigili glomeratus certe duorum Vnius que impensis : tribuit nam cuncta loannes Seyler ad illius quae, commoda censuit usus Alter Joannes Schoner multa catus arte In spiram banc molem compegerat apte Est sup impressis signavit ubique. figuris Quando salutiferi partus numeravimus annos Mille & quingentos & quatuor addita lustra 1520. As we have already stated, when describing Schoner's globe of 1515, the configurations and nomenclature proceed from a Portuguese or from a Lusitano-Germanic map of our fourth type, akin to Canerio. A legend on the globe serves to explain the historical data upon which Schoner based his cartographical names and legends : " Haec [regio] per Hispanos et Portugalenses frequentatis navigationibus inventa circa annos Domini 1492. Quorum Capitanei fuere Christophorus Columbus Genuensis primus. Petrus Aliares [Pedralvarez Cabral] secundus. Americusque Vesputius tertius." From this we must infer that Schoner's knowledge of Vespuccius' voyages was chiefly derived from the account of the latter's third expe- dition, so often printed separately. Otherwise, he would have placed the Florentine navigator before Cabral, who returned only in 1501, although his discovery of Brazil was known in Europe the year previous. On the other hand, we fail to perceive how, with such notions, he could call the south continental regions of the New World, " America ; " and write in 1515, thus supporting an unjust attribution : " America siue Amerigen nouus mundus : dicta ab eius inuentore Americo Veaputio, qui earn reperit Anno domini 1497.""^ Dr. Ghillany has given a good but reduced facsimile of that globe, in his work on Behaim.376 See supra, page 316, for the nomenclature, revised on the original preserved at Nuremberg. No. 128. Reprints of WALDSEEMiiLLER. They are two maps, bearing respectively the following titles : " Orhis typvs vniversalis ivxta hydrographorvm traditionem," and " Tabula Terre 375 Luculentis. qumdam terroi totius descriptio ; f"- 60. Schoner vom Jahre 1530; it is an extract from the Jah- 37« Ubi supra, p. 392. See also his Der Erd-globus resbericht der technischen Anstalten in Nllrnberg fur des Martin Behaim vom Jahre 149J und der des Johami IS4S, 410, 18 pages. 5o8 The Discovery of North America. Nove." They belong to the Ptolemy published at Strasburg in 1520 by Johannes Schott,377 and were printed from the same blocks as those of the Ptolemy which came out of the press of Aeszler and Uebelin in 15 13. No. 129. Map for Prester John. Mappamundi sent by the King of Portugal to Prester John : "Stando noi nel luogo di Dara, nell' anno del 1524 . il Prete ne mand6 il Napamondo \sic\ che gik quattro anni gli haueuamo portato mandatogli da Diego Lopes di Sechiera.""^ No. 130. KUNSTMANN No. \. Anonymous Portuguese chart. It shows configurations of the Isthmus of Panama on the Pacific side, which can have been known only after news was received in Europe of the expedition of Vasco Nunez de Balboa. But the Strait of Magellan is not marked. We notice the following names: IN YUCATAN : C. mesquito R. segumdo Golfo anhufo R. domeo [do mexo ?] C. de sam palp C. del golfo C. do meo [do mexo ?] ON THE ISTHMUS AND COAST: R. pa[o]blado C. del peligro C. del beros [?] Pumta bermeja C. forano [?] C. nisuada (Nicuesa) R. deloport [del porto] Todos samtos C. de moxi [muchos ?] arbo- Pumta d'as pedras C. de caxines ledas C. misano G. d epimeg [?] Las po[e]rlas Sam adriano Y. fuerte de bam [?] R. salado C. de arlaz [?] Puerto dag[oad]a Sam Aleixo [Ilha de] We know of no other map (with the exception of the Havre Catalan atlas, which is of a much later date than the present,) where the name of " Caxinas," given by Columbus to what is now called the Cape of Honduras, has been preserved. This circumstance, together with the above long and peculiar list of names of Spanish origin, lead us to think that portions of the present are a remnant of an extremely old nomen- clature, derived perhaps from Columbus' own chart ; but after it had passed through various Portuguese maps. 379 377 Bibliotheca, Americana Vetustissima, No. 58. Documentary History of Maine, plate x., and pp. 179- 378 Viaggio delta Ethiopia di Don Francesco Alvavez, 181 ; Ktjnstmann, Die Entdechung America's, p. 129 ; in Ramusio, Vol. I., f»- 243, recto. Jean et SAastien Cahot, No. 9, p. 167, and the facsimile 379 For greater details concerning this map, see KOHL, of the entire map in the Paris National Library. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 509 No. 131. Montezuma's. It was a map drawn on a sheet of cotton, with data furnished to Cortes by Montezuma, and representing the Mexican coasts and ports : " Procurando Cortez despues de conquistado " Cortds, after the conquest of Mexico, in- Mejico informarse de Motezuma de las costas quired of Montezuma concerning the coasts y puertos circundaban aquel continente, le and ports of that continent. The Emperor [of contesto el Emperador que enviaria d pregun- Mexico] replied that he would make enquiries tar, y en consequencia hizo pintar en un lienzo on the subject; and caused to be depicted on de algodon toda la costa, con cuantos rios, a piece of cotton cloth, the entire coast, with bahias, aiicones y cabos habia en ella, sin que the rivers, bays, recesses [or gulfs], and capes, apareciese cala ni puerto abrigado, y solo un But it did not indicate any haven or port af- gran ancon situado entre las sierras, que ahora fording a shelter, except a large roadstead situ- llaman de S. Martin y S. Anton, en la pro- ate between mountains, named now St. Martin vincia de Coazacoalco, el cual creyeron los and St. Anthony, in the province of Coaza- pilotos espanoles que era el estrecho para las coalco, which the Spanish pilots thought was Malucas." the strait leading to the Molucas.'"™ No. 132. Venetian Printed Maps. We clip from one of the Libri catalogues 381 the following item : " Two very early and curious maps of the Terrestrial Globe, which must have been made prior to the Discovery of Peru, as the site of that country is therein called ' Terra Incognita.' The engraver or Cosmographer has inscribed his own name, ' Gioane de Bo da Venecia^ at the top of North America. " These maps were certainly printed before Magellan's celebrated circumnavigation, or the Cortes and Pizarro Conquests. A few points only are pointed out on the American soil. Spagnola is marked as an island, but Isabella is in ' terra firma.' In the middle of the Pacific sea there is the celebrated Zipagni isola of Marco Polo." For another Venetian engraved map of that time, see infra No. 177, suh anno 1527, which cannot be the present mappamundi ; as it was in six sheets, whilst this is jDrinted on two only. No. 133. Cortes' Gulf of Mexico. This map is said to have been sent by Fernand Cortes to Charles V. together with his second letter dated Villa Segura de la Frontera, October 3*= NavarRETE, Examen hinlorico-crilico de los viages maps " of the whole empire, with a minute specification avdcrifos in the Coleccion de. documentos ineditos de of the imposts assessed on every part of it." — Prescott, Esvaila Vol. IV., p. 24. There is a reference to some- History of the Conquest of Mexico, Vol. I., pp. 40, 41, thins of the sort in CoRxfo' letter to Charles V., of and. Mapa de Tributes, in Lorexzana, Sec, &c. October 15, 1524- ^^'^ know that the Mexicans had 3Si Libri sale of August, 1859, p. 206, No. 1551. 5IO The Discovery of North America. 30, 1520. The original is lost, but it was reproduced four years after- wards in facsimile, on the same plate with the plan of the city of Mexico added to the Latin version of that letter published at Nuremberg by Peypus in 1524.382 It measures 200 by 150 mm., and contains the following names : Provincia Amichel Archidona Sant Pedro Almeria Sevilla'" C° de Sant Juan Rio de Alvarado Roca partida Yncatam. Between " San Pedro " and " Rio de Aluarado," there is a circular plan of the city of Mexico of the size of a half-dollar. It is worthy of notice that the . Turin map contains twenty-one of those names, whilst the Weimar map of 1527, constructed seven years after the present one, sets forth only fourteen. La Florida Rio del spiritu sancto P° de Arecifos R. de Arboledas R. la Palma Tamacho provincia Rio panu[co] Colaoton^' Rio de totuqualquo '^^ Santo Andres Caribes Rio de dos betas'^ Rio de la palma R. de Grijalva Santo Anton Punta de las higueras No. 134. Plan of Mexico. It was apparently sent to Spain, together with the above map, by Cortes in 1520. It exists also in the facsimile inserted in the Praeclara Ferdinandi Cortesii de Noua maris Oceani Hyspania Narratio printed in 1524, and its modern reproduction. 387 No. 135. Apianus. The Declaratio et Usus Typi Cosmographici of Apianus, was printed, first sine anno, and then in 1522. It is a treatise which certainly accompanied a mappamundi of larger dimensions than the two small woodcuts inserted in the book. Must we infer that the edition undated 3^" Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 125, and the late Mr. Stevens's American Bibliographer, London, 1854, p. 87, for a facsimile. 383 " Cola " is a Mexican radical. " Laotom " in Turin map; " Loatom " in Weimar, 1527. 3^-1 "La ciudad de Cempoal, que yo intitule Sevilla." See the Seijnnda carta of CoilTES, p. 52. 3^3 " Rio de Conqualquo," in Turin map. " Coatza- cualco," in CoRT]i;s' Carta quinta. 3^ We must doubtless read " de dos bocas," the river with two entrances, and not " boscas " as in the Turin map, which conveys no meaning. 3^? See the facsimile of that plan of Mexico, reproduced in the above quoted American Bihliogra/pher. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 511 went with the mappamundi of 1520, and that it was reprinted for a new issue of the same mappamundi, pubHshed at the same time as the Povi- ponius Mela of Vadianus, which came out of the press in 1522, and where it is so often found inserted? This impHes that the map of 1520 was not made expressly for the Solinus, or even for the Pompomus Mela, but sold separately ; as we are inclined to believe. 1521. No. 136. Orontius Fin^us. Simple cordiform mappamundi made for Francis I. by Orontius Finseus, according to the epistle to the reader in the single heart-shaped mappa- mundi, described infra sub anno 1536, which contains the following sentence: " Decimvs qvintvs circiter agitur annus, quo vniversam Orbis terrarum designationem in hanc human! cordis effigiem primum redegimus : Idque in gratiam Christianissimi ac poten- tissimi Francisci Francorum Regis, Mecsenatis nostri clementissimi : — About fifteen years have elapsed since I designed for the first time this mappamundi in the form of a human heart. I made it for the King of France, Francis I.'^ And, as the probability is that the engraved edition was published in 1536, its model must have been constructed in 1521. That date is not impossible, for Finseus was then twenty-seven years old, and had already published two important mathematical works. The objections may spring from other sources. Finseus gives us to understand that when he made the model map, Francis I. was his protector, and that he knew him per- sonally. To the first point, it may be replied that not very long, ap- parently, after 1521, Finaius was imprisoned, and received such a severe sentence that the University of Paris deemed it necessary to interfere, and appealed to the King's mother : "October 27, 1524: Incidit qusestio de domino Orontio ad longa temporum curricula in- carcerate, quatenus litterse per artium facultatem ad regis Christianissimi matrem darentur pro ejus libertate : — Mention is made of Orontius, who is incarcerated since a long time, and of the letter written by the Faculty of Arts praying that he be set at liberty having been remitted to the mother of the King.'"^ It may be alleged in reply that the judgment was rendered in the absence of Francis I. in Italy, and during the administration of Louise of Savoy, who was Queen Regent since August, 1523. As to Finaeus having had personal dealings with the King so far back as 152 1, if we believe 3^ C. E. BUL.EUS, Historia universitatis parisiensis ; Paris, 1665-73, foL, Vol. VI., p. 965. 512 The Discovery of North America. the legend inscribed on an old portrait of that mathematician, and which his most authorised biographer says "was very probably based upon family documents," it is an impossibility. The inscription states that it was Bon- nivet who introduced Finaeus to Francis I., when about to invade Italy, and that the King entrusted him with the fortifications of Milan, neces- sarily in 1525.389 But what is the degree of authenticity of that picture, is a question which we are unable to answer. Whatever may have been the date of that first map of Finsus, it was not a novelty. The cordiform projection had already been employed by Sylvano of Eboli (15 11, supra, No. 84), and described scientifically by Johannes Werner. 39° As Fin^us says that the single cordiform map of 1536 is a new edition of the present, we may judge of its general appearance. As to the American configurations, they were necessarily very different, and must have resembled those of the mappamundi of Apianus, or of that of Sylvano. Judging from the beautiful vellum manuscript and printed copies of the Ptolemy of 1511 which belonged to the collections of Francis I.,39i and the presence of that edition in the inventories of Catherine de Medicis, as well as in libraries of the time of the Valois, the probability is that Finseus borrowed his geo- graphical data for the New World from the cordiform map of Sylvano. Finaeus continued to construct cordiform mappamundi. We still possess the one published at the cost of Christian Wechel in 1531 (re- issued by the latter in 1541, after modifying the epistle to the reader, simply by inserting a new block in the old woodcut), and the single cordiform map, published sine anno, but most probably in 1536. There was also one, which had not yet been engraved in 1551, as it is men- tioned four years before the death of Fin^us in the catalogue added to the third edition of his commentaries on Euclid, among the works, "quae absoluta, sed nondum aedita sunt," with the following title : Noua Orbis descriptio recens adiuncta geminis constans hemisphffirijs, ex fidelioribus terrarum observationibus deprpmpta.™'* 3*5 Mr. A. RocHAS in his valuable life of FiN^us place in 1515, when Fin/EUS (born in 1494) was only ( Biorjraphie dn DaxLjihine, and Hoefer's Nouvelle nineteen years old, and entirely unknown. Biocjr. G^nerale) mentions an old portrait of our geo- 2'° Werner, Libellus de quatuor terrarum orbis in grapher, bearing a legend " redigee tres-probablement piano figurationihus ; Nuremberg, 15 14, folio, d'apr^s des documents de famille," which states that 391 Paris National Library, Latin MSS. , 10764; Van " L'Amiral de Bonivet, gouverneur du Dauphine, le fit Praet, Catalogue des livres sur vMin, Vol. III., No. 4. connoitre au roi Francois I"' qui I'emmena au Piemont 392 That map, together with all the manuscripts of et lui donna la charge de travailler aux fortifications de FlN^us must have gone with his other works to the Milan. " This can refer only to the second personal library of the old Sorbonne. We have vainly sought for entrance of Francis I. in Italy (1525), as the first took it in the inventories of the Paris University. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 513 No. 137. Cheltenham Map. We find in the catalogue of Sir Thomas Phillips' collection of manu- scripts which is now being scattered, the following item : "Map of Europe, Asia, Africa, and America, f. V. S. xvi. (after 1520), with some Arabic names on the African coast (in Spanish).'"'" 1522. No. 138. Small Map of Apianus. Diminutive map of Apianus, on the title page of the Declaratio et Usus Typi Cosmographici, printed at Ratisbon by Paul Rhol in 1522. " Vignette d'un planisphere ou I'on voit repr^sent^ le nouveau continent comme une ile en triangle, sur laquelle on lit : AM : ''' — Woodcut of a planisphere where the New World is represented like a triangular island, on which we read AM."''° No. 139. Tapia's Mexico. Cristobal de Tapia, supervisor and governor, for Charles V. directly, 396 of the territories bordering the east coast of the Gulf of Mexico, north of Cortes' conquests, was instructed in 152 1 to fix the limits of the coun- tries discovered for Velasquez, and by Ponce de Leon and Garay. " For cuanto k causa de los descubrimientos '' Whereas, on account of the discoveries que los dichos adelantados Diego Velazquez h which the said adelantados Diego Velazquez Juan Ponce de Leon y vos [Francisco de and Juan Ponce de Leon and yourself [Fran- Garay] habeis fecho, de aca no se puede limi- cisco de Garay] have accomplished, it is not tar ni seiialar los terminos donde cada uno possible from here to mark and define the dellos descubierto, Nos por nuestra c^dula limits of the discoveries made by each, We, enviamos k mandar al veedor Christobal de by our ordinance, send to the supervisor Chris- Tapia, nuestro gobernador de las tierras € islas tobal de Tapia, our governor of the lands and que el dicho adelantado Diego Velazquez des- islands discovered by Diego Velazquez \i.e., by cubri6 que seiiale el termino donde his order by Grijalva and Cortes], order to fix cada uno de vosotros habeis llegado € descu- the limits [of the countries] visited and found bierto " by each of you "^ 353 Catcdogus librorum mamiscriptorum in Bihliotheca 395 AM stands evidently for America. Phillippiect, No. 956, ex-Bihliotheca M. Celotti, No. 39« Xhe precise character of that office should be studied ;?05 (Cheltenham). That map must have been purchased and ascertained. We take it to be a general supervision privately, as it does not figure in the catalogue of the over the acts and deeds of the actual governors or grantees Celotti sale, prepared by De Bure, Paris, 1826- 1829. such as Velasquez, Ponce de Leon, Garay, &c. 394 Varnhagen, Post face aux trois livraisons sur 397 Letters patent granted to Garay for settling the Amerigo Vespucci; and Jo. SchOner e P. Apianus, province of Amichel ; in Navarrete, Goleccion de los p. 23, and Panzer, Vol. VIII., p. 242. Varnhagen rm.'/es y descubrimientos que hicieron los Espanoles, also mentions an edition of that plaquette, sine owmo. doc. xlv. , Vol. III., p. 148. 3Q 514 The Discovery of North America. Such an operation implies the making of a plate or map ; and, judging from the wranglings on the subject of prior occupancy between the lieu- tenants of Garay, Garay himself and Cortes, we feel authorised to assume that such a map was actually executed. Unfortunately, it is not to be found. We may judge, however, of its appearance by the Garay map of 1 5 19, and at times feel inclined to think that, notwithstanding the refer- ences which we have noted, and the rubrics reported by Mufioz, it is one and the same. As to the date of 1522 given to the present map, it is hypothetical on our part, and simply under the supposition that such a map could not have been completed in less than eight or ten months. No. 140. Friess — Waldseemuller. This map, which belongs to the Ptolemy published at Strasburg by Griininger 398 in 1522, bears the following title: Orbis . typvs . vniversalis . ivxta . hydrographorvm . traditionem . exactissme . depicta . 1 5 2 2 . L. f. On the verso of the 100* leaf there is an advertisement from Lorenz Friess (Phrisius), containing this declaration : " Has tabulas e nouo a Martino Ilacomylo pie defuncto constructas, et ira [sic pro in] minorem quam prius vnquam fuere formam redactas notificamus : — We declare that those maps ^were originally constructed by Martin Ilacomylus [Waldsemiiller] now deceased, and that they have been reduced to a smaller scale than ever before." In the edition of 1513, this map measures 570 by 290 mm. Here it is only 450 by 230 mm., and besides we notice important modifications. The nameless Newfoundland is suppressed ; the name America is added, and the southern continent, instead of terminating vaguely as in the original map, exhibits a western coast which extends from 50" to 20° latitude, and imparts a pyramidal form to the region. The same plate was used for the Ptolemies of 1525 and 1535, but after a band had been placed over the engraved border in the blocks.399 Perhaps some details concerning that map could be found among the thirty-six unpublished letters from Pirkheimer and Griininger written con- cerning the latter edition of Ptolemy, which are preserved in the Haller collection in the Nuremberg Library. This map has been facsimiled by Nordenskiold, plate xxxix. ^'^ Bihliolheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 117. '^Ibidem, No. 210, and Additamenta, No. 78. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 515 No. 141. Friess — Waldseemuller. The present map, like the preceding, belongs to the Ptolemy of 1522. It bears the following title, with enigmatical initials : " E. Tabvla Terre Nova . F. D. W. [?] :— Map of the New Land." It is a reduction made by Lorenz Friess of Martin Waldseemuller s original map, first published in the Ptolemy of 15 13. We have failed to decipher the meaning of the initials E. and F. D. W. in the title. The same configurations have been preserved, but we find certain names altered or added. North America here bears the designation of " Parias," South America that of "Terra Papagalli," and, instead of "Terra Incog- nita," we read : " Terra Nova," as applying to the entire southern con- tinent. The same map, printed from the same block, but without the title in a scroll, is to be found also in the Ptolemies of 1525 and 1535. These three editions, viz.: 1522, 1525, and 1535, contain, naturally, the same mistake: " Oceanvnvs Occidentalis," instead of " Oceanvs occidentaHs," as printed in the editions of 1513 and 1520. The blocks, therefore, were sent from Strasburg to Lyons, to print the edition of 1535. The woodcuts and frames are said to be the work of Johannes Herbst, of Strasburg.4oo' The additional inscriptions are the following : " Hec terra aun adiacentibus insulis inuenta est p. Cristoforum Columbum ianuensem ex mandato Regis Castelle : — This country and the adjacent islands were discovered by Chris- topher Columbus, Genoese." "Spagnolia que et Offira dicit gignit aur' mastice, aloen, porcellanam, canellam et zinciber. Latitude insule 4.40 milliaria longitudo 8.80 milliaria. Et inventa est per Christophorum Colum- bum Januen. Capitaneum Regis Castille an. domini. 1492." No. 142. Lorenz Frie.ss. This map belongs, likewise, to the edition of Ptolemy given in 1522, and bears the following abridged title : " Tabv . . . Gran . . . Russie : — Map of Greenland and Russia." It exhibits at the north the outline of the " Terra Corterealis," here nameless and in the form of an island, as in the Orbis Typvs of 1513, together with the coast of Brazil, which sets forth two inscriptions, viz. : " Caput S. crucis " and " Terra papagalli." This map, although resembling the Orhis Typvs, appears in the Ptolemy of 1522 for the first time. It ^"" Nagler, Monogramisten, Vol. III., p. 960. 5i6 The Discovery of North America. is also to be found in the Ptolemy of 1525, but, like all the Waldsee- miiller maps reproduced by Lorenz Friess in the latter edition, without any title at all ; whilst in the present edition they bear a title which fills nearly the entire width of the map. No. 143. Pigafetta's Magellanic Map. It is the principal map which Antonio Pigafetta added to his manu- script account of Magellan's famous voyage,4oi under the title of Destroict de Patagonie. Its most northern point is the " Cap de St. Marie," placed at the mouth of the " Fluue de Jehan de Solis." On the sea washing its western coast, we read, for the first time : " Mer pacifique." But Pigafetta's account contains only the following names : Port de Sainct Julien Cap des onze mille vierges La riuiere des Sardines Terra de verzin'"'" Cap Saincte Marye Mont de Crist Cap deseade The explanation which he adds to Cape St. Mary needs to be recalled : " Lequel lieu on appelloit au temps passe le cap saincte marye et la pensoit que de la se passast a la mer de Sur et maintenant ce n'est plus cap mais riviere : — That locality was formerly called Cape St. Mary, and they thought then that it led to the South Sea and now it is no longer a cape, but a river." '"^ The first account of the famous passage is in these words : " Nous trouuasmes par miracle ung estroit que nous appellasmes le cap des onze mille vierges: — We miraculously found a strait, which we called the Cape of the 11,000 Virgins." The journal of the pilot Francisco Albo contains several more names on the Brazilian coast, viz.: San Tomd Bahia de los Reyes Punta de Santanton Cabo Frio Monte Vidi '°* Cabo de Santa Polonia Bahia de Santa Lucia Rio de los Patos Punta de las Arenas Bahia de San Matia Rio de Santa Cruz In the strait itself, there is "Cabo Fermoso ; " but Albo informs us that it was also named " Cabo Deseado." Maximilianus Transylvanus mentions 405 a Gulf of St. Julian: "Ad sinum cui Sancto Juliano nomen imposuere," and a Cape of Santa Cruz : " Promontorium, quod Sanctse Crucis appellavere." •"" Paris National Library ; MS., Fran9ais, Nos. 5,650 de La Plata."— Las Casas, Historia General de laa and 24,224. It formerly belonged to the library of Indias, lib. iii., cap. ci.. Vol. IV., page 377. Francis I. ■'"■t Afterwards " Santo Vidio," now Monte Video. 402 "Verzin," that is brazil wood, or Brazil. «s Max. Transylvanus, De Afoloccis insulis, Colonias ■•°3 " El cabo de Sancta Maria, que nombramos el rio 1523, leaves 4 and 7. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 517 The next voyage across the Strait was undertaken under the com- mand of Garcia Jofre de Loaysa, who sailed from Cor una, June 24, 1525, reaching the coast of Brazil, December 4, the Cape of the 1 1000 Virgins, January 24, 1526, and coming out into the Pacific, May 26, following. The only names mentioned in the account of that expedition written by the priest Juan de Areizaga,4o6 are : Bahia de la Victoria Puerto de San George The relation addressed to Charles V. by Hernando de la Torre,4°7 gives the following additional names : COAST : Monte de San Nicolas Baya del Salvador Rio de la Cananea Rio de San Sebastian Baya de los Mangaes Cabo del Descanso Puerto de la Sardina Angla de San Jorge Buen Puerto Bahia de los Bajos anegados Las Barreras blancas Cabo Blanco Rio de Santa Cruz Rio de Santo Alifonso Bahia Nevada Puerto de la Asengion Puerto de Mayo Puerto del Espiritu Santo BRAZILIAN Rio de la Pera Isla de los Patos Rio de los Negros Las Arenas gordas Tierra de los Humos Bahia de los Virgines IN THE STRAIT. Puerto de S. Pedro y S. Pablo P. de S. Juan de Portalatina Abra de San Cristoval Cabo Hermoso *"» Cabo de San Alifonso The Relaciones of Andreas de Urdaneta 409 contain no additional names, but give the date of the death of Garcia de Loaysa (July 30, 1526), and of Juan Sebastian del Cano (August 4, following). In the account of the voyage of Simon de Alcazaba (Sept. 20, 1534 — Sept. 10, 1535), copied by Alonso Vehedor,4i° we find three new names, viz.: Rio Gallegos Cabo de Santo Domingo Puerto de Tenereques " Puerto de Leones," is a name which was given by Alcazaba, Feb- ruary 9, 1535. Juan de Mori+n adds a strange explanation: " Un puerto que llaman recife de Leones : — A port which was called The Reef of Lions." We notice in Mori, besides : Cabo de Abreojo Punto de Lobos Rio de Guadalquivi[r ?] Baya Sin Fondo -t"* Documentos inediios de Indian, Vol. IV., p. 557. ■t"? Navarrete, Vol. v., p. 241. 40S ■pjjg Governor Hernando de la Torre makes of this cape one different from " Cabo Deseado." *^ Documentos inediios de Indian, Vol. V., pp. 5-15. '"° Anuario Hidrogrdfico de Chile, Vol. V. p. 434. ■*" Carta de Juan de Mori, in R. G. Vergara, Los Descubridores del Estrecho de Magellan, Part 3, p. 151. 5i8 The Discovery of North America. The reader will not fail to recognise the importance of these nomen- clatures, taken from original accounts, as they enable us to decipher a number of illegible names and legends which mar almost every map. No. 144. Garcia de Toreno. Map of Nuno Garcia de Toreno, bearing the following title : "Ffue fecho en la noble villa de Valladolid por nuno garcia de toreno piloto y maestro de cartas de navegar de Su raagestad Ano : de . 1.5.2.2." It is a magnificent planisphere on parchment, richly gilt, coloured, and ornamented with representations of cities and effigies of Asiatic princes. The sea is traversed by vessels bearing the Spanish flag. Unfortunately, there is only one-half of that map left, and it is the part describing Asia and a portion of Africa. When yet entire, it must have had the dimen- sions of the Weimar maps. What is left measures 1360 by 770 mm. The loss of the transatlantic section is so much the more to be re- gretted as it doubtless exhibited the configurations of the New World, such as the Sevillan and official Spanish cartographers conceived them before the evolution produced by the maps of Sebastian del Cano. Our own impression is that it resembled the Turin chart north of the equator. This map is preserved in the King's Library in that city. No. 145. Giovanni Andrea Vavassore. It is an oval planisphere in an ornamental border, with twelve heads of winds, roughly engraved on wood, coloured, measuring 520 by 370 mm., and containing in a cartouche this inscription : " Opera di Giouani andrea Vauassore ditto Uadagnino." We have no other reason for adopting the date of circa 1522 than the handicraft and letters, which were not engraved, but printed, and re- call the earliest typographical productions known of that Venetian printer,4i2 who has also published other maps.4i3 Withal, it must not be forgotten ■t" Bartsch, Vol. XIIL, p. 295. Nagler, Vol. Vavassore, in one of the portolani of the Barberini XIX., p. 482, doubtless refers to another Vavassore. Library at Rome. Recherchen sur la priority de la de- See also Panzer, "sub anno 1532, Yenet., " JExcerpta couverte des pays siluin sur la c6te occidentale d' Afrique ; Colomhiniana, No. 315. Paris, 1842, 8vo, p. 125. The Hauslab collection at ■"3 Map of Italy ; Bralliot, Diet, des monogrammes, Vienna contains also a copy of that map of Italy, and one Munich, 1833, Part 2, No. 1293. It is probably the of Spain, which is attributed to Vavassore. Luksch, same map which, according to Santarem, is found in- Mittheilunrjen der K. K. Oeographischen Oesellschaft serted, together with a view of Venice, also engraved by in Wien ; 1886, p. 392. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 519 that the imprint of "Giovanni Andrea Valvassori, detto Guadagnino," con- tinues to figure in books printed at Venice 414 so late as 1572. The American configurations consist of a narrow strip of the east coast of Brazil, with only these two names : " Mundus nouus" and " Terra S. crucis." The only two copies known of the present map are preserved, one in the Geographical Department of the Paris National Library, No. 244, in a frame ; the other is in the library of the Staff of the Bavarian Army, at Munich. We do not know whether the latter is also coloured. 1523. No. 146. Schoner's Model Globe. It is the globe which a Spaniard sent to some gentleman (in Nurem- berg ?), and which Schoner used for making his own globe of 1523: "Ego tam mirifice orbis pervagationi nonnihil "Wishing to add something to this marvel- volens adiicere, ut quae lectu videantur mira- lous exploration of the earth, "° so that what bilia, aspectu credantur probabiliora, Globum seems wonderful when read shall appear more hunc in orbis modum effingere studui, exemplar likely when seen with the eyes, I have endea- haud fallibile semulatus, quod Hispaniarum voured to make this globe in following a per- solertia cuidam viro honore conspicuo trans- feet model which a Spaniard has obhgingly misit " sent to a gentleman " *'' No. 147. Schoner's Timiripa Globe. In 1523, Johann Schoner wrote a small tract bearing this title : " De nvper svb Castilise ac Portvgaliae Regibus Serenissimis repertis InsuHs ac Regionibus, loannis Schoner Charolipolitani epistola et Globus Geographicus, seriem nauigationum annotan- tibus : — An epistle from Johann Schoner, of Carlstadt, concerning the islands and regions recently discovered by command of the Most Serene Kings of Castile and Portugal, and a Geographical Globe to the use of persons wishing to annotate the course of those navigations."*" 4>4 Due DE RIVOLI et Ch. Ephrussi, Zoan Andrea et printing, yet the title page mentions an Imperial privilege ses homonymes. Extrait de la Gazette des Beaux Arts ; for eight years. This assertion, together with the author's Paris, 1891, 8vo, p. 28. This excellent memoir contains name on the title, and dedication to Reymer von Streyt- also a description of a large map of France, 760 by 560 pergk, Canon of the Church of Bamberg, show that the mm. in four sheets, engraved and published at Venice tract was openly published. See also Adolfo de Varn- by the present Vavassore in 1536. hagen, /. Schoner, Lettre d propos de son globe, icrite ■t'S Magellan's voyage and discovery of the Strait. en 15-23, en Latin, rdimpression fidUe ; St. Petersbourg, ■1'^ Epistle addressed by Schoner to Reymer von 1876, 8vo. We do not know whether the edition men- StreYTPBRGK, in WiESER, Der Verschollene Olohiis des tioned in our Addition^, No. 175, is a reprint, made in Johannes Schoner, p. ly , ^nA Mafjcdhdes-Strasse, f. 121. 1549, or simply the above, bound with the Rudiment. "t"? Small 8vo, 4 leaves, no name of printer or place of Cosmogr. of Honter, published at Zurich in that year. 520 The Discovery of North America. That tract is dated from a place which the author calls "Timiripa," in the year 1523: " Millesimo quingentesimo uigesimotertio." Do we possess, either in the shape of a sphere, or as mere engraved gores, the globe mentioned in the above title ? There is not the slightest evidence, or indication of any kind, that we possess that globe, or the gores which served to make it. Gores of a globe 710 by 310 mm. were published in reduced fac- simile, from a printed woodcut,4i8 at Munich in 1885. These, on several occasions, 419 have been positively stated to be the identical gores which were used to construct the globe announced by Schoner in 1523, on the title of his Timiripa tract. The statement is absolutely erroneous ; and we now proceed to prove that those gores are not the work of Schoner, nor derived from any of his globes, maps, or even geographical notions. It must be first stated that the original woodcut, from which the reprint was made recently, does not bear the date of 1523, or the name of Schoner. On the contrary it is entirely anonymous and dateless. Nay, there is no special extrinsic sign permitting those gores to be ascribed to the Nuremberg mathematician, or to connect them with the above men- tioned Timirapa pamphlet, or any other work written by him in 1523, before or afterwards,- on the banks of the Ehrenbach or elsewhere. Nor can anyone justly pretend to recognise, either in the delineations or letter- ing, the style of Schoner ; for nothing can be more different from the globes which that savant has described, depicted, caligraphed, or caused to be engraved and printed at any time. It follows that the averment can only be a personal inference, or a fancied deduction. In the present instance, the chief argument presented in support of the asseveration is that the above-mentioned pamphlet refers, for details concerning adventures experienced, and extraordinary men and animals seen by Magellan, to the Epistle of Maximilianus Transylvanus, ■"^ Catalogue xiii. de la librairie ancienne de Ludwig lost ; his dedicatory letter to Reymer von Streytperdc Rosenthal, 1885, No. 136, p. 24, and Nordenskiold, and the ' de Molvccis' of Maximilianus Transylvanus Facsimile Atlas, plaXt xl., under the title of: Mappa with new translations and notes on the Olohe. By Henry mundi auctoris incerti, Xorimhergm c. 1540 (?). The Stevens of Vermont, GMB F8A MA of Yale, etc. map is also in the following works. Edited with an Introduction and Bibliography by ■•'' Dr. Franz R. v. Wieser, in the above catalogue of C. H. Coote, Dept. of Printed Books British Museum: 1S85, and in his learned article: Der Verschollene Globus Corr. Mem. Neio Eng. Hist. & Oeneal. Soc: Hon. des Johannes Schoner von lSS3,Vf ien, 18S8, 8vo, iSpp; Metn. Royal Scottish Geog. Soc. etc. London, Henry extracted from the Kais. Akademie der Wissenchaften Stevens & Son, 39 Great Russell Street, Opposite the in Wien; philos. historische Classe, Vol. CXVII. See British Museum. MDCCCLXXXVlii. Sm. 4to, 206 pp., also : Johann Schoner, Professor of Mathematics at with facsimiles, one of which bears this title : Schoner's Nuremberg. A reproduction of his Globe of 1523 long Globe of 1533, long lost. P!at = 3 XVII -XVI II AUTHENTIC GLOBE OF S CHONER OF '1533 , \ ALLEGED GLOBE OF SCHONER OF 1523, Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 521 which cites certain geographical names that are also on the Munich gores. The simple fact that Schoner refers to the Epistle of Maximilianus, and that brief designations mentioned in the latter figure in the gores, is hardly a proof that these gores were made by Schoner. Maximilianus' Epistle was printed at Cologne42o in January, 1523, and frequently since. As it made known everywhere the great discovery of the Strait, other cosmographers and globe makers than Schoner may have used the same data. In fact, for several years the geographers in Central Europe had no other means of information on the subject ; and globes constructed in or after 1523 may well have borrowed their nomenclature for the Moluccas, and for Magellan's voyage, from that Epistle, without our being obliged to limit such a borrowing to the globe made by Schoner in that year. Let us now examine those gores intrinsically. They are alleged to have been drawn in 1523, and to be based upon a Spanish map sent from Spain to Germany. In reply, everyone who is conversant with Spanish discoveries and cartographical methods will hesitate to admit that a map made in Spain so early as 1523, could present the north-eastern configurations exhibited in those gores. The chief reason is that at Seville, in 1523, they did not yet possess such geographic data, and the Casa de Contratacion was not accustomed to mar its charts with hypothetical notions. 4^1 The gores set forth a continuous coast line extending from "La Florida" to the " Bac- calaos," with that peculiar and excessive trend eastward which is one of the distinctive traits of the Spanish maps constructed after the discoveries of Estevam Gomez (1525); the earliest specimen of which, known at this day, is the Weimar 1527 chart. Now there is only one Spanish expedi- tion sent to our east coast, before 1523, which could have yielded some cartographical information concerning the country north of the Floridian peninsula. It is the slave-hunting raid of Ayllon and Matienzo in 1521 ; and it was absolutely limited to a single point of the coast, by 33° 30' north latitude. 422 Nor is it likely to have been followed by an invoice to Spain of cartographical documents concerning such an expedition. ■t'" Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 122. that the Pacific coast extended northwards from the point ••"' In 1527 they certainly possessed in Spain notions where Magellan had left it to sail in search of the about Peru ; but as the information, cartographically Moluccas. Yet, in his map of 1529, the Chilian seaboard speaking, was vague, we do not yet see the Peruvian is entirely blank. So with the Turin map north of coast depicted in the Weimar map of that date. In 1529, Florida, which had not yet been explored by Gomez, but after the expeditions of Pizarro and Almagro, a cosmo- which was suspected to be connected with the Baccalaos. grapher like Ribero could not but come to the conclusion '•^ Supra, pages 207, 208, 250. 3 R 522 The Discovery of North America. True it is that the Spanish Government had been informed and be- heved, ever since the first expedition of John Cabot, that there was west of Cuba, a continent which stretched from a high point at the north to a very low point at the south. But it laid no claim to that country, which was then considered to be barren, and chiefly within the Portu- guese line of demarcation. It is therefore only in Lusitanian charts and their Germanic derivatives, that in the first quarter of the sixteenth cen- tury we see the continental coast depicted, — excepting always the La Cosa planisphere of 1500, which does not seem to have found imitators in Spain ; and which, besides, depicts the north-east coast in a form en- tirely different from that of the Munich gores and of the Weimar charts. And if the reader wishes to form an idea of the appearance of Spanish maps made between the voyage of Magellan and the exploration of the north-east coast by Gomez, he has only to examine the elaborate Turin map, which ignores all lands whatever north of Florida. 4^3 Be that as it may, whether the Spanish model did or did not present an unbroken coast line north of the equator, or any coast at all, we are in a position to demonstrate that such a configuration as is depicted for the northern region in the Munich gores, was not adopted by Schoner, nor inserted in the globe which he constructed in 1523. This is proved by his own, although very succinct, mention of that globe, as we find it in the tract above described ; and where he expressly states that his new globe differed from the preceding one made by him, only as regards the geographical facts recently disclosed by the voyage of Magellan. After describing the discovery accomplished by that great navigator, his untimely death, and the appointment of his successor to command the squadron on the homeward trip, Schoner continues as follows: " Singulis tandem peragratis, ut non locus " After sailing in various directions, so that supersit, quern reliquisset intentatum, uela ad no portion of the route should remain unex- Castiliam repetendam reflectit, quam ingressus plored, he *" returned to Spain, arriving Decem- est anno Christi Millesimo quingentesimo se- ber [sic] 6th, one thousand five hundred and cundo sexto die decembris [su] unico nauigio, twenty-two, with [only] one ship and eighteen militum numero decern et octo stipatus, coe- men, the rest having been swallowed up by the teris maris impetu absorptis. Quam uero sea. As regards their marvellous adventures, mirabiles rerum euentus, quam tetras homi- and the wonderful men and animals seen by num ac caeterarum animalium formas experti them, Your Worship will obtain information by sint, ea Epistola tua dignitas abunde cognoscet, reading at length the Epistle concerning the ^^3 Infra, No. 148, and adjoining facsimile. ^* Juan Sebastian DEL Cano. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 523 quse de Moluccis insulis ad Reuerendissimum Molucca islands addressed by Maximilian of Cardinalem Salizburgensem per Maximilianum Transylvania to the Cardinal Archbishop of Transsyluanum directa est. Ego tarn mirifice Salzburg. Wishing to add somewhat to this orbis peruagationi nonnihil uolens adijecere, marvellous exploration of the earth, so that what vt quse lectu uideantur mirabilia, aspectu seems wonderful when read, shall appear more credantur probabiliora, Globum hunc in orbis likely when seen with the eyes, I have tried to modum effingere studui, exemplar baud fal- make this globe an imitation of a perfect model libile semulatus, quod Hispaniarum solertia, which a Spaniard has sent to a gentleman, cuidam uiro honore conspicuo, transmisit. Withal, / meant not to set aside my former globe. Nee ob id quem antea glomeraveram abolitura as it exhibited all which men then were permitted iri uolens, quippd qui es temporfe, quantum to learn regarding hidden portions of the world; phas erat homini abdita mundi penetrare, it has been faithfully reproduced, so far as con- abunde expressit, modo sese consona admis- cordant, so that things formerly discovered sione patientur, quod inuenienda inuentis non should not be at variance with those which obstent " have since been found . . . ." *'^ It is impossible to express one's intentions in clearer language. As to the " preceding globe " to which Schoner alludes, and which, he says, was modified only in so far as was necessary to insert the geographical results of Magellan's voyage, it is the. globe constructed and signed by him in 1520, which we still possess.426 Now, what are the configurations of this globe of 1520? Taking certain countries which were beyond the range of Magellan's discovery, and which we must infer from Schoner's own declarations remained untouched, do they exhibit the continuous coast line which in the Munich gores connects North with South America, and sets forth an unbroken seaboard from Labrador to Brazil ? The globe of 1520 exhibits instead, at the north, the Lusitano- Germanic configuration which Schoner had adopted ever since he com- menced constructing spheres. In other words, he separates entirely the northern from the southern continent in the latitude of 10° north ; and thus remains faithful to a peculiar delineation which dates from the be- ginning of the sixteenth century. The globe of 1523 therefore must have reproduced, north of the equatorial line, the configurations of the globe of 1520; not only for the reasons which we have just derived from Schoner's own expressions, but because his model map could furnish him new data only concerning the southern continent. Magellan first sighted America when off Cape St. Augustine, by about 8° south latitude; whence *=5 WiESER, op. cit., p. 17. ^■'^ Supra, No. 127, p. 506. 524 The Discovery of North America. he navigated southwards until he reached the Strait. 427 After crossing the newly discovered passage, none of his ships ranged the Pacific coast higher than the 40* south parallel. It follows that a Spanish map of 1 522-1 523, constructed to illustrate the voyage of Magellan, limited its cartographical innovations to the apex of the continent of South America. And we should not forget that it was the discovery of the Strait alone which prompted Johann Schoner to modify his globe of 1520. This close chain of facts and deductions lacks, nevertheless, one more link to amount to an absolute proof, owing to a very peculiar and unexpected aberration which arose in the mind of the Nuremberg mathematician. Up to that time, as is shown by the globe of 1520, Schoner had shared the opinion of all cosmographers regarding the separation believed to exist, and clearly depicted in the Lusitano-Germanic maps and spheres, between the New and the Old World, and which he had been propagating with the utmost zeal. But the Epistle of Maximilianus Transylvanus caused him to alter his views entirely in that respect. By what process of reasoning he came to consider that the discovery of the new route to the Moluccas proved the existence of an absolute cosmographic connection between America and Asia is a mystery to us. That egregious error is set forth in the Opusculum of 1533, but it dates from 1523, as can be seen in the third of the following extracts. He first identifies Mexico and its surrounding regions with Quinsay, after locating them in Upper India : "Unde longissimo tractu occidentem uersus ab Hispali terra est, quae Mexico et Temis- titan uocatur, in superior! India, quam priores uocauere Quinsay id est ciuitatem coeli eorum lingua : — By a very long circuit westward, starting from Spain, there is a land called Mexico and Temisiitan in Upper India, which in former times was called Quinsay ; that is, the City of Heaven, in the language of the country." *** Then, criticising opinions ascribed to Vespuccius, Schoner says : '^ And as to the Strait, it is not likely to have been " Brisiliri " for Brasilieri, will doubtless also appear to placed in the Bay of St. Julia (Sinus Juliana), as in the be strange spelling on the part of such a learned geo- Munich gores, but seven degrees further south ; with grapher as Schoner was. We are inclined to see in some legend recalling the discovery accomplished by those gores a late derivative of the map consulted by Magellan, and which prompted Schoner to construct Gemma Phrysius for constructing the mappamundi his globe of 1523, and to write his Timiripa tract. Still which he has added to his numerous editions of the less would Schoner have included Cuba among the Cosmographia of Apianus, and so often copied, northernmost Lucayas, and left anonymous the true de- ^^ Schoner, Opusculum geographicum ; Norimbergae, lineation of that island. " Senotormus " for Temistitan, sirie anno (sed 1533), 4to, recto of the 12th leaf Biblio- "Medera" for Madera, "Espaliola" for Espanola, and theca Americana Vetustissima, No, 178. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 525 "Americus tamen Vesputius, maritima loca Indiae superioris ex Hispaniis navigio ad oc- cidentem perlustrans, earn partem, quae su- perioris Indiae est, credidit Insulam, quam a suo nomine vocari instituit. Alii vero nunc recentiores Hydrographi earn terram ulterius ex alia invenerunt esse continentem Asiae, nam sic etiam ad Moluccas insulis superioris Indiae pervenerunt." "Yet Americus Vespucius, in ranging in his navigation the coasts of Upper India, from Spain to the West, thought that the said part, which is connected with Upper India, was an island, which he caused to be called after his own name. But now other hydrographers, of a more recent date, have found that that land [«". e.. South America] and others beyond, con- stitute a continent, which is Asia; and thus did they reach as far as the Molucca islands in Upper India." ^^ And to show in a still more forcible light Schoner's geographical ideas concerning the alleged complete connection between America and Asia, as well as the real source of his belief on the subject, and the time when he conceived such a notion, we cannot do better than reproduce the whole of his most surprising account of the newly-discovered countries. ''^ De regionibus extra PtolemcRum. Regiones quae extra Ptolemaei descriptionem sunt, non adhuc adeo certis authoribus traditse, nee etiam tanta diligentia descripta. Ab ortu quicquid rerum ultra, Serasque ac ultra 180 gradum longitudinis est, totum Ptolemffio incognitum permansit. Post Ptolemaeum uero ultra 180 gradum uersus orientem multK regiones repertse per quendam Marcum Polum Venetium, ac allios, sed nunc k Columbo, Genuensi, et Americo Vesputio solum [secundum?] loca littoralia ex Hispanijs per Oceanum occidentalem illuc applicantes lustratas [applicantibus ?] sunt, eam partem terrae insulam existimantes uocarunt Americam quartam orbis partem. Modo uero per nouissimas nauigationes fac- tas, anno post Christum 15 19. per Magellanum ducem nauium Inuictissimi Csesaris diui Caroli etc., uersus Moluccas insulas, quas alij Malu- quas uocant, in supremo oriente positas, eam terram inuenerunt esse continentem superioris Indiae, quae pars Asise, in qua immensa regna, *=' Ibidem. " Concerning the regions outside Ptolemy. The regions which are outside Ptolemy's description have not been transmitted to us by authorities not quite as certain, nor have they been described with as much care. At the east, all that which is beyond the country of the Chinese and 180° longitude, has re- mained entirely unknown to Ptolemy. But after Ptolemy, beyond 180°, towards the east, numerous regions have been discovered by one Marco Polo, a Venetian, and others. And in our days the Genoese Columbus and Americus Vespuccius reach those shores, after having sailed from Spain across the Western Ocean, and visit them, thinking that this part of the world is an island. They called it America, the fourth part of the globe. But very lately, thanks to the recent navigations ac- complished in the year 151^ a.c, by Magellan, the commander of the squadron of the invin- cible Emperor, the divine Charles, &c., towards the Molucca islands, which some call Malaquas, which are situate in the extreme east, // has been ascertained that the said country [that is, 526 The Discovery of North America. ingentia flumina, multaque alia dictu miranda, America] was the continent of Upper India, de quibus partim supra mentionem fecimus. which is a portion of Asia, where are immense kingdoms, great rivers, and numerous marvels, Sunt autem hoc huius portionis regiones, ^^ich we have described above, at least par- Bachalaos, dicta a nouo genere piscium ibidem. jj^iiy_ jjere are the countries of that region, Bergi regio magna terra florida, desertum viz.: Bachalaos, thus called from a new species Lop, et urbs ejusdem nominis sub gra. 213 20, of fish. There is also the Bergi region, a large ., Q flowery country; the desert of Lop and the city of the same name, in 213 20, 43 o ; the pro- Tamacho prouincia. Sueur, sampa uel Zam- ^j^^^ of Tamacho; Sucur*»; Sampa or Zampa«'; pa, Cauul, Tangut, Cuschin, Cathay, qu^ et ^avul ; Tangut ; Cuschin ; Cathay, also called Chulmana, S. Michaslis prouincia, Messigo, qua chulmana ; the province of St. Michael ; Mes- et Mexico regio, in qua urbs permaxima in ^-^^^ ^^^-.^ ,-, ^^, ^^^„(^y ^y Mexico; the prin- magno lacu sita Temistita. sed apud uetustiores ^-^^^ ^^^^ ,,-^„^^, ^„ /^, ,^^^, ^y ^ i^^g, /^^,_ ,-, Quinsay erat uocata, sita sub gradu 226 30, j^,^,-,AV«_ i„ farmer times called Quinsay, by 21 o, Raylmana Tebequi regiones, deinde uer- ^^d 20, 21 o longitude; the Raylmana and Ze- sus ortum Temiscanata, Farias, Dariena, Vrabe, ^equi countries ; then, towards the west, Temis- Pariona, Canibales ac ali^ quam plurimiB ^^^^^^^ p^^j^g_ ^^^j^^^ ^rabe, Pariona, the regiones Cannibals, and innumerable other regions.""^ And Schoner did not limit himself to printed explanations ; he con- structed globes to make his opinion clearer, one of which was made in I533> foi" the Prince John Frederick of Saxony, where the two worlds, Asia and America, in accordance with those geographical ideas, are com- pletely blended together, north of the equator, while Mexico is exhibited as a dependency of Cathay. The consequences of those facts are twofold : If Schoner altered his graphic representations of Asia and America for the first time in the globe of 1533, then the globe of 1523 must have exhibited north of the equator the insular configurations of the globe of 1520, and continued therefore to disconnect "Parias" and North America from the South American regions. If on the contrary, Schoner introduced at once in his globe of 1523, the geographical notions which he expressly says he derived from the account of the voyage of Magellan, then that globe must have con- nected America with Asia precisely as it is between the equator and the tropic of Cancer in the globe of 1533. Now, when examining the western hemisphere in the Munich gores, we should naturally expect that, north of the equator, one or the other *3° .S'itftoir- the present province of Kan-sou. ■'^a Schoner, Opusndum geogra/phicum, cap. xx., ^i Zampa, Zapa, and Campa. recto of the last leaf. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. , 527 of those two styles of configurations would appear ; but we do not see either of them, nor any indication of the kind. Not only do the Munich gores delineate the entire American con- tinent unbroken, east and west, from the Baccalaos to the Strait of Magellan, but they depict the Pacific coast as a continuous line from the outlet of the Magellanic passage, to a point which nearly corresponds on modern maps with British Colombia. And there the western seaboard forms an elbow, which is made to stretch, not westward, as it should according to Schoner's- expressed notions, but eastward, continuing unin- terruptedly to the Atlantic Ocean. That is, the American continent is represented entire, and completely disconnected both from Asia and from the Arctic regions ; setting forth at its northern extremity a wide channel which runs in a straight line from west to east, and connects the Pacific with the Atlantic. Then, beyond a wide ocean, westward of America, and absolutely distinct from the latter, we find another continent, bearing the usual Asiatic legends about Cathay and Mangi, exhibiting besides the peninsula of India. Those configurations prove conclusively that in the opinion of the cartographer who made the Munich gores, the New World did not con- sist of immense insular regions, cast into the Atlantic, far away from the South American continent, as in Schoner's globes of 15 15 and 1520. Still less did he believe that America was absolutely connected with Asia, and a mere continuation of the latter, as we see it elaborately depicted in Schoner's globe of 1533. We subjoin to these pages an exact copy of the western hemisphere in Schoner's globe of 1533, and, opposite, a facsimile of the Munich gores ; leaving the reader to complete the comparison by resorting to Ghillany's facsimile of the globe of 1520. By placing the Munich gores between those two globes, it will be seen at a glance that the same cosmographer cannot have constructed in 1523 a sphere with gores re- sembhng those of Munich; and ten years later, the globe of 1533. In the Munich gores, America is delineated as an absolutely separate continent. In Schoner's globe, on the contrary, the west coast of America is repre- sented as continuing from the equator westward to beyond the Malacca peninsula and India without a single break ; thus making of the two worlds one solid mass ; and of the empire of Mexico a portion and tributary of China! 528 The Discovery of North America. If we did not possess Schoner's own statement as to the groundless inferences which led him to alter in 1523 his cosmographical ideas con- cerning the relative position of Asia and America ; and if the Munich gores were represented to be some work made by Schoner in 1533, whilst the globe of 1533 would be considered, on the contrary, as having been constructed only in 1523, then the supposition that the Munich gores were the work of Schoner might perhaps be entertained ; — for these evince unquestionably a progress in geographical knowledge. But with the facts which we have laid before the reader, it stands to reason that Johann Schoner never did, and never could, construct in 1523 a globe exhibiting the north-western American configurations of the Munich gores ; all asseverations to the contrary notwithstanding. The distinctive trait of Schoner's globe of 1533 is the blending, near the equator, of America with Asia. The Timiripa pamphlet shows that the notion originated with him in 1523, on hearing of the discovery of the strait by Magellan, and of his having reached the Molucca islands by that route. These two postulates lead to the belief that the globe which Schoner constructed in 1523, and for which he wrote the Timiripa pamphlet, already exhibited that configuration. We now find an important series of globes and cordiform maps, all based upon this Asiatico-American com- bination, and which made its appearance in Central Europe between 1525 and 1 53 1. The delineations and nomenclature of all those cartographical monuments is so similar that the critic can only consider them as deriva- tives from, at the most, one or two prototypes, which must be traced to Schoner's globe of 1523, although this is lost, and we can ascertain its geographical characteristics solely by deductions. For these inferences, we refer the reader to the preceding pages ; and for correlative data, to our descriptions of the Carondelet, Franciscus Monachus, Gilt, Weimar, Nancy, and Wooden globes, and to the cordiform maps of Orontius Fineeus, infra, under the years 1526, 1528, 1531, and 1536. No. 148. The Turin Map. A Planisphere on parchment, 2014 by 1000 mm., preserved in the Library of the King of Italy, at Turin. The legends and names are in Spanish and Latin, with a few in the Portuguese language. The configurations commence, at the north, with Florida, which is entirely Plate X:X ist *i*»»*»s*sj(,si «;» e3i;^3^S »-a^»9?jfjv! .^;^-9-^«^J^, i^ ? f ? 5 sn < O on < > O Sli CO > _J > QC flS£ ST( Hii ^^' >••'*' ■■P '^Mit «' *((**. < ft; " ^ H-1 o Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 529 separated from the mainland. The east coast begins with the delta of the Mississippi, and continues uninterruptedly to the Strait of Magellan ; thus exhibiting a coast line which, according to the scale inscribed on the map, extends from 30" north to 55" south latitudes. The sea-board then ascends on the Pacific side six degrees, terminating with a name which is not to be found on any other chart, viz.: " Tierra de diziembre," and is the latest datum in the present map, as it belongs to the nomenclature brought by Sebastian del Cano,433 September 6, 1522. The information about La Plata is confined to the results of the explorations of Juan Dias de Solis. We are unable to say, from our copies, whether Yucatan is connected or not with the continent. The peculiar shape of the Yucatanic peninsula and its nearness to the mainland, coupled with the absence of the Pacific coast north of 8° and south of 4° southern latitudes, seem to indicate a Portuguese source for that region. Cuba, however, ends westward with an elongated coast different from the form adopted in the Lusitano-Ger- manic maps, and is certainly of Sevillan origin. The city of Mexico is represented by a circular plan, such as was known in Spain since 1520. The sea-boards on the Pacific do not extend at the south beyond the point explored before the expedition sent by Pedrarias under the command of Pascual de Andagoya, in 1522 ; and north, above the limit reached previous to the expedition sent by the same Pedrarias, under the command of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova (the second of that name) in 1524. Those limits, and the chasm north of Florida, prompt us to believe that the present map was constructed between the years when information was first received in Spain of the successful issue of Magellan's voyage, and when the Spanish government received news of the above-mentioned ex- peditions of Pedrarias Davila ; that is, about 1523-1524. A very noticeable feature, betraying early cartographic data, is the excessive trend, narrowness, and peculiar shape of the Brazilian elbow. It exhibits, evidently, the state of knowledge and imperfect conception of that part of the coast among Spanish cartographers, between the making of the Kunstmann Portuguese maps, and the collection of more exact data by the Sevillan Hydrography, next preceding the time when the Weimar planispheres were constructed. The present Turin map is also the most valuable cartographic docu- ment of the sixteenth century which we possess for the nomenclature ; 433 This name cannot have been made known by Este- returned to Spain, May 6, 1521, as he only entered, but vam Gomez when, after abandoning Magellan, he did not cross the Strait. 3S 530 The Discovery of North America. as it sets forth many names which are not inscribed on any previous map, and were certainly taken from ancient and authentic sources. This is seen by names which originated with Columbus, and that are not on the Weimar charts, as well as by a comparison between the designations around the Gulf of Mexico with those of Cortes' original map (1520). Another merit is its excellent orthography, which surpasses every cartographical document of that period. This relative perfection is the sign of a near relationship with the originals. It enables us to place confidence in the spelling or pronounciation of native names (as heard by a Spaniard or Portuguese), and to decipher the obscure portion of nearly all preceding nomenclatures which exhibit similar designations. That is the reason why we deem it necessary to reproduce the entire list, leaving out only, as we have done heretofore, mere isolated sub- stantives, such as Playa (beach), Palmas (palms), Arboledos (trees), Culata (recess or creek), Furna (cove), Fondura (anchorage), &c., &c. GULF OF MEXICO: Isla florida^^* Rio del esprito santo ?=■ de arecife*^' Rio de la palma*'^ Rio de montanas altas Prouincia amichel Rio panuco Tamaho prouincia Laotom San pedro''^ Almeria ^ Sevilla S. luzia C° de S. Juan Rio de aluarado Rio de aruoledas Rio de vanderas Rio baxo Roca partida Sant anto[nio] Rio de coqualquo Caribes^^ La rambla Rio la palma {bii) Rio de dos botas La victoria Rio de grijalva San pablo YUCATAN— HONDURAS : Cozumel Todos Santos Santome De las coretes"" San Francisco Lazaro *" Baya de la cention ^*^ San lucas Desconocida C° de S. roman Xagueis Lope Santiago Maya La mada SOUTHERN CONTINENT : Cabo de las fegues*^ ■t^* Nowhere else on a map is Florida called "Isla." In all other maps it is termed " Terra Florida," or simply " La Florida." The distinction is to be noted. ■•35 " Punta or Cabo de Arecife " — The Cape of Reefs, is so frequently found that it can be said to have assumed the character of a common substantive. We will omit it Ijereafter. «* " Rio de las palmas" in CoRT]^s. ■i^' On the mainland, between San Pedro and the Rio de Arboledas, is the circular and nameless plan of Mexico, of the size of h alf a dollar. ■•3^ There is a " Rio de Almeria," in a number of maps, from Cantino to the Lusitano-Germanic globes. Here it is the region called by the Indians " Naothlan," and made known by Diego Camargo in 1 5 19. "39 The name " Caribes " is inserted in so many different places as to lead us to believe that it was given wherever Spaniards met warlike Indians. We will omit it hereafter. '"" " De los corrientes." *" It is the village of Lazaro in Campeche or " Quim- pech," made known by Hernandez de Cordova in 1517. «= " Baya de la Ascension." ■«3 " De las Higueras,"-The Cape of Figs? "Figueira" in the Portuguese language. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 531 P" de las canoas"' La nauidad"^ C" de tres puntas P" de S. Maria De las canoas {bis) P» de los fallados*" Costa tesa P" de los perdidos"' P° muerto Rio de Sa Maria Rio primero Tiera sola"^ Costa de la oreya"'' C. de gracias a dios Mote grade*'" Cerecico Cariaco Zarabara Cacique quemado^" Belen "■' Veragua De la caciqua Po baxo po belo P° muerto (bis) Rio de las canoas Poco rosa Comoger Darien NORTH PACIFIC: Baya de magles P" de cartayenia P" Vrtado (?) El cacique grande El cacique bros (?) El cacique pera (?) Baya de Varones Tiera braua G° de los reis G" de S. Maria Costa limpia P° de canacane Yuncto El Suegro*'^ Rio grande COAST OF VENEZUELA : Uraba Monte alto Cubon Cartayenia {bis) ^'^ Porto de abrigo Rio grande {bis) Santa marta Del tigre De la traigion Chichiri Tabagora Cagazaro Tucuraca Cabo de la vela Las tortugas Cicibacoa Vnotos C. de S. roma {bis) Tucuruca {bis) G° triste Aldea grande {bis) P" frechato*^ Val dalmerigo**' Aldea quemada C. codera Onari Cuibiri Manacapa Portugal *"■ Chiribichi Cariaco {bis) Macarapana Rio baxo {bis) Monte speso Mar du[l]ce Almedrona Rio seco Costa fragosa C. do prazel Rio duge {bis) Rio da volta Baya cerada Palmas secas Ponta degahas ^^ Las necas "^ Rio de las palmas Rio da tanca Rio das canoas Rio das canoas {bis) *** "La Canoa,"as in Weimar 1527, or "Las Canoas." ■"5 The name " La Nauidad " recalls the locality as- cribed to Vincente Yaiiez PiNZON, supra, p. 455. ■M^ The Point of the Found Ones. w The Point of the Lost Ones. "^ The Solitary Land? Perhaps " Tierra solana?" — The Sunny Land. ■t'" So named by Columbus in his fourth voyage (Navarrete, Vol. IIL, page 584). The "Costa del Oreja" does not figure on any other map. "Oreja" must be taken not in the sense of " ear," but of a species of tunny fish (Scomber pelamys ?). 4S0 West of this "High Mountain," which is probably one of the Poyais (1300 f.), although in reality it is north of the Cape Gracias a Dios, begins the Pacific coast. 45' " Cacique quemado " — The Cacique with a scorched arm and face : " Provincia que se decia Cativa, do estaba un cacique que tenia un brazo quemado y la cara, que se decia Caciquemado. "-Deposition of Pedro DE Ledbsma; Navarrete, Vol. IIL, p. 556. ■•5= " Belen " — The River of Bethlehem ; so named by Columbus, January lo, 1503. That name here indicates early data, as it does not appear on any other map. 453 " Rio de Suegro "—The River of the Father-in-law. 'ts*' The number of repetitions in the same localities must be due to the original cartographer having used two maps, which, however, were different in other respects. 455 " Porto Flechado," as in La Cosa ? 456 "The Valley of Americus?" That name also occurs in the map of the Laurentiana. 457 " Portogalete," as in Weimar 1527 ? ■•s^ " Ponta delgada." Perhaps, in this case, "Ponta de gafas," — The Cape of Lepers. ■•59 ' ' Las nesgas " — The Angles. sy- The Discovery of North America. Rio de Vicentianes ** Costa de palma Playa de baxos Las planosas Visto no mas del fondo *^' Visto de lexo '"^ Costa de paricura Rio dos fumos Rio da ternidad *^ P" queimada Tierra hallegada '^' C° de lo este Golfo claro Cabo do monte G° do palmar P'' de aricefe {bis) Monte redondo Terra deserta C° negro Baya de prazel Terra fragosa Pa delgada C" de guada *^ C" branco Rio allaguado Baya fermosa Rio de S. agustin Baya primeira ^^' Terra do praira Terra do prazel pi dos baxos Ponta despichel "' Rio das pedras Rio das Virtudes EAST COAST OF BRAZIL : Cabo fermoso Isla de S. Alexo. Rio primeiro Rio do laguo *^ Rio de S. Francisco Vaazabaris ^^ Rio de pereira Serra de S. Maria Rio de cagna fistola P° real Rio de S. Geronimo Rio da duvida "" Monte fragoso Baya de todos Santos "' Rio de Santiago Rio de S. Augustin {Ms) Baya cerada {bis) Rio de S. Cristoual Costa braua Terra das areas Rio de S. Elena po Seguro Monte pasqual C° das barosas ^'^ Terra do prazel {bis) Arcipelago de S. Pablo Golfo fermoso Rio paneiro *''•' Rio dos reys A baya da[s] voltas O pinaculo de tantaca *'" Rio de Jordan P" de San Sabastian Rio de S. Vicente Cananea Rio cerado Rio delgado Rio de S. Francisco {bis) Rio dos dragos G° do estremo De reparo {bis) Rio das voltas {bis) G° das patos G" de S. M."^ da pena Rio dos negros Costa de acoa C* de S. Ma de bo deseo Rio giordan {bis) Cabo de S. polonia Punta de las arenas Los baxos de la victoria "^ Baya de S. Mathia Cabo de S. Mathia Ponta de lobos marines *™ 4«o « Tijg j^;^gf q£ Vicente Yanez Pinzon. ■"' " [One] ceases to see the bottom." i«' "Seen from afar." ■"3 From that point the nomenclature is almost entirely Portuguese, which should be noted. ■^•i " Terra Allegada "—The heaped-up land. ■•^s "Ponta de la aguada " — The Cape of the Watering- place ? ^ "The main bay." ■•«' "The Cape of St. Michael?" *^ " Rio del Lago "—Lake River. ■•^ " Vaazabaris, Vasabarris. Enseiada infamado-por naufragios na costa do Brasil." — A. DE MORAES SiLVA, Diccionario. That etymology is evidently taken from the Corografia of De Cazal ; but we should have first to ascertain since when his "Vasabarris" has been in use, and the origin of the word. "'""Rio da dubita"— The River of Doubt, or the Uncertain Stream. It is found on no other map. ■"'Here the word "Baya," instead of "Abbatia," needs to be noticed. ■"' In Spanish there is an adjective Barrosa, which might give to " C° das barosa " the meaning of The Muddy Cape, if the word, here presented in the plural number, did not indicate a substantive instead of an ad- jective, and "das" a Portuguese origin. ^''^ Rio Janeiro ? ■"* Of the various ways in which that word is spelled, this is the only one permitting of a reasonable etymology, viz. : " The Summit of the Temptation " (TentacaO). ■•""Los baxos de la Victoria" — The shoals of La Victoria. A reference probably to the dangers which Magellan's ship of that name encountered in running amongst the shoals on the coast, February 13, 1520. 476 " Punta de los buenos marineos " — The Cape of the Good Sailors. Plate XX ifllSTIWiRVM-nifiAv^Rj;, I o u u CO 121 O CO (XI a, is K Eh ,o o p en ^ Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 533 Baya de los trabajos Rio de Santiago Strecho de todos Santos Baya de San Giulia Rio de Santiago (dis) C° deseado Ponta de lagartos Cabo de las virgines *'" Tierra de diziembre '™ The adjoining sketch of the Turin map is based upon our own carto- graphical notes and two counter drawings, one of which was taken at our request several years ago by the late Vicenzo Promis. No. 147. Juan Vespuccius. Map of the world by Juan Vespuccius. It is on an equi-distant polar projection, engraved on copper, probably at Venice about 1523, measuring 373 by 273 mm., and seems to have been intended to be mounted on a cylinder. Its title, which runs along the border, is as follows : " Totivs . orbis . descriptio . tam vetervm qvam recentivm geographorvm traditionibvs observata novvm . opvs loanis Vespvcci Florentini macoleri [sic] regis . Hispaniarvm . mira . arte et ingenio . asolvtvm [sic]." The most recent geographical data in that map is Yucatan, represented first by an island denominated "Vchaatn"; then by a continental region called " Tera del Ivcatn." These two configurations do not seem to pro- ceed from the first exploration of that country by Francisco Hernandez de Cordova, February, 1517, but from that of Juan de Grijalva (April 8, 1 5 18 — November i following), for the island apparently designates Santa Cruz or Cozumel, the insularity of which was recognised by Grijalva, who from thence sailed to the continent, which he coasted for 270 leagues. The news of the latter expedition doubtless reached Spain in December, 1 5 18. The words in the title: " Hispaniarum regis," might indicate that when the map was constructed Charles V. was not yet emperor, were it not for the same expression which we find in the second edition of that map, dated 1524. The only copy known was preserved in the collection of Count Giacomo Manzoni, at Rome, but since his death it has disappeared.479 1524. No. 148. Juan Vespuccius. Second edition of the above described sphere on an equi-distant projection. The title, which has been corrected, is as follows : m "Of the 11,000 Virgins." Name given by Magel- side, November 28, ranged the coast till December i6, LAN, October 21, 1520 ; but to the Strait itself. when he altered his course, saihng west and north-west. ■"^ Magellan emerged from the Strait on the Pacific '"' Kindly communicated by Captain Ildebrando Rossi. 534 The Discovery of North America. Totivs . orbis . descriptio . tarn . vetervm qvam recentivm . geographorvm . traditionibvs . observata . novvm . opvs . loanis . Vespvcci . Florentini . navcleri . regis . Hispaniarvm . mira . arte . et . ingenio . absolvtvm . Erratisiq . d excvsoris cvlpa 1524. The names have also been corrected. Instead of "Terra del ivcatn," we read " Terra del ivcatan." The island of Cuba is so named. "Terra del bachaglia " has been added, together with a hand pointing towards the " Circvlo articho." The only copy of this map known is in the library of Prince Liechtenstein, at Vienna, who caused it to be re- produced in photo-lithography in that city in 1879 ; and we are greatly indebted for a copy to His Excellency. No. 149. Small Maps of Apianus. There are two, inscribed in his Cosmographicus liber, printed at Landshut48o in 1524, and interesting chiefly on account of the disposi- tion of the meridians and parallels. The one on a stereographic polar projection measures 112 mm. diameter; the other, 109 by 126, and is preceded by the words : "In hoc sequenti typo totius cosmographiae descriptio demonstratur." Both in Nordenskiold's atlas, Nos. 57 and 58. No. 150. Apianus. An ellipsoidal mappamundi, succinctly described in the Isagoge of the same Petrus Apianus 4-8i as follows: "Terrestris convexitatis picturam Noua quadam et vera magisque habitation! nostrse idonea imagine : quo Geographicae picturae vsus intellectu facilior redderetur elucubraui." As it is a question when and on what occasion Apianus devised or applied a certain projection, it will be as well to quote another passage of the above-mentioned Isagoge of that celebrated geographer : "Circa dictos polos concurrent quidam arcus, qui sese meridianos circulos vocari volunt: quos ex transuerso per medium fecat equinoctialis cum suis diuisionibus quas hodie gradus longitudinis apellitam : adscriptis numeris . 10 . 20 . 30 . &c., vsque ad 360 ab occidente per meridiem in orientem dirigitur. Praeterea a leua versus dextram apparent lines aequidistantes quibus adiacent numeri per medium Chartse e circa limbos : qui pro vno meridiano reputantur : et gradus latitudinis terrae prsesentant. Illud quoque ostendisse inuabit : quod zodiacum '^ Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 127; curauit. Impressum Landszhut per loannem Weyssen- Additions, No. 87. burger. 410, sine anno, 4. unnumbered leaves (Geo- ■1^' The title of this rare pamphlet is as follows : graphical Department of the Paris National Library, Isagoge In Typum Cosmogra^hicum seu Mappam c. 5,381, Reserve). The plaquette was already mentioned Mundi (vt vacant) quam Apianus sub Illustrissimi by Panzer, Vol. IX., p. 480. For a full description see Saxoniae Ducis auspitio praelo nwper demandari De Varnhagen, Schoner e Apiano, p. 16. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 535 circulum per faciem tabulae iuxta solis 6ursuin tortuose exaranimus : iustis signorum characteribus adiectis. Pariformiter pp. commodam huic rei diuisionem in parte occidentis et orientis Zodiacos apposui. Huic insuper generalem totius Germanise Horizontem inscribere placuit : qui tamen pro vero eius polo Viennam Austriae congrue sibi vendicat." If this extract and other passages in the Isagoge enable us to form an idea of the projection and general outside appearance of the ellipsoidal mappamundi, and ascertain that it was constructed according to the prin- ciples laid out in the Cosmographicus liber, we have failed to find any indication regarding the configurations of the New World. The probability- is, however, that they were based upon the geographical data of the mappa- mundi of 1520. As to the date, we presume that it may be 1524, but for no other reason than the resemblance existing between the above- quoted description of the projection, and that which Apianus has inserted in his Cosmographicus liber, published in 1524. Yet it may also be of an earlier or of a later date, although Graese sets forth the year 1524, not knowing, apparently, that the Isagoge is dateless. It is almost certain, however, that the present map cannot be the one of 1520, 'as the latter bears the monogram of Luc Alantse, who is the Vienna gentleman at whose expense the Solinus of 1520, in which it is so often found, was printed : " Impensis honesti Lucae Alantse, ciuis, et Bibliopolce Viennensis." The probability is that he also bore the cost of the making of that map ; else there would be no reason for inserting his monogram in the same. Now, the map of the Isagoge is said to have been published under the auspices of the Duke of Saxony : " Sub Illustr. Saxoniae Duels auspitio praelo nuper demandari curauit." It is not likely that this prince would have extended his patronage to a work which was already due to the munificence of a private citizen. No. 151. Spanish Badajoz Map. The mention of this lost chart is interesting on account of the state- ment relative to the latitudes and longitudes officially ascribed to several points of the South American continent : " Mayo 23, 1524. En Yelves Jos jueces da Castilla dijeron que conforme a la platicado traian la carta de la navegacion de Castilla hasta los Malucos, donde principalmente se con- tenia el cabo de S. Agustin en el Brasil, en 8 grades latitud S. y en 20 graeos longitud hacia O. de la isla de San Antonio ; y estaba asentada toda la costa hasta el estrecho de los Malucos [/. e. the Strait of Magellan] cuya boca es en 52^^ grados latitud S. y 4j^ grades mas al 0."«» ■>*= Navarrete, Vol. IV., p. 364. 536 The Discovery of North America. The Portuguese map produced during the sittings of the junta, in opposition to the above, contained no American configurations. No. 152. Map furnished to Cortes. It was given to Cortes by his companions when he halted in the province of Coatzacuaico or Huasacualco, in October 1524. We borrow this information from Prescott,483 who gives it on the authority of Cortes' Carta Quinta. It seems to have embraced from the Coatzacuaico river to the Gulf of Honduras. No. 153. Francisco de Lerma's. Charles V. in a letter addressed to Acufia and Barretos, orders that Lerma should bring certain maps before the Badajoz junta. " Las cartas de navegar que decis tiene Francisco de Lerma, vecino desta ciudad : — The sailing charts which Francisco de Lerma, of this city, says he has.""' No. 154. Estevam Gomez. It is a map of the famous Portuguese pilot, which was given by him to Colonel Espinoza, and is mentioned in the above letter addressed by the Emperor Charles V. to Acufia and Barretos : " I la quel piloto Estevam Gomez did al Coronel Espinoza." No. 155. Maps of Margaret of Austria. Margaret of Austria, daughter of the Emperor Maximilian, and widow of the infant Don Juan, the son and heir of Ferdinand and Isabella, was a very superior woman in every respect, and who seems to have taken a lively interest in transatlantic discoveries. In the inventory of her valuables, drafted by her orders in the city of Antwerp,485 April 17, 1524, we notice the following items : '^^ Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, Philadelphia, 1869, the poem of Gautier de Metz, entitled Mappe Monde, Vol. III., p. 278. written in the thirteenth century, and which is the proto- '>*■' Mufioz Transcripts, Vol. LXXV., f"- 51. type of the famous Livre de Glergie, or Lymaige du "^^ Original MS. , Paris National Lib. , 500 de Colbert, monde. We also notice a set of 40 articles designated as : No. 128 ; published by Cte. de Laborde, Revue Archdo- " Accoustremens de plumes venuz des Indes, presentees logique, Vlh annAe. We notice among the books of her de par I'empereur a Madame i Bruxelles le xx. iour library at Antwerp, no work relating to the New World, d'aoust xv.xxili.:— Wearing apparel made of feathers, but there was the following item : " Ung aultre [livre] coming from the Indies, which were presented to my moien, couvers de velours verd, qui ce nomme Mappe Lady at Bruxelles by the Emperor [Charles V. ], August monde (P-xxxiii., vo.)." This, however, we take to be 20,1523." Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 537 " Deux appemondes bien vieilles, en parche- " Two very old mappamundi on parchment, min. Deux Mapemondes en parchemin. Ung Two mappamundi on parchment, livre, escript en latin sur parchemin, de lettres A book written in Latin on parchment, au mole, faisant mencion des illes trouv^es, cou- mentioning the islands discovered, covered vert de satin de Bruges verd, et dessus la dicte with green Bruges satin On couverte est escript quatre lignes de lettres d'or the cover there are four lines in Latin letters en Latin " of gold " No. 156. Jesse Trutvetter. It is a map of the world, representing the entire American continent, and belongs to the edition of 1524 of the principal work of Jodocus Isennachcensis.486 As this teacher of Luther died in 15 19, the elements used for that map must be at least five years older than the date of the book where it was first inserted. The only copy known was offered for sale by Edwin Tross in 1868, but it has since completely disappeared, and we have vainly sought for that map in the chief European libraries. No. 157. The Lake of Nicaragua. It is the first map of that lake, and we find it mentioned in a letter from Pero Suarez de Castilla to the licentiate Acufia, apprising him of the arrival at the court of Andres de Cere^eda, who had been sent by Gil Gonzales Davila to inform Charles V. of his discovery of a " sea of fresch water" [i. e., the lake of Nicaragua). The letter ends as follows: "Cerezeda lleua a S. M. figura de todo. De la Puebla cerca de Coria, 7 de Mayo de 1524: — Cerezeda brings to Your Majesty a map of the entire region. Puebla [or the village?] near Coria, May 7, 1524."^*' In the absence of the map, which is lost, much geographical informa- tion can be gathered from the Itinerario y cuentas de Gil Gonzales Davila por il Tesorero Andres de CeregedaA^^ Landing at Ada in January, 1520, Davila crossed the Isthmus, built ships on the Pacific side, and in 1523 commenced his first exploration. In 1524, he went to Honduras (from Santo Domingo) in search of a strait. After many trials, Ddvila was arrested by Fernand Cortes without ''^Jodocus Isennachcensis, Summa in totam phy- ■'^^ Munoz Collection of MSS., Vol. LXXV., f"- 52. sicen : hoc est philosophiam naturaiem eonformiter '■^ Manuel M. de Peralta, Costa rica, Nicaragua y siquidem verm sophice: que est Theologia; Erford., per Panama en el siglo xvi., su historia y sus limites ; Mattheum Maler, 1524, 4to. Madrid, 1883, 8vo, pp. 27-31. 3T S38 The Discovery of North America. .10 having, of course, accomplished his object, 4-89 and was sent in irons to Spain, where he died, April 21, 1526. No. 158. CoRTifis' Alleged Passage. It was a map which Fernand Cortes said he possessed, and on which was indicated a passage to the Pacific, opening, on the Atlantic side, between the Gulf of Mexico and Newfoundland. "Desseando saber el secreto de la costa, que estaba por descobrir entre el rio de Panuco e la Florida: . . . ^ de alii la costa de la Florida por la parte del Norte hasta los Bacallaos, crej'endo que en aquella costa hay estrecho que passe A la mar del Sur. E si ss halla, segund ^ierta figura que Cortes dige quel tiene del parage : — Desiring to know the secret of the coast, which was to be discovered between the Panuco river and Florida . . . and thence the Flori- dian coast northward as far as the Baccalhaos, believing that on that coast there is a strait leading to the South Sea [Pacific]. And it was so, according to a certain map of those regions which Cortes said he possesssed." '"'° This extract49i of Oviedo is only a faithful paraphrase of the letter which Cortes sent to the Emperor, Charles V., October 15, 1524. The celebrated chronicler did not, however, share those illusions, for he said : " Yo le tengo a Hernando Cortes por mejor capitan . . . que no por esparto cosmo- grapho al que tal le dixo : — I considered Hernando Cortes as a better captain than able cosmographer." The map also depicted "aquel archipielago, que descubrio Magallanes " (that is, the Magellanic Strait), added Cort6s. 1525. No. 159. The Mantua Planisphere. It is in Spanish, on parchment, measuring 2130 by 811 mm., and exhibits the entire coast from the Strait of Magellan to the Baccalaos. According to a family tradition, that map was obtained by Baldassare Castiglioni, when Clement VII. sent him on a mission to Charles V. to settle certain political questions. The word "este" in the legend " Tierra que descobrio Estevan Gomez este afio de 1525 por mandado de Su Majestad,"492 instead of simply "el afio de 1525," as in the Ribero maps, -185 Pedrarias Da\'ila did not seem to share those 490 Oviedo, Hintoria General de las Indias, lib. illusions concerning the existence ofa strait in the isthmus. xxxiii., cap. xli., Vol. III., p. 466. In his letter of April, 1525, he speaks of " el estrecho «■ Letters of CORTiis, in Vedia's edition, p. 112. dudoso" (Peralta, op. cit.,^. 33). The strait was then «' Uzielli, Studj bibliograjtci . Mappamundi ; No. supposed to exist in the form of an outlet of the Lake of 412, p. 240. Attilio Portioli, Carte e memorie cj^o- Nicaragua into the Pacific. ijrapUche in Mantova; Mantova, 1875, p. 24. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 539 indicates that the chart was completed between November 1525, which is the date of the return of Gomez to Seville, and the end of the year. That is the main reason why we should have been happy to study its nomenclature and configurations,493 although the probability is that they do not differ from those of the Weimar chart of 1527. No. 160. LoRENZ Friess (?). This map belongs to the first two editions, at least, of the Uslegung der Mer-Carthen,'^^'^ ascribed to Lorenz Friess, of Colmar, printed by Griininger at Strasburg in 1525 and 1527. The title is: " Tabvla prima navigationis Aloisii Cadamvsti mederam. ins. versvs." On the west of the map there is the following inscription : " Das isz die erst vssfart vnd furen nuewe land zefunden die anderen warden im grosern buech angezeight. Vnd von diser insel portus. furen sie lisboa zu." The configurations and nomenclature are those of the Tabula Terre Nove of Waldseemiiller ; but the cartographer has added to the north- west continental region' " Terra de Cvba Partis Africe," and translated Oceanus Occidentalis by " Das mer gegen nidergang." That map is also to be found in the editions of 1527 and 1530. No. 161. Waldseemijller — Friess. Three maps belonging to the Strasburg Ptolemy 4-95 of 1525, viz.: Orbis Typvs Vniversalis ivxta Hydrographorvm Traditionem exactissime depicta 1522 . L. F. Oceani occide[n]talis Seu Terre Noue Tabvla. Tabv[la Moder.] Gron[landi8e et] Rvssi[e]. These were printed from the same blocks as those in the edition of 1522 ; but the printer, by placing, before printing, a band over the en- graved border on top, has rendered those maps titleless. The above titles, therefore, are borrowed from the edition of 1522. ■193 This map is preserved in the house of the Marquis posso aderire alia riproduzione della carta nautica." D. Rosa Castiglion I, at Mantua. We regret not to be *">* Bibliothe.ca Americana Vetustissima, No. 133; able to give a more detailed description ; but repeated Additions, No. 83, from the copy in the library of the efforts to obtain permission to copy the American coast liberal and enlightened Marquis DE Sassenay. have finally met with the following reply from the owner : *^^ Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Additions, " Dopo essermi consultata con i miei di famiglia non No. 78, from the Bibliotheca Ambrosiana. 540 The Discovery of North America. No. 162. Ribero and Nuno Garcia. They are the charts used during the expedition of Garcia Jofre de Loaisa to the Strait of Magellan and to the Molucca islands (i 525-1 528). They do not seem to have been concordant : "A medio dia eslabamos de la Sierra Leona 52 leguas por la carta de Diego Ribero, y por carta de Nuno Garcia [de Toreno] 56 leguas : — At midday we were from Sierra Leona, 52 leagues according to Diego Ribero's chart, and 56 by that of Nuno Garcia."**' No. 163. The Laurentiana Map. A planisphere on parchment, 1490 by 945 mm., in Spanish, but in- cluding purely Portuguese names. The American coast extends unbroken from Labrador to the Strait of Magellan. The configurations of the South American continent recall those of the Turin map, and bear the only generic name of " Tierra firme." West of the Gulf of Mexico there is a plan of " Tenvstitam." Our impression is that this map was con- structed in the time which elapsed between the making of the Turin map and that of the Weimar chart of 1527. It gives for the northern coast of South America several of the names which are in the former and not in the latter, viz.: "Costa de Paricura," " Valle de Amerigo," " Monte espeso," and the legends : " Visto de lexo," and " Visto no mas el fondo." The new names are few, but important : R. de Pascua Seturma Campana de Roldan La Garga *^ Rio Solo Rio de S. Sebastian Barreras blancas Canal de todos los sanctos ^'^ This map, which is preserved in the Library of the Medici at Florence, contains the arms of the Salviatis, surmounted by a cardinal's hat, which leads us to suppose that it belonged to Giovanni Salviati, who was nuncio in Spain 499 from 1525 until 1530. No. 164. Ruiz de Estrada and Penate. It is a map of the Gulf of Panama, coloured, 260 by 200 mm., con- structed by Bartolome Ruiz de Estrada and one Penate, pilots of Francisco Pizarro and Diego de Almagro, who gave it to Oviedo in 1526. Besides inscribing a number of names, it depicts not less than twenty-eight rivers ■"^ Navarrete, Vol. v., p. 245. Ian in a number of other nnaps, instead of " Canal." ■"7 That is the first name given to the Bermudas. ••» That fine map was first described by Mr. Uzielli, 498^11 Strecho " is the designation of the Strait of Magel- Elenco, p. 114, No. 156. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 541 emptying into that gulf, the Historia General of new names, beginning at Yslas de san pablo atq. de taboga Rio de chepe Rio de moche Rio de pacora Yslas de perlas Yslas de tortugas Golfo de S. miguel Rio chica Rio timamo Rio de la Balsa Rio del suegro Rio de churuca Punta de chiame Puerto de pinas There is a facsimile Oviedo, 5°o from which the north : Puerto deseado Angla de S. Bartolom^ Prouincia de camasagio Los ynoantes Los martires La candelaria Santelmo Punta de esperanga Rio de lazaro Rio de los mojones Rio de sattes Rio de la Vela Rio dulce Rio de la presa Rio Baxo in the Madrid edition of we borrow the following Rio de la pera Rio de S. Miguel Rio del fuego Rio del spera Rio de S. nicolas Rio de los egipgianos Rio Cartagena Rio de San Juan Rio de los atara9anas Rio de S. maria Rio despoblado Rio del sp[irit]u sancto Rio de mayo Rio de Santiago Ysla felipe atq. gorgona No. 165. 1526. Giovanni da Verrazano. Map ascribed to Giovanni da Verrazano, which was yet preserved in England in 1584. Hakluyt describes it as follows : " There is a mightie large olde mappe in parchemente, made as yt shoulde seme, by Verarsannus, traced. all along the coaste from Florida to Cape Briton, with many Italian names, which laieth oute the sea, makinge a Uttle necke of land in 40 degrees of latitude much like the streyte necke or istmus of Darien.""' Elsewhere, Hakluyt says 502 that the map of Verrazano also laid out the " shorte and easie passage by the Northwest." Those data are suffi- cient to enable us to define its north-western configurations, and to recognise them in an important series of cartographical documents. The " litde necke of land in 40" latitude " is the isthmus, depicted in that family of maps between the "Mare Indicum" and the "Mare Oceanum," so that these oceans are only six miles apart, and, according to the legend in the Verrazano map of 1529,503 can be seen from each other. s" Oviedo, Historia General, Introduction by Mr. American Cambridge reprint, 1877, pp. 113, 114. Amador DE LOS Rios, Vol. I. , p. 56, note ; and Vol. 5°' Hakluyt, Diver.t voyages touching the Discoveries IV 5 117 plate iv"- o/^ramca, 1582, in the dedication to Sir Philip Sidney. S"' Hakluyt, Discourse on Western Planting, in the ^ Map of Hieronymo da Verrazano, infra, No. 187. 54- The Discovery of Korth America. "De questo mare orientale [the Atlantic], si vede il mare occidentale [the Pacific], sono 6 miglia di terra infra I'uno al otro." The "many Italian names" likewise "exist all along the coaste from Florida to Cape Briton" in those maps, and, what is more, they are very clearly translations from the French. As to the north-west passage "so laid out," it is, in our opinion, not the "little necke," but the wide aper- ture which is placed in Maggiolo between "Corte Reale" and "Lavoradore," and supposed to lead to the " Mare Indicum." We see it delineated in this manner in Munster's Tabula novarum insularum, engraved about 1534, and in all the elliptical mappamundi designed by Battista Agnese since 1536; whilst it is initiated east and west in the map of Lok, to which Hakluyt explicitly refers when mentioning the alleged strait : " That shorte and easie passage by the Northwest master John Verazanus, which had been thrise [?] on that coast, in an olde excellent mappe which he gave to King Henrie the eight, and is yet in the custodie of master Locke, doth so lay it out as it is bee seene in the mappe annexed to the end of this boke, beeing made according to Verazanus plat."™* As to the date, it may be inferred from the allusion to the English King. Henry VIII. remained at war with Francis I., from November 24, 1522, until August 30, 1525, and as Verrazano was then in the employ of France, it is only after the latter date that he could have presented his said map to the King of England. On the other hand, in 1527, the Florentine navigator was engaged in a corsarial expedition, which ended by his being captured at sea early in October of that year, and hung as a pirate, at Colmenar de Arenas, in November following. 505 The probability then is that the map given to Henry VIII., was made between July 24, 1524 (when Verrazano returned from his transatlantic expedition), and 1526, and that he presented it to the English King in the latter year, but before the month of May, as at that date he was engaged arming an expedition at Dieppe or at Honfleur.5o6 His transatlantic expedition has prompted the construction of two varieties of maps. The first of these varieties is represented by the ^* Hakluyt, op. cit., p. 11. ferma delV Indie Occidentali, Vol. III., f"' 417) seems to 5°5 "Letter from the Judge of Cadiz to Charles V. giving have originated with the statement of Oviedo, that the Names of the Principal persons captured vi-ith Juan " Johan Florin, gascon 6 frances," having been sent with Florin, and of his Death," published in a translation by liiigo DE Vascuna to Coro, in Venezuela, by Ambrosio Mr. Henry C. MuRPHY, The Voyage of Verrazano, p. Dalfinger, was killed by the Indians. See Ovieijo, 167, from a Simancas MS., Entado Legajo i5, P- 346. Historia General, Ub. xxv., cap. vii., Vol. II., pages The legend that Giovanni Verrazano was taken and 287 and 291. eaten up by savages (Ramusio, Dincorso mpra la terra sos Revue Critique, January i, 1876, p. 22. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 543 Maggiolo map of 1527. This was modified, we think, in another map, as yet unknown, in which North and South America were blended to- gether about the tropic of Cancer. The derivatives of this modified map are : the Sloane map, the first map of Munster, the oval mappamundi of Battista Agnese, and the map of Michael Lok.so/ The second variety is represented by the planisphere of Hieronymo da Verrazano. Its deri- vative is the globe of Ulpius.SoS The other maps and globes containing Verrazanean data, chiefly in the form of legends such as " Terra Fran- cesca," and " Terra Francesca nuper lustrata," are : the Gilt, Nancy, and Wooden Globes, and the single cordiform mappamundi of Finseus. No. 166. Giovanni da Verrazano's Globe. It is also mentioned in Hakluyt's Particular Discourse : " An olde excellent globe in the Queene's privie gallery, at Westm'r, w'ch also seemeth to be of Verrazanus makinge."™ No. 167. OviEDo's Nicoya. Map of the Nicoya Gulf, made by the famous chronicler himself, when living in Nicaragua. It measures 260 by 200 mm., and is inscribed : " Golpho de nicaragua atque de guetares o de orotifia." This gulf, only the entrance of which Gaspar de Espinosa and his pilot Juan de Castaneda first sighted 51° during their expedition of 1519, was named by them " Gulf of San Lucar," or " Sant Liicas ;" by others, " Gulf of Orotifia," " Gulf of Guetares," " Gulf of Nicaragua ;" and by Gil Gonzales d'Avila, "Gulf of San Vicente." (?) It is the present Gulf of Nicoya, so named, as usual, from the then ruling cacique, who be- came celebrated for having embraced the Catholic faith with all his people. Oviedo remarks that he designed the same, not from Spanish charts, but 507 " lUustri viro, Domino Philippo Sidnfeo Michael Tlie Continental Cape; " R. do Brafo," — The River of Lok civis Londinensis hanc chartam dedicabat : 1582," the Arm ; and " Baia dos Moros," — The Bay of Moors ; in Hakluyt's Divers voyar/eif. " Costa de Corsales," — The Coast of Corsairs. These 5°^ It is a copper globe, 14 inches diameter, constri-icted indicate the existence of another Verrazanean map, as yet in Italy by one Euphrosynus Ulpius in 1542, and dedi- unknown, but which may turn up in Italy, cated to Cardinal Marcello Cer\'ino. It is worthy of ^09 Hakluyt, Particular Discourse, cap. xvii., § ii. notice that the name " Normanvilla " is omitted in the sio Oviedo, Historia General, lib. xxix., cap. xiii. , Verrazano map of 1529, but found in this globe and in Vol. III., p. 64; IV., p. 4. Espinosa did not enter the Maggiolo map of 1527. Ulpius, besides, gives five the gulf: "No entro en la ensenada grande que esta names which are not in any other map, viz. : " I'iaggia de adelante entre el cabo Blanco e la punta del puerto de la Calami," The Beach of Reeds ; " C. de Terra ferma," — Herradura, ni lo vido ;" op. cit., pp. 64 and 98. 544 The Discovery of North America. as he saw the Gulf himself. The map is not without a certain impor- tance, as exhibiting the first detailed cartographical conception of that part of the coast. " E pintarle h6 como yo le vi, e no como le hallo en las cartas de nuestros cosmo- graphos : — I painted the same as I saw it, and not after the maps of our cosmographers." "' Facsimiled in the Madrid edition of Oviedo, Vol. III., plate No. 2. No. 168. Portuguese Maps and Globe. Maps made, by Estevam Gomez, Hector of Coimbra, Fray Tomas Duran, the Count of Salamanca, Juan de Bejar, and Fray Antonio de Logrono. Also a small globe constructed in Portugal by a great pilot, whose name is unknown, but who was a great drunkard.512 Those maps are mentioned by Pedro Ruiz de Villegas,5i3 who also declares to having seen more than two hundred maps constructed at the island of Majorca, in Genoa, Venice, and in the province of Biscaya. No. 169. Delcano's Globe. The sphere which Juan Sebastian Delcano bequeathed in his will, when about to die on board the Victoria during the expedition of Loaisa, June 26, 1526 : " Una esfera roma [?] del mundo." 5i4 This globe would probably prove to us one of the most interesting of all for that period as exhibiting, doubtless, the hypothesis of Magellan relative to the configuration of the south-west coast of South America, north of 50" south latitude. Judging from the form given by Mercator to that region, it is not certain that South America, in the globe of De Elcano, assumed a perfect pyramidal shape. No. 170. Maximilianus Transylvanus. Map which Franciscus Monachus ascribes to the secretary of Charles V. (" Maximilianus Transilvanus, a Secretis Cesarese Majestatis," as he signs himself) in these terms : 5" Oviedo, vhi supra, and p. 107. According to Mr. Cosmographer to Philip III., in his Regimiento de Naue- Peralta, op. cit., p. 29, note, that lake was also called gacion, Madrid, 1606, fol., i" 148. Golfo de Ghira and Golfo de Salinas. sn Ibidem. As near as we can recollect, there is men- s'= "Globillo que hizo en Portugal aquel gran Kioto tion made of a map of Gomez in Vol. LXXV., f"- 51, que se emborrachaua cuyo nombre no me acuerdo." — verso, of the Muiioz transcripts. ViLLEGAS, quoted by Andres Garcia DE Cespedes, ^^^ Doc. inedit. p. la Hist, de Espa!ia;Yo\. I., -p 26e,. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 545 "Cseterum vt corapendio pergam, ad prae- "To make this present description of the sentis sphserse descriptionem consummatius ab- globe^^' in a complete manner I have collected soluendam, omnes omnium quos quidem all the maps of the earth which I could find, nancissi potui, terrse configurationes contuli, although nearly all differ from each other, quanquam maxina ex parte inter se discre- The most beautiful of them is that of the pantes. Omnium autem pulcherrimam sphaeram illustrious Maximilian of Transylvania. But, videre contigit, prseclari illius et famigerati although it was constructed with much care Maximiliani Transsylvani, verum licet industrie, and skill, I do not approve of it in every periteque adornatae et efi&ctse, non tamen respect, notwithstanding the fact that many meum appono calculum, vel reclamante quam able navigators share his opinion in separating libet peritorum nautarum assensu. Etenim Cul- Calvacania "' from the eastern countries by uacanam illi ab orientalibus oris interstitio maris a sea ; for, as I have shown above, Calva- dirimunt, at nos supra ostendimus Culuacanam cania is joined to the empire of the Great cum dom. mag. Can coniunctos habere limites." Khan." "' As Maximilianus Transylvanus is the author of the letter addressed from Valladolid in October, 1522, to the Cardinal of Salzburg, giving the first account which appeared in print of Magellan's voyage, thus showing a taste for geography, he may also have been supposed to be the maker of the map. But, whether he constructed it himself, or, what is much more probable, caused a Seville or Valladolid cartographer to make it, the data were Spanish. Yet its configurations must have differed in an im- portant respect from the works of the Sevillan Hydrography, as exhibited, for instance, in the Weimar charts. These leave absolutely blank and un- defined the west coasts of the New World, from the point where Magellan left it, by 50° south latitude, to 10° north latitude, and from "Guatimula" to the Arctic regions ; so that back of the eastern borders of Mexico or Calvacania, nothing whatever is depicted. Franciscus Monachus takes upon himself, in his globe, to fill that immense gap between the New World and the Old with continental lands, which stretch (hypothetically in 1526) first from the strait of Magellan to Peru, and then from Guatemala to Cathay by an unbroken line of coasts north of the equator ; thus blending America with Asia. That is an innovation of his own, although the probability is that Schoner also imagined such a connection so early as 1523. Thi.s, of course, did not exist in the map of Maximilianus, any more than in Weimar charts ; but it must have exhibited traces of an S'5 The globe Franciscus Monachus alludes to is either 5i« " Calvacania " is the name given to the Mexican the Carondelet globe or the mappamundi inserted in the regions, and was borrowed from the Enchiridion of text of the treatise De Orbis situ (infra, Nos. 171 and Anghiera. 172). But we think that he refers to the former. 5>7 De Orbis situ, verso of the 7th leaf. 3 u 546 The Discovery of North America. hypothetical Pacific Ocean, since the Belgian monk reproaches him with " separating Calvacania from the empire of the Great Khan by a sea." The presumption, therefore, is that the map of Maximilianus depicted the entire west coast of America, such as we see it in the jNIaggiolo chart of 1527 and in the Verrazanean maps. No. 171. The Carondelet Globe. In the letter of thanks addressed by Jean de Carondelet, Archbishop of Palermo, to the Franciscan friar Franciscus, who had dedicated to him the treatise De Orbis St^u,i^^ we notice the following sentence: "Orbis globum, in quo terrse ac maria luculenter depicta sunt, una cum epistola accepi- raus :— A globe of the world, in which the lands and the seas are elegantly depicted, together with an epistle, I accept." This we understand to refer to a globe different and more important than the small woodcuts of a sphere inserted in the first two editions of that treatise. "Luculenter" is certainly too strong an expression for such diminutive and elementary configurations as are set forth in that poor engraving, and inserted in the text of a pamphlet. Taking as a basis the woodcut in the De Orbis Situ, we assume that the Carondelet-Franciscus "elegant globe" must have shown the following geographical configurations : It set forth the east coast of the New World in a continuous line from the Labrador country to the Floridian peninsula, which was duly labelled Terra (not Isla) Florida. The gulf of Mexico was then depicted with the addition of the now famous Calvacana, and of a strait cutting in two the isthinus of Darien. Westward, on what we call the Pacific side, the coast was carried north-westerly, but made to merge, near the equator, with Asia, which itself was blended at the north with Europe. As to the north-east coast, we can easily ascertain what was its configura- tion, south of Newfoundland, from the following sentence : " Septentrionalium descriptionem insularum, ac litorum, cum ex Marco Beneventano mutuatus sum, tum vero ex navigationibus receptis, probatisque conflavi: — I have borrowed the description of the northern islands and shores from Marcus Beneventanus, and arranged the same according to the navigations accepted and proved." ^'^ Bibliotheca Americana Vetiixtis«ima, No. 131. Cartograp^iia Americana Vetustissima. 547 Newfoundland, therefore, was brought close to the mainland, 5i9 which continued southwards so as to join Florida ; and along that new coast, between those two regions, could be read the Cantino-Ruysch nomenclature. The first inference to be drawn from this fact is that, in this globe, the Atlantic seaboards of the present United States were not delineated from an already-existing Spanish map, but only as a coast line rendered neces- sary by the adoption of the Americano-Asiatic western link ; confirmed, perhaps, by a rumour of the recent Spanish discoveries. The latter sup- position is borne out by the Sumario of Oviedo, which appeared in print, and mentions, so far back as February, 1526, the expedition of Estevam Gomez " a la parte del Norte " ; while, on the other hand, Franciscus Monachus certainly identified in his mind the continent of North America with Ruysch's northern delineations. As to the hypothetical strait, which also figures in the Maggiolo map, and is represented as leading across the isthmus of Darien, Franciscus was not convinced of its existence. This we infer from the concluding sentence of the important extract of the De Orhis Situ which we have already given : " Atque ipsam prgeterea Americam Orientalibus et Culuacanse connexam esse, quanquam hoc postrerum nondum certo nobis constat fieritamen potest vt nunc hispanis non sit igno- tum: — America itself is joined to the eastern regions and to Calvacania, though the latter fact is not proved absolutely. Still, it may be that this, to-day, is not unknown to the Spaniards." In that passage, by " America," Franciscus means the southern continent only, which exclusively bears that name in so many of the Lusitano-Germanic maps. What we call Central America and Mexico, were to him "Calvacania," which he could not then affirm to be abso- lutely connected with South America. Franciscus Monachus may have been himself the constructor of the Carondelet globe. Ortelius in his catalogue of the maps used for com- posing the Theatrum of 1570, mentions the following: " Franciscus Monachus Mechliniensis Regiones Septentrionales ; Antuerpiae, apud Syluestrum k Parisiis." We must add that one of the most reliable bibliographical historians of the order of Franciscans, Juan de San Antonio, recognises in the maker of the map cited by Ortelius, the Franciscus Monachus who wrote 5=9 Ruysch's connection of the two worlds is limited to map), as entirely distinct from the Asiatic continent, of Newfoundlander Labrador; and he considered the north- which his Terra Nova was a mere prolongation. See western continental regions south of Newfoundland (which supra, pp. 133 and 450, and particularly the facsimile of he had borrowed exclusively from a Lusitano-Germanic a section of his mappamundi, supra, No. 76. 548 The Discovery of North America. the treatise De orhis situ. It is not impossible therefore, that a cosmo- grapher competent to construct maps of the Northern regions of sufficient importance to be used by Ortelius, may have been able to design the required mappamundi or globe. No. 172. Franciscus Monachus. '^^r^fe^ 1 ^^^^^^ ^Miij - --^T^ ^; -*' ^^ NB hobkO'V^^"; — ~— ii»~ yi^^O^ Each of these two spheres measures 66 by 66 mm., and was en- graved on a separate block. They belong to the treatise Be Orhis Situ,S^° which was written apparently in 1526, by a Belgian monk called Franciscus, but whose real name seems to be Francois Le Moyne,52i and who is said to have been of Malines. 522 In that mappamundi both North and South America are depicted from the Arctic regions to the Strait of Magellan, and westward ; with no other break than a narrow strait which severs the Isthmus of Darien. But near the equator, at the west, the coast line instead of continuing its course towards the north, is carried westwardly until the New World is made to merge with Asia. The western hemisphere contains nine names, two of which belong to Asia, viz.: " [Monjgolia," and " Bergia," which is the Bargu of Marco Polo, 523 placed by the Venetian traveller in the north-eastern extremity 5^° See infra, p. 551, for a bibliographical description. San Antonio, Bibliot. Francisc. Univ., Vol. I., p. 409. 5" " Franciscus Monachus, et familias nomine et pro- 5=^3 This is shown by the inscription " Campestria fessione." Valerius AtlDREAS, Bibliotheca Belgica, 1643, bergi," in the maps of Sloane and FiN/Etrs, which cor- page 234. responds with what Marco Polo says, " que en apelle le 5== " F. Francisco Macliniense," ^^itome of PiNELO, plain de barga;" Le diuisement dou monde; Paris' p. 175. "Franciscus Monachus Mechliniensis," J. de National Library, MSS., Fr. No. 11 16, cap. Ixx. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 549 of Cathay. The others are " Tamago " (Tamaho),S24 " Covacala " (Cal- vacania),525 " Barag " (Veragua), " Dabaiba," and America.S26 Small and incomplete as that map is, it presents considerable interest as being the earliest one now existing, where North America, south of the parallel of Newfoundland, is represented as a mere prolongation of Asia ; for Ruysch's mappamundi imparts that character only to the most northern American regions. It is also the first map which we possess where the north-east coast, according to true geographical conceptions, exhibits an unbroken coast line from Labrador to Florida. Withal, we must not be understood to mean that a short time previous to the pub- lications and spheres of Franciscus Monachus, there may not have been a globe uniting already the New World with the Old on the Asiatic side, and setting forth similar north-eastern configurations. In describing the tract written by Johann Schoner to accompany his globe of 1523, now lost, we have, on the contrary, expressed the opinion that he must have introduced then geographical delineations of that character. Nay, the more we study the question, the more we become convinced that, notwithstanding the statements of Franciscus Monachus ascribing to Ruysch the origin of his cosmographical data, particularly for the north- eastern regions, he has known and been influenced by the now lost globe of Schoner 527 of 1523; which doubtless united at the east, the entire coast line with the seaboards of the Gulf of Mexico ; as that was a s^ It is the "Tamahox provincia," in Mexico, first s»7 The eastern profiles of the northern configurations mentioned iii the map of Garay, and as " Tamaho," in extending in RuYSCH from his 75° to 25° north latitude, that of CoRxis. never could yield the form given to that region in the 5=5 That name was borrowed from Anghiera's account globe of Franciscus Monachus; as can be seen by of Yucatan : " Caluacam, alias Oloan, ab accolis hoec uniting the sections in Ruysch, and imparting to the tellus appellant." De, Irmulis nuper inventis, f" 69, D, whole the projection employed by Franciscus. On the ed. of 1533, with the Decades. It is the Culiacan and other hand, those profiles in the globe of the latter Gulnacam of the Gilt Globe, of the Nancy Globe, and of resemble in a very great degree those of Schoner's Lok's map. globe of 1533, which we consider to be a slightly modified ^^ Lelewel in his artificial reproduction of this little copy of the same in his lost globe of 1523. Then where globe, blending the two hemispheres in one, and making did Franciscus borrow the notion and form of the of the whole an elliptical mappamundi (Franciscus antarctic lands, if it be not from one of Schoner's monachus ordinis franciscanorum 1526, plate 46, of the globes? Nay, the pyramidal shape given by Franciscus Atlas accompanying his Oiogr. du Moyen Age), has to the South American continent is also Schonerean, and added several names taken from the text of the treatise. in the altered form adopted by the Nuremberg mathema- Among these we notice CuUacana, which together with tician after 1520, as is shown by the recess and profile of Terra florida, and even Bergia. although it figures its Pacific coast by 45° south latitude in the globe of already in Behaim ("Bergi eingross Konigreich") and 1533. These and other reasons would have led us to Ruysch ("Bergi extrema" on the map, and cap. v. of make the evolution described supra, pp. 281-284, date Marcus Beneventanus' Commentary), constitute dis- from Schoner's globe of 1523, if the Weimar copy had tinctive traits of that class of maps. reached us in time to compare the two globes. 55° The Discovery of North America. necessity after joining westward America with Asia. It should be added, however, that Schoner derived the idea of the connection imagined by him to exist between the two worlds, from the account recently published of Magellan's voyage ; 5^8 whilst Franciscus Monachus clearly ,says that the details of the conquest of Mexico just made known, are the source from which he inferred the identity supposed by him to exist between Asia and America, i-9 The blending of the two worlds is the distinctive trait of the globe inserted in the treatise of Franciscus Monachus ; but, as we have already stated, the notion was entertained by Schoner, and was most probably set forth graphically in his globe of 1523. The Carondelet globe, of which the above woodcut can only be an abridgment, we also believe to have exhibited that novel configuration. But as these two geographical monu- ments no longer exist, and our descriptions are to a certain extent necessarily hypothetical, we are bound, in the present state of the question, to make of the present the starting point of the chronology of the now existing specimen of that class of spheres and maps : The Gilt globe, circa 1528. The Sloane map, circa 1530. Double cordiform mappamundi of Finasus, 1531. Schoner's Weimar globe, 1533. The Wooden globe, circa 1535. The Nancy globe, circa 1535. Single cordiform mappamundi No. 2, of Finseus, 1536. Globe of Caspar Vopell, 1542 (?), 1543, and his mappamundi, 1556 (in Girava). Mappamundi of Gastaldi, 1546, 1548 (in the Ptolemy), and in the copies or counterfeits engraved by Forlani, 1562, 1570; by Giov. Francesco Camotio, 1562; by C. Duchet, 1570; and by Christoforo Blanco, 1599. Hhaggy Ahhmed's, 1558 — 1560. Mappamundi of Honter, 1561. Globe of Praetorius (in Nuremberg), 1566. Cimerlino's edition of the 1536 Finaeus, 1566. Myritius, 1587 (published in 1590).™ Francesco Gisolfo (?).™ The relative importance of the De orhis situ of Franciscus Monachus, and of the geographical notions it advocates, prompt us to enter again into minute bibliographical details. The book was printed at least three times ; twice sine anno, and the third time with the date of 1565 ; but in every instance without modifi- cations in the text, or reference to previous editions. The princeps was published at Antwerp, by Martin Lempereur, under the following title : 5=" Supra, No. 147, p. 5 19. rarvm, totivs ejvs negotii rationem, complectens ; Ingol- i'^ Supra, p. 284. stad., 1590, fol. 53° Myritius (Joannis), Opvscvlvm Geographicvm ^^' Wvtke, Geschichte der Erhinde, p. 61, pi. vi., g. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 551 De orbis || sUv ac descriptione, ad Re || uerendiss. D. archiepiscopum Panormitanum, \\ Franctsci, Monachi ordinis Franciscani, epistola sane qua luculenta. In qua || Ptolemcei, ccetero- rumque supe \\ riorum geographorum hal || lucinatio rejellitur. || aliaque ; preceterea || de recens || inuen || tis \\ ierris, mari, insulis. Deditione papa loannis De situ || Paradisi, ei dimensione miliarium ad pro || portionem graduum cceli, prmclara || et memoratu digna recen || senticr || Colophon : Excvdebat Martinvs Cae- || sar, expensis honesti viri Rolandi Bollaert, com- \\ morantis Antuerpta iuxta portam Ca- || mere sub intersigno maio- || ris falconis albi. It is a 1 2 mo, of i 1. for title and 14 unnumbered 11. for text; on the verso of the last there is the mark of the printer, with his well-known motto : Sola fides sufficit, and the date of 1525- On the verso of the title page is seen a woodcut of the eastern hemisphere, and on the recto of the following leaf one of the western hemisphere. "^ The other edition 533 was printed with the same characters, justification, &c., as the former, and by the same printer ; presenting the same text throughout, and the same woodcuts. The differences lie in the title, which is in ten lines only, instead of sixteen ; and in the eastern hemisphere being printed on the title-page, the verso of which is blank. But this edition has been found twice bound with a work printed by the same printer, of the same size and with the same type, viz.: Appendi || ces loannis Schoner || Charolipolitani in || opusculum Globi Astriferi nu || per ab eodem (editum. \\ ''^ Colophon : Antuerpia ex officina typographica Marti- || ni Casaris. Impensis honesti viri Rolandi \\ Bollardi. An. M.D.XXVII. \\ The present contains also at end the mark of Martin Lempereur, dated 1525. Our impression, however, is that it must be a second edition, which was made to accompany this reprint of 1527 of Schoner's tract, and that the edition first above described, and which is always found separately, is the princeps. Now, when was the latter printed.? Necessarily after 1525, since it contains a printer's mark dated of that year; but how long afterwards? On the verso of the 14* leaf we notice the following passage: "Prffiterea inventa anno abhinc millesimo quingentesimo vigesimo sexto, terra longitu- dine . o . meridionali latitudine . 52 . partium cultoribus vacua . Reliqua australis orae etianum in obscuro latent :— Moreover, in the year 1526, a land has been discovered by 0° longitude, and 52" south latitude, which is not inhabited. The other parts of that austral country are yet in the dark." 53= See the ficsimile which heads the present article. ^33 We are indebted for a description of that edition to That 'edition is fully described in our Bihliotheca Ameri- Messrs. Ildobrando Rossi, of Rome, and Max Kanto- cana Vetustudma, m. lii. We have used for the ROWicz of Milan. tn, .tudv the copy in the Paris National Library, ^ This work is only a reprint, with the same title, of r 7 a 10 6'" the woodcut and maps in which are the edition published at Nuremberg by Johann Stuchs invent, it. ^ , -~, .^ 1518,410. coloured by hand. 55- The Discovery of North America. What is that austral country beginning on a line with the initial meri- dian, and in such extreme southern latitude, which Franciscus Monachus says was discovered in 1526? The latter date can only be a lapsus pennce, as no such discovery was accomplished in that year. As to the country itself, we have only to compare its delineation and position in Franciscus woodcuts with the antartic land in the various globes of Schoner, to see at a glance that it can only be the region on which the Nuremberg mathe- matician has inscribed, in 1533, the legend: "Terra Australis recenter in- venta, sed nondum plene cognita." The difference is that Franciscus makes another lapsus in inserting in his map the following statement : " Hec pars ore \jic pro orb] is nobis navigationibvs detecta nondvm existit : — This part of the world has not yet been discovered \sic\ in our navigations." Franciscus evidently meant that the country had not been entirely explored or made known, since he says so explicitly in his text, adding even a latitude and a longitude, and configurates the region in his map. That austral land is the one which Schoner had already depicted in his globes of 1515 and 1520, and named, first " Brasilie Regio," and then " Brasilie inferior ;" but on which, in consequence of Magellan's discovery, he inscribed afterwards, — apparently so early as 1523, — the legend convey- ing the information that the country had been recently discovered, and was yet imperfectly known. Now, Schoner must have constructed a number of globes between 1523 and 1533 ; and it may be that Franciscus saw one, made in 1526, which led him to adopt the latter date as his interpretation of the " recenter inventa " in connection with the austral land. If so, the De Orbis situ was printed in or shortly after 1526. Regarding the edition of 1565, which was published by Withagius, also at Antwerp, it presents precisely the same text as the preceding, but does not contain the above described woodcuts of a globe. 535 We have been unable to ascertain anything personal concerning the author. Franciscus Monachus means both " Francis the Monk," and " Francois Le Moyne," which is a very common French and Brabant family name. Valerius Andreas seems to solve the question in stating that Monachus was the title of his profession and at the same time his family name : " Franciscus Monachus, et familise nomine et professione." The bibliographers of the Franciscan Order shared that opinion, as in 535 Mr. R. Garnett, of the British Museum kindly edition by a small globe in a stand, which is printed on informs us that the two woodcuts are replaced in this the verso of the title page. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 553 the Index cognominium of the supplement to Wadding's Scriptores ordinis Minor um,'^'i^ he figures as follows : " Monachus franciscus." Juan de San Antonio 537 says, after Ortelius and Andreas, that he was of Malines : " Mechliniensis," but adds that he is the author of a series of maps and descriptions of the Northern regions : " Regiones septentrionalis in tabulas descripsit et conspiciendas dedit Ibid. Typis Silvestri a Parisijs." Now, we find no traces of a Parisian bookseller or printer of that name. There have been many Sevestres, but com- mencing only in 1583 (Lottin). On the other hand, Lasor also mentions those " tabulas," 538 adding: "Antwerp, 1565, 4to.," mistaking evidently these supposed maps with the third edition of the De Orhis Situ. As to the Archbishop of Palermo, to whom the treatise is dedicated, it is the celebrated Jean de Carondelet, who could be addressed under that title ever since 1523,539 and even 1520,540 and who died in 1544. 1527. No. 173. Vesconte de Maggiolo. It is a planisphere in two sheets, on vellum, measuring together 1700 by 600 mm., preserved in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, at Milan, and bear- ing the following inscription : "Vesconte de Maiollo conposuy hanc cartan in Janua anno dny . 1527, die xx Decenbris."*" In this valuable map, which has recently been shown to have been constructed not in 1587, as the altered date had led geographers to be- lieve, but in 1527, the west coast of the New World, which the Weimar charts yet leave completely blank, is carried from the Strait of Magellan to 35° north latitude, with no other break than a narrow strait cut across Honduras, but bearing this inscription: " Streito dubitoso." Although that expression was already used by Pedrarias Dairla in 1525, the strait is placed here too far north to have been derived from some Spanish map sent by Pedrarias to Charles V.; as at that time the hypothetical passage 53" SuppUmentum et castigalio ad scriptores trium rex exemplo signem) est ab urbe Mechlinia ad vicum ordinis S. Francisci a Waddingo cUiisque descripios ; Walhemensem, quern vocant." Romse, 1806, fol., p. Ixxi. S38 Lasor, Univ. terrarum orbis script.; Patavii, 1713, 537 De San- Antonio, Bihliot. Francisc. Universa; fol.. Vol. II., p. 409, Matriti, 1732, fol., Vol. I., p. 409. All we could find 539 FoppENS, Bihliot. Belgica, Vol. II., p. 604. on that point is an inference borrowed from a comparison s^° PlERRHl, Sicilia Sacra; Panorm., 1733, fol., f. in the De Orhis Situ indicating a familiar acquaintance 188, and table, with Malines and its vicinity : " Et leve iter, quale (ut 54i gee supra, p. 217, facsimile of map and inscription. 3 V 554 The Discovery of North America. was supposed to be an outlet of the Lake of Nicaragua. From that strait the coast is depicted in the form of a narrow elbow commencing in the latitude of the city of Mexico, and continuing its curve so as to make of the country west of the great Mexican Gulf, and of our Southern States, particularly near the Carolinas, a relatively narrow strip of land, bordered on the west by the "Mare Indicum." It is the "little necke of land " mentioned by Hakluyt. Across the site of the present United States, we read in large letters Francesca, rendered still more effective by the addition of the royal flag of France with the lilies. Our theory is that the present map of Maggiolo represents closely a prototype, still unknown, on which were inscribed Verrazanian data, shortly after the return of the Florentine navigator. The designation " Francesca," the French flag, and the series of French names, nearly all of which are reproduced in the map of Verrazano, are proofs to that effect. Yet, the latter cannot be said to be an immediate derivative of the prototype used by Maggiolo, as this cosmographer alone gives several French names, such as " Normanvilla," and particularly another name which Hieronymo could have scarcely omitted if he had seen it. We refer to " Lorto de rucelay," which must doubtless be interpreted by " Rucelay 's garden." Now this name recalls in the highest degree that Zanobis de Rousselay, who, with Hieronymo, was the attorney in fact of Giovanni da Verrazano 542 at Rouen in 1525 and 1526. Acting upon the necessary presumption that both Maggiolo and Hieronymo were perfectly well informed of the results of Verrazano's voyage, we can realise the impression produced on them by the sight of the passage depicted in their model chart ; and which, let it not be forgotten, already figures on the mappamundi of Franciscus Monachus engraved at the latest in 1526. Maggiolo copied the strait servilely, but mitigated the error by adding the legend : " Streito dubitoso : — This is a doubtful strait." Hieronymo, on the contrary, rejected it altogether; otherwise, he would have cast a slur upon his brother, who had been sent across the Atlantic by Francis I., to find that hypothetical passage : " con intenzione di giusta sua possa, discoprire il Cataio," according to the Carli letter. The importance of this map was first made known by M. Cornelio Desimoni,S43 as a weighty argument in the controversy concerning the s*= Document in La Revue critique d^histoire et de S43 Desimoni, Alio studio secondo intomo a Giovanni Utterature, Paris, January, 1876, p. 22. Verrazzano, Append. III., Genora, 1882, pp. 81-104. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 555 authenticity of the voyage of Verrazano across the ocean in 1 523-1 524. It is unquestionable that the designations : " Francesca " and " Terra Francesca nuper lustrata," with a series of French names and the royal arms of France in maps of 1527 and 1529, not to speak just now of the corroboration furnished by other maps and globes of about the same period, 544 confirm the statements made in the middle of the sixteenth century by Ramusio 545 and others, as regards a French voyage of dis- covery to our north-east coast, accomplished before the expeditions of Jacques Cartier, who visited North America for the first time in 1534. What could that early French exploration be if it was not Verrazano's ? The new names inscribed on Maggiolo's map are the following : ON NEWFOUNDLAND : Ben posta A baia de crvx S. Franc* A baia de padrum A baia de Zacaria Rio de Spera Rio Jordan C. grosso Santiago Terra de muita gente I* de S. Joan C. de bertoni Ponta de diamante Palatium pormtorius Le figole de nauarus*** Cressuy pormtorius Rio Santo Crux (p. de) NORTH-EAST COAST AND FLORIDA: Lorto de rucelay La Trinita Caregi Monicelli La Scaridas Sauleum pormtorius Baduaria El paladiso Saminito (S. Miniato?) Costa de S. Jeorgi Armelines siltes Vidanus pormtorius IsolaMaiollajenoesa"' Corte majore La Jarcossa C. S. gallo Jovium pormtorius* La nunceata G. de la foresta P. de diluvio"^ Valle vnbrosa Anaflor [Honfleur] P. de lisola Diepa Abadia de garai The merit of having detected the alteration introduced in the original date of the present map belongs to the learned Abb6 Ceriani, to whom we are indebted for a full-size ' photograph of that most important carto- graphical monument. See, supra, page 217, and facsimile. No. 174. Robert Thorne's. Map sent from Seville by an English merchant, called Robert Thorne, to the Ambassador of Henry VIII. in Spain, and bearing this tide: "This is the form of a Mappe sent 1527 from Siuil in Spayne by maister Robert Thorne marchaunt, to Doctor Ley, Embassadour from King Henry the 8. to Charles the Emperour." 5" Infra, sub anni, 1528, 1531, 1535, 1536, &c. S4S Ramusio, Terzo Volume. 1565, £'"420-422. S'l'^ On three small islands. 547 Must we infer that there was a Genoese Maggiolo in Verrazano's voyage of discovery ? Else, how to account for sueh a name given to an island ? 54s " Refugium Promont.," in Ulpius. 549 " Punta del Olivo," in Ulpihs. 556 The Discovery of North America. It is roughly engraved on wood, 440 by 270 mm., very incomplete, even for the time, and an extremely poor specimen of the Sevillan hydro- graphy. Hakluyt describes it as follows : " This carde, though little, conteyneth the vniversall whole worlde betwixte the two col- lateral lines, the one in the occidentall parte descendeth perpendicular vppon the 175 degree and the other in the oriental in the 170 degree, whose distaunce measureth the scale of longitude.""" The degrees are not marked in crossed lines, but Hakluyt, in the curious cosmographical dissertation accompanying his sketch of the map, indicates the manner in which we may supply this desideratum by means of a rule applied to the divisions marked in the border. The new con- tinent is given only in a summary outline, but we notice on the Pacific side an extent of coasts far greater than is marked on the anonymous Weimar chart, although the latter was likewise made in 1527, and at Seville. We are inclined to think, therefore, that it was re-touched by Hakluyt. Thorne says that the map was communicated to him by a Sevillan pilot, and begs Dr. Ley to show it only to a few persons, from fear of causing trouble on that account to the obliging mariner : "This Carde, says he, is not to be showed or communicated there with many of that Courte. For though there is nothing in it prejudiciall to the Emperour, yet it may bee a cause of paine to the maker : as well for that none may make these cardes but certaine ap- pointed and allowed for masters.'"*' That is to say, the cartographer not having deemed it expedient to obtain the approbation of the Pilot-Major for his indifferent performance, feared to be fined on that account, according to law. This is the earliest map where Florida is called ''Terra florida." The Pacific is named " Mare Australe," and the Strait of Magellan " Strictum Omnium Sanctorum." Along the north-east coast we read : " Terra nee ab Anglis primum fuit inuenta." The original is lost. We only possess a sort of facsimile published by Hakluyt, which has been reproduced by Nordenskiold, plate xli. No. 175. Luis de Cardenas'. Map of New Spain, on parchment, composed of four parts; each re- presenting one of the four great lordships : "Figura de los Reynos de la Nueva Espaiia en quatro partidas, de quatro grandes Senores." 55° Divers voyages touching the Discouerie of America, and Principall Navigations, Vol. I., p. 220. London, 1582, 4to ; p. 52 of the Hakluyt Society reprint, 55i Ibidem. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 557 Luis de Cardenas sent it to Charles V. from Seville, August 30, 1527, with ah important geographical memorial. 552 No. 176. Venetian Printed Map. Mappamundi printed at Venice in 1527. It belonged to the private collection of Fernando Columbus, who describes it as follows : " Vn mapamundi en seys pliegos y al fin occidente del mundo nvevo, comienga una escritura de tres renglones diciendo, populares esterior . Fue impreso en Venecia a 29 de Abril de 1527 . Jamaica tiene al occidente quatro islotes y no ay Yucatan." ''^ This map no longer exists in the Biblioteca Colombina, and we have failed to find it in any of the European collections. No. 177. Anonymous Weimar Map. It is a planisphere, 2160 by 864 mm., preserved in the Grand Ducal Library at Weimar, and bearing the following inscription : " Carta universal en qve se contiene todo lo qve del Mvndo se a descvbierto fasta aora hizola vn cosmographo de Sv Magestad Anno M.D.xxvii en Sevilla : — Universal map containing all that which has been discovered of the World to the present. Made by a cosmographer of His Majesty, in the year 1527, at Seville." By the legend : " Tierra que aora va a poblar panfilo de narbaes : — Country which Pamphilo de Narvaez is going to settle," Kohl has shown that the map was designed before June 17, 1527, as that is the date when Narvaez sailed from Sanlucar on his expedition. It is the earliest complete specimen which we possess of a chart made with data collected in the "Casa de Contratacion"; and, on that account, of great importance; but it was certainly not drawn by Fernando Columbus, and must be ascribed simply to one of the various Crown cartographers who, at all times in Seville, copied and sold such maps to anybody. Yet, the peculiar spelling " Juhan " instead of "Juan," which we notice in the map of Ribero, contradicts the opinion that he also made the present. The nomenclature, which is very rich, has been reproduced in all subsequent Sevillan charts. The same may be said of the configurations, until the first voyage of Pizarro to Peru caused cartographers to add a 55° Coleccion de Documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. 5S3 Catcdogo de Estampas. De picturis quas Colon XL., p. 273; but we take our information from the adqviviserat. MS. The original of this catalogue was Murioz transcripts, Vol. LXXV., {"■ 35. for sale a few years ago in London. 558 The Discovery of North America. portion of the Pacific coast, which begins to appear with the Ribeiro map of 1529. But there are other details not to be found in the latter, such, for instance, as the course of certain rivers. The large stream in the "Country of Gomez," which is perhaps the Bay of Fundy, extends in the present map fifteen degrees further inland ; and, whilst the mighty Ama- zona ( " Maranhom ") is represented by Ribeiro in the form of an outlet, however wide, the Weimar 1527 map ascribes to it a course of nearly twenty-five degrees, with sub-divisions, and a point of departure in the vicinity of high mountains, much as it is in reality. This last trait is to be noted as indicating the source of delineations found in many atlases (Agnese's) and globes (the Gilt and the Nancy globes) which have been supposed to date only from the time when Francisco de Orellana recon- noitred that immense river in 1541, by order of Gonzalo Pizarro. For a complete description, we refer to the facsimile and excellent analysis given by Kohl, 554 and limit our task to recalling the names which appear in that map for the first time, viz.: V. de la fortuna Y. de saualos C. hermosso Tierra de los bretones R. de' la buelta C. de muchas islas B. de Juhan ponge R. de nieves R. de Flores El canaueral Motas de S. Saluador Mar pequeiia C. de *^ R. del oro R. scondido La madalena R. hermosso NEWFOUNDLAND : B. de las gamas Y. del fuego Ysleos de las aues NORTH-EAST COAST : S. Juhan baptista R. de buena madre Montana verde Tierra del licenciado ayllon GULF OF MEXICO : R. de S. benito Ys. de lobos Villa rica Mexico R. de S. xpoual R. salado R. de perdicion R. de gasacalcos R. de S. bias R. de la baila R. des bocas C. de margo C. de buena ventura B. de S. Antonio B. de S. xpoual R. de S. Juhan G. de cauallos La fondura Mar de la tierra C. (San?) Thorne Cartage G. [Cjotoche Y. de Mujeres Cozumel Cariay P. blanca 55* Kohl, Dit beiden ciltesten General Karten von 1527, in the MonatUche Oorrespondenz zur heforderuruj Amerika; Weimar, i860, large folio. See also Linde- der Erd mid Himmeh-Kunde, of F. von Zach ; Gotha, NAU, Uher eine merhmirdirje cUte Weltharte vom jakre 18 10, Vol. XXII., pp. 342-382. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 559 Tierras de gil goncalez Dauila Las sierras dardena Playas de cerezeda Playas de 2 rios La punta del pico R. de S. gregorio R. ciego Los puercos Rostro fragoso PACIFIC COAST; P. de baxos P. de flecheros C. hermosso G. S. catalina Nicaragua G. de S. lago B. de S. vicente Y. del caiio P. de S. andres P. de brica P. hermosso Dabaybe Caribana Aldea de resgate La canoa P° de zanba C. de S. Roque R. de las estrellas R. de [S.] Jorge Baxos de los parggs B. del saluador Sierra de S. lucia R. de la Judia R. del estremo R. de S. francisco Tierra de Solis NORTH COAST OF SOUTH Gochire P. seca . . . de Pescadores Higueroto • Perito Portogalete G. de la aguada BRAZILIAN COAST : C. de S. antonio P. de S. elena Tierra de los humos Barreras blancas B. sin fondo Arrecifes de los lobos Tierra de mar90 C. bianco R. de Juhan Serrano R. de la ►^ Canpana de roldan."* Y. de S. maria Y de gatos P. de cebaco P. de buonauista P. de guera Panama P. de chame Y. de parlas G. de 3 migel Acara AMERICA : Boynari Cuman[a] P, da ray a Costa de lajas R. de pal[s ?Jcua Maranhom B. de St. iago R. de S. ylafonsso Estrecho de fernam de Magallanes B. de la uictoria ... del norte Arciepelago del cabo deseado Lago de los estrechos Tierra de los fuegos Sierras neuadas No. 178. 1528. Benedetto Bordone. Maps inserted in Bordone's work originally called Libra, afterwards Isolario, and printed for the first time at Venice 5S6 in 1528. Lelewel 555 The gunner of the Concepcion in Magellan's expe- 55« Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 145, and dition was called Roldan de Aegote. Additions, No. 107, page 112. 560 The Discovery of North America. expressed the opinion 557 that the present was completed so early as 1521. His grounds for such a belief were the privilege on the verso of the title page, which, having been granted by Leo X., who died June 21, 1521, implies of course that the work thus copy-righted was anterior to that date, and a statement borrowed from a letter addressed to that Pope by the Bishop of Rakow, in Poland (?), where mention is made of one of the maps in the book. Lelewel's opinion, however, is liable to serious objections. In the first place, the phrase of the said bishop refers only to the map of " Norbegia," and not to the entire Isolario. Then the privilege of the Pope is given not to Bordone, but to the printer, Nicolo d'Aristotile, and embraces books in general, without mentioning the present one. On the other hand, what Bordone asked of the Senate of Venice, and this only March 6th, 1526, was simply the usual privilege for ten years. 558 Finally, the lengthy description of Mexico, together with the plan of the city of Temistitan, are clearly taken from the translation into Italian of the Carta de Relacion of Cortes, made by Nicolo Liburnio, and printed at Venice by Bernardino de Viano de Lexona, August 20, 1524.559 Besides the small maps of American islands, there is a mappamundi where the New World represents a continuous coast line, extending from a projecting peninsula, which bears the inscription: "Terra del laboratore," to the southern border of a land named " Mondo Novo," the extremity of which is by about 30" south latitude. This termination, however, is only intended to represent the northern shores of a strait, which is abso- lutely marked in another small map, 56o containing the legend: " Stretto p[ar]te del mondo nouo." The other names are replaced by simple letters, which refer to a nomenclature on the back of one of the large maps. The one : " Terra de Santa croce ouer mondo nouo," besides the general context of the configuration, indicates a modified Spanish prototype. Our impression is that, originally, the map was based upon one of the Lusi- tanian charts of the kind used by Waldseemtiller ; and that, afterwards, Bordone altered it from a map somewhat similar to the model followed by Maggiolo in 1527. 55? " Lo uescouo di Racoscia scrive a Leone summo sss xhe privilege, which is on the verso of the title in pontifice hauer veduto (fol. Ixxiii). Le pape Leon X., all the editions, agrees, perfectly with the text of the privilegiant le 5 Juin I52l,rediteur mourut le I" decern- Register, Senato Terra (reg. 2Jf) c. 74o,m the State bre de la meme annee. Bordone en 1527, s'adressait au archives at Venice. Senat de Venise pour preserver son ouvrage de la contre- SS9 Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 129. fa9on." Lelewel, Oeographie du Moyen age, Vol. II., s&j On the verso of i9- vi. page 1 14. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 561 Withal, if Bordone's mappamundi is remarkable for its projection, it must be considered a poor performance in other respects. Yet F. Leandro Alberti calls Bordone (who did not generally consider himself as a geo- grapher, but as a "miniator" by profession): " prestantissimo Geographo et Cosmographo." 56i For another mappamundi ascribed to him, and constructed so early as 1508, see supra. No. 74. No. 179. PlETRO Coppo. Map of the world inserted in the Porto lano'i^^ of Pietro Coppo, a Venetian by birth, residing at I sola, near Capodistria. The Portolano was printed at Venice, in 1528, by Augustino di Bindoni. As to the map, it is oval, 130 by 70 mm. The New World is represented at the north by an archipelago, the islands in which bear respectively the following names: " I sola uerde, Cuba, lamaiqua" and "Spagnola," all placed very arbitrarily. South of these there is a continent of an extremely irregular shape, with the inscription : " Modo nouo." There are only two copies known of that Portolano, 563 and the aforesaid map is to be found only in the one which is in the British Museum. It has been facsimiled by Dr. Nordens- kiold, in his Atlas, page 103. No. 180. LoRiTz or Glareanus. In the library of the Munich University they possess the copy of the Cosmographies Introductio which belonged to Henry Loritz of Claris, usually called Glareanus. It contains a manuscript map of the world, 240 by 140 mm., and bearing the following inscription : " Glareanus efformabat, pingebat e speculabatur : — Constructed, painted, and perlustrated by Glareanus." 5*' Aleerti, Descriltioiie di tutta Italia, Bologna, mistake betrays the Paesi as the source of information. 1550, fol., f' 427, verso. We are unable to say whether this work differs from the ^ Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 144. MS. mentioned by MoRELI.i, Lettera rarissima, p. 64, 5''3 But see in the MS. Depart, of the Paris National and from the one which is preserved in the Marciana Library, MS. Latin 9663, a folio vol. containing : Petri (Cod. 146, cl. x. , Latin). Coppo figures under the year coppi de tola orbe, 102 S.; De Summatotius orbis, 2,^ S.; 1540 in P. A. Zeno, Memoria de' scrittori Veneti Portolani de li lochi maritimi, 23 ST.; Peritio Saniuto Patrizj, Venezia, 1744, p. 24; but its scanty details are ai suo cordiale amico Antonio Alhertino, 69 ff.; the apparently borrowed from that ra,re tract Del Sito dell' latter including an Italian version, whilst the first part of Istria, Venezia, 1540, sm. 4to, with a map of Istria the volume contains what we suppose to be the original (Marciana, Miscell. 1474, opusc. ii.), which begins as Latin text of the printed book. No map, — only a zodiac. follows: " Piero Coppo del Sito de I'lstria a Josepho See ff. 130-140 and 301-302, for the account of "Columbo Favstino ;" and where he says to have been then a sexa- Zenouese " and of " Alonso negro (i. e. NiSo) ;" which genarian. Coppo therefore was born before 1480. 3 w 562 The Discovery of North America. But, so far from being an original production, it is a copy, though modified, of the mappamundi of Johannes de Stobnicza {Supra, No. 93). The modifications are the following : The apex of the South American continent is carried ten degrees further, and exhibits a pointed termination by 50" lat., and 340" longitude. The continent is greatly contracted between 20° — 30" latitude. The tall north-western continental region is preserved, but, instead of terminating entirely by 280° longitude, we notice by 60" and 30° latitude, two incipient strokes, as if Glareanus wished to indicate a continuation westward. The nomenclature includes, in addition to the names given by Stobnicza, the following : " Tropicus Cancri, Oceanus Occidentalis, Tropicus Capricorni, Gigant. Insula." The word " Parias " has been added on the north- western continental region, and the Cantinean Newfoundland, which is nameless in Stobnicza, bears here the inscription : " Litus incognitum." The name " Isabella" has been transferred from the continent to the next island, and the island adjoining the latter is called " Spagnolla." Finally, the two continents are joined together as in the original Cracow map. We are indebted to Dr. Kohler, Librarian of the Munich University, for a copy of that most interesting map, the projection of which differs so materially from the one which Glareanus advocated in his Geographia iiber unus, Basel, 1527, and so often reprinted 564 that we place it after the latter date. No. 181. The Gilt or De Bure Globe. It is a globe preserved in the Geographical Department of the Paris National Library. 56s The sphere is made of copper, gilt, and very neatly ■engraved, while all names and inscriptions are in small capitals artistically stamped with a puncheon. The title reads as follows : -' Nova et Integra vniversi orbs descripsio." The globe bears neither date, name of maker, place where con- structed, dedication, nor coat-of-arms, and is unmounted, hanging by a string passed through a hole pierced from pole to pole. It is hollow, and has been opened, but nothing could be seen inside. The inscrip- tions are nearly all in the Latin language. The latest inscribed datum ^'' Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 142. Hence the name "Burton" or " De Bure globe" some- n's Geographical Department, No. 387 his. It was times given to it, although now usually called " Le Globe purchased in 1836 for 48 francs, from De Bure, who dor^ : — The Gilt Globe," on account of its very bright stated that it came from the collection of Mr. Burton. and gilt surface. Plate XXI, THE PARIS GILT GLOBE Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 563. is " Terra francesca," given to the region now corresponding to New- England, and which being followed by the words : " nuper lustrata : — lately found," leads to the conclusion that the cartographer borrowed his information in this respect from a prototype constructed not long after the return of Verrazano to France (1524). Jacques Cartier explored those shores in 1534; but if the words "nuper lustrata" did refer to his first voyage, the Pacific coast in this most elaborate and detailed globe, would, like the rnaps of Ribeiro (1529) and others anterior to 1534, mention Tumbez or Pert, a country from which Francisco Pizarro had brought to Spain, in the spring of 1528, most marvellous accounts, immediately printed in Germany and Italy, and vases of solid gold. Nor should we forget that the designation of " Francesca," as applied to the present site of New England, or of New York, was inscribed on maps, and adorned with a French flag, seven years at least before the first expedition of Jacques Cartier. For instance, as we have already shown, in the Maggiolo map of 1527, and less than five years after the latter date in the Tabula novarum insularum, which Sebastian Munster constructed for the A^ovus Orhis which was published at Basle in 1532. " Nuper lustrata" therefore, applies to a French exploration of the north- east coast of America, accomplished before 1527. This exploration can only be the transatlantic voyage of Verrazano ; as we know of no other at or prior to that period under the French flag. Nor would the mere fishing expeditions of Normandy or Breton smacks have been acknow- ledged on maps by a display of the royal standard of France, particularly across the mainland. The globe contains a number of long inscriptions, which, with the hope of finding data enabling us to ascertain further the precise time when it was constructed, we have carefully examined. Those which were supposed to throw light on that point are the following : " Qui banc insulam explorarunt ad intima nomine boniea [bimini ?] alias aganeo fonte perbennio adeo nobilem fabulantur ut eius fontis a qua epota senes reviviscant teste Petro Martire." This allusion is to be found in the Second Decade of Peter Martyr,, lib. X., f°- 42, written in December, 1514, and first published in 1516. " Jamaica : hec et Hispaniola dicta bonam eivs partem nvnc hispani incolvnt qvi avri fodinas possident babet lignvm gviacvm." 564 The Discovery of North America. The supposed merits of Guaiacum wood, as a panacea for lues venerea, were made known in Central Europe 566 during the year 1517- " De his terris et insulis [Cozumel and Yucatan] lege Cortesivm .... Themixtitan oppidum svperiores memorie prodidervnt in lacu. salso collocaivm vrbemque ne vecias claritudine et amplitudine multum k te celere imperatoris orient, hie esse regiam domos magnificentessima finitimarvm omnivm regionvm gentivm ditionem mira svnt et prope fidem excedentia qve scriptores de huius et imperatoris et magnitudine opis. et dominatio ne perhibet plvra lege apvd Ferd. Cortesivm." The writings of Cortes referred to are the translation into Latin of his second and third letters published at Nuremberg 567 in 1524. As the reader will perceive, there is no information set forth in those legends which did not circulate all over Europe in printed books before 1527. Across the South American continent we read " America inventa 1497," which betrays the direct influence of the accounts of the four voyages of Vespuccius, as published by Waldseemiiller in his Cosmo- graphics introduction at St. Diey in Lorraine in 1507. What corresponds now with the Peruvian region, exhibits also only one name : " Cattigora Prov.," which the cartographer doubtless imagined to be American, as is seen from the word " Provpncia] " added by him, but which is only a remnant of the Ptolemaean nomenclature. The voyage of Magellan is depicted with a thread-like itinerary, on which, south of Madagascar, is inscribed : " Ilia linea ex Sibilla dvcia hispanorvm navigationem ostendit." The Gulf of Mexico is called " Sinvs S. Michaelis," and the Caribbean Sea, " Mare herbidium," evidently on account of the floating beds of .sea- weeds (Sargassum nutans) found in those regions, and already indicated on that sea by Juan de la Cosa, under the designation of " Sato de uerbos." The course of the Amazona is traced to a very long distance, and made to issue in several wide streams from a range of high moun- tains. This representation is not, as so often stated, 568 the result of the exploration of Orellana (1541), since it figures already in the Weimar map of 1527, and in the Finseus cordiform mappamundi of 1531. The fact is, that if we ever find cartographical delineations of Spanish origin even thirteen years older than the Ribeiro planisphere, they will be seen to exhibit those geographic features regarding the mighty stream and its supposed sources and tributaries. The reason is that these details were 5* Supra, No. 133, p. 510. s^^ Particularly as regards the manifold and extensive 5^ BiUiotheca Americana Velustiasima, No. branches, in the Nancy Globe. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 565 furnished to Pedrarias Davila in July, 15 14, when ranging the northern coast of South America on his way to Darien : " Ibi didicere Maragonum fluuium h montibus niualibus descendere, angerique inter labendum magna fluminum aliorum copia in eum cadente : propterea ingens est, quia fe lon- ginquo ad mare fluit per terras aquosas : — There owre men learned that the ryuer Maragnonus descendeth from the montaynes couered with snowe cauled Monfes Niuales, or Serra Neuata: And the same to bee encreased by many other ryuers whiche saule into it throughowte all the lowe and waterlye regions by the whiche it runneth with so longe a tracte from the sayde montaynes into the sea." "' A continuous beh of antarctic lands encompasses the South Pole, and bears the inscription " Regio Patalis." A feature to be noted particularly in this globe is the blending of America with Asia, north of the equator, precisely as we see it depicted in the diminutive hemispheres of Franciscus Monachus, and, as we have inferred from Schoner's description of his own globe of 1523, initiated in the latter. This resemblance makes it incumbent on the critic to ascer- tain the origin of that peculiar configuration in the Gilt Globe. In other words, was the globe, now lost, which Schoner constructed in 1523 the prototype of the "Globe dor6"? We believe that the " Globe dore" is a derivative either of Schoner's globe of 1523, or of one which was constructed by him soon after that date. Our opinion is based upon the perfect resemblance existing between the configurations of the Gilt Globe and those of Schoner's globe of 1533, which we assume to be mainly a repetition of the lost globe of 1523. Another reason is that the nomenclature of the Gilt Globe is identical with that of Schoner's globe of 1533, from "Terra florida" to the "Regio Patalis." The difference exists only in the names of the north-east coast. That is, the Lusitano - Germanic nomenclature on the coast line, from Florida to the Baccalaos, which we find in the Gilt Globe, is no longer to be seen in Schoner's globe of 1533. It is this omission or excision which prompts us to look for the prototype of the Gilt Globe in an early derivative of Schoner's globe of 1523, rather than in his globe of 1533 itself The reason is that, when constructing the globe of 1523, Schoner gives us clearly to understand that his new geographical ideas were limited to the regions south of the tropic of Cancer, and at the west, where he thought that America was joined to Asia ; thus making of the two worlds only one continental mass. This, necessarily, led him to connect, on the s's Anghiera, Decad. III., lib. v,, f" 55, recto ; Eden's translation, p. 117. 566 The Discovery of North America. Atlantic side, the vast countries which he had theretofore depicted as separate, and to set forth an unbroken Hne of coasts from Labrador to the Strait of Magellan. But he had no reason, in 1523, for modifying the Lusitano-Germanic nomenclature inscribed along the north-eastern sec- tion. The probability is, therefore, that his globe of 1523 exhibited the configurations and names which we notice on the north-east of the globe of 1533, but that it maintained the Cantinean nomenclature already exist- ing in all his former globes, which, for motives as yet unexplained, he omitted in his globe of 1533, preferring to delineate a nameless coast. We can find no other reason to explain the extreme resemblance which exists between the "Globe dore" and Schoner's last globe. Be that as it may, the prototype of the Gilt Globe dates from about the year 1527, as can be seen from the reference to discoveries accom- plished by the French on the north-east coast of America, and which we have shown to be results of Verrazano's voyage. It became the progenitor of an important series of globes and cordiform maps, as will be seen from the following comparative table. Baccalearvm regio, G. N.W. F. ^S.'" Los Cortes, G. N. W.=" F. Terra florida, G. N. W. F. S. C. baxo, G. N. W. F. R. de S. Spiritv, G. W. F. S. R. areticos, G. R. reates, G. F. R. arbaleda, G. W. F. S. R. d. palma, G. F. Tamacho provincia, G.N.W.F. NORTH-EAST COAST : C. rasvm, G. F. Terra francesca nuper lustrata, G. N."« W. F. C. d. lago, G. W.'^" GULF OF MEXICO : R. panuco, G. W. F. Cham FL, G. Sinvs S. michaelis, G. W. Acvlvacam, G. W. S. Amcel, G. F.=^* S. michael, G. W. F. S. Hispania nova, G. W."» R. Messigo, G. W. F. S. R. de la Parma, G. C. arlear, G. N. W. C. litar, G. VV. Themistitan, G. N. W. F. S. Mangi, G. F. S. crvcis,™ G. Calco, G. W. F. S. Sacrificiorvm insule, G. W. C. nipoal, G. W.^'^ F. Sevila, G. F. 6'. Almeria, G. N. F. 5. 5'° These capital letters are explained as follows : — G. for the Gilt Globe. N. for the Nancy Globe. W. for the Wooden Globe. F. for the single cordiform map of FiN.«us. S. for Schoner's globe of 1533. 57" " Corte reales. " in Nancy and Wooden Globes. s?= The Nancy Globe omits "nuper lustrata." 573 " Lago del odro," in Wooden Globe. 5" " Amcel " and " St. Michael " are not one and the same, although the single cordiform of FiN.«us inscribes " Amcel vel S. Michael pr." In that locality St. Michael is a very old name derived doubtless trom the " Sinus S. Michaelis," apparently the first name given to the Gulf of Mexico. "In Sinus Sancti Michaelis k nostris appellate," says Anghiera (Decad. III., lib. vi., f»' 56 and 57). On the other hand "Amichel" is the name which was first given to the country discovered for Fran- cisco DE Garay in 1519. ("Provincia Amichel," in Turin and Cortes maps. ) 5?5 "Hispania maior " in Wooden Globe. 5'^ Several of those names marked G. have been omitted in the adjoining facsimile owing to want of space.. 577 " Cempoal " in Wooden Globe. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 567 Navtal, G. S. petro, G. F. Teflor, G. N. F. Gacacvla, G. F. P. de gratia, G. F. ^. Ivcatane et zipangris, G. N. W. Cozumella ins., G. F. S. Beragva, G. W. Moriona, G. F. S. Ciamba, G. Palmaria reg., G. W. F. S. Rocho, G. W. F. S. C. S. Crvc, G. W. F. ^S'. Mar. d. Gra., G. F. 5. S. Avg., G. W. R. Real, G. N. W. F. .S. Monfregoso, G. F. S. R. brasili, G. F. ^. Porto Real, G. N. F. Terra d. sier.,"** G. F. C. de los fvegos, G. F. Serras de violas, G. F. P. S. Ivan, G. Catamia R. de Alvarado, G. F. .S. R. de qvciv,™ G. W. S. Canibales, G. F. .S. R. Grisalva, G. N. W. F. 5. C. Antoni, G. F. 6'. C. de Ivgras, G."» F. FROM YUCATAN TO Parias, G. F. Mare herbidivm, G. S. Dariena, G. N. W. F. 5'. Sinvs Vrabe, G. N. W. F. ^. Dabaiba, G. Abastagana, G. F. C. S. Martha, G. F. S. R. Forno, G. F. ^S". R. grand, G. F. ^. SOUTH-EAST COAST : Mons. pasqvalis, G. F. ^. R. Cananea, G. N. F. C. Frio, G. N. F. R. S. Luciae, G. F. S. Serra S. Thomae, G. F. S. R. lordan, G. F. S. C. S. Marie, G. F. S. C. S. Antonii, G. F. Gigantvm regio, G. W. F. ANTARCTIC REGIONS C. deseado, G. F. Stricto de Magella., G.W.»^F, BRAZIL : Cvrtana, G. N."*" W. F. Vallis famosa, G.=«' F. S. Cvmana, G. N. W. Pariona, G.'^' W. F. S. R. dvlcis, G. F. 6'. Mormatan, G. N.^ Arbaled., G. F. S. R. d. Savi,™' G. F. ^. P. S. Sebastia., G. N. F. ^ Cananor, G. N. F. 6'. Terra de los fvmos, G. F. Tres punctas, G. F. C. S. Mathia, G. F. Sinvs Ivliani, G. W. F. P. S. Ivliani, G. W. F. 6'. C. S. Crvcis, G. F. S. Mare Magellanicvm, G. W.«^' F. S. Regio patalis, G. W. F. S. Although the nomenclatures, as appear in the above table, show a remarkable similitude between the names inserted in the Gilt Globe and in the simple cordiform map of Finseus, which was not published until 1536, the fact that the former sets forth certain names, such as R. de la parma, C. Arlear, C. litar, C. d. lago, R. areticos, which belong to the Lusitano-Germanic nomenclature, and others, among which must be noted the important Cape St. Augustine, none of which figure either in 578 "De qualq''"and "Coqualquo" in FlN/«us and the Turin map. " Coniqualquo " in Wooden Globe. 579 Sic pro " C. de Higueras." 5*" " Curiana" in Nancy Globe. 58' " Valle unbrosa" in the Maggiolo of 1527. It is Curiana which HojEDA called " Valfermoso ;" Navar- RETE, Vol. III., p. 32. S82 "Paricura" in Maggiolo and Wooden Globe is the Paricora region of Peter Martyr. 583 " Morma" in Nancy Globe. s84"Silva de Servi" in Maggiolo. " Pvnta de Servi " in Verrazano. It maybe the "P. de Saulo " of SCHONER. 585 Terra desierta. 586 u Fretum magellanicum " in Wooden Globe. 587 " Oceanus Magellanicus " in Wooden Globe. 568 The Discovery of North America. the simple or in the double cordiform maps of Finseus, prove that the maker of the Gilt Globe has not copied the French cosmographer. The reader will not fail to notice also on the north-east coast, pre- cisely in the same place where they figure on the Cantino, Canerio, and Waldseemuller maps and Schonerean globes, but coupled with designations of a much later period, the following names : " Rio de la Parma, C. Arlear, C. Litar, C. baxo, C. d. lago." Lack of space evidently pre- vented the cartographer from inserting the remainder of the Cantinean nomenclature, as several names belonging to the latter are to be found in other globes, the configurations and lists of which prove them to be of the same family as the present. The workmanship and gilding of that globe is excellent, and such as might have been executed in Italy, France, or Germany, during the first half of the sixteenth century; but from the formation of the letters, which, as we have said, were punched, and not engraved, critics are un- able to state positively where it was constructed. A lapsus from the engraver, however, permits us to consider the globe as the work of a German artist. All the names and legends are in the Latin language, with these three exceptions. Where we should read : AqucB Pannonicce, Brunsviga [Brunsvicum or Mesuium), and Vindobona, the cosmographer has unconsciously caused the artist to inscribe, in German : Baden, Braunschweig, and Wie^i. No. 182. Parmentier. Maps made by the Dieppe navigator, Jehan Parmentier : " Parmentier estoit bon cosmographe et geographe, et par lui ont estd composez plusieurs mappes monde en globe et en plat et plusieurs cartes marines sur lesquelles plusieurs ont navigue seurement." °°* Parmentier also made a map of the world, which Desmarquetz says was the first mappamundi constructed by a Frenchman. S89 Those maps were necessarily finished before April 28, 1529, which is the date of his sailing from Dieppe, with Le Sacre and La Pensee, for a voyage from which he never returned. 59° ^ Ch. ScHEFER, Le Discoura de la, Navigation de desdicts Parmentiers ne demeure ensepvely auec leurs Jean et Raoul Parmentier ; Paris, 1883, 8vo, p. ix. corps en la dicte isle de Sumatra," says Crignon (Vak- ^^DKSMARQ\jETZ,MdmoireschroHologiquespourservir mentier, Description nouuelle des Merveilles ; Paris, d I'hist. de Dieppe; Paris, 1785, i2mo, Vol. II., p. 10. 1531, 4to, introd.). Yet in his Plaincte sur le trespat S'° Jean Parmentier died December 3, 1529, and, with de Jean et Raoul Parmentier, he speaks of " le corps his brother, was buried at Sumatra : " afin que le nom de Raoul qui jectd fut en mer." Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 569. 1529. No. 183. ZUAN PlERO DE MaRIN. Engraved mappamundi, of which no copy is known to exist. It was copyrighted by the Senate of Venice, May 10, 1529. The privilege begins as follows : '' Havendo Zuan piero de marin fatto uno mappamondo cum tutte le isole loci et navi- gatione da novo trovate, opere non fatta mai da altri mai per lui solo cum el suo ingegno della quale accio che altri servino et li toglino il premio che alle fatiche sue conviene sola- mente ha supplicate alia Signoria nostra quella gratia : — Whereas John Peter de Marin having made a mappamundi with the islands, localities, and navigations [to] newly-discovered [countries],. a work which, he being the first who made it, and with his own ingenuity .... Now therefore ""' This is necessarily different from the engraved mappamundi which Fernando Columbus bought at Venice in 1527 (Supra, No. 176). No. 184. Ribeiro in Weimar. It is a map of the World, 2173 by 891 mm., entitled as follows: " Carta universal en que se contiene todo lo que del mundo Se ha descubierto fasta agora: Hizola Diego Ribero Cosmographo de Su Magestad : Ano de 1529. La qual Se devide en dos partes conforme k la capitulation que hizieron los catholicos Reyes de espana, y El Rey don Juan de portugal en la Villa de Tordesillas : Ano de 1494." It is preserved in the Grand Ducal Library at Weimar. The part relating to America has been facsimiled and published by Dr. Kohl, with an excellent introduction, to which we beg to refer the reader. 592 This map was based apparently upon data borrowed from the Pair on Real kept in the Casa de Contratacion at Seville, but it must not be viewed on that account as possessing an official character. Nor do we think that it was a sailing chart used by pilots frequenting the New World. The reader should consider Ribeiro's present map only as one made to give the generality of readers an idea of the geography of the world, and of the kind which that cartographer, as well as a number of others living then in Seville, designed to order, and ornamented according 59' State archives in Venice; Senato Terra reg. 25 c. s^" Kohl, Die beiden altesten General - Karten von folSS. We are indebted for this curious indication to Amerika; Weimar, i860, large folio, with facsimile of Mr. Charles Ephrussi ; for we could obtain nothing but the portion of the two Weimar maps which relate to the empty words from the present custodian of those archives. New World. 3X 570 The Discovery of North America. to the price paid for the same. It differs from its Weimar companion by the additions of geographical data on the Pacific coast, and several inscriptions of importance. Thus, on the "Tierra de Labrador," we read: " Esta tierra descubrieron los Ingleses no ay en ella cosa de prouecho : — This country was discovered by the English, and there is nothing in it worth having." On Newfoundland there is the following legend : " Tierra de los bacallaos laqual descubrieron los corte reales y aquy se perdieron — hasta aora no an allado cosa de prouecho mas de la pescaria de bacallaos que son de poca estima : — The land of codfish discovered by the Corte Reals, and where they were lost. Up to this time nothing of value has been found there, except the fishing of codfish, and these do not amount to much." On the present New England States we notice particularly : "Tierra de Estevam Gomez, laqual descubrid por mandado de su mag [estad] el ano de 1525; ay en ella muchos arboles y fructas de los de espaiia y muchos Rodouallos y salmones y soUos : non han allado oro : — The Country of Estevam Gomez, which he discovered by order of His Majesty. It contains numerous trees and fruits [like those] of Spain, much rodovallo [a kind of fish], salmon, and soles. No gold has been found." On our Western States, but relating only to the east coast : "En toda esta costa del nort son los Indies "Everywhere on this northern coast the In- de mayor estatura que no los de sancte do- dians are taller than those of Santo Domingo mingo ni de las otras islas mantienense de and other islands. They feed on maize [In- maiz y pescado que ay enn mucha abundangia dian corn], and fish, which they have in y caga de de [sic] muchos venados y de otras great abundance ; they hunt much game and animalias viste[n]se de pelejas de lobos y de other animals, and wear the skins of wolves Raposos y zorras." and foxes." On the present Southern States, south of Virginia : " Tiera de Avllon : el qual la descubrio y boluiendo la a poblar porque es tierra muy dispuesta par dar pan y vino y todas las cosas de espaiia fallegio a quy de dolengia : — The Country of Ayllon, which he discovered and went back to settle, as it is well appropriated to yield breadstuff, wine, and all things of Spain. He died here of malady.""'^ On the northern seaboard of the Gulf of Mexico : "Tiera de Garay: en toda esta costa y la del ligenciado ayllon y la tierra de esteuan gomez no se espera de allar oro como en la nueua espaiia por estar ya muy desuiada del tropico : — The Country of Garay : All over this coast and that of the Licentiate Ayllon, and the land of Estevam Gomez, there is no hope of finding gold as [is done] in New Spain, because it is too much out of the way of the tropic." 553 October 18, 1526 : " E passo de aquesta vida dia de de mill 6 quinientos i veynte y seys."— OviEDO, Historia Sanct Lucas, a diez e ocho dias de otubre de aquel ano General, lib. xxxviii., cap. i., Vol. III., p. 628. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 57r On the mainland, back of the Gulf of Mexico : "NuEVA EsPAftA dixose asi por que ay aquy muchas cosas que ay en Espana ay ya mucho trigo que an lleuado de aca entanta cantidad que lo pueden ya cargar para otras partes ay aquy mucho oro de nacimiento : — New Spain, thus called, because it contains many things [of the kind found] in Spain. Wheat was sent thence [to Spanish ports] in such quan- tities that it could be re-shipped [from Seville] to other parts. It contains much native gold." On the north-east coast of South America : ■ " Castilla del Oro : dixose asi por que " The Golden Castille, so called because aqui se halla mucho oro los Indios son mas much gold is found there. The Indians [of belicosos de lo que son los de sancto domingo ni de las otras partes porque usan las flechas y hierua aqui esta un pueblo que se dize S. marta donde se alia mucha cantidad de oro por la tierra adentro aqui tienen los alemanes su gouernacion dende cabo la uela hasta cu- mana que seran . 140. o. 150 leguas."' that region] are more warlike than those of Santo Domingo and other parts, because they use poisoned arrows. Here there is a locality called St. Martha, where large quantities of gold are found in the soil. Within it, the Germans have their territory, [extending] from the Cabo de la Vela to Cumana, from 140 to 150 leagues." Inside of the Venezuelan and northern coasts of Brazil " En toda esta costa dende el Rio dulce hasta el cabo de san Roque no se a allado cosa de prouecho esta costa (he una 0.2. vezes bojada luego que se descubrieron las In- dias y despues aca no no [st'c] a buelto a ella el Rio de maranon es muy grande y entran en el nauios por agua dulce y 20 leguas en la mar toman agua dulce." "All over this coast, from the Rio dulce to the Cape of San Roque, nothing of account has been found. Once or twice, since the dis- covery of the Indies, the coast has been ranged, but since, no one has returned thither. The Rio de Maranon is very large, and vessels enter it to fill their casks, and twenty leagues [from coast] in the sea, they take in fresh water." In the centre of the mainland of Brazil : "TiERA DEL Brasil: Aqui no se alia otra cosa de prouecho mas del brasil que no les costa mas de hazerlo cortar y traerlo a las naos lo qual hazen los Indios por poca cosa comen carnes umanas seyendo enemigos. Aqui tiene el Rey de portogal en pernabuco una fatoria donde tiene mucha cantidad de brasil cogido para las naos que van acargar." " The Country of Brazil. Here, the only thing of value is the brazil [dyewood], which costs only the trouble of cutting and carrying to the vessels, which the Indians do for very little. They eat the flesh of their enemies. Here, the King of Portugal has at Pernambuco a factory where is a large quantity of brazil- wood collected for shipping on board vessels sent for the purpose." Over the entire area of the region of the rivers of La Plata : "Esta tierra descubrio Juhan de Solis en el aiio de . 1515 . o . 16 . donde aora esta Sebastian gaboto en una casa fuete [sic pro fuerte] que alii hizo es tra muy despuesta para dar pan y vino en mucha abundangia el Rio es muy grandisimo y de mucha pescaria cren que ay oro y plata en la tierra adentro." " This country was discovered by Juan de Solis in the year 1515 or 151 6. There Sebas- tian Gaboto \sic\ now is, in a fort which he has constructed. It is very well appropriated for yielding breadstuff and wine in great abundance. The River is extremely large and abounding with fish. The belief is that there is gold and silver in the interior." 572 The Discovery of North America. South of the river La Plata, near the apex of the continent " TiERA DE PATAGONES : Los que abitan en •esta t[ier]ra donde alio el estrecho fernam de magallaes son hombres de grandes cuerpos casi gigantes vistense de pieles de animalias la tierra es esteril y de ningun provecho. Aqui estovo fernam de magallaes seis meses ^urto en el puerto de San Juliam que esta en 50 grados donde venyan los Indios a las naos los quales gustando del pan y del vino que en los naos les dieron se venian tantos ■que aborregian no vieron aqui casas abita[n] en los capos ay aquy muchos abestruzes usan flechas los Indios." " The Country of Patagonians : Those who inhabit that land, where Fernam de Ma- gellan found the strait, are men of large bodies, almost giants, covered with skins of beasts. The land is steril and of no value. Here Fernam de Magellan stayed six months, es- pecially in the port of St. Julian which is by 50 degrees. There, Indians came on board, and having tasted the bread and wine which was given to them, manifested abhorrence for the same. No houses were seen. They live in the open air. There are many ostriches. °°* The Indians use arrows." On the mainland, bordering the Pacific coast •' Perv : Esta tierra d' peru descubrio fran- cisco pigarro en el ano de 1527 . aqui alio oro y plata q. Rescato la Jente es de mas Razon que las de las otras partes tienen obejas de que hazen panos tienen grandes cibdades muradas y grandes casas de oragio donde van a adorar a sus ydolos quando no llueue van en pre- cision a ellas." " Peru. This country of Peru was discovered by Francisco Pizarro in the year 1527. Here was found gold and silver with which they trade [?]. The natives are more intelligent than in other parts. They have sheep, with which they make clothes, and they have large walled cities and large praying houses, where they go in proces- sions to adore their idols." The new names are numerous, although the present map proceeds from the same prototype as the anonymous Weimar chart of 1527. We notice the following : NORTH-EAST COAST AND FLORIDA: R. de Montanas R. de S. lago C. Roxo Cabo de Arenos C. Traffalgar Canico Tierra de Gomez R. del principe Atalaya R. de Cocibicion Tierra de Garay Ostial Tierra de gigantes Malabrigo ^'^ C. Bravo GULF OF MEXICO C. de Cacones'^^ S. p°- y S. pa.^'' R. de Capual'^5 Is. de Sacrificios Sierras de St. Martin Triangulo (island) R. de S. antonpo] R. de Grijalva R. de S. Pablo Rio de Xpianos Zarcas (island) 59* Shea Americana, smaller than the real ostrich, ■which is found only in Asia and Africa. s'5 Malabrigo : — Bad shelter. 59* Cape of Breakers. 5W Sant Pedro and Sant Paulo. 598 The " Cempoala " of CORxis. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 573 YUCATAN Chapa R. de Lagartos P. de cotoche Yrua La roca [partida ?] S. Cruz AND NORTH COAST OF Penedo de S. pedro Baxos de Jua de braga'* G. del aguada R. de Canas [Canoas ?] Y^ de S. Catali[na] C. do Jo- de lixboa™ S. AMERICA : Rio de Uruay R. de caracana R. de parana Rio del Epiti R. de Paraguay Ys* de R° alvarez™^ Y" de Xpoal Jaques' Tierra de los baxos ON P. de baxos S. petro Las uelas P° de pinas Rucan C. A' fartoa P" dulce R. de S. Jua Y'' d' S. esteua Madalena Y. de S. THE PACIFIC C. de S. niculas B. de S. lucas S. xpoal (island) Anco d' sardinas B. d' S. mateo C. de S. franc" S. barbara C. de la buelta S. elena'=»^ Y. de S. tiago COAST ; R. de la cocepgio Salinas de la gibdad de tunbez C. de nieues''" Ysletas de S. antonio Y" del gallo C. de S. Maria Y. de buena vista P° de mal abrigo Sierra morena ®" Roque P° y prouincia de la cibdad de chinchax No. 185. RiBERO IN THE PROPAGANDA. Although this map of the world is the work of the same cartographer as the preceding one, and also dated 1529, it presents sufficient differences to be described separately. It is on a larger scale than the Weimar copy, as it measures, from the northern extremity of Labrador to the Tierra del Fuego, 10 10 mm. instead of 700, for the same number of degrees of latitude. It is also greatly ornamented with trees, birds, animals, and Indians, and bears three escutcheons, viz.: Delia Rovere's, and on its right and left, Chigi's, but one of these is quartered with Rovere's.6o6 599 We have failed to ascertain anything about that Juan DE Braga, apparently a Portuguese mariner. ^° Joam DE LiSBOA was a Portuguese pilot, who visited Brazil so early as 1506. Diario de Pero Lopez, p. 87, note. ^' Rodrigo Alvarez was one of the pilots of Sebastian Cabot in his expedition to La Plata. (Santa Cruz, Islario, MS.) *" Christoval Jaquez was a Portuguese captain, who ■captured a number of French ships off Bahia in 1526, and not in 1503, the year in which he was erroneously be- lieved to have commanded the expedition in which Vespuccius accomplished his fourth voyage. See Jaboa- TAM (A. de St. M.) Novo orbo Serafico BrasUico, Rio de Janeiro, 1858, 8vo, pp. 47, 222 ; Varnhagen, As pri- miiras negocia^oes diplomaticas, in the Memorias do Instituto historico e geographico Brasileiro, 1842, p. 127. *'3 Rio de S. Elena in Weimar of 1527. ^* Nuestra Sefiora de las Nieves, August 5, *'S Provincia de la Sierra Morena, in the Propaganda copy. *"* This leads us to think that the owner was the Mar- quis Agostino Chigi, son of Lorenzo, who apparently married a Della Rovere. 574 The Discovery of North America. The inscriptions differ in some respects from those of the Weimar Ribero. On the " Tiera del Labrador," we read : " Laqual descubrieron los Ingleses de la uilla de bristol," which clearly indicates the discovery- accomplished by John Cabot, but ascribed by Ribero to Sebastian, who was in 1529 his superior in the service of the Castilian Crown, and from whom he certainly gathered most of his data concerning the north-eastern regions.607 On the mainland of Canada there is inscribed : " Tierra nova de Cortereal," and on the Country of Estevam Gomez : " El mantimiento de los Indios es maiz, son de grande estatura : — Maize is the food of the natives. They are of large size." Thus making of two original legends, one only. The inscription referring to Ayllon is more detailed, and reads : "Aqui yua a poblar el licengiado ayllon el " Here went the licentiate Ayllon to settle the qual salio de s. domingo o de p"- de plata^"' country, for which he sailed from S. Domingo, donde embarco su gente e lleuaron tan pocos or Puerto de Plata, where his men were taken mantimyentos y la jente de la tiera se rety- on board. They took with them very little pro- raron [?] adentro con myedo asy que benido visions, and the natives fled into the interior el invierno de hambre y de frio se murio mucha from fear. So that when winter set in many of de la jente y asy estando un este trabajo acor- them died of cold and hunger . . . They deter- daron de se bolver a la espanola." mined to return to Hispaniola.™ This is the earliest statement which we possess of the sad fate of Ayllon, and of his last expedition to Chicora (the present Carolinas). In the Magellanic regions, the legend adds : "Unos dos dellos [Yndios] se vinieron a las naos y dixieron que los lleuesen los quales despues morieron en la mar : — Some of the Indians came on board, and asked to be carried [away, and] they died afterwards at sea." According to Pigafetta, those Indians, so far from having left of their own accord, were treacherously chained and kidnapped. The nomenclature in the present subject is also more ample than in the Weimar copy, combining the names in the latter with many which are in the Weimar map of 1527, but giving a few new ones. We notice on what seems to be the apex of Cape Breton island, besides the "Tierra de los Bretones," a cape called " C. del breton," which may be the " C. de bertoni " of Maggiolo. In the large bay corresponding with our Gulf of St. Lawrence, mention is made of an " arciepelago," which may refer to our " lies de la Madeleine," borrowed apparently from some Portuguese *7 Supra, pages 19 and 22. «°9 Out of five hundred men, less than one hundred and *°* " Dedonde salio mediado el mes de Julio del ano de fifty escaped. Ovibdo, Historia General, lib. 1., cap. mill e quinientos ^ veynte y seis aiios." — OviEDO, ^is- xxii., Vol. IV., p. 337. See, supra. Book Eighth^ toria General, lib. xxxvii., cap. i., Vol. III., p. 627. chapter ii., pp. 198 — 213. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 575 map of the Fagundes expeditions. On the north-east coast there is a " Rio solo," and, on the Pacific coast, what the Weimar Ribero calls : " R. de la concep9ion " is named here : " R. de la acension." 610 No. 186. Map of Nicaragua. This first special map of Nicaragua is mentioned, but too succinctly, by Pedrarias Davila, as follows : " Como parece par la figura que envio k V. M. que hizo Pero Miguel y Pedro Corgo : — As may be seen from the map [Pedrarias Davila] sent to Your Majesty, and which was made by Pero Miguel and Pedro Corgo.""" Pedro Corgo was the pilot of Marin Estete, and the discoverer, with Fernando de la Serna, of the Rio Chagres 612 j^ 1527. As to Pero Miguel, he acted an important part in Davila's war with the King of Urraca6i3 (which seems to be another name for Veragua) in 1520. No. 187. HiERONYMO DA VeRRAZANO. It is a map of the world, 2600 by 1300 mm., signed " Hieronemvs de Verrazano faciebat ; " and preserved, framed, in the Library of the Propaganda Fide at Rome, to which it was bequeathed by Cardinal Stefano Borgia in 1804, with his entire museum. The name of Hieronymo we have shown 614 to be that of the brother of Giovanni da Verrazano, who lived in Normandy, at Honfleur, or at Rouen, in 1526. The map, however, was made three years later, as it contains this legend : " Verrazana siue Gallia nova quale discopri 5 anni fa Giovanni di Verrazano fiorentino per ordine et comandamento del Chrystianissimo Re di francia : — Verrazana or the new Gaul, which Giovanni di Verrazano, a Florentine, discovered five years ago by the order and command of the most Christian King of France [Francis I.]." That is, it was constructed five years after the voyage accomplished by Verrazano between the end of December 1523, and the beginning of July 1524. The fact that all the names and inscriptions are in the ^"> A reduced facsimile of the entire map has been escogidos, r. 5, f"- 223. De Peralta, op. cit. , p. xi. published lately in London. «" Ovibdo, Vol. IV., pages 61, 217. Navarrbte, «" Rdacion de la Tiara que le envia d SuMagestad. Bibliot. Maritima, Vol. I., p. 431, Vol. II., p. 547. ■Cibdad de Leon, isth of January, 1529, written by '"3 Herrera, Decad. II., lib. ix., cap. xvii. Pedrarias Davila. MS. Archivo de Indias, Papeles '''+ Revue Critique, Paris, No. of Jan. i, 1876, p. 22. 576 The Discovery of North America. Italian language, indicates that the map was not made in France nor for Frenchmen, but in Italy, where Hieronymo Verrazano probably returned after the death of his brother, who was hanged as a pirate at Colmenar de Arenas, in Castile, by the order of Charles V.,6i5 in November 1527, without leaving any posterity." 616 As we have already stated, when describing the third Maggiolo map {supra. No. 173), the planisphere of Verrazano proceeds from a prototype akin to the one used by the Genoese cartographer. And, if the north- eastern configurations in both are similar to those of the Weimar charts, the nomenclature is much richer and widely different. In Maggiolo and Verrazano it abounds particularly with French names (Italianised), viz.: Diepa (Dieppe), Lungavilla (Longueville), San Germano (Saint Germain), Angolemme (Angolileme), Tolovilla (Tourville), Vendomo (Vendome), Orlean (Orleans).6i7 It is also worthy of notice that while ninety-eight names are inscribed along that coast in the Verrazano chart, the map of Ribeiro, which was made at the same time, exhibits only forty-eight, not more than eight of which are to be found in the former. This disparity shows that Hieronymo Verrazano did not borrow his nomenclature directly from a Sevillan map. Nor can it be said that those names are imaginary, or were coined by him, as we find thirty-five of them in the third Maggiolo map, which was constructed two years before by a Genoese cosmographer whom we have no reason to suppose had any interest in such a deceit.^iS Nor should we forget that Vesconte de Maggiolo could not be favourable to Francis I. in 1527, which is the year when the troops of the French King besieged the city, and after taking it, pillaged the palace. ^'5 Bernal Diaz, Verdadera Historia, cap. clix., p. manvilla (Normanville), and Lorto de rucelay (Le 206 ; Barcia, Ensayo Chronoloyico para la Historia Jardin de Rousselay). de la Florida, fo. 3, and especially H. C. Murphy, The ''^ A phrase of Annibal Caro, although jocular, shows Voyage of Verrazzano, pp. 162-162, for conclusive docu- that, at least in 1537, Verrazano was already noted for ments communicated by the late Buckingham Smith ; the his discoveries in the New World, of which he had made Spanish text of which, however, has not been published. a map: " A uoi Verrazano, come a cercatore di nuoui ^'^ On the nth of May, 1526, Giovanni Verrazano mondi, e de le marauiglie d'essi, non posso ancora dir in executing a power of attorney, calls Hieronymo Ver- cosa degna de la uostra carta, perche non hauemo passate razano " his brother and heir : — Jerosme de Varasenne terre, che non sieno state scoperte da uoi, o da uostro son frere et heritier," which could not be the case if fratello. — Di Castro, a U xiij. di Ottobre MDXXXVII.," in Giovanni had had any children then living. He soon Dele lettere familiare del comendatore Annibal Caro, afterwards went to sea, and as we have said, died on the Venetia, Aldo Manutio, mdlxxiv., 4to, p. 11. It should gallows within the next eighteen months. be noted that, in 1537, nothing had yet appeared in print *'? We must doubtless add to the list : Luisa (Louise, concerning Verrazano's maritime discoveries, although, de France?), Navarro (Navarre), Le Jigle de navarra under the name of Juan Florin, he is mentioned by (Les fils — or infants — de la Navarre), belvedere (le belve- Anghiera for his piratical exploits (Epist. 774, 782, 804, d^re). Maggiolo gives two additional names : Nor- printed in 1530). Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 577 This is the first Italian map which inscribes the name : " Tierra America," placed here across Venezuela. Brazil is called Verzino, which is synonymous, and the site of our United States is named " Nova Gallia,, sive Ivcatanet," which last word is unintelligible. The new names are the following : NEWFOUNDLAND AND NORTH-EAST COAST: Terra nova sive le molve°'® Bonivetto Monte de trigo C. das basas"*" Rio dos ramo C. despada"'' Baia de Sancta loanna Rio Santant^ Rio della pescaria La pescaria santantonia Oranbega San Severino Vendomo Belvedere Monte morello C. de Monte morello Orlean Santanna Annellina sirtis C. delle basse Palavisina C. del refugio A much reduced photo-lithograph of the entire map has been inserted in the works of Messrs. Brevoort626 and Murphy on Verrazano. A wood- cut outline, which embraces the east coast from Florida to Greenland, and gives nearly all the names inscribed in that region, has been published in Signor Desimoni's Tavola parallela. See, supra, pages 219 — 221. Tolonvilla Angolemine Lampruneta La victoria San germano^'^ Capo d'Olimpo''" Punta de cerui ^^ Comana Punta del ulivo Punta de calami Livornno No. 188. 1530. Gemma Frisius' Globes. They sold at Louvaine and Antwerp in 1530, with his work De prtn- cipiis Astronomies et Cosmographies, on the title of which we read "Vaeneunt cum Globis."627 Gesner mentions those globes with others: " lo. Schoneri, Dryandi et Gemma Frisij, Globi impressi sunt." 628 One or two of the sets of gores which we have described, the configurations and nomencla- ture of which resemble the map of Apianus, may have been intended for the present globes of Gemma Frisius. Gemma also made a map of the 6'9 Newfoundland, or the Land of Cod-fish. ^'' Capo dos baxos (?),— The Cape of Shoals. «»■ Capo d'Espera (?),— The Cape of Hope. *" Rio Sant Antonio. ''3 G. de Germano, in Maggiolo. *^ Jovium Pormtorius, in Maggiolo. ^5 Selva de Cervi, in Ulpius. ^^ J. Carson Brevoort, Verrazmw the Navigator, New York, 1874, 8vo. ^ " Louanii apud Seruatium Zaffenum et Antverpije apud Gregorium Bontium. Anno M.D.xxx. mense octob." Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Addi- tions, No. 92, p. 102. *^' Gesner, Pandectarum, 1548, fo- no. 3 Y 57^ The Discovery of North America. world, which he dedicated to Charles V., and published at Louvaine in 1540: "Charta, sive Mappamundi id est Orbis totius descriptio, Carolo V. dicata . Lovanii, 1540." 629 This geographer, whose real name was Regnier, and who exercised the medical profession, is said by Teissier to have had this map honoured with some correction from Charles V. himself. No. 189. The Ingolstadt Apianus. According to Baron Nordenskiold, to whom we are indebted for this information, this map measures 552 by 394 mm. It is dedicated to one Leonard van Eyk, and bears, on top, two diminutive maps of the world, one entitled Ohservatio Ptolem., the other Observatio Vespu., and, we believe, as a general title : Petri Apiani Universalior Cogniti Orbis Tabula. " Elle parut s^pardment, sortie de la presse privde d' Apianus, k Ingolstadt en 1530, me- surant 21 J^ sur 15}^ pouces."'^'' No. 190. The Antwerp Apianus. It is said to be precisely like the mappamundi of 1520, but to bear the following title : " Tipvs Orbis vniversalis ivxta Ptolemei Cosmographi traditionem et amrici \sic\ Vespvcii ulior\uf7i\que lustratmies a Petro Apiano Leysnico et elucubrando. MDXXX. Ghedruct fatwerpen by mo peter de vales de gulde/thant." We once saw^si that map inserted in a copy of the edition of Peter Martyr's Decades published at Alcala in 1530. The Heber copy 632 of that work and edition, and, it seems, the Murphy one,633 likewise con- tained a copy of the said map. No. 191. Friess — Prugger. It is a small globe engraved on the tide-page of an extremely rare tract, which is a translation or periphrase of Lorenz Friess' Carta Marina, written by Nicolas Prugner.634 It represents the New World, and bears the inscription : " neuw welt." ^^ FOPPENS, Bibliotheca belgica, p. 331. «33 Murphy Catalogue of Sale, No. 1607. «3» Dr. J. Van Raemdonck, Orbis Imago, Saint «34 Hydrographice, hoc est, chartm marince totiusque Nicolas, 1886, 8vo., p. 21. orbis, breuis sed dilucida descriptio ; Argentorati, ^3' Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 154, Joannes Grunigerus excudebat anno mdxxx. 4to, 16 page 276. leaves. We are indebted for these details to Mr. Ludwig ^3= Bibliotheca Heberiana, Part VI., No. 215. Rosenthal, of Munich. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 579 No. 192. LoRENz Friess. Twelve engraved maps, which are described as follows : "Twelve engraved maps which were not published till 1530. — ^Under the title of Carta marina navigatoria Portugalensium. Friess says [?] that he drew his information in these maps from original sources, but he does not name these sources, and Kohl thinks the maps indicate the work of Waldseemiiller. The main inscription on the continent is " Das niiv erfunde land."^''' We are unable to state whether the above differ from the Carta Marina inserted in the editions of 1525 and 1527 of the Uslegung der Mer-CarthernM^ As to the edition of 1530,^37 we have not yet seen a copy with a map. No. 193. The Sloane Map. In an anonymous MS. of the British Museum (Sloane MSS., 117), entitled : Be principiis astronomiccB, there is a map consisting of two leaves, measuring each 211 by 290 mm., each leaf being folded double. That map is dateless, anonymous^ and incomplete of the southern con- tinent. Where the south should commence, we read : "Hie ultra 55 g. extendit." The configurations and nomenclature for its north-east coast clearly indicate a map derived either from the last globe of Schoner, of 1523, or from the Carondelet sphere constructed by Franciscus Monachus, also lost ; that is, one wherein America is represented as an eastern pro- longation of Asia. The inscriptions are : Campestria bergi C. baxa Baccalearum regio Desertum Terra florida C. Rasum R. d. S. spu (Rio de S. Spiritu) Terra franciscana nuper lustrata Mare glaciale West of Cape Race, we read "Viridis insula." The island of Cuba is called " Cuba"; and we have heard it stated that the map had been tampered with at an early period. No. 194. Map Engraved on Copper. It was for sale, and described by the famous Libri as follows : " Mappemonde engraved on copper, between 1530 and 1540, by an unknown engraver. 12 by 8)^ inches. Peru is marked, but not Chili. The North American continent is ex- tremely narrow."^ 635 WiNSOR, Narrative and Critical History of ^3' Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 151 j America, Vol. II., p. 220. Additamenta, No. 90. 636 Supra, No. 160. In the Uslegung the configura- ^^s Lihri Catalogue of Objects of Art and Virtue ;. tions and names are precisely those of Waldseemiiller. London, 1864, No. 139. 580 The Discovery of North America. We are inclined to think that the present map is identical with the ■one which is described in the catalogue of a well-known Paris dealer, lately deceased, as follows ; but which we have not seen : "No. 162. — 2908. Carte g^ographique gravde sur une plaque de cuivre. Forme circu- laire. Cette carte est une sorte de demi-mappemonde embrassant I'hdmisphfere b6real de la terre. Elle parait etre suivant une projection stdrdographique. Diambtre du cercle o"" 259." No. 195. WOLFENBUTTEL MaP B. It is a portion of a planisphere, 2210 by 750 mm., based in every respect on a map of Ribero akin to the copy in the Propaganda, but of smaller dimensions. It is also ornamented with representations of animals, groves of trees, and large birds. The legends have been modified in a few particulars, but worth mentioning nevertheless. Thus on the " Tiera nueva de los bacallaos," we read : " Esta tiera fue scubierta por los portogesos no ay en ella cosa de prouecho mas que los bacallaos que es pescado y muy bueno. Aqui se perdieron los corte Reales : — This country was discovered by the Portuguese. It contains nothing of value, except cod, which is a very good fish. Here the Corte Reals lost their life." In the inscription on Labrador, after relating, like the Propaganda •copy, that it was " descubierta por los Yngleses de la uila de bristol," the legend adds the following detail, which is not found in any other map : " E por que el que dio el lauiso della era labrador de las illas de los acares le quido ■este nombre : — And as the one who first gave notice [of the country, or who first sighted it,] was a labourer of the Azores islands, they gave it the name [of Labrador]." It is generally supposed that the designation was due to the Indians brought from the north-east coast by Caspar Corte Real in 1501, and who were sold in Lisbon as labouring slaves. Biddle was the first who advanced this etymology, which is based upon the passage in the letter of Pietro Pasqualigo, as published in the Paesi : " Seranno per excellentia da fatiga, at gli meglior schiaui se habia hauti sin ora : — They will prove excellent for fatigue, and the best slaves ever had.'"^" A remarkable peculiarity is the large island : " I. de S. luhan," placed within the Culf of St. Lawrence, as in the Verrazano map, which, with the general configurations, leads us to think that the maker of the latter borrowed his profiles from the same prototype. The spelling of the name ^39 Paesi novamente ritrovati, lib. vi. , cap. cxxvi. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 581 •"luhan" instead of " luan," is one of Ribero's orthographical peculiarities, and we are now inclined to believe that a chart made by him existed soon after 1529, which contained the said island of " S. luhan," and additional names, particularly along the coasts of South America. In this Wolfenbiittel B, we notice the following new names : GULF Angla de racones Torre blanca Villa rica lanieza Celto dulce de cristianos St. Giles Caparara Ramado Seturnia Pueblo de p. lanoato R. de marissmas G. de fonseca R. de possyssion ' Las voltas P° primero OF MEXICO AND P" de lucal Triunfo de la [cruz] R. de perdidosas Sierras de S. Cristobal C. de Honduras Aclapoco COASTS OF SOUTH Paraguohua Y* de guaymacara Sinu piari *"' P° sanches R. de Janeyro PACIFIC G. de isleos P" de la candelaria C. de la afrorita ^" R. de pablo P° de rio duro Golfo de S. Catalina ISTHMUS : De la binora De la orosa C. de isleos Cerabaro P. bo Retrete AMERICA : Aruca prouincia Angla de la aguada Baya barrilles""' Y. de barbara C. del norte COAST : R. de S. Julian P° de la tonnia Po de la gallea P° viejo C. de S. lorenico Finally, in the region of the large rivers which empty into the Rio ■de la Plata, we read "El Gram rio de Parana." The map is preserved in the Grand Ducal Library at Wolfenbiittel, and was purchased by the Duke Augustus of Brunswick- Lunebourg (1604 — 1666). Hence the mark, "94 et 95. Aug." 1531. No. 196. Globe of Gemma and Mirica. We only possess the privilege, which was granted to those two geographers at Gand by the Emperor Charles V., for ten years. ^■"' " Golfo de Paris," in RiBERO, apparently from the name "Baya" carries a meaning, viz: "The Bay of famous cacique of that name. See Las Casas, Vol. IV. , Casks. " Barril means also a sort of large stone bottle, page 226. ^ Other maps have here " de perdycion." ^■" It is the first time that a part of this mysterious ^*^ " De la Favorita," doubtless. 582 The Discovery of North America. "De la part de Gemma Phrisius et Gaspard de Mirica [Van der Heyden] nous a et^ remonstr^ comme ilz aient compost et invent^ ingdnieusement certain globe en forme et figure d'une sphere cosmographique lequel a Futility et profit des estudians ils ont fait insculpter et desirans faire imprimer .... avons octroy^ .... pendant le temps de dix ans . . . . Gand, le xxiiij jour de may I'an de grasce mil v^- xxxj."^" This globe is doubtless dififerent from the one which sold in 1530 {supra, No. 188), as Gemma would not have applied in May, 1531, for a privilege to sell a globe which was already in the market. No. 197. OrONTIUS FiNyEUS. It is a double-folded homeoterical engraved mappamundi, 420 by 290 mm., divided at the equator, constructed in Paris by Orontius Finaeus, and bearing, within a scroll, the following title : " Nova, et Integra vniversi orbis descriptio." In a small square frame, we read this address to the reader : " Orontivs F. Delph. ad Lectorem. " Orontius F. of Dauphin^ to the reader. Offerimvs tibi, candide Lector, uniuersam ^e offer thee the description of the entire orbis terrarum descriptionem, iuxta recentium terrestrial globe, according to the most recent Geographorum et Hydrographorum mentem, , j , j , • ° '^ . ,, , ' geographers and hydrographers, m preservmg seuata turn Aequatoris, turn parallelorum ad , . , , , „ , . . ,. the proportion of the equator and parallels eas quae ex centns proportione, gemma cordis . . , • r 1 • 1 .. _ „ relative to those which start from the centres, humani formula m piano coextensam: quarum ' Iseua borealem, dextra uero australem Mundi ^"^^ expand on a plane in accordance with the partem complectitur. Tu igitur munusculum double shape of the heart. . Accept this little hoc liberaliter excipio: habetoque gratias Chris- gift, and thank Ch. Wechel by whose liberality tiano Wechelo, cuius fauore et impensis haec tibi and at whose cost it is communicated to thee, communicauimus. Vale, 1531, Mense lulio." Farewell. . . July, 1531." Below the scroll there is a coat of arms, which exhibits the lilies of France, quartered with three dolphins ; that is, the escutcheon of Francis, Duke of Brittany, then heir-apparent to the throne of France, ^45 and who died in the year 1536. Although Finaeus, in his addresses to the reader (1531, 1536, 1541), never fails to allude to recent information obtained from hydrographers, «« PiNCHARD, Archives des Arts, Sciences et Lettres ; The fine French portolano, dated 1543, and belonging to- Gand, 1863, Vol. I., p. 135. H. Y. Thompson, Esq., bears across " Le Canade " a ■s^s Anselme, Histoire gdjiSaiogique, Vol. I. page 131. flag with the same escutcheon, applying, necessarily, to It is worthy of notice that many French maps of the time the next Dauphins, respectively, Henry and Charles. If, are implicitly dedicated, like the present, not to the King, on the other hand, the cordiform map of 1536 bears the but to the Dauphin. Cf. the Harleyan and Descellier royal arms exclusively, it is because its original was made planispheres {Jean et Sihasti&n. Cabot, pp. 198, 210, 218). for Francis I., when already King. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 58: •our opinion is that he has only borrowed data from some pre-existing globe ; and that the projection was always his chief thought and object. What is the model globe which he has followed servilely ? So far as our elements of discussion permit us to enquire into the matter, there are two globes which may be supposed to have furnished Finseus with the geographical configurations and names inscribed in his mappamundi. They are Schoner's of 1523, and the sphere which Franciscus Monachus con- structed for Archbishop Carondelet in 1525. Unfortunately, those globes are lost, and cannot be described in detail. All we know is that they certainly joined America with Asia, north of the equator. But, judging from the reduction of the latter in De Or bis Situ, and Schoner's globe of 1533, both exhibited configurations which can be easily recognised in the double cordiform mappamundi of Finseus, especially when this is re- duced to Mercator's projection. 646 As to the nomenclature, the following table shows that it is the same in Finaeus and Schoner's globe of 1533, which we assume to be based upon his lost globe of 1523. ScHONER. Bachalaos Terra florida Rio de S. spirilu FlN^US. Baccalar. Terra florida R. de S. spir. P. de areticos R. arbaledas R. d. palma. Tamacho P. R. panico ScHONER. Mexico Almeria Seuilla R. d. Aluara Canto FlN^US. Almeria Seuilla R. d. aluarado R. Arbal Insule sacrificior. R. de Qua. R. de qualqo S. Andre Oatcalca'"' R S lore" R. d. Griua. C. S. Antho. lucatan Cozumella C. de Higueras P. de gratias Arifes Morion R. de grisa. Tamara Laont C. S. ato. lucatans Tangvt Cabalu Prov. S. Michaelis Calco Cathay Vel culna Temistita Messigo Mansi S. petro Tangut prov. Cannibali S. Michel Calco Cathay Vel Cultnana Temistita Messigo E . . s de Higeras" P. de gra Arifes Moriona Parias Dariena Furna Sinus Urabe Urabe Dariena Furna Sinus Vraba Vrabe ^■t* Such a reduction was executed by our late friend J. Carson Brevoort, and is very useful. ^■t? " Cempoal," in FlN^EUs' single cordiform map. ^^ " Sinus de Higeras," ibidem. 584 The Discovery of North America. SCHONER. C. Martha C. d. gratia R. forno Vallis famosa Pariano Angla R. dulce Arbaledo P. de Santo S. Roch C S. Crucis Maria de gra. R. Real FlN^US. S. martha C. de gra R. forno Vallis famosa Pariona Angla R. dulce Arbaledo P. de Saulo S. rocho S. Michael C. S. crucis Maria de gr. R. Real ScHONER. Mont, fregoso R. Brazil Barossa Pasqualis mons. R. S. Lucie C. S. Thomae R. Jordan C. S. Maria R. S. Sebas. Cananor C. Julian C. S. Crucis Mare Magellanicum Regio Patalis FlN^US. Monte fregoso R. Brazil Barossa Mons Pasqualis R. S. lucie C. S. thome R. lord. C. S. marie R. S. Sebast. Cananor S. Juliani C. S. Cru. Mare Magellanicum Regio Patalis Several critics have advanced the opinion that it was Schoner who' copied Finseus. This hypothesis seemed plausible so long as geographers believed that Schoner's globe of 1533 marked his first evolution in the graphic descriptions of America. But now that the elements of the globe which he constructed in 1523 are shown to have been inferences predi- cated upon the voyage of Magellan ; and that those inferences caused him to consider the New World, not as one or several separate continents, as he had theretofore taught and believed, but as a mere continuation of Asia, north of the equator, ^49 Schoner, so far back as 1523, must have already represented America and Asia as one solid mass, precisely as in the globe of 1533. Nor is it necessary to believe that it was that globe of 1523 in particular, which Finseus took as a model. Schoner was par excellence a globe maker ; and it is scarcely admissible that he remained from 1523 until 1533 without constructing spheres. On the other hand, if he did execute globes during that period, they must have exhibited the configurations initiated in 1523; and it may possibly be one of those which Finaeus copied. 650 '*■" See .mpra, No. 147, p. 525. "s" Schoner knew the works of FiN^us, and speaks of him in commendable terms : " Est etiam uir apud Lutetiam in Gallijs, Orontius, homo multe et diligentis lectionis" (Tahvlae a-stronomica , {"-Ixxix., recto, in the Opera mcdhematica, Norimb., 1551, fol.) " Hac autem in parte sumnias tribuemus doctissimis uiris D. Orontio Fineo Delphinati et D. Petro Appiano in descriptione cordis Cosmographici, D. uero Gemmte Fiisio in globoso corpore, quos hac in re consulendos potius duximus, quam qu6d fastidiosa prolixitate libri animo studiosorum obstreperemus " (Opera mathe.matica, leaf inserted be- tween ff. cxliiii. and cxlv.). But this does not prove that Schoner borrowed his geographical information from FiNjEUS. The reference is to the mode of constructing globes or projections, and the first allusion to it was written only in 1536, whilst the other seems to be of a. later date still. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 585 The present map was engraved at the cost of Christian Wechel, a Swiss publisher in Paris. But although it is sometimes found in the edition of the Nvvus Orbis published in 1532 in that city.^Si we are no longer inclined to think that it was engraved expressly to accompany the 1-atter publication. For not only is there no edition of the Novus Orbis known to have been published by Wechel, but the map figures as a separate title in all the catalogues of the works of Orontius.652 Besides, in 1532, the privilege was granted to the latter himself for ten years. The probability is that the map sold separately, and was inserted in the Novus Orbis of 1532 only by amateurs, who wished to add it to the book. The plate nevertheless does not seem to have remained the pro- perty of Orontius Finaeus ; for when Wechel, like Jean Roigny, caused copies of the Paris edition of the Pomponius Mela of Vadianus ^53 to have title pages printed with his mark in 1540, he added to these the present map, after a new address to the reader in his own name had been engraved and inserted in the map as follows : " Excvdimvs, lector studiose, ueram & ab- " We have engraved, studious reader, this solutam totius orbis descriptionem ex optimis true and complete description of the entire quibusque et Geographis et Hydrographis bona world according to the best geographers and fide comportatam : quae ad gemini humani cor- hydrographers, which, in imitation of a double dis imitations in piano exprimitur ut in cor- human heart is exhibited on a plane as exactly pore sphaerico, uix possit absolutius. Ac cor as possible for a spherical body. The left heart sinistrum Borealis : dextrum Australis plage represents in a just proportion the northern situm, apta lineamentorum proportione repre- shores, the right one, the southern shores. At sentat. Ex scuto Basiliensi M.D.XL."^*^ the Basle escutcheon, 1540." 1532. No. 197. Bartolomeo Olives. Atlas in the Royal University Library at Pisa, composed of eleven maps, the seventh, eighth, ninth, and tenth of which exhibit American configurations. These maps measure 290 by 370 mm., and one of them bears the following inscription : «5' Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 173. niana, p. 301, Des enseignes d'imprimeurs, we have *s« Infra, No. 224. shown that these signs were neither trade marks nor *S3 Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Additions, traders' signs, as they are now, but simply marks corres- pp. 133, 134, Nos. 126 and 127. ponding with the number of the house in the street ; for '54 That is, the store bearing as a sign the arms of the in those days the houses in Paris bore no number. That city of Basle, which was the establishment of Christian is the reason why we see the same bookseller often change Wechel in Vico lacobmo ; for in Vico Bdlouacensi, the his sign ; which means only a removal of his business to sign represented Pegasus. In our Excerpta Colombi- some other street, or house in the same street. 3 Z .586 The Discovery of North America. " 1532 in Messina nel Castello del Salvador, Bartolomeo Olives, Maiorchino :— 1532 •" -Messina, in the Castle of Our Lord, Bartolomew Olives, of Majorca."^" We have before us a copy of the seventh, eighth, and ninth maps. The first of these represents only Newfoundland, but in such a manner as not to allow the reader to see whether it adheres to the mainland. We notice four new names, which are given to adjoining islands, viz.: Diablo S. Cruz Breton lUas de plasansa. Map eighth represents the Brazilian elbow, beginning with " Cabo de Palmar." Map ninth is the north-east coast of South America, beginning with New Granada. Map tenth represents Yucatan and both the Atlantic and Pacific coasts about the equator. We do not reproduce the other new names, because they seem to be interpolations of a much later date than the map itself. For instance, in map tenth the entire coast, from east to west, of " Rio de las amesonas" is traced, whilst on the mouths of the mighty stream we read : " Posterio descobrio dende su nasimiento francisco de orellana el Afio 1544." These additions may be the work of Bartolomeo Olives himself, as we have maps of his making, dated: " Venessia adi 17 de Junnyo anno 1559," 1561, and even "Afio 1583 Bartolome Olives Mallorquin en Misina en el Castillo del Salvador," as well as 1584.^56 The latter dates, however, lead us t6 think that there have been two cartographers of the name of Bartolome Olives, as we have received the assurance that the present atlas is really dated 1532, whilst the annotation "Posterio descobrio" con- firms that date. Admitting that in 1532 Bart. Olives was only twenty-one years of age, he would have been seventy-three years old when delineating the atlas of 1584. This is not impossible, but seems to us improbable, owing to the minute and neat configurations and lettering in the same. The probability is that there were two Bartolomeo Olives, father and son. No. 198. Basle " Noyus Orbis." It is a map of the world, 550 by 370 mm., usually found in the Novus Orbis published at Basle ^57 in 1532. The title is simply: Cosmographicvs Vniversalis. ^55 It was first made known by Prof. Gustavo Uzielli ; *s* Elenco, Nos. 421, 428, 437, 438. Menco degli atlanti . . . Roma, 1882, p. 241. No. 414. ^^t Bibliotheca Americana Veiustissima, No. 17J. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 587 The frame is square, but the mappamundi is oval, and in the space between the curve and angles there are finely engraved scenes, ornaments, and fantastical monsters. Within the oval, on the right of the reader, there are two frames about 80 by 90 mm., each containing a long in- scription. The first begins with the word india, the second with the word scvTARVM [sic pro scytarvm).658 The New World is divided intO' two sections, the configurations of which resemble those adopted by Schoner in all his early globes ; and certainly proceed from a Lusitanian prototype akin to Canerio. The northern part is a narrow and elongated continental land, deeply indented north of the tropic of Cancer, and bearing only one legend, viz.: "Terra de Cuba." North-easterly of the same, but far in the open sea, there is a deeply indented island, named " Terra Cortesia," which is Newfoundland, as depicted in the early Lusitanian charts. The southern part is also continental, drawn broad near the equator, but contracting on both sides by 20" south latitude, and forming thenceforward only a narrow strip. The names inscribed are " Parias, Canibali, America Terra Nova, Prisilia," and then, in large capitals, asia, printed from type inserted in the block. This mappamundi served also for the Novus Orhis printed at Basle ^59 in 1537, but it differs from the above in the word asia being printed in smaller type. Finally, the plate was used again for the edition of the Novus Orhis published at Basle in 1555. But this time the word asia was suppressed altogether from the South American continent, and the title, which, being placed in" all the editions outside the border could easily be changed, has been altered by the addition of a word, and reads as follows : Typvs cosmographicvs vniversalis, whilst the word in the small frame reads : " Scytarvm," instead of " Scvtarum." It is worthy of notice that this latter issue (that is, with the word Typvs added to the title, and the word asia suppressed in the South-American continent), is not unfrequently found in bound copies of the Basle Novus Orbis^^° of 1532, and even in the Cologne edition of the De Insvlis nvper inventis Fer- dinandi Cortesii ad Carolum V. Narrationes. That map is usually ascribed to Sebastian Munster, owing to the facts that the title of the Novus Orhis announces a map : " cum tabula ^^ If our memory serves us right. ^^ This is probably the reason why Dr. Nordenskiold «59 Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 223. and Mr. Muller, of Amsterdam, have pubUshed that Groslier's own copy was seen at the sale of the library issue in facsimile, believing it was the first edition, whilst of the Duke of Hamilton, in 1883 ; No. 187. in reality it is the third. ^88 The Discovery of North America. cosmographica," and that the work contains a disquisition from Munster relative to a mappamundi : " Typi cosmographici et Declaratio usus," where he speaks as follows : " Non licuit quidem singularum regionutn et quarumlibet insularum indicare situm, quum tabulae angustia id minime pateretur nee id etiam instituerimus : — We have found it impos- sible to indicate the position of all the regions and of all the islands, because the narrow- ness of our map did not allow of it, and that was not our object." It may be said that Munster seems to speak here as the mouthpiece ■of all the parties concerned in the preparation of the Novus Orbis , that }iis disquisition enables the reader to ascertain what was the exact character •of the configurations in the map which was actually published in 1532, with the Basle edition of that work, and that the present map differs absolutely from those which Munster adopted only three or four years afterwards, first for his Tabula novarum insularum, and then for his Typus vniversalis. In the present instance the delineations recall, as we have said, the globes •of Schoner, and in the other the Maggiolo and Verrazano maps. Nor should we fail to notice that the two latter maps were already in existence ■since 1527 and 1529. On the other hand, it is not absolutely impossible that Munster may have drawn the present map in or before 1532 ; and, having afterwards obtained more accurate data, thrown those first confi- gurations overboard, and constructed with his new information the Tabula nouarum insularum, and the Typus orbis vniversalis. Reverting to the mappamundi which we are now describing, its editions may be set forth under three heads, viz.: A. Title : Cosmographicvs vniversalis (without the word Typvs ?), and with ASIA in large letters. This is the first edition, and belongs to the Basle Novus Orbis of 1532. B. Title : also Cosmographicvs vniversalis, but the word Asia is in small characters. This is the second edition, and is invariably found in complete copies of the Basle Novus Orbis of 1537. C. Title : Typus cosmographicvs vniversalis, with the word Asia omitted from the New World altogether. This is the third edition, and it belongs to the Basle Novus Orbis of 1555.°°' No. 200. OVIEDO'S HUYAPARI. This map describes the exploration of the mouths of the Rio de Huyapari (Orinoco) by Diego de Ordaz, Alonso de Herrera, and Gero- nimo Dortal or Ortdl, which commenced from Paria, June 23, 1532. «■ We must confess that in the above classification we description of A., that is, whether the word Typvs has have been guided chiefly by the Bibliotheca Americana really been omitted in the title. At first sight it seems Vetustissima, and find ourselves unable to confirm our to be an omission on our part. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 589 " Este nombre Huyapari que los chripstianos dan a este famoso rio, ovo origen de los chripstianos que con el piloto Johan Barrio de Quexo avian ydo d le descubrir desde Cubagua que le Uamaron assi mucho tiempo antes que el capitan Diego de Ordaz se ocu- passe en esta empresa : — That name of Huyapari given by the Christians to that famous river, owes its origin to the Christians who with the pilot John Barrio de Quexo, went from Cubagua to discover it, long befo're the undertaking of Diego de Ordaz." ^'^ A facsimile, 550 by 280 mm., is inserted in the Madrid edition of Oviedo, and we borrow from it the following new names : R. gunaguanari R. de finoco Rio de bega P. de paria Rio bininio R. de tiznados R. neueri Rio de huyapari R. de la portuguesa Rio de guarico Golfo cariaco Rio e prouincia de R. de pao Pueblo de Catalina Cosa de la discordia arnaca R. de Nirua Rio de Barrancas R. amana Rio de carcanaca Oviedo's maps are extremely important, as being not only legibly written, which enables us to ascertain the true orthography of names in other charts, but as containing legends of an historical or descriptive ■character. We will here copy a few : " Aqui estan las pueblo e senorio de la Reyna Orocomay laqual no se sirue sino de mugeres : — Here are the village and domain of Queen Orocomay, who only employs females." " Aqui mataron a al° de herrera teniente del gou°'' dortal : — Here they killed Alonso de Herrera, the lieutenant of Governor Dortal." " Junto a este rio en el pueblo de Catalina prendio geronimo dortal a Ju° de arguello •e lo hizo a horcar por sus meritos : — Near that river, in the village of Catalina, Geronimo Dortal seized Juan de Arguello, and had him hanged according to his deserts." No. 201. Map of Mexico. It is a map which was sent by the Audiencia of Mexico, July 5, 1532, to the Empress Isabella, wife of Charles V. : " La descripcion i razon desta tierra i de las personas de las Conq' i Pobe° enbiamos . ... A los Indios que diesen pintadas sus tierras i pueblas . . ." ^ No. 202. Guzman's Conquests. Map mentioned in a letter sent by the Judges (" Oidores ") to the Empress, July 10, 1532. " Con la descripcion va la pintura de la tierra que N[uno] de Guzman conquisto." ™' «» Oviedo, Historia General, lib. xxiv., cap. iii.. Vol. ^^ Muiioz Transcripts, VoL LXXIX., f"- Ii8 vo. II. p. 216-223. ^* Muiioz ibidem. 590 The Discovery of North America. For the conquests, or alleged conquest, of that ferocious " conquis- tador," see Herrera, Decad. IV. and V., who calls him "sin servicios ni experiencia," and charges him with having falsely pretended to have dis- covered Xalisco. For two years, however, he explored those regions. No. 203. JOHANN ZlEGLER. It is one of the maps forming the appendix of the first edition of a collection of his works, published at Strasburg, in 1532, by Petrus Opilionem.665 The map is anonymous. West of Iceland there is a large continent bearing these names and legends : " Inde continuatur littori terrse Baccallaos, Terra baccalaos, Vlteriora • incognita Gron- landia, Hvetsargh Proraont." What Ziegler calls "Schondia" embraces such northern regions as Greenland, Iceland, Lapland, &c.; and it is whilst thus illustrating those countries with a map that he happens to notice the east coast of the new continent. His intention, as expressed on page 85 of the Opera varia, was to write a special work "concerning the northern parts of the world, of which the ancients knew nothing whatever." His knowledge about Greenland was derived from two bishops who had lived in that country, and whom he met at Rome ; whilst what he says as regards America is borrowed from Peter Martyr. The present map is also to be found in Ziegler's Terrce Sanctce, pub- lished at Strasburg in 1536. It has been facsimiled by Nordenskiold, No. XXXI. No. 204. ROSELLO. Mappamundi on the last double leaf of one of the editions of a title- less holario,^^^ printed at Venice or Florence, apparently in 1532. It is 380 by 180 mm., and signed : " F. Rosello Florentino fecit." In the prologue of the Jsolario, which is in rhyme, the following verse gives the name of the author of the book. ^s BiUiotheca Americana Vetustissima, Nos. 167, logue (III., No. 3696) under the title of Carte lieZ marc 173, 217. Egeo in rima, 1532. This title is also on the back of ^^ 4to (not folio), 28 ff., signal, a-h, printed in Roman the Paris National Library copy (Y non porti, Ris.), characters, except the verse on the map, which is in and was likewise given by Libri ( Choicer portion, No. small B.L. Brunet, Vol. I., col. 679, 1. 67, describes 266), but to what seems to be the first edition, which,, the La VaUiere copy which was announced in the cata- however, like the second, is titleless. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 591 Per me bon Venitian col stilo in charte ciaschuna segnata Bartolomeo .... Quindece volte intrireme son statto officiale e poi patrone in nave Per aprobar questa opereta fata merce di mei signor chonor mha fatto per me Bartolomeo da li sonetti Bis con el bembo e tre pexari me haue intendo de monstrar con veri effetti sopranzo longo e prima el bon donato quanto che londa egiea habia cercatha tre Loredami a do viazi graue Et se ho piu volte ogninsula chalchata Laltro fu piu suave e porti e vale e scogli sporchi ei netti Querini baxadona e barbarigo col bosolo per venti o[ho]i capi reti Venier Rimonde Zorzi e Mocenigo Tiraboschi,667 Libri,668 and others, on the sole authority of Quadrio,669 consider this Bartolomeo as being identical with Bartolomeo Zamberti, who, born at Venice in 1477, died in 1485. If so, the mappamundi is, of course, an addition with which he had nothing to do. Melzi, however, says 670 that our Bartolomeo, who took the surname "da li Sonetti: — He who wrote sonnets," was simply a seafaring man, first simple sailor, and afterwards master of a ship, who amused himself with describing in poor poetry the countries which he had visited, and was not the poet Barto- lomeo Zamberti mentioned by Sansovino. From the fact that his sonnets allude not only to the islands, but to the western coasts of Europe and Africa, without ever referring to the New World, 671 not even in the verse surrounding the map which depicts it, we infer that Bartolomeo wrote before the discovery of America. As to that map, it is oval, well en- graved, and, although the general aspect recalls Bordone's mappamundi, is a different production altogether. It bears the following title in black letter, which applies both to the text and map : " Figura dr* Scrittura in somma di tutto lo habitato. Finis M.DXXXII." The continent of North America bears the inscription " Terra de Castelle," and, in a large river emptying into the Atlantic: "Rio de fo . ." On the southern continent we read : " Terra S. Crvcis sive Mvndvs Novvs," and notice a wide stream running from north to south, evidently intended for the Amazona. Neither the 171 verse in Italian, printed on the margin of the map, nor the map itself, are in the first edition of the I solar to ; but it contains the woodcuts of islands, from different blocks, *7 TiRABOSCHi, Storia della lettercUura italiana, ^t' G.M. Dizionario di opere anonimo,Yol.l.,^.ii^. 1794, Vol. III., pp. 523, 1466. ''' The nearest we could find was this verse : ^^ Choicer portion of the Libri library, 1859, No. 266. Parte del nostro habitato universo »9 QUADRIO, Storia d'ogni poesia, Bologna, 1739, 410, daUa aurora tren per sue confine -, , TTT o la terra ignota onde esce apollo terso . . . Vol. IV., p. 40- 592 The Discovery of North America. and, in the copy before us, with the manuscript addition of many names and ornaments. There is a sketch of Rosello's map in the atlas of Santarem, who does not indicate its source. Nor have we been able to ascertain anything about that Florentine cartographer, or rather engraver. 672 No. 205. The Maracaybo Region. This map accompanied a relation sent to Charles V., concerning, apparently, the events which led to the death of the German governor of Venezuela. It measures 240 by 100 mm., and exhibits the " Laguna de Maraycabo," the " Siera de los Bvbvres," the " Siera Nevada," and the course of the " Rio Grande." Between the southern shore of the laguna and the first chain of mountains, we read : " Aqui mataron al gouv"^- ambrosio : — Here they killed Governor Ambrosio." This governor was Ambrosio Alfinger, the agent of the Welsers of Augsburg, to whom Charles V.. by way of retribution for heavy loans, had bestowed the province of Venezuela, to be held as an hereditary fief from the crown of Castile, and which they still possessed so late as 1555. He was killed by the Indians ^73 in the summer of 1532. Oviedo added a copy of this map to his Historia General, because, said he, it differs materially from the one made by Alonso de Chaves : " porque . . . es muy diferente de la carta." It has been reproduced in facsimile, and inserted in Vol. II. of the Madrid edition of Oviedo. The new names are the following : R. Yaxo Pauxoto Sierra del nieve (?) Xuara R. oryno Xiriguanas Camiruas El pasaje La ramada Pacabucys Maracaybo Pueblo viejo Macayde Tamara Tierra despoblada Catafio Buredes coronados Cometi Pemenos Paraguana Condaguas Aruacanas 1533. No. 206. Sc honer's Weimar Gloi 3E. This globe is apparently made of wood or pasteboard, measuring 261 mm. diameter, depicted by hand, but neither signed nor dated. Supra, page 519, there is a copy of the western hemisphere, to which we beg ^T' The only cartographer whose name approaches Lelewel, Giogra/phie du Moyen Age, Vol. II., p. 108. " Rosello," is Pietro Roselli or Roseli, a Majorcan, it ''"Oviedo, Historia General, lib. xxv., caps, i.-v., seems, who constructed charts so far back as 1464. Vol. II., p. 270-284. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 593. to refer the reader. ^74 There is a tract of Schoner's bearing this title : " Opusculutn Geographicum ex diversorum libris ac cartis summa cura et diligentia col- lectum, accommodatum ad recenter elaboratum ab eodem globum descriptionis terrense : — Geographical tract extracted from diverse books and maps, with great care and diligence, and arranged for the recently elaborated globe of the description of the earth." ^' It is dated " ex urbe Norica Id. Nbvembris Anno xxxiii.," that is, from the city of Nuremberg, November 13, 1533; but we do not know exactly when and where it was printed, as neither the title-page nor the last leaf contain printer's mark, date, or place of printing. It is very prob- able, however, that the book came out of a Nuremberg press, Frederick Peypus' or Johannes Petrus'. The tract is dedicated to Frederick of Saxony, and was written in elucidation of a terrestrial globe which Schoner had constructed at the same time for that prince. It is very generally believed 676 that one of the globes preserved in the Grand Ducal Library at Weimar (ex-Militar Bibliothek), and which we are at present describing, is a duplicate, if not the globe itself, mentioned in the above-quoted Opus- culum. We should state, however, that the Weimar sphere in question bears on its stand the date of " 1534." This may arise from the tract and globe having been issued probably in January, 1534, which is only six or seven weeks after the date in the text. And as to Schoner being the maker, we entirely share Dr. Wieser's opinion, justly expressed in the following remarks : "Die Uebereinstimmung zwischen ihm und dam Opusculum geographicum Schoner's von 1533, welche Schrift sich wiederholt auf einem neuen Globus bezieht ist so gross, dass an dem Datum und der Autorschaft gar nicht gezweifelt werden kann." We can even go further, and add that the expressions used so far back as Schoner's tract of 1523, which we have quoted and will soon repeat, bespoke the configurations exhibited in this globe. By referring to our observations concerning Schoner's globe of 1523 {supra, page 525), it will be noticed that, in the Opusculum, he makes this statement : «74 We are indebted to the liberality of His Highness FlN^US in his mappamundi of 1531. See, swpra, the Grand-Duke of Saxe Weimar and to the enlightened No. 197, page 582. kindness of Dr. Leidenfrost for that copy, and we ^" Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 178. gladly avail ourselves of the present opportunity to re- ^« Wieser, Magalhaes-Strasse, p. 77. The remarks iterate our most sincere thanks. Dr. WiESER, in his of Santarem, Bidletin de la SociitS de Giographie, valuable work on the Strait of Magellan, had already Paris, 1847, page 322, and of HUMBOLDT, Examen reproduced the southern hemisphere of the present globe critique. Vol. II., page 28, show that the globe of of Schoner, which greatly aided us in ascertaining the Schoner considered to be of 1533, is no other than origin of the American configurations used by Orontius the present. 4 A 594 The Discovery of North America. " Modo vero per novissimas navigationes factas, anno post Christum 1519 per Magellanum ducetn navium Invictissimi Csesaris divi Caroli versus Moluccas insulas . . • earn terram in- venerunt esse continentem superioris Indise, quae pars est Asiae :— But very lately, thanks to the recent navigations accomplished in 1519 by Magellan, the commander of the ships of Charles V. sent to the Molucca islands, it has been ascertained that the country [of America] belonged to the continent of Upper India, which is a portion of India." The most noticeable peculiarity in the globe of 1533 is the blending of the New with the Old Continent ; and, as the surprising inference just quoted is thus shown to have been the starting point of a new evolution in the cosmographical ideas of Schoner, which dates, therefore, from the time when he first heard of the discovery of the Magellanic passage, we are constrained to believe that the globe of 1523 already exhibited such a geographical configuration. A consequence to be drawn from this fact is, as we have already remarked, that it was not Schoner who copied Finffius, but the reverse. Our theory is that this globe of 1533 is an improved reproduction of the one which the Nuremberg mathematician constructed in 1523, now lost. The later modifications were doubtless introduced in the north-east coast, but several years before 1533, as we find them already in the double cordiform mappamundi published by Finseus in 1531. The nomenclature of the present globe will be found in the comparative tables added to our description of the " Globe dore," or Gilt Globe, supra No. 181, pages 566-567. 1533. No. 207. Sebastian Cabot. This manuscript map is mentioned in a letter which Sebastian Cabot wrote from Seville to Juan de Samano, June 24, 1533 : "Tengo acabada la carta que V- me mand6, "I have finished the map which you or- no he podido antes por la muerte de mi hija dered from me. I could not do it sooner, i dolencia de mi muger i mia. owing to the death of my daughter,"" and my Veran por ella los SS. del Consejo corao wife's™ illness as well as my own. The Lords ^" In the last will and testament of William Mychell, mujer i casa." (Jean et Sihastien Cabot, doc. xviii., a London chaplain, who came originally from Brighthel- p. 332.) General Meredith Read has kindly secured at meston in Sussex, which was executed May 7, 1516, our request a copy of the above-mentioned will, the there is the following legacy : ' ' Lego Elizabeth filie original of which is preserved in the Principal Registry Sebastian! Caboto filiole mee iii'' iiij''' " This Elizabeth of the Probate, Divorce and Admiralty Division of the is probably the daughter of our Cabot, and according to High Court of Justice. There are no other authentic the above, who died in June, 1533. If so, she was born references known of a child of Sebastian Cabot ; in England before 1512, as that is the year when her although several families claim to descend from him. father left that country to settle in Spain, where he ^^ Her name was Catalina Medrano, and she settled removed his family shortly after October: " A traer su in Spain with her husband in 1512. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 595 se puede navegar por redondo por sus der- of the Council will see by that map how one rotas como se hase por una carta, i la causa can navigate circuitously by its rumbs as porque nordestea i noruesta la guja, i como es marked on charts, and the cause why the forzoso que lo haga, i que tantas quartas ha needle turns north-eastward and north-west, de nordestear in noruestear antes que torna ward, and why it is necessarily so, and how a bolverse acia el norte, i en qu^ meridiano, many points of the compass the needle must i con esto tendra Su. Magestad la regla cierta go over north-eastward and north-westward be- para tomar la longitud ..." (Carta de Sebas- fore returning to the north, and ... the meri- tian Gaboto, que dirigio el dia San Juan de dian (?). With this. His Majesty will have a 1533 al Secretario Juan de Sdmano). sure rule for ascertaining the longitude . . .'"^ That is, evidently, the map (and not the one afterwards engraved under the date of 1544) which was offered for sale after the death of Juan de Ovando, the president of the Council of the Indies, in September, 1575.680 That map has disappeared, but, if ever discovered, it will prove interesting to compare its north-eastern configurations and legends with those of the Paris planisphere of 1544. There is another one which would be not less curious to examine, should searchers have the good fortune to find it. We allude to the mappamundi in two parts which Cabot sent from London, November 15, 1554, to Charles V., by Francisco de Urista : "Asi mismo lleva el dicho Francisco de Urista para que V. M. las vea, dos figuras que son un mapa mundi cortado por el equinocio por donde V. M. vera las causas de la variacion que hace la aguja de marear con el polo, y las causas porque otra vez torna a volver dere- chamente al polo artico.'"'^ No. 208. Maps by Natives. They seem to have been maps of Cuednavaca, and are mentioned in a letter addressed to the Empress Isabella, wife of Charles the Fifth, February 9, 1533 : " Los Indios de Cuednavaca [in Guatemala ?] han venido con pinturas de los demasiados tributos, de las tierras que les toman : — The Indians of Cuednavaca have come with maps of the countries from which they took the additional tributes."^ No. 209. Map for allotting Indians. It is referred to in a letter of June 6, 1533, addressed by the Count Manrique and others to Charles V.: *79 Munoz MSS., preserved in the Madrid Academy '^' Gollect. de documenios ineditos para la Historia of History, Vol. LXXIX., f"- 287, recto. de Espafia ; Vol. III. (1843), p. 512. ^ Jean et Sdbastien Cabot, p. 151. ^' Munoz Transcripts, Vol. LXXIX., f° 313. 596 The Discovery of North America. " Ha venido la descripcion e informaciones para el repartimiento i reformacion general de la Nueva Espafia. El obispo conviene alia : ira al punto, o esperark a V. M. . . ." ^ Perhaps this was only a Hst, although Indians were usually allotted to the Spanish settlers in accordance with the locality of the estate. No. 2 id. Botelho Pereira. It was a mappamundi, embracing all the discoveries which had then been accomplished, and constructed by Diego Botelho Pereira, who pre- sented it to King Joao II., when that cartographer first came to Portugal from Cochin, his native place. " Por elle ser muito curioso et prattico na Geografia, et saber fazer cartas de marear fez hua grande, em que descreveo tudo o que do Mundo era descubierto, et a uppresentou k el Rei Dom Joao [II.] : — Being quite ingenious and versed in geography, and skilful in the making of charts, he made one describing all that which had been discovered of the world, and presented it to King Joao." '^ 1534. No. 211. Ramusio's New World. It is a map of North and South America, which measures 840 by 1070 mm., and containing a privilege worded as follows : "M.D.XXXIIII. Del mese di Dicembre. La carta uniuersale della terra ferma et Isole delle Indie occide[n]tali, cio e del mondo nouo fatta per dichiaratione delli libri delle Indie, cauata da due carte da' nauicare fatte in Sibilia da li piloti della Maiesta Cesarea. Con gratia et priuilegio della lUustrissima Signoria di Venetia p[er] anni XX." The present rare map was found inserted in a bound copy of the Italian abridgment of Pedro Martyr and Oviedo, published by Ramusio, in 1534, at Venice. 685 This, together with the fact that the map is printed on thin paper, — so as to be folded more easily, — and the direct reference in the title of the book to the effect that it was made for elucidating the work itself : " Fatta per dichiaratione delli libri delle Indie," authorise the opinion that the said map may have formed part of Ramusio's Lz'hri delle Indie. On the other hand, as we have examined twenty-three copies of that work, several of which were in their original binding, without finding that map or traces of its having been bound with any of them, it may ^3 Muiioz Transcripts, Vol. LXXIX., f> 295, recto. edition of 161 5, folio, page 362. ^* Joao DE Barros, Qvarta Decada da Asia, Madrid »s BiUiotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 190. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 597 also be that the map was published separately, by the same publisher, although made to sell with and to accompany the Lihri. This valuable map, together with a smaller one inserted in Ramusio's latter work, were extracted from two Spanish charts, one of which be- longed to Peter Martyr, and was made at Seville by Nufio Garcia de Toreno ; whilst the other was the work of one of the Emperor's pilots, also residing at Seville, but whose name is not given : " Insieme con le tauoli particulari cauate da due carte da nauicare di Spagnuoli, delle qvali vna fu di Don Pietro martire . . . et fu fatta per il Piloto et maestro di carte da nauicar Nino Garzia de Loreno \sic\ in Sibilia. L'altra fu fatta similimente per vn Piloto della Maesta del imperadore in Sibilia." The data furnished by Garcia de Toreno were necessarily anterior to 1526, since the map once belonged to Peter Martyr, who died on the 23rd or 24th of September of that year. The other elements were in- serted at a later date, as the map exhibits the Peruvian coast, which does not figure on the Weimar chart of 1527. On the other hand, this Peru- vian coast is carried southward only as far as the city of Tumbez, whilst the Ribeiro chart, which is dated 1529, exhibits the Pacific sea-board 6° further south, to what it calls the province of Chinchax. A priori, one would see in this extended configuration a proof that the Ribeiro map is of a later date than the Ramusio one, and, consequently, that the latter was constructed in 1528. But a study of the facts shows that Ribeiro cannot have possessed Peruvian data older than those which were used for the Ramusio map. All the information gathered concerning the Peruvian coast during Pizarro's first exploration reached Europe when he brought it himself, on his landing at Seville in the summer of 1528. He did not return to Peru until January, 1530, sailing southward from Panama only one year afterwards, in January, 1531. Now, the Ribeiro map is dated: " Ano de 1529." It follows that the legends marked on the same to the south of Tumbez, viz.: "C. de S. Maria, Y. de buena villa [vista?], P°- de mal abrigo, Sierra morena, Y. de S. Roque," and " Prouincia de la cibdad de Chinchax," are points which were visited by Pizarro in 1527, and must be placed north of the Port of Sancta (by 9° south latitude), which was the extreme limit reached at that time. If the cartographer of Ramusio fixes his Peruvian terminus at Tumbez686 (by 3° 26' S. lat.), it is because ^*As the reader is aware, Tumbez is the place where Pizarro landed in 1527. 598 The Discovery of North America. his map being a mere abridgment, he thought fit to mark Tumbez only, on account of its being the place which produced the greatest impression on the Spaniards during their first exploration of the Peruvian coast. The general context of this map shows that it belongs to the Sevillan Hydrography, and to be of the same family as both the Weimar charts. The only copy known is in the Lenoxiana copy of Ramusio's Ltbrt. It has been reproduced by Nordenskiold, No. LXVII. No. 212. Ramusio's " Spagnvola." This map measures 190 by 260 mm., and is inserted in the above- mentioned Lihri delle Indie. We notice on the north coast the designation " Isabella Vecchia," which occurs on no other map of the time. No. 213. Joachim Vadianus. Mappamundi semi-oval, 400 by 230 mm., belonging to the Epitome of Vadianus, published in folio at Zurich, in 1534,687 and bearing the following title, date, and place where printed : " Typvs cosmographicvs vniversalis. Tigvri Anno. M.D.XXXIIII." In this map the configurations of the New World proceed from the same prototype as the mappamundi of the 1532 Basle Novus Orbis, if not directly from the latter; but it bears only two inscriptions, viz.: "Terra de Cuba " and " America," whilst it omits altogether the island of Cuba or Isabella, and the West Indian archipelago. In Conrad Gesner's catalogue of the works printed at Zurich by Froschover,688 mention is made of a map bearing this title : " Typus Cos- mographicus universalis, in tabula chartae unius." It seems to be presented as belonging to the edition of Vadianus' Epitome which was published in 1548, although the latter is only an octavo. Further on, Gesner again speaks of such a map, but adds that it is "in tabula folij magnitudine," and also to be found in Stumpf's Chronick, which was published in 1548. We are unable to say whether those maps differ from the one of 1534. With regard to the latter, judging from the catalogue of maps bequeathed «87 BibUotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 189. «» Oatalogus lihrorum quos Christophorus Froscho- The 8vo edition published under the same date does not verus Tirjuri publicavit, in Gesner's Pandectarum, contain any map, unless afterwards inserted. Tiguri, 1548, fol., among the preliminary leaves, i". no' Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 599 to a Louvain college by Viglius de Zuichem in 1585,689 it could be ob- tained separately. We were in hopes to find at St. Gall, where they preserve the MSS. of Vadianus, some information concerning the data used for that map or for his geographical works, but the Bibliotheca Vadiana contains nothing of the kind. The present has been reproduced by Nordenskiold, No. LXVI. No. 214. Caspar Viegas. It is a Portuguese manuscript chart of the Atlantic Ocean, 1000 by 580 mm., framed and preserved^Qo in the Geographical Department of the Paris National Library ; but it formerly belonged to the State Archives, which indicates its having been in France for many years. The map bears the following inscription : " Caspar Viegas. Out"- 1534." «^' This name is absolutely Lusitanian, as well as the caligraphy and nomenclature ; but, notwithstanding researches instituted in Portugal, we could obtain no information concerning that cartographer, or other maps signed by him, except one cited below. Nor is he mentioned in any book. The National Library possesses three other maps, 692 but relating to Europe (one also signed by Viegas), which must have belonged, with the present map, to the same atlas. We imagine that it contained, besides, a map devoted exclusively to America, or a mappamundi exhibiting all that was known, in 1534, of the New Continent; since the chart which we are now describing delineates but a small portion of the New World, •exhibiting only, after the style of such nautical charts, the extreme profiles •of the Atlantic coasts, east and west. At the north, there is only New- foundland and the Gulf of St. Lawrence, with Cape Breton island. At the south, the coast extends from two or three degrees west of the Maranham to about two degrees south of La Plata. ^93 That map is, nevertheless, extremely interesting on account of the date of 1534, which is the year of the first voyage of Jacques Cartier, and showing, therefore, the knowledge which the Portuguese possessed of ^ PiNCHARD, Archives des Arts, Scieiices, et Lettres, ^3 " Mr. le Capitaine de fregate Mouchez qui a ete Gand 1863, Vol. II., p. 311. charg^ par le gouvernement fran9ais de continuer en les ^ Geographical Department, No. 18,772. perfectionnant les travaux de I'Amiral RoussiN [on the ^' For Outubro or October. coast of Brazil] a ^te emerveille comme moi de I'exactitude «9= Geographical Department, Nos. 18,773, l8,77S. comparative d'un pareil monument geographique," says .and 18,778. Ferdinand Denis. 6oo The Discovery of North America. that region previous to the first north-eastern exploration accomplished by the St. Malo seaman. What is remarkable is the fact that Viegas gives- certain exact configurations, particularly about the Gulf of St. Lawrence, which all his predecessors have ignored, and which remained unknown even to his successors during many years. Withal, we hesitate to recog- nise the gut of Canso in the canal which separates from the continent his great oceanic island, and consequently, in the latter, Cape Breton. That insular configuration in Viegas' map, as in Verrazano, Gutierrez, and all the maps of the time, we take to be only an imaginary island, or some portion of the mainland detached from the continent by the fancy or erroneous notions of the early cartographers. Otherwise, it would be im- possible to understand how a cosmographer, in possession of geographical data sufficiently exact to give the outline of Cape Breton island, should have made his canal run from north to south, and omit such an island as that of Prince Edward, which covers a million-and-a-half of acres, and certainly could not be avoided by a navigator when issuing out of that gut into the great gulf As a matter of course, Newfoundland is yet joined to the continent- and we are unable to say whether the large indenture called " R. das poblas " is intended for the Bay des Chaleurs, or for the mouth of the St. Lawrence river, and the " Rio Pria " for the latter, or for the Saguenay. The new names are : NEWFOUNDLAND AND GULF OF ST. LAWRENCE: Baia das Rojas C. da tormenta C. da Volta Costa cha . . Rio Real C. de piloto Rio fromoso R. das poblas S. Maria C. do Batal Rio da travega R. da gente S. Andre C. do Mazcato Rio pria S. paulo S. pedro™ NORTH COAST OF S. AMERICA: B. de S. Joam Costa aprelada ^ Costa dalloeste Costa vista C. do parte G. dos negros B. de Ilheo C. apcelado®^ Terra de S. \ucia. Costa Cuza ®' Amgra d. todos los pnts ^^ C. Corco [Corso or Cor5o] C. das baixas R. da nobo [?] Sierra de S. migel B. de diego leste ^ B. de dos braes™ B. das tartarugas P. de S. margal R. da corsa'"' ^-i That portion of the coast has been published in *' From "aprazivel:" The Fine Coast. reduced facsimile by Dr. Kohl, Discovery of Maine, ^^ The Fine Cape. plate xviiia. 699 The Bay of All Points. *5 " Costa coxa :" — The Crooked Coast. 70" xhe Bay of the Two Arms. ^ Diego's Bay, east. 701 Rio da Corja :— The Bay of the Hind. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 6or BRAZILIAN COAST: Rio primo '^^ R. de S. Clara G. do Ilheo Terra cortada C. dos perilyo parro [?] ... dayorcas [d'ajorcas ?] Tinhare [?] Curpare R. das begoares C. da brolljo'"'' I'orio de S. Vicente Sete ilhas Baixos dos parguetos '^ Baia dos dragos Rio de S. Salvador Boa vigia Rio de mtia° de rourra [?] South of the Rio de la Plata, three names may prove useful to note,, viz.: " C. de S. amf- [Antonio?], Costa de correntes, C. talhado." No. 215. The Havre Catalan Atlas. It is preserved in the City Library at Havre, and is composed of thirteen maps, 400 by 230 mm., on parchment, roughly designed, while the nomenclature is chiefly in the Catalan language. Five of those maps are devoted exclusively to American regions. The configurations and names in the Newfoundland map proceed from a Lusitanian chart, like Reinel's or Kunstmann No. i, but after they had passed through a Sevillan one. This is shown by the fact that if the present map omits certain names inscribed by Reinel, it gives five which are not in the latter, viz. : " C. de boauista, Ilia de fogo, Rio fermoso. Terra de bertones" and " Ilha de Juan Estevez" ("Santa Cruz" in Reinel). Now these are all inserted in the two Weimar and in the Wolfenbiittel charts, which certainly belong to Seville. And, as several of those names do not figure in Viegas, we are of opinion that the maker of the present atlas has copied, at least for his Newfoundland region, not a Portuguese, but a Lusitano-Spanish map. The Gulf of Mexico chart depicts the entire coast from Florida to " Cabo de canxines," which is the " Punta de Caxines " discovered and named by Columbus during his fourth voyage. In that portion of the map, great stress will doubtless be laid on the configuration of Yucatan, which is represented in the form of a large semi-circular island, placed nearly two degrees from the continent. This point requires investigation. The Portuguese maps connected Yucatan with the mainland at the earliest date, as is shown by Kunstmann No. 4. The separation is a 702 li j^io primo" is followed by " Rio Segundo," of Chaves, such as it is described by OviEDO, there is omitted here as being in Kunstmann No. 4. " Baxos de Abreojos." 7<'3 " C. de abrolho :" — The Rocky Coast. In the map '"'i The Shoals of small Sea-breams. 4B ■6o2 The Discovery "of North America. Spanish idea, the origin of which it is difficult to ascertain, as the coasting accomplished by Hernandez de Cordova in 15 17, which extended from Cape Catoche to Campeche, and that of Juan de Grijalva in 1518, which ranged the western seaboards as far as the Mexican regions, fixed in the minds of Castilian mariners the peninsular character of Yucatan ; as is seen by the earliest map representing Yucatanic lands (Garay's, 15 19). But in the Cortes map (1524) " Yncatam " begins to appear as a com- plete island. This erroneous configuration is then adopted by the Sevillan Hydrography, and continues to figure in its maps for several years in the insular form, and to be placed at a relatively great distance from the sea (Weimar No. i; Maggiolo of 1527; Verrazano, the Gilt Globe, &c.). It is only in 1529 that we begin to notice a change, when Ribero elongates Yucatan, and narrows down the distance which separated it from the main- land ; but a strait is still maintained between the two. The conclusion is that the Gulf of Mexico, Caribbean sea, and Yucatan in the Havre Atlas proceed also from the Sevillan Hydrography, most likely from some derivative of the prototype of Weimar No. i. The names which seem new to us are, in Florida, "Rio" instead of " Baya de Juan Ponze"; in Honduras, " Baya de Xagua"7o5; and in Mexico, " Rio de la Xaqua." The " Valireano " is perhaps the " Val •dalmerigo" of the Turin and Laurentiana maps. We notice on the penin- sula of Yucatan several names which do not occur there on any other map, viz.: " Toriblanca," " Ditionado," and "Rio de S. Joan." The first two are the "Torre blanca" and "P. deseado," which in Wolfenbuttel and Weimar No. i are correctly inscribed on the mainland. The importance given, or about to be given, to that Atlas makes it incumbent on us to ascertain its approximate date. We have already given the reasons which lead us to believe that the maps of Newfound- land and of the Gulf of Mexico proceed from Sevillan charts, apparently of the year 1527. We must now examine the map of the east coast of South America, and likewise find when it was drawn. The configurations and names of the La Plata region in that map show a date posterior to 1529, beyond a doubt. It was Juan' Diaz de Solis who, in 1515, discovered, or was the first navigator to explore, for thirty leagues, the estuary of the mighty river. Solis named it " Rio de 7°sXagua is a designation which we find only in the lib. vii.), but as referring to a locality in the island of Decades of Peter Martyr d'Anghiera (Decad. III., Hispaniola. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 603 Sancta Maria" ;7o6 but cartographers called it, for more than a quarter of a century afterwards, " Rio Jordan." 707 Mariners, however, designated that river as the "Rio de Solis."7o8 Its Indian name was " Hurnai " or " Huruai." 709 The first time we see the denomination of " Rio de la Plata," or rather, "Rio da Prata," is in the letter of Luiz Ramirez, 7io dated from its banks, July 10, 1528 ; but the name did not commence to appear in maps until long afterwards. 7" The present map bears none of the above names. It only inscribes at the junction of the Parana with the Uruguay, " Rios de plata." That is, the Catalan cartographer, strictly speaking, means only to convey the impression that silver is found in the several rivers which form the great estuary. We are convinced that, in reality, he had in view the name of "Rio da Prata"; but, to remain within the literal meaning of the desig- nation, we shall only endeavour to ascertain when it was alleged, for the- first time, that the mighty stream drifted silver ore, or that this metal was found in the neighbouring regions. Gomara makes the name of Rio de la Plata date from Solis, not in the course of the expedition of 15 15, but of a preceding one of 1512, undertaken, he says, with one ship, and at his own cost : "Costeo legua por legua el afio de . 12, a su propria costa . . . anduvo hasta ponerse casi en cuarenta grades . . . topo un grandisimo rio que los naturales Hainan Paranaguazu, . . . Vido en ^1 muestra de plata, y nombrdlo della : — He ranged the coast, league after league, in the year 15 12, at his own cost . . . almost as far as 40°, and fell in with an immense river, called by the natives Paranaguazu, and having in it evidence of silver, he so named it."'^* Gomara, in the first place, is by far the most unreliable historian to be found in the whole list of those who have written concerning the New World. Then, the above statement is, with the exception of the name "Paranaguazu," which he has taken from Oviedo,7i3 a surmise of his. own. Gomara also borrowed the account of a voyage made by Solis in 1 51 2 from Oviedo, who has likewise been copied by Herrera;7i4 but '°^ Las Casas says that he cannot imagine why that '" Gomara, Historia de las Indias, in Vedia's edition, river was called in his time (1561) La Plata: "Solis page 210. descubriendo aqu^l [30°] el rio que agora dicen de la ''3 OviEDO, lib. xi., cap. x., Vol. L, p. 405. Plata, no s^ por que occasion." He adds that SoLis '"* Oviedo, lib. xxiii., cap. i., Vol. II., page 167; named it "el Cabo y rio de Sancta Maria. " Lib. iii., Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, page 211 ; Herrera, cap. Ixxxiii., Vol. IV., p. 270. Decad. IV., p. 169. Our impression is that Oviedo, 7°' Turin Weimar, and Maggiolo of 1527. whose statement is the fountain head in this instance, 708 Pigafetta, supra, No. 143, p. 516. has mistaken this supposed expedition for that in which 7°9 OviEDO lib. xxiii., cap. ii.. Vol. II., p. 174, and SOLIS was associated with Vicente Yaiiez PiNZON, and legend 7th in the Cabotian planisphere of 1544. which returned to Spain November 14, 1509 (Muiioz T" Bevista Trimensal, 1852, Vol. XV., p. 14. MSB., Vol. LXXV., f" 239). This went to Brazil, but 7" Atlases of B. Agnese (1536-1564). certainly not so far south as La Plata. ■6o4 The Discovery of North America. those three historians are entirely mistaken as regards a voyage by SoHs, undertaken at that time. In 15 12, Juan Diaz de Solis was in Spain, where, on the 25th of March, he had received the appointment of Pilot- Major, in the place of Vespuccius. On the 30th of August following, he was at Logrono. And if it be true that at the latter date a transatlantic ■expedition was being fitted out at Lepe, and of which Solis had to be the principal captain, it was composed of three ships, equipped by the Spanish government, and intended to sail only in March, 1513 : " Este [one Ourives, a Portuguese, called in Spain Juan Anriquez] me dise que armavao OS tres navios em Lepe, e que o Joao Diz [called elsewhere in the same letter, "Joao Diz de Solis, piloto"] hia por capitao principal . . . e que aviao de partir em Mar^o.""' Silver is mentioned for the first time in connection with the country of Solis in an averment of Diego Garcia, who in 1527 claimed to be the discoverer of the La Plata regions, and to have brought thence, fifteen years before, — that is, so far back as 1512, — a large quantity of silver : " De donde trajo gran porcion de plata."7i6 gyj ^hat yvt^s a vain boast, so far as the remote time of the discovery was concerned, and intended to forestall the forthcoming statements of Sebastian Cabot. What may be true, is the bringing of silver to Spain, when Garcia returned in 1527, as Herrera, who has had access to certain official documents on the subject, 7i7 mentions the fact, and adds that it was the origin of the name given to the river : " Tambien Diego Garcia huvo alguna cantitad de plata de los Indies, desde donde se llamo este Rio de la Plata porque fue la primera que se traxo k Castilla de las Indias : — Diego Garcia also obtained a certain quantity of silver from the Indians, hence the name of Rio de la Plata [The River of Silver] because it was the first time silver had been brought from the Indies."™ 7'5 Letter of Juan Mendez DB Vasooncellos, in of 37 MSS., was permitted 9° 58.— La Bermuda y yslas adiacentes k la „ loi tierra que descubrio el piloto „ 106 Estevan Gomez „ 113 59. — Ysla de los Lucays „ nS 63. — La ysla espanola o sancto Domingo 83.— Cuba ..117 88.-Jaraaico o Sanctiago ^anct Bicente y Cananea Fol. 120.— Tierra o estrecho de Magellanes — La Trinidad — Yucatan con los adiacentes — Tenus Titan \sic\ — Yslas de los Golfos de Panama — Yslas adiacentes a las provincias del Brasil — Yslas adiacentes a las provincias de 7^3 Navarrete, CoUcdon de Opuscules, Madrid, 1848, under the rubric of Aa.97. Our impression is that there Vol II P 82 note His Lihro de longitudes, however, is a fourth manuscript of the Idarvo m some pubhc is still 'preserved in the National Library at Madrid, institution of Stockholm. 62 2 The Discovery of North America, No. 228. Jacques Cartier. Carder's first voyage was from April 20 until September 5, 1534, whilst the second embraced from May 19, 1535, until July, 1536. Con- cerning the maps of Canada, his nephew Jacques Noel wrote to John Growte as follows : " I can write nothing else unto you of anything that I can recover of the writings of Captain laques Cartier, my uncle disceased, although I have made search in all places that I could possibly in this Towne ; saving of a certain booke made in maner of a sea charte, which was drawne by the hand of my said uncle, which is in the possession of master Cremeur, which booke is passing well marked and drawne for all the River of Canada." '^ This " booke in manner of a sea chart '' was evidently a portolano of the Canadian regions. Noel is called, in an official document dated January 14, 1588, " maistre pillote de nostre ville de Saint Malo, nepveu et heritier de deffunt Jacques Cartier," which proves that the latter left no posterity. Two of Noel's sons had with them in Canada, in 1587, Cartier's above-mentioned chart. No. 229. Clamorgan. Map of the world made by Jean de Clamorgan, "seigneur de Soane, premier capitaine de la Marine du Ponent," and presented to Francis I. " Ce grand Roy Frangois qui receut de bon ceil quelque chose du peu de scauoir qui est en moy, alors que ie luy presentay une Carte uniuerselle en forme de liure, sus un poinct non accoustume de la figure en plan du monde, oil estoyent les mers et terres assises en longitude et latitude, car par une seule face ne se pent demonstrer ne faire sans grandes fautes. Et commanda mondit liure estre mis en sa librairie de Fontaine-bleau." "" It follows from this that it was a plane chart, with a new style of projection, crossed with longitudes and latitudes, and forming a sort of adas. As to the date: "circa 1536," it is merely approximate on our part. Clamorgan must have been already in the French navy in 1529, as the last prince whom he served was Charles IX., to whom he dedi- cated the Chasse du Loup, where mention is made of his having occupied an important naval post during forty-five years : " L'espace de quarante cinq ans qu'ay exerc^ I'estat et charge de la marine." The map was pre- sented to Francis I., who died only March 31, 1547; but, as Clamorgan 7^Hakluyt, Principal Navigations, 1599 -1600; ''^° CT^ii.uov.GA.n, Le Chasse dv Lovp [ndcessain h la Vol. III., p. 242. maison rustique?], I.yon, 1583, 410, i"- 2. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 623 spoke therein of Canada as a recent discovery : " car voyant le beau commencement que continuez de descouurir la nouuelle terre Frangoise, Canada, Ochelaga et la Sagueue [Saguenay], sera bailie moyen plus aise a tous de faire ladite nauigacion," we infer that Clamorgan's map must have been constructed very soon after the first voyages of Jacques Cartier. Although the greatest part of the , Fontainebleau library has been pre- served, and Clamorgan's map still figures in the inventory of 1682 (No. 6815), that monument of the early French cartography has disappeared.77' Another work of his, viz.: Traite sur la construction des navires et sur les navigations lointaines, which may have contained some notice of the voyages of Verrazano and Cartier, is also lost. No. 230. First Map of Chili. It was ordered by Diego de Almagro from three pilots whose names we have failed to find mentioned anywhere. " La Carta de Navegar quel adelentado higo ver en Chile a tres pilotos." "^ No. 231. Chaves' Pacific Coast. It was a map of the discoveries accomplished by Gil Gonzales Davila and others, Oviedo mentions it de visu as follows : " El quarto capitan € descubridor en la costa austral fu^ el capitan Gil Gongalez Davila y el piloto Andres Nino, e lo que se acresgentd por su industria en la moderna cosmographia de9irlo he como la carta enmendadi lo platica € yo la he visto de la mano del cosmdgrapho Alonso de Chaves '"^ Concerning map-making in Spain at that time, the following extract from Oviedo seems to indicate that he did not place implicit confidence in the latitudes and longitudes of Spanish cosmographers, including even Chaves, and preferred making the observations himself: "Y por tanto para quel Chaves € los otros costndgraphos de C^ssar enmienden sus patrones € pinturas de sus cartas de navegar, si me quisieren creer, dird lo que hallo en mis memoriales, que escribi, tomando por mi persona con el astrolabio las alturas en las partes que agora dir^, en tierra € sosegadamente, 6 muchas veces.""' "' Delisle, Cabinet des manuscrits de la Biblio- "= Oviedo, Historia General. Vol. VI., p. 275. tUque Impiriale, Vol. I., p. 265 ; Lelong, BiUio- m Oviedo, op. cit., Vol. III., p. 98. tMque ffistorique, Vol. I., p. 208, No. 3,583. "" Ibidem, p. 112. 624 The Discovery of North America. No. 232. Gulf of Mexico. This map exhibits also the coasts of New Spain, and belonged to Alonso de Santa Cruz. It was exhibited at Madrid 775 in 1881, and is probably all that is left of the cartographical collection mentioned in the inventory drafted after his death in 1572, although those valuable docu- ments were entrusted to his successor in office. Santa Cruz left Spain for the Rio de la Plata with Cabot in 1526, and did not return until 1530. As he was appointed cosmographer of the Casa de Contratacion, 776 j^jy ^^ 1536, that map may have come into his possession, or may have been drawn during the latter period. We nevertheless suppose it to be of the time preceding his voyage to La Plata, as it is during the conquest of Mexico that the greatest efforts were made, by clandestine mariners as well as authorised agents, to ex- plore the Gulf of Mexico. Withal, everything depends on the technical characteristics of the map, which we have not seen. No. 233. Globe of Descelliers. This globe of the Dieppe cartographer is thus mentioned : " Pour ce qui est des cartes marines, je diray avec Mons'. Dablon'" que le sieur Pierre des Cheliers, prestre k Arques, a eu la gloire d'avoir est^ le premier qui en a fait en France. Aussi estoit-il un si habile g^ographe at astronome, qu'il fit une sphere plate au milieu de la quelle on voioit un globe qui representoit toutes les parties du monde." '"^ We have no maps of Descelliers anterior to 1546, but, as we find a "Pierre Deschelliers, pretre a Arques en 1537," 779 who is evidently the same, and as all his known maps (three) were "faicte a Arques par Pierre Desceliers pebre," we presume that some of his cartographical pro- ductions may date as far back as 1536.780 Those which we still possess are: (i) in the collection of the late Earl of Crawford and Balcarres, dated 1546, at Dunecht House; (2) in the library of the Abbe Sigismund de Bubics, dated 1553, in Vienna; (3) in the British Museum, dated 1550. "S Lista de los objeios que comprende la Exposicion qui excelloit en la pratique des globes." This Pretot Americana, Madrid, 1881 ; B, No. 272. is perhaps the Breton, an excellent geographer of 776 Navarrete, Opusculos, Vol. II. , pp. 61-87. Dieppe, mentioned by Father Fournier, Hydrorjra/phie, 'm Dablon was a chronicler of the seventeenth century, Paris, 1643, fol., p. 506. whose works are still in MSS. 779 For Descelliers' maps see Jean et Sibastien 77^ David AssELiNE, Antiquitez et Chroniques de la Cahot, pp 217, seq. ville de Dieppe; Dieppe, 1874, 8vo, Vol. II., p. 326. 780 De Beaurbpaire, Recherches sur Vinstruction. He also speaks of "le sieur Pretot, surnomm^ le Sfavant, publique; Rouen, 1870, 8vo, Vol. III., p. 197. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 625 No. 234. Cheltenham Maps. In the sale catalogue of the then celebrated library of Guyon de Sardiere, there is the following too brief item : "Cartes (XII) marines de tout I'Univers, et dessin&s en 1536 sur vdlin. In folio." '^^ Many of the books and manuscripts of the sixteenth century belonging to that noted bibliophile, came originally from the library which Francis I. kept in his chateau of Anet. The above collection of maps is apparently one of the volumes which afterwards constituted No. 845 of the Meerman catalogue, viz.: "Collection de cartes de tout I'Univers vraisemblablement dressdes en 1536 et 1553 par [sic\ Guyon de Sardiere [sic] et Baptiste Agnese h. Venise ; 2 vols, d'une forme indgale, Merits et dessin^s sur v61in en or et couleurs ; cuir d[or^].'' '^ It is at present No. 191 2 of the Cheltenham catalogue. One of those two items is simply a portolano of Battista Agnese ; but the volume of folio size must be a different collection of maps, and we do not know whether it also found its way into the collection of Sir Thomas Phillips. No. 235. Barberini Portolani. There are three such, all preserved in the Bibliotheca Barberiniana, at Rome, and they present identical configurations for the New World, in three maps, including the oval mappamundi. One of these (xh'x. 46) contains in the zodiacal ring, between March 10 and 15, this legend: "1536. Principium Martii squinoctialis." Another {xloiii. 125) is dedicated to Henry VIII., King of England, in these words : " Henricus Octavus, Dei Gratia Angliae, Francise et Hibernis Rex. Fidei Defensor." On the opposite page are delineated the arms of Great Britain. The last double leaf contains a miniatured representation of a library, intended for the Barberiniana. There are also the portraits of the three Barberinis who have founded or enlarged that library, and a long inscription ending as follows : " Breve sed accuratum utriusque orbis compendium observantias perpetus monumentum, obsulit, Barberini Gentis humillimus Cliens et alumnus D.D." This inscription is signed " Georgius Conneius," which has prompted the belief that he was 78' Catalogue de la UUiotUque de feu J. B. Denis ^' Catalogus codicum manuscriptorum quos reliquit Guyon, chevalier, seigneur de Chardiire [sic] ; Paris, vir noUissimus Johan Meerman, 18U- Fourth part of 1759, 8vo, p. 130, No. 1253. The Hague catalogue, 8vo, p. 147. 4 E 626 The Discovery of North America. the maker of the portolano, and that he had dedicated it to the Bar- berlnis ; but this was an erroneous interpretation. The Barberinis mentioned in that inscription are — 1°- Maffei, Cardinal in 1605, and Pope under the name of Urbain VIII.; 2°- his brother Francisco, Cardinal in 1627. On the other hand, the first dedication shows that the portolano Was dedicated to Henry VIII., who reigned from 1509 until 1547, and that it was designed, therefore, between those two dates. Finally, the signer of the inscription is George Conn, a Scotch theologian settled in Italy, and who was sent as nuncio to the court of Queen Henrietta, the wife of Charles I., by Pope Urbain VIII. He remained in England from 1636 until 1639, when he returned to Rome, where he died January 10, 1640.783 We now see from the maritime routes traced in the semi-oval mappa- mundi, as well as from the configurations and workmanship, that it is the work of Battista Agnese, whose earliest production is of the year 1536, but who still made portolani in 1564. The present one, consequently, was executed between 1536 and 1547- The third portolano {xhiii. 81) bears also the arms of the Barberini family, but it is evidently an addition of the seventeenth century, as that portolano was likewise drawn by Battista Agnese. Unfortunately, it con- tains no data enabling critics to fix the precise year when it was made. The probability is that the one which contains the dedication to Henry VIII. was given by Queen Henrietta to Conn, who presented it to Urbain VIII., after causing the portraits and external illustrations to be executed by an Italian artist when he returned to Rome in 1640. We would have included these portolani exclusively in the list of Ag- nese's productions, but for the prevailing opinion that they are each of a different character and origin. 784 No. 236. Atlases of Agnese. Baptista Agnese was a very artistic cartographer of Genoese origin, who exercised his profession at Venice from 1536 until 1564. We possess atlases, dated and signed by him, of 1536, 1543, 1544, 1545, 1553, 1554, 1555' 1559' 1562, and 1564. There exist others which bear neither date 7^3 Nicius Erythil«us Q. V. Rossi], Pinacotheca '^■t We are indebted to Mr. Malvano for transcripts Imaginum illustrium doctrin.; Lipsise, 1692, l2mo, of parts of those portolani obligingly made from the pp. 132-133. originals at our request. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 627 nor signature, but are certainly the work of Agnese, as the geographical configurations, nomenclature, caligraphy, dimensions, and ornaments, re- semble altogether those of the atlases bearing his name. Besides, there is a peculiarity common to all, which is a sure test to determine among the atlases of small size made in Italy, in the middle of the sixteenth century, those which must be attributed to that cartographer. It is this : In the oval mappamundi we invariably see routes traced or dotted, in gold or in silver, or simply coloured, indicating the itinerary followed by ships sailing from Lisbon to the East Indies, and from Cadiz to the north and south of the New World. The atlases of 1554, 1564, and that which is in the Wolfenbuttel Ducal Library, depict only two such routes. The first of these starts apparently from Lisbon, crosses the Atlantic, reaches the American con- tinent about Darien, resumes its course on the other side, follows the south-west coast to Cape Horn, and from there traverses the entire Pacific Ocean. This bears the inscription : "El viage de andar a la maluche : — ■ the travelling route to the Moluccas." The other route, which is the homeward voyage, starts from the Molucca islands, crosses the Cape of Good Hope, ranges the coast of Africa, and terminates at its starting point. This reads as follows : " Ritorno de la maluche : — the return from the Moluccas." The following atlases, viz.: Correr Museum, Bodleian and Barberini (1536), Paris (1543), Marciana (1545), as well as the dateless ones of Munich, Montpellier, Turin, and Philip II., so called, mark a third itinerary. This route starts from Cadiz, crosses the Atlantic, reaches the isthmus of Panama, resumes its course on the Pacific side, and follows the coast to a point south of Tombez, and called " Pachirama." It is labelled: "El viazo de Peru : — the voyage to Peru." The anonymous, but dated atlas of 1536 of Dresden, and the dateless ones of Paris, Vienna, Stockholm, and of Baron Edmond de Rothschild, exhibit, in addition, a fourth route. This starts from some port in Nor- mandy, traverses the Adantic, lands in Canada, where there is depicted an imaginary isthmus, resumes its course on the other side, and ends in Cathay. The inscription is : " El viazo de fransa :— the voyage from France." In the Bodleian, instead of a narrow isthmus, between the " Terra de Baccalaos," and the " Terra de las Bretones," there is a wide passage, corresponding to the Gulf of St. Lawrence, through which the itinerary is made to pass. 628 The Discovery of North America. The scientific merit of the atlases of Agnese is very inferior to the artistic skill which they exhibit. In 1536, that cartographer adopted a type for their configurations, and from which, in nearly thirty years, he but little deviated. In 1564 as well as in 1536, the Pacific coast of the New World presents the same chasm between Peru and Cape Horn ; and, to the last, he connects Newfoundland with the continent, although Gastaldi and Diego Homen were, in his days, designing or engraving maps also at Venice, for more than fifteen years, which maps showed the insularity of the great codfish emporium. Taking for our data the alleged Philip II. atlas, which is the most complete within our reach, we find that the maps which interest us are the following : MAP I. — It is an oval mappamundi containing the itineraries above described. The continent of North America is entirely separated from the Asiatic, and exhibits, westerly and north-westerly, the peculiar elbow and trend eastwards which are so noticeable in the Mag- giolo of 1527, Verrazano, and first Munster maps. Yucatan, as in these three, has the form of a large round island, cast into the sea, at a great distance from the coast ; but it is the only one of that class which depicts the peninsula and vermilion sea of California. The great river of silver is denominated " Rio de la Plata," and the estuary. Para and Uruguay, are represented as in Ribero. " Cuzcho " is inscribed, but in the centre of the southern continent. At the north, we notice " Ciuola, Tatonteach, Maruta," and " Nacpa." MAP II. — It is a map of America, North and South, exhibiting the profiles of the Weimar charts ; also with no west coast whatever north of Mexico. Yucatan, however, is the large circular island already noticed in the mappamundi. Yet, the present is not the prototype which Agnese has consulted for the latter; as it does not set forth the imaginary narrow isthmus depicted in the Canadian regions. Nor can it be said that in the mappa- mundi the alleged isthmus is an invention of Agnese, as it figures already in the Maggiolo of 1527, and in other maps. MAP III. — It represents the entire Pacific coast, from a " Provincia de siera," to a great portion of the western seaboard of the California peninsula, with a technical legend concerning the depth (" xi. bragas ") of the " mar uermeio." The limit is 40° north latitude of its own scale. Here again Agnese has copied a Sevillan chart, which is apparently the one he used for map ii.; but it differed from Ribero's, as we read names which the latter does not contain, viz.: in Peru, "Rio de S. Miguell, C. Blanco, P. de S. Lorenzo," and C. de Afrita " [?]. These, however, are not placed sufificiently far at the south, to indicate geographical data obtained in the course of Pizarro's second expedition. In fine, the atlases of Agnese possess no other merit than to be beautifully caligraphed or miniatured, not intended for use by mariners or scholars, and altogether objects of art, destined to be offered as presents, and to adorn the libraries of the rich. Those which still exist and have come to our notice, are the following : Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 629 1. March 10, 1536 ; twelve maps.— Correr Museum, at Venice.'^ 2. "1536 die martii."— Bodleian, Oxford. 3. "Baptista . agnessivs . ianvensis . fecit . venetijs . 1536 . die 13 octobr;" eleven maps and a zodiac— British Museum ; Addit. MSS., No. rg,g2y. 4. " ^quinoctialis 1536;" 12 11., nine maps, 211 by 300 mm— Trivulziana, Milan, Cod. 2160?^ 5. 1536. Sir Thomas Phillips' Collection, Cheltenham.'^' 6. 1536 ; twelve leaves, 290 by 190 mm.— Dresden Royal Library, No. XLIX 40 (or MSS. F. 140 b ?). ™ 7. 1536. — Biblioteca Barberiniana, Rome.™^ 8. " Baptista Agnese fecit, Venetiis, 1543, die 18 febr."— Huth Collection, London. 9. "Baptista Agnese fee, Venetijs, 1543, die 18 February."— Archives of the Duke of Coburg-Gotha. ''» 10. "Baptista Agnese ianuensi Die xii. Februarii Anno M.DXLIIL;" thirteen maps.— Bibl. Laurenziana, Florence, No. 241.'^' 11. "Baptista agnese Januensis fecit uenetijs anno Domini 1543 die 25 Junij;" twelve maps.— Paris National l^ibrary, B. 2624.'^ 12. "Baptista Agnese Januensis fecit Uenetijs 1544 . die . 5 february;" ten maps (?).— Dresden Royal Library, MSS. F. 140 a. 13. "Baptista Agnese fecit Venetijs 1545, die 8 Mail."- Marciana, Venice, MS. CI. iv., cod. 499 (or 492 ?)• 14. "Baptista Agnese in Venezia al 1° Settembre 1553;" thirty-two maps.— Count Donk Collection, Venice. 15. "Baptista Agnese facit \sic'i\ Venetiis anno Domini 1554 die 15 Julii." ? 16. "No \_sic\ Baptista palnese \sic\ fecit uenetiis anno Domini 1554 die 20 octobris rab \sic\;" thirty-six maps. — Marciana, Venice, Cod. Ixii. (or Class IV., cod. 6 .?) 17. 1554; sixteen maps. — Collection of Count Gio. Batt. Giustinian, Venice."' 18. 1555. — In the now dispersed collection of Prince Labanoff, No. 2o6y. 19. 1559. — Collection of Mr. S. Perez Junquera, Madrid.™. 20. "Baptista agnes. fecit uenetijs anno dni. 1564 die 25 mai ;" eight maps, table, and zodiac. — British Museum, Add. MSS No. 2^,442. 21. 1564. — Marciana (?)™^ The following atlases of Agnese are neither signed nor dated : 22. Fifteen leaves, ten double maps. — Paris National Library, Fonds Latin, No. 18,240.'^ ?*s It is by mistake that under the date of March 10, 's" Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, p. 316, 1536, the Elenco (Nos. 166 and 167) describes two such who describes de visu, both the present and that of the atlases. There is only one, which was purchased by late Mr. HuTH, under the same date. See also KoHL, Mr. Barozzi for the Correr Museum, where it is to be p. 298, and his plate xv., letter c. found : No. V., Glasse Portulani. It was discovered at ?'" It comes from the Medici family, and is very fine. Padua in 1881. 79= it comes from a Piccolomini, of Sienna. 7^ PoRRO, Cataiogo dei Codici manoscritti delle ™3 Uzielli — Amat, Elenco, No. 482. Trivulziana, p. 357. "■' " Hecho en Venecia en 1559, por Baptista Agnose " 7*' Ex-Guyon de Sardi^re Collection, No. 1912. [sic], do we read in the Lista de los objetos de la Exposi- ^ Dr. K. Haebler kindly informs us that this Dresden cion Americanista, Madrid ; No. B. 858. atlas bears no inscription, but it contains on the equinoc- ''5 Matkovic, Alte Handxchriflliche, p. 10. tial line in the plate representing a zodiac, the date of "* Comes from Bigot, who probably purchased it in 1536. Italy at the close of the seventeenth century. It bears '* See supra, No. 235, p. 625. the arms and signature of " Dominicus de Bossis." 630 The Discovery of North America. 23. Twenty-two leaves. — Library of the Faculty of Medicine, Montpellier. 24. Dresden Royal Library. '^ 25. Ten maps. — Stockholm Royal Library.'^ 26. Fourteen maps. — Wolfenbiittel Ducal Library. 27. Ten maps. — Munich Royal Library, Cod. iconogr.. No. 136.'^ 28. Nine maps. — Collection of Baron Edmond de Rothschild,*" Paris. 29. Fourteen leaves, eleven maps. — Spitzer Collection, Paris.*" 30. Fourteen maps. — Collection of H. Y. Thompson, Esq., London. 31. Ten maps. — Collection of Count Malartic, Dijon. 32. Seventeen leaves, fourteen maps, 510 by 360 mm. — Archives of Propaganda Fide, Rome.**^ 33. Florence National Library, Class XIII., P. codex 5 (?). 34. Fifteen leaves. — Library of the King, Turin. ^"^ 35. Bibliot. Barberiniana, Rome, No. xlviii. 81. 36. „ „ „ No. .xlviii. 123.'^ 37. Twelve maps, 218 by 300 mm. — Private Library of the Emperor of Austria, No. 7984. 38. Library of the Glasgow University (?). 39. "Baptista Agnese ianuensis fecit venetiis 15- die Februarij;" K.K. Hofbibliothek, Vienna, Codex membr.. No. 623.^^ There are, besides, counterfeits of the time, but very poorly executed.^°s No. 237. The Bodleian Mappamundi. Map of the world which we find described as follows : " It is an undated MS. in the Bodleian Library of an elliptical projection. The dotted line given for the Chili coast, and the indications of Pizarro's conquest of Southern Peru, '^ Kohl, op. cit. , plate xiv. , p. 293 ; plate xviii. , ^3 it is a small 8vo. The recto of the first leaf contains No. 3. It is probably identical with No. 168 of the the arms of Guido Ascanio Sforza di Santa Fiora, Elenco, erroneously dated 1536, whereas, in reality it is who was cardinal from 1534 to 1564. This atlas is sine anno. evidently the one cited by H. Wuttke, TaJiresbericht '5' It was formerly in the private collection of King des Vereins fur Erdhunde, Dresden, 1873, page 62, Charles XV. of Sweden. plate vii. '''^ J. A. ScHMELLER, Ueber einige cUiere handschrift- ^* One of these was made for King Henry VIII. of liche Seekarten der K. Bibliothek, in Abhandlungen der England; see, supra, No. 235, p. 625, for a full de- I. CI. d. Ah. d. Wiss. IV., Bd. Abth. i, Munich, scription of both. 1844, p. 255 ; Peschel, Ueber eine italienische Welt- ^^ It bears the reference : " Conventus Vienn. fratrum harte, in Elfter Yahresbericht . . Leipzig, i872,p, 59. Discal. S. P. Augustini." *" It is the smallest and most beautiful of all those *"* Paris National Library, Geographical Department, atlases, with very fine miniatured borders, B. Z625. Baptista Agnese has also made separate ^' It is alleged to have been made for Philip II., on maps. There is one of Cyprus, which has been repro- account of the arms of Spain being miniatured on the duced by Sathas, Monumenta Hiator. Ellenic. The frontispiece, and of the legend : ' ' Philippo Caroli. Aug. map of Europe, 840 by 600, preserved in the Catania F. Optimo Princ. Providentia." Spitzer and W'iener, University Library, and described in the Elenco of Mr. Portulande Charles-Quint donn^ A Philippe^ II.; Vaiis, Uzielli, No. 196, bears the inscription: "Baptista 1875; and Franz WiESER, Der Portetoi des In/anten, Agnese fecit, Venetiis 1562, die 4 Februarii." For Vienna, 1876. Mr. Spitzer caused it to be re-mounted, further details concerning that cartographer, see Kohl, and altered its original shape and beauty. op. cit., pp. 292-295, and Jean et Sibastien Cabot, ^^ Thomassy, Les Popes g^ographes, No. 14, p. 133. pp. 188-194. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 631 induced Kohl to place it between 1534 and 1536. It resembles the delineation in the American parts of Baptista Agnese of about this date." ®" Not being described as forming part of an atlas or portolano," and bearing no date, we must consider until further notice, the present as distinct from the Bodleian Agnese dated " 1536 die martii." No. 238. Italian Portolano. It is an atlas of seven maps, each of two leaves, 330 by 230 mm. The mappamundi exhibits a rough delineation of the New World, with configurations and a nomenclature apparently borrowed from Battista Agnese, but not the work of this cartographer, as it lacks the itineraries depicted athwart the world, which are the distinctive traits of his own atlases. The present is preserved in the British Museum, Reg. 14 C. V., and has been kindly examined at our request by Miss L. Toulmine Smith. No. 239. Chaves' Model Chart. Oviedo mentions that official map, now lost, in these words : " Cartas modernas, en espe^al de la corregida nuevamente per mandado de C^ssar (del qual patron tengo una de la mano de Alonso de Chaves, uno de los cosmographos de Sus Magestades : — Modern maps, particularly the one which was lately corrected by order of Cesar [/. e., the King of Spain or Emperor Charles V.], of which model I have [a copy] in the hand of Alonso de Chaves, one of the cosmographers of Their Majesties." ^' " La carta moderna del cosmographo Alonso " The modern map of the cosmographer Alonso de Chaves, que nuevamente se corrigid Alonso de Chaves which was newly corrected y emendo el afto que passd de mill e quinientos and improved last year one thousand five hun- y treynta y seys anos." dred and thirty -six." ^™ ''' La carta moderna, fecha por el cosmo- " The modern map made by the cosmo- grapho Alonso de Chaves, el ano de mill 6 grapher Alonso de Chaves, in the year 1536, quinientos y treynta y seys anos, despues que after the Emperor our lord had ordered that por el Emperador, nuestro seiior, fueron man- the models ^padron real or general^ and sailing dados ver y examinar € corregir los padrones y charts should be seen and examined by learned cartas de navegar por personas dotas y experi- and experienced persons appointed to that mentadas, que para ello fueron elegidas." effect." ""' *•' WiNSOR, The Kohl collection of early maps, No. ^"' Op. cit, cap. xi., p. 151. On the other hand we 51, p. 13; and Kohl, Discovery of Maine, p. 296, know that it was yet in course of construction December plate containing four maps. 31, 1536, as then Alonso DE Santa Cruz and Diego ^"^ OviEDO, Historia General, lib. xxi., cap. ii., Vol. Gutierrez, speak of the "patron que ahora se hace" II., p. 116. (Probanzas de Luis Colon en el pleito ; MS. of the ^ Op. cit., cap. X., p. 149. Archives of the Indies). 632 The Discovery of North America. This is confirmed by the deposition of Sebastian Cabot.^" viz.: " Agora el licenciado Suarez de Carvajal, oidor del Consejo de las Indias, ha mandado recoger todas las cartas de marear, e que se haga un padron general para la navegacion : — The licentiate Suarez de Carvajal, a member of the Council of the Indies, has now ordered that all the sailing charts should be collected, and that a general model map for navigation should be constructed." Our interpretation of those extracts is that Chaves' map was only a copy of the Padron General, and, as we will show, more or less exact, if not modified by Chaves according to his own notions. We have shown that the Padron alluded to was first ordered by Charles V., October 1526, and remained unfinished, so that May 20, 1535, Queen Isabella ordered Fernando Columbus to cause the royal cosmo- graphers to proceed with the work.812 Diego Ribero was referred to by name in the cedula of 1526, in a manner implying that he held a con- spicuous place among those professionals ; but what is strange, is the fact that the Queen mentions him again, apparently as if she believed he was still living in 1535, although he had then been dead two years." 813 The probability is that upon receiving the royal order, Fernando Columbus directed Chaves, who since April 4, 1528, was "Royal Pilot, Cosmographer, and Master Map-maker," ^H to activate the work, in con- junction however with his numerous colleagues. We infer that they only finished the Padron commenced by Ribero ; but Chaves must have altered it, since Oviedo in his description, alludes several times to differences 8' 5 existing between the map of Ribero and that of Chaves. In one word, the Weimar charts do not reproduce exactly the Padron General, or the copy of it which Chaves made for Oviedo. That map was not a mappa- mundi, as, like the official model, it embraced only "the islands and continent which had been then discovered." It was evidently of very large size ^'^ °" ProSajiza of December 31, 1536. poco antes que faUes9iesse, estando en servi9io del Em- ^" Supra, page 266. perador, como cosmographo de S. M., se le daba cr^dito "'3 ' ' Pagasele [viz. , was paid the balance of salary due en su offigio, e yo le comunique. "-Oviedo, op. cit. , p. 149. tb him] hasta 16 Agosto 1533 en que [Ribero] fallecio. " ^'S "Demas de lo qual [Chaves' map], en lo ultimo Muiioz Transcripts, Vol. LXXVII., fo- 165 vo. de la costa puse la opinion del cosmographo Diego ^■*" Kioto, Cosmografo i Maestro de hacer cartas, Ribero. . .'' — Oviedo, Vol. II., pp. 112, n8, 119, 121, astrolabios, i otras cosas para la navegacion." — MuNOZ, 148, 150. op. cit.. Vol. LXXVIIL, f°- 100 vo. The fact that ^'* Oviedo's map of the Gulf of Nicaragua {op. cit., Chaves worked upon Ribero's map, may also be in- Vol. III., p. 98) which he made to correct Chaves', ferred from this phrase of Oviedo : " A esto [la carta de measures 14 centimeters, and required to be at least of Chaves] se acres9ienta lo que pares9e por la carta del that dimension to embrace all the names and cartographi- cosmographo Diego Rivero, de na9ion portugu^s, el qual cal details enumerated. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 63J Although Oviedo seems to blend together the geographical data which he has borrowed from Chaves with those derived from other sources, we deem it useful to give his nomenclature, beginning, as he does, 817 with the Strait of Magellan,8i8 and following the east coast northwardly. This list has the very great advantage of giving the proper spelling of many names ; but the new appellations indicate the existence then of American maps which are now lost. From the Strait to La Plata : Rio de la Cruz Sierras hermosas Baya de los Trabaxos Rio de Johan Serrano Rio de las Piedras Rio de las Virtudes Rio de Sanct Alexo Rio de Sanct Frangisco Rio de Sanct Matheo'" Puerto Real Rio de Sanct Hieronimo Rio de los Cosmos Rio de Sanct Augustin Golpho de Todos Sanctos ' Rio de Sanct Jorge Rio de la Magdalena Rio de Sancta Elena Rio de Sanct Gregorio Rio de Sanct Johan Tierra de Marc6™ Rio de Canamor (sic) Arrecife de Cobos^ B. de Bajos Anegados Brazilian Coast : Rio de Sanct Christobal Baxos de los Pargos Rio de Sancta Barbara Baxos de Abreojos Golpho de la Playa Rio de Sancta Ana Rio del Brasil Cabo de Sanct Pedro Cabo Frio Sierras de Santa Lucia Cabo de Buen Abrigo Sierras de Sanct Sebastian Rio Joulan, also del Sombrero Tierra de Jenero Golpho de los Reyes Tierra de los Humos Rio Grande de Parama («V), alias rio de la Plata Cabo Sancta Maria Rio de Culpare Rio de la India «^^ Bahia de la Cananea Rio Ubay Rio sin fondo Puerto de la Barca Puerto de los Patos Puerto de Sanct Sebastian- Puerto de don Rodrigo d& Acuna^a* Puerto del Farallon Rio poblado Rio gerrado Rio Tibiquari Rio Etiquari Rio Parama, or Rio de Solis'^' ^'' Oviedo, lib. xxi., cap. i.-xi.. Vol. II,, p. 112-152. In the present instance we insert the entire nomenclature, so as to show the names which were still in use, officially, in 1536 ; but those in italics are the names which appear for the first time. Oviedo cites many others, which we have omitted, as they seem to belong to other maps. "'* The data for that portion of the coast were obtained chiefly from Santa Cruz : "Cuyos memoriales, como amigo, domestica e amigablemente me comunic6" (Op. cit., p. 114). Those names are therefore anterior to 1530, when Santa Cruz returned to Spain. 819 " Marpo," or March, in RiBERO. *'° " De Lobos," or "of Seals," ibidem. Chaves also indicates an " Isla de Cobos," subject to the same cor- rection, as there is no such word as " Cobo " in Spanish or Portuguese. ^' " Rio Sanct Francisco " was called in Chaves' map, Cabo bianco™ "Rio Primero," while "Rio Sanct Matheo," took the name of " Rio Segundo. " These two last names indicate therefore maps posterior to 1536. ^'^ This is a small g;ilf "golphete," within the " Baya de Todos Sanctos." *'3 Want of space compels us to omit all the islands mentioned on the north and south-east coast. '-* Rodrigo de Acuna was one of the captains in the expedition of LoAiSA, In 1525. ^^s As there is already a " Rio Grande de Parama alias rio de la Plata," we infer that Chaves intended to draw a distinction between the immense estuary, which at present is called "Rio de la Plata," and the "Rio de Parana " above. If so, he must have believed that SOLIS actually discovered the great river which bears the latter name. Our impression is that SOLIS never got so high. ^^^ It is the " Cabo de Antonio " of RiBERO. 4 F 634 The Discovery of North America. Rio de las Virtudes Rio de las Piedras Rio Epitiaca Bahia de Sand Rafael Bahia de Tortuga\s ?] Cabo del Corgo Brazilian Elbow : Bahia de Arregifes Punta Primera Golpho de Negros Promontorio del Palmar Punta de Humos or Fumos Cabo del Hueste Punta de Allende Punta de Corrientes Rio de Naubor Rio Segundo Rio de Johan de Lisbona Cabo de los Esclavos North Coast of South America : Rio de las Arboledas Costa de Laxas Punta de la Furna Rio del Aldea Rio Salado Monte-espesso Rio de Canoas Rio de Huyapari Punta de las Salinas Cabo de Tres puntas Tierra de Pariana Golpho Triste Sancta Fe Chiribichi Bengamar Maracapana Rio de Oynari Bahia de Hieueroto Puerto-Muerto Puerto-Flechado Cabo de Sanct Roman Tierra de Cinta^ Cabo de la Aguja Rio de Seturma Ipira ^^ Rio de Gochete Puerto de la Ramada Rio de la Ensenada Tucaraca Gayra Nondira Dias paenesa [?] Punta Caribana*" Puerto Hermoso Puerto de Zaraba Boca de Codego^ Punta de Zalmedina Punta de Caparoto Rio de Guerra Playa de los Rescates Rio de la Cuenta Punta de Caxines Rio de Belen Rio Yebra Rio de Lagartos^^ Rio de Frangisca Golpho de Sanct Bias Cabo de Marmol Cariay and Cerebaro Cabo del Camaron Puerto de Carthago Rio de los Perdidos Rio del Triumpho de la Cruz Punta Dique(este^'^ From the Gulf de Higueras to Panuco Cozumel ™ Punta de las Mugeres Cabo Redondo^ Cabo de Terminos Bahia de la Pelea Bahia de Lagaro Champoton Puerto Desseado Puerto Seguro Rio Guazacalco Rio de Sanct Pablo Rio de Grijalva Rio de Dos Bocas Rio de Palmas Rio de Sanct Anton Rio de Rambla Rio de Sanct Bias Cabo Negro Punta de Villa Rica Rio de las Banderas R. de St. Juan de Lua. Cabo Roxo Ancon de Torre Blanca Rio de Almeria Ancon de Caxones Rio de Taspa Tierra de los Pavos^ *=? Called afterwards " Tierra de Concha." ^'^ " Ipairo," Weimar of 1527. ^^ OviBDo says it is the origin of the name Caraib : ' ' Una punta que llaman Caribana, de donde se deriva este nombre caribe," which is said to mean : brave or daring. Op. cit., p. 133. ^3" Erroneously named elsewhere " Carex." ^3' Also " Cocatri9es,' and " Chagre." ^3= "Despichel," in Turin map. ^33 First named " Santa Cruz," by Grijalva. '34 Also called ** Descono9ido. " 83s " Pavos "—The County of Wild Turkeys. Cartographia Americana Vetustissima. 635 Rio de las Palmas Rio Hermoso Rio de Sanct Benito Rio de Montaiias Rio Solo Gulf of Mexico Costa de Arboledas Rio de la Magdalena Rio Escondido Rio del Oro Cabo Desierto Matas del Salvador Rio de Nieves Rio del Arenal Rio de la Playa Punta del Cabo Baxo Coast Punta del Canaveral Cabo de la Cruz Cabo de Sanda Elena Mar £axa^ Cabo Grueso Rio Seco Cabo Sanct Roman Rio de Castanar Rio de la Vuelta Rio Grande Cabo Breton Rio de muchas Islas Cabo de Sancta Maria Cabo de Sanct Pablo Florida and the N.-E. Cabo de Sanct Johan Cabo de las Arenas Rio de Buena Madre Rio Seco Cabo and Arcipielago de Sancta Maria Rio de Montanas Cabo de Mar9o Cabo Hermoso For the latter section, we beg leave to refer the reader to the excel- lent analysis given by Dr. Kohl.837 Withal, how can we conciliate that description with the statement of Oviedo.^sS that the map of Chaves did not extend beyond 21° 15', and terminated at the Rio Sancto Spiritus ? It is well to notice that Oviedo, when about to give his geographical description of the New World, based upon the map of Chaves, states that with the advice of Ramusio, he borrowed his data regarding the Northern Regions, from the written and painted accounts of " Miger Olao Gotho," that is, Olaus Magnus, Bishop of Upsala. " Ha querido que acd, en este Mundo Nuevo yo sepa y vea pintada y escripta la ra9on de aquellas tierras septentrionales." ^39 He alludes also to a Tractado Sep- tentrional printed at Venice with the authorisation of Paul HI. This can only be the map printed in that city 840 in 1539, but it contains nothing of the New World beyond the apex of " Gruntlandie." As to Magnus' Hisioria de Gentibus Septentrionalibus, 841 it was published five years after the death of Paul HI., and, besides, it contains still less on the subject ; the map even not extending westward beyond Iceland. Another expression: " por testimonio de las letras del muy doto varon Mi^er Olao Gotho," can be interpreted as referring to information 835 " Mar " here applies to a river. 837 Kohl, Documentary History of Maine, pp. 307-315. 838 Oviedo, Vol. IV., p. 16, written in 1541. 839 Oviedo, loc. cit., Vol. II., p. 112. 8*" Tabiila terrarum septentrionalium, in Oscar Bren- 1539, nach dem exemplar der Munchener Staatsbiblio- tbek ; Christiana, 1886, 8vo, and the edition given at Rome by Antonio Lafieri in 1572. ^' Romse, 1555, folio, with a map of the Scandinavian regions different from the one published in 1539. We do NER, Die achte Karte des Olaus Magnus von Yahre not know whether it is also in the Italian edition of 1565. 6^6 The Discovery of North America. 'O derived from letters of the Bishop of Upsala, while the word " pintada " indicates a graphic description, which may be a map. This had to be recalled as regards Oviedo's statements concerning the north-east coast. We must mention, in connection with Chaves' Padron, the globe which the Dominican friar, Diego Muiioz de Salamanca, sent to Oviedo. Its date was probably eight or nine years after the limit assigned to this Cartography; yet it finds a place here on account of the use which Oviedo intended to make of its data, as regarded the north Pacific, for completing the map of Chaves. The globe depicted the regions north of the Rio de Sancti Spiritus, which was the most north-western point on the Pacific side marked in cartographical documents at the time when Oviedo was writing Part III. of the Historia General de las Indias. His statement is not devoid of interest : " Continuando por rela9ion fe aviso de una " [ I intended to ] continue by means of poma en cuerpo espherica, que desde la villa the information contained in a spherical body, de la Habana le envio un devoto € SQiente which was sent me from Havana by a learned reverendo padre, llamado fray Diego Muiioz and reverend father, called Diego Muiioz de de Salamanca, de la Orden de los Predica- Salamanca, of the Order of Preachers, who dores : el qual llegado en la isla de Cuba se sailed from Cuba for Spain to inform the parti6 para Esparia a dar notigia 'k la Cessarea Emperor of that discovery. Magestad deste descubrimiento ; pero en But, on that globe, the numbers [of lati- aquella figura call6 los nombres, € siipolos tude] were wanting, and I supplied them by este auctor por otra figura en piano, que le means of a plane chart, sent to me by the envio el piloto Nicolas Zamorano, que lo an- pilot Nicolas Zamorano, who navigated in duvo fe lo navegb fe pint6 hasta se poner en 37° those parts, and depicted them as far as grades desta parte de la equinogial, siguiendo 37° beyond the equator, in following the la costa la via del Norte." coast northward." ^^ Oviedo, however, adds that, on account of the discrepancy existing between the globe and Zamorano's chart, he refrained from continuing his geographical description, — a fact which is to be regretted. At all events, as he expressed the belief that the Pacific coast extended as far as Labrador, we infer that the Spanish cosmographers did not embrace the geographical heresy which had lately burst in Central Europe, and continued to consider the New World as absolutely distinct from Asia. =■•' Oviedo, Vol. IV. p. 17. SECTION THIRD. ALLEGED MAPS OF THE FIFTEENTH AND SIXTEENTH CENTURIES. F 1428. No. 240. DoM Pedro's. RUCTUOSO, Cordeiro, Manoel de Faria, and a number of others,' firmly believed in the existence of the impossible map which is mentioned by Antonio Galvao as follows : " No anno de 1428 diz q'foy o Infante dom Pedro a Inglaterra, Franga, Alemanha, a casa sancta, & a outras de aquella bada, tornou por Italia, esteve em Roma, & Veneza, trouxe de la hum Mapamundo q' tinha todo ambito da terra, & o estreito do Magalhaes se chamaua. Cola do dragam, o cabo de Boa esperanga, frunteira de Africa, & q' deste padram se ajudara ho Infante dom Anrrique em seu descobrimento : — In the yeere 1428 it is written that Don Peter, the King of Portugals eldest sonne, was a great traveller. He went into England, France, Almaine, and from thence into the Holy Land, and to other places ; and came home by Italic, taking Rome and Venice in his way : from whence he brought a map of the world, which had all the parts of the world and earth described. The Streight of Magelan was called in it The Dragons taile : The Cape of Bona Speranga, The forefront of Afrike, (and so foorth of other places :) by which map Don Henry the Kings third sonne was much helped and furthered in his discoveries." '^ It is apparently identical with the following : "On a afifirmd que le ddtroit de Magellan avait 6t6 clairement indiqud dfes le 15"° sifecle, sur une des deux cartes apport^es jadis en Portugal par Don Pedro d'Alfarrobeira, et que Ton conservait prdcieusement jadis dans le couvent d'Alcobaga." ' ' RiBEiRO DOS Santos, Memoria sobre dois antigos Lisboa, 1814, Vol. VIII. , p. 281. Mwppan Geograjicos do Infante D. Pedro e do Cartorio = Galvam, The Discoveries of the World, Hakluyt de Alcobafa, in Memorias de Litteratura Portugueza; Society edition, p. 66. publicadas pela Acad. R. das Sciencias de Lisboa : ^ F. Dents, Portugal, Paris, 1846, p. 205. 638 The Discovery of North America. After 1480. No. 241. Graciozo Benincasa. " Portolano containing seven maps. Map V. : — Atlantic, showing the N.-W. coast of Africa and N.-E. coast of S. America. Probably the work of Graciozo Benincasa of Ancona. Vellum. Enriched with gold and colours. Sixteenth cent. Folio."* Graciozo Benincasa is not known positively to have continued to make maps after 1480 ; as the latest dated one bears the inscription : " Gratiosus Benincasa Anconitanus composuit Ancone anno Domini i48o."5 It is true that maps and atlases ascribed to him are said to be of 1484, and ''circa i489,"6 but these should be investigated again. At all events, the present map, by depicting South America, can scarcely be of a date prior to 1500; and, as Graciozo Benincasa already signed maps and porto- lani in 1435,7 he would have been nearly ninety years old when this one was executed, — which is not probable. 1496. No. 242. Antonio Ortiz', The map of the Valencian Antonio Ortiz, cited by Cladera, ^ is not likely to have contained transatlantic lands. The " Isla partida por un gran rio a la que llama Brasil," said to lie by 50^ can only have been the imaginary island of that name which figures on so many of the old portolani. No. 243. The Ventimiglia Map. " Principio del XVI secolo o fine del XV. — Carta collo stemma Usodimare, di anon- mo, che si conserva a Ventimiglia. Ved. Atti, IV, carta clxix.'" No. 244. Lopez' (?). " Principio del secolo XVI. — Carta delineata da un Lopez a Fez, gik conservata in Genova, ma verso il 1868 venduta da un genovese al Museo Britannico." '" * Catalogue of Add. to the MSS. in the British G^ographie du Moyen Age, Vol. 11. , p. 108. Museum, 1876-1881; p. 179, No. 31,316. s Dbsimoni, Oiomale Ligustico, 1875, p. 52. s Amat, Elenco, Vol. II., No. 67, and Append, p. 42. "° Desimoni, uhi supra. The words "a Fez," should ° Ibidem, pp. 83, 84, 279. be taken not for a name pr place, but in the sense of ' lo^dem, p. 66. "has made it," as in the case of the map of Joao Freire " Cladera, Invesiigaciones, page xxii.; Lelewel, (Jean and Sihastien Cahot, page 221). Doubtful Maps. 639 1504. No. 245. Magliabechiana Atlas. The atlas of that library, said to be of the year 1504," is neither anonymous nor relatively ancient. It was constructed in 1564, and is the work of Jaume Olives. 1506. No. 246. Denys' Saint Lawrence. " Embouchure du fleuue de St. Laurent svr vne Ecorce de Bois enuoiee de Canada. — Jehan Denys 1506 : — Mouth of the St. Lawrence river, on a piece of bark sent from Canada. — John Denys, 1506." This map exists only in the form of a facsimile made at Paris for the Canadian archives in 1854, from a supposed original alleged to exist in the geographical collections of the War Department, and to be pre- served " wrapped up in a piece of satin, and very carefully kept in a box." There is no such map, anywhere or in any shape, in the War Department at Paris, nor did any of the librarians or oldest employees ever hear of the map, satin, and box. The facsimile copy of that alleged facsimile is a square map, 250 by 250 mm., bearing the above tide in French, and indicating a survey of the tract of country on the south side of the St. Lawrence river and its surroundings, called Gaspesia, and drawn towards the beginning of the last century. As a work of Jehan Denys, it is absolutely apocryphal. There has been, however, a Normand navigator of that name, who visited Canada '^ about 1 506, and who is said by Charlevoix '3 to have drawn a map of the St. Lawrence. He was from Honfleur, where existed in the sixteenth century several families called Denys ; H but the first mariner of that name mentioned in the archives dates only of 1597. Before 1540- 1545, a Jehan Denys, however, must have explored the Canadian regions, as in an old manuscript book of sailing directions, '5 written in the first half of the sixteenth century, there is a note from the owner, in a handwriting of the time, which is as follows : " Bullet. Soc. de OiogrcupUe, Paris, 1847. '" Charles et Paul Breard, Documents relatifa d, la " Ramusio, Raccolta, 1565, Vol. IIL, ff. 417, 423 5 -^«""« Normande ; Rouen, 1889, 8vo, pp. 43-45. Jean et Sihastien Cahot, pp. 242-251. '= P«is National Library ; MSS. Fran9ais, 24,209 ; ■3 Charlevoix, Hist, de la Notw. -France, 1744, P- 4- re"o °f ^^ '^^ 1^^- 640 The Discovery of North America. " Soit faict memoire de la mercque de mes basteaux et barques que je laisse en la terra neufue au havre de Jeh[an] denys dicte Rongnoust .... : — Let a note be made of the mark of my boats and barks which I leave in Newfoundland, in the haven of John Denys, called Rongnoust " Before 1506. No. 247. Christopher Columbus. In the Epitome de la Bihlioteca Oriental i Occidental of Antonio de Leon, usually called Pinelo, there is the following item : " Autores de navegacion i sus materias . D. Christoval Colon . Declaracion de la tabla navigatoria. Hallase este breve tratado impresso con su carta : — Authors on Navigation and things pertaining to the subject. Don Christopher Columbus. Explanation of the sailing chart. This short treatise is found printed together with his letter [or map]."" This description, together with the remarks of Barcia'7 and of Navar- rete,i8 led us and others to believe that Christopher Columbus had written a description of a map constructed by himself ; which also implied the existence at a certain time of such a map. Our interpretation was still further strengthened by the bibliographical notice of a manuscript preserved in the King's Library at Madrid, which is repeatedly said to have con- tained that alleged treatise, and bearing the following explicit title : " Declaratio chartse nauigatoriae Domini Almirantis : — Explanation of the sailing chart of His Lordship the Admiral." Having caused that manuscript to be copied entirely, we found that it bore the title which we have just given, and, besides, a technical heading which is as follows : " Tiene vn tratado de la Carta de nauegar, hecho por el Doctor Grajales, en el Puerto de Sancta Maria, i el vso de dos Tablas, para saber el orto del Sol, i los ocasos desde el altura de . 38 . grades, hasta la de . 48 . por el mismo : — It contains a treatise concerning the sailing chart, made [or written] by Doctor Grajales, at Puerto de Sancta Maria, together with the use of two tables to ascertain the rising of the sun, and the setting thereof, from the altitude of 38 to 48 degrees." As to the contents of the manuscript, they consist of the account which Columbus wrote of his third voyage, "9 and of the complete text '^Epitome de la Bihlioteca Oriental i Occidental; '^ Navarrete, Bihlioteca Maritima-Mspaitola; Ma- Madrid, 1629, 4to, page 145. drid, 185 1, Vol. I., p. 376. '' Epitome de la Bihlioteca Oriental y Occidental; "' Navarrete, Coleccion de los viaijes, Vol. I., pages Madrid, 1737, folio, Vol. II., column 1084. 242-264. Doubtful Maps. 641 of the twenty-two longitudinal explanations or legends pasted on the right and on the left of the famous engraved map of Sebastian Cabot, the only- known copy of which is preserved in the Paris National Library. ^° It is evident that this manuscript does not refer either to a treatise or to a map of Columbus, and that the mistake arose from the words : " Domini Almirantis," which can only be an interpolation of the copyist. The Carta de navegar in question is simply that of Sebastian Cabot, and the Tratado nothing else than the set of legends written, as we now find, by Dr. Grajales (concerning whom we have been unable to discover any- thing else), and printed, perhaps in pamphlet form originally, to accompany the engraved map ; just as Schoner's and Gemma Frisius' descriptions were composed to sell with their globes. This is so much the more plausible that the Cabotian planisphere was certainly published either in Antwerp, or in some other city of Central Europe, shortly after the year 1544 ; and that the legends are printed on separate sheets, simply pasted on the map. 21 As regards cartographical productions of Christopher Columbus him- self, it seems that in 1762, a certain party in Madrid offered for sale to the Academy of History, four maps drawn on paper, pasted on a board, and which were represented to be the authentic sailing charts of Columbus. " Although they were considered to be of little value, or of no use, because they were ancient : — Sin embargo de haber parecido que eran de poco 6 ningun uso, porque eran antiguas \_sic'\" the Academy, on the i8th of June, 1762, commissioned one of its members to make arrangements for the purchase. But nothing came out of it, as there are no other traces of such maps in the archives or library of that enlightened institution. Before 1513. No. 248. The Rialto Mappamundi. It was destroyed with the Rialto in 15 13; but we are unable to say from the notice of Sansovino whether it was a mappamundi dating from 1459 only, or one of a more recent period : =0 Jean et Sibastien Cabot, pp. 151-156. i Sebastiano Caboto su hijo. Ano del nasfimiento de =■ The MS. also contains the mistake in legend 8th : nuestro Salvador Jesu Cristo. 1494. a veinte i quatro de " Este tierra fue descubierta por Joan Caboto Veneciano, Junio por la manana." 4G 642 The Discovery of North America. " Vi furono anco rifatti i porti chi sotto il Doge Foscari, alle spese di Scipion Bono. Et I'anno 1459, sotto Pasqual Malipiero furono slargati col rimuouere i terauoli et vi fu rifatta, cosi scrive Pietro Delfino, la historia del Canale orfano (che era la battaglia, che si hebbe con Pipino, ma in qual parte di Rialto dipinta oon lo sb) et il Mappamondo. Vltimamente arso Rialto I'anno 1513." "^ Our impression, however, is that the Rialto map was of the middle of the fifteenth century. 1513. No. 249. The Admiral's Map. " Nous voyons que la carte marine ^tait appelde Carte de VAmiral, ainsi elle fut primi- tivement dress^e par Colomb ou par Cabral, mais jamais par Vespuce, car celui-ci n'a pas eu ce grade Eminent II parait hors de doute que la carte ainsi ddsignde a €i€ dessinde soit par I'Amiral Colomb, soit par ses ordres soit d'aprfes ses d&ouvertes." '^ Whether this remark applies to one or the other of the American maps of the Ptolemy 24 of 15 13, it is certain that in either case the map is purely Portuguese, akin to Canerio's ; and if the agency of a famous navigator can be detected in the making of it, the merit belongs to Americus Vespuccius alone ; ^5 at least for an important portion. 1514. No. 250. " Padron." It was a model map which King Ferdinand is said to have ordered from Solis and Juan Vespuccius in 15 14. " El Rei mando, ante todas cosas, Juan Diaz de Solis i Juan Vespucio se juntasen, i hiciesen un Padron general ; que fuese mui certo, i verdadero : i que platicado primero con todos los Pilotos, estuviese fixado en la Casa de la Contratacion, adonde todos los Pilotos le pudiesen v6r, i considerar, con orden, que nadie sacase Traslados de fel, sino Juan Vespucio : — The King ordered, first of all, Juan Diaz de Solis and Juan Vespuccius [Americus' nephew] to associate themselves for constructing a Model Map, which should be exact and reliable. To that effect they were first to confer with all the pilots, and to exhibit it in the Casa de Contratacion, so that all pilots could see and examine it ; but ordered that no one should make extracts of the same, except Juan Vespuccius." ^ ^ Sansovino, Venetia, Citta nohlisaima et singolare; °5 Supra, pp. 311-322, 335. Venetia, A. Silicate, 1604, 4to, £"-252. '^ Herrera, Decad. i., lib. x., cap. xi., p. 283, sub '^ Santarem, Recherches sur Americ Vespuce et ses anno, ISI4, in connection with the ordinances concerning ■voyages; Paris, 1842, 8vo, p. 165. the expedition of Pedarias d'Avila in that year, according '* Supra, Nos. 96 and 97. to Herrera. Doubtful Maps. 643 We apprehend that Herrera is mistaken as to the date, and confounds this Padron General with the Padron Real ordered in 1508 ; as we already find Juan Diaz de Solis and Juan Vespuccius complain in 1513, of infringements of their exclusive right to supply copies of the Padron.^7 The other mention of Herrera to the effect that Juan Vespuccius was authorised to take a copy of a map by Solis : 28 " Se le concede saque copia de la carta de Marear que hi9o Solis," seems to refer to the above map. 1517. No. 251. Gregory Reisch. Map in the edition of the Margarita published by Michael Furter at Basel in 1517.29 It is said to be different from the map of 1515 ; but we doubt it ; unless it be the Ptolemean mappamundi inserted in the edition of 1 504. 3° 1521. No. 252. Madrid Exhibition. " Disefio de las costas de Tierra firme descubiertas por Diego Velazquez y Francisco de Garay, y de la Florida, que descubri6 Juan Ponce de Leon. — 1521."'^ It belongs to the Archives of the Indies (Yndiferente gral. — Est*' 143, Caj. 7, Leg. 8) where it is simply labelled : " Golfo y Costa de la Nueva Espafia." The map measures 630 by 410 mm. Beginning north at a point corresponding with Georgia, the coast follows southward around Florida and the borders of the Gulf of Mexico to the Panuco river. The northern extremity is a large lagoon : " Laguna dulce ;" south of which there is a lake, from which it is separated by a range of moun- tains. Inland there are about one hundred indications of towns, villages, or settlements, all bearing Indian names. Twenty-one rivers, descending from the north, are represented as emptying into the Atlantic and Gulf of Mexico. So far from being a map of the discoveries of Velasquez, Garay, or Ponce de Leon, and of the year 152 1, it is more than twenty years later, and intended to describe the countries explored by Hernando de Soto and Luis de Moscoso, from May 30, 1539, until July 19, 1543. »7 Munoz MSS., Vol. XC, f"- 123, and, supra, pages =^ Beckford Catalogue, Vol. III., No. 1256. 263-264. ^ Supra, No. 81, page 466. '^ Herrera, Index to the edition of 1726. ^i Lista de la Exposcion Americana, B, No. 310. 644 The Discovery of North America. We notice the following series of new and interesting names : Alibano Animay [Aminoya] Ays [Hays] Aguacay Capaha Cayas Chaguet [Chaguate] Chalaque Chicaja Cossa [Coga] Colima Casqui Cehocatin [XacuatinJ Guazulli Ufianqui [Viranque] Guasco Guecoya Lacone [Lacame] Maya [Mayd] Mondacan Neguateix Nisone Vaya del Espiritu Santo Pacoa [Pacaha] Quigalta Quipana Quisquis Talissi Tascaluga Tula Those names were first heard by Spanish ears during the expedition of De Soto, and made known by Luis Fernandez de Biedma, 32 by the Elvas Nobleman, 33 and by Garcilaso de la Vega. 34 The inscription: " Desde quevira hasta aqui hay grandisimas manadas de vacas," originated with Moscoso, 35 when he came across immense herds of buffaloes ; whilst the allusion to " Quevira," implies a date posterior to the return of Mos- coso to Mexico, December 22, 1543, as it is ' only then that he could have been informed of the expeditions either of Marco de Nizza or of Vasquez de Coronado 36 to Quivira. The probability is that Moscoso met Vasquez in Mexico, 37 and learnt from him those details about buffaloes. As to the large lagoon on the north-east, it is most likely intended for the Ekanfanoka or Ouaquaphenogaw marsh, between Flint and Oakmulgee rivers in Georgia. The lake south of that lagoon may be the Okeechebe, north of the everglades in Florida. Herrera mentions a map of that expedition given to him by one Antonio Boto, 38 which may have been a copy of the present. 3^ Relation de ce qui arriva pendant le voyage du capitaine Soto, par Luis Hernandez de Biedma, in Ternaux, Recueil de piices sur la Floride, in Voyages, Relations et Mdmoires, Paris, 1841, Vol. XIX., pages 69-101. 33 Histoire de la conqixite de la Floride par les Espagnols ; icrite en portugais par un gentilhomme d'Elvas. Par M. D. C. (Citry de la Guettb) Paris, 1685, i2mo, p. 223. 3* Garcilasso DE LA Vega, La Florida del Inca ; Madrid, 1723, folio, pp. 136-206. 33 Ibidem, page 215. 3" Vasquez de Coronado already speaks at length of buffaloes in his letter to the Emperor, sent from Tiguez, October 20, 1 541 ; Ternaux's Voyages, Relations et Mhnoires, in Relation du Voyage de Cibola, p, 356 ; but Moscoso could have no knowledge of that letter. 3? We have been unable to ascertain when Vasquez DE Coronado reached Mexico, but it must have been in the summer of 1543, as he prepared to set out homeward in April of that year. Account of Pedro DE CastaSeda DE Nagera, op. cit., p. 213. 3* " Antonio Boto di6 al Autor las Pinturas de la En- trada de Soto en la Florida. "-Herrera, Tabla General, recto of sign. 8. We notice among the MuiSoz Transcripts, Vol. LXXV., f" 41, the following documents: "1539. \_sic} Relacion del suceso de la Jornada del capitan [Hernando de] Soto [to Florida] i de la calidad de la tierra por donde anduvo." " 1539. Relacion del descu- brimiento de las ciudades hecho por Fr. Marcos de Niza. Precede la Instruccion que le dio el visorrei de Nueva Espana." Plate XXIII. O s O W X CkJ o 1^ o o *^ o o > en O n O O Doubtful Maps. 645 Before 1525. No. 253. In "Cartas de Indias." It is the rough and poor map, 430 by 450 mm. reproduced in that work, under the following title : Cartas de las Antillas, Seno Mejicano y Castas de Tierra Firine y de la America Setentrional. In reality, it is intended to depict only the regions surrounding the Gulf of Mexico ; and if the Pacific coast is nameless, it is not because the cartographer knew nothing of Pizarro's explorations, but simply for the reason that there was no greater motive for entering into details about Peru than concerning the Baccalaos. A great and very truthful Spanish savant, who is the highest authority in Spain at this day for such matters, considers the present map to have been constructed "even before the discovery of the Rio de S. Juan by Pascual de Andagoya in 1525." 39 In the first place, Andagoya discovered the Rio de S. Juan, not in 1525, but three years before, in 1522.4° In the second place, the name "Apalache," inscribed on the map, is a proof that the latter was constructed at least twelve years after the date assigned to it by the aforesaid great and very truthful Spanish Academician. Pamphilo de Narvaez is the first Spaniard who heard the name of " Apalache," and this during his second and last expedition ; as in his first voyage to the Gulf of Mexico, he did not go further north than Cempoalla, near Vera Cruz.4i ^g ^.o his second expedition, he landed in Florida April 11, 1528. Shortly after Easter-day, he was informed for the first time of the existence of " la provin^ia que di^en Apalache," which he reached June 25, and soon afterwards died.42 Finally, six years elapsed before anything was known of that disastrous expedition ; the first news being brought by the few survivors, when these unfortunate adven- turers were received by Melchior Diaz near Culiagan, in May 1536. But the geographical data gathered during that time, including the name of "Apalache," could not have been known in Europe until after August 15, 1537' which is the date of the landing of Alvar Nunez Cabe9a de Vaca at Lisbon. 43 39 "En mi concepto hecha con anterioridad al descu- ■•' OviEDO, Historia General de las Indias; Madrid brimiento del no de S. Juan por Pascual de Andagoya edition of 1852, lib. xxxiii., cap. xii.. Vol. III., (1525)." P- 312- 4° " En el ano de 1522 . . . sali yo de Panama a visitar ^ Ibidem, lib. xxxv., caps, i., ii., v. la tierra i la vuelta del este . . . Uego k una provincia que ''^ Cabeca de Vaca, La relation y commentarios del confina con el rio de S. Juan, que se dice los Petres, que govemador Alvar Nunez Oahega de Vaca, Lisbon, 1555, agora se dice el rio de Santa Maria." — Andagoya's own 4to, caps, ii., v., xxxiv.; Ramusio, Vol. III., f-'-sio, account, Navarrete, Vol. III., pp. 420-423- 3". 33°- 646 The Discovery of North America. There are other data which seem to bring the date of the making of the map several years more recently still. At the north, we notice a large lake or swamp, and beyond, by 46° — 50°, according to its scale, a very extensive lake with six rivers flowing into it, in the middle of which a city is depicted, with the following names and legends : " Coniuas lacus, nuevo mesico, quere star a 54 : grades." This representation shows that the notice is altogether hypothetical, or derived from hearsay. But, so far as documents go, we find no traces of notions concerning the coun- tries in those latitudes, anterior to the expedition sent on the Pacific side by Nufio de Guzman, in 1532, and inland the one led by Vasquez de Coronado. Besides, the general appearance of the map, and the lake or wide morass on the north of Florida, which seems to be intended for the Okefonoke swamp, together with the said name of "Apalache, and perhaps those of "Rio de los Angeles" and " C. Romo," lead -us to think that some of the data used in the present map were gathered during the famous expedition of Hernando de Soto, initiated May 12, 1539, but the results of which were known only in Spain in 1 544. 44 1530. No. 254. Diego Homem. Under the year 1530, we read the following : " The original, among Lord Lumley's (d. 1609) maps in the British Museum, is note- worthy from the west coast of the two Americas having no defined or supposable Hmit, the green colour of the Continent simply fading away. The eastern coast is of the Ribero type. The only names are " Temistitan " and Mundus Novus." ^ We know of no map of Diego Homem anterior to 1557.46 1533. No. 255. Jomard's French Map. "An early French map found by Jomard in the possession of a noble family in France. Kohl, who secured a copy of that map, ascribes to it the date of 1533, and a Ribero origin.'"'' ■" Hernando de Soto went in search of the province ^^ Jean et Sibastien Cabot, p. 243. In the library of of Apalache : "en busca de Apalache," August 1 1, 1540, the Duke DE Salviati at Pisa, there is a large Portuguese and Johan DE Anasco reached, by sea, the port of map by one Lopo Homem, said to be anterior to 1543. Apalache, November 19, 1541. Oviedo, Historia Atti delV Acad. Pontif. dei nuovi Lincei ; Koma, 1884, General, lib. xvii., cap. xxiv., Vol. I., p. 551-54. p. 161. It contains, however, no American configurations. ■ts WiNSOR, The KoU collection of early ma/ps, in his *' Winsor, The Narrative and Critical History of Bibliographical Contributions, 1886, p. 12, No. 45. America, Vol. II., p. 225. Doubtful Maps. 647 Although the configuration of the east coast of the New World recalls the coast line of the Weimar maps, the present is not derived from any of the latter. Yucatan is connected with the continent, and the west coast is clearly delineated at about 110° W. longitude, and carried beyond 45° north latitude. We notice a river emptying into the Atlantic about our Hudson, and called " R. de la Tournee." The present is evidently a Dieppe map of the Descelliers type, and apparently of a later date than 1533. Perhaps it is only the "Henry H. map," so called. 48 No. 256. Franco-Spanish Map. " Map in the British Museum,*' which seems to have been made by a Frenchman from Spanish sources, judging from the mixture and corruption of languages used. In our manuscript there is a mention of " the disembarkation of the Governor," and this, to- gether with the details of the harbours on the west coast of Florida, where Narvaez went, leads Kohl to suppose the map to have been drawn from that commander's reports."'" This is simply the map described in our Jean et Sebastien Cabot,^^ as the " Mappemonde Harleyenne," under the date of "circa 1542." It is unquestionably a Dieppe map, of the school of Pierre Desceliers, but not the work of that skilful geographer, as all his cartographical pro- ductions which have reached us, are duly signed by him and dated ; whilst the present, although of an important character, is anonymous. No. 257. The Pineli Chart (?). " Carte Nautiche nove del secolo XVI. con gran diligenza e splendidezza designate e dipinte ; in-folio." *^ No. 258. British Museum (?). " A Portolano containing seven charts on a plane scale, each i ft. 5 in. by i ft. J^ in., executed on vellum, at the commencement, apparently, of the sixteenth century. The names are in the Venetian dialect. Map 7 represents the World. This one is of a later date than the other maps."'' Perhaps it is only an atlas of Battista Agnese. Unfortunately, we have been unable to obtain more information. The fact that it is stated to be in the Venetian dialect must render that atlas interesting. -18 Jean et Sihaatien Cabot, No. 23, p. 210-218. ^i No. 20, pp. 197-200. *' Add. MS. 5413. ^ Pinelo Catalogue, Vol. "V., p. 102, No. 3906. s" WiNSOR, The Narrative and Critical History of S3 British Museum, Old Royal Library, MS. 14 C. V. America, p. 225. Catalogue of the MS. ma/ps. Vol. I., p. 21. 648 The Discovery of North America. No. 259. Map of " Barsil." It belongs to a portolano, not of the Marciana, 54 but of the Correr Museum at Venice, 55 and it is regarding its eighth map that Professor Matkovic said : " Enthalt Nordostgestade Siidamerika's mangelhaft und phantastisch dargesteUt." There is nothing " fantastic " about that map. On the contrary, it is a pretty accurate representation of the portion of Brazil which extends from the elbow to the Rio de la Plata, here called " Rio grande." We notice, in the vicinity of Cape Frio, a " Golfo de St. Augustin." A remarkable feature is the course of the Parana and Uruguay, which are made to issue from lakes and mountains. But, so far from being of the sixteenth century, it is of the year 1630. 54 Matkovic, Alte JiandschriftUche Schiffer-Karten ^^ It is labelled: Portolani, No. 21 (Ex-1321), in the in den BibUotheken zm Venedig ; page 24. Correr Museum, in Venice. [End of Part Third.] fart ^mxtk C^rottofogg of (Utftnfime (^ogagee. 4 H PART FOURTH. C^tonofog^ of (Wlan^ime (go^age^ T}7^dwatb+ (ge^ween 1431 anb 1504, I. THE reasons which prompted us to include in the preceding Carto- graphy a number of maps constructed before the discovery of the New World, are the same which must be invoked for including in the present Chronology oceanic voyages anterior to the first transatlantic expedition of Christopher Columbus. It cannot be denied that notwithstanding his extensive display of scriptural and scientific authorities, the great Genoese was also influenced by the attempts of the Portuguese ; from which, in point of history, his theories and achievements cannot be separated ; although they were not precisely of the same character. The bold sea-faring men of Portugal sought to reach insular regions supposed to be cast far away into the Ocean, whilst Columbus endeavoured to arrive at China and Japan. Still, those islands were so much believed to be on the route, that Toscanelli referred to them as landing places when Affonso V. should send an ex- pedition in search of the east coast of Asia.' What is more, the map which Columbus took with him when he started from Spain on his first voyage, contained oceanic isles depicted by himself Those were neces- sarily borrowed from charts then current : " donde segun parece tenia pintadas el Almirante ciertas islas por aquella mar." ^ All those notions therefore were not only co-eval, but also closely connected. ' " Notavi autera in carta diversa loca ad que pervenire which Las Casas says was depicted in the middle of the potestis pro maiori noticia navigancium sive ventis vel Atlantic on that map. casu aliquo alibi quam existimarent venirent." See, ° Journal in Navarrete, Ooleccion de los vlages y supra, p. 392 and 379, for a notice of the Antilia island, descuhrimientos de los EspanoUs ; Vol. II., p. 13. ■652 The Discovery of North America. It is unquestionable that Roger Bacon, Pierre d'Ailly, Toscanelli, Miinzmeister, and a host of thinkers, derived their ideas concerning the existence of transatlantic lands from the hypothesis of Aristotle, more or less directly ; the mariners of the first half of the fifteenth century, how- ever, were actuated by different inferences. They firmly believed that the islands which stud the western seas in all maps and globes of that period, so far from being imaginary, existed really, and could be reached. Hence repeated efforts on the part of adventurers, chiefly Lusitanian, or from the Azores, whose habits of thought precluded them from enter- taining learned or theoretical opinions on the subject, and who were impelled only by practical ideas. We possess abundant proofs that such was actually the case. Where did Prince Henry send Gon9alo Velho Cabral ? In search of the islands marked on the map which Dom Pedro had brought from Italy in 1428. Where did Diogo de Teive direct his ship ? To the south-west of Fayal to find the Antilia. What was the island which Affonso V. conceded to Fernam Tellez, and which Joao II. afterwards granted to Fernam d'Ulmo ? The island of the Seven Cities. What isle did the captain in the em- ploy of the Infant Henry pretend to have discovered? Again the Antilia. What was the object of the voyage of Thomas Lloyd ? To find the island of Brasil. What captainship was given to Joao Vogado ? That of the Ovo and Capraria islands, known then chiefly from being marked on charts : "As quaaes segumdo a carta de marear." Did not the Bristol people during seven years previous to 1498, equip every year, two, three, or four caravels to go in search of the islands of Brasil and of the Seven Cities ? 3 None of these fantastic isles are mentioned in the Opvs majus, or in the hnago mundi ; but they figure in almost every mappamundi and atlas of the fifteenth century. Nay, do we not see Martin Alonso Pinzon claiming to have been shown in the Pope's library at Rome, in 1 49 1, a map setting forth the transatlantic lands which, in company with Columbus, he was destined to discover a year afterwards ! Those crude and erroneous notions have, therefore, exercised over the minds of early navigators an influence which historians cannot overlook. 3 The belief in the existence of several of those islands, search of the island of Sant Brandan. So recently as subsisted for several centuries among the mariners of the 1721, the captain-general Juan DK Mus. y Aguirre sent Portuguese islands, and perhaps subsists still. In 1604 an expedition commanded by Caspar Domingtjez, which the pilot Caspar de Acosta, following the indications of set sail from Santa Cruz de Teneriffe, in search of the the Franciscan friar Lorenzo PiNEDO, sailed from Palma in same island. d'Avezac, Ides de. VAfrique, pp. 23, 28. Chronology of Voyages. 653 And, as they were positively borrowed from cartographical documents, we have felt bound to include these in a list purporting to embrace maps which may be said to have also generated the idea that there is land beyond the Atlantic. As a consequence, and in a higher degree still, efforts predicated upon that belief which culminated in the memorable achieve- ment of Columbus, had their place marked in a chronology of maritime voyages westward. They constitute our first section. II. The second section of the present Chronology will prove particularly useful in showing the number and importance of the expeditions which visited America shortly after its discovery. These were much more fre- quent than is generally believed. So early as 1494, 4 Queen Isabella ordered that every month there should be a ship sailing from Spain to the New World, and one returning from the same. We have thus, for the ten years embraced in the next list, not less than two hundred and forty navigations to and fro. Yet, they were independent of the voyages of discovery authorised by special letters patent, and equipped at the expense of mariners who were prompted solely by the hope of promoting their own pecuniary interest. Nor should we omit to mention the clan- destine expeditions, apparently very numerous, which sailed from Spanish, Portuguese, and French ports, the unlawful nature of which often required their commanders to steer towards parts unknown, or unfrequented by ships flying the royal standard. For the decade which followed the discovery of America we have succeeded in finding authentic traces of about eighty transatlantic voyages. Unexpected and relatively considerable as that number will doubtless appear to the student of history, we do not think that it constitutes more than one-fourth of the expeditions which crossed the Western Ocean in that space of time. New investigations among the files of the archives of the Indies at Seville, and in the Munoz transcripts, might bring to light docu- ments concerning other maritime explorations of the same category. These additional notices would certainly prove of great interest, but they could not materially enhance the evidence which springs from our list. In fact, this ■t " Querriamos, si os parece, que cada mes viniese una Catholic Kings, August i6, 1494. in Navarrete, Vol. carabella de alia y de aca fuese otra." — Letter of the II., p. 155; and Las Casas, Vol. II., p. 92. 654 The Discovery of North America. nomenclature will be found sufficient to demonstrate how great in those days was the activity of the Spanish shipping, even at a time when mari- time adventure yielded little profit. S So far as the present inquiry is concerned, we only proposed to show what were the elements calculated to disclose fresh geographical data in relation to the New World. It is unquestionable that when we see so many ships sailing in such close proximity to the mainland that (from the most western Lucayas) parts of its coast could be sighted in less than a day ; that the common occurrences of maritime life, gales, head winds, and accidents of all sorts, must have frequently thrown vessels off their regular course ; besides the natural curiosity and adventurous spirit of sea- faring men, which incites them to probe unknown regions ; that the new letters patent always forbade the grantees to explore countries discovered by others, whilst those who led unauthorised expeditions necessarily avoided points of the coast where there was a risk of being seized by officers of the Crown ; all those circumstances, we think, must have resulted in ascertaining at an early period the existence of the continent of North America. Now, why the knowledge thus acquired proved of no avail at the time, or failed to be noticed in certain documents, is a question which finds a ready answer in the suspicious origin of the reports, and more particularly in the poorness of the regions visited, so far as gold, dye- wood, and Indians who could be easily kidnapped,^ — then the sole object of the searchers, — were concerned. s Voyages to the New World became profitable and robust and warlike race than the inoffensive and feeble commenced to fulfil the expectations of the Castilian aborigines of the West Indies. If Columbus in his first Crown, only after the discoveries and conquests of voyage had continued the exploration westwards and CORxis and PiZARRO ; for gold was found in quantity landed in Florida, it is a question whether the ancestors nowhere else than in Mexico and Peru. of the Seminoles would have allowed him to return home ^ The Indians of North America were a much more and bring news of the great discovery. C^tonofogg of (^ogage0* SECTION FIRST. BEFORE THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. No. I. GoNgALO Velho Cabral. ' 1431. Prince Henry the navigator sends Gongalo Velho Cabral in search of the islands marked on the map which Dom Pedro, the son of King Joao I. had brought from Italy in 1428. Gf. Antonio Cordeyro, Historia Insulana ; Lisboa, 1717, fol., lib. iv., cap. i., p. 97. Candido Ldsi- TANO (]osi Freire), Vida do Infante D. Henrique; Lisboa, 1758, 410, p. 319. Antonib Gal V AM, Tratado dos diuersos e desuayrados caminhos ; Lisboa, 1563, 8vo, and 1730, fol., p. 22. Christ. Golomh, Vol. I., p. 313-314. It may be that the above expedition is only the one which is men- tioned on the original globe of Martin. Behaim as follows: " Nach Cristi unseris lieben Hern gepurt " In the year of our beloved Lord Jesus 1431 Jar, alfs Regiert in Portugal Infante Christ 1431, when the infant Dom Pedro was don Petro wurden nach Notturft zugericht on the throne of Portugal, two vessels were zway Schiff auf 2 Jar gespeisst von den equipped for two years by the order of His Hochgebornen Infanten don Heinrichen . . • Highness the infant Dom Henry, . to go in zu erfahren wass do wer hinder sanct Jacob search of the countries which were west of Fynis Terre, weliche SchiflF . . . segelten St. James of Finisterre. alweg nach den Untergang der Sonnen bey These vessels sailed continuously westward, funfhundert teutsche Meilen zu letft wurden about five hundred German leagues. Finally sy ains tags Ansichtig dise 10 Inseln . . . they discovered ten islands . . . which were Also wurden sy geheissen Insulen dos Azores.'' called the Azores." = Behaim, however, is mistaken, as the Agores had been discovered at least four years when that expedition was ordered. Those islands were found in 1427 by Diego de Sevilla. 3 ' For the voyages of the Vivaldis, see Christophe Behaim, NUrnberg, 1842, 4to, p. 13. Colomb, Vol. L, pp. 320-327. It is intentionally that we ^ See the legend in the Catalan map of Gabriel de omit the Scandinavian expeditions, as well as the alleged Vallsecqua ; d'Avbzac, Notice des ddcouvertes faites voyages of Zenis, of Jean Cousin, of Joao Ramalho, aw Moyen Age, p. 31, note 2. Nay, so far back as 1351, of Joao Vaz Corte-Real, and the like. the archipelago of the Azores vias already well depicted in ' F. W. Ghillany, Der Erdglobus des Martin the Medicean atlas of that date ; op. cit. , p. 32. 656 The Discovery of North America. 1447- No. II. Alleged Discovery of the Seven Cities. In 1447, a Portuguese ship pretends to have been led by stress of weather to the Island of the Seven Cities ; which may have been, in reality, one of the Azores. It is worthy of note that such a learned cosmographer as Pedro de Medina, so recently as the first half of the sixteenth century, should have still believed in the existence of the island of the Seven Cities, though thinking that it was no longer visible. 4 Gf. G. Horn, De Originibus Americanis, Haga Comit. ; 1652, i2mo, p. 7. After No. III. Diogo de Teive. 1452. Diogo de Teive, a Portuguese nobleman, and the discoverer of the Island of Flores, sails after 1452, one hundred and fifty leagues south- west of Fayal, to find the Antilia island, said to have been sighted by a Lusitanian vessel. This information was conveyed to Columbus by Pedro de Velasco, Teive's own pilot, in the convent of La Rabida. Cf. Historie, i°- 22. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias ; lib. i., cap. xiii., Vol. I., p. 100. Ernesto do Canto, Archivo dos Afores ; Vol. I., No. 3, p. 250. Ohristophe Colorrib, Vol. I., p. 311. 1457. No. IV. Fernam, Duke of Beja. December lo, 1457, Dom Fernao receives from his uncle, Affonso V., letters patent granting him the islands which he hopes to discover in the Atlantic Ocean. Gf. Jose DE Torres, Memoria a cerca da originalidade da NavigagaO do Oceano Atlantico ; in the Eevista dos Azores, Ponta Delgada, 1851, Vol. I., p. 290. Ghristophe Golomh, Vol. I., p. 314, note 3. After No. V. Alleged Discovery of the Antilia. 1460. == According to Christopher Columbus, a Portuguese vessel lands in the Antilia island in the time of Prince Henry the Navigator. Gf. Las Casas, Historia de las Indias, lib. i., cap. xiii., Vol. I., p. 100. 1462. No. VI. JoAo Vogado. Affonso V. grants to Joao Vogado, February 19, 1462, two oceanic islands which the latter claims to have discovered. Gf B. F. DE Senna Freitas, Memoria historica, soire o intendado descohrimento de uma supposta ilha a norte da Terceira ; Lisboa, 1845, 8vo, pp. 62-73, docs. B and c. Ghristophe Golorrib, Vol. I., p. 315, notes I and 2. * Medina, Orandeza de Espana, Sevilla, 1549, fol., page 47. Chronology of Voyages. 657 No. VII. GoN^ALO Fernandez. 1462. October 29, 1462, Dom Fernao receives the prospective ownership of an island which Gon9alo Fernandez, of Tavira, reports to have seen to the north-west of the Canaries. Cf. De Senna Freitas, op. cit., doc. g. Christophe Colomb, Vol. I. p. 315, note 3. No. VIII. RuY GoNZALVEs DA Camera. 1473- June 21, 1473, Ruy Gon9alves da Camera obtains from Affonso V. letters patent conveying to him the islands which he proposes to dis- cover in the Ocean. Cf. De Torres, uU supra. Christophe Colomh, Vol. I., p. 315. No. IX. Fern AM Tellez. November lo, 1475, Fernao Tellez receives letters patent from Affonso V. for explorations westward as far as the Seven Cities. Cf. De Senna Freitas, ubi supra. Christophe Colomb, Vol. I., p. 316. 1475' No. X. John Szkolny. „g John Scolno (a name which Lelewel translates by Szkolny, or of Kolno, a small village of Mazovia, on the Prussian frontier), a Polish pilot, said to have been sent in 1476 to the north-west, and to have reached Estotiland and Labrador, or the country which afterwards went by the latter name. The authorities need to be examined, so as to ascertain whether they proceed from each other, or are derived from different sources. If we accept the statement of Hakluyt, Apianus already mentions Scolno. If so, it was before 1551, which is the date of the death of that German geographer ; but we have failed to find the passage. He also quotes Gemma Frisius. In that case, we think that it was only a repetition of Apianus. The earliest which thus far has come to our knowledge, is Gomara, who, in 1553, stated that "Men of Norway have also been there [' Terra Laboratoris '] with the pilot John Scolno : — Tambien an ido alia hombres de Norvega con el piloto Joan Scolno." The next author whom we could find is Cornelis Wytfliet, who, writing in 1597, makes the following statement : 41 658 The Discovery of North America. 1475. "Secundum detectse huius regionis decus tulit Johannes Scoluus Polonus, qui anno == reparatse Salutis M.CCCC.LXXVI. octoginta et sex annis k prima eius lustratione nauigans ultra Noruegiam, Groenlandiam, Frislandiamque, Boreale hoc fretum ingressus sub ipso Artico circulo, ad Laboratoris hanc terram Estotilandiamque dilatus est :— The Pole John Scolvus is the next who had the merit of discovering that region. In the year 1476, eighty-six years after the voyage [of the Zeni] he sailed as far as the Polar Circle, after having crossed Norway, Greenland, and Frisland, and reached that northern strait, Labrador and Estotiland." Wytfliet did not copy Gomara, as he gives a date : " 1476," and the nationality of the pilot : " Polonus," neither of which are mentioned by the Spanish chronicler. We now have the L'Ecuy globe, which inscribes between 70°— 80° north latitude, and 320" longitude, the following legend : " Quii populi ad quos Johannes Scovvus danus pervenit. Ann. 1476: — These are the people reached by John Scovvus, a Dane." If the maker of that globe had borrowed his notions in respect to Scovvus {szc pro Scolvus, as spelt on his supposed prototype), he would have called him a Pole, " Polonus." How is it that on the L'Ecuy globe he is said to have been a Dane: "Danus"? Now, other writers state that Scolno was sent by Christian I., King of Denmark, and the qualification of Dane may come from that source. But George Horn is the first, to our knowledge, who makes the statement, in these words : " Joh. Scolnus Polonus auspiciis Christian! I. Regis Daniae fretum Anian et Terra La- boratoris detexit A. 1476," and he wrote only in 1671, which is a date certainly seventy or eighty years later than the time when the L'Ecuy globe was constructed. We have, therefore, an account which was derived from three different sources, pointing to the fact that these existed before the second half of the sixteenth century. As to the voyage itself, it is not an impossibility, and we can easily realise that a Danish King should have sent a vessel in the track of the Scandinavian adventurers, whose voyages were yet too recent in 1476 to be forgotten. Of. Lelewel, Oeogr. du Moyen Age, III. and IV., p. 106, notes 50, 52. Gomara, Historia de las Indias, p. 177 of Vedia's edition. Wytfliet, 5 Descriptionis Piolemaicce Augmentum ; Lovanii, 1597, fol., p. 188; IIORNius, Ulyssea, Lugd. Batav., 1671, p. 335- Humboldt, Examen Critique, Vol. II., pp. 152-155, and Oronland's Historiske Mindesmaerher, Kiobenhavn, 1845, Vol. III. , pp. 628-630.^ sit is by mistake that the French translators of Christian I., replied as follows : " II nous sera permis Wytfliet (Douay, 1604, p. 25), and Mr. Major (Select de douter de cet evenement, dont on ne trouvera un seul Letters of Columbus, 1847, p. xxx.) ascribe the patronage mot chez aucun de nos anciens historiens. Si un tel of the undertaking to " Christian II." This King com- voyage a vraiment eu lieu sous le regne de Charles I^', menced reigning only in 1512, while Christian I. son but a ^t^ sans doute plutot de retrouver le Groenland was on the throne from 1448 until 1481. perdu que de faire des decouverfces nouvelles. Ainsi en ^ That Danish work has been kindly examined at our Danemark on ne salt absolument rien d'un voyage entre- request by Mr. Brunn, the learned director of the pris sous les auspices du roi Christian 1" par un Polonais Copenhagen Royal Library, who, having been besides appel^ Jean Scolnus." requested to investigate the MS. accounts of the reign of Chronology of Voyages. 659 No. XI. Antonio Leme. ^ ^47^- Antonio Leme, of Madeira, but of Dutch origin, sets sails westward, and on his return affirms having discovered three islands west of Terceira. Of. Las Casas, lib. i., cap. xiii., Vol. I., p. 98. Ohristophe Colomb, Vol. I., p. 309. No. XIV. Projected Expedition by a Madeirean. In 1484, an inhabitant of Madeira petitions Joao II. to entrust him with a caravel for the purpose of taking possession of an island, which he claims to have seen west of the Azores. Of. Journal of Columbus, in Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 5. 7 We take our text from the MS. in the College of ^ William BoTONER was an antiquary, born in 1415, Corpus Christi, Cambridge, No. 210, p. 195 ; kindly and who lived therefore at the time of the occurrence, revised at our request from the original by the late John Jay was also an authentic individual, concerning Mr. S. S. Lewis and by Mr. H. Bradshaw. whom Nasmyth, op. cit., p. 267, gives personal details. No. XII. Alvaro and Joao Da Fonte. Two brothers, Azoreans, named Joao and Alvaro da Fonte, lose their entire fortune in searching westwards for unknown islands. Of. Gaspar Fructuoso, Historia genealogica de San Miguel, in his Saudades da Terra, Ponta Delgada, 1876, 8vo, p. 73. No. XIII. Thomas Llyde or Lloyd. 1480. July 15, 1480, Thomas Llyde or Lloyd, sails from the port of Bristol in command of vessels fitted out at the cost of John Jay, j"unior, in search of the imaginary island of Brazil. "1480 die 15 juUij navis . . . et Johannis "On the 15th of July, 1480, ships Jay junioris ponderis 80 doliorum inceperunt belonging to John Jay junior, of So tons viagium apud portum Bristolliae de Kyngrode burthen, sailed out of Bristol to navigate usque ad insulam de Brasylle in occidentali west of Ireland as far as the island of parte Hiberniae, sulcando maria per .... et Brazil. On the i8th of September (1481 ?) .... Thlyde est magister scientificus mari- news was received that Thomas Lloyd, the narius tocius Anglise et nove venerunt Bris- most expert seaman in England, who com- tolliae die luna 18 die Septembris, quod manded the expedition, after a navigation of dicta[m] nav[era] velaverunt maria per circa nearly nine months, being storm-beaten, had 9 menses nee invenerunt insulam sed per been compelled to enter a port in Ireland tempesta [tes] maris reversi sunt usque portum to allow his ships and men to rest .... ... in Hibernia pro reposicione navis et without having discovered the marin[ar]iorum."' said island." Of. Wm. BoTONER,* alias De Worcestre, Itinerarium, in Nasmyth, Itineraria, Cambridge, 1778, 8vo., p. 267. C. Desimoni, Intomo a Giovanni Oaboto, Geneva, 1881, 8vo, p. 45. Jean et Sebasiien Cabot, p. 44. note 3. and P- 37i- 1484. 66o The Discovery of North America. 1484. No. XV. Fernam Dominguez de Arco. June 10, 1484, Fernao Dominguez de Arco, of Madeira, is made Governor of the island which he hopes to discover in the Atlantic Ocean. Of. De Torres, op. c»i., p. 290. Christophe Oolonib, Vol, I., p. 310, note 2. Before No. XVI. Pedro Vasquez de la Frontera. ' / Pedro Vasquez de la Frontera, asserts to Columbus and Pinzon that he accompanied an Infant of Portugal in a voyage of discovery westward, which was impeded by the Sargasso sea. This voyage must have been made between i486 and 1490. The above assertion, which rests solely upon the deposition of a wit- ness in the interest of the Pinzons, is nevertheless admissible, as he was born in 1465 ; and Alonso Gallego, in his deposition, also refers to having heard Martin Alonso Pinzon remind Christopher Columbus of a statement made by the latter when they were together, "en casa de Pero de Velez de la Frontera." That may be the origin of the legend about Columbus having learnt of the existence of transatlantic lands from an old pilot whom he had consulted. Cf. Depositions of Alonso Velez de Allid^ and Alonso Gallego; MS. Probanza of November i, 1532. j.gg No. XVII. Fernam d'Ulmo. March 3, i486, Fernao d'Ulmo receives from Joao II. letters patent conceding the islands and continent which he proposes to discover westward. Cf. Historie, cap, ix., f° 22, under the name of Femaldolmos. Las Casas, Historia, lib. i., cap. xiii.. Vol. I., p. loi, where he is called Hernan DoLiNOS. De Varnhagen, loc. cit., p. 116, docs, iv., v., and vi. Christophe Colonib, Vol. I., p. 312, note 2. 1491 No. XVIII. Bristol Expeditions. TO i4q8. Those expeditions are mentioned by Ayala, the Spanish Minister. " For the last seven years the Bristol people have equipped every year two, three, four caravels to go in search of the islands of Brazil and of the Seven Cities." Cf. Dispatch of Pedro de Ayala to Ferdinand and Isabella, dated London, July 25, 1498. Jean et Sihastien Cabot, doc. xiii., p. 329. ' In 1535, Veler de Allid was alcalde mayor of Palos. Chronology of Voyages. 66 i No. XIX. ViNCENTE Diaz. Before 1492' Vincente Diaz, of Tavira, at the cost of a wealthy Genoese merchant " of Terceira, called Lucas de Cazana, makes three or four attempts to find lands beyond the Atlantic Ocean. Cf. Las Casas, lib. i., cap. xiii., Vol. I., p. loi. Herrera, Decad. I., p. 5. No. XX. Expeditions of the King of Portugal. Juan Rodriguez de Mafra asserts that the King of Portugal (Joao II.?) sent one or two expeditions in search of western regions. Gf. Las Casas, Vol. I., p. loi. De Varnhagbn, La Verdadera Cfuanahani, p. 109. We have now reached the period of transatlantic voyages which are of special and greater interest to the historian of maritime discovery. These, of course, begin with Christopher Columbus ; as the expeditions of the Northmen to the north-east coast of America, although, in our opinion, they are absolutely authentic, cannot be connected with the efforts and events which, so far as the real history of the New World is con- cerned, form a continuous chain, the first link of which was forged by the Latin races. In reality, there is no evidence that, south of the Baltic, mariners knew or attached any importance to the voyages of the Scandinavians, notwithstanding the fact that they were known at Rome, as is shown by the Papal bulls erecting bishoprics in Greenland and the adjacent regions. And as to Columbus, he may have heard of such ex- peditions when visiting Iceland ; yet we make bold to say that, in his opinion, they related to countries very much different from the Asiatic kingdoms which he hoped to discover. Cpronofogg of (^o^ac^t^. SECTION SECOND. FROM THE DISCOVERY OF AMERICA. 1492— 1504. 1492. No. I. Columbus' First Voyage. August 3, 1492 — March 15, 1493. Columbus sights the first transatlantic land, Friday, October 12, 1492, at two a.m. On Sunday, October 28, he discovers the north coast of Cuba; and December 5, the north coast of Hispaniola. January 16, 1493, he sets sails homeward; reaches Santa Maria, in the Azores, February 18, and the mouths of the Tagus, March 4. He sails away from Portugal, March 13; and lands at Palos, March 15, at noon. The most western point reached is about yy" west longitude. ' Of. Columbus' own Journal, abridged by Las Casas, in Navarrete, Vol. I., pp. 1-166. Las Casas, Hisloria de las Indias, Vol. L, pp. 261-469; Historie, ff. 39-84. Columbus' Letter in Spanish, in Maisonneuve's facsimile ; and in Latin, Plannck's first edition {Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima. No. i); Ohristophe Colomb, Vol. I., pp. 405-454; Vol. II., p. l-io. The expedition was composed of three ships in all, viz.: the Santa Maria, or Capitana (flagship), the Pinta, and the Nina. We have been unable to ascertain the tonnage of those ships,^ and only infer that they were relatively very small crafts, more or less leaky, owing to the bad work of the calkers, who ran away at Palos, when Columbus wanted to compel them to calk the ships over again. 3 The masts were also worth- less.4 Two of those vessels were chartered at the cost of the town of Palos, as a punishment for certain misdeeds. 5 ■ Supra, page 99. tonnage. The latter word which usually referred to ^ The order addressed to the town of Palos (Navar- oared galleys (JAL, Glossaire nautique, art. Fusta) in- RETE, Vol. II., p. 12) as well as the other documents dicates vessels of small size. relating to the chartering of the ships, only mention ^ Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 137, in the Journal, Jan. 14. " carabelas armadas," and even " fustas de armadas" ^ TfeJciem, January 23. (op. cit.. Vol. II., pp. 16, 18) without mentioning their 5 Ibidem, Vol. II., pp. 11-14 ; Vol. III., p. 480. Chronology of Voyages. 663 According to Peter Martyr, 6 the little squadron which sailed from ^49^- Palos, August 3, 1492, and returned to that port, March 15, 1493, after discovering the Bahama and West India islands, numbered two hundred and twenty men. Oviedo states 7 that they were only one hundred and twenty. Las Casas limits the number still more, to ninety, ^ including civilians, among whom he comprehends gentlemen of the Court of Ferdinand and Isabella, whose names have not reached us. Ninety is also the figure which is inscribed in the epitaph engraved on the tomb of Fernando Columbus in the cathedral of Seville, and, in our opinion, the exact one. If so, not more than forty seven of the companions of Columbus on that occasion returned to Spain. No complete official list exists, and we have made the following nomenclature from the names which are mentioned in the log-book or journal of Columbus (Derrotero), '° in the records of the various rogatory commissions (Probanzas) executed by the Fiscal in Spain and in the West Indies in 151 3, 1515 and 1535, '^ in the accounts of the first voyage written by Las Casas and Oviedo, and specially in the necronological roll of the 36, '2 37^ 13 38, H 39, 15 40 16 or 43 '7 men and officers who were left, January 2, 1493, in the fort constructed at La Navidad, and who were all killed a few months afterwards by the natives, whom they had shamefully treated. As far as we have been able to ascertain, the officers of the expedition were the following : On board the Santa Maria, which was the only decked vessel : Juan DE LA CosA, of Santoiia, in Biscay, sailing master and owner. Pero Alonso Nino, of Moguer, in Andalucia, pilot. Sancho Ruiz, pilot. On board the Pinta, which was the best sailing craft of the three : Martin Alonzo Pinzon, of Palos, captain. Cristobal Garcia Xalmiento, pilot. Francisco Martinez Pinzon, of Palos, pilot. Cristobal Quintero, owner of the ship. Garcia Hernandez, caterer.'* * " Cum viris Hispanis circiter ccxx Colonus coepit." '^ " Treinta y siete personas;" Preamble, Navarrete, Anghiera, Decad. I., lib. i., f" i, a. Vol. II., p. i8. 1 Oviedo, lib. i., cap. v.. Vol. I., p. 22. "* " Octo et triginta viros ;" Anghiera, Epist. cxxxiii., ° Las Casas, lib. i., cap. xxxiv.. Vol. I., p. 260. p. 74; Oviedo, Vol. I., p. 21. 9 " Con tres galeras y 90 personas. " Excerpta Colom- 'S " Dejo treinta y nueve hombres;" Derrotero, hiniana, p. 24. Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 121. ■° Navarrete, Vol. I., pp. 1-166. '* "Dejo alii cuarenta hombres;" Bernaldez, Reyes " Navarrete, Vol. III., pp. 538-591 ; MSS. of the CatoUcos, cap. cxviii. , Vol. I., p. 367. Archives of the Indies at Seville, and Munoz collection '? List in Navarrete, Vol. II., p. 18; to which should of copies in Madrid. be added the names of Diego DB Arana, Gutierrez, " ' ' xxxvi huomini ; " Sisiorie, cap. xxxiii. , f<>- 70, of and Escovedo. the Venice edition of 1571. '* Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 540, note, p. 565. 664 The Discovery of North America. 1492^ On board the Nina, which was the smallest ship of the squadron : Vincente Yaiiez Pinzon, of Palos, captain. Diego . . . . , mate." There were, besides, two other pilots and a mate, but we do not know to what vessels they belonged. Their names are : Bartolomd Roldan, of Palos. Pedro de Ledesma. Juan Nmo,'" probably of Moguer. The other officers were the following : Rodrigo Sanchez, of Segovia, supervisor.^ Diego DE Arana, of Cordova, chief of police (" alguazil mayor "), cousin of Beatrix Enriquez (the paramour of Christopher Columbus, and mother of Fernando), and of Pedro de Arana, one of the captains in the third expedition. He was made commander of the fort of La Navidad, where he was killed by the Indians'^ in 1493. Rodrigo Escovedo or Descovedo, of Segovia, clerk of the expedition, apparently nephew of the monk Juan Perez. Killed also at La Navidad.^ Pedro Gutierrez, head-waiter; belonged formerly to the household of King Ferdinand. He became a lieutenant of Diego de Arana, and was killed with him at La Navidad.''* .... Castillo, of Seville, a goldsmith, whose services were engaged evidently to value the precious metals which Columbus anticipated to find. Killed at La Navidad. Luis de Torres, of Murcia, a converted Jew, whom Columbus took with him as an inter- preter to act when in the presence of the Great Khan, as he spoke Hebrew, Chaldean, and some Arabic.^ As to the crew, it was quite mixed. There is an ordinance of April 30, 1492, suspending all criminal actions brought against any individual who was willing to accompany Columbus. 26 Besides, we have the latter's own testimony that his wish to return to Spain as quickly as he could, was prompted by the desire to part with such bad company: "asi que por salir de tan mala compania."^? The only names of sailors, passengers and menials, which have posi- tively come down to us are the following : Cristobal del Alamo, of the Earldom of Niebla, in Andalucia, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Garcia Alonso, of Palos, sailor.™ Francisco de Aranda, of Aranda in Aragon, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. '5 Ibidem, Vol. I., p. 49. names mentioned with the statement : " Killed at Navi- °° According to the depositions of Francisco DE ia.A," see, 'Hava.-r'bxt'e, Lista de las personas que Colon Morales, omitted by Navarrete, but which is in the d^jb en la Isla Espanola, doc. xiii., in Vol. II., p. 18-20, Probanza of June 16, 1512. of the Coleccion de oiayes. " Navarbete, Vol. I., p. 12, Vol. III., p. 494. ^* Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 112 ; Vol. II., p. 613. " Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 112 ; Las Casas, Vol. II., "^ Ibidem, Vol. I., page 47. page 221. ^° Ibidem, Vol. II., page 15, doc. ix. =3 Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 121 ; Las Casas, Vol. I., "'i Ibidem, Vol. I., page 128. p. 414. For the authority concerning all the following '^Ibidem, Vol. III., pages 580, 589. Chronology of Voyages. 665 Gabriel Baraona, of Belmonte,"® sailor. Killed at La Navidad. 1492. Juan DEL Barco, of the Barco de Avila, in Castile, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Domingo de Bermeo, of Guipuscoa [?J, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Juan Rodriguez Bermejo, of Molinos, near Seville, sailor on the Pinta. He is believed by several historians to be the first man who spied land, October 11, 1492. Disgusted with not having been rewarded according to his deserts, he abjured the Catholic religion and became a Mahomedan. ^'' This Rodriguez cannot be confounded with the sailor to whom Columbus ascribes the merit, as he calls him Rodrigo de Triana," of Lepe. Diego Bermudez, of Palos. *' Juan Calvo, of Moguer, sailor, who returned with Columbus in the second voyage. ^ Diego de Capilla, of Almaden, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Pedro DE CoRBACHO, of Caceres, in Estramadura, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Juan de Cueva, of Castuera, in the province of Badajoz, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Diego Delgado, sailor. '* Francisco Fernandez, of Segovia, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Gonzalo Fernandez, of Segovia, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Rui Fernandez, of Huelva, who stated that he accompanied Columbus, without specifying whether it was in the first voyage. But as the answer was given in the course of an interrogatory relating chiefly to the first expedition, we may infer that the latter is the one which he had in view. ^ Pedro DE Foronda, of Alava (?), sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Gonzalo Franco, ship-boy. Killed at La Navidad. ^ Diego Garcia, of Xeres, sailor. Killed at La Navidad. Francisco de Godoy, of Seville. Killed at La Navidad. Jorge Gonzales, of Trigueros, in Andalucia. Killed at La Navidad. Francisco de Henao, of Avila, in Castile. Killed at La Navidad. Guillermo Ires. Perhaps we should read William Harris, of Galway, in Ireland. Killed at La Navidad. Jacome .... (?), murdered by his companions Pedro Gutierrez and Escobedo at La Navidad."' Antonio de Jaen, of Jaen, in Andalucia. Killed at La Navidad. Rodrigo de Jerez, of Ayamonte, in Andalucia."* Francisco Jimenez, of Seville. Killed at La Navidad. Martin de Lograsan, apparently a Castilian, of the vicinity of Guadalupe. Killed at La Navidad. Diego DE Mambles, of Mamblas, in Castile (?). Killed at La Navidad. Hernan Perez Matheos, of Lepe, in Andalucia. Sebastian de Mayorga, of Mayorga, in the province of Badajoz. Killed at La Navidad. Alonso Velez de Mendoza, of Seville, namesake of a noted commander. Killed at La Navidad. Diego DE Mendoza, of Guadalajara, in Castile. Killed at La Navidad. Juan de Mendoza. Killed at La Navidad. =9 We do not know whether he was from the province 33 Ibidem, Vol. II., p. 147 ; Vol. III., p. 576. of Santander or of that of Cordova. 34 Ibidem, Vol. III., p. 588. 3° OviEDO, Vol. I., p. 24 ; and Gomara, Jlistoria de 35 Ibidem, Vol. III., p. 581. las Indicts, pp. 116-168. ^Ibidem, Vol. III., pp. 494, 522. 3" Navarrbte, Vol. I., p. 19 ; Vol. III., p. 571. 37 Las Casas, Vol. II., p. 13. 3' Ibidem, Vol. III., p. 579. 38 Navarsete, Vol. I., p. 47. 4 K 666 The Discovery of North America. 1492. Diego DE MoNTALBAN, of Jacn, in Andalucia. Killed at La Navidad. Juan MoRCiLLO, of Villanueva de la Serena, province of Badajoz. Killed at La Navidad. Alvar Perez OsoRio, of Cartrojeriz, in the province of Burgos. Killed at La Navidad. Juan PATino, of Villanueva de la Serena. Killed at La Navidad. Hernando de Porcuna, of Cordova. Killed at La Navidad. Juan QuiNTERO, of Argenta (?)."" Gomez Rascon, sailor on the Pinta, who, with Cristobal Quintero, did all he could to thwart the expedition. . . . . DE RiBERA, carpenter. Pedro DE Salcedo, servant of Columbus. As a reward, he obtained, August 3, 1499, the monoply for the sale of hams in Hispaniola. '" Tristan de San Jorge. Killed at La Navidad. Gonzalo Fernandez de Segovia, of Leon. Killed at La Navidad. Pedro de Talavera, of Toledo (?). Killed at La Navidad. Tallarte de Lajes, an Englishman, but whose names have been evidently distorted. Killed at La Navidad. Bernardino de Tapia, of Ledesma, in Castile, a bachelor or graduate. Killed at La Navidad. Diego DE Tordoya, of Cabeza la Vaca, in the province of Badajoz. Killed at La Navidad. Rodrigo de Triana, of Lepe, sailor on the Pinta; said by Columbus himself to be the first Spaniard who saw the New World : " Esta tierra vido primero un marinero que se decia Rodrigo de Triana." " Juan DE Urniga, of Urniza, in Navarre (?). Killed at La Navidad. Manuel Valdovinos, of Lepe, in Andalucia.*^ Born in 1459. Francisco Garcia Vallejo, of Moguer, sailor on the Pinta.^ Born in 1448. Francisco de Vergara, of Seville. Killed at La Navidad. Pedro DE Villa, of Puerto de Santa Maria, in Andalucia. He is the sailor who, in the terrible night of February 14, 1493, was designed by lot to accomplish a pilgrimage to Our Lady of Loretto. " Juan DE ViLLAR, of Tarragona. Killed at La Navidad. The above lists only include seventy-seven names (with that of Columbus) out of ninety. There are therefore thirteen still missing. A number of these may perhaps be gathered from other documents, but they do not present as much certainty. For instance, Pero Ortiz testified to the truth of certain allegations regarding the first voyage of Columbus, in these words : "Lo oyo a Bartolomd Colon e a Alonso Gutierrez Querido e a Juan Ortiz los cuales fueron en la armada : — He heard it said by Bartholomew Columbus, Alonso Gutierrez Querido and Juan Ortiz, who belonged to the [first] expedition." 35 Navarrete, Vol. HI., p. 568. One Juan Quintero p, 240 ; Vol. HI., p. 582. gave his testimony on behalf of Diego Columbus in *' Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 19. 1512 or 1515, but he was of Palos, and furnished only *" Ibidem, Vol. HI., 612. hearsay evidence; Ibidem, Vol. III., p. 580. '■'^Ibidem, Vol. HI., pp. 564, 570, 577, 612. ■fOviEDo, Vol. I., p. 24; Navarrete, Vol. II., « Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 150, Chronology of Voyages. 667 If so, we would have here three more names. Unfortunately, we know 1492. positively that Bartholomew went with his brother only in the second voyage. This discrepancy, together with the hearsay character of the deposition, which, besides, refers to a circumstance dating so far back as forty-two years previous, and is certainly biassed in favour of the Pinzons, compels the critic to mention those names with a mental reservation. The wording of the 9edula of September 23, 1519,4s granting a coat of arms to the descendants of the Pinzons and others " who went on a voyage of discovery with Columbus," seems to indicate that there should be included in the list, Andres Gonzales Pinzon, Diego de Lepe, and Miguel Alonso ; but the end of the sentence, "and since in certain other discoveries," gives it a general aspect, and may include, as well as refer to the voyages accompanied by Diego de Lepe in 1499 — 1500, and by the other two, with one of the Pinzons, at a later period. Six more names can be derived from the Rogatory Commission of December 22, 1535 ; but here, again, a doubt creeps into the mind of the critic who cares less for a long list than for an exact nomenclature. This commission was executed at the request of Juan Martin Pinzon, in reality against the heirs of Christopher Columbus, and to vindicate an assumed claim. The witnesses produced on that occasion all speak, of course, from hearsay, and, like those examined on behalf of the Pinzons in 1512 and 1515, with great disregard of truth. The best that can be said, so far as the present investigation is concerned, consists in assuming that if those witnesses were capable of putting on the lips of alleged spectators false statements, it would prove much more difficult on their part to invent such spectators, more especially in the country where these alleged companions are said to have lived, though it be forty-two years previously. The new names from that source would be the following : Juan Ortiz ; on the testimony of his cousin Pero Ortiz. Gutierre Perez; on the positive testimony of Gonzalo Martin, who went with him on the second voyage of Columbus. Alonso Gutierrez Querido ; according to the before-mentioned testimony of Pero Ortiz. Juan DE Sevilla; on the testimony (by implication) of Cristobal Cerezo, the witness who asserted erroneously that Bartholomew Columbus accompanied his brother Christopher in the first voyage, and not less erroneously that the simple sailor Diego Bermudez, who went with the great Genoese in 1492, was the discoverer of the Bermudas, although the captain, Juan Bermudez, is the one who actually accomplished the discovery. Juan Perez Vizcaino, of Palos, calker ; also on the testimony of the said Cerezo. « Navareetb, doc. xliv., Vol. III., p. 145. Several are further described infra, in the Biographical Notes. 668 The Discovery of North America. 1493- No. II. Truant Portuguese Expedition. A Portuguese vessel sails from Madeira, apparently on the tracks of Christopher Columbus, who had just returned : " De la Isla de la Madera era partida una carabela k descubrir islas 6 tierra d otras partes que non han ido los Portugueses fasta aqui." Cf. Carta mensagera de los Reyes, Sept. 5, 1493; Navarrete, Vol. II., doc. Ixxi., p. 109. No. III. Official Portuguese Expedition. Upon hearing of the departure of the aforesaid carabela from Madeira, King Joao II., sent at once three vessels, apparently to overtake her, but, in the opinion of Ferdinand and Isabella, to make discoveries in the regions recently discovered by Columbus. " Estos mensageros del Rey de Portogal nos dicen que aquel que fue en la carabela lo fizo sin mandamiento del Rey de Portogal, 6 que el Rey habia enviado en pes de ^1 otras tres carabelas para lo tomar, y podria ser que esto se ficiese con otros respetos, 6 que los mismos que fueron en las carabelas, una y otras, querrdn descubrir algo en lo que per- tenece a Nos." The reader will notice that the Catholic Kings speak of this expe- dition as having been already despatched when they wrote the above : " habia enviado," and that its purpose was to overtake the truant Portu- guese ship : " para la tomar." These three caravels should be considered therefore as different from the squadron, composed of the same number of ships, which Joao II. caused to be equipped shortly after Easter following: " Onde despois de Pascoa teve sobre o caso outros conselhos, em que foy detriminado que armasse contra aquellas partes, como logo armou, e grossamente : e da Armada fez Capitam Moor Dom Francisco d' Almeida, que seendo ja prestes . . . . " ^ This we take to be the expedition concerning which the Duke de Medina Sidonia wrote to Ferdinand and Isabella, who thanked him, May 2, 1493, for having kept them informed: "del armada que el Rey de Portugal ha fecho para enviar d. la parte del mar Ocedno a lo que agora descubri6 por nuestro mandado el Almirante D. Christobal Colon. "47 The object of this expedition was, openly, to ascertain whether the discovery accomplished by Columbus was not an infringement on the rights of the ■•* Ruy DE PiNA, Chronica dil rei Dom Joao II, in lib. iii., cap. xi., f" 57, verso, who, like Resbnde and the Collecgao de livros ineditos de Historia Portugueza ; Vasconcellos, afterwards, do nothing but to plagiarise Lisboa, 1792, fol.. Vol. II., cap. Ixvi., p. 178; Baebos, De Pina, in all which they relate about Columbus. Decada primeira da Asia, Lisboa, 1752, fol.. Vol. I., '''' Navarrete, Vol. II., pp. 22, 72, 76. Chronology of Voyages. 669 Crown of Portugal. That is, the rights conceded to the Portuguese kings 1493. by the papal bulls of Eugene IV. (1438?), Nicolas V. (Jan. 8, 1454), Calixtus III. (March 15, 1456), Pius II. (1459?), and Sixtus IV. (Jan. 21, 1 481). 48 But we do not make a separate item of this expedition, for the simple reason that, according to Ruy de Pina, who speaks as an eye-witness, Joao II. "desistio do enviar da dicta armada." Its influence, nevertheless, was great, as it led to the famous Treaty of Tordesillas. Cf. Navarrete, doc. Ixxi., Vol, II., p. 109. No. IV. Voyage suggested by Maximilian. Maximilian, King of the Romans, advises Joao II. to send westward several ships to Cathay, apparently before having heard of Columbus' departure in 1492, and of his return in March, 1493 ; and Jerome Miinz- meister suggests that Martin Behaim should accompany the expedition. Cf. Carta do Dr. Jeronymo Monetario [Munzmbister, of Nuremberg] ao Rey dS Joham seguiido, dated July 14, 1493. See, supra, p. 393. No. V. Columbus' Second Voyage. September 25, 1493 — June ii, 1496. Sails from Cadiz, September 25, 1493; sights the first land ("De- seada I."), Sunday, November 3 ; lands on that day at the Dominica, at Guadeloupe on the 4th, and at Porto Rico on the i6th. Sets sail from Isabella, April 24, 1494; discovers Jamaica, May 13; returns to Isabella, September 29 following, and to Spain, March 10, 1496, landing at Cadiz, June 1 1 following.49 Cf. Account of Dr. Chanca, in Navarrete, Vol. I., pp. 198-224, and of Michaele de Cuneo (MS. in the library of the Bologna University, discovered by Mr. Olindo Guerkini). Nicolo Scyllacio, De Imidis. Letters of Simone del Verde. Christophe Colomb, Vol. II., pp. 52-78. No. VI. Martyr, of Arzendjan. 1494. This Armenian Bishop started from Guetaria, in Biscay, April 14, 1494, to " sail over the universal sea," that is, the Atlantic Ocean. He wrote a sort of account of his passage, but it is so vague that we have 48 Of all those bulls, the great Bullarium of 1743. *' ^e regret that the lack of space prevents us from contains only the one of Calixtus III. (Vol. III., inserting the list of the companions of Columbus in this Part in., p. 70.) We have not been able to find the as well as in the third and fourth expeditions, which r 1\. „*!,<.,= have reached us. text of the others. 670 The Discovery of North America, ^494- been unable to ascertain where he actually went. As the voyage was prompted by the marvellous accounts which had been brought from the regions recently discovered by Christopher Columbus, we infer that his object was to visit the New World. Cf. Saint Martin, Relation d'un voyage fait en Europe et dans I'ocdan atlantique Traduit de VArm4nien . . . Paris, 1827, 8vo ; and our Chrintoph Columbus im Orient, in the Centrcdhlatt fiXr BibUotheksioesen, of Dr. Hartwig, of Halle ; 1888, heft 3. No. VII. Bartholomew Columbus. Three ships, which sailed from Cadiz after April 30, 1494, and reached Isabella, June 24 following. December 3, 1494, several of those ships went back to Spain. Of. Navarbete, Vol. II., p. 159; Vol. III., p. 501. Coleccion de documentos para la Historia de Espana, Vol. XVI., p. 567. Christophe Colomb, Vol. II., p. 60. According to Oviedo, 5° Bartholomew Columbus reached Isabella, August 5; Las Casas says that it was April 14, 1494:51 but he mistakes the date of Bartholomew's appointment with that of his landing in Hispaniola. 52 No. VIII. Torres' First Voyage. After August, 1494 — April, 1495. Alonso de Torres leads four ships to Hispaniola, apparently in the autumn of 1494, and returns to Spain in the beginning of April, 1495, with five hundred Indians to be sold as slaves. This we believe to be the squadron which was being equipped 53 October 8, 1494. Cf. Navabketb, Vol. II., pp. 15s, 172. Bernaldez, Reyes Catolicos, Vol. II., p. 172. For a description of the voyage homeward, see the MS. relation of Michael DE CuNBO, supra, p. 105. 1495- No. IX. Sosa's Voyage. Four ships commanded by Jorge de Sosa. The masters were : Juan de Sasueta, 54 Juan de Salazar, Francisco Ojuelos, and Gomez Hernandez [de la Puebla ?]. The pilots were Pero Alonso Nino, Juan de Umbria, Pedro Sanchez de la Puebla, and Domenico Martin. Cf Munoz MSS., Vol. LXXV., f° 186 '"■ 5° Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, lib. ii., 5= Historie, cap. Ix., f"- 121, recto, cap. xiii., Vol. I., p. 52. 53 Navareete, Vol. HI., p. 497. 5' Las Casas, Vol. II., p. 118. S4 Juan de Sansubta, of San Sebastian {?). Chronology of Voyages. 671 Navarrete says 55 that this expedition was equipped by virtue of a 1495- contract entered into with Bishop Fonseca, in 1496, for the object of carrying a colony to Hispaniola, and sailed from San Lucar, February 3 of the latter year, but suffered damage in coming out of Cadiz. Perhaps the present is only the expedition which set sail under the command of Alvarez and Palomares in 1496, which see, infra. No. XV. No. X. Licensed Expeditions. Expeditions equipped by Sevillan mariners S6 in accordance with the ordinances of April 7 and 10, 1495 ; which contained such important prescriptions and restraints : " Que otras iran a descobrir si se les face parte de lo que descobrieren. Lo que se debia observer en quanto a los que deseaban ir a descobrir nuevas tierras .... demas de las islas y Tierra firme .... Que qualesquier personas Nuestros subditos e naturales que quisieren, puedan ir de aqui adelante, en cuanto Nuestra merced e voluntad fuere, a descobrir islas y tierra firme . . . . " Peter Martyr, June 11, 1495, writes to Cardinal Bernardino de Car- vajal : " Diversi navium ductores ad diversa alterius hemispheeri littora missi sunt. Quk reportabunt, per me si vixero intelliges : — ^Several cap- tains have been sent to different parts of the other hemisphere, and when they return he will inform him of the news brought by them." This ordinance was repealed June 2, 1497. Cf. Doe. inedit. de Indias. Vol. XXX., pp. 317, 320. Anghieka, Epist. clx., p. 90. Humboldt, Examen Critique, Vol. I., p. 356. Supra, pp. 124-131. No. XI. Vicente Yanez Pinzon. He contracted with the Crown, in December, 1495, for leading a maritime expedition, composed of two caravels, one called the Vicente Yanez, the other La Fraila. The contract says concerning the destina- tion : " Ir y servir d6 sus Altezas le mandaren." As Vicente Yanez was a very active and enterprising mariner, and we do not see him engaged in any other maritime expedition between 1493 and 1499, the probability is that the present undertaking was carried into effect ; and most likely in the New World. But we have failed to find any documentary proof Cf. Navabbete, doc. i., Vol. III., p. 7$. ss Navakretb, Viajes apoerifos, in Coleecion de ^ Las Casas, Historia General de las Indias, Vol. Bocumenios ineditos de Espaiia, Vol. XV., p. 20, note. II., pp. 111-112. 672 The Discovery of North America. 1495. No. XII. Aguado's Expedition. August 5, 1495 — 1496. Diego Carillo was to replace Columbus in case of death, and to have the command of this expedition, composed of four ships, which left Seville, August 5, 1495, under the command of Juan Aguado, having for masters: Juan Lusero, of Moguer ; Bartolome Colin, Bartolomd de Leca, and Fer- nando Peres, of Palos. It reached Isabella in October. The pilots were: Juan de Moguer, Ruy Perez, Francisco del Castillo, and Bartolomd Roldan. Fernando Columbus was also on board. These four ships were among the twelve which Juanoto Berardi contracted, April 9, 1495. to equip for an expedition to the West Indies. Las Casas is inclined to believe that they were lost in a hurricane in the port of Isabella ; but they returned to Spain, apparently at the close of 1496. Gf. MuSoz MSS., Vol. LXXV., fc 189 vo. Doc. inedit. de Indias, Vol. XXX., p. 310. Oviedo, Vol. I., p. S3. Las Casas, Vol. 2, pp. no, 114, 125, 150. Navaerete, Vol. II., pp. 160, 169, 178. 1496. No. XIII. Expedition Equipped by Vespuccius. April 9, 1495, Juanoto Berardi, the Florentine merchant established at Seville, contracted to equip twelve ships for an expedition "a las Indias." Four of these sailed under the command of Aguado, August 5, 1495. Four others set sail in January, 1496, and constitute the present expedition ; but, in coming out of San Lucar, they were assailed by a violent storm, and driven ashore. We do not know whether the litde squadron rallied, and continued the voyage. If we mention that expedition, it is chiefly on account of the con- nection of Americus Vespuccius with its equipment. Berardi having died in December, 1495, Vespuccius administered the estate, at least in so far as giving a receipt, January 9, 1496, for certain expenses incurred by the Crown for that voyage. The contract called for four more ships. Whether they were actually furnished by the receiver of the Berardi firm, and formed part of the squadron which sailed under the command of Per- alonso Nino, June 15 following, we are unable to say. This, however, we need to know, because it is the principal point of the charge brought against Vespuccius concerning the authenticity of his first trans- atlantic voyage, alleged to have been initiated in 1497. The argument presented is the simple hypothesis that the ships equipped for the third Chronology of Voyages. 673 expedition of Columbus, which sailed in 1498, were furnished by the ^496- representatives of Juanoto Berardi as a consequence or continuation of the contract of 1495. And, as Vespuccius is seen acting in January, 1496, on behalf of that firm, or its liquidators, it is inferred (although non sequitur) that he remained at Seville from 1496 to 1498. All we can say on that point, is that there is no evidence whatever proving the existence of the Berardi house after January 9, 1496, or the presence of Vespuccius in Spain after the latter date. Nay, it is almost certain that the firm did not survive the death of Juanoto Berardi, but immediately went into liquidation through want of means. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. II., pp. 159, 177, 178; Vol. III., p. 317. Humboldt, Examen Critique, Vol. IV., pp. 192-215, 267, 284-316; Vol. v., 180, 201-213. d'Avezac, Les Quatre Voyages de Vespuce, pp. 18-23. Documentos escogidos del archive de la Casa de Alba; published by the Duchess of Berwick and Alba, Madrid, 1891, pp. 201-203 > ^nd supra, pp. 354-356. No. XIV. Nino's First Expedition. June 15 — October 29, 1496. It consisted of two caravels and a ship, under the command of the great pilot Peralonso Nino. It is the expedition which Columbus found in the port of Cadiz, laden with provisions for the West Indies, June 11, 1496, and which sailed four days later : " partieronse cuatro dias despues quel Almirante k Cadiz habia llegado." The ships returned: "a 29 de Octubre de aquel ano de 1496," loaded with Indian slaves. Mufioz says that the little fleet sailed "el 17 de Junio." Here, again, there may be confusion with the following voyage. Of. Las Casas, lib. i., cap. cxi.. Vol. II., pp. 127 and 180. Munoz, Historia, lib. vi., p. 252. d'Avezac, Les Quatre Voyages de Vespuce, p. 22, note. No. XV. Voyage of Alvares and Palomares. The squadron was composed of three ships, viz.: La Santa Maria de Guia, master, Garcia Alvarez ; El Lazaro, master, Juan de Tanguis {sic) ; and La Catalina, 57 belonging to Fernandez de Alcoba, but com- manded by Francisco de Palomares. S' The Catalina is called besides " nao Bretona." We Ainsi, un canon amarre le long du bord est, selon les do not know whether that expression, which we have Espagnols, Abretonado" {Glossaire nautique, p. 340.). seen several times in Spanish documents, means a Brittany On the other hand, we know of instances where ship- vessel, or a peculiar kind of craft. JAL says: "A la owners who wished to send ships to the New World, bretona—^ la mani^re des Bretons. L'amiral Fern. have been compelled to go to Brittany to engage pilots Navarrete, cite par le Diet, marit. esp. (1831), pretend expressly for the voyage. There are other instances of que tout objet place le long du bord est mis k la Bretonne. such " Brittany ships " being mentioned. 4 L 674 The Discovery of North America. 1496. According to Navarrete, these vessels were equipped by virtue of a ^"^ contract of March 16, 1496. Instead of "Juan de Tanguis," we should read "Juan de Afangui, vecino de Bermeo." Pedro Alonso Nino, who had just returned from his own first expedition {supra, No. XIV.) was the pilot of La Guia ; but Navarrete says that they sailed from Cadiz, June 16, 1496,58 which does not agree with Mufioz's date. The other pilots were Juan de Umbria and Pero Sanchez de la Puebla. Cf. Munoz MSS., Vol. LXXV., f»- 187 vo. Navarrete, Viages apocrifos, p. 20. 1497. No. XVI. Spanish Clandestine Voyage. Bartolome Colin and Alonso Medel elope from Cadiz with two vessels which had been entrusted to them. When they returned, Columb asked of the government to seize the two ships, June 22, 1497. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. III., doc. xxv., p. 507, and supra, p. 130. No. XVII. Cabot's First Voyage. John Cabot, by virtue of letters patent granted to him and his sons by Henry VII., March 5, 1496, sails from Bristol, in the beginning of May, 1497, with a small vessel, manned by eighteen men (Pasqualigo, Soncino), accompanied by three or four small crafts, privately equipped by Bristol men (Cottonian MS., and Fabian). Lands on the coast of Labrador (supra, p. 9), and not at Cape Breton island, as stated in the map of 1544; and returns to Bristol at the end of July, 1497. Cf. Jean et Sihastien Cabot, Chapters vi.-vii., and supra, pp. 1-38 and map. No. XVIII. Vespuccius' First Voyage (?). May 10, 1497 — October 15, 1499. Sailed from Cadiz, under the Spanish flag. May ist (Antwerp edition), loth (Valori), or 20th (Hylacomylus and Las Casas). Reached the mainland of the New World after a passage of twenty-seven days (Hyla- comylus), or thirty-seven (Valori-Bandini, Canovai). Returned to Cadiz, October 15th, 1499 (Hylacomylus), or October 15th, 1498 (Valori, Canovai), bringing over two hundred Indian slaves, who were sold on landing. Cf. Accounts in the Letiera and Cosmographiae Introductio, described in the Bihliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Nos. 44-46, 87, and siipra, pp. 353-360. 5* Navarrete adds that the year following, Nino "re- of course an expedition in 1497, but concerning which pitio el viage de piloto de otra carebela," which implies we have no other information. Chronology of Voyages. 675 No. XIX. Second Voyage of John Cabot. 1498. John Cabot, by virtue of letters patent granted to him, "his deputie or deputies," 59 by Henry VII., February 3, 1498, sails from an English port (Bristol?), after April ist following, with five ships. He apparently ranged the north-east coast from Newfoundland to Florida. Of. supra, pp. 39-50. Jean et SSastien Cabot, Chapter x. No. XX. English Expedition. The English documents contain the following entry : " March 22, 1498. To Lanslot Thirkill, of London, upon a prest for his ship going towards the new Ilande ;^20." It was a loan made by Henry VII. Did that ship belong to a separate expedition, or only formed part of the squadron of five vessels commanded by John Cabot for his second voyage? The former supposition would imply that Henry VII. encouraged a rival enterprise, just at the time when he was granting letters patent to the same effect to the Venetian navigator. Withal, it must be said that Cabot was not granted any exclusive privilege, as was Columbus. Lanslot Thirkill returned from that voyage, as we see him in London in 1501.60 If he was with John Cabot in 1498, it is curious that the chroniclers of the time should convey no information whatever concerning the results of the latter expedition. Cf. Excerpta Historka, by N. H. Nicolas, p. ii6. No. XXI. Columbus' Third Voyage. 1498 TO May 30, 1498 — November 20-25, 1500. icon Columbus .sails from Sanlucar, May 30, 1498 with six (Oviedo and Las Casas) or eight (Anghiera) ships, and about two hundred men, ex- clusive of sailors. July 31, at noon, he sights Trinidad; and Sunday, August 5, 1498, some of his men land on the continent for the first time (at Pato Bay ?) Perhaps Columbus also then and there set his foot on the Tierra firnia (Testimonies of Cordoba, Pacheco, Quintero, and Perez). August 31, 1498, he arrives at Santo Domingo, whence he sends five ships back to Spain, but where he remains until the beginning of 59 And not, as in 1496, "pro Johanne Cabot et filiis *■ Cornelio Desimoni, Intomo a Giovanni Caboto, suis, — Lewes, Sebestyan and Sancto." Geneva, 1881, 8vo, p. 6r. TO 1500, 676 The Discovery of North America. 1498 October, 1500, when Bobadilla sends him to Spain in irons, reaching Cadiz between November 20 and 25 following. Cf. Las Casas, lib. i., cap. cxxxii.; Vol. 11., pp. 226, 229, 257, 241, 243, 245, 254, 265, 434- Christophe Colomb, Vol. II., pp. 79-ioi. m-nS- No. XXII. Coronel's Expedition. January 23, 1498— February 6, 1500. Two ships, viz.: Santa Cruz, master, Juan Bermudez ; and La Nina, or Santa Clara, master, Pedro Frances. The pilots were Francisco Nino, and Juan de Umbria ; all were under the command of Pedro Fernandez Coronel. The expedition sailed out January 23, 1498, and did not return to San Lucar, until February 6, 1500. Cf. Munoz MSS., Vol. LXXV., f- 191. Historie, lib. Ixiiii., f- 151, which fixes the date of sailing from Spain "nel mese di Febraio." Las Casas, Vol. II., p. 199. Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 510, note. TO I5OQ j.QQ_ No. XXIII. JoAo Fernandez. King Manoel of Portugal grants to Joao Fernandez, of Terceira, October 28, 1499, letters patent, "to go for the service of God and of His Majesty to search for and discover certain islands." Gf. Letters patent in Les Corte-Eeal, p. 44. j.QQ No. XXIV. Hojeda's First Voyage. Summer of 1499 — April, 1500. Alonso de Hojeda accompanied Columbus in the second expedition, but the present is his first independent voyage. He sailed from some Spanish port, San Lucar or Cadiz, early in the summer of 1499, and returned in the first fortnight of April, 1500. We derive this date from the deposition of Nicolas Perez, who says that Hojeda arrived in Spain a few days after Guerra and Nino : " Se volvieron a Castilla : 6 dende a pocos dias la flota en que iba este testigo, asi- mismo fue a Castilla, e alii se hallaron la gente de la una flota 6 de la otra, e platicaron las cosas de sus viages : — They [/. e. Guerra and Nino] returned to Castile ; and within a few days the fleet in which was deponent [viz.: Hojeda's squadron] also returned to Castile, and there the crews of both fleets met, and related to each other the events of their voyages." Now, Guerra and Nino returned to Spain sixty-one days after February 6th, or, on the 6th of April, as 1500 was leap year. Chronology of Voyages. 677 The companions of Hojeda on that occasion, whose names we have ^499 TO been able to ascertain, were Juan de la Cosa, Americus Vespuccius, i coo Bartolome Roldan, Diego Martins, Juan Velazquez, Nicolas Perez, Diego ' ZZ: Fernandez Colmenero, Anton Garcia (?), and Andres de Morales. The expedition numbered four ships {Historie). After stopping at one of the Canaries, they sailed westward, reached the mainland in Paria, and thence continued to follow the coast, accomplishing discoveries,6i as far as the province of Coquibacoa and the Cape de la Vela, from which they went to Hispaniola (Morales), landing at Yaquimo, September 5, 1499. They are believed to have remained on the south coast of that island until they sailed homeward, apparently at the close of February, 1500. But we find ourselves unable to reconcile the latter facts with the deposition of Cristobal Garcia, which is as follows : " Dice que al tiempo que Hojeda e La " He says that at the time when Hojeda Cosa vinieron d descubrir de tierra firme, and La Cosa went to discover the continent, estaba en Santo Domingo, € alii vinieron los he was at Santo Domingo, and there came sobredichos en un barquete, que habian per- the aforesaid [Hojeda and La Cosa] in a dido los navios, € con obra de quince o boat ; that they had lost the ships, with fifteen veinte hombres, que los otros se les habian or twenty men, and that the others were dead muerto 6 quedado." or had been abandoned." °^ The present is the voyage which many believe to be identical with the second expedition of Americus Vespuccius. Cf. Extracts of the correspondence between Roldan and Columbus, in Las Casas, Vol. II,, pp. 393-94. Historie, cap. Ixxxiv., f 185. d'Avezac, Les Voyages d'Amdric Vespuce, pp. 77-80; and supra, pp. 328-329. No. XXV. Vespuccius' Second Voyage. May 16, 1499 — September 8, 1500. Sailed from Cadiz with three ships, under the Spanish flag, one day in May (Hylacomylus), or the i6th (Valori-Bandini), or the i8th (Canovai), 1499. Reached land after nineteen days (Hylacomylus), or forty-four (Valori-Bandini), or twenty-three (Canovai), apparently on the north-eastern coast of Brazil ; and seems to have followed the coast westward as far as the Cape de la Vela. Returned to Cadiz, September 8 (Hylacomylus, Valori-Bandini), or June 8 (Canovai), 1500. This is the voyage said to be only Hojeda's first expedition {supra, No. XXIV.). Cf. Lettera, and Cosmographiae introductio. BiUiotheca Americana Vetustissima, p. 60. ^" So early as July 20, 1500, Alonso Velez de Men- been discovered by Alonso de Hojeda. DOZA was forbidden to visit the countries which had ^' Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 544. 678 The Discovery of North America. 1499 No. XXVI. Guerra and Nino. TO I coo. Summer of 1499 — April (?), 1500. Cristobal Guerra, of Seville, with Peralonso Nino as pilot and part- ner, 63 sailed from the bar of Saltes (Palos) early in the summer of 1499. They had only one small craft of 50 tons (60 of to-day), manned by thirty-three men. Among them were Diego Martin Cadero, a Flemish called Juan Martin, Bartolome Perez, Juan de Noya, and Juan de Quicedo. As to the date when they set out, we have only the vague declaration of Nicolas Perez that it was shortly after the departure of Hojeda ; con- sequently, early in the summer of 1499. Las Casas fixes May 20; but, in our opinion, this date is simply derived from his alleged identification of Vespuccius' second voyage with Hojeda's first independent expedition. As to Herrera's date, it is, as usual, taken from Las Casas. The little we know concerning that voyage, ^4- whether we read it in the Paesi, in Las Casas, or in Herrera, is exclusively taken from Book VIII. of Decade I. of Peter Martyr. The depositions collected in the Rogatory Commissions of 151 2 and 15 15 do not add materially to his account. We gather from the latter that Guerra and Nino remained all the time on the north coast of South America, between Chuspa, Paria, and Curiana, and that their expedition lasted about eight months. As to the date of their return, the Ferrara MS. and the Libretto give only the day of the month when they set sail for home: "Alii 13 partirono para vegnir en Espana."6s In the first Decade, Peter Martyr is more explicit: "Octavo idus februarii." But when did they reach Spain? That chronicler says : " Discedentes igitur, unum et sexaginta dies in itinere : — They consumed three scores [and one] days in theyr journey." As they started homeward February 6th, and remained at sea sixty-one days, the date of their arrival is April 6, 1500. At all events, we know positively that Guerra and Nino were at Bayona, in Galicia, during the first fortnight of May, as, on the 20th of that month, Ferdinand and ^3 Not only Anghiera and the Pmd say that the Vol. III., p. 541). Unfortunately we do not know the caravel was equipped at the sole expense of Nino exact date of the latter's return. (" Alonso Negro "), but they do not even mention the ^s In February the ides commenced on the 13th. This name of Guerea. leads us to infer that there was an omission in the text ** The only information on that point from an eye- from which Trivigiano made his translation, or that he witness is to be derived from the testimony of Nicolas omitted unintentionally the day of the ides. But if Feb- Perez, who declared that Guerra and Nino arrived in ruary 13th is the exact date, then Guerra and Nino Spain "a poco dias" before Hojeda (in Navarrete, arrived at Bayona April 20th. No. XXVII. Vicente Yanez Pinzon. November i8, 1499 — September 30, 1500. Sails from the Rio de Saltes, November 18 (Ferrara MS.), or " circiter calendas decembris : — about December ist" (Anghiera), or in December (Las Casas), with four small ships. Reaches the coast of Brazil, and doubles northward the Cape Santa Maria de la Consolacion (St. Augustine?), January 20 (Ferrara MS.), or 26 (Anghiera), 1500. Pinzon then enters twenty leagues into the Amazona, where he has a fight with the natives ; loses on the coast two of his vessels ; lands at Hispaniola June 23, whence he sails for Spain, arriving at Palos, Sep- tember 30 following (Ferrara MS.). His known companions were : Juan de Umbria, pilot, Anton Hernandez Colmenero, ^^ Juan Quintero, Juan de Jerez, Garcia Hernandez, 68 Pedro Ramirez, Manuel de Valdovinos, Diego Penton, Juan Calvo. Cf. Book VII. of the Antipods, in the Ferrara MS. Anghiera, Decad. I., lib. ix. f" 20. Oviedo, lib. xxiv., cap. ii.. Vol. II., p. 213, reports Pinzon's own statement; and supra, p. 336, "* "Three score and . xvi. poundes weight (after . viii. fyue shyllinges," says Richard Eden. vnces to the pounde) of perles, which they bought for ^' The nephew of Vicente Yanez Pinzon ? exchange of owre thynges, amountinge to the value of ^ Hernandez was physician and clerk. 1500. Chronology of Voyages. 679 Isabella ordered the corregidor of Bayona to seize the property of Guerra, 1499 and bring suit against him. Herrera, however, states that those two "^^ navigators actually landed at Bayona on the 6th of February: "llegaron h. Galicia a seis dias de Febrero, del ano 1500." Here, again, he has borrowed his date from Las Casas, although erroneously. The bishop of Chiapas only says that they sailed homeward on that day, and reached Galicia two months afterwards : "A cabo de dos meses que partieron de Curiana que i\x€ a 6 de Febrero de 1501 {sic pro 1500), llegaron d Galicia : — Two months after they had sailed from Curiana, which was February 6, 1501 [/. e. 1500), they reached Galicia." This was the most prosperous voyage which had yet been undertaken, and their bringing to Spain 150 marks in weight of pearls, ^^ exercised a great influence over all subsequent expeditions to the Cumana coast. Gf. Ferrara MS., p. n6. Paesi. caps, cviii.-cx. Anghiera, Decad. I., lib. viii. Las Casas, Vol. II., pp. 393, 435-440. Herrera, Decad. I., p. 106. Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 17, note, and p. 541. 68o The Discovery of North America. 1499 No. XXVIII. De Lepe's First Voyage. TO J r_jQ December, 1499 — Before November, 1500. Sailed from Palos with two ships nearly at the same time as Pinzon and Velez de Mendoza, early in December, 1499, and reached one of the Brazilian headlands in the vicinity of Cape St. Augustine, which he rounded southward, following the coast to the Bay or River of St. Julian. He then retraced his steps, rounded the Brazilian cape towards the north, and coasted westward as far as Paria, where he met the expedition of Pinzon, and from whence he sailed home, being back at Palos before November 9, 1500. Among his companions were : the Genoese Bartolome Garcia ; Alonso Rodriguez de la Cava; the pilot, Juan Rodriguez, of Palos; a Portu- guese, called Juan Gonzales, and who must have been then only a cabin boy, being born in 1483 ; Garcia de la Monja, another cabin boy, also born in 1483 ; Hernando Esteban, of Palos, born in 1465 ; Pedro Medel, of Palos, born in 1480; Andres Garcia Valdin, master; Luis del Valle ; Bartolome Garcia, a Genoese, servant of Diego de Lepe ; Bartolomd Roldan (?) ; and Cristobal Garcia, who testified being in Santo Domingo when Alonso de Hojeda and Juan de la Cosa landed from a small barque. This deposition shows that Lepe was at Hispaniola before March, 1500. Gf. Las Casas, Vol, II., p. 453. Navarrete, Vol. III., pp. 544, 548, 554. Supra, pp. 336-338. No. XXIX. Velez de Mendoza's First Voyage. December, 1499 — July, 1500. The expedition was composed of two caravels, commanded by Alonso Velez de Mendoza, ^9 with Juan Rodriguez Serrano as pilot. Anton Garcia and Luis Guerra7o were on board. It sailed at the same time as the vessels of Vicente Yafiez Pinzon and of Diego de Lepe, but it is said 71 to have gone further north than these ; which implies a doubling of Cape St. Augustine northwardly. Mr. d'Avezac was of the opinion, unsupported by proofs, that this was Lepe's voyage, with one of the ships belonging to the squadron of Velez de Mendoza. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 594, and hi.s Opuscules, Vol. I., pp. 65-68. d'Avezac, Les quatre voyages de Vespuce, p. 105. Supra, p. 339. ^ Among the companions of Columbus in his first a merchant. He died at sea, during the latter's second voyage, but who were killed at La Navidad, there was voyage, in 1501. one called Alonso Velez de Mendoza, of Seville. ?' Deposition of Anton Garcia in the original MS. 7° Luis was the brother of Cristobal Guerra, and only Probanza, but omitted by Navarkete. No. XXXI. Expedition in Search of the above. We suppose that the ship and the two caravels equipped to overtake Rivarol were actually sent ; but we have no further information on the subject. No. XXXII. Caspar Corte- Real's First Voyage. We possess no details whatever, but the voyage is proved to have been attempted and to have been unsuccessful, by an allusion in the letters patent of May 12, 1500. Gf. Supra, pp. 61-62. Les Gorte-Real, pp. 46, 196-99. No. XXXIII. Caspar Corte- Real's Second Voyage. Acting upon letters patent granted by Manoel, King of Portugal, May 12, 1500, Caspar Corte-Real sets sail from Lisbon (De Coes) or from Terceira (Calvam), with one ship (De Coes) or two (Calvam) at the beginning of the summer of 1500, and explores the east coast of Newfoundland ; returning to Portugal, it is not known when. Gf. Supra, pp. 61-62, and map. Les Gorte-Real, chapter iii. , pp. 47-48. Jean et Sdbantien Gabot, pp. 257-259 (striking out lines 7, 8, and 9, of p. 258). No. XXXIV. Juan Dorvelos (?). May 6, 1500, Ferdinand and Isabella inform Juan Dornelos or Dor- velos, 73 that the Rev. Juan del Puerto has communicated to them his '° In Queen Isabella's letter of July 3, 1503 (Goleccion 1502, and from whom he bought a draft in 1504. de doc. p. la historia de Espana, Vol. XIII., p. 496.) " Cordeyro, Historia Insulana, p. 259, speaks of a. mention is made of a Francisco Ribbrol, in connection " Joao Doruellas, capitao m6r de Praya," who is not the with La Cosa's intended voyage to Uraba. He seems present person. Barros, Decad. I., lib. i., cap. xi., to be identical with the Genoese banker, Francisco DE f 20, mentions a navigator named Alvaro Dornelas. Riverol who lent money to Columbus for his fourth We mention this simply as an indication that the name expedition (Vargas Ponce MSS., Vol. LIV., p. 1423), is probably Portuguese or Azorean, and may imply a. as well as with Francisco de Ribarol, to whom the project of voyage of discovery in Newfoundland, or in Admiral entrusted a copy of his Book of Privileges in Labrador. 4 M Chronology of Voyages. 68 i No. XXX. Clandestine Voyage of Rivarol. ^5oo- Their Majesties order to levy on the property of Francisco Rivarol 72 and Juan Sanchez de M^rcaderia, February 4, 1500, 200,000 maravedis, to charter three ships to overtake two caravels with which they had sailed from Sanlucar, on an expedition without a licence. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. III., doc. xlii., p. 513. 682 The Discovery of North America, I5QO- (Dorvelos') intention to make discoveries in the seas belonging to the Crown of Spain : " Ir a descubrir con ciertos navios por nuestras mares," and invite him to come to Seville to confer. We do not know whether anything came out of the project. Cf. Navarretb, Vol. III., p. 77, doc. iii. No. XXXV. Juan Antonio (Columbus ?). April 12, 1500, Bishop Fonseca contracted with one Juan Antonio, supposed to be a relative of Christopher Columbus, and named like him (?), to equip two ships for the West Indies, and carry there fifty persons, including several friars. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. II., p. 243, note. Christophe Colomb, II., 392. No. XXXVI. Velez Mendoza's Second Voyage. The Commander Alonso Velez de Mendoza, of Moguer, obtained, July 20, 1500, letters patent authorising an expedition of four ships: "para descubrir i.slas y tierra firme," excepting the regions discovered by Columbus, Nino, Guerra, and Hojeda. It must have been carried out in the autumn of 1500, as we see him at Seville, February 15, 1501. One of the four vessels was called the Sani Cristobal, belonging to Pedro Ramirez, and commanded by Cristobal Rodriguez Tiscarefio. An apothecary called Micer ( Mr. ) Antonio, his son-in-law Alvar Ramirez (brother of Pedro), Pedro Sanchez de Ala (a servant), Alonso de Cordoba, and Miguel de Baza, all of Seville, were also connected with this second expedition of Velez de Mendoza. We possess no further information concerning that voyage. Gf. Munoz MSS., Vol. ILXXV., f" 195. Navarrete, Vol. III., doc. cxxxv., p. 247. Supra,^. 340. No. XXXVII. Seville Expedition. Expedition of three ships which were being equipped at Seville, in July, 1500, to sail in September. "Qui m'armano tre navili perche nuova- mente vadia a discoprire, e credo che istaranno presti a mezzo settembre," writes Americus Vespuccius, July i8, 1500. This expedition cannot be that of Velez de Mendoza [supra, page 340), as his letters patent for that expedition were granted only July 20 ; and still less that of Diego de Lepe, the authorisation for the latter being dated November 15. Cf. Bandini, Vita e lettere di Amerigo Vespucci, p. 84. Chronology of Voyages. 683 No. XXXVIII. Hojeda's Second Voyage. 1500. It was undertaken by virtue of a contract entered into between Bishop Fonseca, in the name of Ferdinand and Isabella, and Alonso de Hojeda, July 28, 1500. All we know concerning this expedition is that it yielded but little profit, and was accomplished before June i, 1501, as at the latter date Hojeda was in Granada. Of. Approbation of the contract of July 28, 1500, in doc. x. of Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 85; and xapta, pp, 329-332. No. XXXIX. Pedro Alvarez Cabral. 1500-1- March 9, J500 — July, 1501. Sailed from Lisbon direct for Calicut, March 9, 1500, with thirteen ships. Discovered, by mere accident, 74 April 22 following, the coast of Brazil, somewhere in the vicinity of the present Porto Seguro, where he remained until May 2, 1500, when he pursued his voyage to Calicut, after sending back to Portugal Caspar de Lemos, to bring news of the discovery of the land which he named " Terra de Santa Cruz." He returned to Lisbon at the end of July, 1501. Gf. Nota d'una letera di Portoghailo de' xx di maggio anno 1503 delta ritomata delle nave di Ghalicut de I'anno passato ; MS. of the Riccardiana, in Florence, No. 1910. Navigation del Gapitano Pedro Alvarez, in Ramusio, Vol. I., f" 132-9; and supra, pp. 302-303, 340-345. No. XL. Second Voyage of Guerra. Spring of 1500 — Summer of 1501. In a letter addressed by Cristobal Guerra to Alvaro de Portugal, President of the Royal Council, September 28, 1503, he says that in a second voyage made for the Crown, he led a vessel 50 tons burthen : " V. S. se puede informar del Tesorero Alonso de Morales que en el primer viaje que fu^ i. descubrir [with Nino in 1499] llevd una carabella de cincuenta toneladas, y en el segundo, que fu6 por SS.AA. llevd uno carabela de cincuenta toneladas que era la cara- bela de Grageda." August 2, 1 50 1, mention is made of the same treasurer, Alonso de Morales, in connection with a voyage of Guerra, which is doubtless the M There is not the slightest foundation for the report, instructions given to Cabbal before he left Lisbon, so extensively circulated in the two hemispheres, that We have found no traces anywhere of such instructions or documents lately discovered in the Torre do Tombo intentions. The statement was prompted by that narrow prove that the discovery of Brazil was planned by Vasco minded patriotism which is a curse and the bane of his- DA Gama, or some one else, and the result of positive torical studies. 6,84 The Discovery of North America, 1 500- 1, present. It must have been accomplished, consequently, between the spring of 1500 and summer of 1501, and seems to be the expedition described by Las Casas. If so, it was composed of two ships, one of which being equipped at the cost of Luis Guerra (Cristobal's brother), who was on board and died at sea. 75 They sailed from Sanlucar for Paria, whence they went to the Margarita islands and Cumana coast. The expedition brought to Spain much gold with a quantity of pearls, and created great scandal on account of the numerous Indians of both sexes whom Cris- tobal Guerra had abducted and sold as slaves in Seville, Cadiz, &C.76 Cf. Las Casas, Vol. H., pp. 443-447. Navarkete, Vol. H., p. 295 ; Vol. IH., p. loi. 1500-2. No. XLI. Bastidas' First Voyage. October, 1500 — September, 1502. Rodrigo de Bastidas, 77 at the age of twenty-seven, and who until then had been a notary in Triana, the main suburb of Seville, equipped, by virtue of letters patent of June 5, 1500, two ships (Bernaldez), engaged the services of Juan de la Cosa, and with him sailed westward to dis- cover " islas e tierra-firme a las partes de las Indias, o a otra cualquier parte, con tal que no sea de las islas 6 tierra-firme que fasta aqui son descubiertas por Cristobal Colon e por Cristobal Guerra." As he returned to Cadiz in September, 1502, after an absence of twenty-three months,78 he sailed in October, 1500. His landfall on the continent was at some point on the Cumana coast, probably by 56° — 57° longitude. Thence he coasted westward as far as the Gulf of Darien, if not to Nombre de Dios,79 discovering from the Cape de la Vela to the Uraba or Santa Maria regions ; and, if we carry him beyond, the entire east coast of the isthmus of Panama. "Las Casas, loc. cit., p. 443; but Navabkete, accounts of Oviedo and Las Casas, all three containing BiUiot. Maritima, Vol. II., p. 212, represents Luis important errors, whilst the two latter are, besides, GUEKRA as still living and fighting the Indians with written doubtfully. Yet Bastidas himself in general Juan DE LA Cosa in 1504-1506, mistaking Luis Gubrka terms (Ibid., p. 546) answered affirmatively the question for Luis Garcia. of the Fiscal, which, however, refers only to Darien. 7« " Truxo e vendio munchos de yndios y yndias en las On the other hand, Bastidas' own pilot, Juan Rodri- cibdades de Sevilla, e Cadix, e Xerez e Cordoba." [Doc. guez (loc. cit.) limits the discovery: "desde la parte ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXL, p. 105, document dated del sur de Uraba hasta el Darien" [Ibid.); and in the in- December 2, 1501.) quiry held at the request of Bastidas at Santo Domingo, ^^ There have been three Rodrigo de Bastidas, viz.: June 22, 1521, to ascertain the services which he had the present ; his son, the archbishop ; and his nephew, rendered as a discoverer (Doc. ineditos de Indias, Vol. who was killed in 1525. Oviedo, Vol. 11, pp. 342,348. IL, pp. 366-467), mention is made only of "la Tierra ?« Oviedo says that a part of the expense was borne firme e Islas e el Darien, que agora se dice Castilla del by one Juan DE Ledesma. Oro," omitting altogether Panama, although the latter ™ That extended terminus rests upon the declaration was then a most prosperous colony. See the Rogatory of HojEDA (Navabeete, Vol. IIL, p. 545) and the Commission before the Fiscal. Chronology of Voyages. 685 Among his companions were the two pilots, Andres de Morales and 1 500-2. Juan Rodriguez (de Mafra ?), and one Juan Buenaventura. Of. Muiioz MSS., Vol. LXXV., f° 47 and 195. Navarretb, Vol. II., p. 244. Beenaldez, Rtyes CcUolicos, cap. cxcvi.. Vol. II., p. 253. La Casas, Vol. III., pp. 11 and 32. Oviedo, Historia General, Vol. I, p. 76; Vol. IL, p. 335. No. XLII. Voyage to the Cumana Coast (?). 1501. Alberto Cantino in a despatch addressed to the Duke of Ferrara, October 27, 1501, reports the arrival at Cadiz, on the 5th of that month, of a Spanish ship, sent to the Antillies some time ago, which brought a cargo composed of sixty slaves, 300 cantara (450 lbs.) of hraxilio, the same amount in verz{no,^° and fifty marks in weight of pearls. It cannot be Guerra's second voyage, as we see him, or his men, in Spain, August 2, 1501. Cf. Cantino's Dispatch, and supra, p. 328, note 10. No. XLII I. Caspar Corte- Real's Third Voyage. With three ships equipped at his cost and that of his brother Miguel, Caspar Corte- Real sets sail from Lisbon, May 15, 1501. Two of the vessels returned to Portugal, October 9 and 1 1 following, respectively. As to the third, which was under the command of Caspar, it never came back. The probability is that the regions explored on that occasion were the north-east coasts of Newfoundland and Labrador. Of. Lea OorieSecU, pp. 49-60. Jean et Sibastien Cabot, [jp. 259-266 ; and supra, pp. 63-74, and map. No. XLIV. Second (?) Voyage of V. Yanez Pinzon. Letters patent issued September 5, 1501, authorise Vincente Yanez Pinzon to lead an expedition to colonise a portion of the country which he had discovered the year before, viz.: from the Amazona to Cape St. Augustine. Preparations were made to that effect, but we do not know whether the expedition ever sailed out of Spain. Judging from the order of October 15, 1501, his nephews. Arias Perez and Diego Hernandez, were in partnership with Vincente Yanez for that voyage. Of. Navakrete, Vol. III., p. Z9t ^nd doc. xvi., p. 102. Supra, pp. 345-346. ^ The reader will notice that braxilio and verzino are dye-wood. Usually those terms are used, in Italian represented here as if constituting two different kinds of documents, as synonymous. I50I- 686 The Discovery of North America. No. XLV. Luis de Arriaga. It was a colonising expedition sent to Hispaniola in September, 1501, under the leadership of Luis de Arriaga, of Seville, vi^ho had previously accompanied Columbus in his second voyage. Cf. Documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXX., p. 526. 1 500- 1. No. XLVL Portuguese Expedition to Brazil. In the letter addressed by Cantino to the Duke of Ferrara, October 17, 1501, mention is made of "five sailors, who had deserted the vessels of the King, and fled to a place called Santa Croce." This seems to imply a landing on the Brazilian coast after Caspar de Lemos had left Porto Seguro to return to Portugal, or one effected by Cabral after he had sailed out of that port to continue his route to Calicut, or another expedition sent by Joao II. to Brazil when informed by Lemos of Cabral's unexpected and promising discovery of the latter country. The first two suppositions are not very probable, as Lemos was despatched at once to Portugal, whilst Cabral straightway sailed from Porto Seguro to the Cape of Good Hope {supra, page 341). It is true that Vaz de Caminha's letter mentions two criminals who were left in Brazil, and two cabin boys who deserted Cabral's vessels at Porto Seguro ; but the identity of those deserters has not been sufficiently proved to allow the critic to omit men- tioning this supposed expedition, however hypothetical it may be. Cf. Supra, pp. 346-347- No. XLVII. Portuguese Voyage of Discovery. It was an expedition sent by the King of Portugal, apparently upon hearing, by Caspar de Lemos, of the discovery of Brazil accomplished by Cabral. It was met at Capo Verde, on the coast of Africa, by Cabral himself, whose pilot mentions the meeting of the two squadrons as follows: "Et venissemo alia prima terra giunta col Capo Verde delta Beseneghe, doue trouammo tre nauili, Che'l nostro Re di Portogallo mandaua a discoprire la terra nuoua, che noi haue- uamo trouata quando andauamo a Calicut : — We landed at the first place near Cape Verde, which is called Beseneghe, and where we met three vessels which the King of Portugal had sent to discover [explore] the new land which we had found when on our way to Calicut." We think that the present is Vespuccius' third voyage ; but it may also be another expedition, for we lack two important factors to ascertain Chronology of Voyages; 687 when Vespuccius and Cabral could meet, viz.: how long it required for 1500-1.. the former to sail over from Lisbon to Beseneghe ; and what is the time which the latter took to reach Beseneghe from the Cape of Good Hope. All we know is that Cabral was at this cape : " il di di pasqua fiorita," which, in 1501, occurred April 11, and that is hardly sufficient. On the other hand, the wording of the sentence permits also the interpretation that the Portuguese ships met by Cabral at Beseneghe were returning 81 from the newly-discovered regions, instead of being on their way thither. The reference to Cabral's discovery of Brazil is an indica- tion to that effect, as Lemos brought the news to Portugal in June or July, 1500. If so, it must have required nearly a year before Joao II. availed himself of the discovery. Nor should we forget that the letter of Cantino, of October 17, 1501,82 points towards an expedition to Brazil between the arrival of Lemos and the third expedition of Vespuccius. Cf. Navigation del Oapitano Alvarez, in Ramusio, Vol. I., P 127, and supra, p. 351. No. XLVIII. Anglo-Portuguese Expedition. ^5o^- March 19, 1501, Henry VII. grants letters patent to Richard Warde, Thomas Ashehurst, and John Thomas, of Bristol, in partnership with Joao and Francisco Fernandez, and Joao Gonzales, all three Azorean gentlemen, " to explore all Islands, Countries, Regions, and Provinces whatever, in the Eastern, Western, Southern, and Northern Seas, here- tofore unknown to Christians." Of. BiDDLE, A Memoir of Sebastian Cahot, pp. 222, 312-320; and supra, pp. 46-47. No. XLIX. Vespuccius' Third Voyage. May, 1501 — September, 1502.^ Vespuccius sailed from Lisbon, ^4 May lo (Valori), ^5 or 14, 1501 ; anchored off the coast of Brazil, August 7 ; explored the coast south of his landfall until after February 15, 1502 ; discovered the Bay of All Saints ; and returned to Lisbon, September 7, following. Gf. the Latin version (the Italian text being lost) of that voyage, printed separately {Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, Nos. 22-31), and another account in the Lettera, and Cosmogra/phiae Introductio. Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima, p. 61 ; and supra, pp. 351-352. ^' Supra, p. 351, note 68. any point of the Brazilian coast. ^' Supra, p. 346, and the next preceding item. ^* If it was this expedition which Cabral met at *3 The Portuguese expedition of Jo^o de Nova, alias Beseneghe, which is very probable, it was composed of Gallego (March 5, 1501 — September 11, 1502) sailed three ships. Ramusio, Vol. I., f 127. direct towards the Cape of Good Hope, without touching ^3 Separate account in Latin. 15OI-2. 688 The Discovery of North America. 1 501-2. No. L. NuNO Manoel. May, 1501 — September, 1502. Voyage to the Rio de la Plata, alleged to have been accomplished under the Portuguese flag by Nufio Manoel, between May, 1501, and September, 1502, and presumed by Adolpho de Varnhagen to be identical with the third expedition of Vespuccius. Manoel's voyage certainly took place, but all that can be said about the date is that it was before 1521. Gf. De Vaknhagbn, Primeiras negociofoes diplomaticas ; and supra, pp. 349-350. No. LI. Juan de Escalante. Juan de Escalante, of Palos, contracts with the Spanish Crown, October 5, 1501, for a voyage of discovery with three ships: "para yr a descobrir por el mar Oceano." A curious clause is that whereby he shall give the government a share of the "mostruos o serpenties e otros qualesquier animales e pescados e aves : — of the monsters, or snakes, and other animals, fishes, and birds." Cf. Coleccion de documenios ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXI., p. 90. Hbrrera, Decad. I., lib. iv., cap. xii., p. 119, erroneously suh anno 1501. No. LII. Supposed Landing in Brazil. The present was an expedition to Calicut, mentioned in " Chopia d'una letera venuta di Lisbona della tornata delle 4 charavelle di Chalicut cholle spezierie," written by Piero Rondinelli, from Seville, October 3, 1502. The fact that there was on board "verzino asai," authorises the supposition that the expedition effected a landing in Brazil on its way home. If Portuguese ships on their way to the East Indies by the Cape of Good Hope, first touched the Brazilian coast (as we will soon quote several instances), they may have also visited that region when bound homeward. Cf. MS. Riccardiano 1910, in the handwriting of Pietro Voglienti, cited by Mr. UziELLi, Paolo dal Pozzo Toscanelli e la circumnavigazione dell Africa, which is a "Per Nozze" recent publication. 1502- No. LI 1 1. Hojeda's Third Voyage. January — September, 1502. According to letters patent of June 8, 1501, Alonso de Hojeda was authorised to equip ten vessels for the purpose of visiting again the Chronology of Voyages. 689 countries which he had already discovered, avoiding, however, from the 1502. vicinity of "Los Frailes" to the " Farallon," and the Curiana region, but with power to discover any island or continent in the ocean: "descubrir cualesquier islas e tierra firme en el mar Oceano." July 5, 1501, he formed a partnership to that effect with Juan de Vergara and Garcia del Campos, or de Ocampo, for two years. Four vessels only were equipped, viz.: La Santa Maria de la Antigua, La Santa Maria de la Grenada, La Magdalena, and La Santa Ana. The ships were under the civil command of : Pedro DE HojEDA, Hernando de Guevara, Juan DE Vergara, Garcia de Ocampo. The pilots and mates who actually commanded were : Bartolomd Hernandez, Juan Lopez, Francisco Gomez, Diego Martin, Anton Vidal. We now find a number of officers, such as supervisors ("veedors"), and notaries (" escribanos ") : Alonso DE Arce, Garcia Fernandez de Oco, Miguel de Cordoba, Diego DE CoNCA, Juan de Guevara, Miguel Griego, Diego DE Entramas-aguas, Juan Luis, Pedro Sardo, — Rigs. As to the other names which have reached us, they refer to three jewellers, or smelters, for the precious metals they expected to find, sailors, carpenters, coopers, smiths, and an apothecary, as follows : Alonso Carretero, Fernando de Virues, Miguel de Toro, Bartolomd de Segura, Francisco Gutierrez, Pedro Pardo, Diego Jimenez, Gutierre de Liebana, Pero Sanchez, Diego de Montesdoca, Juan Sanchez, Rodrigo Vizcaino, Diego DE Munguia, Martin de Vergara, — Gorvalan. The expedition sailed from Cadiz in January, 1502 ; first went to the port of Santiago in the Cape Verde island, where Hojeda attacked and robbed four Portuguese ships: "sin haber causa ni razon alguna." Thence it repaired to Paria, which was left March 2, and whence the vessels sailed for the Margarita islands, visited the Port de la Codera, the Curiana region (which Hojeda named Valfermoso), Puerto Flechada, the island of Giants, Coquibacoa, the province of Citarma, where they remained three months, and the Cape de la Vela (?). A rebellion resulted in Hojeda being put in irons, and deprived of his command. In September following they went to Santo Domingo, where a number of lawsuits were initiated and tried. 4 n 690 The Discovery of North America. 1502. Only a few documents concerning that voyage have been published; but Navarrete has given a very interesting abstract of the most important, which is the evidence furnished by the testimonies taken at the trials. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. 11., doc. xix., p, 420; Vol. Ill, pp. 28-39, 592. and docs, x.-xii., xvii., xviii.-xx. No. LIV. OvANDo's Voyage. Nicolas de Ovando, commander of Lares, sailed February 13, 1502, in command of an expedition for " las islas e Tierra firme del Mar Oceano, a las partes de las Indias que Nos mandamos descobrir." It consisted of thirty ships, viz.: five vessels of 90-150 tons burthen, twenty- four caravels of 30-90, and one barque of 25, carrying 2,500 men. Las Casas says thirty-two ships. One, La Rabida, was lost at sea with 120 passengers. The captain-general was Antonio de Torres. Las Casas accompanied the expedition with twelve Franciscan monks, and a prelate named Alonso de Espinal. They landed at Santo Domingo, April 15, 1502. It was not a voyage of discovery, but we presume that one or several ships of that numerous fleet may have been engaged in exploring, in accordance with the words " que nos mandamos descobrir." Gf. Coleccion de doc. inedit. de Indias, Vol. XXXI., p. 31, sequitur. Las Casas, Vol. III., pp. 17-19. Unpublished part of MuNOz' History, quoted by Washington Irving, Columbus, Vol. II., p. 330. No. LV. Miguel Corte Real. Miguel Corte Real, by virtue of letters patent of January 15, 1502, sails from Lisbon, May 10, 1502, with two (De Goes) or three (Galvam) vessels, to discover " terra firme e ilhas," and in search of his brother Caspar ; neither of whom ever returned. Cf. Supra, pp. 75-76, and Les Corte-ReaZ, pp. 162-169, but corrected by means of new documents in Caspar Corte-Real, la date exacte de sa derniire expedition au Nouveau Monde; pp. 13-16. No. LVI. Diego de Lepe's Second Voyage. November 15, 1500, Bishop Fonseca was authorised to grant Diego de Lepe leave to go with three ships " to the countries which he had already visited." Lepe remained an entire year without availing himself of the permission, and in the autumn of 1501, petitioned to be allowed to increase the number of ships, which was refused to him November 27- following ; but on the 30th of that month, the term within which he Chronology of Voyages. 691 was to equip the expedition being about to expire was extended until 1502. December 28, 1501. Lepe did not sail even then, as January 17, 1502, he was allowed to add to his little fleet a small craft of about 30 tons, " so that he might more easily approach and discover lands." The expe- dition, most probably, did not sail until the spring of 1502. The terms: " a la parte donde la otra vez fu6," imply that on this occasion, Diego de Lepe went to the Brazilian coast. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. ni., doc. vi., p. 8i. Colecdon de documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXI., pp. 100, loz, 119. No. LVII. Juan Bermudez. Their Catholic Majesties send Captain Juan Bermudez to the West Indies, in the year 1502, with five ships. This captain may be the Juan Bermudez, commander of La Garga, who is said by Oviedo 86 to have discovered the Bermudas, which, he adds, were first called La Garga, from the name of that vessel. Herrera87 simply repeats the statement. If so, the discovery may have been accom- plished in one of the voyages which Bermudez made for the Spanish government, and certainly before 1522, 1526, or 1527, which are the dates given by historians 88 for the discovery of the Bermudas, as in the map which accompanies the second issue of the first edition of Peter Martyr, published in 1 5 1 2 or 1 5 1 3, 89 we already see the island depicted, and named "La bermuda." One Cristobal Cerezo9o testified, in 1535, that the discoverer of that island was Diego Bermudez of Palos, a companion of Columbus in his first expedition. 9i Cf. Munoz MSS., Vol. LXXV., £»• 197 vo. No. LVII I. Velez de Mendoza's Third Voyage. February 15, 1502, Alonso Velez de Mendoza was authorised to take over to Hispaniola a colony of fifty married couples. Herrera says 92 that they were to sail with Ovando's fleet [supra, No. LIV.), implying that this expedition of Velez de Mendoza may not have been a separate one. We notice, however, that, according to the letters patent given to '^ OviEDO, Vol. I. p. 38. ^ Kohl, Discovery of Maine, p. 405. ^^ Herrera, Decad. III., p. 31, svb anno 1527 ; but ^'^ Supra, No. 94, p. 477. that date seems to be given only in reference to an s" Pro5anza of December 22, 1535. attempt made by the Portuguese Hernando Comello to '' Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 579. colonise the island. ^ Herrera, Decad. I., lib. iv., cap. 12, p. 119. 692 The Discovery of North America. I502- him, a voyage of discovery was contemplated besides, as he is granted permission to visit other regions : " que puedan yr a otras islas," and there is even a clause concerning the islands and continents which he may then discover: "que si descobrieren islas y Tierra firme . . ." Cf. Letters patent, Doc. ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXI., p. 121. But see infra. No. LXIII. In the same collection, Vol. XVI., p. 574, there is a notice of a claim of Alonso Velbz de Mendoza for "quinientos mil rs. que gasto en dos veces en armar ciertos navios," to which, however, the editor assigns the date 1505-1506. 1502-3. No. LIX. Arriaga's Colonising Expedition. Luis de Arriaga, a gentleman of Seville, who had been with Columbus in one of his voyages, obtains, December 9, 1501, letters patent for the settling of four villages in Hispaniola with two hundred Spanish married couples, " not one being Jewish or Moorish," but sailed with only forty. The terms on which the contract was modified, December 20, 1503, lead us to infer that the voyage was accomplished in 1502 — 1503. Cf. Doc. ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXI., p. in. Las Casas, lib. ii., cap. vi.. Vol. III., pp. 36-38. No. LX. Anglo-Azorean Expedition. Henry VII., December 9, 1502, grants letters patent to Thomas Ashehurst, Joao Gonzales, Francisco Fernandez, and Hugh Elliott, for a voyage of discovery to parts not heretofore found by English subjects : " in ea parte a Nobis habentibus, reperta, inventa, investigata et recu- perata non fuerunt." We infer from the fact that the King, September 30, 1503. gave ;^20 as a reward "to the merchants of Bristoll that have bene in the Newefounde Launde," and from the voyage made westward by Nicholas Thorne with "a merchant of Bristowe named Hugh Elliott," who is one of the grantees, that the expedition was carried out. Cf Rymer, Fcedera, Vol. V., Part IV., p. i86. Hakluyt, Principall Navigations, Vol. I., p. 219, and supra, p. 46. 1502-4. No. LXI. Columbus' Fourth and Last Voyage. May, 1502 — November 7, 1504. Wednesday, May ii, 1502, Columbus sails from Cadiz, with four small crafts, from 50 to 70 tons burthen, viz.: the flag ship, commanded by Diego Tristan ; the Santiago de Palos, by Francisco de Porras ; the Viscaina, by a Genoese called Bartolom6 Fieschi, with Pedro de Ledesma Chronology of Voyages. 693 as pilot (?); and the Gallego, under the command of Pedro de Torreros. 1502-4. The second in general command was Bartholomew Columbus. Columbus ' ^ says he had with him " ciento y cincuenta personas." The rolls mention only 140 persons, eight of whom were Genoese, two Flemish, and one was from Milan. Fernando Columbus accompanied his father, but was entitled to pay from the Crown. 93 He sighted the first land (island of " Matinino," which is either Santa Lucia or Martinique), June 15 ; the south-west coast of Cuba, July 24, from which he sailed in search of new lands, south-west, 'on the 27th ; and cast anchor at Punta de Caxinas on the continent, July 31. Then (unfortunately for him, as by sailing westward he would have discovered Yucatan and Mexico,) he sailed eastward, doubled Cape Gracias a Dios September 12, and continued his coasting course as far as Puerto del Retrete, on the Isthmus of Panama, November 26, which place was his terminus ; having thus discovered (?) the Honduras, and Veragua regions. After various adventures in the West Indies, Columbus returned to Spain, sailing from Hispaniola, September 12, 1504, and landed at Sanlucar on November 7 following. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. I., pp. 277-296, and 297-312. Anghiera, Decad. III., cap. iv. Las Casas, lib. ii., cap. xx., Vol. IIL, p. 108 sequitur. Christophe Colomh, Vol. II., pp. 124-134. No. LXII. French Voyages to the West Indies. In the judicial account rendered to the Admiralty Court sitting at Rouen, June 19, 1505, by Captain de Gonneville and his two lieutenants, Andrieu de la Mare and Anthoyne Thury, when they returned from Brazil and the East Indies, we read the following sentence : " Or passez le Tropique Capricorne, hauteur prise, trouuoient estre plus eloignez de I'Affrique que du pays des Indes occidentalles oii d'empuis aucunes anndes en ga les Dieppois et les Malouinois et autres Normands et Bretons vont qu^rir du bois k teindre en rouge, cotons, guenons et perroquets et autres denr^es." That is, for a number of years before 1505,94 the Normands and Bretons regularly visited the West Indies, from which they brought to France dyewood, cotton, monkeys, and parrots. But they did not limit their voyages to that region, as is shown by the legends inscribed on 53 "A Hernando Colon por cedula real de 25 Enero Almirante."— Munoz MSS., Vol. LXXV {?), fo. 226. 1506, se le dieron 31750 maravedis por el sueldo que huvo ''' Gonneville's information was necessarily obtained de haver del viaje que fue k las Indias con su padre el before he sailed from France in June, 1 5°3. 694 The Discovery of North America. 1502-4. the north-east coast of the American continent in the old maps: " C. do bretaos, Tierra de los bretones, Terra que foy descubierta por bertones." Of. d'Avezac, Campagne du navire " I'Espoir," p. 104. Ramusio, Vol. III., f '• 432, f- Gumilla, El Orenoco illustrado (French translation, Paris, 1758, Vol. II., p. 211). Jean et Sihastien Cabot, p. 271- 272 ; and supra, p. 1 28. 1503- No. LXIII. Velez Mendoza's Fourth Voyage. Although we have instances of voyages undertaken a year or more after the issue of the letters patent, it is difficult to state whether the present is a new expedition, or only the one of 1502 [supra, No. LVIII.): "En virtud de licencia de SS. AA. Ilev6 Al°- Velez de Mendoza, vezino de Sevilla, en un navio que de ai partio en Marzo 1503 veinte i nueve casados con sus mugeres, hijos i criados, i varios solderos, que por todos son 142 personas. Llevolas el navio de Al"- Nunez a la Espanola." Cf. Munoz MSS., Vol. LXXV., f°-220. No. LXIV. Portuguese Clandestine Expedition. July 13, 1503, Their Catholic Majesties receive news that four Portu- guese ships had landed in the country discovered by Rodrigo de Bastidas, and brought, from there to Lisbon, Indian slaves and dyewood. It is to investigate the matter that Juan de la Cosa was sent to Portugal, where the King had him arrested. We are fain to believe that it was the first expedition of the kind which the Portuguese had sent westward. Cf. Navarrete, Vol. III., p. 161, and Biblioteca Maritima, Vol. II., p. 211. Libros de cuentas de la Casa de Contratacion, — 1503-1515, legajo l, in the Archives of the Indies, at Seville. No. XLV. Voyage for the Queen. July 5, 1503, Queen Isabella orders the officials of the Casa de Contratacion to equip, at her own private cost, two ships to be sent to Hispaniola : "Vosotros poned luego diligencia en armar dos navios d mi costa que vayan al dicho viaje." Cf. Carta de la Reina Catolica Dona Isabel d los Officiates de la Contratacion de Sevilla, July 5, 1503. Simancas Leg. de la Gamara, July 5, 1503. Coleccion de doc. ineditos de Espana, Vol. XIII., p. 496. No. XLVI. Guerra's Third Voyage. July 12, 1503, Cristobal Guerra contracts with the Crown to go to the Coast of Pearls, and to undertake maritime discoveries, with seven Chronology of Voyages. 695 ships, equipped at his own cost. From Uraba, he was to send two 1503- caravels to discover new regions : " ymbiaran las dos carabellas a discover adelante." Although Guerra was still at Seville,95 September 28, 1503, and we see him again in that city February 23, 1504, our impression is that the voyage was actually carried out, and as a winter campaign, since he contemplated the difficulties arising from the winter season : "el peligro de la mar en ir sobre invierno." 96 Then we know that Velez de Men- doza's first expedition was accomplished under similar circumstances. Moreover, he is seen,97 February 23, 1504, to enter a claim for dyewood and other articles which he had brought from the Indies. The latter can scarcely refer to the second expedition, as Doc. xiv. of Navarrete98 indicates a settlement of that voyage so far back as August 2, 1501. Cf. Ooleccion de documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXI., p. 187. No. LXVII. Juan de la Cosa. September 7, 1503, Juan de la Cosa, declining to accompany Cristobal Guerra, is authorised to go with three caravels or more, equipped at his own cost, to Uraba and the Country of Pearls. It was also a voyage of discovery, as when the government projected the expedition, a short time before July preceding, it contemplated to attempt discoveries beyond Uraba. This voyage, concerning which we possess no other information, must be different from the one of 1504, as the latter was undertaken by virtue of new and different letters patent. Cf. Navaebete, Vol. III., doc. xxi., p. 109. Doc. inedit. p. la Historia de Espaiia, Vol. XIII., p. 496. No. LXVII I. Second Voyage of Bermudez. We possess about this voyage only the following meagre indication : "En Nov. 1503 fueron 2 navios, maestres Bermudez^ i Nortes con varias mercadancias por cuenta de S. A. a la Esp^^^- " Perhaps this expedition is identical with the one which was equipped by order of the Queen, dated July 5, 1503. [supra. No. LXV.) Cf. Munoz Transcripts, Vol. LXXV., i° 221, recto. 's Navarrete, Vol. II., doc. cxlix., p. 292. s* Navarretb, Vol. III., p. loi. s* Ibidem, p. 295. " Juan Bermudez, of Palos, apparently the discoverer " Documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXI., p. 238. of the Bermuda islands. Supra, No. LVII. 696 The Discovery of North America. 1503. No. LXIX. Fernam de Noronha. January 16, 1504, King Manoel grants to Fernam de Noronha the island of St. John, which he has lately discovered. As this island is the identical one afterwards named " Fernando de Noronha," and which lies a few degrees south of the equator, near the Brazilian coast, there has, necessarily, been another transatlantic expedition under the Portuguese flag in 1503, in course of which that island was discovered. Cf. d'Avezac, Oampcu/ne dii navire " I'Espoir," p. 83, note 2. Varnhagen, Amerigo Vespucci, 1865, p. 114, note 4. No. LXX. Portuguese Rescuing Expedition. King Manoel sends two vessels to Newfoundland to rescue Caspar and Miguel Corte-Real, but they return without having found any traces of those bold but unfortunate Portuguese navigators. "No seguinte de M.D.III. mandou duas naos armadas a sua custa, mas nem de hum nem do outro se pode nunca saber onde nem como se perderan pelo que se pos aquella prouincia da terra verde onde se cr6 que estes dous irmaos perderao, a terre dos corte Reaes." Cf. Damiao DE Goes, op. ciL, {"■ 65 ; and supra, p. 76. No. LXXI. English Expedition to Newfoundland (?). In the eighteenth year of the reign of Henry VII., "three men taken in the new-found islands " were exhibited at the English Court. November 17, 1503, that King gave £1 "to one that brought hawkes from the Newfounded Island." i°° We are unable to say whether these circumstances refer to the Anglo- Azorean expedition of 1502- 1503 (supra, No. LX.), or to an alleged voyage of Sebastian Cabot. Cf. Fabian, apud Stow, Chronicle, edition of 1580, p. 875. Jeau et Sihastien Cabot, chapter xi., pp. 106-108, 269-270. No. LXXI I. CoELHo's Voyage. Con9alo Coelho, with six ships, sails from Lisbon, June lo, 1503, for Brazil ; loses four of his vessels, apparently on the coast of the mainland, " por ainda terein pouca noticia da terra," where he landed, and returns to Lisbon, it is not known when, with a cargo of dyewood. This is the expedition which several historians suppose to be identical with the fourth voyage of Vespuccius. Cf. Hdmboldt, Examen Critique, Vol. V., pp. 120-126, 142, and supra, p. 348. ■°° Excerpta historica, pp. 126, 129, 130. .a: Chronology of Voyages. 697 No. LXXIII. Vespuccius' Fourth Voyage. ^5Q3-4- May, 1503— June, 1504. ' " Vespuccius sailed under the Portuguese flag, but neither as commander- in-chief nor as captain of the vessel on, which he was,i°i from Lisbon, May 10, 1 503. Was wrecked on a BraziHan island, August 10; managed to continue his route south-westerly, 300 Jeagues, when he landed at the Bay of All Saints, which had been discovered in his preceding voyage. He sailed again in a southern direction, 260. Igi^gues, reached a port by 18° south latitude^ -where he remained nearly five months, and from which he finally sailed homeward, arriving at the mouth of the Tagus after a voyage of ']^ days, on the 28th (Hylacomylus) or i8th (Valori) June, 1504. Cf. Lettera and Oosmographiae Introductio, verso of (°-^ ii]. Bibliot.Americ.Veiustissima, pp. 6i'62. '. No. LXXIV. Albuquerque's. April, 1503 — September, 1504. Affbnso de Albuquerque sails from Lisbon, April 6, 1503, with four ships to Cochin, for the purpose of building a fort there ; but, like Cabral, having altered his course, landed in Brazil : " Trouamo tanto auanti per mezo la terra Delia vera croce, ouer del Bresil coli nominata, altre volte di scoperta per Amerigo Vespucci," south of 8° south latitude, apparently in May following, and remained sometime in that country ; returning to Portugal on the i6th of September, 1504. Of. Giovanni DA Empoli,"^ Viajgio fatto nelV India, in Ramusio,' Vol. L, fo- 145, verso. No. LXXV. French Voyages to Brazil. i503-5- June, 1503— May, 1505. Binot Paulmier de Gonneville sails from Honfleur for the East Indies, June 24, 1503, with a ship called L'Espoir, 120 tons burthen, having on board two Portuguese engaged in Lisbon for the voyage, and named Bastiam Moura and Diogo Cohinto. On the 6th of January, 1504, when homeward bound, they landed in a " grande terre," situate south of the Tropic of Capricorn, which is generally believed to be Brazil, and where "" He speaks in contemptuous terms of the commander- which he was : " navium prefectus." in-chief: " Navi dominus" and " Capitan maggior." "» Giovanni da Empoli, was the agent of the Floren- He also mentions the captain of the ship on board of tine firm of the Marchionis. 40 698 The Discovery of North America. i503'5- they remained until July 3, 1504. Another account makes Gonneville sail direct, in August, 1503, from Cape de Verde to Brazil, and double Cape St. Augustine: "en courant d'aoust, d'empuis apres le Bresil couru . . . et furent forces de doubler le chapo d'Augoustin ;"i°3 but he did not effect a landing until afterwards. In connection with the above, mention must be made of a statement written in 1584, but which was not derived from the same, viz.: " Na era de 1504 vierao os franceses ao Brasil a primeira vez ao porto da Baya e entrarao no rio do Paraguagu . . . : — The French came to Brazil in 1504, the first time to the port of Bahia, entered the Paraguagu river . . . returned to France, and again came back with three ships." '°* This quotation is only intended to show French voyages to Brazil in 1504, followed by others, from which may have been derived Portu- guese maps afterwards consulted by the Dieppe cartographers. Of. d'Avezac, Oompagne du navire " VEspoir" de Honjieur, 1503-1505, Paris, 1869, 8vo.; and his Les voyages de AmMc Vespuce, pp. 119-121. 1504. No. LXXVI. English Expedition to Newfoundland. April 8, 1504, King Henry VII. gives £2 "to a preste that goeth to the new Ilande." Of. Excerpta historica, p. 131, and supra, p. 47. No. LXXVI I. Fourth Voyage of Hojeda. On September 30, 1504, Alonso de Hojeda, in partnership with one Pedro de la Cueva, receives letters patent for a voyage to Caquivacoa (sic), and thence to " descobrir por el mar Oceano otras tierras 6 islas." All we know concerning this expedition is that owing to the opposition of his creditors, Hojeda had not set sail on the 5th of October, 1504, when the Crown ordered the Casa de Contratacion to pay his debts, which, however, had been incurred when he equipped the preceding expedition. Of. Ooleccion de doc. ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXI., p. 258. Navarrete, Vol. III., doc. xxii., p. in. No. LXXVI 1 1. Cristobal Garcia. Expedition of four ships, which Juan de la Cosa found in 1504 in the port of Cartagena, under the command of Cristobal Garcia and his "°3 d'Avezac, op. cit., p. 40. '°* Revista trimensal, Vol. VI., 1844, p. 404. Chronology of Voyages. 699 uncle Luis Garcia. '°5 Luis returned about that time to Spain, carrying i5Q4- with him the slaves and dyewood gathered by La Cosa on the mainland. The other three ships were afterwards wrecked near the Gulf of Uraba. Another captain of this expedition was named Monroy, of Triana. Cf. OviEDO, Historia General, lib. xxvii., cap. i., Vol. II., p. 414. No. LXXIX. La Cosa's own Second Expedition. February 14, 1504, Juan de la Cosa receives letters patent for a voyage to the Gulf of Uraba : " E otras yslas del mar oceano que fasta agora son descubiertas e se descubrieren de aqui adelante," with two, three, or more vessels, at his own cost. He sailed with four ships, in 1504, went to Darien, explored thence to Cartagena, and probably beyond. La Cosa returned to Spain in 1506, having realised two millions and a half of maravedis, one-fifth of which he paid into the treasury. '°6 Among his companions were Martin de Los Reyes, who had just returned from the fourth expedition of Columbus, Andres de Morales, and his partner Juan de Ledesma, of Seville, who had already furnished part of the funds for equipping the Bastidas-La Cosa expedition of 1 500-1 502. Gf. Munoz MSS., Vol. LXXV., ft>, 217, verso. Documentos ineditos de Indias, Vol. XXXI., p. 220. OviEDO, lib. xxvii., cap. i.. Vol. II., p. 413 sequitur, according to what Juan DE Ledesma related to him. Letter of Hieronymo Vanibllo, in Ht;MBOLDT, op. cit.. Vol. V., p. 157. No. LXXX. QUINTERO AND OtHERS. We find, in Herrera, sub anno 1504, the following information : "Hernando Cortes lleg6 \ Sevilla, al tiempo que pasaban cinco Navios k la Espanola, i entre ellos el de Alonso Quintero, adonde se embarcb : — Fernando Cortes arrived at Seville at the time when five ships were sailing for Hispaniola, one of which was that of Alonso Quintero, on board of which he took passage." Gf. Herrera, Decad. I., lib. vi. , cap. xiii., p. 165. No. LXXXI. Unknown Navigators. Vespuccius, after leaving Portugal, came to Spain, and was summoned to the Court •°7 in February, 1505. According to Herrera, before that '"S The name Cristobal Guerra, instead of Garcia, apparently on the authority of a document in the first written once by OviEDO, is an oversight, as the Luis bundle of the Libros de cuentas y razon pertenecientes Guerra therein mentioned was his brother, and not his d la Tesoreria de la Casa de Gontratacion, 1503-1515, nephew, and had been dead four years when the present where, however, the entry : " 491,708 mrs. que vinieron voyage was undertaken (Las Casas, Vol. II., p. 443). a su alteza del quinto del provecho del ore e aljafar," is See mipra, p. 684, note 75. not dated, but placed just above the entry of 1507. '°* Navarrbte, ^iWiotoa manft'ma, Vol. II., p. 212, '°7 Letter of Columbus, in Navarrete, Vol. I., p. 351. 7-6o The Discovery of North America. ^5^4^ date many navigators had sailed northward, ranging the coasts of the Baccalaos and Labrador. The statement is as follows : " Muchos navegaron hdcia el norte costean- " Many have sailed towards the North, on do los Bacalaos y tierra del Labrador, como the coasts of the Baccalaos and Labrador ; mostrava aquella parte poca riqueza, no huvo but as in those regions there was no appear- memoria dellos, ni aun de otros quel fueron ance of riches, there is no more account of por la parte de Paria." them than of others who went to Paria." If Herrera had in view only the expeditions of Cabot and of the Corte-Reals, he would not have used the word " muchos." Besides, the navigators he refers to are said to have left no traces, whilst in the days of Herrera, and long before him, the Spanish and Italian authors knew almost as much as we do concerning the expeditions of Cabot and Corte- Real. We quote that Spanish historian, however, only as confirming a similar statement from Francisco Lopez de Gomara. Cf. Herrera, Decad. I., lib. vi., cap. xvi., p. 169; and supra, pp. 120-122. [End of Part Fourth.] ■art 4i 1492—1550. PART FIFTH. (pifo^:;(TUajor0+ (pifo^0+ ar(^ Cavtoc^tapi^txB of t^t ^xBi §aff of (^t ^ijcittnt^ C^iut^^ A BREO or Abreu (Pedro). — Portuguese. Was sent about 15 lo by Alfonso de Albuquerque in search of the Moluccas.' Entered the service of Spain, Nov. 12, 1519: " Molina del Rey: 13 Nov., 1519, haya de Salario por Piloto, 25000 . . 1525, se va a la expedicion de Speceria."^ Companion, therefore, of Magellan' and of Garcia de Loaisa. ■ Faria y Soiisa, Asia portugrieza, I., 203. ° Munoz MSS., LXXV., £"•213; LXXVI.,f»- 142. 3Seb. Alvarez, in Navarrete, IV., 155. AcosTA (Martin de). — Portuguese. Pilot of the San Lazaro, which discovered Lower Cali- fornia, Wednesday, Dec. 24, 1533. The expedi- tion was ordered by Cortds, commanded by Her- nando de Grijalva, and composed of three ves- sels : the Capitana, or flag ship, the Concepcion, and the S. Lazaro, all of which sailed from San- tiago in the Pacific. Doc. ined. de Indian, XIV., 128, 303. Herrera, Decad. v., 158, 159. Lista de la Exposicion Americana, B. 296. AcuiiA (Rodr.). — Portuguese. Companion of Garcia de Loaisa in his expedition to the Strait of Magellan, and describer of the same. Navarrete, V., 234-238, 238-239, 240-241. Aguiar (Pero Alfonso). — Portuguese in the employ of Castile. Considered by the Spaniards as one of the two most learned members of the Badajoz conference in 1524. As regards that all-important junta, it is interesting to read the estimate which Francisco de Mello formed of its members. Writing to the King of Portugal, April 8, 1524, the zealous envoy says : " Ayer nos vimos con los Castellanos, i oimos sus corte- sias i parte de sus mentiras y astucias. En los poderes venian nombrados Simon de Alcagoba por Cosmografo, i Est. Gomez Piloto, ausentes. Mas por Gomez venia nombrado con expreso poder Mestre Thomas Duran, presente ; i significavan querer poner en lugar de Alca- 9oba a Mestre Antonio Alcaraz . . . Quanto a los que ban venido de Castilla el Licenciado Cunha parece buen fidalgo i no obstinado ni cauteloso segun parecen los otros juristas. Sobre los Astrologos, Alcaraz fue estudi- ante en mi tiempo en Paris de ningun credito en ciencia alguna ; i menos en Cosmografia. A Duran conoce bien V. A. i sabe lo que vale. Al Celeya con aquella rustici- dad suya no lo oi una palabra, dicen que bajo aquel descuido i taciturnidad hay mucha ciencia. Pero los Pilotos, sino es Ribero, son mui desautorizados .... El Emperador al parecer desconfiado ha embiado otro Astro- logo Uamado el Bach. Simon Taragona. Que los Cas- tillanos tenien a D" Lopez de Sequeira, i Per Alfonso de Aguiar mas instruidos que ellos." — Muiloz Manuscripts, LXXVII., f" 57, 58. Agustin (Pedro). — Pilot for the Indies before 1525- Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545. Alaminos (Anton or Antonio de), senior. — Of Huelva or Palos. Accompanied Columbus in his fourth voyage as ship-boy (1502-1504).' Was the chief pilot of Juan Ponce de Leon ^ (March 3, 15 13), of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova 704 The Discovery of North America. (1517),' of Grijalva (1518), * and of Cortds (15 1 9).' Discovered Yucatan, the Bahama Channel, and the Gulf Stream. Commanded the ship which Cortes sent to Spain from San Juan de UUoa, July 26, 15 19, and brought his first account in person to Charles V. ■ Las Casas, IV., 349 ; but he does not figure in the rolls of Navarrete, I., 289. Ilerrera, Decad. II., 47. Bernal Dias, i., v., vii., liii. = Bernal Dias, iibi supra. 3 Herrera, Decad. II., 47, 58, 119. * Las Casas, IV., 421. Oviedo, I., 508. 5 Anghiera, Enchiridion, 69. Bernal Dias, xxviii. , clxii. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XL, 151. Supra, 189-197. Alaminos (Anton de), junior. — Of Palos. Pilot of Cortds. " E pasaron ciertos pilotos que se decian Anton de Alaminos e un su hijo que tambien tenia el mismo nombre que su padre, eran naturales de Palos." ' ' Bernal Dias, ccv., 305. Albo, or Alvo (Francisco). ^Of Axio, but residing at Rodas. "Nombrado por I" vez en 1516, cobrando el 1° tercio de salario de 25000, salario de piloto de S;A. en Abril."' Accompanied Magellan as second mate of the Trinidad, but returned as pilot of the Vic- toria, and received from Charles V. a gratifica- tion of 50,000. We still possess the journal, or rather log-book, which he wrote of that memorable expedition. ^ He is the one whom Herrera calls Francisco Calvo." 'Munoz MSS., LXXVL, f»- 28. = Navarrete, IV., 12, 30, 209-248, 290. Herrera, Decad. HI., 132. Alcazaba de Soto Mayor (Simon). — Por- tuguese. Cosmographer who came to Spain in 1522, and was made a member of the Badajoz junta, but, perhaps, rejected on account of his Portuguese origin. He was murdered by his own crew ' in the port of Los Leones, in the course of an exploration of the Strait of Magel- lan ^ (Sept. 20, 1534— Sept. II, 1536°). ■ Oviedo, II., 155, 162. " Documentos ineditos de Indias, X., 125. 3 Navarrete, Biblioteca Maritima, II., 711. Herrera, HI., 132, IV., 31, 109, v., 95. Juan de Mori, Relacion del desgraciado viaje que Simon de Alcazaba hizo al reconocimiento del estrecho de Alagel- lanes, MS. quoted by Navarrete, op. cit., II., 273. Alcaraz (Antonio de). — Portuguese. One of the cosmographers at the Badajoz junta in 1524. Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 49. Herrera, Decad. HI., 184. Alfaro. — Pilot of a ship commanded by Francisco Santos, loaded with silver, which came from New Spain, and entered the port of Seville, December 24, 1548, This was considered an important event, for various reasons. Oviedo, Hist. General, lib. xxxiii., cap. Ivi., HI., 556. Alonso (Sebastian). — Pilot for the Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLIL, 547. Andero (Francisco).— Pilot for the Indies before 1525. Op. cit. Alvarez ( Juan ). — Of Huelva. Pilot of Cortes in 1519, and of Francisco Hernandez de Cordova in the expedition which sailed from Jaruco, in Cuba, for Yucatan, February 18, 1517. He had only one arm. Bernal Dias, i., 3 ; xxx., 93 ; ccv., 305. Alvares (Rodrigo).-Pilot of Sebastian Cabot in the La Plata expedition of 1526. A cluster of islets in that region was then named after him. Santa Cruz, Islario, MS., f"- 119, verso. Alvaro. — Of Palos. A seafaring man and soldier of Cortes. Had thirty sons in three years from Indian women. Killed in Honduras by the natives. Bernal Dias, ccv. , 305. Anriquez, or Ourives ( Juan ). — Pilot in command of a ship which, with two others, one commanded by Juan de Solis, the other by a brother of the latter (Francisco de Soto), were being equipped at Lepe, August 30, 15 12, to sail in March. According to the despatch of Juan Mendez de Vasconcelos, both Anriquez and Solis were disposed to betray the Spanish government, one for 200 cruzados, the other for from 1200 to 1500 reis per annum. That ex- pedition was the one intended, November 14, 1514, to "ir k descubrir por las espaldas de Castilla de oro." Navarrete, HI., 128, 129. Anriquez, or Ourives, junior. — He accom- panied his father, whose nautical science was not superior to his own : " Seu filho, que diz que sabe tanto com' ele." Navarrete, HI., 128. Biographical Notes. 705 Arana (Juan de). — Pilot of the expedition to Florida, which was sent to evangelise the Indians, in 1549. Herrera, Decad. VIII., 112. Arca (Rodrigo de). — Pilot of Diego Garcia, in the expedition to the Rio de la Plata, in 1526. Herrera, Decad. III., 278. Archuleta (Juan Lopez de). — Son-in-law of Diego de Porras. Pilot for the Indies before 1525. Visited the coasts of the continent for more than twenty years. Became supervisor of the island of Cubagua. Gave his testimony at Madrid, August 31, 1535. Probanzas of 1531, MS. Doc. ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545- Areizaga (Juan de). — Companion of Garcia de Loaisa, and describer of the first part of his expedition to the Strait of Magellan, August 2, 1525— June I, 1526. Navarrete, V., doc. ix., 223-225. Daena (Alonso de). — One of the pilots of the ship which, sailing from Santo Domingo for Spain, in 1538, remained on the voyage five months and a half. Oviedo, IV. , 536. See infra, Bermudbz. Baena (Domingo de). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Doc. inedit. de Indias, XLII., 547. Baltasar. — A Genoese, of Porto Maurizio. "Genoveses, maestre de la nao Santiago, vecino de puerto Morisques, que es en la ribera de Genova. Piloto de la Vitoria, de 6 de Agosto, 1520 hasta 3 de Abril 1521, quando murio." Munoz Transcripts, LXXVI., 122. Medina, Doc. para la Hifitoria de Chile, I., 189. Barbero (Juan). — Spanish pilot, who abs- conded after having received from Alonso Alvarez, the agent of the King of Portugal, 20 ducats, on account of his engagement in the service of that king to accomplish discoveries on the north coast of South America, in 15 10. Herrera, Decad. I., 197. Barbosa (Duarte). — Portuguese. "Sobrinode Diego Barbosa, criado del obispo de Siguenza." Pilot of Magellan in 1519. He is the author of a portolano of the Indian Ocean, written in 1516, and translated into Spanish, in 1524, by Diego Ribero. ' He commanded the Trinidad. Sebast. Alvarez, in Navarrete, IV., 155. See also- ' Lord Stanley of Alderley, First Voyage round the World, p. xliv. For a long time we possessed of that work only the abridgment into Italian published by Ramusio, I. 288. The full original Portuguese text was inserted in 1813 in the Gollecgao de Noticias of the Lisbon Academy, II. , No. vii. It is the work ascribed to Magellan, from an erroneous statement in the title of the Spanish translation found in Spain a few years ago. Barrera (Alonso de la). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Doc. inedit. de Indias, XLII. , 546, Bastille le Breton (Guillaume). — Captain and pilot in the first expedition of Jacques Car- tier. Born at St. Malo, January 8, 1508; died before 1540. F. Jouon des Longrais, Jacques Cartier, p. 128. Bautista. — Genoese pilot, who accompanied Amrique de Menezes in 1542. Noticias para a Historia geografia das Na(;aoes ultramarinas, Lisboa, 1812-1841 ; IV., No. 2. Bautista Januensis. — Genoese cartographer who, in July, 15 13, made a map of the Mediter- ranean sea, which is preserved in the Wolfen- biittel Ducal Library. Bautista (Juan). — Genoese pilot, settled in Triana, who was on board the vessel of Pedro de Cifuentes. Explored the Gulf of Mexico in 1528. This may be the Joan Battista Ginoves, who figures among the conquerors of Yucatan, and died before 1554, leaving two sons settled in that country. Navarrete, Bibliot. maritima, II., 158. Documentos ineditos de Indias, X. , 58, XI V. , 204. Bautista (Juan). — Genoese, of Sestri, who was mate of the Trinidad, and became her pilot upon the death of Joao Carvalho, in the expedition of Magellan,' and who may be the " piloto Genoes " who wrote an account of the expedition.^ ' Navarrete, IV., 12; Letter of Antonio de Brito, op. cit., p. 311. ' Viagem que fez Fern, de magualhdes o anno de 1519 ; MS. Paris National Library, Portuguese, No. 40, and Ijbrary of San Francisco in Lisbon. Of. Atti della Societa Ligure di Storia patria, XV., 5-74. We have placed these four Bautistas under the same head, being unable to ascertain whether the name belongs to several individuals or to one only. 4P 7o6 The Discovery of North America. Beja (Luis Alonso de). — Portuguese pilot who intended to sail with Magellan in 15 19. Sebast. Alvarez, in Navarrete, IV., 155. Bermejo or Vermejo (Rodrigo).^ — Of Seville. "Piloto con 30,000. Logrono, 15 de Agosto, 1521."^ March 15, 1525, his services were secured as pilot -major of the expedition of Garcia de Loaisa, in the place of Lope Sanchez and Juan Vespuccius, both of whom declined.^ He died in 1526.' = Muiioz MSS.; Oviedo, II., 59. ' Herrera, Decad. III., 184, 215, 265. 3 Navarrete, V., 4, 44, 369. Bermudez (Juan). — Spanish pilot and com- mander of a ship, which sailed from Santo Domingo for Spain, in 1538, and remained at sea until 1539, that is, five months and a half, undergoing great sufferings. This Bermudez is doubtless different from the one who com- manded the five caravels of the expedition of 1502 (supra, p. 691). Oviedo, IV., 535 ; Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 210. Botelho Pereira (Diego). — Portuguese cartographer, who made a map of the World, which he presented to Joao II., and therefore before 1534. Supra, No. 210, p. 596. BuENO (Alonso). — Pilot for the West Indies, before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 547- BuGUi^ (Jean). — Pilot from Brittany, who went to Brazil in 1526, and was captured by Christobal Jaques. He is mentioned with other French mariners in curious affidavits relating to Loaisa's voyage, and sworn to at Pernambuco, November 2, 1528. "Tres naos, el galeon de Mosliense y Lomaria de la dicha villa, e otro navio de Normandia del rio de la Sena en un abra en la tierra del Brasil. " ' Francois Guardd and Frangois Breton are the names of the other mariners, who were Bretons, apparently from St. Pol de L^on. ' Adolfo de Varnhagen, As primeiras negociacOes de Brasil, p. 154. Navarrete, Coleccion de los viages y descuhrimientos, v.. doc. XV., 321-323. BuiTRON (Diego Rodriguez). — Pilot for the West Indies, before 1525. Doc. ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545. pABALLERo (Pcdro or Juan).— Pilot and mate ^ in the fleet of Pamphilo de Narvaez, and "almirante" of Cortds, in 1520. Bernal Dias, cxxiv., 515; cxxxi., 579. CABE5.4S or DE Grado (Joaquin). — "Hidalgo asturiano e buen piloto," who saved from shipl wreck a ship belonging to Fernandez de Oviedo, who was on board, in 1530, on the coast of Nicaragua. Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, IV., 464. Cabeqas (Johan). — "Por otro nombre Uamado Johan de Grado, asturiano." He is the good- hearted pilot who buried the astrologer Codro, in 1529. He also accompanied Geronimo de Valenguela to Panama and Nicaragua. Perhaps this Johan Cabegas is identical with the above Joaquin Cabegas, also a/ias De Grado, and like- wise an Asturian. Oviedo, I., 420; IV., 9, 119, 232. Cabot (Sebastian). — Apparently the second son of Giovanni Cabotto (a Genoese by birth, but a naturalized Venetian citizen). Born at Venice, before March, 1474- 1496. March 5. He is made a party to letters patent granted by Henry VII. to his father and brothers. 15 1 2, May. Makes a map of Gascony for Henry VIII. 1512. Goes to Spain with Lord Willoughby. 15 12, Sept. 13. Is sent for by King Ferdinand. 15 12, Oct. 2. Appointed sea-captain, at a salary of 50,000 mrs. 15 1 2, Oct. (?) Returns to England to settle his affairs, and to bring his wife, Catalina Medrano, over to Spain. 15 14, March 6 and 26, April 7, and May 11. Receives emoluments from the Spanish king. 15 15, June 13. Receives from the same king a gratuity of 10,000 mrs., viz.: " Mosen Martin Cabrero mi camarero yo vos mando que de qualesquier mrs. de vuestra cargo deys e pagueys a Sebastian Caboto nuestro capitan de armada de las cosas de la yndias diez mill mrs. de que yo le hago merced para ayuda a su costa. . . . Fecha en Burgos a treze dias de junyo de quinientos e quinze afios. Yo el Rey."' Biographical Notes. 70? 1515, August 30. Appointed pilot (with eight others, Solis being pilot-major). 1515, Nov. 18. He is consulted as to the rights of the Crown of Castile to the Moluccas. ' 15 16, May 7. William Mychell, a London chaplain, makes a legacy in favour of " Eliza- beth filie Sebastiani Caboto filiole mee." ^ 1518, Feb. 5. Appointed pilot-major,* viz.: " Que Seb. Caboto sea Piloto mayor en lugar de Juan Dias de Solis con 50000. de salario. — Valladolid, 5 feb. 1518." 15 19, May 6. Collects 25,000 mrs., the same being one-third of his annual salary. 15 2 1, March. The twelve great Livery Com- panies of London make representations to the King, and to Wolsey, against Sebastian Cabot being entrusted with a transatlantic ex- pedition, on the plea that he had never been to the New World, or discovered anything, and was not a man to be trusted. " 1522, September. Sends an agent to propose his services to the Republic of Venice, whilst yet in the pay of the Spanish government. 1523, Spring. Receives a letter from Hieronymo Marin de Busignolo, the said agent, informing him of the progress of negotiations, and July 23, the Venetian ambassador in Spain an- nounces the imminent departure of Sebastian Cabot for Venice. 1524, Nov. 26. Charles V. compels him to pay over to Maria Cerezo, the widow of Americus Vespuccius, the five years' arrears of the pen- sion of 10,000 mrs. which he was bound to take out of his salary, as pilot-major and successor of her husband to that office. 1524, February. John Goderyk receives ^^43 for having brought him over to England, at the request of Sir Thomas Lovell (we do not know when).' 1524, April 15. Signs the opinion asked of certain cosmographers by Charles V. as to his rights to the Moluccas. 1525, March 4. Appointed captain-general of the fleet equipped to discover " las islas de Tarsis e Ofir e el Catayo oriental." 1525, October 25. Assigns over to his wife the life pension of 25,000 mrs., granted him by Charles V. 1526, April 5. Sets sail for South America. 1530, August. Returns to Spain from the Rio de la Plata, where he remained four years. Is immediately arrested by order of the Crown. 1531, May II. Receives on account of his salary as pilot-major, 7,500 mrs.' 1531, May 16. Is allowed to absent himself from the jail upon giving security. 1532, February i. Sentenced to an exile of two years in Morocco. 1532, March 15. He is sick and in prison, apparently in Spain. ^ 1533. Makes a sailing chart for the Council of the Indies. ' 1533, June. Loses his daughter. His wife and himself fall sick, apparently at Seville. '" 1533, June 24. Writes to the Secretary of State, Juan de Samana, a letter about sailing direc- tions and the variations of the needle."'^ 1533. Lawsuit brought against him by Catalina Vazquez, the mother of Martin Mendez, his lieutenant at La Plata. 1534, March 13. The Queen-Regent of Spain orders an investigation as to his mode of examining and granting licenses to pilots.^'' 1534, December 11. Addresses to the Casa de Contratacion a memoir concerning the neces- sity of subjecting pilots for the Indies to an examination. 1535 (')• I^ ^^^" (^) °" '^^ coast of Astatlan (Nueva Gallicia ?) in command of a fleet. 1535, December 31. Appears as a witness be- fore the Fiscal in the great suit brought by Luis Columbus, when he declares to be " de mas de 50 aiios," which would make him a mere boy when his father undertook his famous expedition of i497-'' 1544. Date of the large map of the World ascribed to him. Must have been made at Seville, the legends being furnished by Dr. Grajales, of the Puerto de Santa Maria; but 7o8 The Discovery of North America. it was engraved, apparently, in Antwerp, although there are no traces of a privilege in the Books of " Octroy " of that city. 1545, November 28. Is appointed one of a commission to examine and report on the Arte de Navegar of Pedro de Medina. 1547. Gives his power of attorney to Diego Gutierrez, senior, to act, in his absence, as Pilot-Major. 1547, October 9. One Peckham receives ;^ioo for having brought Sebastian Cabot from Spain over to England. 1548, January 6. Receives a pension from Edward VI. of 250 marks (;^i66 13s. 4d.)" 1549, November 25. Still in England. Charles V. claims him from the English government, as " he is the servant of the Emperour, and hath a pencion of hyra." 1550, April 21. Refuses to return to Spain. 1550. Receives a new gratuity from the English King. 1550. The patent of 1496 is renewed in his favour (?). 1551, August. Renews his intrigues to sell himself to the Republic of Venice. 1553, May 9. Draws up instructions for the voyage of Willoughby and Chancellor. 1553, September 9. Charles V. asks Queen Mary to allow to Cabot to return to Spain. 1554, November 15. Writes from London to Charles V., giving him information as to a projected expedition of the French against Peru. '= 1555, February 26. Made Governor of the Company of Merchant Adventurers. 1556, April 27. Bids farewell at Gravesend to Stephen Burrow, whose expedition was equipped under his direction. 1557, May 25. Resigns the pension he had from the King of England. 155 7> May 29. Part of the pension is restored to him, and William Worthington is appointed his adjunct. All traces of Sebastian Cabot disappear after the latter date. There is not a particle of evi- dence or probability in favour of the pretensions of his namesakes, whether in Massachussetts or in Languedoc, who claim to descend from him, or to belong to his family. ' MS. Simancas, Lihro de la Camera, 1513-16, f"- 63. » Navarrete, OfiMscMjos, I., 66. 3 Supra, p. 594, note. ■•MunozMSS., LXXV., 213; LXXVL, 28. s Wm. Herbert, The History of the twelve great Livery Com- panies of London; London, 1837, 8vo, I., 410. Supra, p. 47, and infra. Appendix A. * Navarrete, III., doc. xiv., 308. ^,^Doc. inedit. de Indias, XXXII., 451, 455) 4S9> 479- '» '"i " Carta A Juan de Samano, in Relaciones geographical de Indias, Madrid, 1885, 8vo, II., xii. "Doc. inedit. de Indias, XXXII., 480-481. '3 Probanzas del Aim. D. Luis Colon ; leg. 2, doc. 7. MS. of the Archives of the Indies. "• Hakluyt, III., ro. '5 Doc. inedit. de Espana, III. (1843), 512. The authorities and texts for the thirty-seven other statements are to be found in our Jean et Sdhastien Cabot. Cabrera (Diego Martin). — Pilot of Columbus in his fourth voyage, 1502-1504. ' Does not figure, however, as such in the official roll. We only find one Diego Martin, sailor. ^ ' Oviedo, I., 78 ; II., 135. = Navarrete, I., 289-293. Calle (Francisco de la). — Pilot for the Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 544. Calvo (Anton). — Pilot of the ship of which Pero Fernandez Exuero, of Palos, was master, and which was wrecked between Darien and Hispaniola in 1514. " Buen hombre y experto en la navegagion." Oviedo, Historia General. IV., 471. Camacho (Diego). — Of Triana. Pilot of Hernandez de Cordova in the first expedition to Yucatan (15 17), and of Cortds. Bernal Dias, i., 3 ; ccv., 305. Camargo (Alonso de). — Pilot who led three ships sent by Gutierre de Vargas, Bishop of Palencia, to explore the Strait of Magellan, and which sailed from Seville in August, 1539. The method for ascertaining the longitude at sea, newly invented by Alonso de Santa Cruz, was to be tested in course of that expedition. Navarrete, Opusculos, II., 69, note, on the authority of Herrera. Biographical Notes. 709 Camargo (Francisco). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos inediios de Indias, XLII., 545. Camino (Pero Alonso). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545. Cansino (Francisco). — Pilot in 1534, when he gave his testimony concerning Peru and Pizarro. Herrera, Decad. VI., 57. Carabaca (Diego Sanchez). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545. Caravallo (Juan Lopez de). — A Portuguese pilot, but settled in Seville long before 1519.^ " Juan Lopez de Caravallo, admittido en 26 febr. 1519."* He was, however, already em- ployed by the Spanish Crown, June 30, 1517.° Magellan selected him as pilot for the Concep- tion} He is the "Jean Carvajo" of Pigafetta, and the " Joao Carvalho " of Barros, who died at Tidore, February 14, 1522." ' Sebastian Alvarez, in Navarrete, IV., 155. " Munoz MSS., LXXVI., 91. 3 Documentos ineditos de Indias, XXXVI., 455. t Navarrete, IV., 17, 26, 67 ; Herrera, Decad. II., 103; III., 14. s Barros. Decad. III., lib. 5, cap. 10. Cardenas (Juan de). — Pilot and captain. April 15, 1520, he was appointed inspector of ships at a salary of 12,000 mrs., and August 27 following, received the appointment of pilot. " 1520, 15 de abril. Visitador de la naos, con 12,000. 1520, 27 de Agosto. Piloto e Capitan, con 30,000." Munoz MSS., LXXVI., 140. Cardenas. — Of Triana. Pilot of Cortes. Fell ill of sadness because he did not receive his share of the first gold obtained by Cortes, and died in Mexico. Bernal Dias, clxvi. , ccv. CARREno. — " Hombre de bien e de cre- dito." Pilot in charge of a ship with a valuable cargo of sugar and hides, which he saved from being entirely lost at sea, when on his way to Spain from Santo Domingo, in a terrible storm, by invoking, with tears in his eyes, the Virgin Mary, whilst the Devil responded from the clouds, October 3, 1533 : " Who cares for her ? Qud la quereys? Que la quereys?" Oviedo, Sistoria General, IV., 479. Carvalho (Joao). — See Caravallo. Caro (Juan). — " Andaluz carmonds de la or- den de Santo Domingo; in Theologia magister." Devoted himself to the study of the art of navi- gation, and while living in the east, at Cochin, wrote, December 19, 1525, and December 29, 1526, to his brother-in-law. Dr. Porras, in Seville, for the purpose of being employed by Charles V. to teach navigation and accomplish discoveries. Navarrete, Coleccion de viajes, IV., 372, and his Biblioteca Tnaritima, II., 199. Cartier (Jacques). — " Lieutenant general du Roy, capitaine et pilote dudict Syre en son en- treprinse de la descouuerte des terres de Canada." Born at St. Malo in 149 1; died, apparently at the same place, September i, 1557. He spoke Portuguese. Rdgistres de I'Etat-civil de Saint Malo ; archives, sirie OO., November 13, 1540, apud De Longrais, ubi supra, and our Notes sur la Nouvelle France, Nos. I and 7. Carvajal (Juan Suarez de). — Afterwards Bishop of Lugo. In 1536, summoned the pilots, cosmographers, and cartographers of the Crown, to meet at Seville, for the purpose of constructing " una muy exacta carta que sirviese de padron para las que se usaban en la navegacion a las Indias occidentales." ' This ordinance seems to be different from that of October 30, 1536, although referring likewise to " los viajes a las Indias.'"' In 1539, he was also member of a commission " acerca de la guarda de las orden- an^as que los Reies Catolicas dieron para la navegacion, i contratacion de las Indias." ' The padron above mentioned is doubtless the map of Chaves of 1537, described supra, p. 361, and referred to by Sebastian Cabot at the close of the year 1536. ' Navarrete, Opuscules, II., 68. " Navarrete, Bibliot. maritima, II., 317. ^ Herrera, Decad. VI., 154. * Pro- banzas of December 31, 1536. 7IO The Discovery of North America. Castaiieda. — See Ruiz de CASXAftEDA. CASTAftEDA (Johan de). — Pilot-Major. " En este viage [of Caspar de Espinosa to the Southern Sea, or Pacific, in May, 1520] fue por piloto mayor Johan de Castaneda, buena persona e diestro en las cosas de la mar."— Oviedo, HiM. General, III., 64, 98; IV., 10. Castilla (Nicolas). — Pilot of the ship on which Ribero's invention for pumping water out of vessels, was experienced in 1533 on a voyage to the VVest Indies. Navarrete, Hist, de la Naiitica, 364. Castillo (Domingo del). — Pilot of Hernando de Alarcon ^ in the expedition which Antonio de Mendoza sent to aid that of Vazquez de Coronado. He made a map of the Californian regions, which he visited in 1541 with Ladrillero." ' Ramusio, III., 363. " horenza.m., Historia de Nueva Espana. Herrera, Decad. VI., 159, 208. Castillo (Francisco del). — Pilot of Juan Aguado in the expedition of August 5, 1495. Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 171. Supra, p. 672. Castillo (Pedro Sanchez del). — Of Palos. Pilot in 15 r 3, and, apparently, a companion of Columbus in his second voyage (1493-1496). Testimonio de los que ihan con el Almirante y descu- brieron la Tierra firme. MS. Archiv. de Indias. Celaya. — See Salaya. Cerezo (Christoval). — Pilot for the Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII. , 445. CERMEno (Diego). — Pilot of Cortds in 1520. Oviedo, Historia General, III., 261. Chaves (Alonso de). — Pilot and professor of cartography in Seville, viz.: " Cedula de Madrid 4 abr. 1528, recibise a Alonso de Chaves por Piloto, Cosmografo i Maestro de hacer cartas, astrolabios, i otras cosas para la navegacion con 30,000 de salario." ' Chaves also held the office of Pilot-Major, doubtless ad interim, while Sebastian Cabot was at La Plata ; but succeeded him in the Chair of Cosmography in the Casa de Contratacion, July II, 1552, and still held various positions, August 22, 1584,2 and even April 21, 1586, at the age of ninety-four. ' He was the father of Geronimo de Chaves, who also distinguished himself as a cosmographer and cartographer. ' Munoz MSS., LXXVIII., 100. ' Liata de la Ex- posicion Americanista, B. 57 and 58. ^ Navarrete, Bibliot. maritima, I., 16-17. Herrera, III., 219 ; IV., 30. Jean et Sebastien Gabot, and, supra, p. 239. Chaves (Baltasar de). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545. Chaves (Geronimo de). — Son of Alonso. Born at Seville in 1523. Cosmographer to the King (Philip II.), and who was already noted as a scientist in 1545, when he published his edition of Sacro Busto (^Sevilla, en casa de Juan de Leon, 4to.). He drew up a map of the West Indies, and one of Florida, inserted in Ortelius. Navarrete, Bibliot. maritima, I., 563. CoDRO. — A Venetian cosmographer and astrologer, who accompanied Vasco Nunez de Balboa to Darien, in 15 17. By "astrologer" should be meant " astronomer," as the term was used with the latter meaning even so late as the close of the sixteenth century. (See the letter addressed by the cartographer Ottavio Pisani to Galileo). Oviedo, III., 63 ; IV., 9. Las Casas, IV., 241. Colchero (Bias). — -Pilot for the Indies before 1525- Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII. , 546. Colchero (Diego Sanchez). — Pilot for the Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII. , 547. Columbus (Fernando). — The illegitimate son of Christopher Columbus by Beatrix Enriquez. Born in Cordova, August 15, 1488, where he went to school. In 1494, his father's brother, Bartholomew, took him to the Court, where he continued his education, and was appointed page to Queen Isabella, February 18, 1498. Accompanied Christopher Columbus in the fourth and last expedition (1502- 1504), and seems to have been by his bedside when he died, May 21, 1506, at Valladolid. Returned to the West Indies in 1509, went back to Spain Biographical Notes. 711 in 1510, when he commenced forming a library, afterwards famous under the name of, first, Biblioieca Femandina, then of Biblioteca Colom- bina, at Seville, where his home was until he died. Wrote a number of memoirs relating to Navigation and the rights of the Spanish Crown to the Moluccas. His claims for figuring in the present list consist, first, in his having been en- trusted by Charles V., October, 1526, with supervising the construction of a model chart for sailing to the New World. Second, for his treatise, Sobre la forma de descubrir y poblar en la parte de las Indias, which is lost. Third, for his Coloquio sobre las dos graduaziones diferentes que las cartas de Indias tienen (1527). Finally, for having written a Life of his father, the ori- ginal text of which is lost, whilst its translation into Italian is interpolated. Fernando Columbus died at Seville, July 12, 1539. Excerpta Colombiniana, 1-24. Supra, p. 264. CoR§o or CoEzo (Pedro). — Pilot of Martin Estete. Discovered the Rio Chagres in 1527, with Fernando de la Serna. Oviedo, IV., 61, 217. Navarrete, Bibliot. maritima, 1, 431 ; n., 547. CoRDERO (Anton). — Pilot of Cortes in his expedition to the north-west coast in 1535. Was killed by a falling yard. CoRiA (Bernaldino de).— Pilot (?) of Cortes, after having been, in 15 19, in the employ of Diego Velazquez. Settled in Chiapa. Bernal Dias, Ivii., clvii. Herrera, Decad. II., 132. CoRREA (Juan). — Pilot of the Finta, one of the two ships sent to the West Indies under the command of La Cosa in 1507. Navarrete, III., 162, and Bibliot. maritima, II., 213. CosA (Juan de la). — Surnamed " El Viscaino," or the Biscay man, because born at Santona,' in Cantabria; but a resident of Puerto de Santa Maria, in Andalucia, at least since 1493. In 1496, he seems to have re-established his home in the place of his birth," but in 1500 and 1503, •we see him again at the Puerto de Santa Maria. He was the owner and master or mate of Colum- bus^ flag ship during his first voyage : " Vos Juan de la Cosa fuistes por maestre de una nao vuestra a las mares del oceano, donde en aquel viage fueron descubiertas las tierras i islas de la parte de las Indias, 6 vos perdistes la dicha nao: — Whereas, You, Juan de la Cosa, went to the Oceanic seas, as mate on board a vessel which belonged to you, in the course of which voyage were discovered the countries and islarids of the Indies, and you lost said vessel . . ."3 This language was used by Ferdinand and Isabella, February 28, 1494; that is, at a time when only one voyage had been accomplished to the New World, Columbus' second expedition lasting until June, 1496. Then, the only vessel lost was the flag ship {Capitane), called either the Santa Maria, or the Marigalante, wreckfed in the night of Christmas- Eve, on the coast of Hispaniola. La Cosa's vessel must have been one of the two caravels which the town of Palos was ordered to charter at its expense as a punish- ment for certain misdeeds, since the third vessel was the property of Cristobal Quintero. 1493. He accompanies Columbus in his second voyage, but as chief cartographer. 1494, June 12. Together with all the officers and crews of that expedition, is compelled to declare on oath, that it was possible to go by ■ land from Cuba to China. But when out of reach of the Admiral, recants the statement by giving to Cuba the insular form in a map- pamundi, which we still possess. 1496-1499. Remains in Spain, from June of the former year. 1499, May. Sails as chief pilot of Hojeda. 1500, June. Returns to Cadiz. 1500, June-August. Constructs at Puerto de Santa Maria, his famous map of the world, now preserved in the Madrid Naval Museum. 1500, October. Sails with Rodrigo de Bastidas, and ranges a portion of the north coast of South America. 1502, September. Returns to Spain. 1503, in the spring. Proposes an expedition to Uraba, and to construct there a fort at his own expense. * 712 The Discovery of North America. 1503, August. Is sent on a mission from the Spanish government to Portugal, and is im- prisoned in Lisbon during a short time.' 1503, September 3. Presents to Queen Isabella, at Segovia, two charts made by him. 1503, in the autumn, commands an expedition to Uraba, by virtue of letters patent of Sep- tember 7 preceding.' 1504-1506. Commands an expedition to Darien.' Is that the one described by Hieronymo Va- niello in his letter to the Signoria of Venice, dated Burgos, December 23, 1506, announcing the return of two ships which the King of Spain had sent on a voyage of discovery to the newly-discovered continent, under the leadership of " Juan biscaino et almerigo fiorentino"?^ 1507, Sails for the Indies in command of two ships, viz.: the Huelva and La Pinta, with Martin de los Reyes and Juan Correa as pilots respectively. 1508, June 17. He is confirmed in the office of Alguazil- Mayor, which had been first granted to him April 3, 1503.'° 1509, June 15. Obtains leave to import two slaves into Hispaniola. 1509. Removes with his family to Hispaniola. 1509, November 10. Accompanies Hojeda in the expedition to Darien, and having been mortally wounded by a poisoned arrow in a fight with the Indians, dies at Cartagena, February 28, 15 10. Juan de la Cosa left a widow, a son," and several daughters.^ As a pilot exercising in the New World, he accumulated considerable pro- perty : " Como piloto avia ganado hacienda en estas partes." '' In the second expedition of Christopher Columbus there was, with Juan de la Cosa, another "Juan Vizcaino," but this was a simple mariner, and "vecino de Cartaya."" ' The list of witnesses for the Informacion of June 12, 1494, (Navarrete, 11., 143) is represented to mention him as " Vecino del puerto de Santa Maria," but of being "de Santoiia." ' Navarrete, II., 146 : III., 7, 77, 109 118, 162, 588. 3 Navarrete, Bihliot. maritima, II., 208, note 5, for the entire text of the document. * Doe. in- editos de Espafla, XIII., 496. s Letter of Guerra, in Navarrete, II., 293. ^ Doc. ineditos de Espafla, ubi supra. 7 Munoz MSS., LXXV., 217, 220; Doc. in- editos de Indices, XXXI., 220. ^ Humboldt, Examen critique, v., I ^y. ' Navarrete, HI., 162. '"Navarrete, HI., 118. " Herrera, Decad. I., 187. " Cedula of April 2, 1511, Herrera, Decad. I., 236. '3 Oviedo, II., 413. "• Navarrete, II., 148. CoRxiis (Martin). — Born at Bujaraloz, in Aragon, but lived at Cadiz from 1530 until his death, and where he wrote, in 1545, his cele- brated Breve compendia de la sphera y de la arte de navegar ; Sevilla, Alvarez, 1551, folio. The influence of that work was considerable with the Spanish mariners of the time. Navarrete, Hist, de la Nautica, 169, and Bihlioteca maritima, II., 429. Cuervo ( Francisco ). — Pilot with Cortds. Returned to Spain from Vera Cruz in 1522. Documentos ineditos de Indicts, X. , 258. "PJampies (Diego de). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545. Daopias (Martim). — An able astronomer, who was expected from England to accompany and supervise the expedition which was being equipped at Lepe in 1512, and intended to sail under the command of Dias de Solis in 1513. " Se chama Martim Daopias, e diz q' he boo estrolago, e nao esta agora aqui, que diz q' he ido a Ingratera, e q' esperao cada dia por ele : homen he q' en nao conhe90, nem sey quem he. " Dispatch of Joao Mendez de Vasconcelos, in Navarrete, III., p. 132. Davila (Francisco).— Of Madrid. "Sobre- saliente" on the S. Gabriel. Companion of Garcia de Loaisa, and describer of his expedition to the Strait of Magellan, August 2, 1525 — June 4, 1527. Navarrete, V., doc. x., 225-233. Delgado (Sebastian Rodriguez). — Pilot in the Southern Sea {i.e., the Pacific). Author of a petition to the King, asking that one com- petent to correct the compass and other nautical instruments be sent to him and his colleagues. Navarrete, Bihliot. maritima, II., 708. Biographical Notes. 713 DiAS (Gonzalo). — Pilot to the Veragua regions. Settled in Cuba, where he gave his testimony at the request of one Andrea Colon (?), who acted as attorney-in-fact of Diego Colon, in 1515. Navarrete, III., 586. Tercera Probanza of February I3i 1515 ; MS. of the Archives of the Indies. DiAS (Gregorio). — Pilot. Seems to have ac- companied Columbus in his third voyage, and made maps of Paria, Darien, and Veragua. Navarrete, III., 582, 591. Supra, p. 434. DuRAN (Alonso). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545. DuRAN (Thomas). — From the province of Valencia. A Dominican, who, June 2, 1503, was made professor of mathematics in the University of Valencia. One of the commission of cosmo- graphers and pilots appointed to represent the Spanish government in the Junta of Badajoz, March 21, 1524. " Sabe lo que vale," wrote Francisco de Mello to the King of Portugal. Navarrete, Bibliotheca marilima, II., 723. Fuster, Bihliot. valendana, I., 46. Mimoz MSS., LXXVII., 57. Ulcano (Anton Martin de). — Brother of the famous Sebastian de Elcano. " Ayudante de piloto en la caravela Sanfa Maria del Par- ral," and, consequently, a companion of Loaisa in 1526 in the voyage to the Strait of Magellan. Lawsuit brought by his mother in 1533, in Documentos ineditos de Espana, I., 340. Navarrete, Biblioteca maritima, I., 302. Elcano (Martin Perez de). — .Another brother of the famous Sebastian. He went also with Loaisa, as pilot of the Sancti Spiritus, and returned on board the Victoria. Muiioz MSS., LXXVII., 77; Doc. inedit. de Espana, I., 247, in his brother's will. Elcano or Del Cano (Juan Sebastian de).— Of Guetaria. The famous pilot of Magellan ; who had the good luck of surviving him and others, and thus to bring home safe to Spain the Victoria, which was the first ship that ever cir- cumnavigated the world. He had sailed only as mate of the Conceppon, and had before him when setting out not less than five Commanders and six Royal Pilots. From Seville, Sept. 6, 1522, when he returned, Elcano wrote a letter to Charles V, apprising him of the results of that memorable voyage. The Spanish text, — for we assume that he wrote in that language, — is lost. Schmeller published a translation into Latin,' which he found among the MSS. of the Munich Royal Library {Cod. Teg. 69s). Here is an Italian version, apparently sent to the Duke of Ferrara in some despatch from his envoy at the Court of Spain, and ex- tracted from the State Archives in Modena : " Copia di lettera che scrive il Capitano Gioan Sebas- tian del Cagno da San Lucher presso a Sibilia a xv leghe de di 6. di Settembre 1522 alio Imperatore. Molto Alta Maestk. Saperi tua alta Maesti come siamo gionti 18. homini solamente cum una delle Navi che tua alta Maesta mand6 in discoprimento delle specierie cum el Capitano Ferrando di Magaglianes, che habbia sancta gloria, et perche tua alta Maestk sappia le cose che habiamo passate, breve- mente scrivo a quella et dico. Primeramente giongemmo a 54. gradi alia parte del sur della linea equinoctiale, donde trovammo uno stretto che passava il Mar del Sur delle Indie, et terra ferma di tua Maesta, il quale stretto h di 100 Leghe per donde cerchammo, et in tempo di tre mesi, et 20 giorni tro- vammo molto prospero vento, et non trovammo terra nes- suna se non due Isole dispopulate et piccole, et di poi demmo in uno Arcipellago di molte Isole molto ricche di ore, dove si mori il supradetto capitano Ferrando, et altri molti, et per non poter navigar cum le tre navi per la poca gente che restammo disfacemmo una nave et cum le due navigando d' Isola in Isola discoprendo, insino giun- gemmo con la gratia di Dio all' Isola di Maluch et questo fu dopoi la morte di Ferrando supradetto in otto mesi donde caricammo le due Navi di gerofani. Saperi tua Alta Maesti che andando alle delte Isole di Maluch discoprimmo la Canfora, e Canella et Perle. Volendoci partir dalle terre di Maluch alia volta di Spagna, ci advedemmo che aqua intrava in una nostra Nave di modo che non si poteva rimediare altrimenti se non si discaricava, et passando il tempo che le navi navi- gavano per A . . . . , et Malacar, determinammo o morire cum grande honore a servitio di tua alta Maesta, o per venire a fare aapere a quella il detto discoperimento, et cusi cum una sol Nave partimmo stando tale come Dio voleva, et nel viaggio discoprimmo molte Isole ricche, fra le quali discoprimmo una banda donde nasce Lamanzio, et Noce Moscade, et Zabia donde nasce il Pepe, et Zimor onde nasce el Sandalo, et in tutte le supradette Isole si h una infinita di gengiono. 4Q 714 The Discovery of North America. Le mostre di tutte queste specierie pigliate in le proprie Isole portammo per mostrave alia tua alta Maestk. Tutte queste Isole stanno in li limiti de marcantiones et cum queste come per nostre lettere, et pavimenti si dark relatione vera a tua alta Maestk. La pace et amicitia di tuttl li regi et Signori di tutte r Isole supradette volendoti obedire come Rh et signore scritte dia sua propria mano porto a tua alta Maestk. Partendo dall' ultima Isola in cinque mesi mangiando solamente riso, et bevendo aqua pigliammo 1' Isola di Capo Verde et cum haiuto di Dio, et di S**- M"- passati tre anni giongemmo. Pertanto supplico a tua Maestk che proveda al Ri di Portugallo per quelli 13 homini che tanto tempo hanno servito. Pui ha da sapere tua alta Maestk quello che piu dobiamo stimare che habiamo scoperto et rondolato tutto il cerchio del mondo andando per I'Occidente, et venendo per rOriente. Supplico et domando a tua alta Maesta per li molti travagli, et sudori, fame, sete, frcddo, et caldo che questa gente che ha passato in tuo servitio li facci mercede della i de Iiidias, XLIL, 545- QUEjo (Juan de). — Apparently the Juan de Quexo, of Palos, aged sixty in 1535, then ■called simply " marinero," ' although he is said to have been the pilot of Columbus in the third voyage,' and to have accompanied him in the fourth.' He may also be identical with the following Juan Barrio de Quexo. ' Probanza of December 22, 1535. ° Navarrete, III., 559. ^ Ibid., 557. Doc. inedit. de Indias, XLIL, 547. QuEjo or QuExos (Pedro de). — Pilot-Major of Vazquez de Ayllon in 1521' and in 1526.'' ■ Shea, Old Florida, p. 238, and supra, p. 205, 2ri. = Navarrete, III., 74, on the authority of the then un- published lib. xviii. (?) of Oviedo, whose book iv. , cap. v. , of Vol. I., p. Ill, is devoted to that expedition of Vas- quez de Ayllon, but there is no mention of Quejo. Quexo (Juan Barrio de). — Explorer of the Orinoco, long before Diego de Ordaz,' apparently towards 1522, which is the time when we first see this Quexo in the New World, if he is iden- tical with the Juan Bono de Quexo of Herrera.* ' Oviedo, II., 216. - Herrera, Decad. HL, 414. QuiNTERO (Alonso). — Pilot of Diego de Almagro. Discovered the coast of Chili to 33" south latitude.' Is said to have been the pilot who took Cortes to the New World in 1504.' Apparently the master of the Santa Catalina, in the expedition of Pedrarias Davila in 1514.' ' Oviedo, IV., p. 269. ° Herrera, Decad. I., p. 165. 3 Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 320. QuiNTERO (Ant6n).— Of Palos, born in 1493. Pilot in 1535, when he gave his testimony. ProtaiL^a* of December 31, 1535. QuiNTERO (Francisco). — Pilot in 1534, when he gave his testimony about Peru and Pizarro. Herrera, Decad. VI., 57. QuiNTERO or QuiTERO (Hemando). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documenlos inedito^ de Indioji, XLIL, 545. QuiNTERO (Juan). — Of Argenta, born in 1463. Accompanied Columbus in his first voyage ' and in the third.'' He was one of the first who landed on the continent. This Quin- tero, therefore, cannot have accompanied, as pilot or otherwise, Vicente Yaiiez Pinzon in the voyage of 1499-1500, as Navarrete says,' con- sidering that the third expedition of Columbus lasted from 1498 until 1500. He gave his testi- mony in 1514, and in 1535.* ' Deposition of Juan Gonzales, Navarrete, HI., 568. "Navarrete, III., 584. ^Ibidem, 19. "Probanza of December 22, 1535. Doc. inedit. de Indias, XLIL, 545. QuiNTERO (Pero Rodriguez). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. DocuTnentos ineditos de Indias, XLIL, 547. 'Damirez (Anton). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLIL, 545. Reinels (The). — There have been several pilots and cosmographers of that name, all Por- tuguese, and several of whom were in the service of Charles V. We have no positive data which will enable us to establish their relationship or identity. The first in order is : Reinel (Pedro). — Maker of the Lusitanian map undated, but apparently of the year 1505,' which is preserved in the Munich Royal Library. Barros mentions'' a Pero Reinel, who, so far back as 1487, had the reputation of being an experienced navigator. He may be the makei: of that map, and also the Pedro Reinel who entered the service of Spain in 15 19 or 1522, described below. ' Kunstmann, Atlas zur Entdeclmngen - geschichte America's, plate i. Kohl, Discovery of Maine, plate ix. , and supra, p. 435. /earl et Sdbastien Cabot, p. 162. ° Barros, Decad. I. , 58. Reinel, senior. — Portuguese cosmographer who came to Seville, in 1519, to complete the map and globe which his son had commenced Biographical Notes. 733 constructing for the voyage of Magellan, and served as a model for Ribero's charts and sphere. Sebastian Alvarez, ubi supra. Reinel, junior. — Portuguese cartographer, first constructor of the globe and map above- mentioned. The appearance is that the reason why his father came from Portugal to complete the work, was probably the death of his son, which we presume had taken place in 15 19. Where Navarrete, in reproducing the letter of Alvares, only says : "el hijo de Reinel,'" Mr. de Barros Arana writes s " Hernando de Reynell,' we do not know on what authority. Sebastian Alvarez, ubi supra. ' Navarrete, IV., 155. ° D. Barros, Arana, Vida y Viages de Hernando de Ma/jellanes (from Lord Stanley's excellent work), trans- lated in Portuguese by Mr. F. de Magalhaes Villas Boas ; Lisbon, 1 881. Reinel (Pedro). — " Piloto Portugues de mucha fama," who came to Spain at the same time as Simon de Alcazaba, that is in 1522, and entered the service of Charles V. Perhaps he is the maker of the Munich map. If so, it must have been constructed when he lived in Portugal, for the configurations of the New World are certainly too crude and incomplete to be of such a date as 1522. He may also be the Reinel junior or senior above-mentioned. Herrera, Decad. III., 132. Reinel (Jorge). — Also called " Piloto Portu- gues de mucha fama." Came with the above Pedro in 1522. If the said Pedro and Jorge are the Reinels, father and son, who made the map and globe for the Magellan expedition mentioned by Sebastian Alvarez, then Herrera errs when he places their coming to Spain sub anno 1522. Ibidem. Revello (Caspar). — Cosmographer, who in- vented instruments for navigating to the Indies. By a gedula of June 16, 1535, a commission composed of Fernando Columbus, Sebastian Cabot, Francisco Salero, and Alonso de Santa Cruz, was appointed to examine and report on those contrivances. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 502. Reyes (Martin de los).— Pilot of Columbus in his fourth voyage,' says Oviedo, although he does not figure on the official roll ; and of La Cosa in the expeditions of 1504-1506,2 and 1507.' He was also the pilot of Balboa* in 15 13, and one of the twenty-three Spaniards who first stepped into the Pacific Ocean, Oct. 29, of that year. We find him in charge of one of the ships sent by Vazquez de Ayllon to Chicora' in 1521. He furnished information to Oviedo. 'Oviedo, I., 16, 78; II., 135, =416. 3 Navarrete, III., 162; Bibliot. maritima, II., 213. * Doc. ineditos de Indias, XXXV., 162, 177, 181. RiBERo or Ribeiro (Diego). — Cosmographer and cartographer. It is not known exactly when or where he was born, except that it was in the kingdom of Portugal. 1519, July 18, appears for the first time in docu- ments, as entrusted with the constructing of charts for the expedition of Magellan, after a model supplied by the two Reinels.' He seems to have declined to sail on that voyage, being content with making his bare living : " mais que ganhar de comer para seu en- genho."^ " 1523, Julio 10 . Do. Ribeyro Portugues haya 30,000 salario por cosmografo. 1523. Cedula de Valladolid. Cosmografo, Maestre de hacer cartas e astrolabios e otros ingenios, con 25000 de salario. "3 1524. He is engaged as a scientific adviser on the part of Spain in the Badajoz junta.'' 1524, March i, at Vittoria, he assists Martin Centurione, the Genoese ambassador, in translating into Spanish, Duarte Barbosa's work on the East India regions : " Acabose de trasladar este libro de su original en lengua portoguesa traduzida en lengua castellana en Vitoria estando en deel enperador y Rey despana a pri- meiro dia de marfo Aiio de mill y quinientos de veynte y quatro AHos por M [arti] n Centurion enbaxador de la comunydad de genova con ynterpretacion de diego Ribero portugues cosmografo de su magestad y m [aestr] o de cartas de navegar. " s 1525. In addition to his other titles, he is called " Piloto de Su Magestad." " 1526-1536. Whilst Sebastian Cabot is at La Plata, and for five years afterwards, he and Chaves take his place as examiners of pilots.'' 734 The Discovery of North America. 1526, October 6. Charles V. directs Fernando Columbus to entrust Ribero (and other cos- mographers) with making a model chart, which he did not live to finish." 1526, November 9. His invention for pumping water out of ships is accepted by Charles V., who gives him a pension of 60,000 mrs. as a reward.' 1529. We have a map made by him, in dupli- cate, in that year.'" 1533, August 16. Ribero dies, apparently at Seville, leaving minor children. " Hallo a DO- Ribeiro, Piloto de S. M. con salario de 30,000 en la Casa [de Contratacion]. Pagasele regular- mente hasta 16 Agosto 1533 en cfue fallecio, i se libra lo del ultimo tercio a rata a sus herederos." " " Diego de Olivera [guardian] por se y en nombre de los hijos y herederos de Diego Ribero." " ' Navarrete, IV., 155. ^Sebastian Alvarez, in Lord Stanley of Alderley's First Voyage round the World, Append., p. x. 3 Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 213 ; I-XXVI., 308. ^Ibidem, LXXVII., 54, 58. s Facsimile of the colophon of the Barcelona MS., in Lord Stanley's trans- lation of Duarte Barbosa's work. '' Muiroz Manuscripts, LXXVIL, 165; LXXVIII., 181. 7 Herrera, Decad. III., 394 ; IV., 30. * Oviedo, II., 149. ' Navarrete, I., p. cxxiv., and Bihliot. maritima, I., 358. ■" Supra, pp. 569, 573. " Muiioz Manuscripts, LXXVIL, 165. *^ Navarrete, I., cxxv. , note i. Ribero (Diego). — A namesake. Pilot of Diego de Nicuesa in 1508. Oviedo, II., 469. Roche (Juan). — Pilot of Francisco Pizarro. Gave his testimony at Toledo, May 4, 1534. Herrera, Decad. VI., 57- RoDAS (Miguel de). — Pilot and mate in the expedition of Magellan. Returned in the same ship with Sebastian de El Cano in the year 1522. Member of the Badajoz junta,' April 6, 1524. • Muiioz MSS., P. 52. Herrera, III., 116. Rodriguez (Hernando). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLIL, 547. Rodriguez (Hieronymo). — Ibidem. Rodriguez (Juan). — Of Palos, born in 1470. Pilot of Diego de Lepe, 1499-1500.' Gave his testimony at Seville in 1513.^' There was a sailor of that name and surname, but from Cibdad Rodrigo, in the second voyage of Columbus,s and another, of Huelva, among the survivors of the expedition of Magellan.'' 'Navarrete, III., 553. ' Prohanza of February 12, 1513. ^ InformacioH of June 12, 1494. ''Herrera, Decad. III., 553. Rodriguez (Melchior). — Pilot before 1525. Rodriguez (Sebastian). — Pilot of Diego de Lepe ? RoLDAN (Bartolome). — Of Palos. Pilot of Columbus in his first and third voyages : "Bartolome Roldan, piloto, que fue con el Almirante en el primer viage que se descubrieron las Indias, y en el que descubrio a Paria." ' That is, he was with Columbus, 1492-1493, and also from May 30, 1498, until November 20, 1500. How then can he have accompanied Hojeda, from the summer of 1499 to April, 1500, according to the following deposition ? " Jacome Ginoves sabe que con Hojeda fue Bartolom6 Roldan. " = That this should be possible, we inust assume that Roldan returned to Spain with one of the ships which Columbus sent back from Hispaniola in 1498-1499. He is also said to have accom- panied Diego de Lepe : "Juan de Jerez sabe que Bartolome Roldan torno con Diego de Lepe cuando fue a descubrir la tierra firme."^ Here there is an absolute impossibility, as the voyage of Lepe lasted from December, 1499, until November, 1500. Roldan may have been with Hojeda or with Lepe, but not with both, and we are wholly unable to decide whom to prefer. Roldan had been previously the pilot of Juan Aguado, 1495-1496.'' He gave his testimony in 15 1 2 and 1513° at Santo Domingo, when he settled and lived to a very old age, leaving a large landed estate.^ We think that he is the favourite pilot whom Columbus took with him when, on returning from his first voyage, he paid a visit to the King of Portugal, who gave that pilot a reward of twenty ducats.'' 'Navarrete, IIL, 583, 587, =588, ^iUd. •• Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 171. 5 Probanxas of June 17, 1512, and November 10, 1513. ^ Las Casas, L, 443, '466. Biographical Notes. 735 RoLDAN " EL Mozo " (Juan). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 543. Romano (Antonio). — Italian cosmographer in the service of Spain : " A los Oficiales de SeviUa ordeno [King Ferdinand] qne se informase, si Antonio Romano, que decian que era mui Docto, Cosmografo, i Marinero, podria servir en esta Armada.." The expedition referred to is that of Pedrarias Davila of 1514. The instructions, of which the above is an extract, are not to be found in Navarrete ; nor is there any mention of Romano in the account of Davila's expedition written by Pascual de Andagoya. Perhaps he is identical with the Roman Antonio Maurio, who was imported from Rome in 1508, to aid in making the Padron Real. See supra, Maurio. Ilerrera, Decad. I., 284. Ruiz CASTAftEDA ( Bartolom^ ). — " Piloto mayor de la Mar del Sur." Perhaps he is none other than the famous Bartolome Ruiz, although the latter is never called " de Castaiieda," but " de Estrada." Munoz Transcripts (?). Ruiz de Estrada (Bartolom^). — "Piloto muy bueno." ' In the employ of Pizarro and Almagro in r524. Pilot-Major of their expe- dition ° in 1529; but after having explored in 1526, the Golden Castil.' He is frequently called only Bartolomd Ruiz. ' Muiioz MSS., LXXVIL, 103. = Doc. in Quintana, Espatloles celebres, 178. 3 Oviedo, IV., 117, 232. Zarate, lib. I., cap. 2. Herrera, Decad. III., 249, Decad. V., 49. Ruiz de la Monja ( Pedro ). — Pilot of Pedrarias Davila on board the Conception, r5i4. Munoz MSS.. LXXV., 320. Ruiz (Sancho). — Pilot of the Santa Maria during the first voyage of Columbus. Navarrete, I., 148. Las Casas, I., 443. C aa (Diego de). — Portuguese. A great mathe- matician, well versed in nautical science, and the opponent of Pedro Nunez. Wrote De Navigatione, Paris, 1549, 8vo, which, however, contains nothing about the New World, or maps concerning the same. Antonio, Bihliot. Hisp. Nova, 312. Navarrete, Hist. - de la Nautica, 175 ; Bihliot. maritima, I., 359, II., 3. Salaya (Sancho de), also called Celaya and Zelaya. — Doctor and cosmographer ; member of the Badajoz junta in 1524. Married Maria, daughter of Gil Gonzales d'Avila. Munoz MSS., LXXVII., 54. Antonio, Bihl. Hisp. Nova, II., 276. Navarrete, IV., 328. 333-368. Doc. ineditos de Indias, new series, IV. ,437. Salero (Francisco). — One of the experts appointed to report on the nautical instruments for navigating to the Indies, invented by Gaspar Revello in 1535. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII. , 502. Samano (Juan de). — Pilot, who went to the Indies without permission before 1518.' " ^edula de Molina del Rei, 15 Nov. 15 19, cada ano 40,000 mrs."' Seized one of Cortes' ships in 1523.^ Accom- plished discoveries in Nueva Galicia by order of Nuno de Guzman in 1531.* ' Herrera, Decad. IL, 84. = Munoz MSS., LXXV., f°. 213. ^Herrera, III., no; ""IV., 192. Sanchez (Bartolome). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545, 547. Sanchez (Diego). — Ibidem. Sanchez (Francisco). — Ibidem. Sanchez (Gines). — Pilot in r534, when he gave his testimony concerning Francisco Pizarro and Peru. Herrera, Decad. VI., 57. Sanchez (Juan). — Pilot-Major in the fourth voyage of Columbus. Died May 17, 1504. Navarrete, I. , 289. Washington Irving, II. , 407. Sanchez ( Lazaro ). — Of Triana. Born in 1495. Gave his testimony with Sebastian Cabot,^ in 1535. There was a Lazaro Sanchez among the companions of Pizarro, who in 1533, received a share of the treasures of Atahualpa." ' Proianza ofDec. 31, 1535. " Herrera, Decad.V., 55. Sanchez (Lope). — Appointed pilot Oct. 17, 1522. The Council of the Indies, March 18, 72,^ The Discovery of North America. 1525, removed him on account of his refusal to go as pilot in the expedition of Garcia Joffre de Loaysa to the Strait of Magellan. Munoz MSS., LXXVI., 279. 280. Herrera, Decad. III., 215. Dor. inedito-t de Iiiilias, XLII. , 547. Sanchez (Miguel). — Appointed pilot in 1514, and acted as such on board the Guecha, in the expedition of Pedrarias Davila,> where he fell sick and died (?) in 1516. Muiioz M.SS., LXXV., 320. Herrera, Decad. II., 36. Santa Cruz (Alonso de). — Of Seville.' " Archicosmographus Regius sub Carolo V.," says Antonio f ■ but our impression is that he held the office only under Philip II., although already noted as a cosmographer in 1536. This is shown by his own testimony, given December 31 of that year, to the effect that " es cosmo- grafo y ha averiguado el padron verdadero de la navegacion de todas esta tierras [de Paria y Cumana] con el senor licenciado Carvajal."' He was then only cosmographer of the Casa de Contratacion. He had previously accompanied Sebastian Cabot in the expedition to La Plata (1526-1530), where he seems to have seen traces at Cape Frio of the establishments founded by Americus Vespuccius,* and also sirens of the sterner sex.' He is the author of a celebrated (and as yet unpublished) Islario, from which we have borrowed important information," and he has furnished Oviedo with geographical data concerning the east coast of South America. Santa Cruz seems to have died in 1576.'' He conversed with Fernando Columbus concerning the discoveries of his father : " lo oy6 decir k D. Fernando Col6n que dice ser hijo de D. Crist6bal Col6n."^ Santa Cruz wrote a number of works, none of which, except one,' were ever printed, but four of them still exist in the National Library at Madrid, viz.: Cronica de los Reyes Catolicos Fernando e Inahel-G. 24. Nohilwrio General. — Y, 105, 9. Libro de hlawnes. Part II. — Z, 118. lAhro de lonqitudes, y manera que hasta ahora se ha tenido en el arte de navegar. Dedicated to Philip II. — Aa, 97. We have been unable to ascertain whether he ever wrote the General Geografia announced in his Islario. Perhaps it is the geographical work mentioned by Alexio Venegas, and which is lost. For his Islario General de todo el Mundo, see supra, No. 227, p. 621. ' Venegas, Diferencia de libros, cap. xvi. ' Antonio, Bihliot. Hisp. Nova. ^ Prohanza of December 31, 1536. ■* Adolf Varnhagen, SulV importanza d'un manoscritto inedito. Vienna, 1869, 8vo, p. 413. 5 Oviedo, II., 179. Columbus made the same assertion, but his sirens were female. In either case they were, of course, simple manatees. * Supra, p. 237. ^ Navarrete, Opusculo-i, , II., 61-86. * Prohanza above cited. ' Relacion que hizo al consejo del rey de los A notes de Geronimo de .^ Zurita, in Zurita's Annals, Zaragossa, 1610, Vol. VI. Sant Martin (Andres de). — Pigafetta calls him " San Martino de Sevilla ; ' but Kohl says that he was a Frenchman. In February, 1512, we see him in the employ of the Casa de Con- tratacion, and occupying a position among scientific mariners sufficiently high to become a candidate for the post of Pilot-Major of Spain, just rendered vacant by the death of Americus Vespuccius.' " Por cedula de Burgos, 1512, 22 de Mayo, nombrando a. Andres de S. Martin piloto de S. A. con 20,000 de salario." Idem in 1516, 1517, and 1519,^ Sant Martin accompanied Magellan as an " astrologer," says Barros.' By that term must be understood " astronomer," for we know of astronomical ob- servations made by him at Rio Janeiro," when the San Antonio, on the roll of which he figures as pilot, was in that port, Dec. 13-16, 15 19. He is one of the twenty-seven members of the expedition who were treacherously murdered in the island of Matan, May i, 1521, three days after Magellan.' Sant Martin wrote two accounts or journals of that expedition, which were in the possession of Gines de Mafra, and taken away when the Portuguese authorities imprisoned him at Lisbon* in 1523. ' Pigafetta, Navigation et descouvrement de la Indie Superieure, MS. " Kohl, Discovery of Maine, 213. 3 Navarrete, III., 307. ♦Munoz MSS., LXXV., 213, 214, 217, 265. 5 Barros, Decad. III., lib. v., cap. ix. " Herrera, Decad. II., 104. ? Navarrete, III., 66 ; "IV., 387. We presume that is the origin of the statements of Herrera and Pinelo relative to an account intitled Del descuhrimiento del estrecho de Magallanes. Biographical Notes. nr Sequeira (Diego Lopez de). — Considered by the Spaniards as one of the two most competent members of the Badajoz junta in 1524. Munoz MSS., LXXVII., 58. Serrano (Juan Rodriguez). — Portuguese pilot settled in Seville.' Antonio de Brito and Peter Martyr, however, call him a Spaniard.^ He ac- companied Alonso Velez de Mendoza" in 1499, and Pedrarias Davila in 1514. "Cedula, Madrid 8 febr. 1514.'' Piloto con 30000 mrs. de salario. " He figures among the pilots of the expedition to La Plata,' which was to sail in May, 1515, and commanded the Santiago in the voyage of Magellan,* from which he never returned. Charles V. in 1527, instructed Alvaro de Saave- dra Ceron, to inquire in Cebu " si viven Juan Serrano piloto i otros que con el fueron presos : rescatarlos, i rason de todo."'' He had been seized by the natives when they killed Magellan, April 27, 1521,^ and died at Zebu, May follow- ing. Some believe he was poisoned." " Good pilot, bad captain," says Oviedo.'" ' Sebastian Alvarez, in Navarrete, IV., 155. ^ Anghiera, Decad. III., lib. v., 54. Navarrete, IV., 308. 3 J}oc. ineditos de Indias, XXXVI., 455, and Parecer of Nov. 13) iS'Si unpublished, but quoted by Navarrete, III., 594. 4 Munoz MSS., LXXV., 25, 214, 231, =319. Oviedo, III., 22. ^ Navarrete, IV., 21. May i, 1521, he is mentioned as captain of the Conreprion, op. rit., p. 66. 7 Munoz M.SS., LXXV., 35; ^lxXVL, 91. ' Barros, Decad. III. , lib. 5, caps. 7 and 8. ■" Oviedo, II., 15. Anghiera, uhi supra. SiLVA (Joan de). — Of Graciosa in the Azores. Pilot who was to accompany Magellan in 15 19, but went as passenger only in the Conception. Sebastian Alvarez, in Navarrete, IV., 19, and 153. SiMOENS (Sebastian). — Portuguese pilot, who wrote to the King of Portugal a letter concern- ing a new route to the Moluccas, but, through the Strait of Magellan, April 18, 1527. Munoz MSS., LXXVII., 55. SoLADOR (Diego Sanchez). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 547. SoLis (Bias de). — Juan Diaz de Solis' brother. "Cedula de Logrono, 28 Sept. 1512 nombrado a Bias de Solis, Piloto de la Casa [de Contratacion] con 25000." Bias de Solis was the brother-in-law of Fran- cisco de Torres, by whom he was succeeded as " Piloto de Su Alteza," and died Dec. 12, 15 14. Munoz MSS.. LXXV., 265, 319, 322. Sons (Juan Dias de).— A pilot born in Por- tugal, says Damiao de Goes.' This pretended Portuguese nationality may be due to a homony- mous sea captain of the time, who was born in Portugal. January 21, 1517, the Spanish government wrote to the Casa de Contratacion : "Juan Diez de Solis, Portugues, vino huyendo a estos i-eynos de Castilla desde Portugal, por muchos crimines y ecesos que alia habia hecho." ^ (The complaint was that this Solis had' equipped several vessels in Seville, and gone to Brazil, from which he boldly returned to Europe, with a cargo of dyewood.) Peter Martyr ^ and Oviedo,* however, say that Solis was a native of Lebrixa, in Spain, and domiciled at Lepe.° The first time he appears in the documents, it is as regards the voyage of discovery which he accomplished with Vincente Yaiiez Pinzon, 1508-1509; for the pretended discovery of Yucatan in 1506 is a pure legend.* He was imprisoned immediately upon landing in Spain, we do not know for what reasons. It is probable that Solis was soon released and went then to Portugal on business, which led him to return to Spain soon afterwards.' When we next see SoHs, it is in relation to his appoint- ment as Pilot-Major upon the death of Americus Vespuccius : " 1512. Cedula de Burgos, 25 marzo, nombrando a Juan Diaz de Solis, vezino de Lepe, piloto mayor en lugar por fallecimiento de Amerigo Vespuchi. "^ His salary was 50,000 mrs., 10,000 of which he had to pay, and did pay, to Maria Cerezo, the widow of his predecessor." Solis then led the expedition to La Plata, which sailed October 8, 1515, according to Herrera,'" who seems to have had access to the original documents con- cerning that unfortunate voyage. We must say that Munoz states that the " armada se despa- chava en S. Lucar por Mayo."" This may mean that the expedition was equipped only in May, at San Lucar, but that it sailed from Lepe 4T 738 The Discovery of North America. in October.^ He was killed and eaten up by the Indians of the Charruas tribe, before Sep- tember, 1516; when the expedition returned to Spain under the command of Francisco de Torres, his brother-in-law. We infer the date of the death of Soils from the fact that, November 16, 15 16, Andres de San Martin was a candidate for the office held by him, because " agora es fallecido'-'; but the expedition had already returned to Spain, September 4, 15 16." ■ De Goes, Chronica do Reij Jfanoel, II., 437. " Doc. iiieditox de Indiax, XL, 291. 3 Anghiera, Decad. lib. X., f°. 42. ■• Oviedo, II., 167. 5 JDoc. inedit. de Indicts, XXII., 5. ^ Supra, pp. 453-464. ' Joao Mendez Vas- concellos, in Navairete, III., 127-133. ^ Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 265, 213, 230. ' Navarrete, III., 305. '" Herrera Decad. II., ii. " Miiiioz, 021. cit., 319. '- Las Casas, IV., 270. "3 Navarrete, III., 307. SoPUERTA. — Of Palos. Pilot of Fernando Cortes at a very old age. Bernal Diaz, ccv. SoTiL (Fernandez). — Pilot of Francisco Gor. •dillo in the expedition sent, in 1521, by Lucas Vazquez de Ayllon and Juan Ortiz de Matienzo to the continent west of the Bahamas. Brevoort, Verrazano the Navifjator, 70. .Shea, Old Florida, 238. SoTO (Diego de). — Of Triana, born in 1500. Pilot, who gave his testimony in 1535. ProSajizas of December 31, 1535. Soto (Francisco de). — Spanish Pilot, but who remained on shore. " Cedula de Valladolid, 5 Sept. 1513 nombrando a Francisco de Coto Piloto con 25000 para que este en su casi i sirva en lo que se le mandare. Parece un piloto sin obligacion de navegar. Per otra cedula de Aranda, 28 Julio 1515, se concede que siendo habil este Coto, puede usar el oficio de Piloto mayor mientras su hermano Jn. Diaz de .Solis este en el viage a que va. " ' That is, although called De Soto, he was the brother of Diaz de Sohs, and filled his place of Pilot-Major ad interim. He again figures as Royal Pilot with a salary of 25,000 mrs., Sep- tember 14, 15 18, but seems to have died about that time." ' Munoz MSS., LXXV., 306 ; = LXXVI., 85. Navar- rete, III., 141. SoTO (Juan de). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentor ineclitos de Indian, XLII. , 547. 'Parragona (Simon). — Astrologer (or Astrono- mer) at the junta of Badajoz in 1524. Accompanied Alvaro de Saavedra, in the expe- dition which sailed from Aguatanejo on the west coast of New Spain for the Moluccas, Nov. I, 1526— Aug. 15, 1534. Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 49; LXXVIL, 58. Navarrete, v., 480. ToRENO (Nuno Garcia de). — Celebrated pilot who, November 13, 1515, stated that he had drawn maps in the house of Americus Ve.s- puccius : " haciendo yo cartas en la casa de Amerigo." He was therefore engaged as a cartographer before 1512.^ " 1519, desde 9 setiembre. Nuiio Garcia, Piloto i Maestro de hacer cartas de navegar con 30,000."^ By order of Magellan he executed eighteen maps, at the rate of 5 ducats a piece, for the memorable voyage of 1519." Gomara says that Garcia de Toreno was a member of the Badajoz junta in 1524. All we could find is that he signed one of the documents addressed from Badajoz, April 25, 1524, to Charles V." The earliest map made by him which has reached us, is the fragment of a planisphere, bearing the inscription : "Fue fecha en la noble villa de Valladolid por nufio garcia de toreno piloto y maestro de cartas de navegar de Su magestad : Ano de . 1. 5. 2. 2. "5 He made a mappamundi for Peter Martyr, in Seville, which served for the map of the New World, engraved to accompany the Libri delle Indie occidentali, and published, as we believe, by Ramusio, at Venice," in Oct. — Dec, 1534. Garcia de Toreno enjoyed a very great repu- tation. Pedro Ruiz de Villegas says of him : " Nuiio Garcia que fue muy grande oficial de hazerlas [padrones de las cartas hechas en Castilla] y trabajo de anco los mejores padrones que pudo. "■* ' Parecer de pilotos, copied by Muiioz, unpublished, but cited by Navarrete, Opusciilos, I., 67. ° Munoz MSS., LXXVI., 142. 3 Navarrete, IV., 8, 180. i Apud Cespedes, Eecjimiento, 148, 152. s Supra, pp. 518, 597. ^ Bibliot. Americ. Vetust., No. 190; Jean et Sihastien Cabot, No 10, pp. 168- 17 1. Biographical Notes. 739 Torre (Hernando de la). — Of Burgos. Com- panion of Garcia de Loaisa, and describer of his expedition to the Strait of Magellan, August 2, 1525 — June I, 1526 — June 11, 1528; pro- bably the best account of all. Navarrete, V., doc. xiv., 241-313. Torres (Francisco de). — Brother-in-law of Juan Diaz ' and Bias de Solis.^ "Cedilla de Mansilla, 24 Nov. 1514, recibiendo per nuestro piloto Francisco de Torres en lugar e por vacation de su defunto cuiiado Bias de Solis con igiial salario."' Idem in 1515, 1516, 1518, and 1519.° He brought back to Spain the remnants of the ex- pedition of Solis to La Plata, in Sept., 15 16. " Navarrete, III., 135. " Munoz MSS., LXXV., 49, 322. 3 Ihidem, 344. Tristan (Diego?). — Portuguese. Pilot in the service of Spain in 1524. Munoz MSS., LXXVII., 55. TTmbria,^ or DE LA Umbria, or de Ungaria^ (Gonzales de). — Pilot of Cortds* in 1519, and had his toes cut off as a punishment.* He returned to Spain in 1524, and placed himself under the protection of Fonseca. ' Bernal Diaz, Ivii. , ''clxviii, ccv. ° Oviedo, III., 261. 3 Herrera, Decad. II., 132, 215. Umbria or de Ungria' (Juan de). — Of Moguer, born before 1453.' Pilot of one of the four vessels which sailed under the command of Jorge de Sosa'' in November, 1495. He ac- companied Vincente Yaiiez Pinzon in 1499 — 1500,' and was the pilot of the galley San fa Maria de la Vitoria, in the voyage of Pedrarias Davila* in 15 14. Gave his testimony at Porto Rico° in 15 15. He was a cousin of Martin Alonso Pinzon. ' ' Navarrete, III., 547, 559, 560, 563. = Munoz MSS., LXXV., 186, ■'320. 3 Navarrete, III., 19. ^ Prohanzai; of January 3, 1515. Umbria (Pedro de). — Oviedo states positively that he was one of the pilots of Columbus in his fourth voyage : " En el quarto € ultimo viage . . . con quatros caravelas . . . de las quales eran pilotos Pedro de Umbria, e Diego Martin Cabrera, e Martin de los Reyes."' Elsewhere, referring to the countries discovered in the course of that expedition, he invokes the testi- mony of those pilots, as having himself heard it from them : " Segund yo oy k los pilotos Pedro de Umbria € Diego Martin Cabrera, € Martin de los Reyes, y k otros que se hallaron en ello." * Withal, it must be stated that Pedro de Umbria does not appear in any capacity in the official roll of the expedition,' which, however, mentions only one pilot, Juan Sanchez, Pilot-Major, who died May 17, 1504. Nor do we feel certain that this Pedro de Umbria is the Pedro de Umbria who accompanied Diego de Nicuesa in 1508. The latter Pedro lost his life in that expedition ; consequently, Oviedo could have " heard " him give information only before that time, which is an early period on the part of Oviedo for collecting data concerning a history which he only commenced writing in 1532. " Hernandez de Oviedo vezino de la Espaiiola ha tenido cuidado y inclinacion de screuir las cosas de Indias : ofrece Uevar adelante su trabajo si se le da algun salario para el gasto de recoger malarias i mantener un oficial . . ."'* Then when he speaks of the Pedro de Um- bria of Nicuesa, he seems never to have heard of him before : " AUi fuesse un piloto, Ilamado Pedro de Umbria."^ So does Peter Martyr, when relating his death ; nor do either of them recall his supposed agency in the fourth voyage of Columbus. 'Oviedo, IL, 135, S467; -1., 78. 3 Navarrete, L, 289-296. ■• Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 78, sub anno 1532. Umbria (Pedro de). — We are unable to state whether the present is only the above. "But Beragua was founde by the vnfortunate destenie of Petrvs de Vnibria. For he, beinge a man of prompt wytte and apt forwardenes to attempte thynges . . . tooke vpon hym the aduenture to searche the shore to the intent to find a waye for his felowes. . . But Vmbria with the other eleuen, were vtterlye caste away."— "Alii fuesse un piloto, Ilamado Pedro de Umbria."' These two quotations refer to the expedition of Diego de Nicuesa, sub anno, 1508. ' Anghiera, Decad. 11. , 28. " Oviedo, II, 467. Urdaneta (Andres de).— Of Villafranca de Guipuzcoa, born in 1498. Accompanied Juan 740 The Discovery of North America. Sebastian de Elcano in the expedition of Loaisa, which he has described with the pilot Macias del Poyo.' He was on board the Sancti Spiriius, which was lost entering the Strait of Magellan : " Se pevdio a la entrada del Estrecho al cabo de las Once mil Virgines, scis meses poco mas 6 menos despues que se hicieron a la \"ela en la Coruiia. " Urdaneta only held the office of purser, but he was also a good cosmographer,^ who seems to have furnished geographical data concerning that important voyage. We learn from him, as eye-witness, that Loaisa died July 30, 1526, and Sebastian de Elcano four days afterwards, Aug. 4. He also went with Pedro de Alvarado' in 1541, entered the Church in 1553, died June 3, 1568.^ ' Navarrete, V., 366-368, 376-382, 401-439. = Bibliot. maritima, I., 99-107, and p. loi for the letter of Philip II. of September 24, 1559. ^ Herrera, Decad. VII., 39. Uriarte (Martin de). — Pilot of Garcia Jofre de Loaisa to the Strait of Magellan, June 24, 1525 — June II, 1528, when his ship reached Tidor. Wrote a journal of the expedition : "Y despues de pasado todo esto que arriba he escrito, yo Martin de Uriarte, piloto . . ." Navarrete, V., 241-287-313. "\ /"aca (Pero Sanchez). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLII. , 544. Vaez (Manoel). — Portuguese pilot who was wrecked in 1548. Oviedo, Historia General, IV., 587. Vanegas (Francisco). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentor inedilos de Indian, XLII., 547. Vanegas (Juan). — Pilot of the vessel on which were first tried the nautical inventions of Diego Ribeiro. Navarrete, Hint, de la Nautica, 364. Vara (Francisco). — Of Triana. Pilot of Pedro de Vadillo in 1525 at St. Marta. " Hombre diestro en la navegacion, pero miiy cursado en blasfemar. " Oviedo, Historia General de las Indias, II., 350. Docmnentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 545. Vasquez (Lorenzo). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Docmnentos ineditos de Indias, XLII., 445. Velasco. — He may be Pedro Velasco, the pilot of Diogo de Teive in the discovery of the island of Flores, one of the Azores.' This Velasco is represented as a Spanish captain who explored the St. Lawrence in 1506. The chief authority for the statement is doubtful. ' Archii-o dos Afores, I., 250. Le Blanc, Les Voyages fameux. Pars HI., 63. Charlevoix, Hist, de la Nouoelle France, I., 4. Vespuccius (Americus). — Son of a notary. Born at Florence, March 9, 1451.' October 19, 1476, was at Trebbio, where he had taken refuge on account of the plague.^ We possess sixty- eight letters addressed to him in 1483, 1488, 1489, 1490, and 1491 (1492 new style), at Florence.^ These letters are nearly all directed "Atnerigho di Ser Nastago [issued from Mr. Anastasio] Vespuci . . . In casa di Lorenzo di Piero Francesco de' Medici [in the house of Lorenzo, issued from Piero Francesco de Medici]." They relate to business matters chiefly, showing that he was then employed in the commercial firm of the Medici in that city, and in direct correspondence with the head of the house, Lorenzo (cousin of Lorenzo the Magnificent), which indicates a certain position. If we accept as authentic the fragment of a letter discovered by Bandini* in a private collec- tion, Vespuccius was already in Spain, at Cadiz, January 30, 1493 (1492 old style).' A letter addressed by him to Corrado Stanga, the diplo- matic agent of the Medici at Genoa, dated December 30, 1493 (1492 old style), represents him as being then settled in Seville as a mer- chant." On the other hand, as the last letter addressed to him in Florence (which has reached us), is that of Basilius de Monte, dated " a di x Novembris 1491,"'' or 1492 new style, we are authorised to infer that Vespuccius emigrated to Spain in the winter of 1492-1493. In the ac- count, ascribed to him, of his first transatlantic voyage, there is the following statement : " El motivo della uenuta mia in questo regno di Spagna fu per tractare mercatantie : et come segiiissi in q'sto proposito circa di quattro anni .... deliberai lasciarmi della mercantia .... midisposi dandare a uedere parte Biographical Notes. 741 del mondo . . . : — The reason of my coming to this king- dom of Spain was to engage in commercial pursuits ; but after following that occupation for about four years, I decided to leave off business . . . and to visit the different parts of the World. "8 The account further states that he sailed on that expedition: "del porto di Calis adi 10 maggio 1497." " His sojourn of four years in Spain would then date from May, 1493 ; whilst the letter of Bandini shows Vespuccius as already in Spain, January 30 of that year. It may be replied, and the terms of that letter authorise the supposition, that he was then simply travelling in Spain,'" and that we can consider him as actually settled there, within the meaning of the account, only when he wrote the letter to Stanga, viz.: " Sybilie die XXX decembris M° CCCC" LXXXII [1493, n. s.] But, as that document affords no clue to ascer- tain how long before he had taken his domicile in Seville, we must either see a contradiction between the statement contained in the account of the first voyage, or consider Vespuccius as having removed to Spain in May, 1493. On the other hand, if the Bandini fragment is ac- cepted, the date should be removed back to January preceding. The object of this analysis is chiefly to ascer- tain whether in one case or in the other, Ves- puccius may have met then Columbus in Spain. We must answer in the affirmative, as the great Genoese was at Seville (with the exception of a short time spent at Barcelona and Cordova) from March i to September 25. The expression of Columbus when speaking of the Florentine : " he has always endeavoured to be agreeable to me," " may therefore date from the time when Columbus returned from having accomplished his great discovery,''^ but not from an earlier period. The analysis shows likewise that the statement so often repeated by historians, that Vespuccius accompanied Columbus in his first expedition, is altogether devoid of truth. We next see his name '* in documents only January 12, 1496, when he appears as carrying out a contract made by a Florentine merchant, established in Spain, probably at Seville, since at least i486, and called Juanoto Berardi. At that date, Americus acts as administrator or liquidator, on account of the death of Berardi, which had occurred in December, 1495. It has been asserted by Navarrete and Hum- boldt that Vespuccius remained at Seville, managing the Berardi firm " until at least May, 1898. This assertion, if true, would dismiss at once the alleged authenticity of the voyage of 1497 — I499j which, chronologically, we must now mention. But as we have twice already stated,'^ there is not a particle of evidence on that point, beyond a reference to Munoz, who is represented as having found proofs to the effect that Vespuccius remained in charge of the Berardi firm, and as such, equipped the third expedition of Columbus (spring of 1498). The document where such proofs are said to have been discovered, is the register — Gastos de las Armadas de las Indias — of the Casa de Contra- tacion of Seville. Now the only datum ever extracted from those books, referring directly or indirectly to Americus Vespuccius, is the above- mentioned receipt of January 12, 1496. And although a controversy has been raging for the last ninety years relative to the authenticity of the voyage of 1497, and in which Navarrete, Santarem, Varnhagen, and others took an active part, exploring even anew the archives of Seville, those records, — the mere production of which would have decided the point definitely, — never could be made to yield a single name or date to substantiate the assertion ascribed to Munoz." The whereabouts of Americus Vespuccius after January 12, 1496, therefore can be ascer- tained, thus far, only from the account of his first transatlantic voyage, said to have been written by him, and in which it is stated to have been accomplished under the Spanish flag, and to have lasted from May 10 or 20, 1497, until October 15, 1498 or 1499. "Adi 15 doctobre 1498," says the Italian text ; " XV. Octobris die anno Domini Mcccclxxxix (sic pro Ixxxxix)," prints the Cosmographiae introductio. As it is 742 The Discovery of North America. said therein that the voyage occupied eighteen months : " nel qual uiaggio ste ' mo. i8. mesi," and " in qua profectione xviii consummavimus menses," the date of 1499 is necessarily the cor- rect one. At all events, there having been at that time so many transatlantic voyages, both legitimate and clandestine, shows that, a priori, and chronologically speaking, thus far, this first expedition of Vespuccius is not improbable. The next data are also to be derived from statements ascribed to Vespuccius, concerning his second expedition. This is represented to have taken from May 16, 1499: " adi 16. di Maggio 1499," until September 8, " adi 8. di Septembre," but of what year is not stated. The account, however, does not allow a duration of more than sixteen months, and the voyage therefore terminated in 1500. Still there is at the outset an impossibility, which applies either to the first or to the second expedition, viz., the date of May 16, r499, for the departure of the latter. It is certain that if Vespuccius did not return from his first voyage before October 15, 1499, he could not have sailed on the second expedition May 16 of that year. Now, we have the testimony of Alonso de Hojeda that Vespuccius, together with La Cosa, accompanied him in his first exploration of the American continent : " en este viage, trujo con- sigo a Juan de la Cosa, € Morigo Vespuche." '' The date when that expedition sailed is not known exactly. We only know that it was in the summer of 1499, and can fix its return before July, 1500. This voyage embraces, therefore, about fourteen months of Vespuccius' second expedition. To account for the remain- ing space of ten weeks, we must assume that one of the four ships of Hojeda did not return with the others, but about two months and a half later, and that Vespuccius was on board that vessel. We have next two more expeditions, but they were accomplished under the Portuguese flag, and known only by the accounts also ascribed to Vespuccius. The first of these lasted from May 10, 1501 : "adi . 10 . di Maggio 1501," until September 7, 1502 : "adi . 7 . Septembre del 1502." The second, from May 10, 1503 : "adi . 10 . di Maggio 1503," until June 18, 1504 : "adi . 18 . di Giugno 1504." September 4, 1504, Vespuccius was in Lisbon, where he finished writing the account of his four expeditions, or the abridgement of the same which we possess, in Italian and Latin. He is next seen in Seville, where, February 5, 1505, Christopher Columbus entrusts him with a letter for his son Diego, who was at the Court. We notice in that letter the following charac- teristic passage : " Fable con Amerigo Vespuchi, portador desta, el cual va alia llamado sobre cosas de navegacion. El siempre tuvo deseo de me hacer placer : es mucho hombre de bien : la fortuna le ha sido contraria corao a otros muchos : sus trabajos no le ban aprovechado tanto como la razon requiere. El va por mio y en mncho deseo de hacer cosa que redonde & mi bien, si a sus manos esta. Yo non se de aca en que yo le emponga que a mi aproveche, porque non se que sea lo que alia le quieren. El va determinado de hacer por mi todo lo a el que fuese posible. Ved alia en que puede aprovechar, y trabajad por ello, que el lo hara todo y fablara, y lo porna en obra ; y sea todo lo que se haya podido decir que toque a esto, se lo he dicho, y enformado de la paga que a mi se ha fecho y se haz ; — ■ I have spoken with Amerigo Vespuchi, who bears this letter, and has been summoned to the Court for maritime affairs. He has always endeavoured to be agreeable to me, and is a very worthy man. Fortune has proved adverse to him, as to so many others, and his efforts did not profit him as they ought. He starts from here in the best disposition to aid me in something useful, if he possibly can. I am at a loss what to request of him, as I do not know what he is called for at the Court. Ves- puccius goes hence determined to do for me all he can. See in what way he can be useful to me, and study [your- self] the matter over, as he will do everything, as well as speak and set all means at work. But let all this be done secretly, so that they should not suspect him. So far as I am concerned, I have told him all I could about my own affairs, and how I had been and am rewarded." '^ Vespuccius, on his return from Toro, settled in Seville. April 11, 1505, he is already called "Vecino de la cibdad de Sevilla." April 24 following, he was naturalised a Castillan subject, "for the good services which he had already rendered and was expected to render to the crown of Castile and Leon.'"' Immediately Biographical Notes. 743 afterwards, he was instructed to prepare, con- jointly with Vicente Yanez Pinzon, an expedition to the Molucca islands. He was at Moguer and Palos in the spring of 1505, where he met one Pedro de Miranda, who had been sent to make enquiries concerning the same : " consultar e fablar con Amerigo 6 Vicente Yanez en lo tocante k la armada que se ha de facer por man- dado deS. A."" The conference with Miranda was renewed in June following. It is, doubtless, the expedition which was equipped in Biscay, " para descobrir la especeria," and is mentioned in the cedula of August 23, 1506." September 15, 1506, the Casa de Contratacion sent Vcs- puccius to the Court to inform the King that the squadron could not be ready before 1507.^2 In fact, it was broken up, owing to the protest of the King of Portugal. '^ But how can we reconcile those dates, all derived from authentic documents, with the letter of Hieronymo Vianello ? That Venetian military man writes to the Signoria, in a letter dated : " Burgos adi de- zembro 1506," that two ships which had been sent on a voyage of discovery beyond Hispa- niola, under the command of Juan Biscaino [La Cosa] and Almerigo Fiorentino, have just returned to Spain.'^'' It is true that Juan de la Cosa returned from such an expedition during the last two months of 1506, but those who accompanied him were Martin de los Reyes and Andres de Morales ; whilst there is no mention of Americus Ves- puccius in connection with that most successful voyage, which lasted nearly two years."' According to the despatch sent from Burgos, March 16, 1508, by Francisco de Cornaro to the Signoria of Venice, the Spanish government was preparing an expedition to the Moluccas, to be entrusted to Vespuccius in that year : "Almerico Fiorentino ha havuto ducati 13 m. delle tratte de dette Insule et che h per andare a provedere de buone navi a Biscaglia, le quali tutte perche vuol fare inuestire de piombo et andar per via de ponente a trovar le terre che trovano portoghesi navigando per levante et partira infallanter questo Marzo. " '^ There is no doubt in our mind but that there is an error in the date, probably on account of the method of computing the beginning of the year, and that this expedition is only the one which, prepared in Biscay, went to Seville, where it was dismissed in 1507 ; two of the ships being sent to Hispaniola instead, and one remaining for the intended voyage of Pinzon and Solis, which they finally carried out in 1508-9."' The fact that the above expedition to the Moluccas never sailed out is shown by the circumstance that it would have been a violation of the Treaty of Tordesillas, which the King of Portugal had already invoked when he first heard of the project ; by the dates of official documents quoted below, and proving that Vespuccius was in Spain in 1508, in 1509, and to the day of his death. March 14 and 18, 1508. Americus Vespuccius is with the Court at Burgos.*' March 22, 1508. He is appointed Pilot-Major.'* "Por cedula de Burgos, 22 Marzo 1508, se nombra Piloto Mayor a Amerigo Vispuche, vezino de Sevilla, con salario de 50,000 [with additional 25,000] mrs. " j° Then is the entry su6 amio 1508 as follows : " Que pago a Amerigo Vespuche e Diego Rodriguez de Grajeda e Esteban de Santa Celay, maestres de las naos de S. A. e otras personas, per costa da la hacienda que procedi6 de la armada de la especeria este ano de ocho [1508] 161,392 mrs."3' This does not refer to an expedition sent to the Indian seas in 1508, but to the settlement of the expenses incurred for that intended voyage, initiated in 1505 by Ferdinand of Aragon, revived in 1506 by Philip the Hand- some, equipped partially by Vespuccius, but abandoned when the King of Portugal entered a protest against the fitting-out of that expedition, as we have already stated. The following re- capitulation of dates shows that Vespuccius cannot have been at sea during any of those periods. 1507. November 26, Americus Vespuccius is ordered to repair to the Court.'- 1508. February, March 14, 18, and 22, he is with the Court at Burgos.'^ 744 The Discovery of North America. 1508. August 18, a new gedula increases his duties as Pilot-Major, requiring him to ex- amine pilots, and to gather cartographical data for the model map." 1508. December 9, he corresponds from Seville with Cardinal Ximenez.** 1509. June 12, he is still in Seville,'*' and from that time to the date of his death, February 22, 1512, he collects in person regularly, his salary as Pilot-Major."'' It is scarcely necessary to add that he had nothing whatever to do, personally, with giving the name of America to the New World. This has been the work of a German cosmographer called Martin Waldseemiiller, who invented and applied the word in 1507, while writing his Cos- mographiae introductio at St. Diey, in Lorraine. Americus Vespuccius left a widow, Maria Cerezo, but no children, as the pension of the latter reverted to " su hermana i heredera Catalina Cerego."^ ' Bandini, Vita, p. xxiv., on the authority of " un libro d'approvazioni d'eta, che si conserva nell' Archivo Secreto di S. A. R." (of Tuscany, at Florence). Ves- puccius then was nearly of the same age as Columbus ; the latter being born between October, 1446, and Octo- ber, 1451. = Autograph in Feuillet de Conches, Cause- ries d'un curieux, Vol. III. It was purchased by him in 1853 for 1000 francs, from Charron, the Parisian bookseller, and doubtless came originally from the Stroz- ziana library mentioned by Bandini, p. xxvii. , a portion of which is now in the I.aurentiana, since 1786. That valuable autograph was again sold at the Fillon sale. 3 Archir.io Mediceo avanti il Principato ; Jilza LXVIII., 220 nequitur. — State archives at Florence. * Bandini, Vila, p. XXXV. It is signed Donato Niccolini, and Amerigo Vespucci, both being represented as travelling together in Spain. Bandini describes it " un fraramento di lettera tutto dal tempo corroso, e mancante nella piii volte citata raccolta posseduta dall' Erudito Signor Abate Scarlatti [in 1745]." = The Florentines at that time commenced the year on the day of the Annunciation, March 25. Bartolozzi, Ricerche, p. 93. Hence the expression of "old style" used here. * It is signed: "Amerigho Vespucci merchante fiorentino in Sybilia." That document was discovered in the State archives at ]Mantua, by the late Prof. Gilberto Govi, who published it in the Rencliconti delta R. Accademia dei Lincei, November 18, 1888, p. 299. ' Archivio Mediceo, op. cil., No. 281. ^Lettera, p. 2. "The Latin translation (in the Cosmorjraphiae introductio) gives : " Vigessima die JIaii Mccccxcvii de porta Calica;." " " L'uni di noi dua, cioi o Donato Amerigo frJi brieve tempo potrebbe essere che passeranno a Firenze." Bandini, uhi supra. Vespuccius may have been one of those two who returned to Florence. " Navarrete, I., p. 351. " After that date, Columbus and Vespuccius can only have met between June, 1496, and May, 1497 ; and in the winter of 1500-1501. '3 Navarrete, III., 317. '•'We have not seen Book vii. of the unpublished jDart of Muiroz' Historia, mentioned by Navarrete, I., 351, note; but we are satisfied that it contains no documentary evidence on the point here discussed. Otherwise Navarrete would have quoted it (as he did. Vol. III., 317, note 2, for the date of 1495), in the various biographies of Vespuccius which he published after 1825. 'S Supra, |jp. 353-357. '« Navarrete, III., 544 ; '' I., 351-352 ; '^III., 292, 320; ''294,302; ""194; ^'321. "° (Sapra, pp. 462-64, 730-31. "^ Humboldt, Examen critique, V., 157. For the text in full see Varnhagen, Nouvelles recherches, 12-14, find Copia de uno capitolo de letere di Hironimo Vianelo, scrite a la Signoria date a Burgos a di 23 dezemhro 1506, in / Diarii di Marin Sanuto, Vol. VI. (1881), cols. 533, 539-541. "< Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 217, 220, "^230. '^ Bibliot. Americ. Vetust., Additions, p. xxvii. '^ Supra, p. 463. '^ Navarrete, III., 115, ''297, 3" 304, 3^114, 33322, 3+299, ^"323, "'304. 30 Munoz MSS., LXXV., 217, 220, 230. 35 Cartas de Indias, 5, with facsimile, and supra, p. 126, note 4. 36 Varnhagen, Appendice seg undo, 2,7- 38 Muiioz MSS., LXXVII. , 28 ; and supra, pp. 107, 335. Vespuccius (Juan). — The nephew of Ameri- cus, and also born in Florence. In the gedula of May 22, 1512, he is called "Juan de Ves- puchi, sobrino de Amerigo Vespuchi." Ac- cording to the genealogical tree exhibited by Bandini,! Americus had three brothers, viz.: Antonio, Girolamo, and Bernardo. Antonio, who was the eldest, is the only one who had children. There were five, and Giovanni was the youngest. It follows that all the Vespuccis who, since the sixteenth century, claimed to belong to that family could only be descendants of the eldest branch by Antonio, as Americus himself left no issue. Juan Vespuccius appears in documents for the first time. May 22, 15 12, in a cedula ap- pointing him pilot of the Casa de Contratacion. "Cedula de Burgos, 22 Mayo, 1512. Juan Vespuchi es nombrado piloto de la Casa con 20,000." " July 24 following, he is instructed, with Juan Diaz de Solis, to construct the official model for sailing charts ;' but he alone was authorised to Biographical Notes. 745 take copies of the same : " Que Juan Vespuche haga las cartas de navegar sacadas del padron real, e no otro ninguno."* He accompanied Pedrarias Davila as Pilot-Major of the expedi- tion which sailed from San Lucar for Darien, April 12, 1514." According to Herrera, he was appointed, in 1515, a member of the junta com- posed of the best pilots that could be found for improving charts, with increased salary. The latter statement from Herrera is probably based upon the ordinance of August 6, 1515, granting Juan Vespuccius an annual remuneration of 10,000 marks.° August 30, 15 15, July 23, 15 16, and May 6, 15 19, he is inscribed in the rolls of the pilots to the King.' He became a member of the Badajoz commission, and signed (as such) one of the official opinions,^ April 15, 1524. March 28, 1525, Charles V. turns him out of office, probably for having declined to accom- pany Garcia Joffre de Loaisa in the expedition to the Strait of Magellan and Moluccas.' He is nevertheless appointed one of the two officials (Miguel Garcia being the other) to examine pilots,'" in the place of Sebastian Cabot when sent to La Plata,"" April 5, 1526. Peter Martyr held him in great esteem : " Of the which younge Vesputius is one to whom Americus Vesputius his vncle (being a Florentine borne) left the exact knowledge of the mariners facultie, as it were by inheritance after his death for he was a vgry expert maister in the knowledge of his carde, his com- passe, and the eleuation of the pole starre with all that perteineth therto. This younge Vesputius was assygned by the Kyng to bee one of the maisters of the gouernours Shippe, bicause he was cunninge in iudgyng the degrees of the eleuation of the pole starre by the quadrante. Vesputius is my verye familyar frende, and a wyttie younge man in whose company I take great pleasure, and therefore vse hym oftentymes for my geste. He hath also made many vyages into these coastes, and diligently noted suche thinges as he hath scene." " That was written before October, 1516; but in 1514, Peter Martyr already called Juan Ves- puccius " Magister nauclerus." '" Of his works we only possess a mappamundi constructed it seems in 1522 — 1523, engraved and published twice in Italy, but curious chiefly on account of its equi-distant polar projection.'' ' Bandini, Vita di A. Vespucci, pp. xxii.-iv., for what is known concerning the family. In our researches among the baptismal registers of Santa Maria del Fiore, we have failed to find the date of the birth or of the baptism of Juan Vespuccius. " Munoz MSS., LXXV., 264, 265, 3213; Navarrete, III., 306. * Navarrete, Hist, de la Nautica, 138. s Anghiera, Decad. II. , 37. ^ Herrera, Decad. II., 18. ' Navarrete, Opimculos, I., 75. ^ Jean et Sebastien Cabot, 334. ' Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 22, 52; Navarrete, IV., 341, '"306; Herrera, Decad. HI., 215, '"260. "Anghiera, Decad. HI., 54; "II., 37. '3 Supra, pp. 533-34, and facsimile. ViEGAS (Gaspar). — Portuguese cartographer, concerning whom we only know that he is the author of a series of maps, one of which is signed as follows: "Gaspar Vt'egas . jD[ouiohT]o, IS34-" Jean et Sebastien Cabot, 183-185. ViLLALOBOS (Diego Garcia de). — Pilot of the Santiaguillo, who first explored the coast of Chili at the time of Pedro de Valdivia (1540). The earliest information concerning that coast, south of Valparaiso, was conveyed, however, by Alonso de Camargo. Annuario hydrogr. de Chili, I., 466, 670. ViLLKGAS (Pedro Ruiz de). — Of Burgos. Cosmographer-Major of Charles V. Enjoyed an immense reputation as a mathematician and astrologer. Played an important part in the junta of Badajoz in 1524, being opposed to the sale of the Moluccas. He also invented a method for ascertaining the longitude, by the libration or by the phases of the moon. Was still living under the reign of Philip II, ' consequently after 1554—1556- Navarrete, Bibliot. maritima, II., 613, and in his Coleccion, IV., 328-368. Herrera, Decad. HI., 284; IV. , 94. " Vanderhamm, Vida de D. Felipe el Prudente, Madrid, 1632, f. 136. VizcAYA (Juan Sanchez de). — Pilot who ex- plored and described the Rio de la Plata, and the Rio del Brasil, in 1539. Lista de la Exposicion Americanista, B, 764. Vyzcaino (Joanicote). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Documentos ineditos de Indias, XLH., 545. Vyzcaino (Lopez Sanchez). — Ibidem. 4 u 746 The Discovery of North America. Valmiento (Cristobal Garcia). — Pilot of the Pinta in the first transatlantic expedition of Christopher Columbus, 1492-1493. Navarrete, III., 571. XiMENEZ and Jimenez (Fortun or Ortuno). — A great Basque cosmographer," and Pilot-Major of the expedition sent by Cortes, October 29, 15331 to accomplish discoveries in the Pacific. He was on board the Conception, but it is the other vessel, the San La(aro, which discovered Lower California, December 24 following. Ximenez is charged with having murdered his captain, Diego Becerra de Mendoga. He was, killed by the Indians of the island of Santa Cruz in the course of that expedition. ' Bernal Diaz, cc. Doc. ineditos de Indicts, XII., 299. Herrera, Decad. V., 158. U. S. Oeogr. Surveys of W. of the 100th meridian, p. 489, and supra, p. 720, which the present item completes. VAfiEZ (Rodrigo).— Pilot of the St. Spiritus, one of the ships of the expedition of Pedrarias Davila in 1514. Muiioz MSS., LXXV., 320. yAMORANO (Nicolas). — Pilot-Major of the ex- pedition of Hernando de Alarcon, which sailed from Acapulco, May 9, 1540, and ranged the Pacific coast to 37°^ north latitude. He made a map of that voyage, which he sent to Oviedo. There was a Rodrigo Zamorano, professor in the Casa de Contratacion and cosmographer to the King, in 1583.S ' Oviedo, IV., 17. Herrera, Decad. VI., 208. Rela.- tion du voyage de Cibola, in Ternaux' Voyages, 1838, Appendice iv., p. 301. " Lista de la Exposicion Ameri- caiiista, B, No. 61. Zazarabaca (Diego Sanchez). — Pilot for the West Indies before 1525. Oocumenios ineditos de Indias, XLII., 547. [End of Part Fifth.] (^ppenbi;^^ Extracts from the Wardens Manuscript Accounts OF THE Drapers Company of London, Vol. VII., folios 86-87. From March ist to April qth, 1521. (See supra, pages 28-29, 47-48-) 'Phe first day of Marche' here assembled my lord the maire, Sir An answer made to -■■ laurence Aylmer M. Monoux M. Milborn M. Bayly & M. Wylkynson serten of the kings aldermen M. Carter M. Clerk and M. Vaughan Wardens & of the Coun- c unse as consem- ^^ ^^ Hawkyns M. Cremor M. Game M. Rudston M. Askue M. Gentyll yng the kings shippes ' to be occupyed. ^' Perpoint M. White M. Champyon M. Sadler & M. Dolphyn and at the said assembley yt was aggreed that the Wardens w* M. Rudston M. Perpoint & M. Dolphyn shall comon w* the Wardens of other auncyaunt ffeliships to knowe what aunswere were best to be made to M. Wynkfeld & M. Brown of the kings counsell conc^nyng the kings shippys. And the same day after assembley made at Frere Austyns by wardens of dyu''s companys and aggreed all aftir one mynd we made ou'' aun- swere in wryting & delyu'ed yt vnto the said counsell by thassent of this hows ; the tenor where of is this that foloweth The aunswere of the wardens of drapers of London vnto the reporte of Sir Rob't Wynkfeld and Sir Wolston Broun knyghts and of ou"" Sou'ayn lord the kings moste honor- able counsell First where it hathe pleased the kings highnes of his moste g^'cious zele good mynd and tendre fauor towarde his m'chaunde of london had, as by the reporte of the foresaid Sir Robt. and Sir Wolston vnto the said Wardens lately made, For the whiche moste gucious zele good mynd and tendre fauo'' all we ben naturally bounden to pray to God for his moste g°cious and prosperous cStynua»nce in good helth and long lyf. And as toching the taking or receyving of one of the kings shipps, we say that we have noo auctorite to bynd ou^' hole copany and Feliship vnto any suche charge. And also that in ou' company be but fewe aventurors, saving onely in to Flaunders, where vnto requireth noo grete shipps. Furthermore we say that if it be the kings pleasu'' to caws to be manned rygged appareled and vitayled suche a ship as the copany shall think covenient, that than we the said wardens shall applye vs to labo'' ou'' said copany for to freght and laid the said ship to the best of ' Of the year 1521, new style. We reiterate our are indebted for the present perfect transcript of this thanks to Miss Lucy Toulmine Smith, to whom we valuable and most interesting document. 748 The Discovery of North America. ou"- powers, having suche a resonable p'ce of y'' freght as other shipps hath in lyke viage & lading. Also we thynk it is dowtfuU that any English ship shalbe sufferd to laid in Spayn & in other co"ntres by reason of such acts & statuts ther made aff such lyke man" as be made in Englond for Gascon wyn» & Tolles wood from Burdeux The xj day of Marche here assembled M. Moneux M. Milborn M. Bayly & M. Wylkynson Aldermen M. Carter M. Vaughan Wardens the hole counsell the liu^'ey & the hole body of the feliship, ryche & poure, and at the said assembley was redd openly vnto them the articles folowing directed vnto vs by the wardens of the mercers from the kings Counsell and to x other crafts of the moste Aunciant in thes woords that is to say First the king & my lord Cardinall and the Counsell thynketh aswele Certen nomb" of shipps for his hono'' as for the gen'all welth of this his Realm that there be to be appoynted to appoynted a c'tayn no"mbre of ships to be prepared for a viage to be go into the new ^^^^ .^^^ ^^^ newefound Hand found lande. . , . , , , n i • ■■ And his grcs pleasure is, that it be opened vnto the gen-'altie of m'cha"nts adventurers and c^tayn companys to knowe there benevolent mynds therein And the demand that is required of you is to furnyshe v shipps after this man^, The king's Grace to prepare them in takyll ordenaunce and all other necessaries at his charge. And also the king to bare the advento'^ of the said shipps, And the m'chaunts & com- panys to be at the charge of the vitaylling and mennys wages of the same shipps for one hole yere and the shipps not to be above vj^^ ton apece And also it is the king's pleasu'' that this Citie of London shalbe as hede Reulers for all the hole realm for asmany Cites and Townes as be mynded to prepare any shipps forwards for the same purpos and viage, as the Town of Bristowe hath sent vp there knowledge that they wyll p>are ij shipps, And if ye be mynded to doe as afore is resyted, his g"cs pleasu' is that x yere afP there shall no nacion have the trate but you And to have respyte for there custom xv monthes & xv monthes, and the said wardens to make aunswere in wryting of the pmiisses aforesaid bitwen this & Wednysday next comyng The pi^misses considered the Maister Wardens and Counsell endeverd them furthwith wt the best words exortacion and diligence to knowe the benevolent mynd of eupy man there assembled at that tyme and also com™aundid them that than were absent to come bifore my lord the Maire and them the next morowe aftir. Soo that all there g''nts amownted to a small somme. And my lord and maisters seyng that made there aunswer in form folowing that is to say The aunswer of the wardens of drapers of London w* thassent and Answer made to a byl consent of the moste parte of all there company, vnto a byll lately sent y t e war e s ^^^^ ^^^^ them by the wardens of the m^cers of London cotaynyng the appoyntment of v shipps to be p^^pared towards the Newefound Hand. First the foresaid Wardens & company of drapers supposen and say that if ou'' Sou'ayne lord the kings highnes, the Cardinalls g'^ce and the kings moste honorable Counsell were duely and substa"ncially enformed in suche man' as perfite knowledge myght be had by credible reporte of maisters & mariners naiural/y born within this Realm of England'^ having ' This is an allusion to the foreign birth of Sebastian in England as an Englishman. The italics are ours, Cabot, who was born in Venice, and not considered then and do not appear in the original record. Appendix. 749 experience, and exercised in and abowt the forsaid Hand as wele in knowlege of the land, the due courses of the seey thiderward and homeward, as in knowlege of the havenes, roods, poorts, creks, dayngers, & sholds there vppon that coste and there abowts being, that than it were the lesse jopardy to aventer thider, than it is nowe, all though it be ferther hens than fewe English maryners can tell. And we thynk it were to sore avenf to joperd v shipps with men &= goods vnto the said Hand vppon the singuler trust of one man callyd as we vnderstond Sebastyan, whiche Sebastyan as we here say was neu'' in that land hym self, all if he maks reporte of many things as he hath hard his Father and other men speke in tymes past. And also we say that if the said Sebastyan had bene there and were as coiiyng a man in & for thoos parties as any man myght be having non other assista^nts of maisters & maryn's of Englond excercised & labored in the same p'ties for to guyd there shipps and other charges than we knowe of, but onely trusting to the said Sebastyan, we suppos it were no wysdom to avent"^ lyves & goods thider in suche man°, What for fere of syknes or dethe of the said Sebastian, or for desevering of the said v shipps by nyght or by day by force of tempests or otherwyse one from another owt of syght, for than it shuld be gretely to dowte wheder ever thes v shipps shuld mete ayen in company or nay, for the said Sebastian cannot be but in one ship, than the other iiijo"^ shipps & men stands in grete pe^'U for lak of coiiyng maryn's in knowlege of thoos p^'ties and to ordre & guyd them ; and soo the vitayll and mennys wages shalbe spent in vaiyn, and they glad to retorn home- ward w' small comforte, for it is said amonx maryners in old proverbe. He salys not surely that salys by another mannys compas Also we say that it is not possible that the said v shippes besids there Balast may receyve the vitaylls to suffice so many men for one hole yere, Soo that we think verely that in this aduenf^ can be perceyved any aduauntage or profeit to growe vnto any man, but rather losse and damage, besids the gretest joperdy of all whiche is mennys lyves Then aftir that this ou"^ Aunswere and the aunswers of x other Crafts were debated and resoned amonx them all at Saynt Thomas of Akers, they aggreed to send furth the Governo' and iiij"'' wardens of diuers misters vnto my lord Cardynall w* this comyssion folowing Here aftir foloweth the Articles that the comissioners sent to my lord Cardynall from the Wardens of xj companys to be spoken in the behalf of the said Wardens Fyrst the foresaid Wardens sayen that there companys be wyllyng to accomplishe the kings desire and pleasu"" in furnysshing of ij shippys accordingly, and they suppos to furnyssh the thryd, soo that one may here w' an other indifferently of xj Felishippes assembled w' the Ald'men of the same. And also vppon certayn articles to them to be g^nted by the kings highnes & his honorable Councell And the said wardens desyre to have lenger respyte for a full aunswere therein to be yeven The said comissioners brought aunswere fro my lord Cardynall that the king wold have the p'misses to goo furth and to take effect. And there vppon my lord the Maire was send for to speke w* the king for the same matier. So that his g'^ace wold have no nay there in, but spak sharpely to the Maire to see it putt in execucion to the best of his power 750 The Discovery of North America. For the same purpose the xxvj day of Marche my lord the Maire comaunded the hole company of all this fraternite to assemble bifore hym at the Drapers hall, where was wt grete labo' & deligence & many diuers warnynge g^'unted first & last ijC m'cs" p'sentyd by a byll to the Maire the ixth day of Aprill in this man'. The maister and wardens of Drag's of london in the names of all ijC m'cks gfuntyd to- there company g'unten of there benevolent mynds to pay towards wart mynnys wags & maryn's wages and vitayling of certayn shippes for one viage to be rygpng ° s ipps ^jj(jg [jy jjjg grace of God into the Newfound Hand ij C m'cs vnder the new found land. . , , . , i ■ suche condicion as shalbe articled bitwen the kmgs moste noble coun- sell and the adventurers of the said Cite of London vnto the foresaid Hand, the names of the payers and their seu'all somes for the said ij C m''cs appereth in the iijd leef folowing. [On folio 9 is the list of names and the sum each gives. " My lord the Maire Sir John Brugge" heads it with ;^8. Monaux gives /^8, Milborn ;^7, Bayly ;^5, and so on. This first list, of masters and livery contains 78 names ; a second list of 46 Bachillers, who give smaller sums, one gives ;£^. 6. 8., the next 5 marks, then los., 40s., down to many at 3/4, 20(/., and 12^. (a mark is 13. 4).] 3 i. e. 200 marks. j|nl>e;r of (Uame0. THE present is not such a Geographical Dictionary as we would have gladly added to our work, had there been sufficient space left for a compendium of that description. Under more favourable circumstances, we should endeavour to ascertain the original structure and comparative spelling of the name of every region, river, mountain, island, cape, gulf, town, and settlement of the New World, cited by the ancient Spanish and Portuguese historians, or inscribed in the old maps ; ^ to mark their latitude and longitude as stated in that class of documents ; to determine the province, kingdom, or, rather, caciqueship to which each belonged ; when they were discovered, subdued, or colonised, and by whom ; and to fix, if possible, their true, or approximate place in modern maps ; adding, of course, the historical and cartographic authorities for every one of our attempted identifications. Unfortunately, we found that a dictionary of the kind would swell the present work to excessive dimensions, and that we had already exceeded the size announced in the pros- pectus, to such an extent that instead of being comprised within six hundred pages, the book now numbers upwards of eight hundred. We found ourselves compelled, therefore, to give only a succinct index. In that index, the names have been transcribed precisely as they are inserted in the maps which constitute our Cartography, however imperfectly spelled, or unintelligible in many instances, they may be. This servile reproduction finds its excuse in the fact that other- wise the names and legends could not have served the purpose of identification, when endeavouring to discover the origin, filiation, or relationship of those cartographical documents. We should also confess that most of the designations have passed in the course of time through so many corruptions, in various languages, that we failed to ascertain their, meaning, or ascend to the original form, even when intended to reproduce a Spanish, Portuguese, or Italian word. With the hope of aiding in that difficult reconstruction, we have added references to contemporary historical writings and documents where mention is made of a number of those geographic names. They are quoted under the initials of the authors, or of the abridged title of the collections containing the documents referred to, from editions selected by us which can be more easily consulted by the generality of readers, viz.: P. M. — I'efn Mariyris ab Angleria Mediolanensis. Oratoris clarissimi, Fernandi &> Helisabeth Hispaniarum quonda7n regum a consilijs, de rebus Oceanicis 6- Orbe nouo decades tres. Basileae, apud loannem Bebelium. m.d.xxxiii ; folio. ' In connection with tlie subject, it should be noted the caciqueships extending from Cape St. Augustine west- Ihat the tribes or populations of aborigines had not all ward to the Gulf of Mexico. Bogota, Chiapas, Comogre, risen to the conception of a geographical entity for the Paris, Pocorosa, Quiripa, Tangarala, Urraca, Zamaco, territory which they inhabited. Our belief is that in even Tuhanama, although given both to a province and to many instances the country went only by the name of its a river, are .all names borne originally by the caciques of cacique, which the Spaniards gave to the region which the regions thus designated in the ancient histories and was under his sway. This was particularly the case with maps. 4 V 754 The Discovery of North America. VM.—The first Three English books on America. Being chiefly Translations, Compilations, &-<:., by Richard Eden; Birmingham, 1885, large 4to. This excellent edition, which contains the first three Decades and the Enchiridion, is due to Mr. Edward Arber, f.s.a. P. M.. — Opus epistolarum Petri Martyris Anglerii Mediolanensis. Amstelodami; Apud Danielem Elzevirium, do loc lxx, folio. Enciso.— ^Mwa de geographia que traia de todas las pariidas y prouincias del mundo : en especial de las indias [por el bachiller Martin Fernandez de Enciso']; Sevilla, 15 19, folio; with the leaves unnumbered, which prevented us from specifying the reference. Ov. Historia general y natural de las Indias, islas y tierrafirme del mar oc'eano, por el capitan Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo y V aides ; Madrid, 1851-55, 4 vols. 4to.; without any index, either of names or of geographical designations; only a list of the Voces Americanas empleadas por Oviedo. L. C. Historia de las Indias escrita por Fray Bartolomk de las Casas, obispo de Chiapa ; Madrid, 1875-76, 5 vols. 8vo.; without index, or notes of any kind. It is to be regretted that such an important work should have been so poorly edited. Nav. Coleccion de los viages y descubrimientos, que hicieron por mar los Espaiioles desde fines del siglo XV. Con varios documentos ineditos concermientes a la historia de la marina castellana . . . Coordinada e ilustrada por Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete ; Madrid, 1825-1837, 5 vols. 4to. Doc. ined. — Coleccion de documentos ineditos relatives al descubrimiento, conquista y colonizacion de las posesiones espanolas en America y Occeania, sacados, en su mayor parte, del Real Archivo de Indias ; Madrid, 1864, many vols. 8vo. This series of valuable documents has been likewise very imperfectly edited. The lack of space has also prevented us from inserting in our descriptions and nomen- clatures many of the islands. We now give these in the following Geographical Index, but only when found in the earliest maps, viz.: La CosA : Cosa. Canerio : Can. Kunstmann No. iv.: K. Weimar: W. Cantino : C. RuYSCH : R. Turin : T. Ribero : Rib. For the sake of brevity, we have embraced under the general designation of " Antil." not only the West Indies proper, but also the Bahama islands, and those which are scattered in the Caribbean Sea. For the same reason, all the localities situate between the Brazilian Elbow and Honduras, have been designated as being in " Tierra firme." By " N.E. coast," is meant here the seaboard extending from Florida to Labrador. The sign = , for instance in " Saona = Adamaney," indicates synonyms. (Beogtrap^icaf ^n^tjc^ A BAICOA. Pueblo. Florida, 147. Abanarlista, Abangelista, 91. See Isla Evangelista. Abastagana, 567. Abbatiam Omnium Sanctorum, 301-2, 320, 452-3, 473. Abibe. Province. — Ov., ii., 461. Abo9apecau. Pueblo.-,, ,, 203. Abraloyo. An til. — T. See Abre el ojo: — "Keep your eye open." Abre el oj o. Reef 3. -L. C. , II. , 243. Abreojo. See Cabo Abreojo. Abreojos. Reefs, 633. — Ov., ii., 116. Abreos Olhos, Illia de. Antil. — C, Can. Abrigo. See Buen Abrigo. Abrigo, Puerto de, 531. Abrolho. See Cabo Abrolho. Aburema. Bay. — Nav., I., 205. Aburema. River, 477. -P.M., 135. Aburena. Province. — L. C, iii., 119. Aoapulco, 746. Aoara, 559. Acateba. River.— P. M., 153. Acension. Bay, 530. Acension. River, 575. Achariba. Province and Town. — L. C, v., 208. Ada. Province. — Nav., iii. , 307. Ada-. Town, 537.— Ov., n., 137 ; L. C, IV., 235. Aclapoco (Acapulco ?), 581. Acoa. Coast, 532. A§ua. Town. — Ov., i., 91. Aouna. See Rodrigo de Acuiia. Acya, 433. Adamaney = Saona. See Saona. Adriano, Sam, 508. Afrita. Cape in Peru, 628. Afrorita (Favorita), Cabo de la, 581 Aganeo = Bimini = Florida, 135, 141, 563. See Florida. e. Pueblo.— v., i., 554. Aguaneo. See Boiuca. Agoada. See Puerto Agoada. Agron, 414. Aguacadiba. Pueblo. — Nav., i., 320. Aguaoaleyquen, Rio de. — Ov., i., 552. Aguacay, 644. Aguada, Angla de la, 581. Aguada. Bay, 183. Aguada. Gulf, 559. Aguada. See Punta Aguada. Aguada, El. River in Hispaniola.- Ov., I., 199. Aguada, El. River in Porto Rico. - Ov., I., 466. Aguado. See Rio All Aguado. Aguanil. Province. — Ov., i., 498. Aguatanejo. See Zaguatanejo. Agueybana. Region. -Ov., i., 480. Aguja, La. Antil. — Ov., i., 33, K., T. Aguja, Cabo de la, 634. Aguja, Punta de la. — Ov. , II. , 132 ; Nav., I., 250. Ahia. See Rio .Ihia. Aiaguitin. River. — P. M., 153. Aide Venada, 300. See Aldea Vencida. Airaba. Antil. — T. Ajorcas, 601. Alacranes, Islas de. — Ov. , i. , 113, W., Rib. Albao, 433. Alcagares = Bogota. — Ov., i., 219, IV., 132. See Bogota. Aloa9ares. Valley. — Ov., ii., 319. Alcau = Cayrus.— P. M., 186. Aldea, Rio de la.— Ov., ii., 129. Aldea Cemada, or Quemada, 501, 531. Aldea de Turme, 414. Aldea Vencida = Codera = Cor- sarios, 300. See Codera, and Corsarios. Alegroza. River, 318, 453. Alegroza, Cabo [de la], 300. Alejo=Alexos. Islet. — Nav., v., 175, 238. Alexo, Rio de Sto. — Ov., ii., 115. Alferez. Valley. In St. Marta. — Ov., II., 384. Alibano, 644. Alifonso, St. Cape and River, 517. See Alphonso. Alipaya. Pueblo.— Ov., ii„ 447. All Saints, Bay, and Abbey of, 352, 368, 687, 697. See Todos Sanctos. Allapego, 473. See Pagus. AUende, Punta de, 634.— v., ll., 122. Almadabra, 414. Almadiaa. River, 86, 90, 316. Almadias. Bay. — Ov., ii., 118. Almejas, Anoon de las. Pacific. — • L. C, IV., 218. Almeria, 503, 510, 530, 566, 583. Almeria, Rio de, 634.-Ov.,ii., 142. Almeria = Naothlan.-Nav. , in. ,67. Almerigo, Val d'., 531, 540.— T. See Amerigo. Alonso, Isla de. — Ov., ii., 131. Alpha y Omega, 86, 88. See Bayatiquiri. Alphonso, Rio de S.-Ov., ii., 117. Alta Velo. Islet.— L. C, ii., 316. Alto Velo, Antil.— T., Rib. Altobelo, Antil. — Cosa. Alvarado, Rio de, 510, 567, 530, 583. Ama9onas, Islas de las. — Ov., ii., 140; Rib. Amaguayo, Isla de, 145. Amaguey. River and Valley. — L. C, v., 208. Amana. See Rio Amana. Amanuaua, Islas de. — Ov., i., 614. Amazona, Jlouths of the, 328. Amazona. River, 564, 591, 685. 756 The Discovery of North America. Amazonag = San Juan de las Ama- zonas = Maranou, Rio de las, 586. Amboto, Pena de. — Ov., I., 407. Ambrosio, Tierra de S., 415. America, 307, 467, 487, 490, 491, 497, 507, 513, 514, 525, 547, 549, 56 1. America Novitee Repeeta, 496. America Setentrion'al, 645. America, Tierra, 577. America, Terra Nova, 587. Amerigo, Valle de, 531, 540. See Almerigo. Amgra de Reis, 321. Ainicatiye. Province. — Nav. , III. , 154. See Anica. Amichel. Province. 164, 510, 530, 566. Amiga, Isla de la. — Nav. , i. 110. Amigayahua. Province. — Ov., I., 90. Aminoya = Animay, 644. Amotape. Peru. — Ov., iv., 152. Ana, Baliia de Sta. — Ov., il., 171. Ana, Ilha de Samta, 183. Ana, Islas de Sta. — Ov., ii., 138. Ana, Rio de Sta., 633.— Ov. ii., 204. Ana, Sta. Island. — Rib. Anades, Rio de las. Barien. — L. C, IV., 174. Anaflor, 218, 555. See Honfleur. Anaresma, 319. Anaya. Province. — Ov. , I., 580. Anbrosio, St. See Tierra. AndriS, St. Newfoundland, 600. Andres, P. de S., 510, 559, 583. Andres, S. Island. — W., Rib. Anegada. Antil.— T., W. Anegadas, Islas. Antil. — Ov., I., 614. Anegadi903, Costa de. — Ov., iv., 220. Anegado. See Cabo Anegado. Angasmayo. See Rio Angasmayo. Angel, Cabo del.— Nav., i., 110. Angeles, Rio de las, 646. Angla, El.— Ov., ii., 117. Anguila. Antil. — VV. Anguileme, and Angolemme, 218, 220, 576, 577. Anguilla. Antil.— T. Anguilla, Cabo de la. Pacific. — Ov., IV., 4. Angiilo. See Isla Angulo. Auhufo. See Golfo Anhufo. Anica = Anicatiye, 204. See Ami- catiye. Animay = Aminoya, 644. Anna, in the imaginary Antilia, 377. Anna, Rio de Sta., 503, 577. Anne, Isle de Sainte, 186. Annellina Sirtis (Gulf of?), 577. Anniuci. — P. M., dec. iii., lib. 6. Anoantal. Province and Pueblo. Ov., II., 243, 254. Anorombega, 323. Anoxa = Noxa. Province, 204.— Nav. III., 154. Anselli, in the imaginary Antilia, 377. Ansetti, ,, ,, ,, 377. Ansoldi, ,, ,, ,, 377. Ansolli, ,, ,, „ 377. Ansro, 414. Anterlinoi (?), 300, 453. Anthonio, Regio de S., 491. Antigoa, El. Antil.— W. Antigua, La. Antil. — T., K. Antigua, Isla. — Ov., i., 39. Antilhas del Rey de Castella, 77. Antilia, 51, 108, 328, 378, 607, 651, 652, 6-56. Antilia Insula. — Rib. Antillas, 645, 685. Antiochia. Province. Nicaragua. Ov.,iv., 143. Antioul. In the imaginary Antilia, 377. Anton, Cabo de S., in Cuba. — W. Anton, Puerto. — Ov., i., 580. Anton, Puerto de S. = Rio de To- nala.— Ov. i., 530 ; Nav. in., 62. Anton, Punta de St. , 516. — Ov. , I. , 493. Anton, Rio de S., 634. Anton, Sant, 510, 530. Antonio, Bahia de St., 588. Antonio, C. See Cabo Blanco. Antonio, Cabo de S., 177, 426, 559, 567, 583, 601, 633. Antonio, Golfo de St., 501. Antonio, Ilha de Sant, 183, 535, 573. Antonio, Isletas de S., Pacific. — Rib. Antonio, Rio de S., 241, 301, 321, 335, 572, 577. Antonio, Rio St., N.-E. coast. — Ov., II., 146. Antonio, SerrSo de St., 320, 509. Anucana. Antil. — T. Anzerina. Oarien. — v. , ii. , 459. Anzerma. ,, ,, 461. Apaca. ,, ,, 441. Apafalaya, Rio de. — Ov. , i., 570. Apalache. Bay, 152. Apalache. Port.— Ov., m., 583. Apalache. Province, 645, 646. — Ov., III., 583. Apcelado. See Cabo Apcelado (Apresilhado, or do Prazel ?). Apodori. Pueblo.— Ov., ii., 303. Aprelohia, Baxos d' (Abre el ojo) April Cape, The, 87. See Fin do Abril and Eundabrill. Apuri, Rio de. — Ov., ii., 303. Aquanil.— P.M., 187; Aquiahuiztlan, 190. Aquixo. Pueblo. — Ov., i., 573. Arabo.— P.M., 168. Araburuco. Pueblo. — v. , ii. , 295. Aracay. ,, „ „ Araiuica. Antil. — Cosa. Aramana. — P. M. , loc. cit. Arambe = Aranui, 204. — Nav. , III., 154. Araya. Province. — Ov., i., 357. Araya, Punta de. — L. C. , IV., 275; Ov., I., 63, 589; ii., 131. Arboleda. See Rio Arboleda. Arboleda. See Punta Arboleda. Arboledas, Costa de, 634. — Ov. , II., 142. Arboledas, Rio de. Brazil, 415. Arboledas, Rio de. G. of Mexico, 510, 530, 583. Arbol Gordo. Town, — v. , i. , 112, 113; L. C, III., 102. Areas, Terra das, 532. Arcay, 317. Arcaybacoia, 317, 473. Arcayaga. See Santa Cruz. Archidona, 510. Arcuya. Province. — Ov., i., 208. Arecifes, Bay a de. — ii., 122. Arecifes, Golfo de, 415. Arecifes, Po de, 504, 510, 530. Arefeces (sic), Rio de, 301. Arena, Costa de, 415. Arena, Plaia de, 415, 487. Arena, Rio de, 300. Arenal, Punta del, 318. — Nav., I., 247. Arenal, Rio del. In G. of Mexico, 635. Arenal, Rio del. — Ov., ii., 143. Geographical Index. 757 Arenas, Cabo de las. N. -E. coast, 241, 572.— Ov., II., 146. Arenas, Mas de. — Ov., i., 76; Nav.,i.,40; K. Arenas, Punta de las, 516, 517, 532.— Nav. iv., 33. Arenas Gordas. — Ov., ii., 113; Nav., v., 253. Aretioos, P. de, 583. Aretioos, Rio de, 566. Argare or Argair, 414. Ariparia. Island. — T. Arlaz, C. de, 508. Arlear. See Cabo Arlear. Arma. Province. — Ov., iv., 143. Armelines Siltes {sic pro sirtis : gulf), 555.- Arnaca. River and Prov. , 589. Arquibacoa, Islas de, 317. See Arcay. Arracif es = Arreoif es, 0. de, 241. Arracifes, C. de. N.-E. coast. — Ov., II., 146. Aruacauas, 592. Aruacay, Costa de. — Ov., ii. , 216. Aruba. Island. — T. , W. , Ov. , ii. , 131. Aruca. Province, 581. Ascen9ion. City.— :0v., ii., 195. Asgension, Bahia de la. Yuoatan.- Ov., I., 509 ; Nav., in., 57. Ascension. Island. — W. Ascension, Puerto de la, 517. Asension. An til. — Cosa. Aschwampi River, 69. Asia, East coast of, 651. Asia, Punta d', 66. Astatam, 611. Astatlam, 707. Atalaya, Sta. Maria d', 426, 572. Atamea. River. — P. M., 152. Atara9ana3, Rio de las, 541. Athahachi. Town of the Cacique Taacalu9a. — Ov., i., 567. Atiei. Region.— P. M., 169. Atrenidade. — See Trinidade. Attibunious." River.— P. M., 73. Auan, Anam = Cibau. — Nav., i., 171. Au5erma= Umbra. Province and salt pits. — Ov. , IV., 142. Aues, Rio de le, 300, 318. See Aves. Augasmayo, Rio de. — Ov., i., 218. Augustine, Cape St., 339, 410, 413, 421, 426, 466, 472, 523, 535, 567, 680, 685, 731. Augustine, Golfo de Sant, 648. Augustine, Rio de St., 301, 320, 335, 532, 633.— Ov., ii., 115. Australia, 97. Aves, Isla de. Autil. — W. Aves = Paxaros, Isla de. — Ov., ii., 131. Aves, Isleos de, 178, 558. — Ov., II., 149. Axuduara. Pueblo. — Ov.,ii.,295. Ayaguabo = Mar Dulce = Laguna de Nicaragua. — Ov., II., 203. Ayanaboto. Pueblo. -Ov. , ii. , 295. Ayarmaba. Antil.-Nav. , ill. , 544. Ay Ay. See Ayay, and Libu- queyra. Ayay. Antil. — Chanca, in Nav., I. , 204. See Libuqueyra. Ayllon; Tierra de, 209, 558, 570. Aymaco. — Ov., I., 482. Aymores, Sierra dos, 342. Aypiare. Pueblo. — v. , ii. , 295. Ayqueroa. Region. — P. M., 169. Ays = Hays, 644. Azabara. Prov. — Nav., m., 556. Azoa ,, ,, I., 324. Azua. Pueblo. — L. C, in., 102. Azuam.— P. M., 176. Azzuei. — ,, 169. "DABBAREO. Lake.— P.M., ^ 170. Babeque, Baneque, Baveque, Ba- bueca. Antil. — Nav. , i. , 53, III., 570; C, Can., K. Babuoa, Baxos de. — W. Baccalaos, Bacalar, Bachaglia, Tierra de, 18, 122, 601, 526, 534, 566, 570, 579, 583, 590, 627, 700, 719.— Ov., 11., 149. Bachinoa, Bainoa. Province. — P. M., 168. Baduaria, 555. Bafan. See Fava. Bafra Barill, 301. See Baya Barilles. Baguanimaho. Province. — P. M., 168. Bahama Channel, 190, 191, 192, 704. Bahama, Isla de. — Ov., i., 614. Bahama, Islas de. — T. , W. Bahama, Old Channel of, 192. Bahama. See Great Bahama. Bahia, 573. Bahia Cereda, 531. Bahia Grande. — Ov., ii., 57. Bahia Nevada. — Nav., v., 39. Bahia Primeira, 532. Bahia Sin Fondo, 517, 559.— v., II., 113, 159. Bahias-Habras, Cabo de. — Ov., II., 141. Bahuan. See Rio Bahuan. Baila, Rio de la, 558. Bainoa. Province. — P. M. , 170. See Baynoa. Baiohaigua. Province. — „ 168. Bajos or Baxos Anegados, Bahia de los, 517. Balcalar. See Salamanca de Bal- calar, 633. Ballena, Golfo de la. — L. C, li., 242. Balsa. In Darien, 541. Balsas, Rio de las. — L. C, iv. , 2,32, 235; Nav., in., 404. Balsillas, Puerto de las. — Ov. , ii. , 134. Banacoa. Antil. — K. Banassa. Island, 81. Banderas and Vnaderas. Bay. 611. Banderas and Vanderas, Rio de. In Gulf of Mexico, 530, 634. Banderas and Vanderas, Rio de las. In Yucatan. — Ov. , ii. , 142. Baoruco. Antil. — Cosa. Baoruco, Sierra del. — Ov., i. , 85. Baracoa, Puerto de. — ,, ii., 494. Baramaya. See Rio Baramaya. Baratubaro. Prov. — Ov., ii., 216. Barbada=Barbuda, La. Antil. — T. W.,Ov.,i.,33; Nav.,ii.,57. Barbados, ... de las (Islas de las Barbadas?). Antil.— T., W. Barbara, Rio de S., 633. Barbara, Isla, Punta, and Rio de Sta., 541, 573. —Ov., ii., 116, 171. Barbas, las. = Golfo de San Bias. L. C, III., 150. See Bias. Barbatonem, G. , 452. — Ruysch. Barbatos insula. — ,, Barbudos. Antil. — K. Barca, Puerto de la, 633. Barca, Bio de la, 501.-Ov., I., 119. Barcias, Las. Islands. -Nav., in., 557. Barefres Uermege, 301. Bareras Vermeias, 301, 320. Barilles. See Baya Bariles, Razia Baril, and Vaazabaris. Bariquimi9eta. — Ov., II,, 317. Barossa, Barosso, 301, 320, 321., 584. Barrancas, Rio de, 589. 1 When quoting Pefer Martyr d'Anohiera we are compelled to preserve Ills Latin rendeilng of Indian names when he omits giving the original word, as, in most instances, we have no means of asc-ertaining the original meaning of the word. 758 The Discovery of North America. Barreras Blauoas, Las, 517, 540, 559.— Nav., v., 254. Ban-iquen. Aiitil.— 621. See Boriquem. Barrosas, Golfo de las. — Enciso. Barsil = Brazil, 648. Bartolomi?', Angla de San, 541. Bartolom^, Lago and Puerto de S. Nav.,iii., 105, 106. Baru, Mas de.— Ov., i., 76, ii., 334. See Bernaldo. Basas, and Basse, Cabo daa, 577. Bassidabrilogio (Bassa de Abreo- jo?), 501. Bastias, Las, 501. Bastimentos, Puerto de. — Nav. I. , 288, 300. Batal, Cabo do, 600. Bauejuco. Antil. — C. Bauruoo. Province. — P. M. , 169. Bavo, Baxo. See Golfo Baxo. Baxo. Aucon. Gulf of Mexico. — Ov. II., 142. Baxo. See Cabo Baxo. Baxo. See Rio Baxo. Baxoa, Playa de, 532. Baxos, P. de. Pacific, 559, 573. Baxos, Tierra de los, 573. Baya Barilles, 415, 581. See Bafra Barill, and Vaazabaris. Bay am o = Villa del Sanot Salva- dor de. In Cuba. — Ov., r., 495, 501. Bayamon. See Rio Bayamon. Bayas, de. In Jamaica. — T. Bayatiquiri = Alpha y Omega, Punta de, 88. See Mayci, Alpha, and Nicolao. Baynoa. See Sierra Baynoa. Beata. Port.— P. M., 107, 113. Beata. Antil.— Cosa, T., W. Beata = Madama Beata = Sanota Catherina, Isla de. — L. C. , II., 315, 316. Becerro, Cabo del. — Nav. i. , 125. Bega. See Vega. Begoares, Rio de las, 601. Behetrias, Las. — Nav. iii. , 404. See Cueva. Belen, 531. See Bethleim. Belen, Rio de, 634. ,, Bellaforma. Antil. — Nav. ii., 83. Belle-Isle, Strait of, 71. Belprado. See Cabo Belprado. Belpuerto. — Xav., i., 304. Belvedere, 576, 577. Bengamar, 6.34.— Ov., ii., 131. Benito, Rio de San, 558, 635. — Ov., II., 142. Ben posta, 555. Beragua. See Veragua. Bergi, Bergia, Bargu, 548. Bermeja. See Isla Bermeja. Bermejo. See Rio Bermejo. Bermuda, la, 148, 477, 691.— W., Rib. Bermuda = La Gar9a, Isla, 621. — Ov., I., 38. Bernardo, San. Island. — T. Bernaldo, Isla de San. — Nav., ill., 543; Ov., I., 581. Bernaldo = Baru, Isla de San. — Ov.,ii.,334. See Baru. Bernard!, Insula Sancti. -P. M. , 162 Beros (?) Cabo del, 508. Bethleim = Belen =Yebra = Grande, Riode.--L. 0., in., 128. Ov. I., 78, 11., 136, 495. See Rio Yebra. Betica Aurea = Castilla del Oro. — Nav., II., 353. See Castilla. Bia. See Rio Bia. Bianco. See Cabo Bianco. Bien Basa = Bien Baja = Bien Baso, 91. Bien Espera, Cabo de, 91. Bieque, Isleta de. — Ov., 1., 484. Biggeta insul. — Ruysch. Bimene. Antil. — T. Bimini, Beniny, 134-141, 143, 477, 563. Bimini, Tierra de. — W,, Rib. Binino. See Rio Binino. Binora, .... de la, 581. Binoras. Antil. — T. , Rib. Biru = Pirn. Town. Darien. — Nav., III., 420; Ov., ii., 459. Blanca. See Isla Blanca, and Isla Margarita. Blanca, P., 558. Blancas. See Islas Blanoas. Blanco. See Cabo Blanco. Bias, Sanct = Las Barbas = Seca- tiva, Golfo de, 558, 6.34.— Ov., I., 78, II., 136; L. C, ra.,150; Nav., III., 371. Boacoya, 317. Boaventura, Ysla de, 178. Boa Vigia, 601. Boa Vista, Cabo de, 601. See Bona Vista. Boca, Cabo de la. — Cosa. Boca del Drago, 318, 327, 414.— Nav., I., 258. Bocalhas, Ysla dos, 178. See Baccalaos. Booas, Islas de las. — Nav., i., 306. Bocas. See Dos Booas. Bocas, Rio das, 558. Bogota = Tierra del gran prinoipe Bogota = Tierra de los Alca- 5ares = Reyno de Granada. — Ov., 1., 407,411,11., 363, 385. Bohio, Boio, 433.— Nav., i., 37, 48, 209 Boinari. Antil.— T. Boiuoa = Agnaneo, 135, 141. Boium gatti (The Cat's mouth), in Cuchibacoa. — P. M. , 108 ; Ruysch. Bona Bentura or Ventura, Cabo de, 86, 90, 178, 316, 323, 324, 424, 473, 490. Bona Vista, Newfoundland, 74. Bonaventura. Pueblo. — P. M. , 105. Bonaventura. N.-E. coast, 285. Bonao, Villa del, 443.— v., i., 65. Bonda. See Tierra Bonda. Boniana. Antil. — T. Bonivetto, 229, 577. Borioa, Costa and Tierra de. — L. C.,v.,208. SeeBurica. Boriquem. Antil. — C. Boriquen. Antil., 158. — Can. See Burenquen, Botas, Rio de dos. See Dos Betas. Boto. See Cabo Boto. Boynare. Antil. — Ov., ii., 131. Boynari, 559. Boyucar, Puerto de. — Ov., i., 503. Brago, Rio do, 543. Bra90s, Bahia de Dos, 600. Brandan, Island of St., 652. Brasil, 101, 413, 416, 606, 683, 686, 696-98, 706, 716, 729-31.— Rib. Brasil, Costa del, 460, 677, 683, 687-8, 691, 721. Brasil = Brasili, Rio del, 301, 320, 567, 584, 633, 745. Brasil, El. Imaginary island. -W. Brasil. Island, 414, 638, 652, 659, 660. Brasil, Punta de, 433. — Cosa. Brasil, Terra do, 183, 471, 474, 571. See Presillg Landt. Brasilia inferior, 115, 491. Brasilian Islands, 621. Bravo. See Cabo Bravo. Bravo. See Costa Bravo. Bretaos, Cabo do, 694. Breton, Cape, 184, 238, 586. Breton, Cabo del, 574. Geographical Index. 759 Bretones, Bay a de los, 239, 541, 555, 574. Bretones, Cabo de los, 239, 541, 555, 574. Bretones, Tierra de los, 182, 233, 239, 558, 574, 601, 627, 694. Bretoni, Isla de, 239. Bretons, Entree des, 239. Brica, P. de, 559. Bristol. England, 659, 660, 674, 675, 687, 692. Britonum, C, 607. — Ruysch. Brumae. Continent, 375. Bruselas. — Nav., Bihl. Marit., ii., 536. Bubures, Sierra de los, 592. — Ov., II., 270. Buelta, Bueltas. See Vuelta. Buen Abrigo, Cabo de, 633. Buen Abrigo, Isletas de. — Ov., ii., 117, 118. Buen Puerto, 517.— Nav., v., 37. Buen Tiempo, Golfo de. — Bernal- dez, II., 72. Buena Madre, Rio de, 241, 558, 635.— Ov., II., 142. Buena Ventura, Cabo de, 558. Buena Ventura, Puerto de. — Ov. , I., 91 ; Nav., in., 422, 457, 458. Buena Vista, Cerro de. — Ov. , ii. , 232. Buena Vista, Isla de, 573, 597. Buena Vista, Punta de. — Ov., III., 63. Bueno. See Cabo Bueno. Bueno Retrete, 581. Buenos Ayres = La Trinidad de Buenos Ayres. City. — Ov., ii., 191. Buenos Ayres, Tierra de. — Ov., II., 191. Bui, Valle de.— Ov., ii., 456. Buiaici. Province. — P. M., 166. Bulbulca, Baxos de. — Nav., in., 570-1. Bunchema, Isla de, 440. Buona Vista, P. de. Pacific, 559. Buredes Coronados, 592. Burenquen, Borriquen, Burichen, Bucbena=Porto Rico=Isla de St. Juan.— Nav., i., 208, 306; P. M., 159; Ov., I., 33, 363, 466. See Boriquen. Burica, Borica. Prov. — Ov., i., 232 ; Nav. , in. , 404. See Borica. Buritica. Mines in Darien. — Ov., II., 457. (]ABAGUA. Antil.— W. Caballos=San Juan de los Ca- ballos=Truxillo, Puerto de, 461.— Nav., III., 418; Ov., III., 187. Caballos, Golfo de, 558. Caballos, Rio de los. — Ov. , ii. , 453. Cabiari. Pueblo.— „ „ 309. Cabo, Baya de. See Rio Frio. Cabo Abreojo, 517. See Abre el ojo. Abrolho, 601. „ „ Alegroza, 300. Anegado. — Ov., ii., 130. Apoelado, 600. Arlear, 86, 323, 566, 490, 613. Baxo, 323, 579, 600, 613, 635. Belprado. — Nav., i., 131. Blanco, Branco, Bianco, 501, 532.— Ov., II., 124, 517, 543, 559. Blanco. In La Plata. --Ov., II., 120, 167, 633. Pacific, 628.— Ov. iv., 5; Nav., v., 255. Boto.— L. C, II., 238. Bravo, .572.— v., ii., 142. Breton, 635. See Breton, Cape. Bueno, 91. Chiru. — Enciso; Nav., in., 410. Cinquin.— Nav., i., 82-3. Corso, 501. Delgado, Delgato, or Del Gato, 86, 90, 316. Delicontir, Dellicontir, Del Enoontro (?), 300, 490. Descono9ido = Redondo, 634.— Ov., I., 519; n., 141. Descubierto, 414. — Cosa (?). Deseado. In Paria, 318. -C. Deseado = Fermoso. In Strait of Magellan, 516, 533, 567.— Nav., IV., 49. Desierto, 635.-Ov., ii., 143. Elicontii. See Cabo Delicontir. Fermoso. See Cabo De- seado, and Cabo Hermoso. Forano, 508. Formoso (Hermoso, Fre- moso, or Fermoso), 300, 449. Franco, 433. — Cosa. Frenoso (?), 300. Cabo Frio, 426, 498-99, 516, 567, 633, 648.— Enciso; Ov., II., 117. Glaciato, 179, 449, 452. Grando, 451-52. Grueso, 555, 635. — Ov., ii., 144. Hermoso, Fermoso, For- moso, Frenoso (?), 635. — Enciso ; Nav. , i. , 33-4. Hermoso. N.E. coast, 517, 558-9.— Ov., n., 149. Hermoso. In Strait of Magellan. — Nav., v., 39. Hondo. — Ov., 11., 144. Lindo, 86.— Nav., i., 77. Litar, Lurcar, Lurtar, Lu- tar (?), 86, 300, 316, 323, 566, 213. Luengo.— L. C, n., 261. Manguj, Manguin, Mangny (?), 91. Marci, S., 300, 453. Mesquito, 508. Misano, 508. Negro, 91, 532, 6.34.— Ov., n., 141. Primero. — Ov., ii., 121. Quemado. — ,, iv. , 8. Raso, Rasso, 72, 178, 186, 431, 451, 479, 566, 579.— Ov., II., ]49. See Race. Redondo, 634. See De3cono9ido. Rico.— L. C, II., 261. Romo, 646. Roxo, 634. Boxo. In G. of Mexico. — Ov., n,, 142. Roxo. N.E. coast, 572. Roxo. In Porto Rico. — Ov., II., 142. Sabor.— L. C, ii., 261. Salido.— Ov., rv., 6, 16. Santo, 86, 90, 316, 393, 490, 613.— Nav., I., 123. Talhado, 601. Tejado.— Nav., i., 132. Verde, 348,351. -Nav. , i. , 39. Cabocos. Antil. — W., Rib. Ov., II., 418. Province.^ Cabonito. Caboruto, Caburoto Ov., II., 245. Cabras, Las, 86, 90, 424. Cabul, Cavul, 526. Caoacubana. Prov. — P. M. Ca5arida. Pueblo. — Ov., ii, 169. ,326. 760 The Discovery of North America, Cagavari, Rio de. — Ov., 11., 304. Ca5icare. Pueblo. „ ,, 326. Caciqua, De la, 531. Cacique broa (Bruxado?), El, 531. Cacique Grande, el, 531. Cacique Pera, el, 531. Cacique Quemado=Cativa, 531. — Nav., III., 557. Caciquemado, Costa del. — Nav. , III., 556-7. Cagir. See Rio Ca9ir. Cacones, Cabo de, 572. Cacjuy. River. — Ov., 11., 121. Cagazaro, 531. Cagna Fistola, Rio de, 532. Cagiiareo. Antil. — Ov., 1., 614. Cahayni. Province.— P. M., 169. Cahini. Island. ,, ,, Cahouai. ,, ,, ,, Caiabi, Caiabo. Prov. ,, ,, Caiacoha. ,, ,, Caigua. , , , , Caiocmon. Antil. — Cosa. Caiouanni. Valley. -P. M. loc. cit. Cairo, El Gran. — Nav., ill., 53. Caixa, Rio de, 301. Caizcimu. Prov. — P. M., loc. cit. Caizimoni. Antil. — T. Cajumalca. — Nav., iii. , 424. Calahuchi. — Ov., i., 554. Calamar. Pueblo. — L. C, in., 291; Ov., II., 430. Calamar. See Cartagena. Calami, Plaggia de, 543. Calami, Punta de, 577- Calapa. Pueblo. — Ov., II., 441. Calata (Culata.), 504. Calco, 566, 583. Cale. See Mare Cale. Cale. See Rio Cale. Caleta (Culata ?), la=Porticliuelo, 504.— Ov., 11., 131, 296. Call. Darien.— Ov., 11., 460. Call, San Sebastian de. City and Province. N. Granada. — Ov. , IV., 128. Calibe.— Ov., 11., 461. Calicut, Colochut, 342, 683, 686, 688. California, Gulf of, 611. California. See Lower California. Californian region, 710. Californias, The, 612. Caliz, Nueva Cibdad de, in Cu- bagna, or Island of Pearls. — Ov., I., 587, 589. Callida. See Tierra Callida. Calpesta.— Ov., i., 576. Calu9a. Province. — Ov., i., 571. Calvacania= Calvacam= Covacala = Culiacan = Culnaca = Oloan, 545, 546, 549.— P. M., 170. Cama, Rio de, 501. CamagiiiSy. Prov.— L. C, iv., 8. Camaie.— P. M., 169. Camanagota, Camanagoto. — Ov. , II., 255. Camaron, Cabo del, 634. — Ov., 11., 138. Camarona. Province. — 455. Camasagio. Province. — 541. Cambalu, 384. Camea Nueva = Queracha, Rio de la.— Ov., IV., 6. Camemorus. Region. — P. M., 183. Camomorus. River. — ,, 98. Camorocabo. Prov. — Ov.,ii.,210. Campana, Cabo de, 86. -Nav. i. , 67. Campana de Roldan, 540, 559. — Ov., It., 57. Campeachy = Campeche = Quim- pecli = Lazaro, 154, 530, 602. — Ov.,i.,497, 510, II., 467, 497, HI., 244; L. C, iv., 358. Campestria Bergi, 579. Campo, Rio del. — Ov., iv., 14. Campo, Tierra del. — Ov., 11., 203. Campseau, Baye de, 184. Campual, Rio de, 572. Camucab. Pueblo. Ov., 11., 445. Canabacoa. — P.M., 168. Canacane, V° de, 531. Canachine = Pinas, Punta de. Pacific. — Ov., IV., 7. Canada, 493, 709, 720. Canada, River of, 622. Canafistola, Isle de. — L. C. , IV. , 85. Cananea, Bahia de la. — Ov. , II., 119. Cananea, Ilha da, 321. Cananea, Islas de la, 621. Cananea, Rio de la, 321, 517, 532, 567, 426, 633. Canano, Cananor, Caninor, 285, 323, 324, 490, 567, 584, 613. Cananor, Rio de, 301, 321, 633. Canapot. Pueblo. — Ov., 11., 430. Canarapacoa, ,, ,, 445. Canasoga. — Ov. , I., 563. Caiiaveral. See Corrientes. Canaveral, El, 558. Canaveral, Pimta de, 635. Caiiaveral, Rio de. — Ov., 11., 143. Canaza. Antil. — Cosa, Canchieta, Canchieto, Caucliieta, 327, 475, 678.— P. M., 95, Epist. 532. Candelaria, Punta de la, 541, 581. Candu. See Truxillo. Canejo. In Hispaniola. — Cosa. Caniba, Cariba, Caraibi, Caribales, Caribes, Caribi, Canbales, Cani- bales, Canibalos, Charis insul. , lala de, 300, 318, 367, 476.— Nav., I., 86, 88, 115, 139, 203, 218, 247. Cosa, Rib. , Geraldini : ' ' id est, viri fortes ; " Vespuo- cius : "Carabi, che uuol dire huomini di gran sauidoria. — Charaibi, hoc est, magnae sa- pientiae viros vocantes." In reality, name given, not to a race, but to all anthropophagous Indians ; after those who were first met by Columbus, either in the Dominica or Guadeloupe. In 1513, were considered as islands of cannibals : Isla Fuerte, Buin, S. Bernaldo, Santa Cruz, Guira, Cartagena, Caramarico de Go.— Nav., iii., 343. See Caribes, Tierra de. Canico, 572. Canimizi. Antil. — T. Canju, Canjure, Causa, Cansure, (?) 86, 91, 424. Cano, Isla del, 559. — Rib. Canoa, La, 559. Canoa, Punta dela. — Ov., 11., 133. Canoas, Punta de las, 531. Canoas, Rio de, 531, 634. — Ov., II., 130. Canoas, Rio de las. Florida. — Ov., II., 144. Canongia, Cabo de la. — Nav., iii., 27. Canonorino, Regio, 491. Canpeche, Campeche = San Fran- cisco, Villa de. See Campeachy. Canpina, 333, 414. Canso, Cut of, 183. Canuy, Rio de. — Ov., I., 466. Caoyuco. See Rio Caoyuco. Capachequi. See Rio Capachequi. Capaha, 644. Capana. Pueblo. — Ov.,ii.,448. Capanapo. ,, ,, 449. Caparoto, Cabo de. „ 134. Caparoto, Punta de, 634. Caparra. Town, 581.-Ov., i., 470. Cape Fear River, 212. CapiQe. Pueblo. — Ov., 11., 439. Capira, Sierra de. ,, 353. Capraria. See Isla Capraria. Capronum. — P. M., 92. Capucigra. Prov. — Nav. , in. , 422. Caquevacoa, Caquivacoa, Coqui- bacoa. Tierra and Isla, 317, 698.— Nav., in., 86, 89. Carabaro. Prov. — L. C, in., 119. Caracana, Rio de, 573, 589. Caraool, El. Island. — L. C, ii., 238. Caracoles, Costa de. — Ov., ii., 144. Caraho.— Ov., n., 296. Caralmi, 433. Caramairi. Province. — P. M. , 106. Caramari=Cartaf;ena, Puerto de.- Ov., II., 421. See Cartago. Caramari, Islas de. — Enciso. Caramarico de G6. Antil. — Nav. , HI., 343. Carambaru. — Nav. , i. , 291 ; P. M. , 150. Caramenta. Prov. — Ov. , ii. , 458. Carao. Prov.— v., ii., 216, 237. Carao. Pueblo.—,, ,, 326. Caraque, Bahia de. Pacific. — Ov., II., 221. Caravela, Boca de, 99. Caroaraes, Rio de. — Ov., ii., 171. Carcarafia. See Rio Caroaraiia. Carcenie. Antil. — Can. Cardenas, 98, 99. Careca. Prov. — Ov., in., 20. Caregi, 555. Carenas, Carenos=Havana, Puerto de, 156.- L. C, i., 353; Diaz, IV. ; Nav. , III. , 55. Carenas, Puerto de. Yucatan. — Ov., I., 503. Carerehota. Pueblo. --Ov. , n. , 295. Careta. Prov. — Ov. , n. , 137 ; Nav., III., 366. Carex. See Codego. Caria, Sierras de, 455, 461. — Nav., III., 558. Cariaco. See Golfo Cariaoo. Cariari, Cariay = Mirobalanua. Tierra, 558, 634.— Nav., i., 284; III., 556; P. M., 151. Caribana. See Punta Caribana. Caribata. See Monte Caribata. Caribbean Sea, 119, 229, 459. Caribes, Tierra de, 510, 530. — Ov., II., 130. Caricuris, Rio de los.-Ov. , ii. , 454. Caridas, Las, 555. Cariga. Pueblo.— v., ii., 302. Geographical Index. Cariquicemeto. Valle.— Ov , n 302. ■' Caritaba = Espaiiola = Hispaniola =Haiti. — Nav., i., 85. Carolinas, The, 724. Carranaca, Rio de. — Ov., ii., 264. Cartagena = Calamar = Caramari, Puerto de, 484, 531, 634, 698, 699, 7 12. -P. M., 106; Nav.i III., 343; Ov., II., 421. Cartagena, Rio de, 541. Cartago, 558.— v., iv., 142. Casiste. — Ov., i., 506. Caspium. — P. M., 170. Casqui, 644. Cassia, Rio de, 501. Castaiiar, Rio de, 635.— Ov., ii., 148. Castelle, Tierra de, 591. Castilla del Oro=Betica aurea= Peru, 470, 5J1, 684, 704, 717.— Nav., II., .363. See Peru. Castilla Nueva = Peru. — Ov., i , 419. Catacapa. Region and Cacique. — Ov., II., 422. Catache, Punta de. Yucatan. — Ov., I., 518. Catafio, 592. Catalina, Golfo de Sta., 559, 581. Catalina, Isla de Sta.-Ov. , ii. , 172. Catalina, Pueblo de la, 589. Catalina, Puerto de Sta., 86. — Nav., I., 66. Catalina, Rio Grande de Sta. — Nav., III., 553. Catamia, 567. Catarina, Sta. Antil. — T. See Beata. Catarina, Sta. Fort.— P. M., 84. Catay and Catayo Oriental, 230, 707. See Cathay. Cateba.— P. M., 135. Cathalina, Isla de Sta. — Ov. , ii. , 120. Cathay, 102, 104, 382, 384, 393, 396, 583, 608. Cathay vel Chulmana, 526. Catigara, 452, 607.— Nav., i., 300. Cativa. See Cacique Quemado. Cativa. Prov. , 531. -Nav. , in. , 556. Catoche, Cape, 155, 602. Caty=Aity=Hayti. Antil.-Can. Caunoa — P. M., 169. Caunuli. Pueblo. — Ov. , II., 445. Cautio, 135, 141. Cauyo. See Rio Cauyo. 761 Cava, Rio de, 301. Caxa, La.— Ov., i., 566. Caxamalca. Valley. -Ov. , iv. , 153. Caxas. Pueblo. — ,, ,, 155. Caxinas, Caxines, Cazones = Hon- duras, Cabo, Ancon, and Punta de, 448, 457, 508, 601, 634, 693. Ov., II., 78, 142; Nav., i., 283, 288. Cayaoos. Antil.— W., Rib. Cayas, 644. Cayase.— Ov., i., 576. Caybon, Puerto de. Hispaniola.^ Ov., II., 429. Cay 9e ...,Ilhade. Antil— C. Cay COS. Islets. Antil., 145. Cayrabon, Rio de. — Ov., i.. 466. Cayrus. See Alcau or Alcair. Cazacubuna, — P. M., 172. Cebaoo, Islas de. — L. C, v., 206 • Rib. Cebaco, Punta de, 559. Cebuco, or Zebuco.= See Rio Cebuoo. Cehocatin = Xacuatin, 644. Celto dulce de Cristianos, 581. Cemaco, or Zemaco. Province. — Ov., I., 352, II., 134. Cemi, El.— Nav., in., 409. Cemobal, Cempoal, Cempoala = Sevilla, 510, 566, 645.— P. M., 196. Cenmoa, Zenmoa. Pueblo. — Ov., II., 276. Centinella, El farallon de.— Nav., IV. , 6. See Farallon. Centiquipaque. — Ov., in., 570. Genu. Province. — Enciso. Cemi, Puerto del.— Ov., i., 76. Genii, Rio del.— ,, n., 334. CepiQepi, or Zepigepi. See Rio Cepigepi. Cerabaro = Gracias a Dios, Bahia de, 581, 634. —Nav., i., 284; P. M., 112, 135; Ov., i., 323. Cerada. See Baya Cereda. Cerdon {?), in Hispaniola. — Cosa. Cerebaro = Cariay, Bahia and Islas de.—Ov., n., 138. Cerecico, 531. Cerezeda, Playas de, 559. Cerrado. See Rio Cerrado. Cervi, Punta de, 577. Ceyre. See Isla Ceyre. Chabaca, 455, 457.-Nav., iir. , 558. Chacomare. Prov. — Ov. ,11. ,210. Chacomari. Pueblo. — ,, ,, 236. 2 It is to be noted tliat OviEDO very frequently adds a oedilla elation in all such cases was S or Z. The other coiatemporaneous to the initial C in Indian names. This implies that the pronun- historians, however, rarely notice the cedilla. 4 W The Discovery of North America. Chagoapo. Pueblo. — v. , ii. , 436. 446. Chagres = Lagartos, Rio de, 575, 634, 711.— Ov., n., 78. Chaguet, Chaguate, 644. Chalaque, 644.— v., I., 502. Chamallaba, 459.— P. M., 129. Charaao, pro Tamaho, 607. Chame, 559.— Na v. iii., 408. Chame, Punta de. Darien. — Ov. , III., 63. See Chiame. Champa, 573. Cliampoton=Estero de los Lagar- tos. Also River and Village. Yucatan, 634.— Ov., I., 510. Chane, Punta de. Pacific. — Ov., IV., 8. See Chiame. Chapanere. See Rio Chapanere. Chape. Prov. Pacific— Ov.,m., 18 Chape. River and Cacique. — Ov. , IV., 6. See Chepe. Chara, Chira, Isla de. Pacific. — Ov., I., 318, 606. Charlotte Harbour, 162. Chatham Bay, 162. Chaygotos, Province de los. — Ov., II. , 243, 254. Chepabar, Chepobar. — Nav. III., 405, 410. Chepe, Rio de, 541. Chepo. — Nav., in., 410. Chepra, Rio de.— Ov., ii., 138. Cheriqui. — Nav., in., 416. Chiaconus Pintiguanus, 458. Chiaha.— Ov., i., 563. Chiame, Punta de, 541. See Chame and Chane. Chiapa, Chiapas, Chiape. Prov. and Cacique, 711.- P. M., 139. Chiauaccha, 459.— P. M., 129. Chica. See Rio Chica. Chicaja. See Rio Chicaga. Chicacotra. — Nav., in., 412. Chicaja, 644. Chichirivichi. See Puerto Flechado Chiciri, 531. Chicora, Tierra de, 198, 204, 574, 724, 733. Chile, Chili, 623. Chilian coast, 630, 745. Chiman. — Nav., m., 410. Chimildo. Pueblo. — v. , ii. , 466. Chimilla. Province. ,, 379. Chincha, Chinchax, City, and Province de, 573, 597. Chincha. See Rio Chincha. Chinitas. Pueblo. — v. , ii. , 446. Chipiono. Port.— Ov., i., 536. Chira, Golfo de, 544. Chira=St. Miguel, Tierra de la. — Ov., IV., 225. Chirara. Town.— P. M., 152. Chiribichi = Santa F^, 504, 531, 634. -Ov. I., 594 ; L.C., iv., 275. Chiriguana. — Ov., ii., 379. Chiru. See Cabo Chiru. Chisi.— Ov., I., 556. Chitaza. Town.— P. M., 152. Chitemal, in Yucatan. — Ov., iii., 246. Chocama. — Nav., in., 420. Chondales. Prov. Nicaragua. — Ov., I., 356, II., 235. Chorotega, Choroteguas. Prov. Pacific. — Ov., II., 50. Chorotega Malalaco = Gulf of Ni- caragua. — Ov. , IV., 14. Christianos, Rio de, 572. Christoval de la Habana, San. — Ov., I., 503. Christoval, Bahia de San., 241. — Ov., II., 146. Christoval, Isla de S., 573.— Ov., I., 25; Cosa, T. Christoval, Isla de S. Pacific. -Rib. Christoval Jaques, Isla de, — Ov., n., 120; Rib. Christoval, Minas de S.- P.M., 104. Chudleigh, Cape, 73. Chulmana = Cathay, 526. Churnabalta. Peru.-Ov., iv., 236. Churuaran. — Ov., ii., 294. Churuca, Rio de, 541. Chuspa, 327, 678. Ciaraba = Quiriqiietana, 567. — Nav. I., 298; P. M., 150. Cibana, Sierra and Valle. — P. M., 74. Cibao=Ciguaios. Antil.-P.M.,37. Cibao=Ciguaios. Prov. — Nav.,i., 109, 118, 221. Cibao. River.— Ov., i., 182. Cibau. See Auau. Cibau, Gran Isla de. — Nav. ii. , 103. Cibdad Real.— Ov., in., 246. Cibola, 628, 644.— Ov., iv., 18. Cibuqueya. See Santa Cruz. Cigia, or Zizia. Island. -0 v. , i. , 503. Cicheo. Islet. —Id., 465. Cicibacoa, 531. Ciego. See Rio Ciego. Cigateo, Ciguateo. Antil. — W. Ov., I., 25. Ciguare. Prov. — Nav., i., 299. Ciguatan = Ciguatlam. Town in- habited by women. — Ov., ii. , 222, 223. Ciliano.— Ov., ii., 276. Cinqum, Cabo de. — Nav., i., 79. Cinta = Concha, Tierra de, 634. Cioba. Province.— P. M., 164. Cipangu. See Zipangu. Ciribicini, 504. Citarma, Sierras de, 317. See Sierra Nevada. Citarma. See Seturma. Citula, Ponta de. — Ov. , iv., 15. Citurma = Saturma, Saturna. Region.- P. M., 157; Epist., 532; Nav., hi., 108. Ciuta. Region. — Ov., i., 76. Clara, RiodeSta., 601. Claro. See Golfo Claro. Clemente, Islas de S. -Ov. , ii. , 144. Clindo, Cliuda, 91. Coacay. — Ov., ii., 439. Coast of Pearls. See Pearls. Coativa.— Ov., ii., 302, 315. Coatzacualco^^Huasacualco. See Guasaoalcos. Coazacoalco. Province, 509, 510. Cobos. See Lobos. Cobra va Aurira.-Nav. , i. , 285, 315. Coga.- Ov., i., 563. Cogabolca. Laguna. — v. , i. , 402. Cocapia. — Ov., ii., 441. Cocatrices, Rio de. See Lagartos. Cocayo. See Tivegocayo. Cogepigion, Cabo de, 177, 436. Coche. See Isla Coche. Cochinus. Region.— P. M., 183. Cogon. See Taumema. Codego, Boca de, 634. -Ov. , n. , 133. Codego, Quodego = Carex = Scom- bria. Island and Cacique. — Ov. , n.,339,420; P.M., 106; Euciso; T. Codera, Cabo de la. — Ov., ii., 131, 243; L. C, v., 229. See Isleo de la Codera. Codera, Puerto de la=Aldea Ven- cida, 689.— Nav., in., 32, 103. Coguia. See Rio Coguia. Coiba. See Golfo Coiba. Coiba Dites, or Coiba the Rich. — P. M., 182 ; Nav., in., 398. Colaoton, 510. Colchinas. See Rio Colchinas. Coles, lala de. — Ov., ii., 118. Coligua.— „ I., 576. Colima, 644.— Nav., iii., 231. CoUao. Province. — Ov., iv., 5. CoUoeutea. Region.— P. M., 183. Colluaoana, Covacala, Culvaoania, Calvaoania, 281, 283, 384, 548, 566. Colocha. Darien. — Ov., ii., 447. Columnia, Coluna, Baya de la. — Ov.,iv., 15. Comana, 577. Comoeico, Capo da, 178. Comello, 235, 300, 316, 324. Cometi, 592. Comi=Maiaiii.— P. M., 186-7. Comi, Tierra de. — Ov., i., 536; Nav., III., 63. Comiti. See Rio Comiti. Como, Rio de, 316. Comoger, 531. Comogre. Province and Cacique. — Nav., III., 369; P. M., 116. Comogre, Rio de. — L. C, v., 127. Comoiayxa. River. — P. M., 172. Comoro Sada, 297. Compachay. Tierra firme. — Ov., II., 274. Compoatela, 612. — Ov., iii.,577. Concepcion de la Vega, 433. — Ov. , I., 65. Concepcion. Veragua. — Ov., ii., 484. Concepcion, Puerto de la. Cuba. — • Nav., I., 83; L. C, v., 245. Concepcion, Puerto de la. Pacific. - Nav., v., 3,3. Concepcion, Rio de la, 573. Concepicion, Cabo de, 426. Con9epu5a. — Ov., ii., 274. Concha, Tierra de. See Cinta. Conchas, Cabo de.— L. C, il., 261. Concibicion, Rio de, 572. Concilloa.— Ov., ii., 276. Con9ota, Con9eta = Valle del Espiritu Santo.— Ov., ii., 393. Condaguas, 592. Conejo, Laguna de. — Ov., i., 549. Conia, 91. Coiiil, Baya de. — Ov., ii., 141. Coniuas lacus, 646. Conqualquo, 510. Conqualquo, Rio de, 530. Constan9a, Baya de.--Ov., ii., 141. Contramaestre, Isleto del. — Nav., III., 27. Geographical Index. Coquibacoa, 118, 119, 689. Corazao=Corazante, Isla de.-Ov., I., 63, II., 131, 132. Covqo, Cabo del, 600.— Ov., ii., 122. Cordoba, Playa de, 415. Cori. In the imaginary Antilia, Coria, 537. Corid. Province. — Ov., ii., 458. Corientas, Corrientes, Cabo de. California, 611. Corientes, Mas de los. — T. Coriguez. See Rio Coriguez. Corixaynsiguanin = Orixa = Inisiguaniu, 204. Cornejo, 86, 316. Comello, 316. Como (Corvo?), Rio do, 86. Coro, 225, 546.— Ov., ii., 205. Coroa Vermelha, 320. Coroay. — See Isla Coroay. Corobaro, Isla de. Pacific. — Ov., I., 366. Coronados, Los. — Ov., ii. , 76. Corrientes, Cabo de, 147, 530. — Ov., II., 122. Corrientes = Canaveral, Cabo de. Florida. See Corrientes. Corrientes, Costa de, 601. Corrientes, Piinta de, 634. Corrura. See Rio Corrura. Corsales, Costa de, 543. Corsa, Rio da, 600. Corsarios, Enseiiada de los = Aldea Veucida. — Nav. Corso. See Cabo Corso. Cortada. See Tierra Cortada. Corte Majore, 555. Corterat, 607. See Corte-Real. Corte-Keal, Tierra de, 61, 72, 75, 431. Corterealis, Tierra, 64. Cortes, Laguna de. — v. , iv. , 15. Cortes, Los, 566. Cortesia. See Tierra Cortesia. Corveo, 300. Cosera Bruxada, La, 501. Cosmes, Rio de, 301, 633. Cosmos, Rio de los, 301, 633.— Ov., II., 115. Cospique. Town and Cacique. — 429. Cossa = Co9a, 644. Costa Alta, 86, 285, 316, 323, 324, 424, 490, 613. Costa Anegada, 415. Costa Bravo (Baxa?), 460. Costa Buena. — Ov., 11,, 142. Costa de Perlas. — Cosa. Costa Pragosa, 531. Costa Limpia, 531. Costa Pareja, 414-15. Costa Plaida. — Cosa. Costa Tesa, 531. Costa Vista, 600. Coste.— Ov., I., ,563. Costila, Isla de, 503. Cotoche, Golto de, 558. Cotoche, P. de, 573.— Rib. Cotohi. Region.— P. M., 172. Cotox.— P. M., 169. Cotuy. River.— Ov., 11., 176. Coyna. Prov. — ,, in., 565. Coyta. See Punta Coyta. Cozumel = Santa Cruz, 281, 530, 533, 558, 564, 567, 583, 607, 634, 728. Cressuy pormtorius, 555. Cristi. See Monte Cristi. Cristobal, Abra de S. — Nav. v., 38 Cristobal, Bahia de S., 558. Cristobal, Rio de S., 532. Cristobal, Sierras de S., 581. Croix, Pointe de la, 187. Crucis, Caput S., 473, 515, 516,, 566, 567, 584. Crux, P. de, 186, 555. Cruz, Bahia de. In Newfound- land, 555. Cruz, Bahia de la. In the Pacific. — Ov., II., 112, IV., 128. Cruz, Cabo de. In Cuba, 86, 91, 447, 558.— Enciso, L. C, 11., 54; Nav., i., 287. Cruz, Cabo de la, 635. Cruz, Cabo de la. In Gulf of Mexico. — Ov. , II., 142. Cruz, Rio de la, 559. Cruz, Rio de la. In Florida. — Nav., III., 51. Cruz, Rio de la. In La Plata, 633. Cruz, Rio de Santa, 516, 517. Cruz. See Santa Cruz. Cuandi.— Ov„ 11., 275, 296. Cuba, Cabo and Punta de, 86-8. — Nav., I., 56. Cuba, Colba=Juana^Fernandina (in 1514), Isla de, 77, 79, 80-85, 98, 101, '195, 327, 447-8, 475, 483, 662.— Nav., i., 28, 37-8, 78, 109; II., 144. 764 The Discovery of North America, Cubagua—Los !N'inos=Margarita ^Nueva Caliz=Laa Perlas, Islaa de, 559, 705.— Ov., i., 63, 70, i64. Cuba, Tierra de, 112, 426, 431, 539, 587. Cubana, Caubaua. — P. M., 169; Epist. , 53:2. Cubanaoa, P. de. — Rib. Ciibao=Upper Macorix. — L. C, v., 256. Cubigar. River.— P. M., 153. Cubou, 531. Cuchibacoa, Cuquibacoa^ Venez- uela, 317, 459, 475.— L. C, ii., 409. See Cuquibacoa. Cuednavaca, 595. Cuenta, Rio de la, 634. — Ov., ii., 134. Cueraga, Crucaga = St. Simon, Isleo de. — Ov. , iii., 16. Cuesta Rasa. — Ov., i., 67. Cueva. Province. — Ov. , li., 466. Cueva = Las Behetrias. Prov. in Darien. — Nav., m., 398, 404; Ov., I., 412; L. C, IV., 72. Cuguey. — Ov. , ii. , 454. Cuhabo.— P. M., 169. Cuibiri, 531. Oulata, La, 504.— P. M., 119. Culcar, 300. Culebras, Golfo de las. — Ov., ii., 51, 64, 111. Culebras = Felipa = Gorgona, Isla de.— Ov., I., 419, 541 ; ii., 461 ; rv., 221. Culiacan, Cubiacam, 611-12, 645. Culibrinas, Rio de. — Ov., i., 466. Cullique. See Ramada. Culmana, 583. Culpare, Rio de, 633. -Ov., ir., 118. Culvaeanian India, 283. See CoUuacana. Culua=Nueva Espana. — L. C IV., 465. Cumana. Province and Coast of, 331, 559, 567, 679, 684, 685.— Nav., III., 540; P. M., 89. Cumana, Rio de. — Ov., i 604 • II., 131. Cumiti.— Ov., ii., 275. Cuquebacoa, Costa de, 317. Cuquibacoa= Venezuela. — L. C. II., 409. See Quinquibacoa. Curacco, Curajeo. Antil.— Rib W. See Gigantes. Curan. FortinPeru.-Ov., iv.,155. Curano. Antil.— T. Curasao te. Antil. — "W. Curatheo. Islet. — Ov., i., 25. Curiana=Valfermoso, Tierra de, 475, 678, 679, 689.— Nav., in., 32, 103, 107; P. M., 89. Curiana, Rio de. — Ov., 131. Curpare, 601. Curtana, 318, 487, 567. Cushin, 526. Cuti. River — Ov., i., 34.3. Cuyandic— Ov., ii., 275, 296. Cuyr-Cuyr. Mines in Darien. — Ov., II., 458. Cuysco. Prov. — Ov., in., 566. Cuzcatlan. See San Salvador. Cuzcho, 628. Cybao, " The Rocky Place." — Bernaldez, ii., 39 ; P. M., 169. Cyria, Bahia de S., 177, 426, 436. ■HABAIBE, Dabaiba, 549, 559, ^ 567.— P. M., 119, 163; Nav., iTi., 370; L. C, IV., 84. Dagua. See Rio Dagua. Dahabon.— P. M., 169. Dahatio. See Rio Dahatio. Daiguani. Mountains. -P.M., 170. Daraflor. See Honfleur. Darari. See Rio Darari. Darien, El, 484, 503, 526, 531, 567. Darien, Gulf of, 464, 684, 699, 708, 710, 712-13, 721. Darien. Isthmus, 547, 548. Darien, Rio de (arm of the Rio de San Juan, named by Vadillo). — P. M., Epist. 545 ; Ov., ii., 459. Darien, Rio de (named by Pedra- rias Davila). — Ov., in., 33. Davila, Tierras de, 559. Degolada. See Golada. Dehabonici.— P. M., 169. Delfin, Isla del.— L. C, ii., 238. Delgada. See Playa Delgada. Delgado. See Cabo Delgado. Delgado. See Rio Delgado. Delicontir. See Cabo Delicontir. Delisleo. See Isleo. Deloport. River, 508. Demahus. River.— P. M., 168. Desastre, Rio del. — Nav. i., 288. Descanso = La Sardina, Cabo del. See Sardina. Desconofido. See Cabo Descono- 9ido. Deseada. See Isla Deseada. Deseado, Arcipielago del Cabo, 559 Deseado. See Cabo Deseado. Deseado. See Puerto Deseado. Desierto. See Cabo Desierto. Desirade. Antil. See Deseada. Despada. See Espada. Despichel = DiqueQeste, 634. Despiche, Punta (del Espiche ?), 632. Despoblado. See Rio Despoblado. Destam. Island.— P. M., 191. Desventuradas. See Islas Des- venturadas. Diablo, 568. Diaguo.— P. M., 169. Diamante, Punta de (?). Dias paenasa (pasnesa?), 634. — Ov., II., 133. Diego leste, Bahia de, 600. Diepa = Dieppe, 218, 555, 576. Diluvio, P. de, 555. Diquegeste. See Puerto Dique- 9este. Dique9este. See Punta Dique- jeste, and Despichel. Discordia, Costa de la, 589. Discordias, Rio de las.--Ov. i., 551. Dites (therich). See Isla Margarita Ditiouado, 602. Diziembre, Tiei-ra de, 533. Domingo, Cabo de Sto. Brazil, 415, 501. Domingo, Cabo de Sto. (named by Loaisa), 517. — Nav., v., 255. Domingo, Cibdad de Sto. (named by Columbus after his father). — Ov., I., 52. Domingo, Promontorio de Sto. in the Strait of Magellan (named by Alcazaba). — Ov., ii., 160. Domingo, Puerto de Sto., 138, 159. Ov., II., 160. Domingo, See Santo Domingo. Dominica, Isla de la, 607, 669. — T., Rib. Dominico, Rio de San, 501. Dos Bocas, Rio de, 634. — Ov., ii„ 141, 148. Dos Botas, Rio de, 510, 530. Dos Hermanos. — Nav., i., 99. Dos Rios, Playa de, 559. Drago. See Boca. Dragon's tail, The. See Magellan. Dragos, Baya dos, 601. Dragos, Rio de, 501, 532. Duahe, Duhahre = Suache, 204. Dubida or Duvida, Rio da, 532. Dulce. See Golfo Duloe and Uraba. Dulce. See Porto Dulce. Duloe. See Rio Dulce. pBETERE. Coast.— P.M., 153. Eccampi=Iucatana. — „ 186. Egip9ianos, Rio de los, 541. Ekanfanoka, Okefonoke, Ouaqua- phenogaw. Swamp, 644, 646. Elefante, Cabo del.— Nav., i., 79. Elena, Cabo de Sta., 198, 635. Elena, Golfo de Sta.— Ov., ii., 116. Elena, Punta de Sta., 559. — Ov., I., 214, 357. Elena, Bio de Sta., 532, 633.— Ov., III., 630. Elena, Sta., 573. Elioontii. See Cabo Elioontii. Elmo=Telmo, Islas de Sant, 237, 415, 541.— Ov., II., 148. Embigar. Coast.— P. M., 153. Emoorporada. See Isla Emcorporada. Emecoretaes, Rio de.-Ov., ii., 274. Enaibi (?). Antil.— Cosa. Enamorado, Cabo del. — Nav., i., 133. Enamorados, Peua de los, 86. Engaiio=de la Isla=St. Theramo =S. Miguel, Cabo del.— L. C, II., 125; v., 243. Ensenada, Rio de la, 634. — Ov., II., 132. Entubi. See Maria, Po- de Sta. Epiti, Rio del, 573. Epitiaca. See Rio Epitiaca. Ermanos. See Hermanos. Esolavos, Cabo de los.-Ov. , ii. , 122. Eaclavos, Rio de los, 634. Escondido. See Puerto Escondido. Escondido. See Rio Escondido. Escoria. Province. -Nav. , in. , 408. Escudo, Isla del. — T.; Nav., :., 288; Ov., II., 470. Espada, Cabo de, 577. Espanola= Hispaniola= Caritaba, Caribana. Antil., 77, 664. — Nav., I., 84, 85; L. C, i., 369. Espeoeria, La, 730, 743. Espera, Cabo de, 178, 414.— Ov., II., 149. Espera. See Spera. Esperanga, Punta de, 541. Espeso. See Monte Espeso. Espiritu Santo, Ancon del. — Nav. , III., 598. Espiritu Santo, Puerto del, 517. Espiritu Santo=Rio Salado (?)= Mississippi (?), 158, 169, 530.— Ov., II., 142. Espiritu Santo, Rio del. N.E. coast, 213. Geographical Index. Espiritu Santo, Valle del, 644.— Ov., II., 393. See Congota. Espto, Espitto, Espera, C. de, 91. Estasia. Antil.— T. Este, Co. de lo, 532. Estevam Gomez, Tierra de, 570. Estevan, Isla de S., 573.— Rib. Estora. Pueblo. — Enciso. Ethica. See Rio Ethica. Eticari. See Rio Eticari. Estotiland, 657. Estrechos, Lago de los, 559. — Ov., II., 58. Estrella, C. de.-Cosa; Nav., i., 79. Estrellas, Rio de las, 559. Estremo, Golfo do, 532. Estremo, Extremo, Stremo, Rio del, 501, 559.— Nav., v., 233. Euas (Aves ?), Rio de les, 318, 487. Eufemia, Monte de S., 332, 414. Evangelista. See Isla Evangelista, and Abanarlista, also Abangelista. Exploits River, 69. UAGUNDES, Islas, 183. Fajardo. See Rio Fajardo. Falcon, El. Antil.— Cosa. Fallados. See Hallados. Falso(?) Antil— Cosa. Farallon, El, 689. Farallon = Farallon Centinela. — Nav., III., 102, 103. Farallon, P. del, 633. Farallon, Puerto del.-Ov., ii.,120. Farallon, Rio del. See Rio Poblado Farewell, Cape, 69, 74, Farlla, de, 427. Fartoa, Cabo de, 273. Fava = Bafan. — Nav., i., 44, 46. Favorita. See Afrorita. Fegues. See Higueras. Feixinhos, Rio de, 320. Felipa, La. See Culebras. Feria, Punta de la. — Ov., iv., 8. Fermado (?). Hispaniola. — Cosa. Fermosa, Hermosa, Baya, 532. See Baya Fermosa. Fermoso. See Golfo Hermoso. Fermoso. See Rio Hermoso. Fernambuoo. See Pernambuco. Fernanda, for Femandina, 401. Fernandina. See Cuba. Femandina. See Cuba and Juana. Ferrao de loroua, 'pro de Norohna = San Juan, Isla de, 696.--K.,W. Feti.— P. M., 180. Figole de nauarin, Figole de naua- rus, Figle de nauarra, 218, 220, 555. Filipe, Sierras de San, 612. Fim, Fin do abrill, and FundabrHf, Cabo do, 86-7, 90, 300, 490. Fin de Oriente, 88. Finisterre, Punta de. Peru. — Ov., IV., 219. Finoco, Rio de, 589. Flagranza, Rio de, 300, 308, 453, 487. Flechado. See Puerto Flechado. Flechas, GoUo de las. — Nav., i., 139. Flecheros, P. de, 559. Flint River, 644. Flores, Rio de, 588.— v., n., 143. Florida, La Florida, 135-153, 502, 521, 637, 541, 643-4, 654, 689, 705, 710, 719, 724. Florida. See Isla Florida. Florida reefs, 101. Florida, Terra, 135-141, 142-153, 285, 502, 504, 510, 521, 526, 541, 546, 556, 579, 583, 607, 643, 644, 705, 710, 719, 724. Fooo Cecho, Rio de, 300, 453. Fogo, Isla de, 601. Fondo Seoo, Rio de, 318. Fondura, Cabo dela, 558. --Enciso. Fonseca, Ciudad de. — Nav., iii., 417. Fonseca, Golfo de, 581, 726. Fonseca, Rio de, 317. Forano. See Cabo Forano. Foresta, Golfo de la, 555. Formoso. See Rio Formoso. Forno. See Rio Forno. Foroseco, Rio de, 318, 487. Forto or Fonte, 414. Fortis. Island.— P.M., 107. Fortuna, Isla de la, 178, 179, 558. Ov., II., 150. Fortune Bay, 452. Frado, Cabo do, 318, 487. Fragosa. See Costa Fragosa and Monte Fragosa. Frailes, Isla de los, 331.— T. Frailes, Isletas de los. — Nav., iii., 102-3. Francesca, 218, 221, 554. Francese, La, 227. Francisca, 607. 766 The Discovery of North America. Francisca, Rio de, 634. — Ov. i., 78 Francisca, Sta, 555. Francisco, Cabo de S., 573. — Ov., IV., 5. Francisco, Franoisqno, Rio de San. 178, .301, 319. Francisco, Isla de San. — T. Francisco, Islas de S. — Ov. ii., 138 Francisco, Rio de San. Brazil, 335, 532, 559, 633.--Nav., v., 174; W. Francisco, San. Yucatan, 530. Francisco ^ St. Matheo = Pri- mero = Segundo, Rio de San. Ov., It., 58. Frechado. See Puerto Frechado. Freels, Cape, 176. Fregoso. See Monte Fregoso. Fremoso. See Golfo Fremoso. Fretum Magliana, 607. Frey Luis, Isla de, 176, 426. Frio, Baya de Cabo=Rio Janeiro, 500. See Janeiro. Frioso. See Monte Frioso. Frobisshers Straiglites, 288. Frontera (?), 692. Fuego, Isla de, 558.— Ov., ii., 149. Fuego, Rio del, 541 . Fuegos = Humos, Cabo and Tierra de, 559, 567.— Ov. ii., 58 ; Nav. IV., 43. Tuente blanca. — Ov., i., 555. Fuerte. See Isla Fuerte. Fuerte de bam (?), Igla, 508. Fuma. See Isla Fuma. Fumos, Humos, P. de, 501. Fumos, Humos, Tierra de loa, 501, 567. Fumos, Rio dos, 532, Furna, Punta de la, 634. — Ov,, ii., 129. Furnas (?). Antil. — Cosa. Futeraoa. Town.— P. M,, 180. P ABRIEL, Islas and Punta de '-' St.— Ov.,n.,171, 172. Gacacula, 567. Gahas, Punta de, 531. Gaira. See Rio Gaira. Galea, Cabo and Punta de la, 581. Nav., I., 247, 539. Galera, Punta de la, 318. Galeras, Punta de las, 479. Gallegas. See Rio Gallegas. Gallia Nova = Verrazana, 220. See Verrazana. Gallo, Cabo de St., 555. Gallo, Isla del, 573.— Rib.; Ov., IV., 6; Nav., iii., 422. Gallo, Rio del.— Ov., ii., 453. Gamas, Bahia de las, 558. — Ov., II., 149. Gamas, Cabo das, 178. Gamas, Bio de las, 241. — Ov., ii., 149. Gambo Biver, 69. Gander River, 69. Gangues, pro Ganges, 106, 412. — Nav., I., 299. Garay, Badia de, 555. Garay, Tierra de, 45, 570. Gar9a = Bermuda, Isla de la, 540. Ov., I., 38. See Bermuda. Gargas, Islas de las. — Ov., ii., 192. Garlatos. See Lagartos. Gaaacalcos, Guazacalco, Coatza- cualco, Huasacualco, Rio de, 536, 558, 634, 636.— Ov., ii., 141 Gaspesia, 639. Gates, Isla de, 559. — Rib. Gatos, Puerto de.— L. C, ii., 259. Gayas, Las, 318. Gayra, 634. Gayra. See Tierra Gayra. Genciro. See Lucia. Generosa, Isla La. — Ov., i., 63. Gente Orana, Costa de, 317. Gente, Rio da, 600. George, Puerto de St., 516. Georgi. See leorgi. Georgetown Entrance, 212. German, Puerto de St. , 145. German, Villa de San.-Ov., I., 466. Germano, and St. Germane, Golfo de, 218, 220, 576. Geronimo, Rio de San, 532. Giano, Rio de St., 337. Giants, Island of, 689. Gigantes, Isla de los = Curasao, 317, 414, 562.— L. C, ii., 410; Nav. , III. , 6, 258. See Curacco. Gigantes, Tierra de, 567, 572, 607. Giles, St., 581. Gines, Isla de St. N.E. coast. — Ov. , II. , 144. Giordan and Jordan. See Rio Giordan and Rio Jordan. Giovanni, Cabo de St. , 504. Giulia, Baya de St., 533. Glaciate. See Cabo Glaciate. Goana. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 445. Goanas, Isla de, 426. Goatimala. See Guatemala. Gochete, Rio de, 634. -Ov., ii., 132. Gochire, 559. Golfo Anhufo (?), 508. Bavo, Baxo, 86, 90, 316. Cariaco, 531, 589.— Ov., i., 595. Claro, 532. Coiba.— P. M., 108. Dulce = Uraba, 461. See Uraba. Fermoso, Fremoso, Herraoso, 300, 319, 532, 453. Salado.— Ov., iv., 16. Spemoso, 473. Triste, 501, 531, 634.— Ov., II., 131. Gog and Magog, 451. Golada, La. Antil. — K. Gorda, La. Antil. — Cosa. Gorgona. See Culebras. Gotoohe. Island. — W. Gracia, Puerto de. — Ov., i., 27. Gracia, Rio de. — Nav., i., 130. Gracia, Tierra de. — Nav., i. , 249. Graeios k, Dios=Cerabao, Cabo de, 448, 464, 4.56, 470, 477,484,693.-- P. M., 112 ; Nav., i., 284. See Cerabaro. Graciosa. See Isla Graciosa. Grade. See Rio Grade (Grando ?). Granada, La. Antil. — T. , W. ; Nav., HI., 108. Granada. In Hispaniola, 433. Granada de Salteba, Ciudad de.— Ov., I., 203; III., 165. Grande, and Grando. See Rio Grande. Grandis. River.— P. M., 132. Gratia, Punta and Cabo de, 567, 583, 584. Great Bahama Bank, 99. Great Pedee, 212. Green Land, The, 62. Greenland, 661. See Gronlandia. Gregorio, Golphete de St. In the Pacific— Ov., II., 116. Gregorio, Pueblo de S. — Ov., II., 385. Gregorio, Puerto de.-Ov., in., 264. Gregorio, Rio de St., 559, 633. Grigor, S., 414. Grijalva, Rio de, 510, 530, 567, 572, 583, 634.— Nav., iii., 59 j Ov., I., 521 ; L. C, IV., 433. Grita, Valle de la.— Ov., ii., 365. Gronlandia, 590, 610. See also Greenland. Guacaliges.^ Region and Cacique. Ov., II., 430. Gua9ama. — Ov., i., 324. Guaccaa. Salt Lake. — P. M., 170. Guaccaiarima = Hanyguayaba. Province.— P. M., 168 : Ov., i., 90; L. C, III., 57, v., 243. Gua9etan, Golfo de. — Ov., iv., 15. Gua§ichica. Prov. — Ov.,ii.,462. Guagotan, Golfo de. — ,, ,, 50. Guacuca, Rio de. — ,, i., 555. Guada, Cabo de, 532. Guadalquivir. See Rio Guadal- quivir. Guadalupe. Autil., 158, 327, 669. C. , Can. , K. , T. , W. See Maria de Guadalupe, Sta. Guahabba = Lares de. — P. M. , 169, 172; L. C, III., 58. Guahagua.— P. M., 169. Guahava. Prov. — Ov., i., 90. Guaiagua.— P. M., 168. Guajaba, Boca de, 99. Gualdape, and Guale, 198, 203. Gualdape, San Miguel de. — Nav., III., 69, 72. Gualondon. Pueblo. — Ov.,ii.,439 Guamba. ,, , ,,216 Guamanchurlo. ,, iv., 189 Guanabo. Antil. — T. Guanaliam. Antil. — T. See Isla Triangulo. Guauahan. Antil. — W., Rib. Guanahani. „ Cosa : Nav., I., 20. Guanaja = Los Guanajes = Pinos. Antil. (where the first potatoes were seen), 448, 454-5, 461. — Nav., III., 552, 584; Ov., ii., 135 ; T. Guauama.— P. M., 168. Guanampe = Torres, Puerto de. — Ov., IV., 234-6. Guananta. Pueblo.-Ov., ii., 448-9. Guanapan. lalet. — P. M., 190. Guanari. Antil. — K. Guanate. Prov.— Nav., iii., 418. Guanchicoa. Prov. — Ov., ii., 454. Guanguan.— P. M., 190. Guaniba. „ 170-1. Guanica. Pueblo.— Ov., i., 470. Guanima. Antil. — T.; W.; Ov., I., 614. Guanicabon. See Rio Guanioabon. Guannabo, Guaniabo. Lake. — P.M., 170; Ov.,i.. 434. Guaorabo. See Rio Guaorabo. Geographical Index. Guaquili.— Ov., i., 562. Guara. Prov. — Ov., u., 458. Guaramental. Prov. and Cacique. Ov., II., 243, 254. Guarapos, Sierra de los. — Ov.. ii., 206. Guarare. — Nav. iii., 412. Guardia. See Maria de la Antigua. Guarico. See Rio Guarico. Guarionex, Isla de. — Nav., i., 118. Guarizacca. ,, P. M., 170. Guaurabo. See Mauati. Guasco, 644. Guasili.— Ov., i., 563. Guataqui. — Ov., ii., 367. Guatemala, Guatimala, Goatimala, Coctemalan, Cuauhtimala, Cuau- themallan, Huautimallan, 722. — Ov., II., 50, IV., 21. Guaturo. Province. — Ov., i., 232. Guauchicoa. See Tinya. Guaurabo = Manati. Lake. — P. M., 171. Guayabana. See Rio Guayabana. Guayaina. See Rio Guayama. Guayaquil^ Santiago de Guyaquil. Guaygata, Puerto de. — Ov. i., 580. Guayllesmarca. — Ov., iv. , 189. Guaymacara, Isla de, 581. Guaymill. — Ov. , in., 247. Guaymura. „ ii., 374. Guayna^aba. ,, ii., 462. Guaytaqui. ,, ii., 372. Guazacalco. See Rio Guazacalco. GuazuUi, 644. Guecoya, 644. Gueui (?). Antil.— T. Guera, Punta de. — Ov., in., 63. Guerca, Rio de. ,, ii., 134. Guerigueritar. ,, n., 255. Guerra, Rio de, 634. Guetares, Golfo de, 542. See Nicaragua. Guimichui. — Ov., ii., 445. Guipana. — Ov., I., 576. Guira. See Isla Guira. Guiriguanas, Giriguanas, Grugua- I nas, Valle de.— Ov., ii., 272. I Gulf Stream, The, 189-197, 704. Gunaguanari. See Rio Gunagua- nari. Gunahani. Antil. (different from Guanaham) — T. Guyaga. See Rio Suyaga. Gnyaney, Rio de. — Ov. , i., 466. Guyrandos, Rio de los. ii., 173. 767 HABACOA. Antil.— P.M., 168: Ov., I., 25; Cosa. Habana, Hauana, San Cristobal de la Habana= Carenas, Carenos, Puerto de, 156, 191.— L. C, i., 353; Diaz, iv., 22; Nav., in., 55. Hagyei, 433. Haina, Rio de. — Ov., i., 120. Haiti. Antil. (not the island of Hayti or Hispaniola). — Cosa. Haiti=Hatiei=Feiti=Xeciti, 410, 433. Hallados, Fallados, P°. de los, 531. Hambre, Puerto de la. — In Vol. IX. of Temaux. Hamilton Inlet, 69. Hanu. River, 433. Hanyguayaba = La Guaoayarima. Provmce. — L. C, iii., 57. Haraia. Region. — P. M., 96. Hatiboni. River, 433. Hatibonico. See Rio Hatibonico. Haty=Haiti.— C. Hays=Ays, 644. Hayti =: Quizqueia = Hispaniola = Santo Domingo. Antil. — Nav., I., 209, 111, 572; P. M., 135. See Hispaniola. Hazoa, Hazua[=Azua ?]. — P. M., 168. Helena, Lena, Rio de Sta. , 320, 335. Herina. See Sierra Herina. Hermanos, Islas de los — T. Hermanos. See Dos Hermanos. Hermoso. See Puerto Hermoso. Hermoso. See Rio Hermoso. Heronimi, Regio S., 491. Herradura, Puerto de la, 543. — Ov. III., 64. Hibueras, Higueras, Cabo de, 503, 510, 530, 583 —Ov., i., 78. See Figue, and Honduras. Hidalgo, Puerto de los. — L. C, 11., 29. Hiebra. See Rio Hiebra. Hieronymo, Rio de S., 301, 633.— Ov. II., 113. Hierro, Punta del. — Nav., i., 132. Higuei. Prov. and Town. — P. M., 168; Ov., I., 91. Higueras=Honduras, Golfo de las, 460, 476, 583.— Ov., i., 518, 11, 140. See Honduras. Higueroto, Bahia de, 559, 634. — Ov., II., 131. Hipihi. See Rio Hipihi. Hispana maior, 566. Hispana nova, 566. " A great number of Indian names begin with Gua, which seems to be an article. 768 The Discovery of North America. Hispaniola. Antil., 401, 404, 475, 483, 670, 671, 680, 686, 692, 694, 699, 729-30, 734, 743. See Hayti. Hispaniola^Cipaiigu, 113. Hispaniola, North Coast of, 662. Holganca, Rio de, 415. Homo. Province. — Nav., iii., 154. Honda, Baliia. N.E. coast. — Ov., II., 144. Hondo. See Cabo Hondo. Honduras, Coast of, 81. Honduras, Golfo de. See Higueras. Honduras = Guaymura, Province del Cabo de, 448, 454, 476, 537, 581, 693, 704, 718.— Ov., ii.. Ill, 140, 187. See Higueras. Honduras, Puerto de. — Ov., i., 78. Honduras, Punta de. — Ov., ii., 138. Houfleur, Anaflor, Darafior, 220. Horoco.— Ov., ir., 295. Horomico. See Rio Horomico. Hozama^Ozama. River. — P. M., 168. Huac. Province. — Nav., iii., 154. Huahuovane. — Ov., ii., 295. Huag, Hugue, 204. Huasacualco. See Gasacalcos. Hudson Bay, 69, 74, 74. Hudson Strait, 69, 73. Huertsargh Promont., 590. Hueste, Cabo del, 634.-Ov., ii., 122. Huhabo P. M., 168. Huista, Prov. — Nav., in., 407. Humati.— Ov., I., 566. Humos, Fumos, P. de, 501, 634.— Ov., II., 122. Humos, Fumos, Rio dos, 532 Humos, Tierra de los Humos, 501, 507, 517, 559, 633.-Nav., v., 254. Huno. Antil.— W., Ov., i., 614. Huraba, See Uraba. Huracara. — Ov., ii., 295. Hurnai. See Rio Urnay, and La Plata. Huyaparl=Urinoco, Orinoco, Rio de, 558.— Ov., ii , 216. Hyspana Insula. See Hispaniola. JACCHA. See Rio laccha. lacchi.— P. M., 169. lacomo, Rio de Sam, 320. lacunanaca. Antil. — Can. See lanucanata. lagagye, 433. lago, Sant, 532, 533, 555. lago, Bahia de St., 559. lago, Cabo de St., 241, 611. lago, Golfo de St., 559. lago, Isla de St. , 573. lagohaiucho.— P. M., 169. lainagua. Lake. — P. M., 170. lamaizi.— P. M., 169. lamica, 607, lanucanata. Antil. — C. lagye, Rio de, 433. Ibarra, 98. lean, Rio de. — Ov., i., 470. Iceland, 661. leorgi, Aldea de, 501. See Georgi. leronymo, Rio de St., 319, 335. Iguaa9u. See Rio Iguaa9u. Iguamu. Valley.— P. M., 170. Ilafonso, Ylafonsso, Rio de, 559. Ildefonso= Victoria, Cabo de S. — Nav., v., 41. Ilheo, Bahia de, 600. Ilheo, Golfo do, 601. In. See Rio In. Incagoniqvie. See Lucayoneque. Incayo {pro Iucayo,Lucayo).--Can. Indes occidentales, 693. India beyond the Ganges, Islands of, 54. India Meridionalis, 115. India Occidentalis, -114. India Superior, 608. India, Rio de la, 633.— Ov., in., 118. Indias Occidentalis 480. Inferno, Golfo de, 300. Ingres, Terra delos, 21, 468. Inisiguanin = Corixaynsiguanin, 204. loanna, Baya de St., 577. lohan, Cabo de St., 414. lohan, Rio de St., 301. lorgio, Cabo de S., 504. Ipira. Pueblo, 634.— Ov., ii., 132. Ipiti. See Rio Ipiti. Isabela. City, 669, 670, 672.— Nav., I., 225, ii., 144. Isabela. River.— Ov., 120, 175. Isabela Nueva. ,, ,, Isabela Vecchia, or Vieja, 598. Isla Angulo. — Ov., i., 466. ,, Atlantica, 607. „ Beata. — Ov.,i.,63. SeeBeata. ,, Bermeja, Vermeja. — Ov., ii., 142. ,, Bermuda. See Bermuda. Isla Blanca. — Ov., ii., 130, 140. See Isla Margarita. , , Blancas = Las Prinoessaa. — Ov., I., 25. ,, Capraria, 51, 652. ,, Ceyre.— Nav., i., 204. ,, Coche.— Ov., II., 131. ,, Coroay. — Nav., i , 118. ,, Deseada. Antil. ,669. — Cosa, T. W. ,, Desejada. Antil. — C. ,, Desseada. — Ov., i., 33. ,, Desventuradas.-Nav., iv., 52. ,, Emcorporada, 176, 436. ,, Evangelista, 84. — P. M., 77. See Abanarlista and Abaugelista. „ Florida, 286, 530. ,, Florida ( another, close to Yucatan).— P. M., 191. ,, Fuerte. Antil.— K., T. ,, Fuma.— Nav., i., 118. ,, Graciosa. — Ov., i., 613. ,, Guira. — Nav., in., .343. ,, Isabela ^ Samoet, 304, 401, 482, 509, 562 —Cosa, Nav., I., 33, II , 144. „ Liana. Antil.— K., W., Ov. II , 138. See Samoet. ,, Margarita, 327, 331, 607, 684, 689.— T., W. , , Margarita=Dites = Blanca^ Perlas.— P.M., 178; L.C., II., 262. , , Quodego. — Enciso. ,, Rica^Toe. — Ov., m., 17. ,, Rica=Yucatan. — Ov., i.,533. See Yucatan. „ Rigua, Riqua, 317, 326. See Tamarique ? ,, Roca. — Ov., II., 131. ,, Sancta (but applied to the Continent).— L.C., ii., 231. ,, Sestam.— P. M., 192. „ Toe. See Riqua. ,, Tortuga. — Cosa, T. ,, Triangula, 572.— Ov., ii., 143. ,, Turuqueira. — Nav., i., 204. ,, Verde, 327, 477, 561, 579.— W., Nav., III., 26; Ov., i., 76; Rib. ,, Vermeja. See Isla Bermeja. ,, Yamaye. — Nav., i., 47. Isleo, . . . de 1', 300. Isleo, Cabo del = Codera, 317.— Nav. I., 37, III., 6. See Codera. Isleo Blanco, Cabo del.— Ov., ii.^ 131. Isleos Blancos, 433. laleos, Cabo de, 581. Isleos, Golfo de, 581. Isola, P. del, 555. Itaba. — Ov., I., 565. Itagua9U. See Rio Itagua9U. Itaraholta. — Ov., i., 551. Iti, Isle de— Nav., ni., 237. luan. See Juan. lucatana = Yucatan = Eccampi= San Juan, 607.— P. M., 186; Nav., III., 61, 525. lueatane^Zipangris, 567. lueatania, lucatanet, 220. See Nova Gallia. lucayo (Luoayo), Ilha de.--C., Can. lunoatam vel Maiam, 81. luconacan. Antil. — T. lunna. See Rio lunna. lureche. River.— P. M., 152. lusquei, 414. Ivitachuoo, Laguna and Rio de. — Ov., I., 554. Ixaran. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 276. JACINTO, Rio de St., 335. •' Jaomel. See Yaquimo. Jaoobi, Rio de St., 320. Jaoomo, Rio de St., 301. Jalibonico, 98. Jalisco. See Xalisoo. Jamaica, Jamaiqua, Xamaica ^^ Santiago, 105, 170, 557, 563, 669. C, Can., Rib.; Nav., i., 282-3, II., 144. Janaes, Rio de. — Ov., ii., 171. Janeiro. See Frio. Janeiro, Rio de, 426, 500, 532, 581. Janico. 433. Janico. See Rio Janico. Jaragua. — Nav. i., 268. Jarcossa, La, 555. Jardin. Antil. — W. Jardin de la Reyna. Antil. , 85, 86. Nav., I., 297; L. C , ii., 55; T. Jardines. — Nav., i., 252. Jardinea, Islas de los. — L. C, ii., 142. Jardinea, Pimta de los. — Ov., i., 493. jarucco, 704. Java la Grande, Terre de, 96 Java, The Londe of, 96. Java, Lytil,.96. Jehan Denys, Havre de, 640. Geographical Index. Jenero, Bahia and Cabo de. — Ov., II., 117. Jenero, Tierra de, 633. See Janeiro. Jeorgi, Costa de St., 555. Joam, Bahia de St., 600. Joam, Joan, Ilha de Sam, 183, 238, 555. Joama. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 430. Joan = Burichena = Porto Rico, Isla de S.— Nav , i., 306 ; P. M., 159 ; Ov., I., 466. Joan, Rio de St , 602. Johan-Baptista, Baya de. — Ov., II., 146 Johan, Cabo de S. N.E. coast, 635. Johan de Liabona, Rio, 634, 721. Johan de Lua, Rio de St — Ov., II., 142. See Ulloa. Johan, Isla de S., 621. Johan Ponce de Leon, Bahia de. — Ov., II., 144, 152. See Juan, and Juhan. Johan, Rio de St., 63?. Johan, Sam, 178. Johan, Valle de St See Theni- sucha. Jordan. See Rio Jordan, and Plata. Jorge, Angla de S., 517. — Nav., V , 36, 224. Jorge, Cabo de Sam, 319, 414. Jorge de Olancho, Rio de St. — Ov , II., 116. See leorgi, and Georgi. Jorge, Rio de, 559. Jorge, Rio de St., 633. Joulan. See Rio Joulan. Jovium Promont., 555. Juan-Baptista, Cabo de St., 24. Juan-Baptista, St., 558. Juan, Cabo de St., 213, 241, 508, 530 —Ov , ir., 146. Juan, Ciudad de St.--Nav., ill., 421 Juan de Ante Portam Latinam, Puerto de S. — Nav., v., 38. See infra, Porta Latina. Juan de la Maguana, 433 — Ov. i., 65 ; L. C, HI., 102. Juan de los Remedioa, San, 99. Juan de Porta Latina, P. de S., 517. See supra, Juan de Ante Portam. Juan de Uloa, St., 191. See Johan de Loa. Juan Estevez, Isla (imaginary) de, 601 —W., Rib. Juan, Golfo de S.— P. M., 194. Juan, Isla de St; — Ov., Ii., 148. 769 _ Juan = Los Petres = Sta Maria, Rio de St , 541, 573, 645 —Nav. III., 423; Ov, IV., 126. Juan, P. de St., 567. Juan Ponze, Rio de, 602. Juan, Rio Grande de St.— Nav., III., 370; Ov., I., 76, n., 135. Juan, St. See Porto Rico. Juan Serrano, Rio de, 633. — Ov., II., 11.3. Juana, Isla. See Fernandina. Juanillo. Pueblo. — Ov., 11 , 253. Jucayo. Antil — Cosa. Judia, Rio de la, 559. Juhan Ponge, Bahia de, .558. Juhan, Rio de S. N. E. coast, 558. Juhan Serrano, Rio de, 559. Julia, Bahia de Sta.--Nav. in., 553 Julian, Bay or River de S. , 680. Julian, Canal de Sauot, 238. Julian, P. de S., 680. Juliana, Juliano, Juliani, Sinus S. , 516, 524, 567. Juliani, C, 584. Jumeto. Islets. — Ov., i., 25. Jumeto, Rio de. ,, iv., 6. T ABRADOR, 636, 657, 685, 700. i-* See Tierra de Labrador. Labrador, Atlantic Coast of, 69. Labrador, Lavorador, 19, 570, 580. See Tierra del Labrador. Laborador de rey de Portugal, Tierra de, 21, 468. Lagaro. See Lazaro. Lacobras (Las Cabras ?), 285, 324. Lacome, Lacame, 644. Ladro, Lago del, 300, 453, 613. See Lodro and Ladron, Ladron, Lago del, 430, 490. Lagar[to], Cabo del. — Enciso. Lagartos, Baya de, 476, 477 Lagartos, Estero de. Yucatan. — Dias, IV. Lagartos, Isla de. — K.., T., W., Rib., Ov., I., 494, 581 ; 11., 138. Lagartos = Chagre == Cocatriges, Rio de, 573, 634.— P. M., 132. Lagartos, Rio de los, 86, 90, 285, 316, 324, 424, 634. Lago, Ancon del. — Ov., 11., 132. Lago, Cabo de[l?], 323, 506. Lago fore, or fori (?), 42, 414. Lago Luncor. See Luncor. Laguna de Nicaragua. See Mar Dulce. Laguna, Cabo de la. — Nav., i., 35. 4 X 770 The Discovery of North America. Laguo, Rio do, o32. Lajas, Costa de, 559. Lampruneta, 377. Lanoata, Pueblo de, 581. Laont, 583. Lao torn, 530, Lapa, Punta de la. — L. C, ii., 260. Laperriire, Port de, 74. Lares, 433. Lareno, Rio de, 300, 317. Largartos. See Lagartos. Larubins, 316. Laurent, Fleuve St., 639. Lawrence, Gulf of St., 71, 574, 627, 740. Laxas, Costa de, 634. -Ov., i., 124. Lazaro, La9aro, 530. Lazaro, Bahia de, 634. Lazaro, Isla de. — Ov. , ii. , 140. Lazaro, Rio de, 541. Lazaro, Cabo de St.-Nav. , iii. , 104. Lazaro. See Campeche. Lehulali. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 445. Lena. See Helena. Leon, Cabo del. — Cosa. Leon, Cibdad de. Nicaragua. — Ov., III., 113. Leon = Nagrando. Cibdad. — Ov., I., 296, 385, 409 ; in., 113. Leon de Huanuco de los Caballeros. Province in Peru. Leon y Granada, Cibdad de. — Nav., III., 413. Leones, Boca de los. — Nav., iii., 549. Leones, Puerto de los, 704. Leones. See Recife de los Leones. Libuqueyra^Santa Cruz^Ay-Ay, Isla de.— Ov., i , 34. Licenciado Ayllon. See Tierra del Ayllon. Licotu (del encontro ?), Cabo de, 86, 316, 424. Lile. Province and Pueblo. — Ov., 1 , 129. Lili. Province. — Ov., ii., 460. Lima = Ciudad de los Reyes. — Ov., IV., 217. Limamu. — Ov , i , 572. Lindo. See Cabo Lindo. Lineor, Golfo de, 300, 453. Lisarte, Cabo de, 414. Litar. See Cabo Litar. Litus incognitura, 562. Livorno, 577. Lixleo {el Isleo), 300, 487. Llachay. See Perdices. Lobillo.— Ov., 1 , 565. Lobos, Arrecife de, 559, 633. — Ov, II., 113. Lobos, Isleos de los, 558. — Ov., II., 172. Lobos = Palmas, Isla de. — Ov., II , 128. Lobos, Punta de, 517. Lodro, Lago del, 316. See Ladro and Ladron. Loguio (?). — Cosa. Long Bay, 213. Longavilla = Longueville, 218-20, 576-7. Longo. See Rio Longo. Lop, Desert of, 526. Lope, 530. Loquillo. Province. — Ov., i., 476. Lorea. Rio St., 583. Lorenjo, Punta de St., 628. — IV., 5. Lorenico, Cabo de S-, 581. Loro, Lago de (del Oro ?), 316. Lorto de Rucelay, 221. Lower California, 611, 703. Lua. See Juan de Lua (UUoa). Luca, .ingla de Sta — Ov., i., 124. Lucal, Punta de, 581. Lucar, Golfo de S., 543. See Guetares and Nicaragua. Lucas, Cabo de St., 611. Lucas, San, 530. Lucayas, Lucayos, Yucayos, 136, 145, 195, 621, 725. -Nav. iii,, 574 Lucayo grande, El. — W. Lucayo, Isla del. — Ov., i., 614. Lucayoneque. Antil , 205. — T. Lucia ^ Genciro, Puerto de Sta. — Nav., IV., 31. Lucia, Isla de Sta , 693 — T., W.; Ov , 1., 32 See Matinino. Lucia, Luzia, Baya de Sta., 516. Lucia, Luzia, Cabo de Sta. N.E. coast, 414, 530. Lucia, Rio de Sta., 301, 335, 567, 584. Lucia, Sierras de Sta., 559. — Ov., II., 117. Lucia, Tierra de Sta., 600. Ludouico, Sant, 218. Luengo. See Cabo Luengo. Lugras, Cabo de, 567. Luis, Cabo de St., 220. Luis. Prov. of St.— Ov , ii., 203. Luisa = Louise, 220, 576. Luna, Rio de la, 86.-Nav., i., 42. Luncor, Lago, 86, 424. Lurcar. See Cabo Lurcar. Lurcor, Golfo do, 86, 453. Luysa. See Rio Luysa. Lyna. River, 433. MABILA.— Ov., I., 568. Macao. See Rio Macao. Macarapana, 531. Macareo, El, 415. Macatan. Pueblo. — Nav., v., 181. Macatban. — Ov., il., 54. Macateque. Antil. — T. Maccazina.— P. M., 169. Machin, Aldea de, 501. Maconuti, Rio de.— Ov., ii., 296. Macorix de Abajo.— L C , v , 263. Macorix de Arriba = Cubao. — L. C, v., 256 Macorix, Isla de. — Nav, i., 118; P. M., 168. Macorix, Rio de. — Ov., i., 176. Macubiza. Antil. — C, Can. Mada (?), La, 530. Madalena. Antil.— K., T. Madalena, La, 588, 573. Madama Beata. See Beata. Madeleine, lies de la, 574. Madre de Dios. See Magellan. Madre. See Buena Madre. Magallanes. See Magellan. Magdalena, Golfete de la. — Ov., 11., 116. Magdalena, Rio de la, 633,- 635, 721, 723.— Ov.,ii, 142. Magdalena, Rio de la. Pacific — Ov., IV., 6. Magdalena, Madlena di gratia. Sierra de Sta., 301. Magellan=de la Madre de Dios= Dragon's Tail, Strait of, 533, 559, 637, 703-5, 714, 721, 728, 736, 740, 745. See Todos Sanctos. Magnana. Antil. — Can. See Maguana. Mago, Mango, Province of, 104. — Nav., I., 304. Magoayan. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 439. Magos, Tierra de los. — Ov., ii., 118. Magua.— P. M., 168. Maguana. Antil. — P. M., 169 ; Nav., III., 550. Maguana, Villa de St. Juan de la. — Ov., II., 349. Geographical Index. 771 Mahaboro. Pueblo.— Ov., ir., 295. Mahaitin.— P. M., 169. Mahizales, Rio de loa. — Ov., i., 289. Maia. Region.— P. M., 150. Maiaguariti. ,, 169. Maiam vel luncatam, 81. Maiam==Comi.— P. M., 186. Maici, Maycl, Punta de, 91. Maigana. AiitU -K. See Maguana. MaioUa Jenoesa, 555. Maiuana. Autil. — Cosa. See Malabrigo, Isla de.— Ov., iv., 219. Malabrigo, P. de, 572-3, 597. Mala Paz.— Ov., i., 551. Malalaca. Province — Ov., 11., 50. Mala Pelea=Potonchan, Bahia de — Nav., III., 54 ; Diaz, iv., 16. Mai Hado, Isla de. — Ov., ni., 613. Mamiam. Pueblo — Ov , 11., 443. Manabaho.— P. M., 168. Manabaxao.— P. M,, 169. Manacapan, 531. Managua. Antil — C. See Manegua, and Manguana (?). Manalaoa. Prov. — Nav., i., 418. Manati= Guaurabo, 437- — P. M,, 169. Mauatuabon. See infra, Rio Manatuabon. Manderia, Rio de. — Ov., 11., 459. Manegua — Ov., iv., 67. Manegua. Antil., 145. — W. See Managua Mangacs, Mangles, Bahia de los, 517, 531— Nav., v., 252. Mangi, Mango, Mansi, 379, 566, 583. Mangoa. Pueblo. — Ov., 11., 439. Mangues, Golfo de los. — Enoiso. See Mangaes ? Manguj. See Cabo Manguj. Mangles, Punta de los — Ov., iv ,5. Manigua. Antil— T., Ov„ i., 614. See Manegua. Manjar.— Ov , i , 594. Manta. See Puerto Manta. Manzanilla, 98. Mapaure. See Tierra Mapaure. Mar Baxa, 635. Mar de .4.gua dolce, 318. Mar de Agua duce, 415. Mar de la Tierra, 558. Mar del Sur, 472, 538, 735. Mar del Sur delle Indie, 713. Mar desoubierta por Inglese, 21, 42. Mar Duoe. — Cosa. Mar Dulce =Ayaguabo = Laguna de Nicaragua, 531.— Ov., i., 203 Mar Dulce = Rio de Solis. — Nav., III., 49. Mar Pacifioo. — Nav., iv., 50. Mar Pequena, 558.— Ov , 11., 142. Mar Vgiano (Oceano), 424. Mar Vermeio, 628. Mare Australe (Pacific), 556. MareCale— Ov, i., 550. Mare Catayum, 614. Mare Glaoiale, 579. Mare Herbidium, 567. Mare Indicum, 115, 218, 466. Mare Magellanicum, 567, 584. Mare Oceanus, 218. Mare Paoilicum, 607. Maracapana, 634. Maracapana. Pueblo. — L. C, v., 169. Maragapana, Manacapana, Puerto de.— Nav., in., 540 ; P. M., 89 ; Ov., I., 505, 11, 131, 245, 253. Maraoaybo, Laguna de, 80, 118, 476. Maracaybo. Pueblo.-Ov,,ii.,270. Maracaybo (another). — ,, ,, 294. Maragoabi. Pueblo. — ,, ,, 442. Maranhao. See Rio Maranhao. Maranon. See Rio MaraSon. Marate, Reyno de. — Ov., iv., 19. Margal, P. de St., 600. Maroi, 0. S. See Cabo Marci. Marco, Cabo de, 178, 568, 635.— Ov., II , 149. Mar9o, Punta de. N.E. coast. — Ov., II., 49. Mar90, Tierra de, 559. Mare. See Mare, supra. Mares, Puerto de — Nav., i., 42, 50; L. C, I., 321. Mares, Rio de. — Nav., i., 42. See Mari. Margalada, 333, 414. Margarita, La. — Nav., in., 103. Margarita. See Isla Margarita. Marhuello de Telho, P., 321. Mari=Mares, Rio de, 86. Maria, Sta. Newfoundland, 600. Pacific, 487. ,, Arcipelago de Sta. On the N.E. coast, 635. ,, Bahia de Sta. N.-E. coast, 213.— Ov., II., 146. Maria, Cabo de Sta., 241, 320, 415, 424, 499, 567, 584, 721.— Ov., II., 13; Nav., IV., 32. Cabo de Sta. N.-E. coast. Ov., II., 146. Cabo de Sta. Pacific, 573, 597. Cabo de Sta. = La Plata, 603.— L. C, IV., 270. Golfo deSta., 531, 415. Isla de Sta., 86, 559.— L. C, II., 57. Isla de Sta. Pacific. — Rib. P. de Sta. , 530. Maria = Entubi, P. de Sta., 91. Maria, P. de Sta. Darien. — Ov. , HI. , 63. Rio de Sta., 531, 541. Rio de Sta. (ex St. Juan, in Darien?)— Nav., i., 423; Ov., II., 453. Rio de Sta. Alabama, 645. Rio de Sta. = La Plata. — L. C, IV., 270. See Plata. Rio de Sta. Pacific. — Nav., III., 423. Rio de Sta. , 645. See Petres Serra de Sta. , 532. Tierra de Sta., 684. Maria de Agoodia, Sta., 301. Maria de Agosto, Sta.-Ov. 11., 116. ,, ,, ,, Islasde.-W. Maria del Antigua del Darien = La Guardia. (The first Christian city) — Eneiso ; Nav., in. , 337 ; P. M., 110, 198; Ov., 11., LS4, 428. Maria de la Antigua, Isla de Sta. Nav., I.; L. C, II., 9. Maria de Belen, Puerto de Sta. — Nav., I., 286. Maria de Bi5 deseo, Cabo de S., 582 Maria de la Conception, Isla de Sta., 401.— Nav., i., 26. Maria de la Consolagion, Cabo de Sta., 327, 336, 730. -Nav. in., 19. Maria Galante and Marigalante, Isla de Sta. — Cosa, C, Can., L. C.,n.,5. Maria de Gracia, 567. Maria de Gracia, Serra de Sta., 301, 319-20. Maria de Guadalupe, Sta. — Cosa. See Guadalupe. Maria de la Mar Dulce, Sta. , 730. Maria de Mensera (Monserrate), Sta. Antil.— Cosa. See Mon- serrate. Maria de las Nieves, Sta. — Ov., i., 539. Maria da Pena, Golfo de Sta. , 532. 772 The Discovery of North America. Maria del Puerto de la Yaguana, Sta.— Ov., I., 91. Maria de la Rabida, and Rapida, Cabo de ,Sta., 301, 319-20, 426, 487. Maria la Redonda, Sta. — L. C, II., 9. Maria de los Remedies, Isla de Sta. Nav. , III. , 35 ; L. C. , IV. , 350 ; Ov., II., 141, 503. Maria de la Vera Paz, Sta. — Ov. , I., 91. Mariatanbal, and Mariuatambal. Province. — Ov.,ii.,214; Nav., III., 20; P. M., 198. Maribios, Montes de los. — Ov., IV., 69. Maribios. Province. — Ov.,i.,235. Marien de Cuba, 190, 194.— Ov., I., 536; L. C, v., 252. Mariena. Prov.— P. M., 169, 172. Marigalante. See Maria Galante. Marina. Islet.— P. M., 187. Marinatambulo, Islas de, 730. Marinia. See Rio Marinia. Marismas, Rio de, 581. — Ov., iv., 15. Marmol, Cabo del, and de, 634. Marmol, Costa del, 477. — P. M., 112; Ov., I., 11, 78, 137. Marris. Pueblo.— P. M., 122. Marta. Town, 571.— Nav., i., 220. Marta, Sta., 504, 531, 717. Cabo de Sta. , 320, 567, 584. „ Sta. Island, 147. ,, P. de S. — Cosa. ,, Rio de Sta. Pacific. — Ov., IV., 6. Martha, Sta. Region.— P. M., 156. Martha arriba, Rio de Sta. — Ov. , 11., 319. MartimVaz(Pacheco?),Islade. K. Martin, S. Antil. — Cosa. Martin, Sierra de St., 509, 572.— Ov., 11., 141. Martin, Valle de St., 384.— Ov., II., 172. Martin Garcia, Isla de, 605. Martinet, Isla de.— L. C, ii., 262. Mar Vgiano, Costa del, 86, 90. Martinho, Cabo do, 316. Martinique. See Matinino. Martires, Los. Pacific, 541. ,, Baxos de los, 156. Islet, de los, 147, 151. W. Maruta, 628. Maryanta = Nueva Caliz = Las Perlas, Isla de. — Ov., i., 464. See Cubagua. Masaya, Monte de. — Ov., i., 356, IV., 66. Masticca, 504. Matanga, Puerto de la. — Ov., I., 503. Matanzas, 98, 101. Matarap. Pueblo. — Ov. , ii. , 422. Matas. See Salvador. Mateo, Baya de St., 573.— Ov., IV., 6, 133, 221. Matheo, St. See Francisco, Rio deSt. Matheo = Rio Segundo , Rio de St. , 633.— P. M., 132 (?). See Rio Segundo. Mathia, Cabo de St., 532, 567. Matias, Baya de St., 516. — Nav., IV., 33. Matias, Isla de St.— L. C. , v. , 169. Matinari, Ciudad de.-0v.,iv., 67. Matinina. Antil. — Ruysch. Matinino = Martinique = Santa Lucia. Antil., 693. — Nav., i., 137, 282 ; T. , W. See Lucia, St. Matugelde.— Ov., II., 447. Mauicarao.— P. M., 169. Maulera. Province. — Ov. ,II.,243. Maya, May^, in Alabama, 644. Maya, Tierra de, 530. — Nav., iii., 556, 584. Mayagon, Mayaguain. Antil. — T., W., Rib. Mayaguana, Mayaguano. Antil. — T.; Ov., I., 25, 614. Maiam = Comi.— P. M., 187. Mayci, Cabo, and Punta de, 80-84. — W.; Ov., I., 25, 493. See Bayatiquiri, and Nicolao. May das. Imaginary island. — W., Rib. Mayigua. — Ribero. Maynoa. — Ov., i., 580. Mayo, Isla de. Antil. — Cosa, K., Enciso ; Nav. , iii. , 550. Mayo, Puerto de, 517. Mayo, Rio de, 541. Mayomon, in Jamaica. — T. Mayonic, Isla de. — Nav., i., 118. Mazcato, Capo do, 600, Mecahulico. Pueblo. -Ov., ii. ,447. Mecoa. ,, ,, ,, 443. Medanas, Medanos, Costa de, 241. Ov., II., 148. Medano, Punta del, 415. Medo, Baxos do, 176, 426. Megates. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 148. Melilla, in Jamaica. — T. ,, Isleta de.— Ov., i., 570. Melo, Rio de, 301. Melville Lake, 69. Mena, Sierra del. — Ov. , ii. , 281. Meuistre, 414. Mensera. See Maria de Monserrate. Mentamoa. Pueblo.-Ov. , II. , 442. Meo, Rio do, 508. Meotagoso=Noquita.-Ov. ,ii.,459. Mesico. See Nuevo Mesico. Mesquito. See Cabo Mesquito. Messigo, 284, 526, 583. See Mexico. Messigo. See Rio Messigo. Meta, Estero de.— Ov., ii., 264. Meta Incognita, 36. Meta. Province. ,, ,, 218. Meta, Riode. ,, ,,264; Mexicano. See Seno Mejicano. Mexico = Tenustitana = Temisti- tan, 524, 558, 583, 589, 621, 646, 654.— P. M., Epist., 717. Mexico, Gulf of, 705, 731. Mexico, Plan of, 510, 530, 560. Mexo, Mezo, Rio de, 301, 320. Micacuy. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 443. Michael, Michaelis, Michel, San., 301, 319, 319, 526, 566, 583-4, 614. See Migel, Miguel, and Chira. Michaelis, Sinus S., 506. Michiche. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 445. Miohicuy. ,, ,, ,, 443. Migagar. „ ,, „ 443. Migel, San. Antil.— T. Migel, RiodeS., 611. Migel, Miguel, Sierra de S. N.E. coast, 600. Miguel. See Tierra de S. Miguel. Miguel, Arrecife de Sam, 319. Miguel, San, 319, 335. Miguel, San. Brazil, 335. Miguel, San. Uarien.-Ov. , II. , 461. Miguel =Tiburou, Cabo de S. — Ov. , I. , 48. See Tiburon. Miguel=San Theramo = Engano, Cabo de S. Hispaniola. — Cosa ; Nav., I., 324; L. C, v., 243. Miguel, C. de St. Maranon. — Ov., II. , 122. Miguel, Golfo de S. — Nav., iii., .378; P. M., 162; Ov.,ni., 11. Miguel, Golfo de S. Pacific, 541. Miguel, Pueblo de S.-Ov. , iv. , 154. Miguel, Rio de S. Maranon, 541. — Ov., II., 122. Miguel, Rio de San. Peru, 628.^ Ov., IV., 5. Geographical Index. in Miguel de Gualdape, San. — Nav., III., 691, 72. Miguel de Neveri, Pueblo de S. — Ov., II., 243. Miguel de Paria, Villa de San.— Ov., II., 222-3. Miguel de Piura and of Tangarara, San. (The first Spanish city founded in Peru.)— Ov., iv., 154. Milto. Pueblo.— Ov., ii., 443. Minohoy. ,, ,, ,, 443. Miniato, San, 555. Miraca. Pueblo.— v., ii., 296. Mirame et lexame, Cabo de, 7*, 177, 426. Mirla, Da, 427. Mirobalanus. See Cariari. Miruelo, Baya de, 154. — Ov., ii., 143. Misano. See Cabo Misano. Misas, Puerto de. — Ov., ii., 424. Mississippi, 503. Mityn. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 445. Mixouxa, Sierra de. ,, „ 444. Moohe, Rio de, 541. M0C090. See Rio M0C090. Mococu. Pueblo.— v., II., 272. Moculixa.— Ov., i., 570. Moferrato. Antil. — Ruy soh. See Monserrate. Mojones, Rio de los, 541. Molucca Islands, 523-4, 528, 627, 703, 711, 731, 737. Moluccas, Passage to the, 120. Molue, Le. See Terra Nova. Mona, Isla La. -T. , W. , Ov. , i. , 64. Monoeaux=Monticelli, 219. Mondaoan, 644. Mondo Novo, 560-61. Monge. Antil. — Cosa. Monges, Isletas de los. — T., W., Ov., II., 131. Monioelli, 218, 555. See Monticelli and Monceaux. Monserrate. Antil. — T., L. C, II., 9. Monstruoa, Rio de. — Ov., 11., 180. Montana Altissima, 317. Montanas, Rio de, 241, 572. — Ov., II., 142, 148, 635. Montanas Altas, R. de, 530. Monte, Cabo del, 86, 532. Monte Alto, 414, 531. Monte Caribata. — Nav., i., 99. Monte Cristi = Puerto Real, 433, 516.— Cosa ; Nav., i., 123. Monte Espeso, 540, 6.34.— v., 11., 130. Monte Fragosa, 532. Monte Fregoso, 301, 320, 473, 584. Monte Friosa, 320. Monte Grande, 531. Monte-Juan. 433. Monte Morello, Cabo de, 577. Monte Negro, 415. Monte de Plata. — Nav., i,, 131. Monte Redondo, Retondo, 300, 487, 532. Monte Speso, 531. Monte Tajado, 333, 414. Monte de Trigo, 577. Monte Vidi, Viridi, 516.— Nav., IV., 32. Montexo, 195. Montibus nivalibus, 565. Morante, Punta de. In Jamaica. — T., Ov., I., 580. Morena. See Sierra Morena. Moriona, 567, 583. Mormatan, 567. Morocabo, Puerto de. -Ov. , 11. , 230. Moros, Baia dos, 543. Mortinbo, Mortinco, Cauo do, 86, 316. Mosco.— P. M., 187. Moscobo. Pueblo.— v., I., 498. Mota, Cabo de la, 333, 414. Moxi (muchos) arboledas, Cabo de, 508. Mtiao de Rourra (?), Rio de, 601. Muchas Islas, Cabo de. N.E. coast, 558.— v., 11., 147. Muchas Islas, Rio de, 635. — Ov., II., 148. Muchas Aguas, Pueblo de las. — Ov., 1., 552. Muerto. See Puerto Muerto. Mugeres, Mujeres, Isla de, 558. — W., Rib. Mugeres, Punta de las, 634. — Nav., III., 53; Ov., 11., 140. Mulabe (?). In Antil.— Cosa. Mundus Novus, 646. Mur^ielagos, Los. — Ov., i., 355. AAS. Pueblo.— v., 11., 457. Nacaona. — Nav., i. , 324. Nacpa, 628. Nagrando. See Leon. Naiba. Channel and Cacique. — P. M., 172; Epist. 180. Naiba, Neyva, Haiba. Province. - Ov., 91, 175; II., 319, 361. N Naiba, Neyva, Haiba, Rio de, 433. —P. M., 73, 168. Nao = Zamba. Pueblo. — Ov., 11., 437, 446. Naothlan, 5.30. Napituca. — Ov., i., 552. Nata = Paraqueta, Tierra de.— Nav., in., 407 ; L. C, v., 209. Natan. Pueblo. — Enciso. Nauaca. Antil.— T., W. Naubor, Rio de, 634. -Ov.. ir., 122. Nautal, 567. Navaga, Isla de, — Ov. , I., 198. Navarro, 220, 576. Nave, Puerto de. — Ov., 11., 133. Navidad, La, 433, 531, 663-6. Navidad, Gran Baya de la, 461, 458, 459.— Nav., in., 558. Navidad. Port in New Spain, 717. Navidad, Rio de la, 501. — Ov., 11., 123. Navidad, Villa de la. — Nav., i. , 123, 188 ; Cosa. Nebe, S. de la (Sta. Maria de la Nieve ? Sierra de la Nieve ?). — • Cosa. Necas, Las, 531. Negrillo, Punta del.— Ov., i., 580. Negro. See Cabo Negro. Negro. See Rio Negro. Negros, Golfo de, 600, 634.— Ov., II., 122. Negros, Rio de, 601, 517, 532. Negros, Rio de los. — Nav., v., 252. Neguateix, 644. Neibaymao, Sierra de.-P. M., 169. Neneri. — Ov. , i., 595. Nequa. Islet.— Ov., I., 25. Nequepio. Prov. — Ov., 11., 50. Neiiw Welt, 467, 578. Nevada. See Bahia and Sierra Nevada. Nevadas, Islas. — Ov. , 11., 57. Neveri. River, 589. Newefounde Land, 45, 692. Newefound Hand, 47, 48, 696, 698. Newefound Ilandes, 46. News India, 47. Newfoundland, 450, 675, 685, 696. Newfoundland, Coast of, 681. New Ilande, 47, 675. Nigao, Rio de.— Ov., i., 109, 175; P. M., 169. Nicaragua, 559, 575, 706, 724. Nicaragua=Niooya=San Lucar= Orotina = Guetares = San Vi- cente, Gulf of, 543, 643. 774 The Discovery of North America, Nicaragua, Lake of, 537. Nicarao, Tierra de. --Nav., iii. , 413. Nicolao, Cabo de S. =Punta de Mayoi=Bayatiquiri. — Nav., i., 80 ; L. C , V , 244. See Bayati- quiri, and Mayoi. Nicolao, Puerto de. — Nav , I., 80. Nicolas. See Niculaa. Nicolas, St. N.E. coast, 414. Nicolas, Cabo de St., 573. Nicolas, Montaiias de St., 517. — ■ Nav., V , 250. Nicolas, Promont. de S. — Ov., i., 493. See Nicolao. Nicolas, Puerto de St., 87. Nicolas, Rio de St., 541. Nicoya. See Nicaragua, Gulf of. Nicoya=Chira=San Lucar, Puerto de.— L. C, 229. Nicuesa, Cerro de. — Ov., II., 138. Niculas, San. Antil. — T. Nieve, Sierra del, 592. Nieves, Las. Antil. — T. Nieves, Cabo de, 573. Nieves, Rio de, 558, 635.— Ov., II., 143. Nigri, Cabo de, 501. Nigua. See Rio Nigua. Niguara. See Rio Niguara. Nimaca.— P. M., 169. Niiios, Los. See Cubagua. Nipe, Puerto de, 98-9. Nipoal, Cabo de, 566. Nirva, Rio de, 589. Nisca. Province. — Nav., iii., 417. Nisone, 644. Nispeso, Isla de. — Ov., ii., 466. Nisuada, Cabo de, 608. Niti, 433.— Nav., i., 221. Niyo. See Rio Niyo. Nob5, Rio da, 600. Nombre de la Cruz, 147. Nombre de Dios = Del Retrete, Puerto de, 106, 420, 684, 693.— Nav. I., 285 ; Ov. i., 78, ii., 136. Nondira, 634.— v., ii., 133. Noquita. See Meotagoso. Noranbega, 187, 323. Nori, Valle de.— Ov., ii., 456. NormanviUa, 218-19, 543, 554. Norte, Babia del, 559. -Ov. ii., 56. Notre-Dame Bay, 62. Nottingham Island, 74. Nouvelle France, 493. Nova Gallia = lucatania, luoata- net, 220, 577. Nova Scotia, 174-188. Noxa, Anoxa, 204. Nuestra Senora, Mar de, 86. — Nav., I., 58. Nueva Andalucia. — Nav. iii., 337. Nueva Caliz. See Cubagua, and Margarita. Nueva Espana, Costa and Golfo de, 643, 738. Nueva Espaiia = Cului, 571, 596, 731.— L. C, IV., 465. Nueva Espana, Reynos de la, 556. Nueva Castilla = Peru. — Ov. , i., 325. Nueva Galizia. — Ov. , ni., 576. Nueva Isabella = San Domingo, 433. Nuevitas del Principe, 84, 98. Nuevo Mexico, 646. Nuova Francia, La, 227. Nunceata, La, 555. Niiv erfunde land, Das, 579. QAKMULGEE River, 644. Oatcalca, 583. Obispo, Rio del, 415. Ocale.— Ov., i., 549. Oocoa. Prov.— Ov., i., 109, 120. Oocoa, Rio de.— P. M., 170. Oceanus Atlantious, 106. , , IndifB Superioris, 57. „ Oocidentalis, 78,103,110, 610. ,, Orientalis, 103, 110, 486. , , Yndiais Meridionalis, iii. Odio, Rio do, 301. Odon. — Ov., IV., 5. Odro, Lago dell. See Ladron. OfEra = Spagnolia, 515. Okeechebe Lake, 644. Okefonoke. See Ekanfanoka. Old Bahama Channel, 99. Olimpo, Capo del, 577. Olivo, Punta del, 555. OUas, Puerto de las.— Ov. ii., 422. Olloa. See Ulua. Oloan. See Calvacania. Olocoton. Province. — Ov.,i. ,323. Omohaya, Tierra de. ,, ,, 79. Onari, 531. See Oynari, Rio de (?). Once, and Onze mill Virgines, Arcepellago de las. In Gulf of St. Lawrence, 183, 187.— Ov., II., 149. Onze mille Vierges, Cap des, 516. Onze mill Virgines, Cabo de las, 740. See Virgines. Onze mill Virgines. In the Antil. Nav., III., 550. Onze mill Virgines, Islas de las. Antil., 247.— C, Can., Ruysoh. See Virgines. Oppia. See Rio Oppia. Oppon, Sierras de. — Ov., ii., 584. Oraubega, 577. See Norambega. Orchilla, La = Poregari = Yaruma. Antil.— T.; Ov. i., 63, ii., 131-2. Oreferis, Rio de, 301, 321. Oreja, Costa de la, 531. — Nav., in., 584. Orford Cape, 717. Orga Real. See Vega Real. Orillo, El.— T. Orenoco, Orinoco, Urinoco, 105, 694. Oristan, Villa de.— Ov., i., 580. Oritza, 205. Orixa. See Corixaynsiguanin. Orlean = Orleans, 220, 576-7. Oro, Lago del, 300. Oro, Rio del.— Ov., ii., 142, 143. Oro = Yaqui, Rio del, 558, 635.— Nav., I., 129; L. C, ii., 86. Orogi. Province. — Ov.,i.,235. ,, Sierra de. ,, ,, 354. Orosa, .... De la, 581. Orotina. See Nicaragua. Orriparagi, Orriparacogi. — Ov., i., 548. Orto de Rucelay, L', 554-5. Oryno. See Rio Oryno. Os Draconis, 459, 475. Osa, Golfo de. — Ov., iv., 10; L. C, v., 217. Ostial, 572. Ostras, Rio das, 426. Onaquaphenogaw. See Ekan- fanoka. Ova. Island, 51. Ovo. ,, 652. Oyiametla (?), 611. Oynari, Rio do, 634. -Ov., ii., 131. Oyseaux, He aux, 178. Ozama. See Rio Ozama, and Hozama. pABLO, Rio de, 581. Pablo, San, 611. Pablo, San. See Toboga. Pablo, Arcipelago de San, 532. Pablo, Cabo de San, 635.— Ov., II., 149. Geographical Index. 775 Pablo, Isla de San.— Nav. , in. , 52. Pablo, Rio de San, 530, 572, 581, 634; Ov., II., 141. Pacabucys, 592. Paeabuey.— Ov., ii., 380, Pacabuyes, Valle de los.— Ov., il., 271. Pacaha, Pacoa, 644.— Ov., i., 565. Pachirama, 627. Pacific Ocean, 471, 733. Pacific Sea Boards, 529. Pacora. Prov.— Nav., in., 410. Pacora, Bio de, 541. — Enciso. Pacra. See Todos Santos. Padre e Hijo, Cabo de.— Nav., i., 132. Padrum, Baia de, 555. Pagus. See Pauli. Pahacama, Ciudad de. — Ov., iv., 187, 242. Pahoc=Paor. Prov. — Nav., in., 154. Paladiso, El, 555. Palatium Pormt., 555. Palavisina, 577. Palma, Palme, Costa de, 501, 532. Palma, Rio de la, 510, 523, 530, 566, 583. Palmar, El.— Ov., i., 536. Palmar, Golfo de, 532. Palmar, Promontorio del, 634. — ■ Ov.,ii., 122, 130. Palmar. See Tierra del Palmar. Palmaria Regie, 567.— P. M., 189. Palmas. See Lobos, Isla de. Palmas, Bahia, and Puerto de las. — Ov., II., 210. Palmas, Cabo de, 86, 586.— Nav., I., 44. Palmas, P. de.— W. Palmas, Rio de las, 86, 90, 531, 634-5. Palmas, Rio de. Pacific. — Ov., IV., 5. Palmas Secas, 531. Palses, Baia de, 501. Pama, Rio de, 324. Pamarame, or Tamarame. — Ov., II., 380. Panama (" Country abounding in fish"), 559, 645, 706, 722.— L. C, IV., 204. Panama, Ciudad de. — Nav., iii., 457. Panama, Gulf of, 540. Panama, Islands in the Gulf of, 621. Panama, Isthmus of, 106, 559, 684, 693. Panama, West Coast of, 559. Panfilo. See Tierra de Paufilo de Narvaez. Pani, 433. Pani, Rio de. — Ov., i., 67. Panteliom, Arcepel. de Sam, 183. Panuco. See Rio Panuco. Pao. Prov.— Ov., ii., 250. Pao, Rio de, 589. Papaga, Papagalli, Tierra de, 302, 515. See Brazil. Papagayo, Golfo de. — Ov. , iv., 12. Paquiagaoyen. — Ov., n., 439. Para9uandi ,, ,, 297. Paraguana, 592. — Ov., I., 205. Paraguay. See Rio Paraguay. Paraguohua, 581. Paraiso, Valle del. — Nav., ii., 91. Paralaure. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 210. Paralica. ,, ,, ,, 443. Parama. See Bio Parama, and Grande. Parana, Rio de, 573, 581, 603, 605, 648. Paranaguaza. See Rio Paranaguaza. Paraqueta. See Nata. Parataure=Del Caliz, Isla de. — Ov., II., 216, 265. Pareas, Golfo de, 300, 317. Pareas, Tierra de, 300, 453, 487. See Paria (?). Paregari, Isla de. — v. , 589. Pargos, Baxos de los, 559, 633. — Ov., 116. Parguetos, Baixos doa, 601. Paria, 678, 680, 684, 700, 713. Paria. See Brasilia, 482, 587, 613. Paria, Cabo or Punta de. — L. C, H., 238. Paria, Costa de, 331, 731. Paria, Gulf of, 308, 408-9, 477, 730. Paria, Promontory of, 103, 589. Paria, Tierra de, Tierra Pariana, 318, 459.— Nav., i., 250. Parias, 153, 308, 313, 373, 489, 515, 526, 567, 583, 607. Pariba = Paris.— L. C, iv., 226, 245. Paricora. Region.— P. M., 132. Paricura, Costa de, 532, 540. ,, Rio de, 501. Pario (Paria), Cabo de, 300. Pariona, 526, 567, 584. Paris. Province and Cacique. — Nav. , III. , 408 ; Enciso. Parma. See Palma, Rio de la. Parte, Cabo do, 600. Pascoal, Pasqual, Monte de, 301-2, 342, 426, 532, 567, 584, Pascua. Pacific, 611. Pascua Florida, Tierra de, 323. See Florida. Pascua, Rio de, 540, 559. Pasqui. Prov, 204. -Nav. in., 154. Passaje, El.— Ov., n., 296. Pasto. In Darien. — Ov.,ii.,461. ,, In the Pacific. ,, iv., 131. Patagones, Tierra de, 572. Patalis Regio, 565, 567, 584, 618. Patas, Rio da, 178. Patigutara. Prov. — Ov.,ii.,244. Valley. „ „ 243. Patigurato. Prov. ,, ,, 244. Pato Bay, 675. Patos, Bahia de los.-Nav. , iv., 34. „ Golfo das, 501, 532. ,, Isla de los, 517. — W. „ Puerto de los, 633. — Ov., II., 119. ,, Rio de los, 516. Patronilla, Isla de. — Ov., iv., 14. Paul, St., 607. Pauli, Pagus S., 321, 430, 473, 479. PauUo, Alapego. See Pauli, Pagus deS. Paulo, St. In Newfoundland, 600. Paulo, St. In the Pacific, 611. Paulo, Cabode S., 177, 508. ,, ,, In Greenland, 426. Paulo y San Pablo, S., 612. Pauxoto. Pueblo.— v., II., 273. Pavos, Tierra de los, 634.— Ov., n., 142. Paxares, Paxaros = Aves, Isla de. Ov., I., 63, IL, 131. Paxi (Paria ?), Golfo de, 318, 487. Paypa. Valley.— Ov., n., 400. Payta = San Miguel.— Nav., in., 424. Payta, Puerto de.— Ov., iv., 461. ,, Punto de. ,, ,, 5. Paz, Cabo de, 426. „ Rio de la. — Ov., n., 144. Pearls, Archipelago of, 508. ,, Coast of, 694-5. Pedee. See Great Pedee River. Pedernales, Sierras de los. — Ov., I., 397. 776 The Discovery of North America. Pedras, Panta das, 508. ,, Rio das, 532. Pedro, Sam. In Gulf of Mexico, 178, 510, 530. Pedro, St. In Newfoundland, 600. Pedro, Cabo de Sto., 633.— v., II., 117. ,, Ilha de Sam, 183. ,, RiodeS.— Ov., IV., 14. Pedro y S. Pablo, Puerto de S.— Nav., v., 38. Pedro y San Pablo, Rio de San. , 165, 169.— Ov.,ii., 142. Pelapia, Barrio de. — Ov., ii.,449. Pelea, Bahia de la, 634. ,, 141. Peligro, Cabo del, 508. Pelucho, Barrio de. — v. , loc. cit. Pemenos, 592. Penobscot Bay, 233. Penon, Puerto del. See Vera Cruz. Pequeo. Pro v. — Nav. , ill. , 405. Pera, Rio de la, 517, 541. Peragoana, Peninsula of, 320. Perdices = Llachay.--Ov., iv., 191. Perdicion, Rio de, 558. Perdidos, Golfo de los. — P. M., 135, 151 ; Ov., II., 1.38. Perdidos, Po de los, 531. Perdidos, Rio de los, 634. Perdidosas, Rio de, 581. Perera and Pereira, Rio de, 301, 319, 532. Pereza, Rio de, 301. Perilyo Parro, Cabo de, 602. Perito, 559. Perlas, Cabo de las, 311, 508. Perlas, Costa de las, 420. Perlas = Paria, Golfo de las, 318, 327, 331, 414.— Nav., i., 258; L. C, n., 253. Perlas, Isla de. Pacific, 611. — Ov., IV., 6. Perlas, Islas de las. See Cubagua, and Margarita. Perlas, Punta de. In the Pacific, 612. Pernambuco, 571, 706. Pernambuco, Fernambuco, Rio de. — Ov., II., 121. Pero Ortiz. Pueblo. -0 v. , ii. , 253. Perpunga. In Peru. -0 v., iv., 191. Peru= Castilla del Oro = Nueva Castilla, 477, 572, 579, 614, 627, 654, 722, 726, 732.— Ov,, i., 325. See Castilla del Oro. Peru, Rio del. — Ov., iv., 5. Peruqueta. Prov. — Ov., iii., 398. Pescadores, Rio de. — Ov., ii., 142. Pescaria, Rio della, 577. Pesoaria Santantonia, La, 577. Pescaria, Tierra de, 180, 468. Pesquerias, Play a de. --Ov. , ii. , 122. Peta. Valley. ,, ,, 454. Petatam, 611. Petetlan, 612. Petigron=Pintigron. — Nav., III., 558; P. M., 128. Petres, Los. See Juan, Rio de St. Petres, Provincia de los. — Nav., III., 422-3. Petro, St., 567, 583. Petro, St. In the Pacific, 573. Phelipe, Punta de S.— Ov., i., 505. Piachi.— Ov., I., 565. Piari, Sinu, 581. Pico, Cabo del, 86, 91. Pico, Puerto del. — Nav., i., 67. Pico, Punta del, 559. Piedras =Virtudes, Rio de lasi 91, 501, 532, 633-4. -Ov., ii., 115. Pierre, Isle Saint, 187. Pieta, La, 91. Pignonem=Vibba. Reefs. — P. M., 153. Piguyri, El. River. — v. , il. , 204. Piloto, Cabo de, 600. Pimeg, Golfo de, 508. Pinachulto de Tencio. See Rentio, Tencio, and Tentaca. Pinas, Puerto, or Punta de. In Darien, 541, 573. Pinas =Canachine, Punta de. In the Pacific. — Ov., iv., 7. Pinos, Isla de, 84.— W., Rib. See Guanaja (?). Pintados. Pueblo.— Ov., ii., 246. Pintigron, Pintiguanus. Prov., 455, 457, 459. Pira, Rio de la.— Ov., iv., 225. Pirita. Prov.— v., i., 594. Piritu, Islas de. — Ov. , ii. , 131. Piru. See Biru. Piscobamba. Pueblo. — Ov., iv., 198. Piten, Sierra de. — Ov., ii., 454. Pitiguoem, Ilha de, 183. Pito. See Rio Pito. Piura. See Miguel de Piura. Pivia, Valley. — Ov., iv., 154. Placel, Cabo del.— Ov., ii., 121. Placentia Bay, 452. Plasansa, lUas de, 586. Planosas, Las, 415, 532. Plata, La, 704, 721, 723, 733-6. Plata = Sta. Maria, Cabo de la, 603.— L. C, IV., 270. Plata, Isla de la. — Nav,, iii., 49. Plata, Monte de. Plata, Puerto de, 136, 198, 433. Plata = Prata = Saneta Maria = Parama= Paranaguagu= Jordan = Solis=Hurnai = Huruai, Rio Grande de la, 602-605, 628, 648, 349, 480, 499, 529, 571, 624, 628, 688, 705, 707, 718, 737, 739, 745. — Ov., I., 405; II., 170; L. C, IV. , 270. See also Rio Grande de Parama. Plata, Rios de, 605. Playa, Bahia de la. — Ov. , ii. , 142. Playa Delgada. -Ov. , ii., 142, 532. Playa, Golfo de la, 633.— Ov., iv., 116. Playa, Rio de la, 634.-Ov., 11., 142. Plazer, Cabo de, 501. Poblado=del Farallon. See Rio Poblado. Poblas, Rio das, 600. Pocacosi, Islas de, — Ov., ii., 1,36. Pogo. Province. — Ov., iv., 142. Pocorosa, Pocchorrosa, Isla de.— Ov., I., 78. Pocorosa. Region and Cacique. — L. C, IV., 128, 175. Pola, Isla de, 147. Polomus, 459.— P. M., 128. Polonia, Cabo de Sta., 516, 532. Pombo. Pueblo.— Ov., IV., 194. Pontochan. See Mala Pelea. Popayan.— Ov., i., 218, 461 ; IV., 131. Poregeri, Poregari=Orchilla. See Orchella, and Yaruma. Portichuelo. See Caleta. Porto. See Puerto. Portogalete, 531. Portobello. See Puerto Bello. Portogesi, Cabo de, 179, 451-2. Porto Rico, Cibdad de, 158. Porto Rico = St. Juan, Isla de, 475, 669, 730.— K., T. Porto Seguro, 301, 340-1, 346, 369, 532, 683-6. Portuguesa, Rio de la, 589. Posesion, Puerto de la. — Ov., IV., 12. Posesion, Rio de la, 415, 681. — Nav., I,, 284. Potanchana= Victoria. Province. P. M., 194. Potano. — Ov., i., 551. Potegan. — Rib. Potegari. Antil. — W. Potome. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 277. Potochan. See Mala Pelea. Potto, 459.— P. M., 128. Poyais, Sierra de, 531. Prado, Cabo de. — Cosa. Prados, Punta de.— Nav., i., 288. Praira, Tierra do, 532. Praya, La, 504. Prazel, Baya de, 5.32. ,, Cabo de, 531. „ See Tierra do Prazel. Presa, Rio de la, 541. Presillg Landt, 183, 485, 571. Pria. See Rio Pria. Primeira. See Baya Primeira, and Punta Primera. Primero. See Cabo Primero, and Rio Primeiro. Prinoesaa=BIancas, Islas de las. — Ov., I., 25. Principe, Puerto del, 86, 91.— Nav., I., 58. Principe, Rio del, 213, 572. Prisilia. See Paria seu Priailia. Pu9ol. Cibdad.— Ov., iv., 69. Puebia, La, 537. Pueblo Nuevo.— Ov., ii., 385. Puecho. Pueblo.— Ov., iv., 150. Puercos, Los, 559. ,, Islas de.— Ov., n., 118. „ Rio de. „ „ 143. Puerto. See Buen Puerto. Puerto Agoada, 508. ,, Baxo, 531. „ Belle, 531. — P. M., 177; Ov., I., 78, II., 138, 467. ,, Bueno, 82. — Cosa ; L. C, II., 52. „ Deseado, 541,634.--Ov., I., 517; Nav., m.. 58; L. C, IV., 429. „ Disque9este.--0v., II., 139. „ Duloe, 573. „ Eacondido = Hermoso. — Ov.,i.,75, 78; L. C.,v., 246. „ Flechado, Frechado = CJii- chirivichi, 333, 414, 531, 634, 689. — Ov., i., 131 ; Nav. III., 6, 103. ,, Gibara, 99. „ Gordo.— Nav., i., 301. ,, Grande, 86.— L.C., II., 51. Geographical Index. Puerto Hermoso, 634. -Ov. i., 173. Man ta.— Nav., iii., 459. Maria. „ i., 79. Muerto, 531, 634.— Ov., II., 131. Parina. — Ov., iv., 5. de Plata, 202. -P.M., 176; L. C, III., 40; Ov. I., 27, 91. Principe, 144. Real=Monte Christo, 433, 440,479, 532, 567, 633.— P. M., 10.5, 176; Ov.,i., 35, 91 ; Nav., i., 123. Real, Rio de.-Ov.,ii., 115. de los Reyes, Pueblo del. — Ov., II., 207. de Rio Duro, 581. Sacro.— Nav., I., 133: L. C.,v.,245. Sancto. In Paria, 597. — Ov., II., 237. Santo, 86, 91, 584.— Nav., I., 74. Seguro de la Frontera, 166. Seguro. In Yucatan, 634. Ov., II., 141. Viejo. In Peru, 581.— Ov., I., 357; Nav., in., 434. Viejo, San Gregorio de. In Quito. Punl In Peru, 614. Puna, Bahia de la. — Ov., lo., 221. ,, Isla de la. — Nav., m., 424. Punta Aguada. — Nav. i., 90 ; Ov. ir., 144. „ Arboleda.- Ov., ii., 129. ,, Blanca. ,, ,, 138. „ Caribana, 559, 634. — Ov., II., 76, 133; Nav. in., 370 ,, Coyta. — Ov., IV., 15. ,, Dique9este, 634. ,, Esteril.— Ov., ii., 141. ,, Lauzada. — Nav., i. , 90. „ Liana.— L. C, ii., 253. ,, Pierna. — Nav., i. , 90. ,, Primeira, 634. -Ov. ir., 122. ,, Quemada, 532. — Ov. iv., 8. ,, Real, 301. ,, Roixa, Roja, Roxa, 86, 90, 323, 613. ,, Roja. In Hispaniola, 316, note 10. ,, Santa. In Hispaniola, 316, note8.-Nav.,i., 108,111. „ Sara.— L. C, ii., 253. ,, Seca, 559. — Ov., II., 131 ; L.C. n.,253;Nav. i.,132 777 Punta de Villa Rica. In Yucatan. Ov., II., 142. Punte Seguro, 301. Punuba, Puerto de.— Ov., i., 366. Puren. River.— P. M., 152. Purifica9ion, Rio de la. — Ov., in., 563. QUALQo, Rio de, 583. ^ Quareba, Rio de.— P.M., 153. Quaregua. Region.— P. M., 139. Quarqui. — Ov,, i., 573. Quoiu, Rio de, 567. Quebore. Province. — Ov., i , 323. Quema. ,, Nav. in., 412. Queimada. See Punta Queimada. Quera, P. de, 559. Queracha^La Camea Nueva, Rio de.— Ov., IV., 6. Queraquiera = Curucueria = Gua- deloupe. — P. M., 69. See Guadaloupe. Quevira, Quivira, 644. Quexemil, Cabo de. — Ov., iv., 5. Quexemies, Promont. de. ,, 127- Quiahuiztlan. See Vera Cruz. Quicuri.- P. M., 151. Quigalta, 644. Quiguate. — Ov., i., 576. Quimbaya. ,, iv. , 142. Quimedio, P. de. Quiminen, Rio de. — Ov., i , 470. Quimpech. See Campeachy. Quiuquibacoa, 327, 331. — Nav. III., 412; Ov., II., 132. See Cuquibaooa. Quiuquibacoa, Puerto de. — Ov. , II., 296. Quinsay = Themisam = Themis- tetan, 112, 284, 379, 383, 524, 608. Quintilla. Islet.- P. M., 190. Quipana, 644. Quiripa. Province and Cacique. — Ov., n., 430. Quiriquetana. See Ciamba. Quisqueya := Santo Domingo, Island of. Quisquis, 644. Quitasuenos, Isla de.-Ov., ii., 140. Quitamaya. — Ov. , i., 577. Quito, Quitu. Province and City. — Ov., I., 357. Quixila— Ov., i., 576. Quixqui. , , 573. Quodego. See Isla Quodego. Ququebacoa, Costa de, 730. 4 Y 778 The Discovery of North America. D ACE, Cape. See Cabo Raso. Raceo, Rio de, 501. Bacones, Angla de, 581. Rafael, Baya de S. , 634. Ramada, de la. Prov. — Nav. , III., 456. Ramada=Cullique. Pueblo de la, 592.— Ov., IV., 214. Ramada, Puerto de la, 634. — Ov. , II., 131, .3.38. Ramado, 581. B,ambla, La, 530. Rambla, Rio de la, 634. Rame, Cabo da, 426. Ramos, Baya de. — Ov. , ii. , 203. Ramos, Rio dos, 577. Ranie, Rio de, 426. Raphael, Cabo de St.— Ov., i., 48. Rapossa, Ilha de la, 318. Raya, P. da, 559. Raylmana Regio, 526. Razia baril, 301. See Barilles. Recife de los Leones, Puerto del, 517. Redes, Rio de las.— L. C, IV., 199. Redondo. See Cabo Redondo. Beds (Beis ?), Golfo de, 426. Bef ugio, Cabo del, 555, 577. Begio Grande, 491. Reis, Amgra and Bahia de, 301, 321, 335, 426. See Reyes. Reis, Golfo de los, 531. Bemedios, . . . de los, 611. Reno, Rio de la (Rana?de Arena?), 318, 487. Bentio, Pinotulo de, 301. See Tencio, and Tentaoa. Reparo, Isladel, 532.-0v.,ii., 120. Beqiulia, 414. Bescates, Playa de los, 634. — Ov., II., 134. Besens, Bio da, 301. Resgate (Rescate), Aldea de, 559. Betrete. See Buen Betrete. Betrete, Puerto del. See Nombre de Dios. Bey de Portugal. See Terra. Beyes, Bahia de los, 516.— Nav , IV., 31. Beyes, Ciudad de los=Lima. Beyes, Golfo de los, 633. — Ov , II., 118. Beyes, Rio dos, 532. Reyre.— P. M., 168. Riberaco. Pueblo. — Ov.,ii.,203. Rio Ahia.— Ov., ii., 305. All aguado, 532. Amana, 589. Angasniayo. — Ov. , i., 218; 11., 461. Apuri.— Ov., II., 303. Ai-boleda, 566-7, 584.— Ov., II., 214. Bahuan.— P. M., 170. Baramaya. — Ov. , I., 466. Baxo, 530. Baxo. In the Pacific, 541. Baxo=del Arboleda. — Ov., II., 214. Bayamon. — Ov. , I., 466. Bermejo. — Ov., ii. , 309. Bia.— Ov., I., 131. Binino, 589. Ca9avari. — V. , ii., 304. Cagir. ,, ,, 380. Cale. — Ov., I., 550. Canuy. ,, ,, 466. Caoyuco. ,, ,, 480. Capachequi. ,, ,, 555. Caroarana. ,, ,, 555. Catalina. See Rio Grande. Cauyo. — Ov., i., 473. Cebuoo. ., ,, 468. Cepi9epi. — Ov., ii., 121. Cerrado, 532,633.-Ov.,iv.,15. Chagres, 711. Chapanere. — Eneiso. Cliica, 541. Chicaga.— Ov., i., 566, 570. Chincha. — Ov. , iv., 5. Ciego, 559. ,, ,, 15. Coazacoalco = Huasacualco, 536. See Rio Guazaooalco. Coguia=Corrura.-Ov. , ii. , 457 Colchinas. — Ov., ii., 171. Comiti. ,, ,, 271. Coriguex. — Ov., i., 4C6. Dagua.— Ov., iv., 130. Dahatio.— P. M., 168. Darari.— Ov., ii., 304. Delgado, 532. — Eneiso. Despoblado, 541. Bo se fallo una cruz, 415. Dulce, 541, 569, 584. Epitiaca, 634. — Ov., ii., 121. Escondido, 558, 635 „ ,, 142. Ethica. „ „ 174. Etiquari, 633. ,, „ 120. .0 Fajardo. — Ov., i. , 466. Fermoso, Fromoso, Hermoso. In Newfoundland, 600-1. — Ruysch. Formoso, 300, 453. Forno, 567, 584. Frio^Rio Janeiro^ Baya de Cabo, 500. Gaira.— P. M., 113, 157. Giordan, 207, 532. See Rio Jordan. Grade, 179. See Grando ? Grande, 318, 592. -0 v., i., 557. Grande. In the Pacific, 531, 611. Grande (Mississippi ?), 567. — Ov., I., 557. Grande and Grando, 300, 451, 452. See Grado (?). Grande ^ St. Marta. — v. , IV. , 6. Grande de Sta Catalina, 318. — Nav., III., 553. Grande=Sanot Juan. In the Province of Uraba. — Ov. , III., 7. Grande de St. Juan. See Juan Guadalquivir, 517. — Nav., i., 91. Guaninicabou.— P. M., 170. Guaorabo. — Ov., i., 466. Guarico, 589.— Ov., n., 263; P. M., 169. Guayabana. — Ov., i., 466, 470. Guayama. ,, ,, ,, Guazacoalco, Guagaqualco, Coatzacoalco. See Rio Coazacoalco. Gunaguanari, 589. Guyaga. — Nav., i., 285. Hatibonico. — Ov., i. , 176. Hermoso, Fermoso, 634. Hiebra.— P. M., 135. Hipihi.— Ov., II., 171. Horomico. — Ov., I., 470. Hurnai. See Rio Huruay. Huyapari=Urinoco=Orinoco See Huyapari, Rio de. laaoha, lache, lachem. — P. M., 73, 168. Itagua9u. — Ov., Ii., 203. In. „ I., 470. Ipiti. ,, II., 174. lunna.— P. M., 73, 172. Janlco, 433.— Ov., i., 48. Jordan, 198, 207, 211, 301, 532, 567, 584, 603. See Rio Giordan. Rio Jordan. Newfoundland, 555. ,, Joulan^del Sombrero, 633. — Ov., II., 118. „ Longo, 42, 414. ,, Luyaa. — Ov., i., 406. ,, Macao.— v., i., 466. ,, Manatuabon. „ ,, „ Maranhao, 718. „ Maranon, 345, 460, 476, 559, 565, 571.— P.M., 98; Epist. 532; Ov., IV., 384. ,, Marinia. — Ov., i., 355. ,, Messigo, 566. „ M00090. — Ov., I., 549. ,, Negro, 415. ,, Negro. In Darien. — P. M. , 119; L. C, IV., 87. ,, Negro. In La Plata. — Ov., II., 177. ,, Nigiia.— Ov., I., 175, 303. ,, Niguara. — Ov., 11., 250. , , 09ama, Ozama, Hozama. — P. M., 168; Ov., I., 174. ,, Oppia.— Ov., II., 305. „ Oryno, 592. „ Panuco, 163, 510, 530, 538, 566, 583, 607, 643. ,, Paraguay, 573. — Ov., 11., 171. ,, Parama. See Rio Grande de Parama. ,, Parandguazu. — Ov., 11., 172. „ Pito.— Ov., ii.,466. III., 146. ,, Poblado=del Farallon, 508, 633.— Ov., II., 120, 174. „ Pria, 600. ,, Primero,Primeiro, 501, 531-2, 581, 601.— Ov., II., 58. „ Real, 501, 567, 584, 600. ,, Reates, 566. „ Salado, 508, 558, 634.— Ov., I., 62, II., 129. „ Sanate.— Ov., i., 122. ,, Santo, 323, 555. „ Seoo, 241, 531, 635.— Ov.,ii., 146. „ Segundo = San Matheo, 508, 633-4.— v., 11., 58, 122. See Matheo. ,, Sercado, 501. „ Sin fondo, 633. „ Solo, 540, 575, 635.— Ov., 11., 143. „ Tarare.— Ov., II., 285. „ Tayniabon.— Ov., i., 466. „ Tejo.— Nav., i.,65. „ Tibiquari, 633.— Ov., 11., 120. Geographical Index. Rio Tiburi, Tirubi, Tubiri.— Ov., II., 454-6. ,, Timano, 541. ,, Timbuz. — Ov., ii., 171. , , Tinaco, Tiuoco. — v. , 11. , 250. „ Ubay, 633.— Ov., 11., 119. , , Uruay, Uruguay, Hurnai, 501 . 603, 648.— v., II., 177. ,, Verde, 501. „ Yaque. — Ov., i., 173, 176. ,, Yaquecillo. ,, ,, ,, ,, ,, Yaqui. See Oro, Rio del. ,, Yauri. — Ov., 11., 254. „ Yaxo, 592. „ Yayba.— Ov., 11., 204. , , Yebra=Bethleim, 634. -Nav. , I., 286. See Belen, and Bethleim. ,, Yuma.— v., 11., 276. ,, Yuua.— L. C., v., 245. Riobamba, Ciudad de. — Ov., iv., 238. Roas, Cabo de. — Nav., i., 288. Roco (Roca ?), La, 573. Roca, La. An til. — W. Roca. See Isla Roca. Roca Partida, 510. )> ,, Isla de la. — Ov. 11. , 140. Rocho, Rocche, Roq, Roxho, Cabo de S.. 301, 319, 335, 426, 460, 487, 559, 567, 671, 584. Rockas, Baya de, 179, 452. Rodrigo Alvarez, Islas de, 573, 704.— Rib.; Ov., 11., 120. Rodrigo de Acuiia, Puerto de. — Ov., n., 120. Roixa, Roxa. See Punta Roixa. Rojas, Baia das, 600. Roldan. See Campana de Roldan. Roman, Cabo de S., 156, 213, 530, 634-5.— Ov., ![., 131, 144 ; Nav., m., 8. Romo. See Cabo Romo. Rongnoust = Havre de Jehan Denys, 640. Roque, Isla de S. Pacific, 573, 597.— Rib. Roque, Rio de S. — Ov., 11., 115. Roques, Islas de las. — W. ; Ov. i., 63. Roromoni. Pueblo. — Ov. 11., 295. Rosa, Rio de, 177, 426. Rostro Fragoso, 559. — Ov. iv., 15. Rostro Herraoso. Cabo, 327, 337, 730.— Nav. in., 549. Roxo. See Cabo Roxo. Rucan, 573. Rucelay. See Lorto de Rucelay. 779 CABADOS, Isla de.-Ov., 11., 149, Sabana, Villa de la.-Ov. , i. , 91. Sabauilla, 98. Sabor. See Cabo Sabor. Sacrificios, Baya de. -Nav. , iii., 60. Sacrificios, Isla de, 566, 572, 583.— Ov., I., 523; L. C, iv., 433., W. Sada (Comore Sada), 297. Sal. . . dela, 611. Salado. See Golfo Salado. Salado. See Rio Salado. Salamanca de Balcalar, 691. Salido. See Cabo Salido. Salinas, Golfo de las, 544. Salinas, Punta de las, 544, 634.— Ov., 1., 589; II., 130. Salmediua. — T. Salteba. — See Granada. Salt Key Bank, 99. Salvador. See San Salvador. Salvador, Baya del, 517, 559. Salvador, Matag del, 558, 635. — Ov.,ii., 142. Salvaleon. — L. C, in., 192. Salvaterra.— P. M., 176. Salvatierra, Cabo de. — L. G, in., 102, 463. Salvatierra de la Savana, 433. — Ov., I., 133. Samana, Xamana. — Nav., i., 209 ; P. M., 169. Samana, Cabo de. — Cosa, C, Can. Samana, and Xamana, Isleto de, 433.— Ov., I., 25. Samindoco. Mines of emeralds, and Cacique. — Ov. , 11., 394. Saminito, 5.35. Samoet, Saometo, Samoto, Someto, Sumete=Isabella, Isla de, 304, 401, 482, 509, 562.- Nav., i., 30-33, II., 144, III., 550; Cosa. See Isla Isabela. Sampa, Zampa, 526. Sampallon. — Ov., 11., 379. Samson, Islas de. ,, ,, 113. San Salvador=Cuzcatlan. San Salvador. In La Plata, 605. San Salvador, Isla de, 401. — Nav., I. , 25. See Guanahani. San Salvador, Puerto de, 86. — Nav., I., 42. San Salvador, Punta de. In La Plata. — Ov., II., 171. San Salvador, Rio de, 86. — Ov., II., 117. Sana, Ilhaa de, 333, 414. Sanate. See Rio Sanate. Sanches, Po [de ?], 581. 78o The Discovery of North America. Sanot. See Saiit, Santo, and Santa. Sancta. See Isla Sancta. Sancta iji, Sancta Crucis, Santa Croce, Cabode, 301, 319. Sancta Fi5, Cludad de.-Ov. ii., 565 Sancta Fee, Isla de, 634.— Ov. ii., 138 ; W. Sancta Gloria, Puerto de. — Ov. i. , 80. Sauct Spiritu, Rio de, 566, 579, 583. See Spiritu Sancto. Sanct-Spiritus, Fort of, 718. Sanct. Spiritus, Rio de. On the N.-E. coast, 635. Sancti Spiritus, Rio del. In the Pacific. — Ov., IV., 13. Sancti Spiritus, Villa de. Pacific. — Ov., I., 495. Sanctiago= Jamaica. — Ov.,i., 580. Sanctiago de Chili, 728. ,, de los Caballeros, 433. In Cuba.— W., Rib. ,, Baya de. — Ov., ii., 112. ,, Cabo de St. , 241. Pueblo, 137, 138. -Nav., m., 407; P. M., 186; Ov., I., 65. ,, Punta de. In the Pacific, 612, 703. ,, Punta de. In Yucatan. — Ov., I., 505. „ Valley.— Ov., ii., 440. Villa de.-Ov., I., 495. Santa Cruz. In the island of Newfoundland, 586. Santa Cruz. In Yucatan, 533, 573. Santa Cruz. Pueblo. — Nav. , iii. , 343, 398; L. C, iv., 177. Santa Cruz, Ciudad de. — Nav. in., 343, 398; L. C, iv., 177. Santa Cruz = Ay-Ay = Libuqueya and Cibuqueya, Isla de. — T.; Ov., I., 34, 67; P. M., 130; Nav. III., 94. Santa Cruz=Cozumel, Isla de, 634. Nav., III., 55. iSanta Cruz, Isla de. In the Gulf of St. Lawrence, 183. Santa Cruz, Rio de. In Darien. — Nav. III., 343, 398; L. C, IV., 177. Santa Cruz, Rio de. In the Strait of Magellan.— Nav., iv., 38. Santa Cruz = Brazil, Tierra de, 224, 346, 348, 431, 560, 686. See Vera Cruz. Santa Cruz, Tierra de. Pacific, 611, 683. Santa Cruz de Ay cayigua. — L. C. , III., 102. Santa Cruz de los Caribes (Ay- Ay = Cibuqueya ?), Isla de. — Ov., I., 539. Sangana. Prov. — Nav., m., 412. Sanlucar, Golfo de. — Nav., in., 407, 413. Sanson, Isla de. — W. ; Rib. Santee River, 212. Santo Domingo, 675, 677, 684, 705, 723, 734.— Nav., i., 269; W. See Hispaniola. Santome, Islas de. — T. Santoiia, Rostro de. — Nav., v., 40. Saona=Adamaney. An til. — Cosa; T.; W.; L. C, II., 68. Sardina, Cabo de la, or del Dea- canso, 517. — Nav., v., 35. Sardina, Puerto de la, 517. — Nav. m., 35. Sardinas, Ancon de, 573. Sardines, Riviere des, 516. Sargasso Sea, 53, 660. Sarigaz. — Ov. , ii., 458. Sastanatre, 414. Sato de Uerbes, 332, 414. Sattes, Rio de, 541. Saturma, Saturnia. See Citarma. Sauleum Promontor. , 555. Saulo, P. de, 584. Saura Sanxa (Sancta ?). Antil. — Can. Sava. Antil.— T. Savalos, Isla de, 558. Savi, Rio de, 567. Scaridas, Las, 555. Schondia, 590. Soioua, 607. Scoemoo, Rio de, 301. Scombria.— P. M., 106. Scondido. See Rio Escondido. Sebastian, Puerto de S., 321, 335, 430, 532, 567, 633.— Ov. n., 120. Sebastian, Rio de S., 517, 540, 584 ,, Sierras de S., 633. Sebastian de Uraba, St. — Ov., n., 453. Seca. See Punta Seca. Secativa, Golfo de. See Bias. Secheo. Antil.— T. Seco. See Rio Seco. Segundo. See Rio Segundo. Seguro. See Puerto Seguro. Senotormus (sic), 524. Serafin, Punta del, 86. — Bernal- dez, II., 60. Sercado. See Bio Sercado. Serrana, Serena, La. Antil. — T.; W.; Rib. Serrano. See Juan Serrano. Sestam. See Isla Sestam. Sete Armas, 501. Sete Ilhas, 601. Seturma. See Citarma. Seturma, Rio de, 634.-Ov., II., 132 Seven Cities, Island of the, 52, 652, 656-7, 660. Severino, San, 577. Sevilla=Cemboal, Cempoala, 503, 510, 530, 566, 583, 645.— P. M., 196. Sevilla, Ciudad de. In Jamaica. — T.; Ov., I., 580. Sevilla, Costa de. In Jamaica. — Ov., I., 79. Sexinos, Rio de, 320. Siera (Sierras ?), Provincia de, 567, 628. Sierra Baynora. — Ov., i., 172. ,, Heriiia.— Ov., II., 288. ,, Morena. Mountain, 597. ,, ,, Mountain in Peru. — Ov.,iv.,231. ,, ,, Province, 573. ,, Nevada, 592.— P. M., 157 ; Nav., in., 388. ,, Nevada de Citarma, 332. Sierras Dardena, Las, 559. „ Hermosas, 633.-OV. ii.,112 ,, Nevadas. In Strait of Ma- gellan, 559. — Ov., II., 57. Sierpe, Boca de la. — Nav. , i. , 258. Sierpe, Cabo de. ,, ,,123. Silla, Rio de la. — Ov., iv. 5. Silrialina (?).— W. Simon, Isleo de St. See Cueraga. Sin fondo. See Bahia sin fondo. Sipica. See Clindo. Smithville, 213. Socorro, Pueblo del. — Ov., i. , 559. Sogamosa (Indian sanctuary). — Ov., II., 321. Sogamoso. Town and Cacique. — ■ Ov., II., 360. Sol, Rio del, 86.— Nav., i., 53. Sola. See Tierra Sola. Soils, Rio de. See Paroma, La Plata, Rio Grande, and Mar Dulce. Solis, Tierra de, 559, 606. Solo. See Rio Solo. Sombrero= Joulan, Rio del, 633. Sombrero, El. Antil.— T., Ov., I., 33. Somento. Antil. — C, Can., W. Sona, 204. Sontedo, .... da, 427. Sorache.— P. M., 180. Sorana, Isla de (La Deseada ?). Antil. — Can. Sotomayor. Pueblo. --0 v., i., 470. Soath America, 638. Southern Peru, 630. Speer, Spear (Espera?), Cape, 178. Spera (Espera ?), Bio de, 541, 555. Spemoso. See Golfo or Gorifo Spemoso. Sperantia. Castle. — P. M., 84. Speso. See Monte Speso. Spirito Santo, Rio del. Paciiio, 611. Spiritu Saucto, Cabo de S. In Greenland, 177, 426. Spiritu Sancto, Rio del, 503, 510, 541. See Sanct. Spiritus. Spisel, Cabo de, 501. Stado, Cabo de, 473. Stpione (?). In Hispaniola. — Cosa. Straito dubitoso, 553. Stremo, Rio de. See Estremo. Stricto de Magellan, 567. Striotum Omnium Sanctorum, 556. Suache. See Duahe. Snculachumbi. Pueblo. -Ov., iv., 191, Sueur, 526. Suegro, El, 531. Suegro, Rio del, 541.— Ov., iv., 6. Sumete. Antil.— T. SeeSamoet. Sunda archipelago, 96. TABACORA, Tabagora, 504, 531. Tabago. Antil.— W. Tabasco, Rio de.— L. C, iv., 433. Taboga=Sau Pablo, Islas de, 541. Taboga, Isla de. In the Pacific. L. C„ IV., 218. Taoarias.- Ov., i., 595. Taferis (?). In Hispaniola.— Cosa. Tagares, Los.— Ov., i., 599. Taia. Region.— P. M., 150. Talara, La.— Ov., ii., 449. Talaran. Pueblo.— Ov., ii., 448. Talhado. See Cabo Talhado. Tali.— Ov., I., 564. Talicpacana.— Ov., i., 570. Talimeco.— Ov., i., 561. Geographical Index. Talimuchusy. — Ov., i., 564. Talisi, Talissi, 644.— Ov., i., 566. Tamaho, Tamaho. Province, 503, 510, 526, 530, 548-9, 566, 583. Tamao, Costa de. — Ov., iv., 6. Tamara, 583, 592. Tamarame, Pamarame. — Ov.,ii., 380. Tamaraqua, 317. See Isla Riqua? Tamarique, 317, 326. ,, „ Tamaro, 317. Tamasagura. Province. — Nav., III., 422. Tamenbre. Pueblo. — Ov., n., 203. Tampa, 162. Tanabacoa, 504. Tanaca, and Tanzaca, 204. Tanais, Country of the, 407. Tanca, Rio da, 531. Tangarala, Tangarara, 614. — Ov., I., 214. See Miguel de Piura. Tangut, or Thamacum, 284, 526, 583. Tanico.— Ov., i., 570. Tansaca. — Nav., iii., 154. Tantaca, Pinaculo de, 542. See Tencio. Tantacal. Province. — Nav., in., 154. Taprobana, 466. Taquenazabo. — P. M., 169. Taracoare. Province.-Ov.,ii.,257. Tara, Isla de. „ 296. Taragoaca, Taragoaco. — Ov. , ii , 428, 448. Tarare. See Rio Tarare. Taricue, 477. Tarsis and Ofir, 707. Tartarugas, Bahia das, 600. Tascalu9a, 644. Taspa, Rio de, 634.— Ov., ii., 143. Tasqui.— Ov., i., 564. Tatancal=Xapira, 204. Tatuma. Province. —Ov. , m., 50. Taumema=Co9on. — Ov., ii., 442. Tauraba. Prov. — Nav., in., 420. Taxonteach, 628. Taybo de la Besurre9oion. — Ov., II., 336. Tayniabon. See Rio Tayniabon. Taycoantepeque.— Nav., v., 181. Te9oatega.— Ov., i., 323. Teflor, 567. Pueblo.— v., 11., 435. Tegoantepeque. Puerto. — v. , II., 52. 781 Tegoantepeque, Rio de.— Ov., iv., 15. Tejado. See Cabo Tejado. Tejo. See Rio Tejo. Teleto. Pueblo.— v., 11., 439. Telmo. See Elmo. Temeurem. Prov.— Ov., 11., 216-7. Temiscanata, 526. Temistitan, Tenustitam. See Mexico, Tencio, Pinachulto de, 301, 321. See Bentio and Tentaca. Tenereques, Puerto de, 517. Tenostica=Themistetam, 284, 566 Terarequi, Isla de. — Ov. , i., 228, 605. Terminos, Cabo de, 634. Terminos, Puerto de. — Nav., iii., 62. Terre Nove, 610. Terrerias, Puerto de. — Enciso. Terres neufves, 493. Tesca, and Tesga. — Ov., i'., 447-8. Testigos, Islas de los. — T., W., Ov. I., 63, II., 131; L.C.,ii.,262. Tevis=Tebet=Cibet, 284. Thamacum = Tangut, 284. See Tangut. Tharaara. Pueblo. — Ov., ii.,274. Themisam=Quinsam, 284. Themistetam. See Tenostica. Theni3ucha=St. Johan, Valle de. Ov., II., 394. Theramo, Cabo de S. -Nav. , i. , 140. Thoma, Thome, Tome, Serra de S. , 301, .320, 3.35, 558, 567. Thomas, Santo. Fortress, 433. — Ov., I., 48. Thomi, Cabo de S., 584.— Ov., 11., 117. Tibiquari. See Rio Tibiquari. Tiburi. See Rio Tiburi. Tiburon = Sanct Miguel = Sant Rafael, Cabo del.— T., Ov., i., 48; L. C, II., 148, v., 243. Tichiri. Pueblo.— P. M., 122. Tiempo. See Buen Tiempo. Terra australis recenter inventa, 618. Terra australis nuper inventa, 618. ,, Corterealis, 468, 479, 496. ,, Dauens [de Aues ?], 427. ,, Deserta, 582. „ Ferma, Costa de, 543. ,, Florida, 471, 566. See Florida. ,, Fragosa, 532. 782 The Discovery of North America. Terra Francesca, 543. „ Francesca nuper lustrata, 566. „ Francisca, 226, 614. „ Francisoana nuper lustrata, 579. ,, Laboratoris, 430, 560. „ Nova, 175, 299, 304, 450, 452, 496, 515, 547. ,, Nova sive le Moliie, 577. ,, Nova River, 69. ,, Sancte Crucis, 302-3. ,, S. Crucis sive Mundus nevus, 591. ,, Secca, and Seccha, 300, 449. ,, della Vera Croce, 697. See Terra S. Crucis. ,, Verde, 75. Tliree hundred and fifty - three happy isles. Gulf of the, 57-8. Tierra Baja. — Ov., 11., 113. de Bertones. See Bretones. de Bogota. See Bogota. Borica.— L. C, v., 208. Brava, 531. Calida, 501. Cinta^Concha. — Ov. , 11. , 132. Cortada, 601. Cortesia, 587. Despoblada, 592. Firme, Costas de, 643. Gayra.— Ov., 11., 133, 428. Hallegada, 532. de Muita Gente, 555. Nova deBocalhao, 184, 188. Nova de Cortereal, 574. Pariana, 634.-Ov., 11., 130. See Paria. Pascua Florida, 323. que aora va a poblar Panfilo de Narvaes, 44. que foy descubierta por Bertones, 994. del Rey de Portugal!, 68, 72. Sola, 531. Sura, 317, 487. de Todos los Males. — Ov., III., 18. Tigre, Del, 531. Tlmamo. See Rio Timamo. Tinaco. See Rio Tinaoo. Tinhare, 601. Tinya=Guauchicoa. -0 v. , n. , 454. Tiqua. Pueblo. „ „ 203. Tirecotus. River.— P. M., 172. Tireo, Rio de, 433. Tirusi. Pueblo.— P. M., 107. Tisnados, Rio de. — Ov., 11., 264. Tivegocayo = Cocayo, 204. Toa, Rio de. — Ov., i., 555. Tobreytrota. Province. — Nav., HI., 407. Tocagre = Cacique Quemado, Rio de.— Ov., IV., 6. Tocanguagu. Pueblo. -Ov., 11., 203 Tocaste. ,, ,, i.,549. Todos los Puntos, Amgra de, 600. Todos Sanctos^Pacra^Tierra de Todos los Males. — Ov., iii., 18. Todos Sanctos, An til. — C, Can., T., W.; Ov., I., 33. Todos Sanotos. Yucatan, 508, 530 Todos Sanctos, Abadia de, 275. Todos Sanctos, Baya de, 275, 320, 452, 532, 635. Todos Sanctos, Canal, Estrecho, Strecho de (Strait of Magellan), 533, 540. — Nav., iv., 49. See Magellan. Todos Sanctos, Golfo de, 636. Todos Sanctos, Golphete de. — Ov. in., 116. Todos Sanctos, Islas de. — Ov., 11., 138. Todos Sanctos, Province de. — Ov., III., 18. Toe, Isla de. See Isla Rica. Toledo.- Ov., I., 601. Tolonvilla (Tourlaville ?), 220, 776-7. Tomala. Province. — Ov., III., 567. Tomas, Tom6, San, 501, 516, 536. ,, ,, Baya de S.-Enciso. Isleta de S.— Nav., i., 99. MardeSt. ,, i., 110. Tomas, Puerto de la Mar de St. — Nav., I., 105; L. C, v., 244. Tomebamba, Tomepompa. — Ov., IV., 236. Tonala, Rio de. See Anton, Puerto de S. Tonnia, Punta de la, 581. Tora, Pueblo de la.— Ov., 11., 358, 382. Tormenta, Ilha da, 178. — Ov., 11., 149. Torre Blanca, Ancon de, 581, 602, 634.— Ov., II., 142. Torres, Cabo de. — Nav., i., 99. Torres, Puerto de. See Guanampe Tortuga. See Isla Tortuga. Tortuga, Bahia de, 634. ,, Cabo de la. — Nav. i., 83. ,, Isla de la. „ i.,80; Ov., I., 76. Tortugas, Islas de, 541, 607.— T., W. ,, Las, 531. Toto, Rio de.— Ov., iv., 6. Totuqualquo, Rio de, 510. Tourn^e, Rivifere de la, 647. Trabajos, Baya de los, 533, 611, 633.— Nav., iv., 34. Trafalgar, Cabo de, 213, 572.— Ov., iL, 145. Tramontana, Archipelago de la. — Ov., 11., 143. Travega, Rio da, 600. Traygion, Rio de la, 531. — Ov., II., 171. Trayton River, 69. Trepadera, Rio de la. — L. C. , iv., 133. (It is from a point of that river that the first Spaniard, called Andres Garavito, beheld the Pacific Ocean.) Tropoama. Pueblo. — v. 11., 439. Tres (3) Echeo, 333, 414. Tres Farallones, Los.-Ov. 11., 133. Tres Hermauos. Antil., 333, 415. Cosa. Tres Migel, Golfo de, 559. Tres Montes. See Trinidad. Tres Puntas, Cabo de, 531, 567, 634.— Ov., ir., 130. Tres Testigos, T, 318. Triango = Guanahani = San Sal- vador (the island where Chris- topher Columbus first landed).- L. C. , v., 241. See Guanaham. Triangula. See Isla Triangula. Triangulo. Islands. — W. Trigo. See Monte de Trigo. Trinidad, La, 477, 555. Trinidad = Tres Montes, Isla de la, 621, 675. —Nav., i., 247; Ov., I., 589; K.; Rib. Trinidad, Isla de la. N.-E. coast, 42, 414. Trinidad, Rio da, 532. Trinoga. Pueblo.— v., 11., 203. Triste. See Golfo Triste. Triumpho de la Cruz, Ancon and Rio del, 581, 634. -Ov., 11., 138. Trompeta, Valle de la. — Ov., 11., 360. Truxillo=Candu=Chimu, Ciudad de, 476.— Ov., III., 188, iv., 225. Tuantepeque. — Ov., iv., 15. Tubanama. — Mines, Province, River, and Cacique. — L. C. , i v. , 175; Nav., III., 368, 410; Enciso. Tuberonea, Isla de los. — Nav., iv., 52. Tuoaraca, 531, 634.— Ov., ii., 132. Tula, 644.— v., i., 570. Tumacoo. Region and Cacique. — P. M., 141. Tumanama. Region. — P.M., 162. Tumarame. Pueblo. - - v. , ii. , 380. Tumbez, 597. — Nav. , iii. , 424 ; Ov.,iv., 152. Tumbez, Rio de.— Ov., iv., 5. Tumbez, Salinas de, 573. Tuna. Antil.— T. Tunga, 726. Tunga. Town and Cacique. — Ov., II., 360, 385. Tunyriguaco. Pueblo. — Ov., n., 445. Turbaoo. Pueblo. --L. C, in., 296. Turicaran, Rio de.— Ov., iv., 150. Turiguana, 98. Turme, Aldea de, 333. Turiqueira. See Isla Turuqueira. Tutibra, Rio de.— Ov., IV., 6. Tutilcoya.— Ov., i., 570. Tutti Ii Santi, Bahia de, 301, 452, 501. See Todos Sanctos. Tuvirigoaoo. Pueblo.-Ov. , ii. , 445. Tuy. Province. ,, ,,216. T TBAY. See Rio Ubay. Ufianqui=Viranque, 644. Uhabo. Region.— P. M., 172. Uibba. Region. ,, 153. Ulanche. — L. C, iv., 445. Ulibahali. — Ov., i., 565. Ulichichimecas.— Ov., iii., 560. UUvo, Olivo, Punta del, 577. Ulua, Lua, OUoa, Puerto and Isleto de San Juan de, 281. — • P. M., Epist., 650, Ov., i., 539; L. C, IV., 433. Ulua, Rio de San Juan de (Lua), 634.— v., II., 142. Unari. Province. — Ov., i., 595. Unficisno, Golfo del, 317. Ungoapo. Pueblo. — v. , ii. , 443. Unotos, 531. Upar. Valley.— v., II., 380, Unqueten. Pueblo. — v. , i. , 550. ■Uraba = Golfo Dulce, Golfo de, 317, 327, 417, 456, 459, 461, 464, 475, 477, 526, 431, 567, 583, 695, 699, 711-12, 730.— Ov., i., 76. See Golfo Dulce. Geographical Index. Uraba, Pueblo de. (The first Christian village on the con- tinent ; founded by Juan de la Cosa).— Ov., II., 134, 426. Uraba, Rio de.— P. M., 145. Uraba, Tierras de.-Nav., in., 116. Urabaybe. Pueblo. — v. , ii. , 453. Uraca, 724. Urida. River.— P. M., 135. Urinooo, Orinoco. See Rio Huyapari. Uriri. Pueblo.— Ov., ii., 295. Uriutina. Pueblo. — Ov., i. , 552. Urraca, 575. Sierra and Cacique. — L. C, v., 210. Urtado, Po, 531. Uruay. See Rio Uruay. Uruguay. See Rio Uruay. Urura. Prov. — Nav., m., 557. Utiaquia. Antil. — T. Utinamocharra. — Ov., i. , 551. Uxapita. ,, ,, 566. VAAZABARIS, Vazia Baril, Va- ' zian Baril, 319, 532. See Baya Barilles, and Razia Baril. Valfermoso. See Curiana. Valircano, 602. Valle Unbrosa, 555. Valles, Los, 612. Vallis famosa, 567, 584. Vancouver, 717. Vanderas, See Banderas. Vaoyare, Rio de. — Ov., ii., 308. Varones, Baya de, 531. Varu, Isla de. — Ov., ii., 133. Vayre. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 450. Vedoa, Rio da, 501. Vega, La, 137, 138. Vega, Cibdad de la.— Ov., i., 421. Vega, Rio de. ,, ii.,264. Vega, Rio de la, 91, 589. Vega Real ("Orga real").— Cosa. Vela, Cabo de la, 332, 414, 470, 531, 541, 677, 684, 689.— Nav., m., 6, 107; Ov., i., 11, 63, 132. Velas, Las, 573. Venados, Rio de las. — Ov., i., 553. Vendomo, Vendome, 576-7. Venecia, Golfo de, 300, 317.— Nav. , in. , 544. Venezuela = Cuquibaooa, 317. — L. C. , n. , 409. See Coquibacoa. Venta del Contramaestre, Rio de la.— Ov., I., 501. Ventura. See Buena Ventura. Vera Cruz,. Puerto de la, 167, 429, 503, 712. See Villa Rica. Vera Cruz, Rio de la.— Ov., 11., 142. Vera Cruz, Terra de (Brazil), 303, 347. See Sancta Cruz. Veragua, Veragoa, Beragua, Vera- gua major, Veragua minor. Country of, 81, 431, 437, 440, 456-7, 475, 531, 549, 567, 607, 693, 713.— P. M., 153; Nav., I., 285, 315. Veragua, Gulf of, 446. Veragua, Rio de, 459. Verde. See Cabo Verde, Isla Verde, and Rio Verde. Vericida, Golfo de, 300. Verrazana, sive Gallia Nova, 220, 275. Verzin, Verzino, Terre de, 516, 577. See Brazil. Viara. Pueblo. — Ov., 11., 457. Vibba. Reefs.— P. M., 153. Viboras, Baxos de las. — L.C., iv., 461. Vigela.— Ov., i., 549. Vicente, Viceutio and Vicenzo, Baya de San, 559. ,, Cabo de San, 730. Golfo de San, 543. ,, Islas de San, 621.— T. „ Monte de San, 301, 426. „ Puerto de San, 321, 601. Ov., II., 118. Rio de San, 301, 426, 532 , , Pinzon, Rio de. — v. , 11. , 129. See Vincentianes. ,, San. See Nicaragua. Vioenty, San, 501. Victoria. See Ildefonso. ,, See Potanchana. La, 530, 577. „ Baxos de la, 532. „ Baya de la, 517, 559. Vidanus Pormont. , 555. Vieja, Isla de la. In the Lueayos. Viejo. See Puerto Viejo. Viejo, Isla del, 145. Villahermosa. — Ov., I., 537. Villanova.— P. M., 176. Villa Rica, 159, 558..— Nav., iii., 60. Villa Rica, Punta de, 634.— Ov., II., 142. Villa Rica de la Vera Cruz^del Penon = Quiahuiztlan, 190 — L. C, IV., 498-9. See Vera Cruz. Villa Rica Lanieza, 581. 784 The Discovery of North America. Vincente, Gulf of St. See Nicaragua. Vincentianes, Rio de, 532. Vincentio, Punta de S., 301, 321, 335. Vinoenzo, Monte de S., 301. Violas, Serras de, 567. Viranque. See Ufianqui. Virgines. See Once mil Virgines. Virgines, Bahia de las, 517. Virgines, Cabo de las, 533. — Nav., IV., 42. Virgines, Las. Antil., 621. — Cosa, T., Ov., I., 33. Virgines, Rio de, 301, 320, 335. Viridis insula, 579. See Isla Verde. Vista Blanoa. Islaa. — T. Vista. See Buena Vista. Viato de Lexo, 532, 540. Visto no mas el fondo, 532, 540. Volta, Baia de, 501. Volta, Cabo da, 600. See Vuelta. Volta, Rio de, 501, 531. Voltas, Bahia das, 532. Voltas, Las, 581. Voltas, Rio das, 5.32. Vuelta and Buelta, Cabo de la. In the Pacific, 573. Vuelta and Buelta, Rio de la, 228, 558, 635.— Ov., II., 129, US. Vueltas and Bueltas, Rio de las. Brazil. — Enciso. WAKASASSE, 162. West Indies, 673, 682, Winyah Bay, 212. VABURA. Prov.— Ov., ii., 295. Xacagua, Bio de.-Ov., I., 496. Xacuatin. See Cehocatin. Xagoito, Tierra de, 501. Xagua, Bahia de, 602. Xaguaguara. Region. --P.M., 153. Xagueis, 530. Xalague.— Ov., i., 562. Xalisco, Jalisco, 590, 611-12. — Ov., IV., 26. Xamaica. See Jamaica. Xamana. See Samana. Xamunambe and Xamunamuc, 204. Xapida, 202. Xapira. See Tatancal. Xaqua, Rio de la, 602. Xaragua, Lake, 726. — Ov., I., 66. Xaruco, Puerto de. ,, ,,536. Xauxa. Pueblo.— Ov., iv., 196. Xiriguanas, 592. . Xiriri, Rio de.— Ov., ii., 273. Xoxi, 204. Xpobal and Xpoual. See Christoval. Xuala.— Ov., i., 562. Xuara, 592. Xuduara=Mapaure. Country and Cacique. — Ov., ii., 295. Xuragoa, Tierra de. — Nav. , I. , 324. VABAQUE and Yabeque. Antil. ^ -T. , W. , Rib. , Ov. , I., 25, 333. Yagoa, Bahia de, 501. Yaguaco. Prov. — Ov., i., 479. Yaguado, Puerto de El. ,, ,, 580. Yaguana, Puerto de la. — P. M. , 169; Ov., III., 67. Yaguate, EI.— Ov., i., 118. Yaguna, Isla La, 145. Yamaye, See Isla Yamaye. Yamiscaron, 204. Prov. — Nav., III., 154. Yaquecillo. See Rio Yaquecillo. Yaqui. See Oro, Bio del. Yaquimo=Jacmel, 329.-Ov. i., 91. Yaruma. See Orchilla. Yanri. See Bio Yauri. Yaxo. See Rio Yaxo. Yayba. See Rio Yayba. Yebra, Puerto del Rio. — Nav. , I. , 314; Ov., I., 78. Yenyohol. Prov. , 204. — Nav. , III., 154. Ygeo, P. de, 501. Ymizui=Hibahaino. Mountains. —P. M., 169. Ynagua. Antil. — W. Yncanacan. — Rib. Ynglaterra, Cabo de, 21, 42, 413. Yngleses de la Villa de Bristol, 19, 20. See Inglesea. Ygnoantes (Los Ignorantes ?), 541. Yongola. Valley.— v., ii., 395. Yrua, 573. Yssabella. See Isla Isabela. Yucan . . . , 433. Yucanaoa, and Yucanaoan, Punta de.— Ov., I., 493; W. Yucatan ^= Santa Maria de los Remedios=Eccampi=Isla Rica, 79-80-82, 461, 503, 610, 529, 557, 564, 586, 601, 621, 634, 647, 693, 704-5, 731.— L. C, IV., 443. Yucatan, Tierra del, 533, 534. Yucatanic Peninsula, 80. Yucayos. See Lucayos. Yucuana. Antil. — W. Yuma, Isleto de. — Ov., I., 25. Yuma. See Rio Yuma. Yumey. Antil. — Cosa. Yuna. See Rio Y''una. Yuncto, 531. yABAQUI. Antil.— T. Zabusta.— Ov., i., 570. Zaguatanejo = Aguatanejo, 738. — Nav., v., 181,444. Zacazini. Antil. — T. Zacaria, Bay a de, 555. Zacutala, Ciudad de. — Nav., v., 181, 444. Zaitam, Zaiton, 379, 382. Zalmedina, Punta de, 634. — Ov., II., 133. Zamba, Zambra, Zanba = Nao, Puerto de, 559, 634.— Enciso ; Ov., II., 133,334,437,446. Zampa. See Sampa. Zarabara, Zaraboroa, 531. Region. P. M., Epist., 532. Zarca, Zarcas. Islands, 572. — Ov., II., 143. Zarnaco. Region and Cacique.— Ov., II., 430. Zauana. Plain.— P. M., 148, 169, 173. Zeama. Pueblo. — Ov., ii., 443. Zebequi. Region, 526. Zenebro (?). Antil. — Cosa. Zenii, Rio, Porto, and Via del. — Ov., II., 134; Nav., iii., 379; P. M., 158. Zerema.— P. M , 180. Ziguates. Antil — T. Zipangri, 115, 471, 509. Zipangu and Cipango, 103, 108, 384, 401, 410. Zoana Mela, 313-14, 482, 613. j|nbe;r of (Uamee* A A, Van der, P., 439. Abreo, or Abreu, Pedro, 703. Acoata, Gaspar de, 652. Aoosta, Martin de, 703. Acuna, Rodrigo de, 536-7, 633,703. Acuna, TristSo d', 297. Acurio, Juan de, 714. Adams, Clement, 24-5. Adda, Marquis Girolamo d', 504. Adelfus, Johannes, 466. Adrian IV. , Pope, 54. Adrian VI., Pope, 503. Aezler, Jacob, 477, 508. Afangiii, Juan de. See Tanguis, Juan de. Affonso, Br. Simao, 17. Affonao V., King of Portugal, 51-3, 57, 58, 378, 380-1, 383, 651-2, 656-7. Agnese, Baptista or Battista, 216, 366, 542-3, 558, 603, 625, 626-30, 631, 647. Agramonte, Juan de, 121-2, 182. Agricola, Rudolf, junior, 473. Aguado, Juan, 672, 710, 725-6, 728, 734. Aguiar, Pero Alfonso, 703. Aguilar, Geronimo de, 79. Agustin, Pedro, 703. Ahhmed, Hhaggy, 550. Ailly, Cardinal Pierre d', 397, 400, 652. Airea, Hans (?), 714, Ala, Pedro Sanchez de, 682. Alaminos, Anton or Antonio de, senior, 45, 97, 143-4, 147, 155, 165, 169, 189-196, 250, 703. Alaminos, Anton de, junior, 704. Alamo, Cristobal del, 664. Alantse, Luke, 505, 535. Alaroon, Hernando de, 710, 746. Alba, Duchess of, 354, 673. Alberti, F. Leandro, 561. Albitez, Diego, 726. Albo or Alvo or Calvo, Francisco, 262, 500, 516, 704, 714. Albuquerque, Affonso or Alfonso de, 370, 474, 697, 703. Alca9aba or Alcazaba de Soto- mayor, Simon de, 261-2, 436, 517, 703, 704, 722, 733. Alcaraz, Antonio de, 703, 704. Alcoba, Fernandez de, 673. Aldana, pilot, 206. Alexander VI. (Rodrigo Borgia), Pope, 54, 344, 390. Alfaro, 704. Alfinger, Ambrosio, 224, 592. Alfonoe, Jehan, 187-8. Alfragano, 394. AUegretti, Allegretto, 406. Allid, Alonao Velez de, 53, 660, 730. Almagro, Diego de, 521, 540, 623, 728, 732, 735. Almeida, Fernando de, 54. Almeida, Francisco d', 370, 668. Alonao, Garcia, 664. Alonso, Miguel, 667, 729. Alonao, Sebastian, 704. Alvarado, Pedro de, 165, 611, 717, 721, 740. Alvarea, Rodrigo, 573, 704. Alvarez, Alonso, 705. Aharez, Garcia, 671, 673-4. Alvarez, Juan, 704. Alvarez, Sebastian, 485, 498, 499, 703, 705-6, 709, 717, 719, 724, 733, 734, 737. Alvaro, 704. Alvaro, Don, 344. Alyaco, Cardinal Peter de, 393. See Ailly, Pierre d'. Amat di S. Filippo, Mr., 629, 638, 717. Ambrosio, Pedro Alonao, 389. Amerbach, Joannes, 441, 477. Amoretti, Carlo, 499. Aiiaaco, Johan de, 646. Anastasio, 740. Andagoya, Pascual de, 529, 645, 735. Andero, Francisco, 704. Andrada, Francisco de, 223-5, 227. Andrade, Count Fernando de, 233. Andr^ or Andreas, Valerius, 439, 548, 552-3. Anghiera, Pietro Martire d', 10, 18, 24, 27-8, 31-2, 39, 43-5, 85, 88, 98, 100-1, 117, 122, 125, 134, 137-42, 144, 148, 154-5, 171-2, 189, 195, 197, 199, 201-3, 230, 232-4, 269, 281, 284, 287, 313, 323, 333-4, 417, 133, 436, 448, 454-5, 458-60, 164, 474-7, 483, 501, 563, 578, 590, 596-7, 663, 671, 675, 678-9, 691, 730, 737-9, 745. Anglerius (Anghiera, P. M. d'), 390 Ango, Jehan, 181, 222. Angulo, Christobal de, 203. Anriquez or Ourives, Juan, 604, 704. Anriquez or Ourives, junior, 704, Anrrique, Dom. See Henry the Navigator. Anselme, Father, 582. Anson, Admiral, 97. Antonio, Nicolas, 393, 716, 735-6. Antunez, 129. Anville, D', 615. Apianua, Petrus, 94, 265, 308-9, 371-2, 497, 505-6, 510-11, 512, 513, 524, 534-5, 577, 578, 584, 620, 657, 725. Aquila, Cataldua, 397. Aragon, Cardinal Ludovioof, 100-1 Aragon, Ferdinand of. See Fer- dinand, King of Spain. Arana, Diego de, 663, 664. Arana, Juan de, 705. Arana, Pedro de, 664. Aranda, Franciaco de, 664. Arber, Mr. Edward, 754. Area, Rodrigo de, 705. Aroe, Alonao de, 689. Archuleta, Juan Lopez de, 705. Arco, Femam or Fernao Domin- guez de, 52, 660. Areizaga, Juan de, 517, 705. Argenaola, B. L. de, 492, 717. Argote, Roldan de, 559. 4 z 786 Index of Names. Arguello, Juan de, 589. Aristotile, Nicolo cV, 447, 560. Aristotle, 393, 396-7. Armand, Alfred, Mr., 376. Arratia, Juan de, 715. Arriaga, Luis de, 686, 692. Arrierau, Martin de, 106. Arzendjan, Bishop of. See Martyr, Bishop. Ashehurst, Thomas, 46, 58, 175, 687, 692. Asher, Dr., 176. Askue, 747. Asseline, David, 624. Aubert, Thomas, 181. Aucuparius, Thomas, 449. Austria, Margaret of, 536-7. Avezac, Mr. d", 21, 80, 274, 287, 299, 304, 335, 337, 378, 435, 442-4, 459, 465, 467, 469, 477, 496, 6.i2, 655, 673, 677, 680, 694, 696, 698, 716, 718, 720, 729. Avila, Gil Gonzales d'. See Davila, Gil Gonzales. Avila, Maria d', 735. Avila, Pedrarias d'. — See Davila, Pedrarias. Ayala, Pedro de, 1-3, 30, 39, 41, 44, 116, 118, 180, 306, 407-8, 660. Ayllon, Lucas Vasquez de, 45, 78, 95, 159, 160, 182, 194, 195, 198- 213, 220, 229, 236, 250, 251, 264, 285, 315, 322-3, 521, 570, 574, 718, 721, 724-5, 732-3, 738. Aylmer, Sir Lawrence, 747. Azevedo, Dr. A. R. de, 52. Azurara, Gomez Eannez de, 53. "DACON, Roger, 388, 400, 652. Badajoz, Gon§alo de, 504. Baena, Alonso de, 705. Baena, Domingo de, 705- Bajazet IL, 344. Balboa, Vasco NuSiez de, 122, 470-2, 477, 484, 508, 710, 733. Baldelli-Boni, Gio. Batt., 351, 378 Baltasar, 705. Bancroft, George, 39. Bandini, Angelo Maria, 106, 107, 275, 417, 674, 677, 682, 740-1, 744, 745. Baraona, Gabriel, 665. Barata, Antonio Francisco, 398. Barberini, Francisco, 625-6. Barberini, Maffei, 625-6. Barbero, Juan, 705. Barbosa, Duarte, 606, 705, 718, 725, 733. 734. Barcia, Andres (Jonzales, 30, 154, 194, 480, 576, 640, 718, 724, 725. Barco, Juan del, 665. Barozzi, Mr. , 629. Barrera, Alonso de la, 705. Barretos, 536. Barros, Joam de, 30, .303, 341, 342-3, 346, 4.35, 596, 668, 681, 709, 717, 719, 732, 733, 736, 737. Bartolomeo da li Sonetti, 521. Bartolozzi, Fr., 275, 744. Bartsch, Adam de, 518. Bastidas, Rodrigo de, 103, 126, 128, 129, 256, 317-18, 327-8, .361, 419, 420, 422, 431, 455-6, 684-5, 694, 699, 711, 722, 725-6, 730. Bastille le Breton, Guillaume, 705' Bautista, 705. Bautista Januensis, 705. Bautista, Juan, 705. Bayly, 747-8, 750. Baza, Miguel de, 682. Bearzi, 506. Beaiijeu, Anne de, 388. Beaurepaire, Mr. De, 624. Bedford, Earl of, 24. Beecher, Captain, 99. Behaim, Baron Frederick Carl von, 391. Behaim, Martin, 57, 60, 105, 108, 279, 383, 391-99, 400, 404, 438-9, 507, 549, 655, 669. Behaim, Wolf, 395. Beja, Duke of. — See Fernando, Dom. Beja, Luis Alonso de, 706. Bejar, Juan de, 544. Belgrano, Professor, 303. Belloro, G. B. , 727. Beltram, Dr., 229, 233. Benci, Giovanni, 481. Beneventanus, Marcus, 81, 282-3, 299, 304, 449, 452, 546, 549. Benincasa, -Andrea, 270. Benincasa, Graciozo, 57, 377-8, 389, 638. Berardi, Juanoto, 354-6, 672-3, 741. Bergenroth, G. A., 1, 41, 116, 407-8 Bermejo, Juan Rodriguez, 665. Bermejo or Vermejo, Rodrigo, 706. Bermeo, Domingo de, 665. Bermudez, Diego, 665, 667, 691. Bermudez, Juan, 667, 676, 691, 695, 705, 706. Bernaldez, Andres, 53, 86-7, 92, 105-6, 126, 327, 380, 422, 433, 663, 670, 684, 685. Bernard, A., 466. Bernardo. See Sylvanus. Beruays, Dr., 138. Berry, John, Duke of, 493. Beste, George, 288. Bettencourt, Mr. E. A. de, 53, 69, 183-4. Biddle, Richard, 5, 28, 30, 35, 39, 46, ,58, 118, 175, 605, 687, 718. Biedma, Luis Fernandez de, 644. Bigot, 629. Bindoni, Augustino di, 561. Bisagudo, Pero Vaaz, 410-11. Biscaino, and Viscaino, Juan. See Cosa, Juan de la. Bishop, G., 61. Blanc, Vincent Le, 181, 740. Blanco, Cristoforo, 550. Blau, Mr., 615. Blount, E., 99. Blount, 6., 99. Bobadilla, Francisco de, 676, 722. Booking, Dr. Ed., 309, 496. Bo da Venecia, Gioane de, 509. Bogota, Cacique, 753, 758. Boisot, J. B., 621. BoUardi (Bollaert), Rolandi, 551. Boni, Signor, 424. Bonnivet, Admiral Charles Gouffier de, 215, 220-1 225, 512. Bono, Scipion, 642. Bordone, Benedetto, 447, 559-61, 591. Borelli, Mr., 10. Borghi, The Abb^, 75. Borgia, Cardinal Stefano, 575. Boria, Leonor de, 726. Bossis, Dominicus de, 629. Botelho de Lacerda Lobo, C , 174. Botelho Pereira, Diego, 596, 706. Boto, Antonio, 644. Botoner, William (de Worcestre), 659. Bouderie, A. de la, 182. Bouffard, L., 415. Boulengier, Louis, 94, 308, 371, 372, 494-6. Bourbon, Admiral Louis de, 388. Bourbon, Jeanne de, 388. Bourbon, Madame de, 388. Bouquet de la Grye, Mr., 428. Bourne, H. R. Fox, 47. Bradley, Thomas, 41. Bradshaw, Mr. H., 659. Index of Names. 787 Braga, Juan de, 573. Bralliot, 518. Br^ard, Mr. Charles, 181, 639. Breard, Mr. Paul, 639. Brenner, Oscar, 635. Breton, Fran9oi3, 624, 706. Breusing, Dr. A., 392. Brevoort, J. Carson, 19, 186, 203, 473, 577, 583, 738. Brewer, .J. S., 21, 31, 175. Brito, Antonio de, 705, 737. Brognolo, Floramonto, 434. Broun or Brown, Sir Wolston, 47, 747. Brown, Dr. Robert, 71. Brown, Rawdon, 4, 6, 30-3, 41. Brugge, Sir John, 49, 747-50. Brunet, 590. Brunn, Mr., 658. Brunswick - Lunebourg, Duke Augustus of, 581. Bubics, Abb6 Sigismund de, 624. Buchon, J. A., 58. Buenaventura, Juan, 685. Bueno, Alonso, 706. Bugu^, Jean, 706. Buil or BoyI, Father, 408. Buitron, Diego Rodriguez, 706. Buljeus, C. E., 511. Bullo, Mr. C, 31-2, 49. Bunau, Henry de, 439. Burchard or Burckard, J., 54, 439. Bure, GuiUaume de, 513, 562-8. Burgos, Simon de, 715. Burrough or Burrow, Stephen, 27, 708. Burton, Mr., 562. Busignolo, Hieronymo Marin de, 707. pABALLERIA, Isabel Gonzales ^ de la, 726. Caballero, Diego, 203, 206. Caballero, Juan or Pedro, 706. Cabe^as, or De Grado, Joaquin, 706. Cabe9as, Johan, 706. Cabot, Elizabeth, 594. Cabot, John (Cabotto, Giovanni), 1-12, 13, 19, 22, 27-8, 30, 35-8, 39-50, 73, 102, 107-8, 116-20, 124, 185, 201, 245, 247, 306, 317, 354, 361, 406-8, 452-3, 522, 574, 641, 674-5, 700, 706, 751. Cabot, Lewes, 4^, 28, 674, 675. Cabot, Sanctus, 4-5, 28, 674, 675. Cabot, Sebastian, 3-6, 10-12, 13-36 39-41, 43-5, 47-.50, 117-18, 122, 187, 245, 258, 260-1, 264, 267, 571, 574, 573, 594-5, 604-6, 624, 6.32, 641, 674, 675, 696, 704, 706-8, 709, 710, 718, 720-1, 723, 733, 735-6, 745, 748, 749. Cabral, Gonoalo Velho, 51, 652, 655. Cabral, Pedralvarez or Pedro Al- varez, 77, 83, 101, 109, 124, 272-3, 293, 302-3, 319-20, 338, 340-9, 351, .367, 369, 385, 411, 413, 429, 438, 491, 507, 642, 683, 686-7, 697, 716, 731. Cabrera, Diego Martm, 708, 739. Cabrero, Martin, 706. Cabrillo, Juan Fernandez, 717. Cabrillo, Juan Rodriguez, 365, 717. Cadero, Diego Martin, 678. Calabria, John, Duke of, 376. Caldenius, 618. Calixtus III., Pope, 55, 669. Callapoda, Giorgio, 57. Calle, Francisco de la, 708. Calva or Cava, Alonso Rodriguez de la, 337-8, 680. Calvo, Anton, 708. Calvo, Francisco. — See Albo, Francisco. Calvo, Juan, 665, 679. Cam, Diogo, 53. Camacho, Diego, 708. Camacho, Gregorio, 721. Camargo, Alonso de, 708, 745. Camargo, Diego de, 163-4, 166-7, 530. Camargo, Francisco, 709. Camera, Ruy Gon9alves da, 52, 657. Camers, Joliann, 505. Caminha, Pedro Vaz de, 303, 319- 20, 346, 347-8, 686. Camino, Pero Alonso, 709. Camotio, Giov. Francesco, 550. Campos, Garcia del. — See Ooampo, Garcia de. Camus, 107, 417. Candido Lusitano (JoS(5 Freire), 5] , 655. Canerio, Nicolas or Nicolay de, 78, 94, 99, 111-12, 114-15, 123, 127, 133-4, 148, 179, 273, 280, 290, 296-7, 299-301, 305-6, 308, 310, 312, 315-24, 335-6, 353, 359, 366-7, 371-2, 422, 424, 428-30, 438, 446, 449, 451, 453, 473, 478-9, 487, 490-1, 496-7, 501, 505, 507, 568, 587, 613, 642, 754. Cange, Du. See Du Cange. Cano, Juan Sebastian del, 30, 517-18, 522, 529. Cansino, Francisco, 709. Cantino, Alberto, 63-70, 72-3, 75, 79-87, 89-90, 92-94, 96, 99, 109, 111, 11,3-15, 12,3, 127, 131-4, 177-9, 273, 279-80, 290, 294-300, 303, 306, 308, 311-12, 316-28, 332-8, .342, 344-7, 351-3, 359-60, 366-9, 371, 411-12, 422-5, 426, 428-30, 433, 435, 438, 440, 446, 449-51, 453, 469, 473, 478-9, 487, 491, 504, 547, 568, 613,685-7, 754 Canto, Mr. Ernesto do, 51, 184, 398, 656. Capilla, Diego de, 665. Carabaca, Diego Sanchez, 709. Caravallo, Juan Lopez de, 705, 709. Carbajal, Lopez de, 30. Cardenas z Cano. See Barcia. Cardenas, of Triana, 709. Cardenas, Juan de, 709. Cardenas, Luis de, 556-7. Carillo, Diego, 672. Carlo di Pavia, Gian Stefano di, 3.54. Carlos, Emperor Don, 11. Caro, Aunibal, 576. Caro, Juan, 709. Caro, Luis, 31. Caroudelet, Archbishop Jean de, 528, 545, 546-8, 550, 553, 579, 583 Carreiio, 709. Carretero, Alonso, 689. Carrillo, Juan, 170-1. Cartagena, Juan de, 485, 717. Carter, 747-8. Cartier, Jacques, 34, 38, 71, 178, 220, 228, 493, 555, 563, 599, 618, 622, 623, 705, 709, 720. Carvajal, Cardinal Bernardino de, 54-5, 671. Carvajal, Juan Suarez de, 268, 632, 709, 736. Carvajo, Jean. See Caravallo, Juan Lopez de. Carvalho, Joao. See Caravallo, Juan Lopez de. Castan, Mr. Auguste, 234, 621. Castaiieda. See Ruiz de Castaileda. Castetleda, Johan or Juan de, 543, 710. Castaneda de Nagera, Pedro de, 6+4. Castanheda, F. Lopez de, 341. Castellanos, Francisco, 722. Castiglioni, Baldassare, 538. 788 Index of Names. Castiglioui, llaiquis D. Rosa, 539. Castaia, Nicolas, 710. Castilla, Pero Suarez de, 537. Castillo, of Seville, 664. Castillo, Domingo del, 287, 612, 710. Castillo, Francisco del, 672, 710. Castillo, Pedro Sanchez del, 710. Castro, Alvarez de, 201, 203, 576. Catacapa, Cacique, 761. Cataneo, Francesco, 360, 423. Cataneo, Franco, 423. Cauvay, Pierre, 222. Cazal, Manoel Ayres de, 303, 347, 370, 415, 532. Cazana, Lucas de, 53, 661. Celaya or Zelaya. See Salaya, Sancho de. Centurione, Martin, 356, 733. Centurione, Paolo or Paulo, 50, 405. Cere9eda, Andres de, 537. Cerego, Catalina, 744. Cerezo, Cristobal or Cristoval, 667, 691, 710. Cerezo, Maria, 34, 707, 737, 744. Ceriani, Abb6, 217, 555. Cermeno, Diego, 710. Cervantes, Alouzo Despinosa, 211. Cervantes, Father Antonio de, 21 1 . Cervino, Cardinal Marcello, 543. C&pedes, Andres Garcia de, 18, 230, 236-9, 262, 544. 723, 738. Chabot, Philippe de, 221-2. Chagas, Diogo das, 60. Champyon, 747. Chanca, Dr. , 433, 669. Chancellor, Richard, 26, 50, 708. Chape, Cacique, 762. Chappel, Lieut. Ed. , 37. Charles I., King of England, 626. Charles IV., 375-6, 614. Charles V., King of Spain, 13, 15, 16, 18, 20-1, 23, 26-7, 32-6, 50, 58, 157-8, 164-5, 167, 203, 210, 219, 229-31, 256, 258-9, 261, 265- 68, 309, 337, 365, 436, 471, 484, 496, 500, 502, 506, 509, 513, 517, 525, 533, 536-8, 542, 544, 553, 555-7, 576, 578, 581, 587, 589, 592, 594-95, 605, 619-20, 621, 631-2, 636, 704, 707-9, 711, 713- 16, 719, 723, 729, 732-4, 736-8, 745. Charles VII., King of France, 376, 493. Charles VIII., King of France, 1. Charles IX. , King of France, 495, 622. Charles XIV. , King of Sweden, 630 Charlevoi.x, F. X. de, 639, 729, 740. Charrou, bookseller, 744. Chatel, M. Eugene, 287. Chaudiere, bookseller, 617. Chaves, Alonso de, 17, 33, 145, 169, 237, 242, 261, 267-8, 36.'5, 464, .■)92, 601, 623, 631-6, 709, 710, 733. Chaves, Baltasar de, 710. Chaves, Geronimo or Jeronimo de, 710, 723. Chiapa, or Chiapas, or Chiape, Cacique, 711, 753, 762. Chiapas, Bishop of. See Las Casas, Bartholomew de. Chioorano, Francisco, 202, 204. Chigi, Lorenzo, 573. Chigi, Marquis Agostino, 573. Christian I., King of Denmark, 658. Christian II., King of Denmark, 658. Cieza de Leon, Pedro de, 614. Cifiientes, Pedro de, 705, 731. Cimerlino, J. P., 550. Cisneros, Cardinal, Ximenez de. See Ximenez, Cardinal. Citry de la Guette, 644. Cladera, Cristobal, 638. Clairambault, junior, 428. Glamorgan, Jean de, 622-3. Clavigero, Fr. X. , 167. Clemencin, D. Diego, 432. Clement, Claude, 620. Clement VII., Pope, 138, 538. Clement VIII., Pope, 423. Clerk, 747. Coburg-Gotha, Duke of, 629. Cock, Hieronymo, 497. Codego, and Quodego, Cacique, 762. Codro, Micer or Mr., 706, 710. Coelho, Gongalo, 303, 348-9, 696. Coelho, Nicolas, 303. Cohinto, Diogo, 697. Coimbra, Hector of, 541. Colbert, 428. Colohero, Bias, 710. Colchero, Diego Sanchez, 710. Colin, Bartolom^, 130, 672, 674. Colines, Simon de, 617. Comello, Hernando, 691. Colmenero, Anton Hernandez, 679, 715. Colmenero, Diego Fernandez or Hernandez, 331, 677, 728. Colon, Andrea, 713. Columbus, Bartholomew, 81 - 2, 385-8, 436-7, 446, 666-7, 670, 693, 710. Columbus, Christopher, 1-4, 13, 27-8, 30, 44, 52-8, 77, 81-9, 92, 99-100, 102-6, 111, 114, 116, 124- 27, 129-31, 133, 245-7, 249, 256- 57, 262, 268-72, 277, 201-2, 308, 313, 316, 318-19, 326-32, 328-9, 339, 354-6, 360-1, 365, 376, 378- 81, .384, 385, 386, 388, 396-8, 399- 401, 402-4, 405-6, 408-10, 412-13, 416, 418-20, 421, 423, 429, 433-5, 436-7, 448, 454, 456-459, 461, 463-4, 476, 487, 490, 506-8, 516, 525, 530-1, 561, 601, 619, 640-1, 642, 651-4, 656, 659-61, 662-7, 668, 669, 670, 672-4, 675-6, 677, 680-2, 686, 691, 692-3, 699, 703, 708, 710-14, 718, 720-3, 725-30, 732-6, 739, 741-2, 744, 746. Columbus, Diego, 165, 206, 716, 666, 727, 742. Columbus, Ferdinand or Fernando, 16, 85, 264-8, 379-80, 433, 448, 454, 463, 557, 569, 619, 632, 663-4, 672, 693, 710-11, 714, 733-4 736. [Columbus], Juan Antonio, 682. Columbus, Luis, 44, 268, 707, 725. Comello, Hernando, 691. Comogre, Cacique, 753, 763. Conca, Diego de, 689. Conches, Feuillet de, 744. Conn (Conneius), George, 626. Constantine, Pope, 54. Contarini, Caspar, 29, 31-2, 49. Conti, Nicolo di, 383. Cook, Captain, 97. Coote, Mr. C. H., 520. Coppo, da Isola, Pietro, 561. Corbacho, Pedro de, 665. Corgo or Corzo, Pedro, 575, 711. Cordeiro, Father Antonio, 51, 637, 655, 681. Cordero, Anton, 711. Cordier, Mr. Henri, 284, 383. Cordoba, Alonso de, 682. Cordoba or Cordova, Francisco Hernandez de, 79, 154-5, 162, 165, 196, 249, 476, 529-30, 533, 602, 675, 703-4, 708. Cordoba, Miguel de, 689. Coria, Bernaldino de, 711. Cornaro, Francisco de, 447, 743. Coronado, Vasquez de, 644, 646, 710. Coronel, Pedro Fernandez, 676, 726. Correa, Juan, 711, 712. Correa, Pedro, 397. Index of Names. 789 Corsali, Andrea, 273, 492. Corte-Real, Caspar, 56-76, 77, 83, 102-3, 108, 124, 128, 174-5, 177, 182, 246-7, 273, 287, 293, 295, 304, 306, 361, 367, 425, 450, 681, 685, 690, 696. Corte-Real, Izabel, 60. Corte-Real, Joam Vaz, 59, 60. 655. Corte-Real, Manoel, 174. Corte-Real, Miguel, 60-1, 63, 75-6, 174, 177, 246, 425, 428, 685, 690, 696. Corte-Real, Vasqueanes, 60, 174, 287. Cortes, Ferdinand, Fernand, or Hernando, 45, 79, 159-60, 164-73, 189-90, 193-5, 197, 235, 281, 283- 85, 322, 494, 509-10, 513-14, 530, 536, 537, 538, 549, 560, 564, 572, 587, 602, 611-13, «54, 699, 703-4, 706, 708-12, 718-19, 725, 727-9, 732, 735, 738-9, 746. Cortes, Martin, 712. Corumberger, Jacob, 140, 475. Coaa, Juan de la, 13, 17, 21, 41-3, 78, 83, 85, 88-93, 98-9, 101, 103, 111, 113, 115, 120, 127, 134,256, 259-60, 262, 269, 293, 299, 302, 312, 317, 327-8, 330-3, 354, 356, 361, 366-7, 412-15, 419, 422, 424, 427, 432, 433, 446, 522, 531, 564, 663, 677, 680-1, 684, 694, 695, 698, 699, 711-12, 725, 733, 742-3, 754. Cosoo, Aliander de, 398. Cospique, Cacique, 763. Cosse, Arthur de, 324. Cossin, Jean, 286, 655. Costa, Rev. de, 221, 224. Crawford and Balcarres, Earl of, 624. Cremor, 747. Cretico, Giovanni, 303, 342-4. Cretioo, cdias Lorenzo, 303. Cretico, alias Matteo, 303. Crignon, Pierre, 180, 568. Croix du Maine, La, 495. Cruz, Andres de la, 342, 715. ^ua9o, Alonso, 472. Cuervo, Francisco, 712. Cueva, Juan de, 665. Cueva, Pedro de la, 698. Cuneo, Michael de, 104, 403, 669-70 Cunha, Francisco da, 348. Cunha, El Licenciado, 703. Cunha, Tristam da, 370. ■HABLON, chronicler, 624. Dalfinger, Ambrosio, 542. Dampies, Diego de, 712. Daopias, Martin, 712. Dapper, Oliver, 411. Darius, King of Persia, 235. Davila, Francisco, 712, 728. Davila or d'Avila, Gil Gonzales, 537, 543, 623, 718, 726, 735. Davila or De Avila, Pedrarias, 261, 472, 483-4, 529, 538, 553, 565, 575, 642, 721, 724, 732, 735-7, 739, 745-6. Deane, Mr. Charles, 28. Dee, John, 35. Delcano, Juan Sebastian. See Elcano, Juan Sebastian de. Delfino, Pietro, 642. Delgado, Diego, 665. Delgado, Sebastian Rodriguez, 712 Delisle, Mr. Leopold, 493, 623. Demongenet, Fran9ois, 286. Denis, Ferdinand, 64, 599, 637. Denys, Jehan, 180-1, 639-40. Descelliers, Pierre, 11, 96, 186-7, 582, 624, 647. Descovedo, Rodrigo. See Esco- vedo, Rodrigo. Desimoni, Signor Cornelio, 2, 5, 19, 28, ,39, 41, 44, 18H, 217, 272, 407, 422, 424, 434, 469, 554, 577, 610, (i38, 659, 675, 727. Desliens, Nicolas, 96. Desmarquetz, 181, 568. Dias, Gonzalo, 713. Diaz, or Dias, Bartholomew, or Bartolomeu, 53, 341, 385, 387. Diaz, Bernal, 45, U2-3, 155-6, 159- 60, 164-7, 169, 172, 191-4, 196, 576, 611-12, 7 4, 706, 7t.'8-9, 711, 718-20, 727, 729, 738-9, 746. Diaz or Dias, Gregorio, 434, 713. Diaz, Melchior, 645. Diaz, Vincente, 53, 661. Dolphyn, 747. Dominguez, Caspar, 652. Don^, Count, 629. Donis, Nicholas, 435. Doppelmayr, J. G., 392. Dornelos or Dorvelos, Juan, 681-2, Dormer, D. Jos., 129, 255. Dornelas, Alvaro, 681. Dorset, Marquis of, 29. Dortal or Ortdl, Geronimo, 588-9. Doruellas, Joao, 681. Drummond, F. F., 60. Du Cange, 442. Duchet, C, 550. Duran, Alonso, 713. Duran, Thomas or T<5mas, 229, 544, 703, 713, 719. Durer, Albert, 445. P COLES, Jean des, 495. Ecuy, AhU 1', 286-8. Eden, Richard, 23-5, .32, 47, 281, 459, 565, 679, 720. Edward VI., King of England, 26-7, 32-3, 35, 708. Elcano, Anton Martin de, 713. Elcano, Domingo de, 714. Elcano or Delcano, Juan Sebastian de, 544, 713-16, 728, 734, 740. Elcano, Martin Perez de, 713. Elliott, Hugh, 35, 46, 692. Ellis, Sir Henry, 8, 40. Empoli, Giovanni da, 303, 697. Enciso, Martin Fernandez de, 122, 202, 275, 317, 319, 321, 499, 502, 716. England, Kings of. See Charles I., Edward VL, Henry VIL, Henry VIII., Richard III. Enriquez, Beatrix, 664, 710. Enriquez, Pedro, 716. Entramas-aguas, Diego de, 689. Ephrussi, Mr. Charles, 447, 519, 569. Erasmus, 437. Eric the Red, 75. Escalante, Juan de, 688. Escovar, Pedro de, 53. Escovedo or Descovedo, or Esco- bedo, Rodrigo, 663-5. Espeudry, NoUet, 716. Espinal, Alonso de, 690. Espinosa, Caspar de, 342, 503-4, 5.36, 543, 710. Espira, Jorge, 725. Estancelin, L. , 181. Estanquez, Alonso, 262, 716. Este, Borso d', 435. Este, Cesare d', 423. Este, Ercole d', 2, 63-4, 66-7, 77, 79, 82, 273, 295, 297, 328, 342, .346, 369, 384, 422, 434-5, 685-6, 713. Este, Isabella d', 434-5. Estrada, Pedro de, 211. Eugene IIL, Pope, 382. Eugene IV., Pope, r>5, 382-3, 669. Eusebius of Cesarea, 175, 181. Esteban, Hernando, 338, 680. Esteban, Juan, 716- Estete, Marin or Martin, 575, 711. Esteves, Alvaro, 53. Estienne, Henry, 466. Estrada, Bartolom^ Ruiz de. See Ruiz de Estrada, Bartolom6. Estrella, Juan Cristobal Calvet de, 155. Exuero, Pero Fernandez, 708. Eyck, Leonard van, 578. 790 Index of Names •PABIAN or Fabyan, Robert, 40, r 406, 696. Fagiardo, Pedro, 171. Fagimdes, Joana Alvarez or JoSo Alvares, 174, 182-8, 246. Faitada, Juan Francesco de la, 844-5. Faleiro, Francisco, 261, 716. Faleiro, Rodrigo or Ruy, 261, 499, 716. Fancelli, Luca, 404. Fano, Guido Qianeti de, 26. Faria, Juan de, 257, 703, 719. Fario, Manoel de, 637. Favstino, Josepho, 561. Fazio degli Uberti, 58. Ferdinand, King of Spain, 1, 13, 15, 20, 27, 30-2, 43, 52, 55-6, 88, 92, 104, 114, 116, 117, 120-2, 125, 129, 130, 135, 149, 255-6, 260-1, 263, 303, 306, 312, 342, 353, 396, 404-5, 440, 458, 470, 472-3, 536, 642, 660, 663-4, 668, 678, 681, 683, 706, 711-12, 717, 729-30, 735, 743. Fernandes, JIartiu, 53. Fernandez, Alonso, 715. Fernandez, Antonio, 716, 717. Fernandez, Bartolom(5, 717. Fernandez, Francisco, 46, 587, 692. Fernandez, Gongalo or Gonzalo, 51, 657, 665. Fernandez, Joam or Joao, 46, 58-9, 128, 676, 687. Fernandez, Jos6 M., 380. Fernandez, Juan, 717. Fernandez, Mateo, 717. Fernandez, Riii, 665. Fernandez, Sebast. , 717. Fernandez, Simao, 720. Fernandez, Valentim, 53. Fernando or Fernao, Dom, 51, 429, 656, 657. Ferrara, Duke of. See Este, Hercules and Ercole d'. Ferraro, Professor Giuseppe, 100, 313, 440. Ferreira, Cristobal, 717. Ferrelo or Ferrer, Bartolom^, 365, 717. Ferrer, Jaime or Jaume, 402, 405, 473, 717. Ferrer, Miguel, 717. Fieschi, Bartolom^, 692. Figueroa, Joan Sanchez de, 717. Figueroa, Luis de, 166. Figvieroa, Rodrigo de, 170, 500. Finasus, and Fin^, Orontius, 226, 511-12, 528, 543, 548, 550, 564, 566-8, 582-5, 593-4, 613, 615-19, 727. Fiorentino, Almerigo. See Vespuccius, Amerious. Florin, Johan or Juan. See Verrazano, Giovanni. Fonseca, Bishop Juan Rodriguez de, 256, 329-30, 417, 421, 436, 671, 682-3, 690, 739. Fonseca, Francisco de, 717. Fonte, Alvaro da, 52, 659. Fonte, Joam or Joao de, 52, 659. Foppens, 553, 578. Forcellini, 442. Forlani, Paolo di, 550. Foronda, Pedro de, 665. Foscari, Doge, 423, 642. Foscarini, Marco, 303. Fournier, Father, 624. Fox, Captain G. V., 99. France, Claude de, 182. France, Kings of. See Charles VII. Charles IX., Francis I., Henry n. France, Louise de, 576. Frances, Pedro, 676. Francesconi, Daniele, 470. Francis I., King of France, 34-5, 214-15, 218-20, 222-3, 225-8, 481, 493, 511-12, 516, 542, 554, 575-6, 582-3, 615-16, 622, 625. Franco, Domingo, 717. Franco, Gonzalo, 665. Freducoi, Conte, 270. Freire, Joao, 187, 638, 718. Friess, Laurent or Lorenz, 312, 505, 514-16, 539, 578-9, 611. Frisius, Gemma, 524, 577-8, 581-2, 584, 620, 641, 657. Frobisher, Martin, 288. Frontera, Pedro Vazquez de la, 53, 660. Froschover, Christopher, 598, 617. Fructuoso, Caspar, 52, 637, 659. Fugger, Raymond, 610. Fulin, The Abb6, 303. Furtenbach, Martin, 610. Furter, Michael, 643. Fuster, Pastor, 713. pABLONI, Alessandro, 479-80. Gailhard, Germain, 399. Gairdner, Mr., 40. Galdin, Femand Gutierrez, 718. Galileo, 710. Gallego, Alonso, 53, 660. Gallego, Diego, 715. Gallego, Pedro, 718. Gallego, Vasco, 262, 718, 725. Gallego, Vasco Gomez, 715. Gallego de Carvalho, Vasco, 718. Gallo, Antonio, 385-6, 405. Gallois, Mr. L.,305, 428. Galvam or Galvao, Antonio, 51, 61-4, 75, 229-30, 233-4, 637, 655, 681, 690. Galyndin, Francisco Garcia, 718. Gama, Vasco da, 53, 158, 257, 272, 287, 385, 406, 683. Gamart, 180. Game, 747. Garay, Francisco de, 152-3, 156, 158, 264, 162-72, 502-3, 513-14, 549, 566, 570, 602, 643, 725, 728, 732. Garcia, Anton or Antonio, 331, 453, 455, 677, 680, 718. Garcia, Bartolom6, 680, 718. Garcia, Cristobal, 337-8, 667, 680, 698-9. Garcia or Garcias, Diego, 30, 604, 665, 705, 716, 718. Garcia, Gregorio, 715. Garcia, Luis, 684, 699. Garcia, Martin, 605. Garcia, Miguel, 718, 745. Garcia, Nuiio, 540. Garcia, Pero, 718- Garcia, Sebastian, 715. Garcia de Villalobos, Diego. See Villalobos, Diego Garcia de. Garnett, Mr. R., 552. Garrido, Juan, 719. Gasca, Pedro de la, 726. Gasco (le Gascon?), Pedro, 716. Gastaldi, Jacopo, 216, 550, 628. Gay, C, 727. Gayangos, Don Pasqual de, 166, 193, 197, 612, 716. Gaye, Giovanni, 403. Gay tan, Gabriel, 719. Genovese, Battista, 270. Gentyll, 747. Geraldini, Alessandro, 388. Gerigk, Dr., 138. Gesner, Conrad, 577, 598, 616, 617. Ghillany, Dr., 21, 60, 308, 321, 391-2, 395, 397, 399, 413, 507, 527, 655. Gibbon, 54. Gil, Mill (?), 719. Index of Names. 791 Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, 24, 71 , 288. Oinoves, Baltasar, 719. Ginoves, Jacome, 734. Ginoves, Joan Battista, 705. Ginoves, Lucas, 719. Giovanni, Giorgio, 270. Girardi, Lorenzo, 385. Gisolfo, Francesco, 550. Giusti, butcher, 424. Giuatinian, Count Giovanni Battista, 629. Giustiniani, Agostino, 50. Glareanus. See Loritz, Henry. Goderyk, John, 707. Godoy, Francisco de, 665. Goes, Damiam or Damiao de, 60-2, 64, 72, 75-6, 303, 343, ,348-50, 425, 681, 690, 696, 737-8. Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, 24, 34, 61, 6.3-4, 75, 120-1, 131, 144, 154, 158, 163-4, 178, 190, 192-4, 198-9, 210, 230, 250, 255, 464, 603, 611-12, 657, f65, 700, 738. Gomez, Esteban or Estevam, 18, 22, 45, 78, 95, 217, 220, 229-43, 236, 251, 262, 264, 285, 315, .322-3, 521-2, 529, 536, 538-9, 544, 547, 570, 574, 621, 703, 716, 719, 724. Gomez, Francisco, 689, 719. Gomez, Gonzalo, 715. Gonneville, Captain Binot Paul- mierde, 128, 361, 693, 697-8. Gonzaga or Gonzagua, Francesco de,.403, 434. Gonzales, Alonso, 729. Gonzales, Joam or Joao, 46, 175, 687, 692. Gonzales, Jorge, 665. Gonzalfes, Juau, 318, 680, 732. Gonzalez, Anton, 719- Gonzalves, Amador, 719. Gorbalan, 404. Gordillo, Francisco, 205-6, 738. Gorvalan, and Corbalan, Ginfes, 689. Gourmont, Gilles de, 617. Gouveya, Diego de (Diogo de Gouvea), 215. Govi, Prof. Gilberto, 744. Grabam, Jacques de, 495. Grado, Juan. See Cabe^as. Graesse, J. G. T., 535. Grajales, Dr., 11, 23, 640-1, 707, 720. Grajeda, Diego Rodriguez de, 730, 743. . Grande, Juan, 720, 726. Granvelle, Cardinal de, 323, 427, 621. Gregory, the historian, 40. Griego, Miguel, 689. Grijalva, Hernando or Hernandez de, 611, 634, 703-4, 720. Grijalva, Juan de, 163, 165, 281, 322, 476, 513, 533, 602. Grimaldi, Bernaldo, 129. Groland, Nicholas, 391. Groslier, 587. Growte, John, 622. Griiniger, Johaunes, 314, 443, 465-7, 479, 482, 514, 539, 578. Guacaliges, Cacique, 767. Guaramental, Cacique, 767. Guards, Franijois, 706. Guarino of Verona, 376. Guatemuz, 160. Guerra, Cristobal, 83, 124, 126, 128, 327, 339, 361, 676, 678-9, 680, 682, 683-4, 685, 694-5, 699, 712, 723, 726, 728, 730. Guerra, Geronimo, 724. Guerra, Luis, 680, 684, 699, 718. Guerrero, Andres, 720. Guerrini, Mr. Olindo, 669. Guevara, Hernando de, 689. Guevara, Juan de, 689. Guillen, Felipe, 720. Gumilla, Father JosiS, 181, 694. Gunther, Siegmund, 620. Gusmao, Alexandre de, 721. Gutierez or Gutierrez, Diego, senior, 33, 240, 262, 2d8, 497, 600, e31, 663, 708, 720. Gutierrez, Diego, juuior, 720. Gutierrez, Francisco, 689. Gutierrez, Juan, 720. Gutierrez, Pedro, 664-5. Guzman, Gonzalo de, 196, 728. Guzman, Nuno de, 589-90, 611-12, 646, 735. Guzman, Pero Nuiiez de, 144. TTAEBLER, Dr. K., 629. Haenel, Gustav, 469. Hagen, Mr. de, 48(j. Hakluyt, Richard, 5, 21, 24-5, 28, 33, 35, 40, 46, 50, 61, 101, 138, 175, 201-2, 214, 272, 287, .337, 388, 406, 541-3, 554, 556, 605, 622, 657, 692, 708. Hamilton, Duke of, 587. Hamy, Dr. E. T., 72, 293, 370, 431, 474, 728. Hardy, Sir Thomas, 33. Haro, Cristobal de, 233, 485, 724. Haro, Diego Lopez de, 54, 485. Haro, Nuiio de, 485. Harris, William, 665. Hartwig, Dr., 670. Harvey, Rev. M., 37, 62, 70. Hauslab, General von, 94, 112, 467. Hawkins, John, 288. Hawkyns, 747. Heber, Richard, 578. Heidenheimer, 138. Heiss, Mr. Aloiss, 259, 376. Henao, Francisco de, 665. Henrietta, Queen of England, 626. Henry II. , King of France, 54, 647. Henry VII., King of England, 1-5, 28, 31, 39, 40-1, 46, ,58, 116, 119, 245, 306, ,386, 406, 674-5, 687, 692, 696, 698, 706. Henry VIII. , King of England, 21, 27, 29, .34-5, 47, 49-50, 214, 337, 542, 555, 625-6, 630, 707, 747-9. Henry the Navigator, Prince, 51, 637, 6.52, 600, 656, 717. Herbert, William, 29, 708. Herbst, Johannes, 515. Hernandez, Bartolom(5, 689, 720. Hernandez, Garcia, 663, 679. Hernandez, Gomez, 715. Hernialde, Mari Hernando de, 714 Herodotus, 23-5. Herrera, Antonio de, 14, 79, 98, 121, 137, 145, 147, 149-51, 153-4, 158-9, 163, 192-4, 199, 206-7, 209- 10, 230, 250, 259, 266, 312, 388, 435-6, 460-4, 590, 603-4, 643-4, 678-9, 691, 699, 704, 716 19, 724, 729, 733, 737, 745. Herrera, Alonso de, 588-9. Heyd, Professor W. , 4, 303. Hieronymo, 344. Hind, Professor, 8-9, 36. Hoby, Sir Philip, 26. Hoefer, Dr., 512. Hoieda, Alonso or Alonzo de, 41, 43, 83, 116-20, 124-6, 2Mi, 300-1, 317-20, 326-33, 339, 354-6, 361, 404, 409, 419-20, 431, 433, 453, 455, 458, 4«3, 470, 484, 567, 676-7, 678, 680, 682, 683, 684, 688-90, 698, 711-12, 718-20, 722, 734, 742. Hojeda, Pedro de, 317, 689. Holinshed, 30. Holmes, John, F.S.A., 389. Holzschuer, George, 391-2. 792 Index of Names. Holzschuer, Wolf, 392. Homem or Homen, Diego, 628, 646. Homem, Lopo, 646. Houter, Johann, 519, 550. Hooper, Mr. CI. 35. Hore, Master, 34, 288. Horn, George, 656, 658. Humboldt, Alexander de, 21, 57, 82, 90-1, 103, 130-1, 307-8, 318, 328, 341-42, 346-48, 354, 392, 401, 413-15, 465, 485-6, 593, 658, 671, 673, 696, 699, 712, 717, 731, 741, 744. Hume, David, 30. Huerter or Hiirter, Job or Jobst de, 60, 391, 397. Hurtado, Diego, 611. Huth, Mr. 629. Hutten, Ulrioh de, 309, 496-7. Hylacomylus. See Waldseemiiller, Martin. IBARRA, Bernardo de, 89, 409. Icazbalceta, Mr. Joaquin, 155. Infante, Joam, 53. Ingenio, Diego, 720. Innocent or Innocenzio VIII., 54, 389, 729. Irving, Washington, 99, 320, 690, 720, 726, 729, 735. Isabella, Queen of Spain, 1, 13, 16, 30-1, 43, 52, 55-6, 88, 92, 104, 116-17, 120, 125, 129-.30, 255-6, 265-6, 268, 303, 306, 342, 360, 396, 402, 404-5, 432, 473, 536, 589, 595, 632, 653, 660, 663, 668, 679, 681, 683, 694, 695, 707, 710-12, 717, 722, 729. Isennaohcensis, Jodocus (Jesse Trutvetter), 537. Isidor of Seville, 387. Italiano, Pantaleone, 356, 406. Iwanlll., 394. TABOATAM, A. de St. M., 573. -' Jaen, Antonio de, 665. Jal, 662, 673. Jalobert, Mace or Marc, 720. James, King of Scotland, 30. Jansen, H. J., 392, 399. Jaques or Jaquez, Christobal or Christovao, 370, 573, 706. Jay, John, junior, 2, 659. Jerez, Juan de, 679, 734, 720. .Jerez, Rodrigo de, 665. Jerome the Monk, 437. Jimenez. See Ximenez, Fortun. Jimenez, Diego, 689. Jimenez, Francisco, 665. Joam or Joao I. , King of Portugal, 51, 378, 655. Joam or JoSo II. , King of Portugal 30, 52-4, 56, 60, 360, 385, 392-3, 395-7, 404, 596, 652, 659-60, 661, 668-9, 686-7, 706, 734. Joam or Joao III., King of Portu- gal, 223-4, 272, 348-50, 508, 703, 713, 720, 727, 737. Joao, Dr., 410. Johann of Cologne, 380. John, Prester, 508. Jomard, E. F., 10, 90-1, 391-2, 414-5, 470, 491, 646-7. Jordan, Captain, 721. Juan the Infant, Don, 536. Juana, Queen of Spain, 122, 139, 182, 458. Judicibus or Yudicibus, Martin de, 714. Julius II., Pope, 19, 434-5, 437. Junquera, Seiior Perez, 629. T/ANTOROWICZ, Max, 551. Kettler, Dr., 482. Kidder, Mr., 8. King, Dr. Richard, 72. King, Richard, map possessed by, 99, 112, 177, 293, 295, 299, 303, 336, 359, 367, 370-1, 431, 446, 450, 469, 479. Klutschak, H. W., 71. Kochhaff, Nathan, 24. Koenig, G. M., 481. Kohl, Dr. J. G., 19, 21, 22, 27, 61, 76, 82, 97, 111, 121, 176, 178, 203, 231, 242, 335, 377, 392, 413, 415, 425, 435-6, 508, 557-8, 569, 579, 600, 629-31, 635, 646-7, 691, 724, 728, 732, 736. KoWer, Dr., 562, 610. KoUar, Dr., 610. Kunstmann, Dr., 61, 63, 74-6, 80, 99, 112, 121, 148, 176, 178, 182, 188, 195, 207, 239, 271, 280, 290, 292-3, 299-301, 303, 317-21, 336, 366-7, 370-1, 373, 397, 404, 422, 425-8, 427, 430-1, 435, 451, 469, 471, 473, 491, 501, 508, 529, 601, 728, 732, 754. T ABANOFF, Prince, 629. Laborde, Cte. de, 536. Ladrillero or Ladrillo, Juan Fer- nandez, 710, 721. Lafieri, Antonio, 635. Lajes, Tallarte de, 666. Lambecius, Petrua, 610. Las Casas, Bartolom^ de, 84-8, 92, 98, 136-9, 143-4, 155, 159, 163-5, 169, 172, 190, 192-3, 196, 199, .328-9, 337, 379, 381, 386, 388, 401, 409, 439, 446, 460-4, 663, 670, 672, 674-5, 678-9, 684, 690, 721, 726, 729, 731. Laser, Alphonse, 553. Laubmann, Dr., 397. Laurana, Francesco, 375-6, Lavoix, Mr. Henri, 470. Lebron, Judge, 327. Le9a, Bartolom^ de, 672, 728. Ledesma, Juan de, 684, 699. Ledesma, Pedro de, 105, 416, 456-8, 460, 462, 464, 476, 531, 664, 692, 721, 722, Leguina, Mr. de, 41. Leidenfrost, Dr., 593. Lelewel, Joachim, 278, 392, 439, 444, 469, 478, 549, 559-60, 592, 638, 657-8. Lelong, Father, 623. Leme, Antonio, 52, 659. Lemon, Mr., 27. Lemos, Caspar de, 83, 124, 303, 346-8, 367, 369, 413, 415, 424, 491, 683, 686-7. Lempereur, Martin, 550-1. Lenox, Mr. James, 112, 371. Leo X., Pope, 281, 436, 483, 560. Leon (Pinelo), Antonio de, 640. Leon, Juan Ponce de, 45, 78, 95, 97, 134-7, 141-54, 156-62, 168, 170, 173, 191, 196, 211, 220, 249, 285, 315, 322, 475, 503, 513, 643, 703, 721, 724-5. Leonardes, Joam, 60. Leonora of Portugal, 395. Lepe, Diego de, 103, 124-6, 256, 302, 308, 327, 332, 318-19, 328, 336-8, 340, 361, 416, 421-2, 667, 680, 682, 690-1, 718, 722, 729, 734. Lerma, Francisco de, 536. Lerma, Juan de, 721. Lesoarbot, 178, 184. Lewis, Mr. S. S., 659. Ley, Dr., 21, 3,37, 555-6. Liaiio, 721. Libri, Guillaume, 590-1. Liburnio, Nicolo, 560. Liebana, Gutierre de, 689. Liechtenstein, Prince, 93, .307, 467, 497, 534. Lindenau, Dr., 558. Linschoten, Huygen van, 337. Lisboa, Joao de, 573, 718, 721. Index of Names. 793 Lisoua, Albertino Vercelleae da, 313. Lloyd or Llyde, Thomas, 2, 652, 659. Loaisa or Loaysa, Garcia Jofre or Joffre de, 517, 540, 544, 633, 703, 705.-6, 712-14, 727-8, 731, 736, 739-40, 745. Locke and Lok, Master Michael, 214,- 542-3, 549. Lograsan, Martin de, 665. Logrono, Fray Antonio de, 544. LoUis, Signor de, 16. Lombardo, Antonio, 715. Longrais, Mr. F. Joiion des, 705, '709. Lopes, Francisous. See Gomara, Francisco Lopez de. Lopez, 638. Lopez, Cristobal, 721. Lopez, Francisco, 721. Lopez, Hernan, 715. Lopez, Juan, 689, 721. Lopez, Archuleta. See Archuleta, Juan Lopez de. Lorenzana, F. Ant. de, 509, 612, 710. Lorenzo the Magnificent, 740. Loritz, Henry, 236, 446, 465, 561-2. Lorraine, Dukes of. See Charles IV., and Ren^II. Los Reyes, Martin de, 699, 712, 733, 739, 743. Los Rios, Mr. Amador de, 142, • 541. Louis II. [Sire de la Tr^moille), 225. Lourenzo, Visconte, 721. Lovell, Sir Thomas, 707. Lud or Ludd, Gaultier, 274, 276, 441-2, 443, 477-8. Ludd, Nicholas, 441-2. Ludovioo il Moro, 356. Ludovico (del Pozzo Toscanelli?), 3, 384. Luis, Juan, 689. Luis or Luiz, Lazaro, 184, 187. Luksch, Professor J. , 469, 492, 518. Lumley, Lord, 646. Lusero, Juan, 672. lUACEDO, Johanna de, 60, 391. Madrignano, Archangelo 100. Mafra, Bartolom^ de, 721. Mafra, Ginfes de, 715, 722, 736. Mafra, Hernando de, 722. Mafra, Juan de, 722. Mafra, Juan Rodriguez de, 53, 262, 661, 680, 684-5, 722, 728, 734. Magalhaes Villas Boas, Mr. F. de, 733. Magallanes, Martin de, 716. Magellan, Fernam, Fernando or Hernando de, 107, 120, 223, 229, 270, 337, 339, 438-9, 486, 492, 498-500, 504, 509, 516, 519-26, 528-9, 532-3, 544-5, 550, 552, 659, 564, 572, 584, 594, 606, 613-14, 703-6, 709, 713-17, 719, 721-5, 727, 730, 733-4, 736-8. Maggiolo, Baldassare, 216. Maggiolo, Giovanni Antonio de, 216, 469. Maggiolo, Jacopo de, 216. Maggiolo, Vesoonte de, 19, 21, 114, 147, 180, 186-7, 207, 216-21, 225-7, 228, 237, 271, 434, 468-9, 500-1, 542-3, 546-7, 553-5, 560, 563, 567, 574, 576-7, 588, 602, 608, 610, 614, 618, 628. Magnus, Olaus, 635-6. Maine, Count of. See Charles IV. Major, Mr. R. H., 96, 504, 658. Malartic, Count, 630. Maler, Mattheum, 537. Malipiero, Domenico, 55, 257, 271, 418, 430. Malipiero, Pasqual, 642. Mallart, Jehan, 187. Malvauo, Mr., 626. Mambles, Diego de, 665. Mandeville (Jean de Bourgogne), 284. Manfredo, 2-3. Manilius, Marcus, 488. Manoel, King of Portugal, 58-60, 63, 67-8, 75, 121, 127, 182-4, 257, 303, 342-50, 353, 392, 410, 417, 438, 442, 676, 681, 696, 705, 730, 743. Manoel, Nuiio, 349-50, 688. Manrique, Count, 595. Manrique, Pedro, 719. Mantegna, Andrea, 403. Mantegna, Francesco, 403-4. Man then of Gernsheim, 380. Mantua, Marquis of. See Gonzaga, Francesco. Manutio, Aldo, 576. Manzanedo, Bernardino de, 166. Manzoni, Count Giacomo, 533. Marcel, Mr. Gabriel, 490, 495. Marcello, Antonio, 376. Marchena, Antonio de, 722. Marchionni, Bartolomeo, 344. Marco Polo. See Polo, Marco. Marcus. See Beneventanus. Mare, Andrieu de la, 693. Margallo, Pedro, 722- Margaxalo, Manuel de, 722. Margry, Mr. Pierre, 224. Mariano, Antonio, 722, Marin, Hieronymo, 32. Marin, Zuan Piero de, 569. Maris or Mariz, Pedro de, 348-9. Marquez, Juan, 722. Martel, Pedro, 722. Martin, Andres, 722. Martin, Diego, 689, 708, 722, 728. Martin, Domenico, 670, 723. Martin, Gonzalo, 667, 723. Martin, Juan, 678, 715, 723. Martin, Perez, 723. Martin V. , Pope, 55. Martinez, Juan, 715. Martinez, Manuel, 723- Martins, Alvaro, 60. Martins, Diego, 677. Martins, Ferdinand or Fernam, 52, 378, 380-1. Martyr, Bishop of Arzendjan, 669-70. Martyr, Peter. See Anghiera, Pietro Martire d'. Mary, Queen of England, 27, 708. Mateos, Esteban, 723. Mateos or Matheoa, Hernan Perez, 665, 723, 728. Mateos, Pedro, 421, 723. Matienzo, Juan Ortiz de, 198, 202-3, 205-6, 209-10, 521, 738. Matkovic, Professor, 629, 648. Maurio, Antonio, 260, 264, 723, 725, 735. Mauro, Fra, 57-8. Maximilian I., Emperor, 278, 392-3, 395, 481, 536, 669. Mayorga, Sebastian de, 665. Medel, Alonso, 85, 130, 674, 723. Medel, Francisco, 729. Medel, Juan, 723. Medel, Pedro, 680. Medici, Giuliano de, 273, 492. Medici, Lorenzo de, 390, 417, 740. Medici, Pierfrancesco or Piero Francesco de, 417, 740. Mediois, Catherine de, 493, 512. Medina, Mr. J. T., 485, 499, 705, 716-19, 722. Medina, Pedro de, 33, 656, 708, 723. Medina Sidonia, Duke de, 668. Medrano, Catalina, 594, 706. Meerman, Gerard, 604. 5 A 794 Index of Names. Meerman, Johan, 604, 62.5. Mela, Pomponius, 488. Mello, Francisco de, 703, 713. Melo, Geronimo de, 721, 723. Melzi, Gaetano, 591. Mendez, Diego, 106, 619. Mendez, Martin, 707, 723. Mendo9a, Cardinal, 402. Mendoga, Diego Bercerra de, 746 Mendofa, Francisco de, 725. Mendoza, Alonso Velez de, 124, 339-40, 416, 065, ^77, 680, 682, 691-2, 694, 695, 737. Mendoza, Antonio de, 710. Mendoza, Diego de, 665. Mendoza, Francisco Velez de, 410. Mendoza or Mendoja, Inico Lopez Hurtado de, 171, 725. Mendoza, Juan de, 665. Menezes, Amrique de, 705. Menezes, Joao de, 344. Mercaderia, Juan Sanchez de, 681. Mercator, Gerard, 285-6, 288, 322-4, 473, 544, 583. Mesa, Gines de, 723. Metz, Oauthier de, 536. Mexia, Pedro, 262, 723. Mezquita, Alvaro de la, 724. Mezquita, Francisco de la, 724. Mezquita, Martin de la, 724. Mezzani, Josefo, 470. Miohelant, Mr., 493, 619. Miguel, Juan, 724. Miguel, Pero, 575, 724. Milborn, 747-8, 750. Mira, Pedro de la, 724. Miranda, Pedro de, 730, 743. Mirandola, Francesco Pico de la, 442. Mirica, Gaspar de, 581-2. Miruelo, nephew of Diego'Miruelo, 154, 724-5. Miruelo, Diego, 147, 154, 167, 203, 724, 725. Mitchell, Henry, 8. Moguer, Juan de, 672, 725. Monachus, Franciscus, 282-4, 286, 304, 452, 528, 544-7, 548-53, 554, 565, 579, 583, 613, 618. Monapius, Wilhelniius Veldicus. See Velde, William Van de. Monaux or Moneux, or Monoux, 747-8, 750. Mondejar, Marquis de, 265, 725. Monetarius, Hieronymus. See Miinzmeister, Jerome. Monja, Ciarcia de la, 680. Monroy, of Triana, 699. Montalban, Diego de, 666. Montalboddo, Fracanzo da, 314. Monte, Basilius de, 740. Montejo, Francisco de, 190, 193-5. Montes, Diego de, 725. Montesdoca, Diego de, 689. Montesinos, Antonio de, 211. Montezuma, 107, 509. Mora, Rodriguez de, 725. Moraes Silva, A. de, 532. Morales, Alonso de, 683. iNIorales, Andres de, 122, 262-3, 421-2, 446-7, 453, 480, 483, 677, 685, 699, 725, 726, 743. Morales, Francisco de, 409, 664, 726. Morales, Hernando de, 725. Morcillo, Juan, 666. Morelli, Abb6 lacopo, 377, 561. Moreno, Antonio, 725. Mori, Juan de, 517, 704. Morillo, Diego, 167, 725. Morillo, Francisco de, 726. Moro, II. See Ludovico. Moscoso, Luis de, 643-4. Mouchez, Capitaine, 599. Moura, Bastiam, 697. Midler, of Amsterdam, 279, 587. I Muller, Johan, 392. Munguia, Diego de, 689. Munoz, Hernando, 725. Munoz, Juan Bautista, 118-19, 152-3, ,339, 355-6, 463, 502-3, 514, 653, 673-4, 714, 726, 737, 741. Munster, Sebastian, 542-3, 563, 587-8, 607-9, 615, 628. Mtintz, ilr. Eugene, 390, 403. Miinzmeister (Monetarius), Dr. Jerome, 392-3, 396-8, 404, 652, 669. Muratori, 385, 405-6. Murio, Gines, 728. Murphy, Hon. Henry C, 19, 198, 2li3, 214-5, 219, 221-4, 542, 576-8. Mur y Aguirre, Jnan de, 652. Murr, C. G. de, 00, 391-2. 399, 439. Mychell, William, 594, 707. Myritius, Joannes, 550. lUAGLER, G. K., 515, 518. Naiba, Cacique, 773. Napoles, Nicolas de, 715. Napoles, Vicencio de, 725. Narvaez, Pamphilo or Pamfilo de, 44, 1.54, 158, 208, 557, 645, 647, 706, 724-5, 728. Nasmyth, James, 6S9. Navarrete, 99, 118-19, 121, 130, 152, 210, 231-2, 268, 329, 355-6, 416, 432, 463, 502-3, 621, 640, 671, 674, 690, 695, 714, 731-3, 735, 741. Negri, Gasano, 405. NekouIL, 235. Niceron, Jean Pierre, 616-17. Nicius Erythrffius [J. V. Bossi], 626. Nicolas, Mr. N. Harris, 46. 675. Nicolas v.. Pope, 55, 669. Nicuesa, Diego de, 122, 446, 458, 463, 470, 722, 734, 739. Niebla, Pedro de, 726. Nino, Alonso, 89, 561, 726. Nino, Andres Garcia, 262, 623, 718, 726. Nino, Cristobal Perez, 726. Niiio, Francisco, 83, 85, 676, 726. Nino, Juan, 664, 726. Nino, Pedro Alonso, or Per Alonso, or Peralonso, or Pero Alonso, 100, 124, 327, 332, 409, 663, 670, 672, 673, 674, 676, 678-9, 682, 723, 726, 730. Niiio, Rodrigo, 726. Nizza, Marco de, 644. Noel, Jacques, 622. ■Nordenskiold, Baron and Dr., 66, 96, 94, 307-9, 371-2, 467, 469, 474, 479, 482, 497, 505-6, 515, 520, 534, 556, 561, 578, 587, 590, 598-9, 609. Noronha, Fernam de, 696. Nortes, Alvaro Alfonso, 728. Nova, Joao da, 370, 687. Noya, Juan de, 678. Nunez, Pedro, 727, 735. Nusardo, Antonio, 727. Nutzel, Gabriel, 391. Nyverd, Guillaume, 399. rvCAMPO, Garcia de, 689. Ocampo, Sebastian de, 97-102, 247. Oco, Garcia Fernandez de, 689. Oderigo, Nicolo, 419, 423. Oeglin, Erhart, 485. Ojuelos, Francisco, 670. Olid, Cristoval de, 718. Oliva, Giovanni, 216. Olivera, Diego de, 734. Olives, Bartolom^ or Bartolomeo, 585-6, 727. Index of Names. 795 Olives, Jaume, 639. Olpe, Bergmann de, 401. Omont, Mr. Henry, 604. Opilionem, Petrus, 590. Ordaz, Diego de, 588-9, 732. Orellana, Francisco de, 558, 615. Orooomay, Indian Queen, 589. Ortal, Geronimo. See Dortal, Geronimo. Ortega, Juan de, 716. Ortelius, 286, 547-8, 553, 710. Ortiz, Antonio, 638. Ortiz, Juan, 666-7. Ortiz, Pero, 666-7. Ortubia, Jxian Perez de, 135-6, 147. Ortuiio, Fortun. See Jimenez and Ximenez. Osoria, Alvar Perez, 666. Osoria, Hieronymo, 64, 349. Ovando, Juan de, 595. Ovando, Nicolas de, 97, 446, 453, 483, 690, 691. Oviedo, Gouzalo Fernandez de, 17, 122, 142, 144-5, 149-50, 152, 154-7 159, 161-2, 169, 189, 194, 196, 202, 204, 207-8, 211-13, 230-2, 242-3, 268, 327, 365, 388, 420, 433, 476, 538, 540-1, 543-4, 547, 588-9, 592, 596, 603, 620, 623, 631-3, 635-6, 663, 670, 675, 691, 706, 722-4, 726, 729, 733, 736-7, 739, 746. DACHECHO, Hernando, 675. Palestrina, Salvatore de, 176, 471, 728. Palomares, Francisco de, 671, 673-4. Palos, Juan Fernandez de, 727. Panoaldo, Leon or Leone, 272, 715, 727. Panzer, George Wolfg, 465, 513, 518, 534. Parades, Sancho de, 432. Pardo, Pedro, 689. Paris, Cacique, 753, 775. Paris (Paros?), Francisco de, 727. Parmentier, Jehan, 180-1, 568. Pasamonte, Miguel de, 195, 483. Pasqualigo, Lorenzo, 6-8, 18, 28-9, 36, 38-9, 61, 63, 66-73, 674. Pasqualigo, Pietro, 64-5, 108, 341, 580. Pastene, Juan Bautista de, 727. Patiiio, Juan, 666. PaulIIL, Pope, 635. Pavon, Francisco, 727. Pedrarias. See Davila, Pedrarias. Pedro, Dom, 51, 378, 652, 637, 655. Peilate, Hernando, 540-1, 728. Penates, The, 727, 729. Penton, Diego, 679. Peralta, Senor Manuel M. de, 537-8, 544, 575, 724, 726. Pereira. See Botelho Pereira, Diego. Peres, Fernando, 672. Perez, Anton, 728- Perez, Bartolom(5, 85, 678, 728. Perez, Bernardo, 722. Perez, Diego, 728. Perez, Gutierre, 667. Perez, Hernan, 728. Perez, Jorge, 728. Perez, Juan, 664, 722. Perez, Nicolas, 331, 455-6, 675-8. Perez, Buy, 672, 728. Pert or Spert, Sir Thomas, 47. Peschel, Oscar, 45, 61, 97, 121, 145, 149, 176, 178, ,335,425, 436, 471, 630. Petri, Adam, 281. Petri, Heinrich, 281. Petrus, Johannes, 593. Peypus, Frederick, 510, 593. Philesius, 479. Philip the Handsome, 716, 730, 743. Philip 11. , King of Spain, 174, 234, 258-61, 265, 267, 620-1, 627-8, 630, 710, 736, 740, 745. Philip III. , King of Spain, 223, 544. Phillips, Sir Thomas, 513, 625, 629. Phrysius, Gemma. See Frisius. Piccolomini (^^neas Sylvius), 380. Piccolomini, of Sienna, 629. Picot, M. George, 222. Pierre, Henry, 608. Pierrhi, 553. Pigafetta, Antonio, 438-9, 499, 50O, 516-18, 574, 603, 709, 715, 719, 736. Pilestrina, Salvat de. See Palestrina. Pilinski, Adam, 10. Pilola, Juan de, 728. Pina, Buy de, 5J, 668-9. Pinchard, 582, 599, 617, 619-20. Pineda or Pinedo, Alonso Alvarez de, 45, 165-7, 171-3, 250, 728. Pinedo, Lorenzo, 652. Pinelli, Matteo, 377. Pinelo, Francisco, 256, 354-5, 548, 725, 736. Pinos, Juan de los, 728. Pinzon, Andrea Gonzales, 667, 728, 729. Pinzon, Arias Perez, 339-40, 388, 410, 416, 419, 685, 728, 729. Pinzon, Diego Hernandez, 685, 721, 729. Pinzon, Diego Martin, 729. Pinzon, Francisco Martinez, 663, 728, 729. Pinzon, Juan Martin, 667, 728, 729. Pinzon, Maria Alvarez, 730. Pinzon, Martin Alonso, 53, 378, 388-9, 400-1, 652, 660, 663, 723, 728, 729-30, 739. Pinzon, Vicente or Vincente Yanez, 14, 79-81, 100, 121, 124-5, 259, .302 3, 312, 319, 327-8, 332, 336, 338-9, .345, 361, 413, 416, 421-2, 448, 453-64, 476, 531, Hi 3, 664, 671, 679, 680, 685, 720-2, 728-9, 730-1, 732, 737, 739, 743. Pires, Luis, 731. Pirez, Andres, 731. Pirckheimer, Bibibald., 514. Pisani, Domeuico, 341, 343-4. Pisani, Ottavio, 710. Pius II. , Pope, 55, 669. Pizarro, Francisco, 216, 509, 521, 540, 557, 563, 572, 597, 614, 628, 630, 645, 654, 709, 717-18, 722, 728, 732, 734-5. Pizarro, Gonzalo, 558, 720. Place, Jean de la, 494. Plannck, Stephanus, 398, 662. Pliny, 387, 391. Pocorosa, Cacique, 753, 776. Polo, Marco, 103, 113, 284, 382-3, 391,413, 509, 525, 548. Ponce, Joan. See Leon, Ju.an Ponce de. Ponce, Martin, 731, Pontchartrain, De, 428. Porcacchi, Tomasso, 286. Porcuna, Hernando de, 666. Pordenone, Odoric da, 284. Porras, Diego de, 327, 420, 431, 433, 456, 705. Porras, Dr., 709. Porras, Francisco de, 692. Porro, Signer, 629. Portion, Attilio, 538. Portocarrero, -Alonso Fernandez or Hernandez, 190, 193-4, 196. Portogalete, 731. Portiigal, Alvaro de, 683. Portugal, Kings of. See Affonso v., Joam I., Joam II., Joam III. , Manoel. 796 Index of Names. Potier, bookseller, 412. Poyo, Macias del, 731, 740. Praet, Joseph Van, 512. Praitorius, Johannes, 550. Prantl, Carl, 506. Prato, Albertus de, 21. Pr^, Jehan du, 399. Pretot le Savant, 624. Prescott, William H., 432, 509, 536. Preudhomme, Guillaume, 222. Promis, Mr. Vicenzo, 533. Prugger or Prugner, Nicolas, 578. Ptolemy, 102, 105, 236, 282, 298, 304, (316, 387, 391. Puebla, Dr. Ruy Gonzales de, 1. Puebla, Juan de la, 732. Puebla, Pedro or Pero Sanchez de la, 670, 674, 732. Puebla, Ruy GonzaUs de, 39, 41, 44, 116, 118, 408. Puerto, Rev. Juan del, 681. Purchas, Samuel, 21, 24, 388. Puttick and Simpson, 55. Pymienta, Juan, 732. rjUADRIO, Francesco S., 591. -^ Quartier. See Cartier, Jacques. <3ueio or Quexo, Juan de, 732. 'Quejo or Quexos, Pedro de, 198, 203, 205-11, 732. Querido, Alonso Gutierrez, 666-7. Quesada, p^aspar de, 717. Quevedo, Juan de, 484- •Quexo, Johan or Juan Barrio de, 589 732. ■Quexo, Juan Bono de, 732. Quicedo, Juan de, 678. Quintana, M. J., 717, 735. Quintero, Alonso, 699, 732. Quintero, Anton, 732. Quintero, Cristobal, 663, 666, 711. Quintero, Francisco, 732- 503, 513, 643, 711. Velazquez, Juan, 330, 677. Velde, or Veldicus, William Van de, 439, 445. Velez, Alouso, 718. Velez, Francisco, 339-40. Venegas (Vanegas), Alexio, 736. Venier, Barbarigo, 591. V^rard, Anthoiue, 399. Vercellese, Albertino, 100. Verde, Simone del, 308, 326, 669. Vergara, Francisco de, 666. Vergara, Juan de, 319, 689. Vergara, Martin de, 689. Vergara, R. G., 517. Verona, Guarino of, 376. Verrazano or Verrazzano, Giovanni da, 78, 95, 214-28, 251, 287, 541- 43, 546, 5.54-5, 563, 566-7, 575-6, 618, 623. Verrazano or Verrazzano, Hierony- mo da, 19, 186, 219-23, 225-6, 541, 554, 575-7, 580, 588, 600, 602, 608, 628. Verzellino, 726. Vespuccius, Americus, 14, 15, 20, 34, 80, 103, 106-7, 124, 126, 247, 259-61, 270, 273, 275-7, 293, 301-2, 317, 319-21, 328-9, 331-5, 338, 345, 349-62, 368-70, 373, 390, 417, 422, 428, 443, 445, 465-6, 471-2, 490, 497, 505-7, 524-5, 564, 573, 604, 642, 672-3, 674, 677, 678, 682, 686, 687, 688, 696, 697, 699, 707, 723, 730, 736-8, 740-4, 745. Vespuccius, Antonio, 744. Vespuccius, Bernardo, 744. Vespuccius, Giovanni, 744. Vespuccius, Girolamo, 744. Vespuccius, Juan, 15-17, 258, 260, 262, 264, 533-4, 642-3, 706, 722, 744-5. Vianello, Hieronymo, 101, 699, 712, 743. Viano de Lexona, Bernardino de, 560. Vida Urreta, Maria de, 714. Vidal, Anton, 689. Vidoue, Pierre, 496. Viegas, Gaspar, 186-7, 239, 599- 601, 606-7, 745. Vieusseux, 214. Villa, Pedro de, 666. Villalobos, Diego Garcia de, 745- Villar, Juan de, 666. Villegas, Pedro Ruiz de, 18, 262, 544, 738, 745. Vincente, Gil, 720. Vinci, Leonardo da, 112, 373, 471, 481, 504-5. Vingboons, Joan, 612. Violante, Dona, 188. Virues, Fernando de, 689. Viscaino, Vizcaino, and Vyzcaino, El. See Cosa. Viscaino, Joanicote, 745. Viscaino, Juan Perez, 667, 712. Viscaino, Lopez Sanchez, 745. Viscaino, Rodrigo, 689. Vispuche, Juan. See Vespuccius, Juan. Vitet, Mr., 181. Vivaldi, Pietro, 655, 727. Vizcaya, Juan Sanchez de, 745. Vogado, Joam, 51, 652, 656. Voglieuti, Pietro, 688. Volkamer, P., 391. Vopell, Gaspar, 550. Vossius, 138. WADDING, Francis, 474, 553. Waloknaer, Baron, 90, 412, 41.5. Waldseemiiller, Martin, 79, 93-5, 112, 123, 148, 274-80, 291, 295-6, 299, 300, 309-12, 316-22, 335-6, 351, 357, 359, 371, 376, 430, 424, 440-42, 443-4, 445, 451, 453, 465-8, 473, 477-9, 490, 494-5, 507-8, 514-15, 516, 539, 560, 564, 568, 579, 674, 677, 697, 744. Warde, Richard, 46, 58, 175, 687. Washington, Captain, R.N., 389. Wechel, Christian, 512, 583, 585, 617. Werner, Johannes, 512. Whitbourne, Richard, 71. Wiener, Dr., 630. Wieser, Dr. Franz, 314, 482, 486-7, 489, 491, .504, 519-20, 523, 593, 630. Willes, Richard, 24. Willoughby, Lord or Sir Hugh, 26-7, 50, 706, 708. Winsor, Mr. Justin, 205-6, 579, 631, 646-7. Wizniewski, 474. Withagius, 552. Wolsey, Lord Cardinal, 29, 48-9, 245, 707, 748-9. Worthington, William, 25, 708. Wuttke, H., 550, 630. Wyet, Sylvester, 71. Wynkfeld, Sir Robert, 47, 747. Wytfliet, Cornells, 181, 657. VALMIENTO, Cristobal Garcia, ^ 663, 746. Ximenez, Cardinal Francisco, 126, 139, 273, 475, 744. Ximenez and Jimenez, Fortun or Ortufio, 611, 746. Xuduara = Mapaure, Cacique, 784. VANEZ, Rodrigo, 746. Yule, 383. 7ACH, F. von, 558. Zalteri, Bologniuo (?), 286. Zamberti, Bartolomeo, 591. Zamorano, Nicolas, 636, 746. Zarate, Augustin de, 735. Zarnaco, Cacique, 753, 784. Zazarabaca, Diego Sanchez, 746. Zeni, The Brothers, 655. Zeuo, P. A., 561. Ziegler, Johann, 590. Zorzi, Alessaudro, 437, 494. Zorzi, Rimonde, 591. Zubileta, Juan, 715. Zuichem, Viglius de, 599, 616-17. Zurita, Geronimo de, 736. Zuria, Cardinal Placido, 57, 75, 272, 377, 419. PAGE I, line 17, read: inutility (instead of irrelevancy). Page 17, line 24, read: an engraved Sevillan or Spanish map. Page 18, line 33, read: manuscript charts. Page 34, note 52, read : apparently at the suggestion of Sebastian Cabot, — declined to pay her annuity. Maria Cerezo appealed to Charles V. Page 43, line 24, add : Nor should we forget that, according to Hakluyt, England's claims, as derived from the letters patent of John Cabot, comprised the east coast as far south as Florida. See, supra, p. 35. Page 44, line 12, read: before a rogatory commission from the Council of the Indies. Page 44, line 2 in note 24, read: Book V., chapter vi., pp. 1 16-120. Page 45, line 9, read: 1525. Page 45, line 10, strike out : and Virginia. Page 57, line 26, read : 368. Page 60, line 14, read : 1483. Page 60, note 9, read : in Drummond. Page 72, note 31, read: Dr. Richard King. Page 76, line 14, read : mouths of rivers. Page 78, line 29, strike out: 1512 or. Page 87, line 34, read : As that cape. Page 88, line II, read: Vocavitque eius initium Alpha tu : — And named the poynt where he fyrst arryved Alpha and 0. Page 88, line 18, read: "Dice : que desde el Cabo de Cuba que se ve con la Espaiiola, que llamo Fin de Oriente, y por otro norabre Alpha et Omega, navego hacia el Poniente : — He says that from the cape of Cuba which is seen from Hispaniola and which he called The East-end, and also by the other name of Alpha and Omega, he sailed westward." Page 88, note 28, read: Decad. I., lib. iii. , p. 28 of Hakluyt's edition; and f. 13 of Eden's translation. Page 96, line 3, read : sixteenth. Page 97, line 25, strike out: 1512 or in. Page loi, note 17, strike out the reference to plate. Page 105, note 5, add: This MS. was discovered and first mentioned in 1885 by Mr. Olindo GUERRINI. See our Christophe Oolomh et Savone, p. 36. Page III, line 32, read: and OeeaniLS yndiais. Page 115, line 4, after geographer, add : " also shared this opinion," and strike out from " never " to " 1520," and on line 16, from "The fact," to "globes." Page 121, line 16, read: the alleged expedition. Page 121, note 13, read: p. 169. Page 132, line 14, read : that island, just where it stands on such maps. Page 136, line 5, read: north of Cuba only a configuration. Page 136, line 10, strike out: 1512 or. Page 139, line 17, read: of which can be seen on the right [of the reader] the engraved representation. Page 149, line 31. instead of " doce," and " 1512," read: quatorce, and 1514. Thanks to our friend Don M. R. Zarco del Valle, investigations instituted at our request in the Archives of the Indies, at Seville, in Vol. I. of Asientos y Capitidaciones, desde £3 de Marzo de 1508 hasta 7 de Noviemhre de 1574, — Estante 139 — Cajon I — Leg"- I), have brought to light the fact that the date of "mil k quinientos doce aiios," is an invention of the editors of the Ooleccion de documentos iiieditos de Indias. But if we had relied upon the information received from the custodians of those archives, we should have committed Additions and Corrections. 8oi another error, just as inexplicable as the first. The communication stated that the second letters patent in favour of Ponce de Leon, granting him the privilege to settle " la ysla Florida," was " Fecha en Valladolid en 27 de Setiembre 1513." This date seeming to us still more unaccountable than the one of 1512, we wrote again, begging that a facsimile should be sent with the transcript. The reply was as follows: " Desde el folio n al 12, vueltos, existe otra Capitulacion (la 2a.), tomada con Juan Ponce de Leon para ir a poblar a las Islas de Brinini (Asi esta escrita), y la Florida, fecha en Valladolid a 27 de Setiembre de 513 a/los ; como resulta del ccdco que 4s d continuacion." To this explanation was appended the following facsimile, which proves quite the reverse : Thanks to the precaution taken to secure a facsimile, which however reached us too late to modify our text, the reader will notice that what the learned archivists insisted in calling the year " 1513," is in reality the year 1 5 14. Further, other documents show that Ponce de Leon, who had obtained his letters patent of February 23, 1512, while he was yet in the island of Porto Rico (San Juan), received orders from King Ferdinand, August 12, 1512, to repair at once to Spain. It follows from those facts that Oscar Peschel's belief as regards the discovery of Florida by Ponce de Leon having been accom- plished, not in 1512, but in 1513, is correct. Page 160, line 35, read: direct for Florida. Page 181, line 16, add: In 1508, four ships sailed from Rouen for the fisheries of Newfoundland, viz.: La. Bonne Aventure, under the command of Jacques de Rafosse, La Sihille, Le Michel, and La Marie de Bonnes Nouvelles, commanded by Jean Dieulois. (GossELiN, Documents axithentiques pour I'histoire de la marine normande, p. 12.) Page 183, line 34, read: the Cut of Canso. Page 191, line 9, read: canal of Bahama. Page 216, line 35, read : those. Page 223, line 12, add: " Mestre joao verazano que vae descobrir o catayo nao he partido ate a feitura desta carta segundo a nova que tenho, asi por nao tez tempo como por outras duvidas que me diserao que avia antrelle e a gente que leva e se he da maneira que nes outras cartas escrevo a vos alteza que pre- siuno, nao no foy certo nem o leixo auida de presumir em quanto nao partir. O doutor mestre Diogo de gouvea vae agora a. rruao onde sabera todo o mais certo que se de disto largamente segundo Ihe encomendei." (Kindly copied at our request from the original in the Torre do tombo, by Mr. Luciano Cordeiro. ) Page 232, line 35, strike out : Speaks as an eye-witness. Page 248, line 7, strike out : with a single exception. Page 248, line 31, read : in 1523. Page 249, line 23, strike out: 1512 rather than in. Page 251, line 4, read: 1526. Page 258, line 10, add : Such a prohibition could not have depended on arbitrary interdicts. In those days the Kings of Spain made known all their orders by written laws or ordinances. We possess the col- lection of all the decrees and regulations concerning such matters, issued in the first half of the sixteenth century ( Bihliotheca Americana Vetustissima, No. 247). If there had been a law making it a crime to obtain, or to disclose maps of the newly discovered regions, we should certainly find its text in one, at least, of the numerous Recopilaciones de leyes still extant. On the contrary, there is no trace in legal or other ofiftcial documents of such an interdiction. Page 286, line 22, read: Orientalis. Page 297, note 3, add, : Grandidier, Histoire de la georjraphie de Madagascar, p. 38. Page 309, note 8, read : Bocking. Page 311, line 35, read: eighty. Page 312, line 25, strike out: 1520. Page 312, line 27, read: Uslegung. Page 344, line i, read: Giovanni Cretico. 5 B 802 Additions and Corrections. Page 351 Page 356 Page 366, Page 368: Page 368; Page 368, Page 370, Page 373 Page 374; Page 376 Page 376 Page 376 Page 376 Page 378 Page 384; Page 397: Page 414 Page 415: Page 426 Page 449: Page 453 ne 4, note 68, instead of authority, read : authenticity, ne 8, instead of account, read : settlement, ne 3, read : mentions. ne IS, ne 33. ne 37, ne 14, ne 12, ne 16, strike out strike out read : countryman. Ti'istam. sui generis. Furna, cove or may have been, cursory. read read add : stay. Vacia haryles or barriles, The River of empty casks. Fondura, anchorage. ,ine 6, read: prudentia, imperante. line 8, instead of ward, read : disciple ; instead of Father : line 22, instead of grandson, read : brother. ine 23, read : grand uncle. line 23, read : Paolo. ine 17, read: per. line 23, read : postscript or postscriptum. ine 9, note 6, read : potable. note 24, strike out from Here to word, and read : line S, separate " Cabo frio " from "da Rame." line 6, read: the issue of 1508 of the Ptolemy originally published at Rome in 1507. line 2, read : Lago de loro. Page 456, add to note 196 : Navarrete omits that portion of the testimony, which is in the original MS. of the Prohanza. Page 459, line 11, instead of Uraba, read: Honduras. Page 459, note 206, add: " La grande baye de la Nativite, c'est a dire le golfe de Honduras dans son ensemble." Page 473, line 3, strike out : imitating or. Page 482, line 14, read : assume. Page 482, note 277, add : see facsimile of that map, supra p. 312. Page 485, line 13, add: which we sum up as follows: Page 486, line 11, add: then they saw the land on the other side. Page 486, line 16, reatl : leagues, and rounded the Cape, they steered. Page 486, line 22, strike out : retraced their course and. Page 486, line 23, read : to the other side, that is. Page 503, line 37, read: St. Paul's islands. Page 504, line 16, read: westward. Page 504, line 17, read : easterly. Page 507, line 15, read: Vale, at the sign of the Golden Hand. Page 512, line 23, read: in 1540 and 1541. Page 525, line 20, strike out : not. Page 525, last line, read: pars est Asice. Page 530, note 443, add : Higuera is said to be, not a fig, but the fruit of the Crescentia eujete, or of the Grescentia cucurhitina (Oviedo, iv., 600). Herrera, however (Decad. iv., 154), calls it "Cucurbita," or squash. The fig tree is not indigenous in America. Page 532, note 476, let the note read : " Ponta de lobos marinos : — The Point of sea wolves," that is, of seals. Page 553, line 27, read : Davila. Page 557, line 28, read : may authorise the opinion. Page 584, note 650, last line, read : more recent date. Page 664, line 5, strike out : Pedro de Ledesma. Page 665, line 5, read : October I2th, 1492. Page 667, line 28, add : Pedro de Ledesma. Page 712, line 10, read: Vianello. Page 74I1 second column, line 9, read: 1498. Page 754, line 22, instead of " many volumes,' read : first series, 1864 — 1884, 42 vols. Page 759, second column, line 26, read : Blanco. In the Pacific. BiBt anb (po0i^ion of ^2(xkB. Plate I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII. XIII, XIV. XV. XVI. XVII. XVIII. XIX. XX. XXI. XXII. XXIII. First Voyage of John Cabot Second Voyage of John Cabot The North-East Coast in the Map of Juan de la Cosa - Second Voyage of Caspar Corte-Real Last Voyage of Caspar Corte-Real The New World in the Cantino Chart (Double map) The West Indies (enlarged) in the Map of La Cosa The Asiatic Coasts in the Cantino Chart (Double map) The Voyage of Joao Alvares Fagundes The New World in the Map of Maggiolo (Double map) Discoveries of Estevam Gomez - The New World in the Map of Stobnicza Types Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth, compared North-East Coast in the Chart of Nicolai de Canerio Copy made by Schoner of the "Margarita" map of 15 15 The New World in the Mappamundi of Ruysch Authentic Globe of Schoner of 1533 Alleged Globe of Schoner of 1523 The New World in the Turin Map First edition of the Map of Juan Vespuccius The Paris Gilt Globe The Paris Wooden Globe Original Map of the Explorations of De Soto and Moscoso (Double map) io face page 8. 39- 42. 63- 75' 79- 91. III. 186. 217. 241. 279. 290. 306. 312. 451- 520. 529- 533- 562. 613. 644. PRINTED BY JAMES CLEGG, ALDINE PRESS, ROCHDALE, ENG., FOR THE PUBLISHER, H. WELTER, 59, RUE BONAPARTE, PARIS. BY THE SAME AUTHOR: Letters of Christopher Columbus describing his First Voyage to the Western Hemisphere. Texts and Translations. New York, 1865 ; folio, with facsimiles (Privately printed). Notes on Columbus. New York, 1866 ; folio, with plates (Privately printed). Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima. A Description of Works relating to America published between the years 1491 AND 1551. New York, 1866; 4to, and large 8vo, with facsimiles. D. Fernando Colon, Historiador de su Padre; Ens.ayo Critico. Seville, 1871; 4to. Bibliotheca Americana Vetustissima. Additions. Paris, 1872 ; 410, and large 8vo, with facsimiles. Notes pour servir a l'Histoire, a la Bibliographie et a la Cartographie de la Nouvelle France et des pays adjacents, 1545-17^00. Paris, 1872 ; 8vo. Introduccion de la Imprenta en Amiijrica, con una Bibliografi'a de las obras impresas en aquel hemisferio desde 1540 a 1600. Madrid, 1872; 410. Fernand Colomb, sa vie, ses oeuvres. Essai critique. Paris, 1872 ; large 8vo. Les Colombo de France et dTtalie, fameux marins du xv^ sifecLE ; 1461-1491. D'aprfes des documents nouveaux ou inedits tirds des archives de Milan, de Paris et de Venise. Mdmoire lu k I'Acaddmie des inscriptions et belles-lettres dans ses stances des i^'' et 15 mai 1874. Paris, 1874 ; 4to. Le voyage de Verrazzano (Critical review of the work of the Hon. Henry C. Murphy, with new documents, in La Revue Critique). Paris, 1876 ; 8vo. L'Histoire de Christophe Colomb attribuee a son fils Fernand. Examen critique. (Separate issue of articles in the Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie), Paris, 1878 ; 8vo. Los Restos de Don Cristoval Colon. Disquisicion. Seville, 1878 ; small 4to. Les Si)PULTURES de Christophe Colomb. Revue critique du premier rapport officiel PUBLi^ SUR CE sujET. Paris, 1879 ; 8vo. Jean et Sebastien Cabot, leur origine et leurs voyages. IiItude d'histoire critique, suiviE d'une Cartographie, d'une Bibliographie et d'une Chronologie des voyages au Nord-Ouest, de 1497 k 1559. D'aprfes des documents inedits. Paris, 1882; large 8vo, ■ with facsimile of the North American section of the Cabotian planisphere of 1544. Christophe Colomb et la Corse. Observations sur un decret recent du gouverne- MENT FRANgAis. Paris, 1883 ; 8vo. Les Corte-Real et leurs voyages au Nouveau-Monde. D'aprfes des documents nouveaux ou peu connus tir^s des archives de Lisbonne et de Modbne, suivi du texte inedit d'un recit de la troisifeme expedition de Caspar Corte-Real et d'une importante carte nautique portugaise de I'annde 1502, reproduite ici pour la premifere fois. Memoire lu k I'Academie des inscriptions et belles-lettres dans sa stance du -i.^"^ juin 1883. Paris, 1883; large 8vo, with facsimile of the American section of the Cantino planisphere, folded in a case. Caspar Corte-Real. La date exacte de sa derni^re ExpioiTioN au Nouveau-Monde. D'aprbs des documents inddits rdcemment tir^s des archives de la Torre do Tombo k Lisbonne. Paris, 1883 ; large 8vo, with facsimiles. Christophe Colomb, son origine, sa vie, ses voyages, sa famille et ses descendants. D'aprfes des documents in^dits tir^s des archives de Genes, de Savone, de Seville et de Madrid. Etudes d'histoire critique. Paris, 1884; 2 thick volumes large 8vo, with plates and numerous genealogical tables. L'Origine de Christophe Colomb. Demonstration critique et documentaire. Paris, 1885, 8vo. Grandeur et otcAOENCE de la Colombine. Paris, 1885, 8vo (Privately printed). La Colombine et Clement Marot. Paris, 1886, 8vo (Privately printed). Grandeza y decadencia de la Colombina (Translation, and controversial articles reprinted from the Spanish papers). Seville, 1886, 12 mo. Excerpta Colombiniana. Bibliographie de quatre cents pieces gothiques fran^aises, italiennes et latines du commencement du xvi^ siecle, non decrites jusqu'ici. Pr^cedee d'une his- toire de la Bibliotheque Colombine et de son fondateur. Paris, 1887; 8vo, with numerous facsimiles of original types and illustrations. Le QuATRiiiME centenaire DE LA DECOUVERTE DU NouvEAU-MoNDE. Lettre addressee k Son Excellence le Ministre de ITnstruction publique du royaume d'ltalie. Par un Citoyen Amdricain. Genoa, 1887, large 8vo. Christophe Colomb et Savone. Verzellino et ses " Memorie." Illtudes d'histoire critique et documentaire. Genoa, 1887, 8vo. Christopher Columbus and the Bank of Saint George. New York (London), 1888 ; large 4to, with plates and facsimiles (Privately printed). Christoph Columbus im Orient. Leipzig, 1880, 8vo (Separate issue of an essay published in the Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen). Cristoforo Colombo e gli orientali. Genoa, i88g, 8vo (Separate issue of a disquisition published in the Giornale Ligusticd). Document in^dit concernant Vasco da Gama. Relation adress^e \ Hercule d'Este, due de Ferrare. Paris, 1889, 8vo (Privately printed). The Late Samuel Latham Mitchill Barlow. Introduction to the Catalogue of his American Library. New York, 1889, 8vo (Separate issue, with portrait). Christophe Colomb, les Corses et le gouvernemente fran^ais. Paris, 1890, 8vo. Cristoforo Colombo e il Banco di S. Giorgio. Saggio storico critico sui rapporti del grande navigatore con quell' istitato ; sulT ufEzio e sulle operazioni di banco nel medio evo e dimostrazione documentata dell' origine di Colombo dalla cittk di Geneva sulla base di inediti o poco noti documenti. Genova, a spese del Municipio, 1890 ; folio, with plates and facsimiles. For private distribution by the City Council of Genoa. NouvELLES recherches sur l'histoire de l'Amerique. Paris, 1890, 8vo (Separate issue of an article published in La Revue Historique). Qui a iMPRiMfe LA PREMIERE LETTRE DE Christophe Colomb ? Leipzig, 1892, 8vo (Separate issue of a critical dissertation published in the Centralblatt fiir Bibliothekswesen). Christophe Colomb devant l'Histoire. Paris, 1892, 8vo. Jii