®mutll Hwwmtg fSitatg 
 
 Xatin Semltmrtj 
 
 PURCHASED FROM 
 
 UNIVERSITY FUNDS 
 
 '•■■--^■.■■■■: •• — ■• 
 
CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 
 
 3 1924 059 161 087 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of this book is in 
 the Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924059161087 
 
TBUPPBL'S 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMAN LITERATURE. 
 
 REVISED AND ENLARGED 
 
 BY 
 
 LUDWIG SOHWABB. 
 
 AUTHORISED TRANSLATION FROM THE FIFTH GERMAN EDITION, 
 
 GEOEGE C. W. WARE, M.A., 
 
 Ex-Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge, 
 Professor of Classical Literature in King's College, London. 
 
 VOL. I. 
 THE REPUBLICAN PERIOD. 
 
 Xonbon : 
 
 GEOEGE BELL & SONS, YORK STREET, COVENT GARDEN. 
 
 CAMBKIDGE: DEIGHTON, BELL & CO. 
 
 1891. 
 
Butler & Tanner, 
 
 The Selwood Printing Works, 
 
 Frome, and London. 
 
PBEEACE. 
 
 The GescMchte der romischen Literatur, the principal work of the 
 late "Wilhelm Sigmmid Teuffel, differed from previous histories 
 in its wider range and scope. It was carried from the earliest 
 period down to, and beyond, the sixth century a.d., the literary 
 history of that eentury being exhaustively treated, with such 
 notice of the minor writers as was needed to present the greater 
 in their true light. Jurisprudence, natural philosophy, and the 
 other technical subjects were included, and its proper literary 
 place was assigned to the Christian as an integral part of the 
 Roman literature. Another special aim of the writer, as ex- 
 plained in his preface, was to make the most of all the frag- 
 mentary remains, and to estimate each constituent of the whole 
 by its intrinsic worth and weight apart from the accidents of 
 tradition. And, finally, he claimed to have maintained an un- 
 prejudiced and thoroughly impartial stand-point in his criticism 
 — the justice of which claim his readers well understand. 
 
 The book was published in 1870. It was considerably en- 
 larged by the author in two subsequent editions (1872 and 1874), 
 in the prefaces to which he acknowledges the assistance of M. 
 Hertz, F. A. Eckstein, L. Miiller, E. Wolfflin, H. Nolte, W. 
 Weissbrodt, and of Dr. L. Schwabe, his colleague in the Uni- 
 versity of Tubingen. 
 
 Prof. Teuffel, who died in 1878, left his work in the hands of 
 the last-named scholar. Dr. Schwabe, in discharge of that trust, 
 republished it in 1882, revised throughout in accordance with the 
 latest researches, and much augmented. The additions and 
 
IV PREFACE. 
 
 alterations were too important to be thrown into separate notes. 
 The Editor preferred to incorporate his own work in the text, 
 which he modified as he deemed necessary, here and there 
 cancelling the author's statements. This method of editing (he 
 explains in his first preface) was facilitated by what he regards 
 as a characteristic merit of Teuffel's writing, its perfect definite- 
 ness and objectivity of view — the reverse of the vague rhetoric 
 which pervades most books concerned with the history of 
 literature. 
 
 In his new edition (1890) Dr. Schwabe has further expanded 
 and still more freely recast the original History. In so doing, 
 however, he has continually adhered to the strict chronological 
 plan laid down by the author, though in his own opinion it is 
 not necessarily the best for elucidating the general movement of 
 literature and the interdependence of its different branches. He 
 records in the preface the continued assistance which has been 
 rendered by Prof. Hertz. In the preparation of the previous 
 edition he was aided by E. H. Reusch (in the sections on 
 the Patristic literature) and A. v. Grutschmid (who revised the 
 sections on the historians of the Imperial period) ; in the prepa- 
 ration of the present edition, by E. Forster, L. Havet, 0. Keller, 
 W. Meyer, and especially by his colleague 0. Crusius. 
 
 An English translation was made, with the author's sanction, 
 by the late Dr. Wilhelm Wagner, from the first German edition 
 — with addenda (incomplete) from the second — and published by 
 Messrs. Bell in 1873. This is retained throughout as the basis of 
 the present translation. But in incorporating the author's addi- 
 tions, together with the larger additions and improvements which 
 the work has acquired under Dr. Schwabe's able editorship, I 
 have likewise revised the translation itself, with so much alter- 
 ation as appeared requisite to make it more completely accurate, 
 and (I hope) more uniformly idiomatic and readable. 
 
 In the bibliographical sections I have occasionally added to the 
 list of editions and treatises, chiefly English. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 As regards orthography, I have retained the w 
 spelling for Greek names of localities, while I hf 
 German edition in writing Greek personal namf 
 tion as in Greek (keeping y as the proper 
 upsilon). It is particularly convenient in a h 
 literature that the Greek writers should \u- I- 
 from the Roman. 
 
 I have adopted the spelling " Verg" 
 
 whereas Dr. Schwabe retains the latt 
 
 .,. „ m , . . . n , OF THE SUBJECT. 
 
 gilius. The juxtaposition of the 
 
 obviously awkward, and the latter ^erary taste of the Romans, p. 3. 
 
 at any rate from scholastic literati an talent for i*. P- 3. 4. Popular 
 Trr . , . , 6. Saturae, p. 5. 7. TheMimus: its 
 
 With these few exceptions tl p . 6 . 8 . The Minms at the end of the 
 
 corresponds in all points with' P- a 9 - The Atellanae (popular), p. 11. 
 
 11. Eoman popular poetry, p. 14. 12. The 
 typographical improvements,,. 13. Tragedy, p. 16. 14. The Praetexta, 
 
 the fourth, have also been nistor y. P- 19 - 16 - Characteristics of the 
 
 3 ata (tabernaria, trabeata), p. 26. 18. The 
 quotations in italics. 
 
 and national subject-matter, p. 28. 20. The 
 
 stian Epic poets, p. 31. 22. The Epithalamium, 
 
 , p. 32. 24. Proverbial poems, p. 34. 25. The 
 
 King's COLLEGE, L026. Piddles : Centones : Acrosticha, p. 35. . 27. The 
 
 ^literary), p. 38. 29. The Idyl, p. 39. 
 
 ,< "" poetry, p. 40. l 31. The Epigram, p. 41. 32. Elegy, 
 
 .-i" 1 :y, p. 45. 34. Melic poetry,' p. 45. ' 
 
 r A , p. 47. 36. Eoman historical literature, general view, 
 
 . ( fv ists, p. 50. 38. The historians of the Ciceronian and 
 
 39. The historians of the Empire, p. 53. 40. ; Inscrip- 
 .quarian and grammatical learning, p. 57. 42. Special 
 Prosody, Mythography*etc, p.*61. 
 
 ', p. 64. 44. Oratory under ' the, Republic, p. 66. 45. 
 tan Age and under the Empire : . Rhetoric, p. 70. 46. 
 Collections, p. 73. .47. Entertaining literature : Ro- 
 under the Republic, "■ p. 77. 49. Jurisprudence in the 
 Br the Empire, p. 79. 
 
 iphy under the Republic, p. 83. 51. Philosophy under 
 
 '.d Astronomy, p. 87. 53. Natural sciences, p. 89. 54. 
 g, p.' 89.' , 55. Medicine, p. 91. 56. Military science , 
 •e, p. 94. ' 58. Land-measurement, p.. 94. ,59. Writers 
 0. Geography, p. 95. 
 
 'J- 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 alterations were too important to be thrown into separate notes. 
 The Editor preferred to incorporate his own work in the text, 
 which he modified as he deemed necessary, here and there 
 cancelling the author's statements. This method of editing (he 
 explains in his first preface) was facilitated by what he regards 
 as a characteristic merit of Teuffel's writing, its perfect definite- 
 ness and objectivity of view — the reverse of the vague rhetoric 
 which pervades most books concerned with the history of 
 literature. 
 
 In his new edition (1890) Dr. Schwabe has further expanded 
 
 y iffV*^ 
 
 and still_.moxe_ freelv_ rprast. JJ* 
 howe 
 plan 
 not r 
 litera 
 recor 
 rend* 
 editk 
 the! 
 sectic 
 ratioi 
 W. M 
 An 
 by th 
 — wit 
 
 In so doing, 
 chronological 
 opinion it is 
 movement of 
 nches. He 
 h has been 
 e previous 
 ctions on 
 vised the 
 the prepa- 
 0. Keller, 
 
 r's sanction, 
 
 man edition 
 
 ^ ublished by 
 
 Messrs. Bell in 1873. This is retained throughout as the basis of 
 the present translation. But in incorporating the author's addi- 
 tions, together with the larger additions and improvements which 
 the work has acquired under Dr. Schwabe's able editorship, I 
 have likewise revised the translation itself, with so much alter- 
 ation as appeared requisite to make it more completely accurate 
 and (I hope) more uniformly idiomatic and readable. 
 
 In the bibliographical sections I have occasionally added to the 
 list of editions and treatises, chiefly English. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 As regards orthography, I have retained the uf 
 spelling for Greek names of localities, while I hf 
 German edition in writing Greek personal namf 
 tion as in Greek (keeping y as the proper 
 upsilon). It is particularly convenient in a b 
 literature that the Greek writers should h-j. -I. 
 from the Roman. 
 
 I have adopted the spelling " Verg' 
 
 whereas Dr. Schwabe retains the latt 
 
 .,. „ ml . . . „ , OF THE SUBJECT. 
 
 gmus. The juxtaposition of the 
 
 obviously awkward, and the latter .ierary taste of the Romans, p. 3. 
 
 at any rate from scholastic literati- an talent for i*. P- 3 - 4 - Popular 
 _,. , n . , . 6. Saturae, p. 5. 7. TheMimus: its 
 
 With these few exceptions tf p . 6 . a The Mimus at the end of the 
 
 Corresponds in all points with' P- 8 - 9> The Atellanae (popular), p. 11. 
 
 11. Roman popular poetry, p. 14. 12. The 
 typographical improvements,,. 13. Tragedy, p. 16. 14. The Praetexta, 
 
 the fourth, have also been flistor y> P- 19 - 16 - Characteristics of the 
 
 ^ata (tabernaria, trabeata), p. 26. 18. The 
 quotations in italics. 
 
 and national subject-matter, p. 28. 20. The 
 
 -stian Epic poets, p. 31. 22. The Epithalamium, 
 
 -, p. 32. 24. Proverbial poems, p. 34. 25. The 
 
 King's COLLEGE, Lo^6. Riddles: Centones: Acrosticha, p. 35. 27. The 
 
 (literary), p. 38. 29. The Idyl, p. 39. 
 
 . poetry, p. 40. L 31. The Epigram, p. 41. 32. Elegy, 
 •v '[ ry, p. 45. .34. Melic poetry, p. 45. 
 
 [ "S , p. 47. 36. Roman historical literature, general view, 
 
 v t\ ~ ists, p. 50. 38. The historians of the Ciceronian and 
 
 39. The historians of the Empire, p. 53. ' 40." Inserip- 
 
 iquarian and grammatical learning, p. 57. 42. Special 
 
 Prosody, Mythography' etc., p."61. 
 
 r , p. 64. 44. Oratory under the. Republic, p. 66. 45. 
 tan Age and under the Empire: Rhetoric, p. 70. 46. 
 Collections, p. 73. .47. Entertaining literature : Ro- 
 under- the Republic, '■ p. 77. 49. Jurisprudence in the 
 sr the Empire, p. 79. 
 
 >phy under the Republic, p. 83. 51. Philosophy under 
 
 t 
 id Astronomy, p. 87. 53. Natural sciences, p. 89. 54. 
 
 ■g, p.' 89.' 55. Medicine, p. 91. 56. Military science, 
 
 •e, p. 94. 58. Land-measurement, p.. 94. 59. Writers 
 
 0. Geography, p. 95. 
 
alterations wert 
 The Editor pre: 
 which he modij 
 cancelling the a; 
 explains in his firsijv 
 as a characteristic m\ 
 ness and objectivity of v 
 which pervades most L 
 literature. 
 
 In his new edition (1890) 
 and still more freely recast t. 
 however, he has continually ao. 
 plan laid down by the author, ti 
 not necessarily the best for elucid, 
 literature and the interdependence c 
 records in the preface the continued 
 rendered by Prof. Hertz. In the p^ 
 edition he was aided by F. H. Eei, 
 the Patristic literature) and A. v. Guts 
 sections on the historians of the Imperial 
 ration of the present edition, by U. Forste. 
 W. Meyer, and especially by his colleague C 
 
 An English translation was made, with t 
 by the late Dr. "WUhelm Wagner, from the 
 — with addenda (incomplete) from the second 
 Messrs. Bell in 1873. This is retained throu£ 
 the present translation. But in incorporating 
 tions, together with the larger additions and i 
 the work has acquired under Dr. Schwabe : 
 have likewise revised the translation itself, \ 
 ation as appeared requisite to make it more ( 
 and (I hope) more uniformly idiomatic and re 
 
 In the bibliographical sections I have occa 
 list of editions and treatises, chiefly English 
 
CONTENTS OF VOL. I. 
 
 Part I.— GENERAL VIEW OF THE SUBJECT. 
 
 1. The Roman character, p. 1. 2. Literary taste of the Romans, p. 3. 
 
 3. Poetry: the Drama. The Roman talent for it, p. 3. 4. Popular 
 diversions, p. 3. 5. Pescenninae, p. 4. 6. Saturae, p. 5. 7. The Mimus : its 
 character and early history : Planipes, p. 6. 8. The Mimus at the end of the 
 Republic and in the Imperial period, p. 8. 9. The Atellanae (popular), p. 11. 
 10. The Atellanae (literary), p. 13. 11. Roman popular poetry, p. 14. 12. The 
 regular Drama : general view, p. 15. 13. Tragedy, p. 16. 14. The Praetexta, 
 p. 18. 15. The Palliata: its history, p. 19. 16. Characteristics of the 
 Palliata, p. 21. 17. The Togata (tabernaria, trabeata), p. 26. 18. The 
 Rhinthonica, p. 27. 
 
 19. The Epos : historical and national subject-matter, p. 28. 20. The 
 heroic Epos, p. 30. 21. Christian Epic poets, p. 31. 22. The Epithalamium, 
 p. 32. 23. Didactic poetry, p. 32. 24. Proverbial poems, p. 34. 25. The 
 poetical Epistle, p. 34. 26. Riddles : Centones : Acrosticha, p. 35. 27. The 
 Eable, p. 37. 28. Satire (literary), p. 38. 29. The Idyl, p. 39. 
 
 30. The earliest Lyric poetry, p. 40. ' 31. The Epigram, p. 41. 32. Elegy, 
 p. 43. 33. -Iambic poetry, p. 45. 34. Melic poetry, p. 45. ' 
 
 35. Prose Literature, p. 47. 36. Roman historical literature, general view, 
 p. 48. 37. The Annalists, p. 50. 38. The historians of the Ciceronian and 
 Augustan age, p. 52. 39. The historians of the Empire, p. 53: ' t 40/ Inscrip- 
 tions, p. 56. ' 41. Antiquarian and grammatical learning, p. 57. 42. Special 
 studies : Lexicography, Prosody, Mythography'etc, p.'"61. 
 
 43. Roman Oratory, p. 64. 44. Oratory under the^ Republic, p. 66. 45. 
 
 Oratory in the Augustan Age and under the Empire: Rhetoric, p. 70. 46. 
 
 Epistolary literature : Collections, p. 73. 47. Entertaining literature : Ro- 
 mances etc., p. 76. 
 
 48. Jurisprudence under- the Republic, ' p. 77. 49. Jurisprudence in the 
 Augustan age.and under the Empire, p. 79. 
 
 50. Roman Philosophy under the Republic, p. 83. 51. Philosophy under 
 the Empire, p. 85. 
 
 52. Mathematics and Astronomy, p. '87. 53. Natural sciences, p. 89. , 54. 
 Agriculture and farming, p. 89.' 55. Medicine, p. 91. 56. Military science, 
 p. 93. 57. Architecture, p. 94.' ' " 58. Land-measurement, p.. 94. 59. Writers 
 oh metrology, p. 95. "60. Geography, p. 95. 
 
Vlll CONTENTS OF VOL. I. 
 
 Part 11.— SPECIAL AND PERSONAL. 
 
 I.— THE EAELY HISTOEY OP EOMAN LITEEATUEE, to the Year 
 u.c. 514-b.c. 240. 
 
 61. Formal character of the earliest literature : Carmen, p. 98. 62. The 
 Saturnian verse, p. 98. 63. Subjects of the earliest literature, p. 100. a) Ei- 
 tualistic. 64. Carmen Saliare, p. 100. 65. Carmen fratrum arvalium, p. 101. 
 66, 67. Maxims, prophecies etc., p. 101. b) Political and historical. 68. 
 
 Poedera regum, p. 102. 69. Treaties belonging to the earliest period of the 
 Eepublic, p, 102. 70. Leges regiae, p. 103. 71. Jus Papirianum, p. 103. 
 72. Commentarii regum, p. 103. 73. Libri and commentarii pontifLcum, p. 104. 
 74. Pasti (Calendar), p. 105. 75. Fasti (lists of magistrates), p. 107. 76. 
 Annales pontificum, p. 107. 77. Eecords of other priestly colleges, p. 109. 
 78. Eecords of secular magistracies, p. 109. 79. Libri magistratuum, p. 110. 
 c) Monumenta privata. 80. Private or family chronicles, p. 110. 81. Funeral 
 laudations, p. 111. 82. Funeral songs : naeniae : festal songs, p. 112. 83. 
 Inscriptions of the first five centuries, p. 113. 84. Carmina triumphalia, p. 114. 
 
 85. Other carmina popularia, p. 114. d) Legal monuments and literature. 
 
 86. The Twelve Tables, p. 115. 87. Legis actiones, p. 116. 88. Cn. Flavius 
 (jus Flavianum), p. 116. 89. The earliest jurists, P. Sempronius, Ti. Coruncanius, 
 p. 117. 90. Appius Claudius, p. 117. 
 
 II.— HISTOEY OP EOMAN LITEEATUEE. 
 
 Part I. — The Time of the Republic and of Augustus. 
 
 First Period : from Andronicus to the time of Sulla, A. 514/240-670/84. 
 
 91-93. Characteristics of the two centuries, p. 118. (91. The sixth century 
 p. 118. 92. The seventh century, p. 123. 93. Language and prosody in both 
 centuries, p. 125.) 
 
 A. The Sixth Century u.c. 
 
 I. Poets.— 94. Andronicus, p. 128. 95. Cn. Naevius, p. 130. 96. Plautus : 
 life and writings, p. 132. 97. The twenty extant plays in their traditional 
 (alphabetical) order, p. 134. 98. Poetical characteristics, p. 141. 99. The 
 Plautine tradition : prologues : the early commentators : manuscripts and 
 editions, p. 145. 100. Q. Ennius : his life, p. 148. 101. His annales, p. 150. 
 102. His tragedies and praetextae, p. 151. 103. His saturae: Epicharmus, 
 Euhemerus etc., p. 152. 104. Political characteristics of Ennius, p. 153. 
 105. M. Pacuvius, p. 155. 106. Statius Caecilius, p. 156. 107. Other writers 
 of palliatae: Trabea, Luscius etc., p. 157. 108. P. Terentius: his life, p. 158. 
 
 109. His writings : manuscripts : commentators : didascaliae : editions, p. 159. 
 
 110. His six plays in their received order, p. 159. 111. Poetical characteristics 
 of Terence, p. 165. 112. Titinius: his togatae, p. 167. 113. Turpi lius : his 
 palliatae, p. 168. 114. Other poets of the sixth century u.c, p. 168. 115. 
 Metrical inscriptions of the sixth century u.c, p. 169. 
 
 II. Prose-writers. — 116. Earliest historians: Q. Fabius Pictor, p. 169. 
 117. L. Cincius Alimentus, p. 171. 118. M. Porcius Cato, his life and character, 
 p. 172. 119. Cato as an orator, p. 173. 120. Cato as an historian, p. 174. 
 121. Cato's praecepta ad filium and other writings, p. 176. 122. Cato de agri 
 cultura, p. 177. 123. Contemporary orators, p. 178. 124. C.Sulpicius Gallus, 
 
CONTENTS OF VOL. I. IX 
 
 p. 180. 125. Contemporary jurists, P. and Sax. Aelius etc., p. 180. 126. M. 
 Fulvius Nobilior and his son Q., p. 181. 127. Contemporary historians, 
 p. 182. 128. Sp. Carvilius, p. 183. 129. Prose inscriptions of the sixth 
 century u.c, p. 183. 
 
 B. Seventh Century u.c. 
 
 130. First twenty years, p. 184. 131. Orators : Africanus the Younger, his 
 friends and opponents, p. 184. 132. Historians of this period, esp. Cassius 
 Hemina and Piso Frugi, p. 186. 133. Jurists of the same period, esp. M. 
 Manilius, M. Brutus, and P. Mucius Scaevola, p. 188. 134. L. Accius, p. 190. 
 
 135. Period of the Gracchi (a. 620/134-635/119). Ti. and C. Gracchus, p. 193. 
 136. The other orators of the Gracchan period, esp. C. Carbo, C. Fannius C.f., 
 M. Scaurus, C. Curio, p. 195. 137. Historians of this period, esp. C. Fannius 
 M.f., and Coelius Antipater, p. 197. 138. Antiquarians and scholars of the 
 Gracchan period : esp. Tuditanus and Junius Gracchanus, p. 201. 139. Stoics 
 and jurists of this period, C. Blossius and Q. Tubero, Q. Scaevola Augur, p. 202. 
 
 140. The period following the Gracchi (a. 635/119-650/104), general view, 
 p. 203. 141. Orators of this period': T. Albucius, C. Fimbria, C. Titius and 
 others, p. 204. 142. P. Eutilius Eufus, Q. Lutatius Catulus and Sempronius 
 Assllio, p. 205. 43. C. Lucilius, p. 208. 144. Writers of togatae: Atta, 
 
 p. 212. 145. L. Afranvus, p. 213. 146. Other poets : Hostius, Pompilius, 
 Valerius Aedituus, Porcius Licinus etc. p. 214. 147. Didactic writers: Q. 
 
 Valerius, Terentius Libo, Volcacius Sedigitus, p. 215. 148. L. Aelius Stilo and 
 other scholars, p. 216. 
 
 149. The years 650/104-670/84 : general view, p. 217. 150. Poets of this 
 period : A. Furius, Cn. Matius, Laevius, p. 217. 151. Writers of Atellanae : 
 Pomponius and Novius, p. 220. 152. The chief orators of this period : M. 
 Antonius and L. Crassus, p. 221. 153. Orators of the second rank, esp. L. 
 Philippus, Caesar Strabo, C. Cotta, P. Sulpicius, C. Curio, p. 223. 154. The 
 jurists of this period: Q. Scaevola Pontifex and his pupils and fellow-jurists, 
 p. 225. 155. The Annalists of this period : Quadrigarius, Valerius Antias, 
 Aufidius, p. 227. 156. Sisenna and Licinius Macer, p. 230. 157. Sulla and 
 Lucullus, C. Piso, p. 233. 158. Other historical writers of the Sullan period : 
 L. Manlius, Voltacilius, Tarquitius Priscus, p. 234. 159. Learned writers, 
 teachers, and scholars, esp. Plotius Gallus, Nicanor, Opilius, Gnipho, Cosonius, 
 Ser. Clodius, p. 235. 160. Writers on agriculture and farming : Saserna, 
 Scrofa and others, p. 238. 161. Adherents of philosophical schools, p. 239. 
 162. The Rhetorica ad Herennium, p. 239. 
 
 163. Inscriptions in prose and metre, a. 600/154-670-84, p. 242. 
 
 Part II.— The Golden Age op Koman Literature. 
 
 A. 671/83 b.c-770/17 a.d. 
 
 A. The Ciceronian Aoe, 671/83-711/43. 
 
 General characterisation and review of the Ciceronian Age, p. 243. 
 
 I. First half of the Ciceronian Age, 671/83-691/63. 
 
 164. M. Terentius Varro : his life and character, p. 252. 165. His writings : 
 poetry, p. 254. 166. The prose works of Varro, p. 256. 167. Varro's work de 
 lingua latina, p. 262. 168. Varro's books rerum rusticarum, p. 263. 169. The 
 
X CONTENTS OF VOL. I. 
 
 preservation of Varro's works : the so-called sententiae Varronis, p. 264. 170. 
 Nigidius Figulus, p. 265. 171. Q. Hortensius and other orators, esp. among the 
 optimates, p. 267. 172. Atticus and other historical writers, p. 269. 173. 
 Translators of philosophical writings : Amafinius and others, p. 271. 174. 
 
 Aquilius Gallus, Sulpicius Rufus and other jurists, p. 272. 
 
 175. M. Tullius Cicero : his public life, p. 274. 176. Cicero as a man and a 
 statesman, p. 276. 177. Cicero as » writer, p. 277. 177". Cicero's youthful 
 works, p. 279. 178. Cicero as an orator, p. 280. 179. Cicero's extant orations, 
 p. 283. 180. Fragments of other orations, p. 295. 181. Cicero as a writer on 
 rhetoric, p. 297. 182. Cicero's rhetorical writings, p. 297. 183. Cicero as a 
 philosopher, p. 300. 184. Cicero's philosophical works, p. 302. 185. Cicero as 
 a jurist, p. 314. 186. Cicero as an historian, p. 314. 187. Cicero's correspon- 
 dence, p. 316. 188. The extant collections of the same, p. 320. 189. Cicero as 
 a poet, p. 323. 190. Q. Cicero, p. 324. 191. M. Tullius Tiro, p. 326. 
 
 192. Poets of this period : Albucius, Egnatius, D. Laberius, M. Furius Bibaculus, 
 p. 327. 
 
 II. — Second half of the Ciceronian Age, a. 691/63-711/43. 
 
 193. The elder generation, p. 331. 194. C. Julius Caesar : his public life, p. 331. 
 195. Caesar's character and his writings, p. 332. 196. Caesar's extant commen- 
 tarii, p. 335. 197. Continuation of his commentarii by Hirtius, p. 338. 198. 
 Cornelius Nepos, p. 341. 199. Writers on augury, p. 347. 200. Valerius Cato, 
 Orbilius and other grammarians, p. 349. 201. M. Poreius Cato the Younger, 
 p. 352. 202. The orators M. Calidius, C. Memmius and others, p. 352. 203. 
 T. Lucretius Carus, p. 354. 
 
 204. The younger generation, p. 359. 205. C. Sallustius Crispus : his life and 
 writings, p. 361. 206. His literary characteristics, p. 366. 207. The jurists 
 Ofilius, Trebatius, A. Cascellius and others, p. 370. 208. Q. Tubero, Alfenus, 
 Varius, C. Matius, p. 372. 209. Other adherents of Caesar (esp. orators), viz. Q. 
 Cornificius, M. Antonius, L. Balbus : Caelius Rufus, Munatius Plancus and others, 
 p. 374. 210. Opponents of Caesar, orators and writers: M. and D. Brutus, C. 
 Cassius, Cassius Parmensis, Trebonius, Ampius etc., p. 378. 211. Scholars and 
 teachers : Ateius Philologus and others, p. 381. 212. Poets (non-political) : 
 Varro Atacinus, Publilius Syrus and others, p. 383. 213. Ticidas, Helvius Cinna 
 and Licinius Calvus, p. 387. 214. Catullus, p. 391. 215. Political literature 
 (occasional), p. 398. 216. Acta senatus: acta populi, p. 399. 217. Epistles, 
 p. 400. 
 
 218. Inscriptions of the years 670/84-711/43, p. 401. 
 
 B. The Augustan Age. 
 
 219. General characteristics and survey, p. 403. 
 
 I. The leading men.— 220. Augustus, Maecenas, Agrippa, p. 412. 221. Asinius 
 Pollio, p. 418. 222. M. Messalla, p. 421. 
 
 II. The Poets.— 223. L. Varius and Aemilius Macer, p. 423. 224. P. Vergilius 
 Maro : his life and circumstances, p. 425. 225. Vergil's character as a man and 
 as a poet, p. 427. 226. Vergil's poetry: the Bucolica, p. 430. 227. Vergil's 
 Georgica, p. 432. 228. Vergil's Aeneis, p. 434. 229. Lost works of Vergil, 
 p. 439. 230. The so-called minor poems of Vergil, p. 441. 231. Vergil's postu- 
 mous reputation : the earliest commentators, MSS. and editions, p. 446. 232. 
 Cornelius Gallus, p. 450. 233. Codrus : Bavius and Mevius : Anser, p. 452. 
 
CONTENTS OF VOL. I. xi 
 
 234. Q. Horatius Flaccus : his life and circumstances, p. 453. 235. His cha- 
 racter as a man and a writer, p. 457. 236. His Satires, p. 459. 237. His 
 Epodes, p. 461. 238. His Odes, p. 462. 239. His Epistles, p. 469. 240. 
 Scholia, MSS., editions, p. 471. 
 
 241. C. Valgius Ruf us, p. 477. 242. Other friends of Horace : Aristius Fuscus, 
 Ser. Sulpicius, Titius etc., p. 478. 243. Domitius Marsus, p. 479. 244. Pupius, 
 Melissus, Lynceus, p. 480. 245. Albius Tibullus, Sulpicia and Lydamus, p. 481. 
 246. Sex. Propertius, p. 486. 
 
 247. P. Ovidius Naso : his life and character, p. 492. 248. Ovid's amatory 
 poems, p. 496. 249. Ovid's Metamorphoses and Fasti, p. 500. 250. Ovid's 
 poems from exile, p. 504. 251. Apocryphal poems : literature, p. 506. 252. 
 Ovid's circle : Ponticus, Tuticanus, Macer the Younger, Sabinus, Cornelius Severus, 
 Albinovanus Pedo and other epic poets towards the end of the reign of Augustus, 
 p. 508. 
 
 253. Didactic poets : Grattius and Manilius, p. 512. 254. Elegiac and lyric 
 poets, grammarians, etc. : Bassus, Proculus, Alfius Flavus, Gracchus : Priapea 
 etc., p. 515. 
 
 III. Prose writers. — 255. The historians Octavius, Yolumnius, Bibulus, Dellius, 
 and the autobiographers : Cincius, p. 517. 256. T. Livius : his life and writings, 
 p. 518. 257. Characteristics of Livy and his history, p. 524. 258. Pompeius 
 Trogus, (Justinus), p. 531. 259. Fenestella, Arruntius and other historians of 
 the later Augustan period, p. 534. 260. The grammarian Sinnius Capito, p. 537. 
 261. M. Verrius Flaccus. (Festus. Paulus.) p. 537. 262. C. Julius Hyginus, 
 p. 541. 263. Other grammarians, scholars and antiquarians of the period, p. 546. 
 264. Vitruvius Pollio, p. 548. 265. The jurists of the period : Antistius Labeo, 
 Ateius Capito and others, p. 550. 266. Philosophy in the Augustan period : Q. 
 Sextius Niger, Papirius Fabianus and others, p. 553. 267. The orators of the 
 Augustan period : Q. Haterius, Messalinus and Cotta, Aeserninus, T. Labienus, 
 Cassius Severus and others, p. 558. 268. The rhetoricians: Porcius Latro, 
 Arellius Fuscus, Albucius Silus etc., p. 562. 269. Seneca the Elder, p. 567, 
 270. Butilius Lupus, p. 571. 
 
ABBREVIATIONS. 
 
 Ber. MBer. SBer. = Berichte, Monatsberichte, Sitzungsberichte (reports, monthly- 
 reports, sessional reports) of the philosophical and historical Faculties of the 
 Academies at Berlin, Munich, Vienna and of the sachs. Gesellschaft der Wissen- 
 schaften at Leipzig. BerlphWschr. = Berliner philologische Wochenschrift. 
 BlfdbayrG. = Blatter fur das "bayerische Gymnasialschulwesen. Herm. = 
 Hermes, Zeitschrift fur klassische Philologie. JB.=Jahresbericht uber die 
 Fortschritte der klass. Altertumswissensehaft. JJ.=Neue Jahrbueher f. Philol. 
 u^adagogik (the [old] Jahrbiicher f. Philol. u. Padag. are distinguished by the- 
 addition of the year). JJ. Arch. = Archiv fur Philologie (edited by JChrJahn 
 and others). JJ. Suppl. = Supplement bande zu den Jahrbb. f iir Philol. u. Padag. 
 (edited by AFleckeisen). NArchfadG.=!Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft fur 
 altere deutsche Geschichtskunde. Phil. = Philologus, Zeitschrift f iir das klas- 
 sische Altertum. PuhM. = Rheinisches Museum fiir Philologie, new series (the 
 fold] Bhein. Mus. is distinguished by the addition of the year)..' "Wsehrf klPh. = 
 Wochenschrift fur klassische Philologie. Zf AW. = Zeitschrift fiir die Alter - 
 tumswissenschaft. ZfGW. = [Berliner] Zeitschrift fiir das Gymnasialwesen. 
 
 ZfoG. = Zeitschr. fiir die osterreiehischen Gymnasien. ZfBG. = Zeitschrift fiir 
 Rechtsgesohichte, Zeitschrift d. Savigny-Stiftung ftir Rechtsgeschichte, Eoman- 
 istiche Abteilung. 
 
 AL.=Anthologia Latina, rec. ARiese, see § 31,4. Chatelain = EChatel ain, 
 paleographie des classiques Latins. OIL. = Corpus inscriptionum latinarum, see 
 § 40, 1. DIE. = Dialectorum italicarum exempla selecta ed. ESchneidek I, Lpz. 
 1886. AEbekt, LdMA. = his Allgem. Gesch. der Literatur des Mittelalters im 
 Abendlande. FPR. = Fragmenta poetarum Romanorum, coll. et em. EBahrens, 
 see § 19, 4. GL. = Grammatici latini ex recensione HKeilii, see § 41, 6. 
 MiGNE = his Cursus patrologiae (latinae) completus. Orelli (Ou.-HENZEN)=his 
 Collection of inscriptions, see § 40, 2. PLM. = Poetae latini minores, rec. et 
 emBuil. -EBThhssb, Lpz. 1879-83 V (the numbers are those of the volume and 
 page. Wernsdorf's PLM. distinguished by the addition of the name). PM.= 
 Priscae latinitatis monumenta, ed. Ritschl, see § 40, 1 1. 5. PRE.=Pauly's 
 Realencyclop&die der klass. Alterthumswissenschaft. Wh.m. = GWillmanns' 
 Collection of inscriptions, see § 40, 2. Wordsw. EL. = JWordsworth, Fragments 
 and specimens of early Latin, see § 61, 2. 
 
 Numbers to which § is prefixed refer to the Sections of the book. 
 
PART I: 
 
 GENERAL VIEW OF THE SUBJECT. 
 
 1. The Romans lacked the versatility, manysidedness and 
 imaginative power of the Greeks ; their eminent qualities are 
 sober and acute thought, and firmness and perseverance of will. 
 Their intellect was directed to the practical, and sometimes 
 degenerated into egotism and cunning, just as their perseverance 
 often turned into obstinacy and pedantry. In the domain of 
 state and law these qualities accomplished great and enduring 
 results, while they were decidedly unfavourable to art and 
 literature. 
 
 1. Cic. Tusc. 1, 2 quae tanta gravitas, quae tarda constantia, magnitudo animi, 
 probitas, fides, quae tarn excellem in ornni genere virtus in ullis fuit, ut sit cum 
 maioribus nostris comparanda t (3) doctrina Graecia nos et omni litterarum genere 
 superabat etc. De imp. Pomp. 60 maiores nostros semper in pace consuetudini, in 
 bello utilitati paruisse. Cf. Plin. NH. 25, 4. Tac. dial. 5 si ad utilitatem vitae 
 omnia consilia factaque nostra dirigenda sunt. Quintil. 12, 2, 7 ego ilium quern instituo 
 romanum quendam velim esse sapientem, qui non secretis disceptationibus, sed rerum 
 experimentis atque operibns vere civilem virum exhibeat. 
 
 2. Vabko BE. 1, 2, 2 vetus proverbium : Romanus sedendo vincit. Liv. 23, 14, 1 
 insita (Romanorum) animis industria. Liv. 42, 62 romana constantia, of. 30, 7 and 
 Polyb. 3, 75 extr. 27, 8 iSLov tovto Tdvr-g 7ra/>& "Pa/j.aiois (ffos kb.1 ira.rpi.bv Am, t6 Karh 
 piv T&.S t\a,TTii<reis aiBaSecrraTovs Kal papwarovs tpahetrdai, Kara Si Vas imrvxias us 
 p.tTpi.<iiT&Tovs. ib. 1, 39 6vtcs h iravrl 0iXcSt(|Uoi 8ia<p'ep6i'Tws. 
 
 3. Fkonto epist. p. 135 Nab. putem, quia reapse nemo est Somae tpiXiaropyos, ne 
 nomen quidem huic virtuti esse romanum. The romana simplicitas (e.g. in Martial. 
 11, 20, 10 and Symmach. epist. 7, 123 ; of. Hok. S. 1, 3, 52) is frequently much less 
 plainness than coarseness. Of the Eomana fides also (Liv. 5, 27, 11 ; cf. more 
 romano in Cic. ad fam. 7, 5, 3. 16, 3. 18, 3) the other nations formed a, peculiar 
 opinion. Liv. 9, 11, 7 semper aliquam fraudi speciem. iuris imponitis. Plut. 
 Crass. 31. 
 
 4. The younger Afrioanus ap. Mack. sat. 3, 14, 7 eunt in ludum histrionum, 
 discunt cantare, quae maiores nostri ingenuis probro ducier voluerunt. ib. 10 Cato, 
 
 E. L. 1 B 
 
2 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 cui . . . etiam cantare non serii hominis videtur. Sen. contr. 1, praef. 8 cantandi 
 saltandique obscena studia. Tac. dial. 10 in Graecia, ubi ludicras quoque artes exercere 
 honestum est. All occupations without immediate practical tendency are artes 
 leviores (Cic. Brut. 3) and mediocres (Cic. de or. 1, 6), studia leviora (Cic. de or. 1, 
 212. Cat. 50) and minora (Cic. Brut. 70). It is only when the practical occupations 
 are no longer possible that the others also become optimae artes (Cic. fam. 7, 3, 4). 
 
 2. As long as the peculiar character of the Eoman nation 
 remained unaltered, literary occupation was thought admissible 
 only so far as it was of practical value. It is true that the 
 importance of eloquence as a means of political influence, the 
 value of information in regard to events that had taken place, 
 and the importance of jurisprudence were recognised at an 
 early time ; but the oldest historians shrank from the difficulty 
 of moulding their still unschooled native tongue into a literary 
 language, and wrote in Greek. All other fields of knowledge 
 were all the more neglected ; poetry was tolerated only for the 
 purposes of worship, and during a long time limited to a single 
 species. The earliest poets were foreigners, little respected in 
 their inferior position, and thus doubly hindered in their in- 
 fluence. Only in the course of the 6th century u.c. the 
 increased acquaintance with Greek life and literature produced 
 new ideas, interests, and requirements. 
 
 1. Ore. Plane. 66 M. Catonis Mud . . . darorum hominum atque magnorum 
 non minus otii quam negotii rationem exstare oportere. The same Cato ap. Gell. 
 11, 2, 5 says in praise of ancient Rome : poeticae artis honos non erat. Festus 333 
 scribas propria nomine antiqui et librarios et poetas vocabant. The literary activity 
 of the elder Cato sufficiently shows what branches of literature were held 
 admissible. He feared ws biroflakovai 'Pw/icuoi toi irpdy/ji.a.Ta ypanixdruv &WtivikGiv 
 d.va.Trfoti(T8ivTes (Pltjt. Cato mai. 23). Cic. Tusc. 1, 1-6 gives a sketch of the part 
 taken by the Romans in literature. 
 
 2. MHertz, Schriftsteller u. Publikum in Rom, Berl. 1853. LFkiedlander, 
 Sittengesch. Roms 3 5 , 329. — Concerning the Roman book-trade, which took a 
 considerable start only in the time of Cicero, and flourished specially during 
 the first centuries of the Empire, see ThBikt, antikes Buchwesen 357. LHanny, 
 Schriftsteller u. Buchhandler in Rom, Zurich 1884. Cf. § 172, 1. 219, 21. 
 
 3. A significant result of the conservative and practical tendency of thai; 
 part of the literature which may be called typically Roman is found in the 
 great number and importance of the works intended to form introductions to 
 the various departments of public life. In this isagogic literature the works 
 of the elder Cato and many of those of Varro are specially prominent. But 
 Q. Cicero's treatise de petitione consulatus and Prontinus de aquis also belong 
 to tins class. LMekcklin, d. isagogischen Schriften d. R5m., Philol. 4, 413. 
 OJahn, on Roman encyclopaedias, Ber. d. saehs. Ges. d. "VV. 1850, 263. 
 
 4. General works on the history of Roman literature: IAPabricics, Biblio- 
 theca Latina, Hamb. 1697 (best edited by IAEknesti, Lps. 1773. 74 III) ; bibl. 
 
§ 2, 3. LITERARY TASTE OF THE ROMANS : DRAMA. '6 
 
 Lat. mediae et infimae aetatis, Hamb. 1734-46 VI (last ed. Flor. 1858 VI). IN 
 Funccius, de origine et pueritia, de adolescentia, de virili aetate, de imminente 
 senectute, de vegeta senectute, de inerti ac decrepita senectute linguae Lat., Giessen 
 etc. 1720 sqq. VI.— GBernhardy, Grundriss d. rOm. Literatur, Halle 5 1872. JCh 
 FBahr, Gesch. d. rOm. Literatur, Carlsruhe 4 1868-70 III ; with 3 suppl. I : die 
 christl. Dichter u. Gesohichtschreiber, Carlsr. 2 1872; II: d. Theologie u.d. 
 Rechtsquellen, Carlsr. 1887 ; III : d. rom. Lit. im karoling. Zeitalter, Carlsr. 1840. 
 Cf. § 345, 1. For the literature of the Republic see also the sections relating 
 thereto in ThMommsen's r5m. Geschichte.— EHubner, Grundriss zu Vorless. ub. 
 d. rom. Lit.-Gesch. Berl. 4 1878.— EMunk-OSeyffert, Gesch. d. rom. Lit. fur Gymn. 
 usw., Berlin 1875. 77 II— GASimcox, History of Latin Literature from Ennius to 
 Boethius, London, 1883 II. 
 
 3. Of the various kinds of poetry, dramatic poetry seems 
 after all to be most in conformity with the character of the 
 Roman people. Like all Italians, the Romans possessed a quick 
 eye for all peculiarities of outward appearance, the talent of 
 close observation, lively imitation and quick repartee. Hence 
 it comes that improvisation and songs of a jocular and abusive 
 character, poetical dialogues and amoebaean ditties are found 
 in Italy at a very remote date. 
 
 1. Histories of Latin poetry: ORibbeck, Gesch. der rOm. Dichtung I 
 Dichtung der Bepublik, Stuttg. 1887. MPatin, etudes sur la poesie lat. 
 Par. 2 1875. II. WYSellar, the Roman poets of the Republic, 2 Lond. 1881. 
 
 2. Specimens of italum acetum (Hor. S. 1, 7, 32 ; cf. maledica civitas, Cic. Cael. 
 38 ; Somanorum facetiae, Trebell. Gallien. 9) are furnished by the numerous 
 surnames which were originally nicknames taken from corporal peculiarities ; see 
 Quint. 1, 4, 25. EHubner in IwMiiller's Handb. d. Altertumswiss. 1, 515. This 
 quality was further developed by the political and legal quarrels of subsequent 
 times. Cf. Cic. de or. 2, 216. Quint. 6, 3, 1. 
 
 3. The occentation.es were prohibited in the XII tables on punishment of 
 flogging. — Plaut. Aul. 3, 2, 31 te iam . . . pipulo hie differam ante aedes. — For 
 the satirical songs on the triumphator, see § 84. — The custom is described by Suet. 
 Vesp. 19 in f uner e Favor archimimus personam eius (i.e. Vespasian^/erens imitansque, 
 ut est mos, facta ac dicta vivi. — The amoebaean form prevails in the songs of the 
 fratres arvales, the Fescennine songs, the songs used in the triumphs, songs of 
 beggars (Schol. Hor. E. 1, 17, 48), shepherds' songs ( Verg. eel. 3, 59 ; as at the present 
 day : cf. AHolm, Gesch. Sicil. 2, 306). A certain liking for dialogue long prevails 
 in Roman literature, e.g. in the instance of the jurist Junius Brutus (§ 132, 2), 
 and C. Curio (§ 153, 6). Its popularity appears e.g. from the inscription of 
 Aesemia (colloquy between a hostess and guest), CIL 9, 2689. 
 
 4. On festive occasions merry performances of this kind took 
 place even in public to the accompaniment of a tibia and with 
 dancing. The actors were disguised, in accordance with the 
 fondness of Southern nations for mummery, their faces being 
 painted or masked. There was only a small step from the 
 
4 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 farcical representation of an actual event to exhibiting a fictitious 
 action, in which the plot was invented and set down, but the 
 detail of the execution left to the performers. Popular per- 
 formances of this kind were the Fescennine songs, the Saturae, 
 the Mimi, and later on the Atellanae. 
 
 1. Vekg. G. 2, 385 Ausonii . . . coloni versibus incomptis ludunt risuque 
 soluto oraque corticibus sumunt horrenda cavatis,. etc. (Tibull. 2, 1, 55 agricola 
 . . . minio mffusus . . . rubenti primus inexperta duxit ab arte choros of a 
 Greek character.) Cf. Momm&en, EG. I 6 , 222. 
 
 5. The name of the Fescenninae is derived from the Faliscan 
 town of Fescennium in the South of Etruria, though they belong 
 in general to central Italy. They made part of rustic merry- 
 makings, being performed on occasions of rejoicing, the perfor- 
 mers indulging in mutual abuse and coarse jokes etc. Though 
 this custom was originally also practised on rustic festivals (e.g. 
 at harvest-time, and the festivals of Tellus and Silvanus), it was 
 gradually confined to narrower limits and restricted to weddings. 
 When, after the downfall of the Republic, the Fescenninae were 
 drawn into the domain of artistic poetry, they retained their 
 scoptic character and continued to be used at weddings. 
 
 1. KZell, Ferienschrr. 2, 121. OMullee, Etrusker 2 2 , 296. BKlotz, lat. Lit.- 
 Gesch. 1, 292. "WCorssen, Origines poes. 124. AThBroman, de versibus fesc, 
 Upsala 1852. ARossbach, rOm. Ehe (1853) 340. — Festus in Paul. 85 Fescennini 
 versus, qui canebantur in nuptiis, ex urbe Fescennina dicuntur allati, sive ideo dicti 
 quia fascinum putabantur arcere. The immediate connection of the name with the 
 name of the town should not he denied, witness the grammatical formation of the 
 word and the analogy of the Atellanae. Cf. acies Fescennina Verg. Aen. 7, 695 
 and from the neighbourhood of Fescennium e.g. Arretium -tini, Clusium -sini, Crus- 
 tumium -mini, Sutrium -trini. The derivation from fascinum (which reappears in 
 Ribbeck, Gesch. d. rOm. Dicht. 1, 9) is upset by the linguistic difficulties. 
 
 2. Hok. E. 2, 1, 139 agricolae prisci . . . condita post frumenta levantes 
 tempore festo corpus et ipsum animum . . . Tellurem porco, Silvanum lacte 
 piabant, floribus et vino Qenium . . . (lib) Fescennina per hunc inventa licentia 
 morem versibus alternis (cf. Sen. Med. 108) opprobria rustica fudit, libertasque 
 recurrentes accepta per annos lusit amabiliter, donee iam saevus apertam in rabiem 
 coepit verh iocus etc. Liv. 7, 2, 7 more . . . fescennino versu similem incom- 
 positum temere ac rudem alternis iaciebant. Lucan. 2, 368 non soliti lusere sales nee 
 more sabino excepit tristis convicia festa maritus. Mace. sat. 3, 14, 9 M. Cato senat- 
 orem non icjnobilem Caecilium . . . Fescenninum vocat, probably on account of 
 his habit of ridicularia fundere, iocos dicere (ib.) Cf . Eest. 344 v. spatiator. 
 
 3. Catull. 61, 122 ne diu taceat (at a wedding) procax fescennina locutio. Sen. 
 Med. 107 concesso iuvenes ludite iurgio. hinc illinc iuvenes mittite carmina. rara est in 
 dominos iusta licentia. ib. 113 festa dicax fundat convicia fescenninus, solvat turba 
 
§ 4-6. POPULAR DIVERSIONS : FESCENNINAE : SATURAE. 5 
 
 iocos. Sen. contr. 7, 21, 12 inter nuptiales fescenninos (so Plin. NH. 15, 86 ; of. Sekv. 
 Aen. 7, 695 Fescennium oppidum est, ubi nuptialia inventa sunt carmina) in crucem 
 generi nostri iocabantnr. Auson. opuso. 28 (cento nupt.) p. 145 Sch. fescenninos 
 amat celebritas nuptialis verborumque petulantiam notus vetere instituto ludus admittit. 
 Symmach. or. pro patre 13, p. 835 S. Claudian. Fescenn. 4, 29 ducant pervigiles 
 carmina tibiae permissisque iocis turba licentior exsultet tetricis libera legibus. Apoll. 
 Sid. ep. 1, 5 in fin. (of Bicimer's wedding) cum per omnia theatra. . . . Talasio 
 fescenninus expliearetur. Dkacont. 6, 71. 8, 644. 10, 288. 
 
 4. Catullus' first epithalamium (61) is an imitation (v. 122 sqq.) of the national 
 custom. For the Fescenninae of Annianus the Faliscan see § 353, 3. Of Claudianus 
 we possess de nuptiis Honorii Aug. et Mariae fescennina (4 poems in different 
 metres). On the other hand see Macb. sat. 2. 4, 21, temporibus triumviralibus 
 Pollio, cum fescenninos (satirical poems) in eum Augustus scripsisset, ait : at ego 
 taceo. non est enim facile in eum scribere qui potest proscribere. 
 
 5. The original metre of the Fescenninae, as far as they may have been at all 
 metrical, was no doubt the Saturnian line. The Fescenninae never made their 
 way to the stage. The passage in Diomed. GL. 1. 479, 13, where Fescenninus 
 appears to be mentioned as another name for the creticus ( - ^ - ) is corrupt. 
 
 6. In the Saturae the dramatic element seems to have 
 prevailed from the beginning. Most likely they were merry 
 performances of the country clowns of Latium, separate songs 
 or comic stories, recited with gesticulation and dancing to the 
 accompaniment of a tibia, more varied in their occasions and 
 subjects than the Fescenninae. They belonged to the popular 
 festivities, and when in the year 390/364 a public stage was 
 erected at Rome, they were also enacted on it by wandering 
 mountebanks. Later on, when regular dramas in the Greek 
 fashion were established among the public entertainments, they 
 were joined to them and thus gradually came to be looked upon 
 as farces or after-plays (exodia), though this place was after- 
 wards occupied by the Atellanae. 
 
 1. "With regard to the saturae all is obscure and uncertain. Something may 
 be gathered from the expression saturas agere (Liv. 7. 2, 7 impletas modis saturas 
 descripto iam ad tibicinem cantu motuque congruenti peragebant), the adaptation to 
 the stage and transition to the sense of exodia ; see Liv. 7. 2, 11 iuventus histrionibus 
 fabellarum actu relicto ipsa inter se more antiquo ridicula intexta versions iactitare 
 coepit ; quae exodia postea appellata . . . sunt. 
 
 2. Derivation of the name. Diomed. GL. 1, 485 satira dicta sive a Satyris, quod 
 similiter in hoc carmine ridiculae res pudendaeque dicuntur, quae velut a Satyris 
 proferuntur et fiunt ; sive satura a lance, quae referta variis multisque primitiis in 
 sacro apud priscos dis inferebatur et a copia ac saturitate rei satura vocabatur . . . ; 
 sive a quodam genere farciminis, quod multis rebus refertum saturam dicit Varro 
 vocitatum . . • alii autem dictam putant u lege satura, quae uno rogatu multa simul 
 conprehendat, quod scilicet et satura carmine multa simul poemata conprehenduntur. 
 Most probably the term passed from a ritualistic use (lanx satura) to the legisla- 
 tive sphere (imperium per saturam dare, aliquid in [per] saturam ferre, aedilem per 
 
6 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 saturam facere, sententias per saturam exquirere) and was transferred thence to the 
 literary sphere. With satura (from satur) a substantive has to be supplied in every 
 case (lanx, lex), fabula of course with the literary satura. Cf . also the Ital. farsa, 
 prop, stuffing, mixture. — For attempts to connect satura with the Greek "Sarvpoc 
 see Diomedes 1.1., Mommsen KG l 6 , 28. 222. 457, recently OKeller, Phil. 45, 390 
 and Eibbeck, rOm. Dicht. 1, 9. The last-named supposes the sense of ' the well- 
 filled ' to have been derived, but at a very early time, from satura 'the goat-play ' 
 of the saturi ' goats,' because the latter were filled with meat and drink : this is 
 improbable, regard being had to the antiquity, meaning and use of the words satur 
 (found even in the chant of the Arvales), saturare, saturitas, saturio ; satis, satietas, 
 satias etc. See also § 28.— Satura as a designation of comedies by Naevius (see 
 however § 95, 7), Quinctius Atta, Pomponius. 
 
 3. The principal reference for the development of the drama among the 
 Bomans: Liv. 7, 2 (evidently full of arbitrary conclusions, see OJahn, Herm. 
 2, 224.) — A wooden stage (scena, trmiv/j) was erected in the Circus for performances 
 for the amusement of the people (by Etruscan dancers to the flute, etc.) in the year 
 390/364. This new arrangement was no doubt connected with the remodelling and 
 prolongation of the chief Soman festival (the Ludi Somani), which had been 
 carried out shortly before (388/366) ; Mommsen EG. I 6 , 457. Fest. 326 scenicos (ludos) 
 primum fecisse C. (AH-f) Hum, M. Popilium M. f. (cos. 395/359) (cumles) aediles 
 •memoriae (prodiderunty historici. A starting-point was thus given for a regular 
 theatre, such as was commenced by Andronicus 120 years later. After the intro- 
 duction of a regular book for the play, adopted from the Greek, the old songs to 
 a tibia may have still been used for filling up the intervals, while the farcical 
 performances, in like manner as the Greek Satyr-drama, were added after the 
 serious performances which were in accordance with the rules of art. 
 
 4. Exodium denotes the conclusion of a performance (compare Varro in 
 Nonius 27 Socrates . . . in exodio vitae ; vitae cursum . . . ab origins ad exodium 
 adductae ; ut ad exodium ducas), especially a merry farce acted after a serious play ; 
 cf. Plut. Crass. 33 eh tou>Dt6 tfiaaiv itpbiov r'tpi ~K.pa.aaov arptu-qylav, &<rirep rpaygdlav, 
 rcXeVTTJaat. Cf. Pelopid. 34 rrji/ Ta<j>ty, olov rpa.yipSias fi€ya.\7]$, t5js TvpawlBos O-ddtov 
 BearpiKhv yaiopivt\v. Schol. Iuv. 3, 175 exodiarius apud veteres in fine ludorum 
 intrabat, qui ridiculus foret, ut quidquid lacrimarum atque tristitiae, quae exissent 
 ex tragicis affectibus, huius spectaculi risus detergeret. exodiarius Amm. Marc. 28, 4, 33. 
 In an inscription, CLL. 6, 1064 Wilm. 1501 a : Asinius Ingenuus exodiarius. See also 
 Wilm. 574. After the disappearance of the old saturae, the AteUanae and mimi 
 (§ 7 i 4) were especially used for this purpose ; hence Atellanicum exodium (Suet. 
 Tib. 45), exodium AteUanae (Iuv. 6, 71) and Ltd. de mag. 1, 40 'AreWdvri ttrrlv y rfix 
 \eyop.ii>wv i&Siapluv. Erroneously Livy 7, 2, 11 quae exodia postea appellata con- 
 sertaque fabellis potissimum Atellanis sunt. 
 
 7. The mimus came from Magna G-raecia; as a farcical 
 representation on the stage of persons and actions, it is in all 
 probability at Eome of about the same age as the stage itself. 
 Originally these mimi may have been acted on the stage by 
 themselves (as they were still later at the Floralia), but when 
 performances of a serious nature had gained the ascendency, they 
 were employed as after-plays, though for a long time they were 
 less popular than the newly accepted Atellanic farces ; until in 
 
§ 6, 7. SATURAE : THE MIMUS. 7 
 
 Cicero's time the mimus also obtained a place in literature and 
 then maintained itself on the stage all the longer, at first as an 
 after-play, but also in the Imperial period by itself. 
 
 1. Diomed. GL. 1, 491 mimus est sermonis cuiuslibet motus [sermonem movere, like 
 locum movere in Sall. Cat. 95) sine reverentia, vel factorum et (etiam) turpium cum 
 lascivia imitatio ; a Graecis ita definitus : lu^k i<m /u,//«;<ns /3(ou ret re trvyKexupy^va 
 koX <&<rvyxt<>pvTa. irepUxuv. In the same manner Euanthius p. 7 Reiffersch. states 
 that the rnimi were named so ab diuturna imitatione vilium rerum et levium person- 
 arum, and Isid. orig. 18, 49 mimi sunt dicti graeca appellations quod rerum humanarum 
 (rather humilium, see Dohat. note 3 below, and Teuffel JJ. 113, 880) sint 
 imitationes. CIG-eysae, der romische Mimus, Wien 1854 ( = SBer. der Wiener 
 Akad. 12, 237). LFriedlander in JMarquardt's rom. Staatsverwaltung 3 2 , 549 and 
 in his Sittengesch. 2 5 , 392. 
 
 2. As long as the mimus was not fixed in writing, not being strictly separated 
 from the mountebank representations in every-day life, it was left unnoticed. The 
 traces of its existence in the time before Sulla have been collected by MHektz, 
 JJ. 93, 581. The oldest trace occurs in Festus 326, -where the writer, after men- 
 tioning the erection of a stage and the introduction of performances (ludi scenici, 
 saltationes) on it, thus proceeds : solebant (his prodire mimJCy in orchestra, dum 
 (in scena actus fa~ybulae componeren(tur, cum gestibus oVyscaenis. Then follows a 
 mention of ludi (ApoUinares) O. Sulpicio 0. Fulvio cos. (rather P. Sulp. Cn. Fulvio 
 = 543/211), at which ap*peared a libertinus mimus magno natu qui ad tibicinem 
 saltaret, and of the deviating opinion of Sinnius Capito, who placed the event 
 Claudio et Fulvio cos. (542/212). In the 7th century u.c. are mentioned ex- 
 cesses of the mimi by nominatim compellare in scena (Coenif. ad Her. 1, 14, 24. 
 
 2. 13, 19), and in the year 639/115 Cassiodorus states that the censors artem 
 ludicram ex urbe removerunt. To the same period belongs the mimus vetus oppido 
 ridiculus called Tutor in Cic. de or. 2, 259 (the time a. 663/91), and the suavis mimus 
 Protogenes ' Plourima que(i) fecit populo soueis gaudia nuge(i)s ' (CIL., 1, 1297. 9, 4463.) 
 — Mimes were performed especially at the Floralia (first celebrated 516/238, regularly 
 from 581/173) on a stage erected expressly for this purpose in front of the temple of 
 Flora (Aug. civ. d. 2, 26. Merkel on Ov. Fasti, p. clxiii); the final effect: exuuntur 
 vestibus populo flagitante meretrices quae tunc mimarum funguntur officio (Lact. inst. 
 1, 20, 6). Val. Max. 2, 10, 8 notices the nudatio mimarum on the stage as a priscus 
 mos iocorum. 
 
 3. Diomed. GL. 1, 490 quarta species (fabularum latinarum) est planipedis, qui 
 graece dicitur /li/ios. ideo autem latine planipes dictus quod adores pedibus planis, i.e. 
 nudis, proscenium introirent, non ut tragici adores cum cothurnis neque ut comici 
 cum soccis . . . cuius planipedis Atta . . ita . . meminit : ' daturin estis aurum ? 
 exsultat planipes.' 1 Festus 277 mimi planipedes. Auson. epist. 11 de mimo plani- 
 pedem. Iuv. 8, 191 planipedes audit (populus) Fabios (cf. Suet. Ner. 4. Tac. hist. 
 
 3, 62). Donat. de com. p. 9 Eeiffersch. : planipedia dicta ob humilitatem argumenti 
 eius ac vilitatem actorum, qui non cothurno aut socco nituntur in scaena aut pulpito sed 
 piano pede. Gell. 1, 11, 12 si ut planipedi saltanti . . . numeros et modos . . . 
 tibicen incineret. Mace. sat. 2, 1, 9 planipedis et fabulonis (sannionis ?) impudica 
 . . . verba iacientis. Cf. also Sen. ep. 8, 8 excalceati in contrast to cothurnati (see 
 also the passage of Seneca just below). According to this the popular planipes 
 designates the actor of the mimus in opposition to those of the higher drama. 
 mimus signifies, like iuy.os, the actor as well as the farce itself. — The mimus as an 
 after-play was given on the front part of the stage divided from the back by a 
 
8 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 drop-scene (siparium.) Donat. de com. p. 12 ReifFersch. mimicum velum quod 
 populo obsistit, dum falmlarum actus commutantur (see above, n. 2, 1. 7). Sen. tranq. 
 11, 8 Publilius (§ 212, 3) . . . inter multa alia cothurno, non tantum sipario, fortiora 
 et hoc ait. Iuv. 8, 105 vocem . . . locasti sipario, clamosum ageres ut Phasma 
 Catulli, 
 
 4. Cic. f am. 9, 16, 7 secundum Oenomaum Accii non, ut dim solebat, Atellanam, sed, 
 ut nunc fit, minium introduxisti. Cf. § 6, 4 § 10, 1. The dying Augustus, however, 
 in his question (Suet. Aug. 99) ecquid amieis videretur mimum vitae commode trans- 
 egisse did not use the word mimus of the ' after-play ' of life, as OHikschfeld, 
 Wiener Stud. 5, 116 assumes ; he compared life, in Stoical fashion, to a stage-play ; 
 cf. Sen. epist. 80, 7 hie humanae vitae mimus, qui nobis partes quas male agamus 
 adsignat ; UvWilamowitz, Herm. 21, 626.— The phrase scenicum exodium in Suet. 
 Dom. 10 (cf. § 324, 5) also no doubt means a mimus. 
 
 8. At the end of the Republic the mimus, or farce, was intro- 
 duced into literature by D. Laberius, Publilius Syrus and perhaps 
 L. Valerius. At the same time its form was assimilated to that 
 of the other species of drama, and the scope of its materials was 
 enlarged, so that it gradually absorbed all the earlier kinds of 
 comedy, the Attic-Roman palliata, the togata with its domestic 
 and Roman subject-matter, the Atellanae with their roughness 
 and indelicacy. Under the Empire, when the higher branches 
 of the drama barely maintained their position with the old stock 
 pieces, the mimus independently performed and the pantomimus 
 acted in dumb-show were in the ascendant ; new mimi continued 
 to be composed in response to the daily demand till the latest 
 period of the Empire, although the higher literature, as in the 
 case of our modern farces etc., took no particular notice of them. 
 As writers of mimi are mentioned a certain Catullus and Lentu- 
 lus, also Atticus, Helvidius, Vergilius Romanus, Hostilius, Marul- 
 lus, Aemilius Severianus and Aesopus. 
 
 1. On the mimiambi of Cn. Matius § 150, 2 ; on the aa-nipiKal KtafiipBlcu supposed 
 to have been written by Sulla rf Tarpltp ipwvrj see § 157, 3. On Philistion § 254, 6 
 and L. Crassicius § 263, 2. On Lucilius § 307, 2.— The fragments of the mimi 
 belonging to the Empire in Eibbeck com. 2 p. 392. 
 
 2. Cic. de or. 2, 242 mimorum est ethologorum, si nimia est imitatio (caricatures), 
 sicut obscenitas. Cf . ib. 239. orat. 88 ridiculo sic usurum oratorem ut , . nee sub- 
 obsceno (utatur), ne mimicum (sit). Ovid, trist. 2, 497 (obscena iocantes) and 515 
 (imitantes turpia). Quintil. 6, 1, 47. Cf. n. 5.— The principal purpose was to pro- 
 voke laughter : Hon. S. 1, 10, 6 ; Apulei. nor. 1, 5 si mimus est riseris, . . si 
 comoedia est faveris. Cassiod. Var. IV. fin. ; mimus, qui nunc tantummodo derisui 
 habetur. This was also done by means of making faces (Quintil. 6, 3, 29), imitat- 
 ing the noises of animals, etc. Performance by a trained dog, Plut. de sollert. 
 animal. 10 (mor. p. 973 ad fin.). 
 
 3. Plan and general scheme. Cic. Phil. 2, 65 persona de mimo, modo egens, repente 
 dives. Cael. 65 mimi est iam exitus, non fabulae : in quo cum clausula non invenitur 
 
§ 8. THE MIMUS, END OF THE REPUBLIC AND IN IMP. PERIOD. 9 
 
 fugit aliquis ex manibus, deinde scabilla concrepant, aulaeum tollitur. Later on, 
 greater accuracy was used. Quint. 4, 2, 53 est quidam et ductus rei credibilis, qualis 
 in comoediis etiam et in mimis. Plut. de sollert. anim. 19 (of the time of Ves- 
 pasian) id/ufi jrXo/cjjc %x ovn Spa/j.a.TLK7)v kb.1 irohmpbaunrov. — Specimens of dialogue in 
 Cic. de or. 2, 274, e.g.: quid est tibi Ista mulier? ' Uxor.' 1 Similis, me diusfidius. — 
 Laberius' prologue in Macr. sat. 2, 7, 2. Cf. Isid. orig. 18, 49 habebant (mimi) mum. 
 actorem qui antequam mimum ageret fabulam pronuntiaret. On the cantica, see 
 below n. 11. 
 
 4. Being a scurrilous representation of low life, the mimus is to a certain extent 
 like the togata and both have many titles in common, e.g. Aquae caldae, Augur, 
 Compitalia, Fullo, Virgo, the latter two occurring also among the artistic Atel- 
 lanae, with which the mimus shares also the titles Gemini, Hetaera, Nuptiae, 
 Piscator. The principal difference may be found in the prevalence of the mimic 
 element in the mimus (n. 2), and the existence of the oscae personae in the Atel- 
 lanae. With the palliata the mimus shares the titles Colax, Hetaera, and Phasma, 
 and besides we find the following originally G-reek titles of mimi : Alexandrea, 
 Belonistria, Cacomnemon, Cophinus, JEphebus, Necyomantia, and Scylax. 
 
 5. The plots were in general of an obscene character (n. 2), esp. seductions, 
 scenes of adultery, cheating of husbands or fathers or persons easily imposed upon. 
 Cf. Cic. Rab. Post. 35 illinc omnes praestigiae, . . . omnes fallaciae, omnia denique 
 ab iis mimorum argumenta nata sunt. Ovid, trist. 2. 497. Iuv. 6, 44. 8, 197. 
 Capitol. M. Anton. 29, 2. Lamprid. Heliog. 25, 4 (mimica adulteria). Donat. on 
 Aen. 5. 64 mimi solis inhonestis et adulteris placent. Lactant. inst. 6. 20 (mimi) docent 
 adulteria dum fingunt. Minuc. Pel. Oct. 37, 12 in scenicis (ludis) . . turpitudo 
 prolixior, nunc enim mimus vel exponit adulteria vel monstrat, nunc enervis histrio 
 amorem dum fingit infigit. With the same tendency mythological subjects were 
 selected and treated, and this most frequently under the Emperors (by Laberius : 
 Lacus Avernus, Necyomantia). Arnob. adv. gent. 4, 35 etiam mimis et scurrilibus 
 ludicris sanctissimorum personae interponuntur deorum, et ut spectatoribus vacuis risus 
 possit atque hilaritas excitari, iocularibus feriuntur cavillationibus numina. Cf. 7, 33. 
 Tertull. apolog. 15 (here are mentioned as mimi Anubis moechus, Luna mascula, 
 Diana flagellata, Iovis mortui testamentum recitatum, tres IJercules f amelici ; cf . 
 § 363, 7). Similar subjects are Kinyras and Myrrha (Ioseph. ant. 19, 1, 13), Paris 
 and Oenone (Suet. Dom. 10), Priapus (Augustin. civ. dei 6, 7). In this way, the 
 mimi were both a symptom and an important vehicle of the most horrible im- 
 morality. 
 
 6. This scurrility and corruption are seemingly contrasted (Sen. ep. 8, 8) by the 
 wise and moral sayings with which especially Syrus' mimi abounded, perhaps 
 owing to the influence of Greek comedy (comp. Plaut. Bud. 4, 7, 23). But this 
 combination of scurrility and wisdom is quite in keeping with the popular 
 character (see WHertzberg on Juvenal 15, 16), and in the Imperial period the 
 second feature may have been less conspicuous. On the other hand, personal 
 allusions, which had been made in the mimi even before (Cornificius above § 7, 2. 
 Laberius v. 7), were then sometimes indulged in by the mimi against the very 
 highest persons. Capit. M. Ant. 8, 1 (cf. § 363, 7), ib. 29, 1. Maximin. 9, 3 sqq. 
 Lamprid. Comm. 3, 4. Cf. Vopisc. Aurel. 42, 5. Minuc. Pel. Oct. 34, 7 non philosophi 
 studio, sed mimi convicio (cf. Cic. Mur. 13) digna ista sententia est. 
 
 7. The mimi were performed by one principal actor (cf. Macr. sat. 2, 7, 7 below 
 § 212, 3), who was at the same time the director of the troupe of mimi (archimimus). 
 Such are often mentioned : e.g. ipxi/Jufios 2<%h£, the friend of Sulla (Plut. Bull. 36). 
 
10 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 Others: Suet. Vesp. 19. Iuv. 8, 187. Mar. Max. in Schol. Iuv. 4, 53. Porph. .on 
 Hor. S. 2, 6, 72. Augustin. civ. d. 6, 10. Vict. Vit. de perseo. Vand. 1, 47. CIL. 3, 
 6113 (cf. Herm. 17, 495). 6, 1063. 1064. 4649. Or. 2625 = Wilm. 2624; of. below 
 n. 9 and above § 7, 2. On the archimimae'n. 8. Besides this first actor were also 
 actores secundarum (Suet. Cal. 37), inferior to the first (Hor. E. 1, 18, 13. S. 1, 9, 46), 
 who imitated him throughout (Suet, 1.1.) and received blows from him (Iuv. 5, 
 171. 8, 192. Martial. 2, 79, 3. 5, 61, 11. Arnob. adv. g. 7, 33). Sorix, named above 
 as archimimus, appears also in secondary parts CIL. 10, 814 (C. Norbani Soricis 
 secundarum etc.). Among these we find in a, prominent place the customary part 
 of the stupidus (Or. 2645. Wilm. 2635 Aurdius Eutyclies, stupidus gregis urbani, cf . 
 Or. 2608 and below n. 9. Iuv. 8, 197. Capitol. M. Ant. 29, 2), who appeared capite 
 raso (Heinrich on Iuv. 5, 171. Non. Marc. 6 calvitur=frustratur, tractum a calvis 
 mimis, quod sint omnibus frustratui. Arnob. 1.1. delectantur dii stupidorum capitibus 
 rasis, salpittarum sonitu ac plausu, factis et dictis turpibus, faseinorum ingentium 
 rubore, cf. Schol. Iuv. 6, 66 penem ut habent in mimo. Festus 326 s. v. salva res 
 (erroneously bringing in the palliata) : secundarum partium fuit, qui fere omnibus 
 mimis parasitus inducitur. — CIL. 6, 10104 P. Cornelius P. I. Esq. Nig. tertiarum. 
 Qu. in place here ? 
 
 8. Peculiar to the mimus, and a principal source of dissoluteness, was the 
 representation of female parts by women. Cf. § 7, 2. Ammian. 23, 5, 3 cum 
 Antiochiae . . . scenicis ludis mimus cum uxore immissus e medio sumpta quaedam 
 imitaretur. Many mimae attained a kind of celebrity, e.g. Arbuscula, Dionysia, 
 Cytheris, Origo, Quintilia, Thymele (in Juv. and Martial), Basilla (CIG. 3, p. 
 1023) ; Claudia Hermione, archimima, CIL. 6, 10106 Or. 4760 ; Fabia M. et C. lib. 
 Arete archimima CIL. 6, 10107. Sociarum mimarum CIL. 6, 10109. 
 
 9. In the Imperial period we find no longer the number of performers re- 
 stricted to certain limits, but an attempt is made to cast the parts systematically. 
 Cf . Petron. 80 grex agit in scena mimum, pater Me vocatur, filius hie, nomen divitis 
 (cf . Sen. ep. 114, 6 in mimo divites fugitim) itte tenet. Plut. de sol. an. 19 nl/*tp it\okt]v 
 ?Xoiti . . . irdkvTpoawirmi. Thus the Laureolus (§ 285, 1) must have required 
 a large company. Seven scenici, amongst them besides archimimi and stupidi (i.e. 
 stupidi Graeci and ordinary stupidi) a pec(uniosus) and a mul{ier), are mentioned 
 in two inscriptions of the beginning of the 3rd cent. CIL. 6, 1063-1064 = "Wilm. 1501 
 a and b, cf . Mommsen, Herm. 5, 303. 
 
 10. The costume of the mimi was a many-coloured harlequin's jacket, centun- 
 culus (Apulei. apol. 13) ; without calcei (excalceati, Sen. ep. 8, 8), whence the name 
 planipedes, § 7, 3. In keeping with their character the mimae were gaily dressed 
 leaving the person almost nude ; peculiar to them seems to have been the recinium 
 or ricinium. Festus 274 recinium . . . esse dixerunt vir(ilisy toga(e simile 
 vestimentum quo) mulieres utebantur, praetextum clavo purpureo, unde reciniati mimi 
 planipedes. Cf. Varro LL. 5, 132. Non. 542 ricinium . . . pallidum femineum 
 breve. Serv. Aen. 1, 282 togas etiam feminas habuisse cycladum et recini urns ostendit. 
 recinus autem dicitur ab eo quod post tergum reicitur. Masks were necessarily ex- 
 cluded by the conditions of mimicry. Elaborate painting of the face • cf. 
 Hieronym. ep. 60, 29 eas quae rubore frontis addito parasitos (cf . n. 7 ad fin.) vincunt 
 mimorum. With respect to the estimation in which the mimi were held see e. g. 
 Vopisc. Carin. 16, 7 mimis, meretricibus, pantomimis, cantoribus, lenonibus. Trebell. 
 Gallien. 21, 6. trig. tyr. 9, 1. 
 
 11. The diction of the popular mimi was plebeian, that of the written ones less 
 so, partly because of their metrical form ; regarding Laberius see Gell. 16, 7. For 
 
§ 8. THE MIMUS, END OF THE REPUBLIC AND IN IMP. PERIOD. 11 
 
 the metres we find in the fragments iambic senarii and trochaic tetrameters. 
 Cf. § 192, 7. Before and after Laberius and Syrus, metrical form was probably- 
 restricted to cantica. That such were in existence is clear from Pethon. 35 (de 
 Laserpiciario mimo canticum ; cf. /u/jufiSol Plut. Sull. 2.) The obscena cantica with 
 which omne convivium strepit (Quint. 1, 2, 8) were probably taken chiefly from mimi. 
 Versus cantare in Capitol. Maximin. 9, 5. Also salva res est dum cantat senex, 
 Pest. 326. The accompaniment of the tibia appears to have belonged principally 
 to the saltatio ; Pestus 326 >>, 13 ad tibicinem saltare ; G-ell. 1, 11, 12 si ut planipedi 
 saltanti . . . numeros et modos . . . tibicen incineret. See the graceful 
 epitaph of the mimus Vitalis AL. 683 PLM. 3, 245. 
 
 12. Interesting evidence of the survival of the mimus, and its diffusion in the 
 Eastern Roman Empire, is the Apology for the mimi written, under Justinian, by 
 the rhetor Chorikios, published by ChGkaux, Rev. de philol. 1, 209. Cf. also 
 Joh.Lydus magistr. 1, 40 i) lu/wctj, t\ vvv S^$cv /iicij aa^o/iimj, rvxyiKhv pfr ^ouira oiSfa 
 \6yif, fiSvov ri T\rj6os iir&yovaa yekwri. On the mediaeval mimi cf. Grysar 1.1. 331 
 and Krahher, Zf AW. 1852, 388 : the last pagan priests were at the same time the 
 last mimi and joculatores (see the description of a person of this kind by Maximns 
 Taurinensis, Muratori Anecd. 4, 99), and the earliest notices with regard to the 
 drama at the beginning of the Middle Ages represent it as ecclesiastical, and as 
 retaining the same joculatores in its service. 
 
 13. The pantomimus, being » kind of ballet, hardly belongs to literature. 
 It was evolved from the drama (which had already in the canticum (§ 16, 3) 
 introduced the separation between actor and singer) in consequence of the ever- 
 increasing taste for dancing and dumb-show, and quite superseded dialogue. 
 Under Augustus (732/22 see Hieron. ad chron. Eus. for that year) this species of 
 play was given an independent form by the Cilician Pylades and the Alexandrine 
 Bathyllos : the former founded tragic pantomime, which remained by far the more 
 popular, the latter comic pantomime. A pantomimus (lusor mutus OIL. 6, 4886 
 Ok. 6118), appearing in different parts (male or female) and costumes, according as 
 the story required, represented in a succession of solos the chief incidents of a plot 
 (canticum saltare ; in mimis saltantibus =in pantomimes CIL. 6, 10118; see however 
 n. 11, 1. 11), while a choir sang the words during and between the dances of the 
 pantomimus. This connecting text was of course very subordinate : it is only 
 rarely that we hear of poets of note undertaking to supply such librettos. Lucan, 
 however, wrote fabulae salticae (§ 303, 4), and likewise Statius (§ 321, 1) and 
 Arbronius Silo (§ 252, 14). Cf. LPriedlander, Sittengesch. 2 5 , 406, and in 
 Marquardt's rOm. Staatsverwalt. 3 2 , 551. The pantomimus was acted by a single 
 soloist: pantomimae are quite detached: Sen. ad Helv. 12, 6. AL. 310= PLM. 4, 
 464 and on a tessera CIL. 6, 10128 Sophe Theorobathylliana arbitrix imboliarum is 
 named as a pupil of Bathyllos and of Theoros, who was also very celebrated as a 
 pantomimus (CIL. 6, 10115). Concerning the embolia (interludes) cf. embolium 
 (Cic. Sest. 116), emboliarius (CIL. 4, 1949), embdiaria (Plin. NH. 7, 158. CIL. 6, 
 10127 = Ou. 2613). 
 
 9. The Atellanae (fabulae A.) are so called from Atella, a 
 small town in Campania, in a country originally Oscan. Atellan 
 plays originally denoted comic descriptions of the life in small 
 towns, in which the principal persons gradually assumed a fixed 
 character. After the Romans (543/211) had annihilated the in- 
 dependence of Campania, and latinized the district, both the 
 
12 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 thing and its name migrated to Eome, and soon Maccus, Bucco, 
 Pappus and Dossennus were well-known and favourite figures 
 with the Eoman people also, who joined to them similar ones, 
 such as Manducus, Mania, Lamia, Pytho. The youth of Eome 
 most probably liked the new performances as an improved kind 
 of saturae, and they themselves played in them masked and 
 speaking in Latin. Only the general plot was then arranged, 
 the rest being left to improvisation. The scheme of the plays 
 was all the simpler. Their form may be presumed to have been, 
 in most cases, a simple dialogue, songs in saturnian metre being 
 perhaps interspersed; the jokes were coarse, accompanied by 
 lively gesticulation, which was also obscene ; the diction bore a 
 plebeian character. 
 
 1. The fragments in Bibbeck's Com. 225 2 : ibid. 503 a list of the recorded titles 
 of Atellanae. EMunk, de fabulis Atellanis, Bresl. 1840. Mommsen EG. 2 6 , 437. 
 Teuffel, PEE. I 2 , 1957. LFriedlander, Sittengesch. 2*, 391 ; in Marquardt's rOm. 
 Staatsverwalt. 3 2 , 548. 
 
 2. Diomedes GL. 1, 490 tertia species est fabularum latinarum quae a civitate 
 Oscorum Atella, in qua primum coeptae (more probably in Capua) appellatae sunt 
 Atellanae, argumentis dictisque iocularibus similes satyricis fabulis graecis. They 
 resemble the Greek Satyr-drama (n. 8) more in their use as after-plays. (Hence the 
 confusion of the two Porph. on Hor. AP. 221.) Mommsen 1.1. considers the Atellan 
 plays as having been originally from the earliest times Latin, and the Oscan 
 country (latinized since 543/211) as their poetical scene only. This would be at 
 variance with the general designation of the Atellanae as osci ludi (Cic. fam. 7, 1, 
 3), osctfm ludicrum (Tac A. 4, 14), the principal persons as oscae personae (Diomed. 
 1.1. 490, 20). Moreover, it is easy to understand how in Capua ' provincials ' came 
 to be called Atellani, but not why this should have been so in Eome. Besides, 
 there is no doubt that this Oscan play was influenced to some extent by the farces 
 of Magna Graecia (cf. n. 3). 
 
 3. Maccus (cf. VlaKKii, /xaKKofv) is stupid, voracious and wanton, Bucco grimaces 
 with his bucca, gobbling and chattering. Pappus (t&tttos) is a vain, deluded old 
 man, who is constantly outwitted, the pantaloon. Dossennus (dorsum; cf. Vel. 
 Long. GL. 7, 79, 4) is a cunning sharper, the dottore. See on this Munk 1.1. 28. 
 Mommsen, unterital. Dial. 118. A maccus in CIL. 6, 10105 L. Annaeus M. f. Esq. 
 Longinus maccus (cf. Apul. apol. 81). For maccus and Maccius see § 96, 1. — It is 
 also the same typical Dossennus, not a comic poet of the name, who is intended by 
 Horace E. 2, 1, 173, a passage which has not yet however been certainly explained. 
 Cf. Eitschl. parerg. p. xm, opusc. 2, 544. FBitter, EhM. 5, 216. HDuntzer, ib. 
 6, 283. ChrCron. JJ. 129, 63. Also Sen. ep. 89, 7 probably quotes from a scene in 
 an Atellana : hoc verbo (ao$ii}) Romani quogue utebantur sicut philosophia nunc 
 quoque utuntur. quod et togatae tibi antiquae probabunt et inscriptus Dossenni 
 monumento titulus ' Hospes resiste et sophian Dossenni lege.' 1 Dossennus indeed 
 occurs also as a real cognomen : L. Eubrius Dossennus CIL. 1, 430. C Petronius 
 Dossennus CIL. 5, 2256 and Pabius Dossennus, a Eoman author of unknown date 
 and profession (jurist or grammarian ?), mentioned by Plin. NH. among his 
 authorities for b. 14 and 15 (fruit-trees) and quoted 14, 92. 
 
§ 9. ATELLANAE. 13 
 
 4. Liv. 7, 2, 12 quod genus ludorurn (At.) ab Oscis acceptum tenuit inventus nee 
 ab histrionibus pollui passa est. eo institutum manet ut actores Atellanarum nee tribu 
 moveantur et stipendia tamquam expertes artis ludicrae faciant. This is repeated 
 in his peculiar manner by Val. Max. 2, 4, 4. Pest, v. personata 217 per Atellanos, 
 qui proprie vocantur personati, quia ius est Us non cogi in scena ponere personam, 
 quod ceteris histrionibus pati necesse est. Cf . O Jahn, Herm. 2, 225. 
 
 5. Non. 8, 29 Varro Gerontodidascalo : putas eos non citius tricas AteUanas quant 
 id extricaturos f Cf . Teetull. spect. 17 Atellanus gesticulator. Quint. 6, 3, 47 amphi- 
 bolia, neque ilia obscena quae Atellani e more captant. 
 
 6. Incorrectly Strabo 5, p. 233 C tup "Oanwv ^/cXeXoiTrirwi' t\ SidXexTos fitvei irapk 
 tols Pw/zaiots, (bare ko.1 TronJ/iara (TKVvoj3a.r€i<T8cu. Kard Tivad.yG3vaTra.Tpiov ko.1 fiLfioXoyeLadai. 
 The Oscan language was not understood at Eome ; cf. Liv. 10, 20, 8. Titin. v. 104. 
 Gell. 17, 17, 1. Macr. sat. 6, 4, 23. Perhaps the rustic language in the Atellanae 
 (Varro LL. 7, 84, 96) appeared so strange to Strabo that he thought it was a 
 different dialect, u, mistake perhaps also facilitated by the name osci ludi. — But 
 what are the ludi given by Caesar to the people regionatim urbe tota per omnium 
 linguaruin histriones in Suet. Iul. 39 ? No doubt, besides Latin and Greek pieces, 
 popular plays written in the Italic languages and dialects. 
 
 7. When 639/115 the Censors artem ludicram ex urbe removerunt, they only 
 excepted the latinum tibicinem et ludum talanum. Cassiod. (chron. ad a. p. 620 M.). 
 MHertz (de ludo talario, Bresl. 1873) writes (with Mommsen) talarium, and under- 
 stands by it a rude national and popular play, consisting of song with instrumental 
 accompaniment, like the /xayijidol, and so called from the vestis talaris of the 
 players. Cic. Att. 1, 16, 3. off. 1, 150. Quint. 11, 3, 58. Fronto p. 160 Nab. 
 Lyd. magistr. 1, 40 (KaraaroKapla ; cf. A. Beifferscheid, JB. 1880 3, 267). 
 
 8. It does not appear that satyr-dramas ever belonged to Eoman literature ; 
 cf. in Diomedes (n. 2) graecis and satyrica est apud graecos fabula; Mar. Victor. 
 GL. 6, 82 (haec apud graecos metri species). Welcker, griech. Trag. 1361. Eibbeck, 
 rom. Trag. 623, see below § 190, 2. But it is possible that Horace in his full dis- 
 cussion of the Satyr-drama (AP. 290) tacitly purposed to induce some one to trans- 
 plant this kind of drama to Eoman soil, and thereby assist in dislodging the coarse 
 Atellana from its place as after-piece. Cf. Teuffel, EhM. 28, 493 and above § 8, 1. 
 
 10. In the time of Sulla, the Atellan plays, which previously 
 had been only popular farces, received literary treatment at the 
 hands of Pomponius of Bononia and Novius, they being the first 
 to write complete texts of their plays. By means of a well-laid 
 plot, consistent characters and metrical form, the Atellan plays 
 were then raised to the same level with the other kinds of 
 comedy, though they preserved more the character of burlesques. 
 Besides the description of popular life and the personal allusions, 
 we now find also mythological titles (cf. § 18). Henceforth the 
 Atellan plays were used in Eome as after-plays, and performed 
 by professional actors. Even under the first Emperors these 
 plays were still in vogue and cultivated by Mummius, but owing 
 to the character of the period their voice was gradually silenced 
 and they were merged in the pantomimes. 
 
14 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 1. Cic. fam. 7, 1, 3 (performance of osci ludi by Pompeius a. 699/55). 9, 16, 
 7 (a. 708/46) secundum Oenomaum Accii, non, ut olim solebat, Atellanam, sed, ut nunc 
 fit, mimum introduxisti. Cf. Mar. Vict. GL. 6, 82 and § 6, 4. In small country- 
 towns Atellan plays were occasionally performed by themselves, Iuv. 3, 175. 
 
 2. Suet. Nero 39 Datus Atellanarum histrio in cantico etc. cf. Galb. 13 Atellanis 
 notissimum canticum exorsis. Iuv. 6, 71 Urhicus exodio risum movet Atellanae- gestibus 
 Aufonoes. GIL. 4, 2457 (from Pompeii) : — Methe Cominiaes Atellana. Tac. A. 4, 14 
 Caesar (Tiberius) de immodestia histrionum rettulit . . . oscuni quondam ludicrum, 
 levissimae apud volgum oblectationis, eo flagitiorum et virium venisse ut auctoritate 
 patrum coercendum sit. Cf. Suet. Tib. 45. Calig. 27 Atellanae poetam (perhaps 
 Mummius ?) ob ambigui ioci versiculum media amphitheatri arena igni cremavit.— 
 Mack. sat. 1, 10, 3 Mummius, qui post Novium et Pomponium diu iacentem artem 
 Atellaniam suscitavit. — Spartian. Hadr. 26, 4 in convivio tragoedias, comoedias, 
 Atellanas . . . semper exhibuit (Hadrian). Tertull. spectac. 17. Arnob. adv. 
 gent. 7, 33. Concerning the relation of the Atellan plays to the mimi, see § 8, 4. 
 
 11. Under the head of the popular poetry of the Romans 
 may be classed all they possessed in a metrical form (i.e. in the 
 saturnian metre) before the introduction of art-poetry, i.e. before 
 Andronicus and the year 514/240. Some productions handed 
 down from later and literary periods belong to an older time, 
 both in tendency and character. In the Imperial period we 
 meet especially with lampoons, mural inscriptions, and similar 
 occasional pieces, chiefly in trochaic seven-foot metre, with a ten- 
 dency to accented rhythm and indifferent treatment of hiatus. 
 This accounts for the fact of the early Christian hymns, intended 
 as they were for the use and understanding of the people, being 
 composed in the same manner. 
 
 1. A list of poetical productions in the time before Andronicus will be found 
 below, § 61 sq.q. 
 
 2. The custom of singing at work. Varro ap. Non. 56 homines rusticos in 
 vindemia incondita cantare, sarcinatrices in machinis. Victorin. GL. 6, 122 metrum 
 . . . usurpatum a pastoribus Calabris qui decantare res rusticus his versibus solent. 
 Singing of sailors while rowing: A rowing song from a cod. Berol. s. VIII/IX. 
 PLM. 3, 167, RPeifer, EhM. 32, 523. In the literary period we may assume an 
 earlier origin for the following : a) popular love-songs, one of which is alluded to 
 by Hor. S. 1, 5, 15. But the serenades in Plaut. Cure. 1, 2, 60 (in cretic metre), 
 Hor. C. 3. 10 and Ovid. amor. 1, 6 are not popular. — b) Nursery songs ; see Schol. 
 Pers. 3, 16 quae infantibus, ut dormiant, solent dicere saepe: lalla lalla, lalla aut 
 dormi aut lacta (FPB. 34 ; cf. EhM. 24, 619) ; cf. lallare in Pers. 3, 18 and Auson. 
 epist. 16, 90 nutricis inter lemmata Lallique somniferos modos. — c) Songs used in the 
 games of boys, Hor. E. 1, 1, 59. 2, 3, 417 (with the Schol.), from which (FPU. 56 ; 
 see LMuller, JJ. 89, 484) the lines should most probably be arranged as follows : 
 Hdbeat scabiem quisquis ad me vinerit novissimus. B.e"x erit qui ricte faciet ; qui non 
 faciet, ndn erit. Such probably was the song of Caesar's army at his Triumph 
 (708/46) : PUcteris si ricte fades, si non fades rix eris (cf. Dio. 43, 23). Trochaic 
 also is Vbi non sis qui fueris non est cir velis (tu) vivere (Cic. fam. 7, 3 4 ■ 
 
§ 10-12. ATELLANAE : POPULAR POETRY : THE REGULAR DRAMA. 15 
 
 of. Ribbeck's com. p. 127, Tehffel JJ. Ill, 432). Moreover such sentences might 
 pass from literature into popular usage and become proverbial. — d) Soldiers' songs 
 in praise and in mockery of the triumphator, see § 84, lampoons on belated 
 husbandmen (Hor. S. 1, 7, 28 with Auson. Mosell. 116 navita labens . . . probra 
 canit seris cultoribus ; on this see Mannhardt, mythol. Forsch. 53), on misers 
 (Plact. Trin. 350 ' Qudd habes ne habeas et illuc quod n&n habes habeas : malum, 
 Qudndo equidem nee tibi bene esse pdte pati neque dlteri '). The death of L. Crassus 
 (§ 152) gave occasion to the following verse : Pdstquam Crassus cdrbo factust, Cdrbo 
 (§ 153, 4) crassus /actus est (Sacerdos GL. 6, 461. MHaupt opusc. 3, 325). The 
 inscriptions in trochaic septenarii have been collected by FBucheler, anthol. lat. 
 epigr. lat. spec. 3 (Bonn 1876), 11. 
 
 3. In the popular effusions of the Imperial period we also find a predilection 
 for the trochaic tetrameter, which is well suited to the Latin language. In this 
 metre we have e.g. CIL. 3, 293, Or.-Henzen 6674 (epitaph of the soldier T. Cissonius : 
 diim vixi bibi libenter; bibite vos qui vivitis), and the lampoons of this period in 
 Sueton. Iul. 80 (cf. 49, 51), Schol. Iuv. 5, 3. Cf. Suet. Calig. 6. Galb. 6. Vopisc. 
 Aurel. 6, 5. 7, 2. Cf. § 31, 2. The refrain of which Festus (285) says retiario 
 adversus mirmillonem pugnanti cantatur appears to be in sotadic metre : 'Ndn ti 
 peto, piscim peto quid me' fugi 1 , GdlU ? ' An epigrammatarius in Vopisc. Florian. 
 16, 3. Cf. GHBernstein, versus ludicri in Roman. Caesares priores. Halle 
 1810. Zeix, Ferienschr. 2, 165. — For Church-hymns cf. e.g. Apparebit repentina 
 Dies magna ddmini, etc. More below under Commodianus, Damasus, Ambrosius, 
 Venantius Fortunatus and others. Rhyme (assonance) soon began to assert itself ; 
 it is to be found not infrequently in Plautus in the first half of the trochaic 
 tetrameters ; see HUsener, JJ. 107, 174 ; L. Buchhold, paromoeosis 74 ; also the 
 two popular poems of the 6th cent. a.d. in Gregorovius, Gesch. d. St. Rom. 1, 372. 
 WGrimm, zur Gesch. d. Reims, Abh. d. Berl. Akad. 1851. 
 
 4. Zell, Ferienschr. 2, 97. Edelestand du Meril, poesies populaires latines 
 anterieures au douzieme siecle, Paris 1843. Teuffel, PRE. 6, 2736. LMuller, 
 de re metr. poett. latt. (Lps. 1861) 445 (de poesi rhythmica). Westphal, griech. 
 Metrik 2 s (Lps. 1868), 58. 
 
 12. The regular drama was the first of the various kinds of 
 art-poetry imported at Home at the beginning of the 6th 
 century, and was soon diligently cultivated both in its serious 
 and its comic side, with more or less originality. But the enter- 
 taining kinds prevailed greatly, the palliata, togata (including 
 the trabeata and tabernaria) ; the mimus (or the planipedia, 
 § 7, 3), to which the Atellan plays in their later form and the 
 Rhinthonica may be added. Of serious plays we have besides 
 tragedy only the praetexta to name. 
 
 1. Donat. de com. p. 9, 23 Reiffersch. : Fabula generate nomen est ; eius duae 
 primae partes sunt tragoedia et comoedia. Caesius Bassus GL. 6, 312 (cf. ib. 247) 
 enumerates : tragoedia, praetextata, comoedia, tabernaria, Atellana, Shinthonica, mimi. 
 Donatus 1.1. p. 10 R. : comoediarum formae sunt tres : palliatae, graecum habitum 
 referentes, togatae, iuxta formam personarum habitum togarum desiderantes, . . . 
 Atellanae etc. and p. 9 R. : comoedia multas (iirrd Lyd. de mag. 1, 40) species habet : 
 aut enim palliata est aut togata aut tabernaria aut Atellana aut mimus aut Shin- 
 
16 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 thonica aut planipedia (irXavLweSapia Lyd. 1.1.), Euanth. de com. p. 7 E. : post 
 viav Koi/ufiSlav (therefore after the palliata) Latinos multa fabularum genera pro- 
 tulisse, ut togatas, ab scaenicis (tscaenis) atque argumentis latinis ; praetextas . . . ; 
 Atettanas . . .; Bhinthonicas, ab auctoris nomine ; tabernarias, ab humilitate argu- 
 menti et stili ; mimos, ab diuturna imitatione vilium rerum et levium personarum. 
 Valuable notices on the various kinds (though mixed with errors) are found in 
 Diomedes, GL. 1, 487-492, as also in Euanthius and Donatus de comoedia. 
 Cf . § 405, 6. 
 
 2. After 514/240 there were legitimate dramatic performances "at the ludi 
 Eomani, § 94, 2. As early as 540/214 ludi scaenici were given yearly at the ludi 
 Romani, plebeii and Apollinares ; likewise after 560/194 at the Megalesia. Theatrical 
 performances also took place from an early date at ludi votivi (see PvBoltensteen, 
 de rebus scaenicis Bom., Greifsw. 1875). In the year 600/154, by a decree of the 
 Senate, the demolition of a stone theatre which had been already begun was 
 ordered, and at the same time the people were forbidden to sit during the games. 
 More brilliant productions (ludi curatius editi Tac. A. 14, 21) after LMummius 
 609/145. Prom this time complete theatres were erected each year in the Greek 
 fashion, with rows of raised seats, although still of wood, and so constructed that 
 the theatre was pulled down on each occasion after being used ; it was only after 
 the year 699/55 that the first stone theatre in Borne was built by Pompey ; this 
 was followed 741/13 by the stone theatres of Cornelius Balbus and Marcellus ; these 
 three permanent theatres, — the only ones which Eome possessed — accommodated 
 altogether about 50,000 persons. — The manager (dominus gregis), who probably as a 
 rule sustained the chief character as well, bought the piece from the author on his 
 own account (cf. § 110, 2, 2 ; also § 223, 2), concluded, at his own risk, the contract 
 for the representation with the curatores ludorum, selected the company, costumes 
 etc. (vestis, ornamenta = apparatus scaenicus) and rehearsed the parts under the 
 direction of the author. The practical management of theatrical troupes was no 
 doubt conducted in imitation of the Greek aivoSoi. tuv wepl rbv Aiovwov tcxvituv, of 
 which we also find traces in Syracuse, Ehegium and Naples : at a later time there 
 were Greek theatrical companies in Eome itself : AMullek, griech. Buhnenaltert. 
 Freib. 1886, 394. 410. — See in gen. Eitschl, Parerga 227, sq. Eibbeck, rOm. Trag. 
 647. LPkiedlandeb in Marquardt's rom. Staatsverw. 3 2 , 528. BArnold, das 
 altrom. Theatergebaude, Wurzb. 1873. Cf. above § 6, 3. 
 
 13. In tragedy the Romans were throughout dependent upon 
 the Greeks. It is true that there were points in the character, 
 the institutions and history of the Romans which would have 
 been favourable to the creation of an independent tragic litera- 
 ture; but the poetical power necessary for shaping these sub- 
 jects was not possessed by them, least of all when tragedies were 
 first presented to them. They were translations from the Greek, 
 of rude execution in the case of Andronicus, but steadily im- 
 proved and made more original by Naevius^Ennius, Pacuvius and 
 Accius. The taste of the mass for spectacles, unable as they 
 were to derive much pleasure from the subject-matter and form 
 of the foreign plays, was gratified by brilliant raise en scene. 
 All these tragic writers of the Republican time possessed great 
 
§ 12, 13. THE REGULAR DRAMA : TRAGEDY. 17 
 
 gravity in their characters, sentiments and style, though they 
 fell occasionally into bombast or triviality, and made their 
 verses somewhat awkwardly. The same may be assumed of the 
 tragedies of Atilius, C. Titius, C. Julius Caesar Strabo, Varro, Q. 
 Cicero, Cassius of Parma, and also probably of those of Santra 
 and Asinius Pollio, though the last of them seems to have been 
 original in his subjects. The early Imperial period, during which 
 the attention of educated men was again turned to the ancient 
 Roman tragic writers, produced also new plays, of course with 
 more technical finish. Here we may mention L. Varius' Thyestes, 
 Ovid's Medea, Pupius and also Gracchus, Turranius, Mam. Scanrus, 
 Pomponius Secundus and, above all, the tragedies of Seneca. 
 But these compositions were, doubtless, for the most part book- 
 dramas, which did not pretend to popular effect, and only courted 
 the applause of the poet's friends at recitations. Among the later 
 tragic writers only Curiatius Maternus is of any consequence. 
 
 1. Tragicorum latin, reliquiae, rec. OEibbeck, Lps. 2 1871. Textual criticism 
 in EBAhrens (JJ. 105, 621), Bergk (op. 1, 319, and against this Eibbeck, EhM. 
 29, 209). FGWelcker, die griech. Tragodien (Ehein. Mus. Suppl. 2, 3), Bonn 
 1841, p. 1332-1484 and OEibbeck, die rom. TragOdie d. EepubJ., Lpz. 1875; cf. 
 likewise AEeifferscheid JB. 1880 3, 265. It is open to question whether, as 
 Eibbeck supposes (rOm. Trag. 24, 204), ancient Soman tragedies, such as Livius' 
 Ino and Ennius' Athamas were modernised in the first century a.d. — CHorstmann, 
 de vett. tragg. rom. lingua, Miinst. 1870. LBkunel, de tragoedia ap. Bom. circa 
 princip. Aug. corrupta, Par. 1884. 
 
 2. The number of tragic poets known to us by more or less explicit mention 
 amounts at the utmost to 36 ; that of their plays to 150 at most (lists in Eibbeck 
 trag. 2 p. 363 ; rOm. Trag. 634) ; only those of Seneca have been preserved. The 
 subjects of the Trojan cycle were especially popular. A general criticism in 
 Quint. 10, 1, 97. 
 
 3. Tragedy also consisted of portions of sedate and of more excited character, of 
 dialogue and of lyric parts which were sung — diverbium (deverbium) and cantica. 
 The dialogue was principally in iambic trimeters, admitting, however, in the 
 Eepublican period, of spondees (and so also anapaests and dactyls) in all places 
 except the last, and was only treated with more purity after the time of Augustus. 
 The cantica show little variety in their metres, anapaests and cretics being the 
 most frequent, besides which we have also trochaic and iambic tetrameters, and 
 dactylic lines. They -were accompanied by a tibia (Cic. or. 184. de or. 1, 254. 
 Tusc. 1, 107. Hor. AP. 215), and habitues were skilled enough to know the piece 
 about to be performed from the prelude of the tibicen (Cic. Acad. pr. 2, 20, cf. de 
 or. 3, 196. Donat. de com. p. 12, 11 E).— Eegarding the splendid mounting : Cic. 
 
 ' fam. 7, 1. Hoe. E. 2, 1, 203. Eibbeck, rOm. Trag. 634. — For crepidata (from cre- 
 pida, K/Mjirfs, equivalent to cothurnus) denoting Eoman tragedy with Greek subject- 
 matter, see § 14, 2. 
 
 4. In Cicero's time the eminent actor Aesopus (see Eibbeck, r5m. Trag. 674) 
 brought tragedies (espec. those of Pacuvius and Accius) very much into vogue : 
 
 R. L. C 
 
18 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 see e.g. Cic. Sest. 120, fin. 5, 63. Tusc. 1, 106. Lael. 24. Other tragoediarum 
 adores are Bupilius (Cic. off. 1, 114), Catienus and Fufius (Hor. S. 2, 3, 60), 
 Apelles (Suet. Calig. 33), Glyko (Pers. 5, 9), Apollinaris (Suet. Vesp. 19).— In 
 Cicero's time tragedies were written in three acts : see Cic. ad Q. fr. 1, 1, 46. 
 Eibeeck, rOm. Trag. 641. 
 
 5. A chorus in the Greek manner was impossible for the Romans for the simple 
 reason of the Senate occupying the orchestra. Choric dancing (of. also § 1, 4) being 
 thus excluded, we find now and then a, number of performers simultaneously on 
 the stage, which was wider for this reason (A. Muller, Biihnenaltert. 19), and 
 singing together (catervae atque concentus, Cic. de or. 3, 196; cf. Columella 12,2; 
 cf. § 16, 5). In the ancient Soman tragedians a certain imitation of the Greek 
 choric songs is not improbable, because they were mere translators; this is 
 supported by such titles as Bacchae, Eumenides (cf. Cic. Bosc. Am. 66, Pis. 46), 
 Hellenes, Myrmidones, Phinidae, Pkoenissae, Stasiastae, Troades, as well as by 
 numerous details. The account of Lucullus, e.g. in Hor. E. 1, 6, 40 (cf. Plut. 
 Lucull. 39) presupposes a, chorus (§ 16, 4). Cf. Polyis. 30, 13. In Andronicus' 
 Ino (§ 94, 5) the chorus sang hymnum Triviae (Ter. Maue. 1934 = GL. 6, 383) ; in 
 Naevius' Lycurgus we find a chorus of bacchanals, in Ennius' Iphigenia (Gell. 
 19, 10, 12) and Medea (fr. 14 = Eur. Med. 1251) there is a chorus; in Pacuvius is a 
 stasimum (Mar. Vict. GL. 6, 77), and in Antiopa, Chryses, Niptra there are also 
 parts resembling a chorus. A chorus Proserpinae is mentioned by Varro JJj. 6, 
 94. Traces of choruses are more scarce in Accius, though evident in the Bacchae 
 and Philocteta. Pomponius Secundus (§ 284, 7) and Seneca would not. it may be 
 supposed, have composed choric songs (to mark the acts) without the example of 
 the ancient poets, and Horace (AP. 193) would not have discussed so fully the 
 arrangement of the Greek chorus, if it had not existed in the Soman drama. Cf . 
 concerning a dexter actor Manil. astr. 5, 485 aeguahit choros gestu. Phaedr. 5, 7, 25 
 tunc chorus ignotum modo reducto canticum insonuit, cuius haec fuit sententia : Laetare, 
 incolumis Roma, salvo Principe. Grysar, d. Canticum u. d. Chor in der rOm. Trag., 
 Wien 1855=SBer. d. Wien. Ak. 15, 365. OJahh, Herm. 2, 227. Eibbeck, rom. 
 Trag. 637. 
 
 6. In the Imperial period the tragic representations resolved themselves into 
 their component parts, and degenerated into soli by virtuosi (singers and pan- 
 tomimists). For the pantomimi see above § 8, 13. Just as these reproduced 
 tragic scenes by gesticulation, so the singers executed tragic arias in a costume 
 corresponding to their r61e. Regarding Nero's passion for such performances 
 § 286, 9. Cf. LFriedlander, Sittengesch. 2 5 , 404. GBoissier, de la signification 
 des mots cantare etsaltare tragoediam, Eev. archeolog. N.S. 4 (1861), 333. 
 
 14. The (fabula) praetexta is the Soman tragedy of a 
 national character ;. in the absence of indigenous heroic legends, 
 historic subjects were adopted and, as a rule, by poets who also 
 wrote tragedies (on Greek subjects and after Greek originals). 
 Thus Naevius (Clastidium, Romulus), Ennius (Ambracia, Sabinae), 
 Pacuvius (Paullus), Accius (Aeneadae s. Decius, Brutus), and 
 Balbus Iter ad Lentulum; as dramas for reading Pomponius 
 Secundus composed an Aeneas, Persius a play of which the sub- 
 ject is unknown, Curiatius Maternus a Domitius and a Cato, an 
 unknown poet a Marcellus (?) The tragedy of Octavia claims to be 
 
§ 13-15. tragedy: the praetexta: the palliata. 19 
 
 a praetexta. In form and character these plays were made after 
 tragic models, they were even more elaborately furnished, as the 
 themes were of national interest, and perhaps it was only their 
 style which, in agreement with the subjects, was less sublime. 
 
 1. The form praetexta is used by Asinius Pollio (in Cic. fam. 10, 32, 3. 5). 
 Horace (AP. 288), Probus (vita Persii, p. 237 Jahn), Festus (223 ; cf . 352) ; the 
 designation praetextata prevails in the later grammarians. 
 
 2. Diomedes GL. 1, 489 prima species est togatarum (national dramas) quae 
 praetextatae dicuntur, in quibus imperatorum negotia agehantur et publica et reges 
 romani vel duces inducuntur, personarum dignitate et sublimitate tragoediis similes, 
 praetextatae autem dicuntur quia fere regum vel magistratuum qui praetexta utuntur 
 in eiusmodi fabulis acta comprehenduntur. (Cf. praetextati in magistratibus, in 
 sacerdotiis, Liv. 34, 7. Also Non. 541.) Diomed. 1.1. 490 togata praetextata a 
 tragoedia differt quod in tragoedia heroes inducuntur, . . . in praetextata autem 
 . . . Brutus vel Decius, item Marcellus (§ 94, 6) (vel Africanus et his similia, is 
 added by Ehabanus Maueus, Opera 1, 47 ed. Colon. 1627 : is this credible ? ? See 
 Eibbeck, com. 2 p. avm). Manil. 5, 483 (dexter actor) magnos heroas aget civisque 
 togatos. Donat. de com. p. 9 E. tragoedia, si latina argumentatio sit, praetexta 
 dicitur. Euanth. de com. p. 7 B. praetextatas, a dignitate personarum tragicaruvi 
 ex latina historia. Lydds de mag. 1, 40 (tragedy) T^verai eh KfnjTiSa.Ta.v (§ 13, 3. 
 Donat. Ter. Ad. prol. 7) xal Tpaire^rdrav &v r\ flip Kp-qiri.Sa.Ta eXK-qi/LKas #x ei taro0e<reis, r\ 
 Si jrpairefrara paftaticas. Tacitus dial. 2, inaccurately, designates Curiatius Maternus' 
 Cato as tragoedia (cf. Pladt. Amphitr. prol. 41. 93. Capt. 62). Sen. ep. 1, 8, 8 means 
 praetextae in speaking of togatae ; see § 17, 1. Performance of the praetextae per- 
 haps at ludi Iriumphales (GBoper). We may fairly conclude that separate portions 
 of Greek tragedies were utilised, just as in the togatae (below, § 17) use was made of 
 individual details in the new Attic comedy. Traces of the utilising of praetextae in 
 Livy ? e.g. in the siege of Veii 5, 21 (cf. in the same chapter § 8 haec ad ostenta- 
 tionem scaenae gaudentis miraculis aptiora, see Eibbeck, BhM. 36, 321). Perhaps 
 we may also refer to a praetexta the beautiful Pompeian wall-painting (copied in 
 the Mus. Borbon. 1, 34. Viscohti, iconogr. rom. 3, 56). which among all those found 
 there stands alone as historical, and represents the dying Sophoniba attended 
 by Scipio and Masinissa; see OJahn, der Tod der Sophoniba, Bonn 1859. 
 AEeiffeescbeid, JB. 1880 3, 265. — Collection of the remains of the praetextae in 
 Eibbeck, trag. 2 277. Cf. FGWelcker, die griech. Trag. (1841) 1344. 1388. 1402. 
 
 15. The earliest of the different kinds of comedy (cf. § 12) 
 is the palliata, on Greek subjects and imitated from Greek 
 originals, especially the New Attic Comedy. Its period extends 
 over the whole 6th century u.c. To this belong Andronicus, 
 Naevius, Plautus, Ennius, Trabea, Atilius, Licinius Imbrex, Ju- 
 ventius, Statius Caecilius, Luscius Lanuvinus, Terence, Plautius, 
 Turpilius : a series of names on the one hand representing a scale 
 of increasing refinement in style, but on the other hand also of 
 decreasing originality with regard to the treatment of the Greek 
 originals. The first composers of palliatae endeavoured to as- 
 similate their pieces to the popular taste by various additions 
 of a local or temporal character, or by making them more coarse ; 
 
20 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 the later ones. Terence e.g., despised attractions of this kind, but 
 in so doing lost the popular sympathies, which were turned to 
 the more amusing style of the togatae, Atellanae and mimi. The 
 consequence was that the production of new palliatae ceased, 
 and if plays of this class were wanted, the stage had to fall back 
 upon older literature. The plays of Plautus and Terence sub- 
 sisted on the stage after the establishment of the Empire (cf. 
 § 99. 109). The original productions during this latter period, 
 e.g. by Vergilius Romanus and M. Pomponius Bassulus, were 
 confined to small circles and remained without effect. 
 
 1. Diomed. GL. 1, 489 graecas fabulas ab habitu palliatas Varro ait nominari. 
 Plaut. Cure. 2, 3, 9 isti Oraeci palliati etc. Pallium graecanicum (Suet. Dom. 4)= 
 l/iinor c\\tii>ik6v (Lucian. mere. cond. 25). Sen. controv. 9, 26, 13 cum latine declama- 
 verunt, toga posita, sumpto pallio, . . . graece declamabant. The palliata was 
 also briefly styled comoedia and the poets belonging to it comici (Eitschl, Parerga 
 189). Hence Diomed. GL. 1, 490 togata tabernaria a comoedia differt, quod in 
 comoedia graeci ritus inducuntur personaeque graecae . . ., in ilia vero latmae 
 . . . Terentius et Caecilius comoedias scripserunt. In this way Quint. 11, 3, 178 
 mentions Demetrius and Stratokles as maximos adores comoediarum of his time, 
 the following description and ib. 182 showing that palliatae are understood. So 
 also Pronto ep. p. 54 and 211 Nab. {comoedias, Atellanas). 106 (sententias comes ex 
 comoedis) etc. 
 
 2. The Old Attic Comedy was too much connected with its own period to be fit 
 for imitation by another nation and in a different period (on Vergilius Romanus, 
 the imitator of Old Attic Comedy, see § 332, 7). On the other hand, the New 
 Comedy, the nearest in time, in the 6th century u.c. held the stage, and was by 
 its typical delineation of character and general human bearing especially fitted to 
 be transplanted to foreign soil. In it we notice especially Menander, next to him 
 Diphilos and Philemon. Others are mentioned by Gell. 2, 23, 1 comoedias lecti- 
 tamus nostrorum poetarum sumptas ac versas de Graecis, Menandro aut Posidippo aut 
 Apollodoro aut Alexide et quibusdam item, aliis comicis. Bcgge, de causis neglectae 
 ap. Bom. comoediae Graeeorum veteris et mediae, Christiania 1823. 
 
 3. On the dying out of the pall. (?) in the Imperial period, see M. Aueel. comm. 
 11, 6 r/ vta ;cw/.(.aj5ia irpbs rl irore TrapeiXTjirTai, ■?} Kar 6\iyov tirl rty £k pu/xi}ff€b>s <j)tKoT€Xvlo-v 
 bireppi-q. A mere exercise of the pen was the experiment of Surdinus, ingeniosus 
 adulescens (in the Augustan period, § 268, 6), a quo graecae fabulae eleganter in 
 sermonem latinum conversae sunt (Sen. suas. 7, 12). Comoedias audio in Plin. ep. 5, 3, 2 
 should be understood of recitation (as in the case of Vergilius Romanus). On the 
 traces of the acting of comedies in late Imperial times, see LFeiedlander, Sitten- 
 gesch. Roms 2 5 , 566. 
 
 4. A curious classification of the poets of palliatae (Caecilius Statius, Plautus, 
 Naevius, Licinius, Atilius, Terentius, Turpilius, Trabea, Luscius, Ennius) by 
 Volcacius Sedigitus, in Gell. 15, 24, see § 147, 3. 
 
 5. The fragments of the written palliatae (except Plautus and Terence) 
 especially in ORibbeck, Comicorum rom. . . . fragm., Lps. 2 1873. Por textual 
 criticism cf. ThBergk op. 1, 379. HAKoch JJ. 109, 137. FBucheler RhM. 29, 195. 
 KDziatzko ib. 31, 376. ASpengel, die lat. KomOdie (address), Miinchen 1878 
 (Bayr. Akad.). ' 
 
§ 15, 16. THE PALLIATA : ITS CHARACTERISTICS. 21 
 
 16. From the New Comedy the palliata borrowed the general 
 spirit of the later over-refined Hellenism with its moral inertia 
 and levity, and in particular the plots, characters, construction 
 and outward form, even in details, e.g. the prologue and epilogue. 
 The palliata being without a chorus like the New Comedy, 
 each piece is divided into portions of dialogue (diverbia) and 
 monodies (cantica). In the first the poets of the palliatae cur- 
 tailed, for their audiences, the loquacity of their originals, 
 while they introduced more action, especially by means of the 
 so-called 'contamination,' being moreover less limited in the 
 number of their performers than their originals. The dialogue 
 is generally in iambic senarii; in the cantica we have, besides 
 septenarii, a frequent use of cretics and bacchics, the latter pro- 
 portionately strict, the prosody of the senarii with numerous and 
 large concessions to the popular pronunciation. The delivery, in 
 imitation of the Greek custom, consisted partly of declamation 
 (without musical accompaniment) partly of recitative and song ; 
 these two last were accompanied by a tibia. The performers were 
 not masked until after the time of Terence. 
 
 1. Description of the palliata esp. in Ribbeck, rom. Dicht. 1, 57. The chief 
 characters in both are miserly fathers, spendthrift sons, cunning slaves, greedy 
 and amorous hetaerae, low panders, coarse and boastful soldiers, starved parasites. 
 Manil. 5, 472 ardentis iuvenes raptasque in amore puellas elusosque series agilesque per 
 omnia servos. Apul. flor. 16, 64 et leno perfidus (thus AAbxt reads for periurus) et 
 amator fervidus et servulus callidus et arnica inludens et uxor inhibens (? inprudens 
 OCkusius) et mater indulgens et patruus obiurgator et sodalis opitulator et miles 
 gloriator (thus LTkaube, KhM. 39, 630 reads for proeliator), sed et parasiti edaces 
 et parentes tenaces et meretrices procaces. Isidor. orig. 18, 46 comoedi sunt qui priv- 
 atorum kominum acta dictis ac gestu canebant atque stupra virginum et amores 
 meretricum in suis fabulis exprimebant. On the personal names in comedy see 
 Donat. ad Ter. Ad. 1, 1, 1 and Andr. 1, 3, 21 and Eitschl. op. 3, 303. 333. 350. 
 
 2. Euanth. de com. p. 7 E. comoediae inotoriae sunt aut statariae aut mixtae. 
 motoriae turbulentae, statariae quietiores, mixtae ex utroque actu consistentes. 
 According to this the Plautine plays are nearly all motoriae, (but e.g. Capt. and 
 Trin. are statariae), the Terentian mostly mixtae, Phormio is a motoria, Heautontim. 
 a stataria (Heaut. prol. 36). In agreement with this the actors (cf. Dohat. ad Ter. 
 Ad. prol. 24 and Quintil. 11, 3, 178) and then also the orators (Cic. Brut. 116. 239) 
 were divided into statarii and motorii. According to their contents the pieces are 
 either character-plays {e.g. Plautus' Aul., and likewise e.g. Mil. True.) or strictly 
 intrigues {e.g. Bacch. Pseud. Pers. Poen.) with a variety of by-plots and episodes : 
 the dramatic expedients are also tolerably uniform, as e.g. the surprises, modes of 
 duping, disguises, confusions, recognitions, etc. 
 
 3. Diomedes GL. 1, 491 latinae comoediae chorum non habent, sed duobus membris 
 tantum constant, diverbio et cantico (cf. Bitschx, op. 3, 34). primis autem temporibus, 
 sicuti adserit TranquiUus (§ 347), omnia quae in scena versantur in comoedia age- 
 
22 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 hantur. Nam et pantomimus et pythaules et choraules in comoedia canebant (the 
 pantomimus perhaps after the separation of singing and acting ; of. Liv. 7, 2, 10 
 inde ad manum cantari histrionibus coeptum diverbiaque tantum ipsorum voci relicta). 
 Gradually, he states, the histriones (adores comoediarum) were separated from the 
 mimi and tibicines. The notice in the glossae Salomonis is exaggerated (BhM. 22, 
 446. 28, 418) : aput Bomanos quoque Plautus comoediae choros exemplo Graecorum 
 inseruit (so in Eudens 290-305 chorus of fishermen). Cf. n. 5. 
 
 4. The Old Attic Comedy seldom employed more than three actors; see 
 AMuller, gr. Buhnenaltertumer 176. But in the later comedy, after the chorus 
 was abolished, it would appear that this number was often exceeded ; cf . Euahthius 
 de com. p. 4 E. : ad ultimum qui primarum partium, qui secundarum et tertiarum, qui 
 quarti loci atque quinti adores essent distributum et divisa quinquepartito adu tota est 
 fabula. In Eome the poets were still less restricted in the number of their 
 personages. Diomed. 1.1. 491 in graeco dramate fere tres personae solae agunt 
 . . ., quarta semper muta : at latini scriptores complures personas in fabulas 
 introduxerunt, ut speciosiores frequentia facerent. But the centum chlamydes which 
 in Hoe. E. 1, 6, 41 (chlamydes Lucullus . . . centum scenae praebere rogatus) are 
 borrowed for the stage, are certainly only for the chorus or supers. Cf. § 13, 5. 
 Ps.- Ascon. on Cic. div. in Caec. 48 (p. 119 Or.) latinae fabulae per pauciores agebantur 
 personas (than the palliatae), ut Atellanae, togatae et huiusmodi aliae. Martial 
 alludes to the ancient Greek rule, 6, 6 : comoedi tres sunt, sed amat tua Paula, Luperce, 
 quattuor: et Ktatjibv Paula irpaaumov amat. Only in two of the plays of Plautus 
 (Cist, and Stich., both of which are however incomplete) would three actors suffice, 
 four of them (Capt., Epid., Merc, Pseud.) require at least four, and ten at least five 
 performers, while the Poenulus and Eudens need six. Eitschl p. 2 lv conjectures 
 seven in the Trinummus. Of the plays of Terence the Heaut. and Hec. require 
 five, the Ad. and Phorm. six actors ; the Andr. and Eun. require even more. The 
 writers of the palliatae did not even restrict themselves in the narrower sense in 
 which Horace (AP. 192 ; cf . Diomed. GL. 1, 491, 23), taking the Greek tragedy as his 
 starting-point, warns them, for the sake of simplicity, against scenes for more than 
 three speaking characters ; see the enumeration in FSchmidt p. 4. In this subject 
 there are several details which cannot easily be determined, e.g., in regard to the 
 number of actors, whether there .was a fixed maximum (Steepen 1.1. concludes 
 that it was seven), how the actors were cast for a number of parts, and whether 
 one part was given to several performers in different acts so as to bring on the 
 best actors more frequently ; this theory is employed to explain e.g. why the part 
 of Laches in Tee. Hec. in Bemb. and Vict, is marked with two Greek letters. See 
 however n. 8. FSchmidt, d. Zahl. der Schauspieler bei Plaut. u. Ter., Erl. 1870. 
 CSteffen, de actorum in fabulis Terent. numero et distributione, in Bitschl's Acta 
 soc. philol. Lips. 2, 109. HBosse, quaest. Terent. (c. II), Lips. 1874. FScholl, JJ. 
 119, 41. GHSchmitt, qua ratione vett. et quot inter aotores Terentii fabularum in 
 scenam edendarum partes distribuerint in the Festschr. a. Karlsruher Philol. Vers. 
 1882,24. Cf. n. 8. 
 
 5. GHermann, de canticis in Bom. fabb., opusc. 1, 290. GABWolfp de canticis 
 etc., Halle 1824. Geysar (see above § 13, 5 ad fin.). There are, however, comedies 
 without cantica properly so-called, as Plaut. mil. glor., and others in which they 
 occur rarely, e.g. Asin. Cure. Merc. Frequently (as in Plautus As. Bacch. Capt. Cist. 
 Epid.) the whole company which had taken part in the play came on at the end 
 as a caterva, with a concluding address (in trochaic septenarii) to the spedatores 
 (Fleckeisen, JJ. Ill, 547). Cf. n. 3 and § 17, 5. In the MSS. of Plautus, not only 
 lyric scenes in irregular or mixed metres, but others which are confined to trochaic 
 
§ 16. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PALLIATA. 23 
 
 septenarii are designated as C {canticum or cantio) and accordingly accompanied 
 by music, while the declamatory scenes in iambic senarii, which were simply 
 recited, are DV as diverbia. Perhaps more correctly deverbia ? see Dziatzko and 
 Eibbeck 1.1. On the other side BOciieleb, JJ. 103, 273. Eitschl, op. 3, 25. Of 
 these cantica the lyric parts were regularly sung (singing with musical accom- 
 paniment), while the scenes in trochaic septenarii were given in recitative 
 (recitativo accompagnato, . TrapaKaraXoyf), chanted declamation with musical 
 accompaniment). Eitschl, opusc. 3, 1, ed. Trin. 2 p. lvi. Gotz-Lowe on PI. Asin. 
 p. xni. KDziATZK0,EhM.26, 97 and JJ. 103, 819. ThBergk, op. 1, 192. WChkist, 
 die Parakataloge im gr. u. rom. Drama, Munch. 1875 (Abh. d. Bayr. Ak. 13, 3, 153) 
 p. 29. 48; Metrik 2 676. Eibbeck, rOm. Trag. 632. See likewise AMuller, gr. 
 Biihnenaltertumer 190. Zielinski, Gliederung d. att. Eom., Lpz. 1885, 288. 313. 
 
 6. A musician supplied the accompaniment (modos fecit), e.g. for Plautus, 
 Marcipor Oppi; for Terence, Flaccus Claudi. The didascaliae to Terence 
 (§ 109, 4) are the chief authority for the nature of the music ; the following- 
 accompaniment is there mentioned, but cannot be understood in detail: tibiis 
 ■paribus or tibiis imparibus or tibiis duabus dextris or tibiis sarranis (Tyrian, Sarra 
 =Tyre). Varr. EE. 1, 2, 15 dextera tibia aliq quam sinistra, ita ut tamen sit 
 quodam modo coniuncta, quod est altera eiusdem carminis modorum incentiva (first 
 voice), altera succentiva (second voice). Diohed. 1.1. p. 492, 9. Donat. praef. Eun. 
 p. 10, 11 E. and praef. Adelph. p. 7, 11 E. : modulata est tibiis dextris, i.e. Lydiis ob 
 seriam gravitatem, qua fere in omnibus coTnoediis utitur hie poeta (Ter.), saepe tamen 
 mutatis per scenam modis cantata, quod significat titulus scaenae habens subiectas 
 personis litteras M.M.C. (mutatis modis cantici or mutantur modi cantici ; of. Eitschl, 
 op. 3, 39). Thus we read in the didascalia of Ter. Heauton. : acta primum tibiis 
 imparibus, deinde duabus dextris. Donat. de com. p. 12, 13 agebantur tibiis paribus et 
 imparibus, id est dextris aut sinistris ^Beifeerscheid inserts aut dextra et sinistra}. 
 Dextrae autem tibiae sua gravitate seriam comoediae dictionem praenuntiabant, 
 sinistrae serranae [Beifferscheid rightly erases serr.~\ acuminis levitate iocum in 
 comoedia ostendebant : ubi autem dextra et sinistra acta fabula inscribebatur, mixtim 
 ioci et gravitates denuntiabantur. Cf. KDziatzko, EhM. 20, 594. Cf. Grysar 1.1. 
 376. EBrdner, quaest. terent. (Helsingf. 1868) p. 1 (de canticis et tibiis fabul. 
 Ter.). KvJan, JJ. 119, 591, 21. 
 
 7. In the Old Attic Comedy the intervals in the action were marked and 
 filled up by choric songs, but these were given up at an early time (AMuller, 
 Buhnenaltertumer 342), in the later comedy the avKrfrijs probably as a rule took 
 their place. Cf . Plaut. Ps. 573. But we hear nothing of a division into acts in 
 the later comedy, nor of any fixed number of these, and Aristotle moreover is 
 silent on the subject. In the Eoman comedy too the poet left it to the manager 
 to insert the necessary or desirable pauses. Consequently the original MSS. of 
 Plautus and Terence showed no division into acts, nor is there any trace of such 
 in the manuscripts which have come down to us. In the prologue of L. Ambivius 
 (§ 16, 14) to Ter. Hec. 39 primo actu placeo may be equivalent to in prima fabula. 
 Naturally the practice in relation to these intervals became gradually fixed, and 
 hence acts are also spoken of in a figurative sense ; cf . Varro (EE. 1, 26 quartus 
 actus ; 2, 5, 2 secundus actus ; 3, 17, 1 tertius actus) and Cic. ad Qu. fr. 1, 1, 46 (see § 13, 
 4) cf. Apul. flor. 16, 64 cum iam in tertio actu, quod genus in comoedia fieri amat, 
 iucundiores affectus moveret. Horace AP. 189 is the first to speak directly of the 
 five acts, which subsequently came to be regarded as the regular number : neve 
 minor neu sit quinto productior actu. Donatus complains repeatedly of the difficulty 
 of division into aots. Cf. Euanth. de com. p. 5, 25 E postquam otioso tempore fasti- 
 
24 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 diosior spectator effectus esset et turn cum ad cantores ah actoribus fabula transilat 
 consurgere et abire coepisset, admonuit poetas ut primo quidern. chore* tollerent locum 
 eis relinquentes, ut Menander fecit . . . : postremo ne locum quidern reliquerunt, 
 quod Latini fecerunt comici, unde apud illos dirimere actus quinquepartitos difficile est. 
 The fact that the division into acts as transmitted to us is frequently impractic- 
 able proves its late origin. Cf . Steffen (n. 4 ad fin.) p 147. For a general view 
 see Donat. arg. Andr. p. 7, 11 B. : est attente animadvertendum ubi et quando scena 
 vacua sit ab omnibus personis, ut in ea chorus (in the tragedy) vel tibicen (in the 
 comedy) obaudiri possint ; quod cum viderimus, ibi, actum esse finitum debemus 
 agnoscere. Five acts as the rule are also presupposed by Donat. for the Ad. p. 7, 1 
 E. : haec quoque, ut cetera huiusmodi poemata, quinque actus habeat necesse est, and for 
 the Hec. p. 12, 16 B. . divisa est ut ceterae quinque actibus legitimis. The first act 
 generally contains the explanation of the plot (irporao-is), in acts II to IV the 
 knot is entangled and the intrigue brought about (iirhaais), in the fifth is the 
 denouement (KaracrTpo^). Cf. Euanth. p. 7, 21 E. Donat. de com. 10, 9 E. 
 Victorin. GL. 6, 78, 29 haec per medios actus varie, rursus in exitu fabularum etc. 
 Eitschl, opusc. 2, 354. KFHermann, de Ter. Adelphis in Jahn's Jahrbb. Suppl. 
 6, 71. WSchmitz, de actuum in Plaut. fab. discriptione, Bonn 1852. EBrunib, 
 quaest. terent. (1868) 20. On the metrical and musical composition of the several 
 acts ASpengel, d. Akteinleitung d. Kom. d. Plaut., Munch. 1877. 
 
 8. The division into scenes is regularly found in all MSS. of Plautus and 
 Terence, the names of the characters speaking in each being indispensable as 
 headings. The interlocutors are generally in the MSS. marked within the scenes, 
 with the initial letter of their names ; but sometimes, for the sake of abbrevia- 
 tion, with single Greek letters ; the key to this system is given in the heading of 
 the scenes, where the names are inscribed with the letters which correspond to 
 them. So in some places in the cod. vet. (B) of Plautus (§ 99, 7, most completely 
 in the Trin.) and most thoroughly carried out in the Bembinus and Victorianus 
 codd. of Terence (§ 109, 2). Eitschl, op. 2, 294. 365 ; ed. Trim* p. lv. and others 
 (Teuffel, JJ. 105, 108. CSteffen [n. 4] 116. 150. WWagner, JB. 1873, 446) 
 have wrongly assumed that these letters had a dramaturgic meaning and 
 referred to the distribution of the parts among the actors, and to their com- 
 parative importance as leading and secondary parts, etc. : see FLeo on Sen. trag. 
 1, p. 85. — ASpengel, Szenentitel u. Szenenabteilung in d. lat. Kom., Munch. SBer. 
 1883, 257. 
 
 9. As a compensation for their curtailing of the originals and in order to 
 increase the attraction of a play, Naevius, Plautus (cf. GGotz, act. soc. Lips. 
 6, 310. 315), Ennius and, following their example, Terence also (Andr. prol. 18) 
 took single scenes out of a Greek play of similar plot, and transferred them into 
 the one adopted by them, which proceeding Luscius (§ 107, 5) by way of censure 
 called contaminare (see Andr. prol. 16, Heaut. prol. 16). This clumsy proceeding 
 while it gained for the play a few effective incidents, no doubt often injured 
 the composition as a whole and caused all sorts of irreconcilable discrepancies. 
 
 10. The prologue commonly contained a summary of the subject of the play 
 (Ter. Andr. prol. 5), but, like the parabasis of the old comedy, was also used for 
 the exposition of the poet's personal wishes. Donatus de com. p. 10 11 E. 
 accordingly distinguishes four varieties: cwranKds, commendaticius ; iTiTc/ir)nK6-: 
 * *, relativus ; Spa/mri/cds, argumentative ; /j,ikt6s, mixtus. The prologue was recited 
 without any theatrical costume (sine ornamentis, Plaut. Poen. prol. 123 =ornatu 
 prologi, Ter. Hec. prol. B, 1) by an actor who had not to appear at the very- 
 beginning of the first act (change of dress, Poen. prol. 126 ; exceptions in Eitschl 
 
§ 16. CHARACTERISTICS OF THE PALLIATA. 25 
 
 Parerg. 19) or by the dominus gregis (as frequently in Terence). But it does not 
 always precede the first act (Plaut. mil. 2, 1. Cist. 1, 3 ; cf . Donat. praef. to Ter. 
 Phorm. p. 14, 24 E.) and may even be omitted altogether (Plaut. Cure). For 
 new performances of a play, even after the poet's death, new prologues used to be 
 composed ; those prefixed to plays of Plautus. which have been preserved, are 
 chiefly of this kind, and for the most part insufferably diffuse and insipid ; see 
 Bitschl, Parerga 209. 225. 233, and below § 99, 1. 
 
 11. The irpdoonra irporaTiKA. chiefly serve to facilitate the exposition, on which 
 great care was bestowed, there being no play-bill to assist the intelligence of the 
 spectator. Donat. arg. Andr. p. 4, 4 E : persona protatica intellegitur quae semel 
 inducta in principio fabulae in nullis deinceps fabulae partibus adhibetur. Euanth. de 
 com. p. 6, 7 B. irpora.Ti.Kk Tpioaira, i.e. personas extra argumentum arcessitas, non 
 facile ceteri habent (Plautus however employs as such Artotrogus in the Miles 
 and Grumio in the Most.), quibus Terentius saepe (in Andr. Phorm. and Hec.) 
 utitur, ut per harum inducticmes facile pateat argumentum. 
 
 12. The customary form of the epilogue is : plaudite. Cf . Menand. fr. 831 
 O-apavres tiriKpoTrjo-aTe with Plaut. True, conclusion : plaudite atque exsurgite. See 
 besides Quintil. 6, 1, 52 Hind quo veteres tragoediae comoediaeque cluduntur 
 1 Plodite: Hor. AP. 155, etc. 
 
 13. Masks. Diomed. GL. 1, 489 antea galearibus (besides paint etc.), non personis, 
 utebantur, ut qualitas coloris indicium facer et aetatis, cum essent aut albi (old men ; 
 cf. albicapillus, Plaut. Mil. 631. Bacch. 1101. Trin. 873 ; also long beard and 
 staff, Plaut. Men. 854. 856) aut nigri (youths ; gallants with curled hair, Cincinnati, 
 cf. Plaut. Mil. 923) aut rufi (slaves), personis vero uti primus coepit Soscius Q-allus, 
 praecipuus histrio, quod oculis perversis erat (cf. Cic. nat. deor. 1, 79, see concerning 
 him Bibbeck, rom. Trag. 671) nee satis decorus sine personis nisi parasitus pro- 
 nuntiabat. This evidently professional account, which probably comes from Suet, 
 and Varro, is contradicted by Donat. de comoed. p. 10, 1 JR. personati primi egisse 
 dicuntur comoediam Cincius Faliscus, tragoediam Minucius Protkym.us. Cf. Donat. 
 praef. to Ter. Eun. p. 10 P. acta est . . . etiam (iam f) turn personalis L. Minucio 
 Prothymo, L. Ambivio Turpione and praef. Ad. p. 7 haec acta est (594/160) agentibus 
 L. Ambivio et L. * * qui cum suis gregibus etiam turn personati agebant. If this 
 account were correct with regard to Ambivius Turpio, the use of masks would go 
 back to the time of Terence, but his plays themselves disprove it (see e.g. Phorm. 
 210). For an attempt to assign a later date to Minucius Prothymus and to connect 
 him with Eoscius (supposing Eoscius to have introduced masks into Minucius' 
 troupe) see Dziatzko, EhM. 21, 68 and Bibbeck, rflm. Trag. 661. From Cic. de or. 
 3, 221 in ore sunt omnia . . . personatum ne Roscium quidem magnopere laudabant 
 nostri illi senes we may assume that about 630/124 actors were still without masks, 
 but that they came in shortly after that time, and probably in response to the 
 universal tendency of the later Eoman drama, to assimilate the performances as 
 much as possible to the Greek custom. About 640/114 Eoscius might already have 
 appeared in masks. Having once been introduced, the wearing of masks long 
 remained the rule ; at least we may gather this from the cogi in scena ponere 
 personam (Fest. 217; see above § 9, 4); and after this, when adores comoe- 
 diarum (as distinguished from the mimi = artifices scenici, in Sen. ep. 1, 11, 7, 
 who alone played without masks) are mentioned, stress is laid only on the voice, 
 the diction and the action as characteristic, as in Quintil. 3, 8, 51. 11, 3, 178. It 
 was afterwards sought to lessen the inconveniences of masks : as by large openings 
 for the eyes and mouth, so that the facial expression (Cic, de or. 2, 193. 3, 221) 
 should not be entirely wasted. See CBobekt, ann. 1880, 206. Finally the masks 
 
26 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 were got rid of, most likely under the influence of the Mimus. Donat. Ter. Andr. 
 4, 3 sive haec (femina = My sis) •personalis viris agitur, ut apud veteres, sive per 
 mulierem, ut nunc videmus. Cf. CSteffbn 154. ChHoffer, de personarum usu in 
 Terentii comoediis, Halle 1877.— Ancient representations of actors: FWieseler, 
 Denkm. d. Biihnenwesens, Gott. 1851. ThSchreiber, kulturhist. Bilderatlas T. 
 1-6. AMuller's Buhnenaltert. 227 sqq. ; concerning these in the MBS. of Terence, 
 see § 109, 2. 
 
 14. As adores comoediarum are known to us, in the time of Plautus, a certain 
 (T. Publilius) Pellio (§ 97, 8 n. 1. Bitschl, Parerga 250. 392. WStudemund, 
 comment. Mommsen. 801), in the time of Terence (cf. n. 13) especially : L. Ambivius 
 Turpio, the most famous manager and actor of the period before Cicero (cf. Cic. 
 sen. 48. Tac. dial. 20. Stmm. ep. 1, 31, 3. 10, 2, 1), further L. Atilius of Praeneste 
 (cf. § 107, 2). Belonging to the Republican period (probably the 7th century) 
 M. Ofilius Hilarus (Plin. N.H. 7, 184); to the time of Quintilian (11, 3, 178) 
 HtratoMes and Demetrius (§ 15, 1). 
 
 17. Togatais the name given, in contradistinction to palliata, 
 to comedies with Roman (Italian) subject-matter. Later on this 
 comedy was called also tabernaria. It represented the life of 
 the lower classes in Rome ; thus it was coarser in tone than the 
 palliata, but at the same time had greater freshness and vitality. 
 But it surpasses the palliata especially in its conception of 
 family life, the female sex being far more prominent in it, 
 and the slaves holding comparatively insignificant parts. The 
 chronology of the togata is defined on the one hand by the over- 
 refined palliata of Terence, and on the other by the artificial 
 Atellana and the Mimus. Its principal poets are Titinius, 
 Quinctius Atta and L. Afranius, all between 589/169 and 675/79. 
 Afranius raised the togata into higher circles of society, intro- 
 duced the arrangement and tone of the palliata into it, sometimes 
 even used Greek plays for his purposes, and in this way created 
 a kind of mixed species, which, however, died out with him. 
 Even in the Imperial period Afranius' togatae were performed. 
 
 1. In the broadest sense of the word togata may designate any fabula (serious 
 or light), with Roman subject-matter. Diomedes G-L. 1, 489 enumerates as togatae 
 a) praetextatae, b) togatae = tabernariae, c) Atellanae, d) planipedes, and defines 
 them: quae scriptae sunt secundum ritus et habitum hominum togatorum i.e. 
 Momanorurn. In this sense togata comprises also the trabeata which Diomedes 
 omits, though this was merely a transient and unimportant species, devoted 
 especially to the equites, whose peculiar habit was the trabea (Pers. 3, 29. Dio 56, 
 31), and a species merely represented by C. Melissus its originator (§ 244, 2). In 
 the same general sense, and especially of praetextae, Sen. ep. 1, 8, 8 uses the term 
 togatae : non attingam tragicos nee togatas nostras, habent enim hae quogue aliquid 
 severitatis et sunt inter comoedias ac tragoedias mediae. 
 
 2. Diomed. 1. 1. : secunda species est togatarum quae tabernariae dicuntur et 
 humilitate personarum et argumentorum similitudine comoediis (=palliatis) pares. 
 
§ 17, 18. the togata: the rhinthonica. 27 
 
 The. name tabernariae was taken from the tabernae, the booths of the artisans and 
 of the industrial class in general. Festus 352 v. togatarum enumerates among the 
 characters of the tabernariae besides others plagiarii, servi denique, in general 
 such as ex tabernis hcmeste prodeant. Cf. also such titles of togatae as Augur, 
 Cinerarias, Fullonia, Libertus, Psaltria, Tibicina. Togatae is the name given to 
 plays of this kind espec. in Cic. Sest. 118. Hon. AP. 288. Vellei. 2, 9, 3. Sen. 
 ep. 14, 1(=89), 7 (cf. Afkan. v. 299). Suet. Ner. 11. Quint. 10, 1, 100. Gell. 10, 11, 
 8. 13, 8, 3. 
 
 3. The plots of the togatae are generally laid at •Rome, though not unf requently 
 also in a provincial town, in order to ridicule either the life of a small town or 
 satirise Borne in a disguised manner, or to describe the impression produced by 
 Borne on a man from the country ; cf. the titles Brundisinae, Ferentinatis, Setina, 
 Veliterna, Ulubrana. From the mere titles appears the large admixture of the 
 female sex (even of virgins), and this is still more shown by the fragments. Cf . 
 also Serv. Aen. 11, 160 in togatis victrices appellantur quae viros extulerunt. Donatus 
 on Ter. Eun. 12 is very significant : concessum est in palliata poetis comicis servos 
 dominis sapientiores fingere, quod item in togata non fere licet. 
 
 4. , Diomed. GL. 1, 490 togatas tabernarias in scenam dataverunt praecipue duo, 
 L. Afranius et G. Quintius. Ps.-Acro (from Suet. ? see AKiesslino, de personis horat. 
 8) on Hor. AP. 288 following an absurd explanation of the terms praetexta 
 ( = comedy with Roman subject-matter) and togata ( = corned y with Greek subject- 
 matter) : praetextas et togatas scripserunt Aelius Lamia, Antonius Sufus (these two 
 otherwise unknown, cf. also § 254, 3), Cn. Melissus (§ 244, 2), Afranius, Pomponius 
 (284, 7). A performance of Afranius' Incendium under Nero, Suet. Ner. 11. 
 Togatae publicly recited : Iuv. 1, 3. — A certain togatarius Stephanio (cui in puerilem 
 habitum circumtonsam matronam ministrasse compererat Augustus and whom he 
 therefore per trina theatra virgis caesum relegavit) occurs in Suet. Aug. 45 ; cf. Pun. 
 NH. 7, 159 minus miror Stephanionem, qui primus togatus (more correctly togatas, cf . 
 tragoediam saltare, § 13, 6) saltare instituit, utrisque saecularibus ludis (a. 737/17 and 
 800/47) saltavisse etc. Thus the Pantomimus appropriated the subject-matter of 
 the togatae, as it had that of the tragedies and palliatae (§ 8, 13). 
 
 5. In imitation of the arrangement of the palliata Afranius has prologues 
 (v. 25-30. Mace. S. 6, 5, 6 Afranium . . . qui in prologo ex persona Priapi 
 ait, just as, in his Sella, Sophia appeared as a speaker) and cantica (even synodic 
 ones). Cic. Sest. 118 cum ageretur togata — Simulans, ut opinoi — catena tota 
 clarissima concentione . . . contionata est. The adoption of the parasites belongs 
 to the same features, though the Soman clientship and the scurrae offered 
 analogies. The fragments of togatae are collected in Bibbeck, com. 2 181.— 
 JHNeukikch, de fab. togata, Lps. 1833; Ladewig PEE. 6, 3024; Mommsen EG. I 6 , 
 904. 2 6 , 436. 
 
 18. The Eoman writers on literature specify the Ehintho- 
 nica as a separate variety of Eoman comedy ; it was named after 
 the farce-writer ($kvaKo<ypu$o$) Ehinthon of Tarentum, whose 
 iXapoTpaypStat were travesties of tragic subjects, but none of the 
 names of the Eoman adapters nor any titles or remains of Eoman 
 Ehinthonicae have come down to us. Some of these however 
 may be incorporated among the Atellanae on mythological 
 subjects. 
 
28 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 1. For the authorities on the Roman Ehinthonica see § 12, 1. Lyd. de mag. 
 1, 40 'P«/0w</iK7j (ia-rlv) jj kfawq (cf. Plaut. Men. 2, 1, 11 Graeciamque exoticam of 
 southern Italy). For Ehinthon, who flourished under Ptolemaios I Soter (a. 320-285 
 ex. = 437/469 u.c.), see esp. Suid. s.v. "PLv6uv. Steph. Byz. v. Tapas. The KufiySo- 
 rpaycpdla of Alkaios, Deinoloohos and Anaxandrides (Meineke, hist. orit. com. gr. 
 247) is older than the IXaporpayipSla, of which Ehinthon was the Apxvyte (see Sum. 
 s.v.), and is therefore not identical with it. Perhaps the KaiMj>?oTpa.y<j>dia was more 
 like a comedy compared with the farcical IXaporpaytpSta, possibly like Plaut. 
 Amphitr., which in the prologue v. 59 and 63 is called a tragi [co] comoedia. 
 (Tragicocomoedia in Ldtat. on Stat. Theb. 5, 160.) Cf. also Varro's Pseudo- 
 tragoediae (§ 165, 2). Plautus' Amphitruo is certainly not a Ehinthonica ; see 
 Vahlen, EhM. 16, 472. 
 
 2. The separation of the Ehinthonica from the Atellana is probably only founded 
 on a quibble of the theorists. Titles of Atellanae which indicate farcical travesties 
 of mytho-tragical subjects are Agamemno suppositus, Ariadne, Armorum indicium 
 (?), Atalante, Sisyphus by Pomponius, Phoenissae by Novius, Autonoe (Iw. 6, 71). — 
 In general cf. Neukirch, de fab. tog. 15. EMunk, de fabb. Atell. 84. Vahleh, 
 EhM. 15, 472. E. Sommerbrodt, de phlyacogr. graec. (Bresl. 1875) p. 43. 
 
 19. The Romans possessed a tendency to preserve and cherish 
 the recollection of past events ; and as they perceived that metre 
 facilitated both recollection and tradition, we find here a field 
 favourable to the development of epic poetry. Hence we 
 have at an early age ancestral songs and- inscriptions of various 
 kinds somewhat like the epic in style. The saturnian measure 
 employed in them was also used by the most ancient epic poets, 
 Andronicus and Naevius, the first a mere translator in his Latin 
 Odyssey, the latter in his bellum punicum boldly plunging into 
 the life of his nation and time. Like him, his successor Ennius 
 chose, in his Annals, a national subject, which he expanded to 
 a complete Roman history down to his own time, and treated in 
 dactylic hexameters. His example became the type for later 
 poets, both as to subject-matter and form. During the next 
 century no other poet attempted an epic poem ; but then Hostius, 
 plainly following Ennius, wrote a bellum istricum, and similarly 
 L. Accius and A. Furius and later on Tanusius wrote epics 
 entitled Annales. Cicero himself wrote poems in hexameters on 
 his consulship and exile (de suo consulatu, de temporibus meis), 
 while Varro Atacinus treated of Caesar's bellum sequanicum. 
 In the Augustan period Anser eulogised M. Antony, and others 
 treated subjects of the history of the period in the manner of 
 the Alexandrine poets and partly with panegyric tendencies, as 
 L. Varius (de morte, sc. Caesaris ; Panegyricus Augusti), Tibullus 
 (PPanegyricus Messalae), Octavianus himself (Sicilia); impor- 
 tant epic fragments remain to us by Cornelius Severus (res 
 
§ 19. THE EPOS. 29 
 
 romanae), Rabirius (bellum actiacum ?), Albinovanus Pedo (de 
 navigatione Germanici per oceanum septentrionalem). In the 
 Imperial period epic poetry was chiefly devoted to the past : 
 Lucan's Pharsalia, the epic poem de bello civili (in Petkonius 
 sat. 119), and Silius Italicus' Punica). About the middle of the 
 3rd century of our era such subjects still found favour, and 
 Alfius Avitus treated them even in iambic dimeters. But when 
 contemporary history furnished the material, as under Trajan 
 authors selected a bellum dacicum and parfchicum, such subjects 
 could only be treated in courtly fashion. To this class belong 
 Gordian's Antoninias, Claudian with his numerous eulogistic epics 
 on Stilicho, and the bellum gildonicum and pollentinum ; lastly 
 Corippus' Johannis and laudes Iustini. 
 
 1. The interest of the epic subject-matter remained always predominant and 
 decisive. Cic. de imp. Pomp* 25 sinite hoc loco, sicut poetae solent qui res romanas 
 scribunt, praeterire me nostram calamitatem. The Soman magnates longed to be 
 glorified in poetry, e.g. Cic. Arch. 26. 27. Augustus systematically favoured and 
 promoted epic compositions, and to abstain from them almost required an excuse, 
 as in the case of Horace. A large number of real or pretended epic poets enumer- 
 ated by Ovid. Pont. 4, 16. In the time of Nero epic composition was fashionable, 
 see Persius 1, 69. Cf. Petron. 118. Martial. 4, 14. 10, 64. Stat. silv. 2, 7, 48. 
 HSchiller, Nero 611. In Priscian. GL. 2, 237 are three hexameters taken from 
 the epic poem, in at least three books, of a certain Gannius (G.Annius ? cf. § 209, 12). 
 Phrases (in prose) taken from a certain (orator, cf. § 137, 4) G-annius, Paul. 
 Pesti 369 v. veteratores. A certain Camus as author of an iambic verse in Varro 
 LL. 6, 81. 
 
 2. Kone, in his Sprachgebrauch der rom. Epiker, Munst. 1840, argues that the 
 dactylic hexameter is greatly at variance with the phonetic constituents of the 
 Latin tongue, and that the exigencies of this metre imposed many restrictions on 
 the Eoman poets. Cf. FCHultgren, d. Technik der rom. Dieht. im ep. u. eleg. 
 Versmass, JJ. 107, 745. ThBirt, ad hist, hexam. lat. symb., Bonn 1876. MW 
 Humphreys, de accentus momenta in versu heroico, Lps. 1874. HHelbig, de 
 synaloephae ap. epioos lat. primi p. Chr. saeculi ratione, Bautzen 1878. KP 
 Schulze, Hochton u. Vershebung in den 2 letzten Ftissen des lat. Hex. ZiGW. 
 29, 590 etc. 
 
 3. FWinkelmann, d. epischen Dicht. d. EOm. bis auf Virgil, in Jahn's Arch. 
 2, 558. OHaube, de carminibus epicis saec. Augusti, Bresl. 1870; die Epen des 
 silb. Zeitalters d. rom. Lit., Fraustadt 1886. On the introduction of similes among 
 the epic and elegiac writers see JWalser, ZfdoGr. 29, 595. 
 
 4. Collection of the works of the Latin poets (excluding the scenici) by "WE 
 Weber (corpus poett. lat., Frankf. 1831) ; of the lesser Latin poems preserved in 
 manuscript by JChrWernsdorf (poetae lat. minores, Altenb. u. Helmst. 1780- 
 99 VI) and EBahrehs (poetae lat. min., Lps. 1879-83 V). As a supplement 
 fragmenta poett. roman. coll. et emend. EBahrens, Lps. 1886 (containing the 
 passages from poets scattered in various authors, besides the fragments of the 
 scenici and the satura Menippea). On the editions of the so-called Anthologia 
 latina and the collections of the Lat. poems preserved in inscriptions see § 31, 4. 
 
30 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 20. An heroic epic was impossible at Rome in its original 
 state, the Italian gods being mere abstractions, and godlike 
 heroes unknown to the people. When, therefore, towards the 
 end of the Eepublic the influence of the Alexandrine poets 
 caused this class of epic poetry to be cultivated, it was necessary 
 to choose foreign subjects for mythological tales. Thus Varro 
 Atacinus (Argonautae), Catullus (Epithalamium Pelei et Thetidos), 
 Helvius Cinna (Smyrna), Licinius Calvus (Io), Pedo (Theseis), as. 
 well as (in respect of its subject-matter) Ovid's Metamorphoses, 
 later on (the Culex and) the Ciris, and Valerius Flaccus (Argo- 
 nautica). Others translated the Iliad, e.g. 0. Matius, at a later 
 time Gaurus and, as appears probable, the young Silius Italicus 
 as the author of the so-called Homerus latinus ; aspirants of a 
 higher order reverted to the Epic Cycle, as Ninnius Crassus (the 
 Cyprian Iliad), Furius Bibaculus (Aethiopis ?), Pompeius Macer 
 (Antehomerica and Posthomerica), Julius Antonius (Diomedea), 
 Domitius Marsus (Amazonis), Camerinus (Excidium Troiae), 
 Lupus and Largus ; at a later time Nero's Troica, Lucan's Iliaca, 
 Statius' Thebais and Achilleis etc. At the end of the fourth 
 century Claudian wrote his mythological epics Raptus Proser- 
 pinae and Gigantomachia. At the end of the fifth the African 
 Dracontius adapted the rape of Helen, the legend of Medea and 
 parts of the myth of Herakles (Hylas and Hydra) ; he is in all 
 probability also the author of the Orestis tragoedia. Between 
 the historic or national and the Alexandrine or mythological 
 classes stands Vergil's Aeneid, in which an indigenous legend is 
 told in a historic and psychological manner, but with a mytho- 
 logical background ; and this became the pattern of poetical 
 composition to the subsequent poets. 
 
 1. Influence of rhetoric, especially in the style of description, e.g. Sen. Apoc. 
 2, 3 omnes poetae, non contenli ortus et occasus describere (like Julius Montanus, Sen. 
 ep. v. 122, 11-13), etiam ■medium diem inquietant. A pathetic style was required : 
 heroici carminis sonus, Tac. dial. 10. The style of the heroic epic was also trans- 
 ferred to the historic class, as in Silius : cf. Petron. 118 non enim res gestae versibus 
 comprehendendae sunt, quod longe melius historici faciunt, sed per ambages deorumque 
 ministeria et fabulosum sententiarum tormentum praecipitandus est liber spiritus ut 
 potius furentis animi vaticinatio appareat quam religiosae orationis sub iestibus fides. 
 
 2. Influence of Vergil see § 231. — The Troiae halosis in senarii (in Petkon. 89) 
 given as a speech to Eumolpus already diverges from the traditional model. In the 
 same metre Avienus at a later time paraphrased Vergil and Livy (§ 420 6). 
 Similar Greek paraphrases in trimeter were produced in large numbers (e.g. 
 of Theokritos, Apollonios, Kallimachos and other Alexandrine poetry) by the 
 Hellenised Boman Marianus about the year 500 a.d. ; see Sum. s. v. Lactant. 
 
§ 20, 21. HEEOIC AND CHRISTIAN EPOS. 31 
 
 inst. div. 1, 11 (FPR. 405) non insulse quidam poeta triumphum Cupidinis 
 scripsit (list of contents follow) : qu. whether an Epyllion or in elegiac metre ? 
 whether Greek (ERohde, gr. Rom. 108. 544) or Latin perhaps in the style of 
 Reposianus (§ 398, 2) ? 
 
 21. After the victory of Christianity the epic poets who 
 belonged to the new faith treated subjects from the biblical 
 history of the Old and New Testaments, instead of Roman 
 history or Greek mythology. Thus Proba Faltonia in her cento ; 
 subjects from the Old Testament were treated by Avitus, by 
 Claudius Victor (Genesis) and by Victorinus (the Maccabees), 
 also by the author of the metrical paraphrases of the subject- 
 matter of the Pentateuch, the book of Joshua etc (see § 403, 5) ; 
 New Testament subjects by Juvencus, Sedulius (carmen paschale) 
 and Arator (history of the Apostles). Side by side with panegy- 
 rics on Emperors as still composed by Claudian, Apollinaris 
 Sidonius (on Avitus, Maiorianus and Anthemius), Merobaudes 
 (on Aetius), Corippus (on Anastasius) and Venantius Fortunatus 
 (on Frankish nobles), were produced eulogistic poems (epic 
 hymns) on God, Christ, Christian martyrs and saints, and on 
 bishops and popes. On Christ, e.g. by Mamertus Claudianus 
 ( ? see § 468, 5), on martyrs especially by Damasus, Prudentius 
 (irepl <rTe<f>dvo)v) and Paulinus of Nola (Felix). Martin of Tours 
 was made the object of laudatory epics by Paulinus of Perigueux 
 and Venantius Fortunatus, who also eulogised other bishops. 
 On the other hand, under the influence of the school of rhetoric, 
 panegyrics continued also to be composed in epic metre on sub- 
 jects, both light and serious, taken from Paganism. 
 
 1. Enumeration of Christian epic writers ap. Venant. Port, vita Mart. 1, 14- 
 25. Collections : GEabricius, poetarum vett. ecclesiastieorum opera Christiana et 
 operum reliq. ac fragm., Bas. 1564. PLeyser, hist, poetarum et poematum medii 
 aevi decern post annum » Chr. n. 400 saeculorum, Halle 1721. Henry, hist, de 
 la poesie chretienne, Paris 1856. Cf. § 30, 2. 
 
 2. The less sacred character of the Old Testament permitted even Christian 
 poets a freer treatment of their subjects. Christian poems by unknown authors 
 were in the MSS. appended to the works of particular patristic writers, especially 
 Tertullian, Cyprian and Lactantius, and for a long time were accepted as the work 
 of those writers. Thus the original Epyllia Sodoma (166 hex.) and De Iona 
 (actually rather de Ninive, preserved in an incomplete state, 105 hex.) — both by one 
 author, probably written in the first half of the 4th century, attributed sometimes 
 to Cyprian (in Haktel's Cyprian 3, 289. 227), sometimes to Tertullian. LMuller, 
 RhM. 22, 329. 464. 27, 486. AEbert., Lit. des MA. 1, 116. In MSS of Cyprian, and 
 therefore in Hartel 3, 283, we find besides 85 hexameters addressed to a Consular 
 who had apostatised from Christianity to the worship of Isis ; de paseha 69 hex. ; 
 ad Flavium Felicem de resurrectione mortuorum 406 hex., and a fragment of a versifi- 
 
32 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 cation of Genesis (165 hex.), belonging to a very voluminous poem on the Old 
 Testament (Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, etc.), by an unknown author, see § 403, 5. 
 
 3. Laus Herculis in 137 graceful hexameters by an. anonymous author 
 (Merobaudes ? see § 439, 7. 464, 2), AL. 881, in Jeep's Claudian 2, p. 203, cf. 186. 
 Cf. EBahrens, J J. 105, 52. 503 ; JB. 1873, 219. LJeep in the Begriissungschrift d. 
 Leipz. Philologenvers. (Lps. 1872) 46 ; Bivista di filol. 1, 405.— Hymnus Claudii 
 ad Lunam ( = Isis, Cybebe, etc.) AL. 723 PLM. 3, 163. Similar invocations to 
 Mars, Juno, Liber for a safe return: AL. 749-751 PLM 3, 303-304. In laudem 
 Solis AL. 389 PLM. 4, 543 ; cf. below § 475, 5 ad fin. Parodic hymn to Pan AL. 
 682 PLM. 3, 170. 
 
 22. The Epithalamium gradually became a laudatory poem 
 on the occasion of a wedding, hut retained from its original 
 relation to erotic poetry a certain wantonness and coarseness. 
 Of the earlier period we possess three epithalamia by Catullus, 
 and the names of Calvus and Ticidas as authors of similar pro- 
 ductions; of the Imperial period are preserved epithalamia by 
 Statius, Ausonius, Claudianus, Paulinus of Nola, Apollinaris 
 Sidonius, Dracontius, Ennodius, Luxorius, Venantius Fortunatus 
 (on Sigibert) and the Epithalamium Laurentii. 
 
 1. The epithalamium in honour of a young couple, their parents and ancestors, 
 is generally composed in epic metre. One by Gallienus is also mentioned, see 
 § 385, 2. The epithalamia of Ausonius (§ 421, 2 k) and of Luxorius (§ 476, 3) are 
 at the same time Vergilian centos (§ 26, 2). 
 
 2. The epithalamium Laurentii (87 hex., AL. 742 PLM. 3, 293) written by an 
 unknown author in the MSS. of Claudian (in Jeep's ed. 2 p. 194) shows an ad- 
 mixture of sentimentality ; if we may judge by its structure and the prominence 
 given to Pagan customs (dedication of the beard, nuptial ceremonies, undisguised 
 descriptions) it is as early as cent. IV/V. Cf. also Jeep 1.1. 164. The bridegroom 
 ( Lauren tius) is commended for his ability as & legal orator, the bride (Florida?) 
 for her accomplishments and the lanificium. "Weknsdokp, PLM. 4, 2, 462. LMullek, 
 BhM. 22, 83. 89. 24, 126. AEiese, JJ. 97, 706. MHaupt, op. 3, 372. EBahrens, 
 J J. 105, 501. — It was known in England in the 7th century, see Haupt 1.1. 
 
 23. Didactic poetry, being in keeping with the sober mind 
 of the Romans, was taken up at an early period. The precepts - 
 of a peasant to his son are very ancient (cf. below § 85, 1), and 
 Appius Claudius as well as Cato wrote in a similar spirit. The 
 subjects of Ennius' didactic poems were more varied. Lucilius' 
 Satires likewise pursue'd didactic purposes and even treated of 
 orthography. Literary history was illustrated in the didactic 
 poems of L. Accius (Didascalica), Q. Valerius of Sora, Volcacius 
 Sedigitus, Porcius Licinus. Only a few of these didactic poems 
 were written in the Greek epic metre, which gained an ascen- 
 dancy only towards the end of the Republic under the influence of 
 
§ 22, 23. THE EPITHALAMIUM : DIDACTIC POETRY. 33J 
 
 Greek literature. This we have in Yarro Atacinns' chorographia 
 and ephemeris, Cicero's translation of Aratus, Lucretius' system 
 of Epicurean philosophy (de rerum natura), and subsequently in 
 Vergil, who, in his Greorgics, treated a well-chosen subject with 
 sympathy and perfect art. Ovid, following the Hellenistic pre- 
 cedent, employed the elegiac metre in his explanation of the 
 calendar by indigenous legends (Fasti)' as well as in the playful 
 didactic treatment of erotic subjects (Ars amatoria, Remedia 
 amoris, Medicamina faciei) ; in epic metre he treated the Meta- 
 morphoses. Some of Ovid's contemporaries with less taste, and 
 in blind imitation of the Alexandrine poets, treated utterly 
 prosaic subjects in their didactic poems. Thus Valgius Rufus 
 wrote a didactic poem on herbs, Aemilius Macer Theriaca and 
 Ornithogonia, Grattius (Faliscus) Cynegetica, Manilius Astro- 
 nomica. Likewise in the first century of our era G-ermanicus 
 produced a new version of Aratus, Columella wrote on horti- 
 culture ; the descriptive epic, entitled Aetna, belongs to this 
 series, as well as in the third century the patristic Lactantius' 
 poem de ave phoenice in distichs ; in the fourth century Palladius' 
 didactic poem de re rustica, the various works of Ausonius, 
 especially his Mosella, Avienus' Descriptio orbis terrae and 
 Aratea, and his Ora maritima (in iambics), and the Christian and 
 dogmatic poems of Prudentius ; in the fifth century Rutilius 
 Namatianus' Itinerarium in elegiacs. This metre is also used 
 in Orientius' Commonitorium, while the epic metre is used in 
 Dracontius' didactic poems on God and the Creation, and Avitus' 
 on the Trinity. In most of these works the metrical form is 
 merely accessory to the subject-matter, but all semblance of 
 poetry disappears in the didactic poems of grammarians for 
 school-use, such as not only the versus memoriales (largely repre- 
 sented in Ausonius), but especially the metrical manuals of 
 rhetoric, metre, prosody and metrology, the carmina de figuris 
 vel schematibus (by Marbod and unknown authors), Terentianus 
 Maurus' undeniably skilful metrical treatises de litteris, syllabis, 
 metris, the probably similar one by Albinus, the verses de 
 metris oratorum by Rufinus of Antioch, the carmina de pon- 
 deribus et mensuris etc. Similar works are the medical systems 
 in epic metre by Serenus Sammonicus, Flavius and Vindicianus. 
 The Middle Ages were very fertile in productions of this kind. 
 
 1. EBkunee, de carm. didascalico Bom., Helsingf. 1840. EKnoeloch, d. rom . 
 Lehrgedicht bis a. Ende d. Hep., Rossleben 1881. On the didactic poems by 
 K.L. D 
 
34 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 Egnatius and others, see § 192. Rhetorical school verses by Dracontius and others 
 (§ 45, 9). On the poems of the XII Sapientes see § 427, 1.— On the didactic poem 
 adversus Marcionem § 436, 8. 
 
 2. Memorial verses on the names of the Muses AL. 664 PLM. 3, 243 ; on the 
 names of the winds in Greek and Latin AL. 484 PLM. 5, 383 (cf. besides § 347, 3 
 below), the latter from Isidob. de rer. nat. 37 and composed about his time, already 
 preserved in MSS. s. VII/VIII.— Hexameters on the constellations, seasons etc. 
 AL. 676 sqq. PLM. 5, 349 sqq., not earlier than s. VI.— Description of a map of 
 the heavens (de sphaera coeli) after Hyginus, dry and clumsy in style, in 76 hex. 
 from MSS. s. XI AL. 761 PLM. 5, 380. Perhaps not ancient. 
 
 3. Several metrical enumerations of expressions for the voices of various 
 animals (cf. WWackernagei,, Voces variae animantium, Bas. 1869 ; see also 
 GLowe, BhM. 34, 493) of quite a late period, but in substance going back 
 indirectly to Suetonius (see Reifferscheid's Suet. 247) : e.g. AL. 733 PLM. 5, 367 
 in MSS. s. X/XI, further esp. AL. 762 PLM. 5, 363 (' de philomela,; rather on the 
 voices of birds and quadrupeds in 70 elegiac lines) in MSS. s. XI ; at the close (as 
 in the poem to be mentioned presently) is an edifying turn, probably composed in 
 some German convent (see v. 11 dulce per ora sonat, dicunt qtiam nomine droscam : 
 cf. ohG. drosca, droscila =~Drossel). Goldast (catal. Ovid. 71) pretends that 
 Albius Ovidius Juventinus is named as the author in a St. Gallen MS. ; see also 
 GSchekree, St. Galler Hss.-Verzeichnis 72. In like manner he invented a certain 
 Julius Speratus as the author of a poem of about the same date as the above- 
 mentioned, addressed to the nightingale, AL 658 PLM. 5, 368, preserved in MSS. 
 s. X/XI, and imitated already in the s. IX by Alvarus of Cordova (AEbert, 
 LdMA. 2, 310) : the same is also attributed to Eugenius of Toledo, see § 495, 4. 
 
 24. The proverbial poems are didactic poems on a small 
 scale, -which were in the Imperial period partly selected from 
 larger, complete works and compiled, partly independently pro- 
 duced (no doubt chiefly for pedagogic use). The so-called disticha 
 Catonis are a collection of the latter kind. 
 
 1. The proverbial poem stands in the same relation to the didactic as the- 
 Epigram to the Elegy. For the proverbial literature in iambic senarii connected 
 with Syrus see § 212, 4. On the disticha Catonis see § 398. 
 
 25. The poetical Epistle and the Fable. have also a didactic 
 tendency. Any poem may become a poetical Epistle by being 
 addressed to a certain person, and thus didactic poems addressed 
 e.g. to a son are at the same time Epistles. In a limited sense 
 poems are called so in which the direction to individuals in- 
 fluences the whole contents and the treatment from beginning 
 to end. In this manner Sp. Mummius addressed, from his camp 
 before Corinth (608/146), jocular letters in verse to his friends at 
 Rome ; Lucilius also composed several of his satires in the form 
 of letters to friends, and Catullus' poem to Manlius (68 a ) is also 
 an Epistle. In the Augustan period Horace dedicated several 
 
§ 24-26. PROVERBIAL POEMS: THE POETICAL EPISTLE: RIDDLES. 35 
 
 satires to Maecenas, many lyric poems to individual friends, and 
 in his later years treated with mature wisdom and perfect felicity 
 questions concerning practical life and literature in real Epistles 
 in epic metre. Ovid wrote in elegiacs fictitious love-letters of 
 mythical ladies (Heroides), and also real letters of complaint and 
 entreaty from his exile (Tristia and ex Ponto). The other 
 elegiac poets as well as the satirists Persius and Juvenal, too, 
 several times address individuals by name, without, however, 
 really preserving the epistolary style. But Ausonius' 25 Epistles 
 and many by Statius are real letters in various metres and partly 
 on jocular subjects, as also those of Claudian and of Apollinaris 
 Sidonius. 
 
 1. On Mummius see § 131, 8. A book or satire of Lucilius (27, 1 Mull.) 
 commenced in this manner : salutem fictis versibus Lucilius quibus -potest impertit, 
 totumque hoc studiose et sedulo etc. 
 
 2. Tib. (Lygd.) 3, 5 for instance is also a letter ; here also actually belong 
 many epodes of Horace, esp. 1. 11 and 14 ; letter from a wife to her husband far 
 away with the army in the East, in Pkop. 5, 3. Both the names and circum- 
 stances are probably imaginary. Dido Aeneae AL. 83 PLM. 4, 271 with a refrain ; 
 cf. Weknsdokf PLM. 4, p. 55. 439. Beal letters, e.g. Stat. Silv. 4, 4 (to Victorius 
 Marcellus) and 4, 8 (a congratulatory letter), together with that of Licentius to 
 Augustine. For the letters of Claudian see § 439, 6. 
 
 26. Trifles current at table and at school were also usually 
 written in epic metre. Riddles were connected with Greek 
 literature ; having become more popular only in the last centuries 
 of Rome, this kind of literature continued to flourish more and 
 more luxuriantly till late in the Middle Ages. On the other 
 hand, from scholarly circles proceeded the numerous variations 
 on old (especially Yergilian) themes, and the patchwork poems 
 (centones) in which a new work was created out of verses 
 and parts of verses selected arbitrarily from older poets. Other 
 artificial productions in epic and elegiac metres (Acrosticha and 
 their varieties), versus serpen tini, recurrentes, reciproci and others, 
 were very popular at a late period. 
 
 1. Among the Greeks yptipoi were an entertainment at the symposium (cf. 
 Athenaeus b. 10). Accordingly the Roman writer of riddles Symphosius also 
 makes use of this poetical form. For the most ancient Latin aenigma (perantiquum, 
 perquam lepidum, tribus versibus senaris compositum, with the solution in M. Varronis 
 de sermone lat. ad Marcellum libro II) see Gell. 12, 6. Three popular comic 
 riddles, in Petron. 58 (on these Bucheler p. 129 3 and ESchwaez, RhM. 42, 310). 
 Solving riddles, regarded as a proof of wisdom, Hist. Apollonii 42, cf . 4. At a later 
 time Latin riddles became a favourite amusement in the monasteries, and accord- 
 ingly besides the riddles of Aldhelmus and Tatvinus (§ 500, 2, 4), much literature, 
 
36 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 of this kind by unnamed authors is preserved; in great part still imprinted. 
 Sixty (62) six-line riddles of s. VII/VIII (earliest MS. Bern. 611 s. VIII) in 
 rhythmical, hexameters (of 14 syllables each, 6 falling before and 8 after the 
 penthemimer) published AL. 481 (cf. 2, lxvi), PBbandt in the Tirocin. philol. 
 semin. Bonn. (Berl. 1883) 101, WMeyee, Anf. u. Urspr. d. lat. u. griech. rhythm. 
 Dicht. (Abh. d. bayr. Akad. 17, 2) 1885, 412. Other medieval riddles (in MSS. s. 
 1X/X) e.g. AL. 656-657«. 770 . 771. AL. 685 PLM. 3, 170. _ AL. 727 PLM. 5, 370 
 (this last was composed by a certain Berno, according to" Paris. 7899 s. IX ; see 
 WFeOhnek, Phil. Suppl. 5. 69). Cf. also Biese on AL. 2, xlii. " LMullee, JJ. 93, 
 266. 566. 95, 497; BhM. 22, 151. JKlein, ib. 23, 662. HHagen, antike u. 
 mittelalterliche Batselpoesie ; in -which use is made of the MSS. at Bern and 
 Einsiedeln (Biel 1869). EWolfflin, Ioca monachorum, Beitr. *. mittelalterl. 
 Batsellit., Berl. SBer. 1872, 106. 
 
 2. Hiekon. epist. 103, 7 legimus Eomerocentones et Vergiliocentones. 
 Tektull. de praescr. haeret. 39 (see § 370, 5). Isidoe. or. 1, 39, 25 centones 
 apud grammaticos vocari Solent qui de carminibus Homeri vel Vergilii ad propria 
 opera more centonario in unum sarciuntur corpus, ad facultatem cuiusque matertae. 
 denique Proba, uxor Adelphi (§ 436, 7), centonem ex Vergilio de fabrica mundi 
 et euangeliis plenissime expressit, materia composita secundum versus et versions 
 secundum materiam concinnatis. sic quoque quidam Pomponius ex eodem poeta inter 
 cetera stili sui otia Tityrum in Christi honorem composuit ; similiter (as from the 
 Vergilian Bucolica) et de Aeneidos (versions). This Tityrus of Pomponius is 
 preserved in cod. Vat. Palat. 1753 and published by CBuesian, SBer. d. Munch. 
 Ak. 1878 2, 29. Other efforts were made to adapt the Pagan wording to Christian 
 subjects, and thereby ennoble it : Maronem mutatum in melius, AL. 735, 4. See the 
 centos de incarnatione verbi (§ 473, 5) and de ecclesia (§ 477, 3). — Centos for playful 
 purposes, e.g. Ausonius' cento nuptialis (§ 421, 2, k), or for instruction, in schools 
 etc. Twelve Vergilian centos AL. 7-18 PLM. 4, 191-240, amongst them de alea, 
 Narcissus, Hippodamia, Medea (in dialogue, by Hosidius Geta, see § 370, 5), etc., 
 also indicium Paridis by Mavortius (§ 477, 3) and epithalamium Fridi by Luxorius 
 (§ 22, 1. 476, 3). On a small scale as early as Pete. 132. See also Baheens, BhM. 
 31, 91. In joining together two halves of a verse liberties were often taken with 
 the- metre at a later time : e.g. Medea (AL. 17) 93 nunc scio quid sit amor, hospitio 
 prohibemur harenae, and ib. 64 sq. 87. 172. 196. 211 sq. 226. 250. 269. 315. 320. 357. 377. 
 387. 391 sq. 430. 435. 446 (out of 461 lines). Luxorius (ib. 18) 33 nomen inest virtutis 
 et nota maior imago. AL. 719, 20. 25. 78 and elsewhere. — ODelepieeee, ouvrages ecrits 
 en centons depuis les temps anciens jusqu'au XIX e siecle, Lond. 1868; tableau 
 de la litterature du Centon chez les anciens et • les modernes, Lond. 1875 II. 
 BBoegen, de centonibus homer, et vergil., Kopenh. 1828. PHasenbalg, de centon. 
 vergil., Putbus 1846. LMullee, metr. lat. 465. 
 
 3. Acrosticha, esp. those concealing a name, e.g. that of the author or founder 
 (AL. 120 PLM. 4, 298 Condentis monstrant uersus primordia nomen), were borrowed 
 from Greek literature, and were not unknown to the earlier Boman ; even Ennius 
 composed one (Cic. de div. 2, 111) and subsequently Aurelius Opilius (Suet. 
 gramm. 6. Bitscbx, Parerg. p. xvi). At a later period inscriptional acrostics, 
 e.g. in Wilmanns 592. 593 (with the direction Inspicies, lector, primordia ver- 
 siculorum ; cf. CIL. 5, 6731 and BFabretti, Inscr. ant. p. 272 qui legis revertere per 
 capita versorum et invenies pium nomen). 594, and CIL. 3, 6306. 5, 6723. 6725 ; 
 de Bossi, Inscr. christ. nr. 425 (a. 395). 753. 831. In the scholiast on the Ibis 
 (§ 250, 3) is the acrostic epigram (Enniani) of a supposed Bacchus or Battus poeta. 
 Poem on Antoninus Pius in an inscription in Meyer's AL. 812 after the acrostic by 
 
§ 26, 27. CENT0NES, ACROSTICHA : FABLES. 37 
 
 Julius Faustinus, see LMuller, BhM. 20, 457. cf. 20, 634. MHaupt op. 1, 289. 
 Combination of acrostic and telestic OIL. 5, 1693, AL. 669 (Nicholao Euantius), in 
 Bemsarids, AL. 492. 493 (Sedulius antistes, cf. § 473, 6), and (from a cod. s. VI/VII) 
 AL. 2, lvi (Laurentius vivat senio). BhM. 23, 94. By Flavius Felix (§ 476, 1) 
 combination of acrostic, mesostic, and telestic. For other productions of this kind 
 see § 99, 2. 384, 3. 403, 2. 474, 2. 476, 1. 491, 8. 500, 2, 4. 
 
 4. A variety of pedagogic and monkish trifles : poems in the form of a cross 
 etc., such as those by Porfirius Optatianus and Venantius Fortunatus, with a fixed 
 number of letters (as by Flavius Felix and others) or -without a fixed letter (found 
 even in prose § 480, 8) etc. Versus echoici or serpentini (epanaleptic), in which the 
 first words of the hexameter (as far as the penthemimer) are repeated as the second 
 half of the pentameter, such as Pentadius (§ 398, 5) especially composed. Other 
 examples in Apoll. Sid. (ep. 8, 11), Sedulius, Venantius Fortunatus (§ 491, 4), and 
 a collection of such serpentini AL. 38-80 PLM. 4, 260-267. — Sidon. ep. 9, 14 versus 
 recur rentes . . . qui metro stante . . . sic ut ab exordio ad terminum sic a 
 fine releguntur ad summum. sic est Ulud antiquum ' Roma tibi subito motibus ibit 
 amor' (cf . AL. 325, 3 PLM. 4, 404 Nemo te cedis, murorum si decet omen ; CIG. 4, 
 2400 Kaibel's epigr. gr. 1124 ijSrj /*oi Aiis Up 1 dirdra irapa <rol Aio/wjS?;). nee non 
 habentur pro recurrentibus qui pedum lege servata . . . per singula verba re- 
 petuntur . . . qualia equidem legi multa multorum, e.g. ' praecipiti modo quod 
 decurrit tramite flumen tempore consumptum iam cito deficief. Such verses were also 
 called anacyclici and reciproci, of which we have examples especially by Porfirius, 
 cf. AL. 81 PLM. 4, 268. Also carmen supinum in Mart. 2, 86 (cf. Friedlander), 
 who there disparages these artifices, as for instance the construction of hexa- 
 meters which, read backwards, produce sotadics (cf. Quint. 9, 4, 90). Finally 
 rhyme was made to serve as an embellishment for the hexameter, see FZarncke, 
 Leipz. SBer. 1871, 34. WMeyer, Munch. SBer. 1873, 49. JHuemer, Wien. Stud. 
 4, 599. 5, 144. 6,' 287. 
 
 27. The fable, in which paraenetic subjects are dressed in 
 tales especially relating to animal-life (beast-fable), appears in 
 Roman literature at first in the saturae of Ennius, Lucilius and 
 Horace, but becomes an independent species in Phaedrus (in 
 senarii) in the time of Tiberius and Claudius. In the third 
 century Titianus made a prose translation of the fables of 
 Babrios. Symmachus seems to have written similar works, most 
 probably in metre, and about a century after him Avianus 
 composed in elegiacs 42 fables on subjects taken from Babrios. 
 Greek fables with Latin translations are to be found in the 
 school-book of the so-called Dositheus. The prose version of the 
 fables of Phaedrus by the so-called Romulus, dating at latest 
 from the tenth century, formed in the Middle Ages the nucleus 
 for a number of other collections. 
 
 1. The Aesopian fable of the crested lark in Ennius {in satiris . . . versibus 
 quadratis), Gell. 2, 29. Cf. § 103, 1. The fable of the sick lion (Hon. E. 1, 1, 73 sqq.) 
 appears already in Lucilius (Nom. 303). Others in Horace, S. 2, 6, 79. E. 1, 7, 29. 
 1 10, 34. Allusions to fables in Hok. S. 2, 3, 299. 2, 5, 56. E. 1, 3, 19. 1, 16, 45. 
 
 2. Seneca Cons, ad Polyb. 8, 27 non audeo te usque eo producere ut fabellas quoque 
 
38 GENERAL VIEW 
 
 et Aesopeos logos, intemptatum romanis ingeniis opus, solita tibi venustate conectas. As 
 he was then living in exile, Seneoa could not yet be acquainted with Phaedrus. 
 Avianus praef. : has pro exemplo fabulas . . . poemati suo Flaccus aptavit, quod 
 in se sub iocorum communiurn specie vitae argumenta contineant, quas Graecis iarnbis 
 Babrius repetens in duo volumina coartavit. Phaedrus etiam partem aliquam quinque 
 in libellos resolvit. Auson. epist. 16, 74 apologos . . . Aesopiam trimetriam, , 
 quam vertit exili stilo, pedestre concinnans opus, fandi Titianus artifex. ib. 17 he 
 praises Symmachus : quis ita ad Aesopi venustatem . . . accedat ? 
 
 3. Quihtil. 1, 9, 2 Aesopi fabellas, quae fabulis nutricularum proxime succedunt, 
 narrare sermone puro et nihil se supra moduni extollente, deinde eandem gracilitatem 
 stilo exigere condiscant (pueri aetatis nondum rhetorem capientis). Phaedb. 1, prol. : 
 duplex libelli dos est : quod risum movet et quod prudenti vitam consilio monet. Cf. ib. 2, 
 prol. ; 3, prol. 33 ; 4, 2, 1. Append, epil. : hoc . . . Musa quod ludit mea nequitia 
 pariter laudat et frugalitas. 
 
 4. On the mediaeval collections of fables KRoth, Phil. 1, 523. HOestebley, 
 Romulus, die Paraphrasen des Phaedrus und die asopische Fabel im Mittelalter, 
 Berl. 1870. LHervieox, les fabulistes latins depuis le siecle d'Auguste jusqu'a la 
 fin du moyen-age, Paris 1884 II. 
 
 28. Satire was introduced into literature through Ennius, 
 who gave the title of Saturae to a collection of his miscellaneous 
 poems. This example was followed perhaps by his nephew 
 Pacuvius, certainly by the Roman knight C. Lucilius. Criticism 
 of the public affairs of his time, which preponderated in the 
 latter, henceforth became a principal feature in the conception 
 of the satire ; after a few imitators of less note, Horace, endowed 
 with brilliant gifts, continued in the method of Lucilius, 
 energetically pursuing the same aims. But he softened the 
 acrimony of the personal attacks, and directed his criticism 
 chiefly to social and literary life. Horace employed without 
 exception the hexameter, for which Lucilius had shown a decided 
 preference. The Saturae Menippeae of the polyhistor Varro, 
 composed in a free interchange of prose and verse, found in 
 Nero's time imitators in Seneca ^AiroKoXoicvvTWfft,^) and Petronius. 
 On the other hand Horace had an imitator in the youthful Stoic 
 Persius. After the death of Domitian, the rhetorician Juvenal 
 wrote his gloomy moral lectures and portraits. Besides these 
 chief representatives of this branch, a few of less importance are 
 named. A satirical spirit appears also in L. Apuleius' prose- 
 novel (the Metamorphoses) and in several apologetic and polemic 
 works of Tertullian. In the fifth century, Claudian wrote his 
 invectives against Eufinus and Eutropius in epic metre. 
 
 1. Diomed. GL. 1, 435 satira dicitur carmen apud Romanos nunc quidem male- 
 dicum et ad carpenda hominum vitia archaeae comoediae charactere (Quint. 10, 1 93 
 
§ 28, 29. satire : the idyl. 39 
 
 says more justly satira quidem tota nostra est) compositum, quale scripserunt Lucilius 
 et Horatius et Persius. at olim carmen quod ex variis poematibus constabat satira 
 vocabatur, quale scripserunt Pacuvius et Ennius (on Naevius as an author of satires 
 see § 95, 9). Lyd. de mag.. 1, 41 fieS' Sv (Lucilius) ko\ rods fier airbv, oOs Kokovai 
 Pw/iaioi iraTvpiKois, ol vetlrrepoi . . rty (rarvpiK^v iicpdrvvav xoipj^dinv, 'Opdri-os p.h oin 
 ££(d TrjS T^X^S X^P^i n^/3£TiOS Se TOV TTOtTJT^jV T,ib<ppova pt^ffaadat dt\uv rb A.VKb<ppovos 
 ■wapffKBev &/utvp6r Tovpvos (§ 323, 2) Sk Kal 'lovpevaXios Kal Herptlmos airbdev rats 
 \ot,8oplais iire%eKd6vTes rbv o-arvpiKbv vbp.ov irapirpoiaav. On the original meaning of 
 the word satura see § 6, 2. Cf. also § 103, 1. 
 
 2. Hor. S. 1, 10, 54 (46) hoc erat, experto frustra Varrone Atacino (§ 212, 2 ad fin.) 
 atque quibusdam aliis, melius quod scribere possem. To these quidam alii most 
 probably belonged the polyhistor Varro with his four books of Saturae, then 
 L. Abuccius (§ 192, 1), C. Trebonius (§ 210, 9) and the freedmen Sevius Nieanor 
 (§ 159, 3) and Lenaeus (§ 211, 3).— Other satirists are Julius Floras (§ 242, 3), 
 Silius (§ 332, 9), Manlius Vopiscus (§ 324, 2), Julius Pufus (? § 324, 5), and sub- 
 sequently Tetradius (§ 421, 2 m). On Lucilius see § 448, 5 ; the letter from Victor 
 to the abbot Salomo § 464, 6 ; on Secundinus § 466, 10 ; a satire from Arelate in 
 Ap. Sidon. 1, 11. On those of Sulpicia § 323, 7. 
 
 3. The curious mixture of prose and verse peculiar to the saturae Menippeae 
 is shown in Martianus Capella, Boethius de consol. philos., Julius Valerius (§ 399) 
 and the Historia Apollonii regis Tyri. But notwithstanding these cannot well 
 be ranked as menippeae, as in them the admixture of verse only serves to give 
 variety to the whole, but the satirical element is wanting. — The pamphlet against 
 the Emperor Claudius, which appeared anonymously, p.upS>v iirav&o-Taais (Suet. Claud. 
 38) was perhaps a satura like the a7ro/coXo/ciWw<ns ; see Bucheler's Petr. ed. min. s 
 244. — Satire in the form of a will by Pabricius Veiento (§ 297, 7) ; in the third to 
 fourth cents, the will of a pig already mentioned by Jerome (cf. § 47, 1), a parody 
 on the juridical testamentary forms, taken from MSS. s. IX sqq. last edited by 
 Haupt, op. 2, 175 and Bucheler, Petron. ed. min. 3 p. 241. Cf. § 47, 1. 49, 1. 
 
 4. ICasaubonus de satyrica G-raecorum poesi et Roman, satira, Par. 1605. 
 Halle 1774. CLRoth, kl. Schrr. 2 (Stuttg. 1857), 384. 411 ; zur Theorie und innern 
 Gesch. d. rom. Sat., Stuttg. 1848. Teuffel PEE. 6, 819. Scheiee, de sat. Pom. orig. 
 et progressu, Zittau 1849. PHaase, d. rom. Satire, in Prutz' Deutsch. Mus. 1851, 
 858. AEMacEwen, origin and growth of the Pom. Satir. poetry, Oxf. 1876. 
 HNettleshif, the Pom. satura, its original form etc., Oxf. 1878. — ESzelinski, de 
 nominibus personarum . . . ap. poett. satir. Pom., Konigsb. 1862. JSchultz, 
 de prosodia satiricorum rom. capp. II (de muta cum liquida et de synaloephe), 
 Konigsb. 1864. 
 
 29. The Idyl was on the whole foreign to the Romans. 
 Tibullus possesses the greatest share of idyllic spirit, after him 
 Vergil and, in his peculiar fashion, also Horace. But on the 
 whole the Romans were too well acquainted with country-life 
 to idealise it. Vergil, who had grown up in the country, in his 
 youth at first chanced upon this species and imitated Theokritos 
 without coming up to him, even spoiling this kind of poetry by 
 giving it an allegorical character. But the Moretum is a proof 
 of the humour of its author. The supposed Valerius Cato's Dirae 
 are midway between Idyl and Satire, though more akin to the 
 
40 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 first, especially by their amoebaean composition. In the be- 
 ginning of Nero's reign we have the seven Eclogues of Cal- 
 purnius Siculus, imitated by Nemesianus at the end of the third 
 century. Perhaps to the same time belong Septimius Serenus' 
 Opuscula ruralia, in various lyric metres, but Idyls as to their 
 subjects. Further several portions of Ausonius' Mosella are of a 
 rural character, and at the end of the fourth century we have 
 the poem de mortibus bourn by the Christian rhetorician Severus 
 Sanctus Endelechius. 
 
 1. Diomed. GL. 1, 486 bucolica dicuntur poemata secundum carmen pastorale 
 composita. On the name idyl see WChrist, Verhandl. d. Wiirzb. Philologenvers. 
 (Lpz. 1869) 49. Ecloga (selected piece) designated in the Imperial period any- 
 lesser poem= idyllium, poematium, see Plin. ep. 4, 14, 9 sive epigrammata sive idyllia 
 sive eclogas sive . . . poematia . . . vocare malueris. JEclogae is the name 
 given in the MSS. to the pastoral songs of Vergil, Calpurnius, Nemesianus, and 
 to a collection of lesser poems by Ausonius. 
 
 2. In Vergil's Georg. see esp. 2, 458 sqq. Horace (8. 2, 6. E. 1, 10) cherishes 
 and praises rustic life as healthful and independent. — On the idyllic poet Sueius 
 § 150, 7 ; on Fontanus § 254, 1 ; on Messala's idyls in Greek § 222, 3. 
 
 3. On the two hermitical poems (imitations of the Vergilian eclogues, con- 
 verted into eulogies on Nero) see § 306, 4. On Boethius' carmen bucolicum see 
 HUsener, anecd. Holder. (1877) 42 (see § 478, 3). — The contention between Spring 
 and Winter AL. 687 belongs to the Middle Ages, see Dummler's poetae aevi 
 Carolini 1, 270. 
 
 4. The poems, not on bucolic subjects, which in the earlier editions of 
 Ausonius and Claudian are entitled JSidyllia, do not bear this name in the MSS. 
 Cf. § 421, 2 k ; § 439, 6.— Hunger, de poesi Eom. bucolica, Halle 1841. EUnger, 
 Valg. Buf. 285. Teuffel, PEE. 1% 2528. 
 
 30. Lyric poetry, or the poetry of the individual in its widest 
 sense, did not greatly harmonise with the practical Eoman mind, 
 and was thus cultivated only late and to a limited extent. At 
 a comparatively early time occur only those kinds which had a 
 certain bearing upon actual life, e.g. religious songs (of the Salii, 
 fratres arvales, the hymn of Andronicus etc.), songs in honour 
 of the departed, laments, enchantments, and other things which 
 became carmina by the employment of the saturnian metre. 
 Besides these, the national bent for sharp criticism led at an early 
 time to abusive ditties, such as the Fescenninae, the soldiers' 
 songs on the triumphator, and probably many cantica were in- 
 terspersed in the popular farces. Christian Latin lyric poetry de- 
 veloped in a remarkable manner especially in hymn- composition 
 in which Ambrosius particularly became the model for later times. 
 
§ 30, 31. LYRIC POETRY: THE EPIGRAM. 41 
 
 1. Sen. ep. 49, 5 indignor aliquos ex hoc tempore quod sufficere ne ad necessaria 
 iern potest ... in supervacua maiorem partem erogare. negat Cicero, si du- 
 
 plicetur sibi aetas, habiturum se tempus quo legat lyricos . . . illi ex professo lasc- 
 iviunt. — Official lyrics of Livius Andronicus (Liv. 27, 37. Fest. 333), P. Licinius 
 Tegula (Liv. 31, 12 see § 114, 3), subsequently those of Catullus (c. 34 to Diana) 
 and of Horace (c. saec). — Contemporaneously with Ennius a certain Memmia (?) 
 is supposed to have written hymns to Apollo and the Muses (Isid. orig. 1, 39, 17) ! 
 
 2. Isid. offic. eccl. 1, 6 (cf. besides § 433, 4) Milarius Gallus, episcopus Pictaviensis 
 (§ 418), hymnorum carmine floruit primus, post quern Ambrosius Mediolanensis epis- 
 copus . . . copiosius in huius modi carmine claruisse cognoscitur atque inde hymni 
 ex eius nomine Ambrosiani vocantur, quia eius tempore primum in ecclesia Mediolanensi 
 celebrari coeperunt, cuius celebritatis devotio dehinc per totius occidentis ecclesias ob- 
 servatur. carmina autem quaecumque in laudem Dei dicuntur hymni vocantur. — 
 HADaniel, thesaurus hymnologicus, Halle 1841-56 V. AEbeet, Lit. d. MAlters 
 1, 164 and elsewhere. Thierfelder, de Christianorum psalmis et hymnis usque 
 ad Ambrosii tempp., Lps. 1868. JBKayser, Beitr. z. Gesch. u. Erkl. d. Kirchen- 
 hymnen, Paderb. 2 1881. 1886 II. GPimont, les hymnes du breviaire romain, Par. 
 1874. FJMone, lat. Hymnen des MAlters, Freiburg 1853-55 III.— The Christian 
 hymns are chiefly in trochaic and iambic metre, with particular preference for 
 the iambic dimeter, in strophes which are frequently embellished with rhyme 
 and alliteration. The verses are at first constructed according to quantity, in- 
 creasing gradually in freedom, until at last they become entirely rhythmical. 
 The chief representatives of hymn-composition after Ambrosius are Prudentius, 
 Sedulius, Ennodius, Venantius Fortunatus, Gregory the Great. Cf. JHuemer, 
 der iamb. Dim. bei den christl.-lat. Hymnendichtern der vorkaroling. Zeit, "Wien 
 1876 ; die altesten lat.-christl. Bhythmen, Wien 1879. 
 
 31. Among the literary forms of lyric poetry, the most ele- 
 gant, the Epigram, was first cultivated, partly for inscriptions, 
 partly for allegory and occasional verses, in part too for light 
 erotic trifles. In the first application it was used after Ennius 
 more and more frequently on sepulchral monuments, buildings, 
 utensils, works of art etc. ; sometimes in hexameters (e.g. in the 
 dedication by Mummius to Hercules Victor a. 608/146, OIL. 1, 
 542), sometimes in distichs (as in the sepulchral inscription of 
 Cn. Cornelius Scipio Hispanus, praetor 615/139, CIL. 1, 38), most 
 systematically in Varro's Imagines. In the first half of the 
 seventh century u. c. we have as representatives of the two 
 other uses of the epigram Pompilius, Valerius Aedituus, Porcius 
 Licinus, Q. Lutatius Catulus, Quinctius Atta ; in the second half 
 Varro Atacinus, Licinius Calvus and Catullus and probably Q. 
 Hortensius, C. Memmius, Q. Scaevola and others to whom erotic 
 poems are ascribed. In the Augustan age Augustus himself, 
 Domitius Marsus, Pedo, Cornificia, Sulpicia, Graetulicus. Then 
 under Domitian, the epigram in various forms was treated in a 
 masterly manner by Martial ; Ausonius also has several examples, 
 and for a long time such trifles continued to be produced, 
 
42 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 especially to serve for sepulchral inscriptions. Even in the sixth 
 century after Christ we find a collection of epigrams by Luxorius. 
 At the same period originated the collection of smaller poems 
 preserved to us in the codex Salmasianus; this formed the 
 nucleus for the collections of short poems, either detached or 
 unappropriated, which have been made in more recent times and 
 which bear the name of Anthologia Latina. 
 
 1. Many epigrams used as real superscriptions are preserved in inscriptions ; 
 cf. e.g. the epigram in hexameter near the paintings of the temple of Juno at 
 Ardea, written antiquis litteris latinis, see Pun. NH. 35, 115. — Gell. 19, 9, 7 Ecquis 
 nostrorum poetarum tarn fluentes carminum delicias fecisset (like Anacreon) ? nisi 
 Catullus forte pauca et Calvus itidem pauca. nam Laevius implicata et Hortensius 
 invenusta et Cinna inlepida et Memmius dura, ac deinceps omnes rudia fecerunt atque 
 absona ; ib. 10 seq. are quoted versus Valerii Aeditui, . . item Porcii Licini et Q. 
 Catuli . . . quibus mundius, venustius, limatius, tersius graeeum latinumve nihil 
 quidquam reperiri puto. Maktial. 1 praef. : lascivam verborum veritatem, i.e. 
 epigrammaton linguam, excusarem si meum esset exemplum : sic scribit Catullus, sic 
 Marsus, sic Pedo, sic Gaetulicus, sic quicumque perlegitur. Plin. ep. 5, 3, 5 enumer- 
 ates as erotic poets, M. Tullium, C. Calvum, Asinium Pollionem, M. Messalam, Q. 
 Hortensium, M. Brutum, L. Sullam, Q. Catulum, Q. Scaevolam, Ser. Sulpicium, M. 
 Varronem, Torquatum, immo Torquatos, C. Memmium, Lentulum Gaetulicum, Annaeum 
 Senecam, Annaeum Lucanum, . . Verginium Hufum, . . d. Iulium, d. Augus- 
 tum, d. Nervam, Tiberium Caesarem; also Neronem, and (ib. 6) P. Vergilius, 
 Cornelius Nepos et prius Accius JSmniusque. By the Torquats Pliny probably 
 means the L. Torquati, of whom the father was cons. 689/65, and the son praetor 
 705/49,fa. 707/47 in Africa (cf. Cic. Brut. 239, 265. It is probably to the marriage 
 of the son that Catullus 61 alludes, see LSchwabe, quaestt. catuli. 340). — There 
 seems to have been an erotic anthology at an early period, from which perhaps 
 Pliny (1.1.), Gellius (1.1.) and Apuleius (apol. 9) derived their special knowledge 
 in this field. AL. 23-25. 29. 427-435. 446. 448-453. 458-460 are probably taken 
 from some such source. — H. Paldamus, r5m. Erotik., Greifsw. 1833. 
 
 2. On the so-called sepulchral inscriptions of Naevius, Plautus, Ennius, 
 Pacuvius see § 115, 2.— On the epigrams of M. Tullius Laurea see § 191, 6. To- 
 wards the end of the Eepublic numerous epigrams on persons and events of the 
 day. So on Bibulus cons. a. 695/59 (Suet. Iul. 20) ;'on the gourmet Eufus {ciconi- 
 arum conditor, Porph. Hor. S. 2, 2, 50) ; on a, scandalous marriage (Porph. Hor. 
 S. 1, 7, 19) ; again AL. 419-426 in honour of Caesar, 426 sq. formal poems on the 
 death of the hostile brothers Mevius (§ 309, 1). In the early Imperial period such 
 subjects as the death of Cato Uticensis, the tomb of Pompeius and his sons were 
 chosen by preference ; see AL. 392 sqq. 413 sq. The Emperors especially were 
 not spared, see Suet. Aug. 70. Tib. 59. Cal. 8, Nero 39. Dom. 14, 23 etc. On 
 later Emperors see FPU. 378. In relation to the subject see § 11, 2, 3. 
 
 3. Martial. 1, praef. (see n. 1), 8, praef. : quamvis epigrammata a severissimis 
 quoque et summae fortunae viris ita scripta sint ut mimicam verborum licentiam affec- 
 tasse videantur. Following his precedent a certain degree of coarseness appeared 
 even to Ennodius and Luxorius to be inseparable from this kind of writing. 
 Fronto p. 212 novissimos in epigrammatis versus habere oportet aliquid luminis. The 
 elegiac distich is the regular metre for epigram : six pentameters following one 
 
§31,32. THE EPIGRAM: ELEGY. 43 
 
 another in an epigram on Commodus, originally Greek, but translated a malo poeta 
 (Lampkid. Diad. 7, 3). 
 
 4. On the cod. Salmasianus § 476. — Anthologia vetfc. lat. epigrammatum et 
 poematum sive catalecta poett. lat. ex marmor. et monum. insor. et codd. msc. 
 eruta. cura PBurmanni, Amsterd. 1759. 73 II. From this Anthol. lat. ed. HMeyer, 
 Lps. 1835 II. — Then Anthologia latina sive poesis latinae supplementum, P. I : 
 carmina in codioibus soripta, reo. ARiese, Lpz. 1869. 70 (P. II : PBueoheleri 
 anthologia epigraphica lat. has not yet appeared. Of this we have so far three 
 instalments : the iambic inscriptions in Greifsw. ind. schol. 1870 and in the RhM. 
 27, 127, the saturnian and trochaic inscriptions in the Bonn. ind. schol. 1876). 
 The Poetae latini minores by EBaheens, Lps. 1879-83 V, esp. B. 4, contains 
 besides other matter the portions preserved in MS. of the so-called Anthol. lat. ; 
 see § 19, 4. — Numerous contributions to Latin anthology (new discoveries, textual 
 research, criticism, etc.) see e.g. Engelmann-Preuss, bibl. scriptt. class. 2, 56. We 
 have in MS. (besides a few with the authors' names, e.g. Modestus AL. 900 PLM. 
 5, 95, C. Aurelius Romulus AL. 904 PLM. 5, 97) numerous anonymous epigrams, 
 preserved sometimes in smaller groups sometimes in longer series, earlier or more 
 recent (dating from the Middle Ages, from the early Renaissance). Such are to be 
 found e.g. in the supplement to Schneidewin's Martial, and from the Oxford MSS. 
 in REllis, Anecd. Oxon. 1 (1885), 1 ; from Austrian MSS. see JHuemer, Wien. 
 Stud. 9, 51. 
 
 32. Through the influence of the Alexandrine poets the Elegy, 
 at the close of the Republic, gained ground at Rome, and in it 
 the disciples far surpassed their Greek originals in trubh and 
 warmth of sentiment as well as in formal finish. Catullus, it is 
 true, handles it generally with a certain awkwardness ; Cornelius 
 Gallus (Lycoris) appears to have succeeded better. Tibullus 
 produced masterpieces, Propertius passionate pictures, and Ovid 
 was quite at home in the Elegy. In the first century of the 
 Christian era this kind was long fashionable, and was employed 
 even in the schools for practice in style. But the intrinsic worth 
 of these productions decreased in proportion. Later on, this 
 metre shared the fate of epic verse, being employed in all kinds 
 of subjects ; and when the break-up began and the ancient 
 prosody which was based on quantity began to decay before 
 modern European forms of poetry had been developed, those two 
 metres, being the most popular and widely used, were the first 
 to suffer. Yet it is to the commencement of the sixth century 
 that the remarkable elegiac writer Maximian of Etruria belongs. 
 
 1. Diomed. GL. 1, 484 elegia est carmen compositum hexametro verm pentametroque 
 quod genus carminis praecipue scripserunt apud JRomanos Propertius et Tibullus 
 et Gallus, imitati Graecos Callimachum et Miphoriona. Cic. Tusc. 3, 45 on Unnius : 
 o poetam egregium, quamquam ab his cantoribus Euphorionis (Calvus, Catullus, Gallus 
 etc.) contemnitur. Quintil. 10, 1, 93 elegia quoque Graecos provocamus. cuius mihi 
 terms atque elegans maxime videtur auctor Tibullus. sunt qui Propertium malint. 
 
44 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 Ovidius utroque lascivior, sicut durior Gallus. Cf. MHaupt, op. 3, 205. For their 
 chronological succession see Ovid, trist. 4, 10, 53 successor fuit hie (TibuUus) tibi, 
 Galle, Propertius illi ; quartus ab his serie temporis ipse fui. Varro Atacinus, the 
 earliest poet in this style, is omitted in these enumerations, as of less importance. 
 On Cassius of Parma see § 210, 7. In the Augustan period we have the author 
 of the third book of Tibullus (Lygdamus). Suetonius considered elegi attributed 
 to Horace as spurious ; see § 240, 2. Elegiac iS^a-rrora on Maecenas and Messala 
 § 229, 3. 230, 5. n.l. 
 
 2. Pers. 1, 51 si qua elegidia (epigrams ?) crudi dictarunt proceres. Iuv. 1, 3 
 impune . . . mihi recitaverit ille togatas, hie elegos f In the reign of Domitian 
 Arruntius Stella composed elegies, in the time of the younger Pliny that -writer 
 himself (ep. 7, 4, 3. 7) and Passennus Paullus, municeps and descendant of Pro- 
 pertius. The rhetorical elegy to Spes AL. 415 PLM. 4, 65 is probably as early as 
 the first century a.d. Of a similar character AL. 440 PLM. 4, 76. 
 
 3. The Roman erotic poets shrouded the women whom they celebrated in song 
 in a becoming chiaroscuro, partly by leaving out their individual traits, partly by 
 the custom of mentioning them under altered names, which however were gene- 
 rally in prosodical agreement (cf. Acr. Hor. S. 1, 2, 64). Apul. apol. 10 accusent 
 C Catullum quod Lesbiam pro Clodia nominarit, et Ticidam similiter quod quae 
 Metella erat Perillam scripserit, et Propertium qui Cynthiam dicat, Hostiam dissimulet, et 
 Tibullum quod ei sit Plania in animo, Delia in versu. LSchwaee, quaest. Catull. 231. 
 SKleemann, de Tib. Ill, p. 21. Enumeration of the lady-loves of poets in Martial. 
 8, 73, 5 sqq. and Apoll. Sidon. ep. 2, 10. Cf. § 226, 2. 232, 1. 
 
 4. Por the technical laws of the elegiac distich, its grouping, the symmetry 
 of its periods, etc., see under the several poets. In general WGebhardi, de Tib. 
 Prop. Ovidii distichis, Konigsb. 1870. FCHultgren, obss. metr. in poet. eleg. gr. 
 et lat. I. II., Lps. 1871 and Ber. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 1872, 3 (see § 19, 2), 
 Drobisch, Classific. der Formen des Distichon, Ber. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 1871, 1. 
 1872, 1. 27. BHEngbers, de metricis inter Tib. Propertiumque differentiis, 
 Miinst. 1873. EEichner, de poett. lat. usque ad Aug. distichis, Bresl. 1866 ; metr. 
 u. rhythm. Bau u. Homoeoteleuta in d. Distt., Gnesen 1875. SKleemann de 1. Ill 
 Tib. (Strssb. 1876) p. 24. CPrien, d. Symmetrie u. Eesponsion der rOm. Elegie, 
 Lub. 1867. GHBubendey, d. Symmetrie der rom. Elegie, Hamb. 1876. Madvig, 
 adv. 2, 110. — Indebtedness of the Eoman elegiac writers (e.g. Tib. 1, 7. 2, 1. 2. 5. 3, 7. 
 Pkop. 5, 6) to the nomos-like hymns of Kallimaohos : OCkusius, WschrfklPh. 1885, 
 1298. 
 
 5. OFGruppe, die rOm. Elegie; krit. Untersuchungen usw., Lpz. 1838 II — 
 Auswahlen f. d. Schulgebr. by PKSchulze, BerU 1884. BVolz, Lpz. 2 1876 — 
 FTeufel, d. Cat. Tib. Prop, vocibus singularibus, Freib. in Br. 1872. FKoldewey, 
 die fig. ctiri koipou bei Cat. Tib. Prop. Hor. ZfdGW. 31, 337. OAken, de fig. diro 
 kolvov usu ap. Cat. Tib. Prop. I, Schwerin 1884. AMansfeld, de enuntiatis con- 
 ditional, ap. eleg. poett. latt., Halle 1879. OWolff, de enuntiatis interrog. ap. 
 Cat. Tib. Prop., Halle 1883. JSenger, d. Infinitive bei Cat. Tib. Prop., Speier 1886. 
 CSchneemann, de verbb. cum praepp. compositorum ap. Cat. Tib. Prop, construc- 
 tione, Halle 1881. 
 
 6. The epitaphia and epicedia also show the close connection between epigram 
 and elegy. Thus the epitaphs of the mimus Vitalis (AL. 683 PLM. 3, 245) and of 
 Nymphius ( AL. 722 PLM. 3, 270) by their magnitude approximate to elegies ; while 
 epitaphs characterising authors, such as those of Seneca and Lucan (AL. 667. 668 
 PLM. 5, 386) are epigrams on them (cf. § 31, 2). 
 
 7. Didactic poems in elegiac metre, like Ovid's Fasti, the Phoenix (§ 397, 8) 
 
§ 32-34. ELEGY : IAMBIC POETRY : MELIC POETRY. 45 
 
 and de rosis nascentibus, AL. 646. Cf. § 229, 2 and above § 23. On riddles, cen- 
 tones and eccentricities in this metre see § 26. 
 
 33. Iambics, familiar from the drama, were at an early time 
 employed for other purposes (e.g. for epitaphs). For the carmen 
 maledicum the iambic metre seems to have been first employed 
 among the Romans by Furius Bibaculus, after him by Catullus, 
 Calvus, and the younger Cato, and by Horace (epodes) and Bas- 
 sus. The mimiambi of Cn. Matius were a variety of this. The 
 Imperial period was not favourable to this species, and iambics 
 were then mostly employed without special purpose. But part 
 of the poems of Martial are in this metre, and at a later period 
 Ausonius endeavoured to revive iambics in their original appli- 
 cation. 
 
 1. Diomed. GL. 1, 485 iambus est carmen maledicum . . . cuius carminis praecipui 
 scriptores . . . apud Somanos Lucilius et Catullus et Soratius et Bibaculus. Quint. 
 10, 1, 96 iambus non sane a Romanis celebratus est ut proprium opus, (sed aliisy 
 quibusdam interpositus. cuius acerbitas in Catullo, Bibaculo, Horatio, quamquam Uli 
 epodos intervenit, reperietur (cf. ib. 9, 4, 141. 10, 1, 9). Ovid. rem. am. 377 liber in 
 adversos hostes stringatur iambus, sen celer extremum seu trahat ille pedem (choliam- 
 bics). Catull. 36, 5 and 40, 2 uses iambus of maledica carmina in general, without 
 regard to metre, also of hendecasyllabics, as he himself (and Martial after him) 
 employed them by preference. 
 
 2. Lenaeus' satire (§ 211, 3) and Ovid's Ibis were iambic in their subjects. 
 Choliambies and iambics in Catullus and in the Vergilian Oatalepta ; Matius' 
 mimiambi were also choliambic, likewise Petron. sat. 5, Persius' prologue and part 
 of the poems of Martial. Among the Priapeia the iambus is also represented. The 
 verses of » supposed ' Iambograph ' Placcus (Paul. Festi 263) are not iambics. — 
 Antistius Sosianus § 304, 4, Aurelius Apollinaris § 385, 3. An epigram (alleged 
 to be by the consul Ablabius 331 a.d.) on the domestic murder charged against 
 Constantine in Ap. Sidon. epist. 5, 8. Jocular epigrams in hendecasyllabics on 
 contemporary events in Lampeid. Alex. sev. 38. By Ausonius see. esp. epigr. 
 44. 46. 47 against the rhetor Eufus. Cf. Eiese's AL. 2, p. 372. 
 
 3. Inscriptions in iambics are not rare. In Bucheler's coll. (see § 31, 4) nos. 
 1-101 are senarii, 102-105 chol., 106-108 dimeters. 
 
 34. At the end of the Republic, when the knowledge of 
 Greek literature at Rome had become more extensive and life 
 more exciting, nearly every well-educated Roman would occasion- 
 ally attempt some kind or other of small poems ; even the more 
 talented poets, e.g. Varro Atacinus, Laevius, Calvus and Catullus 
 roamed undecidedly through various kinds and metrical forms ; 
 Catullus alone became the first real lyric poet among the Romans 
 on account of the love and hatred embodied in his poems. 
 Horace continued in his track with inferior poetical power and 
 less personal pathos, but with refined critical taste. His return 
 to the style of Alkaios and Sappho was not imitated. Others in 
 
4G 
 
 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 his time did not get beyond mere playing and first attempts. 
 In the first century of the Christian era formal elegance was 
 very common, and as a consequence there was much dallying 
 with poetry ; but not one of the numerous lyric poets of this or 
 the next succeeding period gained eminence and lasting influ- 
 ence : e.g. Caesius Bassus, Saleius Bassus, Graetulicus, Arruntius 
 Stella, Vestricius Spurinna, the younger Pliny, P. Annius Floras, . 
 Voconius, Hadrian, Serius Augurinus, Pompeius Saturninus, 
 Annianus. This mastery over form, which incited many poets — 
 e.g. Septimius Serenus and Terentianus Maurus — to write verses 
 merely to give examples of the various metres, — is very brilli- 
 antly represented by Statius and subsequently Ausonius, and 
 even by Apollinaris Sidonius and Boethius ; nor is the Pervigilium 
 Veneris a despicable specimen of the lyric art of the second and 
 third centuries. Among the Christian poets of the fourth cen- 
 tury Prudentius is remarkable for the variety of the melic metres 
 employed by him. Hendecasyllabics, trochaic tetrameters and 
 iambic dimeters were in fashion for longer or shorter periods. 
 
 1. The oldest melio poets, under the influence of Soman notions and on 
 account of their playful character, style their works nugae, ineptiae, (Eroto-) 
 paegnia, opuscula etc. Many of the poets enumerated by Pliny ep. 5, 3, 5 (see 
 § 81, 1) belong to this class, perhaps also Cassius of Parma. In the Augustan 
 period perhaps Titius (Hon. E. 1, 3, 9), Julius Antonius (cf. Hoe. C. 4, 2) and Eufus 
 (Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, 28); besides Maecenas' attempts. On Melissus' Ineptiae § 244, 
 2.— The Priapeia also (see § 254, 5) date chiefly from the Augustan period. 
 
 2. Quiht. 10, 1, 96 lyricorum Horatius fere solus hgi dignus . . . si quern 
 adicere velis, is erit Caesius Bassus, quem. nuper vidimus : sed eum longe praecedunt 
 ingenia viventium (perhaps he has in his mind especially Arruntius Stella, 
 Vestricius Spurinna, probably even Statius, which would also give us a corrective 
 for his judgment on Bassus). These late lyric poets lacked less the form than 
 the subjects. Versiculi of Pliny, on erotic subjects, esp. hendecasyllabics, ep. 5, 
 3, 1. 7, 4, 1. 7 sqq. His contemporary is Passennus Paullus, an imitator of Horace 
 (ib. 9, 22, 2). Voconius poeta (§ 346, 5) under Hadrian, who also wrote verses of a 
 similar kind. There was at that time a preference for the popular (see § 11, 3)' 
 trochaic septenarius (Annius Plorus) ; afterwards for the iambic dim. (e.g. 
 Annianus). In the fifth cent, hendecasyllabics were again the fashion (Sidonius 
 and others). At the same time there were various rarities, e.g. the Anacreontics 
 in Symmach. ep. 1, 8. Intentional or involuntary over-estimation of contemporaries 
 e.g. in reference to Numerianus (Caesar a. 284) see § 385, 3. Votive inscription of 
 Alfenus Portunatus in ionics, Behier Inscr. de TAlg. 157 Wilm. 149. Cf. 
 Bitschl, op. 4, 309. Epitaph on a lap-dog in hendecasyllabics with Catulline 
 assonances (2d cent.), Wilm. 684. Christian hendecasyllabics AL. 768. Oracles 
 (sortes), partly in paroemiac verse, in the SGallen MS. of Merobaudes, see 
 BticHELEH, Bonner ind. schol. 1877, 14. 
 
 3. Were the melic poems, those of Horace especially, intended to be sung to 
 an instrumental accompaniment? He says C. 4, 9, 4 verba loquor socianda chordis, 
 
§ 34, 35. MELIC POETRY : PROSE. 47 
 
 and often speaks of his lyra, cithara, testudo, barbitos, of plectrum and of fides, of 
 canere, cantare, dicere. See OJahn, Herm. 2, 418, who rightly answers this question 
 in the affirmative. Of. besides LFriedlXnder, Sittengesch. 3 5 , 294. ARiese, ,TJ • 
 94, 480. "VVForster, quaestt. Hor. 2 (Briinn 1870), 11. FSOss, ZfoG. 30, 881. 
 Much of course is to be traced to the language of the Greek originals ; it must also 
 be observed that H. addresses himself to Hellenising circles, and to those who 
 mingled with the musical demi-monde. The early Eoman aversion for singing 
 (§ 1, 4) need hardly be taken into consideration, for singing and writing poems to 
 be sung are different things. Cantus inter convivia dulcis, Manil. astr. 5, 333. 
 Ov. AA. 3, 345 composita cantetur epistula (an heroid) voce. The younger Pliny's 
 hendecasyllabics were sung by Eomans and even by Greeks (§ 340, 4). He boasts 
 of his wife : versus meos cantat etiam formatque cithara, . . . docente amore (see ep. 
 4, 19, 4, cf. 7, 17, 3). Ann. Flor. p. 106 H. . urbem Mam ubi versus tui a lectoribus 
 concinuntur. Ap. Gell. 19, 9, 10 (Iulianus rhetor) voce admodum quam suavi versus 
 cecinit Valeri Aeditui, Porcii Licini et Q. Catuli. Again Apoll. Sidon. ep. 8, 4 
 iambos, elegos, hendecasyllabos et cetera carmina . . . Narbonensibus cantitanda. 
 
 35. As was the case in Greek literature, the Romans did not 
 form and develop a literary prose-style until a comparatively 
 late period. The first step towards prose-composition was taken 
 by Appius Claudius (475/279) in publishing one of his speeches. 
 But as the succeeding writers employed the Greek language, the 
 history of prose does not begin, properly speaking, before Cato 
 Major. For a long time, however, the written speech remained 
 insignificant by the side of the oral, and became its equal only in 
 the time of Cicero, when prose attained to its climax and became 
 the adequate expression of the author's individuality. It always 
 retained a rhetorical colour in accordance with the Roman 
 character. In the first century of the Imperial period it begins 
 already to decay, by being mixed with poetical distion and 
 becoming estranged from natural expression. The decay of 
 accidence and syntax begins also about this time. Later on, the 
 plebeian element found admission. And when the influence of 
 provincial writers, who were not guided by a native sense of 
 language. and who mingled popular and literary language and 
 mixed up the diction and style of all periods, became prevalent 
 in literature, the confusion became still greater. In Italy itself 
 the language of literature became more and more different from 
 the living language, and became entirely dependent upon the 
 culture attained by each writer, which continually fell to a lower 
 level. The more provincial Latin (the Romance language) 
 developed, the more did literary Latin become a foreign tongue, 
 familiar only to the learned. 
 
 1. Isidor. orig. 1, 37, 2 praeterea (ait Varro ? aiunt ? ) tarn apud Graecos quam 
 apud Latinos longe antiquiorem curam fuisse carminum quam prosae. omnia enim 
 
48 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 prius versibus condebantur (§ 61), prosae autem studium aero viguit. primus ctpud 
 Graecos Fherecydes Syrius soluta oratione scripsit, apud Romanos Appius Caee.ua 
 adversus Pyrrhum (§ 90) aolutam orationem primus exercuil. iam exhinc ceteri proaae 
 eloquentiam condiderunt. 
 
 2. Distinction between cultivated (i.e. literary or high-Latin) and vulgar 
 (i.e. popular) Latin ; the latter esp. in comic, satiric and technical writers, and in 
 letters. Donat. on Ter. Ad. 375 Sic loquitur populus (see § 385, 4). African 
 Latinity : see WMeyer's short history and grammar of popular Latin in G 
 GrObee's G-rundriss der roman. Philol. (Strassb. 1887) 355. 
 
 36. For history, as a storehouse of the glorious deeds of 
 their ancestors, to be imitated by present and future generations, 
 the Eomans possessed a very ready mind. To the very oldest 
 time belongs the custom of ex officio chronicles by the Pontifices, 
 annual and monthly registers, the fasti and annales, libri ponti- 
 ficii, commentarii regum, magistratuum, and from the beginning 
 of the Republic the yearly change of the magistrates was an 
 additional stimulus to keep registers of this kind. But the 
 families also had sufficient opportunities of preserving the 
 memory of past events in the custom of keeping family chronicles, 
 in the imagines, later on in the pedigrees, in the laudationes 
 funebres, the ancestral songs during meals. On the other hand 
 the writing of history with the Eomans (as generally in an- 
 tiquity) differed materially in aim and method from modern 
 historical writing. The desire of finding out historical truth and 
 perpetuating it as such is foreign to the Romans. Individuals 
 were guided by some practical object, generally the desire of 
 placing their nation, family, party or person in a favourable light. 
 The Romans had hardly a conception of the investigation of 
 original records, and very few concerned themselves with histori- 
 cal criticism ; historical art was for a long period no less foreign 
 to the Romans. The fact that the task of the historian was at 
 an early period regarded as a rhetorical one, caused indifference, 
 if not unscrupulousness, with regard to dates and other matters of 
 fact, and a greater inclination to arbitrary colouring. Sallust is 
 the first cultivated historian of the Romans ; all previous produc- 
 tions are either mere registers or the materials are undigested, 
 and there is a want of historical style. The oldest historians 
 even preferred writing in Greek, because Latin had not been 
 sufficiently cultivated for historical composition. 
 
 1. Latest collections of fragments of the Roman historians by HPeter, 
 historicorum rom. reliquiae ; Vol. I, Lps. 1870, and historicorum rom. fragmenta 
 (till the time of Constantine the Great), Lps. 1883. 
 
 2. GJVossius, de historicis latinis, Leiden 1627. 2 1651. HUlrici, Char- 
 
§ 36. HISTORY. 49 
 
 akteristik d. antiken Historiographie, Bsrl. 1833. CNipperdey, opuso. (Berl. 
 1877) 399. 411. FDGerlach, die Geschichtschreiber d. Bomer, Stuttg. 1855. 
 ASchIfer, Quellenkunde d. gr. u. rOm. Gesch. : 2. Abt. . rOm. Gesch. 2. Aufl. v. 
 HNissen, Lpz. 1885. The introductions to the history of Borne by Niebuhr, 
 Wachsmuth, Blum, Schwegler, Mommsen (l 6 , 459). Untersuohungen tiber die 
 Glaubwiirdigkeit der altrOm. Geschichte von LOBrOcker (Bas. 1855), GCLewis 
 (transl. by FLiebkecht, Hann. 1858), HPeter hist. rom. rell. 1, xliii-lix, KW 
 Nitzsch (§ 37, 6), CPeter (§ 37, 6), MZoeller, Latium n. Bom, Lpz. 1878, 1-60 etc. 
 
 3. Pontifices, penes quos scribendae historiae potestas fuit, Vopisc. Tac. 1, 1 (see 
 § 76). For a long time no man of unfree birth could undertake the writing of 
 history : L. Voltacilius (153, 3) primus omnium libertinorum . . . scribere historiam 
 exorsus, non nisi ab honestissimo quoque scribi solitam ad id tempus, Suet. rhet. 3. 
 Bose-coloured picture Tac. Agr. 1 apud priores . . . celeberrimus quisque ingenio ad 
 prodendam virtutis memoriam sine gratia aut ambitione bonae tantum conscientiae 
 pretio ducebatur. The ordinary view, that the oldest historians wrote in Greek in 
 order to keep the information within the narrower Patrician circle, is contra- 
 dicted by the fact that one of the oldest of them, Cincius Alimentus (§ 117), is a 
 Plebeian ; cf . Phil. Anz. 15, 161. They wrote in Greek just as the oldest German 
 chroniclers wrote in Latin, and in the 17-18 cent, many German writers in 
 French. How far was regard had to the foreign public ? see WOlfflin on Liv. 
 XXI, p. vi. — For town-chronicles out of Borne : Liv. 5, 34. 8, 10. 10, 2. Later on 
 the records of the city of Borne were fused with the Latin and Italic. — The 
 historians only made superficial use of the great fund of public records in Borne. 
 National archives in the tabularium in the Capitol, from its rebuilding (finished 
 685/69) by Q. Lutatius Catulus after the burning of the Capitol 671/83. Bestored 
 by Vespasian (Suet. Vesp. 8) after its destruction in a.d. 69. Imperial court- 
 archives on the Palatine (Cass. D. ep. 72, 24, 2). 
 
 4. Practical r objects: reference to precedents e.g. Liv. 8, 18, 12. Pedagogic 
 purposes : Plot. Cato mai. 20. Already Lucilius mentions a Boman who wrote 
 Boman history for his children (26, 58 veterem historiam inductus studio scribis ad 
 amores tuos). 
 
 5. Quint. 2, 18, 5 historiis, quod ipsum opus in parte oratoria merito ponimus. 
 By reason of their predilection for rhetoric, the Boman historians gladly adopted 
 the Greek custom of interweaving speeches in their accounts of events. Cato the 
 Elder used his own speeches thus to an exaggerated extent ; so did Antipater. 
 The artistic historians use speeches to gain variety, and to characterise both 
 actors and situations. They are rare in Caesar, but frequent in Sallust (§ 206, 4) 
 and Livy (§ 257, 12). These two last are rightly blamed from the point of view 
 of the historian by Pompeius Trogus (Iustin. 38, 3, 11) quod contiones directas pro 
 sua oratione operi suo inserendo historiae modum excesserint. At an early period the 
 speeches and letters from Sallust (§ 205, 4 cf. 206, 4) and Livy (Suet. Domit. 10) 
 were collected for rhetorical use in schools. ABudiger, de orationibus in rerum 
 scriptoribus gr. et lat., Schleiz 1875. 
 
 6. The reports of battles by rhetorical historians (in contradistinction to 
 those of experts such as Xenophon, Polybios and Caesar) are either fanciful 
 pictures, or composed in imitation of celebrated models, and are in parts rather 
 monotonous. Verhandl. d. Wurzb. Philol. Vers. (Lpz. 1869), 190. ThStade, die 
 Schlachtenschilderungen in Liv. 1. Dekade, Jena 1873. ThZielimski, zweiter pun. 
 Krieg, Lpz. 1880, 149. 
 
 7. History and romance were actually confounded fay many Boman historical 
 writers. Quintiliak indeed (10, 1, 31) theorises thus : historia est proxima poesis 
 
 K. L. E 
 
50 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 et quodammodo carmen solutum, et scribitur ad narrandum, non ad probandum. More 
 correctly Plin. 5, 8, 9 habet guidem oratio et historia multa communia, sed plura 
 diversa in his ipsis quae communia videntur, etc. Cf . ib. 4 orationi et carmini parva 
 gratia, nisi eloquentia est summa : historia quoquo modo scripta delectat. sunt enim 
 homines natura curiosi et quamlibet nuda rerum cognitione capiuntur. For the other 
 view see Cic. Brut. 42 quoniam, concessum est rhetoribus ementiri in historiis, ut 
 aliquid dicere possint argutius. de leg. 1, 5 cum sit (historia) opus, ut tibi quidem 
 videri solet, unum hoc oratorium maxime (doubtless esp. concerning style). Cf. § 39, 
 2. HNissen, EhM. 26, 500. 515. 41, 494. Cf. § 37, 3. 6. On the difference between 
 ancient and modern historical writing CNippekdet, opusc. 411. 
 
 37. Until the end of the second Punic war Rome produced 
 only history and sources of history. "When history came to be 
 narrated, its form was naturally like the old annals. Hence the 
 oldest Roman historians are Annalists. There were two genera- 
 tions of these. The older one reaches into the 7th century u.c, 
 consisting chiefly of men who had themselves played a part in 
 the State and afterwards registered in a meagre chronicle-like 
 form, yet with a certain reliability, the events in their annual 
 succession. At their head stands Q. Fabius Pictor, who was 
 succeeded by L. Cincius Alimentus, C. Acilius and A. Postumius 
 Albinus. All of them dealt summarily with the oldest period 
 and at greater length with contemporary history, all wrote in 
 Greek, as did also the son of the older Africanus. With Pictor 
 and Acilius, however, Latin compositions soon followed. The 
 first who wrote in Latin was Cato (Origines), who at the same 
 time extended the subject to a history of Italy. His example 
 was followed with regard to the language by L. Oassius Hemina 
 and perhaps also Ser. Fabius Pictor ; then by L. Scribonius Libo, 
 Fabius Maximus Servilianus (cos. 612/142), L. Calpurnius Piso 
 Frugi (cos. 621/133), C. Sempronius Tuditanus (cos. 625/129). 
 After the contests of the Gracchi begins the later generation of 
 Annalists, who wrote under the influence of partisan motives and 
 with increasing diffuseness ; among the first of these are Ven- 
 nonius and Cn. G-ellius. The influence of the Greek style 
 appears in C. Fannius and even more in L. Coelius Antipater, 
 his younger contemporary ; Polybios' pragmatical method clearly 
 influenced Sempronius Asellio. In the middle of the 7th 
 century u.c. and in the time of Sulla, we meet with several 
 writers of memoirs and autobiographies, viz. M. Aemilius Scaurus, 
 P. Rutilius Rufus, Q. Lutatius Catulus, Sulla himself, and in 
 Greek L. Licinius Lucullus ; later on M. Varro, Caesar, Augustus, 
 Agrippa and others. In the time of Sulla Voltacilius is the first 
 
§ 37. THE ANNALISTS. 51 
 
 historian who was not free-born, and On. Aufidius again wrote' in 
 Greek. In the same time the later style of annals is promi- 
 nently represented in Q. Claudius Quadrigarius and the exagger- 
 ating Valerius Antias. More respectable was C. Licinius Macer, 
 the last real Annalist, inasmuch as L. Cornelius Sisenna (praetor 
 676/78) adopted in his contemporary history an arrangement 
 more in accordance with the subject-matter than with chrono- 
 logy. But even Tacitus hardly dares to free himself from the 
 annalistic shackles, and even many biographies of Emperors were 
 in the form of annals, 
 
 1. The older Annalists shunned deliberate falsehood ; yet they sought to hush 
 up unpleasant facts, such as the subjugation of Rome by Porsena, the ransom of 
 the town from the Gauls, the Caudine Forks, and the ensuing rupture of the 
 peace. Nor did they hesitate to misrepresent facts. The later Annalists abound 
 in patriotic falsifications. The nearer to the Augustan period, the greater is the 
 range of the annals, and so much the less on the average is their credibility. 
 See HNissen, EhM. 25, 1. Cf. ELubbeet, de Liv. 1. IV fontibus, Giessen 1872, p. 3. 
 Antipater is the first to turn to account even antagonistic authorities. Entire 
 ignorance about foreign countries is common to all Annalists. Eor the un- 
 historical exaggeration of numbers (in accounts of battles etc.) by Annalists see 
 e.g. CPeter, zur Kritik der Quellen d. alt. rOm. Geseh. 53. Cf. § 155, 3. BNiese, 
 de annalibus rom. obss., Marb. 1886. 
 
 2. Wherever, after the middle of the 7th century, annals are mentioned, 
 histories in the form of annals are meant ; a literary continuation of the annales 
 maximi (§ 76). Cf. Schwegler, EG. 1, 11 seq. 
 
 3. In contradistinction from annales as chronicles historia (itrropla investiga- 
 tion) properly designates a subjective, rather pragmatical presentation of the 
 subject-matter : but this distinction was not maintained in usage. The older 
 grammarians partly defined historia as » description of personal experiences 
 (unde Livius ex annalibus et historia constat, Seev. 1.1.), which already Veerius 
 Flaccus ap. Gell. 1.1. rightly questioned. Cf. Gell. 5, 18. Seev. Aen. 1, 373. 
 Isid. orig. 1, 40, 1. Niebuhr, kl. Schr. 2, 229 makes too sharp a distinction be- 
 tween the terms. Cf. HNissen. krit. Unters. 87. FThieesch, Munchner Gel. Anz. 
 1848, Nr. 131. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, xlviii. Semfronius Asellio in Gell. 5, 18, 8 
 inter eos qui annales relinquere voluissent et eos qui res gestas a Romanis perscribere 
 conati essent omnium rerum hoc interfuit. annales libri tantummodo quod factum quo- 
 que anno gestum sit, ea demonstrabant ita quasi qui diarium scribunt, quam Oraeci 
 i(jnineplSa vacant, nobis non modo satis esse video quod factum esset, id pronuntiare, sed 
 etiam quo consilio quaque ratione gesta essent demonstrare : . . . (to state only the 
 external facts, not their causes) id fabulas pueris est narrare, non historias scribere. 
 Chronological sequence was naturally adhered to in the main in the historiae 
 (Plin. ep. 1, 1 non servato temporis ordine, neque enim historiam componebam), and 
 historical writing was always considered by the Romans to be chronological 
 (Cic. fam. 5, 12, 5 ordo ipse annalium mediocriter nos retinet quasi enumeratione 
 factorum). 
 
 4. There was great liberty allowed in using previous writers ; subsequent 
 writers copied the works of their predecessors with more or less additional matter 
 
52 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 and changes, with or without express mention of the name. The source is 
 generally only given for the purpose of deciding a moot point by the weight of 
 a name or by the majority of the authorities, to find fault with the authority, or 
 to explain why the point cannot be decided. Quotations from the principal 
 authority are often thrown in ; quotations indicating the authority as responsible 
 are much less common. Frequently a writer would found his work on one 
 principal source, changing this according to other sources or individual pleasure. 
 CPeter, das Verhaltn. des Liv. etc., Anclam J853 ; zur Kritik der alteren rom. 
 Gesch. (Halle 1879) 4. 6. HNissen, krit. Unters. 77. 90. HPetee, hist. rell. 1, liv. 
 EWolfflin, on Liv. XXI, p. xsn. 
 
 5. Cic. de or. 2, 12, 52 erat historia nihil aliud nisi annalium confectio. Tac. 
 dial. 22 nulli sensus tarda et inerti structura in morem aunnalium componantur. 
 Bionys. 1, 7 elal Si (the irpay/iareTai of the Annalists) rats eWrjvtKaU xpoeoypa(/>£ais 
 iowvTai. Judging according to the laws of rhetorical style Cic. leg. 1, 6 post 
 annates pontificum maximorum . . . si aut ad Fabium aut ad . . . Catonem aut 
 ad Pisonem aut ad Fannium aut ad Vennonium venias, quamquam ex his alius alio 
 plus habet virium, tamen quid tarn exile quam isti omnes ? Fanni autem aetati coniunc- 
 tus Antipater paulo inflavit vehementius, ... sea! tamen admonere reliquos potuit ut 
 aceuratius scriberent. eece autem successere huic belli (fine historians ? Guilelmus 
 conjectures rightly : Gellii, see § 137, 1 and Vahlen ad loc. and GPUnger Philol. 
 SuppL 3, 2, 9) Clodius, Asellio : nihil ad Coelium, sed potius ad antiquorum languorem 
 el inscitiam. Pronto ep. p. 114 historiam scripsere Sallustius structe, Pictor incondite, 
 Claudius lepide, Antias invenuste, Seisenna longinque, verbis Cato muliiiugis, Coelius 
 singulis. DlONYS. Ant. 1, 7 & tuv iaTopi&v ... as oi irpbs aCruv iiraivoifievoi 'Pufiaiuy 
 cvveypaij/ai/, TldpKids re Kdruv Kal *<£/3ios Md£i/ios Kal OiaXepios 6 'Avneis Kal Aocicvios 
 Moxep, AtKtol re leal IYMioi Kal KaXvoipnoi, Kal Srepoi avxvol irp&s roirois &v8pes oiic 
 A.<j>aveh. The oldest Annalists (Q. Pabius and L. Cincius) are previously mentioned 
 by Dionys. 1, 6. 
 
 6. Mommsek, EG. 2 6 , 452. LKieserling, de rer. rom. scriptoribus quibus T. 
 Livius usus est, Berl. 1858. HvdBergh, de antiquiss. annalium scriptor. rom., 
 Greifsw. 1859. Teupeel, PEE. I 2 , 1018. KWNitzsch, rom. und deutsche Anna- 
 listik u. Gesehichtschr., Sybel's hist. Zeitschr. 11, 1 ; die rOm. Annalistik von 
 ihren ersten Anfangen bis auf Valerias Antias, Berl. 1873 ; die antike Geschicht- 
 schreibung in his Gesch. d. rOm. Eep. 1 (1883), 5. HKlimke, Diodor u. d. r6m. 
 Annalistik, KOnigshtitte 1881. CPeter, zur Kritik d. Quellen d. alteren rOm. 
 Gesch., Halle 1879. LOBrocker, moderne Quellenforscher u. antike Geschicht- 
 schreiber, Iansbr. 1882. 
 
 7. Cic. fam. 5, 12, 8 scribam ipse de me, multorum tamen exemplo et clarorum 
 virorum. Tac. Agr. 1 apud priores . . , plerique suam ipsi vitam narrare 
 fiduciam potius morum quam adrogantiam arbitrati sunt, nee id Rutilio et Scauro citra 
 fidem aut obtredationi fuit. LWiese, de vitarum scriptoribus romanis, Berl. 1840. 
 WHDSnRiNGAR, de rom. autobiographis, Leyden 1846. AFrigell, om de rom. 
 sjelfbiograferna, Ups. 1877. Kochly and Eustow, Einl. zu Caes. gall. Krieg. 
 (Gotha 1857) p. 3. The apologetic tendency of these memoirs was so pronounced 
 that Cic. Brut. 112 actually calls a work of this kind laudes. What others did not 
 do themselves, was done for them by officious clients, and later on by starving 
 Greek literati. 
 
 38. In the Ciceronian period the rich materials furnished 
 by contemporary history, together with the spread of a certain 
 
§ 37-39. THE ANNALISTS : HISTOBIANS OF THE REPUBLIC AND EMPIRE. 53 
 
 literary facility, led many to compose historical narratives. 
 Thus besides Atticus, Cicero and Cornelius Nepos, there -were 
 also Hortensius, Varro, Procilius, Lucceius, Libo, and others. 
 Among these Atticus and Cornelius Nepos were distinguished 
 by the range of their subject-matter, but were surpassed 
 in interest as well as in style by the performances of Caesar 
 and Sallust. Caesar provided also materials for future historians 
 by establishing (a. 695/59) an official journal. The Civil War 
 produced, besides Caesar's own writings, many other party 
 histories. On Caesar's side wrote Hirtius, Oppius and Cor- 
 nelius Balbus, Pompeius was vindicated by Voltacilius and T. 
 Ampius Balbus, and Cicero by his faithful Tiro. M. Antony's 
 Parthian war was related by Dellius. Among the opposite party 
 M. Brutus wrote also memoirs, and his step-son Bibulus and 
 friend Volumnius historical treatises in his praise. Contem- 
 porary history was also treated in the Annals of Tanusius 
 Geminus and partly by Q. Tubero, the Civil War itself by 
 Asinius Pollio and M. Valerius Messala. The Augustan period 
 produced, in Livy's Uoman History, a work of formal perfection, 
 and the first Universal History (an idea only timidly approached 
 by Varro, Atticus and Cornelius Nepos) was written by Pompeius 
 Trogus. Varro's tentative effort towards a history of culture 
 found in Fenestella a praiseworthy imitator. 
 
 1. At the end of the Eepublic, historians summed up the -works of their 
 predecessors. This summary we have in Livy, in Dionysius of Halicarnassus and 
 in the revision of the Capitoline Fasti. Nissen, BhM. 25, 65. 
 
 39. In the course of the Imperial period the due appreci- 
 ation of the affairs of old Rome disappeared rapidly; so did 
 the possibility of a courageous and truthful relation of con- 
 temporary or recent events. Servile flattery and dependence 
 gained ground. In the reign of Tiberius, Velleius Paterculus and 
 Valerius Maximus wrote in this spirit (at least in respect to their 
 contemporaries) ; for candour Labienus suffered under Augustus, 
 and Cremutius Cordus under Tiberius. Accordingly the histori- 
 cal works of members of the reigning family passed uncriticised, 
 e.g. those of Augustus, Tiberius, Agrippina, later on those of 
 the copious writer Claudius and still later Trajan (Dacica) and 
 Septimius Severus. Curtius chose a neutral territory. Yet 
 through the whole of the 1st century the historic sense was 
 only smouldering under the ashes: a fact proved not only by 
 
54 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 the large number of historical works of this period of which we 
 have traditions more or less dim, e.g. those by Aufidius Bassus 
 and his successor Pliny the Elder, by Seneca the Elder, Servilius 
 Nonianus, Lentulus Graetulicus, Fabius Rusticus, Cluvius Rufus, 
 Tuscus, but also by the appearance of a writer like Tacitus in 
 one of the first intervals in despotic rule. With rhetoric, how- 
 ever, history always remained in a dangerously close connec- 
 tion ; the more this degenerated, especially by the influence 
 of Eronto's school, the deeper sank history in estimation and 
 merit. The historical works of the Imperial period are also 
 characterised by a concentration upon the mere personal element, 
 to which are due both a number of biographies of private 
 persons, and the kind of historical composition begun by 
 Suetonius and his successors. Historians of this class, i.e. of 
 court-events, and biographers of Emperors, were especially 
 Marius Maximus, Junius Cordus, Aemilius Parthenianus, Aelius 
 Maurus, and others, from whose works the six so-called Scriptores 
 historiae augustae, Aelius Lampridius, Julius Capitolinus, 
 Vulcacius Grallicanus, Aelius Spartianus, Trebellius Pollio, and 
 Flavius Vopiscus, derived their compositions, without judgment 
 or taste. For the history of the 4th century we have an ex- 
 cellent authority in Ammianus Marcellinus. With regard to 
 the history of the Republican time in this period of decay, Livy 
 became the exclusive authority, so much so that even those old 
 sketches of Republican history, which are by no means mere 
 extracts from Livy, e.g. Florus and Victor's viri illustres, were 
 still considered as such by later readers. Livy himself was 
 thought too prolix, and his work was (at the latest in the 3rd 
 century) reduced to a kind of abstract in the shape of tables, 
 used by Obsequens and Cassiodorus, as well as Vopiscus, 
 Eutropius, Rufius Festus, Orosius and Pseudo-Idacius. Licinianus 
 founds himself especially on Livy, and so, to a less extent, does 
 L. Ampelius ; Julius Exuperantius abridged Sallust. At a later 
 time Eutropius took the place of Livy ; his successor Paulus 
 Diaconus was in his turn continued and elaborated by Landolfus 
 Sagax (historia miscella). After the 4th century the influence 
 of Christianity was felt here also. The chronographer of the 
 year 354 gives, in addition to consular Fasti, an Easter-table and, 
 with a list of the praefecti urbis, also one of the Roman Bishops 
 and Martyrs. Sulpicius Severus' chronicles (c. 400) contain a 
 summary of biblical and post-biblical history ; Orosius' work has 
 
§ 39. HISTORIANS OF THE EMPIRE. 55 
 
 a Christian and apologetic purpose ; the chronicles begin with 
 the Creation. In the 5th and 6 th century it was a common 
 custom to copy from one another : thus St. Jerome copied 
 Eusebius, Prosper (a.d. 455) St. Jerome, Victorius (Paschale, a.d. 
 457) Prosper, Cassiodorus (a.d. 519) Victorius, Jordanis (a.d. 551) 
 Cassiodorus, and all so as to continue their predecessors to their 
 own time. The chronicle of Prosper was also carried on by 
 Marcellinus and Victor of Tunnuna. We possess also important 
 special histories by Jordanis (Goths) and Gregory of Tours 
 (Franks). 
 
 1. Tac. hist. 1, 1 postquam hellatum apud Actium . . . magna ingenia 
 cessere ; simul Veritas pluribus modis infracta, primum inscitia reip. ut alienae, mox 
 libidine adsentandi aut rursus odio adversus dominantes. A. 1, 1 temporibus Augusti 
 dicendis non defuere decora ingenia, donee gliscente adulatione deterrerentur. Tiberii 
 Gaique et Claudii ac Neronis res florentibus ipsis ob metum falsae, postquam occiderant, 
 recentibus odiis compositae sunt. An instance of the latter kind is probably 
 C. Fannius (Plin. ep. 5, 5, 3). Ioseph. ant. 20, 8, 3 iroWol tt\v irepl Nipuva ffwrerdxa^iv 
 i&Topiav, Siv ol /ih S16, x&P lv i £ 8 ireTovBSres irr airov, ttjs &\i)dcias iiixi\i)aav, ol 5£ Sia 
 putros . . . AvatdQs £veTrapipVT]trav rots Tpevapi.a.(7iv . . . p,7\$€ tCiv irpb atirov 
 yevofiivwv ypcupovres rip ak-qBeiav ttjs io-roplas TeTrjp-qKacnv, Kairoi irpis iKetvovs airoh 
 obftev fitffos fy, 8.TC fier 7 avroits iroWQ XP QVC P yevofitvois. 
 
 2. Plin. ep. 5, 5, 3 of C. Fannius : tres libros absolverat subtiles . . . atque 
 inter sermonem historiamque medios. According to the ideas of the period (see 
 Quintilian, above § 36, 7) an historia required more elan, imagination, eloquentia. 
 Tac. Agr. 10 quae priores nondum comperta (on Britanniae situm populosque) 
 eloquentia percoluere rerum fide tradentur (cf. dial. 23). Hence the alternative, to 
 resign either eloquentia (rhetorical style) or Veritas and fides. Vopisc. Prob. 2, 7 
 mihi id animi fuit ut non Sillustios, Livios, Tacitos, Trogos atque omnes disertissimos 
 imitarer viros in vita principum et temporibus disserendis, sed Marium Maximum, 
 Suetonium Tranquillum, Fabium Marcellinum, Gargilium Martialem, ceterosque qui 
 haec et talia non tarn diserte quam vere memoriae tradiderunt. Licinianus writes 
 from Li, similar point of view concerning Sallust, see § 206, 4. Hence also such 
 judgments as Seneca's N. Q. 7, 16, 1 nee magna molitione detrahenda est auctoritas 
 JSphoro: historicus est . . . haec in commune de tota natione (of the historici), 
 quae adprobari opus suum et fieri populare non putet posse nisi illud mendacio 
 adsperserit. On the historical compositions of the Frontoniani see Lucian's wds del 
 ffvyyp&cpeiv ttjv iaroplav. 
 
 3. In the Imperial period we have, besides the ordinary historical sources (e.g. 
 the acta), also the ephemerides (diaries), e.g. Aureliani (Vopisc Aurel. 1, 6), Turduli 
 Gallicani (Vopisc Prob. 2, 2. cf. 3, 4. 5, 1). Hence may have been derived the 
 small personal details chronicled by these writers, because etiam minora plerique 
 desiderant (Capit. Max. et Balb. 6, 1). In the earlier parts of the Imperial period 
 biographies of private persons were written by Pliny the Elder of his friend Pom- 
 ponius Secundus (Plin. ep. 3, 5, 3), by Julius Secundus of Julius Asiaticus (Tac. 
 dial. 14), by Tacitus of Agricola, by Claudius Pollio of his friend Annius (Plin. ep. 
 7 31, 5). Of a similar character were the laudes of Paetus Thrasea and Helvidius 
 Priscus by Herennius Senecio and Arulenus Eusticus (Suet. Dom. 10. Plin. ep. 7, 
 19 5) ; in the Christian period the vitae sanctorum : see Ebebt, Lit. des MA. 1, 429. 
 
56 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 4. On the mutual copying see Mommsen, Cassiodorus p. 565 sq. On the ex- 
 tension of previous writings e.g. Ausonius, epigr. 2 de fastis suis (p. 120 Seh.), and 
 Pkocop. aedif. 6, 7. 
 
 5. The historia Eomanaof Paulus Diaconus (§ 500, 6) in 16 books was about 
 the year 1000 enlarged by Landolfus Sagax, otherwise entirely unknown, who made 
 considerable additions to it out of Orosius, the origo gentis Bom., Hieronymus, 
 Nepotianus<§279, 10), Victor's epit. etc., continued down to Leo the Armenian, 
 and increased to the number of 26 books by dividing two books of the hist. rom. 
 and adding 8 new ones. The original MS. of the author of this confused com- 
 pilation, which goes by the name of historia miscella, is extant in the Vaticano- 
 Palatinus 909. See HDroysen, Herm. 12, 387. Editions by LAMubatori, scriptt. 
 rer. ital. 1, 100 and PEyssenhardt, Berl. 1869. The books I-XVIII in Deoysen's 
 Eutrop. (ed. mai.) 1879 (see § 415, 7). Cf. ib. p. lxi. 
 
 6. As the earliest writing of Eoman history began with entries in the fasti 
 (calendar), so also the earliest monastic history began with marginal notes on 
 the Paschale. In the same way in the annals of the monasteries, the records of 
 the earlier times were copied out from predecessors, the copyist adding to them 
 notices concerning his own time. Prom Italy this custom was introduced in the 
 6th cent, into the Prankish kingdom and towards the end of the 7th into Belgium 
 and Germany, as also into England (Baeda venerabilis). "Wattenbach, deutsche 
 Geschichtsquellen p. 40. 85. 
 
 7. Malalas p. 187, 11 Ipniva. l/tOeo-iv — concerning the revenge of Manlius Capi- 
 tolinus on the Senator Pebruarius — rjSpov h BeacraXovlicri iriKei- KaX dvayvolis i\ipov 
 {Tnyeypa/J.fiivrjv ttjv [Sip\i.ov "Eicflecris Bpovvixlov (perhaps Qpwlxios in disguise ?) 'Fup-alov 
 Xpovoypdtpov.— Porgeries of the 15th cent, are Penestella (§ 259, 5), Messala Corvinus 
 (§ 222, 5), the historia Papirii (Mommsen, Herm. 1, 135) etc. 
 
 40. An important source of history are the inscriptions, of 
 which isolated examples are extant as early as the 6th century 
 b.c. In the 2nd century b.c. they become numerous, and be- 
 longing to the Imperial period a superabundance has been found 
 in all the provinces of the Roman Empire. 
 
 1. Principal work: Corpus inscriptionum latinarum consilio et auctoritate 
 academiae litterarum Borussicae editum, Berl. 1862 sqq. The portions which have 
 not yet appeared are marked.* Vol. I : Inscriptiones antiquissimae ad C. Caesaris 
 mortem, ed. ThMommsen. 1863. Also voluminis primi tabulae lithographae, ed. 
 FBitschl (likewise under the title Priscae latinitatis monumenta epigraphica 
 ad archetyporum fidem exemplis lithographis repraesentata) 1862.— II: Inscr. 
 Hispaniae, ed. EHubnee. 1869. — III : Inscr. Asiae, provinciarum Europae grae- 
 carum, Illyrici, ed. Mommsen. 1873. — IV : Inscr. parietariae Pompeianae, Hercul., 
 Stab., ed. CZangemeister. Acced. vasorum flctilium inscr., ed. BSchone. 1871. — 
 V : Inscr. Galliae cisalpinae, ed. Mommsen. 1877. — VI : Inscr. urbis Eomae, ed. 
 EBormann, HDressel, WHenzen, ChrHulsen : pars 1, 1876. 2, 1882. 3, 1886. *4. 5 
 (falsae) 1885. *6. *7 (indices).— VII : Inscr. Britanniae, ed. EHubnee. 1873.— VIII : 
 Inscr. Africae, ed. GWilmanns. 1881. — IX : Inscr. Calabriae, Apuliae, Samnii, 
 Sabinorum, Piceni, ed. Mommsen. 1883. — X : Inscr. Bruttiorum, Lucaniae, Cam- 
 paniae, Siciliae, Sardiniae, ed. Mommsen. 1883. — *XI : Inscr. Aemiliae, Umbriae, 
 Etruriae, ed. EBormann. — *XII: Inscr. Galliae Narbonensis, ed. OHirschfeld. — 
 *XIII: Inscr. trium Galliarum et duarum Germaniarum, ed. OHirschfeld et 
 
§ 40, 41. INSCRIPTIONS : ANTIQUARIAN LEARNING. 57 
 
 CZangemeister.— *XIV: Inscr. Latii, ed. HDessau — As Corporis I. L. auctarium 
 has appeared : Exempla scripturae epigraphicae lat. a Caes. diet, morte ad aetatem 
 Iustiniani, ed. EHubner, Berl. 1885.— The inscriptions discovered since the publi- 
 cation of the respective volumes of the' CIL. are published in the Ephemeris 
 epigraphica corporis inscr. lat. supplementum, Berl. 1872 sqq. 
 
 2. EHubnek, Bom. Epigraphik in IwMiiller's Handb. d. klass. Altert.-Wiss. 1, 
 475. — Selections for ordinary use : JCOrelli (inscriptionum lat. selectarum am- 
 plissima collectio, Ztir. 1828 II; Vol. 3 by WHenzen 1856) and GWilmanns 
 (Exempla inscript. latt., Berl. 1873 II.)— ESchneider, dialectorum ital. aevi 
 vetustioris exempla : I, dialecti lat. priscae et faliscae inscriptt., Lps. 1886. — On 
 the metrical inscriptions see § 31, 4. 
 
 3. Collections of the early Christian inscriptions of the city of Home by 
 JBdeBossi (I Borne 1861), of Spain and of England by EHubner (Berl. 1871 and 
 1876), of France by ELeBlant (Par. 1857, 65 II). 
 
 41. From the same motives as historiography and in con- 
 nection with it, antiquarian learning arose and prospered among 
 the Romans, dealing both with institutions and language. The 
 study of the latter was due to the practical necessity of fixing in 
 writing the developing sounds of the language. But the most 
 distinguished authors and the majority of writers turned their 
 attention to the mos maiorum i.e. the investigation of the 
 customs and institutions of olden times. Such are Cincius 
 Alimentus, Cato, M. Fulvius Nobilior, Cassius Hemina, C. 
 Sempronius Tuditanus, M. Junius Gracchanus. To these 
 studies were added after the 7th century u.c. essays on the older 
 literature and especially elucidations of the poets, partly his- 
 torical, partly linguistic, (glossographic). Representatives of this 
 tendency are, besides L. Accius and Lucilius, Porcius Licinus, 
 Q. Valerius of Sora, Volcatius Sedigitus, Octavius Lampadio, 
 Sisenna, Sevius Nicanor, Aurelius Opilius, M. Antonius Gnipho, 
 Q. Coseonius, Santra, Octavius Hersennus, and above all L. Aelius 
 Stilo and his son-in-law Ser. Clodius. Crates the Pergamene 
 grammarian, who in the year 595/1B9 came as ambassador 
 to Rome, excited a lasting interest in linguistic studies. Ety- 
 mology was attempted by two methods, some always resorting to 
 Greek (Hypsikrates) , others endeavouring to explain everything 
 on the basis of Latin (M. Varro and Nigidius Figulus). In the 
 Ciceronian time, when Rome was recognised as the centre of 
 the whole intellectual life of the Empire and contained all helps 
 to research, these studies reached their highest stage of develop- 
 ment in Varro, and besides him Nigidius Figulus, Valerius Cato, 
 Ateius Philologus and others. Among the statesmen Caesar 
 
58 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 himself wrote de analogia, Appius Claudius (cos. 700/54) and L. 
 Caesar wrote on the augural system. In the Augustan time 
 antiquarian investigation was once more zealously cultivated by 
 Julius Hyginus, Verrius Flaccus, M. Valerius Messala, Sinnius 
 Capito, Scribonius Aphrodisius, L. Crassicius, succeeded by Julius 
 Modestus, Pomponius Marcellus, A. Cornelius Celsus and Asco- 
 nius Pedianus. Celsus' versatility was even surpassed by that 
 of Pliny the Elder, and even in the 2nd century a.d. Suetonius, 
 Sulpicius Apollinaris, Fronto and Apuleius, exhibit a varied culture 
 and literary activity. But on the whole it may be said that, 
 from the first century of our era, a school-system with its com- 
 paratively limited views gained ascendancy, and in this depart- 
 ment the grammarians became the most important, while erudi- 
 tion became more and more restricted to one class. Thus we 
 have Q. Remmius Palaemo, M. Valerius Probus of Berytus, An- 
 naeus Cornutus, Caesius Bassus, Aemilius Asper, Flavius Caper, 
 Caesellius Vindex, Urbanus, Velius Longus ; in Hadrian's reign, 
 Terentius Scaurus ; under M. Aurelius A. G-ellius and probably 
 Festus. The later authors subsisted on these earlier productions. 
 Thus in the 3rd century Arruntius Celsus, Helenius Aero, Julius 
 Romanus, Censorinus, Sacerdos, lastly perhaps the lexicographer 
 Nonius Marcellus and Pomponius Porphyrio. After a long 
 interval about the middle of the 4th century we meet again 
 grammarians of more distinction, most of them authors of 
 manuals (artes), such as Cominianus, Marius Victorinus, Aelius 
 Donatus, Charisius, Diomedes ; the same Aelius Donatus eluci- 
 dated Terence, Servius and Claudius Donatus Vergil. In the 
 5th century we have Macrobius and Agroecius, and at the 
 commencement of the 6th Priscian. In this department, too, 
 the semblance of variety and stir surpasses the reality, since here 
 also preceding labours were copied to a great extent, and often 
 with very little discrimination. 
 
 1. Suet, gramm. 1 grammatica Somae ne in usu guidem olim, nedum in honore 
 ullo erat, nidi scilicet ac bellicosa etiamtum civitate necdum magnopere liberalibus 
 disciplinis vacante. initium quoque eius mediocre extitit, si guidem antiquissimi 
 doctorum, qui iidem et poetae et semigraeci erant (as Livy and Ennius), . . . nihil 
 amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur. . . ib. 2 primus . . . stadium gram- 
 maticae in urbem intulit Crates Mallotes, Aristarchi aequalis, qui missus ad senatum 
 ab Attalo rege inter secundum ox tertium helium punicum, sub ipsam Enni mortem, 
 . . . nostris exemphfuit ad imitandum. On the influence of the Pergamenes on 
 Eoman literature — exaggerated of late — AReiffekscheid, ind. lect., Bresl. 1881/82. 
 UvWilamowitz, Antig. v. Karystos 161. 176. IBrzoska, de oanone decern oratt. 
 
§ 41. ANTIQUARIAN AND GRAMMATICAL LEARNING. 59 
 
 Attic, Bresl. 1883, 75 and esp. EBohde, BhM. 41, 175 ; see § 44, 10) ; hactenus tamen 
 tit carmina parum adhuc divolgata vel defunctorum amicorum, vel si quorum aliorum 
 probassent, diligentius retractarent ac legendo commentandoque et ceteris nota facerent ; 
 utC.OctaviusLampadio, . . . ut postea Q. Vargunteius : . . . instruxerunt auxer- 
 untque ab omni parte grammaticam L. Aelius Lanuvinus generque Aeli Ser. Clodius 
 . . . ib. 3 posthac magis ac magis et gratia et cura artis increvit, ut ne clarissimi 
 quidem viri abstinuerint quo minus et ipsi aliquid de ea scriberent utque temporibus 
 quibusdam super viginti celebres scholae fuisse in urbe tradantur, also grammalici 
 were sold at a high price (as slaves), as Lutatius Daphnis (§ 134, 1. 142, 4. 244, 2. 
 Cf . HPeter, JJ. 115, 750) and L. Apuleius. iam in provincias quoque grammatica 
 penetraverat, ac nonnulli de notissimis doctoribus peregre docuerunt, maxime in Gallia 
 togata, inter quos Octavius Teucer et Sescennius (Fesc. the MS., Pescennius Osann) 
 Iacchus (mentioned as the authority for Plin. NH. b. 32 and 37, and quoted 37, 
 148) et Oppius Chares (of. 54, 5). 
 
 2. The critical activity of the grammatici comprehended, after the example 
 of their Greek predecessors, emendare, distinguere, adnotare (notas adicere, which 
 notae consisted sometimes in mere signs, sometimes in short notes). Sueton. in 
 the Anecd. Paris, (from Paris. 7350 s. VIII first edited by Bergk, ZfA"W. 1845, 85= 
 opusc. 1, 580; and in Beifferscheid's Sueton. 137, Keil's GL. 7, 533 and elsewhere), 
 Notae xxi quae versibus apponi consuerunt : — obelus. •)*(• asteriscus. •)*(• — aster iscus cum 
 obelo. -=- simplex ductus. :> diple. ;> diple periestigmene. q antisigma. q antisigma 
 cum puncto. IT coronis. > — diple obelismene. <f aversa obelismene. ^ ceraunion. 
 
 -=- obelus adpunctus. < obelus cum aversa. > diple superne obelata. >• < recta et 
 
 aversa superne obelatae. -^ ehi et rho. $ fi et ro. <p ancora superior. Jj ancora 
 inferior, (i) alogus. his solis in adnotationibus Ennii, Lucilii et historicorum (?) 
 usi sunt Vargunteius (Bergk : Jarrus the MS.), Ennius (§ 159, 13), Aelius (Stilo) aeque 
 et postremo Probus (see § 300). Here follows the explanation of the use of the several 
 signs, where it is repeatedly remarked, in accordance with the account of their 
 employment among the Greeks : item Probus et antiqui nostri, similiter (sic et) in 
 nostris auctoribus etc. Cf. Isid. orig. 1, 20. JSteup, de Probis 17. According 
 to the explanation these 21 notae, with few exceptions, refer to the emendatio 
 ($i6p8wms), but Suetonius knew of other notae as well (cf. in the Anecd. Paris, his 
 solis), and some which were employed from the point of view of rhetorical and 
 aesthetic criticism {icplau) are to be found enumerated in the supplement to these 
 Anecd. GL. 7, 536, 16 as notae simplices. An Anecd. Cavense (ap. Beifferscheid, 
 BhM. 23 127) quotes some such e.g.-i-lemniscus in acutis. ■)*<• asteriscus in sententiis. 
 p oraeon in invincibilibus. oraeon cum palma in invincibilibus acutis etc. This 
 list of notes in La Cava is preceded by two epigrams which refer to it, one by 
 Patricius Olybrius (cf. § 436, 7) who belonged to the school of Symmachus, which 
 was occupied with the preservation, careful multiplication and estimation of the 
 early Latin authors. Similar notae were made use of in Christian literature, e.g. 
 by Cassiodorus (see § 483, 12).— To the above-mentioned efforts of Symmachus 
 and his school (§ 425, 9) on behalf of early literature was due the production of 
 a series of copies of authors. These last representatives of the ancient religion, 
 in their struggle with Christianity, sought to make allies of the old authors, for 
 whose multiplication in good texts they were therefore concerned (§ 425, 9). We 
 learn of these undertakings from the so-called subscriptions in MSS. which were 
 customary both in secular and Christian MSS. and, as a, rule, appear to prove 
 merely a revision of the copy after the original, but not a scientific and 
 critical examination of the text. These subscriptions begin with an emendavi 
 (legi recognovi, contuli, etc.) and the name of the reviser, and then at discretion 
 
60 GENEKAL VIEW. 
 
 are mentioned the place, time, circumstances and perhaps the assistance given 
 by some reader. For details see the several authors : e.g. § 196, 2 (Caes.). 231, 9 
 (Verg.). 240, 6 (Hor.). 256, 11 (Liv.). 279, 9 (Jul. Paris). 296, 3 (Mela.). 302, 
 B(Pers.). 322, 8 (Mart.). 325, 12 (Quintil.). 331, 8 (Juv.). 367, 8 (Apul.). 374, 
 
 5 (Cic). 390, 5 (Non.). 432, 6 (Veget.). 436, 5 (Prudent.). 444, 8 (Macr.). 452, 
 
 6 (Mart. Cap.). OJahn, d. Subscriptionen in den Hss. rOm. Klass., Lpz. SBer. 1851, 
 327. PHaase, de lat. codd. mss. subscriptionibus, Bresl. 1860. ABeiffebscheid, 
 de lat. codd. subscriptionibus (in patristic MSS.), Bresl. 1872. 
 
 3. The Latin grammatical literature is almost entirely founded on the Greek, 
 hardly possesses any scientific independence, and is chiefly practical in its purpose. 
 — The grammarians, like the early writers in general (see § 37, 4), have no idea of 
 literary property ; quite unconcernedly Verrius Flaccus copies out Varro, Probus 
 Verrius, Pliny Probus, Caper Pliny, Julius Romanus Caper, Charisius Julius 
 Romanus, Aphthonius Juba, Marius Victorinus Aphthonius, etc., and this indeed 
 is generally done with but little care. An earlier text-book is altered and recast 
 at discretion, a more detailed one is abbreviated, one for more advanced students is 
 toned down to suit the requirements of beginners, and then brought out as an 
 original work. Sometimes too the first part of a text-book is adapted from one 
 writer, and the second from another, and then possibly the name of the first author 
 is transferred to the whole work, especially if the name was a famous one, such as 
 Probus. Thus in quotations things are attributed to Probus, which elsewhere 
 appear as the property of Sacerdos or Diomedes. The confusion was increased by 
 the text-books of different authors being combined in one MS. and by the old 
 names being left attached to such revisions, in which but little of the original work 
 remained. During the last centuries of antiquity it even became the custom to fill 
 in blank pages in the MSS. of grammatical school-books with other (older) works 
 of similar contents. At the same time the authors often endeavour, even if they 
 have only copied from one or two predecessors, to produce the impression that they 
 have made use of a large number of authorities. 
 
 4. Aknob. adv. nat. 1, 59 quamvis Epicados omnes, Caesellios, Verrios, Scauros 
 teneatis et Nisos. Hieronym. apol. c. Rufin. 1, 16 (2, 472 Vail.) : puto quod puer 
 legeris Aspri in Vergilium et Sallustium commentaries, Vulcacii in orationes Ciceronis 
 (§ 381, 7), Victorini in dialogos eius et in Terentii comoedias praeceptoris mei Dojiati, 
 aeque in Vergilium, et aliorum in alios, Plautum videlicet, Lucretium, Flaccum, 
 Persium atque Lucanum. 
 
 5. In a cod. Bonon. s. XI (HKeil, de gramm. inf. aet., Erl. 1868, 27. HHagen, 
 anecd. Helv. p. cl) are the following notices, incorrect in many respects : In Roma 
 fuerunt Donatus, Priscianus, Victorinus (as the author of the ars. gramm.), Fothicius 
 (i.e. Euticius, § 482, 1), Flavianus et Cominianus. in Spania Caper et Ogretius 
 (Agroecius). in Carihagine Pompeius, Hisidorus, Sergius tractator (expl. in Donat.) 
 et Augustinus. in Sicilia Eonoratus et alter Sergius (de litt. syll. etc.) Maximus 
 (lib. de rat. metr.) et Metrorius (de final, syll.). HKeil, quaest. gramm. 2, vm. 
 More correctly at the end of the cod. Bern. 243 the marginal note by PDaniel 
 (from an early MS.) : De Roma, de Sicilia, de Italia, de Africa, de Ispania venerunt 
 ad nos libri grammatici : de Roma quatuor libri Donati (cf. Hagen 1.1.). de Sicilia 
 IIII discipulorum eius, i.e. Sonorati et Sergii et Maximi et Metrorii. de Italia duo 
 libri Consentii de nomine et verba et de barbarismo, et libri Prisciani XX, et Eutitii 
 duo, et Sergii novem de littera et de barbarismo, et Asperi et Flaviani libri IIII. de 
 Africa vera Cominiani et Pompeii, de Ispania Isodori et Capri et Agroeci et analogia 
 (Orthography) Papperini et Victorini. HHagen, anecd. Helvet. p. cxtix. — Petri 
 grammatici (s. VIII/IX) excerpta in HHagen's anecd. Helvet. 159. 
 
§ 41, 42. ANTIQUARIAN LEARNING: GRAMMAR, ETC. 61 
 
 6. Best edition of the grammatioi latini by HKeil, Lps. 1856-79 VII. As 
 a supplement to this by HHagen, anecdota helvetica quae ad grammatioara 
 latinam spectant, Lps. 1870. — Eichknfeld and Endlicher, analecta grammatica, 
 Wienl887. 
 
 7. Suringar, historia crit. scholiastaram latt., Leid. 1834 sq. III. LLersch, 
 d. Sprachphilos. der Alten, Bonn 1838-41 III. van Heusde, de L. Aelio Stilone 
 (1839) p. 17. Grafenhan, Gesch. d. klass. Philologie im Altertum, Bonn 1843 sqq. 
 (esp. b. 4). HSteinthal, Gesch. d. Spraehwissensch. bei d. Gr. u. B., Berl. 1863. 
 EJullien, les professeurs de litterature dans l'ancienne Borne, jusqu'a la mort 
 d'Auguste, Par. 1886. 
 
 42. The same deterioration is noticeable in the separate 
 departments. Whereas in Republican times historical research 
 had made progress, especially in subjects of political interest 
 such as the sacred antiquities, in the Imperial period these were 
 left to the jurists, and study "was restricted to grammar, including 
 orthography, synonymy, and lexicography, and to prosody ; this 
 was chiefly compilation, and rarely done with any systematic 
 thoroughness. The writers on prosody, among whom the most 
 important are Caesius Bassus and Juba, are entirely dependent 
 on their Greek predecessors. After grammatical studies had 
 ceased for more than a hundred years, an effort was made, in 
 the 4th century, to produce comprehensive abridgments, which 
 gradually became more and more meagre, limited and wanting 
 in independence. The old mythology is almost the only subject 
 of technical study. At the end of the 5th century the barbarian 
 element begins to mingle with scholarship. 
 
 1. Writers on the augural system, haruspicia and cognate subjects: Varro, 
 Nigidius Figulus, Ap. Claudius Puleher (cos. 100/54), L. Caesar, Tarquitius Priscus, 
 Caecina, Caesius, Veranius, Granius Flaccus, Aufustius, Clodius Tuscus, Urn- 
 bricius Melior, Julius Aquila, the grammarian Ennius (§ 159, 13), Cornelius 
 Labeo. BMerkel's Prolegg. to Ovid's Fasti (1841). OMuixer, Etrusk. 2 2 , 19. 
 GSchmeissee, de etrusca disciplina, Bresl. 1872 ; die etr. Disziplin vom Bundesge- 
 nossenkrieg bis z. Untergang des Heidentums, Liegn. 1881 ; Beitrage sur Kenntn. 
 der Techn. der Haruspices, Schwerin a/W. 1884. Cf. below § 77. On Vicellius 
 and Fonteius see § 170, 9. 
 
 2. Scriptores latini rei metricae; ed. ThGaisford, Oxon. 1837, now specially 
 in the sixth volume of Keil's Grammatici. Division of writers on prosody into two 
 classes, according as, like Varro, they consider the hexameter and iambic trimeter 
 as metra principalia, from which all other metres are to be derived (merely metra 
 derivata, irapafwya), or divide the metres by the Trpurirwra. A few others (as 
 in the fragm. bobiense and the centrimetrum) began with the iambus and 
 trochaeus, but the majority (no doubt for practical reasons) with the dactylus. 
 Cf. esp. BWestfhal, griech. Metrik l 2 , 105. 138. 203. 214. HWentzel, symb. crit. 
 ad hist, scriptorum rei metr. lat., Bresl. 1858. HKeil, quaest. grammaticae, Lps. 
 1860. JCaesar, de nonnullis metricorum latt. locis, Marb. 1874. OHense, de 
 Iuba artigrapho in Eitschl's acta Lips. 4 (1875), 37. 
 
62 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 3. Cassiod. divin. lect. 30 orthographos antiquos legant Velium Longum 
 Curtium Valerianum, Papirianum, Adamantium Martyrium de v et b, etc. Cassiod. 
 de orthogr. mentions in addition Annaeus Cornutus, Caesellius Vindex, Eutyches, 
 and Priscianus. Also Flavius Caper and Terentius Soaurus, as well as Auotores 
 anonymi de orthographia IV in Hagen's anecd. Helvet. 291, cf. p. cxxxv. WBkam- 
 bach, lat. Orthogr. (1868), 27. 
 
 4. Synonymy (differentia sermonum), which had already been treated of in- 
 cidentally by Varro, Verrius Placcus, and others, became in the later Imperial 
 period (Charis. GL. 1, 205, 16 illi qui de differentiis scrilmnt) a favourite subject for 
 book-making, and the writings concerning it were attributed to Probus, Suetonius, 
 Pronto, and in the Middle Ages even to Cato, Cicero and Vergil. The collections 
 of this kind, which have been preserved to us, much resemble each other, and are 
 only to a small extent derived from good sources. They may be traced back to 
 an original collection, which was compiled probably in the Bth-6th centuries a.d. 
 from the separate collections then extant. The most important collection of ex- 
 tracts from the Eoman synonymic remains is Montepess. H. 306 s. IX : in this, 
 besides smaller collections, such as that of Arevalo in his Isidoh. 7, 426, Hagen, 
 anecd. Helvet. 275 (cf. JWBeck, de Sulpic. Apollin. p. 51) and FHand, published 
 in Jena 1848, and also the differentiae of Probus (§ 300, 8, b), Suetonius (§ 347, 3), 
 and Isidorus' diff. spiritales (Montepess. does not give Isidorus' greater profane 
 synonymy, § 496, 1), there is a very voluminous collection (' differentiae similium 
 orationis partium a Cicerone et ab aliis sapientibus viris in sensu et litteratura per 
 alphabetum ') ; published by Beck, diff. scr. 28. Cicero's name is of course un- 
 authorised and probably borrowed from the collection, otherwise differing entirely 
 as to its contents, which bears the name of Cicero (§ 188, 9). Fragments of a 
 collection of diff. serm. JJ. 127, 649 (on this see JWBeck, JJ. 131, 639. JWBeck, 
 de differentiarnm scriptoribus lat., Groningen 1883. 
 
 5. Pest. 166 b , 8 gloss ematorum scriptores. Chaeis. GL. 1, 229, 31 glossae 
 antiquitatum (old Latin). 242 . . . ut esse in sacris Anagninorum vocum veterum 
 interpretes scribunt. Gell. 18, 7, 3 glosaria namque conligitis et lexidia, res taetras 
 et inanes et frivolas. The sound erudition of the earlier glossographers (e.g. of 
 Aurelius Opilius, below § 159, 4, of Aelius Stilo, § 148, 2, and others) was 
 preserved in a ruinously shattered condition in the glossaria, which have been 
 preserved in great numbers, partly in very old MSS., and contain, besides a 
 preponderating quantity of rubbish, very valuable linguistic material (taken 
 from authorities now lost) especially for old and popular Latin. The glossaria 
 explain rare Latin words (glossae) by comparing with them those in common use, 
 frequently adding quotations and examples. — The explanation is generally in 
 Latin likewise,. but sometimes in Greek as well: more rarely the lemma is in 
 Greek, and the explanation in Latin (see n. 7). The significance of these Gr.-Lat. 
 glosses is contained in the Latin portion. The arrangement is generally more or 
 less alphabetical (sometimes displaying wonderful subtlety : see Loewe's prodr. 
 129), more rarely according to the subjects. 
 
 6. Purely Latin glossaria : the most important is that of Placidus (on this 
 see § 472, 7) especially rich in data for ancient Latin (Plautus). Special glossaria 
 on Plautus (§ 99, 6), Terence (§ 109, 3), Vergil (§ 231, 7), Sidonius (? § 467, 9) etc. 
 Numerous independent and general glossaria, e.g. the Gl. Affatim, so called from 
 the word with which it begins (drawn from good sources, see HUsenek, EhM. 23, 
 677), Gl. Asbestos (in the Vat. 1469 s. X with curious glosses on Lucilius, see 
 GGoetz, EhM. 40, 324), Gl. Ab. : absens, Gl. Abavns minor, etc. — The independent 
 glossaria, sometimes abridged, sometimes enlarged by the addition of new material, 
 
§ 42. GRAMMAR: GLOSSARIA. 63 
 
 were gathered into collections : thus in the gl. Abavus maior (ed. GFHildebrand, 
 Gott. 1854 ; cf . HBonsch, BhM. 30, 449. GLoewe, gl. nom. 158 ; Melanges Graux 
 =gl. nom. 101). On other collections see n. 8. 9.— Very important MSS. for 
 the purely Latin glossaria are SGallen, 912, s. VII/VIII (published by MWarren, 
 transact, of the Americ. philol. assoc. 1884, Cambr. 1885) and Vat. 3321 ». VII 
 (from this and seven other MSS. AMai, class, auct. 6, 501 compiled his glossarium 
 vetus, AWilmanns, BhM. 24, 381). — The so-called glossae Isidori (7, 443 Arev.) 
 first published by Vulcanibs, Thes. utriusque ling. (Leid. 1600) p. 667, are (like 
 the excerpta Pithoeana in Gothofredi auctores ling, lat., S. Gervasii 1602) not 
 independent collections of glossae, but represent » compilation prepared by 
 JScaliger ex variis glossariis : see Loewe, prodr. 23. — On the so-called glossae 
 Petronii see § 305, 2. 
 
 7. The Latin-Greek glosses of Par. 7651 s. VIII/IX, attributed without 
 foundation to Plavius Theodoras Philoxenus cos. a. 525 (see also Mommsen CIL. 
 5, 8120, 4), rank above all glossae on account of their high value. On the 
 information concerning authorities contained in them see FOsann, gloss, lat. spec. 
 Giss. 1826. JKlein, BhM. 24, 289. Traces of a similar collection in Martyrius 
 (§ 472, 6): FBOcheler, BhM. 35, 69. The collection quite groundlessly called 
 glossae Cyrilli (in the Laudun. s. IX, Harl. 5792 s. VII/VIII) is Graeco-Latin ; 
 in this there are many originally Lat.-Gr. glosses (see Loewe, prodr. 216). — Cyrilli 
 Philoxeni aliorumque vett. glossaria latinogr. et graecolat. a CLareaeo collecta, 
 Par. 1679 (to be used with caution: see BhM. 17, 159. 18, 253; particularly 
 because the Onomasticon vocum latino-graecarum, which JSpiegel prefixed to his 
 edition of Calepini lexicon (Strassb. 1537), is here regarded as ancient, and 
 incorporated among the early glosses ; see Loewe, prodr. 194). — New critical 
 edition of the Philox. and Cyrill. gl. in the Corp. glossar. lat. vol. 2, Lpz. 1887. 
 AFBudorff, d. Gl. d. Philox. u. Cyr., Abh. d. Berl. Akad. 1865, 182.— To the 
 bilingual glossaria belong also the so-called glossae Servii (§ 431, 4 in fin.) and the 
 Latin glossae nominum, which were translated (about the 8th century) from 
 biligual ones (published from Erfurt and other MSS. by GLoewe, Lpz. 1884, see 
 n. 9 ad fin.) and others. On the Pseudo-Dositheana see § 431, 8. — Graeco-Latin 
 are also the medico-botanical glossaria, which are of material, though not of 
 linguistic importance : such are to be found at Siena (MS. s. X/XI published by 
 JSchmidt, Herm. 18, 521) and in the Vatic. Beg. 1260 s. X : to these belong a]so 
 the sinonima Bartholomei and Gl. Alphita (in Oxford, published by JLGMowat, 
 anecd. Oxon. 1, 1. 2). Cf. § 487, 4 ad fin. 
 
 8. A series of lesser glossaria, together with other material, was collected in 
 the 7./8. cent, (perhaps by the still enigmatical Ansileubus ? see n. 9 and OMuller, 
 praef. Festi p. xxxiii. Loewe, prodr. 224. EBahrens, JenLZ. 1877, 155), together 
 with a statement of the sources of the several glosses (e.g. Placidi, de glosis, 
 that is , out of anonymous collections such as AfFatim, see u. 6), into a sort of 
 Encyclopaedia, the once much used liber glossarum (e.g. in the cod. Paris. 11529. 
 30. s. VIII). See on this Wilmahns BhM. 24, 364. Usener ib. 24, 382. Examples 
 in Mai, class, auct. 7, 550. 589. 6, 554. 576. Also in GThomas, SBer. d. Munch. 
 Ak. 1868 2, 370 (cf. CHai.m and CHofmann, ib. 1869 2, 1. AMiller, Bl. f. d. 
 Bayr. Gymn. 6, 295). Fickert, Naumb. 1843. CPeter, Zeitz. 1850. SBerger 
 (n. 9) 6. 
 
 9. From the liber glossarum were derived, with the addition of other 
 materials, the glossae Salomonis (Bishop of Constance f 919), printed at Augsb. 
 1483 (cf. Usener, BhM. 24, 389), Papiae elementarium doctrinae rudimentum 
 about 1050 (often reprinted), also Osberni (a monk at Gloucester about 1150), 
 
64 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 Panormia (ed. AMai, class auot. vol. 8. See WMeyer, RhM. 29, 179), Hugotionis 
 liber derivationum about 1190, the so-called breviloquus Benthemianus (s. XV ; on 
 this see KHamann, Hamb. 1879-80 II; weitere Mitteil. aus d. brevil. Benth. nebst 
 Anhang: Abschnitte aus dem lib. derivat. des Ugutio, Hamb. 1882). Here 
 belongs the Phillipps glossary 4626 in Cheltenham (see MWarren, Amer. journ. 
 of philol. 6, 451. EEllis, journ. of phil. 1885, 81). A Turin glossary in Pflugk- 
 Harttung's Iter italicum 341 (on this GLoewe's commentary ib. 821) etc. SBerger, 
 de glossariis . . . quibusdam medii aevi sive de libris .Ansileubi, Papiae, 
 Hugotionis etc., Par. 1879. 
 
 Chief work on Lat. gl. : GLoewe, prodromus corporis glossariorum lat., Lps. 
 1876. In addition: glossae nominum, ed. GLoewe; accedunt eius opuscula 
 glossographiea, Lps. 1884. In preparation: Corpus glossariorum latin, editum 
 auctoritate soc. litt. reg. Saxon., Lps. 1887 sqq. (published in accordance with 
 Loewe's preparatory work by GGoetz and others) ; see n. 7. 
 
 10. Among the scriptores mythographi latini are comprehended Hyginus 
 (§ 262), Fulgentius (§ 480), Lutatius Placidus (? cf. § 249, 2), Albericus philosophus 
 (see below), published together by ThMuncker (Amst. 1681, subsequently by 
 AvStaveren, Leid. 1742). Cf. CLakge, de nexu Hyg. fabb. 11. Three new 
 mythographi vaticani, first published by AMai, class, auct. Vol. 3 (Borne 1831), 
 subsequently by GHBode, scriptt. rerum myth. lat. tres (Celle 1834 II). The first 
 of these (mythographus vaticanus I) is the earliest ; it makes great use of 
 Servius' commentary on Vergil and other scholia on poets (e.g. on Statius) and 
 of Fulgentius, Orosius, Isidorus and others. Correspondences with Ps.-Acro: 
 AKiessmng, de person, horat. 7. This mythol. I is preserved in Vatic. Eeg. 1401, 
 s. X./XI. In it the subscriptio: expl. liber secundus centum hnf {=habens) fabvlas 
 sicnt et primus. Cf. OEossbach, JJ. 131, 408. AMai misread the subscription (7m/ 
 =hni, etc.) and hence gave as the title of the work ft Hygini libri fabularum. The 
 mythogr. vat. II borrows much word for word from the first; lastly mythogr. 
 vat. Ill (de diis gentium et illorum allegoriis), in which are quoted e.g. Johannes 
 Scotus (f about 875) and Eemigius of Auxerre (f a. 908), belongs according to 
 the cod. Goth, (poetarium Alberici) to Albericus (living s. XIII), the same who 
 composed the work de deorum imaginibus, included in the corp. mythogr. (see 
 above). Cf. EKlussmann, de Alberici mythogr. cod. Goth. II (s. XIII), Eudolst. 
 1868. Schneider, de mythographis lat., Bresl. 1834. FOsann, Haller Lit.-Ztg. 
 1834. Erg. Bl. 12. EJacobs, ZfAW. 1834, 1057. Surmgar, de mythographo 
 astronomico, Lugd. 1842. MZink, der Mytholog Fulgentius (1867) 13. EFobster, 
 d. Eaub der Persephone (Stuttg. 1874), 291. 
 
 43. The Romans were naturally well qualified for oratory 
 by their acute intellect, their love of order and their Italian 
 vivacity, tempered with Roman gravity. The influence of habit 
 and rule, the publicity of all transactions, the numerous occasions 
 where good speaking was required, before the people, the senate, 
 a jury or magistrates, the army, or at a funeral, made fluent 
 speaking an indispensable requirement in the state and the 
 possession of eloquence a means to the attainment of political 
 distinction, especially when the privileges of rank disappeared one 
 after the other, and political party-strife became more frequent 
 
§ 42, 43. glossaries : . oratory. G5 
 
 and ardent. In consequence of this oratory took from the begin- 
 ning a practical direction, and practice in public speaking became 
 an essential part of the education of a young Roman, so much 
 so that Oato the Elder already composed a manual of it, and in 
 several families, as in that of the Scribonii, eloquence became 
 hereditary through several generations. To this must be attri- 
 buted the large number of orators among the Romans, the early 
 commencement of oratory and the great perfection to which it 
 attained, its rise and decay with the various phases of the political 
 constitution. 
 
 1. Cic. off. 2, 66 eloquentiae a maioribus noatris est in toga dignitatis principatus 
 datus. Cf. or. 141. Brut. 182 ... in tanta et tarn vetere republica maximis 
 praemiis eloquentiae propositis omnes cupisse dicere, non plurumos ausos esse, potuisse 
 paucos. Liv. 39, 40 ad summos honores alios scientia iuris, alios eloquentia, alios 
 gloria militaris provexit. Quint. 2, 16, 8 pop. rom., apud quem summa semper 
 oratoribus dignitas fuit ; see also Tac. dial. 37. 
 
 2. Cic. de or. 2, 55 nemo studet eloquentiae nostrorum hominum nisi ut in causis 
 atque in foro eluceat: apud Graecos etc. (eloquence was an end in itself). Morality 
 even suffered by the regard paid to the practical side : the forensic orator was 
 scarcely expected to adhere to truth. Cicero's words about M. Antonius (Brut. 
 207), that he was facilis in causis recipiendis, apply also to himself, and in more 
 than one passage he teaches that for an orator not the verum is the aim, but 
 the verisimile; see de or. 2, 241. off. 2, 51. In » similar manner Quint. 2, 15, 32. 
 3, 8, 13. 12, 1, 33 sqq. 6, 2, 5 ubi animis iudicum vis afferenda est et ah ipsa veri 
 contemplatione abducenda mens, ibi proprium oratoris opus est. On the other hand 
 12, 7, 7 non convenit ei quem oratorem esse volumus iniusta tueri scientem ; cf . 4, 2, 93. 
 
 3. They commenced in early youth. Africanus minor says, at the age of 
 eighteen, in Poltb. 32, 9 8ok£> dvai iraaiv ijaOxt-os tls . . . ko.1 7to\i> k£X w /"°'M^'' s t ?s 
 pwiial'Krjs alptcrews koI vpa^eus in Kplcreis ovj^aipovfmi \4yetv. Plin. ep. 5, 8, 8 undevicesimo 
 aetatis anno dicere in foro coepi. Very frequently their debut was a speech in 
 praise of a recently departed relative. Again, Tiberius novem natus annos de- 
 functum patrem pro rostris laudavit (Suet. Tib. 6). The youthful character of such 
 laudationes funebres was, therefore, perhaps a reason for their rarely being 
 published, EHuhner, Hermes 1, 441.' It was also very common to commence the 
 career of orator by prosecutions ; see Polyb. 32, 15 in fin. Cic. off. 2, 49. Suet. 
 Iul. 4. Val. Max. 5, 4, 4. Quint. 12, 6, 1. Tac dial. 34 in f. Apulei. apol. 66. 
 
 4. The speeches attributed by later historians to the regal period do not, of 
 course, prove anything as to the oratory of that time ; but even then the con- 
 stitution necessitated a certain amount of political speaking. Meyers collection 
 from Apprus Claudius to Symmachus (n. 5) amounts to 158 orators, without 
 counting those whose speeches were never written down or of whose 'speeches, if 
 written, we have no record. Cf. § 44, 12. 
 
 5. The principal sources are Cicero's Brutus, Seneca the rhetor, Tacitus' 
 dialogus, Suetonius' viri ill., Quintilian 10, 1, 105-122 and 12, 10, 10-12, also Pliny's 
 letters. Oratorum romanorum fragmenta coll. HMeyek, Ziir. 1832. (Paris reprint 
 
 1837.) 2 1842. AWestekmann, Gesch. d. "rom. Beredsamk. Lpz. 1835. PEllendt, 
 
 brevis eloquentiae rom. ad Caesares hist, in his edition of Brutus 1844. PBlass 
 
 E. L. F 
 
66 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 die gr. Beredsamk. von Alex, bis Aug., Berl. 1865, p. 104. JFABekger and 
 VCucheval, hist, de l'eloquence lat. jusqu'a Ciceron, Par. 1872 II. JPoiret, 
 l'eloquence judioiaire a Rome, Par. 1887. 
 
 44. The eloquence of the oldest period was thoroughly natural, 
 the artless expression of an individual stimulated by a certain 
 situation and certain purposes, possessing political importance 
 and able to speak. But as early as the close of the 5th century 
 Appius Claudius published a speech after it was delivered, and 
 of the funeral orations mentioned in the 6th century it is possible 
 that they were written down from the very beginning. The 
 undoubtedly greatest orator of the 6th century, Cato the Elder, 
 must generally have written down and published his speeches 
 as political pamphlets, though perhaps only after they were 
 delivered. On the whole, in the 6th century u.c, the spoken word 
 was as yet the most important ; writing down and publishing 
 speeches was resorted to for political purposes. Besides those 
 of Cato, we hear in this time of published speeches esp. by the 
 elder Africanus, L. Papirius and C. Titius. In the beginning 
 of the 7th century Roman oratory was already so far ad- 
 vanced that the acquaintance with Greek rhetoric only raised 
 it and made it more conscious of its worth, without depriving 
 it of its national character. The first to attempt an artistic dis- 
 position in his speeches was Ser. Sulpicius Galba (cos. 610/144), 
 and Gracchus the Younger was a perfect orator in virtue of his 
 combination of talent and study. It was the exception, even in 
 the first half of that century, if an orator published none of his 
 speeches, and there were already writers who composed speeches 
 afterwards delivered by others. In the epoch of the Gracchi, 
 practical political speaking had attained to its highest perfection, 
 and maintained this level during 30 or 40 years. But by and by,- 
 when the orator no longer addressed the sovereign People, but a 
 plebeian mob, studied perfection was regarded as less important 
 in a spoken speech. The political purpose then became of minor 
 importance in published speeches : speeches were composed and 
 published as mere specimens of eloquence. The most eminent 
 orators of this time were M. Antonius (cos. 655/99) and L. 
 Crassus (cos. 659/95) ; but besides them we find a large number 
 of orators remarkable in their way, e.g. Q. Mucius Scaevola 
 (cos. 659/95), L. Marcius Philippus (cos. 663/91), L. Apuleius 
 Saturninus (tr. pi. 654/100), M. Livius Drusus (tr. pi. 663/91), 
 C. Caesar Strabo (aedilis 664/90), P. Sulpicius Eufus (tr. pi. 
 
§ 44. ORATORY UNDER THE REPUBLIC. 67 
 
 666/88), C. Aurelius Cotta (cos. 679/75). Without ever losing 
 sight of their practical purposes, the orators and theorists of the 
 Roman school (compare in Sulla's time the Rhetoric addressed 
 to Herennius) kept aloof from the crotchets of the Greek 
 rhetoricians, though they also knew how to appreciate the 
 instruction derived from the Greeks. In the second half of the 
 7th century men of Roman birth commenced to give rhetorical 
 instruction in Latin. Through the medium of the Greeks, the 
 exaggerated style then prevailing in Asia was introduced in 
 Rome, and found a representative especially in Hortensius. But 
 his younger contemporary, Cicero, again deserted this style, and 
 joined a mediating school, the Rhodian ; by a happy combina- 
 tion of talents, exercised and ennobled by indefatigable industry, 
 he was lifted to the highest place in the artistic oratory of the 
 Romans. He did service also by making the principal doc- 
 trines of rhetoric popular among his countrymen. In the later 
 years of his life there arose in Greece a retrograde school, which 
 found even him too Asiatic and which soon prevailed in Rome. 
 A number of the younger men, to whom Caesar seems to have 
 belonged, made it their principle to revert to the genuine old 
 Attic orators, and the majority even chose as their pattern the 
 simplest writer among them, viz. Lysias. To this school belong 
 M. Calidius, M. Brutus, Licinius Calvus, Caelius Rufus, Q. 
 Cornificius and later Asinius Pollio, who admired especially 
 Thukydides. Frequently as speeches were published, it was 
 even then very rare that the spoken and the published speech 
 agreed throughout, since the orators would prepare their speeches 
 before delivering them, but remained free as to the general 
 tenor. 
 
 1. Cato : orator est, Marcefili, vir bonus dicendi peritus ; see Sen. controv. praef. 
 9. Cf. Quint. 12, 1, 1 sqq. Plin. ep. 4, 7, 5. 
 
 2. To the most ancient orators belong P. Licinius Crassus (cos. 549/205) and 
 M. Cornelius Cethegus (cos. 550/204). Puneral orations especially were published 
 already in the first half of the 6th century u.c, most often probably for political 
 purposes. Cf. § 43, 3. 
 
 3. Quint. 3, 1, 19 Romanorum primus,- quantum ego quidem sciam, condidit aliqua 
 in hanc materiam (the theory of eloquence) M. Cato ille Censorius (in his praecepta). 
 post M. Antonius incohavit. But for a long time afterwards self-taught orators are 
 mentioned, such as Curio (cos. 678/76 ; see Cic. Brut. 214). But cases of this kind 
 were then only exceptional, and it is wrong when Aper (in Tac. dial. 19) says of 
 the orators of the period of Cicero : paucissimi praecepta rhetorum aut phUosophorum 
 placita (the latter might rather be right) cognoverant. 
 
 4 Cic. de or. 2, 92 nostri oratores . . . scripta ex quibus iudicium fieri posset 
 
68 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 non multa sane reliquerunt. orat. 132 C'rassi perpauca sunt, nee ea iudiciorum, nihil 
 Antoni, nihil Cottae, nihil Sulpici. p. Cluent. 140 M. Antonium aiunt solitum esse dicere 
 idcirco se nullum umquam orationem scripsisse ut, si quid aliquando non opus esset ab 
 se esse dictum, posset negare dixisse. Cic, on the other hand, mentions written 
 speeches of the two Gracchi (Brut. 104. 117), M. Aemilius Scaurus (ib. 112), 
 P. Rutilius Eufus (114), the son of the younger Africanus (77), Q. Tubero (117), 
 Curio (122) and his son (220), Sulpicius Galba (127), Flavius Fimbria (129), 
 T. Albucius (131), Q. Lutatius Catulus (132), Q. Scaevola (163), Caesar (262); in 
 addition Livy mentions a speech by the elder Africanus (569/185), others by 
 C. Titius (593/161), Quint. 10, 1, 116 speeches of Ser. Sulpicius Eufus, Suetonius 
 Iul. 55 of Caesar Strabo, Asconius Cornel, p. 62 Or. of P. Cominius. Extra urbem, 
 too, apud socios et Latinos, existed orators and speeches published by them (Cic. 
 Brut. 169 sq.), e.g. L. Papirius of Fregellae and T. Betutius of Asculum. 
 
 5. Cato the Elder and even (C.) Gracchus commenced all their speeches with 
 a, prayer to or at least some mention of the gods, Serv. Verg. Aen. 7, 259. 11, 301. 
 Symmach. ep. 3, 44. Gell. 13, 23 (22), 1 {in plerisque antiquis orationibus). Cf. Val. 
 Max. 1 praef. ; Plin. paneg. 1. The general manner in which this is related of 
 Cato's speeches leads to the supposition that the same holds good of those also 
 which he made in civil causes (causae privatae), the only ones of the kind before 
 the time of Cicero of which we know that they were published, just as in Cicero's 
 own time only a few such-speeches delivered before the tribunal of the centum- viri 
 are known to us. HJokdan, Caton. quae extant, p. lxxxvii. 
 
 6. L. Aelius Stilo . . . scriptitavit orationes multis, orator ipse numquam fuit, 
 Cic, Brut. 169, cf. 205 sq. M. Bibulus scriptitavit accurate, cum praesertim non esset 
 orator, ib. 267. So C. Laelius wrote speeches for Tubero and for Fabius Maximus, 
 Plotius Gallus for Sempronius Atratinus (Suet. rhet. 2), Caesar for Metellus (Suet. 
 Iul. 55). Cicero himself composed in like manner speeches for Cn. Pompeius and 
 T. Ampius (Quint. 3, 8, 50) and (a. 700) for a father the funeral speech on his son 
 Serranus (ad Q. fr. 3, 8, 5 laudavit pater scripto meo). Fbonto p. 123 Ventidius ille, 
 postquam Parthos fudit fugavitque, ad victoriam suam praedicandam orationem a 
 (?. Sallustio rnutuatus est. 
 
 7. Cic. Brut. 328 id declarat totidem quot dixit . . . scripta verbis oratio. 
 This was not, however, the usual thing : see ib. 91 videmus alios oratores inertia 
 nihil scripsisse, ne domesticus etiam labor accederet ad forensem ; pleraeque enim 
 scribuntur orationes habitae iam, non ut habeantur. Cf. ib. 93. Plin. ep. 4, 9, 23. 
 Sen. suas. 15 huic actioni (of Asinius Pollio) qui interfuerunt negant eum haec dixisse, 
 . . . sed postea composuisse. Plin. ep. 1, 20, 7. . . Ciceronis pro Murena (57), 
 pro Vareno (also p. Quinctio), in quibus brevis et nuda quasi subscriptio quorundam 
 criminum solis titulis indicatur. ex his apparet ilium permulta dixisse, cum ederet 
 omisisse. So likewise did C. Galba (Cic. Brut. 127) and L. Crassus (ib. 160. 164). 
 But as a rule Cicero appears to have published his speeches complete and as they 
 were spoken. Thus the Corneliana was iisdem paene verbis quibus edita est . . . 
 perorata (Coenel. Nep. fr. 45 H.). This does not exclude slight alterations and 
 additions with a view to the impression to be produced in delivering the speech. 
 The younger Pliny (ep. 9, 28, 5) and Pronto (ep. p. 184 Nab.) generally published 
 their speeches in a revised and enlarged form. 
 
 8. Quintil. 10, 7, 30 plerumque multa agentibus accidit ut maxime necessaria et 
 utique initia (of speeches) scribant, cetera quae domo afferunt cogitatione complectantur, 
 subitis ex tempore occurrant. quod fecisse M. Tullium commentariis ipsius apparet. 
 Sen. contr. 3, praef. 6 of Cassius Severus : sine commentario numquam dixit, 
 nee hoc commentario contentus erat in quo. nudae res ponuntur, sed maxima parte 
 
§ 44. ORATORY UNDER THE REPUBLIC. 69 
 
 perscribebatur actio: ilia quoque quae salse did poterant adnotabantur, sed cum 
 procedere nollet nisi instruetus libenter ab instrumentis recedebat. In the time 
 of Cicero spoken speeches were taken down (like the one pro Milone). Suet. 
 Iul. 55 of Caesar's speech pro Q. Metello : non immerito Augustus existimat 
 magis ab actuariis exceptant male subsequentibus verba dicentis quam ab ipso 
 editam. Quintilian too complains (7, 2, 24) that speculating booksellers have 
 published speeches of his carelessly taken down. Unspoken speeches also were 
 published by Cato and by Cicero (Verrin. actio II, Miloniana, Philipp. II). 
 M. Brutus wrote merely exercitationis gratia a defence for Milo (Quintil. 3, 
 6, 93; cf. 10, 1, 23), Cestius Pius in Milonem (Skn. contr. 3, praef. 16), Lucan 
 even in Octavium Sagittam et pro eo. Spurious speeches existed also at an early 
 time. Sulpici (§ 153, 5) orationes quae feruntur, eas post mortem eius scripsisse P. 
 Canutius putatur : . . . ipsius Sulpici nulla oratio est, Cic. Brut. 205. In the post- 
 Ciceronian period occur speeches against Cicero under the names of Catiline and 
 M. Antonius, Ascon. p. 95 Or. Quintil. 9, 3, 94. 
 
 9. Suet, gramm. 25 ( = rhet. 1) rhetorica quoque apud nos perinde atque 
 grammatica (above § 41, 1) sero recepta est, paulo etiam difficilius, quippe quam constet 
 nonnumquam etiam prohibitum exnrceri . . . paulatim et ipsa tit His honestaque 
 apparuit, multique (as M. Antojiius, Cicero, Cn. Pompeius, Augustus) earn et 
 praesidii causa et gloriae appetiverfrnt . . . plerique autem oratorum etiam declama- 
 Hones ediderunt. quare magno studio iipminibus iniecto magna etiam professorum ac 
 doctorum profluxit copia, adeoque florutf- ni ■asanulli ex infima for tuna in ordinem 
 senatorium atque ad summos konores processerint. Hieronym. ad Euseb. Chr. a. 
 1929=666/88 Plotius Gallus primus Romae latinam rhetoricam docuit. Cf. Suet. 
 rhet. 2. Sen. contr. 2, 8, 5. Quintil. 2, 4, 42. The expulsion of the latini 
 rhetores decreed by the Censors (amongst whom was L. Crassus) in a. 662/92 was 
 without effect, as it had been already in 593/161 (Gell. 15, 11). Hieron. 1.1. 
 1936 = 673/81 Vultacilius Plotus (§ 158, 3) latinus rhetor, Cn. Pompei libertus et doctor, 
 scholam Romae aperuit. The first book on rhetoric in general written in Latin 
 is that ad Herennium, see 4, 7, 10 nomina rerum (figures and such like) graeca 
 convertimus . . . quae enim res apud nostros non erant, earum rerum nomina non 
 poterant esse usitata. BVolkmann, die Bhetorik der Griech. u. Bom. in system. 
 Ubersicht, Lpz. 2 1S85. BKkOhnert, d. Anfange der Bhet. bei den BOm., Memel 
 1877. 
 
 10. Greek masters of oratory in the time of Cicero were Hermagoras 
 the Elder (OHaknecker, JJ. 131, 69), Molon, Apollodoros of Pergamon, Their 
 pupils : Apollodori praecepta magis ex discipulis cognoscas, quorum diligentissimus 
 in tradendo fuit latine C. Valgius (§ 241, 3), graece Atticus, Quintil. 3, 1, 18. Cf. 
 Hieronym. 1.1. 1953 = 690/64: Apollodorus Pergamenus, graecus orator, praeceptor 
 Calidii et Augusti, clarus habetur. Wilamowitz, Herm. 12, 333 looks upon Apollo- 
 doros as the ' founder ' of classicism, i.e. of the Atticist reaction : see against this 
 view EBohde, BhM. 41, 176 ; see § 41, 1. Cic. Brut. 263 C. Sicinius, ex disciplina, 
 Hermagorae ; so also T. Accius of Pisaurum, ib. 271. A pupil of Molon was also 
 T. Torquatus, Brat. 245. 
 
 11. For the characterisation of Attic and Asiatic oratory cf. Cic. e.g. 
 Brut. 51. 325. or. 27. Quintil. 12, 10, 16 antiqua diviso inter Atticos atque Asianos 
 fuit, cum hi pressi et integri, contra inflati illi et inanes haberentur, in his nihil super- 
 fuerit, illis indicium maxime ac modus deesset. 
 
 12. Pronto p. 127 omnes universos quicumque post Romam conditam oratores 
 extiterunt . . . si numerare velis vix trecentorum numerum complebis. Characterisa- 
 tion of the principal orators in Vellei. 2, 36, 2. Tac. dial. 18 (Cato, C. Gracchus, 
 
70 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 Crassus, Cicero, Corvinus). Fronto p. 114 contionatur Cato infeste, Gracchus ■ 
 turbulente, Tullius copiose. iam in iudiciis saevit idem Cato, triumpliat Cicero, 
 tumuliuatur Gracchus, Calvus rixatur. Apulei. apol. 95 neque Cato gravitatem 
 requirat, neque Laelius lenitatem neque Gracchus impetum, nee Caesar calorem, nee 
 Hortensius distributionem, nee Calvus argutias, nee parsimoniam Sallustius, nee 
 opulentiam Cicero. In the Ciceronian period Quintil. 12, 10, 11 vim Caesaris, 
 indolem Caelii, subtilitatem Calidii, diliyentiam Pollionis, dignitatem Messalae, 
 sanctitatem Calvi, gravitatem Sruti, acumen Sulpicii, acerbitatem Cassii reperiemus. 
 
 45. The Augustan age possesses in Asinius Pollio and M. 
 Messala late representatives of Republican oratory, and Augus- 
 tus himself as well as Agrippa and Maecenas show themselves, 
 whenever occasion requires, men of oratorical training. But in 
 this period, in connection with the downfall of the old constitu- 
 tion, the opportunities and subjects of eloquence disappear, while 
 the impediments and barriers increase in proportion. Mere 
 theory daily encroaches in the room of practice, rhetors sup- 
 plant the orators, declaiming supersedes speaking. In Augustus' 
 own time appear, therefore, the earliest representatives of 
 Imperial oratory : the orator Cassius Severus, the rhetors 
 Porcius Latro, Albucius Silus, Arellius Fuscus, Junius G-allio, 
 Cestius Pius, Fulvius Sparsus, Argentarius, Blandus, Q. Haterius, 
 Julius Bassus, Pompeius Silo, Varius Geminus, and others, to 
 whom may be added Rutilius Lupus and the rhetor Seneca in 
 the last years of Augustus. The main features of this new 
 oratory are the exclusive cultivation of style and an intentional 
 renunciation of serious subjects and practical purposes. The 
 rhetor's school becomes now an end in itself and a centre of 
 intellectual life, where a world of fictions grows up. From the 
 genus deliberativum its suasoriae are taken, from the genus iudi- 
 ciale its controversiae ; in the class of epideictic compositions the 
 laudationes and vituperationes are in favour. The methods of 
 the rhetorical lecture-rooms are then also transferred to the few 
 occasions of practical display, employed as they were for the 
 exhibition of theatrical declamation. Legal knowledge was 
 very scarce. The most eminent orators of this kind in the post- 
 Augustan age are Votienus Montanus, Romanius Hispo, Crispus 
 Passienus, Domitius Afer, Vibius Crispus, Galerius Trachalus, 
 Julius Africanus, Julius Secundus, and finally Tacitus and Pliny. 
 It is in vain that Quintilian and Tacitus (in the dialogue) point 
 to the genuine classical authorities and struggle against the 
 fashion of their time, though they themselves are unwittingly 
 under its influence. In Fronto's time, the style became besides 
 
§ 45. ORATORY UNDER THE EMPIRE : RHETORIC. 71 
 
 turgid and inelegantly decked out with archaisms. Apuleius 
 has the same mannerism, but more talent. The more manysided 
 and intricate the Roman Law became, esp. in the 3rd century, 
 a.d., the more inaccessible did it become to these phraseologists, 
 who in this way also lost the last remnant of practical utility and 
 were henceforth limited to epideictic speeches, to servile pane- 
 gyrics, declamations on fictitious subjects, and to epistolary com- 
 position. Gaul was more fertile in these than the other parts 
 of the Empire. The most distinguished representative of this 
 school is Symmachus, and after him Ausonius; the panegyric 
 orators extend from the time of Diocletian (Eumenius, Nazarius) 
 to that of Julian (Claudius Mamertinus) and Theodosius I (Dre- 
 panius Pacatus), and in the sixth century we have Ennodius' 
 eulogy on Theodoric. The African rhetors were richer in 
 thought but less careful in style ; among them Christianity 
 found, in the 3rd and 4th centuries, its most ingenious defenders 
 (Tertullian, Arnobius, Cyprian, St. Augustine). The rhetoricians 
 of these centuries devoted their attention to the study of the 
 old masters and endeavoured to make them palatable to their 
 contemporaries by diluting them in their fashion. 
 
 1. Tac. dial. 38 extr. : {orationes) mediis d. Augusti temporibus habitae, 
 postquam longa temporum quies et continuum populi otium et assidua senatus tran- 
 quillitas et maxime principis disciplina ipsam quoque eloquentiam, sicut omnia, 
 pacaverat. Rhetoric was in that period taught at Eome by the Greeks Theodorus 
 of Gadara and Caecilius of Kale Acte, and by the Eoman knight Blandus (§ 268, 1). 
 Sen. Contr. 2, praef. 5 ante ilium (Blandum) intra libertinos praeceptores pul- 
 cherrimae disciplinae continebantur et . . . turpe erat docere (for payment) and 
 honestum erat discere. This too shows the increased importance of rhetoric. — 
 EAmiel, hist, de l'eloquence sous les Cesars, Par. 1 1882 II. 
 
 2. Tac. dial. 14 extr. : novi rhetores, veteres oratores. At least 100 such novi 
 are mentioned by Seneca the Elder: few written works by them were extant. 
 Sen. contr. 1, praef. 11. Later ones also in Iuv. 7, 143 sqq. 214. Nero was the 
 first Emperor of the Julian dynasty who was in need alienae facundiae, Tac. A. 
 13, 3. The principal orators of his own time are thus characterised by Quint. 
 12, 10, 11 copiam Senecae, vires Africani, maturitatem Afri, iucunditatem Crispi, 
 sonum Trachali, elegantiam Secundi. 
 
 3. Latin writers on rhetoric in the first century (besides Seneca and 
 Quintilian) are Celsus, Laenas, Luranius (?) Stertinius, Gallio, Porcius Latro, 
 Cestius Pius, Pliny the Elder, Verginius, Tutilius, Vettius. Cf. Quint. 3, 1, 19-21. 
 Quintilian was the first professor of eloquence appointed by the State (by Ves- 
 pasian). In this time already Iuv. 7, 147 says accipiat te Gallia, vel potius nutri- 
 cula causidicorum Africa, si placuit mercedem ponere linguae. 
 
 4. Sen. contr. 1, praef. 6 ut possitis aestimare in quantum cotidie ingenia decrescant 
 et . . . eloquentia se retro tulerit . . . in detenus . . . data res est sine luxu temporum 
 
 sive cum praemium pulcherrimae rei cecidisset. The causae corruptae eloquentiae, 
 
72 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 which Tacitus (dial.) and Quintilian (see 5, 12, 23. 6, -prooem. 3. 8, 6, 76) attempted 
 to point out in special treatises, consisted not only in the licentia atque inscitia 
 declamantium (Quint. 2, 10, 3), for this was only one of the symptoms, and the 
 real causes are to be found in the state of the time (cf. Sen. ep. 114): since 
 eloquentia saeculo servit (Lactant. inst. div. 5, 1). The public were not better than 
 their orators and required always something new and startling ; Petron. sat. 3 
 seq. Tac. dial. 19. Quint. 4, 1, 57. 72. 4, 5, 10. 4, 8, 1. Nor were those who vividam 
 et incorrux>tam eloquentiam tuendis civibus exercebant (Tac. A. 13, 42), i.e. the 
 judicial speakers, causidici (Martial. 2, 64), any better than the rhetoricians; 
 rather in ipsa capitis aut fortunarum pericida irrupit voluptas (Quint. 4, 2, 122. 127. 4, 
 3, 2. Sen. controv.. 9, praef. 2, Pees. 1, 83. Martial. 6, 19). Thus the custom of 
 applause (even by paid claqueurs) was transferred from the schools (Quint. 2, 2, 9 
 sqq.) to the Centumviral tribunal (Plin. ep. 2, 14, 4 sqq,), and in G-aul at a later 
 time to the Church (Ar. Sidon. ep. 9, 3). As to legal technicalities, most of these 
 pleaders, not having any knowledge of their own, were obliged to consult 
 pragmatici as monitores, Quint. 12, 3, 2 sqq. Iuv. 7, 123. 
 
 5. The instruction of the rhetorician succeeds that of the grammaticus (Suet. 
 gramm. 4). On the practices of the rhetorical schools cf. Korber, Ehetor Seneca 
 39. Friedlander, Sittengesch. 3 5 , 343. A beginning was made with the genus 
 demonstrativum (imdaKTiKov ; cf. Quint. 2, 1, 8), then by theses for practice 
 (declamationes) the student advanced to the deliberativum (<rvfi^ov\evnK6v) or the 
 suasoriae and from this to the iudiciale {Siko.vi.k6i>) or the controversiae. These 
 last were divided into three portions : the sententiae (opinions on the application 
 of the law to a particular case), divisio (division into separate questions) and 
 colores (methods of palliating » criminal act). Quint. 10, 3, 21 dbstant fere turba 
 discipulorum et consuetudo classium certis diebus audiendarum, nonnihU etiam persuasio 
 patrum numerantium potius declamationes quam aestimantium. Cf . § 44, 9. 
 
 6. Plin. ep. 2, 4, 5 schola et auditorium et ficta causa res innoxia est. Petron. 1. 
 declamatores . . . clamant : haec vulnera pro libertate publica excepi etc. . . . rerum 
 tumore et sententiarum vanissimo strepitu hoc tantum proficiunt ut cum in forum 
 venerint putent se in alium orbem terrarum delatos. et ideo ego adulescentulos existumo 
 in scJwlis stultissimos fieri quia nihil ex his quae in usu habemus aut audiunt aut 
 vident, sed piratas cum catenis in litore stantes, sed tyrannos edicta scribentes r . . . 
 sed responsa in pestilentiam data ut vir.gines tres aut plures immolentur etc. Tac. 
 dial. 3B tyrannicidarum praemia aut quidquid in schola quotidie agitur, in foro vel 
 raro vel numquam, ingentibus verbis persequuntur. The abdicati also belonged to these 
 unreal themes ; cf. Iuv. 7, 168. Quint. 2, 10, 5. 8, 3, 23. On the fulminations against 
 tyrants see also Iuv. 7, 151. Favourite materials from history were e.g. Sulla (ib. 
 1, 16), Hannibal (7, 161) ; from literature esp. Vergil and Ovid (particularly for 
 exercises in metrical form). Cf. n. 9. Sketches and elaborations of such school 
 themes are- to be found in the Quintilian declamations (§ 325, 12) and in those of 
 Calpurnius Maccus (§ 351, 5); especially important are the elder Seneca, and 
 Philostratos' vitae sophistarum. Cf. also n. 9. The delivery was exaggerated, 
 lively and redundant in gesticulation. Quint. 2, 12, 9. 4, 2, 37. 39. 11, 3, 184. 
 The custom of applauding, see n. 4. 
 
 7. In the 3rd century Lamprid. Diad. 4, 2 solent pueri pileo insigniri naturali 
 (a ' caul '), quod obstetrices rapiunt et advocatis credulis vendunt, siquidem causidici hoc 
 iuvari dicuntur. Alex. Sev. 35 oratores et poetas non sibi panegyricos' dicentes, quod 
 . . . stultum ducebat, sed aut orationes recitantes aut facta veterum canentes libenter 
 audivit . . . ad Athenaeum audiendorum et graecorum et latinorum rhetorum vel 
 ■poetarum causa frequenter processit. audivit etiam forenses oratores causas recitantes 
 
§ 45, 46. OKATOKY UNDER THE EMPIRE: EPISTLES. 73 
 
 quas vel apud ipsum vel apud praefectos urbis egerant. ib. 44, 4. 68, 1 (see § 875, 1). 
 Of. Capitol. Maximin. 29 (iun. 3), 4 Messalam ex familia nobili, oratorem potentissi- 
 mum eundemque doctissimum. The younger Maximums' teacher was orator 
 Titianus, ib. 27 (iun. 1), 5. In the reign of Gordianus III Misitheus (§ 375, 2), quem 
 causa eloquentiae dignum parentela sua putavit (Cafit. Gord. 23, 6). From the 
 senate Numerianus received a statue with the legend : Numeriano Caesari, oratori 
 temporibus suis potentissimo (ib. 11, 3). The younger Postumus was, according to 
 Tkkkkli.. Poll. XXX tyr. 4, 2 ita in declamationibus disertus ut eius controversiae 
 QuintUiano dicantur insertae. 
 
 8. In the fourth century we may name Ausonius' masters, Ti. Victor 
 Minervius, his son Alethius Minervius, then Latinus Alcimus Alethius, the 
 Emperor Julian's master, . Aemilius Magnus Arborius, rhetor Tolosae, Auson. 
 Profess. Burdig. 1. 6. 2. 1G. Subjects : panegyrici and fictae ludorum (schools) lites, 
 Auson. 1.1. 1, 13 sqq. Symmach. ep. 3, 5 initio decantatas iudicialium mcditationwni 
 fictiones et inania simulacra causarum. Augustin. confess. 5, 8,' 14 audiebam quietius 
 (than in. Carthage) ibi (in Rome) studere adolescentes et ordinatiore disciplinae 
 coercitione sedari, ne in eius scliolam quo magistro non utuntur passim et proterve 
 irruant, nee eos admitii omnino nisi ille permiserit. contra apud Cartkaginem foeda 
 est et intemperans licentia scholasticontm. irrumpunt impudenter et prope furiosa 
 fronte perturbant ordinem quem quisque discipulis ad proficiendum instituerit. multd 
 iniuriosa faciunt . . . et punienda legibus, nisi consuetudo patrona sit. 
 
 9. As late as the 6th century Ennodius (§ 479) uses the same materials 
 in his school speeches, e.g. in novercam quae cum raarito privigni odia suadere 
 non posset utrisque venena porrexit ; in eum qui praemii nomine Vestalis virginis nup- 
 tias postulavit; in eum qui in lupanari statuam Minervae locavit; and as ethicae : 
 verba Thetidis cum Achillem videret extinctum, verba Menelai cum. Troiam viderct 
 exustam etc. Such subjects were also treated in verse, e.g. verba Achittis in 
 parthenone cum tubam Diomedis audisset, AL. 198 PLM. 4, 322 ; deliberation of 
 Augustus as to whether he should burn the Aeneis (AL. 672 PLM. 4, 179) ; c. 4 of 
 Dracontius (verba Hercidis cum videret Hydrae capita pullulare), and 9 (deliberativa 
 Achillis an corpus Hectoris vendat). 
 
 10. On the collection of the Panegyrici : see § 391, 1 ; cf. also § 483, 2. Best 
 collection of the later works, down to Baeda : Ehetores latini minores, ex. codd. 
 maximam partem primum adhibitis emendavit CHalm, Lps. 1863. 
 
 46. Letters, official as well as personal, are early enrolled 
 as literature among the Romans, both independently and in his- 
 torical works ; those of notable men soon began to be collected. 
 E.g. the letters of Oato the Elder to his son, of Cornelia to her 
 son C. Gracchus, subsequently those of Caesar, M. Brutus, and 
 especially the correspondence of Cicero which, even as it now 
 exists, is an important authority on the history of the time. 
 The letters which are preserved to us are, however, but. rarely 
 familiar effusions reflecting the mood of the moment, such as 
 are most of those of Cicero ; they usually serve some personal 
 or political object, and are written in the first instance with an 
 eye to publication., Rhetoric soon takes possession of this. form 
 of literature also, and produces suasoriae in epistolary form, like 
 
74 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 those of Seneca ; or any subject is chosen at discretion — some- 
 times a learned one — and is treated in a free and popular manner 
 in this dress. Those of Pliny have for their scope to discuss 
 questions and events in motley variety, and above all to place 
 their author in a favourable light. After the 2nd century a.d. 
 the epistle develops into a special style, in which the substance 
 is often quite subordinate. Of this sort are the letters of Fronto, 
 Symmachus, Sidonius, and in the 5th and 6th centuries those 
 of Salvianus, !r}uricius and Ennodius. The letters of Cyprian, 
 Lactantius, Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, Paulinus of Nola and 
 others, rely much on unctuous redundancy of language for some 
 of their pastoral efficacy ; those of Jerome contain most sub- 
 stance. Those of Cassiodorus are of a practical character, being 
 in part official decrees on secular matters, like the Papal epistles 
 on matters ecclesiastical. Among the latter those of Leo and 
 Gregory the Great are of importance in a literary sense. The 
 finished style aimed at in these pronouncements led to enormous 
 prolixity when the Byzantine style had become paramount. 
 
 1. Real private letters, addressed to intimate friends and written without any 
 thought of publication, are , indifferent both as regards substance and style. Cic. 
 Phil. 2, 7 qiiam multa ioca solent esse in epistulis quae, prolata si sint, inepta videan- 
 tur ! quam multa seria neque tamen ullo modo divolganda ! (cf . Plin. ep. 6, 16, 22). 
 Cic. f am. 9, 21, 1 quid simile Jiabet epistula aut iudicio aut contioni ? . . . epistulas 
 quotidianis verbis texere solemus. 15, 21, 4 ego illas Calvo litteras misi non plus quam 
 has quas nunc legis existimans exituras. aliter enim scribimus quod eos solos quibus 
 mittimus, aliter quod multos lecturos putamus. Cf . n. 9. 
 
 2. Letters with a didactic tendency, and starting from a personal motive (as 
 in the poetical epistle), are those from Cato to his son, and those of T. Livius 
 addressed likewise to his son ; with a political tendency those of Cornelia. On the 
 other hand the epistolary form was of secondary importance in the letter con- 
 cerning his services addressed to King Philip by the elder Africanus (§ 56, 1) ; in 
 that of Scipio Nasica on the campaign against Perseus in which he took part 
 (Plut. Aemil. Paul. 15), and probably also in that of C. Gracchus to M. Pom- 
 ponius and of Q. Catulus to A. Furius. Epistula voluminis instar (Schol. Bob. on 
 Cic. Plane. 85, p. 270 Or.) from Cicero to Pompeius. Similarly Q. Cicero de 
 petitione. 
 
 8. Examples of letters in historical works are those in Antipater, Quadri- 
 garius, Macer and especially Sallust, some original documents, others worked up. 
 Fronto p. 126 extant epistulae . . in serie partim scriptae historiarum vel a scrip- 
 toribus (?) compositae, ut ilia Thucydidi (7, 11) nobilissima Niciae ducis epistula ex 
 Sicilia missa, item apud C. Sallustium ad Arsacen regent Mithridatis . . . et Cn. 
 Pompei ad senatum (§ 205, 4) . . . et Adherbalis apud Cirtam obsessi (lug. 24) . . . 
 breves nee ullam rerum gestarum expeditionem continentes. latae autem . . . extant 
 Catuli litterae. Ignorance also accepted fictitious letters in the historians and 
 rhetoricians as historical documents ; most of the compositions of this kind which 
 we find in the scriptores hist. aug. are probably the production of earlier 
 
§ 46. EPISTLES, 75 
 
 rhetoricians; see CCzwalina, de epistularum actorumque quae a script, h. a. 
 proferuntur fide et auct. P. I., Bonn 1870. Cf. n. 7. 
 
 4. The epistolary form is frequent in the writings of jurists, such as Antis- 
 tius Labeo, Ateius Capito, Proculus, Neratius, Juventius, Javolenus, Africanus ; 
 this originated probably in the written decisions (responsa) returned to questions 
 on matters of law (§ 48, 5). Prom these the custom was transferred to other 
 subjects, such as history and grammar, and later on to medicine, etc. Gellius 
 13, 18, 2 Erucius clarus . . . ad Sulpicium Apollinarem scripsit, . . . quaerere 
 sese et petere uti sibi rescriberet quaenam esset eorum verborum (Cato's) sententia, 
 Cf. n. 5. 
 
 5. Learned discussions in epistolary form in Varro's Epistolae and Epistolicae 
 quaestiones, in Cicero's correspondence, e.g. with Brutus and Calvus on questions 
 of oratorical style (§ 210, 2), in Valgius Eufus, Valerius Messala, Sinnius Capito, 
 Verrius Flaccus, Pomponius Secundus, M. Valerius Probus, Sulpicius Apollinaris, 
 Lactantius. 
 
 6. Epistulae medicinales, partly apocryphal (e.g. Hippocratis ad Maecenatem), 
 are to be found compiled in MSS. (such as that in Brussels 3701 s. X), as well as 
 in the medical treatise of Marcellus (Empiricus). Epistulae Oribasii medici ad 
 Eustathium filium suum, ad Eunapium nepotem suum. 
 
 7. In the rhetorical schools of the Imperial period a favourite exercise was 
 the composition of letters, which were by preference connected with some cele- 
 brated name. In this way originated many spurious letters such as Horace's 
 epistola prosa oratione (see § 240, 2), the letter ad Caesarem senem de rep. in the 
 Sallustian style (see § 205, 5), and subsequently the letters of Seneca to Paul the 
 Apostle (see § 289, 9). 
 
 8. Apollin. Sidon. epist. 1, 1 (collection of my letters) Q. Symmachi rotundi- 
 tatem, C. Flvnii disciplinam maturitatemque vestigiis praesumptiosis insecuturus. nam 
 de M. Tullio silere me in stilo epistolari melius puto, quern nee Iulius Titianus totum sub 
 nominibus HZustrium feminarum digna similitudine expressit. 
 
 9. Quint. 9, 4, 19 est . . . oratio alia vincta atque contexta, soluta alia, qualis in 
 sermone et epistulis, nisi cum aliquid supra naturam suam tractant, ut de pkilosophia, 
 rep. similibusque. Plin. ep. 7, 9, 8 epistulam diligentius scribas. nam . . . pressus 
 sermo purusque ex epistulis petitur. Simmach. ep. 7, 9 ingeniorum varietas in fa- 
 miliaribus scriptis neglegentiam quandam debet imitari. Apoll. Sidon. ep. 7, 18 ita 
 mens patet in libro (Epp.) veluti vultus in speculo. dictavi enim quaepiam hortando 
 etc. 8, 16 \n hoc stilo, cui non urbanus lepos inest, sed pagana simplicitas. . . . nos 
 opuscula sermone edidimus arido, exili, certe maxima ex parte vulgato. Cf. ib. 9, 3. 
 Statements concerning the epistolary style of Greek rhetoricians in EHbrchek's 
 Epistolographi graeci (Paris 1873) p. 1-16 ; of Latin in Halm's Bhett. latt. 447 sq. 
 589. Cf. EWolfflin, Phil. 34, 139. 
 
 10. Symmach. ep. 2, 35 dim parentes etiam patriae negotia, quae nunc angusta 
 vel nulla sunt, in familiares paginas conferebant. id quia versis ad otium rebus 
 omisimus, captanda sunt nobis plerumque intemptata scribendi semina, quae fastidium 
 tergeant generalium litterarum. But the more meagre was the substance, the more 
 pompous became the form after the 4th cent. a.d. The formal style natural 
 to the ancient Eomans had, under the influence of despotism, degenerated into 
 false ornament, which is already strongly marked in the letters of Symmachus. 
 It becomes the rule to begin a letter with a sententious phrase. The simple 
 address Tu is superseded and overlaid with all sorts of ceremonious turns. The 
 Emperor is addressed by Symmachus as tua (vestra) aeternitas, perennitas, dementia, 
 
7G GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 mansuetudo, serenitas, tranquillitas, maiestas or tuum numen ; for others, according 
 to their rank, the forms tua sanctitas, religio, reverentia, praestantia, celsitudo, 
 sublimitas, excellentia, magnificentia, laudabilitas, eximietas are in common use, and 
 Symmachus addresses the Mchomachi filii who were connected with him as, at 
 least, tua (vestra) unanimitas. The epithet sanctus likewise is excessively cheap- 
 ened (e.g. Symm. ep. 5, 16. 21. 81. 41). Moreover the habit of designating ac- 
 quaintances, friends and colleagues, according to their age as parens, frater or 
 jilius generally in combination with dominus (e.g. dominus et filius metis), gives a 
 sort of fulsomeness to the forms of address. Thus Honorius in official commu- 
 nications addresses Symmachus : Symmache parens carissime (atque amcmtissime). 
 In the letters of Christian writers we have, in addition, frater in Christo dilec- 
 tissime, etc. In these the beginning and end are generally practical, while the 
 body of the letter is an overflowing pastoral effusion, intermixed with numerous 
 biblical allusions. 
 
 11. Eight unpublished letters by Africans s. VI (esp. Eerrandus) in Reiffer- 
 scheid, Anecd. Casin., Bresl. 1871 (see § 494, 5). 
 
 12. Earlier collections of the Papal epistles by ACarafa (1591), Holstenius 
 (1662), in the collections of decrees of Councils, canones, bullaria (the most recent 
 is that in Turin, with an appendix 1867) and others. The best by the Benedictine 
 PCodstant : Epistolae romanorum pontificum et quae ad eos scriptae sunt a, s. 
 Clemente usque ad Innocentium III quotquot reperiri potuerunt ; T. I ab a. 
 Chr. 67 ad a. 440, Paris 1721. Continued (but not published) by SMopinot and 
 UDueand. From their papers, adhibitis praestantiss. codd. Ital. et Germ. rec. 
 et ed. (the letters a s. Hilario ad Pelagium II) AThiel; vol. I, Braunsb. 1868. 
 Cf . also FMaassen, Gesch. d. Quellen d. kanon. Eechts (Graz 1870) 1, 226. 
 
 47. The most popular kind of entertaining literature is 
 the romance, that is, a fictitious amusing narrative (love-stories 
 in particular). Among the Romans it is nearly as old as was ennui 
 among their nobility, and it affects from the first a certain strong 
 seasoning ; Sisenna's translation of the MiXr/aiaicd of Aristides. 
 Hence the name milesia (fabula) for romance in general. Petro- 
 nius adds to obscenity a satirical element. Apuleius (Metamorph.) 
 translates a magical romance and mingles with it other stories, 
 as well as pagan mysticism. At a later time the romance prefers 
 to group its fantastic inventions round historic subjects and 
 personages, such as the destruction of Troy (Dictys and Dares), 
 Alexander the Great (Julius Valerius), Antiochus (Historia Apol- 
 lonii, regis Tyri). Most of the productions in the way of curiosi- 
 ties of literature and descriptions of travel also serve the purpose 
 of entertainment. 
 
 1. Apul. met. 4, 32 propter milesiae conditorem. Tert. de aninia 23. Cf. 
 § 370, 4. Hieron. c. Rufin. 1, 17 (2, 473 Vail.) : quasi non cirratorum turba mile- 
 siarum in scholis fiymenta decantet et testamentum suis (above § 28, 3) Bessorum 
 cachinno membra concutiat atque inter scurrarum epulas nugae istiusmodi frequententur. 
 Comment, in Isa. XII in. (4, 493 Vail.) multo- pars maior est milesias revolventium 
 quam Platonis libros . . testamentum G-runnii Corocottae porcelli decantant in scholis 
 
§ 47, 48. ROMANCES : JURISPRUDENCE in the republic. 77 
 
 puerorum agmina cachinnantium. Martian. Cap. 2, 100 mythos poeticae diversitatia, 
 delictus milexias Idstoriasque mortalium . . se ami&suram . . formidahat. For 
 the part of Antiochus in the Hist. Apoll. cf. besides ERohde, gr. Eoman 417. 
 
 2. Book of marvels by the senator L. Manlius. Descriptions of travel by 
 Trebius Niger, Sebosus and others, subsequently by Lioinius Mucianus. 
 
 3. The popular fairy-tale, which the Romans also possessed, does not venture 
 into literature. There are only occasional suggestions of it. Apuleius' (met. 
 4, 28) story of Cupid and Psyche is a fairy-tale remodelled (see LFkiedlandeb, 
 Sittengesch. Bonis l 5 , 468), as is shown by the opening : Erant in quadam civitate 
 rex et regina. Allusions to stock incidents in fairy-tales in Peksius 2, 37. 38. 
 Cf. MHaupt, opusc. 3, 570. 
 
 48. Jurisprudence is the only part of literature the develop- 
 ment of which among the Romans was national from first to 
 last. An inflexible and unwavering adherence to their rights 
 was always peculiar to the Romans, and this favoured the 
 growth and consolidation of a system of laws, for the production 
 of which their eminent qualities of acute intellect, practical 
 dexterity and love of order were perfectly sufficient, and which 
 was also favoured by the combination of conservatism and pro- 
 gress peculiar to the Roman Law. There were fixed rules at a 
 very early date, at first of a religious character and in the 
 possession of the patrician Pontifices, whence also their inter- 
 pretation, application and development lay in the hands of the 
 patricians. But when (c. 450/304) the various forms of accusa- 
 tions and a list of judgment-days had been made public, the law 
 became generally accessible and was almost immediately repre- 
 sented by the plebeians P. Sempronius Sophus and Tib. Corun- 
 canius. The law being of a very positive character, literary 
 activity could at first manifest itself only in collecting and 
 interpreting the sources ; so it was in the first juridical writer, 
 Sex. Aelius Catus (c. 550/204). The more varied life became, 
 the more important grew the knowledge of the law, and the 
 auctoritas prudentum, as laid down in their decisions (responsa), 
 gradually became an acknowledged source of law. Since the 
 beginning of the 7th century u.c. we find the responsa written 
 down and published in collections, as e.g. by the son of Cato 
 Oensorius, by M. Junius Brutus and P. Mucius Scaevola (cos. 
 621/133), while M\ Manilius published a collection of formulas. 
 As early as the middle of the 7th century u.c, most probably 
 under the influence of the Stoic philosophy, the Roman Law 
 was reduced to a system by Q. Mucius Scaevola (pont. max., 
 cos. 659/95). His pupil was C. Aquilius G-allus, and through the 
 
78 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 pupil of the latter, Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, the systematic develop- 
 ment of the Law was greatly advanced, Cicero also contributing 
 to it. Until then, legal knowledge had principally been propa- 
 gated by oral tradition, and in some families (as e.g. the Aelii r 
 Mucii, Porcii, Sulpicii, later on the Antistii) was quasi-hereditary r 
 a circumstance which did much to create a special profession 
 of jurists. 
 
 1. Sources : Pompon ius de origine iuris, dig. 1, 2. Later on the Digests in 
 general. — Corpus iuris anteiustinianei, Bonn 1835-41. GBruns, fontes iuris rom. 
 antiqui, Preib. 5 1886 (cur. THMommsen). EHuschke, Iurisprudentia anteiusti- 
 niana, Lps. 6 1886. Collectio librorum iuris anteiustiniani, ed. PKrugeh, ThMomm- 
 sen, WStudemund, Berl. 1877 seq. III. 
 
 2. APRudorff, rom. Rechtsgeschichte, Lpz. 1857. 59 II. OKarlowa, romische 
 Rechtsgeschichte I, Lpz. 1885. RJherihg, Geist des rom. Rechts auf den ver- 
 schiedenen Stufen seiner Entwickelung, Lpz. 3 1873-77 III. Mommsen, RQ-. I 6 , 430. 
 468.2,457. SWZimmern, Gesch. des rem. Privatrechts bis Justinian; especially 
 I, i, Heidelb. 1826. WRein, das Criminalrecht der R6m. bis Justinian, Eisen 
 1844. HEDibksen, binterlass. Schrr. z. Krit. u. Ausleg. d. Quellen d. rom. Reehts- 
 gesch., Lpz. 1871 II. PDSanio, z. Gesch. d. rom. Rechtswissensch., Konigsb. 1858 
 (see also § 166, 6d). 
 
 3. Among the Greeks legal training and knowledge were strangely neglected ; 
 Cic. de or. 1, 198. 253. At Rome the circumstances were more favourable ; of. 
 Jhering, Geist des rom. Rechts 1, 300. Among the Romans legal knowledge 
 penetrated even to the people ; cf . the formulas of sponsio in cattle-bargains in 
 Cato (RR. 144-150) and Varro (§ 133, 1). The more national a, poet is, the more 
 prominent the position the law holds in his writings. So especially in Plautus. 
 But even Terence (Eun. prol. 10) thinks that a play of Luscius is condemned by- 
 proving a flagrant error in civil law in it, Cf . also the titles of togatae, Emanci- 
 patus, Iurisperita (perhaps also Ida=Icta) by Titinius and Afranius. It is, a 
 matter of course that business-men (e.g. M'. Curius, Cic. fam. 7, 29) possessed 
 legal knowledge; later on we find the same related of several ladies, Iuv. 6, 
 244. 
 
 4. Cic. de or. 1, 212 iuris consultus vere nominaretur . . . qui legum et con- 
 suetudinis eius qua privati in civitate uterentur et ad respondendum et ad cavendum. 
 peritus esset. off. 2, 65 in iure cavere, consilio iuvare atque hoc scientiae genere pro- 
 desse quam plurimis vehementer et ad opes augendas pertinet et ad gratiam. itaque cum 
 multa praeclara maiorum turn quod optime constituti iuris civilis summo semper in 
 honore fuit cognitio&tque interpretatio. Liv. 39, 40 ad summos honor es alios scientia 
 iuris . . provexit. Compared to oratory Cic. (Brut. 151 ; cf . or, 141. off. 2, 66) 
 calls it the second art. On occasion he places it lower ; cf. de or. 1, 236. Mur. 25. 
 Connection with the pontificate (Cic. leg. 2, 47). Moreover there were many 
 jurists distinguished for their social talent and wit (the Mucii, Aquilius Gallus, 
 Cascellius, Trebatius) and for their character (Rutilius Rufus, the Mucii, Sul- 
 picius Rufus, Cascellius, Antistius Labeo). 
 
 5. Clients (consultores) are said to consulere, and the consulti (de iure) respon- 
 dent (Cic. Brut. 113), which they did either in their residence (Cic. de or. 2, 226. 
 3, 133) or while they transverso foro ambulabant (ib. 3, 133 ; cf. ib. 1, 246). Cic. 
 Mur. 19 Servius . . , urbanam militiam respondendi, scribendi, cavendi, plenarn 
 
§ 48, 49. JURISPRUDENCE IN THE REPUBLIC AND EARLY EMPIRE. 79 
 
 sollicitudinis ac stomach i, secutus est; . . . praesto multis fuit, multorum stultitiam 
 perpessws est, adrogantiam pertulit, difficultatem exsorbuit By admitting younger 
 men as listeners, pupils were trained, as was already the practice of Coruncanius. 
 Cicero e.g. was the auditor of the augur Q. Scaevola. Many formulas had to be 
 learnt by heart, Cic. de or. 1, 246. 
 
 6. Cicero writes to Trebatius (fam. 7. 19) : nam ius civile vestrum ex libris cog- 
 nosci potest? qui quamquam plurimi sujit, doctorem tamen usumque desiderant. On 
 the other hand de or. 1, 192 neque ita multis litteris aid voluminibus magnis continen- 
 tur. eadem enim sunt data primum a pluribus, deinde paucis verbis corn-mutatis etiam 
 ab eisdem scriptoribus scripta sunt saepius. Still more forcibly (but in joke) Mur. 
 28 perpaucis et minime obscuris litteris continentur. itaque si mihi homini vehementer 
 occupato stomachum moveritis, triduo me iuris consultum profitebor. 
 
 7. The schematic arrangement of the Stoic philosophy necessarily influenced 
 the jurists. The augur Q. Scaevola was in friendly intercourse with Panaitios 
 (Cic. de or. 1, 45), and the pontifex Q. Scaevola shows the influence of the Stoics 
 in his threefold division of the doctrine of the gods (August, civ. d. 4, 27) and in 
 the title of a work, "Open. Later on, the influence of Aristotle and the Stoics 
 showed itself esp. in the view taken of the Law of Nature (as (pitrei SUaiov). 
 MVoigt, das ius naturale I, Lpz. 1856. Hildenbrand, Bechts- und Staats-Philos. 
 1, 593. Lafekriere, l'influence du stol'cisme sur la doctrine des Jurisconsultes 
 rom., Mem. de l'acad. des sciences morales 10 (1860), 579. Cic. fam. 7, 12 considers 
 jurisprudence irreconcilable with the Epicurean system. 
 
 49. As the main department of Roman jurisprudence, Civil 
 law, was nearly independent of the constitution of the State, 
 the change of this did not impede its development, but rather 
 the monarchical concentration of legislation and judicature re- 
 quired technical advisers and interpreters all the more urgently. 
 The age of Augustus possessed in C. Trebatius Testa and A. 
 Cascellius, and in Q. Tubero and Alfenus Varus excellent jurists ; 
 under him the division of the jurisprudentes into Sabinians and 
 Proculians commenced ; at the head of the first was the yielding 
 C. Ateius Capito, while the Proculians were headed by the 
 republican M. Antistius Labeo. Augustus already gave to the 
 responsa in part legal authority, but at the same time made 
 the ius respondendi dependent on the Emperor. Under the 
 following Emperors of the Julian dynasty flourished the jurists 
 Masurius Sabinus, M. Cocceius Nerva, father and son, 0. Cassius 
 Longinus and Sempronius Proculus. Indispensable to the Em- 
 perors and undisturbed in their direction of the Civil law even 
 in the worst periods, occupying, moreover, the highest places 
 in the State, this profession was continually recruited by talented 
 and high-principled men, by whose labours jurisprudence was 
 developed to a minuteness unattainable to non-professionals, and 
 who imparted to the law evenness and logical sequence. Though 
 
80 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 even under the Flavian dynasty (Oaelius Sabinus, Pegasus, 
 Juventius Celsus the father), and under Nerva and Trajan 
 (Gelsus fil., Neratius Priscus, Priscus Javolenus, Titius Aristo) 
 the number of eminent lawyers and professors of jurisprudence 
 was very large, we find esp. after Hadrian, c. 130 until 230 a.d., 
 a continuous series of the greatest jurists : Salvius Julianus, L. 
 Volusius Maecianus, Sex. Pomponius, L. Ulpius Marcellus, Q. 
 Cervidius Scaevola, and more especially the coryphees and classic 
 authors of jurisprudence : Gaius, Aemilius Papinianus, Julius 
 Paullus, Domitius Ulpianus, and Herennius Modestinus. Intel- 
 lects of this excellence raised jurisprudence to a height compared 
 with which all the labours of the Republican period appear but 
 crude attempts ; they imparted to their writings the distinctness, 
 nay beauty of scientific works of art, and transformed the 
 Roman Law, formerly the Law of a City, into a Law applicable 
 to all humanity, almost without national peculiarities, and in 
 which legal ideas have found their most distinct expression, a 
 Law which has been the protection of the oppressed in virtue of 
 the sentiments of humanity pervading it. Many traits, originally 
 inequitable and harsh, they contrived to soften clown or modify 
 by explanation, though this also taught them to wrest the sense 
 of the words. 
 
 About the middle of the 3rd century after Christ the pro- 
 ductive power of jurisprudence ceased. No men of talent were 
 then to be found, and after the Praetorian Edict had been 
 condensed by Julianus (under Hadrian), ordinary ability sufficed 
 for the administration of the law. In the 4th century only, 
 literary activity recommenced, but it was confined to the col- 
 lection of the sources of law, especially of the Imperial decrees, 
 with which at the end of the 2nd century Papirius Justus had 
 made a beginning. But now under Diocletian was formed 
 the codex Gregorianus, followed, under Constantine, by the 
 Fragmenta vaticana and the codex Hermogenianus. Under 
 Theodosius II and Valentinian III the Eoman Law of the 
 Christian period began to be systematised, in the codex Theo- 
 dosianus, which received legal authority a. 438 and was augmented 
 between 448 and 468 by the.Novellae of Theodosius and his 
 successors. All these labours were concluded by the collection 
 of legal documents commanded by Justinian and executed esp. 
 by Tribonianus ; first (529) the Codex Iustinianus, then (533) the 
 Institutiones and Digest, a selection from the works of the 
 
§ 49. JURISPRUDENCE UNDER THE EMPIRE. 81 
 
 principal jurists in 50 books, then (534) an enlarged edition of 
 the Codex (repetitae praelectionis). The Novellae constitutiones 
 Iustiniani are a private collection made after Justinian's death. 
 
 1. Popular notions of the jurist's task: qui iuris nodos et legum aenigmata 
 solvit, Iuv. 8, 58. Iurisconsulti, quorum summus circa verborum proprietatem labor est, 
 Quint. 5, 14, 34. In reality the criminal law was far less developed than the 
 civil law. Even in the Imperial period a certain knowledge of law was for some 
 time general. See § 48, 3. Apuxeius met. 9, 27 makes a miller say : non hercis- 
 cundae familiae, sed com/muni dividundo formula dimicabo, and he uses in the myth 
 of Psyche (above § 47, 3) a good deal that is juridical hoth in matter and form 
 (e.g. met. 6, 8. 22. 23) by way of parody. On the other hand we find the people 
 scoffing at the exaggerated exactness (nimia et misera diligentia, dig. 2, 31, 88, 17) 
 of the jurists, as e.g. in sepulchral inscriptions : huic monumento dolus mains abesto 
 et iurisconsultus (or ius civile), Okelli 4374. 4390 sq. 4821. Wilm. 277. Thus Or. 
 7236 "Wilm. 2473 a librarius is praised qui testamenta scripsit annos XVI sine iuris 
 consulto. A pantomimus of the time of Tiberius qui primum invenit causidicos 
 imitari (Or. 6188 Wilm. 2627). The will of a pig (§ 28, 3) should also be mentioned 
 here, though it may probably have originated in juridical circles, as did also the 
 possibly contemporaneous lex convivalis addressed to Querolus (printed also in 
 Bucheler's Petr. p. s 239); see Buchelee, Bonner ind. schol. 1877, 10 (below § 436, 
 9). Cf. also § 140, 1 on the lex Tappula. 
 
 2. The praefectus urbi was a jurist, and jurists composed the Imperial edicts 
 (constitutiones). Capitol. Ant. Philos. 11, 10 habuit secum praefectos, quorum et 
 auctoritate et periculo semper iura dictavit. usus autem est Scaevola praecipue iuris 
 perito. Lampeid. Alex. Sev. 16, 1 neque ullam constitutionem sacravit sine XX iuris- 
 peritis et doctissimis ac sapientibus viris isdemque disertissimis non minus L. But 
 this number was not the usual one. The official position of the jurists obtained 
 for them the reputation that they had principally an eye to the interests of the 
 treasury (Iuv. 4, 53 sqq.); but the most distinguished of them, Labeo, Cassius 
 (Tac. A. 14, 43), Papinian (Spaktian. Carac. 8), were far from servile. 
 
 3. Quintilian (12, 3) expressly defends the necessity of legal knowledge in 
 orators and assures them (ib. 6 cf. 9) that the law is non tarn arduum quam procul 
 intuentibus fortasse videatur, but also speaks (ib. 11) against the jurists who despise 
 eloquence and se ad album ac rubricas transtulerunt et formularii vel . . leguleii 
 esse maluerunt. As a rule the orators understood nothing of the law, which was 
 so difficult to handle in their phraseology (cf. § 45, 4); and in their arrogance 
 they even thought that they could afford to make free* with it (Tac. dial. 32. 
 Apoll. Sidon. ep. 8, 16). The causidici and iuridici are contrasted in Seneca apocol. 
 12. But for all that, legal knowledge and eloquenoe were always thought of as in 
 some way connected ; Lampeid. Alex. Sev. 16, 2 si de iure aut de negotiis tractabat 
 solos doctos et disertos adhibebat, 
 
 4. The general ignorance in the Imperial period respecting the Republican 
 time (cf. § 39, 1) extended also to the jurists ; the iuris auctores of the Republic 
 were soon denoted as veteres and forgotten. Celsus is the last who seems to have 
 himself used the writings of the veteres anterior to Q. Mucius Scaevola. The 
 writings of the veteres after Q. Scaevola were in all probability no longer used 
 in the originals by Pomponius and his contemporaries, and hence Pomponius 
 commits several errors in his survey of the old period. 
 
 5. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 47 hi duo (Labeo and Capito) primum veluti diversas 
 R. L. « 
 
82 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 sectas fecerunt; nam Ateius Capito in his quae ei tradita fuerant perseverabat, 
 Labeo ingenii qualitate et fiducia doctrinae, qui et ceteris operis sapientiae operam 
 dederat, plurima innovare instituit. If, according to this, Labeo may be regarded 
 as a nationalist and Capito as a Positivist, Budoeff (EOm. Bechtsgesch. 1, 182) 
 also dwells on the fact that the Sabinians were inclined to the new system of 
 government, while the Proculians adhered to the older foundations of law, and 
 that this distinction lost its importance after Hadrian had caused the existing 
 law to be codified by Julianus. Cf. Bkemek, die Eechtslehrer (1868) 68. Kuntze, 
 Instit. und Gesch. des rOm. Eechts 267. MVoigt, das Aelius- und Sabinussystem 
 und verwandte Eechtssysteme, Lpz. 1875 (Abh. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. XVII). 
 
 6. In the juridical literature of the second and third centuries after Christ 
 two principal varieties may be distinguished : text-books and opinions (responsa). 
 The latter give exclusively the view of the adviser himself, while the text-books 
 give not only the opinion held by their author, but also that of earlier authorities 
 on law, as well as the Imperial decrees affecting the question, and aim in this 
 at some degree of completeness. Externally they are founded chiefly on certain 
 texts, either laws or earlier text-books. Hence the frequent occurrence of the 
 titles Ad edictum, Ad legem Iuliam, as also Ad Q. Mucium, Ad Vitellium, Ad 
 Plautium or the citation Apud Labeonem ; e.g. Cassius apud Urseium scribit means : 
 Cassius in his edition of the work of Urseius; Marcellus apud Iulianum notat= 
 makes this comment on Julianus (dig.). Thus Paulus wrote Notae ad Papinianum, 
 Ulpian ad Marcellum. Ex Plautio, ex Cassio denotes excerpts from these. 
 
 7. The place between text-books and opinions is filled by the Quaestiones 
 originating from the legal questions which the listeners put to the teacher, 
 concerning partly theoretical moot points, partly actual cases which were noticed 
 by a student or by the teacher. This literature extended to the entire civil law. 
 Labeo's Posteriora already belonged to it. Mommsen, Zeitschr. f . Bechtsgesch. 7, 
 83. 93. 
 
 8. Digesta is often used as a title for books, e.g. by Alfenus Varus, Juventhis 
 Celsus, Salvius Julianus, Ulpius Marcellus, Cervidius Scaevola. By it is meant 
 the systematic grouping of the collective juridical writings of » lawyer (or 
 school), whether proceeding from himself, or from some later writer. The 
 original order is here abandoned in favour of the new systematic one. Mommsen, 
 Z. f. Bechtsgesch. 7, 477. 480. 9, 82. On this cf . HPeekice, Miscell. z. Bechtsgesch. 
 u. Textkrit. 1 (Prag 1870), 1. — Scope of the juristic literature: the index 
 auctorum for Justinian's Digesta includes 1539 books with three million lines 
 (cf. constit. AiSwKev 1). 
 
 9. Instruction in law continued for some time longer to be unremunerated, 
 or at least it had no legal claim to payment; see Ulp. dig. 50, 13, 1, 5. The 
 first teacher of law exclusively (professor iuris civilis) was Gaius. By him was 
 founded a new branch of juridical literature, the Institutiones, an introduction to 
 the study of law. After him Inst, were composed by Callistratus and Ulpianus ; 
 shorter ones by Paulus, and more complete by Florentinus and Marcianus. They 
 came to a close with the Justinian. FPBremeb, die Eechtslehrer und Bechts- 
 schulen im rOm. Kaiserreich, Berl. 1868. HDerhburg, d. Instit. des Gaius (1869) 
 3. — A certain M. Picarius Turranianus is mentioned as magister iuris in an 
 African inscr. (eph. epigr. 5, p. 537). Iuris studiosi frequently in inscriptions 
 CIL. 3, 2936. 10, 569. Wilm. 2470. eph. epigr. 5, p. 411. Even a studens without 
 further designation eph. epigr. 5, p. 527. 
 
 10. Prom the 4th cent, the science of law was applied practically only in the 
 profession of advocate, and was merged in oratory. The astrologer and former 
 
§ 49, 50. JURISPRUDENCE (EMPIRE): PHILOSOPHY IN THE REPUBLIC. 83 
 
 advocate Ermicus never mentions jurists among the other numerous professions 
 which he names, but on the other hand e.g. 8, 27 in fin. : advocati opthni et regum 
 amid oc praecipui oratores. According to him penmen, rather than lawyers, were 
 employed in the Imperial council ; see e.g. 8, 27 regum ititerpretes vel magistros, 
 scribas quoque et sacrarum (Imperial) litterarum officio, tractantes. 30 litterarum 
 officio tractantes, regihus notos et eorum scribas. Cf . Mamertin. grat. act. 20, 1 iuris 
 civilis scientia, quae Manlios, Scaevolas, Servios in amplissimum gradum dignitatis 
 evexerat, libertinorum artificium dicebatur (by the aristocrats of the Byzantine Court). 
 On the other hand of Julian qui in oratorio facultate, qui in scientia iuris civilis 
 exceUit ultra ad familiaritatem vocatur (ib. 25, 3). Ammian. 30, 4, 11 (a. 374) 
 secundum est genus eorum qui iuris professi scientiam, . . . ut altius videantur 
 iura callere, Trebatium loquuntur et Cascellium etc. ib. 16 (of the lawyers) e quibus 
 ita sunt rudes nonnvRi ut nurnquam se codices habuisse meminerint. et si in circulo 
 doctorum auctoris veteris incident nomen, piscis out edulii peregrinum esse vocabidum 
 arbitrantur. 
 
 11. CFHommel, Palingenesia librorum iuris veterum, sive Pandectarum loca 
 integra . . . exposita et ab exemplari Taurellii Florentino accuratissime 
 descripta, Lps. 1767 sq. III. HFitting, d. Alter d. Schriften rOm. Juristen von 
 Hadr. bis Alex. Sev., Bas. 1860. Concerning the language of the jurists: HE 
 Dirksen, manuale latinitatis fontt. iur. civ. rom., Berl. 1837 and his kl. Schrr. 
 (■§ 48, 2). WKalb, das Juristenlatein, Versuch einer Charakteristik auf G-rund 
 d. Digesten, Numb. 1886. 
 
 50. The Romans as a nation bad not much talent for the 
 study of Philosophy : abstract reflection seemed to their simple 
 practical turn of mind little better than idling. All real 
 philosophy they obtained from the Greeks, and this at a time 
 when in Greece itself the great masters had been succeeded by 
 Epigoni, who confined themselves to reproducing and spinning 
 out in the traditional manner a limited stock of ideas. The 
 first transplanter of Greek philosophical thought, Q. Ennius, 
 took up (not to mention his Epicharmus) a production of the 
 most shallow rationalism, the work of Euhemerus, and this note 
 reverberates in Pacuvius and L. Accius. The disagreement of 
 doctrines of this kind with the existing customs and religion 
 caused a. 581/173 the expulsion of the Epicurean philosophers 
 Alkaios and Philiskos, 593/161 the SC. de philosophis et rhetor- 
 ibus (uti Eomae ne essent), and 599/155 the hasty but still 
 too long delayed departure of the Athenian ambassadors, the 
 Academic Karneades, the Stoic Diogenes, and the Peripatetic 
 Kritolaos, of whom the first especially made a deep impression 
 on the younger generation by his eloquence and liberal senti- 
 ments. The far-seeing Stoic Panaitios was not long afterwards 
 received by the younger Scipio, and through him and his disciple 
 Poseidonios Stoicism gained admittance among the Romans. 
 It was professed by the younger Laelius, Q. Aelius Tubero, 
 
84 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 0. Fannius, Sp. Mummius, C. Blossius, P. Rutilius Rufus, Valerius 
 Soranus, L. Aelius Stilo, by the jurisprudentes Q. Mucius Scaevola 
 (the augur as well as the pontifex), L. Lucilius Balbus, Sex. 
 Pompeius and Ser. Sulpicius Rufus, and finally the younger 
 Cato ; and in literature by Stertinius. Other Romans were won 
 over to other systems by the Greeks into whose hands they 
 chanced to fall; the (new) Academy especially found many 
 adherents, on account of its plausible doctrines and its consequent 
 utility for legal purposes, e.g. 0. Aurelius Cotta (cos. 679/75), 
 L. Lucullus, L. Tubero. M. Piso (cos. 693/61) and M. Licinius 
 Crassus (cos. 684/70) inclined to the Peripatetic philosophy. 
 The simplicity, moral laxity and self-sufficiency of the Epicurean 
 philosophy recommended it especially to such natures as were 
 glad to retire to leisure and quiet from the political agitations, 
 e.g. in Cicero's time his friend Atticus, Papirius Paetus and 
 M. Marius, and also Pansa. For this very reason this system 
 was also the first to be represented in Latin literature, not only 
 by Ennius and the communis historia of Lutatius in the time 
 before Cicero, but also by Rabirius, Catius and Amafinius, and 
 especially by Lucretius. Other adherents of the Epicurean philo- 
 sophy were C. Velleius, L. Saufeius, L. Manlius Torquatus (praetor 
 706/48), Statilius, P. Yolumnius, and to a certain extent also C. 
 Cassius. A form of the Pythagorean philosophy corrupted with 
 all sorts of superstitious elements found an apostle in Nigidius 
 Eigulus, and disciples (such as P. Vatinius). Much greater was 
 the number of those who, following the example of the most 
 distinguished Greek philosophers of this period, e.g. Antiochos 
 of Askalon, combined several systems, as Varro the polyhistor 
 sided with the Stoics in dialectics, theology and natural philo- 
 sophy, with the Academy in ethics ; and M. Brutus who, on the 
 other hand, was a Stoic in ethics, and an Academic in all other 
 respects. The eclectic tendency is especially exhibited in the 
 numerous philosophical writings of Cicero. 
 
 1. A survey in Cic. Tuso. 4, 1-7 ; cf. de or. 2, 154 sq. Acad. pr. 2, 5. Quint. 
 10, 1, 123 sq. — Hepke, de philos. qui Eomae doouerunt usque ad Antoninos, 
 Berl. 1842. EZellee in his history of Greek philosophy and : Religion u. Philo- 
 sophie b. d. Rom. in his Vortrage u. Abhh. 2 (Lpz. 1877), 93 ; esp. 106. Mommsen, 
 RG. 2 6 , 410. 3 6 , 570. Also AStahr, Aristot. bei d. Rom., Lpz. 1834. Friedlander, 
 Sittengesch. 3 5 , 607. — CBuresch, consolationum a Graecis Romanisque soriptarum 
 hist, orit., Lpz. Stud. 9, 1. On this see also AGercke in the Tirocin. philol. sodal. 
 semin. Bonn. (Berl. 1883) 28. 
 
 2. The reflective bent of the Romans is shown by Appius Caecus' didactic 
 
§ 50. PHILOSOPHY IN THE REPUBLIC, AUGUSTAN AGE AND EMPIRE. 85 
 
 poem (§ 90, 5), by Cato's praecepta ad filium (§ 121, 2), and by the sententious 
 character of the Mimi (§ 8, 6. 212, 4) etc. Their practical wisdom was apt to 
 wear a fatalistic colouring : see L. Paullus in Liv. 45, 8 and Scipio Africanus in 
 Cic. off. 1, 90. Ennius' saying is characteristic : philosophari est mihi necesse, at 
 paucis, nam omnino haud placet (Reliq. ed. Vahlen p. 145). The supposed com- 
 positions of Noma dug out in the year 573/181, containing scripta philosophiae 
 Pytlmgoricae, were burnt, quia philosophiae scripta essent, Plin. NH. 13, 86. Cato 
 the Elder was ti\us <pi\o<ro(pia irpoo-KeicpovKilis (Plot. Cat. mai. 23). Cicero considers 
 it his duty to justify his philosophical writings in almost every book of this 
 kind, see especially off. 2, 2 sqq. Even Tacitus makes his Agricola (Agr. 4) say 
 se prima in iuventa stadium philosophiae acrius, ultra quam concessum Romano ac 
 senatori, hausisse, and Gellius (5, 16, 5) considers that degustandum ex philosophia, 
 non in earn ingurgitandum. 
 
 3. The Romans valued philosophy only as conducive to the formation of 
 character, a source of instruction as to the moral duties of man, the things on 
 the possession of which his happiness depends, and the means of obtaining them 
 (Zeller, Vortrr. 2, 106). Thus Varro alleged as causa philosophandi that man 
 thereby becomes bonus et beatus, and Cornelius Nepos (in Lactant. Inst. 3, 15, 10) 
 adduces against the study of philosophy : video magnam partem eorum qui in 
 schola de pudore et continentia praecipiant argutissime, eosdem in omnium libidinum 
 cupiditatibus vivere. And Pacuvius already (in Gell. 13, 8, 4) has said : 6di ego 
 homines ignava opera et philosopha sentdntia. We must also keep in mind the 
 general mediocrity of the Greeks to whom the Romans owed their philosophy. 
 ' Thus it came to pass that the Romans became in philosophy merely worse pupils 
 of bad masters ' (Mommsen). 
 
 4. The various philosophical systems with regard to their fitness for 
 oratorical purposes are discussed by Quintil. 12, 2, 24. The Stoic philosophy 
 appeared to be the least applicable thereto ; Cic. de. or. 3, 66. fin. 4, 78. parad. 
 praef. 2. Brut. 114, 118. Quint. 10, 1, 84; cf. 12, 2, 25; Cic. parad. praef. 1: 
 animadverti saepe Catonem . . ., cum in senatu sententiam diceret, locos graves 
 ex philosophia tractare abhorrentes ab hoc usu forensi et publico, eed dicendo consequi 
 tamen ut ilia etiam populo probabilia viderentur. The new Academy on the 
 contrary seemed to be most favourable to this object ; see Cic. de or. 3, 80. 
 
 5. Cic. Vatin. 14 tu qui te Pyihagoreum soles dieere et hominis doctissimi nomen 
 tuis immanibus et barbaris moribus praetendere. But Vatinius can no more be 
 numbered among the philosophers on account of this passage than Caerellia 
 on account of Cic. Att. 13, 21, 5 mirifice Caerellia, studio videlicet philosophiae 
 flagrans, describit (libros rneos) de tuis ; istos ipsos de finibus habet ; cf . ib. 22, 3. 
 Thus the lady in Hor. epod. 8, 15 has libelli stoici inter sericos pulvillos. 
 
 51. Augustus intentionally favoured the study of philosophy 
 and even himself wrote Hortationes ad philosophiam. Besides 
 him we know, however, only T. Livius, Crispinus, and Sextius 
 the Elder as philosophical writers in his time. But philosophical 
 training was possessed by, and manifested itself in, almost all 
 the first writers of that period, e.g. Vergil, Horace and L. Varius. 
 Many combined with it an interest in natural philosophy. The 
 Epicurean philosophy was most in harmony with the tendency 
 of the times, calling up, as it did, in the more serious minds a 
 
86 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 feeling of sorrowful resignation. Even in the first century after 
 Christ the Epicurean and Stoic philosophies remained the only- 
 systems represented at Rome, but then only a few (such as 
 Aufidius Bassus) possessed that mental independence and self- 
 reliance, which form the basis of the Epicurean philosophy; 
 the majority turned to Stoic philosophy, some weakening it 
 by dropping the harsher features of its system and its crotchety 
 doctrines on cosmology, as Seneca does, others, e.g. Sextius the 
 Younger, increasing its depth by adding to it theistic and 
 Pythagorean ingredients. Men of the most decided characters, 
 as Paetus Thrasea, Helvidius Priscus, and also the young 
 Persius Flaccus, even augmented its ruggedness of doctrine 
 and practice. Others at least observed the fashion of keeping 
 a philosopher and having discussions with him. Rome in this 
 way was flooded with philosophers, many of whom by their 
 personal want of character brought philosophy itself into con- 
 tempt. The number was small of men who, like the Cynic 
 Demetrios, gave to others the example of an independent mind. 
 Vespasian and Domitian banished the philosophers from Rome 
 and Italy. In the second century also the Stoic system pre- 
 vailed and was numerously represented in Rome, by Greeks 
 as well as Romans, among the latter especially by Junius 
 Rusticus ; with M. Aurelius the Stoic philosophy appeared even 
 on the throne. Others endeavoured to make philosophy popular, 
 by extending their declamations to these subjects also, e.g. 
 Apuleius. Many thought to increase their effect by a cloudy 
 mysticism, arbitrarily styling itself Platonism, e.g. Taurus, 
 Eavorinus, and also Apuleius. The Neoplatonic philosophy of 
 the 3rd century has no representative of note in Roman litera- 
 ture. The ascendancy of the Christian religion in the 4th 
 century drove those who did not go over to it to the renewed 
 study of the treasures of the old Greek philosophy, which were 
 made more accessible by revision and translation, as e.g. by 
 Augustine before he became a Christian, and especially by 
 Boethius in the 6th century. By these labours they were trans- 
 mitted to the nations of the West, whose mental food they 
 formed during the Middle Ages. 
 
 1. L. Variua (or Varus) Epicureus : § 223, 3. Horace ridicules in his earlier 
 poems the absurdities of the Stoic philosophy, and professes Epicurean doctrines ; 
 in the later ones he does justice to the seriousness and depth of Stoicism. Cf. § 235, 
 5. lav. 43, 13, 1 nihil deos portendere vulgo nunc credunti Under Caligula Hop- 
 
§ 51, 52. PHILOSOPHY (AUGUSTAN AGE AND EMPIRE): MATHEMATICS. 87 
 
 m}5tos, avyKkriTiKbsii.tr, t&s dpx&s Si 5t,ekifkv8ilis axeSbv iri<ras, "HwiKoipmos Si fiXW Kal 5i 
 airb Airpdy^ovos 4mTi)Sevr}is j3Iou, Ioseph. antiq. 19, 1, 5. In many epitaphs of the 
 period this tendency manifests itself. The Sextii, father and son, wrote in Greek 
 as well as Comutus. 
 
 2. In the first century after Christ the majority studied philosophy ut nomine 
 magnifico segne otium velarent (Tac. hist. 4, 5) ; even ladies dallied with philo- 
 sophy : see L. FriedlInder, Sittengesch. I 5 , 445. Tac. A. 14, 16 relates of Nero etiam 
 sapientiae doctoribus tempus impertiebat post epulas utque contraries adseverantium 
 discordia frueretur. nee deerant qui ore voltuque tristi inter dblectamenta regia apectari 
 cuperent. This tristitia helonged to the philosopher's costume, as well as his long 
 beard, his staff, and threadbare gown, which was adopted from the Cynics, cf . 
 Martial. 4, 53. Iuv. 13, 121. Unfortunately the servile covetousness and moral 
 despicability of very many individuals did not well agree with this spiritual 
 appearance. Quint. 1, prooem. 15 voltum et tristitiam et dissentientem a ceteris habi- 
 tum pessimis moribus (see instances in Iuv. 2, 4. 65) praetendebant. On this arro- 
 gance cf . also 12, 3, 12. 5, 11, 39. But the common run of orators sapientiae studium 
 et praecepta prudentium penitus reformidant (Tac. dial. 32). Cf . also Quint. 11, 1, 
 35 at vir civilis vereque sapiens, qui se non otiosis disputationibus, sed administra- 
 tionibus reip. dediderit, a qua longissime isti qui philosophi vocantur recesserunt. 
 Similarly 12, 2, 6, cf. ib. 9 hanc artem superbo nomine et vitiis quorundam bona eius 
 corrumpentium invisam. Popular quips : facilius inter philosophos quam inter horolo- 
 gia conveniet (Sen. apocol. 3, 3), and numquam philosophum audivit in Petron. 71. 
 Similar attacks against the Greek philosophers at Eome occur, however, as early 
 as Plautus, Cure. 2, 3, 9, and the same complaints recur in Gellius, e.g. 7 (6), 
 10, 5 nunc videre est philosophos ultro currere ut doceant ad fores iuvenum divitum 
 eosque ibi sedere atque opperiri prope ad meridiem, donee discipuli nocturnum omne 
 vinum edormiant. 13, 8, 5 nihil fieri posse indignius neque intolerantius dicebat (Macedo, 
 familiaris meus) quam quod homines ignavi ac desides, operti barba et pallio, mores 
 et emolumenta philosophiae in linguae verborumque artes converterent et vitiafacun- 
 dissime accusarent intercutibus ipsi vitiis madentes. In the same period Apulei. 
 flor. 1, 7. CMartha, les moralistes sous l'empire romain . . . philosophes et 
 poetes, Paris 1865. LPriedlander, Sittengesch. 3 5 , 615. HSchiller, Nero 588. 
 
 3. Ulpian. dig. 50, 13, 1, 4 an et philosophi professorum numero sint (who have 
 a claim to payment for teaching) ? non putem, non quia non religiosa res est, sed 
 quia hoc primum profiteri eos oportet, mercenariam operam spernere. 
 
 4. Capitol. M. Antonin. philos. 2, 7. 3, 2 (see § 358, 2. 3). L. Iunius Eusticus, 
 philosophus stoicus, Orelli 1190. C. Tutilius Hostilianus, philosophus stoicus, domo 
 Cortona, ib. 1191. C. Matrinius Valentius, philosophus epicureus, ib. 1192. Gaius 
 Stallius . . . ex epicureio gaudivigente choro IEN. 3374 Or. 1193. Julius Iulianus 
 . . . philosophus primus. Wilm. 2475. Ti. Claudius Paulinus philosophus, CIL. 
 3,302. Cf. §407, 6. 
 
 52. The Eomans looked upon mathematics and astronomy 
 as unprofitable studies. "With the exception of a few amateurs, 
 such as Sex. Pompeius and Sulpicius G-allus (cos. 518/166), they 
 confined themselves to the lower kinds of computation and 
 measuring. In the mathematical sciences the Eomans were 
 entirely dependent on the Greek masters, especially on Hero. 
 The works of Varro are undoubtedly no exception. The only 
 
88 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 partially preserved work on geometry by a Eoman is that of 
 Balbus written under Trajan. Sulpicius G-allus studied astronomy 
 as an amateur, Varro as a polyhistor, and Nigidius Figulus from 
 mystic tendencies. In the Imperial period astrology prevailed. 
 Under Tiberius, Manilius made it the subject of a didactic poem. 
 In the 3rd century of the Christian era Censorinus' treatise de 
 die natali is of importance, in the 4th we have 8 books on astro- 
 logy by Julius Firmicus Maternus, in the 6th Boethius' two 
 books de institutione arithmetica (and de geometria). 
 
 1. The mathematical knowledge of the Eomans corresponds in substance and 
 form to the stand-point of Greek mathematics about the year 100 ex. See 
 MCantor, rOm. Agrimens. (1875) 139. The idea of the Bomans is shown by the 
 meaning of mathematici=astrologi. The neglect of astronomy was punished in 
 the Republican period by constant confusion in the calendar. Generalising Cic. 
 Tusc. 1. 5 nihil (apud Oraecos) mathematicis illustrius ; at nos metiendi ratiocinandique 
 utilitate huius artis terminavimus modum. Arithmetic had also its place in the 
 schools ; see Hon. S. 1. 6, 72. E. 1, 1, 56. 2, 3, 325. Colum. 1, prooem. 5 scholas 
 geometrarum esse . . . ipse vidi. Of. in general MCantok, mathemat. Beitrage 
 zum Kulturleben (1863), 168 ; Geschichte der Mathem. I, Lpz. 1881. 
 
 2. In Varro geometry was divided in theory into Kavovucq {quae ad aures 
 pertinet, the basis of music), and 6-irTiK-q (quae ad oculos pertinet, optics together 
 with eirnreSoiieTpla and ffTepeofieTpla), in practice into gromatics and geography, see 
 Eitschl, opusc. 3, 385. • 
 
 3. A curious collection of problems geometrical (founded on Hero) and 
 arithmetical, rather wanting in plan, and taken from sources already corrupt, 
 bears the title : Epaphroditi et Vitruvi Sufi architectonis ; first published by 
 ASchott, Antw. 1616, subsequently esp. (from the cod. Arcerian. s. VI / VII, § 58, 
 3) by MCantor, Agrimens. (1875), 208 cf. 114. See also CBHase in Bredow's ep. 
 Parisienses (Lpz. 1812), 201. 
 
 4. Fiemic. Mat. math. 2, praef. (p. 15 ed. 1551) : Fronto noster (perhaps the 
 Stoic § 329, 3 ?), Hipparchi secutus antiscia (ivrUnua), ita apotelesmatum sententias 
 protulit ta/mquam cum perfectis iam et peritis loqueretur, nihil de institutione, nihil de 
 magisterio praescribens. sed nee aliquis paene Latinorum de hoc arte institutionis 
 libros scripsit, nisi paucos versus Iulius Caesar (=Germanicus see § 275, 7), et ipsos 
 tamen de alieno opere mutuatus. M. vero Tullius . . . etiam ipse de institutione pauca 
 respondit. . . . Antiscia Hipparchi secutus est Fronto, quae nullam vim habent 
 nullamque substantiam. et sunt quidem in Frontone praenuntiationis atque apotelesma- 
 tum verae sententiae, antisciorum vero inefficax studium . . . antiscia enim ilia vera 
 sunt, sicut et Navigius noster probat, . . . apotelesmata et Fronto verissime scripsit, 
 quae Graecorum libris ac monumentis abundantissime continentur, cf. 8, 5 hi (Aratus, 
 Caesar, Tullius) tantum nomina stellarum et ortus, non autem apotelesmatum auctori- 
 tatem ediderunt, ita ut mihi videantur non aliqua astrologiae scientia, sed poetica 
 potius elati licentia docUis sermonis studia protulisse. Thus Firmicus knows nothing 
 of Manilius. He decides on undertaking the work ne omni disciplinarum arte 
 translata solum hoc opus extitisse videatur ad quod romanum non affectasset ingenium 
 (5, praef., p. 115). 
 
 5. Other writers on astrology in Ap. Sidon. c. 22 praef. : Iulianum Vertacum, 
 Fullonium Saturninum, in libris matheseos peritissimos conditores ; cf . ib. ep. 8, 11. 
 
§ 52-54. MATHEMATICS : NAT. SCIENCES : AGRICULTURE AND FARMING. 89 
 
 53. The Romans felt no pure interest in the objects of nature 
 around them ; neither would they spend their time in taking an un- 
 prejudiced view of them nor had they sufficient courage to do so. 
 Hence they were always behindhand in natural philosophy 
 and dependent upon the Greeks. Zoology and botany especially, 
 which the latter had brought to such perfection, were but slightly 
 cultivated, and chiefly in connection with agriculture. The 
 writings of Nigidius Figulus remained without influence. In 
 him, as in the other writers on the system of Augury and the 
 Haruspicia (§ 42, 1), was to be found the strangest amalgamation 
 of the observation of natural phenomena with superstition. In 
 the Augustan period Pompeius Trogus edited the natural history 
 of Aristotle, and probably also the botany of Theophrastus. 
 Valgius Rufus and Aemilius Macer translated Alexandrine 
 didactic poems on botanical and zoological subjects. In the 
 encyclopaedias of Celsus and Pliny the Elder natural philosophy 
 was also represented, and the Imperial time shows, at its com- 
 mencement, a dilettante bent towards it, in its fondness for 
 connecting moralising reflections with natural phenomena. This 
 appears e.g. from Seneca's Quaestiones naturales. The following 
 centuries were satisfied with mere translations of the Greek 
 works on this subject. 
 
 1. Plin. NH. 25, 4 minus hoc (botany, pharmacology, toxicology etc.) quam 
 par erat nostri cdebravere . . . primuaque et diu solus idem ille M. Cato . . . 
 paucis dumtaxat attigit . . . post eum unus illustrium tentavit C. Valgius . . . 
 antea condiderat solus a pud nos . . . Pompeius Lenaeus, Magni libertus . . . 
 Pompeius . . . transferre ea (Mithridates' prescriptions on poisons and antidotes) 
 sermone noslro libertum suum Lenaeum, grammaticae artis, iussit. Pliny repeatedly 
 (NH. 10, 5. 14, 11 cf. ind. auct. b. 8) quotes zoological and botanical notices from 
 Cornelius Valerianus (see also 3, 108), which bear, however, the stamp of anecdotes. 
 Similarly otherwise unknown are the writers whom the elder Pliny quotes among 
 his authorities on botany, e.g. Domitius Calvinus (in the ind. auct. to b. 11. 18), 
 Tergilla (ind. auct. to b. 14. 15, quoted 14, 147), Calpurnius Bassus (ind. auct. to 
 b. 16-19. 21. 22), Dessius Mundus (ind. auct. to b. 17), Q. Birrius (ind. auct. to book 
 19), Vestinus (ind. auct. to b. 21. 22). 
 
 2. Pliny NH. 22, 15 plerisque ultro etiam inrisui sumus ista (botany, pharma- 
 cology) commentantes atque frivoli operis arguimur etc. The latter also especially 
 from the point of view of a limited rhetoric, cf. praef. 13. On the later literature 
 of pharmacy see below § 55 with n. 4 sq. 
 
 3. EAlbani, de hist, naturali ap. veteres, Dresden 1854. EHFMeyer, Gesch. 
 d. Botanik (Konigsb. 1854 sqq.) 1, 334. 2, 1. 
 
 54. Agriculture was a subject of great interest to the Romans, 
 and besides their own experience they endeavoured also to utilise 
 
90 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 that of foreign nations. Thus e.g. the work on agriculture by 
 the Carthaginian Mago was, by order of the Senate, translated 
 into Latin, and the only extant work of Oato the Elder is the de 
 re rustica. In the 7th century u.c. we find other writers on 
 agriculture, viz. Mamilius Sura, the two Sasernas (father and son), 
 and Tremellius Scrofa, and by Varro the polyhistor we have also 
 a work of this kind. Vergil's G-eorgics are a panegyric on this 
 branch of human industry. At the same time Hyginus wrote on 
 farming and bee-keeping, and Sabinus Tiro dedicated his work 
 on horticulture to Maecenas. At the commencement of the 
 Imperial period writing on agriculture occupied men of note such 
 as Julius G-raecinus, and with him Cornelius Celsus and Julius 
 Atticus ; the twelve books of Columella, written in the time of 
 Seneca, have been preserved to us. The work of the brothers 
 Quintilii, about the middle of the 2nd century a.d., was written in 
 Greek. In the 3rd century Gargilius Martialis combined botany 
 and pharmacology with agriculture, after the manner of Pliny 
 and Celsus. The work of Palladius in 14 books, written in the 
 4th century, treats (towards the end) of forestry in elegiacs, just 
 as Columella had given an epic form to his 10th book on horti- 
 culture. The cookery-book which bears the name of Apicius was 
 compiled, about the middle of the 3rd century, from Greek 
 sources. 
 
 1. Vakro KR. 1, 1, 10 hos (graecos scriptores de agricultura) nobilitate Mago 
 Karthaginiensis praeteriit punica lingua, quod res dispersas comprehendit libris 
 XXVIII, quos Cassius Dionysius Uticensis vertit libris XX ac graeca lingua Sextilio 
 praetori misit . . . hosce ipsos utiliter ad VI libros redegit Diophanes (cf . Gakgil. 
 Makt. in Mai's class, auct. 1, 406) in Bithynia et misit Deiotaro regi. See ib. 1, 17, 
 3. 1, 38, 1. 2, 1, 27. 3, 2, 13. Cic. de or. 1, 249. Plin. NH. 18, 22 Poenus Mago, 
 cui . . . tantum honorem senatus noster habuit Carthagine capta ut, cum regulis 
 Africae bybliothecas donaret, unius eius XXVIII volumina censer et in latinam linguam 
 transferenda, cum iam M. C'ato praecepta condidisset, peritisque linguae punicae 
 dandum negotium, in quo praecessit omnes vir clarissimae familiae D. Silanus. Cf. ib. 
 17, 63. 80. 93. 128. 18, 35. 97. 21, 110. 
 
 2. Isid. orig. 17, 1, 1 apud Bomanos de agricultura primus Cato instituit (the 
 M\ Percennius Nolanus and the Manlii mentioned as authorities by Cato EK. 
 145. 151. 152 were probably practical farmers, not writers), quam deinde M. 
 Terentius (Varro) expolivit, mox Vergilius laude carminum extulit. nee minus studium 
 habuerunt postmodum Cornelius Celsus et Iulius Atticus, AemUianus (Palladius) sive 
 Columella, insignis orator, qui totum corpus disciplinae eiusdem coviplexus est. 
 Cassiod. divin. lect. 28 in agris colendis . . . inter ceteros Columella et AemUi- 
 anus auctores probabiles extiterunt etc. More correctly Coldm. 1, 1, 12-14 ut 
 agricolationem romana tandem civitate donemus . . . iam nunc M. Catonem 
 Censorium ilium memoremus, qui earn latine loqui primus instituit; post hunc duos 
 Sasernas, patrem et filium, qui earn diligentius erudierunt ; ac deinde Scrofam Tre- 
 
§ 54, 55. AGRICULTURE AND FARMING : MEDICAL ART. 91 
 
 mellium, qui etiam eloquentem reddidit (to the Sasernae and Tremellius Colum. 1, 
 praef. 32 adds Stolo, see § 293, 4), et M. Terentium, qui expolivit; max Vergilium, qui 
 carmine quoque potentem fecit, nee postremo quasi paedagogi eius meminisse dedig- 
 nemur, Iulii Hygini, veruntamen ut Carthaginiensem Magonem rusticationis parentem 
 maxime veneremur. nam huius XXVIII memorabilia ilia volumina ex SCto in latinum 
 sermonem conversa sunt, non minorem tamen laudem meruerunt nostrorum temporum 
 viri, Cornelius Celsus et lulius Atticus . . . cuius velut discipulus duo volumina 
 . . . lulius Graecinus . . . posteritati tradenda curavit. — EEeitzenstein, de 
 scriptorum EB. . . . inter Catonem et Columellam librr. deperditis, Berl. 
 1884. 
 
 3. Colum. 12, 4, 2 turn demum nostri generis postquam a bellis otium fuit quasi 
 quoddam tributum victui humano conferre non dedignati sunt, ut M. Ambivius et Menas 
 Licmius, turn etiam C. Matius, quibus studium fuit pistoris et coci nee minus cellarii 
 dUigentiam sui praeceptis instituere. If the enumeration, as is possible, is chrono- 
 logical, Ambivius may be placed in the first half of the 7th cent. u.c. A certain 
 Maenas is also mentioned in Varko EE. 2, 3, 11. cf. 2, 1, 1. 2, 8, 1. On Matius, 
 the contemporary of Cicero, see Colum. 12, 44, 1 quae C. Matius diligentissime 
 persecutus est; . , . Mi enim propositum fuit urbanas mensas et lauta convivia 
 instruere. libros tres edidit, quos inscripsit nominibus Coci et Cellarii et Salgamarii. 
 
 4. Plin. NH. 19, 177 Sabinus Tiro in libra Cepuricon (KvirovptKuv') quern Maecenati 
 dicavit. Cf. the ind. auct. to b. 18 (Sabino). Other authors of ~S.-qirovpi.Ki are, 
 according to the ind. auct. to Pliny b. 19 Caesennius, Castricius, Firmus. Perhaps 
 also Sergius Paulus (ib. b. 18) ? 
 
 5. Macr. 3, 18, 7 vir doctus Oppius, in libro quern fecit De silvestribus arboribus ; 
 likewise ib. 3, 19, 4. He is probably the Oppius quoted by Pliny in the ind. auct. 
 to b. 11 (zoological) and 11, 252. A grammarian (apparently) Oppius in Fest. 
 182", 133. Cf. § 41, 1 ad fin. 
 
 6. Curtius Justus is instanced by Gargilius Martialis in the Neapolitan 
 fragment o. 2 and 4 ; Sextius Niger (§ 266, 7) in the St. Gallen fragment of Garg. 
 Mart., ap. VEose, Anecd. 2, 129 ; see his edition of Garg. (§ 411, 1) p. 139. 
 
 7. Collections of the Scriptores rei rustieae veteres latini by PVictorius, Lugd. 
 1541 V, IMGesner (adi. nott. varr. et lexicon rusticum), Lps. 2 (v. IAEbnesti) 1773. 
 74 II., especially by IGSchneider, Lps. 1794-97 IV. 
 
 55. Medical art was unknown at Rome during more than 
 five centuries. The simple and invigorating way of living caused 
 it to be but rarely wanted ; in cases of need, there were domestic 
 remedies and incantations good for man and beast. This was 
 still the opinion of Cato the Elder, who inveighed against the 
 Greek physicians, who resorted to Rome in constantly increasing 
 numbers, and in whose hands the practice of scientific medicine 
 remained almost exclusively, until the Arabs began to rival them. 
 Only a small number of Latin works exist on medical subjects. 
 Under Tiberius, Celsus wrote his encyclopaedia, and was thus 
 obliged, although not a physician, to treat also of medicine. 
 These books de medicina, which we still possess, are entirely 
 dependent on Greek authors. Of a few Roman physicians who 
 
92 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 wrote literary works we only know the names from Pliny. 
 Pliny's own writings contain much, concerning the history of 
 medicine, and he devotes (beginning with book XX) to the 
 healing efficacy of various objects in the natural kingdoms 12 
 books of his Natural History, which, in the 4th century a.d., were 
 epitomised by an unknown author as the Medicina Plinii. The 
 Empiricists Scribonius Largus (in the 1st century a.d.) and 
 Serenus Sammonicus (at the beginning of the 3rd century) com- 
 posed special works on pharmacology, the former treating, in a 
 dry manner, of compound remedies, while the latter produced a 
 popular compendium of domestic medicine in metrical form, like 
 that of Vindicianus in the 4th century. In the 5th century the 
 African Caelius Aurelianus translated the Methodician Soranus. 
 The 4th and 5th centuries supply as well a number of stupid 
 Empiricists, who propounded much superstition in unpolished 
 language, e.g. Sex. Placitus, Marcellus (Empiricus), Theodoras 
 Priscianus, the so-called Apuleius (Barbaras), and the sup- 
 posititious Antonius Musa. In the 4th and 5th centuries we have 
 also veterinary works by Pelagonius and P. Vegetius. From 
 the 5th to the 8th centuries many medical works were translated 
 into Latin for the use of the Germanic nations ; one of the most 
 remarkable of these works is that by Anthimus. 
 
 1. Plin. NH. 29, 11 milia gentium sine medicis degunt, nee tamen sine medicina, 
 sicuti populus rom. ultra sexcentesimum annum, neque ipse in accipiendis artibus lentus, 
 medicinae vero etiam avidus. 12 Cassius Hemina . . . auctor est primum e medicis 
 venisse Momam, Pdoponneso Archagathum (a. 535/219). 13 Cato's warning to beware 
 of Greek physicians : iurarunt inter se barbaros necare omnes medicina (cf. Plut. 
 Cato mai. 23). 15 profitetur (Cato) esse commentarium sibi quo medeatur filio, servis, 
 familiaribus . . . (17) solam hanc artium graecarum nondum exercet romana 
 gravitas in tanto fructu; paucissimi Quiritium attigere, et ipsi statim ad Graecos 
 transfugae ; immo vero auctoritas aliter quam graece earn tractantibus, etiam apud 
 imperitos expertesque linguae, non est. But the greater the number of quacks and 
 cheats among the Greek physicians, the less respected was the whole profession ; 
 cf. ilia infelix monumentis inscriptio, turba se medicorum perisse (Plin. 1. 1. 11) and 
 in Vopisc. Firm. 7, 4 the collocation : sunt Aegyptii . . . mathematici, haruspices, 
 medici. On the other hand the Imperial court physicians knew how to make 
 themselves respected. 
 
 2. The oculists also, whose names we learn from their seals, are, to conclude 
 from their cognomina, most of them of Greek origin, and on account of the 
 frequency of the names Julius and Claudius must belong to the 1st century and 
 the first half of the 2nd century after Christ; CLGrotefend, die Stempel 
 d. Augenarzte, Hannov. 1867; the new discoveries in JKlein, Jahrb. d. Alter- 
 tumsfr. im Eheinl. 55, 93 ; further additions 57, 200 and elsewhere. AHeron de 
 Villefosse et HThedenat, cachets d'oculistes rom. I, Par. 1882. Por elucidation 
 see also WFkohneh, Phil. Suppl. 5, 87. 
 
§ 55, 56. medical art: military science. 93 
 
 3. Among his Eoman authorities on medicine Pliny NH. quotes in the ind. 
 auot. to b. 28 Granius medicus, Ofilius medicus (both quoted 28, 42) and Sabirius 
 medicus (28, 74), further in the ind. auot. to b. 29 Caecilius medicus (his commentarii 
 29, 85). Marcellus (Empir.) praef . enumerates among veteres medicinae artis auctores 
 latino sermone perscriptos : uterque Plinius (Plin. the Elder and the so-called Plin. 
 Valerianus) et Apuleius Celstis et Apolhnaris ac Designatianus, aliique nonnulli etiam 
 proximo tempore Ulustres honoribus viri, cives ac maiores nostri, Siburius, Eutropius 
 atque Ausonius, Cassiod. inst. div. litt. 31 quodsi vobis -non fuerit graecarum litter- 
 arum nota facundia, imprimis habetis Herbarium Dioscoridis, qui herbas agrorum 
 mirabili proprietate disseruit atque depinxit. post liaec legite Hippocratem atque 
 Qalenum latina lingua conversos, i.e. Therapeutica Galeni ad philosophum Glauconem 
 destinata et Anonymum quendam qui ex diversis auctoribus probatur esse collectus. 
 deinde Aureliani Caelii de medicina et Hippocratis de herbis et curis (cibis VEose), 
 diversosque alios de medendi arte compositos quos vobis in bybliothecae nostrae sinibus 
 reconditos . . . dereliqui. Makcell. Empir. p. 145. 216 mentions Nero's court 
 physician, Marcellus, as a medical writer. Cf. Galen 14, p. 459. — Dietetical works 
 by Soramis (in the form of questions and answers), translated through Caelius 
 Aur., by Theodorus Prise ianus, Anthimus and others. — ' Dicta Marci medici ad 
 * * virum clarissimum inter cetera sic : etc' from Bern. 109 s. X in HHagen, de cod. 
 Bern. Tironianis, Bern 1880 p. 9. 
 
 4. The numerous writers on medicines (esp. on simple eiTopiara), fall into two 
 divisions according as they classed their prescriptions by the natural kingdom 
 from which they were taken, or by the suffering parts of the body which they 
 were intended to affect. The first arrangement is adopted esp. by Sex. Placitus 
 (animalia) and Ps.-Apuleius (herbae) ; but the majority, following the example of 
 Pliny (NH. 25, 132), adopted the second system and began the enumeration with 
 the head ; thus Scribonius Largus, Serenus Sammonicus, Plinius Val., Marcellus 
 Emp., Theodorus Priscianus. 
 
 5. Collections of the medioi vett. lat. by Aldus (1547) and H. Stephanus (1567). 
 Anonymus de re medica in Mai, class, auct. 7, 459 (fragment). — Collection of the 
 writers on pharmacology by JChGAckermann (Parabilium medieamentorum 
 scriptt. ant., Niirnb. 1788). 
 
 6. KSprengel, Gesch. d. Arzneikunde, b. I 4 (by JBosenbaum) Lpz. 1846, 1, 
 199. JFCHeckeb, Gesch. d. Heilkunde, vol. 2. HHaser, Gesch. d. Medizin l 3 
 (Jena 1875), 254. BBriatj, l'archiatrie rom. ou la medecine officielle dans l'empire 
 rom., Par. 1877. HNAnke, lexicogr. Bemerkungen medizinisch-philologischen 
 Inhalts, Phil. 32, 385. 577. On the medicina pliniana see § 411. 
 
 56. Military science and history were introduced into lite- 
 rature only in the 'Imperial period, and thus we have Sex. Julius 
 Frontinus' Strategemata (under Domitian), Hyginus' work on 
 encampments (cf. § 58), and (in the 4th century) Vegetius' work 
 Epitoma rei militaris. 
 
 1. In the Republican time we may perhaps mention the defence of his strate- 
 gical conduct in Spain and before Carthage addressed by Scipio Africanus the 
 Elder in a Greek letter to King Philip : see Polyb. 10, 9, 3. Cf. § 46, 2. 
 
 2. Veget. 1, 8 compulit evolutis auctoribus ea me in hoc opusculo . . . dicer e quae 
 Cato Censorius de disciplina militari scripsit, quae Cornelius Celsus, quae Frontinus 
 perstringenda duxerunt, quae Paternus diligeniissimus iuris militaris adsertor in libros 
 
94 GENERAL VIEW. 
 
 redegit, quae Augusti et Traiani Hadrianique constitutionibus cauta sunt. ib. 2, 3 
 Cato ille maior . . . se reip. credidit profuturum si disciplinam militarem conferret 
 in litleras . . . idem fecerunt alii complures, sed praecipue Frontinus, divo Traiano 
 ab eius modi comprobatus industria. Lauk. Lyd. de magistr. 1, 47 /mprvpes KeXtros re 
 xa.1 Tlarepvos ical KariXlvas (oi% & ffueujuiTijs, AW Irepos), Karux wpb airav 6 vpiSros, leal 
 QpovTuios, lied' oOs Kal 'VevaTOS (Vegetius), 'Pa/mlot irdvTes. 
 
 3. From Vegetius is copied the little book de vocabulis rei militaris ad Taci- 
 turn Aug. by the soi-disant Modestus (cf. n. 4) composed in the 15th century by 
 Pomponius Laetus (or one of his pupils), together with whose work de magistra- 
 tibus (and de legibus) it was originally brought out (anonymously). Peykon, 
 notitia libr. bibl. Taurin. (1820) 85. 
 
 4. Vett. de re militari scriptores in unum redacti corpus, Wesel 1617. We 
 find besides Frontinus and Modestus (n. 3.) printed in earlier editions of Vegetius, 
 e.g. by Stewechius (Antv. 1585) and PScriverius (Antv. 1607).— MJahns, d. rom. 
 Militarliteratur, Grenzboten 1878 Nr. 38. 
 
 B7. In the department of Architecture, even in the Repub- 
 lican period, a literature was commenced by Fundus, Yarro and 
 P. Septimius. Only the work of Vitruvius de architectura be- 
 longing to the Augustan period has been preserved. 
 
 1. Vitkuv. 7, praef. 14 animadverti in ea re ab Graecis volumina plura edita, ab 
 nostris oppido quam pauca. Fuficius enim mirum de his rebus ni primus instituit 
 edere volumen, item Terentius Varro de novem disciplinis (see below § 166, 6, a) unum 
 de architectura, P. Septimius duo. As architects of whom no written works are 
 known to him, he mentions ib. 17 Cossutius and C. Mucius. Cf. CPromis, gli archi- 
 tetti e l'architettura presso i Eomani (Mem. d. Turin. Akad. Ser. II, t. 27. 1873). 
 AChoisy, rev. archeol. 28 (1874), 263. 
 
 2. Vithuv. 1, 1, 3 requires of the architect ut litteratus sit, peritus graphidos, 
 eruditus geometria, historias complures noverit, philosophos diligenter audierit, musicam 
 scierit, medicinae non sit ignarus, responsa iurisconsultorum noverit, astrologiam cae- 
 lique rationes cognitas habeat. 
 
 3. ViTRtrv. 5, 1 non de architectura sic scribitur ut historia aid poemata. . . . 
 vocabula ex artis propria necessitate concepta inconsueto sermone obiciunt sensibus 
 obscuritatem. 
 
 58. The science of land-measurement, which at an early 
 time became indispensable to the Romans for the purpose of en- 
 campments and for the distribution of land in lots, was, so far 
 as we know, first treated independently by Varro. On account 
 of the military colonies and the survey of the Empire under 
 Augustus, the importance of the art of measuring the land was 
 so increased that schools were instituted exclusively for this in 
 the Imperial period, and a peculiar kind of literature, half mathe- 
 matical and half juridical, was formed, extending from the first 
 century after Christ to the sixth. The oldest of these literary 
 land -measurers (gromatici, agrimensores) is Frontinus, whose 
 
§ 57-59. architecture: land measurement: weights and measures. 95 
 
 work was in the 5th century commented on by Aggenus Urbicus. 
 Under Trajan, Balbus wrote his expositio ; to the same reign 
 belongs Hyginus, a little later is Siculus Flaccus. But M. Junius 
 Nipsus, Innocentius, and others whose Latin is partly barbarous, 
 belong perhaps to the 5th century. Many works of Boethius con- 
 cerning these subjects are of doubtful authenticity. Other works 
 again are anonymous. 
 
 1. Caesar summoned astronomers and geometers from Alexandria to Eome, 
 and by them the works of Hero were introduced into Eoman literature. With 
 but unimportant exceptions all the formulas, calculations and arrangements for 
 surveying land which are to be found in Eoman authors can be traced back to 
 passages in those works which have been handed down to us as written by Hero. 
 MCantor, Agrimens. 86. Connection of the art of surveying with ecclesiastical 
 affairs, see HNissen, Templum (Berl. 1869), 11 ; with jurisprudence, cf. Cic. Mur. 
 22. Cf. also Mart. 10, 17, 5 mensorum longis . . . vacat ille libellis. 
 
 2. Ps.-Boeth. Schrr. d. rom. Feldmesser 1, 403 nomina agrimensorum : Igeni 
 (Hygini), lull Frontini, Siculi Flacci, Ageni Urbici, Marci Iuni Nipsi, Balbi mensoris, 
 Cassi Longini, Igini, Euclidis. Extracts are also extant ex libris Dolabellae, ex libris 
 Latini (also called Latinus Togatus), ex libris Magonis et Vegoiae auctorum (cf. p. 
 350 Lachm. idem Vegoiae Arrunti Veltymno ; cf. § 77 and Muller's Etr. 2 3 , 31. 312. 
 560. Nissen 1.1. 10); also fragments of Faustus, Gaius, Innocentius (§ 447, 2), 
 Mysrontius (? Dyspontius), Valerius, Vitalis. 
 
 3. The chief MS. is Arcerianus s. VI/VII in Wolfenbuttel.— Collections : by 
 GGoesius (Eei agrariae auctores legesque, Amst. 1674), but especially: Die 
 Schriften der rom. Feldmesser herausgg. u. erlautert von FBlume, KLachmann, 
 ThMommsen u. AEunoRFF, Berl. 1848. 52 II. 
 
 4. Paul. Festi 96 groma (from gnorma f see FHultsch, JJ. 113, 767) appellator 
 genus machinolae cuiusdam quo regiones agri cuiusque cognosci possunt, quod genus 
 Graeci yv<iiM>va dicunt. A gauging instrument therefore. Cf. in general Mommsen, 
 Schr. d. r5m. Feldm. 2, 174, WEein and EWSlfflin, PEE. I s , 594, FHultsch in 
 Erseh and Gruber's Enc. 1, 92, 97, MCantor, d. rom. Agrimensoren, Lpz. 1875, 
 EStober, d. rom. Grundsteuervermessungen nach d. lat. Text des gromat. Cod. 
 insbes. des Hyg. Frontin. u. Nipsus, Munch. 1877, GEossi, groma e squadro owero 
 storia dell' agrimensura italiana, Eome 1877. PdeTissot, les agrimensores dans 
 l'anc. Eome, Par. 1879. 
 
 5. On the popular constituents in the language of the gromatici see AFPott, 
 ZfAW. 1854, 219. 
 
 59. Weights and measures were first treated independently, 
 sometimes in metrical form, in the Imperial period. 
 
 1. Metrologicorum scriptorum reliquiae; coll. rec. partim nunc primum ed. 
 FHultsch. Vol. 2 (scriptores romani) Lps. 1866. 
 
 60. Geography was among the Romans first separately 
 treated by Varro the polyhistor, next, probably, by Cornelius 
 Nepos, but generally only as an addition or appendix to history, 
 
96 GENERAL VIEW, 
 
 the subject and its treatment remaining dependent on the Greeks 
 except so far as individual knowledge added to their materials, as 
 in Cato's Origines, in Caesar, and in Sallust. Some also described 
 their travels and what they themselves had seen, e.g. Trebius 
 Niger, Statius Sebosus, Turranius Gracilis. Under Augustus, 
 Agrippa planned a large map of the world accompanied with 
 explanations, and after his death this was actually executed and 
 exhibited in a public hall in Rome. The careful, and in its way 
 critical, labour of Pomponius Mela followed soon afterwards. 
 Many continued to make separate contributions from their own 
 observations, e.g. Seneca in his writings on (India and) Egypt, 
 Corbulo and Mucianus on the East, Suetonius Paulinus for Africa, 
 and on Germany (besides L. Vetus and Pliny) and Britain 
 Tacitus' Germania and his Agricola. The geography of Pliny 
 the Elder in books III to VI of his Natural History was more 
 comprehensive. Seneca's Quaestiones naturales contain a kind 
 of mathematical and physical geography, but no Roman after 
 Pliny undertook any complete geographical work. Pliny's work 
 was epitomised about Hadrian's time and enlarged with notices 
 from other sources', and from this Solinus, in the 3rd century a.d., 
 made his abridgment. Again in the 3rd century Iulius Titianus 
 the Elder wrote his chorography. In the 4th century we have 
 the geographical didactic poems of Avienus (orbis terrae and ora 
 maritima) and Ausonius' Mosella. At the beginning of the 5th 
 century Rutilius Namatianus wrote his Itinerarium (de reditu 
 suo) in elegiac metre ; about the same time (or at the end of the 
 4th century) Vibius Sequester wrote his schoolbook on the geo- 
 graphical names occurring in the standard poets. Of the same 
 description is the compilation (in connection with a map) from 
 the cosmography of the orator Julius Honorius. The cosmo- 
 graphy current under the name of Aethicus Ister belongs to the 
 middle of the 7th century ; the work of the so-called Geographus 
 of Ravenna to the end of the same century. Lists of the roads, 
 stations and distances are found in the Itineraria, of which we 
 have several in the 4th century, the It. Antonini, the It. Hierosoly- 
 mitanum (from Burdigala to Jerusalem), and the It. Alexandri. 
 The original of Peutinger's map may probably have belonged to 
 the middle of the 3rd Christian century, and is indirectly founded 
 on Agrippa's work. Frontinus' work de aquis urbis Romae (at 
 the end of the 1st century) is limited to the narrow circle of the 
 metropolis, as well as the Index of the regiones of Rome in the 
 
§ 60. GEOGRAPHY. 97 
 
 4th century, which exists in two texts (Notdtia jregionnm and 
 Curiosum urbis). 
 
 1. Geographi lat. minores; coll. rec. proleg. instr.. ARiese, Frankf. 1878. 
 FUkebt, Geographie der Griech. u. Rom. esp. 1, 1, Gotha 1816. EHBunbury, hist, 
 of geography among the Greeks and Eomans, Lond. 1879 II. HKiepert, Lehrb. 
 d. alt. Geogr. (Berl. 1878), 7 sqq. HNissen, ital. Landeskwn.de 1, 17. 
 
 2. Maps, plans of towns, travelling maps, map of the island of Sardinia 
 a. 580/174 dedicated in the temple of Mater Matuta : Liv. 41, 28. Vaeko RR. 1, 2, 1 
 spectantes in pariete pictam. Italiam. Pbopert. 5, 3, 37. Agrippa's map of the 
 World: § 220, 12. Auson. grat. act. 3, 9 p. 21 sch.: ut qui terrarum orbem unius 
 tabulae ambit a circumscribunt, aliquanto detriments magnitudinis, nullo dispendio 
 veritatis. Eumen. pro restit. schol. 20 (see below § 220, 12). On the Peutingerian 
 road and travelling map : § 412, 6.— Mommsen, Ber. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 3 (1851), 
 99.— The so-called Capitoline plan of the town in the beginning of the third century 
 after Christ, engraved on marble, preserved in a fragmentary condition; best 
 represented in HJokdah's Forma Urbis Romae, Berl. 1874. 
 
 E. h. 
 
B. SPECIAL AND PERSONAL PART. 
 
 I. 
 THE EARLY HISTORY OF ROMAN LITERATURE. 
 
 To the Year v.c. 514. b.c. 240. 
 
 61. All written compositions in the oldest time exceeding the 
 limits of mere registers had a certain rhythmical form, and were 
 therefore carmina. 
 
 1. Carmen (old casmen, related to Casmena [Camena] , Carmenta and cognates) 
 e.g. Liv. 1, 24. 26 (lex horrendi carminis). 32. 3, 64 (rogationis carmen). 10, 38 (an 
 oath). 41. 39, IB (sollemne carmen precationia quod praefari magistrates solent). 
 Cic. Mur. 26 (praetor ne . . . aliquid ipse sua sponte loqueretur ei quoque carmen 
 compositum est), leg. 2, 59 (XII tabb.). de or. 1, 245. Mackob. 3, 9, 6 sciq. (carmen 
 quo di evocantur). Sen. cons, ad Marc. 13, 1 (sollemnia pontificalia carminis verba). 
 Bitschl, opusc. 4, 298. HDuntzer, ZfGW. 11, 2. 12, 526 (cf. Phil. 28, 242). 
 OEibbeck, JJ. 77, 201. HJordan, krit. Beitr. z. G-esch. d. lat. Spr. 167. EBIhkens, 
 J J. 135, 65. — Such a rhythmical system (in series, each containg four arses), often 
 supported by alliteration, is shown e.g. in the very ancient farmer's prayer in 
 Cato BE. 141 etc. EWestphal, Metr. d. Gr. 2 2 , 36. JHoemek, alteste lat.-christl. 
 Ehythmen 3. EPeter, de Eom. precationum carminibus in the Commentt. phil. 
 in hon. Eeifferscheidii, Bresl. 1884, 67. Cf . § 85. 
 
 2. WCorssen, origines poesis rom., Berl. 1846. EWestphal, d. alteste Form 
 der r5m. Poesie, Tub. 1852. HNettleship, on the earliest Italian literature, in his 
 lectures 45. — J W obdsworth, Fragments and specimens of early Latin (down to 
 Varro inclusively) with introductions and notes, Oxford 1874. FD Allen, Eemnants 
 of early Latin, Boston 1880. 
 
 62. The old Roman kind of rhythm is denoted by the name 
 of saturnian, i.e. old Italian, verse. A division into two halves 
 is its prominent feature. Further the accent (high-tone) seems 
 to be of principal importance. Of the arses marked thereby there 
 are three in each half of the verse, while the thesis may be sup- 
 pressed and the avoidance of hiatus is not yet recognised. The 
 thesis may be disyllabic. The loose structure of these lines is 
 strengthened by alliteration, Another theory regards the verse 
 as quantitative, determines its character from the point of view 
 
§ 61, 62. CARMEN: SATURNIAN VERSE. 99 
 
 of prosody in connection with the oldest scenic poets, and thus 
 requires for the arses either one long or two short syllables, and 
 assumes the following specimen of a saturnian : 
 
 Malum dabunt Metilli Naevio poiilae. 
 
 The saturnian verse was supplanted by the Greek metres of 
 the scenic poets and Ennius, but survived for a long time in 
 popular poetry ; at Rome it seems to have gone out of use even 
 sooner than elsewhere. 
 
 1. Varro LL. 7, 36 Fauni dei Latinontm . . .. hos versibus, quos vocant 
 Saturnios, in silvestribus locis traditum est sditos fari futura (of. Pest. 225). Mab. 
 Vict. GL. 6, 138 versus cui prisca apud Latium aetas tamquam Italo et indigenae 
 Saturnio sive Faunio nomen dedit. 
 
 2. Sekv. Verg. G. 2, 385 ' versibus incomptis ludunt ' : id est carminibus saturnio 
 metro compositis; quod ad rhythmum solum vulgares componere consueverunt. Cf. 
 Teuffel, JJ. 77, 281. Opinion of Niebuhr, EPHermann (Kulturgesch. 2, 57), 
 EWestphal (Griech. Metr. 22, 36 ; G5tt. gel. Anz. 1884, 340) ; recently repeatedly 
 combated : OKeller, d. saturn. Vers als rhythmisch erwiesen, Prag 1883. 86 II. 
 PBamorino, riv. fil. 1883, 425. BThurneysen, d. Saturnier u. s. Verh. zur spat. 
 Volkspoesie, Halle 1885. HGleditsch in IwMiiller's Handb. 2, 577.— If so, the 
 later popular songs would be a mere revival of the original prosody, long sup- 
 pressed by art-poetry (see however WMeyek, rhythmische Dicht., Abhh. d. 
 Munchn. Ak. 17, 269). Altogether the saturnian, when so viewed, forms a homo- 
 geneous link in the history of Indo-European popular poetry (see § 61, 1). Cf . 
 "Westphal, 1.1. 35. KBartsch, d. saturn. Vers u. d. altdeutsche Langzeile, Lpz. 
 1867. FAllen, Zfvgl. Sprachf. 24, 572. 
 
 3. Quantitative theory. The later theories of metre seek to rank the 
 saturnian verse entirely with the Greek metrical system. Caes. Bass. GL. 6, 265 
 (saturnium) nostri existimaverunt proprium esse italicae regionis, sed falluntur. a 
 Graecis enim varie et multis modis tractatus est . . . nostri autein antiqui, ut vere 
 dicam quod apparet, usi sunt eo non observata lege nee uno genere custodito ut inter se 
 consentiant versus, sed praeterquam quod durissimos fecerunt etiam alios breviores, 
 alios longiores inseruerunt ut vix invenerim apud Naevium quos pro exemplo ponerem 
 . . . optimus est quern Metelli proposuerunt de Naevio . . . 'Malum, dabunt 
 Metelli Naevio poetae 1 . hie enim saturnius constat ex hipponactei quadrati iambici pos- 
 leriore commate et phallico metro. Charisius de versu saturnio : § 419, 4. The quan- 
 titative theory is represented by GHermann (Metrik § 525), KLachmann ('der 
 Urheber der Bemerkungen in s. Bruders Abhh. de fontt. Liv. 1, 73. 2; de die 
 Alliensi thes. 11, wie er mir selbst gesagt hat ' MHertz), KOMuller (ad Pest. 
 p. 396), PEitschl (opusc. 4, 83 and elsewhere) and the scholars named further on 
 in this note. Limitations and corrections of Eitschl's theory: PBucheler JJ. 
 87, 330. ASpengel, Phil. 23, 81. ThKorsch, de versu Sat., Moscow 1868. The 
 permanent benefit of Eitschl's researches has been to establish that the enquiry 
 must start from the saturnians of the inscriptions (collected e.g. in Bucheler's 
 anthol. epigr. lat. 3 [Bonn 1876] , p. 3-11 and in Havet 1.1. The saturnians of 
 Andronicus and Naevius are (notwithstanding LMuller's argument to the con- 
 trary) of secondary importance. But the single metrical form employed by a 
 nation still without literary culture cannot have been tied down by a variety of 
 
100 the'first five centuries u.c. 
 
 artificial and difficult rules, which could not be apprehended by the unaided ear. 
 — LHavet, de saturnio Latinorum versu. inest reliquiarum quotquot supersunt 
 sylloge, Par. 1880. LMuixeb, d. saturn. Vers u. ». Denkmaler, Lpz. 1885. E 
 Bahrens, FPB. 6. 19. HUseneb, altgriech. Versbau, Bonn 1887, 77. 
 
 4. Popular employment of this metre, detached examples in inscriptions etc. 
 down to the middle of the 7th cent. u.c. Saturnians are frequently discernible 
 in records preserved by the historians. Caes. Bass. GL. 6, 265 in tabulis antiquis quas 
 triumphaturi duces in Capitolio figebant. Pestus 162 s. v. navali corona. Caes. 
 Bass. GL. 6, 265. Livius 40, 52 (a. 575/179). 41, 28 (a. 580/174). Schol. Bob. to 
 Cic. Arch. p. 359 Or. (a. 620/134). Cf. § 83. 85. 90, 5. 115 and 163, 7. Saturnians 
 are perhaps also to be found in Varro's Menippean satires, see LMullee, d. saturn. 
 Vers 151.— Bucheleb, JJ. 77, 61. Teuffel, ib. 281. WFrohneb, Phil. 13, 208. 
 EBahbens, JJ. 129, 837. Among the Oscans and Paelignians the saturnian was 
 also, according to the evidence of the inscriptions, the national metre. Cf. 
 Bucheleb, BhM. 30, 441. 33, 274. SBugge, altital. Studien (Christiania 1878) 83. 
 This was likewise the case among the Umbrians, as appears from the assonances 
 in the Igubine tables. See GFGbotefend, PEE. 4, 99. Westphal, alteste rom. 
 Poesie 57 ; Metr. 2 s , 37. Concerning the alliteration in the saturnian see HJobdah, 
 krit. Beitr. z. Gesch. d. lat. Spr. 175. More on this subject § 93, 1. 
 
 63. As regards their subjects tlie monuments and compositions 
 of the oldest time are chiefly practical ; they partly relate to 
 ritual, partly to political and historical matters, some being of 
 a private, others of a public character. After the 4th century 
 u.c. Law also gains some significance in literature. 
 
 Prom the year 390/364 there was a permanent stage in Borne ; see § 6, 3. 
 PDGeblach, griechischer Einfluss in Bom im 5. Jahrh. d. St., Bas. 1872. 
 
 a) Concerning Rites. 
 
 64. At the vernal festivals of the S alii in March these priests, 
 during their processions, used to sing old ritual songs (axamenta) 
 in honour of Mars and Quirinus, which had become unintelligible 
 as early as the middle of the 7th century u.c. and were then 
 accordingly annotated ; the faithful preservation of these songs 
 justifies the conclusion that they were committed to writing at 
 an early time. 
 
 1. They are ascribed to Numa : Vabro LL. 7, 3. Cic. de or. 3, 197. Hob. E. 
 2, 1, 86. Liv. 1, 20. Quint. 1, 10, 20. Tee. Scaub., GL. 7, 28. Diomed. GL. 1, 476. 
 Both colleges of the Salii, the elder Palatini and the younger Collini (agonenses) 
 had such songs. Sebv. Verg. Aen. 8, 285 duo sunt genera Saliorum, sicut in Saliaribus 
 carminibus invenitur. In gen. Maequardt, Staatsverw. 3 2 , 427. Peeixeb, rOm. 
 Mythol. I 2 , 355. 
 
 2. Quint. 1, 10, 20 versus quoque Saliorum habent carmen. Delivery of the 
 songs cum Iripudiis sollemnique saltatu Liv. 1, 20, 4; cf. Hob. C. 4, 1, 28. — Their 
 obscurity, Hok. 1.1. Quint. 1, 6, 40 Saliorum carmina vix sacerdotibus suis satis 
 intellecta : sed ilia mutari vetat religio et consecratis utendum est. Hence the com- 
 mentary of L. Aelius Stilo (Varbo LL. 7, 2. Fest. 141. 146. 210. 239), whereas that 
 
§ 63-67. RITUAL AND LITANIES : HYMNS OF THE SALII, AEVALES, ETC. 101 
 
 of Sabidius (Schol. Veron. to Aen. 10, 241) rests only on Mai's arbitrary assump- 
 tion. Preference of later antiquarians, Hor. 1.1. Capitolin. M. Ant. 4. Symmach. 
 ep. 3, 44. 
 
 3. Collection and explanation of the fragments, e.g. Berok, opusc. 1, 477. 
 Corssen, origg. poes. rom. 43. 55. Wordsw., EL. 564. EPB. 29. Cf. HJordan, 
 krit. Beitr. z. Gesch. der lat. Spr. 211. LHavet, de versu Sat. 243; rev. d. phil. 
 4, 15. 
 
 4. In the time of the decay of the old religion even the praises of princes 
 ■were inserted in the songs of the Salii, e.g. of Augustus (Dio 51, 20. Mon. Anc. 
 2, 21 (nomenque meum senatus consulto incT) usum est in aaliare carmen=GIL. 3, p. 
 790. 791), Germanicus (Tac. A. 2, 83), Drusus (Tac. A. 4, 9), Verus (Iul. Cap. M. 
 Ant. 21, 5) and Caracalla (Spartian. Carac. 11, 6). 
 
 65. The Arvalian brotherhood, who held their annual 
 festival with solemn sacrifices, field-processions etc. in the second 
 half of May, a short time before the harvest,, had also their un- 
 varying ancient songs, one of which, together with the minutes 
 of a meeting of this order in a.d. 218, has been preserved. It 
 was recited with lively dance-like movements (tripudium) and 
 in alternate singing. 
 
 1. Very important fragments (14-241 a.d.) of the acta collegii fratrum Arvalium 
 have been frequently found since 1570 in the grove of the dea Dia (-who was 
 worshipped by this brotherhood) near the 5th milestone of the via Campana (now 
 the Vigna Ceccarelli), especially in 1777, and again in 1866 and following years. 
 The principal of the early works is : G. Marini, gli atti e monumenti de' fratelli 
 arvali, Borne 1795 II. Becent : Acta fratrum Arvalium quae supersunt, restituit et 
 illustr. GHenzen. Acc. fragmenta fastorum in luco Arval. effossa, Berl. 1874 and 
 CIL. 6, 2023 sqq. In addition to these other finds e.g. Ephem. epigr. 2, 211 ; bull, 
 arch. 1882, 72. 201. 1883, 110; bull, di commiss. arch, di Boma 12, 4. 14, 361 
 Selection in "Wilmanns 2870 sqq. Cf. in general Marquardt, rOm. Staatsverw 
 3 s , 447. ThBirt in Boscher's Lex. d. Myth. 1, 970. 
 
 2. In the record of the year 218 (CIL. 6. 2104 ; cf . ib. 1, 28. Wilm. 2879. DIE. 
 392) we read : Ibi sacerdotes clusi succincti libellis (text-books) acceptis carmen de- 
 scindentes ("Weissbrodt, obss. in S. C. de Bacc. 31) tripodaverunt in verba haec. Here 
 follows the text of the song. Facsimile of the same in Bitschx, PLM. Tf. 36 (also 
 Jordan 1.1. 192). Becent treatises concerning the chant : PBOcheler, ind. schol. , 
 Bonn 1876, 3. LHavet, de versu Sat., Par. 1880, 218. HJordan, krit. Beitr. z. 
 Gesch. d. lat. Spr. 189. MBreal, rev. crit. 1880, 123 ; mem. de la soc. de linguist. 
 4 (1881), 373. GEdon, restit. et interpret, du chant des fr. Arv., Par. 1882 ; nouv. 
 etude sur le chant Lemural (!), les fr. Arv. etc., Par. 1884. CPauli, altiatl. Studd 
 4 (1881), 1. LMflLLER, d. saturn. Vers 99. 
 
 66. 67. It may be safely assumed that other sacerdotal bodies 
 also had their old hymns and litanies. There existed also an- 
 cient maxims and prophecies in saturnian metre, attributed by 
 popular opinion to Faunus, Carmentis and others, many of which 
 were collected at an early date, though far more were interpo- 
 lated and forged. 
 
102 THE FIRST FIVE CENTURIES D.C. 
 
 1. Ennius aim. v. 222 V. versibus quos olim Fauni vatesque canebant. votes means 
 a priestly singer (as opposed to poeta, the artistic poet) : the origin of the word is 
 obscure. Mommsen Herm. 16, 620, 4 even thinks it may be Gallic in its deriva- 
 tion. Fest. 325 versus antiquissimi, quibus Faunus fata cecinisse hominibus videtur, 
 Saturnii appellantur. Similarly Carmentis gave ip-pArpovs x/"W"k (Plut. quaest. 
 rom. 56), that is in the saturnius (Varr. LL. 7, 88). Similiter Marcius et Publicius 
 vates cecinisse dicuntur (Cio. div. 1, 115). Hor. E. 2, 1, 26 annosa volumina vatum, 
 and also Porphyrio : veteres libros Marci vatis Sibyllaeque et similium. Cf. Fest. 326 
 ex libris sibyllinis et vaticinio Marci vatis. Corssen, origg. 6. 162. 
 
 2. Marcius (Cic. 1.1. Liv. 25, 12 and MHertz on that passage and JJ. 109, 268 ; 
 Macr. sat. 1, 17. Pun. NH. 7, 119. Porphyr. 1.1. ; cf . Pest. 165 : in carmine Cn. 
 Marcii) lived some time (uncertain how long) before the second Punic war (vates 
 hie Marcius illustris fuerat etc. Liv. 1.1.). Several of this name are mentioned by 
 Cic. div. 1, 89 (Marcii fratres, nobili loco nati). 2, 113 (nee Publicio nescio cui, nee 
 Mareiis vatibus). Serv. Aen. 6, 70. Symmach. ep. 4, 34 Marciorum vatum divinatio 
 caducis corticibus inculcata est. Cf . § 84, 2. Reconstruction in saturnians of the 
 specimens in Livy 1.1. by Westphal, Form d. alt. r5m. Poesie 58. But there are 
 unmistakeable instances of the hexameter rhythm, and accordingly we must 
 assume either a later recasting in hexameters (Bibbeck, JJ. 77, 204) or corruption 
 (BIhrens FPE. 21). Ism. or. 6, 8, 12 (an improbable statement) apud Latinos 
 Marcius vates primus praecepta composuit, ex quibus est illud 'postremus dicas, primus 
 taceas: Cf. Wordsw. EL. 288. FPE. 36. 294. 
 
 b) Political and Historical Documents. 
 
 68. The following treaties of alliance are mentioned in the 
 Regal period : 1) the apocryphal treaty of Romulus with the 
 Veientines of 100 years' duration ; 2) Tullus Hostilius' treaty 
 with the Sabines : 3) Servius Tullius' treaty with the Latins ; 
 4) Tarquinius' (Superbus ?) peace with Grabii. 
 
 1. Dionys. antiq. 2, 55 artfktus ivexipa^e t4s 6/140X07/05, according to Greek 
 custom. — 2. Dionys. 3. 33 orijXas avnypicpovs Biuret, cf . Hor. E. 2, 1, 24 sq. 
 
 3. Dionys. 4. 26 otijXtjp KaraaKevdaas x a ^ K V" ^ypa^ev h toiVj etc., and it was 
 ypa/j.fia.Twv x a P aKT VP as ^XXijmkwi', ols to Traktuov i) 'EXXcts exP°' T0 - Historical ? cf. Momm- 
 sen, EG. I 6 , 216. Ihne EG. 1, 58. Detlefsen, Phil. 20, 448.-4. It was written on 
 the hide of the ox then sacrificed, ypappamv ipxai'KoU, and preserved in the temple 
 of Sancus, Dionys. 4, 58. Cf. Paul. Festi 56. Hor. 1.1. Mommsen is against con- 
 necting it with Tarquinius Super bus, EG. I 6 , 216. See also Schwegler, EG. 1, 
 18.21.37.43.789. 
 
 69. In the oldest time of the Republic we find 1) the docu- 
 ment comprising the maritime and commercial treaty with 
 Carthage, supposed to date from a. u.c. 245/b.c. B09 the first year 
 of the Republic ; 2) the treaty with king Porsena ; 3) the 
 treaty of alliance with the Latins dating 261/493 ; 4) the Foedus 
 Ardeatinum in the year 310/444. To these we may add 5) the 
 
§ 68-71. foedera: leges eegiae: jus papirianum. 103 
 
 lex tribunicia prima of the year 261/493 and 6) the lex Icilia 
 de Aventino publicando, of the year 298/456, 
 
 1. Polyb. 8. 22 diadiJKai ... 4s Ka$' Screw Jjv dvvarbv aKpi^iarara Siepp^veiaavres 
 il/icU iiroy eypcupa/jiev. TrfKiKairq yap 1) Siaipopa yiyone ttjs Sio\£ktov Kal irapa 'Puifmlots 
 rfjs vvv irpbs 7T)K ipxatav Stare rods crwo-ioTarous (via f/.6\is i£ lirior&aeOti Sieviipiveiv. 
 This frequently controverted statement of Polybios has been more and more con- 
 firmed by the inscriptions found in recent years, of which some date back to the 
 3rd cent. u.c. (§ 83). 
 
 2. Plin. NH. 34, 139 infoedere quod expulsi» regibus populo rom,dedit Porsena 
 nominatim comprehensum invenimus neferro nisi in agri cultu uteretur. — 3. Cic. Balb. 
 23, 53 foedus . . . quod quidem nuper in celumna ahenea meminimus post rostra 
 incisum et perscriptum fuisse. Cf.- Liv. 2, 33. Fest. 166. Dionys. 6, 95. Mommsen, 
 Herm. 5, 231.— 4. Liv. 4, 7. Mommsen, rom. Chronol. 2 93.-5.. Fest. 318, 30.— 6. Liv. 
 3, 31. Dionys. 10, 32. Schwegler, EG. 2; 395. 
 
 70. The so-called leges regiae, supposed to be decrees and 
 decisions of the Roman kings, and which partly affect an antique 
 diction and are of a religious character, in reality represent 
 traditional laws of a very high age, which were not, however, 
 written down till a later time and were then arbitrarily assigned 
 to single kings. 
 
 1. HEDirksen, Versuche t. Krit. u. Ausleg. d. Quellen d. rOm. Eechts (1823) 
 234. Schwegler, EG. 1, 23. 572. 664. GBruns, fontes iur. 6 1 sq. Wokdsw., EL. 
 253. Mommsen, Staatsr. 2, 40. MVoiGiyd. leges regiae, Lpz. 1876. 77 II (Abh. d. 
 sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 7, 555. 643). 
 
 71. The collection of these supposed leges regiae was after its 
 author called ius Papirianum. As the oldest ius civile coin- 
 cides with the ius sacrum, the contents of that collection, with 
 regard to some decrees in it, might to a certain degree be de- 
 scribed as ius civile, but more strictly it consisted of sacerdotal 
 rules. The collection seems never to have received an official 
 sanction. 
 
 1. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, § 2 quae omnes (leges regiae) conscriptae exstant in libro 
 Sextii Papirii, qui fait illis temporibus quibus Superbus ... is liber appellatur 
 ius civile Papirianum . . . quod (Papirius) leges sine ordine latas in unum cont- 
 posuit. ib. § 36 fuit in primis peritus (iuris) P. Papirius, qui leges regias in unum 
 contulit. Dionys. 3, 36 al irepl tot Upwv duvypiupai (as Tlop.Trl\u>s avveariaaTo) /wra 
 rfy> e/c/SoXV twv Paaibitav els avaypatpT)v Snpuxrlav aSBis ^xflijirac inr avSpbs icpo<paVTOV 
 Tatov nanplov etc. Cf. ib. 3, 70, 1. On the uncertainty respecting the personality 
 and date of Pap. see Schwegler, EG. 1, 24. Cf. OClason, JJ. 103, 719. Granius 
 Flaccus' (§ 199, 7) liber de iure Papiriano is quoted by Paulus dig. 50, 16, 144. Cf . 
 WEein, PEE. 4. 660. ESchOll, XII tabb. 51. MVoigt (see § 70, 1) p. 670. 
 
 72. The commentarii regum, though wrongly professing 
 to be works of the kings themselves, seem to have contained de- 
 
104 THE FIRST FIVE CENTURIES TJ.C. 
 
 crees concerning the kingly privileges and functions, very ancient 
 as to the facts themselves, and written down and collected in 
 s historical time. 
 
 1. Cic. p. Bab. p. r. 15 ex annalium monumentis atque ex regum commentariis. 
 We find special mention of commentarii Numae (Liv. 1, 31) which. Ancus Martius 
 in album data proponere in publico iubet (Liv. 1, 32, cf. Dionys. 3, 36). "tiro/anq/iaTa 
 Nou/m (Plut. Marcell. 8)=libri Numae (Piso ap. Plin. NH. 28, 14)=leges Numae 
 (Serv. Aen. 6, 860)=lex Pompilii regis in Pontificum libris (Pest. p. 189). Cf. 
 § 71, 1. So also commentarii Servii Tullii (Liv. 1, 60)=discriptio classium and cen- 
 turiarum (Pest. 246. 249), and in its contents a.lso=censoriae tabulae (Cic. orat. 
 156). Schwegler, EG. 1, 27 ; cf. 545. Mommsen, Staatsrecht 2, 10. MVoigt 1. 1. 
 647. 
 
 2. The hooks of Numa on religious and philosophical subjects, discovered a. 
 573/181, for which Piso and Hemina are the earliest authorities and which must 
 be due to a forgery or mystification, are of a different character; this is the 
 earliest example we have of such pretended ' finds ' (EBohde gr. Eoman 272, 2). 
 Varro (de cultu deorum) ap. Augustin. civ. dei 7, 34. Liv. 40, 29. Plin. NH. 13, 
 84. EvLasaulx (on the hooks of king Numa) in his Stndd. d. klass. Altert., 
 Begensb. 1854, 92 and to the contrary Schwegler, BG. 1, 564. 
 
 73. The priests made the most extensive use of writing ; they 
 framed rules for religious worship and ritual, made compilations 
 of the rulings of the priestly colleges on cases, sacerdotal or 
 administrative, which might serve as precedents for future 
 occasions (libri and commentarii pontificum), and kept 
 records of their meetings (acta, § 77). 
 
 1. Vague citations (pontifices dicunt, docent, apud p. legimus etc.) Varro LL. 5, 23. 
 Colum. 2, 21, 5. Macr. sat. 3. 20, 2.— Val. Prob. GL. 4, 271 in legibus publicis ponti- 
 ficumque monumentis. 
 
 2. Pontificum libri, Cic. de or. 1, 193. Hor. E. 2, 1, 26. Fest. 189 testimonio 
 esse libros pontificum, in quibus sit etc. Macr. sat. 1, 12, 21. — pontificii libri, Varr. 
 LL. 5, 98. Cic. rep. 2, 54 ; cf. ND. 1, 84. Pest. 356.— pontificales libri, Sen. ep. 108, 
 31. Serv. Verg. Eel. 5, 66. G. 1, 21. A. 12, 603 ; cf . Lyd. mens. 4, 20.— libri sacri, 
 Serv. G. 1, 272. libri sacrorum, Pest. 141. — commentarii sacrorum (pontificalium), 
 Pest. 165. 286. 360. — -commentarii pontificum, Cic. Brut. 55. de dom. 136. Liv. 4, 3. 
 6, 1. Plin. NH. 18, 14. Quint. 8, 2, 12. — UpofyavTuv ypa.<j>at, Dionys. 8, 56. lepal 5£\toi, 
 ib. 1, 73. iepal /3i/3Aoi, ib. 10, 1. — The indigitamenta (' formulas used in invocation ' 
 see Corssen, de Volscorum ling., Naumb. 1858, 19), were in the keeping of the 
 Pontifices, i.e. pontificales libri, Serv. G. 1. 21. — Were the sacra Argeorum men- 
 tioned by Varro LL. 5, 45 derived from the libri pontificii ? See HJordan, rdm. 
 Topogr. 2, 237. 599. 
 
 3. Ambrosch, de sacris Rom. libris, Part I, Bresl. 1840 and d. Religionsbucher 
 d. Bom., Bonn 1843 (Z. f. Kath. Theol.). Schwegler BG. 1, 31. ELubbert, 
 quaest. pontificales, Berl. 1859, 79. EHubner, JJ. 79, 407. MVoigt (§ 70, 1) p. 
 648. ABeifferscheid, JB. 1880 3, 274. PPreibisch, de libris pontificiis, Bresl. 
 1874 ; fragmenta libr. pontificiorum, Tilsit 1878. 
 
§ 72-74. COMMENTARII REGUM : LIBRI PONTIFICUM : FASTI. 105 
 
 74. The Pontifices, who possessed the art of keeping account 
 of the time, arranged also the fasti, i.e. a list of the days for 
 ' awards ' or the administration of the law (dies agendi, dies fasti), 
 this being part of the table of each month (Kalendarium), enume- 
 rating also the feasts, games, markets, sacrifices etc. falling on 
 each day, to which were gradually joined first the anniversaries 
 of disasters, and then other short notices of historical events, as 
 well as observations on the rising of certain constellations. After 
 these fasti had been made public (§ 88), private persons also 
 undertook the compilation of fasti in the shape of tables or 
 books, and they became the subjects of learned discussions. 
 After the introduction of the Julian era (709/45) these publica- 
 tions became again official, and were made by the Emperor in 
 his quality of pontifex maximus. We possess a number of frag- 
 ments of calendars which were engraved or written (painted) at 
 Rome and in neighbouring Italian towns, and which extend from 
 the 8th century u.c. to the time of Claudius (from a. 723/31 b.c. 
 to 804/51 a.d.). When the new chronology had become suffici- 
 ently familiar, the industry of private persons found there a new 
 field. There are still two complete calendars in existence, an 
 official one of the 4th century written by Furius Dionysius 
 Philocalus a.d. 354, and a Christian revision of the official 
 calendar, composed by Polemius Silvius (a.d. 448 sq.). 
 
 1. Vabbo LL. 6, 29 dies fasti per quos praetoribus omnia verba sine piaeulo licet 
 fari. . . contrarii horum vocantur dies ne fasti, per quos dies nefasfari praetorem 
 ' do dico addico,' 1 itaque non potest agi. Cf . ib. 6, 53. Ovid. fast. 1, 48. Liv. 1, 19 
 idem (Numa) nefastos dies fastosque fecit. Cf. CIL. 1, p. 361. — Suet. Iul. 40 fastos 
 correxit, iam pridem vitio pontificum per intercalandi licentiam turbatos = introduction 
 of the Julian era ; cf. Aug. 31. Capit. M. Antonin. 10 fastis dies iudiciarios 
 addidit. — Petbon. 30 altera tabula in poste triclinii praefixa habebat inscriptum lunae 
 cursum stdlarumque septem imagines pictas, et qui dies boni quique incommodi essent 
 distinguente bulla notabantur. — Cic. Phil. 2, 87 adscribi iussit in fastis ad Lupercalia : 
 C. Caesari . . . M. Antonium . . . regnum detulisse, Caesarem uti noluisse. On 
 Domitian's accession a committee of the senate was appointed qui fastos adulatione 
 temporum foedatos exonerarent, Tac H. 4, 40. Cf. CIL. 1, p. 377 b . 
 
 2. Fulvius Nobilior (§ 126, 1) in fastis quos in aede Herculis Musarum (a. 
 565/189) posuit, Macb. sat. 1, 12 ; cf. 13 extr. Vabbo LL. 6, 33. Censobin. d. n. 
 20. 22. Chakis. GL. 1, 138. Together -with the announcements of the days and 
 festivals they also gave explanations. 
 
 3. Suet, gramm. 17 Verrius Flaccus statuam habet JPraeneste, in inferiore 
 (superiore) fori parte, circa hemicyclium in quo fastos a se ordinatos et marmoreo 
 parieti incisos publicarat. Eemains of these fasti were found in 1771, not indeed in 
 the forum of Praeneste, but more than 3 km. from the town, in the ruins of a 
 Christian building belonging to a late period. Henzen, bull, archeol. 1864, 70.— 
 
106 THE FIRST FIVE CENTURIES U.C. 
 
 Best edited in OIL. 1, p. 311. Cf. Bergk, JJ. 105, 37. Against the doubt of 
 OHikschpeld (Herm. 9, 103) as to whether these fasti praenestini are an original 
 work of Verrius, see Vahlen, ind. schol. Berol. 1877/78 p. B. 
 
 4. Works entitled ' fasti ' (Fest. 87, 19. Ovid. fast. 1, 657) were written by 
 Junius Gracchanus, Cincius, Ovid (regarding calendars drawn from Ovid's fasti : 
 § 249, 6), Nisus, Masurius Sabinus, Julius Modestus (de feriis), Cornelius Labeo 
 etc. Festus 67. Machob. sat. 1, 11, 50. Merkel's pref. to his edition of Ovid's 
 Fasti p. mi. Mommsen, OIL. 1, p. 363.— Astronomical fasti of Clodius Tuscus 
 § 263, 5. 
 
 5. The best collection of epigraphic fasti (hemerologia and menologia) is by 
 Mommsen, CIL. 1, p. 293-360 (with archaeological commentarii, ib. p. 361-412). 
 Additions : Ephem. epigr. e.g. 1, 33. 3, 5. 85. 4, 1— The fasti of the city of Borne 
 also CIL. 6, p. 625. Cf . Mommsen, Bom. Chronol. 2 208. The Boman calendar of 
 festivals is presented comprehensively, from inscriptional and literary sources, in 
 JMarquardt's rOm. Staatsverw. 3 2 , 567. 
 
 6. Only the parts written in capitals in the calendars engraved on stone 
 belong to the oldest Boman calendar, originally perhaps a part of the XII tables ; 
 all additions in small writing are later. Mommsen, BhM. 14, 82. 85; CEL. 1, 
 p. 361 sq. The excerpts from the official calendar in those now extant are 
 arbitrary and betray ignorance. Mommsen CIL. 1, p. 363 b . 
 
 7. On the Mons Albanus near Borne in the ruins of the temple of Juppiter 
 Latiaris have been found remains of the annual tables of the Feriae Latinae 
 (dating from 303/451 b.c. to 109 a.d. ; now collected CIL. 6, p. 455. Cf. Mommsen, 
 rom. Forsch. 2, 97. DeBossi, eph. epigr. 2, 93.— List of the festivals of the temple 
 of Augustus at Cumae : CIL. 1, p. 310 ; Mommsen. Herm. 17, 631. 
 
 8. The official calendar in the middle of the 4th century of the Christian 
 era was in the year 354 copied by the calligrapher Furius Dionysius Philocalus 
 (§ 422, 2), who illustrated it with numerous pictures (published by Strzygowski, 
 Jahrb. d. deutschen arch. Inst., Suppl. 1) and epigrams (see EBahrens PLM. 1, 203). 
 It was preserved in two copies, the one of which (Peirescianum, saec. VIII/IX) 
 was again lost and now exists only in two copies of the 17th century (at Brussels 
 and in the Vatican Library) ; of the 2nd (saec. IX), originally at Strasburg, now 
 at Bern, only December is still extant, but at Vienna there is a complete copy of 
 it made in 1480. The best edition is by Mommsen CIL. 1, p. 334 with his treatise 
 on the chronicler of a. 354, in Abh. d. sachs. Ges. d. W. 1 (1850), 550, and the 
 summary CIL. 1, p. 332. 
 
 9. The calendar of Polemius Silvius was written a. 448 sq. under Valentinian 
 III and is addressed to the bishop Eucherius (§ 457, 6). In his Christian zeal the 
 author has omitted all that seemed like pagan superstition, and added historical 
 data (e.g. nomina omnium provineiarum of the year 385; see Seeck on the not. dign. 
 p. 254. Biese geogr. 130) and grammatical and meteorological observations etc. of 
 his own. It is preserved in a Brussels MS. ; best edited, in correspondence with 
 that of Philocalus, by Mommsen, CIL. 1, p. 335. See also his treatise on the Later- 
 eulus of Polemius Silvius, in the Abh. der sachs. Ges. d. W. 3 (1853), 231 ; on Cassio- 
 dorus, ibid. 8, 694, and the resume' CIL. 1, p. 333. 
 
 10. Besides these we have a rural calendar, containing the rustic business, 
 festivals, the length of months and days etc. (menologium rusticum), in two ver- 
 sions, not differing materially : menol. rust. Colotianum and Vallense, edited CIL, 
 1, p. 358 and CIL. 6, 2305. 6. 
 
§ 74-76. CALENDARS : FASTI CONSULAEES ETC. : ANNALES PONTIFICUM. 107 
 
 75. From denoting lists of days and months, the name of 
 fasti was also transferred to lists of years containing the names 
 of the chief annual magistrates (fasti consulares), the triumphs 
 held in each year (fasti triumphales), and the priests (fasti 
 sacerdotales). Fragments of fasti in this sense of the word have 
 likewise come down to us, and of these the fasti capitolini are by 
 far the most important. 
 
 1. Fasti as lists esp. of magistrates, e.g. Liv. 9, 18 : in annalibus magistratuum 
 fastisque. Cic. Pis. 30 hos consules fasti ulli ferre possunt ? ad Brut. 1, 15 in fastis 
 nomen adscribitur ; cf. Tac. A. 3, 17 nomen fastis radere (see Mommsen, Herm. 9, 273). 
 Tkebell. Gallien. 15 Gattienum tyrannum in fastos publicos rettulerunt. — Lists of 
 consuls for convenient reference : Cic. Att. 4, 8 b , 2 non minus longas iam in codicil- 
 lorum fastis futurorum consilium paginulas hahent guam factorum. — KCichorius, de 
 fastis consularibus antiquiss., Lpz. Stud. 9, 171. 
 
 2. The fasti capitolini (so called from the place in the Palace of the Conser- 
 vatori on the Capitol which the fragments at present occupy) were a chronological 
 list of the consuls, censors, dictators and magg. eqq. (fasti consulares in their 
 principal contents) ; they were engraved about 720/34 on the outer wall of the 
 Begia, the residence of the pontifex maximus, and separate additions were made 
 to them, in the same place, up to about the year 766/13 a.d. : to these were added 
 as an appendix (about the year 742/12), on neighbouring pillars, the list of 
 triumphs, f . triumphales, more correctly acta triumphorum, then the register of 
 ludi saeculares, terminating with those under Domitian (a. 841/88). 
 
 3. The fasti capitolini and the other fragments of consular and triumphal 
 fasti preserved in inscriptions, belonging to the time of the Republic and of 
 Augustus, best edited by WHenzen, CIL. 1, p. 415 (additions : Eph. epigr. 1, 42. 
 154. 2, 210. 3, 11. 4, 192. 253. On the Capitoline fasti cf. also OHikschfeld, Herm. 
 9, 93. 11, 154. Mommsen, rOm. Forsch. 2, 58. BBorghesi, oeuvr. 9, 1. — Fasti of the 
 fratres arvales from 752/2 to 790/37, containing the consuls and the praetor urb. 
 
 . , ,, and peregr. for each year, in the appendix to Henzen's Acta fr. Arval., Berl. 1874 
 
 \ and CLL. 6, 2295. — A comparative resume of the statements of authors and the 
 
 \ MS. and inscriptional lists of the consuls in the years 245/509 to 766/13 is given 
 
 \ by Mommsen CIL, 1, p. 483. As a, supplement to this JKxein, fasti consulares a 
 
 * Caesaris nece ad imp. Diocletianum, Lps. 1881. 
 
 4. The remains of the sacerdotal fasti (fasti augurum, saliorum Palatinorum, 
 sbdalium Augustalium Claudialium, sacerdotum Jovis propugnatoris etc.) of the 
 city of Rome have been collected CIL. 6, 1976 sqq. 
 
 76. From the lists drawn up by priests and originally not 
 intended for publication we should separate the annales pon- 
 tificum, which were from the very beginning composed for 
 publication, and also styled annales maximi, but not because they 
 were kept by the pontifex maximus. He annually exhibited in 
 public a white table, on which the memorable events of the year, 
 with special mention of the prodigies (regularly mentioned from 
 505/249) were set down in the briefest possible manner. This was 
 a very old custom and was observed until the 7th century u.c. 
 
108 THE FIRST FIVE CENTURIES U.C. 
 
 But -when notes and publications of this sort by writers became 
 more common, the official ones were discontinued. When they 
 were collected and put into the shape of a volume, they formed 
 a collection of 80 books. But as the place where they were kept, 
 the official residence of the pontifex maximus (the Eegia close to 
 the temple of Vesta in the Forum), was repeatedly destroyed by 
 fire, it follows that those parts of the collection which concerned 
 the oldest time must have been restored from recollection and 
 were less trustworthy, indeed the statements as to the very 
 oldest times must have been mere fictions. 
 
 1. Paul. 126 maximi annates appellahantur rum (?) (p) magnitudine, sed quod 
 eos pontifex maximus confecisset ; cf . Serv. Aen. 1, 377 (n. 2). Macb. sat. 3, 2, 17. 
 Cic. Leg. 1, 6 annates pontificum maximorum quibus nihil potest esse ieiunius, and 
 (after him) Quint. 10, 2, 7 pontificum annates. Cf. 6 irapa roh apxiepevn (thus 
 Niebuhr for ayx^rreSfft ; deposited with the pont. max., therefore in the Eegia ; 
 see § 75, 2) Kdfj.evos ttIvo.% in Dionys. Hal. 1, 74. Annates publici in Cic. rep. 2, 28. 
 Diomed. GL. 1, 484. The name maximi is no doubt of later origin, when there 
 were also other annals by other authors and of less extent. 
 
 2. Serv. Aen. 1, 373 ita annates conficiebantur : tdbutam deatbatam quotannis 
 pontifex maximus habuit, in qua praescriptis consulum nominibus et aliorum magis- 
 tratuum digna memoratu notare consueverat, domi militiaeque, terra marique gesta, per 
 singutos dies (indicating the days [see n. 4] and in chronological order), cuius 
 ditigentiae annuos commentarios in octoginta tibros veteres rettuterunt eosque a ponti~ 
 ficibus maximis, a quibus fiebant, annates maximos appellarunt. Gell. 4, 5, 6 in 
 annalibus maximis, iibro undecimo. It is a question whether this publication in 
 book form rendered the genuine substance of the official announcements. The 
 few remaining fragments arouse suspicion : Bucheler, BhM. 41, 2. 
 
 3. Cic. de or. 2, 52 ab initio rerum romanarum (an exaggerated rhetorical 
 phrase) usque ad P. Murium pontificem maximum (c. a. 631/123 down to 640/114; 
 see § 133, 4) res omnes singutorum annorum mandahat litteris pontifex maximus 
 referebatque in album et proponebat tabulam domi, potestas ut esset populo cognoscendi : 
 ii qui etiamnunc annates maximi nominantur. Their official character and the fact 
 of their being designed for popular use produced intentional distortion as well as 
 suppression of the historical truth ; see HNissen, Krit. Unters. 97. 
 
 4. Cato ap. Gell. 2, 28, 6 non lubet scribere quod in tabuta apud pontificem 
 maximum est, quotiens annona cara, quotiens tunae aut solis lumini caligo aut (atiufy 
 quid obstiterit. Cf. Cic. rep. 1, 25 ex hoc die, quern apud Ennium et in maximis 
 annalibus consignatum videmus, superiores solis defectiones reputatae sunt. But the 
 regular noting down of prodigies by the pontifices was introduced only after the 
 year 505/249. JBernays, ges. Abh. 2, 307. OJahn's Obsequens p. XX. 
 
 5. Livy and, most likely, Dionysius do not seem to have made direct use of 
 the ann. max. ; see Schwegler EG. 1, 8, 11. Dionysius indeed says 4, 30 h raU 
 iviamlois avaypatpah /caret rhv TctnrapaKoorcV iviavrbv tjjs TuXXfou apxfy rbv 'Appovvra 
 TsreXevrriKbTa Trapei\^4>ap.ev : but these expressions may be meant to denote writers 
 of annals ; cf. 4, 7 (L. Piso Prugi iv rats iviavalois irpayixarelais) and 15 (idem iv rjf 
 Trptxirrj twv iviavatiav 6.V ay pa.tp£)i>). 
 
 6. JGHullemann, de annalibus maximis, Amsterd. 1855. EHC'bner, JJ. 79. 401. 
 HPeter, hist. rom. rell. 1, viii. 
 
§ 76-78. ANNATES MAXIMI: LIBEI AUGURDM, MAGISTBATUM. 109 
 
 77. Like the college of the pontifices, the augurs had likewise 
 their books (libri or commentarii augurum). In the same manner 
 there were libri Saliorum and commentarii XVvirorum. Besides 
 this, the various colleges of priests kept their albums or fasti, 
 being chronological lists of the priests as well as the minutes 
 (acta) of their official transactions. 
 
 1. Libri augurum, e.g. Varro LL. 5, 21. 33. 58. 7, 51. Cic. rep. 1, 63. 2, 54. 
 n. deor. 1,72. 2,11. dedom.39. Gell. 13, 14, 1. Test. 253. 322. Serv. A. 4, 45. 9, 
 20. Commentarii augurum, Cic. de div. 2, 42. Fest. 317. Serv. A. 1, 398. From 
 these libri augurales the only connected piece preserved is a formula in Varro LL. 
 7, 8 (on this see HJordan, krit. Beitr. z. Gesch. d. lat. Sprache 89). — PRegell, 
 de augurum publicorum libris, part. I, Bresl. 1878; fragmenta auguralia coll. 
 PRegell, Hirschb. 1882 ; the same in Commentatt. in hon. A. Reifferscheidii, Bresl. 
 1884, 61. FABrause, libr. de discipl. augur, ante Aug. mortem rell. I, Lpz. 1875. 
 
 2. Libri Saliorum, Varro LL. 6, 14. 
 
 3. Commentarii XVvirorum, Censorin. 17, 9. 10. 11. 
 
 4. On the fasti sacerdotales see § 75, 4. On the acta fratrum arvalium see 
 § 65, 1. Lex collegii Aesculapii et Hygiae of 153 a.d. in Or. 2417 Wilm. 320. 
 
 5. There existed Latin translations and editions of the books of ritual of the 
 haruspices written in the Etruscan language {Etruscae disciplinae libri, libri 
 Tagetiei, after Tages, the promulgator of this doctrine, Vegonici after Vegone, Begoe 
 nympha). Traces of a Latin version e.g. Serv. Aen. 1, 42, where the word manubiae 
 is quoted from the libri Etruseorum, in the gromat. p. 348 Lachm. (a fragment of 
 the fVegone, see also § 58, 2), and even distinct traces of an hexameter version in 
 Amm. Marc. 17, 10, 2 (OMuller's Etr. 2 2 , 25. Bahrens, FPR. 422). 
 
 78. The temporal magistrates also had their corresponding 
 notes, partly such as were written by them (commentarii 
 magistratuum), partly records of which they formed the sub- 
 ject (libri magistratuum). The first treated of the transactions 
 of individual magistrates : commentarii consilium, quaestorum etc. 
 The most important of this kind are the tabulae censoriae 
 (sometimes inaccurately called libri censorii), registers of the status 
 and property of the Roman citizens resulting from each census, 
 as well as accounts of the state of the exchequer. The com- 
 mentarii censorum, on the other hand, seem to have had a private 
 character and purpose. 
 
 1. Commentarii consulum, Varro LL. 6, 88. To these belong also the saturnian 
 line Oriens consul magistrum povpuli dicat, Vel. Long. GL. 7, 74 ; cf . Reieferscheid, 
 RhM. 15, 627. Commentarium veins anquisitionis M. Sergii M'. f. quaestoria, Varro 
 LL. 6, 90. 91. 92.— On the general subject MVoigt (§ 70, 1) p. 653. 
 
 2. Tabulae censoriae, Varr. LL. 6, 86. Cic. orat. 156. de leg. agr. 1, 4. Plin. 
 NH. 18, 11. Mommsen, Staatsr. 2, 380.— Libri censorii, Gell. 2, 10, 1 ; cf . niaiTiKh 
 ypd/i/mra, Dionys. 4, 22. 
 
110 THE FIRST FIVE CENTURIES U.C. 
 
 3. Commentarii elaayuyiKol (cf. Gell. 14, 7, 1) of former censors, which became 
 hereditary in their families, as a kind of manual, Dionys. 1, 74 ; cf . § 2, 3. 80, 2. 
 
 4. Schwegler, EG. 1, 28. Mommsen, Staatsr. 1, 4. On the commentarii 
 aedilium KWNitzsch, d. rOm. Annalistik (1873) 210. 220. 
 
 79. Libri magistratuum was the name given to the lists 
 of the magistrates of each year, and these may have been kept 
 ever since the magistrates were changed annually. Part of them 
 were written on linen and hence called libri lintei. These were 
 kept on the Capitol in the temple of the Goddess of Memory and 
 are repeatedly mentioned by Livy as one of the sources of his 
 authorities. 
 
 1. Liv. 4, 7 neque in annalihus priscis neque in libris magistratuum. 39, 52 (in 
 mag. libris) ; cf. 9, 18 (§ 75, 1). 
 
 2. Linen was one of the writing materials of the olden time, see e.g. Liv. 10, 
 38 ex libro vetere Unteo of the Samnites. Plin. WE. 13, 69 postea publica monumenta 
 plumbeis voluminibus, rtiox et privata linteis confici coepta aut ceris. Pronto ep. ad 
 Caes. 4, 4 (p. 67 Nab.) multi libri lintei, quod ad sacra attinet. Symmach. ep. 4, 84. 
 Cf. MVoigt 1.1. 661. 
 
 3. Magistratuum libri, quos linteos in aede repositos Monetae Maeer Licinius citat, 
 Liv. 4, 20, 8 ; cf. ib. 7, 10. 13, 7. 23, 2. Documents written on this material must 
 have been easily destroyed, and therefore those which Macer unsuspectingly made 
 use of were probably later copies. HPeter, hist. rom. rell. 1, cccxlv. 
 
 c) Monumenta privata. 
 
 80. Private persons also at an early time put down notes for 
 after-use, both in connection with their domestic accounts and 
 independently of them, on events and incidents which appeared 
 important for the clan, the family or the individual (especially in 
 his official capacity.) "While at first these notes were prompted 
 solely by the desire of preserving the recollection of past events, 
 they soon may have begun to have an admixture of individual 
 predilection and a tendency to glorify special persons. 
 
 1. Privata monumenta, Liv. 6, 1. 
 
 2. Gell. 13, 20, 17 quae ita esse . . . cognovimus cum et laudationes funebres 
 et commentarium de familia Porcia legeremus. Plin. NH. 35, 7 tabulina codicibus 
 implebantur et monimentis rerum in magistratu geslarum. Pest. 356 tablinum proxime 
 atrium locus dicitur, quod antiqui magistratus in suo imperio tabulis (eum implebanty. 
 Cf. also § 259, 10. 
 
 3. Mebuhr's view of the influence of family chronicles on our tradition 
 requires at least strict limitation : there is no evidence for the existence of such 
 family chronicles in the Republican period. Mommsen, EG. I 6 , 467. BNiese, 
 Herm. 13, 411. — Schwegler, EG. 1, 12. E. Lubbert, de gentium rom. commentariis 
 domesticis, Giessen 1873 ; de gentis Serviliae, Quinctiae, Puriae, Claudiae commentt. 
 domest. Kiel 1875-78.— Cf. further § 78, 3. 
 
§ 78-81. LIBEI MAGIST. : MONUMENTA PBIVATA : LAUDATIONES. Ill 
 
 81. To this kind belong the lists of ancestors and pedigrees 
 (stemmata), the inscriptions (indices, elogia) under the ancestral 
 busts, and the funeral laudations of departed members of 
 the family (laudationes or orationes funebres), in all of which 
 historical truth was often disregarded in favour of the purposes 
 of a panegyric. 
 
 1. Families of secondary rank were eager to prove their relationship with 
 noble families, and these themselves (e.g. the Antonii, Julii etc.) to carry their 
 ancestral line hack to the Trojans and to the gods. Festus 130. 166. Dionys. 4, 
 68. Plut. Fab. 1. Anton. 4. Num. 1. Plin. NH. 35, 8 etiam mentiri clarorum imagines 
 erat aliquis virtutum amor. Cornel. Nep. Att. 18. Suet. Iul. 6. Vitell. 1 and 
 elsewhere. 
 
 2. Suet. Galb. 3 imagines et elogia generis. Vitell. 1 extatque dogi (thus MHektz, 
 de hist. 1871, 10 : que dogii in the MSS., Q. Mulogii Casaubon) ad Q. Vitellium . . . 
 libdlus (§ 259, 10). Such inscriptions for a series of ancestral images (elogia i.e. 
 Ae7eta) were in later times made from various sources, and from them pro- 
 bably were chiefly drawn the funeral orations so far as they related to ancestors. 
 Augustus decorated the colonnades of the temple of Mars in his forum with the 
 statues of heroes from Aeneas and Eomulus downwards ; the elogia on the 
 pedestals of these (Hob. C. 4, 8, 13 already mentions them : incisa notis marmora 
 publicis, per quae spiritus et vita redit bonis post mortem ducibus) are preserved partly 
 in the original, partly in copies : CIL. 1, p. 277 ; eph. epigr. 3, 1. "Wilm. 622 sqq. 
 The historical material here employed is in part dubious, and evidently derived 
 not only from original sources, but also from learned research (more or less honest). 
 OHirschfeld, Phil. 34, 85. HHildesheimer, de libro de vir. illustr. UJR.., Berl. 
 1880, 36. Inscriptions on statues or hermae in libraries, CIL. 1, p. 281. Literary 
 elogia in metrical form by Varro, the elder Symmachus, and also AL. 831-855 
 PLM. 5, 396 (see § 357, 2). See further § 83. 90, 1. 115, 2. 
 
 3. GCurtius, d. Etymol. des Wortes elogium, kl. Schrr. (Lpz. 1886) 2, 230. 
 AFleckeisen, JJ. 23, 3. Duntzer, ZfvglSprachf. 16, 275. HJordan, Herm. 15, 20; 
 vindic. serm. lat. antiquiss., Kgsb. 1882, 19. 
 
 4. Liv. 8, 40 vitiatam memoriam funebribus laudibus reor falsisque imaginum 
 titulis, dum familia ad se quaeque famam rerum gestarum honorumque fallente mendacio 
 trahunt; cf. 4, 16 and Cic. Brut. 61 nee vero habeo quemquam (Catone) antiquiorem, 
 cuius quidem scripta proferenda putem, nisi quern Appi Caeci oratio haec ipsa de 
 Pyrrho (§ 90, 3) et non nullorum mortuorum laudationes forte delectant. et hercules hoe 
 quidem extant, ipsae familiae sua quasi ornamenta ac monumenta servabant, et ad 
 usum, si quis eiusdem generis occidisset, et ad memoriam laudum domesticarum et ad 
 iUustrandam nobilitatem suam. his laudationibus historia rerum nostrarum est facta 
 mendosior. multa enim scripta sunt in eis quae facta non sunt etc. The custom of 
 such laudationes is ancient, Dionys. 5, 17. Plut. Poplic. 9 ; cf. Poltb. 6, 53 and 
 Cic. de leg. 2, 62 ; cf. de or. 2, 44 sqq. Liv. 2, 47, 11 (a. 274/480). And see Quintil. 
 3, 7, 2. 11, 3, 153. Gell. NA. 13, 20, 17 (§ 80, 2). In the later time M. Aurelius 
 and Verus laudavere pro rostris patrem, Capitol. Ant. phil. 7, 11. 
 
 5. At a comparatively early time such laudationes were published in book 
 form. Such was that by Q. Caecilius Metellus (Plin. NH. 7, 139) on his father 
 Lucius (a. 533/221), by Pabius Cunctator on his son (between 547/207 and 551/203, 
 cf. Plut. Fab. 1), by M. Claudius Marcellus (Liv. 27, 27) on his father (546/208), 
 Laelius on the younger Africanus etc. For a later period see § 195, 2. 210, 2 ad 
 fin. ; cf . § 220, 2. 275,2. 
 
112 THE FIRST FIVE CENTURIES U.C. 
 
 6. The first non-official (of. Liv. 5, 50, 7. Plut. Camill. 8) funeral oration on 
 a woman (his mother) was pronounced by Lutatius Catulus (cos. 652/102), Cic. 
 de or. 2, 44. After that time this became customary (Suet. lul. 6), at least for 
 women whose sons had risen to high positions (Plut. Caes. 5). Cf. § 267, 4. 
 .356, 5. 
 
 7. Schwegler, EG. 1, 16. HGraff, de Kom. laudationibus, Dorpat 1862. 
 EHubner, Herm. 1, 440. CMartha, l'oraison funebre ehez les Bom., in his etudes 
 morales, Par. 1883. 
 
 82. There were also, in the very earliest times, songs in praise 
 of the departed — some of them sung at the funeral procession to 
 the accompaniment of a tibia (neniae), others at festival banquets 
 by boys and later on by the guests in alternation, also to a tibia. 
 Both these customs are of great antiquity, and the first, though 
 in a degenerate form, existed also until later times ; the second 
 was dying out as early as several generations before the time of 
 Cato the Elder. 
 
 1. Tac. A. 3, 5 Veterum institute, . . meditata ad memoriam virtutis carmina etc. 
 
 2. Pest. 161. 163 nenia est carmen quod in funere laudandi gratia canitur ad 
 tibiam ; cf . Cic. leg. 2, 62 nenia, quo vocabulo etiam apud Graecos cantus lugubres 
 nominantur (Poll. 4, 79 rb Si vnvlaTov Ian /iir $piyu»> kt\.). Quintil. 8, 2, 8. 
 Originally they seem to have been sung at the funeral banquets and by the 
 members of the family (cf. Suet. Aug. 100), later on, they were recited before the 
 mourners' house, in the funeral procession, and at the place of burning by hired 
 wailing-women, praeficae (so Naevius in Eibbeck Com. 2 29 haec . . . praeficast, 
 quae sic mortuum collaudat ; Plaut. true. 2, 6, 14 praefica, quae alios collaudat etc. 
 Vabko, LL. 7, 70 mulier . . . quae ante domum mortui laudes eitts caneret and other 
 passages), hence they became insipid and soon got into bad repute (nenia, ineptum 
 et inconditum carmen etc. Non. 145, cf. Plaut. asin. 4, 1, 63. true. 2, 1, 3. Petron. 
 47. 58. Capitol. Clod. Alb. 12 neniis quibusdam anUibus occupatus, and other pas- 
 sages in Teuffel, PEE. 5, 395). JWehb, de Eom. nenia (in the TrpoirenirnKbv for 
 ECurtius, Gatt. 1868, p. 11). 
 
 3. Cic. Brut. 75 utinam exstarent ilia carmina quae mullis saeclts ante suam 
 aetatem in epulis esse cantitata (deinceps, Tusc. 4, 3) a singulis convivis (a later cus- 
 tom adopted from the Greeks, Mommsen EG. I 6 , 222, 452) de clarorum virorum 
 laudibus in Originibus scriptum reliquit Cato ! Cf. Tusc. 1.1. and 1, 3. Val. Max. 
 2, 1, 10. On the other hand, Varko says ap. Non. s. v. assa voce: in conviviis 
 pueri modesti ut cantarent carmina antiqua, in quibus laudes erant maiorum, et assa 
 voce et cum tibicine. Cf. also Hor. C. 4, 15, 25 virtute functos more patrum, duces . . . 
 canemus, and 1, 12. This is referred to Numa in Cic. de or. 3, 197. Quint. 1, 10, 
 20. Songs in praise of Eomulus and Eemus are mentioned by Dionys. 1, 79 (from 
 Pabius Pictor : us iv tois irarplois S/ivois iiirb 'Pu/mlwv fr-i ko! vvv fSerai). Plut. Num. 
 5 ; of Coriolanus, by Dionys. 8, 62. Cf. CZell, Perienschrr. 2, 170. 193. 
 
 4. Perizonius (Animadvv. histor. cap. 6) held these laudatory songs to have 
 been one source of the Eoman legendary history. Eibbeck, Gesch. d. rOm. Dicht. 
 1, 8. Niebuhr was of opinion that these songs formed a continuous epic poem, and 
 hence originated the theory that this epic poem was the source of our extant ver- 
 sion of Eoman history, which he thought would account for its poetical charac- 
 
§ 82, 83. LAUDATORY SONGS : INSCRIPTIONS. 113 
 
 ter. On this view (which goes much too far and is now rightly discarded) see 
 WCorssen, origg. 112. 162. Schwegler, EG. 1, 53. But on the other hand 
 MAKrepelka Phil. 37, 450. 
 
 83. "We have relics of a similar kind in the inscriptions on 
 votive offerings, pillars, tombs and vessels, of which we possess 
 a large number belonging to the first centuries of the Eepublic, 
 partly through literary and partly through epigraphic records. 
 Of the first kind are 1) the inscription on the linen coat-of-mail 
 of Tolumnius dedicated by A. Cornelius Cossus a. 317/437 
 (326/428 ?) and seen even by Augustus ; 2) the tabula triumphalis 
 of the dictator T. Quinctius of the year 374/380 ; 3) the sepulchral 
 inscription of A. Atilius Calatinus (cos. 496/258). Of the second 
 class : 4) the dedication on a golden fibula, probably of the 3rd 
 century u.c., found in a grave at Praeneste ; 5) the inscription of 
 Dvenos, of the 5th century u.c. ; 6) the dedication of the Marsian 
 Caso Cantovios, probably dating from the second Samnite war 
 (428/326-450/304) ; 7) the three oldest of the epitaphs of the 
 Scipios, the inscription in memory of L. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio 
 (cos. 456/298), his son L. Cornelius Cn. f. Scipio (cos. 495/259) 
 and the elogium of the latter in saturnian lines ; 8) the inscrip- 
 tion on the columna rostrata erected to C. Duilius in honour of his 
 naval victory over the Carthaginians a. 494/260 ; 9) the inscription 
 on the oldest milestone preserved, about 500/254. — Of other in- 
 scriptions the epitaphs of the Furii at Tusculum, several Praenes- 
 tine inscriptions on cists and mirrors, as well as dedications from 
 the grove near Pisaurum etc., may belong to the 5th century u.c. 
 
 1. Liv. 4, 20. 
 
 2. Liv. 6, 29. Pestus 363 (saturnian). 
 
 3. Cic. Cato 61 carmen incisum in septdcro ; cf . fin. 2, 116 (saturnian). 
 
 4. ' manios med fhefhaked , numasioi ' (right to left) i.e. Manius me fecit Numerio. 
 Discovered 1886; PDummler, Earn. Mitteil. des deutsch. arch. Inst. 1887, 40. 
 GLighana, ib. 139. Bucheler, EhM. 42, 317. EWolfflih, Arch. f. lat. Lexikogr. 
 4, 143. 
 
 5. On a small earthen vessel intended for funeral offerings on the Noven- 
 dial, found in Eome (1880) near the Quirinal, is a curious ritualistic instruction 
 written from right to left, with saturnian assonances ; HDressel, ann. d. inst. 
 arch. 52, 158. Bijcheler, EhM. 36, 235. The text is given with critical notes in 
 ESchneider's DIE. 1, 19. Other short dedications on very ancient vases from 
 southern Etruria CIL. 1, 43 seqc[. DIE. 1, 20 sqc[. 
 
 6. On this alternate (flov<rTpo<l>ri8bi>) inscription (lines 1. 3. 4 from left to right, 
 lines 2. 5 from right to left) on a bronze tablet, found in 1877 in the Pucine lake, 
 cf. FBuchelek, EhM. 33, 489. HJohdan, Herm. 15, 5. 
 
 7. The epitaphs of the Scipios were discovered on the via Appia, a. 1614 and 
 R. L. I 
 
114 THE FIRST FIVE CENTURIES U.C. 
 
 1780, and have often been printed and explained. They are now found in Priscae 
 Lat. Mornim. t. 37-42. CIL. 1, 29-39 (also 6, 1284-1294). "Wilm. 1, 537. DIE. 1, 
 88-93. Those belonging to the time anterior to 514/240 are in the CIL. 1 no. 29. 
 31. 32. On these epitaphs see Eitschl, opusc. 4, 213. Mommsen, EhM. 9, 462. EG;. 
 1 6 ,452. FBhcheler, JJ. 87, 328; anthol. epigr. spec. 2, 6. LMuller, d. saturn. 
 Vers 102 al. The Grecian tendencies of the Scipios show themselves also in the 
 adoption of metrical epitaphs. 
 
 8. FBitschl, Inscriptio quae fertur columnae rostratae Duillianae, opusc. 4. 
 183. 204 ; PLMon. t. 95 ; also CIL. 1, 195. 6, 1300. Wordsw. EL. 170. DIE. 1, 391. 
 The present text of the inscription cannot he the original, hut dates from the 
 time of the Empire ; at the very best, it is the original text renewed and to a cer- 
 tain extent, modernised (Eitschl, opusc. 4, 234), but the many forms of exaggerated 
 archaism, standing side by side with later forms, as well as numerous material 
 difficulties and its general prolixity, render Mommsen's view (CIL. 1, p. 40) more 
 probable, viz. that the column originally had either no inscription at all, or only 
 a very short and simple one, and that the extant inscription was made, when the 
 monument itself was restored under Claudius, in accordance with accessible his- 
 torical sources and with intentional imitation of the archaic style (esp. following 
 the inscription of L. Aemilius Eegillus relating to his naval victory at Myonnesos, 
 Liv. 40, 52). 
 
 9. This milestone (milliarium) from the via Appia, now at Mesa, is published 
 CIL. 10, p. 1019, no. 6838. DIE. 1, 283. 
 
 10. The tituli Furiorum GEL. 1, 65 DIE. 1, 60 ; the Praenestine CIL. 1, 54 
 DIE. 1, 41 ; those of Pisaurum CIL. 1, 167 DIE. 1, 68.— The inscriptions on coins, 
 vessels, monuments etc. of this period, so far as preserved, have been collected in 
 the CIL. vol. 1, where the pars prior (p. 1-40) contains the Inscriptiones vetust- 
 issimae, bello Hannibalico quae videntur anteriores. See also the selection : DIE. 
 1, 1-89. On the elogia § 81, 2. 
 
 84. The custom of a victorious army singing at their general's 
 triumph ditties either praising or rallying him (carmina trium- 
 phalia), frequently in alternating form, is likewise very ancient. 
 
 1. Liv. 3, 29. 4, 20. 53. 5, 49. 7, 10. 17. 38. 10, 30. 39, 7. 45, 38. 43. Dionys. 2, 34. 
 7, 72. App. Pun. 66. Plut. Aemil. P. 34 (6 a-rparbs . . . q,Sav ri. i*kv ipSas Tivas 
 Trarptovs iva/J.efuyp.has yi\uiri, t& S£ jroiSxas imvudovs ko.1 tZv diairewpayfiivav cwalvovs). 
 Marcell. 8. Dio 43, 20. Vellei. 2, 67. Suet. Iul. 49. 51. Martial. 1, 4, 3 sq. 
 Panegyr. incert. 9, 18 extr. — For the amoebaean form {alternis versibus) see Liv. 
 4, 53. Plin. NH. 19, 144. Cf. also § 3, 3. 11, 2 and 3.— The burden io triumphs, 
 Varro LL. 6, 68. Tib. 2, 5, 118. Liv. 3, 29. Cf. Hor. C. 4, 2, 49 sq. Ov. trist. 
 4, 2, 51. 
 
 2. Cf. FPE. 330.— Zell, Ferienschr. 2, 148. GHBernstein, versus ludicri in 
 Eom. Caesares priores compositi, Halle 1810. Guicherit, de carminibus Mar- 
 ciorum (§ 66, 2) et de carm. triumphal, milit. Eom., Leid. 1846. 
 
 85. The old weather-rules, incantations and magic lines and 
 similar things bore likewise a popular character and were, as a 
 rule, in saturnian rhythm. 
 
 1. Pest. 93 in antiquo carmine : hiberno pulvere, verno luto grandia farra, 
 
§ 84-86. CAEMINA TEIUMPHALIA AND POPDLARIA : XII. TABLES. 115 
 
 camille, metes. Cf. Mach. sat. 5, 20, 18 in libro vetustissimorum. carminum . . . 
 invenitur hoc rusticum vetus canticum : hiberno etc. Serv. Georg. 1, 101. Plin. NH. 
 17, 14 and 28, 29 carmina quaedam exstant contra grandines contraque morborum 
 genera etc. lb. 27, 131 (in free trochaic measure i reseda, morbos reseda ! scisne, 
 scisne, quis hie pullus 4gerit radices? ne'e caput nee pedes habeat). Cato Rfi. 160. 
 Vakro RR. 1, 2, 27 (charm against the gout) terra pestem teneto, solus hie maneto 
 (saturnian). Vekg. A. 4, 487. Buc. 8, 80. Hor. E. 2, 1, 138. Tib. 1, 2, 53. 
 Mommsen EG. I 6 , 221. 459. Cf. § 11. Also Buciieler, RhM. 34, 343. Bergk, op. 
 1, 556. 
 
 d) Legal Monuments and Liteeatdee. 
 
 86. The constantly increasing legal insecurity and inferiority 
 in which the Plebeians found themselves, when compared with 
 the Patricians, after the abolition of the royal power, led after 
 many struggles at the beginning of the 4th century v.c. to the 
 design and introduction of a common law of the country, by which 
 the existing customs, most of them merely traditional and not 
 fixed in writing, were at length systematised, and materially 
 improved by the recently gained experience and the knowledge 
 acquired of foreign states and laws ; a process resulting in the 
 legislation of the XII tables. Thus the civil law was regulated 
 both theoretically and practically, laws of a religious and criminal 
 character and some referring to the police being also included. 
 These laws were at an early time commented upon, in order to 
 keep them in harmony with practical law and the development 
 of the language. 
 
 1. a. 300/454 lex Terentilia and the departure of three ambassadors for 
 Greece. They returned a. 302/452, a legislative committee was then appointed 
 (Xviri legibus scribundis), which commenced its functions in May 303 ; at first 
 10 tables were drawn up, and a. 304 two others were added. Hermodoros of 
 Ephesus is said to have assisted them. 
 
 2. The legislation of Solon was fixed on as the model, Cic. leg. 2, 59. 64. Dig. 
 10, 1, 13. 47, 22, 4. Plot. Sol. 21. 23. FHofmann Beitr. a. Gesch. d. griech. und 
 rOm. Rechts ("Wien 1870), p. 1 sqq. 
 
 3. The XII tabulae were fons omnis publici privatique iuris, Liv. 3. 34. Cf. 
 Dionys. 10, 3. Auson. op. 26, 61. Tac A. 3, 27. The two last tables are fre- 
 quently excluded from the usual praise, Cic. de rep. 2, 61. 63. 
 
 4. Diod. 12, 26 §pa%i^ K aX direpirTus (rvyKufLivq- Gell. NA. 20, 1, 4 eleganli 
 atque absoluta brevitate verborum scriptae, but also quaedam obscurissima aid 
 durissima etc. 
 
 5. They were graven on bronze (Liv. 3, 57. Diohys. 10, 57. Diod. 12, 26). 
 After the retreat of the Gauls (365/389) the consular tribunes ordered foedera 
 ox leges (erant autem eae XII tabulae . . .) conquiri quae comparerent (Liv. 6, 1). 
 Until the time of Cicero they were learnt by heart in the schools, Cic. leg. 2, 9. 
 59. In Diodoros' time (12, 26 SUpuve flau^afoM^i") /"<&/" ™" "a0' Vos Kupiv) and 
 
116 THE FIKST FIVE CENTURIES U.C. 
 
 that of A. Gellius (20, 1) they were still in existence. As for the time of 
 Cyprian, nothing certain appears from his rhetorical expression : ad Donat. 10 
 incisae sint licet leges XII tabulis et publico aere praefixo iura praescripta sint, — 
 inter leges ipsas delinqtiitur, inter iura peccatur). 
 
 6. Commentators : Sex. Aelius Catus (Cic. leg. 2, 59. Top. 10. Pompon, dig. 
 
 1, 2, 2. § 38), L. Acilius (Cic. leg. 1.1.), L. Aelius Stilo (§ 148, 1 sqcL.), Ser. Sulpicius 
 Bufus (dig. 50, 16, 237. Fest. 210, 322 cf. 174. 321. 376), Antistius Labeo (Gell. 
 NA. 1, 12, 18. 7, 15, 1. 20, 1, 13), Valerius (Fest. 321. cf. 253. 355. BScholl, XII 
 tabb. p. 35), Gaius (of whose commentary 20 fragments have been preserved in 
 the Digests). 
 
 7. Since Gothofredus (see Otto's Thesaur. iur. rom. 3, 1), the fragments of 
 the XII tables have been collected and explained esp. by HEDikksen, Kritik 
 u. Herstellung des Textes der Zwolftafelf ragmente, Lpz. 1824. Legis XII tabb. 
 reliquiae, ed. prolegomena add. BScholl, Lps. 1866. MVoigt, d. XII Tafeln, 
 Gesch. u. Syst. usw. nebst den Fragmenten, Lpz. 1884 II. Bruns, fontes 5 14.— 
 On the legislation of the XII tables see esp. Schweglek, EG. 3, 1. — OKarlowa, 
 rom. Eechtsgesch. 1, 108. 
 
 87. The concession of the XII tables soon lost part of its 
 value to the Plebeians by the cleverness with which the Patricians 
 succeeded in obtaining the exclusive right of explaining and 
 applying them. Especially their knowledge of the precise forms 
 of legal proceedings (legis actiones), as well as of the days on 
 which they were religiously admissible, was withheld from the 
 Plebeians. 
 
 1. Interpretatio legum, auctoritas prudentum, disputatio fori (ius civile in a 
 limited sense), Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2. § 5. Et interpretandi scientia et actiones apud 
 collegium pontificum erant, ib. § 6 ; cf . Val. Max. 2, 5, 2. 
 
 2. The legis actiones are partly older than the XII tables, esp. those per 
 sacramentum and probably also the one per iudicis (arbitrive) postulationem ; less 
 probably those per condictionem, per manus iniectionem, per pignoris capionem. 
 PEE. 4, 902. ASchmidt, de originibus legis actionum, Frieb. 1857. FLvKellek, 
 rOm. Civilproc, °v. AWach, Lpz. 1883 (and the literature there quoted). 
 
 3. Plin. NH. 33, 17 diebus fastis, quos populus a paucis principum quotidie 
 petebat, cf. Cic. Mur. 25. Cf. § 74. 
 
 88. This state of things was improved by Cn. Flavius Anni 
 f. as curule aedile a. 450/304 publishing, with the assistance of 
 Ap. Claudius, a calendar of the religious festivals and the legis 
 actiones : Fasti and ius Flavianum. 
 
 1. Liv. 9, 46 Cn. Flavius . . . civile ius repositum in penetralibus pontificum 
 evulgavit fastosque circa forum in albo proposuit ut quando lege agi posset sciretur. 
 Plin. NH. 33, 17 Appii Caeci (see § 90) scriba, cuius hortatu exceperat eos dies con- 
 sultando assidue sagaci ingenio. Val. Max. 2, 5, 2. 
 
 2. Legis actiones composuit, Cic. Att. 6, 1, 8 ; cf . de or. 1, 186. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 
 
 2. 7. Sic liber, qui actiones continet, appellatur ius civile Flavianum, Pompon. 1.1. 
 
§ 87-90. LEGIS ACTIONES: CN. FLAVIUS ETC.: AP. CLAUDIUS. 117 
 
 Later on, it was supplemented and continued by Sex. Aelius, who alias actiones 
 composuit et librum populo dedit, qui appellatur ius Aelianum ; cf . § 125, 2. MVoigt 
 (see § 49, 5) p. 328. Query whether there are extracts from the ius Flavianum in 
 Probus de notis ? Mommsen, Lpz. Ber. 1853, 133. 
 
 89. When the sources of the law had thus all become 
 accessible, legal knowledge ceased to belong exclusively to the 
 Patricians : among the earliest jurists we have, besides several 
 Patricians, as the most eminent the Plebeians P. Sempronius 
 Sophus and Tiberius Coruncanius, the first teacher of law. 
 
 1. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2. § 37 fuit maximae scientiae Sempronius, quern populus rom. 
 <ro<pbv appellavit (cos. 450/304, one of the first Plebeian pontifices 454/300, censor 
 455 ; PEE. 6, 974) ; C. Scipio Nasica, qui Optimus a senatu appellatus est (this 
 must be an error, as the one who received, a. 550/204, the surname of Optimus, is 
 in all other passages called Publ. and was consul 563/191 ; PBE. 2, 666), cui etiam 
 publice domus in sacra via data est, quo facilius consuli posset, deinde Q. Mucins 
 
 [? Bynkershoek conjectures Maximus] ... § 38 : post hos fuit Ti. Coruncanius, qui, 
 ut dixi (§ 35), primus prqfiteri coepit. cuius tamen scriptum nullum extat, sed responsa 
 complura et memorabilia eius fuerunt (feruntur Muretus). He was consul a. 474/280 
 and the first Plebeian pontifex maximus. PBE. 2, 722. ESchkadek, Civilist. 
 Magazin 5, 187. 
 
 2. It remains doubtful whether Sophus and Coruncanius owed their sacerdotal 
 dignity to their legal knowledge or vice versa ; Mommsen, BG-. I 6 , 469. 
 
 90. The most prominent figure of this period, in fact a man 
 a century in advance of his own time, was Appius Claudius 
 Caecus (censor 442/312, cos. 447/307 and 468/296), the great 
 Patrician who abolished in the state the limitation of the full 
 right of citizenship to landed proprietors, who broke through 
 the old financial administration, from whom the Roman aque- 
 ducts and streets, the Roman jurisprudence, oratory and gram- 
 mar date their beginning, and with whom begins also the first 
 attempt at Latin prose-composition and at art-poetry. 
 
 1. His elogium: CIL. 1, p. 287 nr. 28 Ok. 539 Wilm. 628. Plin. NH. 35, 12 
 posuit in Bellonae templo (founded by him a. 458/296) maiores suos placuitque in 
 excelso spectari et titulos honorum legi. Feontin. aq. 1, 5 Ap. Olaudio Crasso censore 
 cui postea Caeco fuit cognomen. OHieschfeld, Herm. 8, 476. — Generally Mommsen, 
 BG. I 6 , 454 ; BOm. Porsch. 1, 301. 
 
 2. Pompom, dig. 1, 2, 2, 36 App. Claudius . . . maximum scientiam habuit. hie 
 Centemmanus appellatus est. Appiam viam stravit et aquam Claudiam induxit, et de 
 Pyrrho in urbem non recipiendo sententiam tulit (the famous speech of a. 474/280, 
 preserved long afterwards, see Cic. Brut. 55. 61. Cato m. 16. Sen. ep. 114, 13 
 Tac. dial. 18. 21. Quint. 2, 16, 7). hunc etiam actiones scripsisse traditum est (he 
 rather suggested the legis actiones of Flavius ; Mommsen considers actiones to be an 
 interpolation), primum de usurpationibus, qui liber non exstat. idem . . . B, literam 
 invenit (i.e. distinguished the two sounds r and s in writing, cf. Mommsen, BG. I 6 , 
 470), ut pro Valesiis Valerii essent et pro Fusiis Furii. See, however, on this trans- 
 
118 THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH CENTURIES U ; C. (253-54 B.C.). 
 
 ition HJohdan, krit. Beitr. *. Gesch. d. lat. Spr. (Berl. 1879) 104. The removal of 
 z from the alphabet is also ascribed to him (Martian. Cap. 3, 261). HJordan 1.1. 
 155. LHavet, rev. de philol. 2, 15. GMeyer, ZfoG. 31, 122. Cf. § 93, 6. 
 
 3. Sollers iuris atque eloquentiae consultus, Liv. 10, 22 ; of. 19. He was the first 
 author who wrote down and published any prose work (see § 35, 1). 
 
 4. Cic. Tusc. 4, 4 mihi Appii Caeci carmen, quod valde Panaetius laudat epistola 
 quadam quae est ad Q. Tuberonem, Pythagoricum videtur. Cf. Pest. 317 in Appii 
 sententiis. Ps.-Sall. ad Caes. de rep. 1, 1, 2 quod in carminibus Appius ait, fabrum 
 esse suae qxiemque fortunae. Thus perhaps faber suae fortunae unusquisquest ipsus. 
 Pkiscian GL. 2, 384 Appius Caecus: amicum cum vides, obl(iv)iscere miserias etc. 
 (a saturnian). FPE. 36. 
 
 II. 
 
 HISTORY OF ROMAN LITERATURE. 
 
 PAET I. 
 THE TIME <OP THE EEPUBLIC AND OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 First period : from Andronieus to the time of Sulla. 
 
 A. 514/240-670/84. 
 
 91. The centuries during which Rome possessed no literature 
 are those of her real greatness. Her literature arose through 
 the demands of school and stage, when the instruction gained 
 by youths from accompanying their fathers to the market-place 
 and into the Senate appeared no longer sufficient, and when the 
 stage was expected to give continuous and more artistic exhibi- 
 tions besides the customary uncouth farces and dances. 
 
 The Roman literature was from its very beginning under 
 the influence of the Greek. The tentative beginnings of early 
 Roman literary exertion could not develope and assert themselves, 
 in contact with the externally isolated and internally perfect 
 Greek literature which was penetrating into Rome. They were 
 stunted and overpowered by the foreign influence even more 
 than was the Roman faith under the pressure of the Greek. 
 A Roman literature was first wakened into life by the Greek 
 literature, and so developed itself at the expense of the genuine 
 old Roman character. 1 ) But what Roman authorship lost through 
 this involuntary surrender, its foreign teacher amply repaid by 
 severe training, by guarding it against countless errors, and by 
 
 l ) Mommsen EG. I 6 , 876. 
 
§ 91. THE SIXTH CENTURY U.O. (253-154 B.C.) '119 
 
 directing it to the highest examples. The Romans however 
 showed in literature their characteristic strength and genius for 
 assimilation, and made the foreign forms entirely their own. 
 
 The acquaintance with the Greek language and customs is 
 of high antiquity in Italy and Rome. The Latin alphabet is 
 of Greek origin (see below), and likewise the Roman system of 
 weights and measures. We find Greek influence powerful from 
 the time of the Tarquins, and it is proved even by the constitution 
 of Servius and the character of the ludi romani 2 ) ; in religion it 
 was fostered by the Sibylline books. Such names, too, as Codes 
 (KvKXcoyjr), Catamitus (Ganymedes) indicate an early connection. 
 At the beginning of the 4th century u.c. the Roman legisla- 
 tion was improved by using that of Solon, and in the course of 
 that century a separate place for the Greeks (Graecostasis) was 
 made in the Roman forum. After the conquest of Campania, at 
 the beginning of the 5th century u.c, this influence increased 
 considerably : such surnames as Philippus, Philo, Sophus, Age- 
 lastus, were no longer strange, the customs of reclining at dinner, 
 of erecting monuments and epitaphs in memory of the' departed, 
 etc., were then adopted from the Greeks 8 ); and when, at the 
 close of that century, the contact with the Greek parts of the 
 south of Italy became more frequent, the Roman nobles were 
 already able to use the Greek language in their missions, the 
 Roman sailors and traders having understood it even before. 
 Through the numbers of Greek slaves and freedmen even the 
 lower classes at Rome became acquainted with Greek. 
 
 Accordingly the effects were the more rapid and deep, when 
 the first Punic war brought the manhood of Rome into close and 
 lasting contact with Greek culture in Sicily. Thence a taste for 
 refined enjoyments was imported, and it was probably no mere 
 accident that, in the year after the close of the first Punic war 
 (490/264-513/241), Andronicus was enabled to set up the drama 
 at Rome, since which time performances were maintained con- 
 tinually. Even during the war with Hannibal (536/218-553/201) 
 they went on uninterruptedly, inasmuch as most of Naevius' 
 works and one half of Plautus' literary exertions (though perhaps 
 the less fertile half) fall into the time of this war, in which the 
 peculiar virtues of the Roman nation appeared once more in 
 their most brilliant lustre. But when the fearful tension of all 
 
 ») Mommsbs l 6 , 95. 228. 3 ) Mommsen l 6 , 452. Cf. § 83, 7, 
 
120 THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH CENTURIES U.C. (253-54 B.C.) 
 
 powers which, was necessitated by it had relaxed, when the 
 feeling of having escaped an immense danger and the exultation 
 at a final victory increased the relish of all the enjoyments of 
 life 4 ), literature also struck deeper roots at'Eome, especially as 
 its respectability had been secured by the grant of corporate 
 rights to the poetae as early as 548/206. It also chanced a. 
 550/204 that M. Cato brought Ennius to Eome : the future chief 
 of the old Boman party brought him who was destined soon to 
 be the champion of the partisans of Greek literature. Thence- 
 forth Porcius Licinus' words (in Gellius 17, 21) were daily more 
 fully realised : 
 
 Poenico bello secundo Musa pinnato gradu 
 Intulit se bellicosam in Eomuli gentem feram. 5 ) 
 
 Patriotic men were grieved to witness the desertion of national 
 customs and the increasing influence of the foreign element. 6 ) 
 
 The ambition of the aristocracy, increasing equally with their 
 wealth, met the popular eagerness for sights half way ; together 
 with other popular amusements the dramatic performances were, 
 therefore, eagerly attended ; writing plays for them became a 
 tolerably remunerative occupation, and thus besides and after 
 Plautus we find Ennius, Pacuvius, Statius Caecilius, and Terence 
 busily pursuing it. The wars with Philip III. of Macedonia 
 (554/200-557/197) and still more the war with Antiochus (a. 
 563/191 sq.) contributed greatly to the downfall of the old Eoman 
 manners, though they also enlarged the intellectual horizon and 
 put the conception of a universal Empire within nearer reach, 
 increasing also the necessity of exchanging the original Eoman 
 character for Grecian civilisation and its cosmopolitan and 
 refining tendencies. This, indeed, could not be done without 
 mistakes. Unfortunately most Eomans lacked the faculty of 
 discriminating in the foreign element between the valuable or 
 necessary and the inappropriate or harmful ; without reserve 
 or selection they threw themselves into the arms of Grecian 
 civilisation, and were so dazzled by its brilliant lights that they 
 overlooked its deep shadows. At first it was exclusively the 
 
 4 ) The Osoan Atellanae seem also to have come to Eome about this time ; 
 see § 9. 
 
 5 ) Cf. also Hor. E. 2, 1, 162. 
 
 6 ) Cato ap. Gell. 6, 2, 5 si quis in poetica arte studebat . . , grassator vocabatur. 
 Cf. otium graecum Cic. or. 108. 
 
§ 91. THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 121 
 
 nobles wno adopted the new fashion ; above all the circle of the 
 Scipios esteemed and propagated Grecian culture, and also kept 
 tolerably free from its exaggerations. 7 ) Africanus the Elder 
 manifested his desertion of the old Roman mode of thought 
 especially by his familiar saying : numquam se minus esse otiosum 
 quam cum otiosus esset ; B ) and the occupation of his leisure 
 becomes manifest from the charge of his adversaries, esp. Q. 
 Fabius, a. 550/204, that he spent his time over old books and in 
 gymnastics. 9 ) Another very respectable advocate of the Grecian 
 tendency was L. Aemilius Paulus (c. 527/227-594/160). They 
 both wrote and spoke Greek fluently, as did also T. Quinctius 
 Flamininus (cos. 556/198), Ti. Gracchus (cos. 577/177. 591/163), 
 C. Sulpicius Gallus (cos. 588/166), Cn. Octavius and in general all 
 the annalists of the war with Hannibal (Fabius Pictor, Cincius, 
 Acilius). Q. Labeo (cos. 571/183) and M. Laenas (cos. 581/173) 
 wrote verses. 
 
 Even Cato showed at least in Latin prose an eager literary 
 activity, and he who had asserted that the Romans would forget 
 how to act, under the influence of Greek literature, 10 ) was in his 
 old age obliged to learn Greek himself. But already were the 
 symptoms of the decay of the old Roman severity becoming more 
 frequent, 11 ) so much so that a man of the old stamp, like T. 
 Manlius Torquatus, felt strange and solitary in his native town. 13 ) 
 With each generation, nay almost every year, these symptoms 
 become more serious, in the breaking-up of family life, the con- 
 tempt of law and order, and even of the national gods. The 
 opposition of the adherents of the old system grew indeed in 
 the same proportion ; Cato the Elder especially waged fierce war 
 against these tendencies in his censorship (a. 570/184). 
 
 But it was impossible to stop a process resulting from a 
 
 7) See Naevius ap. Gell. NA. 7 (6) 8, 5. Val. Max. 6, 7, 1. 
 
 8 ) Cic. off. 3, 1. Ci ABaldi, die Freunde und Ferderer der grieoh. Bildung in 
 Rom, "Wiirzb. 1875; d. Gegner der griech. Bildung in Rom, Burghausen 1876. 
 ADuput, de Graecis Romanorum amiois aut praeceptoribus, Brest 1879. 
 
 9 ) Liv. 29, 19 ad fin. 
 
 10 ) Cf. § 2, 1 and in Plin. NH. 29, 14 quandoque ista gens suas literas dabit omnia 
 corrumpet. 
 
 n ) Lit. 26,2,15 (a. 543/211) eum (Cn.Fulvius) in ganea lustrisque, ubi iuventutem 
 egerit, senectutem acturum. 
 
 1S ) Liv. 26, 22, 9 (a. 543/211) neque ego vestros mores consul ferre potero neque vos 
 imperium meum. Cf. the frequent complaints of Plautus about the growing mores 
 malt, e.g. Trin. 30. 531. 1028. 
 
122 THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH CENTURIES U.C. (253-54 B.C.) 
 
 thousand unavoidable circumstances, to oppose the great change 
 then accomplishing itself with irresistible power, in the religion, 
 life and customs, in the thoughts and actions of the nation. 
 Though the new culture was made solely responsible for the evils 
 of the time, yet this convenient reproach, which made it possible 
 to shift the blame, was by no means proved. Besides, the means 
 employed were often absurd and not to the purpose. Thus a. 
 581/173 the Epicurean philosophers Alkaios and Philiskos were 
 banished from Rome, a. 593/161 the philosophers and rhetores latini 
 were again expelled, a. 599/155 the Athenian ambassadors (whose 
 chief was Karneades) were sent home as soon as possible. But 
 then again a. 587/167 the Senate decoyed one thousand noble and 
 highly educated Achaeans (Polybios among them) into Italy, and 
 there detained them as hostages during 17 years. Altogether the 
 policy of shameless selfishness, which was pursued by the Roman 
 Senate during this period, and reached its climax in their abomin- 
 able conduct towards the unhappy, prostrate city of Carthage 13 ) — 
 the frivolous wars tending to nothing but aggrandisement and 
 enrichment waged by Rome continuously after the second Punic 
 war — destroyed the old Roman character far more effectually than 
 Grecian art and philosophy could ever have done. Henceforth 
 there was a fearful increase in internal corruption, immorality, 1 *) 
 bribery, an insatiable eagerness for riches, disregarding every- 
 thing else and impudently setting aside laws, orders of the Senate 
 and legal proceedings, making war unauthorised, celebrating 
 triumphs without permission, plundering the provinces, robbing 
 the allies. Ignominious treaties and conclusions of peace became 
 more and more frequent. Instead of by character (virtus) as of 
 old, Rome now extended its power by deceit, perfidiousness and 
 diplomatic craft. A certain culture did indeed gradually spread 
 itself even among the great multitude ; a fact borne out by the 
 mere occurrence 15 ) of numerous foreign words in Plautus (and 
 Ennius), and by the ludi scenici gaining the superiority over 
 the circenses. 16 ) But the plays of the palliata, which were the 
 
 13 ) On this Macchiavellian policy see CPetek, Studien zur rom. Gesch., Halle 
 1863, 115. Even such an ardent admirer of the Romans as Polybios is thereby 
 repeatedly roused to outbursts of indignation ; see 31, 18 ; cf . 31, 8. 12. 19 extr. 32, 2. 
 
 ") Cf. Polte. 31, 24 and esp. 32, 11 (p. 1096 Bk.). 
 
 15 ) Mommsen EG. I 6 , 877.— FOWeise, d. griech. Worter im Lat., Lpz. 1882; 
 EhM. 38, 547. GASaalfeld, Tensaurus italo-graecus, Wien 1884 etc. 
 
 16 ) At the end of the Republic there were 66 days annually appropriated to 
 festivals : of these 2 days were occupied with feasts (epulae), 16 days with ludi 
 
§ 91. THE SIXTH AND (§ 92) THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. 123 
 
 principal food offered to the people in the dramatic exhibitions, 
 could not do much, towards preserving the old austerity of 
 morals. 17 ) 
 
 92. The work nearly finished in the 6th century was com- 
 pleted in the 7th; the year 608/146 brought the destruction 
 of Carthage and Corinth. "With Carthage, the stimulus for 
 continued valour and expertness in war disappeared for ever. 
 The very man who was obliged to destroy Carthage, a man more 
 far-seeing than the old zealot Cato, deplored its fall ; the fall of 
 Corinth and the abolition of Greek independence caused numbers 
 of Greeks to emigrate to Eome, there to make up for the loss of 
 their home. The peculiar Eoman character had now come to an 
 end, and for ever : Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit. From 
 the 6th into the 7th century the noble figure of Africanus 
 minor (569/185-625/129) attracts our attention, he who was the 
 friend of Panaitios and Polybios ; around him congregated all 
 who tried to keep above water in this sea of egotism, greediness 
 and immorality : among his contemporaries, besides Terence, his 
 brother Q. Fabius Maximus (cos. 609/145), his brother-in-law 
 Q. Aelius Tubero, M'. Manilius (cos. 605/149), the younger Laelius 
 (cos. 614/140), D. Junius Brutus (cos. 616/138), L. Furius Philus 
 (cos. 618/136), Sp. Mummius, Sex. Pompeius, P. Eupilius (cos. 
 622/132), C. Lucilius (born 574/180) ; among the younger men, 
 the sons-in-law of Laelius, C. Fannius and Q. Mucius, as well as 
 the younger Tubero, P. Eutilius, A. Verginius and others. 1 ) But 
 the stronger the opposition in which these circles found them- 
 selves in their thought and action to the dominant tendency, the 
 more they fell into aristocratic seclusion and so much the less 
 became their influence. 
 
 The rottenness of the nobility and the internal corruption 
 of the upper classes became manifest in the Numantine war 
 (611/143-621/133) and roused the Gracchi (621/133-631/123) to 
 their efforts ; they stand forth prominently in the war with 
 Jugurtha (643/111-648/106) and enable the rude force of Marius, 
 
 oiroenses (and preparations), but 48 days with ludi scenici. In the calendar of 
 a. 354 a.d. (§ 74, 8) there are marked 175 days for ludi, of these 10 gladiatorial, 64 
 oircensian, hut 101 scenic. Mommsen, CIL. 1, p. 378. Fhiedlander, SG. 2 6 , 272. 
 
 17 ) Sometimes it becomes manifest that this culture was only a slight Tarnish 
 which gave way as soon as the rigour of discipline was relaxed. Cf. e.g. Polyb. 
 30, 13 (from Athen. 14, p. 615) in the year 587/167. 
 
 l ) Cf. Cic. Lael. 101. 
 
124 THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH CENTURIES U.C. (253-54 B.C.) 
 
 himself a man of insignificant intellect, to gain marvellous suc- 
 cesses. His ignorance of Greek was exceptional in his time, 2 ) 
 especially among the ruling class ; 3 ) the performances of Greek 
 plays at Eome in the original Greek attest the great extent of 
 this knowledge. Many inscriptions of this period are written 
 in the two languages, and the Eomans, who formerly in their 
 palliatae denoted themselves as barbari, now share the lead with 
 the Greeks : they leading in politics, and the latter in culture. 
 The Roman writers of the period acknowledge the superiority of 
 the Greek literature, some by resigning all rivalry in formal 
 polish, as Lucilius did, and others again by striving after correct- 
 ness and elegance in a higher degree, as e.g. L. Accius ; many 
 were by blind imitation even led to shallow trifling, e.g. the 
 erotic epigrammatists. The political situation led to increased 
 extension and refinement of the popular amusements. 4 ) The 
 drama therefore still held the principal place in literary pro- 
 duction. Tragedy was, in the 7th century, respectably repre- 
 sented by L. Accius ; in the comedy palliata, togata, the artistic 
 Atellana and Mimus succeeded each other rapidly, but in this 
 succession attest a continuous descent, in accordance with the 
 taste of the mob, to plebeian farces and to vulgar spectacular 
 amusement. The epos was still kept up by the impulse it 
 received in the middle of the 6th century (through Naevius and 
 Ennius), without, however, deriving any further encouragement 
 from contemporary history. In general, poetical production had 
 nearly died out with the exception of the drama, and Lucilius 
 and the erotic poets alluded to. The nation itself was destitute 
 of poetical power and aspiration, nor did the internal disturbances 
 admit of sufficient mental tranquillity. On the other' hand, 
 historical composition, oratory and jurisprudence were forced in 
 the atmosphere of political strife and grew rapidly both in extent 
 and depth. Among the historical writers the most remarkable 
 in the 7th century u.c. are Piso Frugi, Antipater, Asellio, also the 
 latest of the Annalists, Valerius Antias, Sisenna and Licrnius 
 Macer. The most brilliant orators, after C. Gracchus, are 
 M. Antonius and L. Crassus. Jurisprudence is best represented 
 
 2 ) Saul. lug. 85, 32. 
 
 8 ) P. Crassus, cos. 623/131, knew five Greek dialects: see § 133, B ad fin. 
 4 ) Cf. § 12, 2. The attempt at reform made hy the censors of a. 639/115 was 
 an exception and remained without further consequences ; see § 9, 7. 
 
§ 93. LANGUAGE AND PROSODY. 125 
 
 by the two Q. Scaevolas, the augur and the pontifex. Learned 
 investigation was carried on diligently in all branches after the 
 middle of the 7th century, in prose as well as in verse, though, 
 with the exception of L. Aelius Stilo, generally not by native 
 Roman citizens. 
 
 93. As regards language and prosody these two centuries are 
 a period of most active development, and include all the three 
 grades through which Eoman poetry passed, that of the satur- 
 nian, the dramatic and the dactylic poets. As early as the 6th 
 century u.c. the Latin was in danger of falling into something 
 like the Umbrian loss of endings, of weakening all its suffixes, 
 losing its declensions, and thus passing even then into the con- 
 dition of the Romance languages. Old Latin had a strong 
 tendency to degrade the long vowels, especially when final. 
 The high-tone, by giving importance to the accented syllable, 
 often had the effect of weakening adjacent long syllables 
 (whether long by nature or position) and reducing them to short 
 ones. Especially in iambic words or combinations the long 
 syllable was shortened by the accent falling on the short one. 
 Final consonants were slurred in pronunciation and became less 
 and less audible. The nasals blended readily with the follow- 
 ing vowel and disappeared. Lastly, little words in common use 
 were clipped by being mispronounced or only half sounded. The 
 oldest poets, especially Plautus and the other dramatic writers, 
 struggling with their foreign material and writing for the people, 
 readily availed themselves of the licences, which the fluctuating 
 pronunciation of everyday life afforded for their versification. 
 In respect of metre they are equally negligent : they showed 
 little sensitiveness regarding hiatus, in the theses (except the 
 last) they put short or long syllables indifferently ; indeed the 
 saturnian verse allowed of the arses being quite suppressed : a 
 liberty which the dramatic writers of course avoided under the 
 guidance of their Greek models. They also delighted in allitera- 
 tion, employing it for the sake of cohesion as well as for orna- 
 ment. 1 ) 
 
 ') Even the later artistic poetry did not disdain alliteration, which always 
 continued popular in prose phraseology. Recent writings : WEbrabd, d. Allitt. 
 in d. lat. Spr., Bayr. 1882. CBoetticher, de allitt. ap. Rom. vi et usu, Berl. 
 1884. HJordan, Beitr. z. Gesch. d. lat. Spr. (Berl. 1879) 167. EWomtlin, d. allit- 
 ter. Verbindd. d. lat. Spr., Munch. SBer. 1882 2, 1. GLandgraf, de figuris etym- 
 
126 THE SIXTH AND SEVENTH CENTURIES U.C. (253-54 B.C.) 
 
 Ennius first strove for greater strictness in these points. S 
 final was left disregarded even by him, and must have been 
 almost inaudible before consonants in his time; only by the 
 poets towards the close of the Republic was it recognised as a 
 full sound. But in all other things Ennius has the merit of 
 having resolutely put an end to this state of indecision and 
 irregularity, by attributing a normal value to each sound in 
 accordance with its accurate Eoman pronunciation, and thus 
 classifying every syllable according to its value as either long 
 or short. 3 ) In connection therewith a fixed rule was applied to 
 thesis, and hiatus was systematically avoided. For his new 
 prosody Ennius introduced also into Eoman literature a new 
 measure, the Greek dactylic hexameter. It is true, his influence 
 extended only to the written language and the conversational 
 language of the educated classes, which was formed on it ; while 
 the simple practice of everyday life for some time longer pur- 
 sued its own peculiar development. 3 ) Not only did the saturnian 
 metre continue for some time even after the introduction of the 
 hexameter, but there was even in the 7th century a kind of 
 plebeian prosody, in which the hexameter was indeed employed, 
 but with all the prosodiacal licences of the dramatic poets of the 
 6th century, adhering also to the practice of solving the arsis ; 
 
 ologiois lat., Acta Erl. 2, 1. JBinz, Phil. 44, 262 ; see further under the several 
 authors. 
 
 2 ) It must not be supposed that Ennius reformed the prosody on any rigid 
 or arbitrary system. He rather rescued the language, in its transitional stage 
 of development, from an early decline, which the older poets had prepared by 
 admitting the licences of the popular speech. — The people apprehended the 
 quantity of the syllables in virtue of their unerring linguistic instinct, not from 
 any scholastic instruction. Cic. de orat. 3, 195 omnes tacito quodam sensu sine ulla 
 arte aut ratione quae sint in artibus ac rationibus recta ac prava diiudicant, idque 
 . . . ostendunt magis in verborum numerorum vocumque iudicio, quod ea sunt in 
 communibus infixa sensibus nee earum rerum quemquam funditus natura esse voluit 
 expertem. itaque non solum verbis arte positis moventur omnes, verum etiam numeris 
 ac vocibus. quotus enim quisque est qui teneat artem numerorum ac modorum f at in 
 his si paullum modo offensum est ut aut contractione brevius fieret aut productione 
 longius, theatra tota reclamant. or. 173 in versu theatra tota exclamant, si fuit una, 
 syllaba aut brevior aut longior. nee vero multitudo pedes novit nee ullos numeros tenet 
 nee illud quod offendit aut cur aut in quo offendat inteUegit : et tarnen omnium longitu- 
 dinum et brevitatum in sonis sicut acutarum graviumque vocum iudicium ipsa natura in 
 auribus nostris collocavit. parad. 3, 2. 
 
 8 ) The omission of final m and s occurs in inscriptions even in the first third 
 of the 7th cent. u.c. — GEdon, ecriture et prononciation du Latin savant et du 
 Latin populaire, Par. 1882. ESeelmasn, d. Ausspraehe des Lat., Heilbr. 1885. 
 
§ 93. LANGUAGE AND PROSODY. 127 
 
 specimens of this we possess in the inscription of Mummius 
 (§ 163, 8) and the so-called sortes Praenestinae. 4 ) But to Ennius 
 belongs the credit of having arrested the imminent breaking-up 
 of the language, at least in literature, for several centuries. 
 
 The language itself was fixed about this time : so was its 
 rendering in writing. The Latin alphabet 6 ) is descended from 
 the Greek alphabet used by the Chalkidian colonies in Campania 
 (Kyme and Neapolis). This old Latin alphabet consisted of 
 21 letters, among which were C (in the 3rd place = gr. T), Z 
 (in the 7th place), K, Q, X (this last at the end). K disappeared 
 from use at a very early date, being represented by C instead. 
 Later, when the need appeared for a distinction between the 
 smooth (tenuis) and middle (media) gutturals, the freedman of 
 Sp. Carvilius, cos. 520/234 and 526/228 (§ 128) invented the sign 
 Gr by slightly altering the C, and put it in the place of the 
 almost unnecessary and little used Z, 6 ) which was only restored, 
 (together with Y 7 ) in the time of Cicero and was then placed 
 at the end of the alphabet. Thus the alphabet of Carvilius 
 likewise consisted of 21 letters. Other regulations of writ- 
 ing are connected with the names of poets, since in the fluctu- 
 ating state of the Latin language and the scarcity of a fluent 
 practice in writing, the poets had also to be grammarians, in 
 order to express the spoken language accurately in writing. 8 ) 
 Thus Ennius is reported first to have employed the doubling 
 
 4 ) Bitschl, op. 4. 400. LMullek, d. saturn. Vers 80. 
 
 s ) Cf. Mommsen, die unteritalischen Dialekte (Lpz. 1850), 3 ; EG-. I 6 , 210 ; bull. 
 1882, 91. 101. Kirchhoff, Stud. z. Gesch. d. gr. Alphab. 4 117. 127. 133. Ritschl, 
 opusc. 4, 691. 765. WSchmitz, Beitr. z. lat. Sprach- u. Literaturkunde, Lpz. 1877. 
 "WDeecke in Baumeister's Denkm. d. kl. Altert. 1, 50. 
 
 6 ) Z was read by the ancients in the carmen Saliare (Vet.,. Long. GL. 7, 51, 6) : 
 we find it in the Dvenos inscription (§ 83, 5) and on coins of the end of the 5th 
 cent. tJ.c. (DIE. 1, 9). After the loss of Z that sign was replaced till about the 
 time of Cicero by S or SS. HJokdan, Krit. Beitr. (Berl. 1879) 155 ascribes the 
 removal of Z and the introduction of G to Appius Claudius (§ 90). The earliest 
 extant inscriptions with G are not older than the time of Carvilius, so that no 
 evidence can be deduced from them against the tradition. Cf. also LHavet, rev. 
 d. philol. 2 (1878), 15. 
 
 7 ) The Chalkidian V (=w) was employed in the old Latin alphabet to repre- 
 sent the Latin vowel u (and the Greek u) as well as the labial spirant v. The 
 digamma F, which was the equivalent of the latter sound in the Chalkidian 
 alphabet, was utilised in the Latin for the labiodental spirant f. Y is not found 
 in inscriptions before the end of the 7th cent. u.c. 
 
 e ) Very much in the same way as the earliest compositors (esp. of Greek) 
 were obliged to be scholars. 
 
128 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 of consonants. 9 ) L. Accius expressed the long quantity of the 
 vowels AEU by doubling them, 10 ) and Lucilius discriminated the 
 two sounds I and EI — all with this result, that their example 
 exercised a certain, though not always immediate or constant, 
 influence on the orthography of the most important documents 
 of their time. 11 ) The vocalisation of Latin was systematised very 
 gradually in these two centuries. In the older language the 
 fluctuations are numerous and marked, especially between and 
 U, likewise between E and I (and also in respect of AI and AE, 
 EI and I, OU and U). In the inscriptions and E begin to give 
 way about 520/234 in the case-endings and verb-endings where 
 U and I were subsequently established. But it was only be- 
 tween 5B0/204 and 568/186 that TJ and I permanently prevailed 
 over and E, 12 though the sequences UV VTJ ITU, and likewise 
 the doubling of vowel I or the coupling of consonant and vowel 
 I, were regularly avoided. The aspirates in Greek words were at 
 first represented by the corresponding tenues ; from 650/104 they 
 began to be expressed by the signs CH TH PH. 13 ) Here as well 
 as in the adoption of Y and Z we notice the endeavour to assimi- 
 late Greek usage. 
 
 A. THE SIXTH CENTUKY U.C. 
 
 I. Poets. 
 
 94. Andronicus (c. 470/284-550/204) came as a young man, 
 most probably at the time of the capture of Tarentum (a. 482/272), 
 
 9 ) Fest. s.v. solitaurilia. The evidence of the inscriptions accords with this : 
 though one example Hinnad CIL. 1, 530. 6, 1281 DIE. 1, 117 of a. 543/211 occurs 
 before the time when Ennius wrote. But here the Greek name "Ewa facilitated 
 the doubling. Otherwise this is first found (and then along with the simple style) 
 in the decree of L. Aemilius Paulus a. 565/189 (§ 123, 8) CIL. 2, 5041 DIE. 1, 96.— 
 Bitschl. op. 4, 48. 231 ; pi. Excurse 1, 17. WWeissbkodt, specimen grammaticum 
 (Cohl. 1869), 34 ; quaest. gramm. 2 (Braunsberg 1872), 10. EBaheens, JJ. 127, 774. 
 — The sicilicus (') is occasionally employed to indicate a doubled consonant (Mar. 
 Vict. Q-L. 6, 8) ; see EHubnek, Herm. 4, 413 ; exempla script, epigr. lxxti. 
 
 10 ) This is supported by the inscriptions: the earliest example (paastores) 
 a. 622/132 CIL. 1, 551. 10, 6950 DIE. 1, 275. Bitschl. op. 4, 142. 
 
 ") WWeissbkodt, specimen grammaticum, Cobl. 1869 ; quaest. gramm. 2, 3 
 (de simplic. et geminatis consonantibus latt.) by the same. 
 
 12 ) Bitschl, op. 4, 224. Mommsen, BhM. 9, 464. 
 
 ls ) These signs were also employed out of place and superfluously, and such 
 mistakes were perpetuated in several instances throughout the Boman literature. 
 E.g. the spelling Bosphorus. Cf . Catull. 84. Quintil. 1, 5, 20. AFleckeisen, JJ. 99, 
 656. 101, 458. On the representation of in Latin writing see Mommsen, Herm. 
 14, 65. 
 
§ 94. ANDRONICUS. 129 
 
 to Eome, and being a prisoner of war became the slave of a 
 certain Livius, perhaps the same as the victor of Sena, M. Livius 
 Salinator. He gained his living by private instruction in Latin 
 and Greek, was manumitted and received the name of L. Livius 
 Andronicus. For his pupils he translated the Odyssey into Latin 
 saturnians, but awkwardly and not without flagrant mistakes. 
 Being besides an actor, he wrote his own text-books ; these he 
 likewise translated from the Greek, esp. tragedies, in doing which 
 he imitated the easier Greek measures and kept the popular 
 alliteration. The first performance of a complete play of this 
 kind took place a. 514/240, the year after the successful termina- 
 tion of the first Punic war. In the year 547/207 he was com- 
 missioned to prepare an intercessory hymn to the Aventine Juno ; 
 he composed, probably in the same year, a song of thanksgiving 
 for victory, namely that of his patron at Sena. For his sake 
 the poets received the grant of corporate rights, and a place/was 
 assigned them for their meetings and votive offerings ii/ the 
 temple of their tutelary goddess Minerva on the Aventine hill. 
 
 1. The praenomen L. (Gell. 6, 7, 11. 17, 21, 42. Fest. 297>>, 7. Cassiod. see n. 
 2). The deviation of the praenomen from that of his former master is in 
 accordance with the custom of this period ; see EHubner in IwMliller's Handb. 
 1, 521. From a confusion with the name of the historian T. is several times 
 erroneously given. (Non. 207, 23. 368, 25. Hieuon. see n. 2.) 
 
 2. Cassiod. chron. ad a. 515/239 : his corns, ludis romanis (at which the earliest 
 stage-plays a. 390/364 appear to have previously taken place, § 6, 3) primum tra- 
 goedia et comoedia a Lucio Livio ad scaenam data. On the other hand a. 514/240 
 Livius primus fabulam C. Claudia Caeci filio et M. Tuditano coss. docu.it ap. Cic. Brut. 
 
 ■ 72, who appeals to Atticus and to antiquicommentarii (§ 95, 4), and at the same time 
 refutes the errors of Accius (§ 134, 7), who owing to a confusion of the second 
 with the first capture of Tarentum stated that Andronicus had come a. 545/209 
 from Tarentum to Rome, and there first produced » piece a. 557/197 C. Cornelio 
 Q. Minucio coss. ludis luventatis quos Salinator Senensi proelio voverat. For the 
 date 514/240 cf. also Cic. Cato mai. 50 (with the following notice: vidi [the speaker 
 being Cato b. 520/334] Livium senem : qui . . . usque ad adulescentiam meam 
 processit aetate) and Gell. 17, 21, 42. An erroneous account is also given by 
 Hiekonym. chron. ad a. 1830 (Bongars. ad ». 1831) =567/187 (perhaps owing to a 
 confusion of M. Livius Salinator, cos. 547/207, with C. Liv. Salin., cos. 566/188) : 
 Titus Livius tragoediarum scriptor clarus habetur, qui ob ingenii meritum a Livio 
 Salinatore, cuius liberos erudiebat, libertate donatus est. 
 
 3. Sceton. gramm. 1 antiquissimi doctorum, qui iidem et poetae et semigraeci 
 erant, — Livium et Fjnnium dico, quos utraque lingua domi forisque docuisse adnotatum 
 est — nihil amplius quam Graecos interpretabantur aut si quid ipsi latine composuissent 
 
 4.1iiv.7,2,8Livius . ., qui absatur is (§6) ausus est primus argumento fabulam 
 severe idem scilicet, id quod omnes turn erant, suorum carminum actor. Cic. leg. 2, 
 39 itheatra) quae solebant quondam conpleri severitate iucunda Livianis et Naevianis 
 B.L. K 
 
130 THE SIXTH CENTURY D.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 modis. From a good source the glossae Salomonis (§ 42, 9 ; see Usener, RhM. 28, 419) : 
 jRomae tragoedias comoediasque primus egit idemque etiam ccmiposuit Livius Andronicus, 
 duplici toga (laena=<rify>,ua, the train of Greek tragedy ; see EhM. 23, 676) in- 
 
 5. The titles of the tragedies of Andr. are Achilles, Aegisthus, Aiax (masti- 
 gophorus), Andromeda, Danae, Equos Troianus (on this see RLallier, Melanges 
 Graux, Par. 1884, 103), Hermiona, Ino (for the choral hymn in this see § 13, 5), 
 Tereus. The fragments collected in Ribbeck's trag. 2 1-6. Comedies were Glad- 
 iolus, Ludius, Virgus (? Ribbeck proposes Verpus). Fragments in Ribbeck, 
 Com. 2 p. 3 sq. Liv. Andron. et Naevi fabularum frag, emend, et adnot. LMuller, 
 Berl. 1885. 
 
 6. Cic. Brut. 71 et Odyssia latino, est sic tamquam opus aliquod Daedali €t 
 Livianae fabulae non satis dignae quae iterum legantur. Gell. NA. 18, 9, 5 qffendi 
 in bibliotheca Patrensi librum verae vetustatis Livi Andronici, qui inscriptus est 
 'Odia-creia, in quo erat versus primus ' virum inihi, Camena, insece versutum.' 1 The 
 Odyssia chiefly seems to be meant in the mention of the carmina Livi as a, 
 school-book used by Orbilius, Hor. E. 2, 1, 69. The Odyssey is quoted as one 
 book (Liv. in Odissia and so forth ; once only Prisc. GL. 2, 321 in I Odissiae). 
 The fragments of the Od. e.g. in the collections of saturnians by Havet and 
 Muixer see § 62, 3. Wordsw. EL. 289. FPR. 37 and elsewhere. 
 
 7. Liv. 27, 37 (a. 547/207) decrevere pontifices (in expiation of a, bad omen) ut 
 virgines ter novenae per urbem euntes carmen canerent. . . . conditum ab Livio 
 poeta . . . carmen in lunonem reginam (of the Aventine) canentes, Ula tempes- 
 tate forsitan laudabile rudibus ingeniis, nunc abhorrens et inconditum, si referatur 
 . . . — Fest. 333 cum Livius Andronicus bello Punico secundo scripsisset carmen quod 
 a virginibus est cantatum, quia prosperius resp. {res MHertz) populi rom. geri coepta 
 est, publice adtributa est ei in Aventino aedis Minervae, in qua liceret scribis histrioni- 
 busque consistere (Mommsen, Herm. 7, 309) ac dona ponere, in honorem Livi, quia is et 
 scribebat fabulas et agebat. On this 'collegium poetarum' (§ 134, 2) see OJahn, 
 Lpz. Ber. 1856, 294. ARiese, Heidelb. Philologenvers. (Lpz. 1866) 161. LMuller, 
 Q. Enn. 30. Hence the scribae histrionesque were ranked with the other collegia 
 opificum and artificum. To this guild of poets the older and highly esteemed 
 collegium tibicinum is very nearly related. Marquardt, rOm. Staatsverw. 3 2 , 
 138. 
 
 8. Livii Andr. fragm. coll. HDuntzer, Berl. 1835.— ALDollek, de vita Livii 
 Andr., Dorp. 1838. Teotfel, PRE. 4, 1118. OGuhther, ZfdGW. 14, 809. Mommsen, 
 RG. I 6 , 881. Ribbeck, rOm. Trag. 19 ; rOm. Dicht. 1, 15. 
 
 9. Of the time of Livius, but not by him, is the Nelei carmen (GL. 1, 84, ut in 
 Odyssia vetere , . . etin Nelei carmine aeque prisco), from which fragments in 
 iambic metre are preserved through Festus and Charisius ; (perhaps a tragedy). 
 FPR. 53. Ribbeck's trag. ? p. 233 seq. rOm. Trag. 629. — A carmen Priami (in 
 saturnians) Varro LL. 7, 28. On this see HJordan, Beitr. z. Gesch. d. Lat. Spr. 
 133. 
 
 95. Cn. Naevius, a native of Campania, but of Latin extrac- 
 tion, was one of the actors in the first Punic war ; he began to 
 exhibit plays in the year 519/235, in general in the manner of 
 Andronicus, but with more talent and originality, and with a 
 preference for comedy. The inconsiderate candour with which ■ 
 
§ 95. NAEVIUS. 131 
 
 lie assailed in them even leading statesmen (though he did this 
 in a genuine Roman manner) caused him first to be thrown into 
 prison and then to be exiled ; he died in exile c. 555/199. In his 
 later years he attempted a poetical treatment of the first Punic 
 war, the events of which he had himself witnessed, and in this 
 he used the saturnian measure. Through this national tendency 
 of his, he also created a new kind of drama, the praetexta, and 
 for centuries retained the kindly recollection of his nation. Even 
 in the scanty fragments left to us we seem to feel the traces of 
 a fresh, energetic, talented and self-possessed mind. 
 
 1. Gell. N A. 1, 24, 1 trium poetarum illustrium epigrammata, Cn. Naevi, Plauti, 
 M. Pacuvi, quae ipsi fecerunt (but see § 115, 2) et incidenda sepulcro suo rdiquerunt 
 . . . epigramma Naevi plenum superhiae campanae (cf. Cic. leg. agr. 2, 91. Liv. 
 9, 6, 5) . . . : Immortales mortales siforetfas flere, flerent divae Camenae Naevium 
 poetam. itaque postquam est Orci traditus thesauro obliti sunt Bomai loquier lingua 
 latina. Spurious portrait of Naevius : JJBernoulli, rom. Ikonogr. 1, 234. 
 
 2. Gell. 17, 21, 44 anno post Bomam conditam quingentesimo undevicesimo . . . 
 Cn. Naevius poetafabulas apud populum (primum ? but see Cic. Cato 50. Brut. 72, 
 73) dedit, quern M. Varro in libris (libro? of. 1, 24, 3) de poetis primo stipendia 
 fecisse (consequently N. was not himself an actor, see Mommsen, EG. I 6 , 899) ait 
 hello poenico primo, idque ipsum Naevium dicere in eo carmine quod de eodem hello 
 scripsit. 
 
 3. Gell. 3, 3, 15 de Naevio accepimus fahulas eum in carcere duas scripsisse, 
 Sariolum et Leontem, cum oh assiduam maledicentiam et prohra in primores civitatis 
 de graecorum, poetarum more dicta, in vincula Romae a triumviris coniectus esset. 
 unde post a tribunis plehis exemptus est, cum in his quas supra dixifabulis delicta sua et 
 petulantias dictorum, quihus multos ante laeserat, diluisset. Ps. Ascon. on Cic. Verr. 
 act. pr. 29 (p. 140 Ok.) dictum facete et contumeliose in Metellos antiquum Naevii est 
 *fato Metelli Bomai fiunt consules] cui tunc Metellus consul (a. 548/206 see § 123, 2) 
 iratus verm responderat . . . ' dahunt malum Metelli Naevio poetae ; ' see MTWende, 
 de Caeciliis Metellis 1 (Bonn 1875), 81. The imprisoned Naevius is mentioned 
 with sympathy by Plaut. mil. 211 : 6s columnattim poetae esse indaudivi bdrbaro, 
 quoi hini custddes semper tdtis horis dccuhant (cf. Paul. Pesti 36, 2). 
 
 4. Hiebon. chron. on a. 1816 = 553/201 Naevius comicus Uticae moritur, pulsus 
 Roma factione nohilium ac praecipue Metelli (Metellorum?). Cic. Brut. 60 his con- 
 sulihus (a. 550/204), ut in veteribus commentariis (in which? see § 94, 2) scriptum est, 
 Naevius est mortuus ; quamquam Varro noster, diligentissimus investigator antiquitatis, 
 putat in hoc erratum vitamque Naevi producit longius. Varko was no doubt right ; 
 Naevius was born c. 485/269 or 490/264. 
 
 5. Tragedies: Andromacha, Danae, Equos troianus, Hector proficiscens, 
 Hesiona (Aesiona), Iphigenia, Lycurgus. Fragments in Bibbeck, trag. 2 p. 6 ; in 
 LMOllek, see § 94, 5. Cf. Eibbeck, rOm. Trag. 44. 
 
 6. Praetextae: Clastidium (on the victory won there by M. Marcellus a. 
 532/222 ; cf. § 14, 2) and Eomulus. Eibbeck trag. 2 p. 277. MHaupt, op. 1, .189. 
 Gbacjeht, Phil. 2, 115. Rotes, ib. 7, 591. LMuller, Q. Ennius 84. 
 
 7. Comedies: Acontizomenos, Agitatoria, Agrypnuntes, Appella, Ariolus, 
 Astiologa, Carbonaria, Chlamydaria, Colax, Commotria, Corollaria, Dementes, 
 
132 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 Demetrius, Dolus, Eigulus, Glaucoma, Gymnasticus, Lampadio, Nagido, (Nautae?), 
 Nervolaria, Paelax, Personata, Proiectus, Quadrigemini, Satura (? see n. 9), 
 Stalagmus, Stigmatias, Tarentilla, Technicus, Testicularia, Tribacelus, Triphal- 
 lus, Tunicularia. Tlie fragments in Bibbeck, com. 2 p. 5, in LMuller see § 94, 5. 
 Much is uncertain, esp. on account of the frequent confusion with Laevius, Livius 
 and Novius. The plays with Latin titles may possibly be the later ones. But 
 all belong to the palliata; Naevius, however, seems to have dealt more freely 
 with the originals than even Plautus, and he already practised contamination 
 (§ 16, 9. Teh. Andr. prol. 7). 
 
 8. Bellum punicum (poenicum). Cic. Cato 40 si habet aliquod tamquam pabulum 
 studii atque doctrinae, nihil est otiosa senectute iucundius . . . quam gaudebat bello 
 suo punico Naevius ! — Suet, de gramm. 2 C. Octavius Lampadio (§ 138, 4) Naevii 
 Punicum bellum . . . uno volumine et continents scriptura expositum divisit in 
 septem libros. Santea ap. Non. 170, 21 quod volumen unum nos lectitavimus, id postea 
 invenimus septemfariam divisum. Also in the earlier quotations from Naevius' 
 bell. pun. the work is quoted not according to books, but as a whole ; see Bucheler, 
 BhM. 40, 149. LMuller's edition of Ennius, p. xxii. — A certain Cornelius and 
 Virgilius are mentioned as commentators by Varro LL. 7, 39. — Cic. Brut. 75 Naevi 
 . . . bellum punicum quasi Myronis opus delectat . . . et luculente quidenb 
 (Naevius rem scripsit), etiamsi minus quam tu (Ennius) polite. The first two books 
 contained the mythical history of Borne and Carthage (Anchises, Aeneas, Anna, 
 Dido), and the third opened with the first Punic war. The subject was treated in 
 a prosaic manner, much like the style of a mediaeval chronicle, but with rhyming 
 a mythological framework after the Homeric manner (Juno as the enemy, Venus 
 as ' the friend of the Trojans, Juppiter and Apollo take a personal part in the 
 action). Horace's indignant question (E. 2, 1, 53) : Naevius in manibus non est et 
 mentibus haeret paene recens ? may be supposed to relate to this heroic poem. The 
 fragments ed. IVahlen, Lpz. 1854 and in LMuller's ed. of Ennius (cont. also 
 quaestt. Naev. p. xx), see § 104, 6. FPU. 43. Wordsw. EL. 292. 
 
 9. Pest. 257", 29 ut apud Naevium . . . in satyra, etc. Perhaps a comedy 
 (n. 7) as there were comedies similarly entitled by Atta and Pomponius ? Others 
 understand satires : fragments conjectured to belong thereto FPB. 51. — On the 
 supposed preservation of Naevius down to the Middle Ages, see BForster, BhM. 
 37, 485. — EKlussmann, Cn. Naevii vitam descripsit, reliq. coll., Jena 1843. PEE. 
 5, 396. Mommsen, BG. 1«, 899. 892. 917. Eibbeck, r6m. Trag. 44 ; rom. Dicht. 1 
 20. DdeMoor, Cn. Nevius, Tournai 1877. JVillemain, l'instr. publ. 10 (1821), 142. 
 
 96. T. Maccius Plautus -was born c. 500/254 in the Um- 
 brian town of Sarsina (which, at that time, can hardly have been 
 altogether Latinised), of free, but poor parents. Having at first 
 worked for the stage at Rome, he lost his savings through 
 speculation ; he then for some time worked in a treadmill, and 
 afterwards gained his subsistence by Latin versions of Greek 
 comedies, until his death a. 570/184. Great uncertainty pre- 
 vailed as to the number of his plays, especially when the public 
 became accustomed to consider as Plautine any comedy of the 
 palliata class, and of the time of Plautus (many of which prob- 
 ably existed only in stage copies) . Varro divided them into three 
 classes: 21 considered genuine by all, then those which were 
 
§ 96. plautus. 183 
 
 probahl3£__geiiume, and last of all spurious plays. Those of the 
 first class (fabulae Varronianae) are no doubt those which we still 
 possess. 
 
 1. Sarsina was the last town of Italy proper, which so late as 488/266 offered 
 opposition to the Romans. The name T. Maocius (instead of M. Aooius) was elicited 
 from the Ambrosian MS. (at the end of Cas. Men. Epid. ; Merc. 6) and Gell. 3, 3, 9 
 by Eitschl, de nominibus Plauti, Parerga p. 3, and was defended by MHertz (T. 
 Maccius Plautus or M. Accius Plautus? Berl. 1854: de Plauti nominibus epime- 
 trum, Bresl. 1867), against Geppert, Jahn's Arch. 19, 262 ; cf. Eitschl's ed. of 
 Mercator p. xi. A recent defence of M. Accius by ECocchia, riv. de filol. 13 (188*),£ 
 97; on the other side LMantegazza, Bergamo 1885, and especially ChrHclsen, 
 Berl. phil. "Wochenschr. 1886, 420.— In Asin. prol. 11 {Demiphilus scripsit, Mdccus 
 vortit bdrbare) the name Maccius is spelt either in the latter form, or in the forms 
 Maccis or Mdcius. B&cheler, EhM. 41, 12, pertinently conjectures that maceus here 
 means ' buffoon ' (§ 9, 3), and is a nickname given to Plautus as a writer of comedies, 
 from which he on becoming a Roman citizen deduced for himself the family name 
 of Maccius (CIL. 5, 2437. 6, 1056, 81. 10, 8148). Plotus {Plautus) meant in Umbrian 
 a flat-footed man, Fest. 238 ; hence the only evidence for Accius : Paul. Festi 239, 4 
 poeta Accius, quia Umber Sarsinas etc. (in Fest. 238", 34 only . . . us poeta quia 
 Umber etc., is preserved). 
 
 2. Cic. Brut. 60 Plautus P. Claudio L. Porcio coss. (a. 570/184) mortuus est, Catone 
 censore. In Cato 50 he mentions among the instances of the occupations of senectus : 
 quam gaudebat . . . Truculento Plautus, quam Pseudulo (performed a.'563/191) ! 
 This agrees also with other data. Cf. Eitschl, de aetate Plauti, Parerga p. 45. It 
 must therefore be an error when Hierontm. on Euseb. chron. 1817 (Bong. 1818) = 
 550/200 reports : Plautus ex Umbria Sarsinas Romae moritur (moratur, MHertz ; 
 others assume an error for clarus habetur). — Gell. 1, 24, 3, epigramma Plauti, quod 
 dubitassemus an Plauti foret (§ 115, 2), nisi a M. Varrone positum esset in libro de 
 poetis primo : Postquam est mortem aptus Plautus, comoedia luget, scaena est deserta 
 ac dein risus, Indus iocusque et numeri innumer'i simul omnes conlacrimarunt. 
 
 3. Gell. 3, 3, 14 Saturionem et Addictum et tertiam quandam . . . in pistrino 
 eum scripsisse Varro et plerique alii memoriae tradiderum, cum pecunia omni quam in 
 operis artificum scenicorum (as a stage artificer) pepererat in mercatibus perdita inops 
 Romam rediisset et ob quaerendum victum ad circumagendas molas quae trusatiles ap- 
 pellantur operam pistori locasset. Hieronym. 1.1. (see n. 2) : qui propter annonae 
 difficultatem ad molas manuarias pistori se locaverat, ibi quotiens ab opere vacaret 
 scribere fabulas sol it us ac vender e. 
 
 4. Gell. 3, 3, 11 feruntur sub Plauti nomine comoediae circiter centum atque triginta, 
 Serv. praef. in Aen. p. 4, 15 Th. : Plautum alii dicunt unam et viginti fabulas scrip- 
 sisse, alii quadraginta, alii centum. The last number is probably (as MHertz sup- 
 poses) from a different source to the 130 ; Eitschl, Parerga 126. 173 thinks otherwise, 
 Gellius 1.1. 12 homo eruditissimus L. Aelius XXV eius {Plauti) esse solas existimavit. 
 Of Varro we are told ib. 3, 3, 1 sqq. that he distinguished his classes according to 
 his personal feeling and judgment, as to whether a play was worthy of Plautus or 
 not : (3) nam praeter illas XXI quae Varronianae vocantur, quas idciro a ceteris segre- 
 gavit, quoniam dubiosae non erant, sed consensu omnium Plauti esse censebantur, quasdam 
 item alias probavit, adductus filo atque facetia sermonis Plauto congruentis, easque iam 
 nominibus aliorum occupatas Plauto vindieavit. Eitschl conjectures that Varro put 
 19 plays in this second class {di>n\ey6fism) and thus explains the number 40 in Servius, 
 perhaps (p. 128) : 22. Saturio ; 23. Addictus ; 24. Boeotia ; 25. Nervolaria ; 26. Fre* 
 
134 THE SIXTH CENTURY TJ.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 turn ; 27. Trigemini ; 28. Astraba ; 29. Parasitus piger ; 30. Parasitus medicus ; 
 31. Commorientes ; 32. Condalium ; 33. Gemini lenones ; 34. Feneratrix ; 35. Frivo- 
 laria; 36. Sitellitergus ; 37. Fugitivi; 38. Cacistio (? Cooistrio GLowe, prodrom. 
 glossar. 291 j ; 39. Hortulus ; 40. Artemo. To the 3rd class (y60a) may then belong 
 (ib. p. 154) : 1. Colax ; 2. Carbonaria ; 3. Aoharistio ; 4. Bis compressa ; 5. Anus ; 
 6. Agroecus; 7. Dyscolus; 8. Pago (? Phago JBPius, Paplago MHertz, rament, 
 Gell. mant. Bresl. 1868, 20, Arpago, GL5we, prodr. glossar. lat. 292) ; 9. Cornieula ; 
 10. Caloeolus ; 11. Baocaria (on the name see "Lowe 1.1. 292) ; 12. Caecus aut Prae- 
 dones. In Eitschl, opuso. 3. 177 is the commencement of a collection of fragments 
 (Acharistio to Boeotia). PI. fabb. deperditt. frgm. coll. FWinter, Bonn 1885. But 
 that the 21 (only the last, Vidularia, is lost, see § 97, 21), which we still have are the 
 Varronianae (of the first class, the 6fw\oyoi/j.eva) is of itself highly probable. Varro's 
 authority brought it to pass that the plays acknowledged by him were treated with 
 preference in copying and reading. 
 
 5. The origin of the critical difficulty appears from Gell. 3, 3, 13 non dubium 
 est quin istae (all ?) quae scriptae a Plauto non videntur et nomini eius addicuntur 
 veterum. poetarum fuerint et ab eo retractatae atque expolitae sint ac propterea resipiatU 
 stilum plautinum. This might apply only to plays of Andronicus and Naevius ; see 
 Eitschl, Parerga 96. In § 10 Gellius mentions also that in Varro's liber de comoediis 
 plautinis id quoque scriptum, Plautium fuisse quempiam poetam comoediarum, whose 
 plays had been mixed up with those of Plautus, on account of the similarity of the 
 names (gen. Plauti), but this does not help us much : see Bitschl 95 sq. But 
 MHektz (de Plautio poeta ac pictore, Bresl. 1867) has at least proved that such a 
 Plautius did once exist. The principal cause of the confusion is (Eitschl 113) that 
 the name ' Plautine ' became a kind of collective appellation of the principal period 
 of the palliata, the anonymous plays being put to the account of a famous name, or\ 
 the managers also intentionally ascribing them to Plautus. Cf . Mommsen, EG. I 6 , \ 
 901. — On the whole question see Eitschl, the fabulae "Varronianae of Plautus,/ 
 Parerga 71. I 
 
 97. The 20 extant plays are arranged in the MSS. in nearly 
 alphabetical order, which has, however, been departed from in 
 the case of the Bacchides in favour of chronological order. The 
 following list contains their names according to the usual 
 arrangement : — 
 
 For editions of the whole or parts see § 99, 11. 
 
 1) Amphitruo, the only Plautine play with a mythological 
 (comic-marvellous) plot, treated with complete mastery over the 
 language and with sparkling humour. Its original and the time 
 of its composition are unknown. 
 
 1. There are confusions of persons as in the Menaechmi, but involving two 
 pairs instead of one, and not as there owing to accidental resemblance, but in con- 
 sequence of intentional imitation. On account of the mixture of divine and human 
 characters the play is denoted as tragicomoedia in the prologus. The original be- 
 longs no doubt to the New Comedy, and was neither a play of Archippos (old Attic 
 Comedy) nor of Ehinthon. See Vahlen, BhM. 16, 472. It was perhaps performed 
 as late as the 4th and 5th century of the Christian era. See Arnob. adv. nat. 4, 
 35. 7, 33. Prudent, perist. 10, 226. Augustin. epist. 202. After act 4, 2 there is a 
 
§ 97. PLAUTUS: EXTANT PLAYS. 13& 
 
 gap of several scenes, or 300 lines, caused by the loss of a quaternio ; in the 15th 
 century this was filled up by Hermolaus Barbarus in a manner very unsuccessful 
 both as to form and contents. 
 
 2. Edited separately by FLindemann (Lps. 1834), FWHoltze (Lps. 1846). 
 APalher, Lond. 1890.— FOsahn, der A. des PI., EhM. 2 (1834), 305. Welcker, 
 griech. Trag. 1478. Steinhofp, Proleg. zu PI. A., Blankenb. 1872. 79 II. EHoff- 
 mann, de PI. Amph. exemplari et fragm., Bresl. 1848. JSchroder, de fragm. Amph. 
 Plaut. I. Strassb. 1879. SBrandt, EhM. 34, 575. HKOstlin, Phil. 36, 358. 
 OEibbeck, EhM. 38, 450. Mediaeval revision of the Amph. by Vitalis : § 436, 9. 
 
 2) Asinaria, with a farcical plot, but varied and lively 
 characters and scenes of great comic power. It is taken from 
 Demophilos' 'Ovayo?, and was written c. B60/194. 
 
 1. On Prolog, v. 11. see § 96, 1. Eitschl, op. 2, 683, cf. JJ. 97, 212.— Ed. by 
 EJEichter, Nurnb. 1833. Criticism : LHavet, rev. de phil. 6, 148. Bibbeck, EhM. 
 37, 54. 
 
 3) Aulularia, one of the best plays of Plautus, both in 
 plot and in execution, containing the portrait of a miser. The 
 conclusion is lost. 
 
 1. The original was no doubt » play of the New Comedy. On account of 3, 5 
 it must have been written after the abolition of the lex Oppia, i.e. after 559/195; 
 Ladewig in ZfAW. 1841, 1085. GABWolff, proleg. ad PI. A., Naumb. 1836. 
 WWagner, de PI. A., Bonn 1864. CMFranckeh, het origineel v. PI. Aul., Versl. 
 en Mededeel. 2 (1882), 11. 
 
 2. Editions by Goller (Cologne, 1825), JHildyard (Lond. 1839), WWagner 
 (Cambr. 2 1876), EBenoist (Par. 5 1878), CMFrancken (Groningen 1877).— OFLoeenz, 
 Collationen der codd. B. u. D. zur Aul. des PL, Berl. 1872. HAKoch, JJ. 107, 839. 
 GGotz, act. Lips. 6, 310. KDziatzko, EhM. 37, 261. — On the Querolus, an imitation 
 of the Aulularia, see § 436, 9. 
 
 4. Captivi, a pathetic piece without female characters or 
 love-intrigue, and without active interest (stataria), though well 
 constructed and enlivened by the character of the parasite. 
 
 1. On the question, whether the parasite is a genuine addition of Plautus, see 
 EHerzog, JJ. 113, 363. Separately edited by CEGeppert (Latin and German, Berl. 
 1859), JLUssing (Copenh. 1869), JBrix (Leipz. 4 1884), with crit. app. and Bentley's 
 emendatt. to the whole of Plautus (cf. § 99, 13) by ESonnenschein, Lond. (also Lpz.) 
 1880. 
 
 2. Lessing, Werke 3, 77. 127. Cf. WHertzberg, preface to his transl. p. xix. 
 —JBrix, Emendatt. in PI. Capt., Liegnitz 1862. BDombart, BlfdbayrGW. 5, 157. 
 197 ; JJ. 123, 185. ASpengel, Phil. 37, 415. FMartins, quaestt. Plaut. (cap. 2, 3), 
 Halle 1879. 
 
 B) Curculio (guzzler), the comical name of the parasite in 
 the play ; the plot insignificant. Composed soon after 561/193. 
 
 1. Cure. 4, 2, 23 allusion to the lex Sempronia (Liv. 35, 7) of the year 561/193 
 Teuffel, Studien u. Char. (1871) 262. A kind of parabasis in 4, 1 is remarkable. 
 On this HJordan, Herm. 15, 116. 
 
136 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 2. Edition by CEGeppert (Lat. and Germ.), Berl. 1845.— LMekcklin, Symb. 
 exeget, ad Cure. Pl„ Dorp. 1861. ASpengel, Phil. 26, 354. MVoigt, EhM. 27, 168. 
 GGotz, EhM. 34, 603. Fleckeisen, JJ. 121, 122. Eibbeck, Lpz. Ber. 1879, 80. 
 Bucheler, EhM. 39, 285. WSoltau, Cure. act. Ill interpret., Zabern 1882. 
 
 6) Casina, adapted from the KK-qpovfievoi of Diphilos, though 
 with the addition of obscenities in coarse Boman taste, which 
 may also have caused the loss of the concluding scenes. The 
 extant play is no doubt an abridgment made for later per- 
 formances, but the author of the prologue was evidently ac- 
 quainted with the complete play. 
 
 1. Teuffel, Stud. u. Charakt. 257. Mommsen, EG. I 6 , 892 concludes from 
 5, 4, 11 that the play was written before the prohibition of the Bacchanalia (a. 
 568/186), against Bitschl, Parerga 191 ; cf. also E's Opuso. 2, 658. 
 
 2. The supposed theatre-ticket with the inscription Casina Plauti (Ok. 2539) is 
 spurious. Mommsen, Lpz. Ber. 1849, 286. FWieseler, Denkm. des Buhnenw, 
 (Gbtt. 1850), 37 on t. 4, 13; de tesseris . . . theatralibus 1 (GOtt. 1866), 3. 
 
 3. Edition (in us. lectt.) by Geppert, Berl. 1866.— ThLadewig, EhM. 3, 185. 
 Mommsen, ib. 10, 122. Pleckeisen, krit. Miscellen (Dresd. 1864), 5. CFuhrmann, 
 JJ. 99, 480. Geppert, on the Cas. in the -cod. Ambr., ZfGW. 17, 625. Studemund, 
 ib. 18, 526, and Emend, plaut. (1871) 3. 15. Pleckeisen and Eitschl, JJ. 103, 637. 
 Bergk, kl. Schr. 1, 410. HAKoch, JJ. 105, 638. CMFrancken, Mnemos. NS. 
 7, 184. 
 
 7) Cistellaria, scarcely one half of which is preserved, 
 perhaps also from a stage-edition. The plot is very much like 
 that of the Epidicus. 
 
 1. In the prologue (1, 3, 54) a single mention of the still unfinished war with 
 Hannibal. — Edition : LEBenoist, Lyon 1863. — ThLadewio, EhM. 3, 520. Teuffel, 
 Stud. 260. Studemund, Emend, plaut. 1871, 7 ; Herm. 19, 456. 
 
 8) Epidicus, the plot varied, but somewhat complicated, 
 and without much humour and vivacity. It must have been 
 written after 559/195. 
 
 1. The complicated plot may perhaps be explained (according to Ladewig 
 ZfAW. 1841, 1086, but against him EMuller 1.1. 5 and LEeinhardt in Stude- 
 mund's Studien 1, 103, with JJ. Ill, 194) by assuming contamination, and may 
 itself account for the unfavourable reception of the play, whereas the poet (Bacch. 
 215) blames for this Pellio, the actor of the leading part (§ 16, 14). — 2, 2, 40 pre- 
 supposes the abolition of the lex Oppia sumptuaria (a. 559/195). 
 
 2. Editions by FJacob (Liib. 1835) and CEGeppert, Berl. 1865.— EMuller, de 
 PI. Epidico, Berl. 1865. GLangrehr, de PI. Epid. in the Miscellanea philol. (G6tt. 
 1876) 9. GGotz, acta Lips. 6, 283. 322. CMFrancken, Mnemos. NS. 7, 184. 
 ThHasper, ad Epid, conieqtanea, Dresd. 1882. CSchredinger, obss. in Epid., Miin- 
 nerst. 1884. — Translation by FJacob, Liib. 1843. — On the plays nos. 1-8: GGotz, 
 symb. orit. ad priores PI. fabulas, Lps. 1877. 
 
 9) Bacchides, one of the best plays both in plan (esp. in the 
 
§ 97. PLAUTUS: EXTANT PLAYS. 137 
 
 masterly working-up of the intrigue) and as regards the cha- 
 racters. The first scenes were lost with the last part of the 
 Aulularia between the 4th and 6th centuries a.d. The original 
 was most likely Menander's A \% et-airarStv. It was performed 
 a. 565/189. 
 
 1. On the contents and remains of the 2 or 3 scenes which are lost see Bitschl, 
 op. 2, 292. Bibbeck BhM. 42, 111. The bad supplements found in old editions 
 are most probably by Antonio Beccadelli of Palermo (§ 99, 8). 
 
 2. Contamination is not probable ; see Teuffel, stud. u. Charakt. 256. On 
 supposed later revision see WBrachmann, Lpz. Stud. 3, 57 and EAnspach, Bonn 
 1882, and against it PWeise, Berl. 1883. — It must have been written before 568/186 
 on account of lines 53 and 1073 (allusion to the four triumphs of the year 565/189) : 
 see Bitschl, Parerga 423. GGOtz, acta Lips. 6, 315. 
 
 3. The present placing of the play (after Epid.) dates only from the 5th cen- 
 tury a.d., and is founded on line 214 B. Bitschl, Parerga 391; cf. op. 2, 321. 
 Studemund, Festgruss z. Wilrzb. Philologenvers. (1868) 39. 
 
 4. Editions by FEitschl (Hal. 1835), GHermann (Lps. 1845). — Articles: 
 Bitschl, Parerga 391 and op. 2, 292. FVFritzsche, Bostocker Sommerkatalog 
 1846. Schneidewik, BhM. 2, 415. MHEMeier, op. 2, 330. ThLadewig, Phil. 17, 
 261. Teuffel, BhM. 30, 317 ; JJ. 113, 539. 
 
 10) Mostellaria (the haunted house), a play with a well- 
 contrived plot and a variety of happily invented situations and 
 well-drawn characters. 
 
 1. Probably adapted from Philemon's <£a<r,ua; cf. Pest. 162. 305 Plautus in 
 Phasmate. Bitschl, Parerga 159. 272. 431. Comic quotation of himself by Phi- 
 lemon, retained by Plautus v. 1149: Si amicus Diphilo aid Philemoni es etc. 
 FLeo. Herm. 18, 560. 
 
 2. Editions by ALorenz, Berl. 2 1883. WBamsat, Lond. 1869. SBugge, Chris- 
 tiania 1873. EMorris, Bost. 1880. EASonnenschein, Cambr. 1884. — IAStamkart, 
 commentarius in PI. Most., Amst. 1858. — Cf. Lorenz, Phil. 27, 543. ASpengel, ib. 
 28, 725. BEllis, journ. of philol. 11, 161. FLeo, Herm. 18, 558. 
 
 11) Menaechmi, in all probability the most excellent of the 
 Plautine comedies, describing the merry mistakes and compli- 
 cations arising from the very great resemblance of twin brothers. 
 The original and time of this play are unknown. 
 
 1. Argumentum sicelissat (prol. 12) is said with reference to the birthplace of 
 the twins only. It is very doubtful whether Poseidippos' Aldvfwi ("Ofioioi) was the 
 original (Ladewig, Phil. 1, 275) ; see Teuffel, Stud. 263. Bibbeck, rom. Dicht. 
 1 125. 2, 3, 60 bears out, in some degree, the supposition that it was composed 
 before a. 539/215. In any case the Menaechmi is among the earliest of the plays of 
 Plautus which have been preserved to us. 
 
 2. Editions by JHildyakd (Cambr. 1840), CEGeppert (Lat. and Germ., Berl. 
 1845), JBrix (Leipz. 3 1880). WWagner (Cambridge 1878). JVahlen, Berl. 1882.— 
 Vahl'en, BhM. 16, 631. 27,173. Herm. 17, 599. 603. 610. Teuffel, Stud. u. Charakt. 
 
138 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 263. LSchwabe, JJ. 105, 403. KDziatzko, ib. 107, 833. PLangen, de Men. 
 prologo, Miinster 1873; Phil. 33, 708. Eibbeck, EhM. 37, 531. JBkix, JJ. 131, 
 193. JHOnions, journ. of Philol. 1885, 53. 
 
 3. ALStiefel, d. Menachmenfabel, in the Symbolae philol. ad LSpengel., 
 Munch. 1877 ; Blf dbayrGW. 15, 309. 340. ThZielinski, quaestt. com. 71.— PESon- 
 nenburg, de Men. PI. retractatione, Bonn 1882. GGotz, EhM. 35, 481. 
 
 12) Miles gloriosus, the exaggerated portrait of a brag- 
 gadocio, not without prolix passages, and rather careless as to 
 the plot, but overflowing with most felicitous humour. 
 
 1. This is the traditional and correct title: see WHertzberg, transl. 356. 
 AEiese, EhM. 22, 303.— Lessing, "Works 7, 90 and Fleckeisen, EhM. 14, 628 
 preferred Gloriosus. — The original of the play, according to 2, 1, 8, is the 'AXafiic of 
 some Greek poet, and in the introductory scene also Menander's K6Xa{ (WABecker), 
 or Diphilos' MpqaiTeixqs (Eitschl). Cf. Teuffel, Stud. 273. Eibbeck, Alazon, 
 Beitr. z. antiken Ethologie ; together with the transl. of PI. Mil. glor., Lpz. 1882. — 
 The time is later than a. 550/204 (on account of v. 211 sq.) and earlier than 568/186 
 (on account of 1016). The play contains no lyrical portions; Eitschl, op. 3, 29. — 
 For parallels to the story of the abduction: EZarncke, EhM. 39, 1. 
 
 2. Editions by ALorenz (Berl. 2 1886), JBrix (Lpz. 2 1882, together with JJ. 
 115, 337). OEibbeck, Lps. 1881. EYTyrrell, Lond. 2 1885. 
 
 3. Eitschl, op. 2, 404 (de argumento acrosticho Mil. gl.). 3, 789. FVFritzsche, 
 Eostocker Index Sommer 1850. MHauft, op. 2, 135. 3, 399. Eibbeck, EhM. 12, 
 594. 29, 13. 36, 116. ASchone, ib. 18, 157. HAKoch, JJ. 101, 61. Fleckeisen, ib. 
 101, 846. SBugge, Phil. 30, 636. ALorenz, ib. 30, 578. 32, 270. 406. FSchmidt, 
 Unterss. ilb. d. Mil. gl., JJ. Suppl. 9, 321. ThBirt, EhM. 40, 521. 
 
 13) Mercator, with a plot resembling the Casina, probably- 
 performed not before 558/196. Its original was Philemon's 
 "Efnropo?. 
 
 1. The time has been deduced from 3, 1, 28 by Ladewig, Zf AW. 1841, 1085 ; 
 cf . Eitschl, Parerga 344. Critical contributions by Eitschl, op. 2, 395. JBrix, Phil. 
 12, 650. FBOcheler, EhM. 15, 428. GGotz, ib. 31, 635. OEibbeck, emendatt. in 
 Merc, Lps. 1883.— On the prologue see Dziatzko, EhM. 26, 421. 29, 63. LEeinhakdt, 
 de retractatis fabb. PI., Greifsw. 1872. = Studemund's Studien 1, 80. 
 
 14) Pseudolus, a mature production in its whole character 
 and form, but rather loose in construction; performed a. 563/191. 
 
 1. On the form of the title PseudSlus (see the puns on dolus 1205. 1244) 
 =** uSi/Xos OSeyffeut, Phil. 25, 448. Fleckeisen, JJ. 93, 9. Cf . ib. 242. OLorenz, Phil. 
 35, 153. Against this and for Pseudulus Eitschl, op. 3. 7 ; cf. 3, 332.— Didascalia : 
 M. Junio M. fil. pr. urb. (a. 563/191) acta Megalesiis. Accordingly the first perform- 
 ance took place on the consecration of the temple of the magna mater (cf. 2, 4, 19), 
 on the 10th of April of that year (Eitschl, Parerga 286. 295). Cf. Cic. Cato 50 
 quam (gaudebat in senectute) Truculento Plautus, quam Pseudulo ! — Berg k maintains 
 that this comedy was an adaptation of a play of the Middle Comedy: EhM. 
 20,290. 
 
 2. Editions by Eomeijn (Baventr. 1836), ALorenz (Berl. 1876).— With Eud. and 
 
§ 97. PLAUTUS: EXTANT PLAYS. 139 
 
 True, denuo reo. et expl. FHBothe, Lps. 1840. — HUsener, Pseud, scaena secunda 
 recogn., Greifsw. 1866. AKiessling, BhM. 23, 411. ALorenz, Phil. 35, 153. 
 FSchmidt, in the Miscellanea philol. (Gott. 1876) 20. JBiux, JJ. 115, 327. JHil- 
 bekg, ZfoG. 28, 34. 
 
 15) Poenulus, not without blemishes in its plot and division, 
 but famous for the Phoenician passage in it. It was performed 
 565/189. Its original was a play called Kap^Bovio^, probably 
 by Menander. 
 
 1. On the faults and chronology of this play see Teuffel, Stud. 274. Cf. 
 LBeinhardt in Studem. Stud. 1, 109. At a later performance the title was changed 
 to Patruus pultiphagonides (prol. 54). The present fourth act (817 sqq.) should be 
 placed before v. 439 : GGotz, de compos. Poen., Jena 1883. The last scene exists 
 in two texts, not agreeing with each other, but of about the same age ; Eitschl, 
 Parerga 601. ThHaspee, de Poen. duplici exitu, Lps. 1868. Cf. GGotz, acta Lips. 
 6, 253. 326. CMFrancken, de Poen. compositione, Mnemos. 4 (1876), 146. GLaxg- 
 hehr, de PI. Poen., Friedland 1883. 
 
 2. Edition by Geppert, Berl. 1864. — On the Punic (5, 1) recent notice by 
 JGildemeistek in Gotz-LOwe's edition. GHEMEN,de Hannonis in Poen. precationis 
 recensione punica, Marb. 1882. — Critical : Eitschl, op. 5, 552. HAKoch, JJ. 107, 
 241. GGotz, act. Lps. 6, 328. KSchueth, de Poen. quaestt. crit., Bonn 1883. On 
 the prologue : OBenndorf, ZfoG. 26, 83. JSommerbrodt, BhM. 31, 129. 
 
 16) Persa, a play describing the intrigues of slaves, with a 
 
 simple plot, which is, however, in some respects carried out in 
 
 a very lively manner. 
 
 1. ThLadewig, on the canon of Vole. Sed. 38 (composed a. 557/197). GGotz, die 
 AufFuhrungszeit des Persa (a. 568/186), BhM. 30, 162.— Cf. the same writer acta 
 Lips. 6, 297.— AvanJisendijk, de Plauti Persa, Utrecht 1884. 
 
 17) Eudens (the Cable), remarkable rather for the merry 
 and witty execution of many scenes than the plot of the whole. 
 The original by Diphilos. Time about 562/192. 
 
 1. Editions by FVReiz (Lps. 1789), CEChrSchneider (Bresl. 1824), FHBothe 
 (see Pseud.), Geppert (Berl. 1846), LEBenoist (Par. 1864). 
 
 2. Teuffel, Stud. 276.— Kamfmann, adnott., Oels 1830. CMFrancken, Mnemos. 
 3 (1875), 34. JBrix, JJ. 131, 200. On the prologue: KDziatzko, BhM. 24, 570. 
 On the fishermen's chorus : see § 16, 3. 
 
 18) Stichus, performed 554/200 ludis plebeis, a bourgeois 
 comedy without intrigue, second-rate. 
 
 1. The didascalia preserved in the cod. Ambros. calls the original Adelphoe\ 
 Menandru. The play by Menander, reproduced in Terence's Adelphi, is out of the I 
 question on account of the difference of contents. Eitschl, Parerga 270 (who with 1 
 KFHermann understands Menander's $i.\i.6e\<pot), Studemund 1.1. and others consider 
 the didascalia corrupt. It appears more probable that two different plays of [ 
 Menander bore the name of Adelphi (cf. Schol. Plat. p. 276 nal MfravSpos iv 'A5c\<po?s 
 p). See FSuhOli,, JJ, 119, 44. 
 
140 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 2. Eitschl, Parerga 261. Bergk, op. 1, 36. Teufpel, Stud. 277. Dziatzko, 
 EhM. 21, 82. ASpengel, Phil. 28, 728. WStudemund (de actae Stichi Plautinae 
 tempore), comment. Mommsen. (Berl. 1877) 782. GGOtz, acta Lips. 6, 302. HBuch- 
 holtz, Phil. 36, 720. FLeo, EhM. 39, 470. 
 
 19) Trinummus, a very pretty family piece, without female 
 characters, of measured plan and tone (stataria). Exhibited not 
 before 560/194. The original was Philemon's Orjaavpo?. 
 
 1. Editions by GHermann (Lps. 1800 and 1853), Geppert (Latin and German, 
 Berl. 1844. Lpz. 1854), JBkix (Lpz. 8 1879), WWagner (Cambridge 2 1875), 
 ASpengel (Berl. 1875), CEFreeman and ASloman, Oxford 1883, ECocchia, Turin 
 1886. 
 
 2. Eitschl, de actae Trin. tempore, Parerga 339. De interpolation Trin., ib. 
 511. MHEMeier, op. 2, 321. Bergk, kl. Schr. 1, 53. 615. FVFritzsche, Bostoek 
 Ind. 1849 sq. Studemund, der pi. Trin. im cod. Ambrosianus, EhM. 21, 574. Cf . 
 Herm. 1, 304. 310. Contributions to the criticism of the text by OEibbeck, EhM. 
 27, 177. Teuffel, ib. 485. 28, 344. 31, 472. 632; JJ. 105, 831. Eitschl, op. 3, 146. 
 FScholl, acta Lips. 2, 457. GLowe, JJ. Ill, 533 ; coniect. Plaut., Lps. 1877, 61. 
 HSchenkl, Wien. Stud. 2, 154. 
 
 3. Translated by FOsthelder (Speier 1852 sq.) and WWagner (Frankf. 1861). 
 
 20) Truculentus, performed about 565/189, defective in its 
 present form as regards the characters, full of broad and unre- 
 strained humour, somewhat prolix in parts. The principal 
 character is a greedy meretrix. 
 
 1. Cic. Cato 50 (see § 96, 2). Teuffel, Stud. 279. LEeinhardt in Studem. 
 Stud. 1, 93 (de compositione True). On the prologue see KDziatzko, EhM. 29, 5L 
 Was the original the SiKvcixios of Menander ? ? FScholl, 1.1. 15, and in the praef . 
 to his edition. Against this FSchmidt, GGA. 1.1. Eibbeck, Alazon 79. 
 
 2. Editions by Goller (Cologne, 1824), FHBothe (see Pseud.), Geppert (Berl. 
 1863), ASpengel and WStudemund (Gott. 1868). 
 
 3. The MS. material is very corrupt. Criticism : CEChrSchneider, Vratisl. 
 1834. ASpengel, lectt. Plaut., Munch. 1866. JBrix, Epistula ad ASpengelium, 
 Liegnitz, 1868. AKiessling, JJ. 97, 609. ThBergk, kl. Schr. 1, 680. Fleckeisen, 
 JJ. 101, 616. 647. 709. 781. 848. 103, 460. 809. Cf. 105, 366. 569. 832. SBugge, ib. 
 107, 401 ; HAKoch, ib. 419. BDombart, Phil. 28, 731. JMahly, Blfdbayr. Gymn. 
 9, 113. FScholl, acta Lips, 2, 458 ; divinationes in True, Lps. 1876. GGotz, acta 
 Lips. 6, 288. GLowe, coniectan. Plaut. 52. FSchmidt, Gott. gel. Anz. 1877, 951. 
 Eibbeck, EhM. 37, 417. EBahrens, JJ. 125, 473. KDziatzko, JJ. 127, 61. EEllis, 
 journ. of Phil. 12, 256. 
 
 4. GEGeppebt, on the so-called Italian revision in the True, in his Plautine 
 studies, 1 (1870), 87. EKellerhoff, complete text of the True from the Paris MS. 
 7889 with the variants from F, and the collations by Geppert, Oldenb. 1886. 
 
 21) Vidularia, ' story of the travelling trunk,' perhaps after a SxeSia (pro- 
 bably by Diphilos), very similar in its contents to the Eudens. Being the last 
 play of the collection it was lost (only during the Middle Ages). Eemains of it 
 are extant in the Milan palimpsest. In addition there are quotations in some of 
 
§ 98. PLAUTUS: CHARACTERISTICS. 141 
 
 the grammarians. WStudemund, de Vidularia plautina, Greifsw. 1870 ; Verh. d. 
 Karlsruher Philol.-Vers., Lpz. 1883, 33 (which contains also a complete collection 
 of the fragments). 
 
 98. Plautus is wholly a comic and popular poet, -with all the 
 good and bad qualities of such. His position as a playwright, 
 producing rapidly to make a living out of his employment, 
 explains his frequently rough treatment of his Greek original, 
 his dovetailing of two plays, and his carelessness as regards 
 contradictions, improbabilities and the like. But Plautus is not 
 merely a translator. His strength, like that of most comic poets 
 and humorists, lies not in the plan of the whole but in the 
 details. For the former he is entirely dependent on his models, 
 to whom he is far from equal in constructive skill as regards the 
 development of the story and in artistic insight generally. On 
 the other hand, with these limitations, he shows masterly ability 
 in recasting the old subject-matter in new language. In his 
 hands the foreign material receives a Romano-Italic colouring, 
 which spoils the delicate finish of the Attic delineation. His 
 genius imprints on materials drawn from all manner of sources 
 a distinct and uniform style, and a character of original power, 
 robustness and freshness. The poet overflows with a profusion of 
 wit and humour. Comic conceits crowd upon him, leading him 
 away again and again from his models. His wit is often broad 
 and strongly flavoured, but is rarely insipid. The poet is at his 
 best in passages of repartee, which he successfully manages and 
 modulates, according to the circumstances and characters, with 
 variations of tone and tempo, either subdued or wrought to a 
 pitch in neat and striking phraseology. Here Plautus is assisted 
 by his perfect mastery of the language. In handling it he shows 
 admirable ease and wealth of diction, though this indeed fre- 
 quently degenerates into what, according to our taste, would 
 appear gross redundancy. He employs, as the subject-matter of 
 his plays itself necessitated, the transitional language of his time, 
 which was exceedingly fluctuating in sound and form (§ 93). In 
 prosody also he availed himself of the licences described above 
 (p. 125 sq.), but his versification is thoroughly artistic, always 
 easy, even in difficult metres (bacchii, cretics etc.) , and often very 
 harmonious. The large remains of Plautus which have fortunately 
 been preserved to us are, therefore, irrespective of their literary 
 importance, of extraordinary value for the history of the language. 
 
 1. On the characteristics of Plautus see e.g. Lessing, collected -works, 3, 1, 
 
142 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 Lachm., Mohmsen, EG. 1°, 901. 2, 432, Eibbeck, rOm. Dicht. 1, 57. The plays are 
 singly reviewed in Bitschl's op. 2, 732 (by a lady). 
 
 2. Among the ancients Ciceeo is extravagant in his admiration (in ascribing 
 to Plautus, off. 1, 104 the iocandi genus degans, urbanum, ingeniosum, facetum in equal 
 perfection with the Attic poets ; Apoll. Sidon. 23, 148 even says : Graios, Plaute, sales 
 lepore transis), while Horace is too severe in his criticism (judging from artistic 
 rules) E. 1, 1, 170 (here, e.g. gestit enim [Plautus] nummum in loculos demittere, post 
 hoc securus, cadat an recto stet fabula talo). 1, 3, 270. See Eitschl, neue plautin. 
 Exkurse 1, 122 ; op. 3, 156. In the Augustan period the admirers of the archaic 
 poets praised him for his vivacity and rapidity, for which they compared him to 
 Epicharmos, thus at the same time palliating his frequent want of form ; on the 
 frequently misunderstood expression properare ad exemplar Epicharmi (Hor. E. 2, 
 1, 57) cf . Akistoph. Eccl. 583 us rb raxiveiv xapltav fieT^x" irXeiorw irapb. rotai dearais 
 and ThLadewig, on the canon of Vole. Sed. (1842) 19 ; Phil. 1. 276 ; and also Linge, 
 de Plauto properante ad ex. Ep., Eatibor 1827. 
 
 3. Chronology of the comedies. FWindischmann, EhM. 1 (1833), 110. EEitteh, 
 Allg. Schulztg. 1830, 873. Petersen, Zf AW. 1836, 615. Vissering, quaestt. Plautt. 
 1 (Amst. 1842), 94. Eitschl, Parerga 177. 353 and elsewhere. Cf. supr. § 97. 
 
 4. His treatment of his Greek originals : in the action and general substance 
 of the plays he adheres to them closely for the most part, insomuch that he often 
 actually retains allusions in the original which the Eoman public could not under- 
 stand at all. The Greek colouring remains in the names, in the scene where the 
 action takes place, in the customs which are carefully preserved ; but the poet 
 thinks nothing of suddenly dropping out of the Greek surroundings, though 
 usually not beyond a few words and phrases. In formulas and idioms the originals 
 are more freely dealt with. Allusions by Plautus himself to individual contem- 
 poraries (§ 95, 3) or actual events are rare. "WABecker, de com. rom. maxime 
 Plaut. quaestt. (Lps. 1837), 82. Eitschl, Parerga 271. FWEritzsche, de graecis 
 fontibus Plauti I, Eost. 1845. AKiesslihg, anall. Plaut. 1. 14. 2, 9. MSchuster, 
 quomodo PI. attica exemplaria transtulerit, Greifsw. 1884. EOstekmayer, de 
 historia fabulari in com. PI., Greifsw. 1884. — AKeseberg, quaestt. PI. et Ter. ad 
 religionem spectantes, Lps. 1884. ThHubrich, de diis Plaut. et Ter., Konigsb. 1883. 
 
 5. Allusions of a military and juridical nature are very frequent : Kampmann, 
 res militares PL, Bresl. 1839. Bomeijn, loca nonnulla PI. iure civili illustrata, 
 Daventr. 1836. EIBekker, de emptione venditione quae Plauti fabulis fuisse pro- 
 betur (Berl. 1853), and Loci Plautini de rebus creditis, Greifsw. 1861. GDemelius, 
 plautin. Studien, ZfEechtsgeschichte, 1 (1862), 351. 2, 177. Cf..§ 48, 3. Lorenz on 
 the Pseud, p. 28. — PI. nowhere mentions Eoman money : see "WChrist, JJ. 97, 
 345. (On Men. 1161 quinquagensiens, see LSchwabe, ib. 105, 418). On the nummi 
 plumbei in PI. OBenndorf, ZfoG. 26, 611. Cf. also Geppert, das plaut. Miinzwesen, 
 plaut. Studien 1, 41. 
 
 6. Actual discrepancies, inconsequences, improbabilities, negligences, are fre- 
 quent in PL ; they are only in a very slight degree to be explained or excused on 
 the theory of later revision. See Geppert, plaut. Stud. 1, 61. PLangen, Berl. Stud. 
 5, 89. — Plautus, the quondam hodman and journeyman miller, succeeds best in the 
 description of characters from the lower class, such as slaves, parasites and the like. 
 His unfavourable view of the female sex partly reflects the vulgar opinion, but it 
 is also partly imported from the originals,' being a peculiarity of the New Attic 
 comedy. LEBenoist, de personis muliebribus apud PL, Marseille 1862. — EBertin, 
 de Plautinis et Terent. adolescentibus amatoribus, Paris 1879. 
 
§ 98. PLAUTUS : CHARACTERISTICS. 143 
 
 7. Plautine language, and early Latin in general (see also § 111, G) : lists of 
 words, lexika, see § 99, 11. FWHoltze, syntaxis prisoorum scriptorum ad Teren- 
 tium, Lps. 1861. 62, II ; suppl. : synt. soaenicorum qui post Ter. fuerunt, Lps. 1881. 
 ELubbert, grammat. Studien, Bresl. 1867. 70, II. GSchmilinsky, de proprietate 
 sermonis PI. usu linguarum romanioarum illustrate, Halle, 1866. On the charac- 
 teristics of the, Plautine language e.g. Bibbeck, rom. Dicht. 1, 119.— Bitschl, 
 plautin. Exkurse, op. 2, 436. 661 ; neue plautin. Exk. I (final d in early Latin), 
 Lpz. 1869 (together with op. 3, 120. 155). ThBergk, Beitr. z. lat. Gramm. I (final 
 d in early Latin), Halle, 1870. FUmpfenbach, meletem. Plautt. (de med et ted 
 accusativis; de iussivo temporis praeteriti), Giessen 1860. HPloen, de copiae 
 verborum differentiis inter varia poesis rom. genera intercedentibus (Diss. 
 Argent. 7, 233). EBallas, grammatica PL, Berl. 1884 II. AGEngei.brecht, 
 Wien. Stud. 6, 216.— HEassow, de PI. substantivis, with an index of all the 
 passages, JJ. Suppl. 15, 589. "WFraesdorff, de comparativi gradus usu ap. 
 PI. Halle 1881. — ALuchs, Genetivbildung der latt. Pronom., in Studem. Stud. 
 1, part 2. SBhandt, de varia apud Bom. scaenic. genet, sing, pronominum 
 forma ac mensura, Heidelb. 1877. FSchhidt, der Plur. des Pron. hic bei PI. u. 
 Ter., Herm. 8, 478; de pronominum demonstrat. formis plaut., Berl. 1875 (cf. 
 Studemund, JJ. 113, 57). Thurau, de pronominum demonstr. ap. PI. usu, Bossel 
 1876. WNiemuller, de pronomm. ipse et idem ap. PI. et Ter., Halle 1886. AMahxei-, 
 de pronominum personal, ap. PI. collocatione, Griefsw. 1876. WKampf, de pro- 
 nomm. person, usu et colloc. ap. poett. scaen. Rom. (Berl. Stud. 3, 2). BKuklihski, 
 critt. Plaut. (on tute, tete, epedol, ecastok etc.), Berl. 1884. MPennigsdorf, de 
 qvisqve et qvisqvis pronominum ap. comicos usu, Halle '1878. — MPaul, quaestt, 
 gramm. I : de unus nom. num. ap. priscos scriptt. lat. usu, Jena 1884. — FSchultz, 
 de obsoletis coniugationum Plaut. formis, Conitz 1864. BJonas, de verbis fre- 
 quent, et intensivis apud comic, lat., Posen 1871. Meseritz 1872 II ; zum Gebr. 
 der w. freq. u. intens. in d. alt. lat. Prosa (Cato, Varro, Sail.), Posen 1879 (see § 257, 
 15). CBesta, de verborum compositione Plaut., Bresl. 1876. FUlrich, de verbb. 
 compositorum ap. PI. usu, Halle 1880 ; die Composita bei PL, Halle 1884. ENeu- 
 mann, de compositorum a dis- (di-) incipientium ap. prise, scriptt. vi et usu, Jena 
 1886. AGoerke, symb. ad vocab. Graeca in ling. Lat. recepta (in Plaut.), Konigsb. 
 1868. — CFKampmann, de ab praepositionis usu Plaut., Bresl. 1842 ; de in praep. usu 
 PL 1845. FHarder, a und ab vor Konsonanten bei den Bom., JJ. 131, 882. — 
 BObrikatis, de per praepos. ante Cic. aetat. usu, KOnigsb. 1884.— HBocksch, de 
 casuum attractione ap. PL et Ter., Bresl. 1865. — ASchaap, de genetivi usu PL, 
 Halle 1881. ELoch, de genet, ap. prise, scriptt. lat., Bartenst. 1880. HPeine, de 
 dativi usu ap. prise, scriptt. lat., Strassb. 1878. EBombe, de ablat. absol. ap. anti- 
 quiss. scriptores usu, Greifsw. 1877. WEbrard, de ablativi looativi instru- 
 mentalis ap. prise. Lat. usu, JJ. Suppl. Bd. 10, 579. MBuge, de ablativi in vett. 
 ling. ital. forma et usu locali, in GCurtius' Studd. 10, 586. WGoerbig, nominum 
 quibus loca significantur usus Plaut. exponitur et cum Ter. comparator, Halle 
 1883.— WOlsen, quaestt. PL de verbo substantivo, Greifsw. 1884. ThMeifart, de 
 fut. exacti usu PL, Jena 1885. FCramer, de perfecti coniunctivi usu potentiali 
 ap. prise, scr. lat., Marb. 1886. ABiese, de obiecto interno ap. PL et Ter. atque de 
 transitu verbalium notionum, Kiel 1878. HHahn, de verborum cum praeposi- 
 tionibus compositorum ap. vett. Bom. poett. scaen. cum dativo struotura, Halle 
 1878. ELoch, Gebr. des Imperat. bei PL, Memel 1871. FLubker, de usu infinitivi 
 Plaut., Schlesw. 1841 ( = ZfA"W. 1849, Nr. 14). WVotsch, de infin. usu PL, Halle 
 1874. EWaldee, der Infin. bei PL, Berl. 1874. PBarth, de infinitivi ap. scaen. 
 poett. lat. usu, Lpz. 1881. AFunck, d. Auslassung des Subj. Pron. im Ace. o. inf. 
 bei d. latt. Kom., JJ. 121, 725 ; animum inducere im arch. Lat., JJ. 127, 487. JDem- 
 
144 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 bitzee, de ratione quam PI. potissimum et Ter. in reciproca actione exprimenda 
 iniermt, Krakau 1886. ASpengel, nonne im Altlatein., Munch. 1867. HSchubert, 
 a. Gebr. d. Temporalkonjj. bei PL, Lissa 1881. PSoheker, de particula quando ap. 
 vetust. scriptt. lat., Strassb. 1883. OElste, de dum particulae usu PI., Halle 1882. 
 GMEichardson, de dum part. ap. prise, scriptt. lat. usu, Lpz. 1886. AKrause, de 
 qvom coniunctionis usu et forma (esp. cap. 1), Berl. 1876. OKienitz, de qvih par- 
 tioulae ap. prise. Lat. usu, Karlsr. 1878 ; de qvi loealis modalis ap. prise, script. 
 Lat. usu : JJ. Suppl. Bd. 10, 527. CSchmidt, de quin partic. usu Plaut., Marb. 
 1877. OWichmann, de qui ablativo antiquo, Bresl. 1875. HSchnoor, quaestt. 
 PL (parataxis, quin etc.), Kiel 1878; zum Gebr. von ut bei PL, Neumilnster 
 1885. ThBraune, obss. ad usum ita sic tam (tamen) adeo particularum PL et 
 Ter., Berl. 1882. PBichter, de usu particularum exclamativarum ap. prise. 
 Lat., Strassb. 1874. CFuhrmann, de particul. comparativarum usu Plaut. I, 
 Greifsw. 1870 ; ilber d. Vergleichungssatze b. PL, JJ. 97, 841. 101, 687 ; der Indik. 
 in den indir. Fragesatzen, JJ. 105, 809. SSteinitz, de affirmandi particulis I : 
 profecto, Bresl. 1885. FSigismund, de haud negationis ap. prise, scriptt. usu, 
 Commentatt. Ienens. 3, 215. EBecker, de syntaxi obliquarum interrogationum 
 ap. prise. Lat. in Studem. Stud. 1, 113. JEothheimer, de enuntiatis condicionali- 
 bus PL, Gott. 1876. HBlase, de modd. et tempp. in enunt. condicion. lat. permu- 
 tatione, Diss. Argentor. 10, 57. OBrugmann, Gebr. d. condicionalen ni in d. alt. 
 Lat., Lpz. 1887. JLange, de sententiarum temporalium ap. prise. Lat. syntaxi I, 
 Bresl. 1878. HKriege, de enuntiatis concessivis ap. PL, Halle 1884. CRothe, 
 quaestt. gramm. ad usum PL et Ter. spectantes (esp. on consecut. tempp. in 
 final sentt. and indir. questions), Berl. 1876. 81 II. Schmerl, der Prohibitiv bei 
 PL, Krotoschiner Jubel-Progr. 1887.— JBWeissenborn, parataxis Plautina, Burg- 
 haussen 1884. — EKellerhof, de collocatione verborum PL, Strassb. 1881. — 
 BGraupner, de metaphoris PL et Ter., Bresl. 1874. AInowraclawer, de meta- 
 phorae ap. PL usu, Eost. 1876. PLangen, d. Metapher im Lat. von PL bis Ter., 
 JJ. 125, 673. 753 ; de execrandi formulis PL, EhM. 12, 426 ; utor fruor fungor 
 potior im alt. Lat., Arch, f . Lexikogr. 3, 329 ; plautin. Studien, Berl. 1887 (see § 99, 
 13). EFWortmann, de comparationibus PL et Ter. ad animalia spectantibus, 
 Marb. 1883. FGoldmann, d. poetische Personifikation in d. Spr. d. alten Kom. 
 I Plautus, Halle 1885. — EKonig, de nominibus propriis ap. PI. et Ter., Patschkau 
 1876 (cf. § 16, 1) ; quaestt. PL (names of places with prepp.), Patsehkau 1883 — 
 JSchneider, de proverbiis PL et Ter., Berl. 1878. FXPflugl, d. Sprichw. b. PL u. 
 Ter., Straubing 1880. 
 
 8. On the condition of the language as Plautus found it, and as it is reflected 
 in his verses, see § 93. Even in the Ciceronian period Plautine prosody had 
 ceased to be completely understood : Cic. or. 184 comicorum senarii propter simili- 
 tudinem sermonis sic saepe sunt abiecti ut non nunquam vix in eis numerus et versus 
 intellegi posit (cf. ib. 67). During a long period Plautus continued to be judged 
 according to the standard of the language when fully developed and the laws of 
 Greek prosody, and consequently was unfairly criticised. The historical exami- 
 nation of Latin, as it has been opened up, especially by Eitschl, first made 
 possible the more correct estimate, which recognises in Plautus a master of the 
 language as well as a highly skilled and versatile versifier. The more recent 
 views of Eitschl, op. 4, 400 (cf. 2, 444, 600) mark a decided improvement on the 
 earlier system propounded in the proleg. to the Trin. 1 (Bonn 1848, reprinted op. 5, 
 285) : see on this WCorssen, Ausspr. Vokal. u. Beton. d. lat. Spr. 2, 400. Other 
 recent literature on the Plautine prosody and metre: JBrix, Einleit. z. Trin. 
 ( 3 1879) p. 13. CFWMCller, plautin. Prosodie, Berl. 1869 ; supplementary, Berl. 
 1871. HKoehler, de verborum aooentus cum numerorum rationibus in trochaicis 
 
§ 98, 99. plautus: language: tradition:. 145 
 
 septenariis Plautinis consociatione, Halle 1877. OBrugmann, quemadmodum in 
 iamb, senar. Romani vet. verb, accent, cum num. consociarint, Bonn 1874. MW 
 Humphreys, influence of accent in Latin iamb, trim., Americ philol. associat. 
 1876, 1. CMFrancken, Woord- en Versaccent bij PI., Versl. en Mededeel. 2, 4 
 (Amsterd. 1873). WMeyer, d. Beachtung des Wortaccents in d. altlat. Poesie, 
 Abh. d. bayr. Akad. d. "Wiss. 17, 1 (1884). ALuchs, commentatt. prosod. lat., ErL 
 1883. 84 II. PSchrader, de particularum -ne, anne, nonne ap. PI. prosodia, Diss. 
 Argentor. 8, 225. EBelow, de hiatu PI. I, Berl. 1885. 
 
 9. "WStudemund, de canticis PI., Halle 1863. FBitschl, op. 3, 1. 144; proleg. 
 ad Trin. * and elsewhere. WChrist, metr. Bemerk. zu den cantica des PL, SBer. 
 d. bayr. Akad., phil. Kl. 1871, 41. JWinter, d. metr. Eekonstruktion d. pi. Can- 
 tica, Munch. 1880. ASpengel, de versuum cretic. usu pi., Berl. 1861 ; Reform- 
 vorschlage z. Metr. d. lyr. Versarten b. PI. u. d. ubr. Szenikern, Berl. 1882 (cf. 
 § 99, 13). OSeyppebt, de bacchiac. versuum usu pi., Berl. 1864. PESonnenbukg, 
 de verss. PI. anapaest, in Exercitationis grammaticae spec. (Bonn 1881) 16. GVoss, 
 de verss. anap. PI., Strassb. 1882. PMohk, de iambico ap. PI. septenario, Lps. 
 1873. ALuchs, quaestt. metr. plaut. in Studem. Stud. 1, 1. — EKlotz, zur Alliter- 
 ation u. Symmetrie bei PL, Zittau 1876. JBaske, de allitterationis usu PL, 
 Kdnigsb. 1884. LBuchhold, de paromoeoseos (allitterationis) ap. vett. Rom. 
 poett. usu, Lpz. 1883. OEahel, de usu adnominationis ap. Horn, poett. com., 
 Halle 1887. FLeo, BhM. 40, 2. 
 
 99. The Plautine plays maintained themselves on the stage 
 for a long time after the poet's death, and most of the prologues 
 were written for performances at the beginning of the 7th 
 century u.c. His works became also at an early time the sub- 
 ject of learned labours, with regard both to the language and 
 the explanation of the subject-matter, and here Varro's researches 
 were prominent. The text of the plays is preserved in two 
 versions, of which one is contained in the Ambrosian palimpsest 
 (A), the other mainly in the so-called Palatine (Pfalzer) MSS. 
 (BC). 
 
 1. The revivals of the Plautine plays doubtless occasioned considerable 
 injury to the original text; too much blame, however, has been laid upon these 
 recently (see the literature on the various plays, § 97), when the real or pre- 
 sumed shortcomings of the plays, both in composition and wording, have been 
 attributed by » somewhat one-sided estimate to later versions (retractationes) 
 produced for the purpose of revivals. PLangen, Berl. Stud. 5, 1.— On the con- 
 tinuance of the influence of Plautus in the later literature : CvBeinhardstOttner, 
 Plautus, spatere Bearbeitt. plautin. Lustspiele, Beitr. z. Vgl. Lit.-Gesch., Lpz. 
 1886 etc. 
 
 2. Prologues. Eitschl, Parerga 1, 180. Teupfel, Stud. u. Charakt. 256. 260. 
 273. ALBLiebig, de prol. Terent. et Plautinis, Gorlitz 1859. CDziatzxo, de 
 prologis PL et Ter., Bonn 1864 ; die plaut. Prologe, Luzern 1867. ThLadewig, JJ. 
 99, 473. FMartins, quaestt. PL (cap. 1), Halle 1879. 
 
 3. We have two sorts of metrical summaries of contents (argumenta) to the 
 Plautine plays : 1) acrostic (for all the plays except the Bacch.) ; they are the 
 earliest and on account of the close acquaintance with the Plautine method of 
 
 R.L. L 
 
146 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 versification which they exhibit, may be considered to belong to the best period 
 of Plautine studies in the 7th cent. u.c. (cf. § 159). 2) non-acrostic, which are 
 later. These may perhaps (cf. § 109, 3) be by the grammarian C. Sulpicius 
 Apollinaris (§ 357, 2) or more probably by some contemporary of his. Cf . Eitschl, 
 on the Trin. > p. cccxvi. ; op. 2, 404. FOsann, ZfaW. 1849, 199. WStudemund, com- 
 mentat. Mommsen. 803. CROpitz, de argumentorum metric, lat. arte et orig., 
 Lpz. Stud. 6, 204. 234. OSeyffekt, JB. 1886, 2, 22. 
 
 4. Lists (indices) of the (genuine) plays of Plautus were) according to Gell. 3, 
 3, 1, made by L. Accius, Aelius (Stilo), Aurelius Opilius, Volcacius Sedigitus, Serv. 
 Clodius, Manilius (§ 158, 1) and Varro ; of. the latter. — Sisenna and Tere-ntius 
 Scaurus were commentators of PI. Eitschl, Parerga 374 ; below § 156, 4. 352, 1. 
 
 5. Detailed points of the language of Plautus were commented on by the 
 glossographers Aurelius Opilius, Ser. Clodius, Aelius Stilo, Flavius Caper, 
 Arruntius Celsus. FBitschl, de_veter ibus Planti interpretib _u.s, in his Parerga 
 35_7i_- Remains of their works are to be found in the glossae Placidi and other 
 collections of glosses. See Eitschl, op. 3, 65. GLowe, prodromus corp. gloss, lat. 
 254 ; cf . § 42, 5. 6. On the commentaries on Plautus used in Nonius cf. ASchott- 
 muller, symb. philol. Bonn. 823. Generally for the quotations from Plautus in 
 Festus-Paulus see § 261, 8 ; for those in Nonius, § 390, 3. 
 
 6. An ancient Plautine glossary drawn up before the time of Priscian, see iu 
 Eitschl, op. 2, 234 ; cf . ib. 228. 237. ASpengel, Plautus 50. 
 
 7. In the Middle Ages Plautus was hardly known. EPeipeb, Arehiv f. Lit.- 
 Gesch. 5, 495 ; EhM. 32, 516. Plautus is also unknown to Hrotswitha von Ganders- 
 heim, the imitator of Terence (about 960) : see MHaupt, op. 3, 587. — At the 
 beginning of' the 15th cent, the last 12 Plautine plays (Bacchides to Truculentus, 
 see § 97) were lost. Only the first 8 (Amphitruo to Epidicus) were known ; these 
 were distributed in a great number of MSS., their order indeed being varied, but 
 in the main alphabetical. (Eitschl, op. 2, 236). List of 43 extant MSS. of the first 
 8 plays (all s. XIV/XV) in GGotz, symb. crit. 22. A manuscript of the last 12 
 was found in Germany about 1428 by Nicolaus of Treves (concerning him see 
 GVoigt, "Wiederbel. d. Mass. Altert. I 2 , 259 ; in Italy it was first in the possession 
 of Cardinal Orsini, now Vatic. 3870 s. XII, D in Eitschl ; see his op. 2, 19 ; fac- 
 simile in Chatelain, paleogr. d. classiq, lat. t. 4) ; this contains besides the 3 
 first plays (Amph. Asin. Aul.) and the first half of the fourth play (the Captivi), 
 In the 16th cent, come into use the two MSS. of Camerarius, which at a later 
 period were kept in the Heidelberg library (hence called Palatini), the vetus 
 codex (B) s. X, which contains all the 20 plays (now in Eome, Vaticanus 1615 ; 
 
 facsimile in Chatelain 1.1. t. 2), and the decurtatus (C) — so called by Pareus 
 
 s. XI, now containing only the last 12 plays (since 1815 again kept in Heidelberg ; 
 facsimile in Chatelain t. 3. 4). D is from the same source as C. The most 
 important version of the recension (n. 10), which is best preserved in BC was 
 the MS. used by ATurnebus, now unfortunately lost : its readings are collected 
 in Gotz-Lowe on the Poen. p. vn. For the first 8 plays we have also to take 
 into account an Ambros. (E) s. XII/XIII (facs. in Chatelain 1.1. t. 5) and a MS. 
 in the British Museum (J) s. XI ; see GGotz, symbol, crit. ad priores PI. fabulas 
 Lps. 1877; J J. 113, 351; the same and GLowe, EhM. 34, 52. Sonnenschein's 
 (German) ed. of the Capt. p. 55. (English ed. p. 16 sqq. Excursus and Appendix.) 
 
 8. During the course of the 15th century was formed in Italy, probably at 
 Naples at the instance of Alfonso I. (who reigned from 1435), an edition of the 
 20 plays in accordance with the requirements and taste of the period • this was 
 done in a very arbitrary and ignorant manner, with numberless gratuitous alter- 
 
§ 99. plautus: tradition: manuscripts. 147 
 
 ations, and it was circulated in numerous copies. The originator of this text 
 was perhaps Antonio Becoadelli of Palermo : see on him GVoigt, Wiederbel. d. 
 klass. Altert. 1*, 480, and on his Plautine studies GSchepss, BlfdbayrGW. 16, 97. 
 To these interpolated MSS. belongs the Lipsiensis (F). Cf . Eitschl, op. 2, 23 ; and 
 on the MSS. of Camerarius ib. 103. 125. 3, 80. 105. 5, 59. Ed. of the Trin. > p. vin. 
 
 9. Opposed to all these MSS., which are collectively based on the same original 
 (and therefore show the same gaps and corruptions, e.g. Trin. 944-8), is the palimp- 
 sest (from Bobbio) of the Ambrosian library in Milan (cod. Ambros. G. 32 sup. s. 
 IV/V), which however omits 7 of the plays entirely, while the others are in part 
 very incomplete. Of. AMai, M. Acci Plauti fragmenta inedita etc., Mediol. 1815 
 (also in Osann, Anal. crit. p. 205). Facsimile in Zakgemeister-Wattenbach, Ex. 
 codd. latt. t. 6 and in Chatelain 1.1. t. 1.— FEitschl, op. 2, 167 and Proleg. *. 
 Trin. 1 cap. i, vi, vu ; Trin. 2 p. vn. Geppert, iib. d. cod. Ambros. u. s. Einfluss 
 auf die plautinische Kritik, Lpz. 1847; Mitteilungen aus dem cod. Ambros. 
 (Plautin. Stud. 2 Hft., Berl. 1871). WStudemund EhM. 21, 574 and Wurzb. Fest- 
 gruss (1868) 39 ; by whom the publication of the MS. has long been promised. 
 New collation of A by GLowe in the second edition of Plautus by Eitschl (n. 11) : 
 cf . also LQwe's coniectan. Plaut. ad cod. Ambros. maximam partem spectantia, 
 Lps. 1877 ; cf . the same in GOtz' edition of the Epid. p. v. See also HUsener JJ. 
 91, 263. 
 
 10. In comparison with the text given in the Ambros. that of the Palatini, 
 often greatly varying from it, possesses a decidedly high independent value, though 
 it has probably been overrated recently in depreciation of the Ambros., e.g. by. 
 Eitschl on the Trin. 2 p. xi. ; op. 3, 791. Bergk, Beitr. *. lat. Gramm. 1, 129. 
 AFleckeisen, JJ. 101, 709. BBaier, de PI. fabb. recensionibus ambros. et palat., 
 Bresl. 1884 (and OSeyffert, Berl.phWschr. 1886, 716). ELeidolph, commentatt. 
 Ienens. 2, 208. In certain formulas the divergence between the two texts is 
 almost uniform ; Studemotd, EhM. 21, 606. Cf. FScholl, divin. in True, Lpz. 
 1876. MNiemeyer, de PI. fabb. recensione duplici, Berl. 1877. On the antiquity, 
 origin, and relative value of the two texts see conjectures in Leidolph 1.1. 210. — • 
 Scanty traces of stichometric arrangement in the Trin. and True. Eitschl on 
 the Trin. 2 p. lxv and KDziatzko, JJ. 127, 61. 
 
 11. Critical account of the editions and text of Plautus (down to Bothe) by 
 Eitschl, op. 2, 1. The later Palatine MSS. were first employed by their owner 
 Joach. Camerarius (chamberlain) : separate editions by him from 1530 ; complete 
 edition Bale 1552 ; supplement to this 1553 ; see for Camerarius' editions of 
 Plautus Eitschl, op. 3, 67 dnd GGotz, EhM. 41, 629. DLambinus' commentary 
 (and text) was published in Paris 1576, FTaubmann's commentary Wittenb. 1605, 
 subsequently (with more ample notices from the MSS. of Camerarius, since trans- 
 ferred to Heidelberg, and others) in 1612, and best (ex recogn. Iani Gruteri) in 
 1621.— Ed. JPhPareus, Francof. 1610 ; together with the (for the period) excellent 
 collection of variants from the Palatine MSS. Neapoli Nemetum (Neustadt in 
 the Palatinate) 1619 = Francof . 1623 j^nd (without the collection of variants, but 
 with a more complete enumeratiqp of the fragments) Francof. 1641. By the 
 same Pareus lexicon Plautinum, 2 Hanoviae 1634.— Ex rec. FGuieti ed. (un- 
 reliable) MdeMarolles, Par. 1658 (see EBenoist, le Plaute de FGuyet, Mel. 
 Graux, Par. 1884, 461).— The vulgate (and verse-numeration) accepted down to 
 Eitschl was founded on the edition of JFGronov (Leiden 1664. 1669. 1684; c. 
 praef. Erhesti, Lps. 1760 II).— Ed. FHBothe, Berl. 1809-11 IV, and vols. 1 and 2 
 of the Poetae seen. lat. Halberst. 1821 = Stuttg. 1829 sq. IV.— Cum nott. varr. cur. 
 JNaudet, Par. 1830 IV (vol. 4 index).— Eec. interpr. est CWWeise, Quedlinb. 
 
148 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 1837. 1847 (with list of words, 2 ed. 1886) II, and Lpz. ap. Tauchnitz.— Epoch- 
 making: ex rec. et cum apparatu critico FBitschelii, Tom. I (Prolegomena, 
 Trin., Mil., Bacch.). II (Stich. Pseud. Men. Most.). Ill (Persa, Merc), Bonn 
 1848-54. Simultaneously an edition of the text. (Cf. AFleckeisen, JJ. 60, 234. 
 61, 17. ThBergk, kl. Schr. 1, 1. 29. 106.) Second revision begun by Eitschl, con- 
 tinued by GLSwe, GGotz, FSchOix : I Trin. ( 8 1884) Epid. Cure. Asin. True. 1871— 
 
 1881. II Aul. Amph. Merc. Stich. Poen. 1882—1884. Ill 1 Bacch. 1886. 2 Capt. 
 1887. Bud. 1887.— Ex recogn. AFleckeiseni, Lps. 1859 II (10 plays). Eec. et enarr. 
 JLUssing, Kopenh. 1875—1886 V (III, 1 Cas. Cist., has not yet appeared). Eecogn. 
 FLeo I (Amph. As. Aul. Bacch.), Berl. 1885.— Plaute. Moroeaux choisis publ. par 
 EBenoist, Paris 2 1877. 
 
 12. Germ, transll. : KOpke, Berl. 1809. 1826 II. Eost (9 plays), Lpz. 1836 ; MBapp, 
 Stuttg. 1838 sqq. ; WHertzberg (Trin. Mil. Capt. Eud.), Stuttg. 1861 ; WBinder, 
 Stuttg. 1862 sqq. ; JJCDonner, Heidelb. 1864 sqq. III. Eng. Bonneix Thornton, 
 Lond. 1769. 
 
 13. Textual criticism e.g. : PSchroeder, Bentley's Emendatt. z. PL, Heilbr. 
 1880. EASonnenschein, Bentley's Plautine emendations (Anecd. Oxon. 1 [1883], 
 178) ; cf. above § 97, 4, 1. PEitschl, op. 2, 274. 3, 166 and elsewhere. AFleckeisen, 
 exercit. Plaut., Gott. 1842 ; Phil. 2, 57 ; krit. Miscellen, Dresd. 1864 ; JJ. 95, 625 ; 
 107, 501 and elsewhere. JBrix, emendatt. Plaut., Brieg 1847. Hirschb. 1854 ; JJ. 
 101, 761. 131, 193 and elsewhere. ThBergk, op. 1, 1. 673 and elsewhere. ASfengel, T. 
 Maccius Plautus ; Kritik, Prosodie, Metrik, Gott. 1865 (see on this esp. Studemund, 
 JJ.93,49). KHWEisE,d.KomOdiend.Pl.,beleuchtet,Quedlinb. 1866. AKiessling, in 
 d. Symb. phil.Bonn. 833 ; EhM. 24, 115 ; analecta pi., Greifsw. 1878. 81 II. SBugge, 
 Tidskr. f. Philol. (Kopenh. 1867 sq.) 6, 1. 7, 1 ; Phil. 30, 636. 31, 247 ; opusc. philol. 
 ad Madvig. (1876) 153. WStudemund, Pestgruss zur "Wurzb. Philologenvers. 
 (Wurzb. 1868) 38 ; emendatt. Plaut., Greifsw. 1871 and elsewhere. OSkyffert, 
 Phil. 25, 439. 27, 432. 29, 385 ; studia PL (Progr. d. Sophien-Gymn.), Berl. 1874. 
 ALorenz, Phil. 27, 543. 28, 183. CEGeppert, plaut. Studien, Berl. 1870, 71 II. 
 ALuchs, Herm. 6, 264. 8, 105. 13, 497. GGotz, acta Lips. 6, 235. GLowe, coniectan. 
 PL, Lps. 1877. JLUssing, Nord. Tidskr. f. Pil. 5, 54. PLangen, Beitr. z. Krit. u. 
 Erkl. d. PL Lpz. 1880 ; analecta PL, Miinst. 1882. 83 III ; plautinische Studien, 
 Berl. 1887. HSchenkl, "Wien. SBer. 98, 609. AWeidner, adverss. PL, Darmst. 
 
 1882. FLeo, EhM. 38, 1. 311 ; Herm. 18, 558. W Abraham, JJ. Suppl. 14, 179. 
 ALorenz, Berichte fiber die pi. Literatur seit 1873, JB. 1873, 341. 1874/75 1, 
 
 606. 1876 2, 1. 1878 2, 1. 1879 2, 1. 1880 2, 1. 1881 2, 1 and OSeyffert, ib. 
 1882 2, 33. 1886 2, 1. 
 
 100.- Q. Ennius, born a. 515/239 at Rudiae in Calabria, served 
 in the Roman army 550/204 in Sardinia, where M. Porcius Cato 
 fell in with him and took him to Rome. Here be too gained bis 
 livelihood by teaching Greek, and translating Greek plays for tbe 
 Roman stage, and won the favour of the elder Africanus. M. 
 Fulvius Nobilior, cos. 565/189, took the poet with him into bis 
 province of Aetolia, as a witness and herald of his deeds. His 
 son obtained for Ennius the Roman citizenship a. 570/184, by 
 giving him a lot (at Potentia or Pisaurum) with the approval ot 
 the people, as triumvir coloniae deducendae. Ennius died of 
 gout a. 685/169. 
 
§ 99, 100. plautus : literature : ennius : life. 149 
 
 1. The year of his birth is attested by Varro, Gell. NA. 17, 21, 43 (see § 
 101, 3) ; of. Cic. Brut. 72. Tusc. 1, 3 ; see n. 2.— The poet himself mentions his 
 birth-place ap. Cic. de or. 3, 168 Nos sumu 1 Romani, qui fuimus ante Rudini : 
 cf. Cic. Arch. 22 Ennium . . . Rudinum hominem. Aitson. grammaticom. 17. 
 Hob. C. 4, 8, 20 Calabrae Pierides. Ov, AA. 3, 409 Ennius . . . Calabris in 
 montibus ortus. Sil. It. 12, 393 Ennius . . . antiqua Messapi ab origine regis 
 . . . Miserunt Calabri: Rudiae genuere vetustae, Nunc Rudiae solo memorabile 
 nomen alumno. Serv. Aen. 7, 691 ab hoc (Messapo) Ennius dicit se originem ducere. 
 Suid. v. "Ewtor 7ro«jT7)s Meiraamos. Therefore Iludiae (now Eugge) near Lupiae 
 (the modern Lecoe) in Calabria. Another Iludiae near Canusium in Apulia was 
 by Steabo 6, p. 281 and Mela 2, 66 erroneously considered to be the birth-place 
 of Ennius. Discussions on this question: ECocchia, riv. di filol. 13 (1884), 31. 
 LMantegazza, Bergamo 1885. FTambobeino, Ostuni 1885. — Fest. 293 quam con- 
 suetudinem (non geminandi litteras, § 104, 5) Ennius mutavisse fertur, utpote Graecus 
 graeco more usus. Suet, gramm. 1 antiquissimi doctorum, qui iidem et poetae et 
 semigraeci erant, Livium et Ennium dico etc. Gell. 17, 17, 1 Q. Ennius tria corda 
 habere sese dicebat, quod loqui graece et osce et latine sciret. He does not here 
 specify the language of his native country, Messapian : the area of Oscan 
 extended as far as Apulia and Lucania. 
 
 2. Cokn. Nep. Cato 1, 4 praetor provinciam obtinuit Sardiniam, ex qua quaestor 
 superiore tempore ex Africa decedens Q. Ennium poetam deduxerat. Cf . Hiebon. ad 
 Euseb. Chron. a. 1777=514/240 Q. Ennius poeta Tarenti (a mistake) nascitur, qui 
 a Catone quaestore Romam translatus habitavit in monte Aventino parco admodum 
 sumptu contentus et unius (? cf. Cic. de or. 2, 276) ancillae ministerio (cf. Vakeo LL. 5, 
 163 . . . ligionem Porcius — Licinus § 146, 4 — designat quom de Ennio scribens 
 dicit eum coluisse Tutilinae loca). FBitteb, Zf AW. 1840, 370. 
 
 3. Cic. Arch. 22 carus fu.il Africano superiori noster Ennius ; itaque etiam in 
 sepulcro Scipionum putatur is esse constitutus ex marmore. Lit. 38, 56 Romae extra 
 portam Capenam in Scipionum monumento Ires statuae sunt, quorum duae P. et L. 
 Scipionum dicuntur esse, tertia poetae Q. Ennii. Cf. Welches, Trag. 1360. Portrait 
 of Ennius with the inscription Q. E. ? Bernoulli, rom. Ikonogr. 1, 234. — 
 Familiar relations with Scipio Nasica, Cic. de or. 2, 276. 
 
 4. Cic. Arch. 27 Me qui cum Aetolis Ennio comite bellavit Fulvius. Tusc. 1, 3 
 oratio Catonis, in qua obiecit ut probrum M. Nobiliori quod is in provinciam poetas 
 duxisset. duxerat autem consul ille in Aetoliam, ut scimus, Ennium. Aur. Vict. 
 illustr. 52, 3 quam victoriam (of Fulvius over the Aetolians) per se magnificam, 
 Q, Ennius, amicus eius, insigni laude celebravit. Symmach. ep. 1, 21 Q. Ennio ex 
 aetolicis manubiis captiva chlamys tantum muneri data Fulvium decolorat (cf. Beegk , 
 Beitr. z,. lat. Gramm. 1, 33, 1). 
 
 5. Cic Arch. 22 ergo ilium . . . Rudinum hominem, maiores nostri in 
 civitatem receperunt. Brut, 79 Q. Nobiliorem M. /., (§ 126, 2) . . ., qui etiam 
 Q. Ennium, qui cum patre eius in Aetolia militaverat (inaccurate), civitate donavit, 
 cum triumvir coloniam deduxisset. (570/184, see Liv. 39, 44). Cf. FEittek, 1.1. 383. 
 This explains Ennius' line : nos sumu 1 Romani etc. Cic. de or. 3, 168 (see n. 1). 
 
 6. Cic Cato mai. 14 annos septuaginta natus — tot enim vixit Ennius — itaferebat 
 duo quae maxima putantur onera, paupertatem et senectutem, ut eis paene delectari 
 videretur. Brut. 78 hoc (C. Sulpicius Gallus) praetore ludos Apollini faciente, cum 
 Thyesten fabulam docuisset, Q. Marcio On. Servilio coss. (585/169) mortem obiit Ennius. 
 Hiebon. ad Euseb. Chr. ad a. 1849=586/168: Ennius poeta septuagenario maior 
 articulari morbo perit (cf. Ennius ap. Priscian. GL. 2, 434 numquam poetor nisi si 
 
150 SIXTH CENTURY V.G. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 podager ; cf. also Hor. E. 1, 19, 7 Ennius ipse pater numquam nisi potus ad arma 
 prosiluit dicenda; Seken. Sammon. 713 Ennius ipse pater, dum pocula siccat iniqua, 
 hoc vitio tales fertur meruisse dolores), sepultusque (? cf. n. 3) in Scipionis monumento, 
 via Appia intra primum ab urbe miliarium. quidam ossa eius Budiam ex Ianiculo 
 translata adfirmant (it may be, because a monument was there erected to him). 
 His epitaph (see however § 115, 2) ap. Cio. Tuso. 1, 34 aspicite, o cives, senis Enni 
 imaginis formam. hie vestrum panxit maxima facta patrum etc., cf. ib. 1, 117. 
 Cato mai. 73. 
 
 101. His greatest renown Ennius gained as an epic poet, by 
 his eighteen books of Annales, which related the traditional 
 Boman history, from Aeneas' arrival in Italy down to the poet's 
 own time, in chronological order, now recording the events in the 
 dry tone of the chronicler, now depicting incidents such as were 
 effective for poetry with forcible pathos and felicitous colouring. 
 The work was meant to be a pendant to the Homeric poems, and 
 was also considered as such by the Romans — though there can 
 be no doubt that its artistic value was but very small. It was 
 important on account of the introduction of the epic line of 
 the Greeks into Roman literature, besides many other details 
 in which the Homeric style was imitated. The poet appears 
 to have composed this work in advanced age and published it 
 gradually in separate parts. 
 
 1. Vahlen, iib. d. Ann. d. Enn., Abh. d. Berl. Akad. 1886, and the literature 
 quoted § 104, 6. 
 
 2. Diomed. GL. 1, 484 epos latinum primus digne scripsit Ennius, qui res 
 Romanorum decern et octo complexus est libris, qui vel annales (in)scribuntur, quod 
 singulorum fere annorum actus contineant, sicut publici annales quos pontifiees 
 scribaeque conficiunt, vel Romais (according to Reifferscheid JJ. 79, 157, a title 
 invented in the Augustan time ; MSS. Romanis), quod Romanorum res gestos 
 declarant. 
 
 3. B. I-III : Introduction and Regal Period. IV-VI : foundation of the 
 Republic, conquest of Italy, Pyrrhus. VII : the first Punic war, in a brief 
 summary, as the subject had already been treated by Naevius, who was spoken of 
 in the proem in a somewhat contemptuous manner ; see Cic. Brut. 75. In book 
 7 a personal description, in which, in Stilo's opinion, Ennius portrayed himself. 
 (Geix. 12, 4). VIII and IX : the war with Hannibal. X-XII : the Macedonian 
 war and its results (to the year 558/196). "With the twelfth book there was 
 probably a winding-up of the previous contents ; in the epilogue the poet spoke 
 of himself : see Gell. 17, 21, 43 consules Q. Valerius et C. Manilius, quibus natum 
 esse Q. Ennium poetam M. Varro . . . scripsit eumque cum septimum et sexa- 
 gesimum annum haberet (therefore a. 582/172, three years before his death) 
 duodecimum annalem scripsisse, idque ipsum Ennium in eodem libro dicere (see on this 
 Vahlen, die Ann. des Enn. 1886). Then a fresh continuation; XIII and XIV: 
 the war with Antiochus (to the year 564/190). XV: Fulvius Nobilior inAetolia 
 (a. 565/189). Lastly a concluding group, opening also with a special proem, 
 XVI-XVIII. Plin. NH. 7, 101 (concerning fortitude which had become a theme 
 
§ 101, 102. ENNIUS: ANNALS: DRAMAS. 151 
 
 for poetica fabulositas) : Q. Ennius T. Caecilium Teucrum fratremque eius praecipue 
 miratus propter eos sextum decumum adiecit annalem. Cf. Bekgk, opusc. 1, 252. 
 LHavet, l'histoire rom. dans le dernier tiers des Ann. d'Enn., Mel. de l'ecole 
 des hautes etudes 1878, 21. Vahlen, d. Ann. d. Enn. 25. It cannot be ascertained 
 from the fragments to what date the Annales were brought down. The latest 
 event which they mention is the censorship of Fulvius and Lepidus 573/181 
 (Cic. de prov. cons. 20). The Annales were probably brought out gradually 
 (in series of six consisting respectively of three books [?]).^Cf. on reminiscences 
 of Ennius in Livy HHagen, JJ. 109, 271. WSieglin, Chronol. der Belager. v. 
 Sagunt, Lpz. 1878. Barwinkel, Ennius u. Livius, Sondershausen 1883. 
 
 4. Suet, gramm. 2 Q. Vargunteius (cf. § 41, 1) annales Ennii, quos certis diebus 
 in magna frequentia pronuntiabat. Cf. ib. 8 M. PompUkts Andronicus . . . adeo 
 iiiops atque egens ut coactus sit praecipuum illud opusculum suum Annalium Ennii 
 elenchorum XVI mUibus nummum cuidam vendere. For Gnipho's commentary on 
 the Ann. see § 159, 5. Cic. opt. gen. or. 2 licet dicere Ennium summum epicum 
 poetam, si cui ita videtur. Martial. 5, 10, 7 Ennius est lectus salvo tibi, Soma, 
 Marone et sua riserunt saecula Maeoniden. In a Pompeian mural inscription is 
 the beginning of a line from the Annales CILr 4, 3135 (see Bucheler, BhM. 27, 
 474). Vitruv. 9, praef. 16 qui litterarum iucunditatibus instinctas habent mentes 
 non possunt non in suis pectoribus dedicatum habere sicut deorum sic Ennii poetae 
 simulacrum. Quint. 10, 1, 88 Ennium sicut. sacros vetustate lucos adoremus, in quibus 
 grandia et antiqua robora iam non tantam habent speciem quantam religionem. Cf . 2, 
 17, 24 dicet notum illud (words of Ennius) : Dum clavom rectum teneam ; cf. 9, 4, 
 115. Vulcac. Gall. Avid. Cass. 5, 7 scis versum a bono poeta dictum et omnibus 
 frequentatum : Moribus antiquis etc. Gell. 18, 5, 2 (Antonio) Juliano nuntiatur 
 anagnosten quendam, non indoctum hominem, voce admodum scita et canora Enni 
 Annales legere ad populum in theatro (at Puteoli). ib. 3 Ennianistam . . . se ille 
 appellari volebat. 4 quern cum iam inter ingentes clamores legentem invenissemus etc. 
 7 cumque aliquot eorum qui aderant ' quadrupes equus ' apud suum quisque gram- 
 maticum legisse se dicerent, etc. ib. 11 is mentioned a liber summae atque reverendae 
 vetustatis (the Ann. of E.), quern fere constabat Lampadionis (§ 138, 4) manu 
 emendatum. Spart. Hadr. 16, 6 Ciceroni Catonem, Vergilio Ennium, Sallustio Coelium 
 praetulit. Macr. sat. 6, 9, 9 quia saeculum- nostrum ab Ennio et omni bibliotheca 
 vetere descivit, multa ignoramus quae non laterent si veterum lectio nobis esset 
 familiaris. 
 
 102. Tragedies held the plaee of second importance amongst 
 Ennius' productions. He seems to have translated Euripides 
 in preference to other poets, perhaps attracted by his free 
 thinking and his rhetorical and sententious manner. He also 
 wrote praetextae and comedies, though he did not distinguish 
 himself in this department. 
 
 1. We possess fragments of Achi-lle& and (cf. Kxussmann in Jahn's Archiv 
 11, 325. OJahn, Hermes 3, 191) Achilles Aristarchi, Aiax, Alcumeo, Alexander, 
 Andromacha aechmalotis, Andromeda, Athamas (PFALange, quaest. metr. 16, 
 30- BSchmibt, BhM. 16, 599), Cresphontes, Erechtheus, Eumenides, Hectoris 
 lutra (Bergk, op. 1, 295) Hecuba (FOsann, anal. crit. 126), Iphigenia, Medea exsul 
 (cf. HPlanck, Ennii Medea illustr., Gott. 1807. FOsann, 1.1. 79. JVahlen, Berl. 
 ind. lect. 1877), Medea Atheniensis, Melanippa, Nemea Phoenix, Telamo, Telephus, 
 
152 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 Thyestes. The fragments in Eibbeck, trag.. lat. 2 p. 15. Cf. Welcker, grieoh. 
 Trag. 1373. Eibbeck, rom. Trag. 81, 212. 
 
 2. Glossae Salomonis (HUsenee, EhM. 28, 419. 22, 446) : tragoedias Ennius fere, 
 omnes ex graecis transtulit, plurimas ex Euripideis, nmnullus Aristarchiis. Of the 
 plays known to ns Andromeda, Hecuba, Iphigenia, Medea exsul, Melanippa, 
 Telephus, Alexander, Andromacha are certain to be translations from Euripides, 
 and so are in all probability Erechtheus and Phoenix. The Eumenides (and 
 Heetorislutra?) was translated from Aischylos, Aiax probably from Sophokles, 
 
 - ; and one Achilles from Aristarchos. A comparison with the original plays shows 
 that Ennuis' were free translations, the plot being in the Iphigenia completed 
 from Sophokles (contaminatio). See Cic. fin. 1, 4 cum . . . fabellas latinas ad 
 verbum e graecis expressas non inviti legamt. quis enim tarn inimicus paene nomini 
 romano est qui Ennii Medeam aut Antiopam Pacuvii spernat aut reiciat, quod tie isdem 
 Euripidis fabulis delectari dical ? de opt. gen. 18 eidem . . . Andromacham aut 
 Antiopam aut Epigonos latinas recipiunt; quod igitur est eorum in oralionibus e 
 graeco conversis fastidium, nullum cum sit in versibusf Gell. 11, 4 Euripidis versus 
 sunt in Hecuba . . . hos versus Q. Ennius, cum earn tragoediam verteret, non sane 
 incommode aemulatus est. Cic. Brut. 78 proves that Ennius remained faithful to 
 this occupation till his death. 
 
 3. The Sabinae (the rape of the Sabine women) was a praetexta by Ennius, as 
 Vabxen (EhM. 16, 580, cf. Enn. p. i.xxxviii) conjectures from Jul. Victob. p. 402, 
 30 Halm : ut (in) Sabinis Ennius dixit; against this Bergk, op. 1, 361. Cf. Eibbf.ck, 
 rom. Trag. 205. The Ambracia also was probably a praetexta treating of the 
 capture of that town by Ennius' patron, M. Fulvus Nobilior, a. 565/189. See 
 Eibbeck, rom. Trag. 207 ; cf. Vabxen, Enn. p. 153. 
 
 4. Ennius does not seem to have been very successful in the easy comic style. 
 Of two comedies, Cupuncula (a tabernaria ?) and Pancratiastes, we have slight 
 traces ; see Eibbeck com. '' p. 4. Vahxen, Enn. p. lxxxi and p. 153 sq. Volcatius 
 Sedigitus (§ 147, 3) mentioned his name among the comic poets antiquitatis 
 causa. 
 
 103. Ennius farther published Saturae, i.e. a collection of 
 miscellaneous poems in various metres. Parts of this work may 
 be recognised in the Sota, Protrepticus, Heduphagetica, Epichar- 
 mus, Euhemerus and in the epigrams. 
 
 1. Poeph. Hor. S. 1, 10, 47 Ennius quattuor libros saturarum reliquit. Quotation 
 from book 6 in Donat. Ter. Ph'orm. 2, 2, 25 (?). The reference (OKellee, Phil. 45, 
 389) to the o-drvpoi. of Timon of Phlius (f 226 B.C.) as Ennius' model for names and 
 subject-matter is of little service, as we know nothing of the character of those 
 poems (cf . Wachsmuth's sillogr. gr. 2 25) ; moreover the poems of Ennius were 
 called saturae not saturoe or saturi, and an amalgamation through Ennius of the 
 ancient Italian with the Hellenistic conception (§ 6, 2. § 28) is improbable; 
 lastly the Hellenistic contents of the satires (supposing the above-mentioned 
 individual titles to have really formed part of the satires) do not prove the title 
 to have been derived from Hellenistic sources. Metres : trochaic, iambic, sotadean, 
 dactylic hexameters ; it is neither probable nor attested that Ennius composed 
 satumians. The contents are didactic and include fables, e.g. that of the crested 
 lark (Babr. 88) in trochaic tetrameters (§ 27, 1. Eibbeck, EhM. 10, 290 ; cf. the 
 fable restored in the same metre by Bucheler, EhM, 41, 5 from Hygin. fab. 220). 
 — APeteemann, on Ennius' satires, Hirschb. 1851. 52. II. 
 
§ 102-104. ENNIUS : DRAMAS : SATURAE ETC. : CHARACTERISTICS. 153 
 
 2. Geix. 4, 7, 3 Ennii versum (trochaic) ex libra qui Scipio inscribitur, probably 
 a constituent part of the saturae (Book 3?): certainly not a praetexta (as 
 GR5per, de Ennii Scipione, Danzig 1868, supposed; cf. Rhaban. Maur, above 
 § 14, 2). The scanty fragments show chiefly carefully constructed trochaic 
 septenarii (but also dactylic hexameters). Composed probably before the Annales, 
 about 554/200 after Scipio's triumphant return from Africa (a. 553/201) ; there is 
 no real ground for assigning to them a later date (Vahlen, Mbller). 
 
 3. Sota (i.e. 2wras)=Sotades (2arc-d5i;s), from whom the sotadean metre has 
 received its name. Vakko LL. 5, 62 in Sota Ennii. Fest. 356 Ennius . . . in 
 Sota (the MS. has nasota). Sota Ennianus in Pronto p. 61 ; Ennius sotadico versu 
 Paul. Festi 59. 
 
 4. Praecepta s. Protrepticus, a double title. Heduphagetica, on gastronomical 
 matters, after the parody by Archestratos of Gela entitled T)5vn-6.8eia.. Vahlen, 
 RhM. 16, 581. 
 
 5. Epicharmus, a kind of didactic poem on subjects of natural philosophy, was 
 probably so called after the Sicilian comic poet of that name, who was imagined 
 as having delivered to Ennius, in the under-world, the Pythagorean philosophy 
 propounded in the work. Was it only a version of a Greek book? It was in 
 trochaic tetrameters. 
 
 6. Euhemerus, sive Sacra historia (cf. also HTJseneb, RhM. 28, 408), a Latin 
 version of the Upk avaypacpri of E<5i5,ue/>os of Agrigentum (about 450/304), in which 
 this fantastic system of explaning mythology was also applied to the gods of Italy. 
 Cic. n. d. 1, 119 Euhemerus, . . . quern, noster et interpretatus et secutus est praeter 
 ceteros Ennius. Augustin. civ. d. 7, 26 (27) totam de hoc Euhemerus pandit historiam 
 quam Ennius in latinum vertit eloquium. In the quotations of Lactantius (from a 
 prose version) the original trochaic rhythm is often heard (?). — Kkahnek, Grund- 
 linien zur Gesch. d. Verfalls etc. 37. Mommsen, RG. I 6 , 917. ERohde, gr. Rom. 
 220. B. ten Brink, Varronis locus de urbe Roma, accedunt Q. Ennii apologus 
 Aesopicus (cf. n. 1) et reliquiae Euemeri versibus quadratis, Utr. 1855. 
 
 7. A few epigrams (in elegiacs), e.g. the supposed epitaph of Ennius (§ 115, 2), 
 in Vahlen Enn. p. 162 ; cf. p. xc. 
 
 104. Ennius possessed a decided impulse towards artistic per- 
 fection. His poems indeed frequently violate the laws of beauty 
 and good taste ; but in the new path chosen by him he had also 
 very great difficulties to overcome, and by his hard position he 
 was prevented from evenly developing his rich talents. This dis- 
 proportion between his outer circumstances and inner capacities 
 increased also his self-consciousness. In his own time he was a 
 missionary of culture and free thought, and he turned the Eoman 
 language and poetry into the paths in which they continued 
 for centuries afterwards. His poetic works show great versatility 
 both in form and subject-matter, and we find him devoting him- 
 self besides to practical literary objects : thus he was occupied 
 with fixing Latin orthography. Perhaps he was also the first 
 to introduce short-hand writing (notae) in Latin. 
 
154 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 1. The Augustan and Imperial poets ungratefully and unjustly dwell on 
 Ennius' imperfect formal polish (AZingerle, Ovids Verhaltn. 2, 1) : Hor. E. 2, 1, 
 50. AP. 259. Prop. 5, 1, 61. Ovid. Am. 1, 15, 19. Val. Max. 8, 14, 1. Sen. ep. 58, 5 ; 
 of. dial. 5, 37, 5. fragm. 110-114 H. Martial. 11, 90. Macr. 1, 4, 17. A juster 
 appreciation in Ovid, trist. 2, 423 sq. suo Martem. cecinit gravis Ennius ore, Ennius 
 ingenia maximus, arte rudis. Cf. Quint. 1, 8, 8. 10, 1, 40. Also Sen. fr. 114 H. 
 quidam sunt tarn magni sensus Q. Ennii id, licet seripti sint inter hircosos, possint tamen 
 inter unguentatos placere. Macr. 6, 3, 9 nemo ex hoc viles putet veteres poetas quod 
 versus eorum scabri nobis videntur. ille enim stilus Enniani saeculi auribus solus placebat 
 etc. Quint. 10, 1, 88. Eronto p. 114 Ennius multiformis. Ciceeo de or. 1, 198 
 and de prov. cons. 21 summus poeta. Tusc. 3, 45 egregius poeta . . . praeclarum 
 carmen. But or. 36 multa apud Ennium neglegentius. Mur. 30 ingeniosus poeta et 
 auctor valde bonus. Affected admiration also in Vitruvius ; see above § 101, 4. — 
 Cf. Lucr. 1, 118 sqq. Mommsen, EG. I 6 , 910. Eibbeck, rom. Trag. 77. 
 
 2. His self -consciousness : cf. his criticism on Naevius, Cic. Brut. 76. Ann. 3 
 sq. 15. Sat. 6 sq. But see also Ann. 551. 
 
 3. His rationalism (see § 103, 6) appears esp. from Trag. 353 Ego deum genus 
 4sse semper dixi et dicam caelitum, Se"d eos non curare opinor quid agat kumanilm 
 genus ; Nam si curent, bene bonis sit, male malis, quod nunc abest etc. . . . 
 
 4. Ennius gave commendable care to verse-construction, and is remarkably 
 strict in regard to the slurring of vowels. LMuller, Q. Ennius 228. — Conceits 
 of versification and relatively faults of taste occur, e.g. exaggerated alliteration 
 etc. Ann. 113 Vahl. 452. Trag. 337, 448. sat. 33 sq. ; unsuccessful tmesis (586 
 saxo cere- comminuit -brum; cf. GL. 4, 565, 21), apocope (451 replet te laetificum gau; 
 561 divum domus altisonum cael ; 563 endo suam do. — Acrostic : Q. Ennius fecit. 
 Cic. de div. 2. 111. 
 
 5. Doubling of consonants : Festus 293 nulla geminabatur littera in scribendo. 
 quam consuetudinem Ennius mutavisse fertur, utpote Graecus graeco more usus, quod 
 Mi aeque scribentes ac legentes duplicabant mutas, semi(vocales et liquidasy, cf. § 93, 
 9. See in general for Ennius' services to the language § 93. LMuller, metr. 69. — 
 Short-hand : Suet. p. 135 Bffsch. and from him Isid. orig. 1, 21 and a Cassel MS. 
 of the notae Tironis et Senecae (§ 289, 8. "WSchmitz, symb. phil. Bonn. 532) : 
 vulgares notas Ennius primus mille et centum invenit. notarum usus erat ut quidquid 
 pro contione aut in iudiciis diceretur librarii scriberent simul astantes, divisis inter se 
 partibus quot quisque verba et quo ordine exciperet. Romae primus Tullius Tiro etc. 
 (see § 191, 4). Cf. WSchmitz, Beitr. 211 ; Verhandl. d. Trierer PhiloL-Vers. (Lpz. 
 1880) 59. WDeecke, EhM. 36, 577. It is curious that, at a period which witnessed 
 the bare beginnings of regular rhetoric, the need for exact recording of speeches 
 should have already made itself felt. These notae are therefore sometimes attri- 
 buted to the later grammarian Ennius : similar doubts as to the authorship of 
 Ennii de litteris, syllabis, metris libri II were entertained even in ancient times : see 
 § 159, 13. 
 
 6. On Ennius in gen. Eibbeck, rOm. Dicht. 1, 27. Mommsen, EG-. I 6 , 918. 
 LMuller, Q. Ennius, eine Einleitung in das Stud. d. rom. Poesie, Petersb. 1884. — 
 Ennianae poesis reliquiae, rec. JVahlen, Lps. 1854. Q. Enni carmm. reliquiae ; 
 ace. Cn. Naevi belli Poen. quae supersunt ; emend, et adn. LMuller, Petersb. 1885. 
 FPE. 58. — On the supposed preservation of works of E. down to the Middle Ages 
 see EEorstek, EhM. 37, 485.— MHoch, de Ennianorum Ann. fragm. a PMerula (in 
 his ed. Leiden 1595) auctis, Bonn 1839. JLawicki, de fraude Pauli Merulae, 
 Ennianorum armarium editoris, Bonn 1852. ThBergk, op. 1, 209-316. OEibbeck, 
 
§ 104, 105. ENNIUS : CHARACTERISTICS : PACUVIUS. 155" 
 
 BhM. 10, 265. Vahlen, ib. 14, 552. 16, 571 ; Herm. 12, 253. 399. 15, 260 ; Berl. ind. 
 leot. 1878. Mommsen, BhM. 16, 449. 17, 143. JMahly, J J. 75, 359. BUnger, scheda 
 Enniana, Halle 1875. LFruterius, BhM. 83, 244. LHavet, rev. d. philol. 2, 
 93. 9, 112. 189 and elsewhere. LQuicherat, melanges de philol. (Par. 1879), 244. 
 EBahrens, JJ. 129, 838. Francken, de zoneclips van Enn., Versl. en Mededeel. 1885 
 3, 1.— HJordan, quaestt. Enn., Konigsb. 1885. EMaass, Herm. 16, 380. 
 
 105. M. Pacuvius, the son of Ennius' sister, was born c. 
 534/220 at Brundisium, and under the guidance of his uncle, 
 who brought him to Rome, he there carried on both the pro- 
 fession of a painter and the writing of serious dramas. After 
 having exhibited plays there as late as 614/140, he returned to 
 the South of Italy and died at Tarentum c. 622/132. Of his 
 writings we know only the titles of 12 tragedies and one prae- 
 texta (Paulus). The fragments as compared with the tragedies 
 of Ennius show on the whole more fluency and facility in 
 language and verse, but sometimes likewise a tendency towards 
 artificialriy and eccentricity. The stage effect of his plays was 
 great and lasting. The artistic judgment of Cicero's time still 
 saw in Pacuvius Rome's greatest tragic poet. 
 
 1. Cic. Brut. 229 Accius isdem aedilibus ait se et Pacuvium docuisse fabulam, cum 
 ille octoginta, ipse triginta aminos natus esset. Accius was born 584/170. Hieron. ad 
 Euseb. Chr. a. 1863 = 600/154 Pacuvius Brundisinus tragoediarum scriptor clarus 
 habetur, Ennii poetae ex filia (erroneously instead of his sister, see Pliny 1.1.) nepos, 
 vixitque Iiomae quoad picturam exercuit acfabulas venditavit. deinde Tarentum trans- 
 gressus prope nonagenarius diem obiit. Varro sat. menipp. 356 Biich. . Pacvi 
 (Pacvius, Paquius, Pacuius bye-forms of the Oscan name Pacuvius : see Laohm. on 
 Lucr. p. 306. Mommsen, unterital. Dial. 284) discipulus dicor, porro is fuit Enni, 
 Enniu" 1 Musarum : Pompilius (§ 146, 2) clueor. Plin. NH. 35, 19 celebrata est in 
 foro boario, aede Herculis, Pacuvii poetae pictura. Ennii sorore genitus hie fuit, 
 clarioremque earn artem Romae fecit gloria scenae. Gell. 13, 2, 2 cum, Pacuvius 
 grandi iam aetate et morbo corporis diutino adfectus Tarentum ex urbe Roma con- 
 cessisset etc. Epitaph of Pacuvius (certainly genuine, B&cheler, BhM. 37, 521) in 
 Gell. 1, 24, 4 Adulescens tarn eUsi properas te hoc saxtlm rogat Ut sise aspicias, deinde 
 quod scripHm est legas. Sic sunt poetae Pdcuvi Marci sita Ossa. h6c volebam nescius 
 ne esses, vale. Cf. § 115, 2. 
 
 2. Tragedies : Antiopa (after Euripides), Armorum iudicium, Atalanta, 
 Chryses, Dulorestes (OJahn, Herm. 2, 229. CBobert, Bild und Lied 185), Her- 
 miona, Iliona, Medus, Niptra (after Sophokles), Pentheus, Periboea, Teucer (Pro- 
 tesilaus is extremely doubtful). The fragments are collected in Bibbeck, trag. 2 p. 
 75. Cf. Welcker, Trag. 1380. Tedffel, Tub. Progr. 1858, 7. Bibbeck, rom. Trag. 
 218. 
 
 3. The subject of the praetexta Paulus (Bibbeck trag. 2 p. 280) was no doubt L. 
 Aemilius Paulus as conqueror at Pydna ; OJahn, Lpz. Ber. 1856, 301. Bibbeck, 
 rom. Trag. 326. 
 
 4. Gell. 6 (7), 14, 6 exempla in latina lingua M. Varro esse dicit ubertatis Pacuvium, 
 gracilitatis Lucilium, mediocritatis Terentium. Fbonto, however, p. 114 mediocris 
 
15G SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 Pacuvius. Cornificius ad Her. 4, 7 finds his forte in the messengers' recitals 
 (nuntii.) Cic. de opt. gen. or. 1 itaque licet dicere et Ennium summum epicum poetam 
 et Pacuvium tragicum et Caecilium fortasse comicum. Brut. 258 illorum (Laelius 
 and Africanus minor) aequales Caecilium et Pacuvium male locutos videmus • of. ad 
 Att. 7, 3. 10. or. 155. Lucil. ap. Non. 30 tristis contorto aliquo ex Pacuviano exordio. 
 Hor. E. 2, 1, 55. Quint. 10, 1, 97. Pers. 1, 77. Martial 11, 96, Tac. dial. 20. 
 A review of these judgments by Teuffel, Tub. Progr. 1858, 11. Cf. OJahn, Herm. 
 2,234. 
 
 5. Pacuvius as a writer of satires : Diomedes GL. 1, 485 satira . . . carmen 
 quale scripserunt Pacuvius et Ennius. Cf. Porphyr. on Hor. sat. 1, 10, 46 cum . . . 
 Terentius Varro Narbonensis (§ 212, 1) . . . item Ennius . . . et Pacuvius 
 huic generi versificationis non suffecissent. — In general on Pacuvius Mommsen, EG. 2 6 , 
 431. Teuffel, Caecil. Statins, Pacuvius etc. Tub. Progr. 1858, 5. Bibbeck, rom. 
 Trag. 334 ; rOm. Dicht. 1, 166. 
 
 106. Statius Caecilius, a contemporary of Pacuvius of al- 
 most the same age, belonged by birth to the Celtic tribe of the 
 Insubrians, and came to Rome probably as a prisoner of war be- 
 tween 554/200 and 560/194. After his manumission he associated 
 himself especially with Ennius, whom he did not survive very 
 long. Thus standing midway between Plautus and Terence, 
 Caecilius seems in his comedies, which were adaptations from 
 New Attic originals, to have at first adhered more to the manner 
 of Plautus, and later on, in accordance with the Greek fashion 
 of the period, to have conformed more to rules, though he always 
 retained greater originality than Terence. His fragments show 
 the usual manner of the palliatae, but not so many archaic forms 
 as Pacuvius. 
 
 1. Hieron. ad Euseb. Chron a. Abr. 1838 = 575/179: Statius Caecilius comoedia- 
 rum scriptor clarus habetur, natione Insuber Oallus et Ennii primum contubernalis. 
 quidam Mediolanensem ferunt. mortuus est anno post mortem Ennii III (the number 
 added by Eitschl, op. 3, 233, in order to carry Caecilius' life down to the perfor- 
 mance of Terence's Andria [§ 110, 1, 1] ; III1 ace. to Dziatzko) et iuxta eum in 
 Ianiculo (so Eitschl 1.1. instead of iuxta Ianiculum) sepultus. Cf. KFHermann, 
 de script, ill. p. 3. Gell. 4, 20, 13 Caecilius ille comoediarum poeta inclutus servus 
 fuit et propterea nomen habuit Statius. sed postea versum est quasi in cognomentum 
 appellatusque est Caecilius Statius. Merely Caecilius he is called in Cic. de or. 2, 40. 
 Brut. 258. de opt. gen. 2. ad Att. 7, 3, 10 ; Statius alone never, not even de or. 2, 257. 
 — If Caecilius died a. 588/166 he may have been born c. 535/219, as he is nowhere 
 numbered among the longaevi (Eitschl, Parerga 183, note) and was therefore of 
 a fit age for military service in 554/200 sqq. 
 
 2. At first he was not successful in his plays, see Ter. Hec. prol. 2, 6 sqq. 
 Later on, he was employed as an authority to pass judgment on plays offered for 
 exhibition, Suet. vit. Ter. p. 28, 9. Eitschl, Parerga 329. 
 
 3. Of the 40 titles of comedies known to us (Eibbeck's com. 2 p. 35) 16 agree 
 with titles of Menander: Andria, Androgynos, Chalcia, Dardanus, Ephesio, 
 Hymnis, Hypobolimaeus (Eastraria), Imbrii, Karine, Nauclerus, Plocium, Polu- 
 
§ 106, 107. caecilius: trabea etc. 157 
 
 meni, Progamos, Synaristosae, Synephebi, Titthe. The titles themselves are 
 divided into three classes ; 1) merely Latin ones, in the manner of Plautus ; 2) 
 double titles, in Latin and in Greek ; 3) merely in Greek, in the manner of Terence 
 and Turpilius. The last by far preponderate in number. Hence it may be in- 
 ferred that Caecilius at first treated his originals with great freedom, but afterwards 
 adhered to them more and more closely. 
 
 4. Varro ap. Non. 374 in argumentis Caecilius poscit palmam ; ap. Charis. GL. 1, 
 241 irdBr) Trabea, Atilius, Caecilius facile moverunt. Cf. Hor. E. 2, 1, 59 and other 
 notices in Teuffel, Tub. Progr. 1858, 3. Being an Insubrian by birth and having 
 come late to Borne, Caecilius could not be considered a competent authority 
 for good Latin; Cic. ad Att. 7, 3, 10. Cf. Brut. 258 (§ 105, 4). Criticism: 
 LFruterius, BhM. 33, 243.— In general see Mommsen, EG. I 6 , 902 and Teuffel, 
 Caecilius Statius etc. Tub. 1858, 1. 
 
 107. In the time of Caecilius, Trabea was another poet of 
 palliatae, and perhaps also Atilius, who seems to have resembled 
 him ; so was the author of the Boeotia, Aquilius, and Licinius 
 Imbrex. Luscius Lanuvinus was an older contemporary 
 and rival of Terence. 
 
 1. Varro ap. Charis. GL. 1, 241 vdffri Trabea, Atilius, Caecilius facile moverunt. 
 Cf.' Eitschl, Parerga 194, who accordingly places the time of the two former 
 before that of Caecilius, who came to Eome when a, full-grown man. Trabea's 
 nomen gentile is unknown, the praenomen Q. without any authority. Two frag- 
 ments of lively tone and polished language are found in Eibbeck, com. 2 p. 31. 
 
 2. The scanty fragments of Atilius (p. 32 Bibb. 2 ), as a poet of palliatae desig- 
 nated by the title of Misogynos, are more archaic. Cic. ad Att. 14, 20, 3 calls him 
 poeta durissimus and so also Licinius (correctly Licinus § 146, 3 ; DDetlefsen. 
 Phil. 42, 182 incorrectly writes Lucilius) ap. Cic. fin. 1, 5 calls Atilius who trans- 
 lated Sophokles' Elektra (cf. Suet. Iul. 84) 'Ferreum scriptorem : verum, opinor, 
 scriptorem tamen Ut legendus sit'. Thus the two may be presumed to be identical; 
 see Eibbeck, rom. Trag. 608. It is less probable that he is identical with the 
 actor L. Hatilius of Praeneste (§ 16, 14) who performed in the plays of Terence 
 (at the beginning of the 7th century ? Dziatzko, BhM. 21, 72). 
 
 3. The- Boeotia (Boeotis ? see Kock, com. gr. 2, 85), shown by its title to be a 
 palliata, which was considered to be by a certain Aquilius even in (or before) 
 Varro's time, was yet attributed by the latter to Plautus on account of its 
 Plautine style (Gell. 3, 3, 3), though L. Accius had emphatically protested against 
 this supposition (ib. 9). The historical allusions point to a. 580/174-600/154. 
 Eitschl, Parerga 82. 123. 208. Eibbeck, com. 2 p. 33. 
 
 4. Licinius Imbrex, vetus comoediarum scriptor, infabula quae Neaera (in)scripta 
 est, Gell. 13, 23, 16. Cf. Paul. Festi 109. Now. 196, 24 Licinius in Marte (cf. 
 Bergk, JJ. 101, 832) ? Bather Licinius Macer (■§ 156, 5). Volcac. Sedig. ap. Gell. 
 15, 24 si erit quod quarto detur dabitur Licinio. Perhaps identical with Licinius 
 Tegula (§ 114, 3) ? 
 
 5. Luscius Lanuvinus (Lavinius : see on this perhaps incorrect form 
 Dziatzko on the Phorm., p. 100), the chief adversary of Terence (malivolus vetus 
 poeta) who is bitterly attacked in all the Terentian prologues except the one to 
 the Hecyra. He translated Menander's Qdo-fui (Ter. Eun. prol. 9) and a Qijaavpds (ib. 
 10) by the same author (?) so faithfully as to preserve even details which were 
 
158 SIXTH CENT0EY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 sure to displease a Boman audience, and blamed Terence's deviations from his 
 Greek originals and his additions from other Greek plays (§ 16, 9) as faults. Ter. 
 Eun. prol. 10. Cf. Andr. prol. 15. Heaut. 16. Phorm. prol. 1. Ad. 1. Grauebt, 
 Analekten 116. Ladewig, Kanon des Vole. Sed. 12. Ribbeck, com. 2 83. — On 
 Plautius see § 96, B. 
 
 108. P. Terentius Afer was a native of Carthage, but at 
 an early age came to Rome, where he was the slave of a senator 
 Terentius Lucanus, by whom he was educated like a free man, 
 and soon manumitted. Perhaps on account of his African birth, 
 he came into intimate relations with Africanus the Younger, a 
 fact which gave rise to the rumour that the latter was the real 
 author of his plays. After having exhibited six plays, Terence 
 went to Greece (a. 594/160) in order to study there. He died 
 there, while on his way home, a. 595/159, in the prime of life. 
 
 1. Our principal source is the extract from Suetonius' work de poetis (§ 347, 
 7) preserved by Donatus (§ 409, 3) in the introduction to his commentary on 
 Terence, mostly a compilation of the frequently conflicting notices of the 
 grammarians. See Bitschl's edition in Beifferscheid's Sueton. (Lpz. 1880), now 
 also in his opusc. 3, 204. See also Bergr, Phil. 16, 627. HSauppe, Gott. Nachrich- 
 ten 1870, 111. JVahlen, SBer. d. Berl. Ak. 1876, 789. 
 
 2. The notice in Hieron. ad Euseb. 1859=596/158 and the vitae fNorimber- 
 gensis, Ambrosiana) preserved in MS. are collectively derived from Sueton. (n. 1). 
 Bitschl, opusc. 3, 374. Only the very short addition to the vita of Suetonius by 
 Donatus possesses an independent value. v (p. 35, 1 B.). 
 
 3. Terence came to Eome perhaps through » slave-dealer, who either bought 
 or caught him in Africa. He cannot have been a prisoner of war, as he was born 
 after the end of the second Punic war (553/201) and died before the commence- 
 ment of the 3rd (605/149) ; see Fenestella in Suetonius 1.1. Bergk, 1.1. 628. AL. 
 734 PLM. 5, 385 Romanis ducibus bdlica praedafui. 
 
 4. The praenomen Publius he may have received either from his patron or 
 from another protector, perhaps Africanus the Younger. Cf. Cic. fam. 13, 35, 1. 
 Att. 4, 15, 1. 
 
 5. Suet. p. 27, 2 Reiff. cum multis nobilibus familiariter vixit, sed maxime cum 
 Scipione Africano et O. Laelio. quibus etiam corporis gratia conciliatus existimatur 
 . . . non obscura fama est adiutum Terentium in scriptis a Laelio et Scipione, eamque 
 ipse auxit numquam nisi leviter (cf. prol. to Heaut. and Ad.) refutare conatus. The 
 latter he may have done because the rumour was offensive to neither party. 
 Comments on it in Suet. 1.1. Cf . Cic. Att. 7, 3, 10 Terentium, cuius fabellae propter 
 elegantiam sermonis putabantur a C. Ladio scribi. Quint. 10, 1, 99 licet Terentii 
 scripta ad Scipionem Africanum referantur. +Vallegius in actione (§ 147, 3) ap. 
 Donatus (Suet. p. 35, 5 B.). It is possible that, before publishing, Terence used to 
 read his compositions in the circle of his friends and avail himself of their obser- 
 vations and suggestions. We may, at all events, consider this rumour as a 
 sufficient warrant for the genuine Boman character of Terence's style and lan- 
 guage. Cf. besides Vahlen, MBer. d. Berl. Ak. 1876, 797. 
 
 6. Suet. p. 32, 4 post editas comoedias nondum quintum atque vicesimvm (the 
 
§ 108, 109. terentius: life: comedies. 159 
 
 number XXXV is only in interpolated MSS., Ritschi,, op. 3, 253) egressus (Ritschl, 
 tngressus) annum, causa vitandae opinionis qua videbatur aliena pro suis edere seu 
 (studio added by Ritschl) percipiendi Graecorum instituta moresque, quos non perinde 
 exprimeret in scriptis, egressus (GBeckek in Graeciam profectw) est neque amplius 
 rediit . . . Q. Cosconius redeuntem e Graecia perisse in mari ^Fleckeisen, krit. 
 Miszell. 59 here adds the words sinu Leucadiae and omits the words below} dicit 
 cum C et VIII fabulis conversis a Menandro (on this corrupt passage see Bitschi, 
 1.1. 257. EBahbens and AFleckeisen, JJ. 113, 594. RPeiper, RhM. 32, 517. 
 JHilberg, epistula ad Vahlen., Wien 1877, 17): ceteri mortuum esse in Arcadia 
 Stymphali [sinu Leucadiae] tradunt On. Cornelio Dolabella M. Fulvio Nobiliore coss. 
 (a. 595/159, following which Jerome writes ad a. 1859=596/158 Terentius . . . 
 moritur), morbo implicatum ex dolore ac taedio amissarum sarcinarum, quas nave 
 praemiserat, ac simul fabularum quas novas fecerat. Cf. Lucan. 5, 651 oraeque 
 malignos Ambraciae portus, on which the Schol. observes : malignos dixit, sive quia 
 saxosi sunt sive quia Terentius ittic dicitur periisse. Auson. ep. 18, 16 Arcadiae 
 medio qui iacet in gremio. 
 
 7. The date of his death was traditional (n. 6) : but that Terence died in his 
 25th year and therefore was born about a. 570/184 has only been inferred by the 
 Roman historians of literature, chiefly from the fact of his being a contemporary 
 of Scipio (born a. 569/185) and of Laelius (§ 131, 1, 3) : cf. Suet. p. 27, 6 Nepos 
 aequales omnes (Ter. Scip. Lael.) fuisse censet. But the fact remains established 
 even if Terence was several years older than these. Fenestella already asserted 
 (Suet. 1.1.) utroque maiorem (Terentium) fuisse, and Santra (Suet. 1.1.) even calls 
 Scipio and Laelius adulescentuli as compared with Terence. That he may have 
 been born earlier there is evidence in the fact that the oldest of the plays (Andr.) 
 was performed 588/166. That the elaborate purist Terence should have taken 
 his place as a writer for the stage in his 18th year, is hardly credible, nor is it 
 likely that his opponent, with whom he often quarrels in the prologues, would 
 have omitted to reproach him with this precocity. KLRoth, RhM. 12, 183. 
 HSauppe, Gott. Nachr. 1870, 114. CDziatzko, Ter. com. p. v. 
 
 8. Suet. p. 33, 4 fuisse dicitur mediocri statura, gracili corpore, colore fusco 
 (Suet. 1.1., cf. Verg. Moret. 32 Afra genus, tota patriam testante figura, torta comam 
 labroque tumens etfusca colore). His portrait in vignette in the MSS. Vatic, Paris., 
 Basilic, Ambr. (§ 109, 2) and also on a contorniate in Gotha, all unauthentic ; 
 equally unauthenticated is a bust with a mask (rather tragic than comic) on the 
 right shoulder, which was found in 1826 in the neighbourhood of the site indi- 
 cated by Suetonius, and which is now in the Capitoline Museum. Ann. d. Inst, 
 archeol. 1840, p. 97 tav. GVisconti, iconogr. rom. 1, 317. JJBernoulli, rOm. 
 Ikonogr. 1, 68. — Suet. p. 33, 5 reliquit ftliam, quae post equiti rom. nupsit, item 
 hortulos XXiugerum via Appia ad Martis (cf. PRE. I 2 , 158 ; Wilmanns 320, 7). 
 
 109. All the six comedies written and exhibited at Eome by- 
 Terence are extant. The numerous MSS. are divided into two 
 classes, the very ancient Bembine and those representing the 
 text of Calliopius. His plays were also annotated ; we possess 
 only the commentaries of Donatus and Eugraphius. There 
 are also important didascaliae to the plays (though in a very 
 difficult text), and metrical arguments. 
 
 1. Suet. p. 28, 8 scripsit comoedias sex, ex quibus primam Andriam etc. Cf. 
 
160 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 Auson. ep. 18, 15 on the number six : prutulit in scenam quot dramata fabellarum 
 etc. 
 
 2. Manuscripts : the best is Vatic. 3226 (A, s. IV/V, Bembinus ; facsimile ap. 
 Wattenb.-Zangem. t. 8 and 9 ; Chatelain t. 6) : in competition with this are the 
 other MSS. whieh are all derived from the text, sound in its basis but greatly 
 damaged by arbitrary alterations, of the unknown grammarian Calliopius (of s. 
 IV or III ? CBraun, quaestt. Ter. 21. FLeo, BhM. 38, 321). The subscriptio 
 (§ 41, 2 ad fin.) reads: Calliopius recensui and felieiter Calliopio; cf. OJahn, Lpz. 
 Ber. 1851, 362. To these Calliopian MSS. belong among others Paris. 7899 (P), 
 Vat. 3868 (C), Ambros. (P), Basilicanus (B), all s. X; further, as a separate group, 
 important on account of their close connection with A : Victorianus (D, s. X in 
 Florence) and Decurtatus (G, Vatic. 1640 s. XI/XII), Lps. s. X (OBrugmann, JJ. 
 113, 420. KDziatzko, BhM. 39, 340), Paris. 10304 s. XI (AFritsch PHI. 32, 446. 
 Dziatzko 1.1. 344). Facsimiles of MSS. BCDFGP are also to be found in Chate- 
 lain t. 7-11.— The MS. C is specially notable for its illustrations (to the Terentian 
 comedies) which are based on old tradition (FLeo, BhM. 28, 335) : partly repro- 
 duced in d'Agincourt, Hist, de 1'art 5, pi. 35. 36. FWieselek, Denkm. d. Buhnen- 
 wesens, Gott. 1851, t. 10. Similar designs are to be found in F and P. Those in 
 F ap. AMai, Plauti fragm. etc., Mail. 1815.— On the Terence MSS.; Bitschl, 
 opusc. 3, 281. FUmppenbach before his edition p. 1. CSydow, de fide librorum 
 Ter. ex Calliopii recensione ductorum, Berl. 1878. FLeo, BhM. 38, 317. Dziatzko, 
 BhM. 39, 339. WPbinzhobn, de libris Ter. qui ad recens. Calliopianam redeunt, 
 Gott. 1885. WForsteb, Lyoner fragm. zum Hautontim. s. VIII, ZfoG. 26, 188.— 
 EBartels, de Ter. ap. Nonium, Diss. Argentor. 9, 1 (see § 390, 3). On the quota- 
 tions from Terence in Arusianus (they generally agree with D) HSchindleb (a. 9) 
 cap. 1. — ASteubing, anall. ad testimonia Terentiana, Marb. 1872. — Geppebt, zur 
 Gesch. der terentianischen Kritik, Jahn's Archiv 18, 28. JBhix, de Ter. libris 
 mss. a Bentleio adhibitis, Brieg 1852. AWilms, de personarum notis in codd. 
 Ter., Halle 1881 (§ 16, 8). FUmppenbach, Phil. 32, 442. 
 
 3. For all the plays metrical tables of contents are preserved, consisting each 
 of 12 senarii, which in the Bembine severally bear the superscription : GSulpici 
 Apollinaiis periocha: § 99, 3. 357, 2^rCommentators : Valerius Probus, Aemilius 
 Asper, Helenius Aero, Aelius Donatus, Euanthius ; doubtful are Arruntius Celsus 
 and the writer, whose name is corrupt, mentioned ap. Domat. on Ter. Eun. 4, 4, 22 : 
 Ego Adesionem sequor, qui recte intellexit etc. Subingae, hist. crit. schol. lat. 1, 77. 
 Eitschl, Parerga 361. The commentary of Donatus preserved to us (§ 409, 3) is 
 also valuable for its comparative references to the Greek originals, but it is want- 
 ing for the Heauton timorumenos : to supply its place JCalphurnius wrote in the 
 15th cent, a commentary which has no value for us ; FJLoffler, de Oalphurnio 
 (tl503) Ter. interprete, Diss. Argentor. 6, 261. The commentary of Eugraphius 
 (§ 482, 2) is without independent value ; HGeestenberg, de Eugraphio, Jena 1886. 
 See the scholia of the cod. Bembinus ap. FUmpfenbach, Herm. 2, 337, and on them 
 WStudemund, JJ. 97. 546. 125, 51. Cf. Umpfenbach's edition p. xxxvu. — Differ- 
 entiae (synonyms) Terentii ap. HHagen, anecd. Helv. p. exxxm. A glossary to 
 Ter. from Vat. 1471 s. IX was published by GGoetz, ind. schol. Ienens. 1885. 
 
 4. The didascaliae are preserved in a twofold text, viz. in that of the Bembine, 
 and in the Calliopian (n. 2) : with the latter are connected the praef a+iones of 
 Donatus. The basis of both was a collection (originally more complete) of scenic 
 notices, which had probably been compiled from official records (commentarii 
 magistratuum, annales maximi) and literary research, most likely from Varro de 
 actis scaenicis (§ 166, 5). Out of this the Bembine has preserved a selection, whieh, 
 
§ 109. TERENTIUS: EDITIONS. 161 
 
 though incomplete and confused, is not systematically or intentionally garbled ; 
 the Calliopian version on the other hand gives » deliberate and to some extent 
 arbitrary selection, which is limited in each case to a single performance (the 
 first). KDziatzko, EhM. 21, 87. Cf. generally Eitschl, Parerga 263. WWil- 
 manns, de didascaliis Ter., Berl. 1864. Dziatzko, EhM. 20, 570. 21, 64. 39, 339. 
 CSteffen, act. soc. Lips. 2, 152. FSchoell, EhM. 31, 469. — On the number of 
 actors etc. in Ter. see § 16, 4. See also below n. 6. 
 
 5. The enumeration in § 110 follows the Bembine, which arranges the plays in 
 the supposed order of their composition. This MS. alone marks this succession 
 regularly with ' facta I' {prima or primo loco) 'facta II' etc. up to 'facta VI? 
 whereas the other MSS. only three times give the number, but in so doing corre- 
 spond with the Bemb. The illustrated MSS. CPF have the following succession : 
 Andr. Eun. Heaut. Ad. Hec. Phorm., while DG have: Andr. Ad. Eun. Phorm. 
 Heaut. Hec. Conjectures as to the cause of these differences of arrangement e.g. 
 WWagneb, JJ. 91, 291. FLeo, EhM. 38, 318. Cf. § 110, 6, n. 1. During the life- 
 time of Terence, according to the didascaliae, the following representations took 
 place : a. 588/166 the Andria in April (lud. meg.). 589/165 Hecyra 1 (first time, 
 lud. meg.). 591/163 Heauton timorumenos (lud. meg.). 593/161 Eunuchus (lud. 
 meg.). Phormio (lud. rom. in September). 594/160 Hecyra 2 (second trial) and 
 Adelphoe (at the funeral games for Aemilius Paulus). Hecyra 3 (complete per- 
 formance ; lud. rom.). Dziatzko, EhM. 21, 84. Cf. HPackelmann, de ordine Ter 
 fabularum, potissimum prologis adhibitis, Halle 1875. 
 
 6. ALELiebig, de prologis Ter. et Plaut., Gorlitz 1859. KDziatzko, de pro- 
 logis Plaut. et Ter., Bonn 1863. GBoissieb, les prologues de Ter., Melanges Graux 
 (Par. 1884) 79. AEoehbicht, quaestt. scaen. ex. prologis Ter. petitae, Diss. 
 Argentor. 9, 293. 
 
 7. Collective editions: Ed. princeps: Strassb. 1470. Edition s. 1. et ». in 
 Italy about 1470-75 (Jahn's Archiv 4, 325). Editions by Muketus (Venet. 1555), 
 GFaeenus (Elorent. 1565), FLindenbbog (c. Donati et Eugraphii comm., Paris 1602 ; 
 Francof. 1623), PhPabeus, (Neust. 1619), JHBoeclee (ace. comm. PGuieti, Strassb. 
 1657), in usum Delphini (with index of words, Par. 1675). — Ex rec. et c. not. 
 BBentleji, Cantabr. 1726 (with vocabulary, reprint by EVollbehe, Kiel 1846; 
 on Bentley's English MSS. of Ter. see FUmpfenbach, Phil. 32, 442. MWaeeen, 
 Americ. journ. of philol. 3, 59). Comm. perp. illustr. ; acced. Donat. Eugraphius 
 etc., cur. AWestekhovius, Haag 1726 II (reprint by CStaixbaum, Dps. 1830). Ed. 
 FGBothe in Poet. seen. T. IV (Mannh. 1837). Illustr. NELemaire, Par. 1827 III. 
 Cum schol. Donati et Eugraphii ed. EKlotz, Lps. 1838. 39. II.— Eec. AFleckeisen, 
 Lps. 1857. "With notes etc. by ESUPaekt, Lond. 1857 ; by "WWagner, Lond. 
 1869. Ed. et apparatu crit. instruxit FUmpfenbach, Berl. 1870. Eec. KDziatzko, 
 Lps. 1884. 
 
 8. Eecent translations (German) : by ThBenfey, Stuttg. 1837 sqq. ; remodelled 
 (Andr. Eun. and Ad.) Stuttg. 1854 : by FJacob, Berl. 1845 ; JHerbst, Stuttg. 1854 
 sqq. JJCDonnee, Lpz. u. Heidelb. 1864 II. In English verse, by GeoColman, Lond. 
 1802. 
 
 9. Criticism and explanation : GHebmann, de Bentleio eiusque edit. Terent., 
 in opusc. 2, 263. JKbauss, quaestt. Ter. crit., Bonn 1850. AKlette, exercitt. Ter., 
 Bonn 1855. JBeix, de Ter. fabulis post Bentleinm emendandis, Liegnitz 1857. 
 ThLadewig, Beitr. z. Kritik des Ter., Neustrelitz 1858. EBkuner, quaestt. Ter., 
 Helsingfors 1868; acta societ. scient. fennicae 9, 1 sqq. Madvig, advers. crit. 2, 
 12. FUmpfenbach, analecta Ter., Mainz 1874. HBosse, quaestt. Ter., Lps. 1875. 
 "WKocks, interpolations Ter. in d. Festschr. des Friedr.-Wilh.-Gymn., Koln 1875, 
 
 E.L. M 
 
162 SIXTH CENTURY D.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 27. MHoelzer, de interpolatt. Ter., Halle 1878. OSchdbeet, symb. ad. Ter. 
 emendandum, Weim. 1878. HSchindler, obss. orit. et hist, in Ter., Halle 1881. 
 ThBraune, JJ. 131, 65.— PBaret, de iure ap. Ter., Paris 1878.— Eeviews of the 
 literature on Ter. since 1873 by WWagner and ASpengel, JB. 1873, 445. 1874/75 
 1,798. 1876 2,356. 1877 2,314. 18812,177. 1884 2,74. Cf. § 16, 2 sqq. 98., 7 sqq. 
 
 110. These six plays are as follows : 
 
 1) Andria, exhibited a. 588/166 at the Megalensian games, 
 an adaptation of Menander's 'AvBpia with additions from the same 
 poet's Ilepivdla. The last scene exists in two texts. 
 
 1. In the Bemb. the didasc, together with the beginning of the play, is lost, 
 but Donatus' titulus reports about the first and second performance (the latter 
 between 611/143-620/134, by Q. Minucius and Valerius, Dziatzko, EhM. 21, 64). 
 See Suet. vit. Ter. p. 28, 8 primam Andriam cum aedilibus daret, iussus ante Caecilio 
 recitare ad cenantem cum venisset, dicitur initium quidem fabulae, quod erat contemp- 
 tiore vestitu, subsellio iuxta lectulum resident legisse, post paucos vera versus invitatus 
 ut accumberet cenasse una, dein cetera percucurrisse non sine magna Caecilii admi- 
 ratione. 
 
 2. The prologue dates from the first performance, see Dziatzko, EhM. 20, 579. 
 21, 64 : in his edition of the Phorm. p. 10. OBrugmann, JJ. 113, 417. WWagner, 
 JB. 1874/75 1, 804. Cf. also HPackelhann (see § 109, 5) 7. 
 
 3. On its relation to the original see Grauert, Analekten 173. KFHermann, 
 Ter. Andr. quarn fideliter ad Menandrum expressa sit, Marb. 1838. WIhke, 
 quaestt. p. 5. ThBenfey's pref. to his translation. WTeuffel, Stud. u. Charakt. 
 280. KDziatzko, EhM. 31, 234. KBraun, quaestt. Ter., Jen. 1877. FKampe, 
 § HI, 2. 
 
 4. Of the two texts of the conclusion the shorter is the genuine one ; the more 
 elaborate, which is missing from all the standard MSS., is certainly not Terentian. 
 At the best it was composed for a later revival of the play. Eitschl, Parerga 583. 
 ASpengel, Mttnchn. SBer. 1873, 620 ; ed. of the Andria, p. 148. KDziatzko, JJ. 
 113, 235. AGreifeld, de Andr. Ter. gemino exitu, Halle 1886. — On a third exitus 
 in cod. Erlang. nr. 300 see PSchmidt, d. Zahl der Schauspieler bei PI. u. Ter. 39. 
 Cf. HKeil in Eitschl's opusc. 3, 280. 
 
 5. Editions : with copious notes by GPerlet, Eonneb. 1805 ; ex rec. FrEitteri, 
 Berl. 1833 ; with critical and exegetical notes by EKlotz, Lpz. 1865 ; rec. et illustr. 
 LQuicherat, Par. 1866. Annotated by ASpengel, Berl. 1875 ; CMeissner, Bernb. 
 1876. OEFreeman and ASloman, Oxf . 1886. 
 
 6. ASpengel, d. Composition der A. des T., Munchn. SBer. 1873, 599. — Vogel, 
 Ter. Andr. in graecum conversa. P.I., Treptow 1864. Translated by F . . . x. 
 (Felix Mendelssohn-Bartholdy), Berl. 1826. 
 
 2) Eunuchus, a clever contamination from Menander's Ev- 
 vovxos and some parts of his K6Xa%. The varied and lively plot 
 obtained even in the poet's life-time a decided success for the 
 play. 
 
 1. On its relation to the original see G-rauert, Analekten 147. WIhne, quaestt. 
 15. WTeuffel, Stud. u. Char. 281. KBraun, quaestt. Ter., Jen. 1877. According 
 
§ 110. TERENTIUS: PLAYS. 163 
 
 to Peks. sat. 5, 161 Thais was in the Euv. called Chrysis, Phaedria Chaerestratus, 
 Parmeno Davus, and Grnatho in the K<SX. was Struthias. 
 
 2. Eunuchus bis die (Eitschl: deinceps) acta est meruitque pretium quantum 
 nulla antea cuiusquam comoedia, i.e. (see Eitschl, op. 3, 240) odo milia nummum, 
 Suet, vita Ter. p. 29 Effsch.=RiTSCHX, opusc. 3, 208. Cf. Auctar. Donat. ib. p. 35 
 (214), and Donatus' praef. to the Eun. p. 10, 12 Effsch. Eitschl, Parerga 330. 
 Dziatzko, EhM. 21, 68. 
 
 3. The consuls of the year in which the play was first exhibited are not men- 
 tioned by Donatus; the Calliopian didascalia mentions M. Valerius (593/161), 
 C. (?) Mummius (608/146) ; Fannius (593/161) ; the aed. cur. in Donatus and in the 
 Calliopian rec. L. Postumius Albinus (cos. 600/154, consequently aedile c. 594/160), 
 L. Cornelius Merula (probably the father of the consul of 667/87 who bears the 
 same name) and the performance ludis megalensibus ; but in the Bemb. M. Iunius 
 (Brutus, the jurist, a praetorius ? § 133, 2), and L. Iulius (Caesar, the father of 
 the consul bearing the same name of 664/90?), ludis romanis. Hence we may 
 draw conclusions as to two performances, a. 593/161 (coss. M. Valerius Messala, C. 
 Pannius Strabo ; aed. Albinus and Merula) and again 608/146 (coss. Cn. Cornelius 
 Lentulus, L. Mummius Achaicus ; aed. Iunius and Iulius). See Dziatzko, EhM. 
 21, 66.— MHaupt, opusc. 3, 457. 520. Vahlen, Berl. ind. lect. 1883/84.— Transl. by 
 Gtkavenhoest, Hamb. 1852. Ed. (with Andr.) TLPapillon, Lond. 1870. 
 
 3) Heautcm timorumenos, the self-tormentor, after Men- 
 ander's play of the same title, without the use of another play ; 
 a comedy of intrigue, with a somewhat extravagant plot, little 
 delineation of character and dry in tone. 
 
 1. Ex Integra graeca integra comoedia, prol. 4 ; ib. 36 entitled stataria. 'Eavrbv 
 Ti/Mjpo<jfieiros=8e crucians (1, 1, 29), se exercens (1, 1, 94) ; ipse sepoeniens (Cic. Tusc. 
 3, 65).' In the titulus the MSS. give the more complete form Heauton tim., and so 
 do the grammarians in their quotations. This is therefore the proper title of 
 the play, although in prol. 5 the shorter form Hauton tim. was used in speakin ■ 
 KDziatzko, EhM. 27, 159. Similar titles are Damoxenos' "E,avrbv vcvBQv, Anti- 
 phanes' "Eavrov ipdv, Dexikrates' 'T<p' iavrdv Trha.vtbiJ.evoi and the 'Bf rawoD eorcie 
 translated by Caecilius. 
 
 2. The consuls of the year of performance in the Bemb. : Cn. Cornelius, Marcus 
 (ought to be Manius) Iuvenius (i.e. Iuvencius, Iuventius) ; in the other MSS. M. 
 Iunio, T. Sempronio, perhaps pointing to the year 591/163, in which Ti. Sempro- 
 nius Gracchus II and M'. Iuventius Thalna were consuls, and to a revival under 
 the consulship of some Cornelius (Cn. Cornelius Lentulus a. 608/146 ? P. Cornelius 
 Scipio Nasica Serapio a. 616/138 ?). At the first performance (ludis megalensibus) 
 perhaps aed. cur. L. Cornelius Lentulus (no doubt the ambassador of a. 592/162 
 in Polyb. 31, 23 and cos. 598/156) and L. Valerius Elaccus (cos. 602/152 ?) See 
 Dziatzko, EhM. 20, 574. 21, 68. 
 
 Annotated by WWagner, Berl. 1872 ; by ESShuckbubgh, Lond. 1878.— Criti- 
 cism : CVenediger, J J. 109, 129. HBlumnee, J J. 131, 805. LHavet, rev. de phil. 
 10, 12. 
 
 4) Phormio, so called from the parasite in the play, the 
 original by Apollodoros of Karystos being entitled 'Einfoicatytxevcx;. 
 
164 SIXTH CENTURY U.C, (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 The- plot is interesting, the delineation of characters varied and 
 detailed, the whole execution lively and merry. 
 
 1. On the title and original see prol. 25-28 together with Donatus, according 
 to whom Apollodoros' play was rather entitled 'B-nSiKa^ofihi]. Cf. Meineke, hist, 
 crit. com. gr. 464. Dziatzko, EhM. 31, 248. 
 
 2. The titulus in the Benib. is : acta ludis megalensibus Q. Caspione Cfn. Servilio 
 cos. Graeca Apollodoru Epidicazomenos. Facta est IIII. In the cod. Vaticanus the 
 coss. are G. Fannius, M. Valerius, and the same are given in Donat. praef. p. 14, 18 
 Bffsch. M. Valerio et 0. Fannio coss. ; the MSS. of the Calliopian class have also 
 ludis romanis. The latter report the first exhibition a. 593/161, tinder the aediles 
 Albums and Merula ; the Bemb. has a later revival, perhaps a. 613/141 (coss. Cn. 
 Servilius Caepio and Q. Pompeius, this being more probable than a. 614/140, coss. 
 C. Laelius and Q. Servilius Caepio). Dziatzko, EhM. 20, 575. 21, 70. 
 
 3. Ter. Phormio ed. CGElberling, Kopenh. 1861. Annotated by KDziatzko, 
 Lpz. 2 1885, by JBond and ASWalpole, Lond. 1879. — JWollenbeeg, Collation des 
 Ph. aus e. Hs. des 13. saec. in Tours, ZfGW. 14, 888. 
 
 5) Hecyra, the mother-in-law, a play with a strange story, 
 peculiar characters, and almost destitute of plot, and anything 
 rather than a comedy ; hence it was not to the taste of the Roman 
 public and its performance was long attended with difficulties. 
 
 1. The plot turns only upon sentiment, and the final solution settles only 
 sentimental difficulties. In his characters the Greek poet seems to have intended, 
 a deviation from the ordinary routine. The explanation of the plot is given 
 through irpoawira irpoTariKd. 
 
 2. As the play is called "&Kvpa and not Socrus, it is almost certain that it is (like 
 the Adelphoe) an adaptation of a Greek play entitled "Empd. In agreement with 
 this is Donatus' notice praef. p. 12 E. . fabula Apollodori (Carystii) dicitur esse 
 graeca, esp. as he repeats it five times in his commentary, quoting the words of 
 Apollodoros (cf . Meineke, fragm. com. gr. p. 1104, ed. min. Cobet, novae lect. 122.) 
 The notice in the Bemb. : graeca Menandru, may perhaps have been caused by 
 Apollin. Sidon. ep. 4 12, who mentions Menander's 'E7r«7>E7ro>'Tes as a fabula similis 
 argumenti (to the Hec.) At the very utmost, the wpoaonra irpirra.Ti.K6, might be 
 assumed to have been taken from Menander's play. Teuffel in PEE. 6, 1700. 
 Dziatzko, EhM. 21, 76, 80. Cf. FVFritzsche, lectt. Ter., Eost. 1860, p. 21. 
 FHildebkandt,. de Hec. Ter. origine, Halle 1884 (and on this FSchlee, WfklPh. 
 1885, 171). 
 
 3. The didasc. would agree with the facts, if it were facta II (it is, however, V). 
 ' acta ludis megalensibus Sex. lulio Caesare (cos. 597/157), Cn. Oornelio Dolabella (cos. 
 
 595/159 aedilibus cur., On. Octavio T. Manlio coss. (a. 589/165). primum acta sine pro- 
 logo (when the performance was interrupted by funambuli, prol. 1, 4). relata est 
 iterum L. Aemilio Paulo ludis funeralibus (a. 594/160, with prol. 1) ; non est placita 
 (cf. prol. 2, 33). tertio relata est (prol. 2) Q. Fulvio (cos. 601/153) L. Marcio (cos. 
 605/149) aed. cur. (at the ludi romani of a. 594/160). placuit. (This was followed by 
 Terence's departure to the East.) See Dziatzko, EhM. 20, 576. 21, 72. Eitschl, 
 op. 2, 237. , 
 
 4. Two prologues, the first incomplete, written for the second performance, the 
 second for the third. The latter was spoken by the manager Ambivius in his own 
 
§ 110, 111. TERENTIUS: PLAYS: CHARACTERISTICS. 165 
 
 name (§ 16, 14) but was no doubt composed by Terence. HSchindluk (§ 109, 9) 
 cap. 3. OAmdohk, prologi Hec. Ter. . . . pertractantur, Frankfort on Oder 
 1873. WFielitz, EhM. 31, 304. F^eckeisen, JJ. 113, 533. 
 
 6) Adelphoe, from Menander's 'A8e\<f>ol, with the addition of 
 a scene from the beginning of Diphilos' HvvcnroOvrjo-icovTes. The 
 simple and well-contrived plot, careful delineation of characters 
 and prevailing cheerfulness, render this the most successful play 
 of Terence. But the sceptical manner, in which at the close the 
 new and old time are contrasted with each other, is not very 
 pleasing. 
 
 1. Acta ludis funeralibus Lucio Aemilio Paulo, quos fecere Q. Fabius Maxumus, 
 P. Cornelius Africanus . . . facta sexta, M. Cornelio Cethego L. (Anicio) Gallo cos. 
 (a. 594/160). So according to the titulus. FOsann, AVWilmanns, Dziatzko (BUM. 
 20, 577. 21, 78), and Schindler (§ 109, 9) cap. 2 in spite of novam v. 12, have tried 
 to prove that this was not the first performance. For the other view see W Wagheb, 
 JJ. 91, 239. The poet probably had his play in readiness at the time of the death 
 of Paulus ; its rehearsal would not be likely to require more time than all the 
 other preparations for the funeral games. As to Donatus' statement (praef. Ad. 
 p. 7 Bffsch.) : hanc dicunt ex Terentianis secundo loco actam, see § 109, 5. HBosse, 
 quaestt. Ter. (Lps. 1874) cap. I : de tempore quo Ter. Ad. acta sit. HPackelmann, 
 1.1. 27. 
 
 2. On its relation to the original see pro]. 6 sqq. Grauert, Analekten 124. 
 Ihne, quaest. 25. Teuffet,, Stud. 284. WFielitz, JJ. 97, 675. See also above, 
 § 97, 18, 1. On the conclusion see Teuffel, Stud. u. Charakt. 287. Spengel, in the 
 preface to his ed. p. vin. In gen. cf. KFHermann, de Ter. Adelphis, Marb. 1838= 
 Jahn's Archiv 6, 65. KDziatzko, EhM. 31, 374. 
 
 3. Annotated by ASpengel, Berl. 1879. KDziatzko, Lpz. 1881. FPlessis, Par. 
 1884. ASloman, Lond. 1886. EBenoist et JPsichaki, Par. 2 1887. — AKlette, Symb. 
 philolog. Bonn. 843. DGrohe, EhM. 22, 640. 
 
 111. Terence, the riper development of whose gifts was cut 
 short by his early death, exhibits his character in his comedies 
 as that of a rigid imitator, whereas Plautus notwithstanding his 
 dependence on the Greeks is a creative poet. He faithfully ad- 
 heres to his Greek originals, and avails himself of other Greek 
 plays where he feels obliged to alter or curtail them and enliven 
 the action. His plots are somewhat monotonous, nor is there 
 much variety even in the names of his characters. He does not 
 possess the liveliness, freshness and versatility of Plautus, but he is 
 free from his extravagances. He succeeds best in quiet conversa- 
 tion, not so well in the language of passion, and he is sadly defi- 
 cient in comic power. His plays are smooth in construction, the 
 separate parts carefully adjusted and balanced, the style terse and 
 refined the characters carefully and consistently delineated. He 
 
166 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 is a conscientious, sober artist, more to the taste of aristocratic 
 connoisseurs than of the people. His language too shows every- 
 where smoothness and elegance, purposely rejecting antique forms 
 and phrases. His verses are not so varied or lively as those of 
 Plautus : Terence employs almost exclusively iambic and trochaic 
 metres. 
 
 1. On Terence see in general Mommsen, EG. 2 6 , 432. Eiebeck, rom. Dicht. 
 1, 131. Review pf the plays (by a lady) in Ritschl's opusc. 2, 752. 
 
 2. His relation to his originals. Duae (fabulae) ab Apollodoro (of Karystos) 
 translatae esse dicuntur comico, Phormio et Hecyra : quattuor reliquae'a Menandro. So 
 Donatus' addition to Suet, vita p. 35, 10 B. So also the vita Ambros. (§ 108, 2). 
 On his maimer of using the Greek plays see Meineke ad Menand. p. 1. 19. 67. 98. 140. 
 Grauert, Analekten 116. WIhne, quaestt. Ter., Bonn 1843. ThLadewig, tib. d. 
 Kanon d. Vole. Sedig. (1842) ; Beitr. z. Kritik des Ter. (1858) p. 1-10. EKampe, d. 
 Lustsp. d. Ter. (Andr. Eun. Heaut.) u. ihre gr. Originale, Halberst. 1884. GEegel, 
 Ter. im Verh. zu s. gr. Originalen, Wetzl. 1884. GVallat, quo modo Menandrum 
 quoad praecipuarum personarum mores Ter. transtulerit, Par. 1887. — LHPischer, 
 de Ter. priorum comicorum lat. imprimis Plauti sectatore, Halle 1875. 
 
 3. His want of originality manifests itself also in his frequent use of con- 
 tamination, cleverly as he usually manages it. JKxasen, quam rationem Ter. in 
 contaminatis fabb. componendis secutus sit, I Adelphoe, Eheine 1886. Ter. 
 generally altered the names of his originals, especially so as to denote by the 
 name alone the character of the part (' typical names.') His lovers are called 
 Phaedria, Charinus, Chaerea and Pamphilus ; his girls Pamphila, Philumena, 
 Bacchis ; the slaves Geta, Syrus, Parmeno etc. This habit makes it difficult to 
 retain a definite idea of individual characters and plays (EKOnig, above § 98, 7 ad 
 fin.). Moreover, the love of a young man for a girl who finally turns out to be 
 of free birth and is married by him, forms the plot of Andria, Eun., Heaut., 
 Phormio ; in the Hec. too there is a kind of &va.yi/wpur/j,6s. — Terence changed the 
 metres of his originals according to his pleasure or necessity. — The explanation 
 of the plot was often facilitated by the introduction of Trpbaunra. irporanKa, see 
 § 16, 11. 
 
 4. Quint. 10, 1, 99. Terentii scripta . . . sunt in hoc genere elegantissima et plus 
 adhuc habitura gratiae si intra versus trimetros stetissent (because Ter. was destitute 
 of spirit for a higher style). Poor puns : Andr. 218. — Eun. prol. 42. 45. Heaut. 
 218.— Heaut. 356. 379. 526. Hec. 543. Ad. 220. 427 etc. Gell. 6, 14, 6 vera et 
 propria . . . exempla in latina lingua M. Varro esse dicit . . . mediocritatis Teren- 
 tium. 
 
 5. Afeanius in Compitalibus 29 Terenti numne similem dicent quempiam? 
 (Eitschl, op. 3, 263), and perhaps also v. 30 : ut quidquid loquitur sal merumst ! 
 Cic. ad Att. 7, 3, 10 Terentium, cuius fabellae propter elegantiam sermonis etc., and in 
 Limone (ap. Suet, vita Ter. p. 34 Effsch.) : . . . lecto sermone, Terenti, . . . Menan- 
 drum in medium nobis sedatis motibus offers etc. Caesar (ib. see § 195, 3) . . . 
 puri sermonis amator. Lenibus atque utinam scriptis adiuncta foret vis, comica ut 
 aequato virtus polleret Jionore cum Graecis neve hoc despectus parte iaceres ! Caesar 
 calls him, therefore, only dimidiatus Menander. 
 
 6. Linguistic. Cf. esp. above § 98, 7 (lit. on early Latin) EKarcher, Pros- 
 odisches zu Plaut. und Terenz, Karlsr. 1846. ALiebig, de genitivi usu Ter. 
 
§ 111, 112. TERENTIUS: CHARACTERISTICS: TITINIUS. 167 
 
 Oels 1853; die hypothetischen Satze bei Ter., GSrlitz 1863. AHeineichs, de 
 ablativi apud Ter. usu et ratione, Elbing 1858. 60 II. CSchlutee de accus. et 
 dativi usu Ter., Miinster 1874. MSSlaughteh, the substantives of Ter., Johns 
 Hopkins Univ. Circ. 6 (1887), 77. PBaeth, d. Eleganz des Ter. im Gebr. d. Adj., 
 JJ. 129, 177. CEein, de pronominum ap. Ter. collooatione, Lps. 1879. PThomas, la 
 syntaxe du futur passe dans T., Eev. de l'instruct. publ. Beige 19, 365. 20, 235. 
 325. 21, 2. EHauler, Terentiana ; quaestt. cum specimine lexici, Wien 1862. 
 AGEngelbeecht, Studia Ter., Wien 1883 ; Beobachtungen Tiber, d. Spraohgebr. d. 
 latt. Kom., Wiener Stud. 6, 216. — CheGerdes, de translationibus Ter., Leer 1884. 
 Cf. also n. 7. 
 
 7. Metrical (cf. also § 98, 9) : The iambic and trochaic verses of Terence occur 
 either in long regular series (stichic) or mixed in rapid and frequent alternation 
 (lyrical). The lyric arrangement is found only at the beginning of scenes. Its 
 laws have not yet been satisfactorily established in detail. But trochaic octonarii 
 are invariably followed by other trochaic lines (Bentley's rule). Metres other than 
 the iambic and trochaic occur only three times and each time in short passages : 
 Andr. 481-485 (4 bacch. tetram. 1 iamb. dim.). 625-638 (1 dactyl, tetram. 9 cret. 
 tetr. 2 iamb. dim. 2 bacch. tetram.). Ad. 610-616 (uncertain : choriambics pre- 
 ceded and followed by short iamb, and troch. series). — CConradt, de versuum Ter. 
 structura, Berl. 1870; Herm. 10, 101; die metr. Kompos. der Komod. des T., Berl. 
 1876) and on this KDziatzko, JenLZ. 1877, 59. ASpengel, JB. 1876 2, 372) ; JJ. 
 117, 401. BBoen, de diverbii ap. Ter. versibus, Magdeb. 1868. JDeaheim, de 
 iamb, et trooh. Ter., Herm. 15, 238. OPodiaski, quo modo Ter. in tetr. iamb, et 
 troch. verborum aeeentus cum numeris consociaverit, Berl. 1882. WMeteb, 
 Wortaceent (see § 98, 8) 21. tiber die Casuren des iamb. Trim. u. iiber bice pace 
 duce bei Ter. OSchubeet, Weim. 1878 (§ 109, 9). PSchlee, de versuum in can- 
 ticis Ter. consecutione, Berl. 1879. KMeissner, d. Cantica des Ter. u. ihre 
 Eurhythmie, JJ. Suppl. 12, 465 ; d. stroph. Gliederung in d. stich. Partien bei Ter., 
 JJ. 129, 289 ; de iamb. ap. Ter. septenario, Bernb. 1884. 
 
 8. Ethical: religious attitude etc. Treatises by Kesebeeg, Hubeich and 
 others ; see § 98, 4 ad fin. 
 
 112. The first writer of togatae of whom we know is Titinius, 
 of a respectable plebeian family, a contemporary of Terence, 
 whom he seems, however, to have survived. All his plays bear 
 Latin titles and their plots prove them to have been tabernariae. 
 The fragments show a broad and popular tone, a bold, lively 
 and fresh manner reminding one of Plautus, while in consistent 
 delineation of character Titinius was ranked with Terence, and 
 applied his talent likewise, and especially, to the female roles. 
 
 1. Vabeo ap. Charis. GL. 1, 241 ijOi] nullis aliis servare convenit {contigitf) quam 
 Titinio, Terentio, Attae. Eitschl, Parerga 194 (cf . op. 3, 125) concludes from these 
 words that Titinius was born before Terence ; but as the latter commenced to 
 write at an early age, and as the existence of togatae during Ter.'s literary career 
 is improbable and cannot be proved, Tit. may have begun to write after the death 
 of Ter. 
 
 2. Sekek. Samm. med. 1037 sq. ; allia praecepit Titini sententia necti, qui veteri 
 claras expressit more togatas. 
 
168 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 3. We know of 15 titles; the fragments in Eibbeck, com. 2 p. 133.— On Tit. 
 see Neukiech, fab. tog. 97. Eitschl, Parerga 194. Mommsen, EG-. I 6 , 905. 
 
 113. Turpilius, also a contemporary of Terence, adhered to 
 the palliata; he lived far into the 7th century u.c. He, like 
 Terence, translated Greek plays of the New Comedy into Latin. 
 The general tone in his fragments is more lively than in the 
 lines of Caecilius and Terence ; his diction abounds in popular 
 elements, his metres are like those of Terence. 
 
 1. Hieeon. ad Euseb. chr. a. 1914 (Amand. 1915)=651/103 : Turpilius comicus 
 senex admodum Sinuessae moritur. — The fragments in Eibbeck, com. 2 85. 
 
 2. Of the 13 titles known to us, all of which are in Greek, six agree with 
 titles of Menander ; the Demetrius was adapted from Alexis, Lemniae or Philo- 
 pator perhaps from Antiphanes. It is probable that T. soon gave up writing for 
 the stage, as the close of the 6th century u.c. coincides with the end of the 
 palliata. Eitschl, Parerga 188. 
 
 114. Other poets of palliatae in this period were Juventius 
 and Valerius and perhaps Vatronius, who was little esteemed ; 
 Licinius Tegula is mentioned as the author a. 554/200 of a 
 sacred hymn, and we find the two consuls of the year 581/173, Q. 
 Fabius Labeo and M. Popilius Laenas designated as poets. 
 
 1. Iuventius comicus in Vabbo LL. 7, 65, cf. 6, 50. Iuventius in comoedia, 
 Gell. 18, 12, 2. Iuventius in Anagnorizomene, Fest. 298, rests on mere conjecture. 
 Paul. (p. 299 M.) incorrectly substituted Terentius. — Eibbeck, com. 2 p. 82 sq. 
 
 2. Valerius in Phormione ap. Priscian. GL. 2, 200, whom several authorities 
 identify with Valerius Valentinus (§ 140, 1). Or perhaps identical with Val. 
 Aedituus ? The latter is called ap. Gell. 19, 9, 10 vetus poeta, and is mentioned 
 before Licinius and Catulus. Cf. also § 86, 6 and 146, 2. Eibbeck, com. 2 p. 302 
 and lxxxviii. — Concerning Vatronius (the name occurs repeatedly in inscrip- 
 tions) Placidi gl. p. 13 Deuerl. ; Burrae Vatroniae, fatuae ac stupidae, a fabula 
 quadam Vatroni auctoris quam Burra (Uiippa was the title of a play by Diphilos) 
 inscripsit vel a meretrice Burra. FBuchelee, EhM. 33, 309. — Unappropriated titles 
 of palliatae : Adelphi, Hydria, Georgos ; Eibbeck, com. 2 p. 112. Mention of an 
 old (?) comedy in a letter from PCDecembrio to Niccolo Niccoli 1412-20 (printed 
 in Mehus, epist. Travers. 35, 7 p. 1050) concerning the works which were possessed 
 by the library of Giov. Corvini (f 1438) in Milan : ex antiquissimis libris vetus- 
 tissimi, quos carie semesos ad legendum facesso : . . . comoedia antiqua, quae cuius 
 sit nescio. in ea Lar familiaris (as in Plaut. Aul. and especially in the Querolus 
 § 436, 9) multum loquax est : volt ne parasitus antelucanum cubet, ut plostrum vetus, 
 pelves et rastros quatridentes ruri quam festinissime transfer at ; is ne volt par ere qui- 
 dem eo quod gallus nondum gallulat. meo denique iudicio vetustissima. Cf. ESab- 
 badini, della bibliot. di Giov. Corvini e d' una ignota commedia, Livorno 1886. 
 
 3. Livius 31, 12 in fin. : decemviri . . . carmen ab ter novenis virginibus cani per 
 urbem iusserunt (in consequence of prodigies) donumque Iunoni Meginae ferri. . . . 
 carmen . . . turn condidit P. Licinius Tegula. Cf . Eitschl, Parerga 197. 104. See 
 also § 30, 1. 107, 4.— On Fabius and Popillius cf. § 125, 5. 
 
§ 113-116. TUEPILIUS, JCVENTIUS ETC. : FABIUS PICTOR. 169 
 
 115. Of the metrical inscriptions of the 6th century u.c. only 
 a few of any length are preserved. 
 
 1. On the inscrr. in saturnians see § 62, 4. Among the epitaphs of the 
 Scipios (cf. § 83, 7) nos. 30. 33 and 34 belong to this period (CIL. 1, p. 19 sq.). 
 
 2. The epitaphs of Naevius (in saturnians § 95, 1), preserved ap. Gell. 1, 24 
 and Cic. Tusc. 1, 34 (Enn.), of Plautus (in hexameters § 96, 2), Ennius (in elegiac 
 metre § 100, 6 ad fin.) are not, as would appear, by the poets eulogised in them, 
 but were composed at a later time by way of description of their literary charac- 
 teristics. OJahn, Herm. 2, 242. Only the epitaph of Pacuvius (ap. Gell. 1.1. in 
 iambic senarii § 105, 1) is entirely in keeping (both in form and matter) with the 
 actual contemporary epitaphs, and may very possibly have marked the poet's 
 grave. Bucheleb, EhM. 37, 521. 
 
 II. Prose-writers. 
 
 116. Of the earliest Roman historians, who wrote in Greek, 
 (§ 2. 36) the oldest and most important is Q. Fabius Pictor, 
 of the time of the second Punic war (born about 500/254). His 
 itTTopla extended from Aeneas down to his own time, treating of 
 the latter at great length. Polybios and Dionysius frequently find • 
 fault with him ; but the first uses him as his principal authority 
 in the second Punic war, and Livy seems to follow him in more 
 details than he confesses. Besides the Greek work, there was 
 also a later version in Latin. "Works on the ius pontificium are 
 attributed to him with little or no authority. 
 
 1. Diokys. ant. 1, 6 h/iolas Se Toiron (the Greek writers on Eoman history) 
 koX otiSev SiaxpSpovs i^SwKay Icropla^ Kal 'Pw/Aafaip 6Vot ra ira\at& i=pya ttjs irdXeojs 
 iWTjvLKy StaX^KTy trvv^ypa^/av, &v elai irpetrfidraToi K6wt6s re Qapiios Kal Aetf/aos Kty/aos, 
 apupirepoi Kara roi)s tpoiviKiKobs aKfia&avTes TroXtyovs. roiiruv Se rdv avbp&v ^Karepos 
 ots p.h airbs ipyois irapeyivero Sia tt)V ifiireiptav aKpip&s aviypa\j/e, ra de apxaia Ta 
 fiera t^]v Krtatv ttjs ir6\ew yevhp*eva KetpaXaxwSCbs e'lre'dpap.ev. Polyb. 3, 9 Kara to&s 
 Kaipois (of the second Punic war) 6 ypa<puv (Fab. P.) yiyove Kal tou crwedplov nerelx* 
 tQv 'Pw/ialav. Liv. 22, 7, 4 (at the battle of the Trasimene lake) Fabium aequalem 
 temporibus huiusce belli potissimum auctorem habui. Cf . Euteop. 3, 5 L. Aemilio cos. 
 (529/225) in'gentes Gallorum copiae Alpes transierunt. sed pro Romanis tola Italia 
 consensit traditumque est a Fabio kistorico, qui ei bello interfuit etc. So also Oeos. 4, 
 13. cf. Plin. NH. 10, 71. After the battle of Cannae (538/216) Q. Fabius Pictor 
 Delphos ad 'oraeulum missus est (Liv. 22, 57, 5, cf. 23, 11, 1 sqq.). Plut. Fab. Max. 
 18 els Ae\<pois lirtpupev Beoirpbiros Ilk-rap ovyyevty #a/3£ou (the Cunctator). App. 
 Hann. 27 17 /SouXrJ Kb'Cvrov $a/3iov, rbv avyypa<pia ruivSe tCiv Hpyav, is AeX0o<)s Sire/nre 
 etc. On his father and son see Haakh in PEE. 6, 2911, 31. 38. On the regard 
 for his own family shown in his work, see Mommsen, rem. Forsch. 2, 278. 
 
 2. Liv. 1, 44, 2 scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor. 2, 40, 10 Fabium, longe 
 antiquissimum auctorem. Dionys. 7, 71 Kofrry Qaply fSefiaiWTri xP^^pos Kal oidefuas 
 £ti Seifievos irlareas tripas. iraXaibraTOS yap av^p rCiv ra f>up.aiKa awra^apAvuv Kal 
 ■kiotoi o6k 4% Siv tfKovtre pMvov aXXb. Kal <f| Siv abrbs lyvu Tapex6p.evos. Dion. 1, 79 gives 
 the legend of the foundation of Eome after Fabius. Sae Mommsen, rom. Forsch. 
 
170 SIXTH CENTUEY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 2, 9. On the other hand Dionys. 4, 6 and 30 censures his fadvida. in an insignificant 
 detail. Polyb. 1, 14 says that he undertook the history of the Punic war Sia 
 t6 rois ifiTeipdrara doKovvras yp&<j>eu> virep airrou, QCKivov KaX ^i^iov, fa] Seivras rffiv 
 birnyyeKKircu ttjv d\-ri6eiav. itcbvTas fiev oSv tyevaBu rois Avdpas oix iiro\aiJ.fi6.vw, 
 o-roxafd/iei'os iK toO filov koX rijs alpiaeat airruv, but Pictor (he says) was misled by 
 his patriotic leaning to the Eomans ; cf . ib. 1, 58 and below. W.olfflin, Antio- 
 chus 37. 39. 53 sq. Polybios 3, 8 and 9 speaks of Pictor in his crotchety manner, 
 influenced also perhaps by the rivalry between the Scipios and the Fabii. ThLucas, 
 Glogauer Progr. 1854, p. 10. HPetee, hist. rell. 1, lxxxiii. Liv. 1, 55, 8 magis 
 Fabio, praeterquam quod antiquior est, crediderim . . . quam Pisoni. Livy quotes 
 him (besides this and the other passages already cited 1, 44, 2. 2, 40, 10. 22, 7, 4) 
 at 8, 30, 9 and 10, 37, 14. It is uncertain whether Livy means especially Pictor 
 when he mentions in a general manner antiquissimos scriptores or priscos cmnales 
 or vetustiores scriptores ; it is even doubtful whether, in large portions of his history, 
 Livy made use of him directly as his chief authority (cf . E. Heydenbeich, Pab. P. 
 and Livius, Freib. 1878) ; likewise whether the portions of Diodorus which treat of 
 Eoman history are founded on Fabius Pictor (Diodorus mentions no other Eoman 
 historian, and mentions even him only once). This last question is answered in 
 the affirmative by Niebuhe, EG-. 2, 192. 630, and Mommsen esp., rom. Forsch. 2,273, 
 has tried to prove it. For the other view see Schwegleb, EG-. 2, 24. Nitzsch, 
 Annalistik 226. BNiese, Herm. 13, 412. CPeteb zur Kritik d. Quellen d. alt. 
 rom. Gesch. (Halle 1879) 118. EMeyee, EhM. 37, 610. LCohn, Phil. 42, 1 etc. 
 But Polybios. who frequently mentions Fabius (1, 14, 1 sqq. 1, 15, 12. 1, 58, 5. 
 
 3, 8. 3, 9), certainly made use of him. Niese, Herm. 13, 410. GFUngeb, Herm. 
 14, 90 ; Phil. 39, 69. Especially too for the description of the Gallic invasions 
 2, 18 sqq. and in particular for the enumeration of the Italian forces 2, 24 ; see 
 Mommsen, rom. Forschungen 2, 382. Plin. NH. mentions Fabius in his ind. auct. 
 to b. 10. 14. 15 and quotes him 10, 71. 14, 89. 
 
 3 The fragments of Pictor ap. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, 5. 109 ; hist, fragm. 6. 74. 
 — WHaeless, de Fabiis et Aufidiis rer. rom. scriptoribus, Bonn 1853 ; "WNduEieu, 
 de gente Fabia (Leiden 1856) 165. HNissen, EhM. 22, 565. HPetee, hist. rell. 1, 
 lxix. ThPluss, JJ. 99, 239. KWNitzsch, d. rom. Annalistik (1873) p. 267 and 
 for the other view EHeydeneeich 1.1. 
 
 4. Plut. Eomul. 3 (cf. 8) ri. Kvpuirara (of early Eoman history) tt/jStos els 
 roiis "E\Xi7ras O-iSoixe AiokX^s 6 Tleirap^Oios, $ nal $d/3tos Ill/crap iv rois wXetiTTOis 
 e7rrjKo\oi$rj<re. The agreement in facts between Pictor and his contemporary 
 Diokles may be more justly explained from their using the same sources 
 (Schweglee EG. 1, 412), or perhaps even by assuming that Diokles already made 
 use of the Eoman annalists. Cf. HPetee, hist. rell. 1, lxxx. Mommsen, rOm. 
 Forsch. 2, 279. 
 
 5. That Fabius Pictor did not commence his Greek work before the termina- 
 tion of the second Punic war is likely from the nature of the case, and also that 
 he brought it down to the close of that war. The latter is rendered probable by 
 Appian. Hann. 27 (see n. 1). 
 
 6. Latin passages are repeatedly quoted from Fabius Pictor as his authentic 
 expressions, e.g. spelunca Martis, lupus as a feminine, duovicesimo anno, this last 
 in a longer quotation ap. Gell. 5, 4, 3 (from a copy of the Annals of Fabius 
 bonae atque sincerae vetustatis, of which the correctness was guaranteed by the 
 vendor in libraria apud Sigillaria). Accordingly we are obliged to assume a 
 Latin version. Feonto, ep. p. 114 Nab. (§ 37, 5) can refer only to this Latin 
 
§ 116, 117. fabius pictor: cincius alimentus. 171 
 
 version. This must, however, have been later than the original Greek, as it 
 presupposes a higher development of Latin prose, the earliest work in which is 
 Cato's Origines (hence perhaps in Cic. de or. 2, 51 ut noster Cato, ut Pictor, ut Piso, 
 and ib. 53 talis noster Cato et Pictor et Piso; but de leg. 1, 6, where the historical 
 fact is mentioned, in another order: ad Fabium aut Catonem aut ad Pisonem?). 
 It may be doubted whether the Latin version was made by the author himself, 
 or by another, perhaps also called Fabius. But the supposition that there were 
 two famous annalists of the name of Fabius (Pictor) (HPetee, hist. rell. 1, 
 lxxvi. clxxviii. Mommsen, rom. Forsch. 2, 378) is not supported thereby. 
 Many scholars take this second to be the jurist Servius Fabius Pictor, others 
 again Fabius Maximus Servilianus (cos. 612/142), of whom it is, at all events, 
 certain that he wrote historical works. A Numerius Fabius Pictor, whose name 
 was founded on the corrupt reading ap. Cic. de div. 1, 43 (Aeneae somnium, quod 
 in f numerum Fabi Pictoris graecis annalibus eiusmodi est) disappears with the 
 emendation by MHertz, philol.-klinischer Streifzug 32 ; RhM. 17, 579 ; JJ. 99, 
 768, nostri. But from Cicero's words we may also conclude that the Latin 
 version of Fabius' annals did not contain the dream of Aeneas at all, or at least 
 not at such length, that it was therefore a kind of abridgment. This was also 
 divided (either by the author himself or somebody else) into books ; the first 
 book is quoted by Non. 518, 28 ; the fourth by Q-ell. 5, 4, 3— LHolzapfel, rom. 
 Chronol. 351. WSoltac, JJ. 133, 479. 
 
 7. The work of a certain Fabius Pictor de iure pontificio is more likely to 
 belong to the jurist Serv. Fabius Pictor, than to the annalist Q. Fabius Pictor, 
 notwithstanding Non. 518 Fabius Pictor Serum gestarum lib. I. . . . Idem 
 iuris pontificii libro III. Cf . § 133, 3. 
 
 117. Pictor's younger contemporary, L. Cincius Alimentus, 
 praetor 544/210, wrote a similar work, also in Greek, and as it 
 seems, not without critically availing himself of historical sources. 
 This annalist has, however, become a somewhat uncertain figure 
 by his being frequently confounded with a later writer of the 
 same name. 
 
 1. Dionys. 1, 74 AeiKios KLyiaos, dvty £k tou fiovkevrucov irvvtSplov, (places the 
 foundation of Rome) irepl t6 riraprov Itos t>)s SuSexdrns dXvpnriddos (Mommsen, rOm. 
 Chronol. 2 315. Pu&ss p. 34 and JJ. 103, 385). Liv. 21, 38, 3 L. Cincius Alimentus, 
 qui captum se ab Hannibale (at all events after his praetorship, prob. a. 546/208) 
 scribit. 26, 23, 1 praetorum inde comitia habita. P. Manlius Vulso . . . et 
 L. Cincius Alimentus creati sunt. 27, 7, 12 legiones decretae : M. Valerio cum Cincio 
 {his quoque est enim prorogatum in Sicilia imperium) Cannensis exercitus datus. 
 See also ib. 26, 28. 27, 5. 7. 8. 26. 28. 29. He was a plebeian : (his brother) M. 
 Cincius Alimentus was tribune of the people a. 550/204. Liv. 29, 20. 
 
 2. Dionys. 1, 6 (see § 116, 1) and ib. 79 irepl Si tGiv £k ttjs 'IMas yevopivoiv KiiVros 
 piv #a'^ios . . . £ Ae6ia6s re Klyiaos Kal Kdruv H6pKws ko.1 Jlliraii KaX-jroipvios 
 Kal tuv &\\oiv o-vyypatpiwi/ ol irXetovs ■f)Ko\oM)ii)<rai>. Liv. 7, 3, 7 Volsiniis quoque clavos 
 indices numeri annorum fixos in templo Nortiae etruscae deae comparere diligens 
 talium monumentorum auctor Cincius adfirmat. As Livy never elsewhere quotes 
 any but historical works, this passage is probably, as MHertz and others think, 
 to be taken as referring to the annalist Cine. The arguments of Mekcklin, 
 Pi.uss (p. 17, 25) and HPeter (hist. rell. 1, xv) only show the possibility of an 
 
172 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 allusion to Cincius the antiquarian (see n. 4). Liv. 21, 38, 3-5 L. Cincius Alimentua 
 . . . maxime auctor me moveret, nisi confunderet numerum Gallis Liguribusque 
 odditis . . . ex ipso autem audisse (se) Hannibale etc. Cinoius' statement is 
 defended by FLachmann, de font. Liv. 2, 80 ; ef. Pluss. p. 5-8. HPeter, hist. rell. 
 1, cix. The silence of other writers (e.g. Polybios) about him may be explained 
 from the coincidence of his subject with the work of the more famous Fabius, 
 and at all events does not prove these Greek annals by Cincius to have been a 
 fabrication of the Augustan age (Mommsen, rom. Chronol. 2 315 ; EG. I 6 , 921). 
 
 3. The fragments of Cincius most recently ap. HPjeter, hist. rell. 1, 40 ; frag, 
 32. MHertz, de Luciis Cinciis, Cinciorum fragm. ed., Berl. 1842. Schweglek. 
 EG. 1, 78. JThPluss, de Cinciis rerum rom. scriptoribus, Bonn 1865, cf . N. Schweiz, 
 Mus. 6 (1866), 43. HPetee, hist. rell. 1, ci. cix. 
 
 4. "We find also attributed to Cincius (Hebtz 1.1. 32. Huschke, iurisprud. 
 anteiust. 5 84), a book de fastis (Macbob. 1, 12, 12, cf. Kfyaos h r$ irepl topr&v ap. 
 Laur. Lyd. de mens. 4, 92 and ib. 4, 44 K(y/cios 6 'Povmuos o-o^iottJs), de comitiis 
 (Pest. 241, 21), de consulum potestate (Fest. 241, 8), de officio iurisconsulti (from 
 which Festus 173, 10. 321, 29, quotes a second book) mystagogica (a second book 
 in Festus 363, 26), de re militari (the 3rd, 5th and 6th books are quoted by Gell, 
 16, 4), de verbis priscis (in Festus 214, 31. 277, 4. 330, 1). It seems, however, pro- 
 bable and has, moreover, been shown by MHertz 1.1. 61, that all these political and 
 antiquarian works are by a later learned jurist L. Cincius (Fest. 218, 18). Hertz 
 (with HPetee) places him in the time of Cicero (and Varro) and identifies him 
 with the L. Cincius who occurs in the correspondence of Cicero ; Pluss removes 
 him into the Augustan period (§ 255, 6), a supposition supported by the enumera- 
 tion in Arnob. adv. nat. 3, 38 and Chakis. GL. 1, 132 ( Varro et Tullius et Cincius) ; 
 cf. also Gell. 7, 15, 5 (Aelii, Cincii, Santrae) and Fest. 173 (Cincius et Santra). 
 On the other hand see Maor. 1, 12, 12 sq. (Cingius . . . Cingio etiam Varro 
 consentit) and Fest. 166. 174. 277 (Cincius et Aelius). 170 (Santra, Aelius, Cincius). 
 He would, therefore, at least have been a younger contemporary of Cicero. 
 Pluss also conjectures that this Cincius (c. 725/29) wrote annals, which were 
 frequently (e.g. by Dionys. of Halic.) confounded with the works of the earlier 
 annalist of the same name ; this would be credible only if the younger Cincius 
 also had written in Greek. Cf. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, civ. cxiv. 
 
 118. The national tendencies in public life and in literature 
 are in the 6th century u.c. most zealously represented by M. 
 Porcius Cato, born at Tusculum a. 520/234, quaestor 550/204, 
 aedilis 555/199, praetor 556/198, consul 559/195, censor 570/184, 
 died 606/149. A firm and strong character, fully aware of his 
 purposes and following them now with indomitable energy, 
 now with cunning ; eager for strife, and full of shrewd common 
 sense, Cato is the archetype of an old Roman. But then he 
 also betrays the influence of his time in the vanity with which 
 he loved to show himself to the greatest advantage, and in 
 his often glaring egotism. In politics he was without the 
 farsightedness of his aristocratic adversaries, though no one 
 surpassed him in well-meaning patriotism. In spite of the 
 small esteem he professed for literary composition, he was a 
 
§ 117-119. CINCIUS ALIMENTUS: M. PORCIUS CATO : SPEECHES. 173 
 
 prolific writer, and he is indeed the first real prose-writer of the 
 Romans. 
 
 1. Cato's (=Sapiens) surnames : Censor, Censorius, Orator, later distinguished 
 from the Uticensis by the addition of priscus or superior. For his manysidedness 
 see Quint. 12, 11, 23 M. Cato idem- summus imperator, idem sapiens, idem orator, 
 idem, historiae conditor, idem iuris, idem rerum rusticarum peritissimus fuit. Cf. 
 Cic. de or. 3, 135. Brut. 294, and § 121, 2. Liv. 39, 40 gives an eloquent and 
 admiring estimate of Cato, though he does not expressly mention his Origines. 
 On his life and character see the biographies by Cornelius Nepos and Cicero's 
 Cato, Plutarch's /3(os Karavos, Victor vir. ill. 47 ; of modern writers WDrumann, 
 GE. 5, 97. PEE. 5, 1904. Mommsen, EG. I 6 , 812. OEibbeck, M. Pore. Cato Cens. 
 als Schriftsteller, in the N. Schweiz. Mus. 1 (Bern 1861), 7. GVollertsen, quaestt. 
 Caton. seu de vita Catonis eiusque fontt. atque de originibus, Kiel 1880. GCortese, 
 de M. Pore. Cat. vita, operibus et lingua, Turin 1883 (in addition Grammatica 
 Catoniana ib. 1883). — PWeise, quaestt. Catonian. capita V, Gtitt. 1887. 
 
 2. HJohdan, M. Catonis praeter librum de re rustica quae extant, Lps. 1860. 
 See also H Jordan, Quaestt. Caton. capita II, Berl. 1856. 
 
 3. Cic. Brut. 69 of Cato : cum ita sit ad nostrorum temporum rationem vetus ut 
 nullius scriptum exstet dignum quidem lectione quod sit antiquius. Cf. ib. 61 nee vero 
 habeo quemquam antiquiorem, cuius quidem scripta proferenda putem, nisi quern Appi 
 Caeci oratio . . . et nonnullae mortuorum laudationes forte delectant. But there 
 is no doubt that Cato was the first who wrote and published a large number of 
 works (some of them of great extent) in Latin prose. 
 
 4. Plut. Cato mai. 7 etixapis fiyna Kal Semos 9jv, r/Sis Kal KaTair\r)KTi.K6s, (pi\o<rKii/j.iiuv 
 Kal aua-rvpos, &Tro<t>6ey/j.aTiKbs Kal aytavumKbs. With his red hair; his powerful voice, 
 and the heavy blows which he dealt as an orator both in jest and earnest, Cato 
 made a, deep impression alike on friends and enemies. — On a statue with the 
 inscription m • p • cato • see Matz-Duhn, antike Bildwerke in Eom nr. 1289 and 
 Bernoulli, rOm. Ikonogr. 1, 289. 
 
 119. Cato, who until the end of his life took part in all 
 public affairs in the most energetic manner, and opposed in- 
 cessantly the predominant party and the Grecian tendencies 
 of his age, had ample opportunity of exhibiting his native 
 eloquence. He was also the first Roman who wrote down and 
 published his speeches on a large scale. Cicero knew of more 
 than 150 of them ; we know of only 80, beginning in the year 
 of Cato's consulship, either in fragments or from the events 
 which caused them. These 80 are pretty equally divided 
 between judicial and political speeches, delivered either before 
 the senate or an assembly of the people. The fragments show 
 spontaneous eloquence, and practice in all effective modulations, 
 humour and earnestness, self-praise and cutting raillery. 
 
 1. Cornel. Nep. Cat. 3, 3 says inaccurately ab adolescentia confecit (rather 
 habuit) orationes. More justly Cicero (Cat. mai. 38) makes him say: causarum 
 illustrium quascumque defendi nunc (in senectute) cum maxime conficio orationes. 
 
174 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 Among those known to us as published speeches we find some which we can prove 
 never to have been actually delivered (in M'. Acilium of a. 565/189). Cf. § 44, 8. 
 
 2. Cic. Brut. 67 refertae sunt oratiynes amplius centum quinquaginta, quas quidem 
 adhuc invenerim et legerim, et verbis et rebus illustribus. The titles and fragments 
 preserved have been collected by HMeyek, orat. rom. fragm. 2 p. 11 (who increased 
 the number to 93 speeches) and more lucidly by HJordan, Caton. q. exst. p. 33, 
 cf. p. lxi (supplements ap. LMuller, EhM. 23, 541. 24, 331). Several of them 
 dealt with cases of civil law. Speeches in self-defence: Liv. 39, 40 mentions 
 among his scripta omnia generis orationes pro se multae. Of these we know only 
 six (e.g. de innocentia sua, Gell. 20, 9), though we learn that Cato was 44 times 
 accused by his adversaries without, however, sentence being once passed against 
 him (Plin. NH. 7, 100. Victor vir. ill. 47, 7. Plut. Cat. 15 comp. 2. Val. Max. 
 3, 7, 7. Ampel. 19, 8). Speeches of this class were of course only improvised, 
 nor did Cato like to hand down to posterity the charges raised against him. 
 On his proems see § 44, 5. 
 
 3. Cato's speeches were long preserved by the rhetors and grammarians and 
 the antiquarian fashion of the 2nd century (e.g. Hadrian Ciceroni Catonem 
 praetulit, Spart. Hadr. 16, 6). In the 4th century of the Christian era they 
 were known to Servius (ad Aen. 7, 259. 11, 301) and Marius Victorinus (Boeth. 
 in Cic. Top. I p. 271 Or.). 
 
 4. The best characterisation of Cato's style is given by Gellius NA. 6, 3, 
 17 sqq. 52 sq., e.g. (53) ea omnia distinetius numerosiusque fortassean did potuerint, 
 
 fortius atque vividius potuisse did non videntur. Cicero's descriptions (esp. Brut. 
 63, 293, and de or. 1, 171. orat. 152) are partly confused in their expressions, 
 partly impaired by the endeavour to use Cato as shield and foil for himself. 
 Quint. 2, 5, 21 expresses himself intelligently. ESchober, de Catone Cens. 
 oratore, Neisse 1825. AWestermann, Gesch. d. rOm. Bereds. 37. 
 
 120. Cato composed also the first Roman historical work in 
 Latin prose, his seven books of Origines, commenced in the later 
 years of his life and continued nearly until his death. The 
 work comprised also the other tribes of Italy, including Upper 
 Italy, at the same time dealing with ethnography and all sides of 
 social life to an extent which remained without imitation. In all 
 the rest, the work was in the manner of the Annalists, now brief, 
 now extensive and even allowing space for the insertion of com- 
 plete speeches by the author. 
 
 1. Cornel. Nep. Cat. 3. 3 senex (i.e. probably not before his sixtieth year, 
 580/174) historias (thus the Origines are called also by Serv. Aen. 6, 842. Plut. 
 Cato 25) scribere instituit. earum sunt libri VII. primus continet res gestas regum 
 populi rom. ; secundus et tertius unde quaeque civitas orta sit italica ; ob quam rem 
 omnes Origines videtur appellasse. in quarto autem helium poenicum est primwm 
 (perhaps with a summary account of the preceding years of the Republic), 
 in quinto secundum, atque haec omnia capitulatim sunt dicta (according to the 
 principal events, distinguishing memorable actions and sayings ; cf . Mar. Vict. 
 ad Cic. rhet. I p. 57 Or. Sallustius . . . tribuit in libro I historiarum Catoni 
 brevitatem: ' Romani generis disertissimus paucis absolvit,' cf. Ampel. 19, 8). 
 reliqua quoque bella pari modo persecutus est, usque ad praeturam Ser. Galbae 
 
§ 119, 120. M. PORCIUS CATO: SPEECHES: ORIGINES. 175 
 
 (rather until 605/149, see n. 2) qui diripuit Lusitanos. atque horum bellorum duces 
 non nominavit, sed sine nominibus res notavit. in eisdem exposuit quae in Italia 
 Hispaniisque aut fierent aut viderentur admiranda (i.e. memorable, Sav/icwia, 
 7ropaSo|a). in quibus (probably the whole work) multa industria et diligentia 
 comparet, nulla doctrina (no book-learning, see Jordan p. lx). On this suppres- 
 sion of the names of generals, which no doubt applies also to the Eoman generals 
 descended from the aristocratic families so little loved by the author, see besides 
 Plin. NH. 8, 11 Cato, cum imperatorum nomina annalibus detraxerit, eum elephantum 
 qui fortissime proeliatus esset in punica acie Surum tradidit vocatum. — Dionys. 1, 11 
 Hdpicios K(£toiv, 6 rcis -yei»ea\o7(as twv iv 'IraKla TriXeuw im/j.e\{<rTaTa avva-yaytbti. 
 Solin. 2, 2 sed Italia tarda cura ab omnibus dicta, praecipue M. Catone etc. Serv. 
 Aen. 7, 678 de Italicis urbibus Syginus plenissime scripsit et Cato in originibus. 
 Fkonto p. 203 Nab. Cato . . . Italicarum originum pueritias illustravit. 
 Dionys. 1, 74 Kdrajp H6pKios eWTjvucbv ph> otix opl^ei xpt> vot> ( as ^he year of the 
 foundation of Rome), &ri/te\7js Si ytv6p.evos el Kal tis dXkos irepl tt)v awayoiy'qv t?)s 
 &pX<LtokoyovfiePTjs IffToplas treaty aTQtpaivei Sval Kal rpiaKovra Kal TerpaKoaiots VGrepodaav 
 tQiv 'IXiaKuv. 6 Se xp<5"os oBtos avaiierpriSeU rah 'Uparoffffhovs (who placed the capture 
 of Troy a. 1183) xp <, " o 7P a 0' a '3 icot4 t6 Trparov Itos irlirTa rijs i(38&/n)s 6\v/nrt.ados 
 (1183-432=751). 
 
 2. Festus 198 Originum libros quod inscripsit Cato non satis plenum titulum pro- 
 positi sui videtur amplexus, quando praegravant ea quae sunt rerum gestarum p. ram, 
 Fronto p. 203 Cato . . . qui . . . italicarum originum pueritias inlustravit. 
 The title of Origines (beginnings, original history) is most easily explained by 
 assuming the first three books to have been at first published separately. Of the 
 7th book, at least, it is certain that it was composed and published after the 
 others; see Cic. Brut. 89 Lusitanis a Ser. Galba praetore (a. 603/151) . . . 
 interfectis T. Libone tribuno pi. (605/149) populum incitante . . . M. Cato legem 
 suadens in Galbam multa dixit; quam orationem in Origines suas rettulit, paucis 
 antequam mortuus est diebus an mensibus. See Cato ap. Cic. Cato mai. (the scene is 
 laid a. 604/150) 38 Septimus mihi liber Originum est in mahibus. Gell. 13, 25 (14) 
 15 Cato ex Originum septimo, in oratione quam contra Ser. Galbam dixit. The 
 publication of the first three books might have taken place c. 588/166, as the 
 antiquity of Ameria, was there fixed by reference to the war with Perseus (ended 
 586/168) (Plin. NH. 3, 114 Ameriam . . . Cato ante Persei bellum conditam 
 annis dcccclxiii prodit). But Cato's speech pro Ehodiensibus {quae et seorsim 
 fertur et in quirUae originis libro scripta est, Gell. 6, 3, 7), contained in the 
 5th book, was also as early as a. 586/168. If therefore the original publi- 
 cation had been extended to 5 books, the title would have been chosen a parte 
 potiori, as the introduction of the oldest history of the rest of Italy was 
 after all peculiar to Cato, while in the early history of Home he was preceded - 
 by Fabius Pictor, whom he sometimes merely copied (cf. Dionys. ant. 1, 79), and 
 the history of the two Punic wars had also been related by that writer. Bergk, 
 Progr., Halle 15th July 1865, p. 7 sq. holds that the publication of the Origg. 
 was gradual.— He is classed with the Annalists ap. Cic. de or. 2, 51 (§ 116, 6), leg. 
 1, 6 post annates pontificum maximorum . . . si aut ad Fabium aut ad . . . 
 Catonem aut ad Pisonem aut ad Fannium aut ad Vennonium venias. Plin. NH. 
 8, 11 (cf. n. 1) plainly calls the Origines annales. The insertion of speeches by 
 the author was certainly a deviation from the manner of former annalists, Cato 
 being altogether haud sane detrectator laudum suarum (Liv. 34, 15, 9). These 
 speeches appear to have been expressly collected at a later time and thus (very 
 much like those from Sallust's historiae) to have survived the work of which 
 
176 SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 they originally formed part (of. Jordan p. lviii). The absence of names (n. 1) 
 as well as the inequality of the treatment made it difficult for later writers to 
 avail themselves of the work ; hence they generally preferred to go back to Fabius 
 Pictor. 
 
 3. Collection of the fragments of the Origines by HJordan p. 3 sqq. 
 (cf. p. xrx). HPetee, hist. rell. 1, 51; fragm. 40.— Vahlen, ZfoG. 10, 480. 
 WSoltau, WschrfklPh. 1886, 886. 916.— Schwegler, RG. 1, 81. Mommsen, EG. 
 I s , 922. HPeter, hist. rell. p. cxxvu. 
 
 121. Oato published his practical instructions on agriculture, 
 sanitary rules, and oratory, perhaps also military art and 
 law, as admonitions to his son. In the first three branches 
 especially many practical sayings attest his quick observation. 
 He also wrote for his son practical rules of life in verse and 
 addressed letters to him. In the same way as he had published 
 a collection of the witty sayings of others, his own were soon 
 collected ; in late Imperial times, moreover, collections of sen- 
 tences were circulated under his name, as Cato was supposed 
 to have embodied the old Roman philosophy (Catonis disticha). 
 
 1. OJahn, on Eoman Encyclopedias, Lpz. Ber. 1850, 263. 281. HJordan, 
 Caton. q. exst. p. xcix sqq. 
 
 1. In respect of the subject-matter, the most appropriate title for Cato's 
 principal didactic work is praecepta ad filium (Non. i43, 7), We also find more 
 general citations, e.g. ad filium, libri quos scripsit ad filium (Serv. Georg. 2, 95) 
 or special designations either from the form (oratio, epistula) or the subject (de 
 agricultura, de oratore). PSohoell, RhM. 33, 481 attempts to make the title 
 Oraculum appear probable. The extent of the whole work is doubtful. Though 
 Cato was omnium, bonarum artium magister (Plin. NH. 25, 4 ; cf . 14, 44 insignia 
 . , . claritate litterarum praeceptisque omnium rerum expetendarum datis generi 
 romano) and Cic. might justly say of him (de or. 3, 135) : nihil in hac cimtate 
 temporibus illis sciri discive potuit quod ille non cum investigarit et scierit turn etiam 
 conscripserit, it may still be questioned whether all this heap of information was 
 contained in one and the same work. The libri ad filium must have contained 
 precepts on agriculture ; see Jordan p. 78 sq. ci sq. ; in the same way his 
 warnings against Greek quacks (cf. § 55, 1) and several sanitary rules must 
 have been addressed to his son (OJahn p. 265. Jordan p. 77 sq.); no less his 
 rules for an orator (Jordan p. 80), on account of which Quint. 3, 1, 19 (see § 44, 3) 
 declares him to be the first Roman who condidit aliqua in hac materia. It is quite 
 probable that his instruction extended also to military art, and consequently 
 the liber de re militari (Jordan p. 80-82, cf. p. en sq.) formed part of the 
 praecepta ad filium (Jahn p. 270 sq.), though it is not borne out by the fragments, 
 in which neither an address nor any attention to the capacity of a learner is 
 to be found. See Kochly and Rustow, greich. Kriegsschriftsteller, 2 (1855), 61. 
 This applies even more to Cato's juridical writings, which there is no doubt that 
 he composed ; (Cic. de or. 3, 135 num quia ius civile didicerat causas non dicebat f 
 aut quia poterat dicer e iuris scientiam, neglegebat ? utroque in genere et elaboravit et 
 praestitit. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 38 deinde — after the Aelii — M. Cato, princeps 
 Porciae familiae, cuius et libri exstant, sed plurimi Marci (see Mommsen ad loo.) 
 
§ 121, 122. m. poecius cato : peaecepta etc. : de agei cultuba. 177 
 
 filii eius, ex quibus ceteri oriuntur (Mommsen ordiuntur). But as his son became 
 more famous in that field, the citation in Festus 157 (Cato in commentariis iuris 
 civilis) as well as Cic. de or. 2, 142 should be rather explained of him ; see § 125, 6. 
 The quotations undoubtedly belonging to the praecepta tend to show them as a 
 kind of Vademecum for a young Roman, though with a peculiar colouring from 
 the author's strong personality ; they attest (as do the dicta) his wonderful talent 
 for hitting the mark (e.g. rem tene, verba sequentur ; nihil agendo homines male agere 
 discunt) and are composed in a categorical style, almost like oracles. (Plin. NH. 
 7, 171. Coltjm. 11, 1, 26.) 
 
 3. Both the expressions liber and carmen render it improbable that the 
 liber Catonis qui inscriptus est carmen de moribus (Gell. 11, 2, 2 ; of'. Non. 465) 
 formed part of the praecepta. If it was in metre (see § 61, 1), it was far more 
 probably in saturnian verses (Ritschl, op. 4, 297. Vahlen, ZfflG. 10, 469. 
 Jokdan 1.1. p. cm), against which however we have the fact that the scanty 
 fragments are trochaic septenarii (EKarcher, Phil. 8, 727; 9, 412. ABOckh, 
 kl. Schrr. 6, 296), sotadeans (AFleckeisen, Catonianae poesis reliquiae, Lps. 
 1854) or even anapaests (Bahrens, FPR. 25, 57). LMuller (d. saturn. Vers. 95) 
 supposes Gellius to have made use of a late prose paraphrase (of. § 103, 6). 
 
 4. Cato's letters to his son are mentioned by Cic. (off. 1, 10), and Plutarch 
 (Cato mai. 20. Quaest. rom. 39), but the quotations do not show that they were 
 part of the praecepta. It is uncertain whether Cato published letters addressed 
 to others. Jordan p. 83 sq. cf. p. civ sq. 
 
 5. Cic. off. 1, 104 multa multorum facete dicta, ut ea quae a sene Catone cotlecta 
 sunt, quae vocant &iro084y/mTa. Plut. Cato mai. 2 extr. lutdnpimpievntva. (from the 
 Greek) xo\X& Karb. Xefu/ iv rah &iro<j>8eyiia(ri koX raXs yvta/ioXoytais (witty sayings and 
 maxims, perhaps two different varieties of the same class) rhaKTai. See Jordan 
 p. cvi and 83, RhM. 14, 261 and JJ. 73, 384. 
 
 6. Cato's own dicta seem to have been collected soon after his death from 
 personal recollection as well as from his writings (esp. speeches). Cicero and 
 Cornelius Nepos must have known of such a collection ; most have, however, been 
 preserved by Plutarch ; see the collection in Jordan p. 97 ; cf. p. cvi sq. Thirteen 
 sententiae Catonis from collections of apophthegms, see ap. Wolfflin, Senecae 
 monita (§ 289, 10) p. 26. — At a much later time, nice discriminations of synony- 
 mous expressions were excerpted from his writings (esp. from the speeches) by 
 grammarians, a proceeding which led to the mistake that he himself had written 
 about Synonyms (differentiarum liber) : Jordan p. cvn sq. Cf. § 42, 4 — On the 
 disticha Catonis see § 398, 1. 
 
 122. Of all Cato's writings only his work de agri cultura 
 has been preserved entire. The first systematic part is followed, 
 in a somewhat discursive manner, by a large number of receipts, 
 rules for housekeeping, formulas for sales and leases, for sacrifices 
 and domestic medicine. A special charm lies in the homely seve- 
 rity and simplicity of this work, and in its honourable zeal for 
 improvement, which always asserts itself in a tone of authority : 
 short sentences thrown out like aphorisms, but of great precision, 
 succeed one another. The text in question has lost almost all its 
 archaic style, and shows many signs of confusion, but notwith- 
 
 E.L. n 
 
178- THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.; 
 
 standing it represents Cato's work as a whole, and not a later 
 revision. 
 
 1. The text is found in the soriptores B.E.; see § 54, 7 ; and esp. Catonis de 
 agri cultura liber, Varronis rerum rusticarum 1. III. ex. rec. HKeilii I, Lps. 
 
 1884. The MS. text of Cato and Varro de B.B. preserved to us is founded on an 
 old long lost MS. in the Library of S. Marco at Florence (Marcianus, § 380, 2), 
 which APolitianus and PVictorius were able to use. Of this there is preserved 
 Politianus' collation (now in Paris) and transcripts of the Marcianus, the earliest 
 Paris. 6842 A s. xii/xm, also Laur. 30, 10 s. xiv, Laur. 51, 4 s. xv, and others. 
 Keil's praef. to his edition.— Translated by GG-rosse (Halle 1787). Ganter 
 (Donauesch. 1844). — That it was preserved in its original form (Klotz supposes it 
 to have been formed gradually from notes made incidentally for private use) is 
 maintained by Klotz (on Cato's work de r. r. in Jahn's Archiv 10, 5 ; cf . his history 
 of Latin literature 1, 22), LDietze (n. 4) p. 4 sq., HJordan, DLit.-Z. 1882, 1529. 
 
 1885, 157, OSchondorffer, de genuina Catonis de agri cultura forma I : de syntaxi 
 Cat. Konigsb. 1885 ; for the opposite view of a modernised revision HKeil, obss. in 
 Catonis et Varronis de r. r. (Halle 1849), esp. p. 65. Textual criticism Keil 1.1. and 
 MBer. der Berl. Akad. 1852, 160 sq. HUsener, EhM. 19, 141. 
 
 2. Name of the work in the MS. text : de agri cultura. Thus also Vahro 
 BE. 1, 2, 28 in magni illius Catonis libro qui de agri cultura est editus. M. Aurel. 
 to Pronto p. 69 legi ex agri cultura Catonis. On the other hand ap. Cic. Cato 54 in 
 eo libro quern de rebus rusticis scripsi. Cf. Gell. 3, 14, 17 (de agric), with 10, 26, 8 
 (de re rust.). KWNitzsch, ZfAW. 1845, 493 attempted to prove that the work was 
 intended as a guide for the cultivation of one particular estate, that of C. Manlius 
 near Casinum and Venafrum : but the few indications which favour this view are 
 contradicted by the mass of evidence. See also BEeitzenstein, de scriptt. E. E. 
 p. 61. On the plants mentioned in the work see Meyer, Gesch. der Botanik 1, 341. 
 On two magical formulas in it ThBergk, op. 1, 556. 
 
 3. Ch. 143 is eminently characteristic of the spirit and tone of the whole; 
 it treats of the vilica, e.g. ea te metuat facito. ne nimium luxuriosa siet. vicinas 
 aliasque mulieres quam minimum utatur, neve domum neve ad sese recipiat. ad cenam 
 ne quo eat neve ambulatrix siet. rem divinam ni faciat . . . scito dominum pro tota 
 familia rem, divinam facere. munda siet. villam conversam mundeque habeat etc. 
 
 4. Language : Fronto p. 114 verbis Cato multiiugis (§ 37, 5), p. 155 partim iligneis 
 nucibus Catonis. Quint. 2, 5, 21. Verrius Placcus wrote de obscuris Catonis (Gell. 
 17, 6, 2 quotes b. 2). LDietze, de sermone Catoniano, Anklam 1871. GCortese : 
 see §,118, 1. EHauler, Arch. f. Lexikogr. 1, 582. Schondorffer : n. 1. 
 
 123. Of the contemporaries of Cato we know as orators 
 Q. Fabius Maximus (Cunctator), Q. Caecilius Metellus, M. Cor- 
 nelius Cethegus, P. Licinius Crassus (Dives), Africanus the Elder, 
 the father of the two Gracchi, as well as L. Papirius and L. 
 Paulus. 
 
 1. Q. Fabius Q. f. Q. n. Maximus Verrucosus, cos. 521/233, 526/228, 539/215, 
 540/214, 545/209 ; censor 524/230 ; dictator 537/217 ; PEE. 6, 2901. Cic. Cato m. 
 12 multa in eo viro praeclara cognovi, sed nihil est admirabilius quam quo modo ille 
 mortem filii tulit, clari viri et consularis. est in manibus laudatio ; quam cum legimus, 
 quern philosophum non contemnimus ? Plut. Fab. 1 diaaii^erai. airoS \6yos 6v etrrey tv 
 rep d^ficp rod jratffti [Ldrov pe(}' {nrarecav iirodavovros iyxibfuov. ib. 25: t6 5' kyKihfuov 
 
§ 122, 123. CATO DE AGKI CULT. : HIS CONTEMPORARIES : CORNELIA. 179 
 
 . . . atirbs elite raracn-as iv ayopq. Kal ypfapas rhv \6yov i£edu>Kev. Whether the 
 quotation ' Fabius Maximus : amitti quam apisci ' ap. Priscian GL. 2, 8S0 belongs 
 to it, is not certain : see Hektz's note. His son (cos. 541/213) died probably not 
 before a. 548/206 ; see PEE. 6, 2911, n. 32. 
 
 2. Q. Caeoilius Metellus, cos. 548/206 ; PEE. 2, 23. Plin. NH. 7, 139 Q. Metellus 
 in ea oratione quam habuit supremis laudibus patris sui L. Metelli, cos. 503/251 and 
 507/247; dictator 530/224) . . . scriptum reliquit etc. Cf. Cic. Brut. 57. 
 MWende, de Caeciliis Met. 1 (Bonn 1875), 18. 
 
 3. M. Cornelius Cethegus, cos. 550/204, f 558/196 ; PEE. 2, 686. As an orator 
 he was praised by Q. Ennius, see Cic. Brut. 57-59. Cato 50. Enn. ed. Vahlen p. 
 45. iv. 
 
 4. P. Licinius Crassus Dives, cos. 549/205, f 571/183 ; see Teuffel, PEE. 4, 
 1054. Liv. 30, 1, 5 facundissimus habebatur seu causa oranda seu in senatu, ad 
 populum suadendi aut dissuadendi locus esset ; iuris pontificii peritissimus. Cf. Cic. 
 de or. 3, 134. Cato 50 et pontificii et civilis iuris studium. 
 
 5. Africanus the Elder, cos. 549/205 and 560/194, f 571/183 (see Mommsen, 
 Herm. 1, 201) ; Cic. Brut. 77 ipsum Scipionem, accepimus non infantem fuisse. Liv. 
 39, 52, 3 tribunus pl.M. Naevius (a. 567/187 or 569/ 185), adversus quern oratio inscripta 
 P. Africani est. Cf . 38, 56. Gell. 4, 18, 6 fertur etiam oratio quae videtur habita eo 
 die a Seipione ; et qui dicunt earn non veram etc. Cicero did not accept it as 
 genuine ; see off. 3, 4 nulla eius ingenii monumenta mandata .litter is ; and no doubt 
 it -was of an apocryphal character, see HNissen, Krit. Unters. 51. Mommsen, Herm. 
 1, 163. 312. On his son see § 127, 3 ; on his son-in-law Nasica § 127, 4. Laelius, the 
 friend of Africanus, is also praised as a political orator By Sil. it. 15, 453. 
 
 6. Ti. Sempronius P. f. Ti. n. Gracchus, cos. 577/177 and 591/163, censor 
 585/169; PEE. 6, 978, 35. Cic. Brut. 79 erat isdem temporibus Ti. Gracchus . . . 
 cuius exstat oratio graeca apud Rhodios (a. 589/165 or 593/161), quern civem cum 
 gravem turn etiam eloquentem constat fuisse. Inscription attached to the forma 
 Sardiniae insulae (§ 60, 2) dedicated by him after his triumph in Sardinia, ap. 
 Liv. 41, 28. To him also was attributed (see n. 5) an apocryphal speech in defence 
 of his father-in-law, Africanus the Elder ; see Liv. 38, 56, 2 sqq. Mommsen, Herm. 
 1, 163. 212. In the MSS. of Cornelius Nepos (probably from the section de 
 oratoribus romanis) two large fragments of a letter of his wife Cornelia to her son 
 Gaius belonging to a. 630/124 are preserved, nor is there any doubt that there 
 were letters by her current in antiquity (Cic. Brut. 211 legimus epistulas Corneliae, 
 matris Gracchorum : apparet filios non tam in greraio educatos quam in sermone 
 matris. Cf. Quint. 1, 1, 6. Plut. C. Gracch. 13 iv rots iin<rT6\loi.s airTJs) ; but the 
 genuineness of the fragments handed down to us has "been doubted (AGLange, 
 verm. Schr. 108. JSorgel, Cornelise . . . epistolarum fragmenta genuina esse 
 non posse, BlfbayrGW. 3 (1866), 101. 144), though as it seems without sufficient 
 reason. A rhetor would have made the mother of the Gracchi rather declaim 
 for liberty and for revenge against the murderers of her son's brother (cf . § 45, 6) ; 
 but he would never have succeeded in combining the manly energy of thought 
 of an old Eoman with a woman's tenderness and carelessness of style. See also 
 LMercklin, de Corneliae vita, moribus, epistolis, Dorp. 1845. CNipperdey, op. 95. 
 ThBergk, Phil. 16, 626. HJordan, Herm. 15, 530. The base of her statue in 
 Octaviae operibus (Plin. NH. 34, 31) was found in 1878 ; it bears the inscription 
 coknelia I africani ■ f | gracchorum (bull. arch. 1878, 209). 
 
 7. Cic. Brut. 170 apud maiores nostras video disertissimum habitum ex Latio L . 
 Papiriuin, Fregellanum, Ti. Gracchi P. f. fere aetate; eius etiam oratio est pro Fre- 
 gellanis coloniisque latinis habita in senatu. ~-^» 
 
180 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 8. L. Aemilius L. f. M. n. Paulus, cos. 572/182 and 586/168, f 594/160 ; PEE. 
 I 2 , 368. Cic. Brut. 80 etiam L. Paulus, Africani pater, personam principis civis 
 facile dicendo tuebatur. Cf. Liv. 45, 8. Val. Max. 5, 10, 2 quern casum (the death of 
 his sons) quo robore animi sustinuerit oratione quam de rebus a se gestis apud populum 
 habuit hanc adiciendo clausulam nulli ambiguum reliquit. Cf. Liv. 45, 41. Pi.ut. 
 Aem. P. 36. A decree by him (L. AimiUus L. f. inpeirator) dated 19th Jan. 
 565/189 at the time when he held the supreme command in Spain, utei quel 
 Hastensium servei in Turri Lascutana habitarent leiberei essent, on a bronze tablet 
 found a. 1867 (now at Paris in the Louvre) ; see CIL. 2, 5041 and EHubneb, Herm. 
 3,243. Wokdsw. EL. 171. DIE. 96. 
 
 124. Among Cato's younger contemporaries who -were orators 
 in the 6th century u.c. we must specially mention C. Sulpicius 
 Grail us, on account of the extent and accuracy of his learning. 
 
 1. C. Sulpicius C. f. C. n. Gallus, cos. 588/166, f 604/150; see Cic. Brut. 90. 
 PEE. 6, 1493. Cic. Brut. 78 de minoribus C. Sulpicius Gallus maxime omnium 
 nobUium graecis litteris studuit, isque et oratorum in numero est habitus etfuit reliquis 
 rebus ornatus atque elegans. Off. 1, 19 videbamus in studio dimetiendi paene caeli 
 atque terrae C. Galium . . . quam delectabat eum defectiones solis et lunae multo 
 ante nobis praedicere ! Pliny in the Ind. auct. of book 2 quotes him as a writer on 
 astronomy, cf . NH. 2, 83 in qua sententia (that touching the mutual distances of the 
 constellations) et Gallus Sulpicius fuit noster. Cf . ib. 2, 53 ab imperatore productus 
 ad praedicendam eclipsim (in the night before the battle of Pydna 586/168), mox et 
 composito volumine. 
 
 125. The most remarkable jurists of the 6th century u.c. 
 are the two Aelii, Publius and especially his younger brother 
 Sextus, the first writer of a juridical work. It was entitled 
 Tripertita, and dealt with the XII tables, their explanation, 
 and the formulae of law-suits. Besides these, we have Scipio 
 Nasica, L. Acilius (or Atilius), Q. Fabius Labeo and Cato's son. 
 
 1. P. Aelius Q. f. P. n. Paetus, cos. 553/201, censor 555/199, f 580/174, PEE. 
 1 3 , 332, 5. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 38 deinde (after Ti. Coruncanius) Sex. Aelius et 
 frater eius, P. Aelius, et P. Atilius maximam scientiam in prqfitendo habuerunt, ut duo 
 Aelii etiam consules fuerint, Atilius autem primus a populo Sapiens appellatus est. 
 
 2. Sex. Aelius Paetus Catus, cos. 556/198, censor 560/194. PEE. 1 2 , 332, 6. Cic. 
 de or. 1, 212 eum (iuris consultum were nominari) dicer em qui legum et consuetudinis eius 
 qua privati in civitate uterentur et ad respondendum et ad agendum et ad cavendum 
 peritus esset ; et ex eo genere Sex. Aelium, M\ Manilium, P. Murium nominarem. 
 Brut. 78 Sex. Aelius, iuris quidem civilis omnium peritissimus, sed etiam ad dicendum 
 paratus. Cato 27 nihil Sex. Aelius tale (on old age), nihil multis annis ante Ti. Corun- 
 canius, nihil modo P. Crassus (§ 123, 4), a quibus iura civibus praescribebantur. 
 Pompon. 1.1. . Sex. Aelium etiam Ennius laudavit, et exstat illius liber qui inscribitur 
 Tripertita (fragments ap. Huschke, Iurispr. anteiust. 5 11, qui liber veluti cunabula 
 iuris continet. Tripertita autem dicitur quoniam lege XII tabularum praeposita iungi- 
 tur interpretatio (cf. EScholl, legis XII tabb. reliqq. p. 22), deinde subtexitur legis 
 actio, eiusdem esse tres alii libri referuntur, quos tamen quidam negant eiusdem esse, 
 sed hos sectati ad aliquid Aeli Cati (according to Huschke's emendation). Cf. ib. 
 
§ 124-6. SULPICIUS GALLUS: AELII: FULVIUS NOBILIOE. 181 
 
 7 augescente civitate, quia deerani quaedam genera agendi, non post multum temporis 
 spatium (after Cn. Plavius) Sex. Aelius alias actiones composuit et librum populo dedil, 
 qui appellatur (in later time) ius Aelianum. (§ 88, 2.) OKarlowa, rom. Eechts- 
 gesch. 1,475. Attempt to determine the particular contents of the Tripertita by 
 MVoigt, Abh. d. Sachs. G-. d. Wiss. 7, 327, who also connects with this work the 
 Aeliana studia ap. Cic. de or. 1, 193 (§ 148, 2). 
 
 3. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 37 fait maximae scientiae (as a jurist) . . Gains (?) 
 Saipio Nasica, qui Optimus a senatu appellatus est (a. 550/204 ; cos. 563/191), cui etiam 
 publice domus in sacra via data est, quofacilius consuli posset. Cf. § 89, 1. 
 
 4. L. Atilius is mentioned by Pomponius, see n. 1. But Cic. Lael. 6 (the author- 
 ity followed by Pomp.) we read scimus L. Acilium apud patres nostros appellatum 
 esse Sapientem . . . quia prudens esse in iure civili putabatur. Leg. 2, 59 hoc (lessum 
 in the XII tables) veteres interpretes Sex. Aelius, L. Acilius non satis se intellegere 
 dixerunt. 
 
 5. Q. Fabius Labeo, cos. 571/183. PEE. 6, 2912, 37. Cic. Brut. 81 Ser. Fabius 
 Pictor et iuris et litterarwm et antiquitatis bene peritus; Quintusque Fabius Labeo fuit 
 ornatus eisdemfere laudibus. Suet, vita Terent. 4 (p. 31 sq. Effsch.) Santra Teren- 
 tium putat . . . uti potuisse. . . Q. Fabio Labeone et M. Popillio, consulari utroque 
 ac poeta. Cf . 114, 3. 
 
 6. M. Porcius Cato (Licinianus), born c. 562/192, f 602/152 ; PEE. 5, 1910. 
 Pomponius see § 121, 2. G-ell. 13, 20 (19), 9 ex maiore Catonis filio, qui praetor de- 
 signates patre vivo mortuus est et egregios de iuris disciplina libros reliquit. Inst. 1, 
 11, 12 apud Catonem bene scriptum refert antiquitas etc. Ulp. dig. 21, 1, 10, 1 
 Catonem scribere lego etc. Paul. ib. 24, 3, 44 pr. : Nerva et Cato lespohderunt, ut est 
 relatum etc. 45, 1, 4, 1 Cato libro XV scribit etc. He is principally known by the 
 regula Catoniana, concerning legacies (dig. 34, 7). 
 
 126. One of the aristocratic adversaries of Cato, M. Fulvius 
 Nobilior, composed and published fasti. His son Quintus, too, 
 snowed interest in literature. 
 
 1. The father was cos. 565/189 (in Aetolia), censor 575/179. Mack. 1, 12, 16 
 Fulvius Nobilior in fastis quos in aede Herculis Musarum (probably founded from 
 the Aetolian booty, cf. Plin. NH. 35, 66. GBdeEossi, sul tempio d' Ercole e delle 
 Muse nel portico di Eilippo, bull, archeol. 1869 p. 3) posuit Somulum dicit . . . 
 Iunium mensem vocasse. Cf. Mack. 1, 13, 12 Fulvius id egisse M 1 . Acilium cos. dicit 
 a. u. c. a. DLXII, inito mox bello aetolico. Varro, LL. 6, 33 ut Fulvius scribit et 
 Junius (on the name Aprilis). Censorin. d. n. 20, 2 magis lunio Oracchano et Fulvio 
 et Varroni et Suetonio aliisque credendum. ib. 4 sive a Numa, ut ait Fulvius, sive, 
 ut Junius, a Tarquinio. 22, 9 Fulvius et Junius auctores sunt (on the Eoman names 
 of the months). Charis. GL. 1, 138 Nobiliore. comparativa Plinius e putat ablativo 
 finiri ; antiques tamen ait per i locutos, quippefastos omnes et libros ' a Fulvio Nobiliori ' 
 scriptum (?) rettulisse. See g 74, 2 and on his relations with Ennius n. 2 and § 100, 
 4,5. 
 
 2. Cic. Brut. 79 Q. Nobiliorem M. f. iam patrio instituto deditum studio litlerarum, 
 qui etiam Q. Ennium, qui cum patre eius in Aetolia militaverat (see § 100, 4), civitate 
 donavit cum triumvir coloniam deduxisset (a. 570/114), when coloniae duae, Potentia 
 in Picenum, Pisaurum in gallicum agrum deductae sunt, Liv. 39, 44, 10 ; cf. § 100, 5. 
 Liv. per. 49 Q. Fulvius Nobilior ei (i.e. Cato) saepe ab eo in senatu laceratus respondit 
 
182 THE SIXTH CENTURY U.C. (253-154 B.C.) 
 
 pro Galea (a. 605/149, at the same accusation of the Lusitanians). Quintus was 
 consul a. 601/153, and censor probably 618/136. 
 
 127. A. Postumius Albinus, C. Acilius and the son of 
 Africanus the Elder were historians in Oato's time, but all wrote in 
 Greek. Albinus was a zealous advocate of the Hellenising move- 
 ment, and even in his younger days dedicated his work to Ennius, 
 the venerable apostle of that school. Africanus the Elder him- 
 self and Scipio Nasica furnished contributions to history. 
 
 1. A. Postumius A. f. Albinus, praet. 599/155, cos. 603/151 ; PEE. 5, 1941. 
 Polyb. 39, 12, 1 : ABXos Hotrro6/uos . . ■ olxLas piv ?jv Kal yevovs jrpiirov, Kara S£ tt}v 
 Idiav tpfoiv aruptihos Kal \d\os Kal irepirepos SuupepbvTws. iirL$vprj<ra^ de evdeois 4k iralSuv 
 ttjs tXKrjviKTJs ayiiyyrjs Kal did\€KTov wokits pev ?jv iv to&tols Kal KaraKop^jS, &(rre dt eKeivov Kal 
 T-qv atpefftv ttjv iWrjvLKTjv Trpo<rKo^ai rots TpeafivrepQis Kal rots a^ioXoyojTaTOLS tGjv Vwpaiwv. 
 re\os de Kal Totrjpa ypdfaiv Kal irpayfiarLKTjv laroplav iTrexelpr}(rev. Fragm. of an unknown 
 historian (taken by GCortese from a MS. s. VI. published riv. di filol. 12 (1884), 
 396 ; and EhM. 39, 623) : cum eo tempore, ut narrat in historiae suae principio, duae 
 quasi factiones Momae essent, quarum una graecas artes atque disciplinas adamabat, 
 altera patriae caritatem praetexebat, acerrime ab ilia stetit Albinus. hie Athenis stu- 
 diosus audiendi versatus est adulescentulus, atque propterea graeca institutionem prae 
 ceteris extollebat non sine quadam iactatione et petulantia. inde irae atque accusationes 
 adversariorum, qui minus paterentur graecum sermonem in scriptionibus usurpari ad 
 rem R. spectantibus. graece autem, ut scimus, historiam ille con/ecerat Q. JEmnio poetae 
 inscriptam (therefore at latest in the year of Ennius' death 585/169). ceterum satis 
 in eo erat Utterarum et philosophiae, cuius alumnam eloquentiam inculcandam aiebat 
 . . . (two illegible lines) consulatu arrepto cum dilectui (cf. Liv. per. 48). . . . 
 Another quotation from the proem ap. G-ell. 11, 8, 2 (apology for his Greek style ; 
 cf. Polyb. 39, 12, 4). This graeeising Boman was naturally intolerable to the nar- 
 rowly patriotic Cato. Polyb. 39, 12, 5. Plut. Cato 12. — Cic. Acad. pr. 2, 137 
 A. Albinum . . . doctum sane hominem, ut indicat ipsius historia scripta graece. 
 Brut. 81 wo Catone minores natu multi uno tempore oratores floruerunt. nam A. 
 Albinus, is qui graece scripsit historiam, . . . et litteratus et disertus fuit. Prom 
 Macros. 3, 20, 5 Postumius Albinus annali primo de Bruto ' ea causa sese stultum bru- 
 tumque faciebat 'etc., one feels tempted to assume the existence of a Latin version 
 of the work ; but the translation of those words may just as well belong to 
 Macrobius' authority as the one in praef. 14 sqq. belongs to Cornelius Nepos (Gell. 
 11, 8, 5). At all events it seems that Albinus also in some way or other took in the 
 earliest history. — Serv. Aen. 9, 710 Postumius De adventu Aeneae et Lutatius (§ 142, 
 4) Oommunium historiarum Boiam . . . dicunt appears to rest upon a misunder- 
 standing. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, exxv. 49. fragm. 37. 
 
 2. Cic. off. 3, 115 (C.) Acilius qui graece scripsit historiam, plures aitfuisse qui in 
 castra revertissent (after the battle of Cannae). Dionys. ant. 3, 67 {Taiov 'AkLWiov 
 Troiijcrdpepo!. . . ^e^atur-qv). Isig. Nicae. (act. soc. phil. Lips. 1, 40) 'AkiMuos 6 
 'Pu/ieuos iaTopi.K6s tjnjui. kt\. Strabo 5, p. 230 (if here for the MS. 8ye KtfXios we may 
 read with Schwegler, EG. 1, 80 S y 'AkOXios ; others suppose Coelius Antipater, 
 see WSieglin, Coel. Antip. 33 ; philol. Wochenschr. 1883, 1453). Liv. per. 53 
 O. Acilius (conjectural reading of MHertz, de Cine. 12 ; EhM. 17, 579 : the MSS. 
 give O. Iulius) senator graece res romanas scribit (c. a. 612/142). He is certainly the 
 C. Acilius senator who according to Gell. 6, 14, 9 (cf. Plut. Cat. mai. 22) in the 
 
§ 127-9. A. ALBINUS : C. ACILIUS : CARVILIUS : INSCRIPTIONS. 183 
 
 year 599/155 served in the Senate as interpreter to the three Greek ambassadors 
 and philosophers (§ 50 and p. 136). The work went back by way of introduction 
 to the early history (Plut. Bomul.21 T&ws 'AdXios iorope?, irpb rijs Krlvem kt\.) and 
 was continued probably to the time of the author ; the latest notice which we find 
 in the few extant fragments relates to 570/184 (Dion. 3, 67).— Later on, the work 
 was put into Latin by one Claudius : see Liv. 25, 39, 12 Claudius, qui annates Aci- 
 lianos ex graeco in lalinum sermonem vertit. Cf. 35, 14, 5 (a. 561/193) Claudius 
 secutus graecos Acilianos libros. Presumably this translator (or borrower ?) was no 
 other than Claudius Quadrigarius (cf. § 155, 1). So G-iesebrecht, Pluss, Mohmsen, 
 rom. Forsch. 2, 427, GFUireER, Philol. Suppl. vol. 3, 2, 4, GThouret, J J. Suppl. 11, 
 156. HPetek, JJ. 125, 103. — Against this identification Sigonius, FLachmann, 
 HNissen, HPeter (earlier hist. rell. 1, ccxcvn).— In general PEE. 1 2 , 109. HNissen, 
 krit. Unters. 39. HPetek, hist. rell. 1, cxix. 44 ; fragm. 34. 
 
 3. Cic. Brut. 77 filius eius (of Africanus the Elder), . . . si corpore valuisset, in 
 primis habitus esset disertus : indicant cum oratiunculae turn historia quaedam graeca, 
 scripta dulcissime (perhaps treating of his father's deeds ? see Keller, der 2. pun. 
 Krieg, Marb. 1875, 77. OGilbert, JJ. Suppl. 10, 393 ; or of the war with Antiochos 
 563/191 ? see Mommsen, rom. Forsch. 2, 513). Cato mai. 35 ad paternam magnitudinem 
 animi doctrina uberior accesserat. Vellei. 1, 10, 3 P. Scipicmi, P. Africani Jilio, nihil 
 ex paterna maiestate praeter speciem nominis vigoremque eloquentiae retinenti. He 
 became augur a. 574/180 (Liv. 40, 42, 13). His epitaph in saturnian metre CIL. 1, 
 33 calls him Plamen dialis (cf. Mommsen). 
 
 4. Plut. Aemil. Paul. 15 6 NcktikSs OriKaKoipevos Sur^wx (cos. 592/162 and 
 599/155, censor 595/159 ; (PEE. 2, 667) . . yeypa<puis wepl tCiv Trpd&wv toOtwv (in 
 the war with Perseus) £in<rTo\iov irpos riva tCiv (Sa<n~kiuv. Cf . ib. 16. Cic. Brut. 79 
 P. etiam Scipionem Nasicam . . . habitum eloquentem aiunt. Cf. Cato m. 50. On 
 the similar work of Africanus the Elder see § 56, 1. Nissen, Unterss. lib. d. Quell. 
 des Liv. 267. 
 
 128. The freedman Sp. Carvilius is a remarkable figure in 
 the literary history of the 6th century u.c, one of the first who 
 opened a public school at Rome and the aTranger of the Roman 
 alphabet of 21 letters. 
 
 1. Plut. quaest. rom. 59, p. 278 D irpuros bviip^e ypap.p.aroSi.dairKaXetov 27r6pios 
 Kap;3i\ios, d7re\ei)0epos KapfiiXlov rod irpurov yap-erfy (nf}a\6vTos. The authorities 
 fluctuate between 519/235 and 524/230 as the date of this first (arbitrary) divorce ; 
 see Eitschl, Parerga 68. On Carvilius' alphabet see above p. 127. Eitschl, op. 4, 
 226. HJordan, Beitr. z. Gesch. der lat. Spr. (Berl. 1879), 151. LHavet, rev. d. 
 phil. 2 (1878), 17. 
 
 129. Among the prose Inscriptions of the 6th century the 
 SC. de Bacchanalibus is the most prominent, both in language 
 and in its subject-matter. It may, however, be stated that the 
 number of these documents is but small, and that their signifi- 
 cance belongs either to political history or to the history of the 
 alphabet. 
 
 1. The SC. (more correctly epistula consulum ad Teuranos) de Bacchanalibus 
 of t,v,o tr,. r 568/186 is copied and explained e.g. CIL. 1. 196. Prise. Lat. Mon. pi. 
 
184 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 18 (in facsimile). Beuns, fontes D 151. DIE. 97. WWeissbeodt, obss. in SC. de 
 Bacc, Braunsb. 1879; misoell. epigr. numism. gramm., Braunsb. 1883, 10; Phil. 39, 
 558.— On the decree of L. Aemilius Paulus a. 565/189 see § 123, 8.— Among the 
 epitaphs of the Scipios belong to this period CIL. 1, 35 on L. Cornelius Scipio, 
 quaestor 587/167, f o. 593/161, and perhaps ib. n. 36 (c. 600/154 ?) on Scipio Asiagenus. 
 
 2. Decree of the praetor L. Cornelius Cn. f . (cos. 598/156 ?) to the Tiburtines (a. 
 595/159 ?), CIL. 1, 201. Beuns, font. 5 157. DIE. 305. EBuchelee, JJ. 105, 568. 
 Eor the other inscriptions of the 6th century (from the beginning of the second 
 Punic war) which it is possible to date, see the CIL. 1, 530-539. DIE. 1, 98 sqq. 
 Two very ancient inscriptions from Luceria and Spoletium, threatening with 
 punishment for the desecration of a sacred grove, are especially remarkable for the 
 ancient linguistic forms. Ephem. epigr. 2, 205 and EBormank in the miscellanea 
 Capitolina (Borne 1879), 5 (and bull. d. inst. arch. 1879,67). DIE. 1, 94, 95. Beuns, 
 fontes iur. rom. 5 241. Bucheler, BhM. 35, 627. MBeeal, mem. de la soc. de lin- 
 guist. 4 (1881), 373. HJordan, quaestt. Umbr., Konigsb. 1882 ; ann. dell' inst. 56, 5. 
 A SC. of the year 584/170, relating to the affairs of the town of Thisbe in Boeotia,' 
 is preserved only in a Greek translation: Ephem. epigr. 1, 278. 2, 102. Beuns, 
 fontes 5 152. 
 
 B. THE SEVENTH CENTUEY U.C. 
 (153-54 B.C.). 
 
 130. The first twenty years of the 7th century u.c. (601/153 
 -620/134) are in the history of Eome taken up with wars, 
 especially the Lusitanian (601/153-620/134, Yiriathus) and the 
 Numantine (611/143-621/133), in the shameful conduct of which 
 the consequences of the year 606/146 (Carthage, Corinth) already 
 appear. Literary studies were, therefore, very insignificant 
 during this period. 
 
 131. These twenty years produced orators in Africanus the 
 Younger, Laelius the Younger, Sulpicius Galba, L. Scribonius 
 Libo, M. Lepidus, Furius Philus, Q. Metellus Macedonicus, and 
 minor ones, e.g. the two Mummii. 
 
 1. P. Cornelius Scipio Aemilianus, Africanus (minor), born 569/185 (KEBoth, 
 BhM. 12, 183), cos. 607/147 and 620/134, censor 612/142, f 625/129; PEE. 2, 662. 
 Cic. Brut. 82 C. Laelius et P. Africanus in primis eloquentes, quorum exstant orationes. 
 Lael. 96 quanta ilia (Scipionis) fuit gravitas, quanta in oratione maiestas ! . . . sed 
 . . . est in manibus oratio. Cf. Mur. 58. de inv. 1, 5. de or. 1, 215. Brut. 258, 
 off. 1, 116. Scipionis oratiunculae excerpted by M. Aurelius, according to Eeonto 
 34 Nab. Among the fragments of his speeches (Meyee, or. fr. 1, 101) there are two 
 somewhat more extensive, ap. Gell. 6, 11, 9. Macr. 3, 14, 7. Most of them very 
 bitterly criticise the spreading corruption of morals. On his delivery see Cic. de 
 or. 1, 255 multi oratores fuerunt, ut ilium, Scipionem audimus et Laelium, qui omnia 
 sermons (conversational manner) conficerent paullo intentiore. — Aemilius Paulus' care 
 for the Greek education of his children : Plut. Aem. Paul. 6 ; Plin. NH. 35, 135. Of 
 the Macedonian spoils fi6va t& |Si/3Xia tov ^acriXias (Perseus) <pi\oypaixii.a.Tov(n rots viiaiv 
 eTrirpexpev QeKiadai (Plut. Aem. P. 28). Africanus possessed much general culture : 
 Cic. Tusc. 1, 5 Galbam, Africanum, Laelium dodos fuisse traditum est. 2, 62 semper 
 
§ 129-131. inscriptions: aemilianus, laelius, galba etc. 185 
 
 Africanus Socraticum Xenophontem in manibus habebat : especially the KApov waiSela, 
 Cic. ad Q. fr. 1, 1, 23. C. Fannius in Annalibus ascribed to liim (Socratic) irony ; 
 cf. § 137, 4. Cic. Acad. 2, 15. de or. 2, 270. Brut. 299. He was a friend of 
 Polybios, Polyb. 32, 9 sq. ; and Panaitios, Cic. Acad. 2, 5. p. Mur. 66. cf . de or. 2, 154. 
 Vellei. 1, 13, 3. Plut. c. principibus esse philos. 1. 12 (4, 117Wytt.); apophthegm. 
 Scip. min. 13, 14 (1, 797 W.). Friendship with C. Laelius (e.g. Cic. de or. 2, 22. 
 Hor. S. 2, 1, 71), Terence (§ 108, 5) and Lucilius (§ 143, 1 and 3). Mommsen, EC. 2 6 
 82. 429. 
 
 2. Q. Fabius Maximus Allobrogicus, nephew of the younger Scipio Africanus 
 (cos. 633/121; PEE. 6, 2915, 46), recited the funeral speech on Africanus (his 
 uncle), Cic. Mur. 75, which had been written by C. Laelius, who afterwards 
 published it under his own name ; see Schol. Bob. ad Cic. p. Mil. 16, p. 283 Or. : 
 super Africani laudibus exstat oratio O. Laeli Sapientis, qua usus videtur Q. Fabius 
 Maximus in laudations mortui Scipionis. Cic. de or. 2, 341 (Q. Tuberoni [§ 139, 2] 
 Africanum avunculum laudanti scripsit C. Laelius) appears to confuse two nephews 
 of Af r. 
 
 3. C. Laelius (Sapiens), son of Laelius the elder § 123, 5, a few years older 
 than Aemilianus (Cic. de rep. 1, 18 Laelium quod aetate antecedebat observabat 
 in parentis loco Scipio; cf. Lael. 104); cos. 614/140. PEE. 4, 725.— Cic. Brut. 84 
 ingeni, litterarum, eloquentiae, sapientiae denique, etsi utrique (Africanus and Laelius) 
 primas, priores tamen lubenter deferunt Laelio. Cf. ib. 82 (above n. 1) and de or. 1, 
 255. Brut. 83 plurimum tribuitur ambobus, dicendi tamen laus est in Laelio illustrior, 
 at oratio Laelii de collegiis non melior quam de multis quam voles Scipionis ; . . . 
 mulio tamen vetustior et horridior ille quam. Scipio. de or. 1, 58 Ser. Galbae et . . . 
 C. Laelio, quos constat dicendi gloria praestitisse. Brut. 94 hanc ob causam (because 
 Laelius limatius dicendi consectabatur genus) videtur Laeli mens spirare etiam in 
 scriptis, Galbae autem vis occidisse. 295 de Laelio, cuius tu oratione negas fieri 
 quidquam posse dulcius, addis etiam nescio quid augustius. nomine nos capis summi 
 viri vitaeque elegantissimae verissimis laudibus. Cf. de rep. 6, 2 (oratioy Laeli quam 
 omnes habemus in manibus. ND. 3, 43 in ilia aureola oratiuncula. We do not know 
 of any accusations by Laelius, but of political speeches, defences and panegyrics 
 (see n. 2). Cf. HMeyek, orat. fr. 1 p. 96. Cic. Att. 7, 3, 10 Terentii fabulae propter 
 elegantiam sermonis putabantur a C. Laelio scribi ; cf . § 108, 5 ; fin. 2, 24 Diogenem 
 stoicum adulescens, post autem Panaetium audierat Laelius. Prom his philosophical 
 tendencies he was called <ro06s (Lucil. ib.) or Sapiens (Brut. 213. off. 2, 40. 3, 16). 
 Perhaps Coelius Antipater dedicated his history to him ? See § 137, 5. 
 
 4. Ser. Sulpicius Galba, born c. 565/189 {aetate paulum his — Laelius and 
 Africanus the Younger — antecedens he is styled by Cic. Brut. 82), censured on 
 account of a disgraceful breach of faith committed by him in Lusitania (a. 604/150). 
 In spite of this he was consul a. 610/144. PEE. 6, 1494. Cic. Brut. 82 states that he 
 was the first Eoman orator who employed artificial figures (ut egrederetur aproposito 
 ornandi causa, . . . ut communibus locis uteretur), perhaps in order to hide his 
 bad cause. He who was praised as divinus homo in dicendo was, on the other hand, 
 ignarus legum, haesitans in maiorum institutis, rudis in iure civili (Cic. de or. 1, 40). 
 His delivery was remarkable for great vivacity : in agendo . . . vehemens atque 
 incensus, Brut. 88 ; incitata et gravis et veJiemens oratio, ib. 93 ; lateribus et clamore 
 contendebat, de or. 1, 255 ; nihil leniter dixit, or. 106 ; cf. Brut. 86 atrocior acriorque 
 Laelio; 89 elegantia in Laelio, vis in Galba; de or. 3, 28 gravitatem Africanus, 
 lenitatem Laelius, asperitatem Galba, profluens quiddam habuit Carbo et canorum. 
 Therefore his speeches made less impression when read (Brut. 93 sq.). His style 
 was also less polished (exiliores orationes sunt et redolentes magis antiquitatem quam 
 
186 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 aut Laelii aut Scipionis aut etiam ipsius Catonis ; Hague evanuerunt, vix iam ut 
 appareant, Brut. 82 ; of. ib. 295. Tac. dial. 18). Of the trib. pi. L. Scribonius 
 Libo, who prosecuted Galba (605/145) for maladministration (see above), Cicero 
 says (Brut. 90) : Libonem non infantem video fuisse, ut ex orationibus ejus intellegi 
 potest. 
 
 5. M. Aemilius Lepidus, qui est Porcina dictus (Cic. Brut. 95), cos. 617/137; 
 ERE. I 2 , 357. Cic. 1.1. isdem temporibus fere quibus Galba, sed paulo minor natu, 
 et summus orator est habitus et fuit, ut apparet ex orationibus, scriptor sane bonus. 
 Cf. ib. 295. 333. But he too shared Galba's ignorance of the law (de or. 1, 40). 
 Aemilius Porcina orator, in oratione uti lex Aemilia abrogetur, Pkiscian. GL. 2, 474. 
 Coenif. ad. Her. 4, 7 allatis exemplis ...» Laelio (n. 3), a Scipione (n. 1), Galba 
 (n. 4), Porcina. Quoted also GL. 5, 590, 3. 
 
 6. L. Furius Philus (cos. 618/136) perbene latine logui putabatur litteratiusque 
 quam ceteri, Cic. Brut. 108. He was a friend of Africanus the Younger, and 
 familiar with learned Greeks (de or. 2, 154). He is quoted de leg. agr. 2,-64 along 
 with Cato and Laelius among the men of wisdom (sapientes) inspired by the Stoa ; 
 cf . de or. 2, 154. p.Mur. 66. de rep. 3, 5. He was perhaps (MHebtz, JJ. 88, 54) the 
 author of a treatise founded on the sacred law, and is referred to Mackob. S. 3, 9, 
 6 sqq. carmen (quo di evocantur) quod ille (Sammonicus Serenus) se in cujusdam 
 Furii vetustissimo libra repperisse professus est. 
 
 7. Q. Caecilius Metellus Macedonicus, cos. 611/143, censor 623/131, f 639/115 ; 
 a political adversary of Africanus minor ; PRE. 2, 23. MWende, de Caeciliis Met. 
 (Bonn 1875) 36. Cic. Brut. 81 Q. Metellus . . . in primis est habitus eloquens 
 . . . cuius et aliae sunt orationes et contra Ti. Qracchum exposita est in C. Fanni 
 annalibus. Cf. § 141, 2. 
 
 8. Cic. Brut. 94 fuerunt etiam in oratorum numero mediocrium L. et Sp. Mummii 
 fratres, quorum exstant amborum orationes; simplex quidem Lucius et antiquus, 
 Spurius autem nihilo ille quidem ornatior, sed tamen astrictior ; fuit enim d actus ex 
 disciplina Stoicorum. Lucius was cos. 608/146 and destroyed Corinth ; PEE. 5, 199 ; 
 see § 163, 7. His younger brother Spurius accompanied him as legate to Achaia, 
 and wrote epistolas versiculis facetis ad familiares missas a Corintho (Cic. Att. 13, 
 6,4). Of. §25,1. 
 
 9. Cic. Brut. 94 multae sunt Sp. (Postumii) Albini (cos. 606/148) orationes. — 
 For others see § 132, 4. § 133, 4 and 5. 
 
 132. The historians of the first twenty years of the 7th 
 century u.c. still clung to the manner of the older Annalists, 
 but followed Cato's example in writing Latin. The earliest of 
 them was L. Cassius Hemina, the most important L. Calpurnius 
 Piso Frugi ; both beginning with the foundation of Rome and 
 concluding with their own time. Besides these, Fabius Maximus 
 Servilianus belongs to this period. Trebius Niger -wrote on 
 subjects in natural history, as did the Spaniard Turranius Gracilis 
 (date uncertain). 
 
 1. L. is called Hemina in Prisc. GL. 2, 482, 15. Schol. Veron. Aen. 2, 717. p. 
 91 K. — Censokin. d. n. 17, 11 (concerning the fourth secular games) : at Piso 
 censorius et Cn. Gellius, sed et Cassius Hemina, qui illo tempore vivebat, post annum 
 
§ 132. HISTORIANS: CASSIUS HEMINA: PISO FRUGI ETC. 187 
 
 factos tertium affirmant, viz. 608/ 146. Cass, is called vetustissimus auctor annalium 
 in Pliny NH. 13, 84 ; of. 29, 12 Cassius Hemina ex antiquissimis auctor est primum 
 e medicis venisse Somam etc. The quotation Cassius Hemina de censorious libr. II. 
 (ap. Non. 346, 22) is not incredible. (MHertz. de hist. 1871, p. 2 sq.) Of his 
 historical work, called both Annates and Historiae, four books are quoted. The 
 oldest history was treated extensively in b. 1, comprising also other towns of Italy. 
 The fourth book was entitled bellum punicum posterior (cf . prior helium and foedus 
 prior ap. Claud. Quadr. quoted by Prisc. GL. 2, 347, 7) ; the third book seems, 
 therefore, to have treated of the first Punic war, while the second may have con- 
 tained a short resume of the Roman history down to the first Punic war (Vahlen, 
 Enn. p. li n.). As Pliny in his list of authorities quotes him at book xn (arborum 
 naturae), xiv (de peregrinis arboribus et unguentis), xxxii (on remedies), he 
 seems also to have taken in various curiosities. Also sacerdotal and juridical 
 works, and attempts at etymology. Fragments of his works, which it is sometimes 
 difficult to keep apart from those of other Cassii, HPeter, hist. rell. 1, 95 ; fragm. 
 68. Concerning him Schwegler, EG. 1, 87. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, clxviii. 
 
 2. On the historian Libo see § 172, 6. 
 
 3. Q. Fabius Maximus Servilianus, cos. 612/142. Mack. 1, 16, 25 Fabius 
 Maximus Servilianus pontifex in libro XII negat oportere atro die parentare. Possibly 
 a confusion with Ser. Fabius Pictor (§ 133, 3). Schol. Veron. ad Georg. 3, 7 . . . 
 Servilianus historiarum scriptor. Serv. Verg. Aen. 1, 3 Fabius Maximus annalium 
 primo. Dionys. ant. 1, 7 &s ol Tpbs ain{av itratvodfjLevoL 'Pca/j.altoj' avviypaipav, HopKius re 
 Kdruc Kai $d/3ios M<£fi/ios xal OtfaXe/uos 6 'Avriebs etc. As Polyb. 3, 8 seems to know 
 no other historian of the gens Fabia besides Fabius Pictor, Servilianus appears to 
 have begun to write only in his later years. WHarless, de Fabiis 37, cf . ib. p. 3. 
 HPeter, hist. rell. 1, clxxxii and 114 ; fragm. 76. 
 
 4. L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi, trib. pi. 605/149, cos. 621/133, censor probably 
 634/120 (censorius, n. 1. Plih. NH. 13, 87 ; cf. Tllativ Aeikios 6 Ti/wjTiKis in Dionys. 2, 
 38. 39. 12, 4). Perhaps the pupil of Panaitios? Philodem. syntax, philosoph. 
 stoic, in the rivista di philol. 3, 544. ei .con is probably to be completed Heltrui> 
 (MHertz). The adversary of the Gracchi. Piso's historical work began with 
 Aeneas, if his name is rightly completed Schol. Veron. Aen. 2, 717 additur etiam a 
 L. Qassio et (Pisone) censorio etc. It reached in the 7th book at least to a. 608/146 
 (Censorin. 17, 11). Annales is generally given as the title ; Plin. only says 1.1. : 
 L. Piso censorius primo commentariorum : hence OJahn (Lpz. Ber. 1848, 429) and 
 Pluss, de Cine. 28 (in Dionysius also) distinguish two Pisos, while MHertz 
 (philologisch-klinischer Streifzug, 1849, 15) distinguishes at least a second work of 
 this Piso (of antiquarian contents) ; cf. for the other view HPeter, hist. rell. 1, 
 cxciii. Piso certainly did not lack veracity (gravis auctor he is styled by Pliny 
 NH. 2, 140) and the references to him, which are especially frequent in the first- 
 two books of Livy and Dionysius, do not always show good taste, but show on the 
 whole simple and sober honesty, and also a tinge of rationalism antipathetic to 
 Niebuhr's romantic mind. Cicero's judgment on Piso's style is unfavourable, but 
 Gellius, a professed admirer of archaic style, pronounces the unmethodical se- 
 quence of his sentences to be charming. Brut. 106 Piso et causas egit et multaruyn 
 legum aut auctor aut dissuasor fuit, isque et orationes reliquit, quae iam evanuerunt, 
 et annales sane exiliter scriptos. Cf. de leg. 1, 6. de or. 2, 51 sqq. (above § 37, 5). 
 On the other hand Gellius 7, 9, 1 res perquam pure et venuste narrata a Pisone. 
 11, 14, 1 simplicissima suavitate et rei et orationis L. Piso Frugi usus est in primo 
 annali. His two instances show that Piso indulged in anecdotes ; Pliny quotes 
 him among his authorities at book 2 sq. (geography), 8 (animals), 12 to 18 (on 
 
188 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 trees), 28 and 29 (medicine), 33 sq. (metals), 36 (stones). Cf. n. 1. Fragments in 
 HPeter rell. 1, 118 ; fragm. 76. Liebaldt, de L. Calpurnio Pisone annalinm 
 scriptore, Naumb. 1836. Schwegler, BG. 1, 88. HPetek, hist. rell. 1, clxxxviii. 
 CAldenhoven, Herm. 5, 151. LKeller, d. 2. pun. Krieg u. s. Quellen (Marb. 1875) 
 127, and for the opposite view OGilbert, Gott. GA. 1875, 343. HVirck, d. Quellen 
 des Liv. und Dionys. Strassb. 1877, attempts to prove that Liv. 2, 1-21, 32-33 are 
 derived from Piso. Kximke, Diod. u. d. rom. Annalistik, Konigshtitte O/S. 1881 
 maintains that Diodorus' Roman history is based on Piso. LCohn, Phil. 42, 1 
 shares this view. 
 
 5. Plin. NH. 9, 89 L. Lucullo proconsule Baeticae (a. 604/150) comperta de polypis 
 quae Trebius Niger e comitibus eius prodidit. Cf. ib. 93 ut ipsius Trebi verbis utar. 
 ib. 80 Tr. N. and 10, 40 Trebius auctor est. He is named as an authority for book 
 8, 9 (de aquatilium natura) and for book 32 (medicinae ex aquatilibus) and is 
 quoted 32, 15. 
 
 6. Plin. NH. 3,3 a vico Mellaria Hispaniae ad promunturium Africae Album, 
 auctore Turranio Oracile iuxta genito. Hence he is placed first in the ind. auct. 
 to b. 3, and also to b. 9 (cf. n. 5), and to book 18 (naturae frugum). Cf. 9, 11 
 Turranius prodidit expulsam beluam in Gaditano litore. 18, 75 in Baetiea et Africa 
 (hordei genus) glabrum appellat Turranius. The date of the Turranius here intro- 
 duced is unknown. OHibschfeld, Phil. 29, 27, considers it not improbable that 
 he may be identified with C. Turranius (praef . annonae under Tiberius and still 
 under Claudius, f about 48 a.d. when almost a centenarian ; PEE. 6, 2256, 6) and 
 even with the dilettante writer of tragedies of the same name (§ 254, 3 ad fin.). 
 
 7. For Plin. books 31 and 32 a certain Sornatius (quoted 32, 68) is mentioned 
 ind. auct. as well as Iacchus (§ 41, 1 ad fin.). 
 
 133. These twenty years possess great jurists in Manius 
 Manilius, M. Junius Brutus, Ser. Fabius Pictor, and especially in 
 P. Mucius Scaevola, cos. a. 621/133, an acute thinker, of an easy 
 and studious disposition, rather than a man of action ; it was he 
 who finished the official Annales and perhaps published them 
 in book form. They were eminent writers on their subjects, 
 especially Manilius as the framer of deeds of purchase. Scaevola's 
 brother also, P. Licinius Crassus Mucianus, cos. 633/131, was a 
 legal authority, and so was C. Marcius Figulus. 
 
 1. M'. Manilius, cos. 605/149, one of the circle of Africanus minor. — Pompon. 
 dig. 1, 2, 2, 39 post kos (Cato and his son) fuerunt P. Mucius et Brutus et Manilius 
 qui fundaverunt ius civile, ex his . . . libellos reliquit . . . Manilius tres (see Zim- 
 meen, Gesch. d. rom. Priv.-E. 1, 276), et exstant volumina scripta, Manilii monumenta. 
 Cic. de or. 1, 246 Manilianas venalium vendendorum leges ediscere. Varro RE. 2, 3, 5 
 Manilius scriptum reliquit sic (the formula of sponsio concerning the purchase of 
 goats), ib. 2, 5, 11 paulo verbosius haec (formula of stipulation) qui Manilii actiones 
 sequuntur. 2, 7, 6 emtio equina similis fere ac bourn, . . . ut in Manilii actionibus 
 sunt perscripta. LL. 7, 105 nexum Manilius scribit omne quod per libram et aes geritur. 
 (In Varro RE. and LL. the best MSS. always give Mamilius.) Cic. fin. 1, 12 disse- 
 retur inter principes civitatis, P. Scaevolam Maniumque Manilium, ab Usque M. Brutus 
 dissentiet. . . . nosque ea scripta . . . legimus libenter. Pam. 7, 22 ut scires id . . . 
 Sex. Aelium, M. Manilium, M. Brutum sensisse. Cf. ib. 7, 10, 2. p. Caecin. 69 si ut 
 
§ 133. jurists: m'. manilius, p. mucius scaevola etc. 189 
 
 Manilius statuebat, sic est iudicatum. Gell. 17, 7, 3 Q. Scaevola patrem suum et 
 Brutum et Manilium, viros adprime doctos, quaesisse ait etc. Dig. 41, 2, 3, 3 Brutus 
 et Manilius putant etc As a jurist he is called vir prudens by Cic. rep. 1, 18, of. 
 Brut. 108 vec multo minus (than P. Scaevola) prudenter (loqui putabatur) M. Mani- 
 lius. de or. 3, 133 M. Manilium . . . vidimus transverso ambulantem foro, quod erat 
 insigne eum qui id faceret facere civibus omnibus consilii sui copiam. Huschke, 
 iurispr. anteiust. 5 5. 
 
 2. M. Junius Brutus, iuris peritissimus (Cic. Brut. 130 ; cf . 175 ; iuris civilis in 
 primis peritus, off. 2, 50). Pompon. 1.1. 39 lie is called praetorius and it is stated of 
 him septem libellos reliquit. On the other hand Cic. de or. 2, 55, 223 tres Bruti de 
 wire civili libros tribus legendos dedit. p. Cluent. 141 tres excitavit recitatores cum 
 singulis libris quos M. Brutus . . . de iure civili reliquit. Quint. 6, 3, 44 tris exci- 
 tavit lectores hisque (M. Bruti) dialogos dedit legendos. The form of the dialogue 
 appears from Cic. de or. 2, 224, where it is also said ex libro tertio, in quo finem 
 scribendi fecit (M. Brutus) ; tot enim, ut audivi Scaevolam dicere, sunt veri Bruti 
 libri, i.e. Scaevola was of opinion that the four other books were continuations of 
 the original work by a jurist of the 7th century u.c. Cf. Zimmeen, Gesch. d. rom. 
 Priv.-R. 1, 276. — Cic. de or. 2, 142 video in Catonis (the younger) et in Bruti libris 
 nominatim fere referri quid alicui de iure viro aut mulieri responderint. Gell. 6, 15, 1. 
 17, 7, 3. Dig. 49, 15, 4 {inter Brutum et Scaevolam varie tractatum est). 
 
 3. Cic. Brut. 81 Ser. Fulvius (cos. 619/135) et una Ser. Fabius Pictor et iuris et 
 litterarum et antiquitatis bene peritus. Gell. 1, 12, 14 in libro I Fabii Pictoris quae 
 verba pontificem maximum dicere oporteat . . . scriptum est. 10, 15, 1 item castus 
 multiplices (fiaminis Dialis), quos in libris qui de sacerdotibus publicis compositi sunt, 
 item. in. Fabii Pictoris primo scriptos legimus. Non. 544 Fab. Pict. libr. XVI (the 
 formula follows). 223 Varro : commentario veteri Fabii Pictoris legi (the rule 
 follows). Pest. 250 puilia saxa esse ad portum qui sit secundum Tiberim ait Fabius 
 Pictor, quern locum putat Labeo (the jurist Antistius Labeo) dici etc. Mace. 3, 2, 3 
 Veranius (§ 199, 6) ex primo libro Pictoris (cf. § 49, 6). Nonius 518 Idem (preceded 
 by a quotation from ±he annalist Q. Fabius Pictor) iuris pontificii libro III, con- 
 fusing the two of the me name. See above § 116, 7. Gellius also seems from his 
 way of quoting it to have ascribed the work de iure pontificio to the famous 
 annalist Fabius Pictor. Cf. HPetee, hist. rell. 1, p. clxxix. 111. Huschke, iurispr. 
 anteiust. 6 2. MHektz. JJ. 85, 47. 
 
 4. P. Mucius Scaevola, & voiwMktvs (Plut. Gracch. 9), cos. 621/133; PBE. 5, 
 181. He and his brother Crassus (n. 5) sided with Ti. Gracchus (Cic. acad. pr. 2, 
 13).— Pompon. 1.1. 39 (see n. 1). Supposing the order there (Mucius, Brutus, 
 Manilius) to be not appreciative but chronological, Pomponius would appear to 
 confound the father and the son ; see PBE. 1.1. 182. Pompon. 1.1. relates moreover 
 ex his P. Mucius etiam decern libellos reliquit . . . illi duo (Manilius and P. Mucius) 
 consulares fuerunt, P. autem Mucius etiam pontifex maximus. The latter at least 
 after 631/123; see Cic. de dom. 136. As such he seems to have done away with 
 the writing of the official Annals by the pontifex maximus, which had become 
 unnecessary on account of the private annalists ; they extended at least only usque 
 ad P. Mucium pontificem maximum (Cic. de or. 2, 52). At the same time he would 
 seem to have superintended the collection and publication of the Annals as far as 
 they existed ; see § 76, 2 and 3. Mommsen, RG. 2 6 , 453. The dignity of pontifex 
 was connected with legal knowledge: Cic. de leg. 2, 47 (cf. 52): . . . Scaevolae 
 (father and son, the latter cos. 659/95), pontifices ambo et eidem iuris peritissimi (cf . 
 de leg. 2, 52). saepe, inquit P.filius, expatre audivi pontificem bonum neminem esse 
 nisi qui ius civile cognosset. de or. 1, 170 P. Crassus, ille Dives . . . cum P. Scaevolae 
 
190 THE SEVENTH CENTURY D.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 frater esset, solitus est ei persaepe dicere, neque ilium in iure civili satis facere posse 
 nisi dicendi copiam assumpsisset . . . neque se ante causas amicorum tractare atque 
 agere coepisse quam ius civile didicisset. Brut. 108 latine loqui putabatur . . . P. 
 Scaevola valde prudentur et acute, paulo etiam copiosius. de or. 1, 240 (of Crassus) 
 id quod ipse diceret et in P. Mucii, fratris sui, libris et in Sex. Aelii commentariis 
 scriptum protulisse. The existing instances of his decisions and sayings prove him 
 to he as careful in defining (Cic. top. 24. 29. 37. 38) as powerful in casuistry (Cic. 
 de leg. 2, 57. fin. 1, 12: Gell. 17, 7, 3. Dig. 24, 3, 66 pr. 49, 15, 4. 50, 7, 17 ; cf . 47, 
 4, 1, 15), especially also in pointing out how laws might be avoided in a legal 
 manner (Cic. leg. 2, 53). But it was only hy a party view that Nasica attributed 
 to him the principle fiat iustitia, pereat mundus (Val. Max. 3, 2, 17 turn Scipio 
 Nasica : quoniam, inquit, consul, dum iuris ordinem sequitur, id agit ut cum omnibus 
 legibus romanum imperium corruat etc.). Butilius Rufus (cos. 649/105) was trained 
 by intercourse with him ; see § 142, 2 ; his most brilliant pupil, however, was his 
 son, cos. 659/95 (§ 154, 1).— Remains: Huschke, iurispr. 5 6. ASchneidek, die drei 
 Scaevola Cic.'s, Munch. 1879. 
 
 5. P. Licinius Crassus Dives Mucianus, own brother of the preceding, hut 
 adopted by P. Crassus (cos. 549/205; see § 123, 4); cos. 623/131, t 624/130; PEE. 
 4, 1057. — Cell. 1, 13, 10 is Crassus . . . traditur habuisse quinque rerum bonarum 
 maxima et praecipua : quod esset ditissimus, quod nobilissimus, quod eloquentissimus, 
 quod iurisconsultissimus, quod pontifex maximus. Cic. de or. 1, 216 P. Crassus idem 
 fuit eloquens et iuris peritus (likewise Brut. 127. Cato 50) ; ib. 240 fuit Crassus in 
 numero disertorum, sed par Gfalbae (§ 131, 4) nullo modo; ib. 170 (see n. 4). Brut. 
 98 P. Crassum valde probatum oratorem . . . accepimus, qui et ingenio valuit et studio 
 et habuit quasdam etiam domesticas disciplinas. nam . . . cum esset P. Muci (cos. 
 579 /175) filius fratremque haberet P. Scaevolam (n. 4) domi ius civile cognoverat. in 
 eo industriam constat summam fuisse maximamque gratiam, cum, et consuleretur 
 plurimum et diceret. He is mentioned among the jurists but with the praenomen 
 L. (probably by confusion with the orator L. Crassus, § 152, 3) and wrongly placed 
 (after Sex. Pompeius and others), Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 40 L. Crassus, frater P. Mucii 
 (who was cos. 621/133, see n. 4), qui Mucianus dictus est. In addition see Val. Max. 
 8, 7, 6 P. Crassus, cum in Asiam ad Aristonicum regem debellandum consul venisset, 
 tanta cura graecae linguae notitiam comprehendit ut earn in quinque divisam genera 
 (i.e. dialects) . . . penitus cognosceret. He of course understood Greek thoroughly 
 previous to this. 
 
 6. Valek. Max. 9,3,2 0. Figulum mansuetissimum, pacato iuris iudicio {studio f) 
 celeberrimum, son of the cos. 592/162 and 598/156, but who did not himself attain 
 the consulship ; hence his irritable question addressed to his consultores : an vos 
 consulere scitis, consulem facere nescitis? 
 
 134. Among poets L. Accius (born a. 584/170 at Pisaurum, 
 died at an advanced age) is especially famous as the author of 
 numerous tragedies imitated from the Greek. The choice made 
 by Accius manifests a just appreciation of the genuine tragic ele- 
 ment, as well as a certain predilection for romantic incidents and 
 the Trojan legends. These fragments are in a lively and impas- 
 sioned tone, though frequently more cleverly turned than really 
 pathetic. He dealt also with original Roman subjects in his 
 praetextae Aeneadae s. Decius and Brutus. In prose he composed 
 
§ 134. poets : l. accius. 191 
 
 nine books Didascalicon, Pragmaticon libri, Annales and Parerga. 
 Resembling Ennius in versatility of forms and subject, liberal 
 thought and consciousness of his own worth, Accius surpassed 
 his predecessor in accuracy and polish. 
 
 1. Hieron. on Euseb. Chr. a. 1878=615/139 L. Accius tragoediarum scriptor 
 clarus habetur, natus Mancino et Serrano coss. (584/170) parentibus libertinis et seni 
 iam Pacuvio Tarenti sua scripta recitavit. a quo et fundus Accianus iuxta Pisaurum 
 dicitur, quia illuc inter colonos fuerat (his -father, as the deductio happened as early 
 as 570/184) ex urbe deductus. Plin. NH. 7, 128 also mentions the poet as a Pisau- 
 rensis : pretium hominis in servitio geniti 7naximum ad hanc diem fuit grammaticae 
 artis Daphnin Attio (thus Detlefsen, BhM. 18, 236 : daphni natio the MSS.) Pisau- 
 rense vendente et M. Scauro principe civitatis HS UCC licente. The instruction of 
 Accius imparted his great value to Daphnis (§ 41, 1. 142, 4). His father's patron 
 was perhaps an ancestor of the knight T. Attius (Accius) of Pisaurum, the accuser 
 of Cluentius (§ 179/15). Accii (and Attii) appear on inscriptions from Pisaurum, 
 Olivieri marm. Pisaur. 1738. The forms Accius and Attius probably differ 
 dialectically. In the MSS. that with cc greatly preponderates (see LMuller's 
 Lucilius p. 320) ; on the other hand, in inscriptions the spelling of this name with 
 tt is far the more frequent. — Portrait of Accius on a contorniate : Bernoulli, rdm. 
 Ikonogr. 1, 289 (cf. n. 2). 
 
 2. Cic. Brut. 229 Accius isdem aedilibus (c. 614/140) ait se et Pacuvium docuisse 
 fabulam, cum ille T. XXX ' ipse XX X annos natus esset. pArch. 27 D. Brutus, summus vir 
 et imperator (cos. 616/138), Accii amicissimi sui carminibus templorum ac monumen- 
 torum aditus exornavit suorum, on which the Schol. Bob. p. 359 observes eius versus 
 Saturnii a D. Bruto Oallaeco vestibulo templi Martis superscripts — Cornif. ad Her. 
 1, 24 mimus quidam nominatim Accium poetam compellavit in scena. cum eo Accius 
 iniuriarum egit. hie nihil aliud defendit nisi licere nominari eum cuius nomine 
 scripta dentur agendo. Cf. ib. 2, 19 P. Mucius {iudex) eum qui L. Accium poetam 
 nominaverat condemnavit. — Plin. NH. 34, 19 notatum ab auctoribus et L. Accium poe- 
 tam in Camenarum aede maxima Jbrma statuam sibi posuisse : cum brevis admodum 
 fuisset. — Cic. Brut. 107 D. Brutus M.fdius, ut exfamiliari eius (cf. leg. 2, 54) L. Accio 
 poeta sum audire solitus etc. According to this passage Cicero knew Accius person- 
 ally, and was in the habit of conversing with him on literary topics ; this supposes 
 Cicero to have been at least 20 years of age, so that Accius must have lived 
 till about 668/86 and have attained an age of over 80 years. Cic. Phil. 1, 36 re- 
 ferring to the reproduction of Accius' Tereus (cf. ad Att. 16, 2, 3. 16, 5, 1) in the 
 year 710/44 : nisi forte Accio turn plaudi et sexagesimo post anno palmam dari, non 
 Bruto putatis. Here Cicero is reckoning not from the death of Accius, but 
 (roughly) from the first performance of the Tereus, which accordingly would fall 
 about the year 650/104, about Accius' 66th year. — Val. Max. 3, 7, 11 poeta Accius 
 
 Iulio Caesari, amplissimo ac florentissimo viro (himself the author of 
 tragedies, see § 153, 3) in conlegium poetarum (§ 94, 7) venienti numquam adsurrexit, 
 . . . quod in comparatione communium studiorum aliquanto se superiorem esse 
 confideret. Besides, Accius was about 40 years older than his fellow-poet. 
 
 3. Quint. 5, 13, 43 aiunt Accium interrogatum, cur causas non ageret, cum apud 
 eum in tragoediis tanla vis esset optime respondendi, hanc reddidisse rationem : quod 
 illic ea diceret quae ipse vellet, inforo dicturi adversarii essent quae minime vellet. In 
 Cio. Plane. 59 he is called gravis et ingeniosus poeta; Sest. 120 summus poeta. The 
 epithets alius (Hor. E. 2, 1, 56), animosi oris (Ovid. am. 1, 15, 19) etc. express his 
 
192 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 tragic qualities in a general manner. Cf. Gell. 13, 2, 2 cum Pacuvius . . . Taren- 
 tum concessisset, Accius, tunc haud parvo iunior, prqficiscens in Asiam cum in oppidum 
 venisset, devertit ad Pacuvium comiterque invitatus plusculisque ab eo diebus retentus 
 tragoediam suam cui Atreus nomen est desideranti legit. (3) turn Pacuvium dixisse 
 aiunt, sonora quidem esse quae scripsisset et grandia, sed videri tamen ea sibi duriora 
 paulum et acerbiora. (4) ita est, inquit Accius, uti dicis ; neque id me sane paenitet ; 
 meliora enimfore spero quae deinaeps scribam. 
 
 4. Vbllei. 1, 17, 1 in Accio circaque eum romana tragoedia est. Of the tragedies 
 of A. about 45 titles are still known to us, the largest number we have of any 
 Eoman tragic writer, and probably nearly the whole number that he composed ; 
 in accordance with this the fragments of Accius are also the most numerous ; the 
 most celebrated plays were perhaps Atreus, Epigoni, Epinausimache, Philoeteta. 
 — The fragments in Eibbeck, trag. 2 p. 136. Enumeration of the titles and con- 
 tents of the plays by Teuffel in the Tub. Progr. 1858, 17. Cf. OEibbeck, rom. 
 Trag. 344. 599 ; rOm. Dicht. 1, 177. ELeo on Sen. trag. 1, 158. KEobekt, Bild und 
 Lied 133. 
 
 5. Of his praetextae (Eibbeck, trag. 2 p. 281 ; rOm. Trag. 586) Decius (or 
 Aeheadae) treated of the self-sacrifice of P. Decius Mus the Younger (a. 459/295), 
 Brutus of the downfall of Tarq. Superbus and the creation of consuls. — Varro LL. 
 6, 7 ut in Bruto Cassii quod dicebat Lucretia ' nocte intempesta nostram devenit domum 1 ; 
 cf. ib. 7, 72 apud Cassium (the same line follows here) : therefore a praetexta of the 
 same contents as the Brutus of Accius.; hence, in spite of the name Cassius being 
 twice transmitted to us, it is usually attributed to A. 
 
 6. The fragments of Accius other than dramatic (n. 7-10) see in LMulleb's 
 Lucilius (1872) p. 303 (cf. p. 317). FPU. 266. 
 
 7. Didascalica (cf. e.g. Aristotle's diSavKaKlai), a history of Greek and Eoman 
 poetry, with special attention to dramatic art and treating also of the poet's own 
 times : very scanty fragments (down to b. 9). Madvig, op. 1 (Copenh. 1834), 96. 
 Teuffel, Ttib. Progr. v. 1858, 35. Eibbeck, rOm. Dicht. 1, 267. The majority of 
 the fragments preserved appear to be in sotadean metre (Lachmann, kl. Schr. 2, 67. 
 Ritschl and others) and this is supported by Gell. 6. 9, 16 (cf. Pbisc GL. 2, 517, 
 5) L. Accius in Sotadicorum 1. 1. But the address to Baebius in Chakis. GL. 1 , 
 142, 1 is in prose (Bucheler, EhM. 35, 401) : according to this b. 9 must have had 
 a preface in prose (cf. the prose prologues in Mart. Auson. and others). But an 
 unmistakable iambic senarius also occurs (Prisc. GL. 1, 253). Bucheler 1.1. con- 
 siders the main substance of the work to have been prose. GHermanw, op. 8, 390 
 assumed trochaic tetrameters (cf. § 146, 3). On a bad mistake of Accius in con- 
 nection with the history of literature, see § 94, 2. 
 
 8. Pragmaticon libri, in trochaic tetram. and on subjects connected with the 
 history of literature and art. 
 
 9. Plin. NH. ind. auct. to b. 18 (naturae frugum) Attius qui Praxidicam (so 
 Eibbeck : praxidica the MSS.) scripsit. NH. 18, 200 Accius in Praxidica (so Eibbeck : 
 praxidico the MSS.), ut sereretur cum luna esset in ariete etc. : therefore a work on 
 agricultural subjects, and in agreement with this is the title : Praxidica=Perse- 
 phone, invoked in the Orphic hymn 29, 5 as Upa^SlKij . . . AijoOs 6d\os erycoi' 
 . . . lepbv iKcpaivovtra 8i/ms /SAaarois xXooicd/>7rois kt\. OEibbeck, EhM. 41, 631. A 
 fragment in Non. 61, 19 from parergorum lib. I (two iambic senarii) treats of 
 ploughing as does the fragment from the Praxidica of sowing, and is certainly 
 also derived from the latter, which in Nonius is quoted not with the separate title 
 but under the collective one (Parerga). But it is not very credible that these 
 
§ 134, 135. l. accius : the geacchi. 193 
 
 parerga should have included all the works of Accius except the tragedies, and 
 that we must thus explain the quotation annali XXVII (Fest. 146, 31 ; see n. 10) ; 
 at the least it should have been worded parergorum XXVII. 
 
 10. Annales in the epic metre, from which mythological quotations (on 
 Hermes and the Kp6via) have "been preserved. Bk. 1 and bk. 27 are quoted (the 
 latter number probably too high and corrupt, see n. 9). 
 
 11. Evidence that he studied his language is to be found in many artificial 
 words and usages' in Accius' tragedies, especially his mode of employing alliteration 
 (Tebffel, Progr. v. 1858, 32), and in the notice (Mae. Vict. GL. 6, 8) that he wrote 
 aggulus (instead of ang.), did not use z and y, and denoted the long quantity of the 
 vowels a, e and u by doubling them (§ 93, 10 ; perhaps this custom was adhered to by 
 the elder Pliny, at least for' the endings of the fourth declension ? see DDetlefsen, 
 symb. philol. Bonn. 712). Accius found the model for this duplication in other 
 Italic dialects, e.g. the Oscan, Umbrian, Sabellian. Bitschl, op. 4, 142. 153. 361. 492. 
 687. Did Accius also set the example of replacing C by K before a and by Q before 
 u? Cf. HJokdan, krit. Beitr. *. Gesch. d. lat. Spr. (Berl. 1879), 125. Schady, de 
 Mar. Vict. (1869) 13. M. Varro dedicated to him his work de antiquitate littera- 
 rum (§ 166, 6, e). Cf. Vakro LL. 10, 70 Accius haec in tragoediis largius a prisca 
 consuetudine movere coepit et ad format graecas verborum magis revocare, a quo 
 Valerius (see § 147, 1) ait : Accius HectOrem nolet foxere, HectSra malet ; and 5, 21 
 apud Accium non terminus, sed termen. 
 
 12. GBoissier, le poete Attius, Paris 1857. Teuffel, Caecilius Statius etc. 
 Tub. 1858, 14 and PEE. I 2 , 2008. Bibbeck, rom. Trag. 340. 602 ; rom. Dicht. 
 1, 177. Critical contributions by LFruterius, BhM. 33, 241. 
 
 135. The period of the Gracchi (a. 620/134-635/119) was a 
 time of civil discord, which shook the state to its very foundations. 
 In these excited times eloquence was a powerful weapon, though 
 it availed nothing against brute force. Gracchus the Younger 
 was in this period the most powerful master of language (a. 
 600/154-633/121). The kindling power of his speeches is plainly- 
 perceptible even in the few specimens now extant. Gaius' elder 
 brother Tiberius (a. 591/163-621/133) was inferior to him in 
 oratory as well as in other matters. 
 
 1. Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, born 591/163 or 592/162, popular tribune 621/133, 
 during which office he was exasperated by the opposition raised against his well- 
 intended reform-bills, soon deviated from legal methods, and was killed by the 
 pontifex maximus P. Nasica (otiirw rpiaKovra yeyovtbs, Plut. G: Gracch. 1). Gaius 
 was nine years his junior (Plut. Ti. Gr. 3. G. Gr. 1, consequently born 600/154 or 
 601/153), was triumvir agris dividundis 621/133 sqq., popular tribune 631/123- 
 633/121 : in the last year he succumbed to the cos. L. Opimius. 
 
 2. Common and characteristic features of both. Plut. Ti. Gr, 2 lS4a vpoo-dnrov 
 Kal pXefi/iari. Kal Kiv//pan irp$os Kal KaTatTTypuTiKOS fy 6 Ti^ptos, ti>roi>os de Kal <r<po8pbs 6 
 Yd'ios. ... 6 \byos tov piv Tatov 0o/3cp6s Kal vepmaBris els Setvwmv, ijStuv S' o tou 
 Tipeplov Kal paXkov iiraywyc* oIktov. t$ de Wfei KaBapbs Kal SiaTreTovri/^vos d/cpt/3«s 
 tKea/os, o Se Tatov mBavbs Kal ■yeyavwp.ivos. Tip b" ijOei ■ . ■ o p£v iwieiKris Kal irp$os, 
 6 8i rpaxbs Kal e^oeiS^s. Though the difference is perhaps drawn too sharply here, 
 
 E.L. ° 
 
194 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 there is no doubt that Gaius was more vehement, and he was embittered by his 
 brother's fate. Liv. per. 60 G. Gracchus . . . eloquentior quam frater. Dio fr. 
 85 Bk. 6 Tpdnxos Trjc piv yv&p.nv 6/J.olav T(j> d8eX0<ji el%ev . . . Trj 8e irapatrKewj tQiv 
 \byuv irdkto airov wpoeQepev. Vellei. 2, 6, 1 ingenio eloquentiaque longe praestantior. 
 Cic. Brut. 333 Q-racehi in contionibus multo faciliore et liberiore genere dicendi (usi 
 sunt quam superiores). Plin. NH. 13, 83 ita sint longinqua monumenta Tiberii Gaique 
 Gracchorum manus. apud Pomponium Secundum . . . vidi. 
 
 3. Tiberius. Cic. Brut. 103 fuit uterque (Carbo and Tib.) summus orator. 
 104 et Oarbonis et Gracchi habemus orationes nondum satis splendidas verbis, sed 
 acutas prudentiaeque plenissumas. fuit Gracchus . . . graecis litteris eruditus. 
 nam semper habuit exquisites e Graecia magistros, in eis iam adolescens Diophanen 
 Mytilenaeum (of. Plut. Ti. Gr. 8. 20), Graeciae temporibus Mis disertissimum. de 
 harusp. resp. 41 Ti. Gracchus convellit statum civitatis : qua gravitate vir, qua elo- 
 quentia, qua dignitate! Appian. b. c. 1, 9 lifttpios 2e/j.irp<ivios Tp&KXos, avfy iTrupavfy 
 Kal \afarpbs is (pOwiplay, threw re iwardraTOs. That his participation in the 
 Numantine stipulations was early turned to account in the schools of rhetoricianSj 
 appears from Quint. 7, 4, 13 interdum culpa in hominem relegatur : ut si Gracchus 
 reus foederis numantini . . - missum se ab imperatore suo dieeret. Martian. 
 Cap. 5, 456 remotio est cum obieetum crimen in alterum vel in aliud . . . re- 
 movetur. in alium, ut Ti. Gracchus in Mancinum qui auctor faciendi foederis fuit. 
 It may, therefore, appear doubtful whether the arguments attributed to Tib. by 
 Plut. (Ti. G-r. 9) as specimens of the viSavbrni and irvKvorns rov &v8p6s and Appian 
 (b. c. 1, 9) are really drawn from his speeches or merely the exaggerations of 
 rhetors and rhetorical historians (e.g. Pannius and Livy). Plutarch's source 
 seems, however, actually to have contained specimens of the speeches of at least 
 Gaius ; cf . G. Gr. 4 extr. : roLairv pMv % -nKpia tC>v \byuv ty airov, Kal ToWa \af}eiv Ik 
 tu>v yeypap.p4vwv icnv 8/Moia. GCBijvanck, studia in Ti. Gr. hist., Leid. 1879. 
 ThGreve, Krit. d. Quellen z. Leb. des TI G-r,, Aachen 1883. 
 
 4. Gaius. General characteristics of his eloquence. Plut. G. Gr. 1 rov \byov 
 &<TTep WKVTTepa KaraffKevafofievos twl r^\v wdKirelav . . . aTrtdeii-e robs fiXXouy ffiropas 
 ■walSav (infantium) /inSiv 8<.a<p4povras. 3 loyimv t$ \4yeiv cis fiXXos oiSds. 4 fy 8e Kal 
 HeyaKocpavoraTos Kal papaKtibraTos h tu XeyEij\ Cf. n. 2. Cic. de harusp. resp. 41 
 C. Gracchus quo ingenio, qua eloquentia, quanta vi, quanta gravitate dicendi ! pro 
 Pont. 39 exstat oratio hominis, ut opinio meafert, nostrorum hominum longe ingeniosis- 
 simi atque eloquentissumi, C. Gracchi. Brut. 125 vir et praestantissumo ingenio et 
 flagranti studio et doctus a puero, C. Gracchus, noli enim putare quemquam pleniorem 
 aut uberiorem ad dicendum fuisse. . . . damnum illius immaturo interitu res 
 romanae latinaeque litterae fecerunt. 126 eloquentia nescio an habuisset parent 
 neminem. grandis est verbis, sapiens sententiis, genere toto gravis : manus extrema 
 non accessit operibus eius ; praeelare incohata multa, perfecta non plane. Tac. dial. 18 
 Catoni seni comparatus O. Gracchus plenior et uberior. 26 malim O. Gracchi impetum. 
 In Pronto's time the interest in Gracchus revived. Pronto epist. p. 145 tribunalia 
 Catonis et Gracchi et Ciceronis orationibus celebrata. p. 144 contionatur Goto infeste, 
 Gracchus turbulente, Tullius copiose. iam in iudiciis saevit idem Goto, triumphal 
 Cicero, tumultuatur Gracchus, Calvus rixatur. p. 54 oratores veteres, quorum aut pauci 
 aut praeter Catonem et Gvacchwm nemo tubam inflat. His study of (C.) Gracchus' 
 speeches appears also from p. 56. 61. 105. To this revived interest we owe the 
 preservation of some valuable fragments of his oratory by Gellius, esp. NA. 10, 
 3, 3-5. 11, 10, 2-6. 11, 13, 3. 15, 12, 2-4. Dio again uses secondary sources, 
 hostile to C. Gracchus, see fr. 85 Bk., where we also read : ttoXXj; /iiv vvKvornn 
 ivdvp.niiA.Twv, 7roXXg 8i Kal o<po5p6Ti)Ti dvo/jAruv iwlirav iSn/tnyApa. — Mommsen, EG. 2 6 , 
 
§ 135, 136. THE GRACCHI: ORATORS OF THE GRACCHAN PERIOD. 195 
 
 103, BSchmwt, Krit, der Quellen zur Gesch, der graoohischen Unruhen, Berl, 
 1864. 
 
 5. The manner of C, Gracohus' oratory: his delivery very lively (Plut. G. 
 Gr, 4; he advised modulation of the voice, Oic, de or. 3, 235, Plut, G. Gr. 4 
 extr., de oohib, ira 6, cf. Val. Max, 8, 10, 1, Quint. 1, 10, 27. Gell. 1, 11, 10 sq.q. 
 Dio fr. 85 Bk. Ammian 30, 4, 19) ; his gestures were excited, he would walk up and 
 down and bare his arm, Plut, Ti, Gr. 2, Dio 1,1, Oic, de or,. 3, 214 quae sic ab 
 illo esse acta constabit oculis, voce, gestu, inimici ut lacrimas tenure non possent, His 
 taunts aimed at the pride of the aristocrats and against individual opponents were 
 sometimes very cutting. (Schol. Vat, in Cic, or. pFlacc, 16; p. 233 Or. ; against 
 Piso C. Graochi exstat oratio maledictorum magis plena quam criminum; cf, Cic, 
 pFont, 39), Cic. Tusc, 3, 48 lege orationes Gracchi : patronum aerarii esse dices. He 
 chose the best expressions, Cic, de or, 1, 154,— Gull, 11, 13 2 in eius orationis 
 principio collocata verba sunt acauratius modulatiusque quam veterum oratorum con- 
 suetude fert. On his exordia see § 44, 5, Cic, Brut, 100 states that he employed 
 the rhetor Menelaus from Marathus, Fragments of (17~19) speeches in Meyek, or, 
 rom. fragm. 2 p. 227, 
 
 6, Cic de div. 1, 36 Ti. Gracchus P,f. , , , nonne, ut G, Gracchus, filius eius, 
 scriptum reliquit, duobus anguibus domi comprehensis haruspices convocavit ! More 
 accurately ib, 2, 62 C. Gracchus ad M. Pomponium (PRE, 5, 1876) scripsit duobus 
 anguibus domi conprehensis haruspices a patre convocatos. Cf , Plut, Ti, Gr, 1, From 
 this it appears that the work in question had the form of a letter and was at all 
 events no speech, but probably a political pamphlet, Plut, Ti, Gr, 8 may perhaps 
 refer to this : 6 3' d<5eX06j airoQ rdi'os iv tivi fiifikitf yiypatj>ev (the motive of Tiberius' 
 leges agrariae). Cf. HPeter, hist, rell, 1, clxxxv ; fr.. 117, Bohme (n, 1) p, 4 sq. 
 
 136. Among the orators of this period were on the side of 
 the Gracchi only the brothers Crassus (eos. 623/131) and Scaevola 
 (cos. 621/133), Tiberius' father-in-law Appius Claudius (cos, 
 611/143) and M. Fulvius Flaccus (oos. 629/125), C. Papirius Carbo 
 (cos. 634/120), and P. Decius (praetor 639/115), perhaps also 
 0. Scribonius Curio (praetor 633/121) ; on the opposite side we 
 find Ti. Annius Luscus (cos. 601/153), Q. Metellus (§ 131, 7), 
 P. Nasica (cos. 616/138), L. Piso Frugi (§ 132, 4), P. Popilius (cos. 
 622/132), C. Fannius (cos. 632/122), Q. Aelius Tubero (§ 139, 2), 
 the princeps senatus, M. Scaurus (cos. 639/115), M, Livius Drusua 
 (cos. 642/112). 
 
 1. The two Mucii favoured Ti. Gracchus : § 133, 4. 
 
 2. Appi Claudi volubilis, sed paulo fervidior erat oratio, Cic, Brut, 108, Ap, 
 Claudius Cf. Pola{er) on a terminus Gracchanus C1L. 1, 552, censor 618/136 ; PBE. 
 2, 410, 26. 
 
 3. Cic. Brut, 108 in aliquo numero (erant) etiam M. Fulvius Flaccus et C. Cato 
 . . ., mediocres oratores, etsi Flacoi scripta sunt, sed ut studiosi litterarum (literary 
 dilettanti). PEE. 3, 532. 534. 
 
 4. C. Papirius C. f, Carbo, tr. pi. 623/131, praetor 629/125, cos. 634/120; PEE. 
 5, 1145. Cic. Brut. 104 et Carbonis . . . habemus orationes (§ 185, 3). 105 
 
196 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 Carbo . . . est in multis iudiciis causisque cognitus. Tiunc . . . L. G-ellius 
 . . . canorum oratorem et volubilem (cf. de or. 3, 28) et satis acrem atque eundem et 
 vehementem et valde dulcem et perfacetum (of. Lael. 96) fuisse dicebat ; addebat indus- 
 trium etiam et diligentem et in exereitationibus commentationibusque multum operae 
 solitum esse ponere (cf . Quint. 10, 7, 27 0. Carbo etiam in tabernaculo solebat hoc uti 
 exercitatione dicendi). 108 hie optimus illis temporibus est patronus habitus. Cf. 159 
 and 221 (eloquentissumus homo) ; 103 (summits orator). His culture seems, however, 
 to have been exclusively rhetorical, as he, like Galba and Porcina (§ 131, 4 and 5) 
 understood little of leges, instituta maiorum, and ius civile (Cic. de or. 1, 40). He 
 was, moreover, unprincipled as well as talented ; though a friend; of C. Gracchus 
 (Cic. Lael. 39. pMil. 8. Val. Max. 6, 2, 3) he as consul defended and praised his 
 murderer L. Opimius (Cic. de or. 2, 106. 165. 169). 
 
 5. Cic. Brut. 108 Flacci (n. 3) aemulus P. Decius fuit, non infans ille quidem, sed 
 ut vita sic oratione etiam turbulentus (he accused L. Opimius a. 634/120). PEE. 2, 
 879, 7. 
 
 6. Cic. Brut. 79 et T. Annium Luseum, Q. Fulvi collegam (in the consulship) non 
 indisertum dicunt fuisse. Plut. Ti. Gr. 14 Tiros" Avvios, oiic imeuciis /ifr ovSe <ri!»ppay 
 &v8pu)Tros, £v de \6yip irepl ras tpaiTtfcreLS koX &Traicpi(rei.s fi/xaxos elvai doKwv. Fest. 314 T. 
 Annius Luscus inea . . . quam dixit adversus Ti. Gracchum. He is perhaps the same 
 Annius against whom Cato Major made a speech (Pest. 305). PEE. 1 2 , 1022, 11. 
 
 7. P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapio (cos. 616/138). Cic. Brut. 107 Accius 
 . . . ilium . . . cum omnibus in rebus vehementem turn, acrem aiebat in dicendo fuisse. 
 PEE. 2. 667, 13. 
 
 8. P. Popillius C. f. Laenas, cos. 622/132 (cf. CIL. 1, 550. PEE. 5, 1900, 10), 
 cum civis egregius (in persecuting the adherents of T. Gracchus) turn non indisertus 
 fuit, Cic. Brut. 95. 
 
 9. Cic. Brut. 99 C. Fannius Cf., qui consul cum Domitiofuit (a. 632/122 ; but cf. 
 § 137, 4), unam oraticmem de sociis et nomine latino contra C. Gracchum reliquit sane et 
 bonam et nobilem. Many indeed questioned whether Fannius was the author of this 
 speech, and attributed it to C. Persius (litteratus homo Brut. 1. 1., omnium fere nostro- 
 rum hominum doctissimus de or. 2, 25. fin. 1, 7 ; as such he is mentioned in Lucilius 
 26, 2. 29, 99 M) : others supposed that multos nobiles quod quisque potuisset in illam 
 orationem contulisse. Both views are however opposed by Cic. Brut. 1. 1. lb. 100 cum 
 Fannius numquam sit habitus elinguis. nam et causas defensitavit et tribunatus eius 
 (a. 612 or 613/142 sq.), arbitrio et auctoritate P. Africani gestus, non obscurus fuit. 
 Passages from his speech against C. Gracchus ap. Cic. de or. 3, 183. Jul. Victok in 
 Halm's Ehet. lat. min. 402. Charis. GL. 1, 143, 13. Moreover Cicero wrongly dis- 
 tinguishes between an orator C. Fannius C. f. and the C. Fannius M. f. mentioned 
 below, § 137, 4 ; all the particulars (including Cic. de rep. 1, 18) are to be taken as 
 referring to this Fannius M. f. Cf. ad Att. 16, 13, 2. Mommsen, CIL. 1, p. 158 and 
 HPeter, hist. rell. 1, coin. 
 
 10. M. Aemilius M. f. L. n. Scaurus, born a. 592/162 of a noble but poor family, 
 by his energy, versatility and shrewdness gradually became the leader of the aris- 
 tocratic party in the time after the Gracchi ; cos. a. 639/115 and 647/107, censor 
 645/109, and from 640/114 princeps senatus, f c. 665/89. PEE. I 2 , 370. HPetek, 
 hist. rell. 1, ccliii. As he was always careful of good appearances, he composed for 
 this purpose an autobiography (tres ad L. Fufidium libri scripti de vita ipsius. Cic. 
 Brut. 112, cf . 132, Pun. NH. 33, 21 and Val. Max. 4, 4, 11 according to Halm's 
 emendation), though this was not much read, probably on account of its undis- 
 guised apologetic character (Cic 1. 1.). It is possible that Cicero's recommendation 
 
§ 136, 137. OEATOES AND HISTORIANS OF THE GEACCHAN PERIOD. 197 
 
 prolonged the existence of this work for a few centuries; curious expressions (such 
 as sagittis confictus, poteratur, possitur) are quoted from Scaurus de vita sua down to 
 the authority of Charisius (GL. 1, 146 Scaurus libro III) and Diomedes (see HPetek, 
 hist. rell. 1, 185), and not only do we find notices taken from it in Val. Max. (4, 4, 11) 
 and Frontinus (Strat. 4, 3, 13), but in so late a writer as Aurel. Victor the chapter 
 on Scaurus (ill. 72) is indirectly derived from this source. Cicero knew also of 
 speeches by him (Brut. 112 huius et orafiones sunt), as it seems, both judicial and 
 political. Brut. Ill in Scauri oratione . . . gravitas summa et naturalis quaedam 
 inerat auctoritas . . . 112 hoc dicendi genus ad patrocinia mediocriter aptum vide- 
 batur, ad senatoriam vero sententiam . . . vel maxime. de or. 1, 214 quamquam est in 
 dicendo minime contemnendus, prudentia lamen rerum magnarum magis quam, dicendi 
 arte nititur (in his public position).— From a speech against him (a. 663/9) by his 
 bitter adversary Q. Servilius Caepio (§ 153, S-; PRE. 6, 117, 38) see quotations ap. 
 Diom. GL. 1, 103, 19. 196, 7. 224, 21.— Another of his opponents was C. Canius (eq. 
 JR. nee infacetus et satis litteratus, Cic. off. 3, 58), who defended Butilius Rufus 
 (§ 142, 1) when he was accused by Scaurus of having obtained office by fraudulent 
 means. A witticism of Canius ap. Cic. de or. 2, 280. From him perhaps is the 
 quotation ap. Paul. Festi 369, 11 (Gannius) ? C'f. § 19, 1. 
 
 11. M. Livius C. f. Drusus, trib. pi. a . 632/122, cos. 642/112; PEE. 4, 1108. 
 Vir et oratione gravis et auctoritate, Cic.Brut. 109, cf. Plut. G. Gr. 8 ijdei xal Xdyy Kal 
 ir\oijT(f tois iJ.aki.GTa TituaiUvois . . . ivd/uXkos. Perhaps a writer on law. JJ. 85, 44 ; 
 cf. Huschke, iurispr. anteiust. 5 p. 95, 6. 
 
 12. C. Scribonius Curio, praetor 633/121, the first of three orators of ihefamilia 
 Curionum, in qua tres continua serie oratores exstiterunt (§ 153, 6. 209, 1. Plin. NH. 
 7, 133 ; cf. also Sohol. Ambr. in Cic, or. p. 330 Or.). Cic. de or. 2, 98 calls him vel 
 eloquentissimus temporibus illis. More accurately Brut. 122 fuit . . . sane illustris 
 orator, cuius de ingenio ex orationibus eius existumari potest, sunt enim et aliae et pro 
 Ser. Fulvio de incestu nobilis oratio. nobis quidem pueris haec omnium optuma 
 putabatur. Cf. ib. 124. A passage from it is quoted in Cic. de inv. 1, 80=Cornif. 
 ad. Herenn. 2, 33. Scripsit etiam alia nonnulla (speeches) et multa dixit et illustria, 
 et in numero patronorum fuit, Brut. 124. He was not made consul (Cic. Brut. 122) ; 
 perhaps he had sided with the Gracchi. 
 
 137. Most of the historians of this period tried to rise 
 above the style of the old annalists. Cn. Gellius and probably 
 Tuditanus and Vennonius must be excepted, but the state- 
 ment holds good all the more of C. Fannius (mentioned above 
 as an orator), whose truthfulness is specially asserted by com- 
 petent judges, and, in regard to style, of L. Coelius Antipater, 
 whose history of the second Punic war was loaded with rheto- 
 rical ornament, but important in substance. To this period 
 belongs also the conclusion of the official Annals and their pub- 
 lication in the shape of a book (§ 133, 4). 
 
 1. Tvahs IVXXios (Gnaeus Gellius Plin. ind. auct. b. 7) is quoted in the history 
 of the Eegal period by Dionys. Hal. 2, 31. 76 cf. TiKXtos 4, 6. 6, 11 (oi vepl raw). 
 7, 1. Cn. O-ellii annalem tertium with a, prayer of Hersilia in Gell. NA. 13, 23 (22), 
 13, cf. 18, 12, 6 Cn. Gellius in annalibus. ib. bk. 8, cap. 14 contained verba quaedam 
 ex Naevio poeta et Cn. Gellio non usitate collocata. Censoein. d. n. 17, 11 Piso censorius 
 
198 THE SEVENTH CENTURY D.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 et Cn. Gellius, Macrob. 1, 16, 21 Gellius annalium libro XV et Cassius Hemina. 
 Chakis. GL. 1, 54 Gellius in II ... et in V ... et in VII . . . idem Gellius XCVII 
 (? exo. Cauchii XXVII, of. FMaixner, ZfoG. 29, 382) ; ib, 55 (also 139) : Gellius 
 libro XXIII (? Cauch. XXXVI) ; in Prisc. GL. 2, 318 the same fragment from 
 Gellius libro XXX, The work seems certainly to have been long and detailed: 
 possibly this annalist is the same Cn. Gellius against whom Cato the Elder made a 
 speech (Gell. NA. 14, 2, 21. 26), PBE. 3, 661. KNipperdey, op. 399. OMeltzer, 
 JJ. 105, 429. Mention is made of Gellius (TtXKioi and Gellii, see KNipperdey 1.1.) 
 ap. Dion. 1, 7. Cic. leg. 1, 6 (according to this he wrote ad antiquorum languorem) : 
 see § 37, 5 and HPeter, hist. rell. 1, ccxxxviii. 165 ; fragm. 92. 
 
 2. The quotation Sex. Gellius in origine gentis romanae in the Origo g. rom. 16, 4 
 is spurious ; cf . § 414, 5 ; the mention of A. Gellius (agellius in the MSS. Asellio 
 OMeltzer) historiarum lib. I ap. Non. 194, 3 is also suspicious. 
 
 3. Cic. leg. 1, 6 Fabium aut . . . Catonem aut Pisonem aut Fannium aut Ven- 
 nonium. Att. 12, 8, 1 moleste fero Vennonii me historiam non habere. Dionys. Hal. 
 4, 15 us Ovevvtbvios IffrdpTjKev. 
 
 4. Cic. Brut. 101 alter (see § 186, 9) C. Fannius, M. /., C. Laeli gener (but see 
 Cic. Att. 12, 5, 3. Hirschfeld, 1.1.) et] moribus et ipso genere dicendi durior. is 
 Panaetium audiverat. eius omnis in dicendo facultas ex historia ipsius non ineleganter 
 scripta perspici potest. Cf. ib. 118 and above n. 3. He was the companion of Ti. 
 Gracchus at the destruction of Carthage (Plut. Ti. Gr. 4 toD ye relxovs iirifir) . . . 
 irpwros [Ti. Gracchus] , &s <p7i<n i&vvios \eyav teal airbs tQ Ti/3ep(y trvveTn^fjvai. ktX.) and 
 (a. 612/142) in Spain (Appian. Hisp. 67). Trib. pleb. a. 613/141 (Cic. ad Att. 16, 
 13 C) ? cf. § 136, 9. About 625/129-629/125 praetor ($dmos Mdp/cou vlbs (rrparriyds, 
 Joseph, ant. 13, 9, 2). This is certainly C. Fannius M. f. (CIL. 1, 560) Strabo, cos. 
 632/122, and therefore born about 580/174. Victorik. in Cic. rhet. 1, 28 p. 57 
 Or. = 203, 27 Halm : Sallustius . . . in libro I historiarum dat Catoni brevitatem . . . 
 Fannio vero veritatem. Highest number of books known : Schol. Ver. ad Aen. 3, 
 707 C. Fannius in VIII annali Drepanum modo, modo Drepana appellat. The 
 repeated mention of Drepana here evidenced points to the first Punic war 
 (Hirschfeld 1. 1.). The other fragments refer to the period contemporary with 
 the author (e.g. Cic. de or. 2, 270 Fannius in annalibus suis Africanum Aemilianum 
 . . . appellat ef/)«ca=Brut. 299 ut ait in hisioria sua C. Fannius.) The work would 
 appear to have been exhaustive, if the first Punic war was related only in bk. 8 ; 
 see also Cic. Brut. 81 Metellus' speech contra Ti. Gracchum exposita est in C. Fanni 
 annalibus. This is confirmed by the fact that M. Brutus (§ 210, 2) epitomised it : 
 epitome Bruti Fanniana an (?) Bruti epitoma Fanniorum, Cic. Att. 12, 5, 3. HPeter, 
 hist. rell. 1, 138; fragm. 87. PEE. 3, 421.— HPeter, hist rell. 1, ecu. OHirsch- 
 feld, "Wien. Stud. 6, 127. 
 
 5. Cic. leg. 1, 6 Fannii aetate coniunctus Antipater paulo inflavit vehementius 
 habuitque vires agrestis ille quidem atque horridas, sine nitore ac palaestra etc. de or. 
 2, 54 paululum se erexit et addidit historiae maiorem sonum vocis vir optimus, Crassi 
 familiaris, Antipater: ceteri non exornatores rerum sed tantummodo narratores fuerunt 
 . . . sed ipse Caelius neque distinxit historiam varietate colorum neque verborum collo- 
 catione et tractu orationis leni et aequabili perpolivit illud opus ; sed ut homo neque 
 doctus neque maxime aptus ad dicendum, sicut potuit, dolavit : vicit tamen superiores. 
 Brut. 102 L. Caelius Antipater scriptor . . . fuit ut temporibus illis luculentus, iuris 
 valde peritus, multorum etiam, ut L. Crassi (born 614/140) magister. Pompon. Dig. 
 1, 2, 2, 40 Caelius Antipater, qui historias conscripsit, sed plus eloquentiae quam 
 scientiae iuris operam, dedit. His legal knowledge justifies the assumption of 
 Eoman nationality. At all events he was no freedman (see Suet. rhet. 3 ; above 
 
§ 137. COELIUS ANTIPATER. 199 
 
 § 36, 3), but probably the son of one. (FLachmann, de font. Liv. 2, 19). That lie 
 belonged to the period of the Gracchi, appears from Cic. de div. 1, 56 C. Gracchus 
 myitis dixit, ut scriptum apud eundem Caelium est, sibi in somnis . , . fratrem visum 
 esse . . . hoc antequam tribunus pi. C. Gracchus /actus est et se audisse scribit Caelius 
 et ilium dixisse multis. Val. Max. 1, 7, 6 Caelius etiam, certus romanae historiae 
 auctor, sermonem de ea re ad suas aures illo adhuc vivo pervenisse scribit. Vellei. 2, 
 9, 6 vetustior Sisennafuit Caelius. — The date of his work is doubtful. In it, however, 
 the death of C. Gracchus (a. 633/121) was mentioned (Cic. de div. 1, 56). Coel. 
 Antip. ap. Plin. NH. 2, 169 says vidisse se qui navigasset ex Hispania in Aethiopiam 
 commercii gratia. If this circumnavigator of Africa was Eudoxos of Cyzicus 
 (Poseidonios ap. Stkabo 2 p. 98 C. Mela 3, 90), which is uncertain notwithstanding 
 the argument of KTNeumann, Phil. 45, 385, Coelius can hardly have composed 
 his work earlier than about 644/110. 
 
 The work was dedicated to L. Aelius Stilo (§ 148) : Cornif. ad Her. 4, 18 quo in 
 vitio (in the verborum transiectio) est Coelius (the best MSS. vary between this 
 spelling and Caelius) assiduus, ut hoc est ' in priore libra has res ad te scriptas Luci 
 misimus AelV FMakx, studd. Luciliana, Bonn 1882, 96. Cf. Cic. or. 230 quod 
 (traicere verba) se L. Coelius Antipater in prooemio belli punici nisi necessario factu- 
 rum negat. . . . et hie quidem, qui hanc a L. Aelio (so APopma : MSS. a Lcelio ; but 
 Laelius, who died soon after 629/125, can hardly have been alive when the history 
 of Caelius appeared) ad quern scripsit, . . . veniam petit, et utitur ea traiectione ver- 
 borum et nihilo tamen aptius explet concluditque sententias. Very likely a declaration 
 to this effect was made at the beginning of the whole work, and not of some part 
 of it, and probably it dealt with the second Punic war, to which most of the 
 extant fragments (see n. 7) relate. Cf. Fronto p. 62 rari veterum scriptorum in eum 
 laborem . . . verba industriosius quaerendi se commisere . . . poetarum . . . maxime 
 Mnnius eumque studiose aemulatus L. Coelius. Pronto p. 114 historiam scripsere . . . 
 verbis Cato multiiugis, Coelius singulis. To this work perhaps belongs also p. 253 
 necdum legi Coelianum excerptum nee legam (? reddam) priusquam ipse sensus venatus 
 fuero. Cic. de div. 1, 49 hoc item in Sileni, quern Caelius sequitur, graeca historia 
 est : is (Silenus) autem diligentis&ume res Hannibalis persecutus est. This historical 
 work of Coelius comprised 7 books. Book 1 described the years 536/218 set., b. 2 
 538/216 sq.., b. 3 began with 540/214 (see Gell. 10, 1, 3). In b. 6 was related 
 Scipio's landing in Africa 550/204 (Nok. 137). B. 7 contained the last three 
 years 551/203-553/201. WSieglin 1. 1. 46. GFUnger, Phil. 40, 183. 
 
 6. Antipater was not deficient in critical faculty (Peiscian. GL. 2, 383 Coelius 
 1 ex scriptis eorum qui veri arbitrantur ' passive inroKafi.^di'ovTai) and love of truth 
 (Liv. 21, 46, 10. 27, 27, 13) : he availed himself of numerous native authorities, e.g. 
 Fabius Pictor, Cato's Origines, Ennius (see n. 5), the laudatio of Marcellus (§ 81, 
 5) ; that he made use of the memoirs of the elder Scipio is conjectured by 
 LKeller, d. 2. pun. Krieg u. s. Quellen, Marb. 1875 ; and Sieglih 1.1. 54 : but he 
 had also recourse to opposition authorities, esp. to Silenus (n. 5 ; see HBujaok, 
 de Sileno scriptore Hannibalis, KOnigsb. 1859), which was a decided step in 
 advance of the one-sided views which had thus far prevailed. Coelius gave special 
 attention to the external form of his history, and no doubt the chief merit of his 
 work consisted, in accordance with the intention of its author, in the lucid, 
 skilfully chosen, ornate and copiously flowing diction. Thus the fragments 
 indicate the interlarding of the work with speeches composed by himself (e.g. those 
 of Carthaginians), and a propensity to amplification and to highly coloured 
 descriptions (Liv. 29, 27, 13 sqq. Non. 137 ; frequent use of the praes. histori- 
 cum), exaggerations, carelessness in regard to geography (Wolfflin 1.1. 61) 
 
200 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 and to numerical statements (Liv. 29, 25, 8 Caelius ut abstinet numero ita ad 
 immensum multitudinis speciem auget), prominence given to the interpretation of 
 dreams and portents (Wolfflin 1.1. 75) ; he also showed enough partiality for the 
 Bomans ; see WOlfflin 1.1. 28. 38. 44. 78. — Livy in his third decade uses him far 
 more often than he acknowledges; in opposition to JBStuem, quae ratio inter 
 tertiamdecadem Livii et Antipatri historias intercedat, "Wurzb. 1883, see LBauek, 
 philol. Kundsch. 1884, 1578. He was also used by Plutarch (in the Fab. and 
 Marcellus ; see Soltau, de fontt. Plut. in sec. bello Punico enarrando, Bonn 1870. 
 EWolfflin 1.1. 28. 79) and especially by Cassius Dio (see M. Posnee, quibus auctori- 
 bus in bello Hannibalico enarr. usus sit Cass. Dio, Bonn 1874). That Polybios 
 made use of Coelius, who was his junior by a, whole generation, as Sieglin 
 (1.1. 69) holds, is not proved and is a priori improbable. On the other hand there 
 appears evidence of his having been used in Valerius Maximus (HPeteb, hist, 
 rell. 1, ccxxiv. MKkanz, Beitr. z,. Quellenkrit. des Val. Max., Posen 1876, 24), in 
 Frontinus and in the author of the short work de viris illustribus (§ 414, 4, 
 WOlfflin 1.1. 77, 80). In general cf. on the employment of Coelius' history, 
 especially in Livy, KBottcheb, JJ. Suppl. Bd. 5, 351. HPeteb, hist. rell. 1, ccxxv. 
 ASchafer, histor. Zeitschr. 23, 436. EWolfflin 1.1. AvGdtschmid, Lit. Centr. 
 Bl. 1872, 1133. KWNitzsch, rem. Annalistik, Berl. 1873. OGilbebt 1.1. 
 WSieglin 1.1. — M. Brutus (cf. n. 4 ad fin.) had also epitomized this work (Cic. 
 Att. 13, 8 epitomen Bruti Caelianorum velim mihi mittas, cf. Chakis. GL. 1, 220 
 Brutus et Coelius frequenter eo usi sunt). Paulus (perhaps Julius Paulus in the 
 time of Hadrian ? see § 353, 4) elucidated Antipater (antiquated forms) ; cf. 
 Charis. GL. 1, 143 Paulus in Coelii hist(oriarum or -ae) libr. I; cf. ib. 126. 217. 241. 
 
 7. Among the fragments of Coelius are many which relate to ethnology and 
 geography, to legends and etymology. These can only be included in the history 
 of the second Punic war, on the supposition that they formed part of digressions 
 in that history : this is difficult on account of the comparatively large number 
 of such notices. Hence first JMeuksius, then ThPluss (de Cinciis, Bonn 1865) 
 and recently WSieglin 1.1. have inferred that Coelius composed a second anti- 
 quarian work. On this theory Coelius' history would be earlier, while the anti- 
 quarian work, to which might be assigned the mention of C. Gracchus' death and 
 the dedication to C. Laelius [see however n. 5], would be later. But no convincing 
 evidence of two such works by Coelius can be produced ; neither can this be 
 proved from the epitome Caelianorum (see n. 6) ; it is likewise strange that the two 
 works are not distinguished by special names (both would be quoted as historiae, 
 the historical work being in addition called annales), and lastly that, for both, the 
 number of books in the citations does not exceed VII. See, besides, for two works 
 Sieglin 1.1. and Phil.Wschr. 1883, 1451 EZarncke, WschrfklPh. 1886, 515 ; for 
 the other view e.g. GFUnger, OGilbebt, RPohlmann, Phil. Anz. 10, 384 sqq. 
 HPeteb, JJ. 125, 97 and others. 
 
 8. Collection of the fragments of Antipater : HPeteb, hist. rell. 1, 147 ; f ragm. 
 98. OGilbebt, die Pragm. des Coel. Antip., JJ. Suppl. Bd. 10, 365 and Sieglin, 
 die Pragm. des Coel. Antip., ib. 11, 1.— Cf. in addition WGboen van Prinsteber 
 (Leiden 1821) and BANauta (Leid. 1822) ; OMeltzee, de L. Coelio Antipatro, Lps. 
 1867. HPeteb, hist. rell. 1, ccxin. EWolfflin, Antiochus von Syrakus und 
 Coelius Antipater (Winterthur 1872) 22 ; edition of Liv. XXI, p. vni. ThZielinski, 
 d. letzten Jahre d. 2. pun. Kriegs, Lpz. 1880, 112. 
 
 9. Pestus 158 6 , 21 cuius historiae auctor est Alfius libro I belli cartkaginiensis. 
 HPeteb, hist. rell. 1, ccxxxvi. ccclxvii. 
 
§ 137, 138. ANTIPATER : ANTIQUARIANS OF THE GRACCHAN PERIOD. 201 
 
 138. In this period we have as antiquarians the annalist 0. 
 Sempronius Tuditanus (cos. 625/129) and M. Junius, a partisan 
 of the Gracchi ; the first was the author of an historical work 
 and of libri magistratuum, the latter of a work de potestatibus. 
 Another was Junius Congus. The poet L. Accius, who flourished 
 about this time, was also a scholar (§ 134, 7. 8. 11). Others were 
 especially busied in making the old literature accessible and in- 
 telligible, e.g. Lampadio and Vargunteius. 
 
 1. C. Sempronius C.f.C.n. Tuditanus, triumphed as consul Kal. Oct. 625/129 
 de Iapudibus (OIL. 1, p. 459, xxi). PRE. 6, 976. Cic. Brut. 95 C. Tuditanus cum 
 omni vita atque victu excultus atque expolitus turn eius elegans est habitum etiam orationis 
 genus. Dionys. 1, 11 ol XoynoraToi ruiv fiufiatKwv ffvyypacp^iav, kv oh £<ttl Hipiaos re Kdrwc 
 . . . xal Tdibs 2efi.irpwvi.os ko.1 S.W01. avxyol. Cf. ib. 1, 13. The notice there given con- 
 cerning the aborigines of Italy is probably taken from his history, as well as the 
 one about Regulus in Gell. 7, 4, 1 and about the triumph of Elamininus (a. 560/194) 
 in Plut. Flam. 14. Hence his work seems to have been after the manner of the 
 Annalists in dealing both with archaic and contemporary history. Besides this, 
 Tuditanus libro III magistratuum is quoted (Macrob. 1, 13, 21) on leap-years, and in 
 commentario XIII G. Tuditani (Messala ap. Gell. 13, 15, 4) on the praetor, and to 
 this work may also belong the notices concerning the nundinae (Macrob. 1, 16, 32) 
 and the trib. pi. (Ascon. ad Cornel, p. 76 Or. 68 K-S.). In treating of leap-years, 
 which were by many connected with Numa, the author may there also have 
 referred to the supposed books of Numafound a. 573/181 (§ 72, 2), and we may there- 
 fore understand of the same work Plin. NH. 13, 87 hoc idem tradit L. Piso censorius 
 •prima commentariorum . . . Tuditanus tertio decimo, Numae decretorum fuisse. 
 (HPeter, rell. 1, ccxi differs from this). Tuditanus is also mentioned Plin. NH. 
 ind. auct. to bk. 12. The fragments ap. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, 142 : fragm. 89. 
 
 2. Plin. NH. 33, 36 idque duravit ultra O. Gracchum. Iunius certe, qui ab 
 amicitia eius Gracchanus appellatus est, scriptum reliquit. Censorin. d. n. 20, 2 magis 
 Iunio Gracchano et Fulvio et Varroni et Suetonio credendum ; cf. ib. 20, 4. 22, 9 
 (above § 126, 1). Varro LL. 6, 33 ut Fulvius scribit et Iunius ; cf . ib. 5, 42. 48. 55. 
 6, 95 in M. lunii commentariis. Ulj>. dig. 1, 13, 1 pr. : Gracchanus denique Iunius 
 libro septimo de potestatibus, from which Lyd. de magistr. 1, 24 'IotVios TpaKXt-avos iv 
 Tif ivepl Qavo-iuv. The work was addressed to his friend Pomponius, the father of 
 Atticus (Cic. leg. 3, 49 de potestatum iure , . . pluribus verbis scripsit ad patrem tuum 
 M. Iunius sodalis, perite meo quidem iudicio et diligenter). The scanty fragments 
 show that Iunius endeavoured to combine the investigation of the subject-matter 
 with definitions of terms ; partiality to Gracchus is possible but cannot be traced in 
 them. Nor can direct use of Gracchanus' work be proved after Varro. HEDirk- 
 sen, Bruchstucke der rom. Juristen (Konigsb. 1814) p. 56. LMercklin, de Iunio 
 Gracchano, Dorp. 1840. 41 II. MHertz, de Cinciis (1842) 88. PEE. 4, 534. 
 JBecker Zf AW. 1854, nr. 16. Huschke, iurispr. anteiust. 5 8. 
 
 3. Lucil. ap. Plin. NH. praef. 7 nee doctissimis. nam Gaium (?) Persium (§ 136, 
 9) haece legere nolo, Iunium Congum volo i.e. (cf. § 143, 8) he objects to be read by 
 learned scholars, but desires educated readers, and as such Junius Congus. Cic. de 
 or. 1, 256 (the orator Antonius § 152, 1 says, a. 663/91) historiam et prudentiam 
 iuris publici et antiquitatis f iter et exemplorum copiam . . . a viro optimo et istis 
 rebus instructissimo, familiari meo Congo (longo in the MSS.) mutuabor. pPlanc. 58 
 
202 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 (delivered a. 700/54) neque fuit qui id (some antiquarian matter) nobis narraret, 
 praesertim mortuo Congo (conco in the MSS.). On this the Schol. Bob. 264 Or. : 
 ideo mentionem Congi videtur interposuisse, qui(a,y per illud tempus decesserat (? this 
 is only inferred from the mortuo Congo ; Congus was probably older than Antonius, 
 and must have been born about 600/154), homo euriosus et diligens eruendae 
 vetustatis. nam historicus (nonfuity. KLBoth, BhM. 8, 613. HPetee, hist. rell. 
 1, clxxiii. JBeckek (see n. 2. ad fin.) connects him with G-racchanus ; against 
 this see CMFrancken, comm. crit. ad Lucil. 2 (1871), 86. 
 
 4. C. Octavius Lampadio was, according to Suet, gramm. 1 (see § 41, 1) the 
 first who, at the suggestion of Krates of Pergamus (in Rome about 585/169), criti- 
 cally revised, lectured on and explained the works of the earliest Latin poets ; he 
 gave special attention to the poems of Naevius ; he published afresh in 7 books 
 Naevius' bellum punieum, which before was extant only in a single volume (Suet, 
 gramm. 2, see § 95, 8). His editions were renowned and continued to be respected 
 down to a late period (Fkonto p. 20 ; see § 159, 10. Ennius' annates Lampadionis 
 manu emendati ap. G-ell. 18, 5, 11 ; see § 101, 4). Junior to Lampadio was 
 Q. Vargunteius, who certis diebus in magna frequentia pronuntiabat Ennius (§101,4) 
 and who likewise handled the old poets technically as a grammarian (§ 41, 
 2,1.12). 
 
 139. The Stoic philosophy was in the Gracchan period pro- 
 fessed by C. Blossius of Cumae, the faithful friend of Ti. Gracchus, 
 and by Q. Tubero (cos. 636/118), a man of high principles, 
 though of one-sided mind, who was also a jurist. In the augur 
 Q. Scaevola (cos. 637/117) legal knowledge preponderated over 
 his Stoicism. Juridical works were in this period composed by 
 C. Livius Drusus. 
 
 1. Plut. Ti. Or. 8 Awtpivovs tov ptfropos ml TSXoaalov tov tpCkovotpov irapopixqaivTuv 
 avTOV. Siv. . . . ?jv . . . o BX. airoSev t% 'IraXias Ku/xaios, ' AvTiwdrpov tov laptrius 
 yeyov&s kv daret (rvf^dtjs Kal reTt/j.v/j.kvos vt' avrov irpofftpuvrjo'eo'i ypafifidruv <pikoob<pwv. 
 Of. ib. 20. Cic. Lael. 37. PEE. I 2 , 2399. 
 
 2. Q. Aelius Tubero, grandson of L. Aemilius Paulus and nephew of Af ricanus 
 Minor, praetor probably 631/123, cos. suff. 636/118, a favourite pupil of Panaitios. 
 His Stoicism, though not unfavourable to his juridical studies, was an impediment 
 to his oratory, and as he carried it out most rigorously in practice, he appeared 
 to his contemporaries as a crotchety personage ; PEE. I 2 , 334. Cic. Lael. 37 Ti. 
 Gracchum remp. vexantem a Q. Tuberone . . . derelictum videbamus. Brut. 117 
 Q. Aelius Tubero fuit . . . nullo in oratorum numero, sed vita severus et congruens cum 
 ea disciplina quam colebat, paulo etiam durior. . . ut vita sic oratione durus, incultus, 
 horridus. . . . fuit aut,em constans civis et fortis et in primis C. Graccho molestus, quod 
 indicat Gracchi in eum oratio. sunt etiam in Gracchum Tuberonis. is fuit mediocris 
 in dicendo, doctissimus in disputando. The belief that Laelius composed for him 
 the funeral oration on his uncle Scipio Africanus (Cic. de or. 2, 341) is probably 
 based on a confusion (§ 131, 2). Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 40 Q. Tubero, ille stoicus, 
 Panaetii auditor, qui et ipse consul. Cic. ap. Gell. 1, 22, 7 nee vero scientia iuris 
 maioribus suis Q. Aelius Tubero defuit, doctrina etiam superfuit, explained by 
 Gellius : disciplinas enim Tubero stoicas et dialecticas percalluerat. Panaitios himself, 
 Hecaton and Poseidonios addressed philosophical writings to him. The juridical 
 
§ 139, 140. STOICS AND JURISTS: VALERIUS VALENTINUS. 203 
 
 writings of Q. Tubero in the Ciceronian period (see § 208, 1) are frequently based 
 upon him. 
 
 3. Q. Muoius Q. f. Q. n. Soaevola, distinguished from his nephew of the same 
 name (§ 154. 1) by the appellation of augur, born c. 595/159 (a. 625/129 he is iam 
 aetate quaestorius, Cic. de rep. 18), cos. 687/117, died later than 666/88 (Val. Max. 3, 
 
 8, 5). PEE. 5, 183. He was no real orator (Cic. Brut. 102 oratorum in numero non 
 fuit ; cf. de or. 1, 39. 214. 234), much less a philosopher, though a friend of Panai- 
 tios (Cic. de or. 1, 45). His excellence lay in ' respondere de iure,' but he seems not 
 to have written anything. Vellei. 2, 9, 2 Q.Mucius iuris scientia quam proprie 
 eloquentiae nomine celebrior fuit. Cic. Brut. 102 iuris civilis intellegentia atque omni 
 prudentiae genere praeslitit. 212 peritissimus iuris idemque percomis est habitus. 
 Atticus and Cicero as adulesoentuli used to assist at his consultations (Cic. leg. 
 1,13. Lael. 1. Brut. 306). With all his firmness of character he was at the same 
 time an amiable person (comiter, ut solebat, Cic. de or. 1, 35 and 234 eximia 
 suavitate), even a ioculator (ad Att. 4, 16, 3). But the Q. Scaevola, whom Pliny 
 ep. 5, 3, 5 (§ 31, 1) mentions as the author of lasciva carmina (quoting from these 
 de dub. nom. GL. 5, 575, 24 Scaevola ' lassas dunes ' ; cf. Chakis. G-L. 1, 101, 7), 
 likewise the author of the epigram on Cicero's poem Marius (Q. Cic. ap. Cic. leg. 
 1, 2 ut ait Scaevola defratris mei Mario, ' canescet saeclis innumerabilibus '), and lastly 
 the Mofoios SiteuiXas whose epigram on a bucolic subject is to be found Anth. Pal. 
 
 9, 217, is not he, but rather his son Q. Scaevola (trib. pi. 700/54 ; PEE. 5, 188), who 
 a. 695/59 was among the cohors amicorum of the poetaster Q. Cicero. MHaupt, 
 opusc. 1, 214. — ASchneidek, die drei Scaevola Ciceros, Munch. 1879, 5. 
 
 4. C. Livius C. f. Drusus, the elder brother of the cons, of 642, 112 (§ 136, 11). 
 Cic. Tusc. 5, 112 C. Drusi domum compleri a consultoribus solitam accepimus ; . . . 
 caecum adhibebant ducem. Val. Max. 8, 7, 4 Livius Drusus, qui et aetatis viribus et 
 acie oculorum defectus ius civile populo benignissime interpretatus est utilissimaque 
 discere id cupientibus monumenta composuit. 
 
 140. The bloody suppression of the G-racehic movement in- 
 creased the haughtiness of the nobility to the highest degree and 
 brought about the disgraceful acts of the war with Jugurtha 
 (a. 643/111-648/106), but also called up an avenger in the person 
 of C. Marius. In respect to literature, the years between 635/119 
 and 650/104 are the period in which C. Lucilius and L. Afranius 
 flourished. To this period belong besides the tragic poet C. 
 Titius, Atta the composer of togatae, the epigrammatists Pom- 
 pilius, Valerius Aedituus and Catulus, the learned Q. Valerius 
 Soranus, and Porcius Licinus. 
 
 1. The strange humourist Valerius Valentinus (from Vibo Valentia ?) seems 
 also to belong to this period. Pestcs 363 Tappulam legem (§ 49, 1) convivalem ficto 
 nomine conscripsit iocoso carmine Valerius Valentinus, cuius meminit Lucilius hoc modo 
 1 Tappulam rident legem concenae optimi.' Val. Max. 8, 1, 8 C. Cosconium Servilia 
 lege reum (c. 667/87) . . . Valeri Valentini accusatoris eius recitatum in iudicio carmen, 
 in quo puerum praetextatum et ingenuam virginem a se corruptam poetico ioco 
 significaverat, erexit. Cf. § 114, 2. F. Buchelek, Bonner Ind. lect. 1877, 5.— In the 
 year 1882 was found in Vercelli a bronze fragment of a (lex} Tappula, a pot-house 
 formulary drawn up quite in the legal style, but with comic nomenclature, etc. 
 
204 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 (M. Multivorus, P. Properocius (L. Vinius Me^ro ; (jpro tribyu Satureia) ; it 
 appears from the writing to belong to the Augustan time : probably a joke pro- 
 duced in some festive club in allusion to the lex Tappula, which had been famous 
 from the time of Valerius. In 1. 1 . . . jus Tapponis f Tappo. The name Tappo 
 seems to have had a scandalous significance (cf. Catull. 104, 4). Momms., arch. 
 Zeit. 40, 176; bull. arch. 1882, 186 (with facsimile). On the inscription 
 AKiessling, conjectan. II, Greifsw. Vorl. Verz. 1884/85, iv. Ribbeck, rom. Dicht. 
 1, 232. 
 
 141. As orators of this period we Have the grandson of the 
 elder Cato, M. Cato (cos. 636/118), Q. Metellus (cos. 645/109), the 
 Epicurean T. Albucius lashed by Lucilius, C. Gralba, 0. Fimbria 
 (cos. 650/104), C. Titius, who has already been mentioned above 
 as a tragic writer, and others. 
 
 1. Geix. 13, 20 (19), 10 M. Cato M. f. M. «. is satis vehemens orator fuit 
 multasque orationes ad exemplum avi scriptas reliquit et consul cum Q. Marcio Sege 
 fuit (a. 636/118) inque eo consulatu in Africa . . . mortem obit. Cicero in his Brutus 
 does not mention him. Perhaps, however, his speeches may have been mixed up 
 with those of his grandfather. See also Fest. 154, 25. Pbiscian. GL. 1, 90 (Cato 
 nepos de actionibus ad populum ne lex sua abrogetur), 
 
 2. Q. Caecilius Metellus Numidicus, cos. 645/109 (against Jugurtha), censor 
 652/102 ; PEE. 2, 30. Vellei. 2, 9, 1 mentions him and Scaurus as second-rate 
 orators of their time. Cf. Cic. Brut. 135. Gell. 1, 6, 1 oratio Metelli Numidici 
 (rather Macedonici, see above § 131, 7 ; see MWende, de Caeciliis Met. 1875, 56) 
 gravis ac diserti viri, quam in censura dixit ad populum de ducendis uxoribus. 
 Liv. per. 59 Q. Metellus censor censuit ut cogerentur omnes ducere uxores . . . extat 
 oratio eius quam Augustus Caesar . . . in senatu recitavit. Cf. Suet. Aug. 89 
 recitavit . . . orationem Q. Metelli de prole augenda. Cf . § 143, 4 in fin. 
 
 3. Cic. Brut. 131 doctus etiam G-raecis T. Albucius, vel potius paene G-raecus . . . 
 licet ex orationibus iudicare. fuit autem Athenis adolescens, perfectus Hpicureus 
 (cf. nat. d. 1, 93) evaserat. There Q. Scaevola met him a. 633/121 and made fun of 
 him, a scene described by Lucilius in his satires ; see § 143, 4 in fin. Cic. fin. 1, 8. 
 or. 149. Vaeeo Men. 127 Buch. de Albuci subus Athenis (Cf. Hor. E. 1, 4, 16). A. 
 651/103 he was accused and sentenced on account of extortions, whereupon he re- 
 turned to Athens and lived there quietly as a philosopher (Cic. Tusc. 5, 108). 
 Perhaps he then composed an Epicurean didactic poem, if he is the person to 
 whom Pronto refers p. 113 : in poetis quis ignorat ut gracilis sit Lucilius, Albucius 
 aridus, sublimis Lucretius P MHertz JJ. 107, 338. 
 
 4. Cic. Brut. 127 C. Galba (quaestor 634/120) Servi (§ 131, 4) . . . fdius, P. 
 Crassi (133, 5) . . . gener, . . . rogations Mamilia, Iugurihinae coniurationis invidia, 
 cum pro sese ipse dixisset, oppressus est (a. 644/110). extat eius peroratio, qui epilogus 
 dicitur ; qui tanto in honor e pueris nobis erat ut eum etiam edisceremus. 
 
 5. Cic. Brut. 129 C. (Flavius) Fimbria . . . bonus auctor in senatu. idem 
 tolerabilis patronus nee rudis in iure civili, et cum virtute turn etiam ipso orationis 
 genere liber, cuius orationes pueri legebamus, quas iam reperire vix possumus. 
 Cf . de or. 2, 91. 
 
 6. As orators of the same period, though without detailed mention of published 
 speeches, Cicero notices P. Scipio and L. Bestia (Brut. 128), C. Licinius Nerva (ib. 
 129), C. Sextius Calvinus, M. Brutus and L. Caesulenus (ib. 130), M. Silanus, M. 
 
§ 141. *0RAT0ES APTEE THE GRACCHI : C. TITIUS. 205 
 
 Aurelius Scaurus, A. Postumius Albinus, the flamen Albums, Q. Caepio (ib. 135), 
 C. and L. Memmii (cf. Sall. lug. 30, 4), Sp. Thorius, M. Marcellus and his adopted 
 son P. Lentulus (Brut. 136), L. Cotta (ib. 137); also L. Apuleius Saturninus 
 (seditiosorum omnium post Gracchos eloquentissimus, ib. 224), C. Servilius Glaucia 
 (ib.). Here belongs also C. Canius, see § 136, 10 ad fin. 
 
 7. Macrob. 3, 16, 14 Gaius Titius, vir aetatis Lucilianae, in orations qua legem 
 Fanniam (a. 593/161) suasit. Cic. Brut. 167 eiusdem (as M. Antonius and L. Crassus) 
 fere temporis fuit eques rom. C. Titius, qui meo iudicio eo pervenisse videtur quo potuit 
 fere latinus orator sine graecis litteris et sine multo usu pervenire. huius orationes 
 tantum argutiarum, tantum exemplorum, tantum urbanitatis habent ut paene attico 
 stilo scriptae esse videantur. easdem argutias in tragoedias satis quidem ille acute, 
 sed parum tragice transtulit, see § 145, 1. These dates do not agree. If Titius 
 flourished about a. 630/124, having been born about 600/154 (cf. Frohto, ep. p. 20 : 
 contigisse quid tale M. Porcio aut Q. Ennio aut C. Graccho aut Titio poetaef and 
 Novius 68 Bibb, in tragoedia Titi), he might be described as a man aetatis 
 Lucilianae, and at the same time fere eiusdem temporis as Antonius and Crassus, 
 but that he should have spoken pro lege Fannia as early as 593/161 is hardly 
 credible. Therefore either two persons called alike C. Titius are supposed (KTW 
 Pidekit on Brut. p. 284) or the name in Macrob. is held to be corrupt (JOMuller, 
 Q. Ennius 96). Perhaps, however, Macrobius only erred as to the name of the law ; 
 Titius spoke not for the Fannia but for one of the later leges sumptuariae, which 
 completed the earlier law and increased its severity, perhaps the lex Aemilia 
 sumptuaria 639/115 or the lex Licinia (cf. § 143, 1), which in plerisque cum Fannia 
 congruit (Macrob. 3, 17, 8). The characterisation in Cicero (Brut. 1.1.), especially 
 with reference to the wealth of argutiae and exempla in the speeches of Titius, is 
 well supported by the large fragment (in Mack. 1.1.) of his speech for the sumptuary 
 law (a description of the behaviour of the aristocratic youth of Borne) : but this 
 unrestrained vein of harsh satire and rude criticism hardly deserves praise as 
 urbanitas and stilus paene atticus, nor on the other hand was it possible for Titius, 
 who wrote tragedies, to have been sine litteris graecis ; at most he might have been 
 wanting in close acquaintance with Greek rhetoric. On the title of a tragedy 
 (Protesilaus), of which the genuineness may be disputed, see Bibbeck, com. 2 116. — 
 Hatm, de C. Titio, Lauban 1832. Mommsen, EG. 2 6 , 403. 454. Bucheler, Greifsw. 
 Ind. lect. 1868/69 p. 4. Bibbeck, rOm. Trag. 612 ; rom. Dicht. 1, 189. 
 
 142. A many-sided literary activity was in this period shown 
 by the two optimates P. Eutilius Eufus (cos. 649/105) and Q. 
 Lutatius Catulus (cos. 652/102) : the noble Eufus was an adherent 
 of the Stoic philosophy, an orator, an authority and a writer on 
 questions of laW, lastly the author of a history written in Greek, 
 and of an autobiography. The somewhat desultory Catulus, in 
 addition to his political and military labours, wrote an account 
 of his life, and incidentally also playful epigrams. Other works 
 attributed to him were probably written by his freedman Lutatius 
 Daphnis. Sempronius Asellio likewise confined himself to the 
 narration of events within his own experience, but endeavoured in 
 intentional opposition to previous methods to introduce a more 
 serious treatment of history. He undertook to treat at the same 
 
206 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 time- of the internal development of the state and aimed, evidently 
 tinder the influence of Polybios, at presenting it in a pragmatic 
 form. 
 
 1. P. Butilius Bufus was born o. 596/158 (see Cic. Brut. 85 and Appiait. Hisp. 
 88), and grew up in the circle of Afrioanus minor, under whom he (like Asellio 
 and Lucilius) had served in the Numantine war (a. 620/134 sq.) as trib. mil, (App. 
 Hist. 88, cf. Cic. de rep. 1, 17). As praetor (the year unknown) he was the 
 author of the actio (Gai. inst. 4, 35) or constitutio (fragm. Vat. 1) Butiliana, 
 and the edictum on the rights of patrons (dig. 38, 2, 1, 1) and previously perhaps 
 of the lex Butilia on the rufuli (Fest. 261). Cos. 649/105, later (a. 662/92?) in 
 return for his rigorous probity he was sentenced by the knights after a haughty 
 Socrates-like defence, and went into exile to Mytilene and afterwards to Smyrna 
 (Cic. pBalb. 28. Tac A. 4, 43). Cicero saw him there a. 676/78 (Brut. 85, of. de 
 rep. 1, 13 and de d. nat. 3, 80), and there too he seems to have died (after 677/77) ; 
 see AL'Oisel, vie de P. B. B., in Meermann's Thesaur. iur, 1, 359. Majansius, 
 Comment. 2,1. PEE. 6, 586. Lowe, P. EutiliiBufi vita, Ziillichau 1858. EHuschke, 
 ZfCivilr. 14 (1856), 1. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, cclxi. 
 
 2. Vellei. 2, 13, 2 P. Sutilium, virum non saeculi sui sed omnis aevi optimum, 
 Capitol. Gordian. 5, 5. Ammian. 30, 4, 6. Cic. Brut. 113 Sutilius in quodam tristi 
 et severo genere dicendi versatus est , . . multa opera multaque industria Sutilius 
 fuit; quae erat propterea gratior quod idem magnum munus de iure respondendi 
 sustinebat. (114) sunt eius oratiOnes ieiunae, multa praeclara de iure ; doctus vir et 
 graecis litteris eruditus, Panaeti auditor, prope perfectus in stoicis. Suet. Aug, 89 
 libros totos . . . recitavit . . , ut orationem . . . Sutili de modo aedificiorum. 
 Diomed. GL. 1, 376 P. Sutilius . . . pro L. Cesutio ad populum. HMeyer, oratt. 2 
 263. His legal knowledge he owed to P. Scaevola (§ 183, 4), see Cic. off. 2, 47 ; cf. 
 Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 40. From his juridical writings some fragments are quoted 
 in the Digests (on the authority of Ulpian), but without further details ; see dig. 7, 
 8, 10, 3. 33, 9, 8, 9 (cf. Gell. 4, 1, 22). 43, 27, 1, 2. SWZimmern, <Gesch. d. rom. 
 Privatrechts 1, 1, 280. Macrobius' notice 1, 16, 34 (Sutilius scribit etc.) about 
 nundinae may be derived, through the medium of a work of Varro's, from a 
 juridical work of Butilius (hardly from his autobiography). 
 
 3. P. Sutilius Sufus de vita sua is quoted by Charisius (GL. 1, 120. 125, 130. 
 139. 146. 195) and Diomedes (GL. 1, 374. 376). The first repeats (120, 139) from 
 his fifth book. Autobiographical relations are also indicated by App. Hisp. 88 
 "PovtI\u>i> "?ov<pov, crvyypa^a T&i>Se t&v Ipywv (before Numantia), t6ts xi\iapxovvra, 
 ^/cAewe etc. (hence Suidas v. 'Pow(Xios), and Isidorus' notice (orig. 20, 11, 4) from 
 Butilius Bufus de vita sua agrees also with App. Hisp. 85. From the same work 
 may be derived Plut. Mar. 28 m Se 'PovriXios luropel rb. ixkv SXKa 0iXaXi}0i;s arfp Kal 
 Xpyards, Idlif Si t$ Mapty Tpoa-KexpovKiis, and Plut. Pompei. 37 6 'PoifrfXios £v rais 
 itrroplcus. But the embassy a. 599/155 (aiunt Sutilius et Polybius, Gell. 6, 14, 10) 
 occurred in his earliest childhood, and the death of the elder Scipio (Scipionem et 
 Polybius et Sutilius hoc anno mortuum scribunt, Liv, 39, 52, 1) was certainly before 
 his birth, though it is not impossible that both these events were somewhere men- 
 tioned incidentally in his autobiography. At all events, side by side with the 
 Latin version we must assume one in Greek, in which the personal standpoint was 
 perhaps enlarged to an historical one. But it is more probable that the Greek version 
 was an independent work. Cf. Atheist. 4, p. 168 E (from Poseidonios' Apam.) 
 'PounM<£> t£ tV pufiaiKTiv 'ujroplav iicSeSwKiTt rrj "KKX^vav (puvy. 6, p. 274 C 'PovrfXios 
 'PoO^os 6 rty iri.Tpi.ov iaropiav yeypa<j>ws. 12, p. 543 B Siap&nros Ijv irapk 'Pa/ialois Kal 
 
§ 142. RUTILIUS RUFUS : LUTATIUS CATULUS : DAPHNIS : ASELLIO. 207 
 
 "Zi-mos M TpvQ-ij . . . Ss (fan 'PowiXios, an observation probably made on account of 
 Rutilius' accuser Apicius (cf. ib. p. 168 E). Both works seem to have been com- 
 posed at Smyrna ; of, Oros. 5, 17 extri Smyrnam commigrans litterarum studiis 
 intentus consenuit. In general see Sukingar, de rom. autobiogr. 8. Nibsen, krit. 
 Untersuchungen (1863) 41. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, cclxv. 187 ; fragm. 120. 
 
 4. Q. Lutatius Catulus, born c. 602/152, cos. 652/102, who was with Marius 
 victorious over the Cimbri at Vercellae, f 667/87. Cic. Brut. 132 non antiquo illo 
 more, sed hoc nostro . . . eruditus (cf . de or. 2, 28). multae litterae, summa non vitae 
 solum atque naturae sed orationis etiam comitas, incorrupta quaedam latini sermonis 
 integritas (cf. 259. de or. 3, 29. off. 1, 113. Quint. 11, 3, 35). quae perspici cum ex 
 orationibus eius (cf. § 81, 6) potest turn facillume ex eo libro quern de consulatu et de 
 rebus gestis suis conscriptum molli et xenophonteo genere sermonis misit ad A. Furium 
 poetam (§ 150, 1), familiarem suum. Plut. Mar. 25 S/ioia 5k koX rbv KetrXox air&v 
 &Tra\oyeL<rdcu . . . IffTopov&t (Sulla ?), cf. 26 ws tqv Kdr\ov airbv laropelv \4yov<Tt, and 27 
 ra otiv X&tpvpa . . . irerexSfjyai \iyovaiv. HJordan (Herm. 6, 68) rightly connects this 
 liber with the latae Catuli litterae in Fronto p. 126, as a political pamphlet in 
 epistolary form. Perhaps he addressed this to the epic poet with the design of 
 prompting his muse to eulogise his exploits ; see HPeter, JJ. 115, 751. Two half- 
 erotic epigrams of Q. Catulus ap. (Jell. 19, 9, 14 and in Cic. nat. d. 1, 79. Hence 
 included in the enumeration in Plin. ep. 5, 3, 5 (§ 31, 1). — In addition are generally 
 attributed to Catulus Communes historiae (or Communis historia) in at least four 
 books (Philarg. on Verg. G. 4, 564), whose author, in the three passages in which 
 the work is mentioned or quoted, is called Lutatius. Without specification of the 
 work Lutatius is also cited four times, the earliest mention being by Varro LL. 
 5, 150 and Verrius on the fasti Praenest. CIL. 1, p. 315. . The quotations refer to 
 etymology and antiquities, especially Italic. Probably it is incorrect to explain 
 the title as equivalent to ' secular history ' and to infer that the work was of a 
 Euhemeristic tendency (see Serv. Aen. 10, 175, and ARiese, BhM. 18, 448); it was 
 rather chosen in allusion to Timaios' koivoI iaroplai, and must be understood to 
 denote a collection of Greek and Italic legends etc. (see Mommsen CIL. 1, 389). But 
 the book is probably to be ascribed not to Catulus himself, but to his learned freed- 
 man (see § 41, 1. 134, 1. 150, 3) Lutatius Daphnis (see also OJahn, ad.Pers. p. 143). — 
 In gen. PEE. 4, 1246. HOSimon, vita Lutatii Q. f. Catuli, Festschr. des Gymn. z. gr. 
 Klost. (Berl. 1874) 81. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, cclxx. 191 ; fragm. 125 and JJ. 115, 
 751. — A Catulus is perhaps concealed in the commenta Bern, in Lucan. 1, 544 (p. 36 
 Usener) sed hoc fabulosum esse inveni in libro CatuUi qui (inyscribitur permimo 
 logiarum (perperomimologiarum OCrusius, irepl piputkoytGiv LMuller, BhM. 24, 622) 
 or in Serv. Verg. G. 2, 95 (Catullus earn [uvam Bhaeticam] vituperat et dicit nulli 
 rei esse aptam etc.) 
 
 5. Sempronius Asellio. His praenomen is unknown; he cannot well be the 
 L. Asellio who was praetor in Sicily a. 654/100. For the historian Asellio sub P. 
 Scipione Afrieano tribunus militum ad Numantiam (620/134 sq.) fuit (like Butilius 
 Rufus and C. Lucilius) resque eas quibus gerendis ipse interfuit conscripsit (Gell. 2, 
 13, 3). Hence born at the latest 595/159. His work, written in his old age, came 
 down at least to 663/91 (Gell. 13, 22, 8 ; death of M. Livius Drusus) : it is uncertain 
 whether Charis. GL. 1, 195 refers to 668/86 or 671/83.— Next to the very doubtful 
 quotation Asellio rerum romanarum XL (XI ? XX ?) ap. Charis. GL. 1, 195 the 
 highest number of books given is ib. 220 Sempronius Asellio historiarum XIV ; the 
 title is given more correctly ap. Gell. 13, 22 (21), 8 Sempronius Asellio in libro 
 rerum gestarum XIV. The death of Ti. Gracchus (a. 621/133) was related in the 
 5th book (Gell. 2, 13, 2. 4), that of Livius Drusus (a. 663/91) in the 14th, Polemic 
 
208 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 of Asellio against the customary treatment of history by the Annalists, and state- 
 ment of his own principles ap. Gell. 5, 18, 8 (cf. § 37, 3) nobis non rnodo satis esse 
 video quod factum esset, id pronuntiare, sed etiam quo consilio quaque ratione gesta essent 
 demonstrare . . . nam neque alacriores ad remp. defendundam neque segniores ad 
 rem perperam faciundam annates libri commovere quiquam possunt. scribere autem 
 bellum initum quo consule . . . sit etc. . . . non praedicare autem interea quid senatus 
 decreverit aut quae lex rogatiove lata sit, . . . id fabulas pueris est narrare, non 
 historias scribere. That Cic. leg. 1, 6 places him together -with G-ellius and Clodius 
 far below Antipater is due to the one-sided prominence which he gives to style, or 
 to an insufficient acquaintance with Asellio's work. The fragments in HPetee 
 rell. 1, 178 ; fragm. 108. Cf. KKTipperdey, op. 134. WStelkens, der rom. Q-e- 
 schichtschreiber /3.A., Crefeld 1867. HPetee, hist. rell. 1, ccxlviii. WEggert, 
 S.A. quern locum quamque vim inter historicos rom. habuerit, Host. 1869. 
 
 143. C. Lucilius, born probably 674/180 in the Latin town 
 of Suessa Aurunca in Campania, of a well-to-do equestrian family, 
 and belonged to the circle of Africanus the Younger. Holding 
 himself aloof from political activity and in an independent 
 position, Lucilius put down in his miscellaneous poems (Saturae) 
 his reflections on what he saw or heard, and in them freely 
 criticised the life of his contemporaries in its various sides — 
 political, moral and literary — to a degree never attempted either . 
 by a comic poet before or a satirist afterwards. His fragments 
 show a many-sided culture, acute thought, moral solidity, good 
 humour and ready wit, but also indifference to style. Lucilius 
 was a highly respectable and amiable representative of the 
 new Roman character. He died in Naples 651/103. 
 
 1. Hieron. ad Euseh. Chr. ». Abr. 1870 (Freher. and Amand. 1869)=607/147 
 Lucilius poeta nascitur. Probably a confusion of A. Postumius Albinus and C. 
 Calpurnius Piso (coss. 574/180) with Sp. Postumius Albinus and L. Calp. Piso (coss. 
 607/147.) So MHaupt, see JJ. 107, 72. 365. Vellei. 2, 9, 4 celebre et Lucilii nomen 
 fuit, qui sub P. Africano (620/134 sq.) Numantino bello eques militaverat. Lucilius 
 probably performed his first military service as one of the horsemen who were re- 
 quired to be furnished from Suessa (Liv. 29, 15, 5. Marx, stud. 92). Hieron. ad 
 a. Abr. 1914 (Amand. 1915)=651/103 Gaius Lucilius (so cod. Middehill. s. VIII in 
 Schone 1, p. 143 : the other MSS. read Lucius) satirarum scriptor Neapoli moritur ac 
 publico funere effertur anno aetatis XL VI. Against this statement as to his age see 
 LMuller, Lucil. p. 228; Leb. d. Luc. p. 3. There is no certain indication of any 
 date later than 651/103, as nothing prevents our placing before 651/103 the lex 
 Licinia sumptuaria mentioned by Lucilius (Gell. 2, 24, 10) and repealed already in 
 657/97 (see LLange, rom. Altert. 3, 70. 86). Horace's (S. 2, 1, 34) mention of Lucil. 
 as senex also shows that he lived to an advanced age. The dialogue in Cic. de orat. 
 laid in the year 663/91 (see 1, 72. 2, 25) presupposes Lucilius to be dead. 
 
 2. Iuv. 1, 20 magnus Auruncae alumnus. Auson. ep. 15, 9 rudes Camenas qui 
 Suessae praevenis. — Hor. S. 2, 1, 75 calls himself infra Lucili censum, on which 
 Porph. : constat enim Lucilium avunculum maiorem Pompei fuisse. Vellei. 2, 29, 
 Ifuit [Cn. Pompeius] genitus matre Lucilia, stirpis senatoriae, this Lucilia was the 
 
§ 143. c. lucilius. 209 
 
 niece of the poet, and his brother, her father a Roman senator. Marx, stud. 92, 1. 
 That Lucilius lived in easy circumstances is shown besides by Asconius in Cic. 
 Pis. p. 13 Or. 12 K-S. : domus (Antiochi regis filio obsidi publice aedificata) postea 
 dicitur Lucilii poetaefuisse ; see n. 1. 
 
 3. His relations with Africanus the Younger (569/185-625/129) and Laelius 
 (cos. 614/140) : Hor. S. 2, 1, 71-74 ; see the pretty anecdote in Aero ad loo. Other 
 friends of his were (Postumius) Albinus, Granius (praeoo). On the latter, a 
 noted wit, see Bucheler RhM. 37, 521 ; see there too concerning an extant metrical 
 epitaph, which possibly relates to this Granius. Enemies or at least such as were 
 attacked by Lucilius : Mucius Scaevola, L. Cornelius Lentulus Lupus (cos. 598/156 ; 
 see Marx, stud. 59), Caecilius Metellus (Hor. S. 2, 1, 67, that is, Q. Macedonicus 
 § 131, 7) and his son C. Caprarius; see Cic. de or. 2, 267 (LMuller ad Lucil. p. 297, 
 Marx 1.1. 89), T. Albucius (§ 141, 3), Hostilius Tubulus, Papirius Carbo, and 
 others. — Cic. acad. 2, 102 Clitomachus (of Carthago, the Sceptic) in eo libra quern ad 
 C. Lucilium scripsit poetam. Cornif. ad Her. 2, 19 0. Vaelius index absolvit iniuri- 
 arum eum qui V. Lucilium poetam in scena nominatim laeserat. Cf. OHirschfeld, 
 Herm. 8, 468. 
 
 4. In the quotations and elsewhere the poems are called saturae : the poet him- 
 self mentions them in one place as ludus ac sermones (fragm. 30, 56 M. 934 Lm.). 
 There were 30 books. Only of books 21 and 24 are wanting fragments with the 
 number of each book ; of b. 25 only 2 words are preserved ; of b. 23 only one 
 hexameter. According to the remains books 1-20 were composed in hexameters ; 
 b. 22 in distichs ; b. 26-27 in trochaic septenarii ; b. 28-29 in troch. sept., iamb, 
 senarii, dactyl, hexameters ; b. 30 in hexameters. This voluminous "work of a life- 
 time was published gradually, and the poet certainly (following the example of 
 Ennius, Accius and others in the treatment of didactic subjects) began his satires 
 in trochaic septenarii, next tried his skill in other metres, until he had proved the 
 hexameter to be the most suitable, afterwards adhering entirely to it. Thus the 
 last books are those which were first composed. In the earliest book (26) L. enlarged 
 on his poetry in general, carried on (like Horace with Trebatius S. 2, 1) a dialogue 
 with a friend concerning his readers, his inward impulse towards writing, his 
 disinclination towards all other literary varieties but the satiric, etc.— Two chief 
 groups may be distinguished among the books : b. 1-20, 21 (presumably) in hexa- 
 meters and 26-30 in various metres. The collection in b. 1-21 is referred to by 
 Varro LL. 5, 17 a qua bipartita divisione (heaven and earth) Lucilius (so Scaliger : 
 Lucretius Flor.) suorum unius (unum Elor. originating from the numeral I) et viginti 
 librorum initium fecit. The passage which used formerly to be quoted in support 
 of the bipartition of the Lucilian satirical work in Cornif. ad. Her. 4, 18 Lucilius 
 (Coelius in the MSS.) . . . in priore libro is rather applicable to Coelius Antipater : 
 see § 137, 5 ; with the other application of the passage the dedication of part of the 
 Lucilian satires to Aelius Stilo is also precluded.— Concerning the third group, book 
 22-25, all is uncertain owing to the scantiness of the remains. Perhaps, consisting 
 of distichs, it was a supplement to b. 1-21, as was b. 30 (the earliest book in hexa- 
 meters) to b. 26-29.— By whom and at what period the separate collections were 
 united in a general one, whereby the earlier works were placed after those of the 
 poet's riper years, is not ascertainable.— Date of composition of the satires : Hos. 
 S. 2, 1, 63 proves that Scipio (f 625/129) and Laelius (f not long afterwards § 137, 5) 
 were living when Lucilius wrote the satires in which he attacked Lupus and 
 Metellus CMacedonicus, n. 3) : this is confirmed by the remains of b. 26 sqq. in 
 which the inveterate bachelor Lucilius inveighs against marriage, which during 
 his censorship (623/131, § 131, 7) Metellus had strongly encouraged. According to 
 
 B.L. P 
 
210 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 this b. 26-80 were composed about 623-625/131-129 (FMarx, stud. 91).— B. 1 after 
 the death of Karneades (f e. 626/128 ; see fr. 1, 12 M. 14 Lm.) and soon after the 
 death of Lupus (f e. 628/126), on which Lucilius supposes an assembly of the 
 gods to sit in judgment.— After the publication of b. 1 Lucilius was subjected to 
 the law of M. Junius Pennus tr. pi. 628/126, which banished the peregrini from 
 Rome. After the repeal of this law by C. Gracchus 630/124 Lucilius probably 
 returned to Eome (Marx, stud. 93).— The impeachment for extortion brought 
 against Scaevola when augur (§ 139, 3) 634/120 by Albucius (§ 141, 3), was treated 
 of by Lucilius chiefly in order to ridicule the over-refined oratory of the Graecising 
 Albucius (perhaps in b. 2 ; see Marx, stud. 70).— B. 11 was composed after 644/110 
 (fr. 11, 19 M. 358 Lm. condemnation of L. Opimius). Lucilius was still writing 
 after 647/107 (Cic. Brut. 160. 161. Marx, stud. 92).— vHeusde, Lucil. 251. 
 CLachmann, kl. Schr. 2, 62. LMuller, Lucil. p. ix. FMarx, studia Lucil., Bonn 
 1882. 
 
 5. Lucilius' satires soon became the subject of learned annotations, e.g. by 
 Laelius Archelaus and Vettius Philocomus (on this see § 148, 4). Suet, gramm. 
 14 huius (Curtius Nicia in the time of Cicero) de Lucilio libros etiam Santra compro- 
 bat. The eight ingenious lines by an unknown author before Hoe. S. 1, 10 treat of 
 critical efforts on the satires of Lucilius by a certain Cato, no doubt the Valerius 
 Cato mentioned ap. Suet, gramm. 2 (§ 148, 4) and by a much decried grammaticorum 
 eqnitum doctissimus ; see the commentators on the passage. EBahrens, eommentar. 
 Cat. 2, p. 9. PMarx, RhM. 41, 552. Critical editions of the Lucilian satires are 
 vouched for by the anecd. Paris, de notis: see § 41, 2, 1. 11. Gell. 2, 24, 5 
 erraverunt quidam commentariorum in Lucilium scriptores. 
 
 6. The satires of Lucilius were varied in substance as well as in form. They 
 contained all kinds of humorous descriptions of the delights of the table and the 
 wine-cup, love-stories (Porph. Hor. C. 1, 12, 10 liber XVI Lucilii 'Collyra' in- 
 scribitur . . . de Collyra arnica scriptus), travelling adventures (iter Capuanum in 
 b. 3, the model for the journey to Brundusium in Horace ; on it see LVarges, 
 Stettin 1836. OKeller, Phil. 45, 553), ridicule of all sorts combined with serious 
 reflections ; as an example of the latter see the fine interpretation of what is meant 
 by virtus in Lactant. inst. 6, 5, 2 (fr. inc. 1 M. 1020 a Lm.), culminating in the words : 
 (virtus est) hos (homines moresque bonos) magni facere, his bene velle, his vivere amicum, 
 commoda praeterea patriai prima putare, deinde parentum, tertia iam postremaque 
 nostra. Scipio was repeatedly eulogised by Lucilius : Hor. S. 2, 1, 16 (Trebatius to 
 Horace) iustum poteras (Caesarem) et scribere fortem, Scipiadam id sapiens Lucilius. 
 This is especially confirmed by the fragments of b. 30 (5 sqq. M.) and of b. 14, in 
 which the often mentioned mission of Scipio to the East (about 619/135) was re- 
 lated (Mabx, stud. 81). The tendency towards ethical criticism, which made of L. 
 the first satirist, generally predominated. Horace frequently compares himself 
 with his great predecessor, whose high reputation was annoying to him. Sat. 1, 4. 
 1, 10. 2, 1 and elsewhere. Hon. S. 2, 1, 62 est Lucilius ausus primus in hunt operis 
 componere carmina morem ; 1, 10, 48 he calls him inventor. The words ib. 66 rudis 
 et Graecis intacti carminis auctor must be taken to refer to Lucilius ; cf . KFHermann, 
 de satirae auctore ex sententia Horatii, Marb. 1841. Teuffel, RhM. 30, 623.— Hok. 
 S. 1, 4, 6 hinc (on the old comedy) omnis pendet Lucilius is incorrect and unjust 
 (cf. § 236, 4). Points of contact with the Greek comedy in L. : Marx, stud. 46. 
 Archilochos is quoted 27, 50 M. 655 Lm. The assertion made by Ltdus (magistr. 
 1, 41), that Lucilius attached himself to Rhinthon, evidently rests on some con- 
 fusion. 
 
§ 143. o. lucilius. 211 
 
 7. The objects of Lucilius' criticism. That he primores (n. 3) populi arripuit 
 populumque trihttim (Hor. S. 2, 1, 69) is attested by the fragments, especially 
 those of the earliest books (26 sqq.) Pers. 1, 114, secuit Lucilius urbem te, Lupe, te 
 Muci (n. 3), et genuinum /regit in Mis. Juv. 1, 165 ense velut strictaquotiens Lucilius 
 ardens infremuit, rubet auditor cui frigida mens est criminibus etc. Schol. Persii 
 3, 1 hanc satiram poeta ex Lucili libro Till transtulit castigans luxuriam et vitia 
 divitum. Cf. Trebonius ap. Cic. fam. 12, 16 qui magis hoc Lucilio licuerit adsumere 
 libertatis quam nobis? Apul. apol. 10 C. Lucilium, quamquam sit iambicus, tamen 
 improbarim quod Gentium et Macedonem pueros (of. Dziatzko, EhM. 33, 111) directis 
 nominibus carmine suo prostituerit. ESzelinski, de nominibus personarum apud 
 poetas sat. rom. (Konigsb. 1862) p. 1. But also learned criticism and literary 
 criticism in general : derision of the philosophers, e.g.. the logical doctrines con- 
 cerning the chief good (see the charming example inc.. 69 M. 1060 Lm.), the flimsy 
 rhetoric (n. 4 ad fin.). — Gell. 17, 21, 49 Pacuvius . . ..et Accius clariorque tunc in 
 poematis eorum obtrectandis Lucilius fuit. Hor. S..1, 10, 53 nil comis tragici mutat 
 (parodies) Lucilius Acci ? non ridet versus Mnni gravitate minores ? on which Porph. : 
 facit autem Lucilius hoc cum alias turn vel maxime-in tertio libro, meminit nono et 
 decimo ; even the Greek poets (Euripides, Homer), are criticised by L., who also 
 attacks the affected mannerism of several contemporaries in the use of Greek 
 phraseology : fragm. 1, 43 M. 35 a Lm. porro clinopodas lychnosque ut dicimus 0-e/i.vQs 
 ante pedes lecti atque lucernas. He ridiculed especially the bombastic language of 
 the tragedians and opposed Accius' innovations in language (quare pro facie, pro 
 statura, Accius status, ap. Non. 226) and spelling, while he eliminated the duplica- 
 tion of a long vowel introduced by Accius (§ 134, 11), and retained ei for e only ha 
 certain cases. Bitschl, op. 4, 153. LMui.ler ad Lucil. p. 211; Luc. Leb. u. W. 
 39. WCorssen, Phil. 18, 723. Marx, stud. 4.— Quint. 10, 1, 94 erudUio in eo (L.) 
 mira et libertas atque inde acerbitas et abundantia salis. On the Greek words in 
 Lucil. see Lachmann, kl. Schr. 2, 73 and BBouterwek, Phil. 32, 691. 
 
 8. His intermediate attitude and purpose of influencing a large circle. Cic. 
 de or. 2, 25 C. Lucilius, homo doctus et perurbanus, dicere solebat neque se ab indoctis- 
 simis neque a doctissimis legi velle ; . . . de quo etiam scripsit : Persium (§ 136, 9) 
 non euro legere, . . . Laelium Decumum volo. fin. 1, 7 nee vera, ut nosier Lucilius, 
 recusabo quominus omnes mea legant. utinam esset ille Persius ! Scipio vera et 
 Rutilius multo etiam magis. quorum ille iudicium reformidans Tarentinis ait se et 
 Consentinis et Siculis scribere. facete is quidem, sicut alia ; sed neque tarn docti turn 
 erant . . . et sunt illius scripta leviora, ut urbanitas summa appareat, doctrina 
 mediocris. Petron. 4 schedium Lucilianae humilitatis. Gell. 6, 14, 6 vera et pro- 
 pria . . . exempla in latina lingua M. Varro esse dicit . . . gracilitatis Lucilium. 
 Cf. Pronto p. 113 and 62. 
 
 9. Indifference as to. form. Cf. Hor. S. 1, 4, 9 sqq. 1, 10, 1 sqq. 50 sqq. That 
 which is here asserted (S. 1, 4, 9 sq,), L. in hora saepe ducentos . . . versus dictabat 
 stans pede in uno, is confirmed by L. himself, e.g. fr. 11, 10 M. 342 Lm. conicere in 
 versus dictum praeconis volebam Grani (n. 3). Especially in versification L. is 
 free, yet without going beyond what is admissible; cf. LMuxler, metr. lat. 71. 
 BBouterwek, quaest. lucil. ; comm. prosodiaca, metrica, critica, Elberf. 1867. 
 
 10. Pull of self-importance Lucilius himself says (30, 4 M. 906 Lm.) : et sola ex 
 multis nunc nostra poemata ferri ; contrary to the prevailing fashion of the Roman 
 aristocracy he will remain just what he is : publicanus vero et Asiae fiam scripturarius 
 pro Lucilio, id ego nolo et uno hoc non muto omnia (26, 16 M. 527 Lm.). The 
 authority enjoyed by Lucilius even in the Augustan period (esp. among the 
 national party) appears from the frequent and serious comparisons drawn by Horace 
 
212 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 between L. and himself. Even at a still later time there were some who Lucilium 
 pro Horatio, Lucretium pro Vergilio legunt (Tac. dial. 23) ; and those who esteemed 
 poetical energy and originality above all were quite right in doing so. — Plot. NH. 
 praef . 7 Lucilius qui primus condidit stili nasum. Quint. 10, 1, 93 satira quidem, tota 
 nostra est, in qua primus insignem laudem adeptus Lucilius quosdam ita deditos sibi 
 adhuc habet amatores ut eum non eiusdem modo operis auctoribus sed omnibus poetis 
 praeferre non dubitent. 
 
 11. Collection of fragments by FDousa, Leid. 1597 (frequently reprinted). 
 EFCorpet, Par. 1845. FDGerlach, Ziir. 1846. LMuller, Lps. 1872. CLachmann, 
 Berl. 1876 (as a supplement to this FHarder's index Lucil., Berl. 1878; cf. also 
 Lachmahn, kl. Schr. 2, 62, 73). FPE. 139— The glossaries (§ 42, 6) contain very 
 valuable remains of Lucilian language : see concerning this esp. GL6we, prodrom. 
 gloss, lat. 293. Also GGotz, EhM. 40, 324. GGundermam, EhM. 41, 632. 
 EBahrens, JJ. 135, 483. 
 
 Criticism : LFruterius, EhM. 33, 246. EKlussmann, Phil. 16, 166. LMuller, 
 metr. lat. passim (see p. 483) ; EhM. 17, 195. 26, 577 ; JJ. 97, 424. 438; Luciliana, 
 Berl. 1884, and elsewhere ; OEibbeck, EhM. 29, 118 ; Jen. LZ. 1877, 58. KDziatzko, 
 EhM. 33, 94. EBouterwek, EhM. 21, 339 (see also n. 9). B. 9 by LFSchmidt, 
 Berl. 1840. Bucheler, EhM. 39, 287. CMFrancken, coniectanea critica ad C. 
 Lucilii librorum decadem I, Amsterd. 1869 ; ad dec. II et III, Amsterd. 1871 ; 
 Mnemos. N. S. 1, 237. GLowe in the commentatt. philol. (Lps. 1874) 239. MSchmidt, 
 Miscellan. phil. (Jena 1876), 14. LQuicherat, rev. archeol. 32 (1876), 117. 358. 34 
 (1877), 1. HBuchholtz, EhM. 32, 114. HAJMunro, Journ. of Phil. 7, 293. FMarx 
 in the exercitat. gramm. specim., Bonn 1881, 8; studia LucD., Bonn 1882; EhM. 
 41, 549.- JMStowasser, d. Hexam. des Lucil., Wien 1880 ; Wien. Studd. 3, 277. 5, 
 128. 252. 7, 36 ; Arch. f. lat. Lexikogr. 1, 117. 195. 
 
 12. On Lucilius : JACvHeusde, studia critica in C. Lucilium, Utr. 1842. Cf. 
 KFHermann, Gott. GA. 1843, 361 (on which Heusde : Epistola ad C. F. H., de 
 Lucilio, Utr. 1844). FDGerlach, historische Studien (Bas. 1847) p. 3. sqq. Teufeel, 
 PEE. 4, 1181. Mommsen, EG. 2 6 , 443. EBouterwek, de L. satirico, Merseb. 1871. 
 LMuller, Leben u. "Werke des L., eine Skizze, Lpz. 1876. Eibbeck, ram. Dicht. 
 1, 227.— CGiussani, quaestt. Lucil., Milan 1885. — Harder's Wortindex : see n. 11. 
 MKleotschmidt, de Lucilii genere dicendi, Marb. 1883 (on which FMarx, Gott. GA. 
 1883, 1246). EFischer, de vocibus Lucil., Berl. 1881. HPetitjean, r61e de L. dans 
 le progres de la langue etc., Ann. de Caen 2, 4 (1886). 
 
 144. In the first half of the 7th century u.c. we find two writers 
 of togatae, Atta and Afranius. We know eleven titles of plays, 
 all Latin, by T. Quinctius Atta (died 677/77); the scanty 
 fragments abound in archaisms and are lively and bold in style. 
 Atta was praised for his consistent delineation of character. He 
 appears to have also published a collection of epigrams in distichs. 
 
 1. Hieron. ad Euseb. Chr. ». Abr. 1940 (Freh. 1939)=677/77. T. Quintius (so 
 cod. Middlehill. s. VIII. in SchOne 1, 144 : Quinticius, the rest) Atta scriptor togat- 
 arum Eomae moritur sepultusque via Praenestina ad miliarium II. — Diomed. GL. 1, 
 490, 8 Atta togatarum scriptor ; ib. 490, 16 togatas tabernarias in scenam dataverunt 
 praecipue duo, L. Afranius et C. Quintius. 
 
 2. Vabbo in Charis. GL. 1, 241 ■fjBn nullis aliis servare convenit quam Titinio, 
 
§ 144, 145. ATTA: L. AFEANIUS. 213 
 
 Terentio, Attae. Pronto p. 62 animadvertas particulatim elegantis Novium et Pom- 
 ponium et id genus in verbis rusticanis et iocularibus ac ridiculariis, Attam in mulie- 
 bribus. In Hoe. E. 2, 1, 79 Atta is an example of one of the antiqui whose influence 
 survives in the present. 
 
 3. Non. (v. crines) 202 Atta in epigrammatibus (an hexameter follows); see 
 MHaupt, op. 3, 440. Cf. § 146. — Isidor. or. 6, 9 Atta in Satura (here follow iamb, 
 senarii) is generally supposed to refer to a togata (of. § 6, 2 ad fin.), Bahrens FPE. 
 274 to a satire. — In general concerning Atta Neukirch, de tog. 153. PEE. I 2 , 2049. 
 The fragments in Eibbeck * 160. 
 
 145. L. Afranius was, both in fertility and artistic worth, the 
 principal author of togatae ; he was born about 600/154-610/144. 
 Of his plays we know wellnigh all the titles, the Roman public 
 having kept up their interest in them for a long time. He treated 
 national subjects, but in Menander's spirit and partly in imitation 
 of him. His plots belonged principally to the middle class and 
 family life. In his style he knew, like Titinius, how to combine 
 Plautus' popular manner with the correctness and elegance of 
 Terence. 
 
 1. Cic. Brut. 167 quern (C. Titius, § 141, 7) studebat irnitari L. Afranius poeta, 
 homo perargutus, in fabulis quidem etiam . . . disertus. According to this 
 Afranius was an orator at the same time that he devoted himself to writing togatae, 
 as Titius combined oratory with the writing of tragedies. Vellei. 2, 9, 3 clara etiam 
 per idem aevi spatium fuere ingenia, in togatis Afrani, in tragoediis Pacuvii atque 
 Attii, usque in graecorum ingeniorum (tragicorum OJahn) comparationem evecti. 
 Of. 1, 17, 1. Hor. E. 2, 1, 57. Quint. 10, 1, 100 togatis excellit Afranius ; utinam 
 non inquinasset argumenta puerorum foedis amoribus, mores suos fassus. In accord- 
 ance with this Ausou. epigr. 67, 2 repperit obscenas veneres vitiosa libido, . . . 
 quam togafacundi scenis agitavit Afrani. Plots of this sort, which were in the main 
 excluded from the New Comedy, reflected the average morality of Some in his day. 
 Macrob. 6, 1, 4 Afranius togatarum scriptor in ea togata quae Compitalia inscribitur 
 non inverecunde respondens arguentibus quod plura sumpsisset a Menandro ' Fateor? 
 inquit ' sumpsi non ab illo modo, Sed ut quisque habuit conveniret quod mihi, Quod me 
 non posse melius facere credidi, Etiam a Latino.'' Cic. fin. 1, 7 locos quosdam, si 
 videbitur, transferam. . . . cum inciderit ut id apte fieri posset, ut ab Homero 
 Ennius, Afranius a Menandro solet. Suet. v. Ter. p. 33, 8 Terentium Afranius omni- 
 bus comicis praefert : which agrees with his whole tendency, see § 17. 
 
 2. We know more than 40 titles ; the most celebrated were Divortium, Eman- 
 cipatus, Epistula, Fratriae, Privignus, Vopiscus. The fragments in Eibbeck, com. 2 
 164. 
 
 3. Performance of his Simulans 697/57 (Cic. Sest. 118), of his Incendium under 
 Nero (Suet. Ner. 11). In the Augustan period enthusiasts placed him on a level 
 with Menander (Hor. E. 2, 1, 57) ; about the time of Hadrian (Julius ?) Paulus 
 devoted himself to his elucidation (Charis. GL. 1, 241. Cf. § 137, 6 in fin. 353, 4).— 
 Apulei. also apol. 12 pereleganter Afranius hoc scriptum reliquit. 
 
 4. Neukirch, fab. tog. 165. Mommsen, EG-. 2", 437. Teuffel, Caecilius Statius, 
 etc. (Tub. 1858) 37. Eibbeck, rom. Dicht. 1, 204.— Criticism : LFruterius, EhM. 
 33, 242. LQuicherat, melanges en philol. (Par. 1879), 232. 
 
214 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (1B3-54 B.C.) 
 
 146. The other varieties of poetry were little cultivated at 
 this period, the epos perhaps only in the bellum Histricum of a 
 certain Hostius. But epigram, being less troublesome, was prac- 
 tised in imitation of Greek (Alexandrine) models. Atta's collec- 
 tion of epigrams has already been mentioned above (§ 144, 3) : 
 others, chiefly of an erotic character, were composed by Pompilius, 
 Valerius Aedituus, Porcius Licinus and Q. Lutatius Catulus (cos. 
 652/102) ; Licinus wrote besides a poem on a literary and histori- 
 cal subject in trochaic septenarii. 
 
 1. The few quotations from the bellum Histricum of Hostius only reach as far 
 as b. 2. They indicate an imitation of Homer (Macr. 6, 3, 6) and a mythological 
 clothing (Mack. 6, 5, 8). Cf. also Fest. 325, 5. 356, 21. Serv. Aen. 12, 121. 
 Hostius is not likely to have treated of the Istrian war a. 576/178 sqq., which 
 Ennius had already celebrated in his Annals (Bergk, kl. :Schr. 1, 252. LMuller's 
 Q. Ennius 179) ; he wrote rather concerning a later one, probably that of 629/125, 
 in consequence of which Sempronius Tuditanus celebrated his triumph (§ 138, 1). 
 See Bergk 1.1. This poem, which never attained any special estimation, was com- 
 posed in honour of the victor by Hostius, who was either under an obligation to 
 him or desirous of obtaining his favour. To him probably refers Prop. 4, 20, 8 
 splendidaque a doctofama refulget avo ; for the name of the Cynthia there addressed 
 was in reality Hostia (§ 32, 3. 246, 1). Perhaps he is also alluded to by Priscian 
 GL. 2, 270 vetustissimi etiam ' hoc pecu ' . . . dicebant. Hostilius in I annali (an 
 hexameter follows). Priscian's vetustissimi does not contradict this.. AWeichert, 
 poett. latt. rell. 3. Bergk, kl. Schr. 1, 252. LMuller, Q. Ennius 278. 
 
 2. The name of Pompilius is restored in Varro LL. 7, 28 Pompili (Papini Flor.) 
 iinypa.n/ia.Tiov quod in adolescentem fecerat Cascam (here follows an erotic jest in two 
 distichs) and in Prisc. GL. 2, 90, where the same epigram is quoted from Varrb : 
 Pompilius (pompnius, pomponius in the MSS.) in epigrammate. From a book of 
 epigrams may also very likely have been taken the senarius in Varro LL. 7, 93 
 apud Pompilium (on the strength .of this tragedies are attributed to P., AEiese, 
 Varr. sat. 183. Eibbeck's trag. 2 227) ; cf. e.g. the iambics of Manilius § 158, 1. The 
 epigram already quoted above §-105, 1, 1. 6 sqq. was no doubt included in the same 
 collection as a atj>prryls (in .the sense of Theognis 19 sqq.). LHavet, rev. de phil. 
 7, 193. 
 
 3. Gell. NA. 19, 9, 10 versus cecinit Valeri Aeditui, veteris poetae, item Porcii 
 Licini et Q. Catuli, quibus mundius, venustius, limatius, tersius graecum latinumve 
 nihil quidquam reperiri puto (much exaggerated). In relation to the first epigram 
 of Val. Aed. (ib. § 11) cf. HUsener, EhM. 19, 150. 20, 147. EPeiper, ib. 19, 811. 
 EMaixner, ZfoG. 34, 405. 36, 583. 38, 1.— On the epigram and other works of 
 Q. Catulus, eee § 142, 4. — To this period and to the same circle belongs an erotic 
 epigram on a wall in Pompeii, published by Bucheler, EhM. 38, 474 (Quidfiyt ? vi 
 me, oculi, posquam deduxstis in ignem, etc. Cf. EBahuens, JJ. 127, 798. 
 
 4. An epigram by Porcius Licinus in Gell. 19, 9, 13. Cf. 17, 21, 45 Porcius 
 Licinus serius poeticam Romae coepisse dixit in his versibus: Podnico belld secundo 
 etc. (above p. 120). Eleven trochaic senarii by him in Suetonius' vita Terentii, 
 p. 27, 9 E. discuss in a bitter strain Terence's relations with Eoman magnates, his 
 servility and their want of consideration. Eitschl, Parerga 244. 622. 637; in 
 
§ 146, 147. hostius : Valerius soranus : sedigitus. 215 
 
 Eeifferscheid's Suetonius 489=op. 3, 225.— Criticism : JVahlen, Berl. SBer. 1876, 
 789. Cf . also Chakis. GL. 1, 129 'fretus, huius fretus ' Porciua Licinus and Cio. fin. 
 1, 5 (§ 107, 2). 
 
 147. Q. Valerius from the Latin town of Sora was a many- 
 sided and esteemed scholar (of the first half of the 7th century 
 u.c.) in the department of linguistic and antiquarian research, 
 and a precursor of Varro, who like him often employed the 
 metrical form. Volcacius Sedigitus also was a didactic poet 
 in the department of literary history. 
 
 1. Cic. de or. 3, 43 (the scene is laid in 663/91) L. Crassus says : nostri (the 
 Romans themselves) minus student litteris quam Latini. Notwithstanding (he says) 
 the most uneducated native Roman easily surpasses litteratissimum togatorum 
 omnium, Q. Valerium Soranum, lenitate vocis atque ipso oris pressu et sono. — Varro 
 (born 638/116) knew him personally and of ten refers to him as a weighty authority ; 
 cf. Gell. 2, 10, 3 : Varro, questioned by Ser. Sulpicius (§ 174, 2) concerning the famisae 
 Capitolinae, confesses that he knows nothing about the origin of the word, sed Q. 
 Valerium Soranum solitum dicere, etc. Varro LL. 7, 31, apud Valerium Soranum : 
 vetus adagio est, o P. Scipio (f 625/129). From this he appears to have been a con- 
 temporary of L. Accius, and it becomes probable that he is the same Valerius 
 whom Varro quotes LL. 10, 70 Valerius ait: 'Accius (§ 134, 11) HectOrem nollet 
 facere, Hectora mallet? further 7, 65 scrupipedas . . . dicit . . . Valerius a pedei ac 
 scrupea. He must also be identical with the expositor of the XII tables (§ 86, 6) 
 of the same name. Two hexameters (of Stoic character on Juppiter as the one and 
 highest god) ap. Augustin. civ. d. 7, 9 in fin. (cf. Mythogr. Vat. 152 Bode) : in 
 hanc sententiam etiam quosdam versus VaTerii Sorani exponit idem Varro in eo libro 
 quern seorsum, ah istis de cultu deorum scripsit. Plin. NH. praef. 33 hoc ante me 
 fecit (viz. to add a table of contents to a book) in litteris nostris Valerius Soranus, in 
 libris quos iiro-n-TlSuv inscripsit. He must have been born about 600/154. His two 
 sons, Quintus and Decimus, are called by Cic. Brut. 169 vicini etfamiliares mei, non 
 tarn in dicendo admirabiles quam docti et graecis litteris et latinis. PEE. 6, 2342. — 
 Distinct from the ' litteratissimus togatorum omnium ' is tribunus plebei quidam 
 Valerius Soranus, who divulged the secret name of Rome and was punished with 
 death by order of the Senate (Varro ap. Serv. Aen. 1, 277 ; cf. Plin. NH. 3, 65. 
 Plut. qu. rom. 61, p. 278 F). EvLeutsch, Phil. 39, 90. 130. 
 
 2. Gell. 15, 24, 1 Sedigitus (in the ind. capp. -. Volcacius Sedigitus), in libro 
 quern scripsit de poetis, quid de his sentiat qui comoedias fecerunt et quern ex omnibus 
 praestare ceteris putet ac deinceps quo quemque in loco et honore ponat his versibus suis 
 demonstrat. Here follow 13 senarii, in which 10 poets of palliatae are enumerated 
 in a very curious arrangement and with a dogmatic air {contra si quis sentiat, nil 
 sentiat): ThLadewig (lib. d. Kanon des Vole. Sed., Neustrel. 1842) has endea- 
 voured, but without success, to introduce some degree of rationality into this. 
 HIber, de Vole. Sed. canone, Mttnst. 1865; see § 15, 4. If in Suet. vit. Terent. p. 
 33 E. the succession Porcius (Licinus), Africanus, Volcacius, Cicero, Caesar is 
 chronological, as is probable, Volcacius may be assumed to have flourished after 
 the middle of the 7th century u.c. Pour senarii by Sed. on Terence in Suet. v. Ter. 
 p. 29, 6 and 32, 10. The three senarii of a certain f vallegius in actione (concerning 
 Scipio as the author of the Terentian comedies) which are quoted in Donatus' 
 addition to Suet. v. Ter. p. 35, 5 E. belong also to Volcacius. Bucheler, EliM. 
 
216 THE SEVENTH CENTURY D.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 33, 492. F. Leo, ib. 38, 321. Cf. § 304, 3. According to this he appears to have 
 summarily treated of the life and works of the poets in question, giving at the 
 same time a kind of aesthetic criticism on them. He does not, however, appear to 
 have gone beyond the time of the palliata, and merely for that reason it is 
 unadvisable to place him so late as the time of Cicero. See further Eitschl, 
 op. 3, 238. 
 
 3. Donatus' addition to Suetonius' Life of Terence p. 35 E. : duos Terentios 
 poetas fuisse scribit Maecius (§ 193, 1), quorum alter Fregellanus fuerit Terentius 
 Libo, and the other the comic poet. 
 
 148. But the most notable scholar and antiquarian of this period 
 was the Roman knight L. Aelius Praeconius Stilo of Lanuvium. 
 He adhered to Stoicism, and was the first to give solid instruction 
 (to friends) in Latin literature and oratory, creating a scientific 
 basis for the investigation of the Latin language and antiquities 
 by going back to the oldest documents and commenting on them. 
 The first Roman philologer, he bequeathed the purpose and 
 results of his investigations to his pupil Varro. Simultaneously 
 with Stilo, scholars of Greek origin pursued the same studies, e.g. 
 Laelius Archelaus and Vettius Philocomus. 
 
 1. Suet. gr. 2 instruxerunt auxeruntque ab omni parte grammaticam L. Aelius 
 Lanuvinus generque Aelii Ser. Clodius (§ 159, 9), uterque eques rom. multique ac 
 varii et in doctrina et in rep. usus. (3) Aelius cognomine duplici fait ; nam et Prae- 
 coninus, quod pater eius praeconium fecerat, vocabatur et Stilo, quod orationes nobilis- 
 simo cuique scribere solebat ; tantus optimatium fautor ut Metellum Numidicum (§ 141, 
 2). in exilium comitatus sit (a. 654/100). Cic. Brut. 205 L. Aelius . . . fuit vir 
 egregius et eques rom. cum primis honestus, idemque eruditissimus et graecis litteris 
 et latinis antiquitatisque nostrae et in inventis rebus et in actis scriptorumque veterum 
 litterate peritus. quam scientiam Varro noster acceptam ab illo auctamque per sese 
 . . . pluribus et illustrioribus litteris explicavit. (206) sed idem Aelius stoicus esse 
 voluit, orator autem nee studuit umquam nee fuit ; scribebat tamen orationes quas alii 
 dicerent, ut (205 Cottae pro se lege Varia, a. 663/91) Q. Metello *F., ut Q. Caepioni 
 (cf. ib. 169), ut Q. Pompeio Rufo. . . . (207) his scriptis etiam ipse interfui, cum 
 essem apud Aelium adulescens eumque audire perstudiose solerem. Cornif. ad. Her. 
 4, 18 Coelius (§ 137, b) ... In priore libro has res ad te scriptas, Luci, misimus, 
 Aeli. Vakro in Gell. NA. 1, 18, 2 L. Aelius noster, litteris ornatissimus memoria 
 nostra, and LL. 7, 2 homo in primis in litteris latinis exercitatus. Cf. also Gell. 
 10, 21, 2 qui doctissimus eorum temporum fuerat, L. Aelius Stilo. Plin. 33, 29. 37, 
 9. Verg. catal. 7, 3 Valete . . . Et vos, Stiloque Tarquitique (§ 158, 2) Varroque, 
 Scolasticorum natio madens pingui. Stiloque was already conjectured by Heyne : 
 the MSS. indicate Selique, but the Selii from Cic. acad. 2, 11 or fam. 7, 32, 2 cited 
 by Ellis and Biicheler (EhM. 38, 514) are hardly in place here.— The MSS. 
 frequently read Laelius instead of L. Aelius, e.g. Cic. fam. 9, 15, 2. acad. post. 1, 
 8. or. 230. de or. 1. 265 ? Plin. NH. 14, 93.— As, according to the above L. Aelius 
 was a friend of Coelius Antipater, and Cicero his pupil, he must have been born 
 about 600/154 and seems to have reached an advanced age. Cf. Eitschl, Parerga 
 239. 
 
 2. His literary activity : Aeliana studia (antiquitatis romanae), Cic. de or. 1, 
 
§ 148, 149. stilo : the years 650/104-670/84. 217 
 
 193? (MVoigt, Abh. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 7, 324, refers this to Sex. Aelius § 125, 
 2) cf. acad. post. 1, 8. Reference to (verbal) remarks of St. Varro EK. 3, 12, 6. 
 LL. 5, 66. 101. 6, 7. Gell. NA. 12, 4, 5. His writings : Aelii . . . interpreta- 
 tionem carminum Saliorum videbis et exiliter (?) expeditam etpraeterita obscura multa, 
 Varro LL. 7, 2. Cf. Fest. 146 (v. manuos). 141 (v. molucrum). 210 (v. peseia). 
 Cokssen, orig. 48 and above § 64, 2.— His commentary on the XII tables : Cic. leg. 
 2, 52. Pest. 290 (v. sonticus morbus). RScholl, leg. XII tabb. reliqq. 29 is of 
 opinion that we should always understand Stilo where Aelius alone is quoted. Gell. 
 NA. 16, 8, 2 commentarium de proloquiis L. Aelii, docti hominis, qui magister Var- 
 ronisfuit, . . . legimus. sed in eo nihil edocenter neque ad instituendum explanate 
 scriptum est, fecisseque videtur eum librum Aelius sui magis admonendi quam aliorum 
 docendi gratia. His criticism and interpretation of the old Latin poets : he pro- 
 duced critical editions : see anecd. paris. de notis (above § 41, 2, 1. 12) and Pronto p. 
 20 (below § 198, 3 in fin). An admirer of Plautus, Qui nt. 10, 1, 99 . Indices Aelii 
 (see n. below) super his fabulis (Plauti) quae dicuntur ambiguae, Gell. 3, 3, 1 and 
 ib. 12 homo eruditissimus L. Aelius XXV (comoedias) eius (Plauti) esse solas existi- 
 mavit. Cf. § 96, 4. 99, 4 and 5. Numerous etymological (in quo . . . erravit 
 aliquotiens, Varro ap. Gell. 1, 18, 2) and grammatical observations of Stilo are 
 collected in vHeusde 64. — JACvHeusde de L. Aelio Stilone ; inserta sunt Stilonis 
 et Servii Claudii fragm., Utr. 1839. Cf. Mommsen, RG. 2 6 , 425. 456. 
 
 3. Suet, gramm. 2 (cf. § 41, 1) ut Laelius Archelaus Vettiusque Philoeomus 
 (retractarunt ac legendo commentandoque etiam ceteris notas fecerunt) Lucili saturas 
 familiaris sui (so the MSS. : familiaribus suis Heusde), quas legisse se apud Arche- 
 laum Pompeius Lenaeus (§ 53, 1), apud Philocomum Valerius Cato (§ 200, 1) praedi- 
 cant. As in the lives directly following, this humble degree of learned employment 
 is contrasted with the higher, represented by Stilo (instruxerunt, etc., n. 1 above), 
 and as, on the other hand, the pupils of these two (Lenaeus and Cato) belong to the 
 time of Cicero, Archelaus and Philoeomus may be considered to have flourished at 
 about the same time as Stilo c. 630/124 sqq. — The same Archelaus is perhaps 
 alluded to ap. Charis. GL. 1, 141, 33 Q. Laelius ex principibus grammaticis librum 
 suum ita inscripsit ' de vitiis virtutibusque poematorum.' 1 
 
 149. The twenty years 650/104-670/84 again contain violent 
 civil struggles, partly with the Allies, who in the Marsian war 
 obtained for themselves complete equality with the Romans, 
 partly between the revived popular party and the nobility, the 
 latter fighting for their privileges and at length victorious 
 through Sulla. The great activity stirred up by these struggles 
 in the national domains of intellectual activity, in rhetoric and 
 jurisprudence, produced splendid results. Oratory now became a 
 matter of instruction and was also taught by natives. Historical 
 writing was in the hands of the new Annalists, some showing 
 themselves influenced by rhetoric, others swayed by party views. 
 
 1. Latini rhetores at Rome, see § 44, 9.— On the later Annalists see § 37. 
 
 1B0. In poetry also there was much activity ; the Atellan 
 farce was introduced into literature by Pomponius and Novius ; 
 Cn. Matius composed mimiambi and translated the Iliad ; Laevius 
 
218 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 (Melissus) began in jocular mythological erotic poems skilfully to 
 imitate the various forms of Greek metres, even in their artificial 
 refinements. This period possessed an epic poet in A. Furius of 
 Antium, and a tragic poet in 0. Julius Caesar Strabo. The 
 idyllic poet Sueius also perhaps belongs to the same time. In 
 this period (650/104-670/84) fell the youth of Cicero (b. 648/106) 
 and Caesar (b. 654/100). 
 
 1. Q. Lutatius Catulus wrote de consulatu et de rebus gestis suis one book ad A. 
 Furium poetam, familiarem suum (Cic. Brut. 132 ; see § 142, 4). G-ell. NA. 18, 11 
 in the ind. cap. ex carminibus Furi Antiatis ; ib. § 2 : Furium veterem poetam. 
 Gellius there quotes 6 hexameters from an epic and defends the poet against the 
 reproach he had incurred for his clumsy formation of words. Cf. A. Weichert, 
 poet. lat. rell. 348. JBecker, Zf AW. 1848, 597. KNipperdey, op. 499.— On other 
 lines attributed to this Furius, see § 192, 9. 
 
 2. Varro LL. 7, 95 apud Matium ' corpora G-raiorum maerebat mandier igni ' 
 (Horn. A 56). Cf. ib. 96 op. Matium ' obsceni interpres'' etc. (=A 62). Gellius, who 
 hardly ever mentions Matius without complimenting him as a doctus vir, homo 
 impense doctus, vir eruditus and so forth, quotes 7, 6, 5 On. Matium . . . in II 
 Iliadis ; 9, 14, 14 Cn. Matius in ILiadis XXI and ib. 15 Matius in XXIII. Cf. 
 Charis. GL. 1, 117. 345. Diom. GL. 1, 345. Prisc. GL. 2, 334.— Terent. Maur. GL. 
 6, 397, 2416 hoc (in choliambics) mimiambos Matius dedit metro ; nam vatem eundem 
 (Hipponax) est attico thymo tinctum pari lepore consecutus et metro. This metre also 
 appears in the scanty remains (e.g. 14 lines quoted in LMulleb's Catullus [Lpz. 
 1870] 91), which point to cheerful descriptions of every-day life (in the form of 
 dialogues), being probably analogous in subject-matter to many such (in Sophron.), 
 in Lucilius and Varro (sat. Men.). The name (cf. /teXfa/i/Sot, iwdla^oi.) and subject 
 are borrowed from the fu/xla/j.f3oi, likewise in choliambics, of Herodas (see fragments 
 in Bergk's poett. lyr. gr. 2 4 , 508), who even at a later time, among the Bomans, 
 enjoyed a high reputation (Plin. ep. 4, 3, 4 concerning the Greek epigrams and 
 iambics of one of his friends : Callimachum me vet Heroden vel si quid his melius 
 tenere credebam). It must not be supposed that the /ju/ila^oi were of » purely 
 dramatic character, nor that they were produced on the stage. — Wernsdorf, 
 PLM. 4, 568. LCMAubert, de Matio mimiamb. auctore, Christiania 1844. Bibbeck, 
 rom. Dicht. 1, 302. The fragments most recently PPB. 281. 
 
 3. Besides Matius, a certain Ninnius Crassus also translated the Iliad.- Cf. 
 Prisciak. GL. 2, 478, 12 Ninnius Crassus in XXIV Iliados, and Non. 475, 14 
 Crassus lib. XVI Iliados. The same is alluded to by Prisc GL. 2, 502, 24 f nevius 
 in Iliadis secundo and Charis. GL. 1, 145, 21 f neuius Cypriae Iliadis libro I. 
 According to the latter quotation he also translated t& KiTpia frn; (in eleven books). 
 The date of the poet is not known. PPB. 283. 
 
 4. Ausonius says in the epilogue to his cento nuptialis (p. 146, 11 Sch.) in justi- 
 fication of it : quid antiquissimi poetae Laevii JErotopaegnion libros loquar f Cf . 
 Prisc. GL. 2, 281, 2 idem vetustissimi . . . Laevius . . . Ennius. Hence it 
 is improbable that Laevius did not flourish till about 690/64, although the multi- 
 plicity of his metres would agree with this. The period above assigned to him is 
 supported by the nature of Laevius' diction (cf. esp. Gellius 19, 7, 2), as well as 
 by the order in which Gellius 19, 9, 7 places him among the Boman erotic writers: 
 Laevius . . . Sortensius . . . Cinna . . . Memmius (cf. § 31, 1). And the 
 
§ 150. CN. MATIUS: LAEVIUS ETC. 219 
 
 pleasantry on the lex Lioinia sumptuaria (passed before 651/103, see LLange, 
 rom. Altert. 2, 625. 3, 70 ; see § 143, 1) ap. Gell. 2, 24, 8 loses its point unless it is 
 earlier than the repeal of this law, which took place before 657/97 (Lange 1.1. 
 3, 86). Perhaps Piusc. GL. 1, 560 Laevius erotopaegnion in IIII ' meminens Varro 
 corde volutat ' alludes to the Polyhistor. With our date Bucheler agrees, JJ. Ill, 
 306, as he places the mention of the phoenix (see below) by Laevius a few years 
 later than the legendary account of this bird given by L. Manilius or Manlius 
 (§ 158, 1), therefore about the year 660/94-665/89. Laevius is identified by 
 Biicheler (EhM. 41, 11) with the individual who is mentioned in Suet, gramm. 3 : 
 quern (Lutatius Daphnis, § 142, 4 in fin.) Laevius Melissus per cavillationem nominis 
 Havds iyiinitm dicit, and we should prefer to ascribe to a Greek and a schoolmaster 
 the attempt to adapt Latin for the first time to the artificialities of the later 
 Greek prosody. By his contemporaries and immediate successors Laevius (as 
 likewise Phaedrus at a later time) was intentionally neglected. He himself spoke 
 of his critics as vituperones subducti supercili carptores (Gell. 19, 7, 16). Earliest 
 mention in Pest. 206 b , 15. — His name was frequently confounded with Livius, 
 Naevius, Laelius, Lepidus, Laevinus, even with Pacuvius. The name Laevius is 
 very rare. — Porphyk. on Hor. C. 3, 1, 2 Momanis utique non prius audita, quamvis 
 Laevius lyrica ante Horatium scripserit ; sed videntui ilia non Graecorum ad lyricum 
 characterem exacta. Horace was silent concerning his long-forgotten predecessor, 
 who had never attained any great consideration ; he even passed over Catullus. — 
 Gell. 19, 7, 2Jiguras habitusque verborum nove aut insigniter dictorum in Laeviano 
 Mo carmine. L. especially delighted in bold and arbitrary coinages and combi- 
 nations of words, after the manner of the earlier Eoman poets, and the fragments 
 generally show in their diction a foreign tendency. As regards the contents we find 
 Greek legends playfully treated, and a variety of lyrical metres (iambic dimeters, 
 trochaics, scazons, anapaests, dactylic tetrameters, phalaecian metre, ionics a 
 maiore, a minore and others) freely dealt with and combined ; lastly even the 
 Alexandrine (cf. Simmias' Trtpvyes "Epuros, Anth. Pal. 15, 24) trifle known as the 
 pterygion phoenicis with increasing and diminishing lines, experiments with the 
 number of the syllables, etc. See n. 5 and Bucheler, 1.1. 
 
 5. Highest number of books : Laevius 'Epoiroiratyvluv VI ap. Charis. GL. 1, 204. 
 Cf . ib. 288, 5, in pterygio phoenicis Laevii novissimae odes Erotopaegnion. Possibly 
 we have subdivisions of this general title in the quotations Laevius in Adone 
 (Priscian. GL. 2, 269, 6), in lone (Inone, ib. 281, 3), in Protesilaodamia (Gell. 12, 
 10, 5. Non. 116. 209. Priscian. GL. 2, 242, 13 ; cf. in Protesilao ib. 484, 9 ; in Lau- 
 damia 496, 27), in Sirenocirca (302, 1, Non. 120), in Centauris (Pest. 206 ; Eibbeck, 
 rom. Trag. 11), Alcestis (Gell. 19, 7, 2). Laevius in polymetris ap. Priscian. GL. 
 2, 258, 12. — AWeicheet, de Laevio poeta, in d. poett. latt. 31. PWullner, de 
 Laevio, Miinst. 1829 ; allg. Schulzeit. 1830 2, 1259. PEE. 4, 732. LMuller, de re 
 metr. 75 and the fragments in his Catullus (Lps. 1870) p. 76, cf. p. xxxvui. FPE. 
 287. EBahrens, Catullcommentar 6. Eibbeck, r5m. Dicht. 1, 303. CHaberlin, 
 Phil. 46, 87. 
 
 6. On Caesar Strabo see § 153, 3.— Sueius : the name is rare, cf. CIL. 1, 1183= 
 10, 5191. 7, 477 ? Only in Macr. do the MSS. give the poet his correct name, else- 
 where it is corrupted into suis, suemus, ueius etc. Macrob. sat. 3, 18, 11 huius rei 
 idoneus adsertor est Sueius, vir longe doctissimus, in idyllio quod inscribitur Moretum. 
 nam cum loquitur de hortulano faciente moretum, etc., upon which he quotes from 
 it 8 hexameters which in their hard, pedantic tone differ materially from the 
 style of the (Vergilian) Moretum (cf. ib. 3, 19, 1 Sueius poeta). It is a question 
 whether there is a connection between the moretum of S. and the /wn-wros (?) of 
 
220 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 Partheniosof Moaea (in Borne -from about 681/73; see Meineke, anall. alex. 257 
 and below § 230, 3, 1) ?— Prom Sueius' ' Pulli,' 1 relating to bird-breeding and the 
 habits of birds, trochaic septenarii are quoted by Non. 139, 24. 513, 21. 72, 23. 
 Perhaps the much mutilated fragments in Varro LL. 7, 104 are from the same 
 source.— Macrob. 6, 1, 37. 6, 5, 15 quotes two fragments (both times Sueius in libro 
 quinto) perhaps from an epic poem. Eibbeck, rOm. Dicht. 1, 306 would identify 
 the poet with the knight M. Seius, aed. 680/74, a friend of Varro and Cicero, and 
 the owner of a profitable bird-breeding establishment (PEE. 6, 921).— Fragments 
 in Muller's Lucilius p. 311. 322 (cf. p. xxx). PPE. 285. Of. MHertz, Berl. Jahrbb. 
 1843, 232. LMuller, BhM. 24, 553. OEibbeck, ib. 27, 181 ; rom. Dicht. 1, 306. 
 EBahrens, miscell. crit. (Groning. 1879) 22. 
 
 151. The popular Atellane play became a branch of literary- 
 comedy, owing to Novius and L. Pomponius of Bononia, who 
 introduced into the forms of the old popular play a similarity 
 to the Palliata, while he preserved its popular comic character, 
 which shrank from no coarseness (§ 9, 10). Of the two poets 
 Pomponius appears to have been the more original and fertile. 
 
 1. Macrob. 1, 10, 3 Novius, Atellanarum probatissimus scriptor, and : post Novium 
 et Pomponium (§ 10, 2). The same order is observed in Fronto (§ 144, 2) ; on the 
 other hand Velleius (see n. 4) : Pomp. . . . novitate inventi etc. His praeno- 
 men is not known : frequent confusion with Naevius. Novianae Atellaniolae were 
 excerpted by M. Aurelius according to Fronto p. 34 Nab. Fragments (43 titles) 
 in Munk, fab. Atell. 165 ; cf . 117. Eibbeck, com. 2 254. 
 
 2. Subjects of Novius : personae oscae (Duo Dossenni ; Maccus copo, exul ; 
 Mania medica ; Pappus praeteritus), classes and trades ( Agricola, Bubulcus, Ficitor, 
 Vindemiatores ; Bubulcus cerdo, Fullones ; Milites, Optio, Hetaera), country 
 clowns (Milites Pometinenses), literary (v. 5. 26. 38. 67. 116, perhaps also a bur- 
 lesque Phoenissae), mythological parodies (Hercules coactor). The titles Dotata 
 (Dotalis ?), Gallinaria, Lignaria, Tabellaria, Togularia, are apparently in the style 
 of the old Palliata, while the Paedium is like the new Palliata. Besides this 
 Exodium is also noteworthy (§ 6, 4) ; Mortis et vitae iudicium ; Malivoli, Parous, 
 Surdus. 
 
 3. The farcical character and obscene jokes, frequent alliterations and popular 
 forms and constructions, nay even the metres are common to Novius and Pom- 
 ponius (n. 5). The comparative frequency of similes from child-life is peculiar to 
 Novius (v. 41. 62. 65). 
 
 4. Hieron. ad Euseb. Chr. ad a. Abr. 1928=a. 665/89 : L. Pomponius Bononiensis, 
 Atellanarum scriptor, clarus habetur. Yellei. 2, 9, 6 sane non ignoremus eadem 
 aetate (as Valerius Antias and others) fuisse Pomponium, sensibus celebrem, verbis 
 rudem et novitate inventi a se operis commendabilem. Macr. 6, 9, 4 Pomponius, 
 egregius Atellanarum poeta. Cf. Fronto, p. 62 (see § 144, 2). Sen. contr. 7, 3, 9 
 auctorem huius vitii quod ex captione unius verbi plura significantis nascitur aiebat 
 (Cassius Severus) Pomponium Atellanarum scriptorem fuisse. EMunk, de fab. 
 Atell. (Lps. 1840) 93. PEE. 5, 1876. His fragments (70 titles) in Munk, fab. At. 
 134. Eibbeck, com. 2 225. Chronology : reckoning by victoriati ; Mommsen, EG. 
 2 6 , 439. 
 
 5. Subjects besides the Oscan figures (Bucco auctoratus, adoptatus ; hirnea 
 Pappi, Pappus agricola, praeteritus, sponsa Pappi ; Maccus, Macci gemini, Maccus 
 
§ 151, 152. novius : l. pomponius : the orators : m. antonius. 221 
 
 miles, sequester, virgo) especially classes (Eustici, Fullones, Leno, Pictores, Pisca- 
 tores, Pistor, Praeco, Medieus, and others), various tribes (Campani, Galli, Trans- 
 alpine, satire political (Petitor, Pappus praeteritus, Praefectus morum) and 
 sacerdotal ( Aeditumus, Aruspex, Augur ; Decuma fullonis) ; literary (Philosophia ; 
 cf. v. 83. 138. 181), also (perhaps as burlesques) mythological subjects (Agamemno 
 suppositus, Marsya, and probably Atalanta, Sisyphos, Ariadne, Vahlen, EhM. 16, 
 473, and perhaps Atreus). Prom animals are derived the titles Asina[ria], Ca- 
 pella, Vacca, Verres aegrotus (and salvos ?), perhaps also Pecus rusticum (MHeetz, 
 JJ. 107, 339). Finally * play called Satura (§ 6, 2. 95, 9. 144, 3 ; this is also 
 alluded to in Noh. 112, 9 Pomponius . . . saturarum). Several titles are like 
 those of palliatae (Adelphi, Synephebi, Syri, Dotata). Personal allusions v. 15. 
 Intrigues of a very coarse description, e.g. girl's disguise, v. 57 sqq. 67 sq. ; 
 Maccus virgo ; Nuptiae ; Prostibulum. There are many obscene jokes and other 
 immoral passages; puns and frequent alliteration; proverbs and other charac- 
 teristics of a popular style. Metres : iambic senarii and septenarii, trochaic 
 septenarii, and also (v. 164 sq.) cretics. Of. on Novius and Pomponius Eibbeck, 
 rom. Dicht. 1, 210. 
 
 6. Doubtless to an Atellana belonged the fragment ap. Vareo LL. 6, 68 hos 
 (the rustici) imitans Aprissius (?) ait ' io bucco, quia me iubilat ? vicinus antiquus 
 turn? 
 
 152. The principal orators of this period are M. Antonius 
 (a. 611/143-667/87), and L. Licinius Crassus (a. 614/140-663/91) ; 
 the first was a self-taught man, who owed everything to his 
 excellent memory, natural vivacity and quick imagination, and 
 whose chief merit lay in his brilliant delivery. Crassus, a man 
 of acute intellect, and juridical training, was for this very reason 
 less taking as an orator than Antonius, though effective through 
 his lucid exposition, and the charm of his genial wit and elegant 
 language. 
 
 1. M. Antonius, M. f. M. n. (thus on a fragm. of the consular fasti, Ephem. 
 epigr. 4, 253), born 611/143 (Cic. Brut. 161 ; cf. de or. 2, 364), praetor 651/103, consul 
 655/99, censor 657/97, killed by the partisans of Marius 667/87 ; see JASOdeeholm, 
 de M. Antonio et L. Crasso oratoribus rom., Helsingf. 1853. PEE. I 2 , 1169. 
 OEndeelein, de M. Antonio oratore, Lps. 1882. His style is described (besides de 
 oratore, where he and Crassus are the two principal speakers) esp. Cic. Brut. 139- 
 142 (cf. 207. 215. 301. 304), e.g. : erat memoria summa, nulla meditationis suspicio 
 . . . verba ipsa non ilia quidem elegantissimo sermone . . . sed tamen in 
 verbis et eligendis . . . et collocandis . . . nihil non ad rationem et tamquam 
 ad artem dirigebat ; verum multo magis hoc idem in sententiarum ornamentis et con- 
 formationibus. . . . actio singularis . . . gestus erat . . . cum sententiis 
 congruens . . . vox permanens, verum subrauca natura. sed hoc vitium . . . in 
 bonum convertebat. habebat enim flebile quiddam in questionibus aptumque cum ad 
 fidem faciendam turn ad misericordiam commovendam. As the general result Cic. 
 Tusc. 5, 55 states : omnium eloquentissimus quos ego viderim. Cf. de or. 1, 172 
 Antonii incredibilis quaedam . . . vis ingenii videtur, etiamsi scientia iuris 
 nudata sit, posse se facile ceteris armis prudentiae tueri. 
 
 2. M. Antonius purposely did not publish his speeches, of which that for 
 
222 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 M\ Aquilius (a. 656/98) seems to have been the most famous, not merely (though 
 he himself used to allege this as his reason) on account of lawyerlike shrewdness 
 (§ 44, 4), hut rather from the knowledge that they could not possibly produce the 
 same effect when read as when heard. By mere chance, he published a small work 
 de ratione dicendi of not much significance ; see Cic. or. 18. Brut. 163. Quint. 3, 
 1, 19 {hoc solum opus eius, atque id ipsum imperfectum, manet). 3, 6, 45. A quota- 
 tion from it is given by Cic. de or. 1, 94. orat. 18. Quint. 8. prooem. 13. 12, 1, 21. 
 Plin. ep. 5, 20, 5. For notices on the speeches of Antonius see in HMetee oratt. 
 fragm. 2 280. 
 
 3. L. Licinius L. f. C. n. (Ephem. epigr. 4, 253) Crassus, born (614/140, Cic. Brut. 
 161), made his debut as orator a. 635 (annos natus XXI, Cic. de or. 3, 74; wrongly 
 XIX in Tac. dial. 34 ; see KNipperdey, op. 323), a pupil of Caelius Antipater 
 (§ 137, 5, 1. 9) ; 636/118 leader of the colony to Narbo Martius, cos. 659/95, censor 
 662/92, in which office he took part in the expulsion of the rhetores latini (§ 44, 9), 
 Cic. de or. 3, 93. Tac. dial. 35, f 663/91. PBE. 4, 1058, 18. SOdeeholm (n. 1). 
 MOtte, de L. Licinio Crasso, Lps. 1873. 
 
 4. The description given of Crassus by Cicero is less trustworthy, owing to 
 Cicero's evident desire to identify himself with him, just as he also imitated him 
 in the comedy of his Cilician triumph. This identification is pushed so far as to 
 attribute to Crassus (2, 142, cf. 1, 190) even the intention of writing a work de 
 iure civili in artem redigundo. In the same manner 1, 154 those exercises in style 
 are attributed to him which Cicero himself went through in his youth (cf. Quint. 
 10, 5, 2). Especially the importance attached to the necessity of varied culture 
 in an orator (e.g. 1, 156 sqq.) is due to this motive, as in reality we have no reason 
 for assuming that Crassus in this respect differed materially from Antonius and 
 other noblemen of his time. The description in Brut. 143-145. 148. 158-165 is 
 much more probable ; e.g. 143 erat summa gravitas, erat cum gravitate iunctus face- 
 tiarum et urhanitatis . . . lepos ; latine loquendi accurata et sine molestia diligens 
 elegantia ; in disserendo mira explicatio ; cum de iure civili, cum de aequo et bono 
 disputaretur, argumentorum et similitudinum copia. 145 ut eloquentium iurisperitissi- 
 mus Crassus, iurisperitorum eloquentissimua Scaevola (§ 154, 1) putaretur. 158 vehe- 
 mens et interdum irata et plena iusti doloris oratio . . . idem et perornatus et 
 perbrevis. 159 iam in altercando invenit parent neminem. versatus est in omni fere 
 genere causarum. 162 quin etiam comprehensio et ambitus ille verborum (his sen- 
 tences) . . . erat apud ilium contractus et brevis, et in membra quaedam, quae 
 Ku\a Graeci vocant, dispertiebat orationem libentius (cf. orat. 223). Tac. dial. 18 
 Graccho politior et ornatior Crassus. 26 C. Gracchi impetum aut L. Crassi maturi- 
 tatem. Machob. Sat. 5, 1, 16 sunt stili duo; . . . unus est maturus et gravis, 
 qualis Crasso adsignatur . . . alter huic contrarius, ardens et erectus et infensus, 
 quali est usus Antonius. 
 
 5. Published speeches of Crassus. Cic. or. 132 Crassi perpauca sunt, nee ea 
 iudiciorum. Brut. 160 orationis eius (for the Vestal virgin lacuna, a. 641/113) 
 scriptas quasdam partes reliquit. . . . exstat in earn legem (de colonia Narbonem 
 deducenda) . . . oratio. 161 haec Crassi (pro lege Servilia) cum edita oratio 
 est (a. 648/106), . . . XXXIV turn habebat annos. 162 est etiam L. Crassi in 
 consulatu (a. 659/95) pro Q. Caepione . . . non brevis ut laudatio, ut oratio autem 
 brevis. postrema censoris oratio. in his omnibus inest quidam sine ullo fuco veritatis 
 color. 163 vellem plura Crasso libuisset scribere. 164 multa in ilia oratione (pro 
 lege Servilia) . . . dicta sunt, plura etiam dicta quam scripta, quod ex quibusdam 
 capitibus expositis nee explicatis intellegi potest, ipsa ilia censoria contra On. Domitium 
 collegam non est oratio, sed quasi capita rerum et orationis commentarium paulo 
 
§ 152, 153. THE ORATORS : h. CRASSUS : L. PHILIPPUS ETC. 223 
 
 plenius. Cf. § 44, 7. MOtte 1.1. 41. The simplicity of his style was not acceptable 
 to later rhetoricians. Only through Cicero have a few passages from his speeches 
 been preserved ; see HMeyer, oratorum fragm. 2 p. 291. These specimens exhibit 
 frequent use of anaphora and rhetorical questions and, as they are quoted on 
 account of their vivacity, give an idea of Crassus' oratory from this side 
 alone. 
 
 1B3. In addition to these two eminent orators this period 
 possessed good speakers in the jurist Q. Scaevola (cos. 659/95) 
 and L. Marcius Philippus (cos. 663/91) ; among the younger men 
 the most eminent orators were ik Julius Caesar Strabo, who also 
 wrote tragedies, C. Aurelius Cotta (cos. 679/75) and P. Sulpicius 
 Rufus, besides whom we should also mention C. Scribonius Curio 
 (cos. 678/76). 
 
 1. For Scaevola, see § 154, 1. 
 
 2. L. Marcius Philippus, born c. 610/144, cos. 663/91, censor 668/86, died after 
 677/77. PEE. 4, 1538. Cic. Brut. 173 duohus summis, Crasso et Antonio, L. Phi- 
 lippus proxumus accedebat, sed longo intervallo tamen proxumus. . , , erat in 
 Philippo . . . sum/ma libertas in oratione, multae facetiae ; . . . erat . . . 
 graecis doctrinis institutus, in altercando cum aliquo aculeo et maledicto facetus (cf . 
 166). As he used to improvise (Cic. de or. 2, 316) we know only a few dicta of his 
 quoted from mere recollection, ap. Cic. off. 2, 73. de or. 3, 2. Sallust (hist. I) 
 makes him deliver a speech. against Lepidus (a. 676/78 sq.). 
 
 3. C. Iulius L. f. Caesar Strabo (CIL. 1, p. 278, IV, also Sesquiculus and 
 Vopiscus, Mak. Victor. GL. 6, 8. Varro BE. 1, 7, 10. Cic. Phil. 11, 11), aed. cur. 
 (a. 664/90 ; Cic. Brut. 305. Ascon. p. 24 Or. [p. 22 K-S.l , therefore born about 
 634/120) ; quaestor tr. mil. bis, Xvir agr. dand. adtr., iud., pontif. (according to 
 the elogium CIL. 1. 1.), a. 667/87 killed by the partisans of Marius with his elder 
 brother Lucius (cos. 664/90). Cic. Brut. 177 festivitate et facetiis C. Iulius L. f. et 
 superioribus et aequalibus suis omnibus praestitit, oratorque fuit minume ille quidem 
 vehemens, sed nemo umquam urbanitate, nemo lepore, nemo suavitate conditior (cf. de 
 or. 2, 98. off. 1, 133. Tusc. 5, 55). sunt eius aliquot orationes, ex quibus, sicut ex 
 eiusdem tragoediis, lenitas eius sine nervis perspici potest, de or. 3, 30 novam quan- 
 dam rationem attulit orationis. . . . res . . . tragicas paene cornice, tristes 
 remisse, sever as hilare, forenses scenica prope venustate tractavit. Ascon. 1.1.. idem 
 inter primos temporis sui oratores et tragicus poeta bonus admodum habitus est, huius 
 sunt enim tragoediae, quae inscribuntur Iuli. Of the latter we know the titles 
 Adrastus, Teuthras, Tecmessa ; "Welcker, trag. 1398. Eibbeck trag. 2 227 : rOm. 
 Trag. 610. Cf. § 134, 3. The fragments of his speeches in Meyer 2 330. PEE. 4, 
 426, 8. 
 
 4. C. Aurelius M. f. Cotta, born c. 630/124 (Cic. Brut. 301), 663/91-672/82 in 
 exile, cos. 679/75, f 680/74 PEE. I 2 , 2164J 10. Cic. Brut. 182 aetate inferiores paulo 
 quam Iulius, sed aequales propemodum fuerunt C. Cotta, P. Sulpicius, Q. Varius, Cn. 
 Pomponius (cf. ib. 221. 308 ; on the other hand see de or. 3, 50), O. Curio (n. 6), 
 C. Carlo (praetor 669/85, f 672/82 ; Brut. 221), L. Fufius (Brut. 222), M. Drusus 
 (ib.) P. Antistius (ib. 226). . , . ex his Cotta et Sulpicius cum meo iudicio turn 
 omnium facile primas tulerunt. See de or. 1, 30. or. 204. Ascon. p. 66 Or. (58 
 K-S.). Cic. Brut. 202 inveniebat acute Cotta, dicebat pure ac solute. . , . nihil 
 
224 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 • erat in eius orations nisi sincerurn, nihil nisi siccum atque sanum. (Cf. 317, or. 106. 
 de or. 2, 98. 3, 81.) His interest in philosophy and adherence to the New Academy 
 (and Antiochos) was in agreement with this methodical manner; see Cic. de deor. 
 nat. 1, 16. 2, 1. de div. 1, 8. He did not publish any speeches (or. 132). Cottae 
 pro se lege Varia quae inscribitur, earn L. Aelius (§ 148, 1) scripsit Cottae rogatu, 
 Brut. 205 ; see 207 Cottam miror, summum ipsum oratorem minumeque ineptum, 
 Aelianas levis oratiunciilas voluisse existumari suas. Sallust (hist.) attributed to 
 him an oratio ad populum rom. Meyer, oratt. 2 339. 
 
 5. P. Sulpicius Eufus, a contemporary of the preceding, born c. 633/121, pro- 
 scribed and killed by the party of Sulla as tr. pi. a. 666/88. PEE. 6, 149B, 35. 
 Cic. Brut. 203 fuit Sulpicius vel maxime omnium quos quidem egb audiverim grandis 
 et, ut ita dicam, tragicus orator, vox cum magna turn suavis et splendida ; gestus et 
 motus corporis venustus ; . . . incitata et volubilis, nee ea redundans tamen et 
 circumfluens oratio. Orassum hie volebat imitari, Cotta malebat Antonium (in accord- 
 ance with Cicero's description of the rhetorical style of both one might feel 
 tempted to reverse this) ; sed ab hoe vis aberat Antoni, Crassi ab illo lepos. Cf. de 
 or. 1, 131. 2, 88. 96. 3, 31. de har. resp. 41. Brut. 205 (cf. or. 132) Sulpici orationes 
 quae feruntur, has post mortem eius scripsisse P. Canutius putatur, aequalis mens, 
 homo extra ordinem nostrum meo iudicio disertissimus. ipsius Sulpici nulla oratio 
 est, saepeque ex eo audivi cum se scribere neque consuesse neque posse diceret. On this 
 Cannutius (the better spelling, Nipperdey, op. 307) Cic. Cluent 29. 50. 58. 73. 74 ; 
 a fragment of the same ap. Pkisc G-L. 2, 381, 12. 
 
 6. Cic. Brut. 207 his duobus (Cotta and Sulpicius) eiusdem aetatis annumera- 
 batur nemo tertius, sed mihi placebat (Cn.) Pomponius (see n. 4) maxume, vel dicam, 
 niinume displicebat. 210 erant tamen quibus videretur illius aetatis tertius Curio, 
 quia splendidioribus fortasse verbis utebatur et quia latine non pessime loquebatur 
 usu, credo, aliquo domestico. nam litterarum admodum nihil sciebat. 213 sqq. See 
 also there concerning his see-saw while speaking, which earned for him the nick- 
 name Burbuleius (Val. Max. 9, 14, 5. Plin. NH. 7, 55). Cf. § 136, 12. He is cited 
 as Curio pater (cf. § 209, 1) ap. Pkisc. GL. 2, 385, 11 and Plin. ind. auct. to b. 3 
 (geography). This C. Scribonius was tr. pi. 664/90, cos. 678/76, and died 701/53 ; 
 PEE. 6, 879, 11. He was a bitter enemy of Caesar (Suet. Jul. 9. 49. 50. 52) and 
 composed against him a political pamphlet in the form of a dialogue ; see Cic. 
 Brut. 218. He was also pontifex maximus ; hence Varro's Logistoricus Curio de 
 cultu deorum. 
 
 7. Cic. Brut. 174 horum (Antonius, Crassus, Philippus) aetati prope coniundus 
 L. G-ellius . . . nee erat indoctus . . . nee romanarum rerum immemor et 
 verbis solutus satis, sed in magnos oratores inciderat eius aetas . . . ita diu 
 vixit (about a. 615/139-700/54) ut multorum aetatum oratoribus implicaretur. Cf. 
 ib. 105 [familiaris noster L. Q-ellius). He was cos. 682/72, censor 684/70. PEE. 
 3, 662. LSchwabe, quaestt, catull. 112. 
 
 8. Besides those already named Cicero in his Brutus mentions a great number 
 of those who were public speakers {qui tantum in dicentium numero, non in oratorum, 
 fuerunt, 176) or only clamatores (182). He might have quoted nearly all those 
 whose names appeared in the lists of magistracy, but he is somewhat careless as 
 to chronological order, and only pours out his store of names, adding little to 
 characterise them, e.g. 165 sq. 168 sq. 175 178-180. Those deserve most to be 
 mentioned who in this period apud socios et Latinos oratores habiti sunt (169), viz. 
 Q. Vettius Vettianus e Marsis, Q. et D. Valerii Sorani (see § 147, 1 in fin.), C. Bus- 
 ticelius Bononiensis, and especially omnium eloquentissimus extra hanc urbem T. 
 
§ 154. Q. SCAEVOLA PONTIFEX. 225 
 
 Betutius Barrus Asculanus, cuius sunt aliquot orationes Asculi hahitae et ilia Romae 
 contra Caepionem (§ 136, 10 in fin.) nobilis sane, cui orationi Caepionis ore respondit 
 Aelius (§ 148, 1), Brut. 169. lb. 304 are styled oratores non illi quidem principes 
 L. Memmius (at. ib. 136. 247) et Q. Pompeius, sed oratores tamen. The latter, Q. 
 Pompeius Bufus (cos. 666/88) etiam ipse scripsit eas (orationes) quibus pro se est usus, 
 sed non sine Aelio (ib. 206). Perhaps Pkisc. GL. 2, 385, 10 may be a quotation 
 from this. 
 
 154. Next to oratory, jurisprudence, a science in direct 
 connection with it, showed most life in this time. It was bril- 
 liantly represented by the pontifex Q. Scaevola (cos. 659/95), 
 one of the most pleasing Roman characters, accurate, varied 
 and liberal, the ideal of a lawyer, to which vocation he devoted 
 his life, as an advocate, adviser, teacher and writer ; he was free 
 from pedantry, eloquent, and of unyielding honour and un- 
 stained probity. He was the first to undertake a systematical 
 treatise on jurisprudence, which was used and imitated by all 
 subsequent writers. Independently of his writings, his memory 
 was kept alive by his numerous pupils, among whom Lucilius 
 Balbus and Aquilius Gallus were the most important. Side 
 by side with him Sex. Pompeius, Aculeo, and Q. Cornelius 
 Maximus were especially famous as jurists. 
 
 1. Q. Mucius P. f. (son of the one mentioned § 133, 4) P. n. Scaevola, friend of 
 the orator L. Crassus (§ 152, 3) and his colleague in all his offices (e.g. in the con- 
 sulship 659/95), excepting the censorship and the tribuneship ; killed by the party 
 of Marius ... 672/82; see SWZimmern, Privatrecht 1, 1, 284. PEE. 5, 184, 11. 
 Prom his uncle of the same name (§139, 3) he was distinguished by the designation 
 of pontifex maximus, e.g. Ascon. p. 67 Or. 59 K-S. Q. Murium Scaevolam pontificem 
 max. eundemque et oratorem et iurisconsultum significat. L. Crassus ap. Cic. de or. 1, 
 180 styles him aequalis et ingenio prudentiaque acutissimus et oratione maxime 
 limatus . . . atque, ut ego soleo dicere, iuris peritorum eloquentissimus, eloquen- 
 tiitm iuris peritissimus. His style was remarkable for perspicuity, elegance and 
 conciseness; see Cic. de or. 1, 229. Brut. 145. 148. 163 (Scaevolae dicendi elegantiam 
 satis ex Us orationibus quas reliquit habemus cognitam). Just as in the passages 
 where Scaevola alone is mentioned and in a way almost proverbial (e.g. Hor. E. 2, 
 2, 89), we are justified in fixing on him especially as the most famous person of 
 that name, he might also be that Scaevola whom Quint. 11, 2, 38 mentions on 
 account of his strong memory. His anxiety for a systematic description of the 
 ius civile, especially his work irepl Spuv (n. 2 in fin.), renders it probable that he 
 adhered to the Stoa and that he was actually the doctissimus pontifex (maximus) 
 Scaevola whose Stoic threefold division of the gods (poetical, philosophical and 
 political gods) and other freethinking opinions on popular religion are quoted by 
 Augustin. de civ. dei 4, 27 on Varro's authority ; see EZeller, Vortr. u. Abhh. 2 
 (Lpz. 1877) 119: where, however, such opinions as these should not have been 
 accounted for by the licence given for their publication, but rather as reflecting 
 the constant candour and firm character of Scaevola. 
 
 2. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 41 Q. Mucius, P. f. pontifex maximus, ius civile primus 
 E.L. Q 
 
226 THE SEVENTH CENTUEY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 constituit, generatim in libros XVIII redigendo. See Gell. 6, 15, 2 Q. Scaevola in 
 librorum quos de iure civili composuit XVI . For the first time we meet here with a 
 comprehensive, uniform and methodical system, in the place of the old interpre- 
 tation of laws and casuistry, of legal opinions and precedents. See AFBudokff, 
 rOm. Eechtsgesch. 1, 161. OKaklowa, rom. BG-esch. 1, 481. Cf. MVoigt, Abh. d. 
 Sachs. Ges. d. W. 7, 337 (t. 1, attempted reproduction of the plan of the work). 
 It was based on the purely Eoman theory of the right of freely disposing of one's 
 possessions, by a last will and among the survivors (uti legassit super familia 
 tutelave, ita ius esto, dig. 50, 16, 120 comp. 122. Gell. 4. 1, 17. dig. 33, 9, 3 pr. 34, 2, 
 27 pr.), in succession to which the obligations arising from injuries and compacts 
 were expounded (Gell. 6, 15, 2. dig. 17, 2, 30. 47, 2, 76, 1), and the system of legal 
 prosecution (dig. 19, 5, 11) ; see Budoeff 1.1. 161 sq. His work remained the basis 
 of the legal works of the next period, which supplemented, developed and amended 
 it. Cf. § 49, 6. Ser. Sulpicius e.g. wrote Notata Mucii (dig. 17, 2, 30 cf. Gell. 
 4, 1, 20 in reprehensis Scaevolae capitibus. Gai. Inst. 188. 3, 149), Laelius Felix 
 Ad Q. Mucium (Gell. 15, 27, 1. 4), Gaius (1, 188) Ex Q. Mucio, and Sex. Pom- 
 ponius (§ 350, 8) Ad Q. Mucium lectionum libri XXXIX; the latter work being 
 frequently made use of in the pandects instead of Q. Mucius himself ; it should 
 no doubt also be understood dig. 41, 1, 53 sq. (Zimmern 1.1. 287, n. 28). Besides 
 this great work, Scaevola wrote also a Compendium, liber singularis "Opav (defi- 
 nitionum), probably a critical collation of regulae juris, four times quoted in 
 the pandects (dig. 41, 1, 64. 43, 20, 8. 50, 16, 241. 50, 17, 73; cf. 35, 1, 7pr. Muciana 
 cautio), as the oldest work used there. — The fragments in EHuschke's iurispr. 5 
 13.— ASchneider (§ 133, 4 ad fin.) 22. 
 
 3. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2. 42 Mucii auditores fuerunt complures, sed praecipuae 
 auetoritatis Aquilius Gallus, Balbus Lucilius, Sex. Papirius, G. luventius. . . . 
 omnes tamen hi a Ser. Sulpicio nominantur, alioquin per se eorum scripta nan talia 
 exstant ut ea omnes appelant ; denique nee versantur omnino scripta eorum inter manus 
 hominum, sed Servius (eis) libros suos complevit. Of these Gallus (§ 174, 1) certainly 
 belongs to the Ciceronian period, Cicero himself having for some time attended 
 the responsa of this (§ 139, 3) Q. Scaevola also (Lael. 1). Sex. Papirius and C. 
 luventius are not known from other passages, though in Cic. Brut. 178 a certain 
 T. luventius is noticed for his dry style of speaking ; while at the same time is 
 attributed to him magna iuris civilis intelligentia. L. Lucilius Balbus, doctus 
 et eruditus homo, thoughtful, but slow (Cic. Brut. 154), was the former master of 
 Ser. Sulpicius (§ 174, 2). 
 
 4. Other jurists besides Scaevola were Antipater (§ 137, 5), Q. Tubero (§ 139, 
 2) and Butilius Eufus (142, 2), also Q. Lucretius Vispillo (in privatis causis et 
 acutus et iurisperitus, Cic. Brut. 178) and Paulus (Pompon. 1. 1. 40 : Cic. Lael. 101 
 more correctly has Aulus) Virginius, then Volcatius, the teacher of A. Cascellius 
 (Plin. NH. 8, 144; cf. Mommsen on the dig. 1, 2, 2, 45), and probably also C. 
 Sextius Calvinus (§ 141, 6), Pontidius (Cic. de or. 2, 275), and M. Buculeius (ib. 1, 
 179). 
 
 5. Sex. Pompeius, Gnaei Pompei (Magni) patruus (Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2. 40) ; 
 praestantissimum ingenium contulerat ad summam iuris civilis et ad perfectam 
 geometriae et rerum stoicarum scientiam (Cic. Brut. 175 cf. de or. 1, 67. 3, 78. off. .1, 
 19). — Who is the Pompeius Sextus quoted (for old Lat. numero = nimium?) in Fest. 
 170", 25 ? 
 
 6. The Boman knight C. (Visellius) Aculeo (PBE. 6, 2679, 1 and 2), the friend 
 of the orator L. Crassus (Cic. de or. 2, 2), according to Cic. de or. 1, 191, understood 
 ita ius civile ut ei (except Q. Scaevola) nemo de Us qui peritissimi sunt anteponatur, 
 and bequeathed his legal knowledge to his son C. Visellius Varro ; Brut. 264. The 
 
§ 154, 155. Q. SCAEVOLA ETC.: CLAUDIUS QUADRIGARIUS. 227 
 
 latter is here also praised as an orator ; a fragment from one of his speeches ap. 
 Pbisc. GL. 2, 386, 7. 
 
 7. Q. Cornelius Maximus, known only as the teacher of Trebatius Testa 
 (§ 207, 3), and from Cic. fam. 7, 17, 3 (idem Q. Cornelio videbatur, cf. ib. 7, 8, 2). 
 See also Gai. Inst. 1, 136 (Maximus). dig. 33, 7, 16, 1 (Cornelius). 
 
 155. Among the Annalists of these ten years Q. Claudius 
 Quadrigarius made a step in advance in that, passing over 
 the early legendary tradition, he began his Eoman history with 
 the invasion of the Gauls. In other ways also he shows himself 
 superior to Valerius Antias. The latter indeed in his very 
 extensive work is the most important immediate predecessor of 
 Livy, but with his wilful exaggeration both in descriptions and 
 numerical statements, and his efforts to glorify his own family, 
 he prominently represents the manner of the later Annalists. 
 There is no trace of antiquarianism in his work. Cn. Aufidius 
 again wrote his historical work in Greek. 
 
 1. Vellei. 2, 9, 6 aequalis Sisennae Claudius Quadrigarius (see n. 2). The person 
 of CI. is unknown. The name Quadrigarius, which cannot have been a proper 
 Eoman cognomen, does not occur in Livy but in Velleius, Seneca and later writers, 
 and is probably a sort of literary nickname (conjectures as to its meaning ap. 
 Ungee 1.1. 12 ; Momitsen, r6m. Forsch. 2, 426). Gellius is the authority for Annales 
 as the title of his chief work. As regards the number of books, the highest figure 
 cited is Q. Claudius in XXIII annali ap. Gell. 10, 13, 4. The fragments of the 
 first book prove that it treated of the conquest of Borne by the Gauls. This 
 commencement of his work decidedly bears witness to the critical insight of the 
 author, which is shown elsewhere, as well as to his attention to chronology and 
 to internal affairs. In the description of battles (cf. n. 3) he does indeed quote 
 in enormously high numbers the losses of the enemy (Liv. 33, 10, 9. 38, 23, 8. 
 Okos. 5, 3, 2. 5, 20, 6), but this no doubt is not to be attributed merely to the 
 historian, but chiefly to the exaggerated accounts of generals. (In contrast with 
 the large numbers of the dead, observe the small numbers of prisoners — because 
 this could be checked : Liv. 36, 19, 12. 36, 38, 8. 40, 28, 6. 40, 33, 6.) Cf. Ungek 1.1. 
 17. — In harmony with analogous work he seems to have carried his to his 
 own period ; book XIX treated of Sulla's war against Archelaos and Marius' 
 seventh consulate (a. 667/87). The latest certain date is a. 672/82 ap. Okos. 
 5, 20 (Claudius historicus). The first book related the second war with the 
 Samnites (at least down to a. 434/320), the third book gave the first, while 
 books 5 and 6 gave the second Punic war. Hence the treatment of the sub- 
 jects must have been very unequal: at first a mere summary of events, but 
 gradually expanding as the writer approached his own time, embodying even 
 speeches and, no doubt, entire letters (Gell. 1, 7, 9. 3, 8, 8). The narrative was 
 lengthy even in details. The diction was archaic, the sentences full of bulky 
 words, but short and close and crowded together without any adjustment, there- 
 fore very much to the taste of the time of Fronto; see Feonto ap. Gell. 13, 29, 2 • 
 vir modesti atque puri ac prope cotidiani sermonis, and ep. p. 114, 3 historiam scrip- 
 sere . . ■ Claudius lepide, Antias invenuste, Sisenna longinque. Gell. 15, 1, 4 
 Q. Claudi, optumi et sincerissimi scriptoris ; 9, 13, 4 Q. Claudius . . . purissime 
 atque inlustrissime simplicique et incompta orationis antiquae suavitate descripsit. 
 
228 THE SEVENTH CENTURY D.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 Dionysius of Halicarnassus does not mention him ; Livy quotes him ten times, 
 sometimes differing from him. He seems to have made use of him, together with 
 Val. Ant., esp. in the second half of the first decade, and in the fourth and fifth 
 decades. See Unger 1.1. "We owe most of the fragments to Gellius ; these are 
 collected in HPeter, hist. rell. 1, 205 ; fragm. 136.— Quadrigarius is probably 
 also the Claudius qui Annates Acilianos ex graeco in latinum sermonem vertit ap. 
 Livy 25, 39, 12 (see § 127, 2). This translation and the Annales of CI. must not 
 be taken for one and the same work, as the Annales of CI. begin with the incur- 
 sion of the G-auls, while those of Acilius commenced with the foundation of Rome. 
 At the most it may be doubted whether, on the ground of Liv. 25, 39, 12, we must 
 suppose a ' translation ' by Claudius of the work of Acilius, or whether we may 
 not take this passage as well as Liv. 35, 14, 5 as referring to the employment of 
 the Greek Annales of Acilius in the Latin Annales of CI. Cf . HPetek, JJ. 125, 104. 
 LCantarelli, riv. di fil. 12, 1. — Plutarch also Num. 1 K\diSi6s ns iv iXiyxv XP"" U " 
 — o!)toj ydp 7tws iTnyiypawrai. rb fSifiklov — kt\ since he is referring to the loss of 
 the older records iv tois ReXi-wois irade<n ttjs 7r6Xews, probably means CI. Quadr. 
 (notwithstanding Appian. Gall. 1, p. 36 Bkk. iv x/>oi/i/ca?s ownifea-i Sonet Tlai\<# Tip 
 K\avSl(f>). Perhaps this treatise may have contained a chronological foundation 
 and justification of the statements in the Annales? The Clodius mentioned in 
 Cic. leg. 1, 6 (§ 37, 5) as a successor of Antipater is probably also to be identified 
 with CI. Quadr. See Unger 1.1. 11. — On Claudius see Giesebrecht, Tiber Q. CI. 
 Quadr., Prenzlau 1831. Nissen, krit. Unters. 39. HPeter, hist. rell. 1. ccxlv. 
 cclxxxvii. ccxcvin. CFUnger, Phil. Suppl. 3, 2, 4 sqq.' 
 
 2. Valerius Antias (probably descended from the L. Valerius Antias men- 
 tioned by Liv. 23, 34, 9), the author of a work called sometimes Annales, some- 
 times Historiae (or Historia) in at least 75 books (book 75 is quoted by Gell. 6, 9, 
 17 ; book 74 by Priscian, GL. 2, 489), beginning with the earliest history of Rome 
 (Gell. 7, 7, 6 ; the second book treated of Numa, the 22nd of the sponsio of Ti. 
 Gracchus, 618/136), reaching as far as the time of Sulla (for he mentioned the 
 heirs of the orator M. Crassus, who died ». 663/91, Plin. NH. 34, 14). "We have 
 no exact information with regard to the date of Valerius. MVoigt, Abh. d. 
 sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 7, 776 maintains that Valerius did not compose his work until 
 about 709/45, but this is contradicted by Vell. 2, 9, 6 : Vetustior Sisenna (§ 156, 1) 
 fuit Caelius (§ 137, 5), aequalis Sisennae Rutilius (§ 142, 3) Claudiusque Quadri- 
 garius (above n. 1) et Valerius Antias. Sane nan ignoremus eadem aetate fuisse 
 Pmnpanium (§ 151, 4), etc. — Dionys. Hal. mentions 'him 2, 13 and 1, 7 (see § 37, 5) 
 among the iircuvoii/Mvoi of the Roman historians, and has taken much from him 
 (e.g. what tends to the glorification of the Valerii) ; AKiessling, de Dionys. Hal. 
 auct. 20. MVoigt 1.1. 685. 777. Plutarch's Ppplicola also seems to be drawn 
 chiefly from him (HPeter, die Quellen Plut. 45 and hist. rell. 1, cccxvin), as also 
 the elogium of M'. Valerius Maximus (OHirschfeld, Phil. 34, 87). Among Latin 
 authors besides Liv. (see n. 3), Plin. NH. especially made use of him according 
 to the ind. auct. in 9 books. — Pronto p. 114 Historiam scripsere. . . . Antias 
 invenuste (§ 37, 5). 
 
 3. "We known Val. Ant. however, chiefly through Livy, who mentions him 
 more frequently (in 35 places in the existing books) and makes more use of him 
 than of any of his predecessors, and even seems to have adopted from him the 
 general plan of his work. In the first decades he follows him unhesitatingly and 
 hence not only cites his exaggerated number of citizens (at the lustra), but is even 
 confident as to 30,000 killed 7, 36, 13 ; 7, 37, 16 he speaks of ad quadraginta milia 
 
§ 155. VALERIUS ANTIAS. 229 
 
 scutorum; 9,27, 14 ad triginta milia caesa aut capta ; 9, 43, 17 triginta milibus 
 hostium caesis ; 9, 37, 11 even caesa aut capta eo die hostium milia ad sexaginta etc. 
 Only 3, B, 12 he has the modest observation : difficile adfidem est, in tarn antiqua 
 re, quot pugnaverint ceciderintve exacto adfirmare numero ; audet tamen Antias 
 Valerius concipere summas. Cf. 3, 8, 10. But in the less obscure periods, where 
 better sources were available (e.g. Polybios), Livy discovers the inaccuracy and 
 bombast of his authority whom he has so far followed almost blindly, and now 
 blames him with all the more bitterness of feeling, since the errors into which he 
 had been led by Valerius could not be rectified, as he had already published the 
 books in question (decades). In books 21-25 he never actually mentions his name 
 (although he appears to have made use of him), but at 26, 49, 3 we read : scorpiones 
 maiores minoresque ad LX captos scripserim si auctorem graecum sequar Silenum, si 
 Valerium Antiatem, maiorum scorpionum sex -milia, minorum tredecim : adeo nullus 
 mentiendi modus est. 30, 19, 11 Valerius Antias quinque milia hostium caesa ait. 
 quae tanta res est ut aut impudenter ficta sit (by Antias) aut neglegenter (by others) 
 praetermissa. 36, 38, 6 duodetriginta milia hostium caesa Antias Valerius scribit, 
 capta tria milia et quadringentos, signa militaria CXXIV, equos MCCXXX . _ . . 
 ubi ut in numero scriptori parumfidei sit, quia in augendo eo non alius intemperanlior 
 est, magnam victoriam fuisse adparet. 33, 10, 8 si Valerio quis credat, omnium rerum 
 immodice numerum augenti, quadraginta milia hostium eo die sunt caesa, capta, ubi 
 modestius mendacium est, quinque milia septingenti. 38, 23, 8 Valerius Antias, qui 
 magis (than Claudius) immodicus in numero augendo esse solet. See also 39, 43, 1 
 Valerius Antias, ut qui nee Catonis orationem legisset et fabulae tantum sine auctore 
 editae credidisset. Whenever, therefore, Valerius is the only authority for a state- 
 ment, Livy frequently adds si Valerio credamus (credas) (36, 19, 12. 39, 41, 6. 44, 13, 
 12) or merely names his authority (38, 50, 5. 39, 22, 9. 39, 56, 7), sometimes with 
 an express reservation, e.g. 37, 48, 1 ( Valerius Antias auctor est rumorem celebrem 
 Momae fuisse . . . rumoris huius quia neminem alium auctorem habeo, neque ad- 
 firmata res mea opinione sit nee pro vana praetermissa) and 45, 43, 8 (SS ducenties 
 ex ea praeda redactum esse auctor est Antias . . . quod quia unde redigi potuerit 
 non apparebat auctorem pro re posui). It must be admitted that Valerius' lies in 
 numerical statements are grossly absurd, it being quite usual with him to have 
 40,000 enemies and more killed in a battle (Liv. 33, 10, 8. 33, 36, 13. 34, 15, 9. 36, 19, 
 12. Oeos. 4, 20). But at Tolosa he surpassed himself by giving as the number 
 of the slain even octoginta milia Romanorum sociorumque, . . quadraginta milia 
 calonum atque lixarum (Okos. 5, 16). That exaggerations of this kind were deli- 
 berate fictions, appears also from the fact that he very often stands absolutely 
 alone in his statements ; see Gell. 6, 19, 8 Valerius Antias contra decretorum me- 
 moriam contraque auctoritates veterum annalium dixit. Cf. ib. 6, 8, 6. Liv. 32, 6, 5 
 Valerius Antias tradit . . . XII milia hostium eo proelio caesa . . . ceteri 
 graeci latinique auctores . . . nihil memorabile actum . . . tradunt. On his 
 biassed version of the prosecutions of the Scipios, due to his veneration for the 
 elder Africanus, see Mommsen, rom. Forsch. 2, 491.— The fragments in HPetek, 
 hist. rell. 1, 237; fragm. 151.— HLiebaldt, de Valerio Antiate, Naumb. 1840. 
 Schweglee, EG. 1, 90. Nissen, krit. Untersuch. 43. HPetee, hist. rell. 1, cccv. 
 KWNitzsch, d. rom. Annalistik (1873) 346. MVoigt, Abh. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 
 7 i 776.— ThFbiedkich, Biogr. des Barkiden Mago, ein Beitr. z. Krit. d. Val. Ant., 
 Wien 1880. 
 
 4. Cic. Tusc. 5, 112 On. Aufidius praetorius (his praetorship must fall about 
 650/104) pueris nobis (therefore perhaps 660/94) et in senatu sententiam dicebat nee 
 amicis deliberantibus deerat et graecam scribebat historiam et videbat (vivebat Bentley) 
 
230 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 in litteris. fin. 5, 54 equidem e Cn. Aufidio praetorio, erudito homine oculis capto, saepe 
 audiebam. He attained a great age (Cic. de dom. 35). CIG. 2349 b (faro Tvaiov 
 Axi(piSlov Tvaiov vlov tov avTiCTpaT-tftov) from Adramyttium probably refers to his son 
 (PEE. I 2 , 2128, 5). No fragments of this graeca historia have been preserved ; 
 but it undoubtedly contained the history of Rome. WHakless, de Pabiis et 
 Aufidiis rerum rom. soriptoribus (Bonn 1853) 46. 
 
 156. L.Cornelius Sisenna (635/119-687/67), wrote a history 
 of the times nearest his own, mainly the period of Sulla, in a stiff 
 archaic style. In addition he translated the narratives of Arist- 
 eides of Miletus. But Sisenna the commentator on Plautus is to 
 be distinguished from the historian. The friend of the latter, 
 C. Licinius Macer, went back in his Annales to the oldest time 
 and rectified the accounts of it in various places by a diligent 
 study of the sources, though he was too rhetorical and perhaps 
 also too much influenced by a predilection for his own gens. 
 
 1. Sisenna must have been born about 635/119 (Roth, 1.1. p. 4), was praetor 
 676/78 (SC. de Asolepiade, OIL. 1, p. 110, o-Tparrryov Kara wo'Kiv Kcd iirl %huv AevkIov 
 KopvqXiov <. . . vlovy Zurbva, of. Cic. Cornel. 1, 18 with Ascon. p. 74 Or. 66 K-S.) 
 and died 687/67 in Crete, where he was Pompey's legate in the war with the 
 pirates (Dio 36, 1 Kopv-rfKios Sursccas, cf. Appian. Mithr. 95 Aoifcios Siiriwas). CLRoth, 
 L. Sisennae vita, Bas. 1834. HPetek, hist. rell. 1, cccxxiii. 
 
 2. Vellei. 2, 9, 5 historiarum (OJahn, milesiarum (see n. 3) auctor iam turn 
 (about 646/108) Sisenna erat iuvenis ; sed opus belli civilis (=socialis? ARiese 
 1.1. 54) Sullanique post aliquot annos ab eo seniore editum est (therefore probably 
 not before 680/74). Cic. Brut. 228 inferioris aetatis (than P. Antistius) erat 
 proximus L. Sisenna, doctus vir et studiis optumis deditus, bene latine loquens (see how- 
 ever n. 3), gnarus reip., non sine facetiis, sed neque laboris multi nee satis versatus in 
 causis (but he defendedf Chirtilius [thus the name is given by the MSS. : variously 
 edited C. Hirtilius, Hirtuleius, Rutilius] according to Brut. 260, and a. 684/70 
 he pleaded in behalf of Verres, see Cic. Verr. ace. 2, 110. 4, 43 cf . 4, 33 L. Sisenna, 
 vir primarius ; the latter he defended together with Hortensius, whose friend he 
 was, Sen. controv. 1, pr. 19 and below § 157, 4) ; interiectusque inter duas aetates 
 Hortensi et Sulpiai nee maiorem consequi poterat et minpri necesse erat cedere. huius 
 omnis facultas ex historia ipsius perspici potest ; quae cum facile omnis vincat su- 
 periores (?), turn indicat tanwn quantum absit a summo quamque genus hoc scriptionis 
 nondum sit satis latinis litteris illustratum. de leg. 1, 7 Sisenna, eius (Macer) amicus, 
 omnes adhuc nostros scriptores . . . facile superavit. is tamen neque orator . . . 
 umquam est habitus et in historia puerile quiddam consectatur, ut tinum Clitarchum 
 neque praeterea quemquam de Graecis legisse videatur. This comparison with one 
 of the wildest historians of Alexander the Great is significant, though perhaps 
 not quite just to Sisenna. Sallust, lug. 95, 2 L. Sisenna optume et diligentissime 
 omnium qui eas (Sullae) res dixere persecutus parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. 
 Varro named after him the Logistoricus Sisenna de historia (§ 166, 2). 
 
 3. We may form some estimate of the plan of the work from the statement (in 
 Gell. 12, 15, 2) : nos una aestate in Asia et Graeaia gesta litteris idcirco continentia 
 mandavimus ne vellicativi aut saltuatim scribendo lectorum animos impediremus. The 
 title was Historiae, and the work embraced at least 12 books ; beyond this number 
 
§ 156. CORNELIUS SISENNA. 231 
 
 we have only an isolated quotation in Non. 468, 10 Sisenna hist. lib. XXIII (of the 
 year 672/82). This number can hardly be correct : in book 6 the narrative was 
 already brought down to 666/88; so according to this Sisenna would have taken up 
 • 17 books with the remaining six years ! Beyond the year 664/90 we are led by only 
 a few fragments which treat of the oldest time (Aeneas etc.), Sekv. Aen. 1, 108. 242. 
 11, 316, and which probably formed part of a prooemium (after the manner of 
 Sallust). The fragments contain much detailed description, and traces of speeches 
 (especially in book 4) and digressions (philosophical passages in the spirit of 
 Epicurus) : hence the treatment appears to have been lengthy (longinque, Pronto 
 above § 155, 1, 1. 30). Most of the fragments refer to the Marsian war (cf. Cic. de 
 div. 1, 99) and are found in Nonius, whose quotations (chiefly from books 3 and 4) 
 give us some idea of the crotchety archaisms of Sisenna ; cf. Cic. Brut. 259 Sisenna 
 quasi emendator sermonis usitati cum esse vellet non . . . deterreri potuit quo 
 minus inusitatis verbis uteretur . . . Me familiaris meus recte loqui putabat 
 esse inusitate loqui, and Vaeko ap. Gell. 2, 25, 9 Sisenna unus ' adsentio^ (not ad- 
 sentior) in senatu dicebat ; cf. Quint. 1, 5, 13. Tac. dial. 23. Collection in HPeter, 
 hist. rell. 1, 277 ; fragm. 175. — ABiese, d. Geschichtsw. d. Sis., in d. Pestschr. z. 
 24. Philol.-Vers. (Lpz. 1865) 53. ASchneider, de Sis. hist, reliquiis, Jena 1882. 
 Cf. OJahn, Herm. 2, 233. — Sisenna is characterised as a man of the world after the 
 taste of Sulla, by his translation of Aristeides' coarse stories (Mikno-iaicd, see OJahn, 
 BhM. 9, 628) ; Ovid, trist. 2, 443 vertit Aristiden Sisenna, nee obfuit Mi historiae 
 (his story) turpes inseruisse iocos. Pronto ep. p. 62 scriptorum animadvertas par- 
 ticulatim elegantis . . . Sisennam in lascivis. Ten passages from book 13 of this 
 work are to be found in Charisius (b. 2). Also in Peter's hist. rell. 297 and 
 Bucheler's Petron. 3 237. 
 
 \ As a commentator on Plautus a certain Sisenna is mentioned by Bufinus G-L. 6, 
 \560. 561 in his metrical notes : Sisenna in commentario Poenuli Plautinae, Sisenna in 
 Rudente, S. in Amphitryone, in Captivis, in Aulularia. Quotations from Sisenna 
 on the Amphitryo in Charisius GL. 1, 198, 26. 203, 27. 221, 6. 9. Cf. also ib. 107, 
 14. 120, 10. Peter, hist. rell. 297. This Sisenna is generally identified with the 
 historian Sisenna, who would thus be the earliest commentator on Plautus. See 
 Bitschl's Parerga 374. 376. 385. The preference of the historian (see above) for 
 antiquated language might be considered to account for his occupying himself 
 with Plautus ; indeed it has been remarked (Bitschl 1.1. 385) that, of the five 
 fragments in Charisius, three treat of adverbs in -im, and that even in Sisenna's 
 histories » preference is shown for such adverbia (Gell. 12, 15). But on the 
 other hand it would be strange if such a person as the historian S. composed a. 
 series of commentaries on Plautus, especially as the extant specimens are very 
 trivial. That in fact the Plautine S. is to be distinguished from the historian is 
 shown by the fragment of the former in Charisius p. 221, 9 Tractim Plautus in 
 Amphitryone, ubi Sisenna ' pro lente ' inquit ' non ut Maro georgicon IIII tractimgue 
 susurrant inquit,' where, if we read it without prejudice, the quotation from Vergil 
 evidently belongs to Sisenna. ThBergk, Phil. 29, 328 and FBucheler (lat. Deklin. 2 , 
 Bonn 1879, 123) distinguish between the two Sisennae ; the latter, on account of the 
 observation in Charis. p. 203, 27 (?), places the Plautine commentator in the period 
 after Hadrian.— In general cf. concerning Sisenna Mommsen, EG. 3 8 , 611. HPeter, 
 hist. rell. 1, lii. cccxxviii. 
 
 4. C. Licinius L. f. Macer (on denarii of the time of Sulla, a. 670/84-673/81, see 
 Mommsen, rOm. Miinzwesen 607 ; CIL. 1, p. 137. 434), the father of the orator and poet 
 Calvus, who was born 672/82 (see § 213, 5), tr. pleb. 681/73, in which dignity Sallust 
 (Hist.) attributed to him a speech ad populum ; a. 688/66 he was charged with 
 
232 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 extortions in his province, which he governed as propraetor, before the tribunal 
 of Cicero who was then praetor, and being found guilty he committed suicide ; 
 PEE. 4, 1075, 1. Cic. Brut. 238 describes him as an orator in the following 
 manner . C. Macer auctoritate semper eguit, sed fuit patronus propemodum diligen- 
 tissimus. huius si vita, si mores, si voltus denique non omnem commendationem ingeni 
 everteret, maius nomen in patronis fuisset. non erat abundans, non inops tamen, non 
 valde nitens, non plane horrida oratio ; vox, gestus et omnis actio sine lepore ; at in 
 inveniendis componendisque rebus vnira accuratio. . . . hie etsi etiam in publicis 
 causis probabatur, tamen in privatis illustriorem obtinebat locum. 
 
 5. In his judgment of Macer as a historian, Cicero's dislike of him appears 
 even more strongly, de leg. 1, 7 quid Macrum numerem ? cuius loquacitas habet 
 aliquid argutiarum, nee id tamen ex ilia erudita Graecorum copia, sed ex librariolis 
 latinis, in orationibus autem multa, sed inepta, elatio, summa impudentia. This shows 
 that Macer had embodied speeches (and perhaps letters, cf. Nonius 259 Licinius 
 Macer in epistola ad senatum, unless this relates to Sallust's hist.) in his work, 
 which seems to have been altogether diffuse. Livy's criticism 7, 9, 5 is of 
 greater importance and credibility quaesita ea propriae familiae laus leviorem 
 auctorem Licinium facit. cum mentionem eius rei in vetustioribus annalibus nullam 
 inveniam etc., cf. also Dionts. 1, 7 (see § 37, 5). 6, 11 AikIvvios ko.1 oi irepl TtWiov 
 oi8iv i^-qraKSres aire tux eUtyruiv oSre ti2v Buvaruv, and 7, 1 Audvvios Kai TAXtos Kid 
 SXXoi <rvx"ol Ttiv 'Pw/uaW <rvyypa<pioiv oi8ii> i!-nTa.K&re$ tiSv irepl roils XP^ vms ^Kpi^us. 
 His indifference to points of chronology would agree with the rhetorical character 
 of the work. It is also very probable that the strong anti-aristocratic tendencies 
 of the author manifested themselves in his work, though it does not seem to have 
 treated of his own time. On the other hand, he drew directly from independent 
 sources, unlike almost all his predecessors, though here he allowed himself to be 
 misled by spurious documents. Cf. Liv. 4, 7, 12 Licinius Macer auctor est et in 
 foedere Ardeatino et in linteis libris (see § 79, 3) ad Monetae ea inventa. 4, 20, 8 
 quod tarn veteres annates quodque magistratuum libros, quos linteos in aede repositos 
 Monetae Macer Licinius citat identidem auctores. 4, 23, 2 in tarn discrepante editions 
 (of the consuls) et Tubero et Macer libros linteos auctores prqfitentur. neuter tribunes 
 mil. eo anno fuisse traditum a scriptoribus antiquis dissimulat. Licinio libros haud 
 dubie sequi linteos placet et Tubero incertus veri est. 
 
 6. The title of Macer's work was no doubt Annales and, less accurately, 
 Historiae. It certainly embraced the oldest time (Macrob. 1, 10, 17. Dionts. 2, 
 52 ; concerning the use made of Licinius by Dionys. Hal. see MVoigt, Abh. d. 
 sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 7, 756) and is mentioned by Livy (seven times) only in his first 
 decade; the latest date, at which he mentions it, being a. 455/299. Even the 
 number of the books is not known, reliable references being made only to books 
 1 and 2 ; then we have Priscian. GL. 2, 525, 3 Aemilius Macer in XVI annalium : 
 omnium etc. (cf. Diomed. GTj. 1, 369, 15 Aemilius Macer: omnium etc.), where it is 
 just as probable that a confusion has taken place with Licinius Macer, as that the 
 reverse has happened in Plin. NH. (see § 223, 7). Nonius 221, 11 Licinius rerum 
 romanarum lib. XXI (neither the name nor the number can be relied upon) must be 
 taken, as Hertz and others suppose, to refer to Clodius Licinius (§ 259, 6). — The 
 fragments in HPeter, hist. rell. 1, 300; fragm. 190. — For one-sided praise of Macer 
 see HLiebaldt, C. Licinius Macer, Naumb. 1848 ; for equally one-sided deprecia- 
 tion Mommsen, EG. I 6 , 434. 3 6 , 613 ; cf . rom. Chronol. 2 88. 93 and rom. Forsch. 1, 315. 
 Schwegler, EG. 1, 92 and HPeter, hist. rell. 1, cccxxxvm are more just. Cf. also 
 KWNitzsch, rom. Annalistik 351. 
 
§ 156, 157. licinius maceb: sulla: l. lucdllus. 233 
 
 157. Like Scaurus, Rutilius Rufus, and Catulus in the preced- 
 ing epoch, the dictator L. Cornelius Sulla (a. 616/138-676/78) 
 wrote an autobiography, commentarii rerum gestarum, in 22 
 books, which were after his death completed by his freedman 
 Epicadus. Lu cull us himself (a. 640/114-697/57), to whom these 
 Memoirs were dedicated, wrote in his early years a history of the 
 Marsian war, in Greek, and subsequently a certain C. Piso nar- 
 rated the war between Sulla and Marius. 
 
 1. Sulla was cos. 666/88 and 674/80, dictator 672/82-675/79 ; f 676/78. PEE. 
 2, 669. ThLau, L. Cornelius Sulla, Hamb. 1855. 
 
 2. Plut. Lucull. 1 SiiXXas tos abrov irpafeis avaypafyuv eKeivip (Luoullus) irpoire- 
 tf}&vr}o~ev . Cf. ib. 4. Sull. 6. Sulla 37 rb elKoarbv Kal deurepov t£>v biropt.V7jpA.Twv irpb dvelv 
 rj/iepav r) tTeXevra ypa<pav (iraiffaro. Sdet. gramm. 12 Cornelius Epicadus (§ 159, 8) 
 L. Corneli Bullae dictatoris libertus calatorque in sacerdotio augurali, . . . librum 
 quern Sulla novissimum de rebus suis imperfectum reliquerat (therefore the others 
 were completed) ipse supplevit. The title is given as rerum gestarum (Gellius) or 
 rerum suarum libri (de rebus suis) or commentarii (biro/j.vripM.Ta). Sulla in XXI 
 rerum suarum, Priscian. GL. 2, 476. In Sidlae historia, Cic. div. 1, 172. Sulla had 
 taken pains in this work to exalt himself as a specially favoured protege of the 
 gods, and to disparage his opponents (esp. Marius). Plutarch has largely and 
 incautiously availed himself of these Memoirs, esp. in his Lives of Sulla and 
 Marius, and they have otherwise contributed to the detriment of historical truth ; 
 see HPetee, hist. rell. 1, cclxxvi. The fragments of the work ib. 1, 195 ; fragm. 127. 
 
 3. A Greek epigram by Sulla (on a statue of Aphrodite : two hexameters and 
 a pentameter) ap. Appian. bell. civ. 1, 97. — Athen. 6, p. 261 C: NiKoXaos (Damasc.) 
 . . . SiSWav tpTjffiv . . . x a Lp et " fdf*ois Kal yeKwroiroiots <pi\oye*\b)v yevbpievov . . . 
 e ixtpavlfavai 5' abrov to irepl Tavra IXapbv al bw airov ypa<p~eiaat. aarvpiKal KUfitpSlai. t$ 
 ■jtarplif <f>uivy (cf. Plut. Sulla 2 and 36. "Welckee, griech. Tragodien 1362). This 
 statement arose perhaps from a mistaken representation of the fact, that under 
 Sulla the Atellanae commenced to be written down ; see § 10 and 151. 
 
 4. L. Licinius L. f. Lucullus (born c. 640/114, cos. 680/74, f 697/57 ; see his 
 elogium in CIL. 1, p. 292. WDrumann, GE. 4, 120. PEE. 4, 1070) : he possessed 
 great mental culture. He was celebrated by Cordubae nati poetae (Cic. pArch. 26). 
 Plut. Lucull. 1 6 AoukovWos r)aKr\TO Kal Xeyeiv iKav&s ixaripav yXdrrav, ware Kal SiiXXas 
 (see n. 2.) . . . inelvip irpoaetjiuivrio-ev us ffwral-oiAevip Kal diadrjaovri. tt\v laToplav apiuvov 
 . . . \eyerai veov 6vra (c. 666/88) irpbs 'Oprr/inov rbv 5uco\6yov Kal "Zurevvav rbv 
 lo-TopiKbv Ik iratSias twos eh ffwovdr/v TpoeXffovo-rjs bp.o\oyr}(rai, irpo8ep.evoiv Ttoli\p.a Kal Xoyov 
 eW-qviKov re Kal pu/iaiKov, els 6 ti av \dxv rovrwv, t'ov M.ap<riKbv iKTtkeiv irbKep-ov. Kal irws 
 fowev els \6yoi> eXKrjvcKbv 6 K\r)pos a(j>LKeo-Bai. Siaad^erat. yap tXh-qvwt) ns IcTopla rod MaptTiKOv 
 To\e/iov. Cf. Cic. Att. 1, 19, 10 non dicam quod tibi ut opinor Panhormi Lucullus de 
 iuis historiis dixerat, se, quo facilius illas probaret romani liominis esse, idcirco 
 barbara quaedam el abXoiKa dispersisse. He never really employed his talents, nor 
 did he ever attain to cultivated oratory, though Plut. Luc. 33 calls him Seivbs elireZv. 
 Cf. Cic. Brut. 222 (oratorem acutum) and Tac. dial. 37 (§ 171, 5). 
 
 o. He also took a certain interest in philosophy, cf. Plut. Luc. 1 yevbp.evos 
 lrpeo-p&repos rjSr] Travravaai.v . . . A(pi}Ke tt)v b~i.avoi.av iv (piXoo-oQta cxoXa^eiv Kal ava- 
 vave<r8ai, rb 8ewpr)riKbv atfnjs iyelpas. Cic. acad. pr. 2, 4 maiore studio Lucullus cum 
 omni litterarum generi turn philosophiae deditus fuit quamqui ilium ignorabant 
 
234 THE SEVENTH CENTURY V.G. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 arbitrabantur, nee vera ineunte aelate solum sed et pro quaestore aliquot annos et in 
 ipso hello. . . . cum autem e philosophis . . . putaretur Antiochus, Philonis 
 auditor, excellere, eum secum et quaestor liabuit (a. 667/87 sq.) et post aliquot annos 
 irnperator. . . . delectabatur autem mirifice lectione librorum de quibus audiebat. 
 Cf. de fin. 3, 7 sq. 
 
 6. Plut. Mar. 45 T&'ios ns Heltrtav, dvrip Ioto/hkos, whom he quotes as his 
 authority for the death of Marius. As he is not mentioned again, we cannot 
 decide which of the Calpurnii Pisones he was ; at all events he is not the L. Piso 
 mentioned § 132, 4 ; rather the cos. 687/67. HPetek, hist. rell. 1, ccclxviii. Cf. 
 § 179, 13, 1. 
 
 158. To the epoch of Sulla belong also the Senator L. 
 Manlius, who wrote a miraculous account of journeys in the 
 manner of Euhemerus ; likewise Tarquitius Priscus, who trans- 
 planted into Latin the Etruscan literature on divination. The 
 freedman L. Voltacilius was the first man of servile birth who 
 attempted historical writing at Rome. He was a partisan of the 
 Pompeians and wrote political pamphlets for them. He also 
 employed his sharp tongue in their interest. 
 
 1. Dionys. ant. 1, 19 XPV"'^ #" <Pv"' i Aefeios MdXXios, dvijp oiK dtrn/ios, airbs ISeiv 
 (at Dodona, here follow 4 Greek hex.). Plin. NH. 10, 4 primus atque diligen- 
 tissime togatorum de eo (the phoenix) prodidit Manilius (the MSS. here read 
 Mamilius, but in the mention immediately following and in the ind. auct. to book 
 X : Manilius) senator ille maxumis nobilis doctrinis doctore nullo. . . . prodit idem 
 Manilius . . . fuisse eius conversionis annum prodente se P. Licinio Cn. Cornelia 
 cos. (657/97) COXV. Varro quotes this book ; see LL. 5, 31 (Mallius) ; cf. Ahnob. 
 adv. nat. 3, 38 {Manilius). Macrob. 1, 10, 4 (Mallius). Arn. 1.1. mentions Mani- 
 lius together with Granius, Aelius, Varro, Cornificius, and Cincius as writers on 
 the novensiles. Pest. 334 Sexagenarios (de ponte olim deiciebanty cuius causam 
 Mani(lius ham referf). Cf. also Vaeeo LL. 7, 16 (where see fragments of iambics 
 on a mythological subject by a certain Manilius). 7, 28 (a facetious epigram of 
 the same author in iambics; PPB,. 283).— Mommsen, RhM. 16, 284 considers it 
 possible that he may be the L. Manlius known from coins of Sulla as his pro- 
 quaestor about 670/84 (Mommsen, rom. Miinzwesen 595), and from various writers 
 (Liv. per. 90. Oros. 5, 110. Caes. b. c. 3, 20. Plot. Sertor. 12) as regent of Gallia 
 Narbonensis about 677/77. It is also probable (Eitschl, Parerga 242) that he is 
 identical with the Manilius mentioned by Gellius (see § 99, 4) as the author of a 
 catalogue of the genuine plays of Plautus. 
 
 2. Macrob. 3, 20, 3 Tarquitius Priscus in ostentario arborario sic ait. On the 
 genuine Etruscan clan-name see WDeecke on OMuller's Etr. I 2 , 470. On the 
 cognomen see Tac. ann. 12, 59. 14, 46. Cf. Macr. 3, 7, 2 est super hoc liber Tar- 
 quitii transscriptus ex ostentario tusco. Pliny in the ind. auct. to b. 2 : ex . . . 
 Caecina (§ 199, 4) qui de etrusca disciplina scripsit, Tarquitio qui item. Cf. ib. 2, 
 199. Ind. auct. to b. 11. Lyd. de ostent. 2 (xpwrb/uiSa. Si «ai> Tap/dry r<? <TeXeorij>. 
 Ammian. Marc. 25, 2, 7 (a.d. 363): etrasci haruspices . . . ex Tarquitianis 
 libris in titulo de rebus divinis id relatum esse monstrantes. Lactant. div. inst. 1, 
 10, 2 hunc (Aesculapium) Tarquitius, de illustrious viris disserens, ait incertis 
 parentibus natum etc. An infusion of Euhemerism may be inferred. Prom his 
 
§ 158. L. MANLIUS: TARQTJITTUS ETC. 235 
 
 work is probably also taken Sehv. Verg. eel. 4, 43 (=Macrob. 3, 7, 2). He is 
 probably also referred to in Festus 274 v. ratitum : Tarqui- (here is a lacuna). 
 In Verg. catal. 7, 3 lie is mentioned with Stilo (? see § 148, 1 in fin.) and Varro as 
 a representative of the scholasticorum natio. MHaupt, op. 2, 152. In a mutilated 
 inscription (OIL. 11, 3370) T. appears to be mentioned with reference to his 
 metrical Latin version of the Etruscan discipline (§ 75, 5 ; traces of metrical 
 setting are to be found in the fragment in Mack. 3, 7). EBormann, in the archaol.- 
 epigr. Mitteill. a. Ostr. 1887 (who without sufficient grounds places the life-time 
 of T. between 664/90-744/10). The praenomen M. (?) in the inscription is opposed 
 to the otherwise obvious identification with C. Tarquitius P. f. Priscus (PEE. 6, 
 1614, 5. Mommsen, rom. Munzw. 600). — GSchmeisser, de etrusca disciplina (Bresl. 
 1872) p. 14 ; d. etr. Disziplin (§ 42, 1), Liegn. 1881, 5. 
 
 3. Suet, gramm. 27( = rhet. 3) L. Voltacilius Pilutus servisse dicitur atque etiam 
 ostiarius vetere more in catena fuisse, donee ob ingenium et studium litterarum manu- 
 missus accusants patrono subscripsit. deinde rhetoricam professus On. Pompeium 
 Magnum (born 648/106) docuit patrisque eius (Cn. Pompeius Strabo, cos. 665/89 
 f667/87) res gestas nee minus ipsius (no doubt in his life-time) compluribus libris 
 exposuit, primus omnium libertinorum, ut Cornelius Nepos opinatur, scribere historiam 
 orsus (see § 36, 3). Hieron. ad Euseb. Chron. 1936=673/81: Vultacilius Plotus 
 latinus rhetor, Cn. Pompei libertus et doctor, scholam Momae aperuit. His name 
 shows that he rather was the freedman of a, certain Voltacilius. This L. Vol- 
 tacilius Pilutus or Plotus (born perhaps about 635/119) is probably in spite of 
 the MS. variations in his praenomen and cognomen to be identified with M. 
 Voltacilius (uotacilius in the MSS.) Pitholaus in Macr. 2, 2, 13, where a joke of 
 his on the one-day consul (709/45) Caninius Eebilus is quoted (MHektz). Vol- 
 tacilius as a partisan of Pompey ridiculed not only, as here, the followers of 
 Caesar but even Caesar himself. Suet. Iul. 75 Pitholai carminibus maledicentissi- 
 mis laceratam existimationem suam civili animo tulit. Bentley takes this IlettfoXaos 
 also for the Rhodius Pitholeon (Hei0o\tun> ; cf. Ti/u,4\aos and Ti/xoWon', 'ApioToXaos and 
 ' ApicToKtav) ap. Hor. S. 1, 10, 22, of whom Porph. relates ad loc. : huius modi (i.e. 
 in which were mixed verba graeca orationi latinae) epigrammata effutivit magis 
 quam scripsit . . . perquam ridicule graeca latinis admiscuit. 
 
 4. On Trebius Niger and Turranius Gracilis see § 132, 5 and 6. 
 
 159. After the middle of the 7th. century u.c, education 
 and teaching seem to have gradually become more systematic, 
 and we meet with an increased number of the names of those 
 who in Rome as well as in the rest of Italy taught grammar and 
 rhetoric, most of them indeed freedmen and of foreign birth. 
 The majority were also writers on these subjects, and combined 
 antiquarian and literary lore with their grammatical researches. 
 A few gave a metrical form to their learned works ; e.g. L. Accius, 
 Porcius Licinus and Volcacius Sedigitus, also Valerius Soranus. 
 In this period we may mention as the most eminent scholars 
 L. Plotius G-allus, Sevius Nicanor, Aurelius Opilius, Antonius 
 Gnipho and Pompilius Andronicus, Q. Cosconius, Ennius, Epi- 
 cadus, Hypsicrates, Nicostratus, Servius Clodius and Staberius 
 Eros. 
 
236 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 1. Suet, gramm. 3 (§ 41, 1). 
 
 2. Suet. rhet. 2 (=gramm. 26) L. Plotius Gallus primus Romae latinam rhe- 
 toricam docuit ; see § 44, 9. The date given by Suetonius (ap. Hieronyni.), a. 
 666/88-677/77, is in agreement with Cicero's statement pueris nobis (ap. Suet. 1.1. 
 of. Sen. controv. 2. pr. 5) or extremis L. Crassi temporibus (Quint. 2, 4, 42). Cf. M. 
 Varro ap. Non. 79 Automedo meus, quod apud Plotium rhetorem bubulcitarat, erili 
 dolori non defuit. According to Quint. 11, 1, 143, he had published a treatise de 
 gestu. Hum, eundem (nam diutissime vixit) M. Caelius . . . significant dictasse 
 Atratino accusatori suo actionem (Suet. rhet. 2). 
 
 3. Suet, gramm. 5 Sevius (seeMHERTZ, JJ. 107, 340) Nicanor primus adfamam 
 dignationemque docendo pervenit fecitque praeter commentaries, quorum tamen pars 
 maxima intercepta dicitur, saturam quoque, in qua libertinum se ac duplici cognomine 
 esse (see EHurner in IwMiiller's Handb. 1, 521) . . . indicat. His satires appear 
 therefore (like those of Lucilius and Horace) to have been portraitures of his own 
 individuality. Suetonius quotes from them two hexameters, in which s final is 
 disregarded metrically. 
 
 4. Suet, gramm. 6 Aurelius Opilius (Opillius), Epicurei cuiusdam libertus, 
 philosophiam prima, deinde rhetoricam, novissime grammaticam docuit. dimissa 
 autemschola Rutilium Rufum (§142, 1) damnatum in Asiam secutus (a. 662/92?) 
 ibidem Smyrnae simulque consenuit composuitque variae eruditionis aliquot volumina, 
 ex quibus novem unius corporis . . . Musarum . . . inscripsisse se ait et numero 
 divarum et appellatione (cf . Gell. 1, 25, 17 Aurelius Opilius in primo librorum quos 
 Musarum inscripsit like the rhetor Bion of Syracuse, see , Diog. Laert. 4, 7, 58). 
 To judge from the specimen given by Gellius, his Musae contained explanations of 
 words, and to this work we should probably refer the numerous quotations in Varro 
 LL. and esp. in Festus, where he is sometimes called Aurelius (Varro 7, 65. 70. 106. 
 Pest. 68. 147 etc.), sometimes Opilius (Varro 7, 50. 67. 79. Fest. 85), sometimes also 
 Aurelius Opilius (Fest. 141) and Opilius Aurelius (Fest. 163). See Egger, serm. 
 lat. reliqq. p. 27 sqq. Usener, EhM. 23, 682. As an author of glosses he paid 
 special attention to Flautus, though he cannot be considered a scholiast on that 
 author. Gellius 3, 3, 1 also mentions him among the authors of indices to the 
 Plautine plays, to which category his libellus qui inscribitur Pinax with the 
 acrostich Opillius in the title (Suet. 1.1.) would seem ' to belong. FOsann (1.1. 
 p. 199) conjectured the acrostichs prefixed to the Plautine plays to have been 
 derived from this source (cf. § 99, 3). Eitschl, Parerga 180. 239. 321. 364 xv. 
 FOsann, Aurelius Opilius der Grammatiker, Zf AW. 1849, no. 25-28. 
 
 5. Suet, gramm. 7 M. Antonius Qnipho, ingenuus in Gallia natus ; sed expositus, 
 a nutritore suo manumissus institutusque, Alexandriae quidem, ut aliqui tradunt, in 
 contubernio Dionysi Scytobrachionis ; quod equidem non temere crediderim, cum 
 temporum ratio vix congruat (this last statement is not proved: Dionysios of 
 Mytilene 6 anuToPpa-xiuv wrote about 654/100. Gnipho may have been born about 
 640/114) fuisse dicitur ingenii magni, . . . nee minus graece quam latine doctus. 
 . . . docuit primum in D. Julii (born 654/100) domo pueri adhuc, deinde in sua 
 privata. docuit autem et rhetoricam, ita ut quotidie praecepta eloquentiae traderel, 
 declamaret vero nonnisi nundinis. scholam eius claros quoque viros frequentasse aiunt, 
 in his M. Ciceronem, etiam cum praetura fungeretur (a. 688/66, cf. Macroe. 3, 12, 8) 
 scripsit multa, quamvis annum aetatis quinquagesimum non excesserit. etsi Ateius 
 Philologus (his pupil, Suet, gramm. 10, see § 211, 1) duo tantum volumina de latino 
 sermone (cf. Quint. 1, 6, 23) reliquisse eum tradit, nam cetera scripta discipulorum 
 eius esse, non ipsius. That Gnipho composed a commentary on Ennius' annals is 
 
§ 159. PLOTIUS GALLUS, NICANOR, OPILIUS, GNIPHO ETC. 237 
 
 convincingly demonstrated by Bucheler, EhM. 36, 334 from the Schol. Been. Verg. 
 georg. 2, 119 ' acanthi ' Onifo comrnentatur annalium libro X etc., cf. with Liv. 31, 
 45. Perhaps from the same work was derived the comment (now used in a 
 wrong application) in Charisius GL. 1, 205, 1.— Cf. also Welckeii, kl. Schr. 1, 436 ; 
 cf. ep. Cycl. l 84. See also § 162, 5. 
 
 6. Shet. gramm. 8 M. Pompilius Andronicus, natione Syrus, studio Epicureae 
 sectae desidiosior in professione grammaticae habebatur. . . . itaque cum se in urbe 
 non solum Antonio Cniphoni sed ceteris etiam deterioribus postponi videret Cumas 
 transiit ibique in otio vixit el multa composuit. He was driven by poverty to sell 
 his chief work annalium JEnnii elenchi (see § 101, 4), quos libros Orbilius redemisse se 
 dicit vulgandosque curasse nomine auctoris. — Concerning his book-making a. quite 
 uncertain conjecture is advanced by ThGomperz, Wien. Stud. 2, 139. 
 
 7. Q. Cosconius, quoted as an authority in Suetonius' vita Terentii (p. 32, 13 
 Kffsch.) ; see § 108, 6. He is no doubt the same as the grammarian mentioned by 
 Varro LL. 6, 36 and 89 (Cosconius in actionibus). Eitschl, op. 3, 256. Cf. MHertz, 
 JJ. 85, 52. 
 
 8. Victorinus GL. 6, 209, 9 Cornelius Epicadus (cf. § 41, 4. 157, 2) in eo libro 
 quern de metris scripsit. Charis. GL. 1, 110, 3 Epicadus de cognominibus. . From an 
 antiquarian work by him seems to be derived Macr. 1, 11, 47 (de sigillaribus . . '. 
 Epicadus refert Herculem etc.) ; cf. HPeter, hist. rell. 1, cclxxvii. 
 
 9. Ser. ClOdius, eques rom. and son-in-law of L. Aelius ; see § 148, 1. Plin. 
 NH. 25, 24 tradit M. Varro Ser. Clodium eq. rom. etc. Suet, gramm. 3 cum librum 
 soceri nondura editum fraude intercepisset, ob hoc repudiatus secessit ab urbe. After 
 his death his half-brother Papirius Paetus presented Cicero with the papers and 
 books left by him; see ad Att. 1, 20, 7 (Ser. Claudius) and 2,1, 12 (both a. 694/60). 
 Cf. ad fam. 9, 16, 4 (to Paetus) Servius, frater tuus, quern litteratissimum fuisse 
 iudico, facile diceret ' hie versus Plauti non est. hie est? quod tritas aures haberel 
 notandis generibus poetarum et consuetudine legendi. Varro LL. 7, 106 (cf. 70 and 
 66) mentions him after Aurelius (above n. 4), whose whole direction he appears to 
 have shared, being also a glossographer (Varro 1.1. cf . Gell. 13, 23, 19 in commen- 
 tario Ser. Claudii. Serv. Aen. 1, 52 and 2, 229 Clodius commentariorum. 1, 176 
 Clodius scribit, commentariorum IV"), as the author of a catalogue of the genuine 
 plays of Plautus (Gell. 3, 3, 1). Cf. Eitschl, Parerga 242. 365. 
 
 10. Staberius Eros . . . emptus de ectasia (cf. Plin. NH. 35, 199) . . . tem- 
 poribus Sullanis proscriptorum liberos . . . gratis in disciplinam recepit, Suet. 
 gramm. 13. Fronto p. 20 quorum libri (those of the old Roman authors) pre- 
 tiosiores habentur . . . si sunt a Lampadione (§ 138, 4) aut Staberio (scripti). 
 Priscian. GL. 2, 385 Staberius de proportions He lived to be the master of Brutus 
 and Cassius (Suet. 1.1.). It was probably a mere fiction that Publilius, Manilius 
 and he came to Italy eadem nave (Plin. 1.1., who exaggerates in calling him conditor 
 grammaticae, see § 212, 3). 
 
 11. Festus 347 v. senacula : Nicostratus in libro qui inscribitur de senatu haben- 
 do. Cf. LMercklin, Phil. 4, 428.— Macr. sat. 3, 12, 7 est Octavii Hersenni (men- 
 tioned between Varro and Antonius Gnipho) liber qui inscribitur de sacris saliaribus 
 Tiburtium, in quo . . . docet etc. 
 
 12. Varro LL. 5, 88 cohortem in villa Hypsierates dicit esse graece xoprov. Cf. 
 Paulus Festi 8 v. aurum, where erroneously Hippocrates. Gell. 16, 12, 6 id dixisse 
 ait (Cloatius Verus) Sypsieraten quempiam grammaticum, cuius libri sane nobiles 
 sunt super his quae a Oraecis accepta sunt. 
 
238 THE SEVENTH CENTURY D.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 13. Suet, gramm. 1 quod nonnulli tradunt duos libros de litteris syllabisque, item 
 de metris ah eodem Ennio (the poet, § 104, 5 ad fin.) editos, iure arguit L. Cotta (is 
 he the same mentioned § 197, 9 ?) non poetae, sed posterioris Enni esse, cuius etiam 
 de augurandi discipline/, volumina feruntur. Did this grammarian Ennius also 
 develope shorthand writing ? see § 104, B. Festus 352 v. topper ; Ennius vera sic : 
 topper fortasse valet in Enni et Pacuvi scriptis. Vaero LL. 5, 86 (foedus, quodftdus 
 Ennius scribit dictum) probably relates to him, and 5, 55 nominatae, ut ait Ennius, 
 Tatienses a Tatio. See also § 41, 2, 1. 12. Cf. besides Charis. GL. 1, 98 erumnam 
 Ennius (M. Ennius ? ABiese, JJ. 93, 465) ait per e solum scribi posse. MHeetz, 
 Sinnius Cap. 9 ; anal, ad oarm. Hor. hist. 3, 9. Bibbeck, JJ. 75, 314. 
 
 14. Varro LL. 5, 55 sed omnia haec vocabula (i.e. Titienses Mamnenses 
 Luceres) Tusca, ut Volnius, qui tragoedias tuscas scripsit, dicebat. Probably a 
 grammarian, a native of Etruria, who, in order to demonstrate the literary capa- 
 bilities of his decaying mother-tongue, composed tragedies in it. OMuller, Etr. 
 2 2 , 293.— On Cincius see above § 117, 4. 
 
 160. About the middle of the 7th century the two Sasernae 
 and, towards the end of the same century, Tremellius Scrofa, 
 wrote on husbandry and domestic economy. 
 
 1. Saserna is a cognomen of the gens Hostilia (PEE. 3, 1530, 13). Colum. 1, 
 
 1, 12 (cf. § 54, 2) post hunc (Catonem) duos Sasernas, patrem et filium, qui earn 
 diligentius erudierunt, Varro BE. 1, 2, 22 sequar Sasernarum, patris et filii, libros. 
 Sasernae in the ind. auct. of Plot. NH. bk. 10 Sasernae pater et filius, ib. bk. 14. 
 15. 17. 18, cf. bk. 11 (Saserna) and 17, 199 arbusti ratio mirum in modum damnata 
 Sasernae patri filioque, celebrata Scrofae, vetustissimis post Catonem peritissimisque. 
 See Varro EE. 1, 16, 5 Sasernae liber praecipit. 1, 18, 2 Saserna scribit. 2, 9, 6 quod 
 in agri cultura (this is the title of the work) Saserna praecepit. Columella 1, 1, 4 
 id non spernendus auctor rei rusticae Saserna videtur adcredidisse. nam in eo libra 
 quern de agricultura scriptum reliquit etc. Perhaps the son may have completed 
 and published the work left by his father in a, fragmentary state. This treated 
 (like Cato de r. r.) of various matters not directly connected with the theme but 
 of importance to farmers, over, which Varro frequently makes merry, e.g. EE, 1, 
 
 2, 22 sqq. 
 
 2. Varro E.E. 1, 2, 10 collegam (of Varro), XXvir qui fait ad agros dividundos 
 Campanos (a. 695/59) . . . On. Tremellium Scrofam, virum omnibus virtutibus 
 politum, qui de agri cultura Somanus peritissimus existimatur. 2, 1, 11 Scrofa noster, 
 cui haec aetas defert rerum rusticarum omnium palmam. He also wrote on this 
 subject ; see n. 1. Colum. 2, 1, 2 Tremelli auctoritatem revereri, qui cum plurima 
 rusticarum rerum praecepta simul eleganter et scite memoriae prodiderit etc. Cf . ib. 
 1, 1, 12 Scrofa Tremellius qui rusticationem eloquentem reddidit. 2, 1, 4. Tremellius 
 evidently attached much importance to elegant diction ; hence the work of the 
 practical Saserna was distasteful to him : Varro EE. 1, 2, 25 Scrofa (Sasernarum) 
 libros despiciebat. In Varro EE. Scrofa, in bks. 1 and 2, takes the chief part in 
 the dialogue. He is mentioned, always as Scrofa, by Puny in the ind. auct. to the 
 NH. bk. 11. 14. 15. 17. 18. PEE. 6, 2085, 5. He was also on terms of friendliness 
 with Cicero and Atticus, who were nearly of the same age with himself. He 
 attained the praetorship (Varro EE. 2, 4, 2) and was probably propraetor in 
 Gallia Narbonensis (cf. Varro 1, 7, 8 and Mommsen in Beitzenstein 1.1. 13). 
 
 3. It is quite uncertain whether the very experienced landowner C. Licinius 
 
§ 160, 161, 162. saseena : philosophers. 239 
 
 Stolo, who with Tremellius (n. 2) takes part in the discourse in Varko BE. bk. 1 
 and who is mentioned with Cato, Saserna, Tremellius and Vergil by Columella 1, 
 praef. 32 (see § 54, 2. 293, 4), wrote about husbandry. He was younger than 
 Tremellius : Vakeo ER. 1, 3 (Stolo to Tremellius) tu et aetate et honore et scientia 
 quod praestas, dicere debes. RReitzenstein, de seriptt. rei rust, inter Cat. et Colum., 
 Berl. 1884, p. 8. 
 
 4. Otherwise unknown is Mamilius Sura, quoted by Plin. NH. in the ind. auct. 
 to bk. 8. 10. 11. 17-19, but in the text itself mentioned only at 18, 143 (Cato . . . 
 Sura Mamilius . . . Varro). He is hardly to be connected with Aemilius Sura 
 (see § 277, 5). — On M. Ambivius, Licinius Menas, and C. Matius see § 54, 3. 
 
 161. The whole period from 650/104 to 675/79 offered little 
 leisure for philosophical studies; those, however, who pur- 
 sued them, were as a matter of course Stoics, when jurists, and 
 adherents of the New Academy, when orators, or perhaps also 
 Peripatetics. The Epicurean system found adherents only 
 among those who kept aloof from public life. 
 
 1. Cic. de or. 3, 78 quid . . . C. Velleius afferre potest quam ob rem voluptas 
 sit summum bonwm quod ego non possim vel tutari . . . vel refellere . . . hac dicendi 
 arte in qua Velleius est rudis? . . . quid est quod aut Sex. Pompeius (§ 154, 5) aut 
 duo Balbi aut . . . qui cum Panaetio vixit M. Vigellius de virtute homines stoici 
 possint dicere? de nat. deor. 1, 15 cum C. Velleio senalore, ad quern turn Epicurei 
 primas ex nostris deferebant. . . . etiam Q . Lucilius j&albus, qui tantos progressus 
 habebat in Stoicis ut cum excellentibus in eo genere Qraecis compararetur. In the 
 same period we meet with Q. Catulus (§ 142, 4), C. Cotta (§ 153, 4) and L. Lucullus 
 (§ 157, 4) adherents of Antiochos (Academy), somewhat later M. Piso (cos. 693/61), 
 an older contemporary of Cicero (Cic. Brut. 230, cf. Ascon. in Pis. p. 15 Or. 14 K-S.) 
 through the agency of the Peripatetic Staseas (Cic. de or. 1, 104) an adherent of 
 this system (Cic. de n. deor. 1, 16. ad Att. 13, 19, 4) ; in a similar manner the 
 triumvir M. Crassus was won over by Alexander Polyhistor (Plut. Crass. 3). 
 Besides those already mentioned, esp. Q. Scaevola (§ 154, 1), and of the earlier ones 
 P. Rutilius Eufus (§ 142, 2) and L. Stilo (§ 148, 1), declared for the Stoa. Epi- 
 cureans were, besides Velleius, T. Albuoius (§ 141, 3) and Pompilius Andronicus 
 (§ 159, 6). The author of the Rhetorica ad Herennium (§ 162, 2) also shows 
 interest in philosophy. 
 
 2. The earliest Epicurean writers among the Eomans, Amafinius, Rabirius, 
 Catius, seem to belong to the time of Cicero, to judge from the manner in which 
 they are spoken of by Cie. acad. post. 1, 2, 5. See below § 173. 
 
 162. An important literary production of Sulla's time survives 
 in the four books of Rhetorica ad C. Herennium, a complete 
 manual drawn from Greek sources ; but the author looks at all 
 things from the Eoman point of view, omits all that the Eoman 
 regarded as unpractical refinement, and himself generally sup- 
 plies the illustrations for the rhetorical figures. The mode of 
 treating the subject-matter shows clear and independent thought 
 as well as an original mind. The exposition is impeded by the 
 
240 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 language. The author, an irreconcilable enemy of the nobility, 
 would seem to have enjoyed an independent position in life. Tra- 
 dition wrongly ascribes the work to Cicero. The name of the 
 author was probably Cornificius. 
 
 1. For the characteristic features of the work see esp. 1, 1, ilia quae graeci 
 scriptores inanis adrogantiae causa sibi adsumpserunt reliquimus ; . . . nos ea 
 quae videbantur ad rationem dicendi pertinere sumpsimus ; non enim spe quaestus aut 
 gloria commoti venimus ad scribendum, quemadmodum ceteri, etc. ; 4, 1 quibus in rebus 
 opusfuit exemplis uti nostris exemplis usi surnus et id fecimus praeter consuetudinem 
 Graecorum qui de Tiac re scripserunt. (Cf. in general the whole preface to bk. 4.) 
 But the author has nevertheless made use of his recollections of speeches which he 
 had read and heard for his illustrations. (See HJordan, Herm. 8, 75.) 4, 10 nomina 
 rerum graeca convortimus. B. I. and II general observations and de inventione; 
 bk. Ill de dispositione, pronuntatione, memoria ; bk. IV. de elocutione (cf . S, 1 in 
 quarto libro, quern, ut arbitror, tibi librum celeriter absolutum mittemus). The author 
 was an admirer of M. Antonius (see § 152, 1). 
 
 2. Tor the personal position of the author see 1, 1 etsi negotiis familiaribus 
 impediti vix satis otiuni studio suppeditare possumus, et id ipsum quod datur oti 
 lubentius in philosophia consumere consuevimus, tamen tua nos, 0. Serenni, voluntas 
 commovit ut de ratione dicendi conscriberemus. 4, 69 simul lubenter exercemur (Heren- 
 nius and the author) propter amicitiam, cuius initium cognatio fecit, cetera philo- 
 sophiae ratio confirmavit. 3, 3 si quando de re militari aut de administratione reip. 
 scribere velimus. 4, 17 haec qua ratione vitare possimus in arte grammatica . . . 
 dicemus. The author sides with the popular party. Cf. the catalogue of iniquities 
 with which he upbraids the nobility in the last illustration of the adnominatio 
 4, 31, or the description of the murder of Ti. Gracchus 4, 68 as an example of 
 the demonstrate. WWFowler, 1.1. BvScala, JJ. 131, 221. — The second (very 
 corrupt) example of brevitas (4, 68) is generally taken to refer to Sulla (see a]so 
 Weidner on Oic. art. rhet. p. xvii.). According to this we should have to bring 
 down the date of its composition, at least for the last book, to about 674/80, a 
 supposition which involves us in great difficulties. These are removed if this 
 exemplum (in accordance with the opinion of Jordan, Krohnert, Bochmann 1.1. 
 WWFowler, Journ. of phil. 10, 197) is regarded as pointing to Marius. The 
 deaths of Sulpicius 666/88 (see § 153, 5) and of Marius 668/86 are then the latest 
 events mentioned in this Bhet. ad Her. We may perhaps conclude from 1, 20 
 that the work was written before 672/82. Cicero read it as early as 670/84 (see n. 3). 
 
 3. Numerous parts of the work are literally used hy Cicero in his juvenile 
 rhetorical treatise (de inventione) ; see § 182, 1, 3. The tripartite division of the 
 insinuatio, e.g., described as new and original ad Her. 1, 16, is simply assumed 
 by Cic. de inv. 1, 23. The very discrepancies found- in many principal points 
 (CLKayser, ed. p. ix. and Mtinchner Gel. Anz. 1852, 482), prove this agreement to 
 have arisen from more than mere coincidence of the authorities used by both 
 writers. 
 
 4. The form is clumsy, especially in the mode of connecting the sentences, in 
 the use of particles, etc. The baldness of the style is shown chiefly in the frequent 
 repetition of the same phrase. Cf. also EWolpflin, Phil. 34, 142. 144 and 
 PhThielmann, de sermonis proprietatibus . . . apud Cornific. et in primi 
 Cic. libris, Strassb. 1879 ; Herm. 14, 629. 
 
§§ 162, 163. RHETORICA AD HERENNIUM : INSCRIPTIONS. 241 
 
 5. In the MSS., including the earliest, the work is attributed to Cicero ; the 
 fact that Jerome, Fortunatianus, Priscian and others took the treatise for a pro- 
 duction of Cicero (Kaysee, ed. p. 12) only shows how uncritical they were.. The 
 assumption that Cornificius was the author, brought into vogue by CLKayser 
 (Miinchner Gel. Anz. 1852, 492 and in his edition), is supported by Quintilian. 
 Cf. the latter 3, 1, 21 where, after mentioning Cicero, he says: scrips it de eadem 
 materia (Bhetorica) non pauca Cornijicius, aliqua Stertinius. He quotes various 
 passages from Cornificius' work, esp. Latin renderings for Greek artistic terms 
 (cf. n. 1), which are found in the Ehet. ad Her. in precisely the same manner. 
 Thus Quint. 5, 10, 2 ideo illud Cornijicius contrarium appellat = ad Her. 4, 25. — 
 Quint. 9, 2, 27 oratio libera, quam Cornificius licentiam vocat = Her. 4, 48. — 9, 3, 71 
 Cornificius hanc traductionem vocat = Her. 4, 20. — 9,3,91 et hoc Cornificius atque 
 Rutilins ^xvf-"- A&Jews putant = Her. 4, 35. — 9, 3, 98 adicit his . . . Cornificius 
 interrogationem etc. = Her. 4, 22-41. In other places Quintilian borrows illustra- 
 tions from the same work without naming it, e.g. 9, 3, 31 ( = Her. 4, 20). 56 
 (= Her. 4, 34). 70 (= Her. 4, 29). 72 (= Her. 4, 30). We know of several Cornificii 
 in the time of Cicero, e.g. one who a.. 680'/ 74 was scriba to the praetor Verres (Verr. 
 ace. 1, 150), a senator P. Cornificius (Ascon. in Mil. p. 37 Or. 32 K-S.) and Q. Cor- 
 nificius, a. 685/69 tr. pleb. (Verr. act. prima 30 Q. Manlium et Q. Cornificium, duos 
 severissimos atque integerrimos indices, quod tribuni pi. turn erunt, indices non liabebi- 
 mus; cf. Ascon. in tog. cand. p. 82 Or. 73 ~K.-S.vir sdbrius ac sanctus), 690/64 Cicero's 
 competitor for the consulship (Cic. ad Att. 1, 1, 1) and mentioned as senator in 
 Sall. Cat. 47, 4 and Cic. ad Att. 1, 13, 3. Kayser (ed. p. 6) declares in favour of 
 the last-named as the author of this work.. 
 
 6. The work was much used, copied and interpolated in the Middle Ages ; for 
 the MSS. containing it see Kayser's ed. p.. xv. The lacunae in the earliest and 
 best (Paris. 7714 s. IX, Wirceb. s. IX [-X], Bern. 433, Paris. 7231 s. X: facsimile 
 of the Paris. 7714 and of the Bern, in Chatelain t. 16) are more or less supplied 
 in the later MSS. (the best is Bamberg. 423, s.. XII).. On a (worthless) Durhami- 
 ensis s. XIII see FBJevons, Journ. of phil. 12, 209. Against CHalm, analecta 
 Tull. I, Munch. 1852 and EhM. 15, 536, who looks upon the additions of the later 
 MSS. as mere interpolations, cf. LSpengel, EhM. 16, 391 ; JSimon, die Hss. der 
 Ehet. ad Her., Schweinf . 1863, 64 II ; JvDestinon, de codd. Cornific. ratione, Kiel 
 1874. — EOstmann, de additamentis in Ehet. ad Her. antiquioribus, ' Bresl. 1876. 
 KHoffmann, de verborum transpositionibus in Cornif. ad Her. libris, Munch. 1879. 
 
 7. Editions by PBurmann (with Cic. de inv.), Leid. 1761, and esp. Cornifici 
 Ehetoricorum ad C. Herennium libri IV, rec. et interpretatus est CLKayser, Lps. 
 1854. Also in collective edd. of Cicero and in edd. of his writings on rhetoric. 
 (§ 177, 5).— CHansel, JJ. 93, 851. OSievers, EhM. 28, 568. PLangen, Phil. 
 36, 445. 577. 37, 385. CGermann, emendd. Cornif., Darmst. 1880. CLKayser, 
 Mtinchn. Gel. A. 1852, Nr. 59 ; Heidelb. JJ. 1854, 411 ; Phil. 12, 271. AKammrath, 
 de rhett. ad Her. auctore, Holzminden 1858. Mommsen, EG. 2 6 , 456. PBi.ass, d. 
 griech. Bereds. von Alex, bis August (Berl. 1865), 121. EKronhert, de rhet. ad 
 Her., Konigsb. 1873. HNetzker, Hermag. Cic. Cornificius quae docuerint de 
 statibus, Kiel 1879 ; d. constitutio legitima des Cornif., JJ. 133, 411. PEoch, de 
 Cornif. et Cic. artis Ehet. praeceptoribus, Bad. (Austria) 1884. HEBochmann, de 
 Cornificii . . . rerum rom. scientia, Lpz. 1875. 
 
 163. Among the prose inscriptions of the years 600/145 to 
 670/84 we should especially mention the public documents, such 
 as the tabula Bantina, lex repetundarum, lex agraria etc. The 
 
 R.L. R 
 
242 THE SEVENTH CENTURY U.C. (153-54 B.C.) 
 
 inscriptions of this period in metrical form are partly still in 
 the saturnian metre, partly in hexameters handled in* a popular 
 style, or in other Greek metres, especially the iambic senarius. 
 
 1. The tabula Bantina, a fragment of a bronze tablet in Naples, was found 
 in 1790 at Bantia in Apulia, and on one side bears a Latin, on the reverse an Osoan 
 text (not however agreeing with the Latin) of the years 621/133-636/118. The 
 Latin text is the conclusion of a Soman (local) law. CIL. 1, 197. Bkuns, font. iur. 
 5 51. DIE. 292. 
 
 2. Lex Acilia (formerly incorrectly Servilia) repetundarum of the year 631/123 
 or 632/122. CIL. 1, 198. Bruns, font. 5 53. DIE. 293. 
 
 3. To the period of the Gracchi probably belong also the fragments of a lex 
 de quaestione perpetua. CIL. 1, 207. 208. Bkuns, font. 5 116. DIE. 296, as well 
 as the milestone of Popilius (cos. 622/132) CIL. 1, 551. 10, 6950. DIE. 275, and 
 probably the inscription of L. Betilienus L. f. Vaarus of Aletrium, CIL. 1, 1166. 
 DIE. 291. 
 
 4. The decision of the arbitrators Q. and M. Minucius in a dispute about 
 boundaries between the Genuates and Viturii, of 637/117. CIL. 1, 199 and 5, 
 7749. Wilm. 872. Bkuns. font. 5 325. DIE. 294. 
 
 5. Lex agraria of a. 643/111, formerly called lex Thoria (which was, however, 
 about 635/119) ; preserved on the reverse of the lex repet. (above n. 2) : CIL. 1, 
 200. Bkuns, font. 5 72. DIE. 295. 
 
 6. Lex parieti faciendo of Puteoli, of a. 649/105, but cut as late as the Imperial 
 period: CIL. 1, 577. 10, 1781. Bruns, font. 5 272. DIE. 306. 
 
 7. In saturnians: the titulus Mummianus (§ 131, 8) of the year 612/142 (CIL. 
 1, 541. 6, 331. Eitschl, op. 4, 82. DIE. 285, the inscription preserved is perhaps 
 not the original, but a later and inexact repetition : see Bucheler, anthol. epigr. 
 3, p. 5) ; the epitaph of Maarcus Caicilius (CIL. 1, 1006. 6, 13696. Eitschl 1.1. 735. 
 Bucheler 1.1. p. 9. DIE. 322) ; the inscription of Sora (CIL. 1, 1175. 10, 5708. 
 Eitschl 1.1. 130. Bucheler 1.1. p. 5. DIE. 284) ; as also the epitaphs of the master 
 baker M. Vergilius Eurysaces and his wife Atistia (CIL. 1, 1013 sqq. 6, 1958. 
 Eitschl 1.1. 749. Bcchelek 1.1. p. 10. DIE. 323) are probably intended to be in 
 this metre, as well as perhaps CIL. 1, 1080 amantissuma suis,fide maxsuma pia. For 
 other saturnian fragments in inscriptions see Bucheler 1.1. p. 10. 
 
 8. In popular hexameters (above p. 126) : the titulus Mummianus CIL. 1, 542. 
 9, 4672. DIE. 286, as well as the sortes falsely called Praenestinae (CIL. 1. 
 1438-1454. DIE. 370 sqq. Eitschl, op. 4, 395. Duntzer, Phil. 20, 368). In addi- 
 tion the epitaph of Cn. Taracius (CIL. 1, 1202. DIE. 334) and that of Protogenes 
 (CIL. 1297. DIE. 333). A dactylic octometer CIL. 1480. No. 1038 also betrays 
 dactylic metre. Nos. 1011 (DIE. 335) and 1220 (DIE. 336) are distichs, and so is 
 no. 38 of the epitaphs of the Scipios (DIE. 93). 
 
 9. Among the inscriptiones lat. antiquissimae (CIL. vol. 1) the foil, are iambic : 
 1007 (in Bucheler, anthol. epigr. specim. 1 and 2— EhM. 27, 127— Nr. 20. DIE. 324). 
 1008(BDch.33. DIE. 327). 1009 (B. 22. DIE. 320). 1010(81. DIE. 328). 1012(34. 
 DIE. 329). 1019 (45. DIE. 332). 1027 (Buch. in 27. DIE. 331). 1194 (23). 1267 
 (48. DIE. 330). 1273(32). 1277(80). 1306(21. DIE. 325). 1422(26). 1431(84); 
 probably trochaic CIL. 1459 ; LMuller, JJ. 97, 214. 
 
§ 163 THE CICERONIAN AGE. 243 
 
 PAET II. 
 
 THE GOLDEN AGE OF ROMAN LITERATURE. 
 
 Ciceronian and Augustan Age, a. 671/83 b.c-770/17 a.d. 
 
 A. Ciceronian age, a. 671/83-711/43. 
 
 163. The golden age of Roman literature is that period in 
 which it reached its climax in the perfection of form, and for the 
 most part also in the methodical treatment of the subject-matter. 
 The period may be subdivided between two generations, in the 
 first of which (the Ciceronian age) prose culminated, while poetry- 
 was principally developed in the second (the Augustan age). 
 
 In the beginning of the Ciceronian age, the overthrow of 
 the popular party and the victory of the nobility were accom- 
 plished facts. But such a condition of affairs was both untenable 
 and unjustifiable. Had the nobility been less degenerate and 
 broken up by self-seeking, its domination might have been lasting ; 
 but the nation, in outward semblance risen to formidable power, 
 owing to the extension of the Roman citizenship to all Italians, 
 was in reality henceforth a blind tool in the hands of unscrupu- 
 lous ambition. All was ripe for monarchy, though Sulla found 
 it too troublesome to maintain his absolute power ; even such an 
 adventurer as Catiline dared to grasp at the prize, and had Cn. 
 Pompey been possessed of greater firmness, he could scarcely 
 have missed it ; but the spoilt favourite of fortune was by his 
 vanity and sensitiveness brought to a wavering and vacillating 
 conduct, which ended in depriving him of the respect and con- 
 fidence of both parties and served to smooth the way for Caesar, 
 who was clear as to his purpose and the means of attaining it. 
 The immediate result of this state of things was the first trium- 
 virate (694/60) ; the sequel was the war between Pompey and 
 Caesar, Pompey's death, Caesar's victory and monarchical sway. 
 The insensate murder of Caesar led merely to a second death of 
 the already defunct Republic, in a new civil war; the agony 
 commenced again, and again a triumvirate was the next step 
 to monarchy ; the first triumvirs had exiled Cicero, the second 
 killed him. 
 
 This period is not conspicuous for the same feverish excite- 
 ment as the time of Sulla, the internal exhaustion of one of the 
 contending parties, the nobility, being unequal to it ; but there 
 was no lack of stirring life. For a long time the contention of 
 
244 CICERONIAN AGE, A. 671/83-711/43. 
 
 factions was continued with weapons drawn from the armoury of 
 the mind, with speech and the pen, in the forum and in the 
 Senate, even after brute force had gained the ascendancy and 
 gladiators at first, and trained armies afterwards, were the 
 real decisive agencies. Oratory and historical and political com- 
 position were, therefore, still predominant in this era. But the 
 novel feature of it is that now one branch of literature after the 
 other climbs to the height of art, as the prejudice which assumed 
 that literary occupations were of no importance, and deeds alone 
 worthy of attention, began to disappear. This fact attests the 
 subjection of the Roman mind to the influence of the Greeks, 
 which about this time became quite a settled fact and assumed 
 larger proportions from year to year. It is true that there was no 
 lack of men who stood true to their national colours : e.g. Varro ; 
 but they had less influence and formed only a small minority. 
 
 In the ruling circles the estrangement from the people and 
 from the Roman modes of thinking was quite universal ; the 
 common aim of all being, as fast as possible, by any means what- 
 ever, whether robbery or venality, to get a chance of keeping 
 pace with others in their senseless squandering. Appetites raised 
 to an unnatural pitch were met by the over-refined culture of the 
 Greeks, whose fashions at last became a positive necessity of life. 
 Greeks were now in all houses, either as tutors, readers, or com- 
 panions at home and on journeys ; and frequently we find men 
 of great mental culture and knowledge in the service of Roman 
 magnates, from whom they knew how to obtain a large share 
 of respect : Lucullus had Antiochos ; M. Crassus, Alexander Poly- 
 histor; L. Piso, Philodemos. Staseas, too, the companion of M. 
 Piso, and Philagros, who lived with Metellus Nepos, seem to have 
 been men above the ordinary run ; Cicero had Diodotos, Lyson 
 and Apollonios in his entourage ; M. Brutus had Aristos, Strato, 
 Posidonios and Empylos. The majority, of course, did not con- 
 sider the relation a very serious one, on either side ; the Greeks 
 wanting to be rid of the trouble of providing for their main- 
 tenance, while the Romans merely wished to have philosophers, 
 poets or men with ready pens among their courtiers. 
 
 But men of intellect, and those who had not merely inherited 
 their riches and high station, perceived in Greek culture an 
 excellent means of distinction, enabling them to surpass their 
 predecessors, and exalt themselves, by superior achievements of 
 their own. Even before this, exiles had chosen Greek towns by 
 
§ 163. GENERAL VIEW. 245 
 
 preference as their places of residence, e.g. Metellus and Rutilius 
 Rufus ; now it became the fashion for aspiring young Romans to 
 make Eastern tours for the completion of their education, espe- 
 cially to the principal seats of philosophical and rhetorical schools, 
 Athens, Rhodes and Mytilene ; and at the close of the Ciceronian 
 age it was even a necessary requirement of a superior education 
 to visit a Greek University, as may be seen by the example of 
 Cicero's son, Horace, L. Bibulus, Messala and others. 
 
 But besides the living Greeks of the period, Rome was also 
 invaded by their ancestors in their immortal works ; before this, 
 Aemilius Paullus had after his victory over Perseus brought a 
 Greek library to Rome ; now, after the capture of Athens by 
 Sulla, the library of Apellikon, and with it most of the writings 
 of Aristotle and Theophrastos, arrived at Rome ; Lucullus sent 
 thither rich literary spoils from Pontus ; henceforth there were 
 real lovers and connoisseurs of books at Rome (e.g. Varro and 
 Cicero), and gradually a book-trade was formed, Atticus for in- 
 stance being a publisher and bookseller (§ 2, 2). Latin transla- 
 tions of Greek works increased. The higher classes did not, of 
 course, require them, as they were quite conversant with Greek ; 
 but wider circles could be influenced only through the medium 
 of translations. These were not now confined to dramatic 
 literature ; the aristocratic circles willingly left the people to 
 their national amusements and delighted themselves with Greek 
 performances. But the productions of Greek immorality and 
 freethinking were now translated into Latin, e.g. the novels of 
 Aristeides by Sisenna, and Epicurean works by Amafmius and 
 others. At a later date, Cicero first and then Messala translated 
 Greek works of a more serious character. 
 
 It was natural, and it was the fault of the Greek instructors 
 themselves, that the genuine old Greek literature did not come 
 into the hands of their Roman pupils, but only the lighter litera- 
 ture of the existing or of the previous generation. Hence the 
 orators trained themselves not after the model of Demosthenes, 
 but of the Greek rhetoricians of Asia Minor, where the Greek 
 character was considerably alloyed with Orientalism ; and when, 
 at a subsequent time, the younger orators made Lysias their 
 model, as though he represented the purest Attic type, they and 
 their contemporaries added to the mistake by choosing the 
 Alexandrines as their model in poetry. The Greek genius was, 
 however, so marvellously rich and robust, that in spite of this 
 
246 CICERONIAN AGE, A. 671/83-711/43. 
 
 it exercised an important influence, and did not make itself felt 
 merely in the way of destruction ; on the contrary, to its alliance 
 with the Soman mind are due most literary productions of the 
 period. The influence of the Greeks leaves clear traces in the 
 variety and manysidedness, in the high estimation and popularity 
 gained by literature, and especially in the great attention paid 
 to form, an attention carried almost to an excessive worship of 
 formal perfection at the close of the Ciceronian age. 
 
 The practical tendencies in literature and the influence of a 
 time of great political excitement became conspicuous in the 
 fields now especially selected for literary cultivation. Oratory 
 above all now reached its climax. Even before, when Greek taste 
 and art had influenced only individuals, the Romans might be 
 said to have at least equalled the Greeks in the thorough treat- 
 ment and powerful grasp of political and legal questions ; and 
 even at the beginning of this period Hortensius was a brilliant 
 example of the high achievements attainable by Roman talent, 
 though trained in a one-sided manner. By mere natural talent, 
 it was scarcely possible to advance any further ; but it was 
 possible to progress in art and methodical training — an advance 
 made by Cicero. Never tired of learning and ever working to 
 cultivate his mind, he enlarged both the horizon and materials of 
 oratory ; he brought great accomplishments, a vivid knowledge 
 of the rules of his art, and a refined perception of beauty and apt- 
 ness in phraseology to bear upon a Latin style which, until then 
 loose and straggling, he now endowed with order, method and 
 variety. Such contemporaries as Caesar willingly acknowledged 
 his superiority and classicality in this point. In the close of his 
 life he had indeed to experience the charges of being antiquated, 
 and too much in the Asiatic style, from a younger generation 
 who claimed the name of Atticists exclusively for themselves, 
 and in the period immediately following him Sallust and Asinius 
 Pollio rebelled against his style. In the main points, however, 
 he came out victorious, his phraseology, terms and constructions 
 becoming the standard of classicality, and when Rome itself 
 had long ceased to follow his example, it was honourably revived 
 in later centuries. 
 
 In connection with the methodical development of oratory, 
 its theoretical treatment, i.e. rhetoric, increased in importance. 
 Here the Greeks were now the rulers, Hermagoras, Molon, Apollo- 
 doros and Theodoros ; the manuals written by them were used 
 
§ 163. GENERAL VIEW. 247 
 
 for instruction either in the originals or in Latin translations, 
 Valgius for example being the author of one of the latter. Cicero, 
 who in his early years had followed the same track in his treatise 
 de inventione, in his riper years pursued rather the plan of the 
 rhetorica ad Herennium, leaving aside the technical disputes of 
 the various schools, and enlarging the popular mode of dealing 
 with his subject. This he did by replacing the sober, severe and 
 methodical manner of his earlier work by interesting dialogues 
 on the principal questions of rhetoric, made attractive and in- 
 structive by the rich stores of his knowledge and the variety 
 and extent of his experience. 
 
 Political literature nourished in an almost equal degree. 
 "With the gradual increase of general education, the pen had be- 
 come a power, and there were more than enough hands to wield 
 it. All persons and events of importance during these years were, 
 therefore, soon surrounded with a literature of pamphlets, memoirs, 
 and biographies. We may also, perhaps, explain the great atten- 
 tion given to the religious ceremonies in treatises by A. Caecina, 
 Appius Pulcher, Valerius Messala, Trebatius, from their impor- 
 tance in politics. A great deal of correspondence turned on 
 politics, and historical composition was even more connected 
 with this department, as may be seen from Caesar's example. 
 Along with this political treatment of historical subjects, the old 
 manner of the Annalists was still continued by a few, and 
 particularly by Cornelius Nepos. Varro's historical works were 
 large repositories of facts ; M. Varro, Atticus and Cornelius Nepos 
 wrote abridgments, all three furnishing also specimens of a com- 
 parative mode of historical composition, in which Greeks and 
 Romans were compared with one another. The establishment 
 of an official gazette (acta diurna) by Caesar (a. 695/59) and the 
 invention of stenography (notae Tironianae) promoted the accu- 
 mulation of materials for subsequent historians. In Sallust, this 
 period possesses the representative of a new direction, in which 
 a consciousness of the task of writing history as an art led to 
 the imitation of Greek models in the description of facts and 
 characters. 
 
 In proportion to the increase of general education scholarship 
 and learning gained in importance. Varro especially, a man 
 of honest national tendencies, collected in his long life astonish- 
 ing stores of learning, and published them in his works in such 
 abundance that subsequent centuries continued to draw upon 
 
248 CICERONIAN AGE, A. 671/83-711/43. 
 
 them. After him, Valerius Cato, Nigidius Figulus and Santra 
 enjoyed most authority, and even some aristocrats (e.g. Valerius 
 Messala, cos. 701/53) contributed to the investigation of Roman 
 antiquities. The teachers, as a class, derived as yet little personal 
 advantage from the reviving zeal for education. Men. of free 
 birth rarely devoted themselves to that profession, e.g. Orbilius 
 Pupillus, and he was never fond of it ; the majority were freed- 
 men of Greek descent, e.g. Curtius Nicias, Lenaeus, Ateius 
 Praetextatus, Caecilius Epirota. 
 
 Besides these professors, Greece furnished Rome also with 
 philosophers, who established there the practice of philosophi- 
 cal disputation and composition. In rare instances only were 
 these occupations taken up with such zeal as in the case of Cato, 
 who was a thorough Stoic, and Lucretius, who was a zealous 
 Epicurean ; the majority gathered from the various systems the 
 fruits agreeable to their taste. Philosophical writers followed 
 the example of the principal Greek philosophers of the time in 
 adopting an eclecticism, the ingredients of which were mixed so as 
 to suit individual inclination. M. Varro, for instance, adhered to 
 the Academy in ethics, in all other departments to the Stoa ; M. 
 Brutus on the other hand was a Stoic in ethics, but in all things 
 else an Academican, and Cicero delighted in setting one system 
 against the other in philosophical disputation. Independently of 
 the works of Lucretius, we possess in this period the philosophical 
 writings of Cicero, which are principally remarkable for their 
 form and the dexterity with which the Latin language is em- 
 ployed for the new subjects. 
 
 Poetry at first held a subordinate position in this age, and 
 had nothing more to show than the incidental attempts of Varro, 
 M. Cicero and Q. Cicero in this field. M. Varro, though thoroughly 
 prosaic, was the most important of these writers, and on account 
 of the great variety of metres used by him especially in his 
 saturae Menippeae, and of the severe laws which he imposed 
 upon himself, he may be accounted a precursor of the poets who 
 imitated Alexandrine models. Poetry took a higher flight in the 
 work to which Lucretius gave his life. His didactic poem, in 
 spite of its thorough Roman austerity and archaic style, is per- 
 vaded by a spirit of freethinking and in its form keeps to the path 
 pointed out by Ennius. The younger generation, though mainly 
 following the Alexandrine poetry as their model, cultivated 
 the various branches of poetry and attempted the most varied 
 
§ 163. GENERAL VIEW. 249 
 
 forms, -which they thoroughly and perfectly mastered. At their 
 head stands Catullus, the greatest lyric poet whom Rome had 
 seen ; along with him his friends Licinius Calvus and Helvius 
 Cinna, and also Valerius Cato, Furius Bibaculus, Varro Atacinus 
 and Cassius of Parma. The drama alone was not attempted by 
 them ; in their self-sufficient manner they turned away from the 
 people and contented themselves with the appreciation of the 
 school, their friends and connoisseurs. The stage was therefore 
 limited to the old drama, and such excellent actors as the trage- 
 dian Aesopus and the comedian Roscius breathed new life into 
 the plays of the tragic and comic poets of the 6th century u. c. 
 Among the popular kinds, the Mimus became of importance in 
 the course of the Ciceronian period as the most accurate repre- 
 sentation of the licence of the capital. The Roman knight D. 
 Laberius worked in this direction, and it was also made popular 
 by the freedman and actor Publilius Syrus. Laberius gained 
 for the Mimus a place in literature. 
 
 During this time the last remnant of national prosody dis- 
 appeared. Final s, scarcely audible in actual pronunciation, and 
 hence disregarded by Ennius before consonants (see p. 126), was 
 by the poets of the Alexandrine school systematically and regularly 
 treated as a full consonant, though even M. Varro and Lucretius 
 had disregarded it in prosody, in a number of cases proportion- 
 ally not very numerous. But the elision of final m before a 
 following vowel was always retained. 
 
 The literary characters of the Ciceronian era differ very 
 strongly according as they belong either to the first or second 
 half of it, the older or younger generation. Those of the first 
 half, whose youth fell during the terrible struggles between 
 Marius and Sulla, preserved both in their life and literary pro- 
 ductions a certain serious tone of mind. The close of the 7th 
 century and the beginning of the eighth we know, from Cicero 
 and Sallust, to have been a time of tempestuous excitement ; it 
 was the period of such persons as Clodius and Clodia, when disso- 
 luteness was considered genius, and ancient Roman honesty had 
 disappeared from life and literature. 1 ) The younger generation, 
 who grew up in this atmosphere and were speedily drawn into 
 the whirlpool, were swallowed up by it, their strength was 
 
 ') Cic. pCael. 40 haec genera virtutum non solum in moribus nostris, sed vix iam 
 in libris reperiuntur. 
 
250 CICERONIAN AGE, A. 671/83-711/43. 
 
 rapidly spent in sensual enjoyments, and they came to an early 
 end. "When contrasted with the old Eoman writers, who pre- 
 served a patriarchal character even in the great age they at- 
 tained, it seems strange that the authors of this epoch were so 
 short-lived, e.g. Catullus, Calvus, Caelius Eufus, and likewise 
 Lucretius and Sallust. In this respect as well as in their literary 
 tendencies they were the precursors of such Augustan poets as 
 Tibullus and Propertius, who however were depressed by the 
 political conditions of their time. Those of them who arrived 
 at a higher age did not reach their zenith until the time of 
 Augustus, e.g. Trebatius, Asinius Pollio, Q. Tubero, C. Matius. 
 
 These two generations are also divided by their national and 
 political tendencies. In the older generation there is a marked 
 difference between the prose-styles of Varro and Cicero, the one 
 representing antiquarian traditions, the other progress ; in the 
 younger generation Lucretius and Catullus show the same anti- 
 thesis in poetry ; the first national and bent upon his subject- 
 matter, the other Hellenising and striving after perfection of 
 form. As to principle, Cicero appears to be on the same ground 
 with Catullus and his friends ; but the same principle is there 
 carried out with discretion, and here with one-sided exclusiveness, 
 the fashionable poets slighting the antiquated Cicero, and he ridi- 
 culing the new poetasters, whose highest standard in eloquence was 
 Lysias and in poetry Euphorion. 8 ) In politics also the younger 
 generation are divided, some being for the Republic — e.g. 
 Catullus, Calvus, and the principal members- of the conspiracy 
 against Caesar, M. and D. Brutus, C. Cassius and Cassius of 
 Parma — others belonging to Caesar's party, e.g. Sallust, C. 
 Matius, Q. Tubero, M. Antony, Curio, Trebatius, Asinius Pollio etc. 
 It is, moreover, characteristic of this time that after the 
 removal (in the Marsian war) of the last barriers between Rome 
 and Italy, the Italian municipia showed an increasing interest 
 in literature, which, from being merely Roman, gradually as- 
 sumes the character of an Italian literature. When at length 
 Gallia Cisalpina had been added to the rest and Italy had ex- 
 tended to its natural frontiers, talented men repaired thence 
 to a larger arena. Catullus, Cornelius Nepos, Furius Bibaculus, 
 Cassius (of Parma) and subsequently Aemilius Macer, Cornelius 
 
 2 ) Cic. orat. 161 (poetae novi). Att. 7, 2, 1 (vedrepoi and <xirov5ei.&lpvTes, of, § 213, 3. 
 214, 6. 230, 2, n. 2 ad fin.). Tuso. 3, 45 (cantores Euphorionis. Cf. also Quint. 12, 10, 12. 
 
§ 163. GENERAL VIEW. 251 
 
 Gallus and T. Livius are natives of Upper Italy, Varro (Ataoinus) 
 and Pompeius Trogus even of Transalpine Gaul. 3 ) Though nice 
 ears pretended to perceive this or that peculiarity in these new 
 Romans distinguishing them from real urbanitas, 4 ) they certainly 
 possessed greater vigour and earnestness. The proportionally 
 slow development of the distant parts of Italy 6 ) offered, moreover, 
 the advantage of greater independence with regard to the ever- 
 changing fashions of the metropolis, and this again led to a 
 faithful adherence to really classic models, 6 ) and from this source 
 they often derived sufficient vitality to supply again the arteries 
 of the metropolis when exhausted by its fitful restlessness. 
 
 Both the extent and the lasting influence of his literary 
 activity secured to Cicero a central position in this period. 
 Around him the older and part of the younger generation may 
 be grouped. Among those somewhat older than himself we may 
 mention Varro (born 638/116), Aquilius Gallus, the aristocrats M. 
 Crassus (born anterior to 639/115), L. Lucullus (born c. 640/114), 
 Hortensius (born 640/114), M. Piso (born c. 642/112), and Atticus 
 (born 645/109), the translators of Epicurus (§173) and L. 
 Albucius. Of the same age with Cicero are Cn. Pompey and D. 
 Laberius (both born 648/106), Sulpicius Bufus, and of nearly the 
 same age L. Lucceius, Q. Tubero, Q. Cicero (born 652/102), and 
 Furius Bibaculus (bom 651/103 ?). Besides these, Tiro, Trebatius 
 Testa (born c. 665/89) and perhaps Nigidius Figulus (praetor 
 696/58) belong to the same school. Upon the younger, men 
 Caesar (born 654/100) exercises much power of attraction. 
 Among these, nearer to Cicero in point of age are Lucretius 
 (born 655/99), Cato Uticensis (born 659/95), C. Memmiua (praetor 
 696/58), Cornelius Nepos (born c. 660/94), Valerius Cato (born 
 c. 664/90), Hirtius, Oppius, Munatius Plancus, M. Calidius, C. 
 Trebonius, Maecius Tarpa, C. Cassius, Valerius Messala. Orbilius 
 Pupillus (though born as early as 640/114), only then began his 
 career. Some even younger than these came into frequent 
 contact with Cicero, in so far as they were adversaries of the 
 monarchy just then rising ; but they were sought by him 
 
 3 ) JJWLagus, studia latina provincialium, Helsingfors 1849. ABudinskv, d. 
 Ausbreitung der lat. Spr., Berl. 1881. ♦) Cic. Brut. 171. 
 
 5 ) Plin. ep. 1, 14, 4 Brixia ex ilia nostra Italia quae multum adhuc verecundiae, 
 frugalitatis atque etiam rusticitatis antiquae retinet ao servat. 
 
 6 ) Even Suet, gramm. 21 says : in provincia . . . durante adhuc ibi antiquorum 
 memoria, necdum omnino abolita sicut Somae. 
 
252 CICERONIAN AGE, A. 671/83-711/43. 
 
 and did not court his favour. To these belong M. Brutus 
 (born 669/85), D. Brutus (born later than 670/84), Calvus (born 
 672/82), and also Catullus (born 667/87). As concerns the party 
 of Caesar, Cicero was in friendly intercourse with C. Matius 
 (born c. 670/84), and Caelius Rufus (born c. 666/88) ; his relations 
 with Asinius Pollio (born 670/84) are somewhat doubtful, but 
 to Sallust (born 667/87) and M. Antony (born c. 671/83), he was 
 decidedly hostile. The personal and political relations of Varro 
 Atacinus (born c. 672/82) are not known. 
 
 The year 691/63, in which Cicero was consul, forms to a cer- 
 tain extent a turning-point in his life as well as in the relative 
 position of the political parties. Hence we divide the whole 
 period into two halves and assign to the first all those writers 
 whose principal achievements (whether literary or personal) are 
 anterior to that year, and to the second those who flourished after 
 691/63. 
 
 THE FIRST HALF OF THE CICERONIAN PERIOD. 
 
 671/83-691/63. 
 
 164. M. Terentius Varro, born a. 638/116 in the Sabine 
 town of Reate, probably of a family of equestrian rank, from 
 the very first devoted himself especially to the investigation of 
 antiquarian lore and to literature, though he did not keep aloof 
 from public life and was employed in public business (especially 
 by Pompey) whenever a man of firm and trustworthy character 
 was required. In the civil war also he fought in Spain on the side 
 of the constitutional party against Caesar, who however after his 
 victory designated him the librarian of the collection contem- 
 plated by him ; M. Antony on the other hand (711/43) proscribed 
 him. He escaped the danger and, laborious to his death, reached 
 the age of almost 90 years. Varro was a writer of extensive learn- 
 ing, of marvellous fertility and versatile both in his subjects and 
 form ; we meet in him a peculiar mixture of the simple popular 
 element and the most universal culture, of homely mirth and old- 
 fashioned austerity. He was honourable in character, sober and 
 upright, devoted to the good old time, keenly interested in all 
 sides of the genuine old Roman life, but also accessible to Greek 
 culture. His diction is vigoro\is and pithy, though stiff, often 
 abrupt and disjointed, and regardless of symmetry and finish. 
 
 1. Varro wrote de sua vita libri III (cf. § 166, 3). Hieronym. in Euseb. chron. 
 
§ 164. M. TERENTIUS VAREO : HIS LIFE. 253 
 
 ad a. Abr. 1901=638/116 M. Terentius Varro filosofus et poeta nascitur. The same 
 ad 1990=727/27 M. Terentius Varro filosofus prope nonagenarius moritur. He is 
 called Seatinus by Symmachus ep. 1, 2; cf. Varro RE. 2, praef. 6. 2, 8, 3. 5. 6. 
 Incorrectly August, civ. d. 4, 1 Romae natus et educatus. His expressions in the 
 Catus seem to apply to himself : mihi puero modica una fuit tunica et toga, sine 
 fasciis calciamenta, equus sine ephippio, balneum non cotidiannm, alveus varus. He 
 was a pupil of Stilo (§ 148, l)-and of Antiochos of Ascalon (Cic. acad. post. 1, 12), 
 like Cicero. He was a friend of Cn. Pompey (Gell. 14, 7, 2 On. Pompeius . . . 
 M. Varronem, familiarem suum, rogavit etc.) and Atticus (Cic. Att. 2, 25, 1. Varro 
 BE. 2, 1, 25. 2, 2, 2), but never very intimate with Cicero, owing to their different 
 characters (Both 1.1. 8). Letters to him by Cicero, fam. 9, 1-8. Triumvir (capi- 
 tals?), trib. pi. (Gell. 13, 12,6); aedil. (Vitruv. 2, 8, 9 ; cf. Plin. NH. 35, 173). 
 According to coins Pro Q(uaestore) of Pompey as proconsul, probably a. 678/76 in 
 Spain against Sertorius (Both 1.1. 12), where he served at that time (Sall. hist. 
 2, fr. 42 haec postquam Varro in maius more rumorum accepit), certainly his lieu- 
 tenant in the war against the pirates a. 687/67 (Varro BE. 2, praef. 7. Plin. 
 NH. 3, 101. Flor. 1, 41, 10) and rewarded (Plin. NH. 7, 115. 16, 7) with a corona 
 navalis (rostrata), probably (Both 1.1. 17) also in the war against Mithridates 
 (a. 688/66). It seems that after this he became praetor (Themist. p. 453 Dind. -. 
 Bdptti/ T7]if e^air^XeKvv $ipx sv &PXV v -> CI « Appian. b. c. 4, 47 iarpaTTjyTjKdjs), a.. 695/59 he 
 became a member of the commission of twenty charged with the execution of the 
 lex Iulia agraria passed by the triumvirs (Varro BB. 1, 2, 10, cf. Plin. NH. 7, 
 176). a. 705/49 he was in company with Afranius and Petreius lieutenant to 
 Pompey in Spain (Flor. 2, 13, 29) and, after the desertion of one of his legions, 
 was obliged to surrender to Caesar (Caes. b. c. 1, 38. 2, 17-20) and seems to have 
 had no further share in the rest of the war against him. In 707/47 Varro dedi- 
 cated to him his Antiquitates rerum div. (Lactant. 1, 6, 7. Augustin. civ. d. 7, 
 35). He was designated librarian (Suet. Caes. 44 ; cf. Isid. orig. 6, 5, 1). M. Antony, 
 who in 707/47 had been obliged by Caesar's order to render up an estate of Varro's 
 which he had first seized (Cic. Phil. 2, 103) and again took possession of a. 710/44, 
 proscribed him 711/43 ; but Fufius Calenus saved his life (App. b. c. 4, 47), though 
 part of his library (Gell. 3, 10, 17) and his large estates were lost (at least it seems 
 so, Both 1.1. 28 sq,.). Val. Max. 8, 7, 3 Terentius Varro . . . non annis, quibus 
 saeculi tempus aequavit, quam stilo vivacior fuit. in eodem enim lectulo et spiritus eius 
 et egregiorum operum cursus exstinctus est. Plin. NH. 29, 65 ni M. Varro LXXXII1 
 vitae anno prodidisset etc. ib. 7, 115 Varronis (in the public library of Asinius 
 Pollio, § 219, 21, founded 716/38) unius viventis posita est imago. Cf. § 165, 1. 
 JGSchneider, vita Varr., in his Scriptt. B. E. 1, 2, 217. PEE. 6, 1688. KLEoth, 
 das Leben des Varro, Bas. 1857. GBoissier, la vie et les ouvrages de V., Par. 1861. 
 AEiese, Phil. 27, 288. 
 
 2. General characterisation. Cic. Brut. 60 diligentissimus investigator antvpii- 
 tatis. acad. post. 1, 9 nog in nostra urbe peregrinantes . . . tui libri quasi domum 
 reduxerunt. . . . tu aetatem patriae, tu discriptiones temporum, tu sacrorum iura, 
 tu sacerdotum, tu domesticam, tu beUicam disciplinam, tu sedem regionum, locorum, tu 
 omnium divinarum humanarumque rerum nomina, genera, officio, causas aperuisti 
 plurimumque idem poetis nostris omninoque latinis et litteris luminis et verbis attulisti, 
 atque ipse varium et elegans omni feri numero poema fecisti philosophiamque multis 
 locis incohasti, ad impellendum satis, ad edocendum parum. or. Phil. 2, 105. Ap. 
 August, civ. dei 6, 2 homo omnium facile acutissimus et sine ulla dubitatione doctissi- 
 mus. Irritably ad Att. 13, 18 (a. 709/45) homo iro\vypa(p(araTos numquam me lacessivit 
 (challenged me by dedicating a work to me). Dionys. 2, 21 Tep4vnos Oiappoiv . . . 
 
254 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 av^jp tG>v Kara rr\v air^v ijKiKtav aK/j.a<r&vTwv iroXvireipSraTos. Quint. 10, 1, 95 Terentius 
 Varro, vir Homanorum eruditissimus. plnrimos hie Ubros et doctissimos composuit, 
 peritissimus linguae latinae et omnia antiquitatis et rerum graecarum nostrarumque, 
 plus tamen scientiae collaturus quam eloquentiae. 12, 11, 24 quam multa, paene omnia, 
 tradidit Varro ! Augustin. civ. d. 6, 2 M. Varro . . . tametsi minus est suavis 
 eloquio, doctrina tamen atque sententiis ita refertus est ut in omni eruditione . . . 
 studiosum rerum tantum iste doceat quantum studiosum verborum Cicero delectat. 
 Further : ' vir doctissimus undecumque Varro ' (Terentian. Maue. G-L. 6, 409, 2846) 
 qui tarn multa legit ut aliquid ei scribere vacasse miremur, tam multa scripsit quam 
 multa vix quemquam legere potuisse credamus. Sen. cons, ad Helv. 8, 1. Apulei. 
 apol. 42 and others. Plut. Eomul. 12 Oidppava rbv (pCk6<xocpov, &vSpa "Pu/miuii iv 
 
 165. The total number of the works of Varro, according to 
 a list ultimately to be traced to himself, amounted to about 620 
 books, belonging to 74 different works. Of the poetical works 
 we can form an approximate idea as to which categories they 
 belonged to only from the fragments of the saturae Menippeae 
 (150 books), which fluctuate between the- metrical and prose 
 forms. Of the other poetical writings (saturae, pseudotragoediae 
 and poemata) we know nothing but the names. 
 
 1. Gell. 3, 10, 17 turn ibi addit (M. Varro in primo librorum qui inscribuntur 
 Hebdomades), se quoque iam duodecimam annorum hebdomadam ingressum esse (i.e. his 
 age was more than 77 years) et ad eum diem septuaginta hebdomadas librorum (i.e. 
 490) conscripsisse. Auson. profess. Burdig. 20, 1 omnis doctrinae ratio . . . quan- 
 tum condit sexcentis (a round number) Varro voluminibus. A list of the works of 
 Varro, which is wanting in arrangement both as to contents and chronology, but 
 is derived from a good source, was given by Jerome in one of the (missing) letters 
 ad Paulam (cf. Hieron. de vir. illustr. 54). Some quotations from it are contained 
 in Bbein. apol. 2, 20. But the original list was discovered in a MS. of the public 
 library at Arras in the praefatio to Eufinus' translation of Origines' commentary 
 on Genesis, and was first published and explained in the chief treatise on Varro's 
 writings by Bitschl, op. 3, 419. A facsimile of the MS. ib. 506. See also JBPitra, 
 spicil. Solesm. 3 (Par. 1855), 311 (cf. p. 1) and ChChappuis, Sentences de Varron et 
 liste de ses ouvrages d'apres differents manuscrits (Par. 1856) 117, where two Paris 
 MSS. of the Homiliae in Genesim are used. Cf. Bitschl, op. 3, 524. The list does 
 not profess to be complete {et alia plura, quae enumerare longum est. vix medium 
 descripsi indicem, et legentibus fastidium est), and contains 39, or (if we reckon singly 
 the singulares libri X, the /j.ovbpip\oi. which have been grouped together, and of 
 which the contents cannot be determined) 48 numbers (with 490 single books), of 
 which however 21 known to us from other sources are missing. The titles men- 
 tioned in this list will in the following list be marked thus *. Hence Bitschl, op. 
 3, 485, fixes the whole number of Varro's works at 74, and calculates the number 
 of books approximately at 620, whence we should have to assume the composition 
 of 130 books during the last 11 or 12 years of Varro's life, which were, it is 
 true, spent in perfect leisure. To the last part of his life belong by far the most 
 important and extensive of his works, and to his earlier years we assign his 
 poetical and rhetorical compositions, especially the saturae Menippeae and the 
 logistorici. Bemarkable are in Jerome's list the three iwiro/iai (which stand side 
 
§ 164. vaeeo: his writings: saturae menippeae. 255 
 
 by side) of the Antiquitates (§ 166, 4 in fin.), the Imagines (p. 260, 1. 18), the books 
 de 1.1. (§ 167, 2 ad fin.): did Varro arrange these himself? It is more probable 
 that some later writer condensed the diffuse and inconvenient works for every- 
 day use. 
 
 2. With regard to Varro's metrical compositions, we knew before the discovery 
 of Jerome's list only epigrams on the Imagines and lines from the saturae Menip- 
 peae (see below). As in the Menippeae Varro founded himself on the Cynic 
 Menippos, so he may in the *psendotragoediarum libri VI, which were certainly 
 not intended for the stage, have taken as his model the TpayySiai of the Cynics 
 Diogenes and Oinomaos or of the sillographer Timon. EEohde, gr. Bom. 249. 
 OCrusius, lit. Centr.-Bl. 1887, 279. Bitschl, op. 3, 527. Eiese, Varr. satt. 31.— 
 Next *poematum libri X : cf . Diom. GL. 1, 400 Varro in poetico libro. Varro ap. 
 Non. 428 verba, plura modice in quandam coniecta formam. — *Satirarum libri IIII, 
 perhaps in the manner of Lucilius and in contrast to the Menippean (n. 3) in 
 verse throughout. Horace never mentions Varro as his predecessor in satire. 
 Does he refer to him S. 1, 10, 47 ? Eitschl, op. 3, 431. — The existence of a didactic 
 poem by Varro de rerum natura may be presumed from Quint. 1, 4, 4 (grammar 
 cannot be ignara philosophiae vel propter Empedoclem in Graecis, Varronem etc 
 Lucretium in Latinis, qui praecepta sapientiae versibus tradiderunt) and Lactant. 
 div. inst. 2, 12, 4 (ISmpedocles . . . de rerum natura versibus scripsit, ut apud 
 Somanos Lucretius et Varro; on Vellei. 2, 36, 2 auctores carminum Varronem ac 
 Lucretium, see Eiese, Varro p. 50), unless indeed Quintilian and Lactantius after 
 him assumed the existence of a work of this kind from the words of Cicero (acad. 
 post., see above p. 253, n. 2 1. 7). Cf. AEiese, Varr. satt. Men. 16. Beiffebscheid's 
 Suetonius 408. 
 
 3. *Satirarum Menippearum libros CL are mentioned by Hieronymus (n. 1) 
 Quint. 10, 1, 95 alterum illud etiam prius satirae genus, sed non sola carminum 
 varietate mixtum condidit Terentius Varro (cf. LMuller, EhM. 24, 140). Probus 
 on Verg. Eel. 6, 31, p. 14, 19 K. : Varro . . . Menippeus (Athen. 4, 160° Oi&ppwv 
 6 Mefiinreios iirucaXoijtievos), non a magistro, cuius aetas longe praecesserat, nomina- 
 tus, sed a societate ingenii, quod is quoque (Menippus) omnigeno carmine satiras 
 suas expoliverat (cf. EEohde, griech. Eoman 249). Title of a satire by Varro Ta</>7) 
 yieviinrov. Cic. acad. poster. 1, 8 (a. 709/45 ; Varro is the speaker) : in illis veteribus 
 nostris quae Menippum imitati, non interpretati, quadam hilaritate conspersimus multa 
 admixta ex intima philosophia, multa dicta dialectice. ib. 1, 9 (Cicero addresses Varro, 
 § 164, 2) atque ipse varium et elegans omnifere numero poema fecisti, a passage which 
 probably refers to these Menippeae, although poema seems a curious title both as to 
 the term and number by which to designate a work comprising 150 books and con- 
 taining also prose. Gell. 2. 18, 7 Menippus, cuius libros M. Varro in satiris aemulatus 
 est, quas alii cynicas, ipse appellat Menippeas. The Cynic Menippos of G-adara (about 
 250 B.C., concerning him CWachsmuth, sillogr. gr. 2 78) had treated questions of 
 social life and of philosophy o-irov5oye\oios in a jocular tone, and with frequent 
 innuendos aimed at followers of other systems, in a prose work mixed with verse. 
 His manner may still be recognised in his imitator Lucian. The mixture of prose 
 and verse in Varro is seen from the fragments in addition to the passage in Probus 
 (see also fragm. 58 B). — In the fragments of Varro's Menippeae there is especially 
 frequent censure of the falling away of the present from the simplicity of early 
 times. The form was motley (e.g. grotesque personifications of ideas) ; erudition 
 and practical life, mythology and history, the past and the present supplied the 
 subjects. Especially were to be found, as also in Menippos, ridicule of the philo- 
 sophers (Armorum iudicium, Xoyo/mxia, vepl alpejeav, raffi TAevlirirov, Periplu lib. 
 
256 THE EAELIEE CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 II irepl <t>iko<ro<t>las : this is the only one of the satires comprising several books) and 
 many allusions to the Cynics (Cynicus, Ittok^wv, Kvvo8i8affKa\iKa,t^vvopJiTii)p, vbpoictitav ; 
 cf. GKnaack, Herm. 18, 148). The form frequently is a dialogue, and Varro seems 
 to have sometimes introduced his own person (addresses Varro,\Marce [562 B. 60. 
 175. 505] ; cf. the titles Marcopolis, Marcipor and Bimarcus). / As concerns the 
 order of ideas, we should probably imagine it to a certain/ extent like Horace's 
 Satires, loose and desultory. The whole was evidently one of the most character- 
 istic productions of Eoman literature, full of humour and spirit and in many 
 points equal to the Lucilian satires ; but the influence was not commensurate with 
 the importance of the work, which was set aside as that of a whimsical person out 
 of keeping with the times. Side by side with many peculiarities of popular com- 
 position (proverbs, puns, obscenities, alliteration, diminutives) we also meet with 
 a liberal admixture of Greek, single words as well as whole lines. The metres 
 used are of a varied character, and really omni fere numero, but treated with strict 
 correctness. Iambic senarii prevail; besides these we have trochaics, halting 
 iambics and trochaics, hexameters (and distichs), anapaests; but also sotadean 
 lines (Lachmann's kl. Schr. 2, 48), galliambics, hendecasyllables, glyconeans, 
 cretics, bacchiacs. Bucheler's Petronius (1882) p. 247. The greater number 
 of fragments have been preserved by Nonius ; those of the Eumenides are most 
 numerous. Gellius is most useful in fixing the original contents and parts of 
 the saturae Menippeae, hence the lists in Vahlejj 1.1. 203 and AEiese p. 38. As 
 a rule, the titles are strange and arbitrary (e.g. Sesculixes, Papiapapae, 2/aa,uaxfa)i 
 sometimes Latin and sometimes Greek, not seldom taken from a proverb (nescis 
 quid vesper serus vehat ; eras credo, hodie nihil ; longe fugit qui suos fugit ; mutuum 
 muli scabunt ; &\\os oBros 'H/>a/c\i}s, Sis TcuSes ol yepovres and others), many are twofold, 
 e.g. Aborigines irepl avdpwirwv (ptj&eus ; Est modus matulae irepl /xc0t;s ; Desultorius irepl 
 tou ypatpew etc. Such double titles e.g. also in the Cynic Oinomaos (n. 4. § 166, 2). — 
 In 709/45 Cicero (acad. post. 1, 8) makes Varro call these satires Vetera sua. But the 
 publication of such a comprehensive work was naturally spread over a series of 
 years : thus Varro wrote the Sexagessis only after his 60th year (see fragm. 485. 
 491. 493 sq. B.) and also the yepovToSiSaaicaXos (181 sqq. B.) and the Tithonus irepl 
 y-fipios (544 sqq. B.) evidently only as an old man. In the Kocr/Moroptivri irepl <j>6opas 
 Koa-p-ov the battle of Thapsus (708/46) is probably mentioned. The Tpucdpams (§ 166, 
 3), supposing it to belong here, was composed 694/60.— Otherwise unknown is 
 Scantius in the fr. 142 B. ut scribit S. ' homo per Dionysia ' (the name also Cic. Mil. 
 75. Pun. NH. 2, 240. Tac. ann. 4, 16. CIL. indd.). 
 
 4. Most recent collection of the remains of the satt. Men. by AEiese (Lpz. 
 
 1865) and FBucheler in the small ed. of Petronius ( 8 Berl. 1882), p. 161. Criticism: 
 
 JVahlen, in Varr. sat. Menipp. coniectanea, Lps. 1858; OEibbeck, BhM. 14, 102. 
 
 FBucheler, BhM. 14, 419. 20, 401. LMuller, metr. poet. lat. and JJ. 95, 488. 507. 
 
 JMIhly, Varroniana (esp. for the Modius), Basel 1865. EBahrens, BhM. 27. 490. 
 
 LFkiedlander in the K5nigsb. Ind. lect. 1873 sq. p. 3 sq. LHavet, rev. de phil. 6. 
 
 52. 7, 177. 193 and others. — LMercklin, die Doppeltitel der varron. Menippeae u. 
 
 Logistorici, BhM. 12, 372 ; cf. Phil. 13, 713. ABiese, prolegg. to his ed. ; in the 
 
 symb. phil. Bonn. 479; BhM. 21, 109; Phil. 27, 316.— Mommsen, EG. 3 6 , 603. 
 
 Eibbeck, rOm. Dicht. 1, 243. 
 
 166. Varro's prose-writings embraced almost all branches 
 of knowledge and literature, oratory, history both general 
 and literary, jurisprudence, grammar, philosophy, geography, 
 husbandry etc. But in all this universal study, Yarro always 
 
§ 165, 166. VARRO'S SATURAE MENIPPEAE : PROSE WRITINGS. 257 
 
 kept Ms own country and its past steadily in view, and through 
 that portion of his writings exercised an immense influence, 
 both directly and indirectly. The Christian Fathers especially, 
 and among them pre-eminently S. Augustine, studied and used 
 him diligently. The most important prose works of Varro 
 were his Antiquitates rerum humanarum et divinarum, which 
 long survived in literature, the books de lingua latina, rerum 
 rusticarum, the Encyclopaedia of the artes liberales (Disciplina- 
 rum libri) and his Imagines. 
 
 1. Speeches: *Orationum libri XXII, and *Suasionum libri III, the first 
 probably exercises of the pen never delivered (some also pamphlets), possibly in- 
 tended as laudationes (Varro's laudatio Porciae ap. Cic. Att. 13, 48, 2), the 
 Suasiones perhaps of a political character. Each book seems to have contained 
 only one speech. Bitschl, op. 3, 433. 492. 
 
 2. *Aoyio-TopiKwv libri LXXVI, discussions of philosophical (chiefly ethical) 
 questions (X6701) with plentiful additions of historical instances (Itrroplai.) derived 
 from mythology and history, perhaps in the manner of Heraclides of Pontus, and 
 like Cicero's Cato and Laelius serious and popular, in prose, some of them at least 
 in the form of dialogues. Each piece bore a twofold title, the first part of which 
 was the name of some person, either living or dead, who was connected with the 
 subject-matter, and was perhaps the principal speaker, the second part indicating 
 the contents in Latin ; e.g. Catus de liberis educandis ; Messala de valetudine ; 
 Curio de deorum cultu ; Marius de fortuna ; Orestes de insania ; (Fundanius) 
 Gallus de admirandis (cf. LHavet, rev. de phil. 7, 177) ; Sisenna de historia. They 
 were probably written at an advanced age, at the end of the 7th and beginning 
 of the 8th century u.c. So late a writer as Apoll. Sidon. ep. 8, 6 ad fin. says Varro- 
 nem logistoricum . . . misi. Bitschl, op. 3, 403. 440. 482. 493. ABiese, Varr. 
 sat. Menipp. 32. 53 and the fragments (those of the Catus very numerous) ib. 247. 
 LKrahner, Varronis Curio de cultu deorum, Friedland 1851. LMercklin, Phil. 13, 
 728. ChChappuis, frag, des ouvrages de V. intitules Logistoriei, Hebdomades, 
 . . . de forma philosophiae, Par. 1868. 
 
 3. Subjects of contemporary history : *Legationum libri III and *de Pompeio 
 III, also *de sua vita libri III (Chahis. GL. 1, 89, 28 Varro de vita sua) ; the first 
 no doubt treated of Varro's own achievements as the legate of Pompey, in the 
 war with the pirates, against Mithridates and in Spain ; see § 164, 1. GOemichen, 
 acta Lips. 3, 432 ; plinian. Studd. 27. BBeitzenstein, Herm. 20, 517. The work on 
 Pompey seems to have been in defence of him. Bitschl, op. 3, 436. Appian. b. 
 c. 2, 9 (a. 694/60) koX ris oSitOiv (of the triumvirs Pompeius, Caesar and Crassus) 
 T-rivSe tt]v ffviuppoixivrfv <rvyypa.<peiis, Oidppoiv ivi /3i(3X£y irepika.p&iv iiriypatpe Tpucdpavov 
 (cf. § 165, 3 ad fin.). 
 
 4. Works on Boman history, a) *Antiquitatum libri XLI (Jerome errone- 
 ously has XLV), a system of Boman antiquities, divided into two parts according 
 to the subject-matter, rerum humanarum in 25 books (4 parts of 6 books each, 
 with an introductory book) ; then (quod prius exstiterint civitates, deinde ab eis res 
 divinae institutae sint, Augustin. civ. d. 6, 4), 16 rerum divinarum (5 parts of 3 
 books each, with one book to serve as introduction) ; see the account in Augustijj . 
 de civ. dei 6, 3; XLI libros scripsit antiquitatum ; hos in res humanas divinasque 
 divisit, rebus humanis XXV, divinis XVI tribuit. In the res humanae the author 
 
 R.L. S 
 
258 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 took as the basis for his classification (cf. also Varro ap. Non. 92, 11) the ques- 
 tions : qui (homines) agant, ubi, quando, quid agant ; likewise in the res divinae the 
 corresponding ones : qui (homines) exhibeant, ubi, quando, quid exhibeant, here is 
 added the question : quibus exhibeant (sc. deis). From the summary of contents 
 in August in. 1.1. (especially accurate for the res divinae) results the following 
 strictly systematised division of the whole work : I. Berum Humanarum Libri 
 XXV : book 1 general introduction (librum unuia singularem qui communiter prius 
 de omnibus loqueretur in capite posuit). Book 2-7 de hominibus. 8-18 de locis 
 (geography of the Boman Empire, which was at a later time made use of by 
 Verrius Flaccus, Pliny and others ; EEeitzenstein Herm. 20, 516. 530). 14-19 de 
 temporibus (see Gell. 3, 2, 1 Varro in libro rer. human, quern de diebus seripsit. 
 Serv. Aen. 8, 526 Varro de saeculis. On this section HKettner, krit. Bemerk. zu 
 Varro usw., Halle 1868, 14. OFGruppe, Herm. 10, 51). 20-25 de rebus (Gell. 1, 25, 
 1 Varro in libro humanarum qui est de bello et pace). H. — Berum divinahum Libri 
 XVI : book 1 general introduction (et istorum exordio unum singularem qui prius de 
 omnibus loqueretur apposuit). B. 2-4 de hominibus (2 de pontiflcibus. 3 de 
 auguribus. 4 de xvviris sacrorum). 5-7 de locis (5 de sacellis. 6 de sacris 
 aedibus. 7 de locis religiosis). 8-10 de temporibus (8 de feriis. 9 de ludis 
 circensibus. 10 de ludis scenicis). 11-13 de sacris (11 de consecrationibus. 
 12 de sacris privatis. 13 de sacris publicis). 14-16 de deis (14 de deis certis. 
 15 de deis incertis. 16 de deis praeeipuis atque selectis). — The rer. divin. libri 
 were intended to counteract the decay of the religion of the State and were 
 addressed ad Caesarem pontificem (Augustin. de civ. dei 7, 35. Lactant. inst. 1, 
 6, 7) and seem, therefore, to have been published about the close of 707/47. Of 
 the entire work there was also an abridgment: *£iriTo/ji.Ti antiquitatum, ex libris XLI 
 [I] libri VIIH : see § 165, 1 in fin. Priscian seems to be the last who possessed the 
 Antiqq. complete. Bitschl, op. 3, 444. LHKkahner, de> Varr. antiqq. . . . libris 
 XLI, Halle 1834 ; Zf AW. 1852, 385. LMercklin, Phil. 13, 731. The fragments 
 are collected and explained by BMerkel in his edition of Ovid's Fasti p. cvi. 
 PMirsch, de Varr. antiqq. rer. humanarum libris (with a collection of fragments), 
 Lpz. Studd. 5, 1 (compare OFGruppe, Phil. Wschr. 1883, 464). CHJFrancken, 
 fragmenta Varronis in libris Augustmi de civ. dei, Leid. 1836. Luttgert, Theo- 
 logumena Varroniana a s. Augustino in iudicium vocata, Sorau 1858. 1859. 
 LMercklin, de Varrone coronarum Bom. militarium interprete praecipuo, Dorp. 
 1859. On the employment of the Antiq. rer. human, by later writers see OGruppe, 
 commentat. Mommsen. 540. 
 
 b) * Annalium libri HI, probably a chronological compendium like the annalis 
 of Atticus and the chronica of Cornelius Nepos. Bitschl, op. 3, 447. LUrlichs, 
 Anfange der griech. Kunstlergeseh. 35 ; die Quellenregister zu Plin. p. 17. That 
 these annales (Charis. GL. 1, 105, 6. Varro . . . in annali) as well as the 
 res urbanae (below, g) are a garbled selection from Antiquitates rerum humana- 
 rum is an untenable conjecture of OGeuppe's, comment. Mommsen. 541. 550. 825. 
 
 c) *de vita populi romani (cf. Dikaiarehos 1 B/oi 'EMdSoi ; cf. Varro BE. 1, 2, 
 16) libri IIII, dedicated to Atticus (Charis. GL. 1, 126), to judge from the frag- 
 ments (collected by Kettner p. 21) a kind of history of Eoman civilisation. It 
 was written perhaps about 711/43 (Eitschl, op. 3, 450). Boissier 1.1. 188. H 
 Kettner, Varronis de vita pop. rom. . . . quae exstant, Halle 1863. 
 
 d) de gente populi rom. 4 books ; see Arnob. adv. nat. 5, 8 Varro . . . in libro- 
 rum quattuor primo quos de gente eonseriptos rom. pop. dereliquit, curiosis computa- 
 tionibus edocet ab diluvii tempore (of Deucalion) ad usque Hirti consulatum et Pansae 
 (a. 711/43) annorum esse milia nondum duo. They were therefore written a. 711/43 
 
§ 166. VAERO'S PROSE WRITINGS. 259 
 
 or shortly afterwards ; an attempt to bring Roman chronology into accordance with 
 that of other parts of history, and thus to fix the pedigree of the Eoman nation 
 (Eoth, Leben des Varro 27). This genealogy was, after a chronological introduc- 
 tion on the Sicyonian and Athenian dynasties (bk. 1 and 2), carried down to the 
 Latin (bk. 3) and Eoman (bk. 4) dynasties, great attention being paid to quid 
 Somani a quaque traxerint genie per imitationem. (Serv. Aen. 7, 176 ; cf . EScholl, 
 Herm. 11, 337.) This work was much used by S. Augustine in book 18 de civ. dei 
 in the first half, see esp. c. 2. 13. Francken, fragm. Varr. 124. HKettner, 
 varronische Studien (Halle 1865) 38 ; the fragments ib. 63 and in HPeter's hist. 
 frag. 228. 
 
 e) de familiis troianis (families of patrician rank descended from Aeneas or 
 his companions) in several books (Serv. Aen. 5, 704 Varro in libris quos de familiis 
 troianis scripsit.) See Eitschl, op. 3, 445. WHertzberg in the notes on his 
 translation of the Aeneid 5, 116. p. 369. 
 
 f) Aetia (Atna, after the example of Kallimachos), explanations (of the ratio, 
 causa, the cur) of Eoman customs and manners, especially those of private life, 
 the principal source of Plutarch's Atria pta/uiXKa ; the only question is whether 
 Plutarch made use of Varro himself, or only took Varronian materials at second 
 hand. LMercklin, Phil. 3, 267. 13, 710. GThilo, de Varrone Plut. quaestt. rom. 
 auctore praecipuo, Bonn 1853. JJWLagus, Plutarchus Varronis studiosus, 
 Helsingf. 1847. Eitschl, op. 3, 451. PLeo, de Plutarchi quaestionuin roman. 
 auctoribus, Halle 1864. PGlaesseh, de Varron. doctrinae ap. Plut. vestigiis, Lpz. 
 Studd. 4. 157. 
 
 g) *rerum urbanarum libri III (cf. Charis. GL. 1, 133 Varro de rebus urbanis 
 III), perhaps a history of tbe city of Eome, especially on questions of topography. 
 Eitschl 1.1. 449. Boissier 1.1. 169. OJahn, Herm. 2, 235. HJordan, Topogr. d. 
 Stadt Eom. 1, 1, 43. 
 
 h) tribuum liber (quoted by Varro LL. 5, 56) ; used in the articles concern- 
 ing the tribes in Pestus ? see LMercklin, quaestt. Varr. (Dorpat 1852), 5. 
 
 All these works (b — h) form the completion and detailed explanation of the 
 subject treated in the Antiqq. rerum humanarum, to which also belongs the 
 'Elaa.yayiK&s (cf. § 2, 3) ad Pompeium composed as early as 683/71 (Pompeius cum 
 initurus foret consulatum, Gell.) — ex quo diseeret quid facere dicereque deberet cum 
 senatum cousuleret (Gell. 14, 7, 2). See § 166, 6, d. But the subject treated in the 
 res divinae does not recur in any work of more special scope : the passage Varro 
 in augurum libris (Macrob. sat. 1, 16, 19) is doubtful (perhaps we should read libro 
 i.e. antiquitatum) ; see Eitschl, op. 3, 480. 
 
 5. Works on literary history (cf. AKiessling, coniectan. Ill, Greifsw. 1886, 
 III): *de bibliothecis III ; *de proprietate scriptorum III (perhaps on questions 
 of style, Eitschl, op. 3, 463) ; de poetis (the Eoman) in several books (Gell. 1, 
 24, 3 epigramma Plauti . . . a M. Varrone positum in libro de poetis prima ; cf . 
 17, 21, 43. 45) ; *de poematis HI (probably a treatise on poetic art) ; *de lectioni- 
 bus III (seems to have dealt with recitation, Eitschl 1.1. 460) ; de compositione 
 saturarum (Non. 67). Dramatic literature and PJautus were especially treated 
 by Varro in a series of works (Eitschl 1.1. 455). Also *de originibus scenicis IH ; 
 *de scenicis actionibus (exhibitions) III (ace. to Jerome ; in Charis. GL. 1, 95 
 Varro de actionibus scenicis V ; cf.de dub. nomin GL. 5, 590) ; *de actis scenicis 
 IH; (so in Jerome, i.e. concerning the dramatic records, the didascalise ; this 
 work was probably the source of the scenic notices which have been preserved ; 
 see § 109, 4 and PSchoell, EhM. 31, 471.— Eitschl, op. 3, 457 wrote de actibus 
 
260 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 scenicis=concerning the arrangement of the acts) ; *de personis (masks) III ; *de 
 desoriptionibus (characters) III ; *quaestionum Plautinarum V (possibly ex- 
 planations of obscure expressions) and de comoediis Plautinis (perhaps on the 
 genuine and spurious plays) several books (M. Varro in libr. de comoediis PI. 
 primo, Gell. 3, 3, 9). Seevius Aen. 10, 894 (ut etiam Varro in ludis theatralibus 
 docet) speaks rather of the book of the Antiqq. rer. div. treating de ludis scenieis 
 (see above p. 258, 1. 19) than of the treatise de scenieis actionibus. — Of special 
 importance among the writings of Varro concerning literary history are 
 
 *Imaginum libri XV or Hebdomades, illustrated biographies, published about 
 715/39 (Gell. 3, 10, 17), containing, with the prose text, 700 portraits of Greek 
 and Boman celebrities (kings and generals, statesmen, poets, prose-writers, profes- 
 sional men, artists, men famous in all branches of knowledge) with a (metrical) 
 elogium on each. The first book seems to have formed the introduction with 14 
 types of the classes given in the succeeding books ; the other 14 books (or 7 dyads, 
 the even numbers for the aliens, especially the Greeks, the odd for the Eomans) 
 would seem to have contained 7 hebdomades or 49 imagines each (14x49 = 686+14 
 =700). There was also (most likely at a later date) a cheap (popular) edition, 
 probably without portraits, *'Eiri70/iV ex Imaginum libris XV libros mi. Cf . § 165, 
 1 in fin. Eitschl. op. 3, 554. Plin. NH. 35, 11 imaginum amorem flagrasse quondam 
 testes sunt Atticus ille Ciceronis (see § 172, 2, d) et M. Varro benignissimo invento, insertis 
 voluminum suorum fecunditati septingenlorum inlustrium aliquo modo imaginibus 
 . . . inventor muneris etiam dis invidiosi, quando (the celebrities as depicted) in 
 omnes terras misit ut praesentes esse ubique ceu di possent. Gell. 3, 10, 1 M. Varro 
 in primo librorum qui inscribuntur hebdomades vel de imaginibus. 3, 11, 7 M. Var,ro 
 in libro de imaginibus primo Someri imagini epigramma hoc adposuit. Stmmach. 
 epist. 1, 2 scis Terentium . . . Seatinum . . . hebdomadum libros epigrammatum 
 adiectione condiisse . . . in socerum . . . tibi delegamus epigrammata. nam et 
 Varronis libri diversis notantur auctoribus. Cf. ib. 1, 4. Auson. Mosell. 305 forsan 
 et insignes hominumque operumque labores (of Greek architecture) hie habuit decimo 
 celebrata volumine Marci hebdomas. — Perhaps the sketcher Iaia (Maia ? Laia ?) of 
 Cyzicus supplied the illustrations ? Cf. Plin. NH. 35, 147 and WFeohnek, Phil. 
 Suppl. 5, 18.— MHektz, Arch. Ztg. 8, 142. Eitschl, op. 3, 452. 508. 528. 544. 564. 
 LMercklin in the Dorpater Ind. lect. 1857 (reprinted in Eitschl's op. 3, 530) ; 
 EhM. 13, 460 and Phil. 13, 742. 15, 709. LUklichs, EhM. 14, 607. JVahlen, JJ. 
 77, 73.7. MSchmidt, BhM. 20, 298. 
 
 Pliny derived from Varro many notices concerning the mechanical arts: 
 but it is not demonstrable that Varro composed special treatises on the history 
 of art. AFurtwangler, Plin. u. s. Quellen in der Kunstgesch. (Lpz. 1877), 56. 
 ThSchkeiber, ,de artificum aetatibus in Plin. NH., Lpz. 1872. GOehmichen, 
 plinian. Studd. 106. 203. 
 
 6. "Works on various departments of science (Eitschl 1.1. 441). 
 
 a) *Disciplinarum libri IX, the first encyclopaedia in Eoman literature on 
 the artes liberales, as they had been developed by the Greeks, viz. 1 grammatica 
 (Wilmanns, Varr. gramm. .98. 208), 2 dialectica, 3 rhetorica, 4 geometria, 5 
 arithmetica, 6 astrologia (OGwjppe, Herm. 11, 237), 7 ? musica, 8 medicina, 9 
 architectura (cf. § 57, 1), out .of which grew the seven artes liberales which are 
 met with as early as S. Augustine and Martianus Capella. If we are justified 
 in referring to bk. 8 the words of Pliny NH. 29, 65 (cunctarer inproferendo ex his 
 remedio ni M. Varro L XXXIII vitae anno prodidisset), this work would seem to be 
 one of Varrd's la test, compositions (Gkupfe 1.1. 239 argues otherwise). In general 
 Eitschl, op. 3, '353. 441. 474. LMekcklin, Phil. 13, 736. 
 
§ .166. VARRO'S PROSE WRITINGS. 261 
 
 b) The single departments comprised by Varro in his Discipl. libri were 
 mostly again treated by him in special treatises, e.g. grammar (see below, e), 
 philosophy, *de forma philosophiae libri III; perhaps also » single book de 
 philosophia, see Augustin. civ. d. 19, 1 ; cf. Ritschl, op. 3, 441. LKrahner, de 
 Varrone ex Martiani satura supplendo, c. 1 : de Varronis philosophia, Friedland 
 1846. These philosophical treatises were undoubtedly written after Cicero's 
 Academica, i.e. after 709/45 (Wilmanns, Varr. gramm. libr. 9). There was also a 
 special treatise on rhetoric ( Varro . . . in libro III Jthetoricorum, Priscian. 
 GL. 2, 489), and also the *libri IX de principiis numerorum, which were no doubt 
 in the Pythagorean spirit. On the geometria see § 52, 2. On gromatic (§ 58) the 
 treatise de mensuris (Priscian. GL. 2, 420. Boethius de geometr. p. 1234) : 
 Ritschl, op. 3, 475. 494. — *De valitudine tuenda liber I : was it an independent 
 work or rather a logistoricus ? (Ritschl 1.1. 440. 475). 
 
 c) Geographical. Besides the books 8-13 of the antiquitt. hum. (see above) the 
 books de ora maritima (Seev. Aen. 1, 108. 112. 5, 19. 8, 710), which appear to have 
 been directions for navigation (on coast-lines and coast-settlements, dangers and 
 difficulties of navigation, wind and weather, ebb and flood tides etc.) ; called by 
 Veget. 5, 11 libri navales, by Solin. 11, 6 opus quod de littoralibus est. Varro LL. 9, 
 26 probably himself refers to some part of the book in libro quern feci de aestuariis 
 (i.e. on the subject of the ebb and flood tides). Mommsen on Solin. p. xix. ; Herm. 
 18, 161. DDetlefsen, commentt. Mommsen. 27. RReitzenstein, Herm. 20, 523 ; 
 21, 240. Oehmichen, plinian. Studd. 47. ESchweder, Phil. 46, 276.— Akin to this 
 as regards its subject is the meteorological calendar for mariners ephemeris nuvalis 
 (Non. 71, 19). Itiner. Alex. M. 6 Varro Cn. Pompeio per Hispanias militaturo librum 
 ilium JEphemeridos sub nomine elaboravit (therefore composed about 677/77). Besides 
 this a second Ephemeris (agrestis or rustica ? ? RReitzenstein, de scriptt. R. R., 
 Berl. 1884, 44) : Prisc GL. 2, 256, 20 Varro in ephemeride : postea honoris virtutum 
 causa Iulii Caesaris . . . mensis lulius est appellatus (therefore written after 
 708/46). Bekgk, RhM. 1, 367. 
 
 d) *de iure civili libri XV, probably denoting Roman private law ; RiTScnL 
 1.1. 444. This is supposed, without sufficient proof, to be a general introduction 
 to Roman law and the principal source of Pomponius by EDSanio, Varroniana 
 in den Schriften der romischen Juristen, Lpz. 1867, 134, cf. ib. 211. The libri 
 de gradibus (on the degrees of relationship), mentioned by Serv. Aen. 5, 410, seem 
 to treat of a similar subject. Questions of antiquarian and political interest and 
 also grammatical points were dealt with in the Epistolicae quaestiones, in at 
 least 8 books (Ritschl 1.1. 477) : in b. 4 of these epist. quaestt. was the epistula ad 
 Oppianum, by which Varro replaced the commentarius ela-ayuyixis (§ 166, 4 h) 
 de officio senatus habendi, which he had formerly sent to Pompey, and which had 
 been lost : Gell. 14, 7, 3. In addition (or contained in it ?) letters ad (Iulium) 
 Caesarem, ad Pabium, ad Funum, ad Marullum, ad Neronem (all quoted in Non.), 
 ad Serv. Sulpicium (Gell. 2, 10) ; lastly ep. Latinae (Non. 473, 20), epistulis Latiniae 
 (Non. 419, 13, cf. ep. latina 121, 12, ep. latina 1. 1. 141, 14) : addressed to Latins ? ? 
 LHavet, rev. de phil. 7, 176.— Ritschl, op. 3, 476. 494.— Concerning the *rerum 
 rusticarum libri III see § 168. 
 
 e) Besides the great work *de lingua latina libri XXV, see § 167, the 
 following separate treatises dealt with grammar : de antiquitate litterarum 
 (Priscian. GL- 2, 8 Varro in II de antiquitate litterarum), addressed to the tragic 
 poet L. Accius and therefore one of the earliest works of Varro (Ritschl 1.1. 469. 
 498. Wilmanns p. 117, 218) ; *de origine linguae latinae III (perhaps dedicated 
 to Pompey, Ritschl 1.1. 470) ; irepl x a P aKT 'tiP< ai ' {=riiruv, formation of words 
 
262 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 HUsener, JJ. 95, 247), at least S books (Charis. GL. 1, 189 Varro in IIItt.x-); 
 *de similitudine verborum III (=de analogia, Bitschl 1.1. 468) ; de utilitate 
 sermonis (Charis. GL. 1, 123 Varro de ut. s. IIII), laying great weight on the 
 principle of anomalia (Eitschl 1.1. 469) ; lastly *de sermone latino V (Jerome ; 
 but Bufin. GL. 6, 555 Varro de lingua latina ad Marcellum, and ib. 556 twice Varro 
 in lib. VII de lingua latina ad Marcellum, cf . Gell. 12, 6, 3. 12, 10, 4. 16, 12, 7. 18, 
 12, 8. Wilmanns, p. 47, 170), treating also of the metres (Eitschl 1.1. 463, cf. 
 Westphal, griech. Metrik I s , 116, 173) and the chief authority on orthography 
 for the later grammarians. An epitome of the section on accents is contained in 
 Sergius' explan. in Donat. GL. 4, 525 ; cf. Wilmanns 49, Lentz on Herodian 1, xxxi, 
 FScholl, act. Lips. 6, 5. Another in the Orthography of Terentius Scaukus GL. 
 
 7, 29 ; cf. HUsener, EhM. 24, 94. In general AWilmanns, de Varr. libris gram- 
 maticis scripsit relliquiasque subiecit, Berl. 1864. 
 
 167. Of all the works of Varro only two have come down 
 to us, de lingua latina and rerum rusticarum libri III. But of 
 the original 25 books de lingua latina only books V to X are 
 in existence, and even those mutilated at the end of VIII and 
 X, and at the beginning of VII and IX, not to speak of numerous 
 interpolations and corruptions. The complete work dealt, in its 
 first half, with the formation and inflexion of words, in its second 
 with the syntax, and throughout the Alexandrine writers and 
 Stoics were laid under large contributions. From the fifth book 
 the work was dedicated to Cicero, whence it follows that it was 
 written and published (at least in part) about 711/43, at the very 
 latest. The subject-matter is often distorted by the arbitrary 
 arrangement, the style is antiquated, jerky and uncouth, the 
 numerous etymologies are no better than empirical word-play. 
 
 1. The strict and mechanical symmetry of the composition in the work de 
 lingua latina (cf . § 116, 4 a) appears from the repeated reference to the scheme. 7, 110 
 quoniam omnis operis de lingua latina tris feci parteis, primo quemadmodum vocabula 
 imposita essent rebus (etymology), aecundo quemadmodum ea in casus declinarentur 
 (declension and conjugation), tertio quemadmodum coniungerentur (syntax). Cf. 
 
 8, 1. — 5, 1 quemadmodum vocabula essent imposita rebus in lingua latina sex libris 
 exponere institui. de his tris (independently of the first book which contains the 
 introduction, thus we get books 2-4) ante hunc feci, quos Septumio {qui mihi fuit 
 quaestor is added by Varro 7, 109) misi. in quibus est de disciplina quam vocant 
 irv/ioXoyiK^v. quae contra earn dicerentur, volumine primo (b. 2) ; quae pro ea, secundo 
 (b. 3) ; quae de ea, tertio (b. 4). in his ad te (Cicero) scribam, a quibus rebus vocabula 
 imposita sint in lingua latina, et ea quae sunt in consuetudine apud poetas. — 6, 97 
 quoniam de hisce rebus tris libros ad te mittere institui, de orations soluta duo, de 
 poetica unum, et ex soluta ad te misi duo, priorem (b. 5) de locis et quae in locis sunt, 
 hunc (b. 6) de temporibus et quae cum his sunt coniuncta : deinceps in proxumo (b. 7) 
 de poeticis verborum originibus scribere incipiam. — 7, 5 dicam in hoc libro de verbis 
 quae a poetis sunt posita, primum de locis, dein de his quae in locis. sunt, tertio de 
 temporibus, turn quae cum temporibus sunt coniuncta. — 8, 24 de quibus utriusque generis 
 (ivaXoylas and iyu/iKtas) declinationibus libros faciam bis ternos : prioris tris (b. 8-10) 
 de earum declinationum disciplina, posterioris (b. 11-13) de eius disciplinae pro- 
 
§ 167. VARKO DE LINGUA LATINA. 263 
 
 paginibus. de prioribus primus (b. 8) erit hie : quae contra similitudinem (analogy) 
 deelinationum dicantur, secundus (b. 9), quae contra dissimilitudinem (anomaly), 
 terhus (b. 10) de similitudinum forma, de quibus quae expediero, singulis tribus ; 
 turn de alteris totidem scribere ac dividere incipiamus. The books 14 to 25 treated of 
 syntax (but see AEiese, Phil. 27, 296). Cf. Spengel pref. to his ed.a p. xxxiv. 
 Wilmanns, de Varr. libris gramm. p. 22. OEibbeck (composition of b. 5-7), 
 EhM. 41, 618. The fragments of the lost books are collected by Wilmanns, 141. 
 
 2. The dedication to Cicero covered books 5 to 25 (see however AEiese, Phil. 
 27, 297). Cf. Gell. 16, 8, 6 M. Varro de lingua latina ad Ciceronem quarto vicesimo; 
 also Priscian. GL. 2, 540 Varro in XXIIII ad Ciceronem. The fact of the other 
 books being already dedicated to Septumius (n. 1) would seem to prove that they 
 were written before Varro decided to exchange with Cicero a series of dedications. 
 As early as 707/47 he promised Cicero magnam et gravem irpoc(j>i!ivri<nv (Cic. Att. 
 13, 12, 3), but did not get on as fast as Cicero desired, so that Cicero became 
 impatient in 709/45 (biennium praeteriit cum ille KaXXunriSijs assiduo cursu cubitum 
 nullum processerit, 1.1.) and took Atticus' advice in starting himself by dedicating 
 his Academica to Varro (Att. 13, 12, 3. 16, 1, 18). Varro's work was finished only 
 after the publication of Cicero's Academica (a. 709/45), but no doubt a part was 
 published before Cicero's death (close of 711/43). OMuller's supposition, that the 
 work was perhaps published in an unfinished state after Varro's death, rests on 
 insufficient evidence. See OMuller's praef. p. iii-xi and against his view 
 LSpengel, Abhandl. der bayr. Akad. 7, 2, 443; Eoth, Leben Varros 25 and 
 Wilmanns, Varr. libr. gramm. 37. There was an epitome of this work: XimTopty 
 de lingua latina ex libris X<X>V libri Villi ; see § 165, 1 ad fin. 
 
 8. Sole standard MS.: Laur. 51, 10 s. XI in Florence from Monte Cassino 
 (Pacsim. ap. Chatelain t. 12) ; from this, when it was still complete (Q.II=5, 
 118-6, 61 now missing), were copied the rest of the MSS. (all s. XV sq.). AGroth, 
 de Varr. de LL. 11. cod. florentino (containing a complete collation), Diss. Argentor. 
 4 (1880), 81. The fragm. Casinense 361 s. XI to LL. 5, 41-57 also depends on the 
 Laur. ; HKeil, EhM. 6, 142. LSpengel, Abh. d. Munch. Akad. 7, 2, 475. GGotz, 
 quaestt. Varron., Jena, 1886. Eecent editions by LSpengel (Berl. 1826 ; s emend. 
 app. crit. instr. praef. est LSpengel, ed. ASpengel, Berl. 1885) and OMulleh 
 (Lps. 1883; following the latter AEEgger, Par. 1837). Criticism (see Phil. 13, 
 684 and 27, 303) esp. by LSpengel, Abh. d. bayr. Ak. 7, 2, 429 ; de emendanda 
 ratione librorum . . . de 1.1., Mimch. 1858 ; Phil. 17, 288. 32, 92. CLachmann, 
 kl. Schr. 2, 163. Bergk, kl. Schr. 1, 571. WChrist, Phil. 16, 450. 17, 59. 
 JNMadvig. advers. 2, 166. CFWMuller, ZfGW. 19, 421. 792. 867. HEeitee, 
 quaestt. Varron. gramm., KOnigsb. 1862; obss. crit. in Varr. de LL., Braunsb. 
 1884. ASpengel, Munch. SBer. 1885, 243. GGotz, Berl. PhWschr. 1886, 781. 
 
 168. Varro's three books rerum rusticarum, -which we pos- 
 sess almost entire, are far more attractive to the reader. The 
 first treats of agriculture, the second of cattle, the third of bird- 
 and fish-breeding. Erudition and a long practical experience 
 furnished the author (who was then 80 years old) with rich 
 materials, and one feels how firmly and with what pleasure he 
 handles these subjects with which he is thoroughly familiar. 
 The whole is dressed up as a dialogue, in the manner of Cicero's 
 philosophical writings, but far more graphic in scenery and 
 
264 THE EARLIEK CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 action ; Varro largely availing himself of this opportunity to 
 display his somewhat pedantic, but thoroughly kindly wit, 
 especially in puns on the names of his characters. 
 
 1. B. R. 1, 1, 1 annus octogesimus admonet me ut sarcinas colligam ante quam 
 proficiscar e vita. It was, therefore, written a. 717/37. The dialogue in b. 2 is 
 supposed to take place in 687/67 (April 21st), in book 3 in 700/54; see 2, praef. 7. 3, 
 2, 3 (of. Cic. Att. 4, IB, 5). lb. 1, 1, 4 scribam tibi (his wife Fundania) tres libros 
 indices (i.e. precis). This remained, though books 2 and 3 were dedicated to 
 others, the latter to Q. Pinnius, the former to Turranius Niger, who perhaps also 
 wrote on kindred subjects ; see Diom. GL. 1, 368, 26 f tyrannus {Turranius, Keil) 
 de agri cultura prirno. 1, 1, 11 quo brevius (on account of the great number of 
 predecessors) de ea re conor tribus libris exponere, uno de agri cultura, altero de re 
 pecuaria, tertio de villaticis pastionibus. 1, 1, 12 (Varro's instruction proceeds) 
 ex radicibus trinis, et quae ipse in meisfundis colendo animadverti et quae legi et quae 
 a peritis audii. 2, praef. 6 quoniam de agri cultura librum Fundaniae uxori propter 
 eius fundum feci, tibi, Niger Turrani noster, qui vehementer delectaris pecore, . . . 
 de re pecuaria breviter ac summatim percurram. 3, 1, 9 cum putarem esse rerum 
 rusticarum . . . tria genera, unum de agri cultura, alterum de re pecuaria, 
 tertium de villaticis, pastionibus, tres libros institui, e queis duo scripsi : primum ad 
 Fundaniam uxor em, de agri cultura, secundum de pecuaria ad Turranium Nigrum, 
 qui reliquus est tertius, de villaticis fructibus, hunc ad te (Q. Pinnius) mitto, quod 
 visus sum. debere pro nostra vicinitate et amore scribere potissimum ad te. Just as 
 this continual insistence on the arrangement of the work is characteristic of 
 Varro (cf. § 167, 1), so we have in this work also a frequent recurrence of his 
 complaints about the loss of the ancient simplicity of manners. For the puns on 
 proper names (Fundania, Fundilius, Agrasius, Agrius, Stolo, Scrofa, Vitulus, 
 Vaccius, Merula, Passer, Pavo, Pica, Parra, Orata. Murena and others) see 
 ASchleicher, meletem. Varron. 1 (Bonn 1846), 1-12. 
 
 2. On the MBS. cf. § 122, 1.— Critical ed. by HKeil ; see § 122, 1. Other 
 editions in the Scriptt. RE. (§ 54, 7) and in the opera Varronis (§ 169, 3).— 
 Translation by GGkosse, Halle 1788.— HKeil, observatt. critt. in Catonis et 
 Varronis de BE. libros, Halle 1849; obss. critt. in Varr. BE., Halle 1883; 
 emendatt. Varr., Halle 1883. 84, II ; de Petri de Crescentiis commodis ruralibus 
 (on their worthlessness for the criticism of Varro), Halle 1885. HNettleship ) 
 Journ. of Phil. 7, 172. FZahlfeldt, quaestt. crit. in Varr. EE., Berl., 1881. 
 
 169. The other works of Varro do not seem to have been in 
 existence beyond the 6th century of the Christian era. It is 
 quite uncertain whether the so-called sententiae Varronis are 
 really derived from Varro's writings. 
 
 1. On the relation of Martianus Capella to Varro see CBottger, Jahn's Arch. 
 13, 590. LHKkahnek, de Varrone ex Martiani satura supplendo, Friedland 1846. 
 Isidorus does not derive the 36 passages in which he mentions Varro from Varro 
 himself. HKettner, varronische Studien (Halle 1865) 2-37. From this circum- 
 stance we seem justified in drawing the conclusion that the age of Isidorus (§ 496) 
 possessed no more of Varro than we have. 
 
 2. The Sententiae Varronis, about 160 (printed e.g. in AEiese, Varr. satt. 265), 
 appear in the MSS. under various titles (Sententiae Varronis ad Papirianum 
 Athenis audientem; Proverbia Varronis ad Paxianum; Sententiae, Varronis ad 
 Atheniensem auditorem morales atque ' notabiles ; Varro ad Atheniensem audi- 
 
§ 168-170. VARRO DE RE RUSTICA : SENTENTIAE : NIGIDIUS FIGULUS. 265 
 
 torem ; Liber Moralis quern Varro seripsit ad Ath. aud. ; Varro in Moralibus 
 or in libro Moraliuin). A good many among them may well be genuine sayings 
 of Varro (see Biese 1.1. p. x), but we have no trustworthy evidence by which 
 to recognise and distinguish these. That the collection bears the name of 
 Varro proves very little. As instances, e.g. 1 di essemus ni moreremur. 4 cum 
 natura litigat qui mori grave fert. 10 in multis contra omnes sapere desipere 
 est. 62 eo tantum studia intermittantur ne omittantur. 86 sic multi libros degustant 
 ut convivae delicias. 151 sic studendum ut propter id te pules natum ; it is true that 
 all these sayings remind us even more of Seneca in style and spirit. Merck! in even 
 conjectured that the Varro (p. 13, 24. 60, 22. 80, 11 Huemer) mentioned by the late 
 grammarian Virgilius Maro (§ 452, 5) was the author. In the encyclopaedic 
 works of the Middle Ages (e.g. Vicentii Bellovacensis Speculum historiale and 
 doctrinale, Arnoldi de Hollandia Liber Vaticani) these sayings were much used. 
 Literature: Sententias Varr. ed. et illustr. VDevit, Padua 1843. BKlotz, die 
 Varro beigelegten Denksprilche, Jahn's Arch. 9, 582. HDuntzer, ib. 15, 193 ; cf. 
 JJ. 54, 135. LMercrxin, Phil. 2, 480. 13, 739. LQuichebat, pensees inedites de 
 Varron, Bibl. de l'ecole des chartes 3, 1 "(Par. 1849), 3. Sentences de Varr. et liste 
 de ses ouvrages, d'apres differ, mscrits, par ChChappuis, Par. 1856. Eitschi. op. 3, 
 522. 
 
 3. A trustworthy collection and explanation of the whole of the remains of 
 Varro's works is still wanting. — Early editions : Varronis opera cum . notis 
 JScaligeri, ATurnebi all., Par. 1569. 1585. Cum fragm. APopma, Leid. 1601 ; 
 c. nott. varr., Dortr. 1619 (repeated ed. Bipontina 1788 II). Brunetti, frammenti 
 minori di V., Venice 1874. — LMebcklin and AEiese, die varronische Literatur 
 vom J. 1826-1868, Phil. 13, 683. 27, 286.— On Varro's diction LStunkel, de Varr. 
 verborum formatione, Strassb. 1876. AMuller, de priscis verborum formis Varr., 
 Halle 1877. Compare the references § 98, 7. 
 
 170. Among the scholars of the period, the next place to 
 Varro was held by P. Nigidius Figulus (praetor a. 696/58), 
 whose extensive works dealt not only with grammar, but also 
 with theology and various branches of natural science ; yet, 
 as his bent was mainly towards odd and occult subjects, he 
 gained little influence, and was soon perfectly eclipsed by Varro. 
 
 1. P. Nigidius (Cic. p Bull. 42. Timae. 1. Pldt. Cic. 20. an seni 27 and else- 
 where) Pigulus (see Schol. Lucan. 1, 639), praetor 696/58 (Cic. ad Qu. fr. 1, 2, 16), 
 whence his birth-year cannot be fixed later than 656/98. Being a zealous partisan 
 of Pompey, he was exiled by Caesar (Cic. fam. 4, 13 a. 708/46), Hieron. ad Euseb. 
 Chron. a. Abr. 1972=709/45 Nigidius Figulus Pythagoricus et magus in exilio 
 moritur. In conformity with his Pythagorean views he was conservative in his 
 politics, and was useful to Cicero in his struggle with Catiline (p Bull, and Plut. 1.1.). 
 The Orphic mysticism and magic tendencies of the Pythagorean teaching of 
 this period appear in Nigidius Pigulus. Occult arts, recovering stolen objects 
 (Apulei. mag. 42), and conjecturing at nativity (Suet. Aug. 94. Dio 45, 1) are 
 mentioned of him. Conflicts with the police caused thereby may account for 
 the sacrilegium Nigidianum in Ps. Cic. in Sail. resp. 5; see n. 3. Cf. Mommsen, 
 EG. 3 6 , 573. 
 
 .2. MHebtz, de P. Nigidii Pig. studiis atque operibus, Berl. 1845. Quaestt. 
 Nigidianae by^JKusiN (de vita Nigidii, Bonn 1861) and JPrey (Bossel 1867). 
 HEoehrig, de Nig. Fig. capp. II, Coburg 1887. — His fragments have been collected 
 
266 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 by AEiccobonus (Bas. 1579), JButgers (Var. leot., Leiden 1618, p. 246) ; those 
 on astronomy by BMerkel, Ovid. Fast. p. lxxxvi sqq. ABreysig, de N. F. 
 fragmentis apud schol. Germanici servatis, Berlin 1854. — FBucheler, EhM. 13, 
 177. CBobert, Eratosth. cataster. (Bsrl. 1878) 16. 
 
 3. Cic. Timae. 1 fuit vir ille cum ceteris artibus, quae quidera dignae libero 
 essent, ornatus omnibus, turn acer investigator et dUigens earum rerum quae a natura 
 involutae videntur. denique sic iudico, post illos nobiles Pythagoreos . . . hunc 
 exstitisse qui illam (disciplinam) renovaret. Gell. 4, 9, 1 Nigidius Figulus, homo, 
 ut ego arbitror, iuxta M. Varronem doctissimus. Cf. ib. 4, 16, 1. 10, 11, 2 (homo in 
 omnium bonarum artium disciplinis egregius). 11, 11, 1. 13, 26, 1. 5. 15, 3, 5. 17, 7, 4. 
 Schol. Bob. Cio. Vatin. p. 317 Or. fuit Mis temporibus Nigidius guidam vir doctrina 
 et eruditione studiorum praestantissimus ad quern plurimi conveniebant. haec ab 
 obtrectatoribus velutifactio (thus Bucheler, EhM. 34,352: actio MS.) minus probabilis 
 iactitabatur, quamvis ipsi Pythagorae sectatores existimari vellent. Serv. Aen. 10, 175 
 Nigidius est solus post Varronem, licet Varro praecellat in theologia, hie in communibus 
 (cf. § 142, 4) litteris. nam uterque utrumque scripsit. 
 
 4. Commentarii grammatici probably in 30 books (Gell. 10, 5, 1 P. Nigidius 
 dicit in commentariorum undetricesimo), often quoted ap. Gell. Non. and elsewhere, 
 in which he treated of grammar in its widest sense, also of orthography, synonyms, 
 etymology, with a, tendency to investigate the causes of facts, frequently in 
 imitation of Varro. In his etymologies he clung to the Latin, e.g. he derived 
 frater from fere alter. Gell. 17, 7, 5 anguste perquam et obscure disserit, ut signa 
 rerum ponere videas ad subsidium magis memoriae suae quam ad legentium dis- 
 ciplinam. 19, 14, 3 Nigidianae commentationes non proinde (like those of Varro) 
 in vulgus exeunt et obscuritas subtilitasque earum tamquam parum utilis derelicta est.— 
 He was perhaps the inventor of the method of indicating a long vowel by an 
 apex, HUseher, EhM. 24, 107. — Quint. 11, 3, 143 qui de gestu scripserunt circa 
 tempora ilia (of the veteres), Plotius Nigidiusque. 
 
 5. Gell. 16, 6, 12 P. Nigidius in libro quern de extis composuit. 7, 6, 10 Nigidius 
 Figulus in libro I augurii privati. Lyd. de ostent. 45 6 NtyiStos iv rfi tuv ivelpuiv 
 eirtffKeif/ei. Cf. ib. 27 ({{priiiepos flpoVTOffKOTrta . . . Kara rbv 'Pw/xguoi' $lyov\ov in 
 t&v Tdyi/Tos), and on this CWachsmuth, praef. p. xxvm. Bergk, op. 1, 653. 
 GSchmeisser, de etrusca diseipl. (1872) 23. 
 
 6. Macrob. 3, 4, 6 Nigidius de dis libro nono decimo (hence at least 20 bb.). 
 They embraced also questions of ritual, both Eoman and foreign. The fragments 
 are collected in Merkel's edition of the Fasti, p. clxxxv sqq. 
 
 7. His works on Natural Science. Cic. Timae. 1. (see n. 3). a) on Astronomy. 
 Serv. Georg. 1, 43 Nigidius in sphaera graecanica; 218 Nigidius commentario 
 sphaerae graecanicae ; ib. 19 Nigidius . . . sphaerae barbaricae. On their 
 relation see Bucheler, EhM. 13, 177. — b) P. Nigidii in secundo librorum quos de 
 vento composuit verba, Gell. 2, 22, 31. Nigidius de ventis IIII ait, Schol. Bern. 
 Georg. 1, 428. According to CWachsmuth (Lyd. de ost. p. xxiv), Lydus' obser- 
 vations on signs of the weather (ost. p. 19) are derived from this source. — c) On 
 Zoology. Gell. 6, 9, 5 P. Nigidius de animalibus libro II. Macrob. 3, 16, 7 Nigidius 
 Figulus . . . in . . . libro de animalibus quarto. Eutgers 1.1. 270. Serv. 
 Aen. 1, 178 Nigidius de hominum naturalibus IIII (on generation) ; in Plin. NH. 
 he is mentioned as an authority for b. 6, 7-11 (zoology) and b. 16, and is quoted 
 15 times. — The existence of a treatise de terris is maintained by JKlein 1.1. 25. 
 
 8. With Figulus there was formly identified, wrongly, an otherwise unknown 
 author B«<*Muos (Vicellius, cf. OIL. 8, 8974 ; or Vecellius ? as the variant BrefXXios 
 
§ 170, 171. NIGIDIUS FIGULUS: HORTENSIUS ETC. 267 
 
 occurs twice ; cf. the common name Veoilius, also Vecillius OIL. 9, 936. See also 
 Mommsen, EhM. 18, 590). Laurent. Lyd. de ostent. 3 mentions him along with 
 Figulus himself and other authors de etrusca disciplina, and ib. 54, where he gives 
 in Greek from the Latin translation of Vicellius (Bik&Xios 6 "Pw/jmos) a fragment 
 out of the Etruscan ritual hymns of the day. Cf. CWachsmuth Laur. Lyd. de 
 ost. p. xxii. — A work on the Etruscan Discipline by a certain Eonteius, also 
 otherwise entirely unknown, is mentioned in Lyd. de ost. 3. A BpovrotrKoirla ix twv 
 $ovTr)tmi rod 'Pwfuuov is reproduced ib. 39-11. Lyd. de mens. 4, 2 mentions a treatise 
 irepl &ya\fiaTuv by the same author. He is again named elsewhere in Lyd. de 
 mens. 4, 53, de mag. in prooem., and at 2, 12, 3 t 42. See JESchultze, quaestt. 
 Lydian. 1, 38. Wachsmuth 1.1. p. xxi. LTkaube, var. libarcu crit. (Munch. 
 1883) 37. 
 
 171. The most eminent orator of the aristocratic party was 
 Q. Hortensius Hortalus (a. 640/114-704/60), as a man pliable 
 and soft to effeminacy, as an orator long the most prominent on 
 account of his choice and ornate stjde and elaborate elocution, 
 until Cicero surpassed him. He also distinguished himself in 
 literature, not only by publishing part of his speeches, but , also 
 by writing a treatise on general questions of oratory, and like- 
 wise Annales and erotic poems. Together with him, we may 
 mention the following orators of the aristocratic party: the 
 triumvir M. Licinius Crassus (a. 638/11 6 -701/53), L. Licinius 
 Lucullus (a. 640/114-697/57), M. Pupius Piso Calpurnianus (cos. 
 693/61), as well as On. Pompeius Magnus (a. 648/106-706/48), 
 and a few others. 
 
 1. Hortensius was aedile 679/75, praetor 682/72, cos. 685/69; f 704/50, accord- 
 ing to Seken. Sammon. 261 sqq. of an affection of the throat. Cic. Brut. 301 (erat 
 Hortensius) primum memoria tarda quantam in nullo cognovisse me arbitror (see a 
 specimen in Sen. controv. 1. praef. 19), ut quae secum commentatus esset, ea sine scripto 
 verbis eisdem redder et quibus cogitavisset. . . . 302 attuleratque minume volgare 
 genus dicendi, dims quidem res quas nemo alius, partitiones, quibus de rebus dicturus 
 esset, et collectiones eorum quae essent dicta contra quaeque ipse dixisset. . . . 303 
 vox canora et suavis, motus et gestus etiam plus artis habebat quam erat oratori satis. 
 326 Hortensius genere (orationis asiatico) florens clamores faciebat adolescens. habebat 
 enim et Meneclinum illud studium crebrarum venustarumque sententiarum . . . 
 et erat oratio cum incitata et vibrans turn etiam accurata et polita. 327 erat 
 excellens iudicio volgi et facile primas tenebat adolescens. . . . sed cum iam honores 
 et ilia senior auctoritas gravius quiddam requireret, remanebat idem nee decebat idem ; 
 quodque exercitationem studiumque dimiserat, quod in eo fuerat acerrimum, concin- 
 nitas ilia crebritasque sententiarum . . . vestitu illo orationis quo consueverat 
 ornata non erat. Quint. 11, 3, 8 diu princeps orator, aliquando aemulus Ciceronis 
 existimatus est, novissime, quoad vixit, secundus. To Cicero he always behaved with 
 kindness and ungrudging recognition, though he was often misjudged by his 
 sensitive rival. 
 
 2. Among the numerous speeches delivered by Hortensius in the course of 44 
 years (from 659/95), we know the subjects of 28; see Luzac 119. Meyek, orat. 
 rom. 2 361. His speeches were published (e.g. pro Verre, Quint. 10, 1, 23): Cic. 
 
268 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Brut. 324 (dicendi genus quod fuerit in utroque orationes utriusque etiam posteris 
 nostris indicabunt). 328 id declarat totidem quod dixit, ut aiunt, scripta verbis oralio. 
 or. 132 dicebat melius quam scripsit. Quint. 11, 3, 8 actions valuisse plurimum . . . 
 fides est quod eius scripta tantum intra famam sunt, . . . ut appareat placuisse 
 aliquid eo dicente quod legentes non invenimus. — Also Quint. 2, 1, 11 communes loci 
 . . . quibus quaestiones generaliter tractantur, quotes sunt editi a Q. quoque Hor- 
 tensio, ut Sitne parvis argumentis credendum? cf. ib. 2, 4, 27. Priscian. GL. 2, 
 381, 10. 
 
 3. Vellei. 2, 16, 3 maxime dilucide Q. Hortensius in Annalibus suis rettulit. Cic. 
 ad Att. 12, 5, 3 de bono auctore Hortensio sic acceperam; cf. 13, 32, 3 ex Hortensio 
 audieram ; by word of mouth ? 13, 33, 3 non temere dixit Hortensius. For his erotic 
 poems see'PLiu. ep. 5, 3, 5 (§ 31, 1). Ovid, trist. 2, 441 nee minus Hortensi nee sunt 
 minus improba Servi carmina. Gell. 19, 9, 7 (§ 31, 1). Varr. EL. 8, 14 Ortensius 
 in poematis : cervix. Cf . ib. 10, 78. Catull. 95, 3 and thereon LSchwabe, quaestt. 
 Catull. 268. 
 
 4. LCLuzac, de Q. H. oratore, Leid. 1810. WDrumann, Gesoh. Boms. 3, 81. 
 PEE. 3, 1497.— Bust of Hortensius (Qvintvs Hortensivs) in the Villa Albani at 
 Borne; engraved by JJBernoulli, rom. Ikonogr. 1, t. 4; also Ann. dell' inst. 
 arch. 54, T. L. 
 
 5. Cic. Brut. 64, 230 Hortensius . . . suos inter aequalis M. Pisonem (n. 7), 
 M. Crassum, Cn. Lentulum (cos. 682/72), P. Lentulum Suram (cos. 683/71) longe 
 praestitit. Tac dial. 37 ex his (i.e. Vetera quae et in antiquariorum bibliothecis adhuc 
 manent et cum maxime a Muciano contrahuntur ac iam . . . edita sunt) intellegi 
 potest Cn. Pompeium (n. 8) et M. Crassum non viribus modo et armis sed ingenio quoque 
 et oratione valuisse, Lentulos (n, 9) et Metellos (n. 10) et Lueullos (n. 6) et Curiones 
 (§ 136, 12. 153, 6 and 209, 1) et ceteram procerum manum multum in his studiis operae 
 curaeque posuisse. Of these, M. Licinius P. f. Crassus Dives was more than 60 
 years old in 699/55 (Plut. Crass. 17), praetor 682/72, cos. 684/70 and 699/55, censor 
 689/65, a member of the first triumvirate 694/60, f 701/58; see WDrumann, GB. 
 4, 71. PBE. 4, 1064. Cic. pMur. 48 vir summa dignitate et diligentia et facultate 
 dicendi. Brut. 233 mediocriter a doctrina instructus, angustius etiam a natura, 
 labore et industria . . . in principibus patronis aliquot annos fuit. This is exag- 
 gerated by Plut. Crass. 3. 
 
 6. For L. Lucullus see § 157, 4. His brother, M. Licinius Lucullus, after his 
 adoption (by M. Terentius Varro) M. Terentius M. f. Licinianus Varro, cos. 681/73 
 (PBE. 4, 1074, 9), is mentioned by Cicero (Brat. 222) next to M. Octavius Cn. f. 
 and Cn. Octavius M. f. (cos. 678/76) amongst political orators. 
 
 7. Cic. Brat. 236 M. Piso (cos. 693/61) quidquid habuit habuit ex disciplina, rnax- 
 imeque ex omnibus qui ante fuerunt graecis doctrinis eruditus fuit. habuit a natura 
 genus quoddam acuminis, quod etiam arte limaverat, quod erat in reprehendendis verbis 
 versutum et sollers (cf. ad Att. 1, 13, 2) . . . is cum satis floruisset (as an orator) 
 adolescens, minor haberi est coeptus postea ; deinde ex virginum iudicio (a. 681/73?) 
 magnam laudem est adeptus et ex eo tempore . . . tenuit locum tarn diu quam ferre 
 potuit laborem. Ascon. on Cic. in Pis. p. 15 Or. 14 K.-S. : Pupius Piso eisdem tem- 
 poribus quibus Cicero, sed tanto aetate maior ut adolescentulum Ciceronum pater ad earn 
 deduceret, quod in eo . . . multae inerant litterae. orator quoque melior quam. 
 frequentior habitus est. Cic. fin. 5, 1 cum audissem (at Athens) Antiochum, ut solebam, 
 cum M. Pisone. de nat. deor. 1, 16 M. Piso si adesset, the Peripatetic school also 
 would be represented, ad Att. 13, 19, 4 (a. 709/45 when Piso was already dead) : 
 confeci V libros wepl reXwn, ut . . . Trepura.TWTt.Kb, M. Pisoni darem. de or. 1, 204 
 est apud M. Pisonem . . . Peripateticus Staseas. 
 
§ 171, 172. HORTEKSIUS ETC. : POMPONIUS ATTICUS. 269 
 
 8. Cn. Pompeius Magnus, born 648/106, cos. 684/70, 699/55 and (sine collega) 
 702/52, triumvir 694/60, f 706/48. According to Tac. dial. 37 (see n. 5) there were 
 written speeches by him in existence. Cic. Brut. 239 maiorem dicendi gloriam 
 habuisset nisi eum maioris glbriae cupiditas ad bellicas laudes abstraxisset. erat ora- 
 tione satis amplus, rem prudenter videbat ; actio vero eius habebat et in voce magnum 
 splendorem et in motu summam dignitatem. Vellei. 2, 29, 3 sanctitate praecipuus, 
 eloquentia medius. Quint. 11, 1, 36 Pompeius abunde disertus rerum suarum narrator. 
 Plut. Pompei. 1 lriflaxin/s \lryov. A letter by him from the beginning of the Civil 
 war (a. 705/49) in Cic. ad Att. 8, 11 A. C. and 12 A-D. 
 
 9. The Lentuli mentioned by Tac. dial. 37 are no doubt the same as those 
 spoken of by Cic. Brut. 230 (see n. 5), of whom Cn. Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus 
 ib. 234 and the Catilinarian P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura ib. 235 are described as 
 orators (cf. ib. 308 Lentuli duo). Also Cn. (Cornelius) Lentulus Marcellinus (cos. 
 698/56) ib. 247 ; P. Cornelius Lentulus Spinther (cos. 697/57) and L. Cornelius 
 Lentulus Crus (cos. 705/49) ib. 268. 
 
 10. For the Metelli mentioned by Tac. dial. 37 (n. 5) cf. Cic. Brut. 247 duo 
 Metelli, Celer (cos. 694/60 ; PEE. 2, 26, 15) et Nepos (cos. 697/57 ; PEE. 2, 27, 16), non 
 nihil in causis versati, nee sine ingenio nee indocti. ad Att. 6, 3, 10 (a. 704/50) orati- 
 onem Q. Ceteris mihi velim mittas contra M. Servilium. Cf. ad. fam. 5, 4, 2. 
 
 11. For L. Lucceius see § 172, 5. 
 
 12. Other orators of this period, of whom it is not, however, related that their 
 speeches were published, are mentioned by Cicero in his Brutus 237 (P. Murena, 
 C. Censorinus, L. Turius). 239 (C. Piso, M'. Glabrio, L. Torquatus). 240 (D. Silanus, 
 Q. Pompeius A. f. Bithynicus). 241 (P. Autronius, L. Octavius Eeatinus, C. 
 Staienus)'. 242 (C. and L. Caepasii, C. Cosconius Calidianus, Q. Arrius). 245 (T. 
 Torquatus T. f. doctus vir ex Shodia disciplina Molonis). 246 (M. Pontidius ; M. 
 Valerius Messala (Niger) cos. 693/61, see Mommsen, ephem. epigr. 3, 1). Erucius, 
 the accuser of Sex Eoscius (see § 179, 2), is called Antoniaster (i.e. a stupid imitator 
 of the orator Antonhis) by Cic. p. Varen. fr. 10, p. 232 Mull.=930 Or. 
 
 172. In the department of historical composition among the 
 older contemporaries of Cicero his friend T. Pomponius Atticus 
 (645/109-729/32) was especially distinguished, principally by his 
 Annalis, a synchronistic Roman history in the somewhat meagre 
 form of tables, probably with the addition of the contemporary 
 history of foreign peoples, which had acquired importance in 
 connection with that of Eome, and, as a supplement, the pedigrees 
 of the chief Roman families. Besides him, Procilius, Hortensius, 
 Lucceius, Sulpicius, L. Tubero, and others inferior to them 
 composed historical works. 
 
 1. T. Pomponius Atticus, subsequently to his adoption by his uncle, Q. Caecilius 
 Q. f. Pomponianus Atticus, a banker and publisher well known through Cicero's 
 correspondence with him (§ 184, 2) and the panegyric biography by Nepos. It 
 happens that Atticus is the earliest Eoman bookseller of whom we know. By 
 means of his slaves he carried on a wholesale business. Cokn. Nep. Att. 13, 3 namque 
 erant in ea (familia) pueri litteratissimi, anagnostae optimi et plurimi librarii. In 
 his friendship with Cicero, Atticus was far from being merely the recipient. 
 
270 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Cicero had a great opinion of his judgment on questions of politics and of litera- 
 ture : ad Att. 1, 14, 3 meis orationibus, quarum tu Aristarchus es. 16, 11, 1 nostrum 
 opus tibi probari laetor ; . . . cerulas enim tuas miniatulas illas extimescebam ; 
 cf. 15, 14, 4. — JGHulleman, de Pomp. Att., Utr. 1838: GBoissier, Ciceron et ses 
 amis, Par. ' 1884. PEE. 1 2 , 2094. EFialon, de T. Pomp. Att., Par. 1861. 
 
 2. "Works of Atticus: a) Corn. Nep. Att. 18, 6 unus liber graece confeclus de 
 consulatu Ciceronis; cf. Cic. Att. 2, 1, 1 (a. 694/60) tuus puer . . . mihi com- 
 mentarium consulates mei graece scriptum reddidit). 
 
 b) Annalis. Cic. Brut. 13 salutatio . . . illius libri quo me hie (Atticus) 
 affatus . . . excitavit. . . . quo omnem rerum (nostrarum is added by OJahn 
 from 19; see, however, also or. 120) memoriam breviter et . . . perdiligenter 
 complexus est. 15 ... ut explicatis ordinibus temporum uno in conspectu omnia 
 viderem. 19 eis (by Cicero's work de rep. of a. 700/54) . . . ad veterum rerum 
 nostrarum memoriam comprehendendam . . . incensi sumus (Atticus). Cf. ib. 42. 
 44 (te, quern rerum rom. auctorem laudare possum religiosissimum). 74. orat. 120 quern 
 laborem (to learn not only Roman history sed etiam imperiosorum populorum et 
 regum illustrium) nobis Attici nostri levavit labor, qui conservatis notatisque temporibus 
 
 . . annorum septingentorum memoriam uno libra colligavit. ad Att. 12, 23, 2 
 scriplum est in tuo annali. Cf. Cornel. Nep. Hann. 13, 1 and Ascon. on Cic. in Pis. 
 p. 13 Or. 12 K.-S. (Atticus in Annali). Schol. Veron. on Aen. 2, 717. Solin. 
 Polyh. 1, 27. Cornel. Nep. Att. 18, 1 summus . . . fuit . . . antiquitatis 
 amator ; quam adeo diligenter habuit cognitam ut earn totam in eo volumine exposuerit 
 quo magistrates ordinavit. nulla enim lex neque pax neque bellum neque res iUustris 
 (and literary, Cic. Brut. 72; see § 94, 2) est populi rom. quae non in eo suo tempore sit 
 notata, et . . . sic familiarum originem subtexuit ut ex eo clarorum virorum pro- 
 pagines possimus cognoscere. FSchneider, de Attici annali Zf AW. 6 (1839), no. 5. 
 The fragments in HPeter, hist, fragm. 214. 
 
 c) Corn. Nep. Att. 18, 3 fecit hoc idem separatim in aliis libris, ut M. Bruti 
 rogatu Iuniam familiam a stirpe ad hanc aetatem ordine enumeraverit (though for 
 this purpose it was necessary to invent much or to adopt many family fictions to 
 the disadvantage of historical criticism ; cf. § 80, 2. 81, 1, 4), notans qui a quoque ortus 
 quos honores quibusque temporibus cepisset. pari modo Marcelli Claudii de Marcel- 
 lorum, Scipionis Cornelii et Fabii Maximi Fabiorum et Aemiliorum. Cf. § 166, 4 e. 
 
 d) Imagines. Plin. NH. 35, 11 imaginum amorem flagrasse quondam testes sunt 
 Atticus ille Ciceronis edito de iis volumine et M. Varro (also Plin. ind. auct. to b. 7. 
 33 Atticus is specified). Nep. Att. 18, 5 attigit poeticen quoque . . . nam de 
 viris qui honore rerumque gestarum amplitudine ceteros rom. populi praestiterunt 
 exposuit ita ut sub singulorum imaginibus facta magistratusque eorum . . . qua- 
 ternis quinisve versibus descripserit. 
 
 3. Cic. ad Att. 2, 2, 2 (a. 694/60) Dicaearchus . . . a quo multo plura didiceris 
 quam de Procilio. Varro LL. 5, 148 a Procilio relatum. 154 ut Procilius aiebat. 
 Plin. NH. 8, 4 (notice of a. 673/81). Ind. auct. to b. 12, 13 (there Plavius Procilitis 
 according to HBrdnn, de indie, plin., Bonn 1856, 21). Possibly the Procilius who 
 was trib. pleb. 698/56. HPeter, hist. rell. ccclxii. 316 fr. 198. 
 
 4. For the annals of Q. Hortensius see § 171, 3. For Lucullus' history of the 
 Marsian war see § 157, 4. 
 
 5. Cic ad. fam. 5, 12, 1 (a, 698/56) to L. Lucceius Q. f . : genus scriptorum tuorum, 
 . . . vicit opinionem meam . . . ut cuperem quam celerrime res nostras monu- 
 mentis commendari tuis. (2) . . . videbam italici belli et civilis historian iam a 
 te paene esse perfectam, dixeras autem mihi te reliquas res ordiri. (3) . . . gratiam 
 
§ 172, 173. LUCCEIUS, LIBO, TDBERO ETC. : AMAFINIUS, CATIUS ETC. 271 
 
 illam de qua . , . in quodam prooemio scripsisti. (4) si liberius (frankly), ut 
 consuesti, agendum putabis etc. Ascon. p. 92 Or. 81 K.-S. : fecit Catilinam (690/64) 
 reum inter sicarios L. Lucceius paratus (ad dioendum) eruditusque ; ib. 93 (82) hoc 
 Lucceius quoque Catilinae obicit in orationibus quas in eum scripsit. These may be 
 the ' soripta ' which pleased Cicero and made him desirous to see his consulship 
 treated by him, which Lucceius never carried out, though he had almost promised 
 to do so (Cic. Att. 4, 6, 4). A letter by him to Cicero (a. 709/45) fam. 5, 14. PEE. 
 4, 1156. HPeter, hist. fr. 213. 
 
 6. Cic. Att. 13, 30, 3 (a. 709/45) : in Libonis annali quattuordecim annis post 
 (622/132) praetor est /actus Tuditanus quam consul Mummius. 13, 32, 34 eum 
 (Tuditanus) video in Libonis praetorem. 13, 44, 3 (a. 709/45) Cottam (§ 197, 9) mi 
 velim mittas. Libonem mecum habes. This might be the same Libo to whom Varro 
 dedicated a work in several books ( Varro ad Libonem prima, Mackob. 3, 18, 13), viz. 
 his own and Pompey's friend L. Scribonius Libo (PEE. 6, 881, 13). If so, Appian's 
 words b. c. 3, 77 (&8e ptv run repl rod B<Wou Sokei, Al{3uvi $' 6n) would have to be 
 understood of some one else or to be written Ai/3/if) as Perizonius has it ; the events 
 there related (belonging to the year 708/46) lead rather to the conclusion that the 
 person in question was an adherent of Caesar. Cf. MHeetz, Bresl. Ind. lect. 
 1864/65, p. 13. HPeter, hist. rell. ccclxiv. 318. fr. 198. 
 
 7. Coknel. Nep. Hann. 13, 1 quibus consulibus interierit (Hannibal) non convenit. 
 namque Atticus (mentions a. 571/183) . . . at Polybius (a. 572) . . . Sulpicius autem 
 Blitho (a. 573/181). Sebv. Aen. 1, 6 Saufeius Latium dictum ait quod ibi latuerant 
 incolae etc. Perhaps L. Saufeius the friend of Atticus (PEE. 6, 847) : cf. e.g. Cic. 
 Att. 14, 18, 4 (here a work of Saufeius appears to be mentioned), 15, 4, 3 (Saufeius 
 as an Epicurean). Nep. Att. 12, 3 L. Saufeii eq, B. aequalis sui, qui complures annos 
 studio ductus phildsophiae habitabat (Athenisy. 
 
 8. L. Aelius Tubero, the old friend and brother-in-law of M. Cicero, a. 693/61- 
 696/58 lieutenant to Q. Cicero in Asia. PEE. I 2 , 335, 6. Cic. pLig. 104 homo 
 cum ingenio turn etiam doctrina excellens. ad Q. fr. 1, 1, 10 (a. 694/60) legatos habes . . 
 de quibus honore et dignitate et aetate praestat Tubero, quern ego arbitror, praesertim 
 cum scribat historiam, multos ex suis annalibus posse deligere quos velit et possit 
 imitari. It is doubtful whether this history was completed and published or des- 
 cended to his son Q. Tubero (§ 208, 1) as a, mere collection of materials. The first 
 supposition is scarcely justified by the plural AOuoi in Dionys. Hal. ant. 1, 7 (above 
 § 37, 5). Varro named after him his logistorieus ' Tubero de origine humana.' 
 Like Cicero, Tubero adhered especially to the (New) Academy, and the Sceptic 
 Ainesidemos addressed to him his Hvppdj>ei.oi \6yoi (Phot. Bibl. 212, 1, p. 169 Bk.). 
 HPeteb, hist. rell. ccclvi. fragm. 199. 
 
 173. In the popular treatment of philosophical subjects in 
 Latin, Cicero was preceded by Amafinius, Eabirius and T. 
 Catius, but all three confined themselves to the Epicurean sys- 
 tem, without any ornament of style, and faithfully copied from 
 Greek sources. They had admirers and imitators. 
 
 1. Cicero's statements as to these predecessors of his exhibit little candour of 
 judgment. Acad. post. 1, 5 -aides ipse . . . non posse nos Amafinii aut Rabirii 
 similes esse, qui nulla arte adhibita de rebus ante oculos positis volgari sermone dispu- 
 tant . . . nullam denique artem esse nee dicendi nee disserendi putant. (6) iam 
 vtro physica, si Epicurum, i.e. si Democritum, probarem, possem scribere ita plane ut 
 
272 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Amafinius. Tuso. 1, 6 multi iam esse libri latini dicuntur scripti inconsiderate ab 
 optimis illis quidem viris sed non satis eruditis. fieri autem potest ut recte quis sentiat 
 et id quod sentit polite eloqui non possit etc. 2, 7 eorum qui se philosophos appeUari 
 volunt . . . dicuntur esse latini sane multi libri, quos non contem.no equidem, quippe 
 quos numquam legerim ; sed . . . lectionem sine ulla delectations neglego. 4, 6 
 C Amafinius . . . cuius libris editis commota multitudo contulit se ad earn potis- 
 simum. (7) post Amafinium multi eiusdem aemuli rationis multa cum scripsissent 
 Italiam totam occupaverunt . . . et facile ediscuntur et ab indoctis probantur. 
 
 2. Babirius is not mentioned except acad. 1, 5 (see n. 1), as he is probably 
 not to be identified with the poet C. Babirius (§ 252, 9). 
 
 3. Cic. fam. 15, 16, 1 (a. 709/45 : Catius Insuber from Ticinum; cf. § 198, 1), 
 Epicureus, qui nuper est mortuus, quae ille Gargettius (Epicurus) et iam ante 
 Democritus cfSwXo, hie spectra nominat. 15, 19, 2 Epicurus, a quo omnes Catii et 
 Amafinii, mali verborum interpretes, proficiscuntur. Quint. 10, 1, 124 in Epicureis 
 levis quidem sed non iniucundus tamen auctor est Catius. Plin. ep. 4, 28, 1 imagines 
 Corneli Nepotis et Titi Cati (to be placed in a library, see'§ 198, 1). Porphyb. on 
 Hor. sat. 2, 4 ' TJnde et quo Catius ? ' (in some of the headings of the satire the 
 speaker is called M. Catius) : Catius Epicureus fuit qui scripsit quattuor libros de 
 rerum natura et de sum/mo bono. ib. Acro on v. 48 (p. 287 H.) : irridet eum qui 
 de opere pistorio in libro scripsit Catius Miltiades ; where Cruquius has : irridet eum 
 quod de op. pist. in suo libro scribit de se ipso : ' haec primus invenit et cognovit 
 Catius Miltiades.' 1 Teupfel's Comm. on Hor. sat. 2, p. 114. 
 
 174. In point of solidity of character, the jurist C. Aquilius 
 Gr alius was a worthy pupil of the Pontifex Q. Scaevola, and his 
 indifference to political life is characteristic both of the increasing 
 aversion to that kind of life and the elevation of jurisprudence 
 to an independent study then commencing. His pupil, Servius 
 Sulpicius Eufus (649/105-711/43), far surpassed him in many- 
 sided fertility ; he was of a peaceful nature, averse to extremes, 
 distinguished as an orator, respected as a scholar, nor was he a 
 stranger to poetry, but his chief eminence consisted in his legal 
 knowledge and in his numerous writings, by which he secured 
 to himself a long-abiding influence on the development of juris- 
 prudence. Jurists of the same period were P. Orbius and 
 Precianus ; 0. Furius Camillus, too, was at least well versed in 
 legal matters. 
 
 1. Plin. NH. 17, 2 pulcherrima domus . . . C. Aquilii eq. S., clarioris ilia 
 etiam quam iuris civilis scientia. Praetor 688/66 with Cicero, f before 710/44. 
 PBE. 1 2 , 1388. Cic. pCaec. 78 (a. 685/69) : iuris civilis rationem numquam ab 
 aequitate seiunxit, . . . iustus . . . et bonus vir . . . ita peritus oc 
 prudens ut ex iure civili non scientia solum quaedam verum etiam bonitas nata videatur. 
 Brut. 154. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 42 ex quibus (the auditores Mucii) Galium (whom 
 he previously calls Aquilius Gallus) maximae auctoritatis apud populum fuisse 
 Servius (n. 2) dicit. Cf. § 154, 3. Ulpian also knew him only at second hand (dig. 
 19, 1, 17, 6 Gallus Aquilius, cuius Mela refert opinionem, recte ait), and in the Digest, 
 where he is mentioned perhaps a dozen times, we never find a definite title quoted. 
 
§ 174. THE JURISTS AQDILIUS AN© SULPICIUS. 273 
 
 It is, therefore, possible that these quotations should be traced back to assertions 
 made by his pupil Sulpicius Eufus as to oral responsa of Aquilius. Some legal 
 forms are the only things which we know with certainty that Aquilius himself 
 left in writing : e.g. especially the Aquiliana stipulatio et aeceptilatio (inst. 3, 29, 2. 
 dig. 46, 4, 18, 1), and formulae de dolo malo from the time of his praetorship 
 (Cic. off. 3, 60. 61. nat. deor. 3, 74). SWZimmern, Gesch. d. rom. Privatrechts 
 1, 1, 287. Huschke, iurispr. auteiust. 5 18. 
 
 2. Ser. Sulpicius Q. f. Eufus, of about the same age with Cicero (aetates 
 vestrae . . . nihil aut nonfere multum differunt, Cic. Brut. 150), praetor 689/65, 
 consul (after he had been repulsed in 692/62) 703/51, appointed proconsul of 
 Achaia 708/46 by Caesar, f 711/43 on a mission from Mutina. PEE. 6, 1497. 
 Originally Eufus had studied rhetoric together with Cicero, and not until 
 a. 677/77 had he despaired of rivalling him, upon which he turned his principal 
 attention to jurisprudence, in which he brought about a considerable advance. 
 Cic. Brut. 152 existumo iuris civilis magnum usum . .. . apud multos fuisse, 
 artem (method) in hoc uno (?). quod numquam effecisset ipsius iuris xcientia, nisi 
 praeterea didicisset . . .. dialecticam. 153 sed adiunxit etia/m et litterarum 
 scientiam et loquendi elegantiam, quae ex scriptis eius, quorum similia nulla (volumina 
 multa Koch, cf. Pompon, 1.1.) sunt, facillume perspici potest. (154) cumque discendi 
 causa duobus peritissumis operam dedisset, L. Lucilio Balbo (§ 154, 3) et C. Aquilio 
 Gallo, Galli . . . celeritatem subtilitate diligentiaque superavit, Balbi . . . 
 tarditatem vicit expediendis conficiendisque rebus. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 43 institutus 
 a Balbo Lucilio, instructus autem maxime a Gallo Aquilio, quifuit Gercinae. itaque 
 libri complures eius (sc. Eufi) exstant Cercinae confecti. . . . huius volumina 
 complura exstant (as late as the time of Pomponius). reliquit autem prope CLXXX 
 libros. Brutus ap. Cic. Brut. 156 audivi nuper (a. 707/47) eum (Sulp. Eufus) 
 stud lose et frequenter Sami, cum ex eo ius nostrum pontificium, qua ex parte cum iure 
 civili coniunctum esset, vellem cognoscere. For his learned correspondence with 
 Varro : § 166, 6, d. 
 
 3. As a specimen of Eufus' rhetorical culture we may quote his letter of 
 condolence to Cicero upon the death of Tullia (a. 709/45), f am. 4, 5 ; his account of 
 the death of M. Marcellus ib. 4, 12 (a. 709/45) is a pattern of an historical relation. 
 Quint. 10, 1, 116 Ser. Sulpicius insignem non immerilo famam tribus orationibus 
 meruit. 10, 7, 30/eruntur aliorum quoque (besides Cicero's sketches of orations) et 
 inventi forte, ut eos dicturus quisque composuerat, et in libros digesti, ut causarum 
 quae sunt actae a Ser. Sulpicio, cuius tres orationes (completed and published by 
 himself) exstant. sed hi de quibus loquor commentarii ita sunt exacti ut ab ipso (Sulp.) 
 mihi in memoriam posteritatis videantur esse compositi (different from Cicero's 
 commentarii, which were edited by Tiro). Of these tres orationes Quintilian 
 (4, 2, 106 ; cf. 10, 1, 22 and Festus 153) names one pro Aufidia, and another contra 
 Aufidiam (6, 1, 20), if indeed the latter designation (instead of the former) be not 
 due to a slip of the pen or an error of memory on Quintilian's part; see also 
 PScholl, EhM. 34, 86. In general see Meyer, or. rom. 2 398 ; and above § 44, 12.— 
 Quint. 10, 5, 4 et ilia ex latinis conversio multum et ipsa contulerit. ac de carminibus 
 quidem (turning Latin poems into prose) neminem credo dubitare, quo solo genere 
 exercitationis dicitur usus esse Sulpicius (unless this be the orator mentioned 
 § 153, 5). Pliny ep. 5, 3, 5 (see above § 31, 1) mentions also Ser. Sulpicium among 
 the writers of erotic poems. See Ovid trist. 2, 441 (§ 171, 3). 
 
 4. Juridical writings of Sulpicius Eufus. (The fragments in Huschke, iurispr. 
 anteiust. 5 91). Ser. Sulpicius iureconsultus, vir aetatis suae doctissimus, in libro de 
 
 B.L. T 
 
274 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 sacris detestandis secundo, Gell. 7, 12, 1. Ser. Sulpicius in libro . . . de dotibus, 
 ib. 4, 3, 2. 4, 4, 1. Cf. dig. 12, 4, 8. 23, 3, 79, 1. Gell. 4, 1, 20 Ser. Snip, in 
 reprehensis Scaevolae capitibus. Commentary on the XII tables (§ 86, 6). Pompon. 
 dig. 1, 2, 2, 44. Servius duos libros ad Brutum perquam (Ad Brutum itemquet) 
 brevissimos Ad edictum subscriptos reliquit. Cf. Ulp. ib. 14, 3, 5, 1 Servius libro 
 primo Ad Brutum (was it composed about 700/54 ? See MVoigt, Abb. d. sachs. 
 Ges. d. "Wiss. 7, 338). Perhaps also in Varro LL. 5, 40 dividit in eo, Servius scribit 
 Sulpicius etc. A derivation of the word religio from relinquere is by Macrob. 3, 3, 8 
 ascribed to Ser. Sulpicius, by Gell. 4, 9, 8 to Masurius Sabinus (§ 281, 1). Plin. 
 NH. 28, 26 Servii Sulpicii . . . commentatio est, quamobrem mensa linquenda non sit. 
 It is several times quoted in the Digest, but direct extracts from his works do not 
 occur. SWZimmern, Gesch. d. PBechts 1, 1, 290. ESchneider, de Ser. Sulp. Eufo, 
 Lps. 1834 II. APEudorff, EGesch. 1, 163. 235. OKarlowa, EG. 1, 483. On his 
 Latinity JHSchmalz, ZfGW. 35, 90. 
 
 5. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 44 ab hoc (Sulp. Euf.) plurimi profecerunt, fere tamen 
 hi libros conseripserunt : Alfenus Varus Gaius (Catus according to Huschke's 
 conjecture, see § 208, 3 ad fin.), A. Ofilius, T. Caesius, Aufidius Tucca, Aufidius 
 Namusa, Flavins Priscus, C. Ateius, Pacuvius Labeo (§ 207, 6) Labeonis Antistii pater, 
 Cinna, Publicius Gellius (?). ex his decern libros octo conseripserunt, quorum omnes 
 qui fuerunt libri digesti sunt ab Aufidio Namusa in CXXXX libros. Among those 
 here enumerated no writings are known of T. Caesius and Flavius Priscus. Cinna 
 belongs to those of less note, mentioned as a writer on law dig. 23, 2, 6. 35, 1, 40, 1 ; 
 so does Publicius, ib. 31, 50, 2. 35, 1, 51, 1. 38, 17, 2, 8 (Africanus et Publicius), 
 though he probably is of later date, whence in Pompon. 1.1. we should rather 
 follow the editors in reading Publius Gellius. C. Ateius seems to be the same as 
 the one of whom it is stated, dig. 23, 3, 79, 1 : Ateius scribit Servium respondisse, 
 and perhaps he may have been the father of the famous jurist C. Ateius Capito, 
 who is called by Pompon. 1.1. 47 a pupil of Ofilius. The father was trib. pi. 699/55 
 and praetor (perhaps 702/52) ; PEE. 1 2 , 1954, 2. Servii auditores (probably from 
 the compilation of Aufidius Namusa) are quoted dig. 83, 4, 6, 1. 33, 7, 12 pr. 33, 
 7, 12, 6. 39, 3, 1, 6. 
 
 6. Cic. Brut. 179 cuius (i.e. T. Juventius, § 154, 3) auditor P. Orbius, mens fere 
 aequalis, . . . in iure civili non inferior quam magister fuit. A. 691/63 he was 
 praetor in Asia ; cf . Cic. p. Place. 76. A certain Precianus iureconsultus, who was 
 with Caesar in Gaul, Cic. fam. 7. 8, 2 (a 700/54). A certain Volcacius see § 154, 4. 
 — C. Camillus, a clever jurist and business adviser of Cicero and his family ; fam. 
 5, 20, 3 (a. 705/49), 14, 5, 2 (a. 704/50). 14, 14, 2 (a. 705/49) and elsewhere. He is 
 probably identical with the Camillus who is jocularly styled a gourmet (fam. 9, 
 20, 2, a. 708/46) and newsmonger (Att. 13, 33, 4, cf. ib. 13, 6, 1, a. 709/45). 
 
 175. M. Tullius Cicero was born Jan. 3, 684/106 on his 
 father's estate near Arpinum ; he was the son of a Roman 
 knight. He employed every means of studying rhetoric in all 
 its branches, and pleaded his first cause under Sulla's dictator- 
 ship. To perfect himself still further, he spent two years 
 (675/79-677/77) in Greece and Asia Minor, was then quaestor 
 in Sicily 679/75, aed. cur. 685/69, praetor (urbanus) 688/66, and 
 consul 691/63. The Catilinarian conspiracy, which broke out 
 during Cicero's consulship and was suppressed by him, furnished 
 
§ 175. ciceeo's life. 275 
 
 the triumvirs in 695/59 with a pretext for removing the ob- 
 noxious consular by means of his enemy P. Clodius. At the 
 end of April 696/58 Cicero left Italy and lived in exile at 
 Thessalonica and Dyrrhachium, On Aug. 4$ 697/57 he was 
 permitted to return, and arrived at Rome on Sept. 4. He was 
 augur 701/53. From July 31, 703/51 until July 30, 704/50 he 
 was entrusted with the administration of the province of Cilicia, 
 as proconsul. On his return to Rome, the antagonism between 
 Caesar and the Senate, with Pompey at its head, had already 
 broken out ; after long hesitation, he joined Pompey at Dyrrha- 
 chium (June 705/49), where he also stayed during the battle of 
 Pharsalus (Aug. 9, 706/48). From the end of Sept. 706/48 until 
 Sept. 707/47, Cicero lived at Brundisium, awaiting the victor's 
 return and permission from him to go back to Rome. The years 
 708/46 and 709/45, which he was compelled to spend in political 
 leisure, were all the more fertile in literary productions. The 
 15th March 710/44 recalled Cicero to political activity, but soon 
 threw him into contention with M. Antony, which ended in his 
 being proscribed by the second triumvirate, and killed Dec. 7, 
 711/43. 
 
 1. Biography of Cicero by Plutarch. — "WHDSuringar, Cic. comm. rerum 
 suarum s. de vita sua ; ace. annales Ciceroniani, Leid. 1854. SMartini, Cic. 
 autobiographia, Turin 1885. — Among modern works CMiddleton, life of Cicero, 
 Lond. 1741 II. WDkumann, Gesch. Eoms 5, 216-716. 6, 1-308. Teuffel, PEE. 
 6, 2182, and also (more complete and without- references to authorities) in Studien 
 u. Charakt. (1871) 289. CAFBruckner, Leben d. Cic. I : d. bilrgerliche u. 
 Privatleben, Gott. 1852. EDGeulach, Cicero, Bas. 1864 (against Mommsen, 
 § 176, 2). WPoRSYTH,.life of Cic, Lond. 1864 II. ATrollope, life of Cic, Lond. 
 1880 II. GBoissier, Ciceron et ses amis, Par. 7 1884. 
 
 2. AJacklein, Cic.s Verbannung, Bamb. 1875. GRauschen, ephemerides 
 Tull. ab exilio Cic. usque ad extremum annum 54, Bonn 1886. EOppenrieder, 
 de Cic proconsule Ciliciae, Augsb. 1853. Gd'Hhgues, de Cic. in Cilicia pro- 
 consulate, Strassb. 1859 ; sur le proconsulat de Cic, Paris 1876. FHoffman, Phil. 
 15, 662. CHartung, de proconsulate Cic, Wlirzb. 1868. WSternkopf, de rebus 
 a Cic inde a tradita Cilicia usque ad relictam Italiam gestis etc., Marb. 1884. 
 JZiehen, ephemerides Tull. a Mart. 49 a. Chr. usque ad Aug. 48 a. Chr., Budapest, 
 1887. 
 
 3. On the portraits of Cicero now extant, see JJBebnoulli, rOm. Ikonogr. 
 1, 132. Of the bust in Madrid with the inscription m • cicero an ■ lxiiii, which has 
 lately become famous, the fragment with the inscription (CIL. 1, p. 281) is certainly 
 genuine, but the head is modern. CAldenhoven, Arch. Ztg. 1885, 235. Bernoulli 
 1.1. 2, vi. EHubner, Bildwerke in Madrid 115. 
 
 1.1. 4, VI. J^J.iU-DJMJ!itt, XlllUWCIIiC AAA AAA«|AAAA1A AAt/. 
 
 176. Cicero was endowed by nature with great talents, n 
 sided, and versatile ; at the same time kind, generous and 
 
 many- 
 assi- 
 
276 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 duously bent upon high aims ; a thoroughly respectable character 
 in a period pervaded by egotism. But he was formed of pliable 
 : stuff, accessible to all outward impressions without interior self- 
 control to maintain his equanimity. His sensitiveness, his quick 
 imagination and highly emotional temperament made him an 
 amiable man and a great orator, in whom each string that was 
 touched gave full and harmonious answer; his whole tone of mind 
 'qualified him especially to become the interpreter and trans- 
 planter of Hellenic elegance and formal refinement; but these 
 same qualities made his character undecided, wavering between 
 intense excitement and utter prostration, crotchety, moody, con- 
 ceited, sensitive to sarcasm, afraid of danger and despairing in 
 evil days. Others also might have their weak hours, but not 
 many had them in such regular succession, and nobody else 
 had the misfortune of bequeathing to posterity such authentic 
 documents of the fluctuations of his mind. Cicero was always 
 under the sway of the moment and therefore little qualified to be 
 a statesman, yet he had not sufficient self-knowledge to see it or 
 resignation to act accordingly. Hence the attempts he made to 
 play a part in politics served only to lay bare his utter weakness. 
 Here also he was full of good intentions, but he had neither the 
 calm and acute judgment necessary to see the right path, nor the 
 courage and perseverance required to follow it. Thus it happened 
 that he was alternately used and then pushed aside, attracted and 
 repelled, deceived by the weakness of his friends and the strength 
 of his adversaries, and at last was threatened equally by both 
 ■extreme factions between which he had tried to steer his way. 
 
 1. For the judgment of antiquity see especially Asinius Pollio in Sen. suas. 6, 
 24 huius viri totitantisqueoperibus mansuri in orane aevum praedicare de ingenio atque 
 industria mipervacuum est. . . . utinam moderatius secundas res et fortius adversas 
 ferre potuisset! . . . sed quando mortalium nulli virtus perfecta contigit, qua maior 
 pari vitae atque ingenii stetit, ea iudicandum de homine est. Further the elogium of 
 Velleius 2, 66 Nihil tarn, indignum illo tempore fuit quam quod . . . Cicero pro- 
 scriptus est abscisaque scelere Antoni vox publica est, cum eius salutem nemo defendisset 
 qui per tot annos et publicam civitatis et privatum civium defenderat. Nihil tamen 
 egisti, M. Antoni . . . rapuisti turn M. Ciceroni lucem sollicitam et aetatem senilem 
 . . . , famam vero gloriamque factorum atque dictorum adeo non abstulisti ut auxeris. 
 vivit vivetque per omnem saeculorum memoriam . . . citiusque e mundo genus 
 hominum quam (JJiceronis gloria ex hominum memoria umquamy cedet. Qwiht. 12, 1, 
 16. A writing of Asinius Gallus (§ 276, 3) against Cicero, and the reply by Claudius 
 who was afterwards emperor (§ 286, 2), and the writing of Suetonius against Didy- 
 mos (§ 347, 2). 
 
 2. In preceding centuries admiration for Cicero's style prevented an unpre- 
 
§ 176. CICERO: PERSONAL AND (§ 177) LITERARY CHARACTER. 277 
 
 judieed criticism of his character and political career. See, on the other hand, 
 FGaliani, correspondance inedite (Par. 1818), 1, 295 (cf. Eitschl, op. 3, 701). This 
 was, however, more than sufficiently made up for by WDkumann, GE. 6, 411, who 
 criticised Cicero's character on all its sides, accurately, it is true, but in a carping 
 spirit and suppressing all extenuating circumstances. ThMommsen, EG. 3 6 , 619 tried, 
 if possible, to surpass Drumann in exaggerated diction and unhistoric bitterness. 
 
 177. Cicero possessed, to a wonderful extent, the power of 
 appropriating and assimilating to his own individuality foreign 
 ideas and dressing them up anew in an easy and pleasant style. 
 Owing to this gift, he amplified Roman literature by introduc- 
 ing into it several new departments which had previously not 
 been attempted ; he became the creator of a standard prose v 
 which was so rich and refined and so eminently suited to the 
 genius of the Latin language that it was impossible to surpass it 
 in subsequent centuries. But the ease with which he threw off 
 his productions tempted him to write fast and too much, and 
 to cover with a facile style the want of serious studies and real 
 learning. Cicero succumbed to this temptation at least during 
 his leisure-time in 709/45 and 710/44. The real business of his 
 life Cicero exhibits in his speeches, where indeed his talent shows 
 to the greatest advantage. His speeches were carefully prepared 
 beforehand and generally edited subsequent to their delivery. 
 The knowledge and experience gained in this career were utilised 
 by him in his rhetorical treatises. His theoretic compositions he 
 also extended to other fields, first to political science, then to 
 ethics, and the philosophy of religion, and he even attempted 
 the simpler parts of theoretic philosophy. Besides all this, his 
 extensive personal connections and the habit of thinking pen in 
 hand led to a very voluminous correspondence. 
 
 1. Chronological arrangement of Cicero's principal writings: a. 673/81 pro 
 Quinctio. — 674/80 pro Eoseio Amerino. — 684/70 Verrinae.— 685/69 pro Caecina, — 
 688/66 de imperio Cn. Pompei. — 691/63 consular speeches: de lege agraria, pro 
 Eabirio, in Catilinam, pro Murena. — 692/62 pro Sulla, p. Archia. — 695/59 pro 
 Flacco. — 697/57 sq. orations post reditum. — 698/56 pro Sestio, in Vatinium, pro 
 Caelio, de provineiis cons., pro Balbo. — 699/55 in Pisonem, de oratore.— 700/54 de 
 republiea, pro Plancio, p. Eabirio Postumo.— 702/52 pro Milone, de legibus.— 708/46 
 Brutus, Paradoxa, Orator, pro Marcello, p. Ligario, partitiones oratoriae. — 709/45 
 pro Deiotaro, de finibus, Academica, Tusculanae.— 710/44 de natura deorum, Cato 
 maior, de divinatione, de fato, topica, de optimo genere oratorum, Laelius, de 
 officiis, Philippicae 1-IV.— 711/43 Philippicae V-XIV. 
 
 2. ELange, quid de ingenio, litteris, poetis Graec. Cic. senserit, Halle 1880. 
 ESchollmeyer, quid Cic. de poetis Eom. iudicaverit, Halle 1884. BWubzee, de Cic. 
 tragoediae rom. iudice, Czernowitz 1885. IKubik, de Cic. poetarum lat. studiis, 
 
278 THE EAKLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Diss. Vindob. 1, 237. AKiessling, conieotan. Ill, iv. JSchafler, BlfbayrGW. 20, 
 285. ChCauseret: §181, 2. 
 
 3. General writings on Cicero's diction (for the more special see under different 
 departments and works). Dictionaries : MNizolii thesaurus Cic. (Brix. 1535), Bas. 
 1559 ; Venet. 1570 and elsewhere, e.g. Patav. 1734 (cur. JFacciolati) ; Lond. 1820 III. 
 Clavis Cic, ed. IAEknesti (in his edition and separately, last ed. by AHBein, Halle 
 1831). Lex. Cic. by ChrGSchutz, Lps. 1817 (vol. 18. 19. of his ed.).— BSturenburg, 
 Materialien zu einem lex. Cic, Hildburgh. 1854. FHeerdegen, de fide Tulliana (i.e. 
 on the word fides in Cic), Erl. 1876. — EFrohwein, d. Perfectbildd. auf vi bei 
 Cicero, Gera 1874. OSchussler, de praepp. ab ad ex ap. Cic. usu, Hannov. 1880 ; 
 z. Lehre v. den Prapp. bei Cic. (in with Ace), Hann. 1881. ChrJanicke, d. Verbind. 
 der Substantive durch Prapp. b. Cic, Vienna 1866. Grossmann, de particula quidem 
 (esp. in Cic), KOnigsb. 1880; de particulis he — quidem, Allenst. 1884. Stamm, d. 
 Partikelverb. et quidem bei Cic, Bossel 1885. AKlein, de adiectivi assimulati ap. 
 Cic. usu, Bresl. 1879. HAnz, Ciceros Sprachgebr. in der Bez. des gemeins. Pradi- 
 kats bei mehreren Subjekten, Quedlinb. 1884. FNielander, d. factitive Dat. bei 
 Cic, Krotoschin 1878. HLieven, die consecutio temporum d. Cic, Eiga 1872. 
 AMotschmanh, doctrinam de tempp. consec quam exposuit HLieven exemplis Cic. 
 oratt. veram esse, Jena 1875. MWetzel, de consec. tempp. Cic, Gott. 1877. FHopfe, 
 d. Conjunctiv der eonjug. periphr. act. usw. bei Cic, Gumbinnen 1879 (cf. § 189, 5). 
 WOGutsche, de interrogationibus obliquis ap. Cic, Halle 1885. JPriem, d. irrealen 
 Bedingungss&tze bei Cic. u. Cas., Phil. Suppl. 5, 261. "WKriebel, der Periodenbau 
 bei Cic. u. Liv., Prenzl. 1873. EJWSchuppe, de anacoluthis Cic, Berl. 1860. 
 KAhlen, de subiectis rei ap. Cic cum verbis quae actionem significant coniunctis, 
 Upsala 1879. JTheobald, de annominationis et alliterationis ap. Cic. usu, Bonn 
 1853. — HGehthe, de proverbiis a Cic. adhibitis, commentatt. Mommsen. 268. 
 
 4. The apparatus criticus for Cicero (in ms.) by GGarantoni in Eavenna: 
 CHalm, Munch. GA. 26 (1848), 285 ; by HLagomarsini (more than 80 vols., see 
 WvHumboldt's works 5, 253. 264) ; qu, : where now preserved ? — CHalm, zur Hss.- 
 Kunde der cic. Schrr., Munch. 1850 ; EhM. 9, 321 ; Jahn's Arch. 15, 165 and else- 
 where. — JGBaiter, Phil. 20, 335. 507. CMFrahcken, ad Cic. palimpsestos, Mnemos. 
 11, 374. 12, 57. 283. 393. 13, 43. 288. HDeiter, de Cic cod. Leid. 118, Emden- 1882 ; 
 de Cic. codd. Vossianis 84 et 86, Aurich 1885 etc — On the knowledge and study of 
 Cicero's works in the early Middle Ages see PSchwenke, Phil. Suppl. 3, 402. — For 
 details see under the separate works. 
 
 5. Complete editions of all the works : Venet. Junt. 1534-37 IV by PVictorius. 
 Venet. Aid., by PManutius 1540-46 IX. A DLambino emend, et aucta, Paris 1566 
 IV and subsequently. Cum notis varr. cura JGGraevii, Amst. 1684 sqq. XI; not 
 finished. Cum clavi Cic. ed. JAErnesti, Lps. 1737 sqq. VI ; last edition 1820 sqq. V. 
 Cum delect, comm. (stud. JOliveti), Par. 1749 IX; Genev. 1743 sqq. — E rec. 
 Graevii (cura GGaratonii), Neap. 1777 sqq. (unfinished), Eecogn. ChrGSchutz, 
 Lps. 1814 sqq. XX. — Bee JCOrelli, Zurich 1826-30 IV ; editio altera emendatior, 
 cur. JCOrelli, JGBaiter, CHalm, Zurich 1845-62 IV ; with the ed. I (and II) as 
 vol. 5 : Cic scholiastae, C. Marius Victorinus, Eufinus, C, Julius Victor, Boethius, 
 Favonius Eulogius, Asconius Pedianus, scholia Bobiensia, scholiasta Gronovianus, 
 edd. JCOrelli and JGBaiter 1833, and as vol. 6-8 Onomast. Tullianum, 1836-38 
 III. — Cic. opera omnia uno volumine ed. CFANobbe, Lpz. 2 1850. — Eecogn. EKlotz, 
 Lpz. 2 1863-71 XI vols, in V partes (vol. 11 : index nominum) ; recently revised by 
 CFWMuller, Lps. 1878 sqq., up to the present date there have appeared P. I Vol. I 
 scripta rhett. (rec. WFriedrich), P. II Vol. I-III oratt., P. IV Vol. I-IH philos — 
 Edd. JGBaiter et CLKayser (Lps. 1861-69 XI, in b. 11 ind. nom.). 
 
§ 177, 177a. cicero's writings: juvenile essays. 279 
 
 177". Even in his early youth Cicero made attempts in various 
 departments of literature. He composed, among other poems, 
 one in trochaic tetrameters entitled Pontios Grlaukos, he trans- 
 lated in the metre of the original Aratos' $atv6fieva, the OIkovo- 
 (jukos of Xenophon, and other works. He even attempted theo- 
 retical writing, and about the year 670/84 he put together an 
 immature work on rhetoric, as it seems, after Hermagoras and 
 Cornificius (§ 162). The only two books which he completed 
 treat of the materials of oratory, de inventions, and hence are 
 generally so entitled. 
 
 1. Plut. Cic 2 ippti-q ttus irpoBvfibrepov tirl 7to«?tikiJp, koX ri 7roi7jfiaTiov £n ircuSds 
 oi>toO SieuriifeTat niirios rXaO/cos iv TeTpapArpip irewoirjiJi4voi>. Admodum adolescentulus 
 (nat. d. 2, 204) Cic. translated the ituvofuva of Aratos ; after -which, perhaps not 
 before 694/60 (H Jordan, krit. Beitr. z. Gesch. d. lat.Spr. 299) he translated the 
 Upoyvuo-Ttna of the same poet. In addition to detached fragments of both, which 
 are nearly all to be found as quotations in Cicero himself, a, large fragment of the 
 Phainomena (of 480 vv.) has been independently preserved (esp. Harl. 647 s. IX. 
 Dresd. 183 s. X). The whole printed, e.g. Baiter-Xayseb 11, 96. CFWMuller 4, 
 8, 360. PLM. 1, 3. The scholia on Cic. Arat. preserved in the above-mentioned 
 Harl. were published by JVosels, Crefeld 1884. 87 II. Cf. ABeifferscheid ann. 
 d. inst. archeol. 1862, 108 ; Bresl. ind. schol. 1885/86, 11.— Whether the other 
 poems of Cicero belong to his youth cannot be determined. — GSchutz, quaestt. 
 crit. ad Cic. Arat., Neuruppin 1868. 
 
 2. Cic. off. 2, 87 Xenophon in eo libro qui Oeconomicus inscrihitur quern nos, 
 ista fere aetate cum essemus qua es tu nunc (in his twenty-first year) e graeco in 
 latinum convertimus. The translation was in three books. Serv. Georg. 1, 43. 
 Mack. 3, 20, 5. Cf. Cic. de sen. 59. Plin. NH. 18, 224. Colum. 12, praef. 7 and 1, 6. 
 Gell. 15, 5, 8. . Siekon. apoL adv. But 2, p. 227 Bas. and elsewhere (Lubeck, 
 Hieron. quos noverit scriptt. 26). The remains: Baiter-Xaysee 11, 50. CFW 
 Mullee 4, 3, 307. Quint. 10, 5, 2 vertere graeca in latinum . . . id Cicero ipse 
 frequentissime praecipit, quin etiam libros Platonis atque Xenophontis edidit hoc 
 genere translates (cf. Hiebon. ad Eus. chron. praef. p. 1, 5 Seh.). On the translations 
 of Plato's Timaeus und Protagoras see § 186, 9 and 9 a . 
 
 3. De inventione: Cic. de or. 1, 5 quae pueris aut adolescentulis nobis ex com- 
 mentariolis nostris incohata (he left them unfinished) ac rudia exciderunt vix hac 
 aetate digna et hoc usu, quern ex causis . . . tot tantisque consecuti sumus. Cf. 1, 
 23. Quint. 3, 6, 60 Cicero his pulcherrimos illos de oratore libros substituit. The 
 MSS. (in the best of them the title is wanting, the Wiirzburg MS. has the subscrip- 
 tion explicit liber rhetoricae) call the work Rhetorica, so does Peiscian GL. 2, 81. 
 469. 489. 545 (Cicero in I rhetoricon and similar instances). In Quintilian also 
 this title may be discerned, or rather the title Bhetorici which was probably cur- 
 rent as well (sc. libri ; cf . Pliny's studiosi III, see § 312, 2) : 2, 15, 6 in rhetoricis, 
 quos sine dubio ipse nan probat. 3, 1, 20 rhetoricos suos. 3, 5, 14 ex Cic. rhetorico I 
 . . . ipse hos libros improbat. 3, 6, 50 (Cicero in libris rhetoricis=Ae inv. 1, 10) 
 and 58 (in primo Ciceronis rhetorico). Hieeonym. adv. Bufin. 1, p. 137 lege ad 
 Herennium Tullii libros, lege Rhetoricos eius aut . . . revolve tria volumina de 
 oratore. Quint. 2, 14, 4 cum M. Tullius etiam in ipsis librorum quos hac de re (on 
 rhetoric) primum scripserat titulis graeco nomine utatur. The appellation 'Ars 
 
280' THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 rhetorica ' which,, in accordance with a few passages in it and with Quiht. 3, 6, 64 
 (cf . besides Jul. Vict. 429, 12 H) A Weidner has givBn to the work (in his ed. p. YI) 
 is incorrect ; and the title ' rhetorice ' (supported by AEdssnek, BlfbayrGW. 16, 1) 
 is not satisfactorily proved, 
 
 4. Cic. de inv. 2, 4 quod quoniam nobis voluntatis accidit ut artem dicendi per- 
 scriberemus, non unum aliquod proposuimus exemplum, cuius omnes partes . . . 
 eocprimendae nobis necessario viderentur, sed omnibus unum in locum coactis scriptoribus 
 quod quisque commodissime praecipere videbatur excerpsimus etc. Hermagoras is 
 mentioned 1, 8, 12.. 16.. 97. Qdint. 3, 6, 59 sunt velut regestae in hos commentaries 
 quos adolescens deduxerat scholae, et si qua est in his culpa, tradentis est. ib. 3, 11, 10. 
 18 (in Shetoricis Sermagoram est secutus).. FBader p.. 18-24, 
 
 B. By the fact that Cornificius ad Herennium (§ 162) was made use of, and by 
 the passage in Cicero's 'de or.. 1, 5 (see n. 1) the date of composition- is pretty well 
 fixed. EPhilippson,. JJ.. 133, 421. It is certain that Cicero himself published the 
 work (AEussnek,. BlfBayrGW. 16,. 2), On the employment of Cornificius cf. 
 LSpengel, EhM. 18, 495. CLKayser, Munch. GA. 1852 no. 59 sqq, and Badek 1.1. 6. 
 KHopfmann (§ 162, 6). FBoch (§ 162, 7). AEomee, JJ. 119, 831. "Weidner (pref. 
 to his ed. p. viii) wrongly denies- Cicero's dependence on the Ehet.. ad Her., which he 
 takes to be later than Cicero's work,— PbThielmann, de sermonis proprietatibus . . . 
 ap. Cornificium et in primis Cic. libris. (de inv. pQuinct. pSEosc), Strassb. 1879. 
 
 6. Commentary of Marius Victorinus- (§ 408, 6) on the work. Excepta ex 
 Grillii commento (§ 445, 7) in Halm, Ehet. lat. min. p. 596.— On a (worthless) 
 mediaeval commentary by a certain Theodoricus Brita, homo barbaricae nationis 
 on Cic. de inv. see PThomas, Mel, Graux 41. Cf. Surihgar, hist, schol. lat. 1, 212. 
 EEllis, Journ. of phil. 9, 61. 13, 86. EEohde, JJ. 123 r 426. Bucheler, EhM. 38, 
 637. 39, 168. 
 
 7. The best MSS.are those of Paris- (7774 A), Wurzburg and St. Gallen (facsim. 
 Chatelain t. 18), all s. IX : on them see EStrobel, Phil. 45, 469. To these must 
 be added the numerous quotations- in the later rhetoricians. — ALinsnayer, varias 
 lectt. ad Cic. libr. I de inventione congessit, Munich. 1853. On a 'Wurzburg fragm. 
 (2, 90-95) GSchepss, BlfbayrGW. 23, 432.— Separate editions : cum not. varior. by 
 PBurmann, Leid. 1761 (reprinted by ELindemann, Lpz. 1828). Cic. artis rhetoricae 
 libri II rec. AWeidner, BerL 1878.— FBader, de Cic. rhett. libris, Greifsw. 1869. 
 AKnackstedt, de Cic, rhetoricorum libris ex rhetoribus lat. emendandis I, Gott. 
 1873 ; II Helmstedt 1874. Weidner introd. to his ed. p. xxn. 
 
 178. As a speaker, Cicero had extraordinary natural apti- 
 tudes ; the extreme versatility of his mind, his lively imagina- 
 tion, his quick sensibility, his uncommon formal talent, his 
 inexhaustible richness of expression, a felicitous memory, the gift 
 of incisive and amusing wit, a splendid voice and impressive 
 figure, all contributed to render Cicero an excellent orator. But 
 he himself did everything to attain the very highest perfection : 
 it was only after long and laborious preparation, theoretical and 
 practical, that he made his debut as an orator, nor did he ever rest 
 and think himself perfect, but was always working on, and never 
 pleaded a cause without careful preparation ; each success was to 
 
§ 178. CICEEO AS AN ORATOR. 281 
 
 him only a step to another still higher achievement, and by con- 
 tinual meditation and study he kept himself fully prepared for 
 his task and the means of accomplishing it. Hence he succeeded, 
 as is now universally admitted, in gaining a place beside Demos- 
 thenes, or at all events immediately after him, though he does 
 not come up to the moral earnestness; and consequent impres- 
 siveness of the Attic orator. But Cicero surpasses him in variety 
 and splendour, where he is more akin to the Asiatic School than 
 to the Attic. He commands such abundance of words as some- 
 times to become diffuse, though often, where he is verbose, it is 
 to cover the weakness of his arguments. His great strength lies 
 in his style ; it is clear, refined, concise and apt, perspicuous, 
 elegant and brilliant. He commands all moods, from playful jest 
 to tragic pathos, but is most successful in the imitation of con- 
 viction and feeling, to which he gave increased efficacy by his 
 fiery delivery; hence he pleaded especially in criminal causes. 
 Sometimes, of course, his rhetoric degenerates to a mere study of 
 effect, and the grandeur of his words serves only to hide the 
 poverty of thought and the badness of the cause. It is true, he 
 was not over-scrupulous as to the causes h© pleaded, but this 
 feature he shares with the advocates and lawyers of all times. In 
 their general effect, we are often dissatisfied with his speeches, 
 since they are frequently deficient in acuteness and distinctness ; 
 but we must allow him to be highly impressive in details. 
 
 1. Cicero's description of himself Brut. 321 cum propter adsiduilalem in caussis 
 et industriam turn propter exquisitius et minim&vulgare orationis genus animos hominum 
 ad me dicendi novitate converteram. nihil de me dicam, dicam de ceteris, quorum nemo 
 erat qui (like myself) videretur exquisitius quam vulgus hominum studuisse litteris quibus 
 fons perfectae eloquentiae conlinethir ; nemo qui philosophiam . . . ius civile . . . 
 memoriam rerum Romanarum teneret, . . . nemo qui breviter arguteque incluso 
 adversaria laxaret iudicum animos atque a severitate paulisper ad hilaritatem risum- 
 que traduceret, nemo qui dilatare posset atque a propria ac definita disputatione 
 hominis ac temporis ad communem quaestionem universi generis orationem traducere, 
 nemo qui delectandi gratia digredi parumper a caussa, nemo qui ad iracundiam magna 
 opere iudicem, nemo qui adfletum posset adducere r nemo qui animum eius . . . quo- 
 cumque res postularet impellere ; Cic. orat. 108 nemo orator tarn multa ne in graeco 
 quidem otio scripsit quam multa sunt nostra, eaque hanc ipsam habent quam probo 
 varietatem; cf. Quint. 10, 1, 105-112. 12, 1, 19-21. 12, 10, 12-15.— Quint. 6, 3, 3 
 non solum extra iudicia sed in ipsis etiam orationibus habitus est (Cic) nimius risus 
 affectator. Cf. Macbob. 2, 1, 13. Dbumann, GE. 6, 599. AHaacke, de Cic. in 
 orationibus facetiis, Burg 1886. 
 
 2. FHand in Erseh and Gruber's Encycl. 1, 17, 213. Dbumann, GE. 6, 588. 
 FBlass, die griech. Beredsamkeit (1865) 125. AHaacke, de dispositione orationum 
 Cic, Burg 1873. ~ 
 
282 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 3. A collection of Cicero's orations in which each speech formed a book by it- 
 self seems indicated by such citations as Charis. GL. 1, 368, 28 Cicero causarum 
 decimo tertio ; Quint. 5, 10, 98 Cicero pro Caecina . . . et alia in eodem libro 
 plurima. — On the MSS. of the orations see the references under each. Collective 
 MSS. containing more than one oration are e.g. the following : Vatic-Basilic. S. 
 Petri H 25 s. VIII/IX (facsim. in Chatelaik t. 26) contains Pis., Font., Place, 
 Philipp. ; Paris. 7794 s. IX (Chat. t. 23) contains pridie quam iret in exilium 
 (§ 180, 6), post red. in sen., post red. ad Quir., de domo, Sest., Vatin., de prov. 
 cons., de har. resp., Balb., Cael. ; the same 10 orations together with the Caesarianae 
 (§ 179, 41, 1) are to be found in the Brussels MS. 5345 s. XII ; in the Monac. 18787 
 s. X (Chatelain t. 27) Philipp., pro imp. Pomp., Mil., Sull., Plane, Caec, Marc- 
 More comprehensive collections especially in the later MSS. e.g. "Wolfenbiittel. 205 
 s. XV (containing 38 speeches ; Wkampelmeyee, cod. W. collatus, Hannover and 
 Clausthal 1872-81 VI); Laur. 48, 25 s. XV (Chatelain t. 24) gives 41 speeches; 
 Vatic. -Palat. 1525 s. XV (Chatelain t. 25) contains most of the speeches, etc. — The 
 speeches, or separate groups of them, were often arranged alphabetically in the 
 earlier MSS. (cf. Niebuhr on Cic pPont., Borne 1820, 67 ; see § 179, 3, 2), often 
 chronologically (so e.g. in the above-mentioned Paris 7794 and Brass. 5345 ; 
 HJordan, quaestt. crit., KOnigsb. 1886, 3 ; cf. § 295, 2. 374, 5). Groups of speeches 
 on similar subjects (Verrinae, Catilinariae, Caesarianae, Philippicae) had a ten- 
 dency to separate from the rest. 
 
 4. On the commentary of Asconius see § 295, 2 ; the scholia Bobiensia § 295, 4. 
 The so-called scholiasta Gronovianus (see also § 177, 5 1. 10) extant only in the 
 Leid. Voss. Q. 138 s. X, an amalgamation of heterogeneous commentaries, gives 
 elucidations on Verr. 2, 1, 1-62 (this is the earliest portion, about s. V, like the 
 Bobbio-scholia, § 295, 4) ; on div. in Caec. ; Verr. 1, 16-20 ; Verr. 1, 1-45 ; Catil. 
 II-IV ; Lig. ; Marc. ; Deiot. ; Bosc. Am. ; de imp. Pomp. ; Mil. ThStangl, der 
 sog. Gronovscholiast, Prague 1884. GLandgraf on Cic. Bosc. p. 3 (§ 179, 2. 2). 
 Mommsen, BhM. 16, 140. — Other early editors and commentators of Cic. are Pronto, 
 Plavius Caper, Volcacius, Statilius Maximus. Also Sacer : see § 179, 19, 1. Cf . 
 Prise GL. 3, 316, -2 commentatores probatissimi (of the orations). — ThStangl, zur 
 Textkritik der Scholiasten cic. Eeden, BhM. 39, 231. 428. 566. 
 
 5. Complete editions of the speeches by PManutius (Ven. 1546 III), DLambinus 
 (Ven. 1570 III), IGGraevius (cum nott. varr., Amsterd. 1695-99 III), BKlotz (Lps. 
 1835-39 III), GLong, with notes, Bond. 1855-62 IV. 
 
 6. Selected speeches for the use of schools e.g. by JNMadvig (12 Speeches 
 Copenh." 1858). CHalm (and GLatjbmann) (18 Eeden erklart, Berl. 4 - 12 1882-86 VII) 
 and others. — Becent editions of orationes selectae : that of the Halle Waisenhaus 
 ("1883 cur. OHeine); CHalm (18 speeches Berl. 2 1887), AEberhard and W 
 Hirschfelder (19 speeches Lpz. 2 1879, see also AEberhard, lection. Tull. I, 
 Lps. 1872). HNohl., Lpz. 1884 sqq. III. — Criticism on the speeches: Madvig, 
 advers. 2, 194. 3, 111. CALehmann, Herm. 14, 212. 451. 621. 15, 348. 567. WG 
 Pluygers, Mnemos. NS. 8, 345. HKarsten, spicil. crit. (Leid. 1881) 3. AWeidner, 
 adw. Tull., Dortm. 1885. 
 
 7. Linguistic works on the speeches : HMerguet, Lexikon zu den Beden d. 
 Cic, Jena 1873-84 IV— DBohde (§ 195, 10). GHatz, Beitr. z. lat. Stil. (d. 
 Hendiadys in Cics Beden), Schweinfurt 1886. JStraub, de tropis et flguris in 
 oratt. Demosth. et Cic, Aschaffenb. 1883. ABoschatt, d. Gebr. der Parenthesen 
 in Cic's Beden u. rhett. Schrr., Acta semin. Erf. 3, 189. Cf. § 179, 1, 1. 
 
 8. Cicero's speeches (all), translated by CNOsiander, Stuttg. (Metzler). Selected 
 
§ 179. cicero's orations. 283 
 
 speeches translated by GWendt, Stuttg. (Metzler, Klass. d. Alt.) 1858; EJenicke, 
 Lpz. (Engelmann) 1858 sqq. ; JSiebelis, Stuttg. (Hoffmann) 1861 sqq. 
 
 179. The extant speeches of Cicero are in chronological order, 
 as follows : 
 
 1) pro Quinctio, delivered a. 673/81, an action in iudicio, in 
 which Cicero's client was driven to the necessity of being the 
 accuser, and demanded the decision in his favour of a previously 
 formed sponsio praeiudicialis. The action was only an incident 
 in the main suit, concerning an accusation of debt against 
 Quintius, founded on an agreement for partnership. Cicero does 
 not appear to have won his cause. 
 
 1. In the earlier speeches Cicero clings somewhat narrowly and rigidly to the 
 scholastic rules, especially to the rhetoric of Cornificius (§ 162), while the phrase- 
 ology appears in certain respects commonplace as well as archaic in comparison 
 with Cicero's later and thoroughly formed style. In these speeches also he is often 
 very diffuse, for his forte never lay in terseness. — -EWOlfflin, Phil. 34, 142. 
 GLandgraf, de Cic. elocutione in oratt. pQu. et pBosc. Am., Wurzb. 1878. H 
 Hellmdth, de sermonis proprietatibus in Cic. prioribus (from 673/81-685/69) oratt., 
 Acta semin. Erl. 1, 101. PhThielmann, see § 162, 4 ; by the same writer stilist. 
 Bemerk. zu den Jugendwerken Cic.'s, BlfbayrGW. 16, 202. 352. Ernst, de genere 
 dicendi et composs. rhetorica in prioribus Cic. oratt., Neuruppin 1885. Cf. inf. 
 No. 26, 1, 1. 6. 
 
 2. In publication, Cicero himself seems to have omitted the third part of the 
 speech pQuinctio, which dealt with a point of inferior importance ; cf. § 44, 7. — 
 Drumann, GB. 3. 82. 5, 232. FLKeller, Semestria ad M. Tull. Cic. 1, 1 (Zur. 1842) ; 
 also Bachofen, in Bichter's Jahrb. 1842, 961, and Mommseh, ZfAW. 1845, 1086. 
 SJEEau, disput. juridica ad Cic. pQu., Leid. 1825. JFrei, der Eechtsstreit des 
 P. Quinctius, Ziir. 1852. SBenfey, zur jurist. Erkl. d. Eede pro Q., Phil. 10, 126. 
 WOetling, Cic.'s Quinctiana, z. Verstandnis u. zur rhetor. "Wurdigung, Oldenb. 
 1882. EKlotz, adnotatt. ad Cic. or. Quinct., Lps. 1862. 
 
 3. "With the exception of inconsiderable fragments in the Turin Palimpsest, 
 s. IV/V (see APeyron, Cic. oratt. p. Scauro etc. p. 214, cf. § 180, 2) this speech is 
 only preserved in later MSS. s. XV., e.g. in the Bern. 214, Genev. 101 and in the 
 Paris MSS. collated in Keller (n. 2). 
 
 2) pro Sex. Eoscio Amerino, a. 674/80, a successful defence 
 against a charge of parricide. The cause was a difficult one 
 inasmuch as the real adversary was a favourite of the dictator 
 Sulla, and the mere fact that Cicero notwithstanding took up the 
 defence, as well as his boldness toward Sulla, combined with tact, 
 in conducting the case, told in his favour. This speech also is 
 constructed in strict accordance with scholastic rules, diffuse in 
 style and rhetorically embellished. 
 
 1. Cic. Brut. 312. 316. Orat. 107. Quint. 12, 6, 4. Drumann, GE. 5, 234. 
 
284 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 ANikl, abundantiam iuvenilem in or. pE. A. apparentem notavit, Kempten 1836. 
 EWolfflin, Phil. 34, 142. GLandgeaf, see § 179, 1, 1. 
 
 2. The oration was known already to Petrarch. AHobtis, Cic. nelle opere de 
 Petr., Trieste 1878. Subsequently it was discovered by Poggio (about 1415) in 
 Gallis together with the pro Murena (likewise the speeches pCaec, de leg. agr., in 
 Pis., pBab. Post., pEab. perduellionis reo, pEosc. com.) : accordingly there are 
 only late copies e.g. Wolfenbtlttel. 205, Monao. 15734, Lag. 26, Laur. 48, 25 ( = Lag. 
 25; Chatelain t. 24). — Separate editions by EOsenbeuggen (with introd. and 
 commentary, Brunswick 1844), GWGosseau (Quedlinb. 1853), CHalm (Ausgew. 
 Beden I, Berl. 10 1886), SKaesten (Utr. 1861), FBichter (Lpz. 2 1877by AFleckeisen, 
 cf. the same JJ. 93, 548). Published and explained, together with the schol. 
 Gronov., by GLanmjraf, Erl. 1884. A school edition by the same writer, Gotha 
 1882. EHDonkin (after Halm), Lond. 2 1882.— Criticism : AEbeehaed, lect. toll. 1 
 (1872), 5. HWrampelheyer, cod. "Wolfenb. 2, xxu. 
 
 3) pro Q. Roscio Comoedo, according to the ordinary as- 
 sumption delivered a. 678/76. The speech turns upon a slave 
 (Panurgus), "whom the prosecutor, G. Fannius Ohaerea, had sent 
 to Roscius for the purpose of histrionic study, the agreement 
 being that the profit anticipated from the art of the slave should 
 be divided between the master and teacher. But a certain 
 Flavius, having killed Panurgus, had paid damages first to 
 Roscius and then to Fannius, which are now to be divided be- 
 tween the two>. 
 
 1. Unteeholzner, d. Eede f. d. Schausp. B., in Savigny's Zeitschr. 1, 248. 
 GFPuchta, civilistische Schriften (1851) 272. GEHeimbach, observatt. iur. rom. 
 (Lps. 1834) 18. EHuschke in Eichter's krit. Jahrb. 1840, 481. MAvBethmann- 
 Hollweg, r5m. Civilproz. 2 (Bonn 1865), 804. JBaeon, Zeitschr. d. Savigny-Stift. 
 1, 116. EBuhstrat, ib. 3, 34. Deumann, GE. 5, 346, who gives the date as not 
 earlier than 686/68. See for a different calculation Landgraf (§ 179, 1, 1), app. 1. 
 
 2. The beginning of the speech, together with the close of that pro C. Rabirio 
 perduellionis reo (no. 19), which in the MS. found by Poggio (see above no. 2, 2) 
 immediately preceded it, has been lost in consequence of a few leaves having fallen 
 out. See Baiter-Halm Cic. 2, m.— MSS. Laur. 48, 25. Monac. (bibl. Electoral. 68) 
 and others. — Or. pE. C. ed., adnott. illustr. CASchmidt, Lps. 1839. — Translated 
 by EOsenbeuggen, in Jahn's Archiv. 11, 554. 
 
 4) pro M. Tullio, delivered before reciperatores a. 682/72 or 
 683/71, a suit in Tullius' name against a neighbour of his, a 
 veteran soldier of Sulla's, P. Fabius, who had destroyed Tullius' 
 country house in the territory of Thurii. 
 
 1. Tac. dial. 20 quia (nunc) de exceptions et formula perpetietur ilia immensa 
 volumina quae pro M. Tullio aut A. Caecina legimus ? Cf. Jul. Victor p. 240 Or.= 
 419 Halm. Schol. Bob. pMil. p. 278 Or.— Drumann GE. 5, 258 assigns the speech 
 to a. 682. 
 
 2. Preserved only in a very incomplete form in two palimpsests s. IV/V at 
 
§ 179. CICERO'S 0RATI0N8. 285 
 
 Turin and Milan : first edited by APeyron and AMai, see § 180, 2. See the same 
 section for CBeier's edition. — PhEHuschke's text and commentary in JGHuschke's 
 anal. lit. (Lps. 1826) 77. Keller, semestr. 1, 3, 653 (with a new collation of the 
 palimpsests). PKhSbek, Herm. B, 146.— CBeiek, iurispr. in Cic. p. T., Jahn's 
 Jahrb. 1 (1826), 214. EKvSavigny, verm. Schrift. 3, 228. 
 
 5) Divinatio (in Caecilium), by which Cicero (a. 684/70) 
 secured to himself the right of appearing as accuser of Verres 
 (opposing Hortensius), in the place of the harmless Q. Caecilius 
 Niger who had been put forward by Verres ; and 
 
 6-11) in Verrem, on account of his exactions in his prae- 
 torian province of Sicily, 6 speeches in two actiones. In the first 
 actio on the 5th August 684/70 Cicero delivered the first oration 
 as an introduction to the prosecution proper. After this during 
 the nine days which the case occupied he brought in the counts 
 of the accusation one by one, giving merely the heads, and letting 
 the witnesses and documents plead for themselves. Then, when 
 the defendant, foreseeing the adverse verdict, had voluntarily 
 gone into exile, Cicero elaborated his rich materials in the five 
 books of the actio secunda : de praetura urbana, de iurisdictione 
 Siciliensi, de frumento, de signis, de suppliciis. In these orations, 
 which were never actually delivered, Cicero speaks as if Verres 
 had put in an appearance at the second hearing (accusatio), and 
 as if these speeches might still influence the final decision. They 
 rank among the finest of Cicero's orations on account of the rich- 
 ness of the subject-matter, and the liveliness and lucidity of the 
 exposition. 
 
 1. Caecilius (of Sicily) was &ire\fv$epiicbs &vBponros, froxos t$ lovtiatfav (Plut. 
 Cic. 7). LEbiedlandek, Sittengesch. 5 3, 578. Hence Cicero's witticism : quid ludaeo 
 cum verre ? (Plut. 1.1.). — JWSluiter, de Cic. div. in Caec, Leid. 1832. 
 
 2. Dkumann, GR. 5, 263. 327. Ps.-Ascon. p. 97-213 Or. Schol. Gron. p. 382- 
 495 Or. KOnig, de Cic. in Verr. artis operum aestimatore, Jever 1863. WGohling, 
 de Cic. artis aestimatore, Halle 1877. HDegenkolb, die lex Hieronica . . ., 
 Beitr. z.-Erkl. d. Verrinen, Berl. 1861. "WGPluygers, emendatt. in Cic. Verr. act. 
 II. 1. 2 et 3 (Leid. 1855) and lectt. Tull. (ib. 1856) p. 3-43. LSchwabe (on Verr. 
 IV), Phil. 30, 311. BXehbs, wissensch. Mon.-Bl. 1878, 45. CJacoby, Phil. 41, 178. 
 
 3. The most important MSS. of the Verrinae are the Paris 7774 A s. IX (now 
 only for b. 4 and 5 : but at one time it contained all the Verrinae : EThomas, rev. 
 de phil. 9, 167. Eacsim. Chatelain t. 31, 1), the Vatican palimpsest (Begin. 2077 
 s. IV ? facsim. Zangem. and Wattenb. pi. 4. Chatelain t. 32), Paris 7776 s. XI 
 (Chatelain t. 31, 2), Lagom. 29 and 42, two Wolfenbiittel MSS. (dependent on the 
 Paris 7774 A ; on this cf. HNohl, Herm. 20, 56) and others. A leaf of a palimpsest 
 (s. Ill ?) for Verr. 2, 1, 44-45 in Turin (Chatelain t. 30). Cf. NMadvig, op. ac. 1, 
 323. CHalm, Munch. Gel. Anz. 1853, no. 29-33. Notwithstanding its age the 
 Vatican palimpsest must be used with caution. HMeusel, utri Verrinarum codici 
 
286 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 maior fides habenda sit, Palimps. Vat. an Begio Paris., Berl. 1876. CFWMuller's 
 Cic. 2, 1, xl. — HKarbaum, de auctor. et fide grammatioorum lat. in constit. lect. in 
 Verr., Diss. Hal. 6, 71.— Editions of the Verr. by CGZumpt (Berl. 1831 : the text by 
 itself, ib. 1830), GLong (with a commentary, Lond. 2 1862). Separate editions of 
 b. II by Creuzer and Moser, G-ott. 1847. — Speech against Caecil. and against Verr. 
 IV and V, explained by CHalm (ausgew. Beden II, Berl. 8 1882). The same 
 speeches singly by FBichter and AEberhard (Div. in Caecil. Lpz. 2 1879). Div. 
 and in Verr. act I by WEHeitland and HCowie, Camb. 1877, the same by 
 JRKing, Lond. 1887.— B. IV and V by EThomas, Par. 1886. 85. B. IV translated 
 from the text of KLehrs by OPfundtner, Konigsb. 1879. 
 
 12) pro M. Fonteio, a. 685/69, an actio repetundarum, not 
 completely preserved. 
 
 1. "We owe the greater part of what is preserved to the Vatic-Basilic, (see 
 § 178, 3). Niebuhr (§ 180, 2) added from the palimps. Palatino-Vaticanus 24 s. V 
 (Chatelain t. 32) new fragments of the first part (see these also in AMai's class. 
 auct. 2, 363) ; others from a MS. s. XII in Cues near Treves have been added 
 by JKlein (cf. § 180, 2) p. 57. — On the substance of the speech see Drumann, 
 GB. 5, 329. ABSchneider, quaestt. in Cic. p. Font., Lps. 1876. 
 
 13) pro Caecina, a. 685/69, delivered before reciperatores, on 
 a suit concerning an inheritance, at least the letter of the law 
 being on Cicero's side. 
 
 1. Cic. orat. 102. Cf. Tac. dial. 20 (above p. 284, 1. 4 from the end). Quint. 5, 
 10, 98. The advocate of the defendant (L. Aebutius) was C. Piso. 
 
 2. The best MSS. : Monac. 18787 (Tegernseensis) s. XI, Berolinensis (Erfurtensis) 
 s. XII (cf. EWundeb, variae lectt. librorum aliquot Cic. ex cod. Erfurt., Lps. 1827 
 p. 87), fragments in the Turin palimps., see above no. 4, 2.— Separate editions by 
 CAJordan (Lps. 1847, supplement to this de cod. Tegernseensi, Lps. 1848).— 
 PhEHuschke in JGHuschke's analect. lit. 164. Drumann, GB. 5, 335. FLKeller, 
 semestr. lib. II (Ztir. 1843) and also Mommsen, Zf AW. 1845. no. 136. CAJordan 
 in his prolegg., and for the contrary view OZeyss, Zf AW. 1848, 865. AHGZim- 
 mermann, de A. Caecina (1852), p. 6. BKlotz, adnott. ad Cic. Caecin., Lps. 1866. 
 67 II. JNMadvig, udsigt of phil.-hist. samf . virksomh. 1878/80, 11. CMFrancken, 
 Mnemos. 9, 245. 
 
 14) de imperio Cn. Pompei, delivered a. 688/66 when 
 Cicero was praetor, in support of the lex Manilia. The praise of 
 Pompey is somewhat exaggerated, the arrangement is scholasti- 
 cally strict, but the style is masterly. 
 
 1. Cic. de or. 102. Fronto p. 221. Cf. Schol. Gronov. p. 437-442 Or.— MSS. 
 are the Erfurtensis (see above no. 13, 2), then the Tegerns. which is here incomplete 
 (above no. 13, 2) and to supplement it the Hildeshemensis s. XIII (HNohl, Herm. 
 21, 193) and others. Drumann, GB. 5, 356. ANikl, levitatem et fallaciam argu- 
 mentations in Cic. or. etc. ostend., Kempten 1842. Bauermeister, Cic. Eede de 
 imp. P. nach ihrem rhet. Werte, Luckau 1861. Editions by CBenecke (Lps. 1834), 
 CHalm (Lps. 1849 and ausgew Bdn. I, Berl. 1 " 1866), GWGossrau (Quedlinb. 1854), 
 FBichter (Lpz.' 1883 by AEberhard). ADeuerling, Gotha 1884. ASWilkins 
 (after Halm), Lond. 2 1885. 
 
§ 179. Cicero's orations. 287 
 
 15) pro A. Cluentio Habito, defence against a charge of 
 poisoning, a. 688/66. 
 
 1. Quint. 2, 17, 21 Cicero se tenebras offudisse iudicibus in causa Cluentii gloriatus 
 est. Cf. ib. 4, 5, 11. 6, 5, 9. 11, 1, 61-63. 74. Apoll. Sid. ep. 8, 10 M. Tullius . . . 
 pro Cluentio ipse se vicit.—MSS. : Monao. 15734, Laur. 48, 12 and 51, 10 ; Wolfenbutt. 
 205. Fragments in the Turin palimpsest.— Editions by JClassen, Bonn 1831, 
 WEamsay, Oxf. 3 1883. WYFausset, Lond. 2 1888.— Discussions of the legal points 
 Dbumann, GE. 5, 360. CNiemeyer, der Prozess gegen CI., Kiel 1871. CBaedt, zu 
 Cio.s Cluentiana. Neuwied 1878. HNettleship, Lectures and Essays (Lond. 1885) 67. 
 
 16-18) The three speeches de lege agraria contra P. Ser- 
 vilium Rullum, the earliest of Cicero's consular speeches (a. 
 691/63), combating the immoderate proposals of the popular tri- 
 bune Servilius to appoint a (democratic) committee of ten with 
 the most extensive powers concerning the purchase and distri- 
 bution of land in Italy. His proposal (which was also directed 
 against Pompey) is impugned by Cicero apparently on a demo- 
 cratic basis. The first speech was delivered in the Senate on 
 Jan. 1, only the conclusion being extant, the second and third 
 (short) are addressed to the people, while a fourth speech (like- 
 wise short) has not come down to us. 
 
 1. A summary of his consular speeches is given by Ciceko himself Att. 2, 1, 3. 
 Quint. 2, 16, 7. 
 
 2. Best MSS. : Pithoeanus, Erfurtensis (see above no. 13, 2), Erlangens. 38. 
 HEbeling, codicis Lagom. 9 auctoritas in oratt. de lege agr., cum mantissa de 
 cod. Paris. 7774, Brunswick 1863— Bee. et expl. AWZumpt, Berl. 1861 (cf. 
 FEichteb, JJ. 87, 251).— Drumann, GE. 3, 152. LLange, rom. Altert. 3, 231. 
 Mommsen, EG. 3 6 , 182. — HCGeehaet, obss. in Cic. de 1. agr., Hof 1851. HSchwarz, 
 miscellanea philol. (Lps. 1878), 3-24 ; coniectan. critt. in Cic. oratt. (Hirschb. 1883). 
 HTKaesten, Mnemos. NS. 6, 283. 432. Haenicke, on Cic.'s speeches de lege agr., 
 Stettin 1883. 
 
 19) pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo, a. 691/63. 
 
 1. Incompletely preserved (the conclusion is missing, see above no. 3, 2) in 
 late MSS. which rest upon Poggio's discoveries see above no. 2, 2 ; in addition 
 Niebuhr in 1820 published a few fragments from a palimps. Palatino-Vati- 
 canus (§180, 2). — An early commentator ap. Chaeis. GL. 1, 211, 20 quod iudicii 
 genus (Eabirius perduell. reus is previously mentioned) Sacer in eandem orationem 
 M. Tullii ah Horatio swmptum ait etc. — On this subject cf. Mommsen, EG. 3 6 , 169. 
 ELallier, rev. hist. 12 (1880), 257. HWirz, JJ. 119, 177. HPutsche, d. genus 
 iudicii der Eede Cic. pEab., Jena 1881.— Separate ed. by WEHeitland, Cambr. 
 1882. 
 
 20-23) The four speeches in L. Catilinam, treating of the 
 Catilinarian conspiracy, the first delivered in the Senate on 
 Nov. 8. 691/63 and charging Catiline with his latest steps ; the 
 
288 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 second, of Nov. 9, informing the people of the events in the 
 Senate and of Catiline's departure from Rome ; the third, of the 
 evening of Deo. 3, acquainting the people with the imprisonment 
 of the Catilinarians left at Borne and the evidence of the letters 
 seized on the Allobroges ; the fourth pronounced in the Senate 
 on Dec. 5, and recommending the immediate execution of the 
 prisoners. 
 
 1. On the events themselves see esp. Dkumann GB. 5, 377. EHagen, Catilina, 
 Konigsb. 1854. Mommsen, EG. 3 6 , 175; Herm. 1, 434. FBaur in the Progr. v. 
 Buchsweiler 1875; Wtirtt. Korresp.-Bl. 1870, 24. 193. 252. LLange, rom. Alter- 
 tumer 3 (1871), 216. CHachtmann, die chronol. Bestimmung von Cie. in Cat. I u. 
 II, Seehausen 1877. AWeidner, Phil. Anz. 8. 410. AWZumpt, JJ. Suppl. vol. 7, 
 577 and esp. CJohn, die Entstehungsgesoh. der Catilinar. VerschwOrung, ibid. 8, 
 703. 782 ; JJ. 131, 841. JOoohek, wann hat Cio. in Cat. I u. II gehalten ? Budolfs- 
 wert 1878. 79 II. AKuhn, quo die Cio. or. in Cat. I habuerit, Bresl. 1885. — 
 EvStekn, Catil. u. d. Parteikampfe in Bom der Jahre 66-63, Dorp. 1883. 
 
 2. FA Wolf was probably joking when he disputed the genuineness of one of 
 these speeches, though even later on he upheld this view, always ambiguously, 
 of altera ex mediis duabus. Acting on this hint, ingenious writers insisted on 
 ' demonstrating ' the spuriousness first of or. 2 or 3, then of 4, and lastly even of 
 1 ! This dust-cloud of criticism has long since been laid. On this question see 
 the appropriate observations of Drumann, GE. 5, 470. Also Madvig, Op. acad. 
 2, 338. WBaumlein, Zf AW. 1838, 66. EHagen, de Cic. Catilinariis ad . . . 
 Gottholdium, KOnigsb. 1851. Moderate criticism, which does not presume spurious- 
 ness on the ground of any seeming or even actual defect, will be obliged to leave 
 these speeches to Cicero. 
 
 3. These orations are preserved in very numerous MSS., some exceedingly 
 corrupt; among the best are e.g. Laur. 45, 2 s. XTV=Lagom. 62 (CALehmann, 
 Herm. 14, 625. CFWMullers Cic. 2, 2, lxiv), Ambros. C. 29 inf. s. X (Baitek, 
 Phil. 20, 335. Pacsim. Chatelain t. 28, 3), the Monacenses 15964 s. XI (Chatelain 
 t. 27, 3), 4611 s. XH„7809 s. XIII.— Editions by CBenecke (Lpz. 1828), CHalm 
 (Ausgew, Edn. HI, Berl. 12 1886), PEichter (Lpz. 4 1882 by AEberhard). EHacht- 
 mann, Gotha 2 1886. APasdera, Turin 1885. ASWilkins (after Halm with many 
 additions), Lond. 2 1879. 
 
 24) pro L. Murena, a successful defence of the consul elect 
 L. Licinius Murena, who was prosecuted under the lex Tullia 
 de ambitu (Nov. 591/63). It is not very convincing, but in- 
 genious and lively, with all sorts of witticisms on jurisprudence 
 and Stoicism, representatives of which were then Cicero's oppo- 
 nents, Ser. Sulpicius Eufus and M. Cato ; the speaker likewise 
 cleverly plays upon the jurors' dread of Catiline gaining the 
 consulship. The speech does not, however, appear to have been 
 delivered in quite the same form in which it was published. 
 
 1. In 57 only the headings of the sections de Postumii criminibus, de Servii 
 
§ 179. cioeeo's SPEECHES. 289 
 
 adolescentis are given ; see § 44, 7. There are also a few accidental gaps in our 
 text towards the end, e.g. 73. 80. 85. 
 
 2. Quint. 11, 1, 69 sq,. Plut. Cic. 35. Dkumann, GR. 4, 187. 5, 477. Niebuhr, 
 kl. Schr. 2, 213. Boot, de emendanda et explicanda Cic. or. pMur., Mnemosyne 
 5, 347. GSorof, de Cic. pM. or. comment, critica. I, Potsd. 1861. Other critical 
 contributions by JFCCampe (JJ. 93, 179) and Teuffel (ibid. 99, 856. 101, 821. 
 103, 264. 504. 723. 105, 668). LUrlichs, BhM. 33, 153. CMFrancken, Mnemos. 
 NS. 5, 295. JVolkel, JJ. 113, 506. "WHEoscher, JJ. 131, 377. AGrumme, Cic. 
 or. pMur. dispositio, Gera 1887. 
 
 3. The MSS., which are of late date throughout, are all derived from the one 
 brought to Italy by Poggio (see above no. 2, 2). CHalm, die Hss. zu Cic. pMur. 
 Munch. SBer. 1861, 1, 437. On the Wolf enbiittel. 205 see Wrampelmeyer (§ 178, 3) 
 P. II-IV, Hannov. 1874-78.— Editions : Eec. et explicavit AWZumpt, Berl. 1859 
 (discussions concerning it between CHalm and AWZumpt in the ZfGW. 14, 881. 
 15, 337. 16, 337. 833). Explained by GTischer (Berl. 1861), CHalm (Ausgew. 
 Bin. VH, Berl.* 1883), HAKoch (and GLandgraf, Lpz. 2 1885), WEHeitland, 
 Camb. 2 1877.— Translated by GWendt, Stuttg. 1869. 
 
 25) pro P. (Cornelio) Sulla, of the year 692/62, a successful 
 defence against a charge of participation in the Catilinarian 
 conspiracy. 
 
 1. Schql. Bob. p. 359-369 Or. Gell. 12, 12, 2.— Best MSS. : Monac. 18787 
 (Tegernseensis) and Palatino-Vaticanus 1525.. — GEJEverts, de Cic. or. p. Sylla, 
 Nymwegen 1835. MSeyffert, ep. crit. ad C. Halmium de Cic. p. Sulla et Sest. 
 orr., Berl. 1848, together with Halm, JJ. 55, 30. CCampe, Beitr. zur Kritik des 
 Cic. 1 (Greiffenberg 1860), 21. — Editions by KHErotscher (Lps. 1831 ; commentary 
 1832), CHalm (Lps. 1845 and Ausgew. Edn. VII, Berl." 1883), EEichter (and 
 GLandgraf, Lpz. 2 1885), JSEeid (Cambr. 1882). 
 
 26) pro Archia, delivered a. 692/62 in defence of the con- 
 tested citizenship of Archias. 
 
 1. The speech abounds in declamation and its genuineness was questioned on 
 that ground by CWSchrOder (Lpz. 1818), who was opposed by EPlatz (Seebode's 
 krit. Arch. 1820-22) ; but JCWBuchner (Schwerin 1839. 1841) raised new doubts, 
 which were answered by JLattmann (GOtt. 1847) ; yet why should not Cicero 
 have indulged in declamation ? Cf. IHSchneither, Mnemosyne 5, 115 ; also Tac 
 dial. 37 nee Ciceronem magnum oratorem P. Quintius defensus aut Licinius Archias 
 faciunt: Catilina et Milo et Verves et AnUmius hanc illifamam circumdederunt. 
 
 2. Best MSS. : Bruxellensis (Gemblaeensis) 5352 s. XI/XII (Facsim. Chatelain 
 t. 33), Erfurtensis s. XII (see above no. 13, 2). — Editions by ESturenburg (Lps. 
 1832. Lpz. 1839), CHalm (Ausgew. Edn. HI, Berl. 12 1886), FEichter (Lpz. 3 1884 
 by AEberhard), EThomas (avec une nouvelle collation de Gemblac. etc.), Paris 
 1883. PThomas, Mons 1882. JSEeid, Cambr. 2 1884. 
 
 3. For explanations see Schol. Bob. p. 353-359 Or. FJacobs in Ersch and 
 Gruber's Allg. Enc. I, 5, 137. Drumann, GE. 4, 199. Schneither, Mnemos. 5, 113. 
 CAutenbieth, Blfbayr GW. 3, 322. 
 
 27) pro L. (Yalerio) Flacco, of a. 695/59, a successful de- 
 fence against an actio repetundarum raised by D. Laelius. 
 
 1. Macrob. 2, 1, 13 pro L. Flacco, quern repetundarum reum ioci opportunitate 
 E.L. U 
 
290 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 de manifeslissumis criminilma exemit. is iocus in oratione non exstat : Hiiihi ex libra 
 Furii Bibaculi notus est. — There is at the beginning of the speech a lacuna which 
 AMai has partially filled in by the aid of the scholiasta Bobiensis (§ 295, 4) and 
 from a cod. Ambros. (§ 180, 2). The chief MS. is the Vatic. Basilic, s. VIII/IX 
 (§ 178, 3), which however contains only § 39-54 (new collation ap. AReiffer- 
 scheid, Bresl. ind. schol. 1885/86). Also Mon. 15734, Bern. 354. There is no 
 extant MS. evidence for § 75-83 : according to the account of KPeutinger they 
 were first printed, from a MS. which is now lost, in the edition of ACratander, 
 Basel 1528. Cf. Mommsen, Herm. 18, 160— "WOetling, librorum mss. Cic. pFlacco 
 condicio, Hameln 1872.— Drumann, GE. 5, 619.— "WGPluygers, lect. tull. (Leid. 
 1856), 44. CAJordan, annotatt. critt., Soest 1868. JFCCampe, zra Cic. p. PI., 
 Progr. v. Greiffenberg 1879. HTKahsten, Mnemos. NS. 7, 300. RDareste, Mel. 
 Graux (Par. 1884) 7. — An annotated edition by AduMesnil, Lpz. 1883. 
 
 28-31) Four speeches post redi turn, viz, (28) oratio cum 
 senatui gratias egit ; (29) cum populo gratias egit ; (30) de domo 
 sua ad pontifices, to prove the invalidity of the consecration of 
 the site of his house by Clodius and his legal claim to its restitu- 
 tion, all three of September 697/57 ; (31) de haruspicum responsis, 
 of a. 698/56 and caused by the declaration of the haruspices, that 
 sacred institutions were being violated, a declaration explained 
 by Clodius of Cicero's house (as a consecrated site), but which 
 Cicero applies to Clodius himself. 
 
 1. The first speech is an expression of thanks for the efforts of the Senate in 
 favour of Cicero's return (ad Att. 4, 1, 5). For the third speech ef. ad Att. 4, 2, 2. 
 Quint. 10, 1, 23 ; for the fourth Ascon. p. 69 Or. 62, K.-S. (de arusp. responso) 
 and Quint. 5, 11, 42. 
 
 2. The second speech, ad Quirites, cannot be proved genuine by external 
 arguments, and there are various reasons to suspect it on internal grounds. 
 MLange, de Cic. altera post reditum oratione, Lpz. 1875 ; IwMuller, JB. 1874/75, 
 1, 689. — The other three are undoubtedly genuine, though they have been fre- 
 quently impugned. JMaekland (Remarks on the epistles of Cic. to Brutus etc. 
 with a dissertation upon four orations ascribed to Cic, Lond. 1745, cf. Wolf's 
 edition p. xlvii) was strongly supported in his doubts by FAWolf (Cic. quae 
 vulgo feruntur oratt. IV etc., Berl. 1801), whose views were adopted by Schiitz, 
 Orelli, CLKayser (in the edition by him and Baiter 4, IX) and others. Various 
 discussions thereon. More recent literature : Drumann, GB. 2, 300. 311. GLah- 
 meyer, orat. de harusp. resp. habitae originem Tullianam etc., Gott. 1849 ; 
 WHoffmann, de fide et auctor. orat. Cic. de har. resp., Burg 1878 (in answer to 
 the arguments for spuriousness advanced by SPPompe van Meerdervoort, ad or. 
 q. Cic. fertur de har. resp., Leid. 1850). ADietzsch, ttber die Halmsche Ausgabe 
 der Beden Ciceros in ihrer Bedeutung fur die Untersuchung der angefochtenen 
 Beden, BhM. 12, 529. CHOGrotenfeldt, de or. Cic. de domo inventione et dis- 
 positione, Helsingf. 1879. CBuck, de Cic. or. de domo, Munich. 1881. — LLange, 
 spicil. in Cic. de domo, Lps. 1880. HJordan, quaestt. crit., KOnigsb. 1886. 
 
 3. The best MS. is the Parisinus 7794 s. IX (see concerning it CHalm, BhM. 
 9, 321), also Erlang. 38 Bruxell. 5345 s. XII.— HWagner, Cic. or. post red. in 
 
§ 179. CICERO'S SPEECHES. 291 
 
 senatu rec, scripturae var. adieoit, prolegomenis instruct, annofcationibus . . . 
 explanavit, defendit, Lps. s. a. (1858). — Criticism: HTKarsten, Mnemos. NS. 
 7, 399. 
 
 32) pro P. Sestio, of March 698/56, a successful defence 
 against a suit de vi, in which Cicero avails himself of all the 
 resources of oratory. The orator speaks, however, at greater 
 length of himself and the aristocratic party than of the accusa- 
 tion and the accused. 
 
 1. ad Q. fr. 2, 4, 1 Sestius noster obsolutus est a. d. V. Id. Mart., et 
 omnibus sententiis absolutus est. « . . scito nos in eo iudicio comecutos esse ut omnium 
 gratissimi videremur. nam defendendo et moroso komini cumulatissime satis fecimus 
 et . . . Vatinium . . . concidimus. — Schol. Bob. p. 291-313 Or. JNMadvig, 
 op. ao. 1, 411. 524. Drumann, GR. 5, 664. ASWesenuerg, dbss. in or. S., Viborg 
 1837. CFHermann, vindioiae lect. Bern, in Cic. Sest., Gott. 1852. WPaul, ZfGW. 
 28, 305. HProbst, JJ. 97, 351. HWrampelmeyer, librorum mss. qui Cic. orr. p. 
 Sest. et pro Cael. continent ratio, Gott. 1868 ; Cod. Wolfenb. 2 (1874), p. xxix. 
 LUrlichs, EhM. 33, 150. EOppenrieder, zu Cic. pSest., Augsb. 1877. EOrtmann, 
 ZfGW. 33, 417. MHertz, z,. Krit. v. Cic. pSest., JJ. Suppl. 13, 33. OKimmig, 
 de Sestianae interpolate, Heidelb. 1882. LBoersch, rev. de l'instr. publ. Beige 
 1883, 285. 
 
 2. Chief MS. : the Paris. 7794 s. IX, also Bruxell. 5345 s. XII. Monac. 15734 
 and others. Editions by OMMuller (Koslin 2 1831), JCWLotzbeck (Baireuth 1829, 
 with p. leg. Man.), Orelli (with p. Cael., Zur. 1832, also prefixed to the Zurich 
 Lectionskatal. 1834 and Heidelb. 1835), CHalm (Lps. 1845, also Ausgew. Rin. TV, 
 Berl. 6 1886), HAKoch (Lpz. 2 1877 by AEberhard). BBouterwek, Gotha 1883. 
 HAHolden, Lond. 1883. 
 
 33) (Interrogatio) in P. Vatinium testem, connected with 
 the suit against Sestius, in which Vatinius had been a witness 
 for the prosecution. This speech was also successful. 
 
 1. Cic. ad Qu. fr. 2, 4, 1 (see no. 32, 1). Schol. Bob. p. 315-324 Or. Drumann 
 GE. 5, 682. — The MSS. correspond to those for the pro Sestio.— Edition by CHalm, 
 Lps. 1846. Cf. JNMadtig, op. acad. 1, 508. 
 
 34) pro M. Oaelio (§ 209, 5), of a. 698/56, full of esprit and 
 cutting witticisms, especially against the real prosecutrix, the 
 ill-famed Clodia ; a speech of much importance for our knowledge 
 of Roman morals. 
 
 1. MSS. : Paris. 7794 s. IX (Facsim. Chatelain t. 23), Erfurt., Bruxell. 5345, 
 Harleian. 4927 (collated by EBahreks, rev. de phil. 8, 33), all s. XII : for certain 
 passages cf. besides the Milan and Turin palimpsests, see § 180, 2.— LSchwabe, 
 quaestt. Catull. 63. 66. JNMadvig, op. acad. 1, 375. ASWesenberg, krit. Bemaerk. 
 til Cics Cael., Viborg 1836. HWrampelmeyer (see no. 32, 1 and § 178, 3). 
 WOetling, librorum mss. Cic. or p. C. . . condicio . . eiusdem Caelianae virtutes 
 et vitia, G6tt. 1868. CBarwes, quaest. tull. spec. I ad Cael. or. spectans, Gott. 1868. 
 CMFrancken, Mnemos. 8, 201. FScholl, EhM. 35, 542. Bahrens 1.1. 
 
292 THE EAELIEE CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 35) De provinciis consularibus, delivered about the end 
 of May 698/56, in order -to obtain the prolongation of the gover- 
 norship of G-aul for Caesar. 
 
 1. MSS. as for no. 34.— Drumann, GR. 5, 706. Mommsen, EG. 3 6 , 323. Madvig, 
 op. 2, 1. EMuller, Einleit. zu Cio. de pr. cons., Kattowitz 1886. — Explained by 
 GTischer, Berl. 1861. 
 
 36) pro L. (Cornelio) Balbo, of a. 698/56, the defence of an 
 intimate friend of Caesar (and Pompey) against the charge of 
 arrogation of the rights of citizenship. 
 
 1. MSS. as for no. 34.— Madvig, op. 2, 13. WPaul, stud. Ciceroniana, Berl. 
 1875, EJullien, etude sur Cic. pBalbo, Lyon 1881 ; de L. Corn. Balbo, Paris 1886. 
 JHoche, de L. Cornelio Balbo p. I, Rossleben 1882. AGasquy, de Cio. pBalbo 
 oratione sive de civitatis jure ex Cic. libris, Paris 1886. — Edition by JSReid, 
 Cambr. 1879. 
 
 37) In L. (Calpurnium) Pisonem, of a. 699/55, delivered in 
 the Senate, a speech of monstrous vehemence. 
 
 1. Ascon. p. 1-17 Or. 1-15 K.-S. The commencement has been lost. Eleven 
 fragments of it were published for the first time from the MS. at Cues (see above 
 no. 12, 1), by JKlein, d. Hs. des Mc. C. (Berlin 1866) 49. Only incomplete versions 
 of the correct text of the speech have been preserved in the Turin palimpsest and 
 the cod. Vatic. Basilican. (§ 178, 3) s. VIII; the latter however only contains 
 § 32-74 together with a few old scholia (published by AReifferscheid, Bresl. ind. 
 schol. 1885/86, 10) ; the more complete MSS. e.g. Monac. 15734, the Erfurtensis etc., 
 show a great deterioration, embodying numerous glosses. 
 
 2. Drumann, GR. 6, 4. CMFrancken Mnemos. 12, 61. JBake, schol. hypomn. 
 4,298. 
 
 38) pro Cn. Plancio, of a. 700/54, against a charge of 
 bribery. 
 
 1. Schol. Bob. p. 253-273 Or. — Manuscripts : Monac. 17787 (Tegernseensis), 
 Erfurtensis.— Drumann, GR. 6, 45.— HKeil, obss. in Plane, Erl. 1864. CCampe, 
 JJ. 95, 265.— Editions by GGaratoni, Bologna 1815, EWunder, Lps. 1830, EKopke, 
 Lpz. 8 1887 (by GLandgraf), HAHolden, Bond. 1881, GBBonino, Turin 1887. 
 
 39) pro C. Eabirio Postumo, the defence (probably unsuc- 
 cessful) of a partisan of Caesar against a well founded charge of 
 extortions, a. 700/54. 
 
 1. Quint. 3, 6, 11. 4, 2, 10. Cf. Suet. Claud. 16.— All the MSS. (e.g. Monac. 
 15734, Ambros. C 121 inf.) are derived from that brought from Italy by Poggio, 
 and are therefore late and untrustworthy. — Drumann, GR. 6, 71. CHalm, iiber 
 Ciceros Rede pro R.P., Abh. d. Munch. Ak. 7, 3, 621. BtenBrink, Phil. 11, 92 ; 
 Mnemos. NS. 2, 80. 
 
 40) pro T.Milone on the murder of Clodius, -which is repre- 
 sented as an act of self-defence on the part of Milo, a. 702/52. It 
 
§ 179. ciceeo's SPEECHES. 293 
 
 is not, however, the speech actually delivered (which was not 
 successful), but a subsequent revision of it, a real masterpiece of 
 oratorical art. 
 
 1. Ascon. p. 31-55 Or. 26-49 C.-S. (ed. ill. Frotscher, Freiberg 1845). Quint. 
 6, 5, 10. 10, 5, 20. Schol. Bob. p. 275-290. Schol. Gron. p. 443 sq. Cf. below 
 § 210, 2 ad fin. and § 268, 6.-Chief MSS. : Monac. 18787 (Tegernseensis, Facsim. 
 Chatelain t. 27), Erfurtensis (from this WFreund, Bresl. 1838 published the 
 speech pMil. in a lithographic facsimile) ; also for some passages the Turin 
 palimpsest is important. Editions by EOsenbruggen ( 2 Hamb. 1872 by HWihz), 
 CHalm (Ausgew. Bed. V, Berl. 9 1885), J. and AWagener (Mons 2 1876), FEichter 
 (Lpz. » 1881 by AEberhard). RBoutehwek, Gotha 1887. JSPurton, Camb. 1877.— 
 Translated into Greek by WBirkler, Stuttgart 1860. 
 
 2. AFGCurth, de artificiosa forma or. p. M., Berl. 1833. LSpengel, Zf AW . 
 1843, 432. HMeusburger, qua tenus Cic. in or. pMil. observaverit praecepta 
 rhetorica, Ried 1882. — CWex, zu Cic. p. M., JJ. 83, 207. LLange, obss. ad Cic. or . 
 Mil., Giessen 1864. 65 II. 
 
 3. The speech as actually delivered had also been preserved. Ascon. 36, 24 
 Or. 42, 21 K.-S. manet ilia quoque excepta (by short-hand writers) eius oratio. 
 Quint. 4, 3, 17. Schol. Bob. 276, 10 et extat alius (Ciceronis) praeterea liber actorum 
 pro Milone. A fragment of this first speech occurs ap. Quint. 9, 2, 54 and Schol. 
 Bob. 346, 13. HGaumitz, zu den Bobienser Cic-Scholien, Dresd. 1884, 1. 
 
 41) pro M. Marcello, a. 708/46, addressed to Caesar in the 
 Senate for the purpose of obtaining the recall of an old adversary 
 of his (§ 202, 5). 
 
 1. The three speeches pMarc. Lig. Deiot. were even in ancient times coupled 
 together as " Caesarianae " ; see Non. 437, 9 M. Tullius in Caesarianis ( = pMarc. 2). 
 Sebv. Aen. 11, 438 Cicero in Caesarianis (= pDeiot. 12). Prob. GL. 4, 27, 18 
 Cicero . . . in Caesarianis ( = pDeiot. 41) and elsewhere. 
 
 2. The speech pMarc. also, in spite of quotations and other evidence, has not 
 escaped the attacks of scepticism. FAWolf in particular has expended all his 
 ingenuity in the attempt to prove that the speech is bad (which must be granted) 
 and therefore not Ciceronian ; see the pref. to his edition (Berl. 1802). CLKayser 
 (in his and Baiter's edition of Cicero 5, vin) concurred with Wolf. Recent answers 
 to Wolf FHahne, orat. pMarc. defendit, Jena 1876 (also IwMuller, JB. 1877, 2, 
 248) and HSchwanke, de Cic. quae fertur or. pMarc, Erl. 1886. 
 
 3. Schol. Ambr. p. 347 sq. Schol. Gronov. p. 418 sqq. Or. Drumann, GR. 6, 
 262.— Manuscripts : Bruxellensis 5345 (Gemblacensis), Erfurtensis, Ambros. C 29 
 inf. s. X. Admont. 383 s. XII (collation by MPetschenig, ZfoG. 34, 1).— Explained 
 (together with Ligar. and Deiot.) by FRichter (Lpz. 3 1886 by AEberhard). 
 
 42) pro Q. Ligario, a public intercession with Caesar in 
 favour of this exiled partisan of Pompey, a. 708/46. 
 
 1. CGuttmamn, de earum quae vocantur Caesarianae orationum Tullian. genere 
 dicendi, Greifsw. 1883, attempts (following UvWilamowitz, Herm. 12, 332) to show 
 that Cicero in the speech pro Marcello before Caesar poses as an Asiatic, but in the 
 speeches pLig. and pDeiot. as an Atticist (pr. 67 supr), out of consideration for Caesar ! 
 
29,4 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 2. Schol. Ambros. p. 371 sq. Schol. Gbon. p. 414 sqq. Or. — The MBS. as for no. 
 41, 3.— Editions by AESoldan (Hanau 1839), CHalm (Ausgew. Bdn. V, Berl. 8 1885), 
 EEichtek (see no, 41, 3).— Translation with notes by HKjratz, Stuttg. 1869. Criti- 
 cism: HJobdan, quaestt. crit., KOnigsb. 1886, 3. 
 
 43) pro rege Deiotaro,in defence of the king of G-alatia of 
 that name against the charge of attempting to murder Caesar, 
 delivered at Caesar's residence, October 709/45. 
 
 1. Schol. Ambb. p. 372. Schol. Gbon. p. 421 sqq. Or. — MSS. as for no. 41, 3, 
 and in addition the Gudian. 335 s. X in Wolfenbtittel. — Editions by KHFrotscher 
 (Lps. 1835), AFSoldan (Hanau 1836), CHalm (Ausgew. Rdn. V, Berl. » 1885), 
 EB.ICHTEB (see no. 41, 2). 
 
 44-57) In M. Antoninm orationum Philippicarum, libri 
 XIV, of the years 710/44 and 711/43. In the first (2 Sept. 710/44) 
 the speaker endeavours to justify his long absence from the stage 
 of political life and complains of a recent attack on the part of 
 his ' friend ' M. Antony. When Antony had been roused by this, 
 on 19 Sept., to make a speech in the Senate in which he attacked 
 the whole political career of Cicero (who was, however, absent), 
 the orator wrote a reply in the form of an answer returned on 
 the spot, but which was not published until after Antony's 
 departure from Rome — the second Philippica. In the third 
 (Dec. 20), he recommends that the Senate should award special 
 praise to T>. Brutus and Octavianus for resisting the consul, 
 M. Antony, and this having been obtained, Cicero the same 
 evening announced the resolution to the people, in the fourth 
 speech. The fifth speech (1 Jan. 711/43) has for its purpose to 
 recommend the award of special honours to those adversaries of 
 M. Antony and to declare him an enemy of the state. The first 
 half of this prosposal having been passed on 4 Jan., but an attempt 
 at mediation being contemplated in the place of the second half, 
 Cicero announced this to the people on the same day, in the 
 sixth speech. The seventh (end of Jan.) is intended again to 
 urge the immediate declaration of war against M. Antony, and in 
 the eighth (beginning of February) he blames the adoption of 
 an unsatisfactory compromise after that attempt had failed, and 
 puts forth positive proposals of his own. In the ninth he again 
 attacks M. Antony and advocates special distinctions and honours 
 to be awarded to Ser. Sulpicius. In the tenth speech (end of 
 Feb. at latest) the subsequent confirmation of the measures taken 
 by M. Brutus in Macedonia and Greece is recommended. The 
 eleventh (middle of March 711/43) is an unsuccessful argument 
 
§ 179. cicero's speeches, 295 
 
 in favour of committing the punishment of Dolabella (who had 
 executed 0. Trebonius, one of the assassins of Caesar) to C. Cassius, 
 himself one of the .assassins. In the twelfth, which almost 
 immediately followed the preceding, Cicero attempts to prevent 
 the second embassy to M. Antony (which had been decided on) 
 and to free himself from all share in it. In the thirteenth 
 (20 March 711/43) he defends his warlike policy against the 
 peaceful counsels of M. Lepidus and Munatius Plancus. In the 
 fourteenth and last (22 April 711/43) he recommends the cele- 
 bration of a great thanksgiving on account of the victory gained 
 over M. Antony near Forum Grallorum, and honours to the 
 victorious generals. The tone of these Philippics is angry, and 
 the lively, impassioned language does not eschew strong and 
 coarse expressions. 
 
 1. The chief MS. is the Vatie.-Basiliean. H 25 s. IX (§ 178, 3) (FDeycks, de 
 Cic. Philippic, oratt. cod. Vatic, Munster 1844), next Monae. 8787 (Tegernseensis) 
 s. XI and others. On a Phil. MS. in Cheltenham GNutt, Academy no. 679, 332.— 
 Editions of the Phil. : by GGWernsdorf (Lps. 1821 sq. II ; verb. Text ib. 1825), 
 by JEKing, 2 Oxf. 1877 ; the 6econd (whieh is especially famous, Iuv. 10, 125) 
 published separately by Wernsdorf (with a translation, Lpz. 1815), JGantrelle 
 Par. 2 1882, GLanson, Par. 1881, AEPeskett, Cambr. 1887. The first and second 
 explained by CHalm (Ausgew. Edn. VI, Berl. 6 1881) and HAKoch (Lpz. 2 1879 by 
 AEberhard). The second, edited after Halm, with corrections and additions, by 
 JEBMayor, Lond. 6 1878. 
 
 2. JMittermate, Beitr. zur Erkl. der ersten phil. B. (AschafTehb. 1841) ; to the 
 second (ib. 1843. 45). CCampe, Phil. 10, 627 ; JJ. 91, 163. Against AKrause's 
 doubts concerning the genuineness of the fourth speech (Cic. Phil. IVexpl. et Ciceroni 
 derogavit, Berl. 1839, and Jahn's Archiv 13, 297) see CAJordan, Zf AW. 1840, 611. 
 Schuster, vindiciae Cic. or. PhiL quartae, Liineb. 1851 sq. SChrSchirlitz, Cic. 
 Phil, nona, Wetzlar 1844. On the chronology OESchmidt, de epist. Cassian. 
 25. 27. 34. Criticism : CGCobet, Mnemos. NS. 7, 113. ThGomperz, Wien. Studd. 
 2, 143. — OHauschild, de sermonk proprietatt. in Cic. oratt. PhiL, Diss. Halens. 
 6, 223. 
 
 180. Besides these 57 speeches we possess fragments of about 
 20 more, and we know the titles of 30 others delivered by Cicero. 
 In addition to these there are a number of laudations which were 
 published, but never pronounced, viz. of Caesar (a. 698/56), Cato 
 the Younger (a. 708/46) and his sister Porcia (a. 703/51). 
 
 1. Important fragments have been preserved : a) of the two Cornelianae (pro 
 C. Cornelio de maiestate, a. 689/65, see Ascon. p. 56-81 Or. 50-72 K.-S. and Quint. 
 8, 3, 3 ; ci 6, 5, 10. 10, 5, 13. EGBeck, quaestt. in Cic. p. C. Cornelio orationes, 
 Lps. 1877) ; b) of the oratio in toga Candida, a. 690/64 delivered in the Senate, of. 
 Bucheler, Q. Cic. p. 9. PKOtschau, de Cic. or. in toga Candida, Lps. 1881 ; in the 
 time of Asconius (p. 84 K.-S.) there were in circulation answers to this speech of 
 Cicero, which had been forged by his enemies in the name of Catiline and An- 
 
296 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 tony; c) of the speech pro Aemilio Scauro, a. 700/54, see Drumann, GE. 6, 36. 
 Ascon. p. 18-30 Or. 16-25 K.-S. Schol. Bob. p. 373-376 Or. HGaumitz, de 
 Scauri oaussa repetundarum et de Cio. pScauro, Lpz. Stud. 2, 249. Criticism : 
 CMFrancken, Mnemos. NS. 11, 375 ; d) in Clodium et Curionem ; EGBeck, Einl. 
 u. Dispos. zu Cic. in Clod, et Cur., Zwickau 1886. 
 
 2. The principal MSS. of the fragments of orations are : Ambros. B 57 sup. s. 
 V. palimps. (facsim. Chatelain t. 29, 1), Taurinensis A II 2 (Chatelain t. 29, 
 2), Vatic.-Palat. 24 s. V (Chatel. t. 32, 2). — Collective editions of the fragments of 
 some of the speeches : Sex orationum partes ineditae, ed. AMai, Milan 2 1817 ; Auc- 
 tor. class. 2, 277. Oratt. p. Fonteio et C. Babir. fragmenta ed. BGNiebuhr, Eome 
 1820. Oratt. p. Scaur., Tull. et in Clod, fragmenta inedita ed. APeyron, Stuttg. 
 1824 (with commentatio de biblioth. Bobiensi by APeyron, p. in ; inventarium 
 librorum monasterii S. Columbani de Bobio, p. 1, and annotationes on it, p. 70). 
 Oratt. p. Tull., in Clod., p. Scauro, p. Flacco fragmenta ined. coll. CBeier, Lps. 1825, 
 with Indd. (edited by GHertel), Lpz. 1831. JKlein, iib. eine Handschr. des 1 
 Nik. v. Cues nebst ungedruckten Pragm. Cic. Eeden, Berl. 1866. — The fragments' 
 of the speeches in the complete editions e.g. in Baiter-Kayser 11, 1 and in CPW 
 Muller 4, 3, 231. CHalm, Beitr. z,. Berichtig. u. Erganzung der cic. Fragmente, 
 Munch. SBer. 1862 2, 1. FBelin, de Cic. Orationum deperditarum fragmentis, 
 Par. 1875. — List of the speeches of which there are no fragments extant e.g. in 
 CFWMuller 4, 3, 289. 
 
 3. Sketches and schemes of speeches by Cicero were published from his papers 
 by his freedman Tiro. Quint. 10, 7, 30 quodfecisse M. Tullium comrnentariis ipsius 
 apparet. ib. 31 Ciceronis ad praesens modo tempus aptatos (cornmentarios) libertus Tiro 
 contraxit. Cf . ib. 4, 1, 69 Cicero pro Scauro ambitus reo, quae causa est in comrnentariis 
 (nam bis eundem defendit), prosopopoeia . . utitur. Hieronym. apol. ad Eufin. 2, 469 
 Vail, (in comrnentariis causarum, pro Gabinio). CFWMuller's Cic. 4, 3, 291. 
 
 4. For Cicero's laudatio Caesaris see ad Att. 4, 5 ; for his laudatio Porciae ib. 
 13, 37, 3. 13, 48, 2. — ad Q. fr. 3, 8, 5 Serrani Domestici filii funus perluctuosum fuit a. 
 d. VIII Kal. Dec. (J. 700/54), laudavit pater scripto meo. 
 
 5. Plut. Caes. 54 iypa\j/e Kuctpuv tynuiuov Karuvos, 6vo/ia t$ Xc^yy $4p.eyos Karuxo. 
 FSchneider, de Ciceronis Catone minore, Zf AW. 1837, Nr. 140. CGottling, de Cic. 
 laudatione Catonis et de Caesaris Anticatonibus, op. 153. Baiter-Kayser 11, 67. 
 CFWMuller 4, 3, 327. The contents of this laudation of Cato gave some offence 
 to Caesar (ad Att. 12, 40, 1. 13, 27, 1), though he fully admitted its excellence in 
 point of form (ib. 13, 46, 2) ; he therefore caused Hirtius to write a reply and even 
 wrote an Anticato himself (see § 195, 7). M. Brutus, on the other hand, thought 
 Cicero's treatise somewhat cold and narrow in spirit, Cicero (from prudential 
 motives) having confined himself to Cato's private character ; hence he too (beg. 
 of 709/45) wrote a Cato (§ 210, 2. ad fin.). 
 
 6. The spurious speech pridie quam in exilium iret (extant in vers" good MSS. 
 e.g. the Paris, 7794, Brux. 5345, Erfurt.) see e.g. in Baiter-Kayser 11, 156, and in 
 CFW Muller 4, 3, 425. On the supposititious speeches of Sallust and Cicero against 
 each other, see below § 205, 6. The speech which Cassius Dio 44, 23-33 attributes 
 to Cic. was (to judge from its contents) written by the historian himself ; FStrau- 
 mer, de Cic. q. f . or. ap. Cass. Dion., Chemnitz 1872. 
 
 181. In the theory of rhetoric, Cicero was a disciple of the 
 Greeks. After an unsuccessful attempt in his youth, in his 
 
I 180-2. CICERO'S SPEECHES AND RHETORICAL WRITINGS. 297 
 
 mature age he wrote original works on rhetoric, not in order to 
 develope the theory of it, but to show his own position in the 
 history of Eoman oratory and defend his style against his adver- 
 saries. Here he succeeded in setting forth the principal doctrines 
 in popular form. In his opposition to the barren schematism of 
 scholastic rhetoric, Cicero even drifted into the extreme of mere 
 empiricism and frequently missed distinctness of definition. 
 
 1. On Cicero's position in relation to Asiatic and Attic oratory see p. 67. 
 OHarnecker, JJ. 125, 601. 129, 42.— CWPiderit, Kunstwert der rhetorischen 
 Schriften Cic.s JJ. 82, 503. LSpengel, BhM. 18, 495. HJentsch, Aristotelis ex 
 arte rhetorica quid habeat Cicero, Berl. 1866 ; de Aristotele Cic. in rhetorica auc- 
 tore, Guben 1874. 75 II. ChCauseret, sur la langue de la rhetorique et de la criti- 
 que litteraire en Cic, Par. 1887. — Uber die Benutzung der ciceron. Bhetorica bei den 
 spateren Bhetoren ThStangl, BlfbayrGW. 19, 184. 277. 334. GWust, de clausula 
 rhetorica quae praecepit Cic. qua tenus in oratt. secutus sit, Diss. Argentor. 5, 227. 
 EMui.lee, de numero Ciceroniano, Kiel 1886. — DWollner, d. aus der Krieger- u. 
 Fechter-Sprache entlehnten Wendd. in den rhetor. Schrr. d. Cic. Quint. Tac, Lan- 
 dau 1886.— Criticism: ThStangl, BlfbayrGW. 18, 245. WGPluygers, see § 178, 6. 
 
 182. The extant rhetorical works of Cicero in chronological 
 order are as follows : 
 
 1) Rhetorica, (Ehetorici, de inventione): see § 177", 3. 
 
 2) De oratore libri tres, written a 699/55, in the form of a 
 dialogue between the two greatest orators of the preceding period, 
 L. Crassus and M. Antonius, and several others, supposed to take 
 place a. 663/91. By this form the treatment has gained in facility, 
 comprehensiveness and vivacity, and Cicero avoids dry systematic 
 explanation and the necessity of himself deciding in favour of one 
 style, though it is evident that his characters pronounce only his 
 own views. The work is far from attaining the dramatic art of 
 a Platonic dialogue, nevertheless it ranks with the most finished 
 productions of Cicero on account of its varied contents and its ex- 
 cellent style. The first book treats of the studies necessary to an 
 orator, the second of the treatment of the subject-matter, and the 
 third of the form and delivery of a speech. 
 
 1. Cic. ad Att. 13, 19, 4. fam. 1, 9, 23 cf. 7, 32, 2. Above § 152, 4.— FEllendt 
 introd. to his edition 2, vu. CAFBruckner, quid Cic. in libris de or. ex Isocrate et 
 Aristotele mutuatus sit, Schweidnitz 1849. CWPiderit, zur Krit. u. Exegese v. 
 Cic. de or., Hanau 1857—58 II. JBake, Mnemos. 7, 97. GSorof, Phil. 21, 654 ; 
 Vindic. Tull., Berl. 1866. FThAdler, locos quosdanrlibr. I et II emend., illustr., 
 Halle 1869. Bitschl, op. 3, 814. HEubner, krit. Beitr. zu Cic. de orat., Hof 1874. 
 WFriedrich,JJ. 111,859; quaestt.in Cic. de or., Muhlhausen 1885; JJ. 135,73. 
 PLangen, de locis nonnull. in Cic. de orat. 1. 1, Munst. 1876 II. HMuther, JJ. 129, 
 593 ; Beitr. a. Emend, von. Cic. de or., Coburg 1885. Madvig., adv. crit. 3, 85. 
 JBobi, Journ. of phil. No. 29, 57. 
 
298 THE EAELIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 2. The treatises de oratore, Brutus and orator (of. below no. 3, 2. no. 4, 2) have 
 been transmitted to us in a twofold version, which rests on the one hand on the 
 old codex Laudensis, found at Lodi in 1422, which after being transcribed was 
 again lost. Direct copies from the Laud, are, for the three works, Vatican.-Otto- 
 bon. 2057 (written in Nov. 1422) ; for Brut. a.nd Or. Plorent. Magliabecch. I, 1, 14 
 (written 1423) ; for de orat. and Or. Vatic-Palat. 1469. Discussions on the Laud- 
 ensis and the copies from it : DDetlefsen, Kieler Phil.- Vers. 1869, 94. FHeerdegen, 
 EhM. 38, 120; J J. 131, 105. 245; BlfbayrGW. 22, 98. Also in the introd. to his 
 edition of the Or. ThStatcl WschrfklPh. 1884, i209 ; BlfbayrGW. 21, 24. 118. 
 BSabbadini, Guarino Veronese e le opere rhetoriche di Cic ("WschrfklPh. 1886, 
 749) ; Mus. di antichita class. 2 (1887), 22. The copies of the Laud, alone give the 
 »work de oratore entire (integri) : that treatise and the orator are also preserved in 
 a mutilated state in MSS. which are good in other respects (codices mutili), e.g. in 
 the most important of this class, the Abrincensis s. IX (see PWSchneidewin, Phil. 
 10, 758, Heehdegen, proleg. z. Orator, f acsim. Chatelaim t. 19), in the Harleian. 2736 
 s. IX/X and others. EStrobel, Cic. de orat. codd. mutilos examinavit, Acta semin., 
 Erlang. 3, 1.— Concerning Lagom. 32 on de or. I SpVassis, Athens 1884. — Editions 
 e.g. by BJPHenrichsen (Copenh. 1830) and esp. by PEixendt (Konigsb. 1840 II). 
 Also rec. IBake, Amsterd. 1863. Annotated by CWPiderit, Lpz. 6 1886 (with 
 contributions by GHarhecker) ; by GSorof, Berl. 2 1882. B. I. II. by ASWilkiks, 
 Lond. 1879. 81.— Translated by Dilthet and FBaur, Stuttg. 1859; BKuhner, 
 ■Stuttg. 1858, 
 
 3) Brutus de claris oratoribus, written in the beginning of 
 708/46, a pragmatic history of Roman oratory, highly valuable on 
 account of the abundance of the historical materials contained in 
 it, as well as many pertinent and vivid sketches of character, and 
 information in regard to Cicero's studies. The form of a dialogue 
 is handled with greater ability than in the philosophical works ; 
 though there are imperfections of style, great and small, here and 
 there. 
 
 1. At the commencement (26 sqq.) is the summary of the history of oratory 
 among the Greeks. The number of Latin orators discussed amounts to nearly 
 200, and, on principle, only those who are deceased are treated of (231). Of living 
 orators only Caesar, Sulpicius Eufus, M. Marcellus (§ 202, 5) and Cicero himself are 
 discussed. Cf. Brut. 319. or. 23. Quint. 10, 1,38. Tac. dial. 30. Above §153, 8. 
 171, 12. 
 
 2. The extant manuscripts (all s. XV) are derived from the lost Laudensis 
 (§ 182, 2, 2).— Editions by HMeyer and GBernhardy (Halle 1838), CPeter (Lpz. 
 1839), EEllendt (Konigsb. 1825 and especially 1844), OJahn (Berl. 4 1877 by AEber- 
 hard), CBeok (Cambridge in Massachusetts 3 1853), CWPiderit (annot. Lpz. 2 1875), 
 rec. ThStanql, Prague 1886. MKellog, Boston and Lond. 1889. 
 
 3. JBake, schol. hypomn. 3, 311 ; Mnemos. 6. 421. CWPiderit, zur Krit. u. 
 Exegese v. Cic. Brut., Hanau 1860. 1862 II. (JCPCampe), Beitr. z. Krit d. Cic. 1 
 .(Greiffenberg 1860), 1-21. JMahly. EhM. 20, 637. HJordan, die Einleitung des 
 cic. Brut., Herm. 6, 196. WPriedrich, JJ. 107, 845. 121, 137. AWeidner, Phil. 38, 
 63. Madvig, adv. crit. 3, 100. PNesemann, z. Textkrit. des Brut. u. Or., Lissa 
 1882. Pleckeisen, JJ. 127, 208. EBahrens, rev. de phil. 10, 70. JSimoh, krit. 
 
§ 182. cicero's rhetorical writings. 299 
 
 Bemerkk. zu Cio. Brut., Kaiserslautern 1887. JStanol, WschrfklPh. 1888, 559. 595. 
 — MNaumann, de fontt. et fide Bruti Cio., Halle 1883.— Translated by WTeuffbl, 
 Stuttg. 1850. 
 
 4) Orator ad M. Brutum, Cicero's 'last word ' on rhetoric, 
 giving his ideal of an orator, though of greater value for various 
 details and isolated remarks than for completeness and syste- 
 matic arrangement ; it was also written a. 708/46, 
 
 1. Cic. ad fam. 6, 18, 4. 15, 20, 1. div. 2, 4.— Ad Att. 14, 20, 3 and fam. 12, 17, 2 
 called de optimo genere dicendi from its contents. 
 
 2. The MSS., like those for the books de oratore, fall into two classes, one of* 
 which consists of the copies from the cod. Laudensis, while the others are codices 
 mutili. Cf. § 182, 2, 2 and the literature there quoted ; also § 182, 3, 2. CStegmann, 
 de oratoris Tull. mutilis 11., Jena 1875. Oratoris Tull, codicem Erlang. (303, olim 
 39) contulit ChrHOrner, Zweibr. 1878. HBubnek, de oratoris Tull. cod. Lanren- 
 tiano (50, 1 ». XV), Speier 1882.— Editions by HMeyek, Lps. 1827, FGSller, Lps. 
 1838, CPeter and GWeller, Lpz. 1838, OJahn, Berl. 3 1869, KWPiderit, Lpz. 2 
 1876. Bee. FHeerdegen, Lpz. 1884. By JESandys, Lond. 1885. 
 
 3. IBake, de emendando Cic. or., Leiden 1856. KWPiderit, Eos 1, 401. 2, 168 ; 
 JJ. 91, 372. 765. HSauppe, quaestt. tull., G-Ott. 1857. HEckstein, observatt. 
 gramm. ad Cic. orat. c. 45-18, Lps. 1874. WFriedrich, JJ. 121, 142. 123, 177 ; 
 Phil. 44, 666. FNesemann (see above 3, 3) JCHBoot, Versl. d. Akad. v. Amsterd. 
 1882 2, 11. EBahrens, rev. de phil. 10, 70. LHavet, ibid. 10, 155. Madvig, adv. 
 3, 95.— Translated by Teuffel (Stuttg. 1861), JSommerbrodt (Stuttg. 1870). 
 
 5) Partitiones oratoriae(orde par titione oratoria), written 
 a. 708/46, or 709/45, a survey of the whole department of rhetoric 
 in the form of questions (put by the author's son) and answers ; a 
 rather dry catechism. 
 
 1. Quint. 3, 3, 7. Drumann, GB. 6, 293. Best MS. Paris. 7231 s. XI (facsim. 
 in Chatelain t. 22) ; then Paris. 7696 s. XII. Erlang. 848 s. XV. Bhediger. s. XV 
 and others. EStrObel, z. Hss.-Kunde u. Krit. von Cic. Partitt. oratt., Zweibr. 
 1887. Edition by KWPiderit (with notes, Lpz. 1867).— KWPiderit, zur Kritik 
 von Cic. p. or., Hanau 1866; JJ. 95, 275. HSauppe, Gott. GA. 1867, p. 1863. 
 WFriedrich, Phil. 47, pt. 2. 
 
 6) Topic a ad C. Trebatium, an explanation of Aristotle's 
 Topics, at least according to the author, for the use of forensic 
 orators, written down from memory a. 710/44 during a voyage 
 from Velia to Eegium. 
 
 1. Cio. top. 5 ut veni Veliam . , . Jiaec, cum mecum libros non haberem, memoria 
 repetita in ipsa navigatione conscripd tibique ex itinere misi. Cf. ad fam. 7, 19. 
 Quint. 3, 11, 18. 5, 10, 64 (scribens ad Trebatium ex iure ducere exempla maluit). 
 —Manuscripts : Leid. 84 and 86 (§ 184, 2, 3), Einsidl. 324 s.X (Chatelain t. 21), two 
 SGall. s. X 830 (facsim. Chatelain t. 21). 854. FBucheler, Phil. 21, 123. Eegarding 
 Boethius' commentary on this work : see § 478, 5.— ChABrandis, BhM. 3 (1829), 
 547. JJKlein, de fontibus topp. Cic, Bonn 1844. HJentsch, Aristotelis ex arte 
 
300 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 rhet. quid habeat Cicero 2, 25. MWallies, de fontt. top. Cic, Halle 1878. CHammeb, 
 de Cic. topicis, Landau 1879. IwMulleb, JB. 1880 2, 218. 
 
 7) De optimo genere oratorum, forming the introduction 
 to a translation of Demosthenes' and Aeschines' speeches for and 
 against Ctesiphon, perhaps of the same date (710/44). 
 
 1. This translation was intended to prove to the Romans that the greatest 
 Attic orators employed a kind of eloquence differing entirely from that of the in- 
 sipid Lysias, who was at this period specially recommended for imitation as the 
 purest Attic model (see p. 67. 245. 250). Cicero at § 10 mentions his speech pro 
 Milone ; cf . Ascon. p. 31 Or. 26, 6 K.-S.— Chief MS. SGall. 818 s. XI (Chatelain t. 
 20). — Ed. cum comment. AStatii, LOwen 1552 ; (together with topp. and partitt.) 
 by GHSaalpkank, Eegenst. 1823 ; OJahn in his Orator. 
 
 183. Cicero studied philosophy originally only as a means 
 of assisting his rhetorical training, and it was not until his last 
 years, when he saw himself stopped in his political and rhetorical 
 career, that he wrote a number of philosophical works within a 
 short time, partly for the sake of occupation and to divert his 
 mind from the existing state of things. In these, he rendered 
 his Greek originals in a loose and unmethodical manner, even 
 committing numerous mistakes, e. g. frequently confounding the 
 Academic and Peripatetic philosophers. His study of the original 
 authorities was mainly confined to late Greek philosophers, while 
 he had only an imperfect acquaintance with Plato and Aristotle. 
 The most difficult problems he left aside, and he carefully 
 avoided strict definitions. He was eclectic as to the different 
 systems. He preferred, however, the plausible doctrines of the 
 New Academy on account of their practical utility to a lawyer, 
 as this school renounced positive definitions and was content 
 with the statement of pros and cons and the investigation of 
 probabilities; in ethics he inclined to the idealism of the 
 Stoics, though softening down their asperities ; he was repelled 
 by the moral laxity of the Epicureans. The material value 
 of these works is far surpassed by the merit of their form, for 
 Cicero was the first Roman writer who treated philosophical 
 subjects in Latin in an easy and elegant manner and thereby 
 became the creator of a Latin philosophical style. His philo- 
 sophical writings are, as a rule, conceived as dialogues, though 
 these are somewhat monotonous, as the form is not seriously 
 sustained; they are wanting in dramatic skill and subtlety, 
 and are mere abstracts of the originals worked into their present 
 dialectic frame. 
 
§ 183. cicero's philosophical writings. 301 
 
 1. Tusc. 2, 9 itaque mihi semper Peripateticorum Academiaeque consuetudo de 
 omnibus rebus in contrarias partes disserendi non ob earn caussam solum placuit quod 
 aliter non posset quid in quaque re veri simile esset inveniri, sed etiam quod esset ea 
 maxima dicendi exercitatio. paradox, prooem. 2 nos ea philosophia plus utimur quae 
 peperit dicendi copiam et in qua dicuntur ea quae non multum discrepent ab opinione 
 popidari. Cf. Brut. 161. 315. 322. Tusc. 4, 7. 5, 82. nat. deor. 1, 6-15. 
 
 2. ad Att. 12, 52, 3 dices, qui talia conscribis f 'Axbyptupa sunt, minore labore 
 fiunt ; verba tantum affero, quibus dbundo ; cf. fam. 13, 63, 1. He expressly declares 
 that he used his own discretion and taste, de fin. 1, 6. 7. off. 1, 6. But there is not 
 the same degree of dependence in all his works; it is greatest in th3 departments 
 of natural philosophy and dialectics, and least in questions of practical morals and 
 experience. BHirzel, 1.1. 1, 1. 
 
 3. He quite misunderstands the Platonic Ideas in the Orat. 7-40. "With re- 
 gard to Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics he says de fin. 5, 127 quare teneamus 
 Aristotelem et eius filium Nicomachum, cuius accurate scripti de moribus libri 
 dicuntur illi quidem esse Aristotelis, sed non video cur non potuerit patris similis esse 
 filius, words which may well make us doubt whether Cicero had ever seen the work 
 in question, see Madvig ad loc. For other particulars see Brut. 120. 149. fin. 5, 7 
 sq. 14, 21 (antiquis, quos eosdem Academicos et Peripateticos nominamus), 23 extr. et 
 passim. 
 
 4. Ciceronis hist, philosophiae antiquae etc., collegit, FGedike, Berl. 3 1815. 
 HBitter and LPeellek, hist, philosophiae graecae et romanae (ed. FSchuxtess, 
 Gotha 6 1887) 427. JFHerbart, die Philosophie des Cic, kl. Schrr. (Lpz. 1842) 1, 
 11. BKuhner, Cic. in philosophiam merita, Hamb. 1825. ABKrische, Forschungen, 
 vol. 1, Gott. 1840. HBitter, Gesch. der Philos. 4, 103. Drumann, GB. 6, 650. 
 EZeller, Philos. d. Griechen 3, 1 3 , 648. Ch ABrandis, Gesch. d. gr. rOm. Philos. 
 3, 2, 248. FUberweg, Grundriss l 5 , 257. BHirzel, Unterss. zu Cic. philos. 
 Schriften, Lpz. 1877-1883 III. CThiaucourt, essai sur les traites philosophiques 
 de Cic. et leurs sources grecques, Par. 1885. JACvHeusde, Cic. (pCKoTrKaTuv, Utr. 
 1836. FGloel, iib. Cic.s Studium des Platon, Magdeb. 1876. FSaltzmanh, Cic.s 
 Kenntnis der platon. Schrr., Cleves 1885, 86 II. Bitter lib. Cics Bekanntschaft 
 mit aristotel. Philosophie, Zerbst 1846. MMvBaumhatter, de Aristotelis vi in 
 Cic. scriptis, Utr. 1841. WThomas, de Aristotelis i^turepiKois \6yots deque Ciceronis 
 Aristotelio more, Gott. 1860. Bukmeister, Cic. als Neuakademiker, Oldenb. 1860. 
 EHavet, pourquoi Cic. a prof esse la philos. academique, Seanc. et trav. de l'acad. 
 d. sc. mor. et polit. 1884, 660. CHartfelder, de Cic. epicureae doctrinae interprete, 
 Karlsr. 1875. GBehncke, de Cic. Epicureorum philosophiae existimatore et iudice, 
 Berl. 1879. CMBernhardt, "de Cic. graecae philosophiae interprete, Berl. 1865. 
 VClavel, de Cic. Graecorum interprete ; ace. Ciceronianum lexicon Graeco-Latinum, 
 Par. 1869. FVLevius, six lectures introductory to the philosophical writings of 
 Cic, Lond. 1871. JWalter, Ciceronis philosophia moralis, Prague and elsewhere, 
 1878-1883 n. 
 
 5. There is no manuscript containing all Cicero's philosophical works ; but a 
 more comprehensive collection can be shown to have existed, which included de 
 nat. deor., de div., Tim., de fato, top., parad., Lucullus, de leg. Prom it are derived 
 the MSS which are now most important: two Leidenses (Vossiani 84 s. X and 86 
 s. XI ; cf. § 177, 4), the Laurentianus S. Marci 257 s. X. (HEbeling, Phil. 43, 705) 
 and the Vindob. 189 s. X. Cf. in regard to these CPWHuller, JJ. 89, 127. 261. 
 605. AEeipferscheid, BhM. 17, 295.— More than 600 excerpts from Cicero's phil- 
 osophical works, compiled by a certain Presbyter Hadoardus, in the Vatic.-Eegin. 
 
302 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 1762 s. IX : they contain only materials already familiar. See on this ENarducct, 
 bull, delle scienze matem. 15 (1882), 512 ; rendiconto dell' Acad, dei Lincei 1885, 
 152. WHDSuringar, de onlangs gevonden fragm. v. Cic, Leid. 1883 and esp. 
 PSchwenke, Phil. Suppl. 5, 899 (containing a reprint of the collection). On 
 Cratanders (§ 187, 5) MSS. for Oic.'s philosoph. writings KLehmahn, WschrfklPh. 
 1888, 472. — Collective ed. of Cicero's philosophical writings cum scholiis et coniectt. 
 PManutii, Ven. 1546 II. The editions by JDavis (Cambridge 1736 sqq. VI ; ed. 
 EGBath, Halle 1804-20 VI) and JAGorenz (Lpz. 1809-13 III) were never com- 
 pleted. The most recent critical revision is by ThSchiche, Prague 1884 sqq. 
 
 6. KVaucher, in Cic. libros philosophicos, Lausanne 1864. 65 II. MHaupt, op. 
 2,358. JJeep, de locis nonnullis philosoph. Cic, "Wolfenb. 1868. JVahlen, Zf6G. 
 24, 241. ABrieger, Beitr. z. Krit. einiger philos. Schriften (esp. Cato, Lael., de nat. 
 deor.) des Cic, Posen 1874. WPriedrich, JJ. 127, 421. — HMerguet, Lexikon zu 
 den philosoph. Schr. Cics, Jena 1887 sqq. Literary reviews of Cicero's philosophi- 
 cal works by ThSchiche in ZfGW. 1880. 1882. PSchwenke, JB. 1883 2, 74. 1886 
 2, 267. 
 
 184. Cicero himself enumerates his philosophical works de 
 divin. 2, 1-3. The following is a chronological list of those 
 extant : 
 
 1) De republica, forming so to say the transition from 
 Cicero's practical life to philosophical writing, written a. 700/54 
 sqq., and published before his departure for Cilicia (703/51), in 
 six books, of which, however, scarcely the third part has come 
 down to us. 
 
 1. Cic. de div. 2, 3 his libris adnumerandi sunt sex de rep., quos turn scripsimus 
 cum guhernacula reip. tenebamus. Cf. fam. 8, 1, 4. Att. 5, 12, 2. 6, 1, 8. leg. 3, 4. 
 Tusc. 4,1. 
 
 2. The composition of the work may be traced in Cicero's letters. His original 
 plan was to introduce only defunct persons as interlocutors, but this was changed 
 upon the advice of Cn. Sallustius (§ 192, 1), he himself and his brother becoming 
 the speakers ; subsequently, however, he reverted to his first idea, laid the scene 
 a. 625, 129 and made Africanus minor, Laelius, and others the principal speakers. 
 See ad Qu. fr. 3, 5 and 6, 1 sq. JPEicharz, de politicorum Cic. librr. tempore 
 natali, Wiirzb. 1829. The form of the whole is an attempt to imitate the Platonic 
 dialogues. See Drumann GE. 6, 83. 
 
 3. In this work Cicero resorted to Plato and Dikaiarchos (Aristotle), Polybios, 
 Theophrastos and others, embodying in it also his personal political experience. 
 Suetonius defended this book against the attacks of Didymos, see Sum. v. 
 TpayiciiXKos (§ 347, 2). MSGratama, de Cic de rep. et de legg. libris. Gron. 1827. 
 JvPersijn, de politica Cic. doctrina in libris de rep., Amst. 1827. KBZacharia, 
 iiber Cics Bucher vom Staat, Heidelb. 1823. EISchubert, quos Cic. de rep. I et II 
 auctores secutus sit, Wurzb. 1883. 
 
 4. Part of the sixth book, the dream of Scipio, was at an early period separately 
 circulated and annotated, the latter especially by Macrobius (see § 444, 4), also by 
 Favonius Eulogius (cf. § 443, 4). Hence the Somn. Scip. is also reprinted in the 
 editions of Macrobius. Chief MSS. of the text (and of Macrobius' commentary) : 
 Paris. 6371 s. XI, Bamb. s. XI, Monac 6362 s. XI, 14436 s. XI and others. AGGeiw- 
 
§ 184. CICEHO'S PHILOSOPHICAL WRITINGS. 303 
 
 hard, de Cio. somn. Soip., opusc. latt. p. 378. On Cicero's authorities see PCorssen 
 (below no. 8, 2). A Greek translation by Maximus Planudes (about 1330), see in 
 PhCHess, Cio. Cato etc. ex gr. interpr., Halle 1832 p. 70, sqq., published also by 
 FBRtiGOEMANN, Conit2i 1840 and in Moser's ed. p. 547, lastly (beginning with 1, 16) 
 in Matthaei, brev. hist* animal., Moso. 1811, 91. Separate ed. by CMeissner, Lpz. 3 
 1886. 
 
 5. Except from single fragments the work was not otherwise known until 
 AMai discovered in a Vatican palimpsest (Vatic. 5767 s. IV? Facsimile in 
 Zangemeister and Wattenbach, pi. 17, Chatelain t. 39, 2, also in Pfaff 1.1.) very 
 considerable portions which he published, Borne 1822 (and Stuttg. 1822), also in 
 Class, auct. Eome 1828, 1, 1-386 and again in Borne in 1846. After him CGSchutz 
 (Lpz. 1823), CFHeinrich (Bonn 1823 ; ed. maior, cum comm. crit. in libr. I, Bonn 
 1828), GHMoser (Frankf. 1826), FOsAnn (Gott. 1847). GNduBieu, schedae Vaticanae, 
 in quibus retractatnr palimpsestus Tullianus de rep. (Leid. 1860) p. 1-126. On 
 the great value of the second writer of the palimpsest, see AStrelitz, de antiquo 
 Cic. de rep. librorum emendatore, Gnesen (Breslau) 1874. BBeltz, d. hs. Uberlie- 
 ferung von Cic. de rep., Jena 1880. RPfaff, de diversis manibus quibus Cic. de 
 rep. libri in cod. Vat. correcti sunt (after a fresh collation by AMau), Heidelb. 
 1883. CMPrancken (§ 177, 4).— Translated by GHMoser (in Metzler's collection of 
 Eoman prose writers 22 sq.). 
 
 2) De legibus, probably commenced a. 702/52 sq., imme- 
 diately after tbe completion of the preceding work, with the 
 purpose of adding vo/ioi to his TroXireia ; resumed 708/46, but never 
 completed or edited by the author ; he never mentions it in his 
 letters, or elsewhere. Originally it may have consisted of six 
 books, of which, however, we possess only three, with a few frag- 
 ments of the others. Even the extant part has several lacunae, 
 and if Cicero himself had published the work, he would no doubt 
 have added one of the prefaces of which he always had a stock 
 on hand ; as it is, the work opens abruptly in the form of a 
 dialogue. The first book, which contains a kind of system of 
 natural law, is carefully elaborated, but the ideas are somewhat 
 superficial and confused: in the following parts much is only 
 sketched. In addition to Plato, some of the Stoics especially 
 served him as authorities; in the form of the dialogue he re- 
 peated the attempt to imitate Plato ; yet throughout the work 
 much attention is paid to the state of law at Eome. The second 
 book treats of the drawing up of laws and the ius sacrum, in 
 which the style of the old laws is successfully imitated ; the third 
 is de magistratibus ; the fourth was to be de iudiciis. Concerning 
 the contents of the rest we can only make uncertain conjectures. 
 
 1. The year 702/52 is also indicated as the time when Cicero began the work 
 by the allusions to historical events (e.g. Cicero's augurship, see 2, 32; the death of 
 Clodius, ib. 42), though there is no absolute certainty on this point, as these allusions 
 
304 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 may belong to the character of the situation. The work, however, was not then 
 completed (the interruption being caused by the administration of Cilicia and the 
 Civil Wars) ; cf . Brut. 19 ut illos de rep. libros edidisti nihil a te sane accepimus, 
 and Tusc". 4, 1 de rep. is mentioned, but not de legibus. It was resumed 708/46, see 
 fam. 9, 2, 5 modo nobis stet. . . et scribere et legere iroXirdas et, si minus in curia atgue 
 in foro, at in litteris et libris. . . navare remp. et de moribus ac legibus quaerere. 
 But even then the work was again abandoned, perhaps in consequence of Cicero's 
 increasing interest in systematic philosophy or merely owing to other literary- 
 engagements. The preface is wanting, contrary to Cic.'s general theory in singulis 
 libris utor prooemiis, Att. 4, 6, 2 ; cf . 16, 6, 4. Vahlen on the other hand attributes 
 the serious corruptions of the text to the character of the archetype from which 
 all the MSS. are derived. The original extension to 6 books is partly attested by 
 the analogy of the work de rep., partly by the citation in Macrob. sat. 6. 4, 8 
 Cicero in quinto de legibus. DuMesnil, page 6. 10 of his edition argues uncon- 
 vincingly for 8 books. 
 
 . 2. On the date of composition see (besides the editions) CPetek in his ed. of the 
 Brutus (1839) p. 264. EHorrmann, de tempore quo Cic. libros de legg. scrips., 
 Detmold 1845. OHarnecker, JJ. 125, 601. In general CFFeldhugel, fiber C. de 
 legg., Zeitz 1841. Drumann, GB. 6, 104. Critical: CHalm, JJ. 79, 759, JVahlen, 
 ZfeG. 11, 1. 12, 19, AEeipperscheid, BhM. 17, 269, ABaumstark, Phil. 19, 633, 
 EHuschke, Zeitschr. f. Bechtsgesch. 11, 107, LUrlichs, BhM. 33, 154. EHoffmann, 
 JJ. 117, 709. AEussner, JJ. 115, 620. 
 
 3. Chief MSS. : Vossiani 84 s. X and 86 s. XI, Heinsianus 118 s. XI, all in 
 Leiden: concerning them HDeiter, see § 177, 4 1. 6. See besides HJordast, 
 Beitr. 225; quaestt. Tull., KOnigsb. 1884. WFriedrich, Phil. Anz. 15, 515. 
 PSchwenke, JB. 1886 2, 313.— Editions by JDavis (Cambr. 1727. 1745, published 
 again by BGEath, Halle 1818. vol. 5 1 ), JAGorenz (Lpz. 1803), GHMoser and 
 FCreuzer (Frankf. 1824), JBake (Leid. 1842), CFFeldhugel (Zeitz 1852 sq. II). 
 Ex recognitione IVahlen, Berl. 2 1883. In Huschke's iurisprud. anteiust. 5 (1886) 
 19. Explained by AduMesnil, Lpz. 1879. Col commento di GSichtrollo, Pad. 
 1885. The specimens of ancient laws inserted by Cicero, together with linguistic 
 elucidations of the archaisms contained in them, are reprinted in HJordan, krit. 
 Beitr. z. Gesch. d. lat. Spr. 230. — Translated by CAFSeeger (Metzler's collection) 
 and AWZumpt (Klotz' translation of the philosophical works, t. 2). 
 
 3) Paradox a, written in April 708/46, immediately after the 
 Brutus, before the arrival at Bome of the news of the death 
 of M. Cato, and previously to the Orator. On account of its 
 smallness the little treatise is not specially mentioned de div. 
 2, 1-4. It contains an exposition, rather rhetorical than philoso- 
 phical, of six striking theorems of the Stoic system. 
 
 1. From the above dates will be understood the rectifications of Parad. 2 
 implied in fin. 4, 52, and of Parad. 5 in fin. 3, 33 sq. CMorgenstern, prolegg. in 
 Cic. P. in Seebode's Misc. critt. 1, 1, 386. Drumann, GE. 6, 288. OHeine, zu Cic. 
 Parad., Phil. 10, 116. 
 
 2. Manuscripts : Voss. 84 and 86. Vindob. 189 see § 183, 5. Cf . DDetlefsen, 
 Wiener SBer. 21, 110. JHuemer, ZfoG. 86, 589.— Editions by AGGernhard (with 
 the Cato, Lpz. 1819). JBorgers (Leid. 1823). JCOrelli (with the Tusc, Zur. 
 
§ 184. CICERO'S PHILOSOPHICAL WRITINGS. 305 
 
 1829), GHMoser (Gott. 1846).— Translated by FBaur (Stuttg. 1854), RKOhneb 
 (Stuttg. 1864). Greek translation by DPetavius (Par. 1653 and in PhCHess, 
 Cic. Cato etc. see above no. 1, 4) and by JMorisoto (ed. WFWensch, Halle 1841). 
 
 4) While in his Paradoxa Cicero as yet occupies the position 
 of a rhetor, the Consolation, his next philosophical work, was 
 due to a personal motive and domestic calamity, his daughter's 
 death. It was composed a. 709/45, with the assistance of 
 Crantor's treatise irepl irivQovs. 
 
 1. See ad Att. 12, 14, 3. 12, 20, 2. Tuso. 1, 65. 3, 76. 4, 63. divin. 2, 3, 22. 
 Plin. NH. praef. 22 etc.— The fragments in Baitee-Kayser 11, 71 and CFW 
 Muller 4, 3, 332. Cf. CHalm, Beitr. zu den cic. Fragm. p. 32. FSchneideb, 
 de oonsolatione Cic, Bresl. 1835. Drumann, GB.. 6, 319. BASchulz, de Cic. 
 consolatione, Greifsw. 1860. Did Cicero himself transcribe this consolatio in the 
 Tuscul. I and UI ? See CBuresch, Lpz. Stud. 9, 94 ; cf . the same -writer as regards 
 its employment by Jerome in ep. 60 ad Heliodorum concerning the death of 
 Nepotianus. 
 
 2. M. Tullii Cic. Consolatio, liber nunc primum repertus et in lucem editus, 
 Colon. 1583 was a, forgery. (It is also printed e.g. in Klotz' ed. of Cic. 4, 3 , 
 372.) Cf . Schulz 1.1. 58. 
 
 5) In his Hortensius Cicero furnished a kind of preface 
 to the series of philosophical writings projected by him, in Order 
 to justify this occupation in his own eyes and those of others 
 and, if possible, to win successors. The Hortensius is also lost 
 with the exception of a number of fragments. 
 
 1. Cic. de div. 2, 1 cohortati sumus ut maxime potuimus ad philosophiae studium 
 eo libro qui est inscriptus Hortensius. Cf. Augustin. conf. 3, 4, 7 sq. 8, 7, 17 lecto 
 Ciceronis Hortemio excitatus eram studio sapientiae etc. Trebell. Salon. Gallien. 2 
 M. Tullius in Sortensio quern ad exemplum protreptici scripsit. On the relation of 
 the H. to the Aristotelian irpoTpeirTiKds cf. JBeenays, d. Dialoge des Aristoteles 
 (Berl. 1863) 116. JBywater, Journ. of philol. 2 (1869), 55, 7 (1877), 64. HTJseneb, 
 EhM. 28, 395. BHiezel, Herm. 10, 80.— The fragments in Baitee-Kayser 11, 55 
 and CFWMuller 4, 3, 312. Cf. WCrecelius, JJ. 75, 79. CHalm, Beitrage etc. 
 p. 35. FSchneider, Jahn's Arch. 11, 536. Deumann, GK. 6, 322. 
 
 2. The Hortensius was still nominally extant in the 11th and 12th centuries 
 in the island of Eeichenau, and in the monastery of Bee in France. As, how- 
 ever, during the Middle Ages Cicero's Lucullus (cf. p. 307) went by the name of 
 liber ad Hortensium or ad JSort. dialogus, the above statement is more probably 
 to be taken in connection with it. KSchenkl, Phil. 31, 563. AHortis, Cicerone 
 nelle opere del Petrarca 51-53. PThomas, rev. de philol. 3 (1879), 152 ; Athenaeum 
 beige 2 (1879), 155. GVoigt, Wiederbeleb. d. class. Altert. I 2 , 39. 
 
 6) De finibus bonorum et malorum, in 5 books, written 
 in the first part of 709/45, immediately before the Academica, 
 and dedicated to Brutus, a compilation on the doctrines of the 
 Greek sects concerning the supreme good and evil, one of the 
 
 e.l. x 
 
306 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 main questions of practical philosophy, just as the Academica 
 treat of the chief subject of theoretical philosophy, viz. the 
 theory of knowledge. Cicero's authorities for this work are later 
 representatives of the respective schools. His judgment is not 
 guided by fixed principles ; but in point of careful elaboration 
 this work deserves, perhaps, the first place among the philoso- 
 phical writings of Cicero. 
 
 1. Cic. de div. 2, 2 cum fundamentum esset philosophic^ in finibus lonorum, et 
 malorum, perpurgatus est is locus a nobis quinque libris, ut quid u, quoque et quid 
 contra quemque philosophum diceretur inteltegi posset, ad Att. 13, 12, 3 vepl reKav 
 <riWa£s. Cf. ib. 13, 19, 3. 13, 21, 4. 12, 6, 2. de leg. 1, 52. Drumann, GE. 6, 323. 
 
 2. The work is arranged in three conversations, in which Cicero himself is 
 the central figure, according to the example of Aristotle, all the other speakers 
 being deceased at the time: in the first conversation (books I and II), sup- 
 posed to take place in 704/50, they are L. Manlius Torquatus and C. Valerius 
 Triarius, the first of whom explains the Epicurean doctrine (b. I) which Cicero 
 (b. II) attempts to refute. In the second conversation (books III and IV), assigned 
 to 702/52, the younger Cato states the doctrine of the Stoics (b. Ill), which Cicero 
 (b. IV) shows to agree in all essential points with that of Antiochos of Ascalon ; 
 in the third conversation (b. V), laid in 675/79, appear M. Pupius Piso, who sets 
 forth the system of the Academics and Peripatetics, L. Tullius Cicero and others. 
 
 3. In general cf. the prolegomena by Madvig, GObenz and others. EHikzel 
 (§ 183, 4) 2, 567 (and PSchwenke, phil. Eundsch. 1883, 43). HNFowler, Panaetii 
 et Hecat. fragm. (Bonn 1885) 13. CHartfeldeb (see § 183, 4), p. 8. 21. 
 
 4. Manuscripts : Palatino-Vaticanus 1513 s. XI (Facsim. Chatelain t. 43, 1), 
 then Palat. 1525 s. XV, Erlangensis, Paris. 6331 s. XII (Facsim. Chatelain t. 
 43, 2 ; new collation by CThukot, rev. crit. 1870 1, 17 and ONigoles, rev. de philol. 
 4, 35) and others. See on these Madvig's Proleg. On the value of the so-dalled 
 deteriores ThSchiche, Jahresber. zu ZfGW. 33, 187, ONigoles 1.1., FGustafsson, 
 Herm. 15, 465. JMaschka, un. cod. (Malfatti s. XIII) del Cic. de fin., Eovereto 
 1882.— Editions by JDavis (Cambridge 1728. 1741. Oxf. 1809, in Eath's '""fed. 
 vol. 1), JAGorenz (Lpz. 1813), Obelli (with Acad., Ziir. 1827), PWOtto (Lpz. 
 1831) and especially JNMadvig (Copenh. 1839. s 1876). Also HAlanus (Dublin 
 1856). Explained by DBOckel (Vol. 1, Berl. 1872), HHolstein (Lpz. 1873). Eevised 
 and explained by JSEeid, III (Vols. I, II preparing) — GFSchomann, op. 3, 390. 
 GFUngeb, Phil. 20, 372. 21, 481. LVaucher (see § 183, 6). DBockel, Frauenfeld 
 1863. OHeine, JJ. 93, 245. IwMdller, Erl. 1869. 70 II. CGCobet, Mnemos. NS. 
 3, 92. FVGustafsson, de Cic. de fin. 1. 1, Helsingf. 1878. AduMesnil, JJ. 115, 
 753. PLakgen, ad non nullos locos Cic. de fin. adnott., Miinst. 1888. 
 
 5. Translated by JGDroysen, Lpz. 1841. FBauk (Stuttg. 1854, Class, d. Alt. 
 1854). JHvKiRCHMAira, Berl. 1875. JSEeid (vol. 3 of his edition, Lond. 1883). 
 
 7) Academica, written a. 709/45, originally in two books, 
 named after (Q. Lutatius) Catulus and (L. Licinius) Lucullus, 
 subsequently in four books. Of the first edition the second book 
 (Lucullus) has been preserved, of the second (Academica pos- 
 teriora) the first part of the first book and various fragments. 
 The Lucullus contains the doctrines of Antiochos and Philo 
 
§ 184. cicero's philosophical writings. 307 
 
 concerning knowledge, the Catulus seems to have embraced 
 those of Karneades and a general exposition of the Old and New 
 Academy. The beginning of the second edition contains general 
 observations and a survey of the history of philosophy from 
 Socrates to Arkesilas, the predecessor of Karneades and Philo. 
 Cicero devoted a special exposition to the doctrines of the 
 Academy, because he was specially attracted by its system 
 (§ 183), and in the absence of other works, his treatise is one of 
 our principal sources for it. 
 
 1. Together with. Catulus and Luoullus, Hortensius and Cicero were intro- 
 duced as speakers in the first edition ; subsequently however Cicero substituted 
 Cato and M.Brutus; and when Atticus wrote informing him that Varro was 
 offended because Cicero had never yet dedicated anything to him, the whole work 
 was once more completely re-written, divided into four books and dedicated to 
 Varro. In this second edition Cicero made Varro the exponent of the views of 
 Antiochos, and reserved to himself those of Philo. Atticus had already had the 
 first edition copied, when Cicero resolved to re-write it. On the relations of the 
 two editions to each other see especially ad Att. 13, 13, 1 ex duobus libris contuli in 
 quattuor. grandiores sunt omnino quam erant Mi, sed tamen multa detracta. . . . 
 multo haec erunt splendidiora, breviora, meliora. 13, 16, 1 illam iKaS^fiaCK^v aivra^iv 
 tolam ad Varronem traduximus. primo fuit Catuli, Luculli, Hortensii. deinde . . . 
 eosdem illos sermones ad Catonem Brutumque transtuli. ecce tuae litterae de Varrone, 
 nemini visa est aptior 'Avnoxela ratio. Cf. ib. 13, 12, 3. 13, 18. 13, 19, 3. 5. 13, 21, 4. 
 13, 32, 3. fam. 9, 8. off. 2, 8. Quint. 3, 6, 64. Plin. NH. 31, 6. Above § 167, 2. 
 Cf. p. 305, no. 5, 2. Various conjectures on this subject in ThBirt, antikes 
 Buchwesen 354. 
 
 2. ACEanitz, de libr. Acad., Lps. 1809 and in Acta soc. Lips. 2 (1812), 165. 
 ChrABrandis, EhM. 3 (1829), 543. Drumann, GE. 6, 327. ABKrische, lib. Ciceros 
 Akademika, Gott. 1845. HDiels, doxogr. gr. (Berl. 1879) 119. KFHermann, 
 Phil. 7, 466. CJHEngstrand, de libris Cic. academicis, Ups. 1860. EHirzel 
 (§ 183, 4) 3, 251. 
 
 3. Manuscripts for the Lucullus Flor. Marc. 257 s. X. Voss. 84 and 86 and 
 the Vindob. 189 see § 183, 5 ; for the Acad, posteriora the earliest MS. is Paris. 
 6331 s. XII (§ 184, 6, 4), the others are late, of s. XV, e.g. an interpolated 
 Gedanensis— Editions by JDavis (Cambridge 1725. 1736 ; in Bath Vol. 3), Goresz 
 (t. II, 1810), Orelli (with de fin., Ziir. 1827); Text revised and explained by 
 JSEeid, Bond. 2 1885.— Translated by GHMoser (Stuttg. Metzler), by JSEeid, 
 Bond. 1880. 
 
 8) Tusculanae disputationes, so called after Cicero's 
 estate at Tusculum, where the conversations are supposed to 
 have taken place. They were begun in 709/45 and finished 
 and edited 710/44, subsequent to de finibus and anterior to de 
 divinatione and de fato. The work is in five books and dedicated 
 to M. Brutus ; it treats of the troubles which beset human happi- 
 ness, and how to surmount them. As to the authorities made 
 use of by Cicero we have so far no certain knowledge. 
 
308 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 1. Cic. ad Att. 13, 32, 2 Dicaearchi irepl tyvxns utrosque velim mittas et Kara.fid.iTem. 
 Tpuro\t.TiKbii non invenio et epistulam eius quam ad Aristoxenum misit. tres eos libros 
 maxime nunc vellem ; apti essent ad id quod cogito (of. Tusc. 1, 24). 15, 2, 4 quod 
 prima disputatio Tusculana te confirmat sane gaudeo. 15, 4, 3. Contents : Cic. div. 
 2, 2 Uhri Tusculanarum disputationum res ad beate vivendum maxime necessarias 
 aperuerunt. I enim est de contemnenda morte, II de tolerando dolore, III de 
 aegritudine lenienda, IV de reliquis animi perturbationibus, V . . . docet ad beate 
 vivendum virtutem se ipsa esse contentam. 
 
 2. BKuhner's Prolegg. and Cio. in phil. mer. 111. Drumann, GR. 6, 347. 
 Emendations by ASWesenberg (Viborg 1830. 1841. 1843 sq.), JBake (sohol. 
 hypomn. vol. 4). OHeine, de Cic. Tusc. disp., Halle 1854 ; de fontibus Tusc. disp., 
 Weim. 1863. JSchlenger, Phil. 12, 280. JJeep, de locis quibusdam Tusc. disp., 
 Wolfenb. 1865. FGustafsson, Herm. 17, 169. HMuther, JJ. 85, 491 ; Tiber die 
 (rhetorische) Composition des 1. und 5. Buchs v. Cic- Tusc, Coburg 1862. 
 GZietzschmann, de Tusc. disp. fontibus, Halle 1868. CHartfelder (see § 183, 4) 
 p. 18. 43. PCorssen, de Posidonio Bhodio Ciceronis in 1. I Tusc. et in somnio 
 Scipionis auctore, Bonn 1879; RhM. 36, 506. BHirzel (§ 183, 4) 3, 342. 
 PHPoppelreuter, quae ratio intercedat inter Posidonii irepl tra9Q>v Trpayimrelas 
 et Tusc disputt. Cic, Bonn 1883. BHoyer, de Antonio Ascalonita, Bonn 1883. 
 XKreuttner, Andronici xepl iraB&v I, Heidelb. 1884. HNFowler, Panaetii et 
 Hecat. fragm. (Bonn 1885) 8. HDiels, EhM. 34, 487. FSaltzmann (§ 183, 4), 
 II, appendix. 
 
 3. Manuscripts : Gudian. 294 s. IX-X, Paris. 6332 s. X (Pacsim. Chatelain t. 
 44, 1), Bruxell. 5351 s. XII. On the (worthless) Leid. Lips. 30 s. XH HDeitee 
 Phil. 42, 171.— Editions : JDavis (Cambr. 1709. 1723, and later, in Bath vol. II), 
 FA Wolf (Lpz. 1792. 1807. 1825), BKohner (Jena 5 1874), Orelli (with the 
 Paradoxa, Ziii. 1829), BKlotz (Lpz. 1835. Addenda and Corrigenda, Lpz. 1843). 
 GHMoser (Hanover 1836 III), CFSupfle (Mannh. 1845), GTischer ( 8 1884. 87 II, 
 by GSorof), MSeyffert (emend., comment, criticos adi., Lps. 1864), OHeine 
 (explained, Lpz. 3 1881), CMeissner (explained, Lpz. 1873), LWHasper, Gotha 
 1883. -Translated by PBaur, Stuttg. 1854. BKuhner, Stuttg. 1855. 
 
 9) Timaeus, a free reproduction of Plato's dialogue, the 
 outward dress being changed; written after the Academica, 
 a. 709/45 or 710/44, and extant only in an incomplete form. 
 
 1. Priscian. GL. 2, 463, 19 Cicero in Timaeo. The title De universo is Tin- 
 authenticated. Probably this translation was intended to form part of a large 
 work on natural philosophy, in which Nigidius Figulns was to represent the 
 Pythagorean doctrine (Hermann p. 8. 13 sq.). For the considerable fragment 
 extant see Baiter-Kayser 8, 131. CFWMuller 4, 3, 214. 
 
 2. The fragment was included in the collection of philosophical writings 
 mentioned above (§ 183, 5), hence it was preserved in the two Vossiani and the 
 Vindobon., and in the Monac 528 s. XL, besides other MSS.— In general cf. 
 Drumann GB. 6, 353. KFHermann, de interpretatione Timaei Plat. dial. a. Cic. 
 relicta, Gott. 1842, Hochdanz, quaestt. crit. in Tim. Cic, Nordhansen 1880. 
 
 9a) About the same period Cicero appears to have made a 
 close translation of the Platonic Protagoras. 
 
 1. C c. fin. 1, 7 expressly says in reference to translating Plato literally: 
 
§ 184. CICERO'S PHILOSOPHICAL WRITINGS. 309 
 
 id (ad civium meorum cognitionem Platonem aut Aristotelem transferre) neque feci 
 adhuc (until a. 709/45) nee mihi tamen nefaciam interdictum puto. These last words 
 appear to point to plans, one of which Cicero carried out in the Protagoras : the 
 express statement above quoted can only be evaded by the very far-fetched sup- 
 position that he has here left unmentioned the translation of Protagoras which he 
 made in his youth, because it was written by Cicero merely as an exercise, and 
 not brought out by the author himself, but published only after his death. 
 EPhilippson, JJ. 133, 423. vHeusde, Cic. <j>i\ot\&tuv 92. 274. Drumann, GE. 6, 
 354. PSchwenke, JB. 1886 2, 314. KFHermann, de Tim. Cic, GOtt. 1842, 3.— 
 Cicero in Protagora, Prisc. GL. 2, 182. 247. 402. Donat. Ter. Phorm. 4, 3, 6.— 
 Hieron. ad Pammach. 1, 308 Vail, and ad Sunn, et Fret. 1, 643. The fragments : 
 Baiter-Kayser 11, 54. CFWMuller 4, 3, 310. 
 
 10) De natura deorum, in 3 books, written in 710/44, after 
 the Tusculanae, though already commenced in 709/45. This 
 work is also dedicated to M. Brutus. The conversation is sup- 
 posed to have taken place in the feriae Latinae of a. 677/77, 
 C. Velleius representing the Epicureans, Q. Lucilius Balbus the 
 Stoics, and C. Aurelius Cotta the Academics. If Cicero wrote 
 this work with the practical aim (perhaps in conscious opposition 
 to the free-thinking of Lucretius) of showing the value of a 
 reasonable religion, he certainly failed in that object with the 
 Roman public. For here also Cicero was content to translate 
 and superficially adapt late Greek authorities, and took no pains 
 to digest them seriously. Hence there is no lack of contradic- 
 tions, inequalities, confusion and desultoriness, which mark the 
 work as one of the least satisfactory of Cicero's writings. 
 
 1. Cic. div. 2, 3 quibus (Tusc.) editis tres libri perfecti sunt de natura deorum. 
 HDiels, doxogr. gr. p. 121 is for the title de deorum natura in accordance with the 
 citations in the grammarians. Cf. ib. 7. Att. 13, 39, 2 libros mihi . . . mittas, 
 et maxirae $aldpov irepl Bewv et ILaWdSos. Drumann, GE. 6, 349. JVahlen, ZfoG. 
 24, 241. On Philodemos as an authority for book I LSj;engel, Abh. d. Munchner 
 Akad. 10, 1. 1863, HSadppe, de Philod. de pietate, Gcitt. 1864. The section Cic. 
 de n. d. 1, 25-41 with a collation of the corresponding passages from Philodemos 
 in HDiels' doxographi graeci (Berl. 1879), 529. Cf. ib. 121. 
 
 2. ABKhische, Forschungen 1, 34. EHirzel, Unterss. (§ 183, 4) I De nat. 
 deor., Lpz. 1877. PSchwenke, Quellen v. Cic. d. n. d., JJ. 119, 49. 129. BLengnick, 
 ad emendandos Cic. de n. d. quid ex Philodemo irepl eiaefidas redundet, Halle 
 1872. HNFowler, Panaetii et Hecat. fragm., Bonn 1885, 10. PWendland, Arch. 
 f. Gesch. d. Phil. 1, 206. 
 
 3. Manuscripts : Leid. Voss. 84 and 86 (Chatelain t. 39, 1 ; cf . HDeiter, EhM. 
 37, 314; also PSchwenke, JB. 1883 2, 94; see besides § 177, 4). Vindob. 189 
 (Chatel. t. 38, 1 ; see § 183, 5). Flor. Marc. 257 (Chatel. t. 37), all s. X (-XI), 
 also Leid. Heins. 118 s. XI (Chatel. t. 38, 2 ; cf. § 177, 4). On the Vatic. Pal. 1519 
 s. X HEbeling, Phil. 43, 702;— Editions by JDavis (Cambr. 1718. 1723 and sub- 
 sequently ; in Eath vol. VI), LFHeindorf (Lps. 1815), GHMoser and FCreuzer (Lps. 
 1818), CGSchutz (Halle 1820), FAst (Munich 1829), GFSchomann (Berl. 4 1876), with 
 introduction, appar. crit. and commentary by JBMayoe, and a new collation of 
 
310 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 several of the English MSS. by JHSwainson, Cambr. 1880-85 III. (These MSS. are 
 of little value.) Explained by AGoethe, Lpz. 1887. By AStickney (after SohO- 
 mann), Boston, 1889.— Book 2 by MCThiaucourt and by FPicavet, both Pa'r. 1886. 
 
 4. Criticism : Schomann (op. 3, 274. 280. JJ. Ill, 685), Heidtmann (ep. crit. ad 
 SchOmannum, Stettin 1856 : Zur Krit. u. Interpret, v. Cic. n. d., Neustettin 1858), 
 EKlotz (adn. critt., Lips. 1867. 68 III). PStamm, de Cic. de n. d. interpolate, 
 Bresl. 1873. JForchhammer, Nord. Tidskr. f . filol. 5, 23. JDegenhart, Bemerkk. 
 zu Cic. de n. d., Aschaffenb. 1881. PSchwenke, JJ. 125, 613. AGoethe, JJ. 129, 30. 
 JBMator, Journ. of philol. 12, 1. 248. KJNeumann, EhM. 36, 155— Translated by 
 GHMoser (Metzler's collections), BKuhner (Stuttg., Hoffmann). 
 
 5. Only a joke was intended in the pamphlet entitled Cic. de n. d. liber quartus 
 ex pervetusto cod. . . . ed. PSeraphinus (i.e. HHCludius in Hildesheim, gest. 
 1835), Bonon. (Berl.) 1811. 
 
 11) Cato maior or de senectute, dedicated to Atticus and 
 hastily thrown off at the end of the year 709/45 or the beginning 
 of 710/44. The dialogue is supposed to have taken place a. 
 604/150. The form is, however, unimportant ; the work may 
 rather be styled a continuous lecture in praise of old age, on the 
 basis of materials compiled from Greek authors. Cicero manifests 
 his sympathy in his careful delineation of Cato's character. 
 
 1. Cic. div. 2, 3 interiectus est etiam nuper liber is quern ad nostrum Atticum de 
 senectute misimus. Att. 14, 21, 3 legendus mihi saepius est Cato maior ad te missus, 
 amariorem enim me senectus facit. — On the date of composition ThMaurer, JJ. 
 129, 386. 
 
 2. PJvanderTon, C. m. explicatur et e graecis potiss. fontibus illustr., Lowen 
 1821 ; comm. ad quaest. de Cic. Cat., L5wen 1822. HJNassau, adnotatt. in libr. 
 Cic. de sen., Groningen 1829. Drumann, GE. 6, 350. GSchneider, ZfGW. 33, 689. 
 
 3. Manuscripts : Leid. Voss. F. 12 s. X (Mommsen, Berl. SBer. 1863, 10), Paris. 
 6332 s. X (above no. 8, 3), Laur. 50, 45 s. X, Monac. 15964 s. XI, Ehenaug. 126 s. 
 XII (JGBaiter, Phil. 21, 535. 675; cf. GLahmeyer, Phil. 23, 473; cf. 21, 284. 
 Facsim. Chatelain t. 40, 2). On Leid. Voss. O. 79 s. IX/X (Chatel. t. 41, 1) and 
 Voss. F. 104 s. XIV see WGemoll, Herm. 20, 331 ; on Italian (unimportant) MSS. 
 of the Cato (and Laelius) see FBamorino, riv. di filol. 15, 247. BDahx, ■/.. Hss.- 
 Kunde u. Kritik des cic. Cato I : codd. Leid.; II : codd. Parisini, Christiania 1885. 
 86. KTomanetz, "Wert u. Verh. der Hss. v. Cic. Cato, Hernals 1883. 86 II. 
 
 4. Editions : AGGernhard (with Parad., Lps. 1819), FWOtto (Lps. 1830), 
 EKlotz (Lpz. 1831). JNMadviq (Copenh. 1835), GTischer (Halle 1847), JSommer- 
 erodt (Berl. 10 1885), CNauck (Berl. 1855), GLahmeyer (Lpz. " 1877), CMeissner 
 (Lpz. 2 1885), JLey (Halle 1883), ThSchiche (with Lael., Prague 2 1887), TKAbnold 
 (after Sommerbrodt), Lond. 1853, GLohg (Lond. 1880), JSEeid (Cambr. 2 1883), 
 WHeslop (with Lael.), Oxf. 1884, ESShuckburgh (Lond. 1886), EWHowson (Lond. 
 1887), LHuxley (Oxf. 1890), AStickney (with Lael., New York 1887).— Criticism : 
 JMIhly, N. schweiz. Mus. 6, 243, CMeissner, JJ. 103, 57. 131, 209, AOtto (on inter- 
 polation) in d. phil. Abhh. f. MHertz, Berl. 1888, 94. ChrLutjohann, EhM. 37,496. 
 
 5. Greek translation by ThGaza in Hess (above no. 1, 4) p. 3 sqq. ; German 
 translations e.g. by KGBauer, Lpz. 1841, FJacobs (in Klotz' translation of Cic.'s. 
 philos. works, part 2) and others. 
 
 12) De divinatione, in two books, a supplement of the work 
 
§ 184. CICEEO'S PHILOSOPHICAL WRITINGS. 311 
 
 on the nature of the gods, in which the subject of divine revela- 
 tion and its perception by mankind is treated of; published 
 a. 710/44, after the Cato maior and subsequent to Caesar's death, 
 and represented as a conversation at the villa at Tusculum 
 between Cicero and his brother. The first book contains the 
 doctrine of the Stoics (compiled from Poseidonios irepl fiavTucijs), 
 the second the tenets of the Academics (probably chiefly 
 following Kleitomachos). The popular notions and the political 
 corporations connected with them are leniently dealt with, but, 
 even in his quality of Augur, Cicero furnishes much valuable 
 material, though his personal scepticism is often sufficiently evi- 
 dent in his humorous mode of treating the subject. 
 
 1. Definition of divinatio 1, 9 earum rerum quae fortuitae putantur praedictio 
 atque praesensio ; see Gell. 4, 11, 1. Tennemann, Gesch. d. Philos. 5, 121. Dbumann, 
 GE. 6, 852. Hofig, Cio.s Ansichten yon der Staatsreligion, Krotoschin 1865. 
 ThSchiche, de fontibus libr. Cic. de div., Jena 1875. KHabtfeldeb, d. Quellen v. 
 Cic. de div., Freiburg i. Br. 1878; BhM. 36, 227. PCobssen (above no. 8, 2) p. 13. 
 HDiels, doxogr. 224.— On the question whether Cic. made use of Coelius Antipater 
 see OMeltzeb, JJ. 105, 430 f. 
 
 2. Manuscripts : corresponding to those for de nat. deor., see above no. 10, 3, 
 also Vatic. Palat. 1519 s. X (Chatelain t. 40, 1 ; cf. HEbeling, Phil. 43, 702).— 
 Editions by JDavis (Cantabr. 1721 and later ; ed. Eath, Halle 1807), GHMoseb 
 (Frank! 1828), LGiese (Lps. 1829).— APolsteb, quaestt. critt. in Cic. de div., 
 Kattowitz 1874. FZochbaueb, zu Cic. de Div. (b. 2), Hernals 1878. PStamm, 
 adnott. ad Cic. de div., BSssel 1881. FDbechsleb, ZfoG. 37, 101.— Translated by 
 GHMoseb (Stutt. Metzler), EKOhneb (Stuttg. Hoffmann). 
 
 13) De fato, the last of Cicero's treatises on the philosophy 
 of religion, and likewise written a. 710/44. The author impugns 
 the views of the Stoics on the eifiapfiivt], taking himself the 
 side of the Academics. This treatise has come down to us in a 
 mutilated form. As his authorities Cicero mentions specially 
 Chrysippos, also Poseidonios, Kleanthes, Diodoros, Karneades and 
 others. The de fato is valuable as a collection of materials, 
 but the style betrays hurry and the writer does not arrive at 
 any settled results. 
 
 1. Cic. de div. 2, 3 quibus (de n. d. and de divin.), ut est in animo, de fato si 
 adiunxerimus, erit aliunde, satisfactum toti huic quaestioni. de fat. 2 Hirtius noster, cos. 
 designatus . . post interitum C'aesaris. Gell. 7, 2, 15. Macbob. sat. 3, 16, 4. Dbumann 
 GE. 6, 353. MMeinecke, de fontt. .. Cic. de fato, Marienwerder 1887. AGebcke, 
 Chrysippea, JJ. Suppl. 14, 689. 
 
 2. Manuscripts as those for the Lucullus, above no. 7, 3. The cod. Turonensis 
 (ChThubot, bibl. de l'ecole des hautes etudes, fasc. 17) perhaps a transcript from the 
 Vindob. (IBkuns). — Editions (with de divin.) by Davis, Moser ; in particular by 
 JHBkemi (Lps. 1795). — Translation by Moseb (in de divin.). 
 
§12 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 3. Nuovi frammenti del Cicerone de fato di recente scoperti in palimpsesti dal 
 LCFerbucci, Modena 1853, repeated in his Fabularum libri tres, Forocornelii 1867. 
 His pretended discovery is printed and deservedly exposed by Bitschl, op. 3, 674. 
 Cf. also FWSchneidewin, Gott. gel. Anz. 1853, 1917. GLinker, ZfoG. 5, 81. 423. 
 
 14) Laelius or de amicitia, inscribed to Atticus, written after 
 the Cato maior and previously to the work on duties, like them 
 in the year 710/44. The conversation is conducted by Laelius 
 the Younger and his sons-in-law, 0. Fannius and Q. Mucius 
 Scaevola, the subject being treated in connection with the recent 
 death (625/129) of Africanus minor, the intimate friend of Laelius. 
 Cicero has largely availed himself of Theophrastos' work on the 
 same subject, also of Ohrysippos and (indirectly ?) the Ethics of 
 Aristotle. Some fault may be found with the logical arrange- 
 ment of the treatise, but on the whole it is interesting and 
 practical. 
 
 1. Cic. off. 2, 31 de amicitia alio libro dictum est. Gell. 17, 5, 1 Cicero in dialogo 
 cui titulus est Laelius vel de amicitia. ib. 1, 3, 10 emu librum (Theophrastos' irepl 
 0iX£os) M. Cicero videtur legisse cum ipse quoque librum de amicitia componeret. 
 RFBraxator, quid in conscribendo Cic. Lael. valuerint Arist. Eth. Nic. de 
 amicitia libri, Halle 1871. 
 
 2. The best MS. is a codex s. IX/X formerly in the possession of FDidot in 
 Paris (on it see Mommsen, EhM. 18, 594), qu. where is it now ? ; also Monac. 15514 s. 
 X, Gudian. 335 s. X, Laur. 50, 45 s. X (Chatel. t. 42) and others. EVogel, collatio 
 trium codd. Cic. de am. Monacensium, Zweibr. 1839. — More recent critical and 
 explanatory editions e.g. by AGGernhard (Lps. 1825), CBeier (Lps. 1828), RKlotz 
 (Lpz. 1833), MSeyffert (Lpz. 2 1876 by CFWMuller, cf. the same ZfGW. 33, 14), 
 CWNauck (Berl. 9 1884), GLahmeyer (Lpz. 1 1881). ThSchiche (see no. 11, 4). 
 AStrelitz, Gotha 1884. GLong (Lond. 1880), JSReid (Cambr. 2 1883), ASidgwick 
 (Lond. 2 1883), ESShuckburgh, Lond. 1885. CMeissneb, Lpz. 1887 (and in JJ. 135, 
 545). AStickney (above no. 11, 4). — AGGernhard, op. 323. OFKxeine, adnott. in 
 Cic. Cat. mai. et Laelium, Wetzlar 1855. CEPutsche, Phil. 12, 293. EWeissenborn, 
 Gedankengang v. Cic. Lael., Muhlh. in Thur. 1882. — Translated e.g. by AASchrei- 
 ber and GFWGrosse (Halle 1827), FKvStrombeck (Brunswick 1827, with the rest 
 of the so-called minor works), in Greek by DPetavius in Hess (above no. 1, 4) 99. 
 
 15) De gloria in two books, finished at the close of July 
 710/44 ; it is not extant. 
 
 1. Cic. off. 2, 31 nunc dicamus de gloria, quamquam ea quoque de re duo sunt nostra 
 libri. Cf. Att. 15, 27, 2. 16, 2, 6. 16, 3, 1 (cf. PSchwenke,' JB. 1886 2, 298). 16, 6, 4. 
 Gell. 15, 6, 1. Drumakn, GR. 6, 355. FSchneider, melet. in Cic. de gl., ZfAW. 
 1839, no. 28. — Petrarch asserted that he possessed the work (ep. senil. 15, 1, p. 1049 
 Basil, libros Cic. de gloria ab hoc habiii. . . . singulares libri II de gl. quibus visis me 
 ditissimum existimavi. . . . novi nihil praeter illos de gl. libros II et aliquot orationes 
 aut epistolas) ; but see GVoigt, Wiederbel. des class. Altertums l 2 , 41. Cf. also 
 FHand, Ersch and Gruher's allg. Encykl. 1, 17, 238. AHortis, Cic. nelle opere del 
 Petrarca (Trieste 1878) 53. The fragments in Baiter-Kayser 11, 69 and CFWMuller 
 4, 3, 330. 
 
§ 184. CICERO'S PHILOSOPHICAL WRITINGS. 313 
 
 16) De pfficiis, in three books, addressed by Cicero to bis 
 son Marcus. This work also is due to the leisure forced upon 
 Cicero by Mark Antony subsequent to Caesar's death, a. 710/44, 
 and like its fellows was written off rather rapidly. Cicero's 
 principal authorities were the Stoics, especially Panaitios in the 
 first two books, and probably Poseidonios in the third. The 
 whole is seasoned and enlivened with numerous illustrations from 
 Roman history, a feature which occasions some unevenness of 
 treatment. The moral views are those of a practical politician, 
 and for this very reason not much higher than the conventional 
 Roman standard. 
 
 1. Off. 1, 6 sequimur . . potissimum Stoicos, non ut interpretes, sed, ut solemus, e 
 fontibas eorum iudicio arbitrioque nostro quantum quoque modo videbitur hauriemus. 
 Cf . 2, 86. 3, 7. 51. 63. 89. 91. Att. 15, 13, 6 nos his tpikoaoQoviixv {quid enim aliud ?) 
 et t& irepl tov KaS^Kovros magnifice explicamus irpo<r(pwvovfiev que Ciceroni. 16, 11, 4 t& 
 Trepl tov KadriKovTos, quatenus Panaetius, absolvi duobus. illius tres sunt. . . . eum locum 
 Posidonius persecutus est. ego autem et eius librum arcessivi et ad Athenodorum Calvum 
 scripsi ut ad me t& Kc0dXoia mitteret. Gell. 13, 28; 1. 
 
 2. ChGarve, philosophische Anm. und Abhandl. (Bresl. 6 1819). BKuhner, 
 Cic. mer. p. 108. Drumanx, GE. 6, 357. CJGrysar, prolegg. ad Cic. libr. de off., 
 Cologne 1844. CJDahlback, de off. Cic. comm., Upsala 1860. ADesjardins, les 
 devoirs de Cieeron, Par. 1865. FCadet, examen du traite des devoirs de Cicero, 
 Par. 1865. BHirzel (§ 183, 4) 2, 721. 
 
 3. Criticism: JHeller, Phil. 12, 302, HSauppe, coniect. Tull., Gott. 1857, 
 GFUnger, Phil. Suppl. 3, 1, 13, CThurot, rev. d. phil. 1, 86, JForchhammer, Tidskr. 
 f. filol. 4 (1880), 200, CBeldame, rev. de phil. 5, 85, Eeinhardt, interpolatt. in Cic. 
 off. I, Oels 1885. 
 
 4. Manuscripts : Bern. .391 s. X (Chatelain t. 45, 1), Paris. 6601 s. X (Chatei.. 
 t. 45, 2), Ambros. C. 29 inf. s. X (see JJ. Ill, 221), Bamb. s. X. Wirceb. s. X, Leid. 
 Voss. Q. 71 s. X (Chatel. t. 45, 4), then Harlei. 2716 s. IX (very incomplete), Bern. 
 104 s. XIII (EPopp, acta sem. phil. Erl. 3, 245), Palat. 1531 s. XII (EPopp, de Cic. 
 de off. cod. palat. 1531, Erl. 1886); cf. GFUnger, Phil. Suppl.-Bd. 3, 1, 3. On 
 Paris. 6347 s. IX/X a fragment (2, 72-3, 11 ; facsim. Chatel. t. 44, 2) EChatelain, 
 rev. de phil. 5, 135. On Ambr. P. 42 s. XH see ESabbadini, la critica del testo del 
 de off. Cic, Catania 1888. — Editions by JGGraevius (cum nott. varr. Amsterd. 
 1688. 1710. Naples 1771), JPHeusinger (Brunswick 1783; repet. suisq. animad- 
 verss. auxit CThZumpt, Brunswick 1838), JFDegen (Berl. 4 1848, ed. by EBonnell), 
 AGGernhard (Lps. 1811), CBeier (Lps. 1820 sq. II, together with Indd., Lps. 1831), 
 GOlshausen (Schlesw. 1823), ESturesburg (Lps. 1834. 1843), CGZumpt (small ed. 
 Brunswick 2 1849). GFWLund (Copenh. 1849), GFUnger (Lpz. 1852), JvGruber 
 (Lpz. 3 1874), OHeine (Berl. 6 1885), CFWMuller (Lpz. 1882), TAThacher, New 
 York, 1857. HAHolden (Cambr. 6 1884), ThSchiche (Prague 1885).— Translations 
 e.g. by JJHottinger, Ziir. 1820. AWZumpt, Lpz. 1841, GGtJBELEN and FBaur, 
 Stuttg. 1856, EKiiHNEB, Stuttg. 1859. 
 
 17) De virtutibus, most probably (on account of its similar 
 contents) written not much before or after the work on duties, 
 i.e. in the year 710/44. 
 
314 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 1. Hieron. in Zach. 1, 2 (6, 792 Vallars.) quattuor virtutes, . . ., de quibus 
 plenissime in qfficiorum libris Tullius disputat scribens proprium quoque de quattuor 
 virtutibus librum. Chakis. GL. 1, 208, 15 Cic. in commentario de virtutibus. 
 Augustin. de trin. 14, 11.— Baiter-Kaiser 11, 76; CFWMullbr 4, 3, 340.— 
 Drumann, GE. 6, 359. 
 
 18) De auguriis, of unknown date, though at all events 
 later than 703/51, when Cicero became an augur. 
 
 1. According to Dkumann, GE. 6, 352 it was composed a,. 710/44 after the 
 treatise de divin. The fragments Baiter-Kayser 11, 55, CFWMuller 4, 3, 312.— 
 Charis. GL. 1, 105. 122. 139 Cicero de auguriis. Serv. Aen. 5, 738 Cicero in augu- 
 ralibus (libris).— On Cicero's translation of Xenophon's oIkovo/uk6s see § 177a, 2 ; of 
 Plato's Protagoras see § 184, 9a. 
 
 185. In the department of jurisprudence, just as in philosophy, 
 Cicero was a mere amateur, though well-informed. He was too 
 much of an orator and too little accustomed to strict definitions 
 to find in it a welcome field for the display of his powers. Not- 
 withstanding, he composed a treatise de iure civili in artem 
 redigendo, which perhaps he originally intended to form a part 
 of the de legibus, and treated by itself on failing to complete 
 that work. 
 
 1, Ad fam. 7, 30, 2, in denning proprius, Cicero mixes up the notions of posses- 
 sion and property. On Cicero's knowledge of jurisprudence see besides a variety 
 of earlier treatises :i WSZimmern, Gesch. d. Privatr. 1, 1, 288 and others. Drumann, 
 GE. 6, 644. Plainer, de partt. Cic. rhett. quae ad ius spectant, Marb. 1829. Gde 
 Caqueray, les passages de droit prive dans . . . Ciceron, Eennes 1857. ADes- 
 jardins, de scientia civili apud Cic, Beauvais 1858. AGasquy, Cic. iurisconsulte, 
 Paris 1886. Cf. § 48, 4 and 6. 
 
 2. Quint. 12, 3, 10 componere aliqua de iure coeperat. Gell. 1, 22, 7 M. Cicero 
 in libro qui inscriptus est de iure civili in artem redigendo. Cf . also Cicero's judgment 
 of himself, de or. 2, 142 sqq., where he disguises himself under the mask of Crassus 
 (§ 152, 4) : est nobis pollicitus ius civile, quod nunc diffusum et dissipatum esset, in 
 certa genera coacturum et ad artem facilem redacturum. Charis. GL. 1, 138 Cicero 
 de iure civili. On the treatise cf. HEDirksen hinterlass. Schrift. 1, 1. Drumann, 
 GE. 6, 107.— Baiter-Kayser 11, 55. CFWMlller 4, 3, 311. 
 
 186. Cicero attempted even historical composition, and de leg. 
 1, 5 sq. (cf. de or. 2, 51-63) he sharply criticises the style of the 
 historians of the time, hinting that he himself was qualified to 
 introduce a great change in this department. It is true that 
 Cicero possessed an unusual fund of historical knowledge, and 
 this is fully displayed in his orations as well as in his philo- 
 sophical and rhetorical writings, particularly in his Brutus : but 
 here also his rhetorical bent and the difficulty he experienced in 
 losing sight of his own self were much against him, and many 
 
§ 185, 6. CICEEO AS A jurist: as a historian. 315 
 
 casual expressions prove his lax opinions as to the real task of 
 the historian. It appears credible that, had he lived longer, he 
 might have turned to this branch of literature ; as it is, he wrote 
 only memoirs on his consulship, a Secret History (which was, 
 perhaps, never finished), and Admiranda — all which writings 
 have been lost. 
 
 1. Plut. CiC. 41 SLai'oovfxti'os, ws X^yercu, rrpt Tr6.rpi.ov IffToplav ypatpy irepiKafieiv 
 Kal 7ro\\4 (rvp./u£ai tSiv £X\tii>ikuv ml 6'Xois toi>s avvqyuivovs \6yovs atrip Kal ptidovs ivravda 
 rptyai etc. Corn. Nep. fragm. Guelf . (cod. Gud. 278, p. 99, 29 Nipf.) : tile (Cic.) 
 fait units qui potuerit et etiam debuerit historiam digna voce pronuntiare, quippe qui 
 oratonam eloquentiam rudem a, maioribus acceptam perpoliverit, pkilosophiam ante 
 eum incomplam latinam sua conformant oratione. ex quo dubito, interitu eius utrum res 
 publica an historia magis doleat. — Though Cicero is fully aware primam esse historiae 
 legem ne quid falsi dicere audeat (de or. 2, 62 ; cf. ib. 62-64. leg. 1, 5), he often acts 
 differently. Thus of Lucceius he expects (fam. 12, 3) : amori nostro plusculum etiam 
 quam concedit Veritas largiare ; and orat. 37. 66 (cf . ib. 125) he places historiae in 
 the 7<?i-os iTriSeiKTiKiv of eloquence, nor would he seem to know any other kind of 
 historical composition than that of the school of Isokrates. Accordingly he asserts 
 (Brut. 66) that Philistos and Thukydides (!) were eclipsed by — Theopompos ! See 
 on this subject § 36, 7.— Drumann, GE. 6, 677. Schwegler, EG. 1, 93. FDGerlach, 
 d. rbm. Geschichtschr. 96. KBerns, Cic.s Ansicht v. d. Gesch., Attendorn 1880. 
 
 2. Commentarius consulatus sui graece compositus (biroiM-qua rijs i/Tarelas), 
 Att. 1, 19, 10. 1, 20, 6. 2, 1, 1. 2 ; written a. 694/60, at which period Cicero was also 
 busy with a Latin treatise on the same subject (ad Att. 1.1.). Cf. Plot. Caes. 8. 
 Crass. 13. Dio 46, 21. CFWMuller's Cic. 4, 3, 398. HPeter, hist, fragm. 209. 
 This MiiM-ripa is one of the chief authorities for Plutarch's Cicero. AHLHeeren, 
 histor. Schrr. 3, 23. 417. PWeizsacker, JJ. Ill, 417. GThouret, Leipz. Stud. 1 
 306. ESchmidt, de Cic. comm. de consulatu graece scripto a Plut. expresso, Jena 
 1885. Cf. § 189, 3. The same subject-matter was also treated of in an epistula non 
 mediocris ad instar voluminis scripta quam Pompeio in Asiam de rebus suis in consulatu 
 gestis miserat Cicero (Schol. Bor. p. 270 Or.). pSulla 67 epistulam meam quam ad 
 Pompeium de meis rebus gestis et de summa re publica misi. 
 
 3. 'Av^KSora, commenced as early as 695/59 (Att. 2, 6, 2), resumed after the 
 death of Caesar on Attieus' advice (Att. 14, 14, 5. 14, 17, 6. 15, 2, 2. 15, 4, 3. 15, 13, 
 3. 15, 27, 2. 16, 2, 6) and edited after the author's death. This work is that re- 
 ferred to by Dio 39, 10 (cf. 46, 8) : /3i/3\ioc Tt dtroppTjTov avvidnxe Kal iircypa\pev atrip cij 
 Kal irepl rtav 4avrov (iovXevpLaroji' airo\oyiffp.6v Ttva %x 0VTl ' Ascon. p. 83 Or. 74 
 K.-S. Cic. in expositione consiliorum suorum (cf. Augustin. c. Julian. 5, 5). Charie. 
 GL. 1, 146 Cic. in ratione consiliorum suorum. Boeth. de inst. mus. 1, 1 Tullius in 
 libro quern de consiliis suis composuit. CFWMuller's Cic. 4, 3, 338. Peter 1.1. 209. 
 Cf . Drumann, GE. 6, 360. OHarneoker, JJ 123, 184. 
 
 4. Admiranda (Plin. NH. 31, 12. 51 ; cf. 7, 18. 85. 29, 60. Colum. 3, 8, 2), of 
 unknown date. The fragments Baiter-Kayser 11, 76. CFWMuller 4, 3, 340. 
 Cf. the Greek Bav/j.djta and irapa8o£a. 
 
 5. Priscian. GL. 2, 267, 5 Cicero in Chorographia (with the variants (h)ortogr., 
 cosmogr., chronogr.). Acting upon Attieus' advice, Cicero had actually studied 
 geography a. 695/59 ; see Att. 2, 4. 6. 7. 9. 12. 14. 22. 
 
 6. Cicero's witticisms (cf . § 178, 1 in fin.) were eagerly collected by others ; he 
 
316 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 himself observed complacently that his merry conceits found admittance even in 
 Caesar's collection of Awo^ynara (§ 195, 5). C. Trebonius published a separate 
 collection of Cicero's facete dicta (§ 210, 9). On a similar but more comprehensive 
 collection by Tiro, see § 191, 2. Quint. 8, 6, 73 Ciceronis est in quodam. ioculari libello 
 (an epigram follows). Collection of matter contingent to this subject in CFW 
 Muller 4, 3, 341. 
 
 7. A satirical pamphlet of Cicero's, aimed under a false name at his mortal 
 enemy, is mentioned in Schol. Bob. p. 268 exstat libellus Ciceronis qui ita inscribitur 
 1 JMictum L. Macili tr. pV, quod sub nomine ipsius Cicero scripsit in invectionem P. 
 Clodi. — The admonitory epistle Orpheus ad M. filium Aihenas (or de adolescente 
 studioso) is a forgery ; see AWeichert, de L. Vario etc. 297.— There are also apocry- 
 phal -writings : ' Synonyma,' the composition of an anonymous early grammarian, 
 of some interest for Cicero's style and phraseology (cf. EBahrens ap. JWBeck, de 
 different, soriptt. lat. 18), already quoted in Isidor. 6, 473 Arev. and extant in 
 old MSS. (e.g. Leid. Voss. F. 24 s. IX, Bern. 178 s. IX) : see Hagen 1.1. cxvii. cxx. 
 Printed in Orelli 2 4, 1063. WLMahne, Cic. . . . Synonyma ad L. Veturium 
 sec. editt. Bomanas denuo excudi curavit, Leid. 1850 and: sec. edit. Parisinam 
 denuo exc. cur., ibid. 1851. Specimens of these Synonyma are given from a separate 
 MS. by LBachmann, zur Hss.-Kunde, Eost. 1854, 17. A similar work is the Differ- 
 entiae sermonum Ciceronis, from Berne MSS. s. IX u. X published by HHagen, 
 anecd. Helvet. (Lps. 1870) 275 ; cf. ibid, cxvii. Cf. also § 42, 4. Also de notis 
 (Obelli 2 4, 939), etc. 
 
 187. The four collections of the correspondence of Cicero 
 which have come down to us, counting in 90 letters addressed to 
 Cicero, contain altogether 864 pieces, and are, both in personal 
 and political contents, an inexhaustible treasury of contempo- 
 raneous history, though partly such that their publication was 
 not favourable to Cicero. In the case of a man accustomed to 
 think as rapidly and feel as vividly as did Cicero, and who was 
 strongly impelled to give vent to his thoughts and feelings 
 either orally or in letters to a familiar friend such as Atticus, a 
 correspondence of this kind affords a very deep but sometimes 
 erroneous insight into his heart. Hence his accusers derive the 
 greater part of their materials from these letters. 
 
 1. The earliest letter dates from 686/68, the latest July 28th, 711/43, not a 
 single one from the time of Cicero's consulship being preserved. Pronto ad M. 
 Antonin. p. 107 omnes Ciceronis epistulas legendas censeo, mea seritentia vel magis quam 
 omnes eius orationes. epistulis Ciceronis nihil est perfectius. Cf. also above § 46, 1. 
 
 2. In the letters to Atticus and other familiar acquaintances Cicero writes 
 very freely, those addressed to more distant acquaintances are generally cautious 
 and careful in style. BBAbeken, Cic. in s. Briefen usw., Hanover 1835. ad fam, 
 9, 21, 1 quid tibi ego videor in epistulis ? nonne plebeio sermone agere tecum ? . . • 
 epistulas vero cotidianis verbis texere solemus. AStinner, de eo quo Cic. in epistolis 
 usus est sermone, Oppeln 1879 III. Krause, stilist. Bemerkk. aus Cic.s Briefen, 
 Hohenst. 1869. GLandqraf, BlfbayrGW. 16, 274. 317. BYTyrrell, introd. to his 
 ed. of the epistles 1, lxxvii. EZimmermann, de epistulari temporum usu Cic, Bastenb. 
 
§ 187. cicero's correspondence. 317 
 
 1886. 87 II. PMeyeb, de Cic. ad Att. sermone, Bayreuth 188'/.— RBoltzenthal, de 
 graeoi sermonis proprietatibus in Cic. epistt., Cttstrin 1884. — EOpitz, quo sermone 
 ei qui ad Cic. litteras dederunt usi 8int, Naumb. 1879. JHSchmalz, ZfGW. 35, 87 ; 
 die Latinitat des Vatinius, Mannh. 1881. — Chronology : JvGruber, de temporibus 
 atque serie epistolarum Cic, Strals. 1836. GBauschen, ephemerides Tullianae 
 rerum inde ab exilio Cic. (Mart. 696/58) usque ad extremum annum 700/54 gestarum, 
 Bonn 1886. AEKomer, de 3pistulis a Cic. post reditum (a. 697/57) ad finem a. 
 700/54 datis, Lps. 1886. LMoi.l, de tempp. epistt. Tull. quaestt. (a. 703/51-704/50), 
 Berl. 1883. "VVSternkopff, quaestt. chronol. de rebus a Cic. inde a tradita Cilicia 
 provincia usque ad relictam Italiam gestis deque epistulis intra illud tempus 
 (a. 704/50 et 705/49) datis acceptisve, Marb. 1884. EEuete, d. Correspondent Cic.s 
 in den JJ. 710/44 u. 711/43, Marb. 1883. See further under the separate collections. 
 
 3. Cicero himself never collected his letters, much less did he edit them, but 
 oven in his life-time friends of his had formed some such design. Cf . ad Att. 16, 
 5, 5 (a. 710/44) mearum epistularum nulla est avvayuyii. seel habet Tiro instar LXX, 
 it quidem sunt a te quaedam sumendae. eas ego oportet perspiciam, corriyam ; turn 
 denique edentur ; and to Tiro he writes (fam. 16, 17, 1 a. 708/46) tuas quoque epistolas 
 vis referri in volumina. After Cicero's death, his correspondence was very zealously 
 collected and edited, first of all no doubt by Tiro, who even during Cicero's life- 
 time had planned the collection of his letters. Cornelius Nepos, in a part of his 
 life of Atticus written before 720/34 (Att. 16, 3), knows from private communica- 
 tion (for he himself says that they were not yet published) the letters to Atticus 
 (see § 188, 2, 2) ; they had, it would seem, already been compiled for publication. 
 The earliest mention which we have of a published letter from the Ciceronian 
 correspondence is found in Sen. suas. 1, 5=fam. 15, 19. 
 
 4. Atticus brought about the publication of the Ciceronian letters addressed 
 to him (§ 188, 2) ; Tiro appears to have published the rest gradually (above n. 3). 
 The two chief collections, those of Atticus and of Tiro, each excluded the contents 
 of the other (the two exceptions fam. 8, 16= Att. 10, 9 A; fam. 9, 14= Att. 14, 17 A 
 only prove the rule) and both editors suppressed their own letters to Cicero. — Tiro 
 arranged the correspondence according to the persons addressed, and published 
 the correspondences thus collected in one or more books according to the amount 
 of the materials; matter insufficient to form a volume by itself and detached 
 letters were disposed of in collective volumes (letters to two or more correspon- 
 dents) ; earlier collections, which had been published previously, were supple- 
 mented with letters which had either been written or become accessible at a 
 subsequent time. To this Tironian collection belong the extant collections ad Q. 
 fratrem (§ 188, 3), and ad Srutum (§ 188, 4) of which last only a small portion is 
 preserved ; and in particular the so-called collection adfamiliares (§ 188, 1) has been 
 formed from portions of the Tironian collective edition. Thus we account for 
 such quotations as Geli.. 1, 22, 19 in libra epistularum M. Ciceronis ad L. Plancum 
 (i.e. the person addressed at the beginning of book 10 and prominent throughout) 
 et (and in particular) in epistula Asini Pollionis ad Cic. etc. (=fam. 10, 33, 5) ; cf. 
 12, 13, 21 in libro M. Tullii epistularum ad Ser. Sulpicium (=fam. 4, 4, 4). Non. 83, 
 30 Cicero ad Varronem (i.e. the person addressed at the beginning of the book) 
 epistula Paeti (rather ad Paetum=fa,m. 9, 20, 3).— Also the collections which are 
 known to us only by quotations belonged to this Tironian edition : Nonius cites 
 p. 450 b. 9 (437 b. 7 ; 37 b. 5) ad Hirtium; 293 b. 4 ad Pompeium (the two quota- 
 tions=Cic. ad Att. 8, 11 D, 2, 3 ; but the quotation in Nonius is probably founded 
 on a mistake. LGurlitt, Berl. ph. Wschr. 1887, 891. Cf. besides § 186, 2), 286 
 and 436 b. 3 ad Caesarem, 329 and 426 b. 3 ad Caesarem iuniorem, 92 b. 3 ad Pansam, 
 
318 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 509 b. 2 ad Axium (of. Fbonto p. 107. PEE. 1 2 , 2202, 2 ; mentioned also in the SC. 
 de Oropiis, Henn. 20, 270), 275 b. 2 ad filium ; again Macros. 2, 1, 14 quotes b. 2 
 ad Cornelium Nepotem ; likewise Priscian. GL. 2, 490 b. 1 ad Calvum (OHarnecker, 
 JJ. 125, 604). There are also quoted (without the number of the book being 
 specified) Ciceronian letters ad Catonem (Non. 264 [=ad fam. 15, 4, 2]. 273 [ib. 15, 
 3, 2]. 438), ad M. Titinium (Suet. rhet. 2), ad Hostilium (Charisius GL. 1, 110), ad 
 Caerelliam (Quint. 6, 3, 112; cf. Auson. p. 146 Sch.)— There are also mentioned 
 {WrjviKal (irpbs 'HpiiSijv, irpbs Topylav, irpbs IIAoira rbv Bufdcnox etc.) in Plut. Cic. 24 
 (Nake p. 10). On Cicero's correspondence with the young Octavian see LGurlitt, 
 Berl. phil. "Wschr. 1887, 1616. The scanty remains of these collections have recently 
 been collected in Baiter-Kayser 11, 38 and CFWMuller 4, 3, 292. — BNake, hist, 
 crit. Ciceronis epistularum, Bonn 1861. BFLeighton, hist. crit. Cic. epp. ad fam., 
 Lps. 1877 ; and esp. LGuri.itt, de Cic. epistulis earumque pristina collectione, Gott. 
 1879; JJ. 121, 609. 
 
 5. Cicero's letters were diligently read during several centuries (see the list of 
 citations in Nake, hist. crit. 38), and abridgments of them were also made : Fronto 
 ad Antonin. p. 107, 7 memini me excerpsisse ex Ciceronis epistulis ea dumtaxat quibus 
 inesset aliqua de eloquentia vel philosophia vel de rep. disputatio ; praeterea si quid 
 elegantius aut verbo notabili dictum videretur ; cf. ib. 107, 2. Perhaps we may 
 possess the remains of an abridgment of the letters ad fam. in the text of the leaf 
 of the Turin palimpsest containing ad fam. 6, 9, 1-2. 6, 10, 1-6 (new collation by 
 PKruger, Herm. 5, 146). But the letters were much less widely read and for a 
 much shorter period than most of the other writings of Cicero. We find only 
 isolated traces of MSS. of them existing or utilised during the Middle Ages (Orelli 
 in the introd. to his ed. p. vi ; also MHaupt, op. 3, 588. GVoigt, EhM. 36, 474), 
 They came again into circulation when Petrarch in 1345 rediscovered in Verona the 
 letters to Brutus (b. 1; cf. § 188, 4, 1), Q. Cicero, the letter to Octavian (§ 185, 
 5) and the letters to Atticus (Petrarcae epp. de reb. fam. 24, 3). The MS. in 
 which Petrarch found these letters (in the above order) has again been lost, only a 
 copy taken directly from it being extant (now cod. Medic. 49, 18 s. XIV, facsimile 
 in Chatelain t. 34, 2). This however is not the copy, which, as we know, Petrarch 
 made for himself (see GVoigt and AViertel 1.1.) : the one still extant, which was 
 made by several copyists (FEuhl, EhM. 36, 21. LMendelssohn, JJ. 121, 863), be- 
 longed to a younger contemporary of Petrarch, the Florentine chancellor of state 
 Coluccio Salutato. Pasquino de Cape] lis his colleague in Milan had procured it 
 for him there. In that city, at the time in question, there were in the possession of 
 Galeazzo Visconti, Duke of Milan, both the cod. Veronensis of the letters ad Att. etc. 
 and the Vercellensis (see n. 6) of those ad fam. — Valuable also is the cod. Tornaesianus 
 (z), (now lost), from which Lambinus gives us the most trustworthy information ; 
 it is no more derived from the cod. Medic. 49, 18 (M), (FHofmann 26. FSchmidt in 
 the Festgruss fiir HHeerwagen, Erl. 1882, 18), than is a certain cod. Escurial. s. 
 XIV/XV; and similarly the specially important marginal notes in Cratander's 
 edition (e), Basel 1528, are derived from some MS. which is older than the Med. 
 (FHofmanh 26. 30), viz. probably from the Wiirzburg MS. s. XI, which is lost all 
 but a few leaves (cf. LSpengel, Miinchn. Gel. Anz. 1846, 917. 926. KHalm, EhM. 
 18, 460. GSchepss, BlfbayrGW. 20, 7. Ill) or from one very much like it. Cf. 
 also KLehmann, "WschrfklPh. 1888, 470. On the other hand the variants of the 
 'decurtatus' and ' Crusellinus ' which were formerly highly valued and which 
 SBosius gives, are founded on forgeries by Bosius: see MHaupt, op. 2, 83. D 
 Detlefsen, JJ. suppl. vol. 3, 111). On the MSS. of the 15th cent, and the edd. 
 principes of a. 1470 (the Eomana and the Jensoniana=E and I) see Hofmann 48. 
 
§ 187. CICERO'S CORRESPONDENCE. 319 
 
 OESchmidt, die hs. Uberlieferung der Briefe ad Att. Q. Cio. Brut, in Italien, Abh. 
 d. sachs. Ges. d. "Wiss. 10, 271 ; WsohrfklPh. 1187, 1014 (against KLehmann, ib. 
 1887, 506. 1403, who imagines that he has discovered MSS. of the epp. ad Att. 
 independent of the Med.) ; EhM. 40, 611 ; JJ. 137, 179. HEbeling, Phil. 42, 403. 
 45, 369. 
 
 6. The letters ad familiares were not also discovered by Petrarch, as was 
 formerly supposed in accordance with a misleading statement of Elavius Blondus 
 (Italia illustrata p. 346 ed. Bas. : Petrarcha epistolas Ciceronis Lentulo inscriptas— 
 the collection ad fam. is thus entitled from its first letter — Vercellis reperisse 
 gloriatua est; AVieetel, EhM. 36, 150). Petrarch in fact knew only the one 
 collection of letters discovered by him in Verona (see above n. 5). A MS. of the 
 collection ad familiares was discovered at Vercelli and was already known about 
 1390. Coluccio Salutato procured through Pasquino (n. 5) a copy of this MS. also ; 
 now codex Med. 49, 7 (Chatelain t. 36). Its original, formerly the Vercellensis, 
 is likewise preserved as the cod. Med. 49, 9 s. IX/X (Chatelain t. 34, 1 ; on its 
 age see EEuhl, EhM. 36, 25. LMendelssohn, JJ. 121, 864. 129, 845). Since Orelli 
 this Mediceus was regarded as the authority for all existing MSS. of the 
 letters ad familiares (with the exception of the Turin fragment above n. 5, 1. 7). 
 This view has been discredited, since the discovery of MSS. which furnish a 
 tradition independent of the Med. : Harleiani 2682 s. XI and 2773 s. XII (cf. 
 ThOebxeb in Baiter-Kayser's Cicero 9, p. v. FEuhl, EhM. 30, 26 ; Wissensch. 
 Monatsbl. 1878, 25), Erfordiensis (now in Berlin fol. 252 s. XII, cf. § 179, 13, 2, 
 which already EWunder regarded as independent of the Med.), Paris. 17812 s. 
 XII (Chatelain t. 35) and Turon. 688 s. XII/XIII, probably derived from it 
 (ChThukot, Cic. ad fam. notice sur un inscr., Par. 1874. LMendelssohn, Melanges 
 Graux 169). On fragments of a MS. s. XII (?) see AGolisch, Phil. 26, 701. 
 GVitelli, framm. di un cod. epp. ad fam., Mus. ital. 1, 156. — On the diplomatic 
 history of the letters see Orelli's hist. crit. epist. Cic. introd. to his ed. 2 p. v. 
 CECSchneider, de cod. Med. epp. Cic. ad fam. auctoritate, Bresl. 1832. FHofmann, 
 d. krit. Apparat von Cics Briefen an Att., Berl. 1863. DDetlefsen, JJ. 87. 551. 
 MHaupt, op. 2, 83. 112. AViertel, die Wiederaufnndung von Cics Briefen durch 
 Petrarca, Konigsb. 1879 ; JJ. 121, 231. GVoigt, Leipz. SBer. 1879, 41 ; Lit. Centr. 
 Bl. 1879, 1425. — OStreicher, de Cic. epp. ad fam. emendandis. in the commen- 
 tatt. phil. Ienens. 3 (1884), 97. LMendelssohn, JJ. 121, 864. 129. 108. 845 ; Phil. 
 45, 152. 
 
 7. Emendationes Cic. epistolarum by ASWesenberg (Copenh. 1840 ; emend, 
 alterae, Lps. 1873) and HA 'Koch (Putbus 1855 ; EhM. 12, 268). FBuchelee, EhM. 
 11, 509. JKbauss, Cologne 1866. Lps. 1869 II. JErey, EOssel 1873. 75 II. OHirsch- 
 peld, fierm. 5, 296. JCGBoot, obss. crit. ad Cic. epp. (acad. reg. Nederl.), Am- 
 sterd. 1880. GGPluygers, Mnemos. 9, 113. PStarker, symb. critt. ad Cic. epp., 
 Bresl. 1882. CALehmann, quaestt. Toll. I : de Cic. epistulis, Prague 1886. Madvicj, 
 adv. critt. 3, 133. ChNisard, notes (esp. historical) sur les lettres de Cic, Par. 1882. 
 — Eeview of the literature on Cicero's letters : KSchirmer, Phil. 45, 133. 
 
 8. Collective editions of the letters: rec. ASWesf.nberg (Lps. 1872. 73 II). 
 The correspondence of Cicero (chronologically arranged, with commentary, etc.) ; 
 by ETTyrrell, I Lond. 2 1885. II 1886. 
 
 9. Translations by CMWieland (and FDGrater), Ziir. 1808-21 VII; by 
 GHMoser and others (in the Metzler collection, small vols. 51-76), CLFMezger 
 (Stuttg. Hoffmann 1859 sqq.). By WMelmoth and WHeberden, Lond. 1854. G. 
 EJeans, Lond. 2 1887. 
 
 10. Selections with annotations by FHofmann and GAndresen, Berl. 5 1884, 
 
320 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 2 85 II, KFSupfle (Karlsruhe 8 1880 by EBoeckel), AWatson, Oxf. 2 1874, JEbey, 
 Lpz. 3 1881. EStJPaeby, Lond. 1867. JEYonoe, Pt. I. Lond. 1870. CEPbitchard 
 and EBBernaed, Lond. 1872. GEJeans, Lond. 1882. JHMuirhead, Lond. 1885.— 
 Translated in the Metzler Klass. d. Alt., Stuttg. 1854. 
 
 188. The collections extant are as follows : 
 
 1) Epistulae (ad familiares), 16 books of the years 692/62- 
 711/43, arranged according to the persons to whom they are 
 addressed (with the exception of book XIII), but without con- 
 sistent attention to chronology. 
 
 1. The traditional title of this collection is (according to the subseriptiones in 
 the Med.) simply 'M. Tulli Ciceronis epiatularum ad P. Lentulum (=b. 1), ad 0. Curi- 
 onem (b. 2), ad App. Claudium (b. 3), ad Ser. Sulpicium (b. 4) etc. after the chief, 
 or at least the first person addressed in the respective books. Cf. n. 2 and § 187, 4. 
 The usual designation ad familiares is not attested by any MS. (cf. on this Suet. 
 Iul. 56 [§ 195, 8]) ; late MSS. and old editions give the title epistolae familiares 
 (cf. Quint. 1, 1, 29. Gennad. v. ill. 63). The name ad diversos which was for- 
 merly widely accepted is also unauthenticated (cf. Hieron. v. ill. 69. 99. 135 [§434. 
 2] . Gennad. v. ill. 92). 
 
 2. The third book contains only letters to Appius Claudius Pulcher, b. 8 
 only letters from M. Caelius (§ 209, 6) to Cicero, b. 14 only letters from Cicero to 
 Terentia and the other members of his family, b. 16 exclusively letters to Tiro 
 (the editor) : here too are quite unimportant ones addressed to the latter, some 
 which merely relate to Tiro but are not addressed to him (16, 16) ; b. 13 contains 
 mere letters of recommendation. — The collection consists of portions of the Tiro- 
 man collective edition of the letters (§ 187, 4) : how just these portions came to 
 be combined into a larger group, when and by whom this was done,, has not been 
 explained. 
 
 3. On the MSS. see § 187, 6. Editions e.g. by PMakutius (Aid. 1575 and 
 other edd., his commentary specially edited by GCBichteb, Lpz. 1779, 80 II), 
 JGGeaevius (cum notis variorum, Amsterd. 1677. 1693 II and other edd.), 
 ChCellaeius and GCorte (Lpz. 3 1771), JAMabtyni-Laguna (vol. I Lps. 1804; 
 beginning of the commentary in Jahn's Archiv. 2 [1833], 249, 365 and with PVic- 
 tokii curae tertiae in epp. ad fam. II. by JCObelli, Zur. 1840). Cf. § 187, 8. 
 
 4. The letters not by Cicero (Clarorum virorum epist. etc.) with notes by 
 BWeiske (Lpz. 1792). Ep. ad. L. Lucceium (5, 12) ed. ill. CHPbotscheb, Annaberg 
 1838 (on this see also CECSchneider, Bresl. 1837. Willmann, Halberst. 1883). 
 M. Caelii Rufi et M. Tullii Ciceronis epp. mutuae ed. WHDSuringar, Leid. 1845. 
 — HAKleijn, obss. in Cic. ad fam., Leid. 1860. RJacobs, ad Cic. ad fam. 1. XIII, 
 JJ. 85, 732, JMuixee, z. Krit. u. Erkl. der Br. Cic. an P. Lentulus, Innsbr. 1862. 
 FOudendorpii scholia in selectas epp. ad fam. ed. JALiebmahn (Lps. 1839). BNake, 
 der Brief wechsel zw. Cic. u. Caelius, JJ. 89, 60 ; zw. Cic. u. D. Brutus, J J. suppl. 
 vol. 8, 647; de M. Caeli Eufi epist. libro, in der Symb. philol. Bonn. 373; de 
 Planci et Cic. epistulis, Berl. 1866. LGurlitt, d. Briefwechsel zw. Cic. u. D. Brut., 
 JJ. 121, 609. OESchmidt, de epistulis et a Cassio et ad Cassium datis quaestt. 
 chronologicae, Lps. 1877. LMendelssohn, JJ. 133, 64. CGCobet (fam. and Att.), 
 Mnemos. 8, 182. LPurser, Hermath. 11, 277. Proposed emendations to b. 10 by 
 MGitlbauer, Wiener Stud. 1, 75 ; to b. 8 Teuepel, EhM. 29, 364. 
 
 2) Ad Atticum, likewise in 16 books, commencing with a. 
 
§ 188. ciceeo's correspondence : extant collections. 321 
 
 686/68 and terminating a few months before Cicero's death. 
 These are confidential letters, in which the writer expresses him- 
 self with entire freedom, and frequently in language intelligible 
 only to his correspondent. They read partly as monologues. 
 These letters (without the answers of Atticus) were doubtless 
 not published until after Atticus' death, though prepared by him 
 for publication. 
 
 1. Cic. ad Att. 8, 14, 2 ego tecum tamquam mecum loquor. 
 
 2. The commencement is inaccurately determined by Cokh. Nepos Att. 16, 3 : 
 XVI (the MSS. XI) volumina epistularum ab consulatu eius (Cicero) usque ad extre- 
 mum tempus ad Atticum missarum. quae qui legal non multum desideret historiam 
 contextam eorum tentporum . . . omnia de studiis principum, vitiis ducum y muta- 
 tionibus rei publicae perscripta sunt, non enim Cicero ea solum quae vivo se acciderunt 
 futura praedixitj sed etiam quae nunc usu veniunt, cecinit ut vates. The correspon- 
 dence during the last months of Cicero's life was perhaps suppressed out of regard 
 for Octavianus (see BNake, hist. crit. p. 17, n. 30). Owing to a similar precaution 
 and perhaps out of modesty (§ 187, 4 1. 5) Atticus' replies were left out, though 
 they are often indispensable to a full understanding of Cicero's letters, ana had 
 been carefully preserved by Cicero (Att. 9, 10, 4). Atticus was actuated by the 
 same motive in keeping hack the publication until after his own death (a. 722/32), 
 as appears from Cokn. Nep. 1.1. From the circumstance that on the one hand 
 Asconius in his commentary on Cicero (§ 295, 2, composed about 808/55) does not 
 mention the letters ad Att. 2 while on the other hand Seheca ad Lucil. 97, 118 
 (§ 289, 5) already quotes from them, FBucheler, EhM. 34, 352, conjectures that 
 the correspondence with Atticus was not published until about a.d. 60. In that 
 case the epp. ad Att. would have been made public only a whole century after 
 Cicero's death, which is against all historical probability. Cf. also the quotation 
 in Seneca de hrevit. vitae 5 (written before a. 49) quam flebiles (Cicero) voces 
 exprimit in quadam ad Atticum epistula ..." quid agam hie quaeris f moror in 
 Tusculano meo semiliber. 1 alia deinceps adicit quibus et prior em aetatem complorat et 
 de praesenti queritur et de futura desperat, where however Lipsius (the quotation 
 not being found in our collection) plausibly conjectures ad Axium (§ 187, 4). At 
 all events the wording of the passage in Seneca would go to p,rove that Seneca 
 had read the letter itself, and would contradict Biicheler's assumption that the 
 quotation refers to Cic. ad Att. 13, 31, 3 semiliberi saltern simus, and that the in- 
 correct quotation was communicated to Seneca from the collection ad Atticum 
 prior to its publication. 
 
 3. On the MSS. see § 187, 5.— On a transposed leaf at the end of b. 4 see 
 Mommsek, ZfAW. 1845, 779.— Editions by PManutius (Venice 1547 and subse- 
 quently), PVictokius (Florence 1571), JGGeaevius (Amsterd. 1684. 1693. 1727 II), 
 JCG-Boot (rec. et adn. ill., Amsterd. 2 1886). Cf. § 187, 8.— ThSchiche, z. Chronol. 
 v. B. 15 ad Att. in d. Festschr. d. Friedr.-Werderschen Gymn., Berlin 1881, 225 ; 
 zu Cic. ad Att. 2. Teil, Berl. 1883. OESchmidt, JJ. 129, 331.-BMucke, de locis 
 aliquot graecis in Cic. epp. ad Att., Ilfeld 1878. Critical contributions by 
 FSohmidt, BlfbayrGW. 12, 235 ; zur Kritik u. Erkl. d. Briefe Cic. ad Att., Niirnb. 
 1879. CGCobet (§ 188, 1, 4). AOtto, EhM. 41, 364. 
 
 3) Ad Quintum fratrem, three books dating from 694/60- 
 
 R.L. y 
 
322 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 700/54. Here there is no doubt that we possess all that was 
 ever published. 
 
 1. On the MSS. see § 187, 5.— The confusion in hook 2, which arose from a 
 transposition of every two double leaves of the original MS., was set right by 
 Mommsen, ZfAW. 1844, 591.-Editions by JHoffa (Heidelb. 1843) ; also with the 
 letters ad Brut, by PManutius (Frankf. 1580 and subsequently) and cum notis 
 variorum ; ace. Q. Cic. de petit, cons. c. comm. Valerii Palermi, Hagae Com. 1725. 
 
 2. Ep. 1, 1 of a. 694/60, which amounts to a long and elaborate essay (on 
 provincial administration), a sort of complimentary return for his brother's epistle 
 de petitione (§ 190, 4). 
 
 4) Correspondence between M. Brutus and Cicero, very in- 
 completely preserved. 
 
 1. This correspondence at one time comprised 9 books, and the one now 
 extant as b. 1 was originally the ninth and last. Non. 421, 31 Cic. . . . ad 
 Brutum lib. Villi. ' L. Clodius, tr. pi. des. etc.'=our Cic. ad Brut. 1, 1, 1. For book 
 1 (properly 9) the principal MSS. are the Medic. 49, 18 (in this the subscriptio 
 reads : Ad Brutum epistolarum liber primus explicit, incipit ad Q. epistolarum 
 primus) and the MS. which Cratander used ; see § 187, 5.— To this first book (18 
 letters) Cratander in 1528 added seven letters quod a Ciceroniana dictione abhor- 
 rere non videbantur et in vetusto codice primum locum obtinerent, which since Schiitz 
 have been denoted as the second book. No MS. of them is known to exist. 
 AvStreng, de Cic. ad Brut, epistt. libro II, Helsingfors 1885. Cratander's words 
 show that in the cod. vetustus the 7 new letters preceded the so-called b. 1, hence 
 it is probable that originally they also belonged to b. 9 (or b. 8). In agreement 
 with this is the fact that the letters of the so-called second book relate to the time 
 before the battle of Mutina, those of the first to the time succeeding it. Another 
 fragment from b. 8 in Non. 527, 25, who 296, 8 also quotes book 7. See a quotation 
 from b. 1 ap. Serv. Aen. 8, 395. LGurlitt, JJ. 131, 561. KWermuth, quaestt. de 
 Cic. epp. ad Brut. 1. IX, Basel 1887 (together with LGurlitt, Berl. philol. Wochen- 
 schr. 1887, 1086).— For editions see above no. 3, 1. 
 
 2. Amm. Marc. 29, 5, 24 quotes ad Brut. 1, 2, 5 as Ciceronian (Tullianum 
 illud). Plut. Brut. 53 rb i-nirToKiov (Bpoirov), eiirep &pa ru>v yvijalav kari. : but on the 
 genuineness of this (non-extant) letter in particular and of the Ciceronian epistle 
 ad Brut. 1, 9 see Mommsen, Herm. 15, 102. The spuriousness of both books was 
 first maintained by JTunstall (epistola ad C. Middleton, Cambr. 1741, and Obser- 
 vations etc., Lond. 1745), and esp. by TMarkland (Remarks etc. Bond. 1745), while 
 their authenticity was successfully defended by CMiddleton (the epp. of Cic. and 
 Brut, with a dissertation, Lond. 1743) and recently by KFHermann ; cf. his vin- 
 diciae latinitatis epp. Cic. ad Br., Gatt. 1844 ; Gatt. gel. Anz. 1844, 1934. 1845, 961. 
 1310 ; defence of the authenticity of the letters etc., Abh. der GOtt. Ges. d. Wiss. 
 2, 189. 3, 143 ; Vindiciarum Brutinarum epimetrum, Gatt. 1845. Against Hermann 
 AWZumpt, de Cic. et Bruti mutuis epp. quae vulgo feruntur, Berl. 1845; Berl.. 
 Jahrb. 1845. 2, no. 91 sqq. and recently FBecher, de Cic. quae feruntur ad Brut. 
 epistulis, Jena 1876 ; EhM. 37, 576; Phil. Suppl. 4, 502; Phil. 44, 471. PMeyer, 
 lib. d. Frage der Echtheit des Brief wechsels Cic. ad Brut., Zurich 1881 ; Phil. 
 Wochenschr. 1883, 1313; WschrfklPh. 1884, 423. However, these attempts to 
 disprove the Ciceronian origin of these letters have been confuted on all points, 
 and their authenticity is more firmly established than ever. The objections 
 
§ 188, 9. CICEEO'S COEEESPONDENCE (EXTANT) : HIS POETEY. 323 
 
 raised against this collection are of small consequence, chiefly contradictions 
 between Cicero's confidential judgments on certain persons and the assertions 
 made "by him in public or at other times. The simple style of the Brutus letters, 
 which are quite free from turgid rhetoric, does not favour the assumption of 
 forgery and quite agrees with Brutus' Attic tendency. Cf. § 210, 1 sqq. Cf. e.g. 
 Madvig, adv. 3, 197. CGCobet, Mnemos. N. S. 7, 262. OESchmidt, JJ. 127, 559. 
 129, 617 ; WschrfklPh. 1884, 261. ERuete (§ 187, 2 ad fin.) ; Phil. Bundsch. 1884, 
 593. LGurlitt, Phil. Anz. 1883, 720 ; Phil. Suppl. 4, 551 ; JJ. 121, 610. 129, 855. 
 KSchirher, Phil. Anz. 13, 765 ; die Sprache des Brutus in den bei Cic. Tiber lief erten 
 Briefen, Jtfetz 1884. 
 
 3. Only the two letters 1, 16 and 17 are very suspicious and are probably a 
 production of the rhetorical school. KNipperdey, Abh. d. sachs. Ges. d. Wiss. 5, 
 71. RHeine, de Cic. et Bruti epistulis mutuis, Lps. 1875. OESchmidt, de epist. 
 Cass. (§ 188, 1" 4) 57 and esp. LGurlitt, Phil. Suppl. 5, 591 (who however should 
 not have impugned 1, 15, 3-11). 
 
 5) There is no doubt as to the spuriousness of the letter ad 
 
 Octavianum. 
 
 1. The letter is found e.g. in the Med. 49, 18 (§ 187, 5), in Berol, 252 (Erford.) 
 s. XII (§ 179, 13, 2), it was to be found in Cratander's MS. (above no. 4, 1) and is 
 printed in the editions of Cicero ; e.g. in Baiter-Kayser 10, 465. CBerns in the 
 commentatt. phil. semin. Lips. (Lps. 1874) 177. 
 
 189. Cicero practised poetry incidentally from his early years, 
 chiefly with a view to forming his style. His talent for literary 
 form made metrical composition very easy to him. At a riper 
 age he composed an epic on Marius, but he was strangely 
 blinded by his burning desire for fame, which induced him to 
 make himself and his life the subject of epics, greatly to the 
 disadvantage of his reputation. 
 
 1. On Cicero as a poet cf. Sen. exc. controv. 3 praef. 8 Ciceronem eloquentia sua 
 in carminibus deslituit. Sen. de ira 3, 37, 5. Tac dial. 21. Juv. 10,124 'ofortu- 
 natam natam, me consule Momam ! ' Antoni gladios potuit contemnere, si sic omnia 
 dixisset. Mart. 2, 89, 3 Carmina quod scribis Musis et Apolline nulla Laudari debes : 
 hoe Ciceronis habes. Plut. Cic. 40 (on improvising). Schol. Bob. 305 Or. Drumann, 
 GR. 6, 681. EMFrantzen, de Cic. poeta, Abo 1800. vHeusde, Cic. (piXoirXdruv 
 (Utr. 1836) 25. 34. Ribbeck, rom. Dicht. 1, 296. HSchenkl, de Cic. poeta, in the 
 Jahresber. des Vereins ' Mittelschule,' Vienna 1886. MGroi-lmus, de Cic. poeta I : 
 de inscriptt., argumentis, tempp. singulorum carmm., K5nigsb. 1887. JKubik 
 (§ 177, 2) 241. The fragments e.g. in Baiter-Kayser 11, 89. CEWMuller 4, 3, 
 350. EPR. 298. 
 
 2. On his youthful attempts, the Pontios Glaukos and his translation of 
 Aratos, see § 177a, 1. The date of some of his other works is uncertain. lux. 
 Capitol. Gordian. 3, 2 adulescens cum esset Qordianus . . . poemata scripsit . . . 
 et quidem cuncta ilia quae Cicero edidit Marium (n. 3) et Aralum et Halcyonas 
 (cf. Non. 65 Cicero f alcyon, 2 hex. follow) et Uxorium (carpet-knight?) et Nilum 
 (Casaubon : Limona see helow). quae quidem ad hoc scripsit ut Ciceronis poemata 
 nimis antiqna viderentur.—SuRV. buc. 1, 57 Cicero in elegia quae f talia masta in- 
 scribitur (an hexameter follows ; Thalia maesta Heinsius, Qavixaari MHertz, Italia 
 maesta LUrlichs, Eos 1, 151).— Cicero also made metrical translations of portions 
 
324 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 of Homer (de div. 2, 63. de fin. 5, 49), Aisohylos (Tusc. 2, 23), Sophokles (ib. 2, 20) 
 and others.— Suet, vita Ter. p. 34, 2 B. Cicero in Limone (Kei.ii.tbv=Pratum ; Plin. 
 NIL praef. 24. Gell. NA. praef. 6. Sum. s. v. IL&iupCkor . . . $ypa\j/e \einQ>va- 
 ttrn 8£ TroidXav T*pu>x*i) '■ nere follow four hexameters on Terence as a felicitous 
 adapter of Menander; aeoordingly their contents must have been literary criti- 
 cism, cf. Bitscbx. op. 3, 263.— Epigrams : Plin. ep. 7, 4, 3 (epigramma [lascivum 
 lusum ; cf . Auson. op. 28, 4, 9 p. 146 Sch.] Ciceronis in Tironem suum ; ef . Gkollmus 
 LI. 49). Quint. 8, 6, 73. 
 
 3. Quint. 11, 1, 24 in carminibus utinam pepercisset (had indulged less in self- 
 laudation), quae non desierunt carpere maligni. Here should be mentioned his three 
 books de suo consulatu in epic metre. Schol. Bob. 267, 19 Or. Att. 2, 3, 3 ; cf. 1, 
 19, 10 (poema expectato ne quod genus a me ipso laudis meae praetermittatur). de div. 
 1, 17-22 : here is a considerable fragment, a speech of Urania, which shows how the 
 contemporary subject-matter was tastelessly decked out with tawdry mythology. 
 From this work or the following are derived the two famous lines (n. 1) : fortu- 
 natam natam me consule Eomam (Quint. 9, 4, 41 and elsewhere) and Cedantarma togae, 
 concedat laurea laudi (off. 1, 77 and elsewhere) Drumann, GE. 5, 601. JMahly, Phil. 
 25, 544. Eibbeck, rom, Dicht. 1, 296.— Also the epic de temporibus meis, like- 
 wise in three books (composed about 699/55). Cf. fam. 1, 9, 23 (still unpublished a. 
 700/54). ad Q. fr. 3, 1, 24. 2, 13, 2. 2, 15, 5. Att. 4, 8". 3. Drumann, GE. 6, 20. 
 — Cicero wrote besides, a. 700/54, an eulogistic poem on Caesar as the conqueror of 
 Britain; ad Q. fr. 3, 1, 11 (poema ad Caesarem). Cf. 2, 13, 2. 3, 4, 4. 3, 8, 3. 
 3, 9, 6 {quod me hortaris ut absolvam, habeo absolutum suave, mihi quidem uti videtur, 
 iiros ad Caesarem). Cf. Drumann GE. 3, 322. Lastly, the epic poem Marius, Att. 
 12, 49, 1. leg. 1, 1 is probably of the same period. The latter passage shows clearly 
 that the date of its composition (702/52) was not long after that of the Marius- 
 MHauft, op. 1, 211. Grollmus 1.1. 22 holds a different opinion. At all events the 
 subject, the glorification of the popular leader, does not oblige us to suppose an 
 earlier date for the poem (so Eibbeck 1.1.). It was just in 700/54 sqq. that Cicero 
 was courting Caesar's favour, often in an undignified fashion. It is quite probable 
 that at that time a panegyric on Marius, his countryman, his relative, Caesar's 
 predecessor in the leadership of the popular party and who was also closely con- 
 nected with Caesar by marriage, would appear expedient to Cicero, who always 
 loads Marius with praise ; and he was an expert writer, who could easily surmount 
 the difficulties of the task. The passage in a letter (Att. 2, 15, 3 a. 695/59) is no 
 evidence for an earlier date. 
 
 4. Most recent collections of the Ciceronian fragments in Baiter-Kayser vol. 
 11 (1868) and CFWMuller 4, 3 (1879), 231. CHalm, Beitr. z. Berichtig. u. Erganz- 
 ung der ciceron. Fragm., Lpz. 1862 ( = Munch. SBer. 1862 2, 1). JMahly, ZfoG. 21, 
 821. FHoppe, zu den Fragmenten u. der Sprache Cic.s, Gumbinnen 1875. 
 
 190. Cicero's younger brother, Quintus (a. 652/102-711/43), 
 took much interest in literature, especially in poetry, and seems 
 to have resembled his brother in facility of composition, but he 
 never attained any distinction. He undertook an annalistic 
 work, and translated tragedies of Sophokles and the like. We 
 possess by him the commentariolum petitionis, a missive addressed 
 to his brother Marcus, composed early in 690/64, and a few 
 letters. 
 
§ 190. q. cicero. 325 
 
 1. The official career of Q. Cicero seems to justify the assumption of 652/102 
 as the year in which he was born. He was aedile 689/65, praetor 692/62, governed 
 Asia from 693/61 to 696/58, was Pompey's legate in Sardinia 698/56, Caesar's in 
 Gaul and Britain 700/54-702/52, his brother's in Cilicia 703/51 ; he was with the 
 latter proscribed, and killed together with his son 711/43 ; see Dbumann, GR. 6, 
 719. WPutz, de Q. Cic. vita et scriptis, Duren 1833. CHBlase, de Q. Cic. vita, 
 Bedburg 1847. PEE. 6, 2234. FBucheler, Q. Cic. reliqq. p. 1-24. 
 
 2. Schol. Bob. on Cic. pArch. p. 354 Or. : fuit enim Q. Tullius non solum epici 
 verum etiam tragici carminis scriptor. Cic. Att. 2, 16, 4 (a. 695/59) : Q.frater . . . 
 me rogat ut annales suos (hardly in a metrical form) emendem et edain. ad Q. fr. 
 
 2, 11, 4 (a. 700/54) Callisthenem et Philistum . . . in quibus te video volutatum . . . 
 sed quod adscribis : aggrederisne ad historiam ? me auctore poles, 2, 15, 4 (a. 700/54) 
 o iucundas mihi tuas e Britannia litteras ! te vero uircSfleow scribendi egregiam habere 
 video, quos tu situs, quas naturas rerurn et locorum, quos mores, quas gentes, quas pug- 
 nas, quern vero ipsum imperatorem habes ! (Hence we may conclude that it was in- 
 tended to become an epic poem.) ego te libenter . . . adiuvabo et tibi versus quos 
 rogas . . . mittam. 3, 4, 4 (a. 700/54) sine ulla mehercule ironia loquor, tibi 
 istius generis in scribendo priores partes tribuo quam mihi. Cf. 3, 5 and 6, 7 (a. 
 700/54) quattuor tragoedias XVI diebus absolvisse cum scribas tu quidquam ab alio 
 mutuaris ? et ir&ffos (see Usener, PvhM. 22, 459) quaemis cum Electram et f trodam 
 (Troadas Schutz. Troilum? Aeropam Buchelek) scripseris? . . . sed et istas et 
 Erigonam mihi velim mittas. ib. 3, 1, 13 in ea (epistula) nihil erat novi praeter 
 Erigonam, quam si . . . accepero scribam ad te quid sentiam ; nee dubito quin mihi 
 placitura sit. 3, 9, 6 ne accidat quod Erigonae tuae, cui soli Caesare imperatore iter 
 ex Gallia tutum nonfuit. There was an "Epiy6vri by Sophokles. Cic. de fin. 5, 3 turn 
 Quintus : . . . Sophocles . . ., quern scis quam admirer quamque eo delecter. ad 
 Q. fr. 2, 15, 3 (a. 700/54) ZwSeiwvovs So^okWws, quamquam a te factam fabellam (a 
 satyric drama ? see Ribbeck, rom. Trag. 620) video esse festive, nullo modo probavi. 
 fam. 16, 8, 2 ego (Q.) ceite singulos eius (Euripides) versus singula testimonia puto. 
 Kibbeck, rem. Dicht. 1, 190. 
 
 3. Three letters of Q. Cicero to Tiro, fam. 16, 8 (a. 705/49). 26. 27 (a. 710/44) 
 and one (ib. 16, 16) to his brother Marcus (694/60?). Together in Buchelek (n. 4) 
 p. 64. Cf. also Cic. ad Q. fr. 2, 14, 2 in brevi epistula Trpay/^aTiKCis valde scripsisti. 3, 
 1, 19 epistulam tuam aristophaneo modo valde et suavem et gravem. 
 
 4. The missive to his brother Marcus, when he was a, candidate for the 
 consulate a. 690/64, throws light on the place-hunting, which was then carried on 
 very vigorously ; the writer perhaps making use of Theophrastos irepl <pt\orifda,s 
 (Cic. ad Att. 2, 3, 3). Its plan is correct but pedantic, the diction is dry and insipid 
 (Bucheleb, p. 3, 7 sq.). The similarity to the speech in toga Candida, to the one 
 for Murena, and to the first letter from M. to his brother Quintus (1, 1) is remark- 
 able. For these and other arguments against the authorship of Q. (and for the 
 letter having been written by a rhetorician of the first century after Christ) see 
 AEussnek, commentariolum petitionis examinatum atque emendatum, Wurzb. 
 1872. See however against this view HWikz, philol. Anz. 5 (1873), 499 and 
 RYTykkell, the letters of Q. Cic, Hermathena 5 (1877), 40 ; and his edition of the 
 Ciceronian letters (§ 187, 8) 1, p. lxv. The best MSS. are Harleian. 2682 s. XI (see 
 EBahkens, misc. crit. 23) and Berol. 252 s. XII (see Buchelek p. 11). Printed as an 
 appendix to the letters ad Q. fratr. Separate editions by Valerius Paleemus (§ 188, 
 
 3, 1), CGSchwarz (cum animadv., Altorf 1719), JHoffa (perpet. adnot. illustr., 
 Lps. 1837). JWTijdemann, in Q. Cic. de pet. cons, adnotatt., Leid. 1838 sq. Q. 
 
326 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Cic. rell. recogn. FBucheler, Lps. 1869. The text in Eussner 1.1. p. 24 ; scholia 
 oritioa ib. p. 36. 
 
 5. Ausonius eel. 17 p. 16 Sch. gives after one of his own poems for the sake of 
 comparison 16 (20) hexameters by Q. Cicero on the twelve signs of the Zodiac ; the 
 same in Bucheler 1.1. 68. AL. 642. FPR. 315. Baiter-Kayser's Cic. 11, 138. 
 CEWMullek 4, 3, 405.— The epigram on women, which late MBS. (AL. 268. PLM. 
 4, 359) attribute to a certain Cicero, properly belongs to Pentadius (§ 398, 5). 
 
 191. Cicero's freedman and friend, M. Tullius Tiro, long sur- 
 vived his patron and carefully cultivated his memory. He wrote 
 his biography, published his orations and letters, and perhaps also 
 collected his witticisms. He wrote comprehensive works himself 
 of a grammatical character, and seems to have also dabbled in 
 poetry. His name has become well known through the notae 
 Tironianae. 
 
 1. Cic. fam, 16, 4, 3 innumerabilia tua sunt in me officia ; domestica, forensia ; 
 urbana, provincialia ,• in re privata, in publica ; in studiis, in litteris nostris. 16, 17, 
 1 Ka-viiv esse meoritm scriptorum soles. Cf . Att. 7, 5, 2. G-ell. 6, 3, 8 Tiro Tullius, M. 
 Ciceronis libertus, sane quidem fuit ingenio homo eleganti et haudquaquam rerum 
 litterarumque veterum indoctus, eoque ab ineunte aetate liberaliter institute adminicula- 
 tore et quasi administro in studiis litlerarwm Cicero usus est. ib. 13, 9, 1. 15, 16, 2. 
 He was manumitted ». 700/54 (Cic. fam. 16, 16). A. 704/50 he was adulescens (ad 
 Att. 6. 7, 2). Hieronym. on Euseb. Chron. ad a. Abr. 2013 (Ereher. 2012) =750/4 
 M. Tullius Tiro, Ciceronis libertus, qui primus notas commentus est, in Puteolano 
 praedio (cf. Cic. fam. 16, 21, 7) usque ad centesimum annum consenescit. JCd'Enoel- 
 bronner, de Tirone, Amst. 1804. ALion, Tironiana, in Seebode's Arch. 1824, 246 
 and (cf. § 220, 9) Gott. 1846. Drumann, GB,. 6, 405. PBE. 6, 2207. PMitzschke, 
 M. Tull. Tiro, Berl. 1875. 
 
 2. Ascon. p. 49 Or- 43 K.-S. ut legimus apud Tironem libertum Ciceronis in libro 
 IIII de vita eius. His work bore the character of an apology for Cicero, and 
 sought to clear his memory from detraction. Plutarch, who cites it (Cic. 41. 49), 
 has no doubt availed himself of it in part of his Bios Kixtpavos : see HPeter, 
 Quellen Plutarchs 129. Tac. dial. 17. Gell. 4, 10, 6.— ib. 15, 16, 2 a Tirone . . . 
 librorum patroni sui studiosissimo. HPeter, hist, fragm. 212. A MS. of Cic's 
 orations revised by him is mentioned Gell. 1, 7, 1 (in oratione Cic. V in Verr., libro 
 spectatae fidei, Tironiana cura atque disciptina facto) and 13, 21, 16 (in uno atque in 
 alter o antiquissimae fidei libro Tironiano). A memento of this activity is preserved 
 in the subscriptio of Statilius Maximus (§ 374, 5). Quint. 10, 7, 31 (§ 180, 3). On 
 his activity as the editor of collections of Cicero's correspondence see § 187, 3 and 
 4. He was also the reputed author of a collection of ioci Ciceronis. Quint, 6, 3, 5 
 utinam libertus eius Tiro aut alius quisquis fuit, qui tris hoc de re libros edidit, parcius 
 dictorum numero indulsissent etc. Macrob. S. 2, 1, 12 liberti eius libros quos is de 
 iocis patroni composuit. Schol. Bob. in Sest. p. 309 Or. hoc etiam dictum . . . Tullius 
 Tiro . . . inter iocos Ciceronis adnumerat. Cf. § 186, 6. 
 
 3. Gell. 6, 3, 10 (Tiro) epistulam conscripsit ad Q. Axium, familiarem patroni 
 sui, confidenter nimis et calide, in qua sibimet visus est orationem (of Cato the Elder) 
 pro Shodiensibus acri subtilique iudicio percensuisse (no doubt in maiorem gloriam 
 patroni). 10, 1, 7 quod . . . Tiro Tullius . . . in epistula quadam enarratius 
 scripsit ad hunc fere modum. 13, 9, 2 (Tullius Tiro) libros romplures de usu atque 
 
§ 191. tiro. 327 
 
 ratione linguae latinae, item de variis atque promiscuis quaestionibus composuit, in his 
 esse praecipue videntur quos graeco titulo UavS^Kras inscripsit. ibi de his stellis . . . 
 hoc scriptum est (here follows a quotation of some length). This work was probably 
 also used by Plin. NH., who in the ind. auct. for b. 2 (universe, constellations etc.) 
 quotes Tullius Tiro. Charis. GL. 1, 297 ' novissime ' Tiro in pandecte non recte ait 
 did etc. Cic. fam. 16, 18, 3 (a. 709/45) : tu (Tiro) nullosne tecum libellos? an pangis 
 aliquid Sophocleum ? fac opus appareat. 
 
 4. Suetonius (ed. Bffsch. p. 135) and from him Isidorus orig. 1, 21 and a Cassel 
 MS. of the Notae Tironis et Senecae (§ 289, 8. WSchmitz, symb. philol. Bonn 532) : 
 vulgares notas H/nnius primus mille et centum invenit . . . (see § 104, 5). Somae 
 primus Tullius Tiro, Ciceronis libertus, commentatus (perhaps commentus, see above 
 note 1) est notas, sed tantum praepositionum. post eum Vipsanius, Philar gyrus (the 
 freedman of Agrippa — § 220, 10 — ? see OLehmann 1.1. 12) et Aquila, libertus Maecena- 
 tis (also in Dio 55, 7 ; see § 220, 8) alius alias addiderunt. denique Seneca contracto 
 omnium digestoque et aucto numero opus effecit in quinque milia. 
 
 5. Under the title of Notae Tironis (Tyronis) et Senecae (n. 4) we possess an 
 extensive collection of abbreviations for shorthand, of various dates and divided 
 into six commentarii, first published by Gruter in his Thesaurus inscriptionum, 
 Heidelb. 1603. Manuscripts : cod. Cassellanus (from Fulda) s. VIII, Paris. 190 s. 
 IX and others (see below). Cf. UFKopp, palaeograph. crit. (Mannh. 1817) § 331 and 
 Zeibig 1.1. 37 ; see also ThSickel, Urk. d. Karolinger 1, 326 ; the Gottweih. lexic. 
 Tironianum, Wiener SBer. 38 (1861), 3. On the Tiron. Notae see especially the 
 researches of WSchmitz, collected in his Beitrage zur lat. Sprach- und Lit.-Kunde 
 (Lpz. 1877) 179-306 ; also by the same author : RhM. 33, 321 ; de Romanorum 
 tachygraphia and on the notae Matritenses in the Panstenographikon 1 (1869), 3. 
 91 ; the notae Bernenses in 75 fol. plates with prolegg. and index ib. 1 (1874), 193. 
 337 ; on Lat. tachygraphy, Verh. d. Phil.-Vers. at Treves 1879, 59 ; in the Fest- 
 schrift Rhein. Schulmanner z. Begriiss. d. Trierer Phil.-Vers. 1879, 53 ; Studd. z. 
 lat. Tachygr., Cologne 1880 ; monuinenta tachygr. cod. Par. 2718, Hanover 1882. 
 83 II ; by the same and GLoewe, Ausg. der Notae Escorialenses in Lit.-Bl. des 
 sachs. stenograph. Instit. no. 5 (1879). JWZeibig, Gesch. und Lit. der Gesehwind- 
 schreibkunst, Dresd. 2 1874. OLehmann, de notis Tir. et Senecae, Lps. 1869. P 
 Mitzschke, quaestt. Tiron., Rostock 1875. FRuess, d. Tachygraphie d. Romer, 
 Munich 1879 ; L und die Durchschneidung in den Tiron. Noten, Neuburg a/D. 
 1883. HHagen, de cod. Bern. (109) notis Tironianis, Bern. 1880. — A description of 
 the old stenography (of Tullius) s. XII (by John of Tilbury) in VRose, Herm. 8, 303. 
 
 6. An epigram by another freedman of Cicero, Tullius Laurea, in honour of 
 his former master, ap. Plin. NH. 31, 7. Three Greek epigrams by the same AP. 
 7, 17. 7, 294. 12, 24. 
 
 192. Besides Varro, Hortensius, the two brothers Cicero, and 
 some others, the satirist L. Abuccius and the didactic -writer 
 Egnatius (de rerum natura) wrote in metre, as also, perhaps, 
 Volumnius and Ninnius Crassus. Quintipor Olodius seems to 
 have been a late imitator of the Graeco-Roman comedies. Of 
 greater importance was the Eoman knight D. Laberius (a. 
 649/105-711/43), who attempted, with signal success, to give a 
 literary importance to the popular farce, the mimus (§ 8). Accord- 
 ing to tradition M. Furius Bibaculus of Cremona was of about the 
 
328 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 same age as Laberius ; in reality lie was probably younger and 
 belongs to the following generation § 204 sqq. He was the 
 author of comic and satirical poems in the manner of Catullus, 
 and of an epic poem on Caesar's Gallic war (perhaps of an 
 Aethiopis) ; lastly of a prose work (Lucubrationes, containing 
 anecdotes, etc. 
 
 1. Varro EE. 3, 2, 17 L. Abuccius (the best reading in both passages, see 
 Keil ad loc. ; cf. MHertz, JJ. 107, 338), homo, ut scitis, adprime doctus, cuius 
 Luciliano charactere sunt libelli, dicebat etc. Cf. ib. 3, 6, 6 Hortensius, . . quern, 
 secuti multi, ut quidem Abuccius aiebat. According to Varro's language, Abuccius 
 was already dead in 700/54 (see § 168, 1, 1. 3). Macrob. sat. 6, 5, 2 Egnatius de 
 rerum natura libro prima (after Accius in Philoctete and before Lucretius in secundo) ; 
 also ib. 12 (after Livius, Ennius, Accius, before Cornificius). One of the hexa- 
 meters quoted there is remarkable for the fact of final s being discarded. Bergk, 
 op. 1, 430.— EBahrens, anal. Catull. 45 ; comment. Catull. 219 and others identify 
 this E. without sufficient evidence with the one mentioned in Catull. 38, 19. 39, 1. 
 — Cic. ad Q. fr. 2, 9, 3 (a. 700/54) sed cum veneris, virum te putabo (cf. § 203, 2) si 
 Sallustii Empedoclea legeris, hominem non putabo (Vahlen, Berl. ind. lect. 1881/82, 
 3). ASchSne, J J. 93, 751 takes this to relate to Sallust the historian; Teuffel, 
 PEE. 6, 703, 3 holds that it relates to Cn. Sallustius (in Cicero's letters, cf. § 184, 1, 
 2). — GL. 5. 574 cyma : alii cy mam, ut Volumnius ' stridentis dabitur patella cymae'. 
 This hendecasyllabic line is attributed by EBucheler, JJ. Ill, 126 to P. Volumnius 
 Eutrapelus (PEE. 6, 2743) mentioned by Cicero. — Ninnius Crassus : § 150, 3. 
 
 2. Non. 448 Varro in Bimarco: cum Quintipor Clodius tot comoedias sine 
 ulla fecerit Musa, ego unum libellum non edolem f The expression comoediae renders 
 it probable that they were palliatae. Cf. § 15, 1. The same is also mentioned ap. 
 Non. 117 Varro epistula ad Fufium (§ 166, 6 d, 1. 12) ' Quintiporis Clodi f antforiae 
 (Antipho eris Bucheler and LMuller) ac poemata eius gargaridians dices: "O 
 Fortuna, o Fors Fortuna " ' ( = Ter. Phorm. 841, where the line is given to Geta, a 
 slave of Antipho). 
 
 3. The 44 titles of his plays which we know and the fragments prove the com- 
 plete absorption of all the other kinds of comedy in the mimus. Besides the titles 
 resembling palliatae (see § 8, 4) we meet also many derived from qualities and 
 professions, e.g. Augur, Catularius, Centonarius, Colorator, Fullo, Piscator, Eestio, 
 Salinator, Staminariae (? Wolfflin, EhM. 43, 308) ; intrigues and character plays 
 such as Aries, Cancer, Career, Imago, Nuptiae, Paupertas, Taurus; Aulularia, 
 Caeculi, Galli, Gemelli, Late loquentes, Sorores, Stricturae, Virgo ; Cretensis, 
 Tusca ; Anna Perenna, Lacus Avernus, Compitalia, Natal, Parilia, Saturnalia. 
 The allusions to Pythagorea dogma, Qynica haeresis, Democritus, Necyomantia 
 (710/44; cf. in fr. 63 the witticism on Caesar's schemes and regulations) plainly 
 indicate the high culture of the writers of mimi ; but there is also much evidence 
 to show the connection of the mimus with the prevailing immorality of the time. 
 Laberius was very bold in forming new words, see e.g. Gell. 16, 7. Tert. de pall. 
 1. Some peculiarities were plebeian (Gell. 19, 13, 3). Laberius v. 55 gives the 
 explanation: versorum, non numerum (numerorum Bucheler, numorum Dziatzko) 
 numero studuimus. The prosody of his senarii is the same as that of the poetae 
 scenici and, as a rule, they are fluent ; he has also trochees, and in some isolated 
 places bacchiacs. The fragments : in Eibbeck's com. 2 279. 
 
§ 192. LABERIUS, BIBACCLUS AND OTHER POETS. 329 
 
 Towards the close of Laberius' life, Caesar severely humiliated him, evidently as a 
 penalty for his Republican candour (cf. e.g. Macrob. 2, 7, 4. 5), and generally on 
 account of his sharp tongue, Sen. contr. 7, 3, 9. Macr. 2, 3, 10. 2, 6, 6. Caesar, acting 
 in this matter as a thoroughly malignant tyrant, obliged the poet, who until then 
 had indeed written mimes for the ludi given by the magistrates (cf. Macr. 2, 6, 6), 
 but was precluded by his position as an eq. Rom. from taking part in them himself , 
 to go on the stage and that as a competitor in the mimic impromptu-play to which 
 Publilius Syrus had challenged his rivals (§ 212, 3). Sueton. Iul. 39 ludis (a. 
 709/45) D. Laberius eques rom. mimum suum egit. Cf. the chief passage on Laberius 
 in Maceob. sat. 2, 7 : there § 2 Laberium, asperae libertatis equitem rom., Caesar . . . 
 invitavit ut prodiret in scenam et ipse ageret mimos, quos scriptitabat. The impressive 
 prologue to this compulsory performance (a. 709/45) has been preserved in Macrob. 
 2, 7, 3 (from Gell. 8, 15). Laberius was defeated and would have sustained a, 
 defeat even had he won the prize ; statimque (Caesar) Publilio palmam et Laberio 
 anulum aureum (so as to restore to him outwardly his knighthood, which had be- 
 come void by his performing) cum quingentis sestertiis dedit (the honour to the 
 Greek freedman, the money to a Roman knight !). Cf. Gell. 17, 14, 2 C. Caesarem 
 ita Laberii maledicentia et adrogantia (according to Caesar) offendebat ut acceptiores 
 sibi esse Publilii quam Laberii mimos praedicaret. Laberius himself recognised 
 that his time was over : non possunt primi esse omnes omni in tempore : summum ad 
 gradum cum claritatis veneris, consistes aegre . . . . cecidi ego, cadet qui sequitur 
 (Macr. 2, 7, 9). In the prologue, a. 709/45, Laberius says he is 60 years old (ego bis 
 tricenis annis actis sine nota Eques Romanus e Lare egressus meo Domum revertar 
 mimus), hence he was born about 649/105. Hieron. on Eus. Chron. ad a. Abr. 
 1974=711/43 Laberius mimorum scriptor decimo mense post C. Caesaris interitum 
 Puteolis moritur (therefore Jan. 711/43). On Lab. CJGrysar, der rom. Mimus 
 (1854) 290. Mommsen, RG. 3 6 , 590. Ribbeck, rom. Dicht. 1, 218. 
 
 4. Hieron. on Euseb. Chron. ad a. Abr. 1914 = 651/103 (in the cod. Amand. and 
 Freher. a. 1915 = 652/102). M. Furius poeta cognomento Bibaculus ('Bibber'; 
 earlier Furii with this cognomen in Liv. 22, 49, 16. Val. Max. 1, 1, 9) Cremonae 
 nascitur. On the perverted orthography (intended to save the poet's honour) 
 Vivaculus in Pliny NH. praef. 24 (see below) cf. Teuffel on Hor. sat. 2, 5, 40 p. 
 135. Quint. 10, 1, 96 ; iambus . . . cuius acerbitas in Catullo, Sibaculo, Horatio 
 . . . reperietur. Diomed. GL. 1, 485 (see § 33, 1). Tac. A. 4, 34 carmina Bibaculi 
 et Catulli referta contumeliis Caesarum leguntur : sed ipse divus Iulius, ipse divus 
 Augustus (therefore Bibaculus wrote against him) et tulere ista et reliquere. The 
 fragments of Bib. (hendecasyllabics, iambics, hexameters) in LMuxler's Catullus 
 (1870) p. 89. FPR. 317. The hexameter in Schol. Jdv. 8, 16 (Bibaculus : Osce 
 senex Catinaeque puer, Cumana meretrix) may have belonged to an epigram. 
 Mention of Valerius Cato (§ 200, 1) and Orbilius (below n. 5 and 6 ; § 200, 3). 
 Ribbeck, append. Verg. p. 7 takes him to be the author of Verg. catal. 5. — Plin. 
 NH. praef. 24 speaking of the choice of titles of books says : nostri . . . facetis- 
 simi lucubrationum (inscripserunt), puto quia Bibaculus erat et vocabatur : accord- 
 ing to this the title was facetiously chosen. Hence in all probability Macrob. sat. 
 2, 1, 13, is iocus (of Cicero a. 695/59) . . . mihi ex libro Furii Bibaculi notus est 
 (§ 179, 27, 1). To this work should be referred the notice Messala Corvinus in 
 quadam epistola . . . non esse sibi dicit rem cum Furio Bibaculo, ne cum Ticida 
 quidem aut litteratore Catone (Suet, gramm. 4). Barrens, commentar. Cat. p. 13. 
 
 5. On Hor. s. 2, 5, 40 (a. 724/30) seu pingui tentus omaso (cf. Gl. Philox. omasum 
 rrj twv VdWoiv yXiirTy) Furius hibernas cana nive conspuet Alpes Porph. remarks : 
 
 hie versus Furi Bibaculi est. ille enim, cum vellet Alpes nivibus plenas describere, ait 
 
330 THE EARLIER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 ' Juppiter hibernas cana nine conspuit Alpes ' (this line is quoted by Quint. 8, 6, 17 
 as an instance of a dura translatio). Aoko ad loc. more circumstantially : Farms 
 Bibaculus in pragmatia belli gallici ' Juppiter etc' From this epos are probably 
 derived the hexameters (11) quoted in Maceob. 6, 1, 31-34. 44. 6, 3, 5. 6, 4, 10 
 (FPB. 318) as Vergil's models : among which are 6 on martial subjects. Macro- 
 bius quotes them from Furius in I (and IV) annali ; and Furius in sexto, decimo, 
 undecimo. Further Schol. Vers. Aen. 9, 379 ^a lacuna^ in annalibus belli gallici 
 (an hexameter follows). It is improbable that these clever verses should have 
 been written by the antiquated Furius of Antium (§ 150, 1). E. Baheens, comment. 
 Catull. 21. — To Furius Bibaculus has also been referred with some probability Hoe. 
 s. 1, 10, 36 turgidus Alpinus ingulat dum Memnona, dumque diffingit Rheni luteum 
 caput ; on which Aceo : Bibaculum qnendam poetam Galium tangit, who, according to 
 this, besides the bellum gallicum denoted by Rheni luteum caput must also have 
 composed an Aethiopis, or must at least have inserted in the bell. gall, a pompous 
 comparison relating to the death of Memnon; Poephtkio ad loc. used to read 
 as follows: [Cornelius Alpinus Memnona] hexametris versibus nimirum describit: 
 but the words in brackets are not found in the best copies. — As regards the 
 attribution of the bellum gallicum to Bibaculus, there is an obstacle in the fact 
 that in his iambics he attacked Caesar (n. 4 : or perhaps Bibaculus attacked 
 Augustus only, and not Caesar), while in the epos he is supposed to have eulogised 
 him ; in the iambics he is terse and caustic, while in the epos he appears turgid 
 and insipid : but this obstacle will not appear insuperable to anyone who reflects 
 on the frequent alternations of political sympathy and antipathy in stirring times, 
 and does not forget the exigencies of the different styles (e.g. terseness for epigrams, 
 exuberance and elevation of style for epic poetry). 
 
 6. Bibaculus lived at least until 730/24, for he alludes to Orbilius' (born 
 640/114, § 200/3) senile weakness of memory (yixit prope ad centesimum aetatis 
 annum amissa iam pridem memoria, ut versus Bibaculi docet : ' Orbilius ubinam 
 est, litterarum oblivio f ' Suet. gr. 9. He also outlived Valerius Cato's (§ 200, 3) 
 summa senectus (Suet. 1.1.). According to Hieronymus (n. 4) Bibaculus was born 
 651/103, he would therefore himself have been an octogenarian, when he thus 
 expressed himself concerning the infirmity of the old Orbilius : this is hardly 
 credible. Moreover the lines on Cato (§ 200, 1) prove that the writer is a con- 
 siderably younger man. Besides, his epigrams are in tone, versification, and 
 Eepublican attitude near akin to those of Catullus, Calvus and their associates, 
 and his references to Cato (mei . . . Catonis, Suet. 1.1.) indicate that he be- 
 longed to that circle. Hence Nippeedey's conjecture (op. 500) is plausible, that 
 the date assigned for his birth by Hieronymus is wrong, and that Bibaculus was 
 about 20 years younger. — AWeichert, de M. Furio Bibaculo, in his rell. poett. 
 Rom. 331. Nippeedey, op. 498. Eieeeck, rom. Dicht. 1, 343. AWissowa, die der 
 Dichter Furius betr. Stelle in Hor. s. 2, 5, Bresl. 1867. GtCamozzi, riv. di filol. 
 16, 161. 
 
§ 193,4. C. JULIUS CAESAR: HIS LIFE. 331 
 
 THE SECOND HALF OF THE CICERONIAN PEEIOD, 
 
 COMPRISING THE YEARS 691/63-711/43. 
 
 193. In the course of these years, during which the political 
 storm spent itself in the Civil war, Caesar became very prominent. 
 But within this period we may again notice two distinct genera- 
 tions. The elder generation produced the historians Caesar, 
 Cornelius NepoSj Caesar's continuator Hirtius, and Oppius ; the 
 scholars and professors Valerius Cato and Orbilius ; the Stoic 
 Cato ; the orators Calidius and Memmius ; lastly the poet Lucre- 
 tius. 
 
 194. C. Julius C. f. C. n. Caesar was born on July 13, 654/100. 
 As he was related to Marius, his life was in danger when Sulla 
 was victorious ; a. 674/80 sqq. he served in Asia, and commenced 
 his oratorical and political career with charges of extortions 
 against members of the nobility ; he then continued his studies 
 at Rhodes a. 679/75, became quaestor (687/67) in Hispania ulterior, 
 aedile 689/65, pontifex maximus 691/63, was praetor 692/62, pro- 
 praetor in Hispania ulterior 693/61 sq., consul 695/59, having 
 previously concluded a. 694/60 the first triumvirate with Pompey 
 and Crassus, and having throughout followed the plan of present- 
 ing himself as the man of the people. In the years 696/58-704/50 
 Caesar was proconsul in Gaul, which country he subjugated and 
 re-organised, while at the same time he greatly increased his 
 own resources and formed an army, highly trained and faithful 
 to himself. By means of this army he gained absolute power 
 in the years 705/49-708/46 (cos. II 706/48, III 708/46), a fact 
 openly acknowledged by his being consul sine collega (IV 709/45, 
 V 710/44) and dictator reip. constituendae. In 710/44, March 15, 
 he succumbed to the blows of his murderers. 
 
 1. Sources for the life of Caesar are: his oommentarii, Suetohius' divus 
 Iulius, Plutarch's files Kal<ra.pos, Appian's 'E/j.^>6\i.a. On the sources of the two last 
 see HPetee, Quellen Plutarchs (1865) 119. GThouret, Leipz. Stud. 1, 324.— 
 Dbumann, GB. 3, 129. PvLimburg-Brouwer, Caesar en zijne tijdgenooten, Gro- 
 ningen 1844-46 III. Mommsen, EG-, vol. 3. Kochly and Bustow, Einl. zu Caes. lib. 
 d. gall. Krieg (1857) p. 9 (until a. 703/51). (Napoleon III), histoire de Jules Cesar, 
 Paris 1865. 66 (with an atlas) II (continued by Stoffel, see § 196, 10). JAFroude, 
 Caesar, a sketch, Lond. 2 1886. ATrollope, Introd. to the Commentaries of Caesar, 
 Lond. 1870.— On the portraits of Caesar JJBernoulli, rom. Ikonogr. 1, 145 (who 
 likewise 2, vi pronounces the expressive basalt bust in Berlin to be undoubtedly- 
 modern). 
 
332 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 195. Caesar possessed the most varied talents : a great politi- 
 cian and a great general, his clear mind and the iron energy of 
 his will qualified him to be the ruler of an age not able to rule 
 itself. This task he conceived at an early time and pursued it 
 with the whole power of his intellect, with cunning and boldness, 
 with quiet perseverance and farsighted calculation. But the 
 very qualities which made him the ruler of Rome were not 
 likely to make him a brilliant writer. Handling his language, as 
 he did, with complete mastery both in speaking and writing, he 
 still used it only as a means of attaining definite political aims, 
 and both his subjects and his style were controlled by those aims 
 and by the unimaginative cast of his mind. For this reason, he 
 himself thought little of his own oratory, though in his time he 
 was surpassed only by Cicero, being distinguished for precision, 
 good taste and vivacity of style and delivery ; if possible, he 
 thought even less of his verses, though his metrical compositions 
 were not confined to his youth. His precise thinking is attested 
 by his treatises on grammatical correctness, while his jovial dis- 
 position appears from his collection of witticisms ; political ends 
 were served by the pamphlets against Cato, who had been set up 
 as the martyr of the Republic, as well as by Caesar's most impor- 
 tant literary achievement, the commentarii. His astronomical 
 work (de astris) probably arose from his rectification of the 
 calendar. 
 
 1. On Caesar as an orator see Cic. Brut. 252. de Caesare . . . ita iudico, 
 . . . ilium omnium fere orator um latine loqui elegantissime (see below n. 4), nee id 
 solum domestica consuetudine . . . sed . . . multis litteris, el eis quidem re- 
 conditis et exquisitis, summoque studio et diligentia est consecutus. 261 splendidam 
 quandam minumeque veteratoriam rationem dicendi tenet, voce, motu, forma etiam 
 magnified et generosa quodammodo. Fronto ep. p. 123 Caesari facultatem dicendi 
 video imperatoriam fuisse. Quiht. 10, 1, 114 C. Caesar si foro tantum vacasset, non 
 alius ex nostris contra Oiceronem nominaretur. tarda in eo vis est, id acumen, ea can- 
 citatio ut ilium eodem animo dixisse quo bellavit appareat ; exornat tamen haec omnia 
 mira sermonis, cuius proprie studiosus fuit, elegantia. Tac. A. 13, 3 dictator Caesar 
 summis oratoribus aemulus. Suet. Iul. 55 post accusationem Volabellae (a. 677/77; 
 there is an error in the MSS. of Tac. dial. 34) haud dubie principibus patronis 
 annumeratus est. See also Quint. 12, 10, 11 (§ 44, 12). Vellei. 2, 36. Tac. dial. 21 
 (n. 2). Apulei. apol. 95. Pmjt. Caes. 3. On Caesar's style Hirtius, b. g. 8, praef . 
 7, says: erat in Caesare facultas atque elegantia summa scribendi. 
 
 2. Caesar's speeches. Cic. Brut. 262 orationes eius mihi vehementer probantur, 
 compluris autem legi. Tac dial. 21 makes his eulogist of the new (Imperial) oratory 
 say : concedamus C. Caesari ut propter magnitudinem cogitationum et occupationes 
 rerum minus in eloquentia effecerit quam divinum eius ingenium postulabat, . . • 
 nisi forte quisquam Caesaris pro Decio Samnite . . . ceterosque eiusdem lentitudinis 
 
§ 195. CAESAR : HIS CHARACTER AND LITERARY WORKS. 333 
 
 ac teporis Ubros legit. Gell. 4, 16, 8 C. Caesar, gravis auctor linguae latinae, . . . in 
 Dolabellam actionis I lib. /(the MSS. are here corrupt). 5, 13, 6 in oratione quam pro 
 Bithynis (CNipperdey, op. 327. 449) dixit hoc principio usus est (cf. Iul. Rufin. 8, p. 
 40, 24 Halm). 13, 3, 5 repperi in oratione C. Caesaris qua Plautiam rogationem suasit 
 (a. 684/70?). Cf. Non. 354. Schol. Bob. 297 Caesaris orationes contra hos (Mem- 
 mius and Domitius, a. 696/58) extant, quibus et sua acta defend.it et illos insectatur. 
 ib. 317 ibi (in the Senate) habitae sunt tres Mae orationes contra Domitium et Memmium. 
 Suet. Iul. 64 in amitae laudatione (a. 686/68) . . . sic refert. 55 orationes 
 aliquas reliquit, inter quas temere quaedam feruntur, e.g. that pro Metello (§ 44, 8) 
 and apud milites in Hispania. The fragments of C.'s speeches and the authorities 
 concerning them are collected in Meyer's oratt. rom. 2 p. 408, in Nipperdey's Caes. 
 (of 1847) 749 and in Dinter's ed. 3, 118. 
 
 3. Caesar's poems. Tac. dial. 21 nisi qui et carmina eorundem (of Caesar and M. 
 Brutus) miratur. fecerunt enim et carmina et in bibliothecas rettulerunt, non melius 
 quam Cicero, sed felicius, quia istos fecisse pauciores sciunt. Suet. Iul. 56 feruntur 
 et a puero et ab adulescentulo quaedam scripta, ut ' Laudes Herculis,' 1 tragoedia 
 Oedipus, item 'Dicta collectanea? quos omnes libellos vetuit Augustus publicari. ib. 
 reliquit et . . . poema quod inscribitur ' Iter,'' (quod fecit) . . . dum ab urbe 
 in Hispaniam ulteriorem quarto et vicensimo die pervenit (a. 708/46). Of his poetical 
 works there are extant only six hexameters, from a literary criticism on Latin 
 comedy, where he treats pertinently of Terence (Suet. v. Ter. p. 34, 7 Rff.). Plin. 
 ep. 5, 3, 5 (§ 31, 1) justifies the inference that Caesar also wrote erotic poems 
 (epigrams?). Cf. besides Plut. Caes. 2 7roii}/iaTo ypcupav. — The poem on a vege- 
 table (!) formerly attributed to Caesar on the strength of Plin. NH. 19, 144 is 
 disposed of by the correct reading of the passage : olus quoque silvestre triumpho 
 divi Iuli carminibus praecipue iocisque militaribus celebratum, alternis quippe versibus 
 exprobravere lapsana (\a\f/di>ri) se vixisse apud Durrachium, praemiorum parsimoniam 
 cavillatites. est autem id cyma silvestris. 
 
 4. Sueton. Iul. 56 reliquit et de analogia duos Ubros, . . . (quos) in transitu 
 Alpium, cum ex citeriore Gallia conventibus peractis ad exercitum rediret, . . . fecit 
 (in the winter of 701/53 sq. ?). Pronto p. 221 . . . C. Caesarem . . . duos de 
 analogia Ubros scrupulosissimos scripsisse, . . . de nominibus declinandis, de ver- 
 borum aspirationibus et rationibus. Cic. Brut. 253 qui etiam in maxumis occupa- 
 tionibus ad te (Cic.) . . . de ratione latine loquendi accuratissime scripserit. Gell. 
 19, 8, 3 C. Caesar, . . . vir ingenii praecellentis, sermonis praeter alios suae 
 aetatis castissimi, in libris quos ad M. Ciceronem de analogia conscripsit. Sum. ». v. 
 Taws IouX. Kalir. refers to the work as Tix vr l ypa^artK^. We have evidence how 
 here too Caesar showed himself to be practical and undisturbed by scholastic 
 pedantry in the rule which Gell. 1, 10, 4 quotes from the first book habe semper in 
 memoria et in pectore ut tamquam scopulum sicfugias inauditum atque insolens verbum. 
 The fragments in Nipperdey's Caes. (1847) p. 753, in Dinter's ed. 3, 125. FSohlitte, 
 de C. Iulio Caesare grammatico, Halle 1865 (the fragments p. 13). ChrHauser, 
 Caes. bell. gall, et bell. civ. cum praeceptis grammaticis ab eodem scriptore in 
 libris de anal, traditis comparatio, Villach 1883. Cf. Kochly(-Rustow), Einl. zu 
 Caes. b. g. p. 90. 
 
 5. Cic. fam. 9, 16, 4 (a. 708/46) audio Caesarem, cum volumina iam confecerit 
 awo^dey/idTuy, si quod afferatur ad eum pro meo quod meum non sit reicere solere. 
 Suet. Iul. 56 (above n. 3) mentions dicta collectanea. 
 
 6. Astronomy. Mace. 1, 16, 39 Iulius Caesar siderum motus, de quibus non 
 indoctos Ubros reliquit, ab aegyptiis disciplinis hausit. Plin. NH. in the ind auct. to 
 b. 18 among the Latin authors : ex . . . L. Tarutio, qui graece de astris scripsit, 
 
334 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 C'aesare dictatore, qui item. He actually mentions him repeatedly in b. 18, and he 
 is also referred to by Ptolemy and Lydus. To the same work (or to a portion of 
 it ?) refer Schol. Lucan. Phars. 10, 185 quia suus (Caesaris) liber quern composuit de 
 computatione non inferior libro Mudoxi sit ; cf . ib. 187 est autem liber fastorum divi 
 Tulii Caesaris qui ordinationern continet secundum auctoritatem Chaldaeorum, quern 
 in senatu recitavit. Nipperdey's ed. 757. Dinter 3, 130. Pliny's words leave it 
 doubtful whether the work was in Greek or Latin, and Suetonius' silence on this 
 work would also seem to lead to the conclusion that it was not really written by 
 Caesar himself, but merely compiled at his order and from his suggestions, and 
 published (under his name ?) by some one else, perhaps a Greek. Cf. Mommsen, 
 rom. Chron. 2 78. 66. 295. EHuschke, rom. Jahr 116. 
 
 7. Suet. Iul. 56 reliquit et de analogia duos libros et Antic a t on es totidem . . . 
 (quos) sub tempus Mundensis proelii (17 March 709/45) fecit. Juv. 6, 338 duo Caesaris 
 Anticatones. This treatise was an answer to Cicero's panegyric on Cato (§ 180, 5), 
 combined with much flattery of Cicero (Plut. Caes, 3. Cic. 39. Plin. NH. 7, 117), 
 and bitter animosity against Cato, who, in order to deprive the Bepublican party 
 of their hero, was ridiculed and maligned (Plut. Caes. 54. Cato min. 36. 52. 54. 
 Plin. ep. 3, 12). Cicero expressed himself to Caesar on this work very favourably 
 (Att. 13, 50, 1. 13, 51, 1), though he changed after Caesar's death (top. 94). 
 WSieglin, phil. Wschr. 1883, 1455. Cf. HWahtmak, Leben des Cato (1858) 161. 
 Boulez, rev. de l'instr. publ. en Beige 19, 2 (on a MS. of the Anticatones said to 
 have been extant in Liege in the 16th cent.). 
 
 8. Caesar's correspondence was of course very extensive, and there were 
 indeed several collections of his letters made and published after his death, 
 many of them in cypher (the key is given by Sueton. Iul. 56 ; cf . Gell. 17, 9, 3). 
 Suet. 1.1. epistulae quoque eius ad senatum exstant. , . . exstant et ad Ciceronem, 
 item ad familiares domesticis de rebus etc. Gei.l. 17, 9, 1 libri sunt epistularum C. 
 Caesaris ad C. Oppium et Balbum Cornelium, qui rebus eius absentis curabant. The 
 various references to Caesar's correspondence with these and others in Nipperdey's 
 Caes. (1847), 766, in Dinter 3, 137. Letters of Caesar to Cicero and others in 
 Cic. Att. 9, 6 A. 7 C. 13 A. 16. 10, 8 B. 
 
 9. Linguistic : Caesarlexika by HMeusel, Berl. 1884 sqq. (the best) ; BMenge 
 and SPreuss, Lpz. 1885 sqq. only for the genuine works; also SPreuss, vollst. 
 Lexikon zu d. pseudo-caesar. Schr. [b. g. 8, b. alex. ; b. afr. u. hisp.] , Eisenach 
 1884); HMerguet, Jena 1886.— OEichert, W6rterbuch zu Caes., Hann. 9 1887 — 
 ChrHauser : § 195, 4 ad fin. WDittenberger, Herm. 3, 375 (esse with partic. fut. 
 act.). FHThEischer, die Bectionslehre bei C, Halle 1853. 54. ALehmann, de 
 verborum compositt. ap. Caes. Sail. Tac. cum dativo structura, Breslau 1863. A 
 Bergaigne, la place de l'adjectif epithete dans etc., Mel. Graux 536. DBohde, 
 adiectivum quo ordine ap. Caes. et in Cic. oratt. coniunctum sit cum substantivo, 
 Hamb. 1884. CKossak, de ablat. abs. usu ap. Caes., Gumbinnen 1858. Beinhardt, 
 d. tempp. u. modi bei Caes., Heilbr. 1859. AHug, d. consec. tempp. des praes. hist, 
 zunachst bei Caes., JJ. 81, 877. 125, 281 ; BhM. 40, 397. FWania, d. praes. hist, in 
 Caes. b. g., Vienna 1885. GIhm : § 333, 16. PUhdolph, d. Tempp. in konjunktiv. 
 Nebensatzen der or. obi. b. Caes., Leobschutz 1885. JPriem : § 177, 3 1. 19. B 
 Schwenke, Gerundium und Gerundivum b. Caes. u. Nep., Erankenb. i/Schl. 1882. 
 CGOrlitz, Gerund, u. Supin. bei Caes., Bogasen 1887. AProcksch, Gebr. d. Ne- 
 bensatze bei C. I, Bautzen 1870 ; d. consec. tempp. b. C, Eisenb. 1874. AThOseen, 
 de voce quod ap. Caes. I, Lund 1878. DBinge, z. Sprachgebr. des Caes. (et que 
 atque ac), Gott. 1880. Ilg on antequam und priusquam in Caes., Wiirtt. Korr.-Bl. 
 33, 460. EKnoke, hic and nunc in the or. obi. (in Caes.), Bernb. 1881. BMenge, 
 
§ 195, 6. caesar's literary works : commentarii. 335 
 
 JJ. 137, 67. KLokenz, Anaphora u. Chiasmus in Caes. b. g., Creuzb. 1876. Kitt, 
 obss. gramm. in Caes., Braunsb. 1875. HHartz, Beitr. z. Sprachgebr. d. Caes., 
 Frankf. a. O. 1875. FFrohlich, Bealistisches u. Spraohliches zu Caes., in the 
 Festschr. z. Zurich. Phil.-Vers. 1887. (Alleged) differences of languages between 
 b. g. VII and b. g. I-VI : GIhm, Berl. ph. Wschr. 1886, 1010. Cf . § 196, 11 ad fin. 
 
 196. Of Caesar's literary works only his Memoirs (commen- 
 tarii) are preserved. These contain the history of the first 
 seven years of the Gallic war in seven books, and the history of 
 the Civil war down to the Alexandrine war in three books, and 
 lie midway between a mere collection of materials, or the rapid 
 and sketchy remarks of a diary, and a carefully elaborated his- 
 torical work. But artless and unpretentious as the form is, it is 
 equally attractive in its brevity, perspicuity and definiteness ; 
 while the substance, which is manifestly the direct product of 
 the events, is most carefully weighed and meditated. "Without 
 any flagrant violation of truth, the author knows thoroughly 
 how to interpret the facts in his favour or, if more convenient, 
 to pass them over in silence ; without ever boasting or sacrificing 
 the semblance of an objective ' historia,' he perfectly succeeds in 
 displaying his personal merits to the greatest possible advantage, 
 in justifying his actions and clearing his motives. The books on _ 
 the Gallic war were published on its termination, a. 703/51 ; 
 those on the Civil war do not seem to have been finished. 
 
 1. Suet. Jul. 56 reliquit et rerum suarum commentaries gallici civilisque belli 
 pompeiani. Cic. Brut. 262 etiam commentaries quosdam scripsit rerum suarum valde 
 quidem probandos, nudi enim sunt, recti et venusti, omni ornatu orationis tamquam 
 veste detracta : sed dum vdluit alios habere parata unde sumerent qui vellent scribere 
 historiam, ineptis gratum fortasse fecit quivolent ilia calamistris inurere: sanos quidem 
 homines a scribendo deterruit : nihil enim est in historia pura et illustri brevitate 
 dulcius. Hiktids b. g. 8, praef. Caesaris nostri commentaries rerum gestarum Galliae 
 . . . contexui etc. constat inter omnes nihil tarn operose ab aliis esse perfectum quod 
 non horum elegantia commentariorum superetur. qui sunt editi ne scientia tantarum 
 rerum, scriptoribus desit adeoque probantur omnium iudicio ut praerepta, non praebita 
 facultas scriptoribus videatur. . . . ceteri quam bene atque emendate, nos etiam 
 quam facile atque celeriter eos perfecerit scimus. Sueton. Iul. 56 Pollio Asinius 
 parum diligenter parumque integra veritate compositos putat, cum Caesar pleraque et 
 quae per alios erant gesta temere crediderit et quae per se vel consulto vel etiam 
 memoria lapsus perperam ediderit, existimatque rescripturum et correcturum fuisse 
 (§ 221, 6). The latter can only apply to the bell. civ. ; see Kochly-Bustow, Einl. 
 z. gall. Krieg 93. Various misrepresentations of facts are pointed out e.g. by 
 Drumann, GB. 3, 756. Cassius Dio is entirely at one with Caesar in his account 
 of the conquest of Gaul ; HHaupt, Phil. 41, 152. DGJelgersma, de fide et auctorit. 
 Cassii Dionis, Leid. 1879. Strabo 4, p. 177 calls the work {nrofiv-Zifmra, Plut. Caes. 
 22 (and Symmach. ep. 4, 18 and Abator ep. ad Parthen. 39) tyyfuipiSes (cf. Appian. 
 Celt. 18 h tus Idlcus— for which Wolplinn, phil. Anz. 5, 181, reads tyyutpios— 
 
336 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 dvayptupcus t£v IUuv Ipyuv), Suid. (s.v. T&los IoiWuos Kaiirap) irepl toD ISiov /3iou. — By 
 a strange mistake the commentarii were already at an early period attributed 
 to Suetonius ; e.g. by Oeosius 6, 7 heme historiam Suetonius Tranquillus plenissime 
 explicuit, cuius nos competentes portiunculas decerpsimus (here follows an extract 
 from Caesar), and Apoll. Sid. ep. 9, 14 (§ 349, 1) certainly includes the com- 
 mentarii under the opera Suetonii : at the same place on account of the preface being 
 addressed to Balbus by Hirtius, Ap. Sid. designates bell. gall. b. 8 as Balbi ephemeris! 
 In several early MSS. of the commentarii they appear under the name of Suetonius. 
 Cf. Roth's Suet. p. ci. The error probably arose from the title being taken to 
 refer not to the wars described by Caesar, but to those conducted by him, so that 
 Suetonius, as Caesar's biographer, was supposed to be the chronicler of his deeds. 
 
 2. The manuscripts of the commentarii are divided into two classes, the one 
 (a), which is on the whole preferable, contains only the eight books de bello gallico, 
 the other (/3), which likewise possesses a high independent value, gives all the books 
 with the continuations. To the first (the ' integri ' or ' lacunosi ') belong esp. Paris. 
 5763 (Floriacensis) s. IX/X (Chatelaih t. 46 ; from this MS. are copied the Leid. 
 Voss. Q. 53 s. XI, Chatel. t. 50, 1) and its duplicate Vatic. 3864 s. XI, Bongars. 
 I in Amsterdam s. IX/X, Paris. 5056 (Moysiacensis) s. XI (Chatel. t. 47) and 
 others ; to the second (the so-called ' interpolati ') belong the Paris. 5764 (Thuaneus) 
 s. XI/XII (Chatel. t. 48 ; MGitlbauer, phil. Streifziige, Freib. 1886, 460), Vatic. 
 3324 (Ursinianus) s. XII, Vindob. 95 s. XIII (Chatel. t. 50, 2) and others. The 
 division into two classes was made at an early time : Orosius made use of MSS. 
 of the second class for his abstract of the b. g. (n. 1). RSchneider, ZfGW. 39, 
 Jahresber. 154. The worthless scholia in Caes. et Sail. (ed. EHedicke, Quedlinb. 
 1879) from a cod. Paris, s. IX usually follow class /3. On the cod. Ashburnham. 
 (now in Florence) s. X (it belongs to the first class, but is complete, and it counts 
 the bella from b. 1-13, giving to the b. o. only 2 instead of 3 books), see ThStangl, 
 Phil. 45, 213. The close of bell. gall. VIII and of b. hispan. is not extant in any 
 MS. ; bell. civ. has many lacunae. On the MSS. of both classes see Nippeedey's ed. 
 1847, p. 37. HJHeller, Phil. 17, 492. 19, 466. 31, 316 ; Phil. Suppl. 5, 388. AFrigell 
 and AHoldee introd. to their edd. DDetlefsen, Phil. 17, 649. WDittenberger, 
 Gott. gel. Anz. 1870, 14. BDinter, quaestt. Caesar., Grimma 1876 (cap. I de codd. 
 Caes.). HWalther, de Caess. codd. interpolatis, Griinb. 1885. RSchneideb and 
 HMeusel, ZfGW. 39, Jahresber. 151. 173. ibid. 40, Jahresber. 262.-In MS. sub- 
 scriptiones (e.g. in the Floriac, Ashburnham. and many others are minutes con- 
 cerning the production of critical editions of the bell. gall, (cf . p. 59, 1. 5 from the 
 end) : Julius Celsus Constantinus v. c. legi and Flavius Licerius Lupicinus legi (Sib- 
 mond, notae ad Ennod. p. 78, rightly takes the latter to be the son of Euprepia, the 
 sister of Ennodius (§ 479) ; cf. Ennod. ep. 2, 15. 23. 3, 28. 6, 26. diet. 8 p. 488). 
 
 3. Editions of the commentarii with the continuations by ILipsius, Antv. 1585, 
 IIScaligee, Leid. 1606. GJungermann, c. nott. varr., Prankf. 1604. JGoduinus, 
 Par. 1678 (with ind. verbb.). Ex rec. IDavisii, Cantabr. 1706. 1727. C. nott. var. 
 ed. IGGraevitjs, Leid. 1713 II. Likewise cura FOudendorpii, Leid. 1737 (and 
 Stuttg. 1822 II).— Rec, optt. podd. auct. ann., quaestt. criticas praemisit CNip- 
 peedey, Lps. 1847. Annot. crit. instruxit FDubneb, Par. 1867 II. — Texts by C 
 Nippeedey (Lps. 4 1881), EHoffmann (Vienna 2 1888), FKraner (Lps. 1861), FDuenee 
 (Par. 1866), JKWhitte, Copenh. 3 1877. BDihtee (Lps. 1864-76 III [1 2 1884] with 
 the fragments) and others. 
 
 4. German translations e.g. by ABaumstaek (Stuttg.. Metzler), and (the Gall, 
 war) by HKochly and WRustow (Berl. 6 1886). — On a Greek translation (published 
 by GJungeemann, Frankf. 1606, by ABaumstaek, Freib. i. B. 1834), which was 
 
§ 196. caesar's comment arii. 337 
 
 formerly considered to be of critical value, but which was only made from E 
 Stephanos' ed. Par. 1544, see HJHeller, Phil. 12, 107. 
 
 5. Napoleon (I), precis des guerres de Cesar, Par. 1835. WRustow, Heerwesen 
 u. Kriegfuhrung Caesars, Gotha 1855; Nordhausen 1862. MJahns, Caes. Com- 
 mentarien in ihrer lit. und kriegswissenschaftlichen Folgewirkung, Militar- 
 Wochenbl. 1883, Beiheft 7, 343 sqq.— On the credibility of Caesar's Comm. 
 Bresemek (Berl. 1835), FWinkelmann (Jahn's Archiv 2, 533), FEyssenhardt (JJ. 85, 
 755), FSeck (de . . . fide, Essen 1860. 64 II). HRauchenstein (n. 9), Petsch, 
 d. hist. Glaubwiirdigk. v. Caesars b. gall., Gliickst. 1885. 86 II and others. Cf. n. 8. 
 — Criticism: BDinter, Phil. 34, 710 ; quaestt. Caes., Grimma 1876. OSchambach, 
 Miihlhaus. 1877. Madvig, advers. 2, 246. FHartz, coniectan. Caes., Altona 1886 
 and many others. Cf. n. 11. 
 
 6. On the date of publication of the books of the Gallic war see CESchneider 
 in Wachler's Philomathie 1, 184 (they were composed in the winter of 702/52 sq. 
 and published probably in the spring of 703). Cf. GMezger, iib. d. Abfassungszeit 
 v. Caes. bell, gall., Landau 1875. FKebec, quo tempore scripserit Caes. librr. de 
 b. gall., Odessa 1881. This vindication was intended to calm imminent tempests 
 and impress the popular mind with an idea of Caesar's fitness for great emer- 
 gencies. As Caesar had carried on his expeditions without special command of 
 the Senate, he constantly endeavours to represent them as necessary measures of 
 defence. His memoirs embrace only the events of war, which he relates as a, 
 Roman would do to Romans, without sentimentality and without disguising the 
 cruelty and perfidiousness employed against tribes defending their rights and in- 
 dependence. We perceive a certain pride on the part of the writer in describing 
 the exploits of his faithful partisans. He carefully abstains from injuring the 
 popular tendency of his work by going too much into military details. A critical 
 epitome of the contents in Kochly and Rustow, Einl. z. gall. Krieg 51. Peters- 
 Porff, Caesar num in bello gallico enarrando non nulla e fontibus transscripserit, 
 Belgard 1879. Cf. KVenediger, JJ. 119. 786, also HSchiller, BlfbayrGW. 16, 389. 
 
 7. Editions of the bellum gallicum : CECSchneider (rec. et ill., Halle 1840-55 
 II; only b. I-Vn), AFkigell (rec, codd. contulit, comm. instr., TJpsala 1861 III), 
 1-ecens. AHolder (with an ind. verb, to b. I- VII), Ereib. i. B. 1882. — MSeyffert, 
 Halle 3 1879. FKhaner and WDittenberger, Berl. 14 1886. HRheinhard, Stuttg. 5 
 1886. ADoberenz and BDinter, Lpz. 8 1886. JKWhitte, Havniae 4 1886. MGitlbauer, 
 Preib. 1884. RMenge, Gotha 1883 (in addition quaestt. Caes., Eisenach 1883). 
 JPrammer, Prague 2 1888. HWalther, Paderb. a 1887. GLong, Lond. 2 1868. CE 
 Moberley, Oxf.1871. AKIsbister, Lond. 1866. AGPeskett, Camb. 1878. *Bks. 1-3 
 JHMerryweather and CCTancock, Lond. 1879. LSchmitz, Lond. 1878. Bk. 7 
 (illustrated) WCockworthyCompton, Lond. 1889. Allen and Judson, Boston, 1889 
 (illustrated). 
 
 8. Explanatory works. APlaten, de fide et auctoritate Caes. b. gall., Leignitz 
 1854. HKOchly and WRtisTOw, Einl. z. Caes. gall. Krieg, Gotha 1857. BMhller, 
 zu Caes. b. g., Kaiserslaut. 1877. WPaul, ZfGW. 32, 161. 35, 275 ; Berl. phil. 
 Wschr. 4, 1209. 1241. 1273. JCLaurer, Schwabach 1883-86 HI; BlfbayrGW. 21, 
 19. 508. HBaumann, Vienna 1885. BHorner, Wiener-Neustadt 1878. 1879 II.— 
 CWGluck, die keltischen Namen bei Caes., Munich 1857. HJHeller, de nomi- 
 nibus celticis in Caes., Phil. 17, 270.— Geographie des transalpinischen Gallien von 
 IvHefner (Munich 1836). AvGoler, Caesars gall. Krieg u. Teile s. Biirgerkriegs, 
 Preib. 2 1880 II. AvCohausen, Caes. gg. d. Germanen am Rhein, Jahrbb. der 
 rheinl. Altert. Pr. 43, 1. WRustow, Atlas zu Caes. gall. Kr. Stuttg. 1868. 
 
 R.L. Z 
 
338 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 CFMeyer and AKoch, Atl. zu Caes. b. g., Essen lS'SS). AvKampen, descriptiones 
 nobiliss. ap. class, locorum ser. I : xv ad Caes. b. g. tabb., Gotha 1883. FTVihe, 
 Caesar in Kent, Lond. 1886. HPJudson, Caesar's army (illustrated), Boston, 1888. 
 
 9. Since Napoleon III (§ 194, 1) devoted -his studies to this subject, Prance has 
 made innumerable geographical and military contributions to it. Enumeration 
 and criticism of the works in question by HJHeller, Phil. 19, 465. 22, 99. 285. 26, 
 652. 31, 314. 511. KThomann, der FranzOs. Atlas zu Caes. b. g. (see § 194, 1, 1. 7), 
 Ziir. 1868-74 HI.— EDesjardins, geogr. de la Gaule Bomaine, Par. 1876-78 II. 
 JMaissiat, Ces. en Gaule, Par. 1865-81 III. JSchlumberger, Caesar u. Ariovist, 
 Colmar 1877. CvKampen, die Helvetierschlacht bei Bibracte, Gotha 1878. H 
 Bauchenstein, d. Feldz. Caes.s gg. die Helvetier m. Abh. iib. d. Glaubwiirdigk. v. 
 Caes. b. gall., Jena 1882. KvVeith in d. Mon. Schr. f. d. G-esch. West-Deutsch) . 
 vol. 4. 5. 6 and others. ThBekgk, z. Gesch. u. Topogr. d. Eheinlande, Lpz. 1882, 1. 25. 
 
 10. The three books of the bellum civile are unmistakably weaker, they are 
 less carefully elaborated and contain many undoubted traces of negligence and 
 inaccuracy. Moreover the text, for which one class of MSS. (§ 196, 2) is wanting, 
 is in a most deplorable condition. On this subject see FHofmann, de origine b. c. 
 Caesariani, Berl. 1857, and ThMommsen, die Bechtsfrage zw. Caes. u. dem Senat, 
 Abh. d. Bresl. hist.-philol. Ges. 1 (1857), 1. AvGolek, see n. 8. BSchneider, Ilerda, 
 Berl. 1886. 
 
 Stoffel, hist, de Jul. Cesar, Guerre civile ; continuation of the work of 
 Napoleon III (§ 194, 1) (with Atl.), Par. 1888 II. JvHefneh, Geographie zu Caesars 
 
 b. c, Munich 1836. LHeuzey, operations militaires de Ces. etudiees sur le terrain 
 par la mission de Macedoine, Par. 1886. — HGlode, die Glaubwiirdigk. C.s im b. 
 
 c, Kiel 1871. Cf. n. 8. Strenge, d. tendenziose Charakter v. Caes. b. c, Liineb. 
 1873. 75 II. OBasiner, de b. u. Caes., Dorp. 1883. 
 
 11. Editions of the b. c, with notes etc. by JCHeld (Sulzbach" 1 1857), 
 ADoberenz and BDinter, Lpz. 5 1884. FKraner and FHofmann, Berl. 9 1885. 
 CEMoberley, Oxf. 1873. — Criticism : JNGForchhammer, de vera . . . emendandi 
 ratione (Havn. 1852), HHartz (Ziillichau 1864), LVielhaber (Vienna 1864), WH 
 Boscher, JJ. 115, 559, KSchnelle, ib. 562, EHerzog, JJ. 117, 621 and others. 
 
 Becent controversy as to Caesar's authorship : (HMosner) num Caesar b. c. 
 scripserit, Culmbach (1865). Heidtmann. Essen 1867. BWutke, quaest. Caesa- 
 rianae, Neisse 2 1885. BMenge, de auctoribus comm. de b. c. (2, 1-16) qui Caesaris 
 nomine feruntur, "Weim. 1873 (2, 1-4. 8-16 are said to be by Trebonius, see § 210, 
 9). Cf. HHartz, phil. Anz. 6, 202 ; AEussner, Blfbayr GW. 10, 205; JB. 1881 2, 
 230. AHug, JB. 1873, 1169. BDinter, quaestt. Caesar, Grimma 1876, 32 attempts 
 to prove Hirtius to be the author of 3, 108-112. — The attempts of Menge (see 
 above), Petersdorff, Venediger (n. 6 ad fin.) and others to prove from variations 
 of idiom, style etc. in the commentarii, that Caesar literally embodied the reports 
 sent to him by the legates, have been unsuccessful. Caesar, when composing this 
 work, of course availed himself, when necessary, of the materials which were to 
 bs found in his military bureau, including the despatches of his officers and the 
 reports which he himself had made to the Senate (cf . b. g. 2, 35. 4, 38. 7, 90. Suet. 
 Iul. 56), but in the description of the services of the legates and of their reports 
 the same spirit, language, and style prevail as in the rest of the work. 
 
 197. After Caesar's death his nearest friends thought it in- 
 cumbent upon them to describe also those expeditions which he 
 had not narrated himself, being his last year in Gaul, and the 
 
§ 197. caesar's commentarii: continuations. 339 
 
 Alexandrine, African and Spanish wars. It is evident that they 
 are by different writers. The history of the Spanish war betrays an 
 utter want of style, that of the African war being superior to it 
 in that respect ; but while the first is awkward and uncouth, the 
 second is written in a distorted and inflated style. The account 
 of the eighth year of the war in Gaul is by A. Hirtius. The 
 narrative of the Alexandrine war also shows an educated writer 
 who endeavours to imitate Caesar's style, but it is doubtful 
 whether Hirtius or perhaps C. Oppius was its author. The 
 bellum Africum and Hispaniense must be by persons who had 
 taken part in the war, though perhaps only in an inferior position, 
 and whom Caesar's friends had asked to write down their remin- 
 iscences of it, perhaps that they might some day be used as the 
 basis for a more artistic narrative. 
 
 1. Suet. Iul. 56: Alexandrini Africique et Sispaniensis (belli) incertus auctor 
 est. alii Opjpium putant, alii Hirtium, qui etiam Qallici belli novissimum imperfec- 
 tumque librum suppleverit. See the praefatio to b. g. VIII expressly ascribed by 
 Suet. 1.1. to Hirtius : coactus adsiduis tuis vocibus, Balbe, . . . rem difficillimam 
 suscepi. Caesaris nostri commentaries rerum gestarum Otalliae non cokaerentibus 
 superioribus atque insequentibus eius scriptis contexui (i.e. ' I have re-established the 
 context by filling up with b. g. VIII the wide gap between b. g. VII and b. c. I '), 
 novissimumque imperfectum ab rebus gestis Alexandrine confeci usque ad exitum non 
 quidem civilis dissensionis, cuius finem nullum videmus, sed vitae Caesaris . . . mihi 
 ne illud quidem accidit ut Alexandrino atque Africano bello interessem. quae bella 
 . . . ex parte nobis Caesaris sermone sunt nota. Hence it appears that this continua- 
 tion was written after Caesar's death, at a time when a war with M. Antony had 
 become probable and it was indeed impossible to foresee any end of the Civil war ; 
 it is also clear that it was written by an intimate friend of Caesar, but not by 
 Cornelius Balbus, whence we are left to choose between C. Oppius and A. Hirtius, 
 The latter is mentioned (see above) unequivocally as the author of b. g. VHI by 
 Suetonius, so also the MSS. (Hirtii incipit liber VIII and so forth). In the pref. to 
 b.g. VHI Hirtius announces his intention (which is here supposed to have been 
 already carried out) of describing all the wars down to Caesar's death. But as 
 Hirtius was killed on the 27th April 711/43, he was unable to bring his scheme to 
 completion. He only got as far as the close of b. g. VIH (and perhaps of b. alex., 
 cf. however n. 6). After his death Caesar's intimate friends took care that the rest 
 of the wars of Caesar should not remain unchronicled, and in order to make the 
 series outwardly complete they added the bell, (alex.) afr. and b. hisp., which were 
 written at their behest by persons who had taken part in those wars. Drumann, 
 G-E. 3, 76. CNippeedey, de supplements commentariorum Caesaris, Berl. 1846 = ed. 
 Caes. 1847, p. 8. Kochly-Rustow, Einl. z. gall. Krieg 105. Cf. Petersdorff, ZfG/W. 
 34, 215. HSchiller, BlfbayrGW. 16, 246, AEussner, JB. 1883 2, 136. 
 
 2. Both Hirtius and Oppius possessed the education necessary for attempting 
 historical composition, but both were too accomplished writers to be the authors of 
 the bell. hisp. and afr. Hirtius was caused by Caesar, a. 709/45, while in Spain, 
 to write an answer to Cicero's panegyric on Cato, in the form of an epistle to 
 Cicero, full of flattery, of the latter (Crc. Att. 12, 40, 1. 41, 4. 44, 1. 45, 3. 47, 3). A 
 
340 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 short letter from Hirtius to Cicero is found in Cic. Att. 15, 6. The fragments of 
 Hirtius e. g. in Dintlk's ed. of Caesar 3, 159. 
 
 3. Oppius was also a writer. In particular, he wrote a life of Caesar, quoted 
 by Pott. Pompei. 10 i^Oirirltf piv, Srav irepi Katvapos iroXe/dwv ^ <pl\av iuCKiytirai, 
 (T<p6dpa Set TncTeieiv p.er ei;Xaj3eias) and 17 (on Caesar's personal courage), as well 
 as by Suet. Iul. 53 (circa victum O. Oppius adeo indifferentem docet ut etc.). 
 Hence may be derived the quotation in Plin. NH. 11, 104 (C. Marium . . . 
 Oppius auctor est) concerning Marius' severity to himself. Cf . Suet. Iul. 53. C. 
 Oppius . , , librum edidit, non esse Caesar is filium quern Cleopatra dicat. Oppius 
 appears to have been made use of in the first part of Plutarch's biography of 
 Caesar. GThouret, Leipz. Studien 1, 346. Also Charis. GL. 1, 147, 3 Oppius de 
 vita Cassii (Caesaris HPeter), idem de vita prioris Africani (Cell. 6. 1, 2). It may 
 be supposed that the work named in the first place was directed against the 
 assassin of Caesar, C. Cassius, while the latter contained a comparison between 
 Caesar and Africanus the Elder, which would most likely be in Caesar's favour 
 (Mommsen, rom. Forsch. 2, 502). This Oppius (not the legate mentioned b. afr. 68, 
 4) was believed by many to have been concerned in the continuation of the Caesarian 
 commentarii ; see Suet. Iul. 56 (above n. 1) ; this could be possible only as regards 
 the bell. alex. (cf . however n. 6) ; bell. afr. and hisp. show so low a degree of culture 
 that they cannot well be attributed to Oppius (n. 7, 8) ; and for both works such 
 authorship is precluded by the fact that the writers took part in the wars, whereas 
 Oppius was at that time in Borne (as was the elder Balbus, n. 4). — FBCKrebs, lectt. 
 IDiodor., Hadamar 1832 p. 35. 
 
 4. L. Cornelius Balbus of Gades (§ 179, 36), to whom Hirtius' letter before 
 b. g. VIII is addressed, seems to have written on Caesar ; see Suet. Iul. 81 cuius 
 jrei (omens of Caesar's death) . . . auctor est Cornelius Balbus, famttiarissimus 
 •Caesaris, an expression which scarcely allows us to think of Balbus minor (§ 209, 4) ; 
 |(HPeter, hist, fragm. p. xxi takes a different view). On Sid. Apoll. 9, 14 (quis 
 ^ . . Balbi ephemeridem [on Caesar] adaequaverit) cf. § 196, 1 in fin. Letters 
 ffrom Balbus maior to Cicero of 705/49 ap. Cic. ad Att. 8, 15 A. 9, 7 B. 9, 13 A ; 
 (one written conjointly with Oppius ib. 9, 7 A. Cf. FFrOhlich, n. 7 below, and 
 EW5lfflin, phil. Anz. 5 (1873), 180. : EJullien, de L. Corn. Balbo maiore, Par. 
 1886. JHoche, de L. Corn. Balbo p. I., Bossleben 1882. 
 
 5. The arrangement of bell. gall. VIII is good, the language of the best period, 
 though the style lacks Caesar's vigour and is rather languid, lifeless and mono- 
 tonous (Nipperdey 1847, p. 13). This appears especially in the periods (preference 
 for cum, connection through the relative etc.) and in the construction. EFischer, 
 B. 8 des b. g. u. das b. alex., Passau 1880 (also HSchiller, phil. Anz. 11, 89). 
 
 6. The bellum alexandrinum (incorrectly so called after c. 1-33) shows, when 
 compared with b. VIII de b. g., greater command of style and, perhaps owing to the 
 increased interest of the subject, a more lively colouring, but its peculiarities of 
 diction bear a striking resemblance to b. g. VIII (e.g. the absence of licet, quamvis, 
 antequam) ; but it also shows a distinct difference on many points, so that it is 
 hazardous to attribute it also to Hirtius, as Nipperdey does. The authorship of 
 Hirtius (and of Oppius, who next to him would have the strongest claim, n. 3 ad 
 fin.) is negatived, though not absolutely, by two passages (3, 1, 19, 6) which seem 
 to attest the participation of the author in the Alex, war, whereas Hirtius (and 
 Oppius) did not take part in it (b. g. 8, praef. 8). 
 
 7. In the bell, africanum on the other hand, the narrative is more circum- 
 stantial and chronological on the surface ; the author, politically irresponsible, 
 
§ 197, 8. CONTINUATIONS OF CAESAR: CORNELIUS NEPOS. 341 
 
 manifests clumsily his reverence for Caesar, and parades his hatred of the Pom- 
 peians ; the diction is careless and sometimes vulgar (e.g. the incorrect use of the 
 plupf.) ; the writer attempts to be grandiloquent without success, his command of 
 words is limited (e.g. interim occurs 68 times), and he employs expressions and con- 
 structions (e.g. frequently the hist, inf.) foreign to Hirtius (Nipperdey p. 15). Cf. 
 n. 2. It is probably the work of some subaltern who took part in the war. 
 FFkohlich, das b. af r. sprachl. u. hist, behandelt, Brugg 1872. AKohler, see n. 8. — 
 ChTissot, la campagne de Cesar en Afrique, Mem. de l'acad. des inscr. 31 (1884), 2. 
 
 8. The bell, hispaniense also is minute, betraying indeed incapacity to dis- 
 tinguish between essential and useless details ; the superficial parts of the narrative 
 are amplified to an intolerable extent ; idioms belonging to the popular language 
 are here more numerous, including a false use of the plupf. and of the conjunctive 
 in relation to the indicative, several peculiar usages (quod instead of the accus. c. 
 inf., bene multi and so forth) ; even gross blunders are common. There is hardly 
 a trace of period and style. The author's want of education is brought into 
 strong relief by the numerous citations (e.g. from Ennius) which he introduces 
 (Nippekdey, p. 24), and by his grandiloquent orations and descriptions of battles. 
 JDegenhart, de b. Hisp. elocutione et fide, Wiirzb. 1877. AXohleb, de b. afr. 
 et hisp. latinitate, Acta semin. phil. Erl. 1. 367. The corruptions of the text may 
 perhaps be partially due to the hasty composition of the work. Nipperdey p. 
 33. — CECSchneider, nova bell. hisp. recensio, and de indagando belli hisp. scrip- 
 tore, Bresl. 1837.— CFleischer, obss. critt. de b. hisp., Meissen 1876. 85 II ; JJ. 117, 
 273. 119, 849 and in the Meissener Festprogr. 1879. 
 
 9. L. Aurunculeius Cotta, Caesar's legate in Gaul (f 700/54 or 701/53; PEE. I 2 ; 
 2183) wrote according to Athew. 6, p. 273 Trepl tijs 'Pw/uuW iroXirelas aiyypa/ina., 8 r-fj 
 irarplif tjhuv (a Eoman is speaking) yiypairrai. tpuvrj, which is quoted 1.1. in re- 
 ference to the expedition to Britain (699/55). Bucheler, JJ. Ill, 136. Cic. Att. 
 13, 44, 3 (a. 709/45) scire omnia non acerbum est, vel de Cotta . . . Cottam velim 
 mihi mittas (to the Tusculanum). Libonem (§ 172, 6) mecum habeo et habueram 
 ante Cascam : the latter words seem to relate to an otherwise unknown historical 
 work by a certain Casca (perhaps one of the two brothers P. and C. Servilius 
 Casca, PEE. 6, 1120, 46. 47). Cf. § 159, 13. 
 
 198. Cornelius Nepos was born in Upper Italy, and was 
 a friend of both Cicero and Atticus and also of bis younger 
 countryman Catullus. His life may be said to fall between 
 655/99 and 730/24. Besides erotic poems, three books of Chro- 
 nica were his earliest work, but he seems also to have written 
 a geographical treatise. His other writings show that he was 
 influenced by Varro, for they were directed to the history of 
 manners and customs and had a biographical and moral tendency. 
 In this way he wrote five books of Exempla, and the elaborate 
 biographies of Cato the Elder and Cicero, and especially his last 
 and most comprehensive work de viris illustribus, in at least sixteen 
 books, in which the lives of Eomans and foreigners were placed in 
 parallel juxtaposition. The parts of it which we possess, the work 
 de excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium and the biographies 
 
342 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 of Cato and of Atticus (being an extract from his work de 
 historicis latinis), are often valuable for their lucidity of arrange- 
 ment, unpretentious tone, and fair and sympathetic judgments ; 
 but they hardly attain even a moderate level of accuracy and 
 trustworthiness as historical essays, and are equally inferior in 
 style, owing to the frequency of popular and colloquial idioms. 
 
 1. His praenomen is unknown. According to Ausok. op. 23, 9 he was a native 
 of Gaul. Plin. NH. 3, 127 : Nepos, Padi accola. Plin. ep. 4, 28, 1 to Vibius 
 Seve.rus : Herennius Beverus . . . magni aestimat in bibliotheca sua ponere ima- 
 gines municipum tuorum, Cornelii Nepotis et T. Catii (the Insubrian, § 173. 3). As 
 of the four Insubrian towns (Ptol. 3, 1, 33) only one, Ticinum, is on the Po, it is 
 possible that this should be considered to be the birthplace of C. N. (Mommsen, 
 Herm. 3, 62). GFUnger, Abh. d. Munch. Akad. 16, 1, 135 takes a different view. 
 
 2. For chronological data Hieronym. ad Pammach. 12 (2, 419 Vail.) : refert 
 . . . Cornelius Nepos se praesente . . . earn, pro Cornelio . . . defensionem perora- 
 tam (a. 689/65, see § 180, l a ). Plin. NH. 9, 137 Nepos Cornelius, qui divi Augusti 
 principatu obiit (cf. 10, 60), me, inquit, iuvene violacea purpura vigebat . . . nee 
 multo post rubra Tarentina. huic successit dibapha Tyria. . . . hac P. Lentulus 
 Spintker aedilis cwrulis (a. 691/63) primus in praetexta usus improbabatur. Cf. ib. 
 36, 59. 2, 169 Nepos Cornelius auctor est Eudoxum quendam sua aetate, cum Lathyrum 
 regem (Ptolomaeus VIII Lathyros 637/117-674/80) fugeret etc. A. 710/44 he lost 
 a son, who was then puer (Cic. Att. 16, 14, 4). From the passages quoted, as well 
 •as from the admiration with which he looks up to Atticus (b. 645/109), we may 
 conclude that Nepos was born about 655/99. Corn. Nepos 25, 19, 1 (quoniam fortuna 
 nos superstites ei esse voluit) does not (as Unger 1.1. 136 supposes) prove him to 
 have been of the same age as Atticus. For some unknown reason Hieron. on Eus. 
 Chron. does not mention him until a. Abr. 1977=714/40 : Cornelius Nepos scriptor 
 historicus clarus habetur. He survived Catullus (Att. 12, 4) and Atticus (f 722/32 ; 
 Att. 19, 1), but we do not know how long he lived after the publication of his 
 supplement to the life of Atticus (see p. 344, 1. 18). — It is a question whether 
 Nepos is mentioned with Atticus (§ 172, 1) as a bookseller in Fronto. See p. 20 
 Nab. quorum (of authors) libri pretiosiores habentur et summam gloriam retinent, 
 si sunt a Lampadione (§ 138, 4) aut Staberio (§ 159, 10) out . . . aut . . . 
 aut Aelio (§ 148, 2) . . . aut Attico aut Nepote. 
 
 3. For his relations to Atticus, Cicero and Catullus see Att. 13, 7 saepe 
 propter familiaritatem domesticis rebus interfuimus. Atticus living 658/86-689/65 
 in Athens, their familiaritas cannot have commenced before 690/64. — Gell. 15, 
 28, 1 exaggerates: Cornelius Nepos . . . M. Ciceronis ut qui maxime amicus 
 familiaris fuit. For Cicero's correspondence with Nepos see p. 318 1. 3. A frag- 
 ment in Suet. Iul. 55 ; from a letter of Nepos to Cic. in Lactant. inst. 3, 15, 10 
 (see § 50, 3). See also Cic. ad Att. 16, 5, 5. 16, 14, 4. Catullus was perhaps 
 recommended to his compatriot on coming to Eome and was patronised, and 
 even mentioned by him (n. 4) in his Chronica ; see Catull. 1, 3. 
 
 4. Lost writings, 1) Erotic poems. Plin. ep. 5, 3, 6 a bonis inter quos vel 
 praecipue numerandus est P. Vergilius, Cornelius Nepos . . . non quidem hi 
 senatores, sed sanctitas morum non distat ordinibus. — 2) Chronica. Catull, 1, 5 
 iam turn cum ausus es unus Italorum Omne aevum tribus explicare chartis, Doctis, 
 Iuppiter, et laboriosis. Gell. 17, 21, 3 Cornelius Nepos in prima chronico (cf. 17, 21, 
 1 ex libris qui chronici appellantur). Adson. ep. 16 apologos Titiani et Nepotis 
 
§ 198. COENELIUS NEPOS. 343 
 
 chronica, quasi alios apologos (nam et ipsa instar sunt fabularum) . , . misi. 
 That Saturn should have been treated as a human being (Mm. Fel. Oct. 21, 4) 
 points to Euhemerism. The whole work was probably a chronological abridg- 
 ment such as Atticus and Varro composed, only perhaps giving a fairer proportion 
 of space to non-Roman subjects (e.g. the lives of Greek heroes, such as Alexander 
 the Great, and poets such as Homer and Archilochos). A few fragments from 
 it in CHalm's edition (1871) 119. HPeters hist. rom. fragm. 218.— According 
 to Catull. 1.1. these Chronica do not appear to have been published later than 
 691/63 (of. Schwabe, quaestt. Catull. 296) : the words as there given unus Italorum 
 suggest that Nepos wrote his abridgment earlier than did Varro and Atticus their 
 similar works, which is certain as far as Atticus is concerned (§ 172, 2, b).— 3) 
 Exempla. Chakis. GL. 1,146 Nepos exemplorum II. Gell. 6,18,11 Cornelius 
 Nepos in libro exemplorum quinto . . . litteris mandavit. The quotations from 
 it (in Halm 1.1. 120. Peter • fragm. 224) seem to prove that the author had, in 
 the spirit of Varro, contrasted old Rome with the city in his own time. Mamurra 
 (t 709/45 ?) was mentioned, and perhaps from it was also taken Suet. Aug. 77 non 
 amplius ter bibere eum solilum super cenam. in castris apud Mutinam Cornelius Nepos 
 tradit. Pliny may have used it; see LUrlichs, die Quellenregister d. letzten 
 Bttcher des Plin. (Wurzb. 1878) 6.-4) Biography of Cato. Corn. Nep. Cat. 3, 5 
 huius de vita et moribus plura in eo libro persecuti sumus quern separatim de eofecimus 
 rogatu T. Pomponii Attici, quare studiosos Catonis ad illud volumen delegamus. — 5) 
 Life of Cicero, a panegyric, probably composed after his death. Gell. 15, 28, 2 
 Cornelius Nepos . . . M. Ciceronis ut qui maxime amicus fa/miliaris fuit . . . 
 in librorum primo quos de vita illius composuit errasse videtur. — 6) A work on 
 geography, as it would seem, in the manner of the Paradoxographi (cf . Cicero's 
 Admiranda, above § 186, 4), without critical sifting of the reports but giving the 
 distances. Plin. NH. 5, 4 minus profeclo mirentur portentosa G-raeciae mendaeia de 
 his . . . prodita qui cogitent nostros nuperque paulo minus monstrifica quaedam 
 tradidisse, . . . quaeque alia Cornelius Nepos avidissime credidit. 
 Further notices of the work in Halm 1.1. 126. FCipolla, Nepote e le scienze 
 naturali, Riv. di fil. 11, 372. — 7) Suet, gramm. 4 Cornelius Nepos libello quo dis- 
 tinguit liUeratum (the learned grammarian) ab erudito (the scholar) : was it a 
 separate treatise or perhaps the preface to the grammatici illustres (p. 343, 1. 21 
 from the end) ? 
 
 5. Sueton. ap. Hieron. 2, 821 Vail. : (de viris illustribus scripserunt) apud 
 Latinos . . . Varro (in his Imagines), Santra, Nepos, Hyginus et . . . Tran- 
 quittus. Gell. 11, 8, 5 in libro Corneli Nepotis de inlustribus viris XIII (on Cato ; 
 GCortese has attempted, but not convincingly, to connect with this the fragment 
 quoted above § 127, 1 1. 8 sqq. ; see Bucheler, RhM. 39, 623). Charis. GL. 1, 141 
 Cornelius Nepos inlustrium XV and : Cornelius Nepos inlustrium virorum libro XVI; 
 cf. ib. 220, Nepos de inlustribus viris II. References to this are found in Corn. 
 Nepos himself : Dion 3, 2 sed de hoc in eo libro plura sunt exposita qui de historicis 
 graecis conscriptus est. Besides this, a book on the Roman historians : of this there 
 are extant the vitae of Atticus and of Cato (Censorius) with the heading ex libro 
 Cornelii Nepotis de latinis historicis and under the same heading fragments of the 
 letters of Cornelia, the mother of the Gracchi (§ 123, 6 1. 9) : in this latter in- 
 stance the specification of the book is certainly erroneous ; Nepos could treat of 
 the Gracchi only in a book de latinis oratoribus. Nipperdey, op. 99. Lastly on 
 Cicero as an historian (§ 186, 1 1. 3) a notice in the cod. Guelferb. Gud. 278 s. XIII 
 Cornelius Nepos in libro de historicis latinis. Cf. also Suet. rhet. 3 (§ 158, 3 1. 6). 
 The book de l'at. hist, was published during the life-time of Atticus (between 
 
344 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 719/35 and 721/33) ; Nepos added the conclusion when a new edition was brought 
 out after his death (722/32) : Att. 1, 19 sqq. hactenus Attico vivo edita a nobis sunt, 
 nunc . . . reliqua persequemur ; perhaps after the battle of Actium (a. 723/31), 
 in consequence of which Octavian received the title of imperator ; see 19, 2 in 
 qffinitatem pervenit Imperatoris, Divifilii. Mommsen, mon. Ancyr. p. 53. 
 
 Praef. 8 in hoc exponemus libro de vita excellentium imperatorum. 15, 4,6 
 uno hoc volumine vitam excellentium virorum complurium concludere constituimus 
 quorum separatim multis milibus versuum complures scriptores ante nos explicarunt. 
 23, 13, 4 tempus est huius libri facere finem et Somanorum explicare imperatores, quo 
 facilius collatis factis qui viri praeferendi sint possit iudicari. Among the foreign 
 imperatores the Greek (20) are those first treated of, then conies a supplement : 
 then after a short survey of the Greek kings who were also imperatores, Hamilcar 
 and Hannibal. Cf. 21, 1, 1 hi fere fuerunt graecae gentis duces (among their number 
 the Carian Datames) qui memoria digni videantur, praeter reges ; namque eos 
 attingere noluimus quod omnium res gestae separatim stmt relatae (in the book de 
 regibus). This work on Greek heroes (vitae 1-20) is dedicated to Atticus (praef. 1, 
 1) : the supplement was added (perhaps in a new edition) at a later time, after 
 the death of Atticus (722/32; Hann. 13, 1 Atticus — scriptum reliquit). — A book de 
 poetis latinis is indicated by quotations in Suetok. vita Terent. p. 27, 6. 31, 2 E., 
 one de grammaticis perhaps in Suet, gramm. 4 (see n. 4 fin.). — According to this 
 the viri illustres were classed according to the departments in which they dis- 
 tinguished themselves, and under these departments foreigners (the title of the 
 book now extant is de excellentibus ducibus exterarum gentium) and Romans were 
 treated of together, just as in Varro's Imagines (above p. 260 1. 15). The quotations 
 from non-extant books in Halm 1.1. 121. Petek, hist, fragm. 219. It is improbable 
 that artists (painters etc.) were also treated of in this work, and that, as Brunn 
 and Furtwangler (see § 313, 3) recently maintained, Pliny availed himself of them 
 in his NH. LUklichs, d. Quellenregister zu Plin. letzten Biichern (Wiirzb. 1878). 
 For a, characteristic description of the whole work cf. also 16, 1, 1 vereor . . . 
 ne non vitam eius enarrare, sed historiam videar scribere. 15, 1, 3 cum exprimere 
 imaginem consuetudinis atque vitae velimus. 25, 19, 1 rerum exemplis lectorcs 
 docebimus . . . suos cuique mores plerumque conciliare fortunam. Moral reflec- 
 tions 8, 2, 3. 8, 3, 2. The work frequently used by Plutarch : Marcell. 30. Pelop. 
 et Marcell. comp. 1. Lucull. 43. 
 
 6. Gell. 15, 28, 1 expresses himself coolly Cornelius Nepos rerum memoriae non 
 indiligens. Quintilian does not mention him in his list of the Roman historians, 
 and Pliny (n. 4, fin.) charges him with credulity. The work which we possess 
 entirely bears out this estimate of his literary position. It is difficult to find 
 out his reason for selecting this or that general among the duces or impera- 
 tores and omitting such men as Brasidas, Aratos, Philopoimen, Kleomenes III 
 and others ; nor is his lengthy treatment in harmony with the importance of the 
 events ; he neglects important authorities, e.g. Herodotos. The authorities whom 
 he mentions (e.g. Demon, Polybios, Seilenos, Theopompos, Thukydides, Timaios, 
 Xenophon) are not always those of whom he has chiefly made use. Ephoros e.g. 
 is not named, but is much used (in the Lys. Themist. Paus. Ale. ; perhaps Valerius 
 Antias was also employed ; see HHaupt. de auct. de vir. ill. libro 40; § 414, 4). 
 He employs his authorities negligently and sometimes mistakes their meaning. 
 The order of the duces and the arrangement of events in the biographies are void 
 of plan, without just discrimination of important and unimportant facts ; serious 
 historical and geographical errors and confusions are frequent; chronology is 
 often neglected and undue attention devoted to curious anecdotes. See on this 
 
§ 198. CORNELIUS NEPOS. 345 
 
 Nippebdey's larger edition, and GFUnger 1J. 146. The tenor of the whole is 
 rhetorical, and he characterises his generals in a onesided manner, generally 
 dwelling on their good sides ; in most cases the person in question is described as 
 the greatest in his way. His style belongs to the genus tenue and is to a certain 
 extent graceful so long as it keeps within short periods ; but whenever the author 
 attempts long periods, he signally fails. His command of phrases and words is 
 not very great. Some expressions deviate from the classical usage, though they 
 do not justify any attempt to assign the work to a later date. A period in 
 which side by side with Cicero and Caesar Varro and even the authors of the 
 bell, afric. and hispaniense ranked as literati, and which before long produced 
 Vitruvius, could well have a writer like Cornelius Nepos. All leads to the con- 
 clusion that he was a kind-hearted, honest man and author, though of moderate 
 abilities. Cf. Nippebdey's Introd. (1849) xxi. xxvm. 
 
 7. The above account assumes the book on the generals to be a work of 
 Cornelius Nepos : the MSS. however entitle it Liber Aemilii Probi de excellentibus 
 ducibus exterarum gentium and name Cornelius Nepos only as the author of the 
 Atticus and Cato (p. 343, 1. 7 from the end). OGifanius (in his edition of Lucretius, 
 Antw. 1566, p. 394 a ) recognised that the duces should also be attributed to Corne- 
 lius. The occasion for this false appellation was given by a commonplace epigram, 
 printed also e.g. AL. 783. PLM. 5, 83, which, for some unknown reason, is given 
 in the MSS. after the Hannibal. This however does not apply to the book on the 
 generals, but is a dedicatory poem for a collection of poetry (8 carmina) which a 
 certain Probus (10) sends to the Emperor Theodosius (I or H ? v. 2. 3. 8. 12) : Probus 
 himself, his father and grandfather (11)— probably three copyists.and calligraphers 
 — compiled the corpus (11). This epigram then gave rise to the erroneous subscrip- 
 tion which follows it in the MSS. Aemilii Probi de exc. due. ext. gent, liber explicit, 
 and this again occasioned the incorrect heading mentioned above. Bebgk, Phil. 12, 
 580, has attempted to explain part of the name to be due to a misapprehension of 
 em (endavi) peobvs. WFEinck and others have laboured hard to prove that this 
 (Aemilius) Probus under Theodosius was the author of the doubtful vitae. But 
 such attribution is precluded on historical grounds and by the evidence of style : 
 among other reasons because Ampelius (§ 359, 1) cap. 14. 15. 33 notoriously availed 
 himself of the book of heroes (abstracts from this book are likewise found in 
 the Schol. Bob. p. 811. 312 Or., where also the work itself is mentioned by name 
 as ' de viris illustribus ' p. 311, 10. 312, 18). The vitae of Cato and of Atticus, 
 which are uncontestably by Cornelius Nepos and are contained side by side with 
 the book on the generals in all the good MSS., show the same characteristics in 
 substance and diction, and the same kind of generalisation and the same tendency 
 to exculpate and exalt the heroes described, which are found in the duces. The 
 author's survey of the political circumstances of his time is perfectly applicable to 
 the close of the Eepublic. (Eum. 8, 2. Ages. 4, 2. Cato 2, 2 and elsewhere. GGemss, 
 ZfGW. 37, Jahresber. 390.) The view advanced by GFUngee, der sogen. Cornelius 
 Nepos, Abhandl. d. Munch. Akad. 16, 1 (1881), attributing the book on the generals 
 to Hyginus (§ 262) is untenable ; see against this BLupus, JJ. 125, 379. HEosen- 
 haueb, phil. Anz. 13, 733. CWagener, phil. Eundsch. 1882, 907. AMaye, stimmt 
 der Cato u. Att. des Nop. in Spr. u. Stil mit den vitae ducum iiberein ?, Cilli 1883. 
 There is also no sufficient reason for assuming the present work to be a late 
 abstract from the original of Cornelius Nepos. Madvig, op. 2, 123. Lachmann, kl. 
 Schr. 2, 188. Fleckeisen, Phil. 4, 345. KNippeeuey (1849) p. xxxvi. Thyen, de 
 auctore vitarum C. N. quae feruntur, Osnabr. 1874 holds this view. Cf. also 
 HHaupt, de auctoris de viris illustribus (below § 414, 4) libro (Wiirzb. 1876) 39. 
 
346 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 8. The MBS. are very defective. Of MSS. of the best class only one has been 
 preserved, the cod. Parcensis in Lowen s. XV (CLEoth, EhM. 8, 626 ; cf. Phil. 26, 
 706), and even from this the vita Attici and the fragments of Cornelia's letters 
 (p. 343, in fin.) are missing ; other representatives of the same class were the cod. 
 Danielis or Gifanii, the best of all; also the Leidensis Boecleri (see n. 9), the 
 Batavicus from which (probably by ICaucus) the Utrecht ed. of 1542 was compiled : 
 all these MSS. have now disappeared and are known to us only in a few not very 
 exact collations. Of the second considerably inferior class of MSS. the best is the 
 Gudianus 166 s. X1I/XIII in Wolfenbuttel : the numerous other MSS., generally 
 very corrupt, are of s. XV. Cf. de librorum numero et auctoritate in CLBoth's 
 ed. (1841) p. 207. 251. Nipperdey's ed. of the text p. 3. The Excerpta Patavina, 
 reprinted in Both 1.1. 190, should be noticed, see JFreudenberg, JJ. Ill, 495. 
 
 9. Principal editions by DLambinus (Par. 1569), ASchott (cum notis varr., 
 Frankf. 1608), Bocler (Strassb. 1640. 1656), AvStaveren (Leid. 1734. 1773. Stuttg. 
 1820 II, cur. WHBardili). JHBremi (with notes, Zfir. 4 1827).— First critical 
 edition by CLBoth, Aemilius Probus etc. ; praemissa sunt Binckii prolegomena, 
 Bas. 1841. Explained by CNipperdey (larger ed.), Lpz. 1849 (2nd edition by BLufus, 
 Berl. 1879). Revision by CNipperdey, Berl. 1867 (the text with a short critical 
 apparatus). Apparatu critico adiecto ed. CHalm, Lps. 1871. — Textum constit. 
 CGCobet, Leid. 1881 (and the same writer Mnemos. 9, 303. 360). Bee. et verbb. 
 ind. add. MGitlbader, Freib. i. B. 1883. Bee. et emend. AWeidner, Prague 2 1888. 
 
 School editions (with German notes and [or] lexicon e.g. by JSiebelis und 
 MJancovius, Lpz. n 1885, CNipperdey (small ed. Berl. 9 1885 by BLupus). 
 FWHinzpeter (Bielef. 7 1886). AMonginot, Par. 3 1886. LEnglmann Munich. 1881. 
 GGemss, Paderb. 1884. WMartens, Gotha 1886. KErbe, Stuttg. 1886. With 
 English notes : OBrowning, Oxf. 1868. JFMacmichael, Lond. 1873. JTWhite, 
 Lond. 1867. TBLindsay, New York, 1889. 
 
 Editions of the text e.g. by CHalm and AFleckeisen (Lps. 2 1884, with a 
 lexicon by HHaacke. s 1887). GAndresen, Prague 1884 (with a lexicon by KJahr). 
 Lexicons by GAKoch and KEGeorges, Hanover 5 1885. OEichert, Bresl. 10 1879. — 
 Completed (i.e. with corrections of the mistakes in diction and substance) by 
 KVolker and WCreoelius, Lps. s 1886. EOrtmann (Lpz. 4 1886). FVogel (Berl. s 
 1885 by KJahr). JLatthann (Gott. 5 1876). 
 
 10. Criticism : AFleckeisen (Phil. 4, 308). HTWHeerwagen (collect., Baireuth 
 1849), especially CNipperdey, spicilegia crit in C. N., in his op. Berl. 1877, 1-196. — 
 JArnoldt, JJ. 105, 561. 109, 277. JFreudenberg, J J. Ill, 49:. GOsthelder, 
 Beitr. z,. Nep., Kaiserslaut. 1879. GGPluygers, Mnemos. 8, 345. CGCobet, ib. 9, 
 47. 303. 360. JJCornelissen, ib. 11, 232. 
 
 11. WFBinck, saggio di un esame critico etc., Venice 1818; re-written in 
 CLBoth's edition. CFBanke, comm. de C N. vita et scriptis, Quedlinb. 1827. 
 GEFLieberkuhn, de auctore vitt. quae sub nomine C. N. feruntur, Lps. 1837 ; 
 vindiciae librorum iniuria suspectorum, Lps. 1844 (defensio C. N. contra Aem. Pr. 
 librarium). BHanow, de Corn. Nep., Zullichau 1850. HWHeerwagen, Munch. 
 Gel. Anz. 1846, no. 28. ALinsmayer, de vit. exc. due, Munich 1859. LGrasberger, 
 zur Wiirdigung des C. N., Eos 1, 225. AEussner, BlfbayrG. 7, 335. De fontibus 
 et auctorit. C. N. v. JPHisely (Delft 1827), BHEWichers (Groningen 1828), 
 AEkker (acta soc. Rheno-Traiect. 3, 1828, 193). JFreudenberg, quaestt. hist, in 
 C. N., Coin 1839 ; Bonn 1842. Cf. WFrioke, d. QueHen Plut.s im Alkib., Lpz. 1869. 
 PNatorp, quos auctores in ultimis belli peloponn. annis describendis secuti sint 
 . . . Cornelius Iustimis, Strassb. 1876 ; ZfoG. 27, 561. WKxotz, die Quellen z. 
 
§ 198, 9. NEPOS : AUGURAL SCIENCE : APPIUS CLAUDIUS, ETC. 347 
 
 Phokion im . . . Nepos, Lpz. 1877. GFricke, de fontt. Plut. et Nep. in v. 
 Phocionis, Berl. 1883. MMohr, d. Quellen d. Plut. u. Nepotischen Themist. usw., 
 Berl. 1879. EScHnBERT, die Quellen Plutarohs, JJ. Suppl. 9, 647. Goethe, die 
 Quellen des Nep. zur grieoh. Gesch., Gr.-Glogau 1878. LHolzapfel, Unterss. ub. 
 d. griech. Gesch. von 489-413 (Lpz. 1879), 52. 80.— Zur vita Alcibiadis JWiggebs 
 (Lps. 1833), Catonis AFESvHeemfra (Leid. 1825), Attici JHeld (Prolegomena, 
 Bresl. 1826), Hannibalis JAsbach, anall. hist, et epigr. lat. (Bonn 1878) 34. 
 
 12. Lexicons, indices see above n. 9. ADornheim, Beitr. z. Latinitat d. N., 
 Detmold 1861. BLupus, der Sprachgebrauch des N., Berl. 1876. WIgnatius, de 
 verborum cum praeposs. compositorum ap. N., Liv., Curt, cum dat. structura, Berl. 
 1877. JEidenschink, der Infinitiv bei N., Passau 1877. 
 
 199. During this period a number of persons in high posi- 
 tion made augury the subject of literary works, probably from 
 political motives. Such was Appius Claudius (cos. 700/54), who 
 busied himself with necromancy, second-sight and occult matters, 
 as also did C. Marcellus, M. Messala (cos. 701/53) and L. Caesar, 
 and also Veranius. Learned men such as Granius Flaccus and 
 Aufustius wrote on kindred subjects, L. Caecina especially, and 
 others, on the Etruscan system of divination. L. Tarutius de- 
 voted himself to astrology. 
 
 1. Appius Claudius Ap. f . Pulcher, augur from 695/59, cos. 700/54, censor 
 704/50, f 706/48. PEE. 2, 412, 41 and Bull, dell' inst. arch. 1860, 225. 1861, 63. 
 CIL. 1, 619. Cic. Brut. 267 Appius Claudius, collega etfamiliaris mens, . . et satis 
 studiosus et valde cum, doctus turn etiam exercitatus orator et cum auguralis turn omnis 
 publici iuris antiquitatisque nostrae bene peritus fuit. Tusc. 1, 37 ea quae meus amicus 
 (temporarily) Appius viKvofmvrela. faeiebat. div. 1, 132 psychomantia, quibus Appius 
 . . . uti solebat. fam. 3, 4, 1 (a. 703/51) to him: Mo libro augur ali quern ad me 
 amantissime scriptum suavissimum misisti. leg. 2, 32 est . . . inter Marcellum, 
 (C. Claudius Marcellus, cos. 704/50 or the cos. of 705/49) et Appium, optimos augures, 
 magna dissensio (nam eorum ego in libros incidi), cum alteri placeat auspicia ad 
 utilitatem esse reip. composita, alteri disciplina vestra (cfa0fcm) quasi divinare 
 videatur posse. That the latter was the opinion held by Ajjftus appears clearly 
 from div. 2, 75. Fest. 298 (v. sollistimum) Ap. Pulcher in auguralis disciplinae libro 
 I ait. Cf. besides Cic. fam. 3, 9, 3. 3, 11, 4. 
 
 2. M. Valerius Messala (Euf us, see below), cos. 701/53;PEE. 6,2347. Macr. 
 1, 9, 14 M. Messala, On. Domitii in consulatu collega idemque per annos LV augur, de 
 lano ita incipit (cf. Lyd. mens. 4, 1). Gell. 13, 14, 5 so., (on the pomerium). 13, 15, 
 3 liber M. Messalae auguris de auspiciis primus (a considerable fragment follows). 
 13, 16, 1 Messala in eodem libro de minoribus magistratibus. Pest. 161 Messala augur 
 in explanations auguriorum. 253 . . . ssala in expla. 351 Messala augur ait (cf. 
 379, 18).— lb. 321 (a passage in the XII Tables is being explained) ne Valerius 
 (quidem Messala) in XII explanati(one rem expedivit. hie toymen in eo libro qu(em 
 de dictis involute inscribit, etc. 355 .. . tione XII ait. It is doubtful whether this 
 Valerius, whose cognomen Messala rests only on an emendation, is to be identified 
 with the writer on augury. Huschke conjectures Valerius Soranus (§ 147, 1). Cf. 
 § 86, 6. Below § 222, 3 ad fin. Cf. EScholl, XII tabb. p. 37. Hdschke, iurispr. 
 anteiust. 5 103. This Messala, who was augur for fifty-five years, and therefore 
 
348 
 
 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 must have reached a very advanced age, is no doubt the same who is repeatedly 1 
 mentioned by Pliny as Messala senex (cf. ind. auct. b. 35 ex . . . Messala oratore, 
 [222], Messala sene. 34, 37. 35, 8, here too together with Messala orator), who in 
 other passages of Pliny is called Messala Eufus (ind. auct. b. 7, 34 ; quoted 7, 173). 
 Pun. NH. 35, 8 similis causa Messalae seni expressit volumina ilia quae de familiis 
 condidit etc. A fragment of it ib. 34, 137. HPeteb JJ. 127, 107 ; hist. fr. 265. 
 
 3. Pkiscian. GL. 2, 380, 3 Lucius Caesar : ' certaeque res augurantur. 1 Pest. 161 
 maiorem consulem L. Caesar putat did eum qui etc. This determines more precisely 
 the quotations in Peiscian. GL. 2, 270 {Caesar in auguralibus) and Mack. 1, 16, 29 
 (Iulius Caesar XVI" auspiciorum libro negat nundinis contionem advocari posse), 
 Perhaps the consul of a. 690/64 (PEE. 4, 425, 7, the elder brother of the one named 
 above § 153, 3) f 667/87. Huschke, iurispr. anteiust. » 102, 
 
 4. Pest. 289 Veranius in eo qui est auspiciorum de comitiis. As according to 
 this Veranius had already been made use of by Verrius Flaccus, it would seem that 
 he belongs to the Eepublican period ; at all events he is not later than Augustus. 
 EHhbnee, ephem. epigr. 2, 73, conjectures that he is the legate of Germanicus, 
 Q. Veranius mentioned in Tac. ann. 2, 56 and elsewhere. Festus 158 Veranius in 
 libro(quem inscripsit priscarum vo^cum, according to TJrsinus' emendation. Cf. 
 ib. 203. 205. 250. 253. 348. Mace. 3, 6, 14 Veranius pontifkalium eo libro quern fecit 
 de supplicationibus ; cf . ib. 3, 5, 6 in pontificalibus quaestionibus. 3, 2, 3 Veranius ex 
 primo libro Pictoris (cf. § 116, 7) on porricere. 3, 20, 2 Veranius de verbis pontifi- 
 calibus. Veranius Placcus appears quite isolated in Suet. Aug. 86 (§ 209, 12), hence 
 it has been proposed to read Verrius Flaccus or Granius Flaccus: but better 
 support may be found for Veranius along with Flaccus as cognomen in Mace. 1, 
 15, 21 (Verrium Flaccum, iuris pontificii peritissimum, dicere solUum refert Varro), 
 where for chronological reasons it cannot be Verrius who is referred to. 
 OHieschfeld, Wien. Stud. 3, 110. Cf. also § 222, 3 in fin. 
 
 5. Pliny ind. auct. to b. 2 : Caecina, qui de etrusca dtsciplina (scripsit, esp. on 
 divination from lightning). Eemains of this work in Sen. nat. qu. 2, 31-49. Plin. 
 NH. 2, 137-J.38, in Fest. Seev. and others. The same writer is also probably the 
 authority for Plin. NH. 11, 197 Caecinae Volaterrano dracones emicuisse de extis 
 laeto prodigio traditur ; cf. 10, 71. Cic. fam. 6, 6, 3 (a. 708/46 or 709/45 addressing 
 Caecina) si te ratio quaedam etruscae disciplinae, quam a patre . . . acceperas, non 
 fefellit. The family (Ceicna in Etr.) came from Volaterrae in Etruria (see above), 
 where it was among the most powerful ; OMullek, Etr. 1*, 486. Sen. nat. quaest. 
 2, 56, 1 haec (on fulguratio) apud Caecinam invenio, facundum virum et qui habuisset 
 aliquando in eloquentia nomen, nisi ilium Ciceronis umbra pressisset. Cf. Schol. 
 Veeon. on Aen. 10, 198 (p. 103 Keil). Cic. fam. 6, 9 (a. 708/46) et patre eius . . . 
 plurimum usi sumus et hunc a puero, quod et spem magnam mihi afferebat summae . . • 
 eloquentiae et vivebat mecum coniunctissime . . . etiam studiis communibus, semper 
 dilexi. He appears not to have composed this work till a later time. It is some- 
 what difficult to discriminate father and son in the various passages. The father 
 appears to be that Caecina (§ 179, 13) whom Cicero defended a. 685/69 (when he was 
 about 40 years old). Suet. Iul. 75 Auli Caecinae criminosissimo libro . . . laceratam 
 existimationem suam civili animo tulit. Yet Caesar had banished him from Italy on 
 that account, notwithstanding that the attack belonged to the time of open war : 
 armatus adversaria male dixi, says Caecina himself in the lively letter (a. 708/46) 
 in Cic. fam. 6, 7 with which he accompanies a work (written in Sicily), intended to 
 effect his recall from banishment (it was in prose, possibly in the form of a letter 
 to Caesar). It was entitled ' Querelae ' ; see ib. 6, 6, 8 (Caesar) mitis clemensque 
 natura, qualis exprimitur praeclaro illo libro querelarum tuarum. Caesar appears to 
 
§ 199, 200. CAECINA AQUILA, ETC. 349 
 
 have pardoned him after the African war (b. afr. 89). He is recommended in a 
 letter a. 708/46 Cic. fam. 6, 9. 13, 66 hominibus omnibus mecum studiis qfficiisque 
 coniunctissimi ; the recipient is to assist him in reliquiis veteris negotiationis (in Asia, 
 cf. fam. 6, 6, 2. 6, 8, 2) colligendis. Dkumann, GE. 6, 279. AHGZimmermann, de A. 
 Caecina scriptore, Berl. 1852. GSchmeisser, de etrusca discipl. (Bresl. 1872), 23 ; 
 die etr. Disziplin, Liegn. 1881, 13. 
 
 6. Pliny NH. in the ind. auct. to b. 11 (insectorum genera) : ex auctoribus . . . 
 Iulio Aquila, qui de etrusca disciplina scripsit (perhaps Maecenas 1 freedman in Dio 
 55, 7, 6 ? see OMuller, Etr. 2 2 , 34), Tarquitio (see § 158, 2), qui item, Umbricio 
 Meliore (of Etruria, the court haruspex of the emperor Galba), qui item. The 
 latter is also mentioned as an authority for b. 10 (volucrum naturae). Cf. NH. 10, 
 19 (Umbricius haruspicum in nostro aevo peritissimus). Tac. hist. 1, 27. OMuller 
 1.1. 2-, 13. 34. GSchmeisser, etr. Diszipl. 25. 27. — Arnob. 3, 40 Caesius et ipse 
 (like Nigidius, already mentioned § 170) disciplinas etruscas sequens Fortunam 
 arbitrator et Cererem Genium Iovialem ac Palem (esse penates) etc. Otherwise 
 unknown (unless he may be identified with the jurist mentioned § 174, 5 1. 3 ; this 
 view is now accepted by MHertz, Berl. phil. Wschr. 1888, 302) : the name poinds 
 to Etruria. GSchmeisser, etr. Disziplin 31. GWissowa, Herm. 22, 53. 
 
 7. Censorin. d. n. 3, 2 Granius Flaccus in libro quern ad Caesarem de in- 
 digitamentis scriptum reliquit. Paul. dig. 50, 16, 144 G. Fl. in libro de iure papiriano 
 (§ 71, 1) scribit. Cf. Macr. 1, 18, 4 (Varro et Gr. FL). Fest. 277 {Gran.}. Solin. 2, 
 40 (Granius tradit). Arnob. 3, 31. 38. 6, 7 (unless Granius Licianus, § 359, 4 is 
 meant in Sol. and Am.). The Graccus quoted in Festus 214 b , 23 for a term used 
 in the science of lightning is probably a mis-spelling for Granius. GSchmeisser, 
 quaestfc. de etr. disc, Barl. 1872, 26. 
 
 8. Paul. Festi (therefore Verrius Flaccus) 94 Aufustius genius, inquit, est 
 deorum filius etc. Peisc. GL. 2, 383 Aufustius : omnia argumentata nomina etc. 
 Hence the extract (from Varro) GL. 7, 35 abnesti fusti grammatici liber ad Asinium 
 Pollionem should also be written : Aufusti gramm. ; HUsener, BhM. 24, 101. 
 104. 111. 
 
 9. Cic. div. 2, 98 L. Tarutius Firmanus, familiaris noster, inprimis Chaldaeicis 
 rationibus eruditus, urbis nostrae natalem diem repetebat etc. Cf . Plut. Eomul. 12. 
 Ltd. mens. 1, 14 (Tappo&nos 6 iw.8-qiuxri.Kbs). Plin. ind auct. to b. 18 ex L. Tarutio 
 qui graece de astris scripsit (§ 195, 6). Mommsen, Chronol. 2 145. 
 
 10. On Cornelius Balbus see § 209, 4. — Otherwise unknown is a certain Titius, 
 who is twice mentioned as an authority on sacerdotal dress by Festus 205, 2 
 offendices ait esse Titius nodos quibus apex retineatur et remittatur. At Veranius 
 (above n. 4) . . . 289, 22 Titi(us autem ait quod ex lana fiaty sucida alba vesti- 
 {mentum dici ricam idque esse) triplex etc. If he were identical with the one named 
 in Macr. 3, 11, 5 (Tertius cum de ritu sacrorum multa dissereret, cf. MHertz, de 
 Cinciis 39) we should have to assign him a date later than Vergil. 
 
 200. Other scholars were also teachers : such was the influ- 
 ential critic P. Valerius Oato, who founded a school and 
 who, in addition to grammatical works, wrote poems on mytho- 
 logical subjects. He lived in poor circumstances. The bucolic- 
 erotic poems Dirae and Lydia, which have come down to us 
 in the alleged Vergilian remains, have been without sufficient 
 reason attributed to Cato. In a similar position was the sour 
 
350 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 but markedly original L. Orbilius Pupillus of Beneventum 
 (a. 640/ 114 -c. 737/17), and freedmen such as Curtius Nicias. 
 
 1. Suet. gr. 11 P. (the praenomen in the ind. gramm. p. 98, 9 B.) Valerius 
 Ca t o, ut nonnulli tradiderunt, Burseni cuiusdam libertus ex Gallia (cisalpina ?) : ipse 
 libello cui est titulus ' indignatio ' (perhaps in verse ?) ingenuwm se natum ait et pupillum 
 relictum eoque facilius licentia Sullani temporis (672/82-674/80) exutum patrimonio. 
 According to this, as the Soman only attained his majority in his 25th year, we 
 should fix the date of Cato's birth about 654/100: it must not be brought down too 
 late, as C. was among Philocomus' students (§ 148, 3) and as a teacher of the ' new 
 school ' of poets, he must have been considerably senior to them. Cf . also § 192, 6. 
 StlET. 1.1. (Cato) docuit multos et nobiles visusque est peridoneus praeceptor, maxime ad 
 poeticam tendentibus, ut quidem apparere vel his versiculis potest ' Cato grammaticus, 
 Latina Siren, qui solus legit ac facit poetas ' (i.e. he reads them aloud, cf. § 41, 1 1. 12, 
 and thereby establishes their reputation), is scripsit praeter grammaticos libellos 
 etiam poemata, ex quibus praecipue probantur Lydia et Diana. Lydiae Ticida 
 (§ 213, 1) meminit (hence Suetonius was not himself acquainted with them) ' Lydia 
 doctorum maxima cura liber ' (accordingly a work of Alexandrine erudition like 
 China's Smyrna § 213, 3), Sianae Cinna ' Saecula permaneat nostri Dictynna Catonis ' 
 (cf. LSchwabe, obss. in Cirin, Dorp. 1871, 4) : his pupils and friends criticised him 
 with rather too much partiality (see Bibaculus immediately below). Suet. 1.1. 
 proceeds : vixit ad extremam senectam, sed in summa pauperis et paene inopio, . . . 
 postquam Tusculana villa creditoribus cesserat. Here follow two epigrams of 
 Bibaculus (§ 192, 4) on the contrast between Cato's needy outward circumstances 
 (mei . . . Catonis) and his intellectual worth : he attributes to him tantam sapientiam 
 and calls him unicum magistrum, summum grammaticum, optimum poetam'ending 
 with : En cor Zenodoti, en iecur Cratetis ! Concerning Cato's critical labours on 
 Lucilius see § 143, 5 : Cato had been initiated in his Lucilian studies by Vettius 
 Philocomus, see § 148, 3. Cf. also Suet, gramm. 4 Valerium Catonem, poetam simul 
 grammaticumque notissimum. Ovid trist. 2, 426 seems to allude to the erotic 
 subjects of his poems : et leve Cornifici parque Catonis opus. Cf . LSchwabe, quaestt. 
 Catull. 305. Nippekdey, op. 491. Bekgk, Beitr. z,. lat. Gramm. 1, 126, 2. 
 
 2. The collection of the so-called Vergilian carmina minora (§ 229, 1) contains, 
 besides other matters, the Dirae (183 hex.), an imprecation occasioned by the loss 
 of an estate during the civil wars. As the second part (v. 104-183) takes the form 
 of a lament for his beloved Lydia, JScaliger, Nake and others have conjectured 
 Valerius Cato to be the author. But neither Cato's minority nor the Sullan period 
 (n. 1) tally with this poem, which rather alludes to the agrarian distributions of 
 a. 713/41. Cf. KFHermahn, ges. Abh. 114. EMerkel, on the Ibis p. 364. It was 
 attributed to Vergil because he also had lost his estate 713/41 ; but there is no 
 further agreement between this poem and Vergil either in mode of thought, 
 poetic peculiarities or other circumstances. — Eibbeck (rOm. Dicht. 1, 311) indeed 
 takes Valerius Cato for the author of both poems, but believes him to have com- 
 posed them only when the agrarian distribution of 713/41 again brought to his 
 mind the injury which he had suffered during the Sullan proscription of 673/81. 
 After forty years ! But all the characteristic features of the poem go to prove 
 that it was the reverse of such a reminiscence. Moreover the immoderation of 
 youth or of undisciplined grief betrays itself throughout the poem, which is 
 monotonous and unpleasing on account of the piling of one imprecation on another. 
 How different would be the language of a sexagenarian, in whose memory the 
 recollection of a long-past sorrow was reawakened ! As the events of the year 
 713/41 are in themselves a sufficient explanation of the poem, the name of Lydia 
 
§ 200. VALERIUS CATO, ETC. 351 
 
 is the thin thread on which Scaliger's theory hangs. And here we are warned to 
 be circumspect by the title of the Indignatio, which would at once be coupled with 
 the Dirae, but that this is precluded by the definite list of contents given by Suet. 
 1.1. FJacobs, verm. Schrr. 5, 639, saw that the poem must be divided into two 
 parts, ' Dirae ' and ' Lydia ' ; its strophic arrangement marked by refrains, and 
 in the Bembine MS. by rubricated initials, was discovered by KFHermakn 1.1. 
 118 ; cf. HKeil, Haller ALZ. 1849, no. 61. FCGObbel, de ephymn. (Gott. 1858) 48 ; 
 die stroph. Compos, d. Dirae, Warendorf 1861 ; Valeri Catonis carmina, rec. notisque 
 instruxit . . . praemissus est lib. de Dir. compos, stroph. emendatus, Warendorf 
 1865. There is no certain trace of a second speaker and alternating singing ; the 
 Battarus of the Dirae is only the person addressed, and has no further individu- 
 ality ; the occasion and author are evidently the same in both poems (cf. also Dir. 
 20 with Lyd. 13) ; in the Dirae, it is stated that the separation from Lydia who 
 remains on the estate (Dir. 41. 89. 95) renders its loss doubly painful, but the con- 
 nection between Lydia and the estate is not explained. In the ' Lydia ' the estate 
 is envied the possession of the beloved girl, whose unmerited loss is bewailed, with 
 much display of mythological learning, and in the sentimental, effeminate tone of 
 some of the elegiac poets of the Augustan age, to the beginning of which both 
 these poems clearly belong. — Editions : cf. § 229, 5 in Bukmann's Anth. lat. 2, p. 
 649 and Weknsdokf's PLM. 3, 1. Bee. et ill. CPdtsche, Jena 1828. Val. Catonis 
 carmina cum animadvv. AFNaekii ; ace. . . . de V. C. eiusque vita ac poesi . . . 
 diss., Bonn 1847. Further in OBibbeck's App. Vergil. (Lpz. 1868) p. 165 (of. p. 22. 
 50). MHaupt's ed. of Vergil., Lpz. 2 1873, p. 576. Bahhens PLM. 2, 73.— Cf. 
 OBibbeok, rom. Dicht. 1, 309. Criticism: MSchmidt, Phil. 8, 190; FCGObbel, 
 ZfGW. 20, 584. 22, 750 ; Haupt, op. 3, 613 ; BEllis, Journ. of philol. 8, 72 ; Americ. 
 journ. of phil. 1887 (on Vatic. 3269 s. XV). 
 
 3. Suet. gr. 9 L. (the praenomen in the ind. gramm. p. 98, 7 B.) Orbilius 
 Pupillus Beneventanus . . . primo apparituram magistratibus fecit, deinde in 
 Macedonia corniculo, mox equo meruit, funclusque militia studia repetiit . . . ; oc pro- 
 fessus din in patria quinquagesimo demum anno Somam consule Cicerone (a. 691/63) 
 transiit, docuitque maiore fama quam emolumento. namque iam persenex pauperem 
 se . . . quodam scripto fatetur (see however Suet. gr. 8). librum etiam cui est titulus 
 f perialogos (peri alogon Beroaldus, TtpiaXyris Toup) edidit continentem querelas de 
 iniuriis quas professores neglegentia aut ambitione parentum acciperent (from this is 
 probably taken Pkisc. GL. 2, 381, 1 Orbilius 'quae vix ab hominibus consequi 
 pqssunt''). fuit aulem naturae acerbae . . . etiam in discipulos, for which he cites 
 Horace (ep. 2. 1, 71) and Domitius Marsus (§ 243, 1). ac ne principum quidem virorum 
 insectatione abstinuit. . . . vixit prope ad centesimum aetatis annum (§ 192, 6) . . . 
 statua eius Beneventi ostenditur in Capitolio . . . marmorea habitu sedentis ac palliati 
 appositis duobus scriniis. reliquit filium Orbilium et ipsum grammatieum professorem. 
 Mention of passages in his works ib. 4 and 8. Cf. § 159, 6. Many writers (Beisig, 
 Nipferdey, ThSchmid, Phil. 11, 54 and others) consider him to be the gramma- 
 ticorum equitum doctissimus, whose acerbity is by Horace sat. 1, 10, 4 contrasted 
 with the refinement and mild judgment of Valerius Cato (§ 143, 5).— AGLange, 
 verm. Schrr. 182. 
 
 4. Suet, gramm. 14 Ourtius Nicia adhaesit Cn. Pompeio et C. Memmio; sed cum 
 codicillos Memmi et Pompei uxorem de stupro pertulisset proditus ab ea Pompeium 
 qffendit domoque ei interdictum est. fuit et Ciceronis familiaris (in support of which 
 he quotes his epp. ad Dolabellam [=fam. 9, 10, 1 where he says Niciam nostrum] 
 and ad Att. 12, 26, 2 of a. 709/45 nosti Niciae nostri imbecillitatem, mollitiam, con- 
 suetudinem victus), huius de Lucilio libros (cf. § 143, 5) etiam Santra comprobat. 
 
352 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 201. The Stoic system was ennobled by Cato the Younger 
 (a. 659/95-708/46) who openly professed it and realised its prin- 
 ciples in his words, life, and death. The rigidity of the Stoic 
 philosophy was in perfect agreement with the unyielding ob- 
 stinacy of Cato's character, which was inseparable from a certain 
 onesidedness and narrowness of mind. 
 
 1. M. Poroius Cato, the great-grandson of Censorius, was born 659/95, trib. 
 pleb. 692/62, praetor 700/54, and died by his own hand at TJtioa after the battle 
 of Thapsus, in April 708/46. Though wanting in political acumen and mental 
 energy, he deserves great respect for his faithfulness, firmness and unselfishness in 
 serving the cause of the Eepublic. Of. Plutarch's Cato minor, which is probably 
 derived from Paetus Thrasea (§ 299, 7). His character is delineated in Sall. Catil. 
 74. Vellei. 2, 35, 2 is exaggerated ; cf. Dkumann, GB. 5, 153. PEE. 5, 1911, 20. 
 HKOchly, ak. Vortrage 1, 53. HWaetmann, Leben d. Cato v. Utica, Ziir. 1858. 
 Mommsen, EC 3 6 , 459. PDGeklach, Cato der jungere, Bas. 1866. 
 
 2. Erroneously Hieron. Eus. Chron. on a. Abr. 1948 (Amand. 1949)=685/69. 
 M. Porcius Cato stoicus philosophus agnoscitur. Cic. Brut. 118 stoici . . . traducti a 
 disputando ad dicendum, inopes reperiuntur. unum eoccipio Catonem, in quo perfectissimo 
 stoico summam eloquentiam non desiderem. 119 hahet a stoicis id quod ab illis pe- 
 tendum fuit, sed dicere didicit a dicendi magistris eorumque more se exercuit. leg. 3, 
 40 nee est umquam longa oratione utendum, nisi aut peccante senatu . . . tolli diem utile 
 est aut cum tanta causa est ut opus sit oratoris copia ; . . . quorum generum in utroque 
 magnus noster Cato est. For the use which he made of philosophy see § 50, 4. Quint. 
 11, 1, 36 Cato eloquens senator fuit. Plut. Cato min. 5 6 \6yos veapbv filv oiSh ovU 
 Kopyphv elxev AXX' ty UpSios Kal Tepnaffrls Kal rpaxtis. ib. 23 tovtov phvov Siv Karuv dire 
 Siaaih^eadaC <pa<ri rbv AcSyoi' (the speech against the Catilinarians), as he says that the 
 cos. Cicero caused it to be taken down in writing, if indeed this be not a confusion 
 with the speech attributed to him by Sallust (Catil. 52) ; cf. Vellei. 2, 35, 3. 
 PSchneidee, de Catone Uticensi oratore, ZfAW. 1843, 112. Cato wrote iambics 
 (t<J> iriKptp irpoaxp'ndiicvos toO 'Apx&ixov) against Metellus Scipio, who had deprived 
 him of his bride, see Plut. Cat. min. 7. The only composition by him which we 
 possess is his letter to Cicero a. 704/50, fam. 15, 5. 
 
 3. Plin. NH. 7, 113. Uticensis Cato unum ex tribunatu militum (a. 687/67) 
 philosopkum, alterum ex Cypria legatione (a. 696/58) deportavit (to Eome). He was 
 very intimate with the Stoic philosophers Antipatros of Tyre (Plut. 4), Athenodoros 
 (ib. 10 and 16), Apollonides (ib. 65 sq.), but also with the Peripatetic Demetrios 
 (ib.) and with Philostratos (ib. 57). 
 
 4. Immediately on his death Cato's character became a subject of political 
 controversy ; see § 180, 5. 195, 7. 215, 2. 220, 3. But even under the Julian dynasty 
 the opposition delighted in glorifying Cato and his death both in verse and in 
 prose ; see AL. 397 sqq. PLM. 4, 58. 
 
 202. The most distinguished orators of this period were 
 especially M. Calidius, one of the pioneers and chief represent- ■ 
 atives of the new Attic school, and the talented but profligate 
 C. Memmius, who also attempted metrical composition and is 
 known through his connection with Lucretius and Catullus. As 
 
§ 201, 2. CATO UTICENSIS: CALIDIUS AND OTHER ORATORS. 353 
 
 speakers may be mentioned C. Manilius and P. Sestius, M. 
 Claudius Marcellus, M. Favonius and the well-known enemy of 
 Cicero, P. Clodius. 
 
 1. Hieron. Eus. Chron. ad a. Abr. 1958=690/64 Apollodorus Pergamenus (cf. 
 §44,10) . . . praecepior Calidii et Augusti; ib. 1960 = 697/57 M. Calidius orator 
 clarus habetur (he was at that time praetor, Cic. p. red. in sen. 22. Cass. Dio 39, 11), 
 qui bellopostea civili (a. 707/47) Caesarianas partes secutus (of. Caes. b. c. 1, 2), cum 
 togatam 6-alliam regeret, Placentiae obiit. Unsuccessful candidature for the consul- 
 ship a. 704/50 (LMoll, de tempp. epp. Cic, Berl. 1883 p. 1). A minute description 
 of his characteristics as an orator in Cic. Brut. 274-278, in which one feels that 
 Cicero is stating his case against an important representative of the rival school 
 (see p. 67. 246). Here we read e.g. : non fuit orator unus e multis, potius inter multos 
 prope singularis fuit, ita reconditas exquisitasque sententias mollis et pellucens vestiebat 
 oratio . . . accedebat ordo rerum plenus artis, actio liberalis, totumque dicendi placi- 
 dum et sanum genus. . . . aberat . . . ilia laus qua permoveret atque incitaret animos, 
 quam plurimum pollere diximus. nee erat ulla vis atque contentio. Here too Cicero 
 ridicules the negligent, weak and listless tone (torn solute, tarn leniter, tarn osci- 
 tanter) of the accusations of Calidius (cf. Gael, ap. Cic. fam. 8, 9, 5 Calidius in 
 accusatione satis frigidus). Cf. Vellei. 2, 30, 2. Quint. 12, 10, 11 (subtilitas). 39. 
 Speeches by him : in Q. Gallium ambitus reurn (690/64 ; cf. AEussner, comment, 
 petit. 1872, 21 ; two fragments from this Fest. 309, 31. Non. 208, 27 ; Cicero defended 
 the accused, Brut. 277. Ascon. p. 78, 29 K.-S.) ; de domo Ciceronis (697/57 ; § 179, 
 30. Quint. 10, 1, 23) ; pro M. Aemilio Scauro (700/54, he was for the defence, 
 with five others, amongst whom was Cicero, see § 180, 1, c ; Ascon. p. 18, 10) ; pro 
 libertate Tenediorum (700/54 with Cicero, Bibulus, Favonius, Cic ad Q. fr. 2, 9, 2); 
 pro se ambitus reo against two Gallii, who took their revenge for a former prosecu- 
 tion (703/51, Cael. ap. Cic. fam. 8, 4, 1. 8, 9, 5 Calidius in defensione sua disertissi- 
 mus). Cf. PEE. 2, 74. 3, 644. HMeyeb, oratt. fr. 2 436. UvWilamowitz, Herm. 12, 
 333. 367. EBohde, BhM. 41, 176. OHaknecker, JJ. 125, 607. 
 
 2. Cic Brut. 247 C. Memmius L. f. (the surname Gemellus is incorrect, see 
 BBoeghesi, oeuvr. 1, 152. Mommsen, rOm. Miinzw. 597) perfectus litteris, sed graecis, 
 fastidiosus sane latinarum; argutus orator verbisque dulcis, sed fugiens non modo 
 dicendi verum etiam cogitandi laborem. Yet his erotic poems (§ 31, 1 ; cf. Ovid. 
 trist. 2, 433 Memmi carmen) do not seem to have been in Greek. He was a trib. 
 pi. 688/66. As praetor (696/58) he opposed Caesar, but was subsequently gained 
 over by him (Suet. Iul. 73 Qai Memmi, cuius asperrimis orationibus non minore 
 acerbitate rescripserat, etiam suffragator mox in petitione consulatus fuit). He was 
 propraetor in Bithynia a. 697/57 sq., when Helvius Cinna and Catullus were in 
 his cohors (§ 213, 2. 214, 4), a. 701/53 he was accused of ambitus when a candidate 
 for the consulship ; he then went to Greece into exile and there died about 705/49. 
 PEE. 4. 1755, 8. Mommsen, Miinzw. 597. Cf . below p. 355 1. 4 from the end. 
 PB(ockemullek), Grenzboten 1869 2, 129. 
 
 3. C. Manilius, as trib. pi. 688/66 the author of the lex Manilia, for which 
 Livy made him deliver a contio bona (Liv. ep. 100.) PEE. 4, 1482, 6. 
 
 4. P. Sestius, quaestor 691/63, tr. pi. 697/57, propraetor in Cilicia a. 704/50 
 (Plut. Brut. 4), afterwards on Caesar's side. On the tediousness of his speech 
 against Antius in a causa civilis see Catullus 44, 10. Cicero, who defended him 
 a. 698/56 (see § 179, 32), thought little of his talents (Wuirrris Plut. Cic. 26 ; nihil 
 umquam legi scrvptum tnjiTTiaSejrepoy, Att. 7, 17, 2). PEE. 6, 1128, 6. 
 
 R.L. A A 
 
354 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 5. M. Claudius Marcellus, cos. 703/51 (Cass. Dio 40, 58 i\X 8 re McE/jkcXXos i 
 Ma'picos koI o 'Potic/ios b 2ov\7r(/aos [§ 174, 2], 6 ph Bia ttjv tuv vbfiuv i/nreiplav, b Si Sta 
 t^v tuiii \byu>v Simfuv rjpiBTjvav), f 709/45 ; also praised as an orator Brut. 248, special 
 prominence being given to the fact that he took Cicero as his model. He is 
 accordingly included in the small number of living orators who are there men- 
 tioned (see § 182, 3, 1). Cf. besides § 179, 41. PEE. 4, 1520, 12.— L.Herennius 
 Balbus, a joint prosecutor of M. Caelius (698/56. Cic.' pCael. 25) and one of the 
 prosecutors of Milo (702/52. Ascou. p. 35 Or. 30 K.-S.). 
 
 6. P. Clodius Pulcher, quaestor a. 693/61, tr. pi. 696/58, t 702/52 ; see Deu- 
 mann, GB. 2, 199. CWElbeelihg, de P. CI. P., Copenh. 1839. IGentile, Clodio e 
 Cicerone, Milan 1876. Cic. pCael. 27 P. Clodius . . . cum inflammatus ageret . . . 
 voce maxima, tametsi probabam eius eloquentiam, tamen rum. pertimescebam ; aliquot 
 enim in causis eum videram frustra litigantem. A. 700/54 he appeared as the 
 prosecutor of Procilius and the defender of M. Scaurus. 
 
 7. M. Favonius (Deuma&n, GE. 3, 32. PEE. 3, 437), aedile 701/53, praetor 
 705/49, f 712/42, the servile imitator of the younger Cato (§ 201), a man who was 
 offensive alike to friend and foe, is frequently mentioned as an orator. Cic. Att. 
 2, 1, 9 accusavit Nasicam (694/60) honeste (SHBinkes reads thus : the MSS. have 
 inhoneste) ac moleste (Malaspina thus : the MSS. rnodeste) tamen dixit ita ut Rhodi 
 videretur molis potius quam Moloni operam dedisse, ad Q. fr. 2, 9, 2 (pro Tenediorum 
 libertate 700/54 ; see § 202, 1). Probably it is he who is also referred to in Geix. 
 15, 8, where a passage against luxury is given ex oratione Favorini, veteris oratoris, 
 non indiserti viri, delivered by him cum legem Liciniam de sumptu minuendo suasit : 
 this then would not be the lex Licinia sumptuaria mentioned above § 141, 7 1. 18. 
 143, 1 1. 13, but rather the lex Licinia Pompeia, which was brought forward 699/55 
 but subsequently withdrawn by its proposers (Cass. Dio. 39, 37). 
 
 203. T. Lucretius Carus (probably bom 658/96, died 15 
 Oct. 699/55), in bis didactic poem de rerum natura in six books 
 treated of pbysics, psycbology and (tbougb briefly) of Epi- 
 curean Etbics. Tbougb it must be conceded tbat it was no 
 bappy idea to embody in poetry sucb a dry and mecbanical 
 doctrine, yet bis devoted attacbment to bis lord and master 
 Epicurus, tbe noble apostobc inspiration witb wbicb be preacbes 
 tbe Epicurean creed as tbe means of salvation from tbe darkness 
 of superstition, tbe bonest zeal witb wbicb be impugns false 
 idols, tbe fervent tone of deep conviction in wbich be promises to 
 set men free from tbe fear of tbe gods, of tbeir own passions and 
 of deatb, and to bestow on tbem trutb and inward peace,, all 
 tbis is elevating to witness. Tbe mental power and perseverance 
 evinced in bis struggle witb bis bard subject-matter deserve 
 indeed tbe greatest admiration. In many passages tbe poet's 
 bigb genius breaks tbrougb all tbe fetters of bis original design. 
 As if for relief from bis severe abstract reasoning, be often 
 pauses to introduce, witb bappy effect, picturesque illustrations 
 from nature and buman life. Still tbe tone pervading tbe 
 
§ 203. ldceetius. 355 
 
 whole work is sad and mournful and in many passages even 
 bitter. The poet makes us feel the disappointed hopes and the 
 painful intellectual struggles, which he has gone through. The 
 style is unequal : often heavy, cramped and stiff, but as often 
 vivid, striking and trenchant, sometimes of glowing vehemence, 
 sometimes of a ruggedness which possesses a peculiar attraction ; 
 in spite of all defects, the performance of a master of language. 
 His mode of thought and writing was averse to- his own time 
 and directed to a better past ; hence he received little attention 
 in his own age ; and though later writers were greatly influenced 
 by him, antiquity was never able to realise the grandeur and 
 sublimity of this figure among the poets. Many peculiarities 
 of the work should be explained from the fact that it was 
 not completed and edited by the author himself. 
 
 1. Hiebonym. Euseb. Chr. ad a. Abr. 1922 (thus Amand. and Freh. ; ad a,. 
 1923 Bern.) = 659/95 T. Lucretius poeta nascitur, qui postea amatorio poculo in 
 furorem versus, cum aliquot libros per intervalla insaniae conscripsisset, quos postea 
 Cicero emendavit, propria se manu interfecit anno aetatis XLIIII (therefore 703/51). 
 Jerome has probably in this case, as he frequently does, fixed the date of birth 
 too late by a year, see Marx 1.1. 139. Donat. vita Vergil. 2 implies a different 
 date for his death : usque ad virilem togam quam XVII (correctly XV) anno natali 
 suo (15 Oct.) accepit isdem illis consulibus Uerum duobus quibus erat natus (that is 
 to say 699/55, Cn. Pompeio II. and M. Licinio Crasso II), evenitque ut eo ipso die 
 Lucretius poeta decederet, and this explicit statement going back to Suetonius 
 certainly may be accepted with confidence. In favour of this date may be 
 alleged that Cicero's words on Lucretius in a. 709/54 (vid. n. 2), relative to his 
 edition of the poem, presuppose the poet's death. Therefore anno aetatis XLIIII 
 must be wrong : L. must have died in his 42nd year. In the Munich MS. 14429 
 s. X we find the notice : Titus Lucretius poeta nascitur sub consulibus. anH xx u. 
 II aft, Virgilium. Attempts at elucidation by HTJsenek, EhM. 22, 444 ; 23, 678 ; 
 further arguments concerning the date of his birth and death FPolle, Phil. 25, 
 499. 26, 560. HSauffe, quaestt. Lucret. GKJtt. 1880, 3. JWoltjer, JJ. 129, 134 and 
 esp. FMarx, EhM. 43, 136. 
 
 That Lucretius lost his reason and committed suicide in that state, is 
 quite credible, considering the frame of mind which appears in the poem 
 There is nothing to justify the assumption (of Teuffel among others) that this 
 terrible end was merely invented for the atheist by believers. One involuntarily 
 compares the similar fate of Tasso, Holderlin, Lenau, FBaimund. PHebbel 
 ALindner and others. The cause assigned for his malady, the love-philtre, is 
 about as preposterous as similar empirical opinions to account for diseases at the 
 present day. On the other hand, there is probably a, germ of truth in the state- 
 ment that Lucretius wrote aliquot libros per intervalla insaniae. — Of the rest of 
 the poet's life we know nothing, as Lucretius is quite silent concerning himself. 
 Of his contemporaries he only mentions Memmius, to whom he dedicates his work : 
 1, 26 te sociam (Venus, whom the atheist inconsistently invokes) studeo scribendis 
 versibus esse, quos ego de rerum natura pangere conor Memmiadae nostro, quern tu, 
 dsa, tempore in omni omnibus ornatum voluisti excellere rebus (Venus crowned by 
 
356 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Cupido is found on coins of the Memmii, HSauppe, Phil. 22, 182). Memmius is 
 usually identified with the one mentioned above § 202, 2. From his mode of 
 mentioning Memmius, and from the cognomen Carus which is otherwise unknown 
 in the gens Lucretia (it is altogether doubtful OIL., 9, 1867), it is » probable in- 
 ference that Lucretius was not of good birth, but perhaps the son of a freedman, 
 or an emancipated slave. FMarx in the exercitat. gramm. spec, Bonn 1881, p. 8. 
 — AKannengiesser, JJ. 131, 59. SBrandt, JJ. 131, 601. He had nothing to do 
 with the new school of Eoman poets (Cato, Catullus etc.), as is sufficiently evident 
 from his peculiarities of style and metre (n. 5).— His portrait on a gem (impronte 
 gemm. del Instit. 2, 78 ; bull. 1831, 112) ? engraved as frontispiece in Munro's 
 edition : Bernouilli, rOm. Ikonogr. 1, 235. 
 
 2. By Cicero Jerome (see n. 1 1. 4) no doubt meant the famous orator and not 
 his brother Quintus, nor is there any other argument in favour of the latter. At 
 most doubts might be raised against the credibility of the whole story (see KGneisse, 
 de vv. in Lucr. repetitis 46) on account of Cicero's absolute silence, seeing that it is 
 by no means a failing of his to be silent on his own performances ; he never quotes 
 Lucretius. Cicero's opinion on Lucretius : ad Q. fr. 2, 9, 3 (a. 700/54) Lucreti 
 poemata (cf. Gell. 1, 21, 5 in carminibus Lucreti and Vellei. 2, 36, 2) ut scribis ita 
 sunt : multis luminibus ingenii, multae tamen artis, i.e. ' I agree with your view that 
 <even though the work as a whole leaves much to .be desired> yet there are many 
 instances of genius in it. and the art displayed throughout is very considerable.' 
 The passage has been needlessly cumbered with emendations. The words immedi- 
 ately following in Cicero, which according to the MSS. refer to Sallust's Empedo- 
 clea (192 ; 1), are made by many writers, by alterations in the text, to apply to 
 Lucretius : sed cum (Bergk adds ad umbilicumy veneris {finieris MHertz), virum 
 te putabo ; si Sallustii Einpedoclea legeris, homineni non putabo. On the whole of this 
 passage see FPolle, Phil. 25, 501. Bergk, op. 1, 425. Vahlen, ind. lect. 1881/82, 
 3. HNettleship, Journ. of phil. 13, 85. IKubik, diss. Yindobon. 1, 341. At all 
 events, Cicero's part was not very important, and it might almost seem that he was 
 half ashamed of being sponsor to such a dangerous work. His action does not go 
 very far to confirm the otherwise dubious assertion (ap. Plin. ep. 3, 15, 1) M. Tullium 
 anira benignitate poetarum ingenia fovisse. It would be more just from Lucretius' 
 imitations of Cicero's Aratea (see Munro on Lucr. 5, 619) to infer the existence of 
 a certain connection between the two. See also Nep. Att. 12, 4 quern post Lucretii 
 Catullique mortem multo elegantissimum poetam nostram tulisse aetatem etc. Ovid. 
 am. 1, 15, 23. trist. 2, 425. Vitruv. 9, 3. Vellei. 2, 36, 2 auctores carminum Varro- 
 nem ac Lucretium. Quint. 10, 1, 87. Macer et Lucretius legendi quidem, sed non ut 
 phrasin, i.e. corpus eloquentiae, faciant. elegantes in sua quisque materia, sed alter 
 humilis, alter (Lucr.) difficilis. Stat. silv. 2, 7, 76, docti furor arduus Lucreti. 
 Horace, shows his acquaintance with Lucretius in several passages in his Satires, 
 e.g. 1, 1, 13 (Lucr. 2, 104. 5, 164). 118 (Lucr. 3, 938). 1, 3, 38 (Lucr. 4, 1153). 1, 5, 101 
 (Lucr. 5, 82). 1, 6, 4 (Lucr. 3, 1028). 18 (Lucr. 3, 69). ep. 1, 16, 38 (Lucr. 2, 1005). 
 c. 1, 26, 6 (Lucr. 4, 2). Even c. 4, 7, 15 the bonus Ancus (Lucr. 3, 1025) is again 
 found. E. Gqbel, ZfsG. 8, 421. JAReisacker, Hor. u. sein Verh. zu Lucr., Bresl. 
 1873. AWeihgIrther, de Horatio Lucretii imitatore, Halle 1874. Gell. 1, 21, 7 
 non verba sola, sed versus prope totos et locos quoque Lucreti plurimos sectatum esse 
 Vergilium videmus. CI § 228, 6 in fin. So too Vergil G. 2, 490 sqq. may be 
 supposed to think especially of Lucretius. EWOhler, d. EmfLuss d. Lucr. auf 
 die Dichter d. august. Zeit. I (Vergil), Greifsw. 1876. Influence on Ovid, see 
 AZingerle, Ovids Verhaltn. 2, 12 ; more considerable on Manilius (§ 253, 5 ad fin.). 
 The archaists of the 1st century of the Christian era preferred Lucretius to 
 
§ 203. lucretius. 357 
 
 Vergil (Tac. dial. 23). JJessen, liber Lucr. und sein Verhaltnis zu Catull (c. 64) 
 und Spateren (esp. Arnobius), Kiel 1872. Cf. § 214, 6. On the use made of 
 Lucretius by the Panegyrists see SBeandt, BhM. 38, 606. — On the chronology of 
 the work : hook 4 must have been written after 685/69 : for in 4, 73 sqq. is men- 
 tioned the covering over of the theatre with vela, which first occurred in that 
 year ; b. 6 after 695/59 : for 6, 109 are mentioned the carbasina vela covering the 
 theatre, which were only introduced at that time (Plin. NH. 19, 23). Cf. PMaex 
 in the exercitat. gramm. spec. 13. SBeandt, JJ. 131, 601. 
 
 3. Characteristics of the work. The deepest veneration for Epicurus : 3, 3 te 
 sequor, o Graiae gentis decus ... (9) tu pater, es rerum inventor . . - tuisque ex, 
 inclute, chartis, floriferis ut apes in saltibus omnia libant t omnia nos itidem depasci- 
 mur aurea dicta, aurea perpetua semper dignissima vita. Sympathy with Empe- 
 dokles : 1, 729 nil tamen hoc (Emp.) habuisse (Siciliam) viro praeclarius in se . . ut 
 vix humana videatur stirpe creatus. Allusion to Ennius : 1, 117, Lucretius is so 
 firmly convinced of the truth of his doctrine that he looks upon the errors of 
 others with compassion and self-congratulation (2, 7-13), and he is so certain of 
 the merit of his enterprise that he is engaged on it night and day (1, 143. 4, 966 
 sq.) and forgets all the difficulties of his subject (1, 413 sqq. 921) and the treat- 
 ment of it in Latin {propter egestatem patrii sermonis 1, 140. 832. 3, 261), in the 
 hope of renown (1, 922), which he claims with charming naivete primum quod 
 magnis doceo de rebus et artis relligionum (cf . 63 sqq. 84 sqq. 2, 44, where mortis 
 timores are mentioned) animos nodis exsolvere per go ; deinde quod obscura de re 
 tarn lucida pango carmina, musaeo contingens cuncta lepore (1, 930-933) ; and also 
 on account of the novelty of his attempt (1, 926 avia Pieridum peragro loca 
 nullius ante trita solo iuvatque novos decerpere flores, cf. 2, 1023 sqq.), which should 
 be understood only in reference to Roman literature. A certain melancholy per- 
 vades his whole system, see e. g. 3, 870-977 and other passages. JBeisackee, der 
 Todesgedanke . . bes. bei Epikur und Lucretius, Treves 1862. His instincts are 
 attested by many touching descriptions of scenes of human life (1, 938 sqq. 2, 
 1163 sqq. 3, 907 sqq. 5, 223 sqq.) and of nature (2, 29 sqq. 144 sqq. 352 sqq.). 
 
 4. Authorities and system. Chief fund of information on the Epicurean 
 philosophy : Epicurea ed. HUsenee, Lps. 1887. FALange, Gesch. des Ma- 
 terialismus 2 1, 99. 139. JBRoyeb, les arguments du materialisme dans L., Par. 
 1883. IBeuns, Lucrez-Studien, Freib. 1884. FSiemering, quaestt. Lucrett., 
 KOnigsb. 1867 II. JWoltjer, Lucr. philosophia cum foutibus comparata, Gronin- 
 gen 1877. FBockemuller, Studd. zu Lucr. u. Epik., Stade 1877. GLohmann, 
 quaestt. Lucr. (cap. II de ratione inter Lucr. et Epic), Brunswick 1882. PBusch, 
 de Posidonio Lucretii auctore (in b. 6), Greifsw. 1882 ; Lucr. u. die Isonomie, JJ. 
 133, 777. EHalliek, Lucr. carm. e fragmentis Empedoclis adumbratum, Jena 
 1857. ABastlein, quid L. detruerit Empedocli, Schleusingen 1875. JMasson, the 
 atomic theory of L., Lond. 1884. "WHMallock, introd. to Lucr., Lond. 1876. 
 JVeitch, Lucr. and the Atomic theory, Glasg. 1875. ABriegee, de atomorum Epi- 
 eurearum motu principali, in the phil. Abhh. f. MHertz, Berl. 1888, 215. ThBind- 
 seil, quaestt. Lucr., Anclam 1867 ; de omnis infinitate ap. Lucr., Eschwege 1870. 
 WHorschelhann, observatt. Lucr. alterae, Lips. 1877 (on the inane in Lucr. ; 
 also GTeichmuller, BhM. 33, 310). CGneisse, das omne bei L, JJ. 121, 837. 
 FHofer, zur Lehre von der Sinneswahmehmung in Lucr. IV, Stendal 1872. 
 AJBeisacker, quaestiones Lucr., Bonn 1847 ; Epicuri de animorum natura doc- 
 trina a Lucretio tractata, Cologne 1855. MEichner, adnott. ad Lucr. . . . de 
 animae natura doctrinam, Berl. 1884. HHempel, die Ethik des L., Salzwedel 1872. 
 Dieeitsch, d. Sittenlehre des L., Ostrowo 1886. 
 
358 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 5. Diction and metre. FWAltenburg, de usu antiquae locutionis in Lucr., 
 Gotha 1857. CWFProll, de formis antiquis Luor., Bresl. 1859. ESchubert, de 
 Lucr. verborum formatione, Halle 1865. BBouterwek, Lucr. quaestiones gramm. 
 et crit., Halle 1861. FWHoltze, syntaxis Lucr. lineamenta, Lps. 1868. HKelleb, 
 de verbb. c. praeposs. compositis ap. L., Halle 1880. EBeichenhart, d. subordi- 
 nierenden caus. Conjj. bei L. I, Frankenthal 1881 ; II BlfbayrGW. 18, 98 ; der Inf. 
 bei L., Act. Erlang. 4, 457. KGneisse (on porro), JJ. 123, 489. FPolle, de artis 
 vocabulis (philosophical technical terms) quibusdam Lucr., Dresd. 1866. 
 CGLStadler, de sermone Lucr., Jena 1869. EKraetsch, de abundanti dicendi 
 genere Lucr., Berl. 1881. JVahlen, obss. quaed. sermonis Lucr., Berl. Vorl.-Verz. 
 1881 f. CWolff, de Lucr. vocabulis singularibus, Halle 1878. FSchroeter, die 
 Conditionalsatze des L., Jena 1874. GKuhn, quaestt. Lucr. gramm. et metr., Bresl. 
 1869. EBuchel, de re metrica Lucr., HOxter 1874. ThBirt, hist, hexametri lat., 
 Bonn 1876, 20. 
 
 6. Incompleteness (gaps, repetitions, ambiguous constructions), etc. As to the 
 extent of this and the care of the editor, opinions differ (see HPurmann, JJ. 67, 
 658. FPolle, Phil. 25, 503), but there is no doubt as to the fact itself or the 
 greater polish of the early books (2-3) when compared with the others. FBocke- 
 muller, Stud, zu Lucr. u. Epikur (Stade 1877) 1, 17. HSturenburg, de Lucr. libro 
 primo, acta Lips. 2, 367. FNeumann, de interpolationibus Lucr., Halle 1875. 
 AForbiger, de L. carmine a, scriptore serioris aetatis pertractato, Lps. 1824. 
 AXannengiesser, de L. versibus transponendis, GrOtt. 1878. KGneisse, de versibus 
 in Lucr. carmine repetitis, Strassb. 1878. GLohmann (n. 4) p. 3 de repetitionibus. 
 ThTohte, JJ. 119, 541.— On the Proemium (of b. 1) see JVahlen, Berl. SBer. 1878, 
 479. HSauppe, quaestt. Lucr. 1880, 11. FSusemihl, Greifsw. 1884 ; Phil. 44, 745. 
 
 7. On Lucretius and his work see e.g. LGrasberger, de Lucr. carmine, Munich 
 1856 (de L. philosophia 5-21 ; de arte L. 21-41), and especially CMartha, le 
 poeme de Lucr. ; morale, religion, science, Par. 4 1885.— Mommsen, EG. 3 6 , 594. 
 ABrieger, in the Gegenwart 8 (1875), 169. Eibbeck, rom. Dicht. 1, 273. 
 
 8. Ancient commentators: "Valerius Probus (§ 300, 4). Hieronym. in Euf. 
 (2, 472 Vail.), see § 41, 4. Cf. JSteup, de Probis 81.— In the Middle ages Lucretius 
 appears to have been completely forgotten ; JJessen, Phil. 30, 236. Cf . MHaupt, 
 op. 3, 641. 
 
 9. All the MSS. of Lucretius may be traced back to the long lost archetype 
 (about s. IV-V, without separate division of words), of which in the 9th cent, 
 there were still three copies extant. Of these we still possess one, the Vossianus 
 F. 30 s. IX in Leyden ('oblongus ' ; facsimile in Chatelain t. 56. 57), see EGobel, 
 EhM. 15, 401. From tbe second copy, very similar to the oblongus, which Poggio 
 brought from Germany to Italy, are descended the'numerous Italian MSS., which 
 are for the most part greatly interpolated ; lastly, from the third are derived the 
 Vossianus Q. 94 s. X (' quadratus ') in Leyden (Chatelain t. 58) and the frag- 
 ments at Copenhagen and Vienna (eight schedae Havnienses and ten Vindobo- 
 nenses. Chatelain t. 59. 60), see EJFHenrichsen, de fragm. Gottorpiensi Lucr., 
 Eutin 1846. EGObel, EhM. 12, 449. See esp. Lachmann's commentary p. 3. Also 
 FPolle, Phil. 25, 528. 517.— JWoltjer (new examination of the Leidenses), JJ. 
 119, 769. He makes an unsuccessful attempt to trace back to a still earlier arche- 
 type than that of Lachmann : against this see ABrieger, JJ. 127, 553. — One of 
 the interpolated ItaUan MSS. is the Monac. 816> s. XV, once in the possession of 
 PVictorius (cod. Victorianus) : the corrections in this are probably due to IPon- 
 tanus' pupil, MMarullus (f 1500) ; see LSpengel, Munchn. Gel. Anz. 33 (1851), 771. 
 
§ 203. lucketius. 359 
 
 WChrist, quaest. Lucr., Munich 1855. EGobel, quaest. Lticr. orit., Salzb. 1857 ; 
 KhM. 12, 453. De cod. Victor, by HSauppe (Gott. 1864) and EBouterwek (Halle 
 1865). Munbo's ed. p. 7. 27. FPolle, Phil. 25, 518. 
 
 10. On the basis of these MSS. the text of Lucretius was first restored by 
 Lachmami in his epoch-making revision, which however presumed too much on 
 corruption in the text and accordingly went much too far in the way of emenda- 
 tion : Lucretii de rerum natura libri sex. CLachmannus recensuit et emendavit, 
 Berol. 1850 ( 4 1871) : also CLachmanni in L. libros commentarius, Berol. 1850 
 ( 4 1882 ; index copiosus to the commentary by FHarder, Berl. 1882). — Numerous 
 critical contributions: JMarkland, Hermath. 7, 153. HPurmann (Bresl. 1846. 
 Naumb. 1849. Lauban 1858, I860. Cottbus 1867. Phil. 3, 66. 7, 733. JJ. 115, 
 273), JSiebelis (Lps. 1844), HLotze (Phil. 7, 696), "WChrist (Munich 1855), 
 JJessen (Gott. 1868, p. IOhIO), EGobel (Bonn 1854), JNMadvig (op. 1, 305. adv. 
 crit. 2, 22), JBernays (EhM. 5, 533 ; 8, 159), ThBergk, op. 1, 423 sqq., FSusemihl 
 and ABrieger (Phil. 14, 550. 23, 455. 623. 24, 422. 25, 67. 27, 28. 29, 417. 32, 478. 
 33, 431. 44, 61), LMuller (ib. 15, 157), ThBindseil (de L. libr. I et II qui sunt de 
 atomis ; Halle 1865, on 1, 951-1113, Berl. 1870), FPolle (Phil. 25, 269), FBookemuller 
 (Lucretiana, Stade 1868), JLUssing, Tidskrift f.Filol. b. 7 (Copenh. 1868), PLangen 
 (Phil. 34, 28), WHorschelmann (obss. critt. in Lucr. libr. II, act. Lps. 5, 1, see 
 above n. 4 ; cf. ABrieger, JJ. Ill, 609), ThTohte, JJ. 117, 123, JWoltjer, JJ. 119, 
 769 (also ABrieger, JJ. 127, 553). 125, 471. CMFrancken, JJ. 121, 765. SBrandt, 
 ib. 771. AKannengiesser, JJ. 125, 833 ; Phil. 43, 536. JPPostgate, Journ. of 
 philol. 16, 124.— Cf. the notices by FPolle, PhiL 25, 484. 26, 290. 524. ABrieger, 
 JB. 1873, 1097. 1876 2, 159. 1877 2, 62. 1879 2, 186. 1881 2, 148. 1884 2, 171. 
 
 11. Editions (cf. Munro 1, p. 3-23). Aldina I (1500) cura HAvancii ; cum 
 comm. IBPii, Bonon. 1511. Iuntina (cura PCandidi), Flor. 1512. Cum comm. 
 DLambini, Par. 1564. 1570. Francof. 1583 and later. Cum collectan. OGifanii, 
 Antv. 1566 and later. Cum notis ThCreech, Oxon. 1695 and later. Cum notis 
 varr. ed. SHavercamp, Leid. 1725 II. Ed. CWakefield, Lond. 1796 III, Glasg. 
 1813 rV" (cf. Madvig, op. 1, 306). Ed. HCAEichstaedt, Vol. I (Prolegg., Text, 
 Index) Lps. 1801. Ed. AForbiger, Lps. 1828. Principal edition : Eec. et emend. 
 CLachmann, cum commentario, Berl. 1850. II (see n. 10). Ed. JBernays, Lps. 
 1852. With notes and a translation by HAJMunro, Cambr. 4 1886 IH (together 
 with an ed. of the text). Edited and explained by FBookemuller, Stade 1873. 74 
 II (and Studien zu L. und Epikur, Stade 1877 and other works). Commentary 
 on b. 1 by JBernays in collected treatises (Berl. 1855) 2, 1. — With introd. and 
 notes to 1. 1. IH. V by FKelsey, Boston 1884. B. 5 av. comment, crit. et explic. 
 par EBekoist et Lantoine, Par. 1884. Bks 1-3, WLee, Lond. 1884. 
 
 12. Translations (German) by CLvKnebel (Lpz. 1821 and 1831), WBinder 
 (Stuttgart 1868 sq.), MSeydel (Munich 1881). 
 
 204. The younger generation, whose prime falls into the 
 stormy time of the Civil "War between Pompey and Caesar, 
 and who were obliged to share these broils, derived therefrom a 
 passionate and excited character in life as well as in literature. 
 Imbued with the results of the earlier mental culture and with 
 Greek refinement, conscious moreover of their own power, these 
 men courageously tried new paths and even endeavoured to equal 
 the Greeks themselves in literature. Sallust in history, and 
 
360 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Catullus in poetry, show how successful these attempts were, both 
 being men of much the same age and only the most prominent 
 of a considerable number : in poetry, Varro Atacinus, and Licinius 
 Calvus, the latter nearly equalling Catullus ; in another branch 
 we should mention the Syrian Publilius ; in prose, M. and D. 
 Brutus, Caelius Eufus, Cornificius, Curio, Furnius, and many 
 others. - Even a lady, Hortensia, appears among the orators, and 
 other ladies, bike Catullus' Lesbia, wrote poems. All these writers 
 and orators tend towards a common standard, which was the 
 chief literary characteristic of their generation, viz. naturalness, 
 simplicity and plainness, though sometimes they pursued it so 
 intentionally as to become artificial by the excess of it. In 
 poetry, they imitated the Alexandrine poets, sometimes even in 
 the subject-matter. Epic poems on mythological subjects were 
 written by Valerius Cato (Diana), Catullus (Epithalamium Pelei), 
 Calvus (Io), China (Zmyrna), Cornificius (Grlaucus), Caecilius 
 (Cybele) ; epithalamia and hymenaeal poems by Catullus, Calvus 
 and Ticidas. It was in equal harmony with Alexandrine poetry 
 and with the loose manners of the time and these circles, that 
 almost every one of these poets should write erotic poetry. In 
 politics, however, they were divided, and political motives were 
 strong everywhere. As this stirring time produced an entire 
 literature of its own, so poetry followed the men and the move- 
 ments of the day with its productions ; historical composition 
 betrayed>the influence of politics from beginning to end, and 
 oratory even then began to suffer in consequence by being stinted 
 in its range of subjects. 
 
 1. Epigrams on contemporaneous events see § 31, 2. Iambics § 33, 2. Tro- 
 chaics e.g. on the death of Crassus : § 11, 2 ad fin. Cic. ad Q. fr. 2, 3, 2 (a. 698/56) 
 cum omnia maledicta, versus denique dbscenissimi in Clodium et Clodiam dicerentur. 
 Anonymous epigrams in praise of Caesar and esp. his expedition to Britain from 
 the cod. Voss. 86 AL. 419-426. PLM. 4, 59-71. 
 
 2. To this generation belongs (in addition to Bibaculus § 192, 4) Maecius. 
 Pompey intrusted to him, a. 699/55, the selection of the plays to be performed at 
 the dedication of his theatre. Ctc. fam. 7, 1, 1 nobis erant ea perpetienda quae Sp. 
 Maecius probavisset (here the Med. reads : quae s. p. [so according to Baiter, but sp. 
 according to Mommsen, Herm. 15, 114] maecius i.e. Sp. Maecius, as in the Sohol. 
 Crtjq. p. 735 b we read Spurius Metius Tarpa ; the reading quae scilicet P. Maecius 
 in PVictoriuSj and HJordan, Herm. 8, 89 is wrong). Hor. sat. 1, 10, 38 mentions 
 Tarpa as holding an official appointment (perhaps that of magister collegii) at 
 public readings of the poets in the collegium poetarium (§ 94, 7. 134, 2). On this 
 cf. Porph. nam hi fere qui scenae scribebant ad Tarpam (previously referred to as 
 Maecius Tarpa) velut emendatorem ea adferebant. Cf. Verhandl. d. Heidelb. Philol.- 
 
§ 204, 5. THE YOUNGER GENERATION: SALLUSTIUS (WRITINGS). 361 
 
 Vers. 163. Nipperdey, op. 503. "We must not assign an earlier date to Maecius, 
 since he is mentioned in Hok. AP. 287 as still living, and the young Piso (§ 239, 7) is 
 for his future poems referred to the judgment of Maecius (Maeci iudicis). He may 
 have been born about 665/89-670/84. In Donatus' appendix to Suetonius' vita Ter. 
 p. 25 K. duos Terentios poetas fuisse scribit Maecius, the same Tarpa is probably 
 intended. 
 
 205. C. Sallustius Crispus of Amiternum (a. 668/86-720/34) 
 devoted the last years of his eventful life after Caesar's, death 
 to historical composition. At first he wrote a monograph on the 
 conspiracy of Catiline (bellum Catilinae), more from- literary 
 sources than the original documents, but with a manifest attempt 
 at impartiality. His treatment of the subject is not sufficiently 
 accurate in respect of the facts and the chronological order of 
 the events, aiming chiefly at exploring their inner sequence, 
 the tone of the age and the motives of the leading men, which 
 are neatly and epigrammatically presented in high-strained, 
 peculiar and sometimes conceited phraseology. His Jugurtha 
 exhibits the same general merits and defects, but is more evenly 
 planned, more 'polished in style and founded on more careful 
 research. It contains an objective description of the Roman 
 oligarchy in its deepest degeneracy. The story is graphically 
 developed and makes a stronger impression on the reader's mind 
 because of the calmer and cooler spirit which the historian here 
 assumes. His last work, and the largest and most mature, con- 
 sisted of five books of Historiae, commencing with the year of 
 Sulla's death (676) and carried down to 687, though they were 
 perhaps never completed. This work was planned in the same 
 way as the two smaller treatises, but the only remains of it are 
 four speeches, two letters and fragments (considerably increased 
 of late). Two letters ad Caesarem senem de republica and the 
 invectiva Sallusti in Ciceronem (to which there is also Ciceronis 
 in Sallustium responsio) are wrongly ascribed to Sallust. 
 
 1. The spelling Sallustius has the best authorities in its favour and is in 
 accordance with etymology. — Hieronym. on Euseb. chr. ad a. Abr. 1930=667/87 
 (in cod. Freher. ad 1931=768/86) Sallustius Crispus scriptor historicus in Sabinis 
 Amiterni nascitur ; and ad 1981=718/36, Sallustius diem obiit quadriennio ante 
 actiacum helium. Chron. pasch. 1 p. 347 Bind, (perhaps after Phlegon's 'OXv/j.iri.ov'iKa.i., 
 Reifferscheid Suet. 381) : . . . iirdruv Maplov to f jcai Klvva t6 /3' (668/86) 2a- 
 Xo&rnos iyevv/id-q KahavSais dKTwfiplais, and p. 359, iw. Keixraplvov nal 2a/3foou (a. 715/39) 
 SaXofonos &iriBave vpb rpiw ISwv yaXuv (13 May). Gell. 17, 18 if. Varro . . . in libro 
 quern scripsit ' Pius aut de pace' C. Sallustium scriptorem seriae illius et severae orationis, 
 in cuius historia notiones censorias fieri atque exerceri videmus, in adulterio depre- 
 fiensum ah Annio Milone loris bene caesum dicit (after Sallust's death, Varro f 727/27) 
 et cum dedisset pecuniam dimissum. Cf. Porph. Hor. sat. 1, 2, 41. Serv. Aen. 6, 612. 
 
362 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Cic. in Sail, invectiv. 14.— Trib. pi. 702/52. "Was he leg. pro quaest. in Syria 
 704/50? Mommsen, Herm. 1, 171. He was expelled from the Senate by the censors 
 704/50 (Cic. in Sail, invectiv. 16. Dio 40, 63) ; reinstated 705/49 by Caesar, through 
 his reappointment to the quaestura (Cic. in Sail. 17 ; cf. 21). 706/48 he commanded 
 a legion in Illyria (Okos. 6, 15, 8). 707/47 negotiator on behalf of Caesar with the 
 insurgent legions in Campania (App. b. c. 2, 92. Dio 42, 52, 1). 708/46 praetor 
 (b. afr. 8. 34) and proconsul in Africa ; bell. afr. 97. In this position he enriched 
 himself by exactions ; see Cic. in Sail. 19. Dio 43, 9. He was the possessor of the 
 horti Sallustiani. Tac. ann. 3, 30 Orispum equestri ortum loco C. Sallustius, rerum 
 Rom. florentissmus auctor, sororis nepotem in nomen adseivit etc. (cf . Hok. carm. 2, 2. 
 sat. 1, 2, 48) — Portraits ? Bernoulli, rom. Ikonogr. 1, 200. 
 
 2. Sall. Cat. 4 ubi animus ex multis miseriis atque periculis requievii et mihi reli- 
 quam aelatem a re publica procul habendum decrevi . . . statui res gestas populi 
 S. carptim ut quaeque memoria digna videbantur perscribere . . . igitur de 
 Catilinae coniuratione quam verissume potero paucis absolvam. The work is called 
 bellum Catilinae in Quint. 3, 8, 9 and in the subscription of the Paris. Sorb. 500 
 (see n. 8), cf. also the passage in Suidas n. 7 ; it is called b. Catilinarium or rather 
 b. Catulinarium (on this see EWolfflin, Arch, f . lat. Lexicogr. 1, 277) in the super- 
 scription of the Paris. Sorb. ; composed after Caesar's death (53. 54), published 
 about 712/42. Many historical and chronological inaccuracies in it have been 
 pointed out. Cicero is treated with much tact, in that he is neither overpraised 
 nor blamed ; but the writer's personal partiality for Caesar appears in some 
 places. General introductions, digressions and speeches ; following the example 
 of Greek writers (C. Sallustius in bello iugurthino et Catilinae nihil ad historian, 
 pertinentibus principiis orsus est Quint. 3, 8, 9). EDietsch, quo tempore quoque 
 consilio Sallustius Catilinam scripserit, Grimma 1856. WIhne, Wurzb. Philol.- 
 Vers. (Lpz. 1869) 105. HDubi, de Cat. Sail, fontt. ac fide, Berne 1872 ; JJ. 113, 851. 
 CJohn, Entstehungsgesch. der Catil. Verschw., JJ. Suppl. B. 8, 701 ; EhM. 31, 401. 
 CBuhesch in the comm. Eibbeckianae 219. JBessek, de Catil. coniur., Lps. 1881. 
 ELang, d. Strafverfahren gegen d. Catilinarier und Caesars und Catos darauf 
 bezugliche Beden bei Sail., SchOnthal 1884. See also § 179, 20, 1. 
 
 Editions by EKkitz, ed. illustr., Lps. 1828. RDietsch, Lpz. 1864. JHSchmalz, 
 Gotha 2 1886. PThomas, Brussels 1884. AMCook, Lond. 1884. BDTukner, Lond. 
 1887.— AEussnee, Lpz. 1887.— Translated by CHolzeb, Stuttgart 1868. Criticism 
 and explanation: CWpTauck (the preface), KOnigsb. i/d. NM. 1850. JKvicala, 
 ZfeG. 14, 579. AEussneb, EhM. 27, 493. Eitschl, op. 3, 818. Nippekdey, op. 452 
 and others. 
 
 3. lug. 5 bellum scripturus sum quod P. S. cum Iugurtha gessit, primum quid 
 magnum et atrox variaque victoria fuit, dehinc quia tunc primum superbiae nobilitatis 
 obviamitum est. Bellum iu gurthinum (thus in the superscription of the Paris. 
 Sorb., ap. Quint. 3, 8, 9), probably chiefly following the memoirs of Sulla, Scaurus 
 and Eutilius, making use of Sisenna (lug. 95, 2) and of other authorities (ib. 17, 7 
 ex libris Punicis qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur nobis interpretatum est), but the work 
 is not very reliable in its geography and ethnography. The political point of 
 view (ib. 5, 1) predominates, but does not lead the writer into partiality. The 
 speeches of Memmius (c. 81) and Marius (a. 85) are excellent portraitures of poli- 
 tical situations. The work concludes with a significant glance at MariuS. The 
 plan (introduction, digressions and speeches) is on the whole the same as in the 
 Catiline; phrases are frequently repeated from the Catiline and from the Jugurtha 
 itself ; but the single parts are in better proportion to each other. WIhne, ZfGW. 
 34, 47. HWiez, d. stoffl. und zeitl. Gliederung des lug., in d. Festschr. d. Ziir. 
 
§ 205. sallustius: WRITINGS. 363 
 
 Kantonsschule z. Philol.-Vers. in Zurich 1887, 1.— Editions by ChGHerzog, Lpz. 
 1840. OEichert, Bresl. 1867. PThomas, Brussels 1877. JHSchmalz, Gotha 2 1886. 
 WPBrooke, Lond. 1885. — RDietsch, obss. oriticae in lug. partem extremam, 
 G-rimma 1845. Widmann, de Memmii oratione, Blaubeuren 1857. Mommsen, Herm. 
 1, 427 ; on the chronology of the war see the same author, RG. 2 6 , 146. 155. On 
 the other side HFPelham, Journ. of philol. 7 (1877), 91.— Translated (in German) 
 by CHolzer, Stuttg. 1868. Editions of the Catiline and Jugurtha by GLonq 
 (with the chief fragments of the Histories, by JGFrazer) Lond. 2 1890. CMerivale, 
 Lond. 2 1858. WWCapes, Oxf. 1884. Translation, with notes, by AWPollard, 
 Lond. 1882. 
 
 4. The Historiae were, as far as the subject is concerned, a continuation of 
 Sisenna's work. The history of Sulla was purposely omitted (lug. 95, 2). It extended 
 bis senos per annos (Auson. op. 13, 2, 61). That it opened with a. 676/78 is quite 
 certain (the first words were lies populi rom. M. Lepido Q. Catulo coss. ac deinde 
 militiae et domi gestas composui; cf. also Auson. 1.1.), nor does anything in the 
 fragments lead us beyond ». 687/67. Here too the author aimed at historical 
 impartiality ; see § 206, 2. Eor rhetorical purposes, perhaps in the 2nd century 
 after Chr., a collection was prepared of all the Sallustian speeches (15) and letters 
 (6) arranged according to their order of succession in the Bella and Historiae 
 (HJordan, Herm. 6, 74) : in this are preserved 4 speeches (Lepidi, Philippi, Cottae, 
 Macri) and 2 letters (Cn. Pompei, Mithridatis) from the Historiae. This collection 
 is extant in a complete form in Vatican. 3864 s. X. (facsim. in Chatelain t. 54, 2), 
 where is the observation : C. Crispi Sallusti orationes excerptae de bellis explicit 
 feliciter. C. Crispi Sallusti orationes excerptaede historiis incipit feliciter. JCOrelli, 
 hist. crit. eclogarum ex Sail, hist., Ziir. 1833. EWolfflin, Phil. 17, 154 and esp. 
 HJordan, RhM 18, 584. There are also extant considerable fragments of b. 2 and 
 3, preserved by means of portions of a MS. of s. IV/V, which are to be found at 
 Berlin, Rome and especially at Orleans, and are proved to belong to the hist, by 
 the fact that the commencement of the speech of Cotta and the close of Pompey's 
 letter (see above L 11) recur in them; the fragmentum Berolinense (found at 
 Toledo, first published by GHPertz, Abh. d. Berl. Akad. 1847, Berl. 1848, first recog- 
 nised as a fragment of Sallust by KLRoth, RhM. 8, 433) ; the fragmenta Vaticana 
 Reg. 1283 (facsimile in Zangem.-Wattenbach's Exempla t. 7 and in Chatelain t. 
 51 ; cf. HJordan, de vaticanis Sail. hist. 1. IH reliquiis, Herm. 5, 396. 14, 634. 
 EHauler, Wien. Stud. 10, 136) ; the fragmenta Aurelianensia (cod. 196 M) dis- 
 covered and deciphered by EHauler 1886 ; cf . the same author "Wien. Stud. 8, 315 ; 
 Rev. de philol. 40, 113 ; Wiener SBer. 1886, 615 and his edition of all the Orleans 
 fragments in the Wien. Stud. 9, 25 : the whole is also found in Jordan's ed. 3 1887 
 p. 127. These fragments refer to the years 679/75-681/73.— The Historiae were 
 made use of by Livy and others, by Plutarch and Cassius Dio, and especially 
 by Julius Exuperantius (§ 445, 3). More recent collections of the fragments of 
 the Hist, by FKhitz (disposita suisque comm. illustrata, Lps. 1853 ; and newly 
 arranged and explained, Erfurt 1856), again in Dietsch's ed. v. 1859 Vol. 2 (n. 9 ; 
 additions in the RhM. 18, 478. 19, 147). For the speeches, letters and fragments 
 independently preserved (vid. supr.) see especially HJordan's Sallust. 3 1887, 111. 
 Cf. HJordan, de SalL hist, libri II reliquiis, KSnigsb. 1887.— Sail, oratt. et epistt. 
 ex hist. ed. JCOrelli, Ziir. 1831 (and frequently). GLinker, Sail. hist, prooemium 
 . . . restituere tentavit, Marb. 1850. JCSchlimmer, hist, rerum. gest. in hist. 
 Sail, libris, Utr. 1860. Cf. RKlotjs in Jahn's Arch. 15, 362.— Criticism : Madvig, 
 adv. 2, 293. LLange, de Philippi orationis ap. Sail, loco, Lps. 1879. On an hitherto 
 unknown old copy of the oratt. and epistt. see LLange, Leipz. Stud. 2, 290. 
 
364 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 5. The same Vaticanus 3864 (n. 4 1. 12) has preserved an oration and an 
 epistle ad Caesarem senem de re publioa, both no doubt of the Imperial period and 
 the productions of rhetorical schools, both unreal and obviously written in imita- 
 tion of Sallust's diction, with exaggerated archaic spelling. The epistle is very- 
 prolix and partly contains the same propositions as the oration, but has no further 
 connection with it. They seem to be treatises on the same theme, from different 
 points of view, but (to judge from the similarity of their arrangement, spirit, 
 language and many phrases) certainly of the same age, if not by the same author, 
 which is the opinion of Orelli and Jordan ; the latter places him in the time 
 between the Flavii and Antonini, while Orelli fixes on the age of Fronto and sup- 
 poses Fronto to be the author of the collection of the orations and letters of Sallust. 
 Cf. Teuffel, Tiibinger Boctorenverzeichn. v. 1868, p. 13. HJordan, de suasoriis ad 
 Caes. senem de rep. inscriptis, Berl. 1868. OHartung, de Sail, epistolis ad Caes. 
 senem, Halle 1874. CSpandau, eine Salluststudie, Baireuth 1869 asserts the Sal- 
 lustian origin of both works ; that of the epistle is affirmed equally unconvincingly 
 by EHellwig, de genuina Sail, ad Caes. epistula cum incerti alicuius suasoria 
 iuncta, Bps. 1873. See against this FVogel, act. semin. Erlang. 1, 341. KSchenkl, 
 ZfoG. 22, 668. The best text in Jordan's Sallust 3 1887, 141. 
 
 6. The reciprocal invectivae (this title and that of controversiae are tradi- 
 tional ; suasoriae would be more correct. EGurlitt, Phil. Suppl. 5, 597) of Sallust 
 and of Cicero were'composed for each other, and are the work of one and the same 
 rhetorician, who for the adornment of these wordy orations borrowed many details 
 from the political ribaldry of the period immediately following Cicero's and 
 Sallust's death. The analogies between the invect. in Tull. and Bio 46, 1 sqq. and 
 the invect. in Tull. 5 with epist. ad Caesar, senem de rep. 9, 2 are probably due to 
 the employment of the same authorities. The invectiva in Tullium is unsuspect- 
 ingly quoted as Sallustian by Quintilian (4, 1, 68 ; 9, 3, 89 ; and 11, 1, 24). Subse- 
 quently also by Bonatus and Servius (see the latter on Aen. 6, 623). The invectiva 
 in Sallustium (20) by Biomed. GB. 1, 387 de perfecto (cf. comedor) ambigitur apud 
 veteres, comestus an comesus et comesurus. sed f Didius (so the MSS. : Tullius Jokdan, 
 Epidius GEihker ; see § 211, 4) ait de Sallustio ' comesto patrimonial Cf . Corradi, 
 quaestura 85, ChGHerzog (Programme v. Gera 1834 sqq.), Teuefel 1.1. (1868) 
 14, PZJordan, Herm. 11, 305, FVogel, act. semin. Erlang. 1, 325. Extant in early 
 MSS. in Wolfenbiittel (Gud. 335 s. X), Bondon (Harl. 2716 =. IX/X; 2682 s. XI ; 
 3859 s. XII) and Munich (19472 s. XI, 4611 s. XII). On an Admont. MS. s. XII 
 MPetschenig, ZfOG. 34, 1. Eevisions of the text by GBaiter in Orelli's Cic. 2 2 , 
 1421 ; Baiter-Kayser's Cic. 11, 147 (in CFWMhller's Cic. 4, 3, 315) and esp. in 
 HJordan's Sallust ( 3 1887) 155. 
 
 7. Old commentators. Aemilius Asper (Byd. de magistr. 3, 8 Ai/iOuos h t$ 
 iirofiv/j/MiTt tuv SaXXoinrrfou laropidv. Charis. GB. 1, 216, 28 Asper commentario 
 Sallustii Historiarum I). Suidas v. Zj7p6|8ios : Zriv6f3u>s aa<j>iar^ Trtudefoas irl 'AS/mowO 
 T5.aiaa.pos %ypa.\pe . . . /xeriippaaiv iXKi^>iKws t_0iv '\aropiQiv SaXouirriou toO ^u/iaiVoO 
 la-ropiKov t&v koXovijAvwv airov BeAwc (Bella). An anonymous commentator on the 
 Catiline is mentioned by Sdringar, hist, schol. 1, 254. Besides a collection of the 
 speeches (see n. 4) there was perhaps (AvGutschmid) a collection of the geo- 
 graphical sections of Sallust. Cf. KMullenhoff, Deutsche. Altertumskunde 1, 75. 
 — Praise of the Sallustian topographical descriptions in Bioinianus below § 206, 
 4 ad fin. and Avien. ora marit. 36 inclitam descriptianem qua lacorum formulam 
 imaginemque . . . paene in obtutus dedit lepore linguae. 
 
 8. Manuscripts. On the transmission of the speeches and letters contained 
 
§ 205. sallustius: WRITINGS. 365 
 
 in. the Historiae see n. 4. — The MSS. of the Bella are divided into two classes. The 
 older gives a hetter text, but has a gap in lug. 103, 2 to 112, 3. Its best representa- 
 tives are first Paris. 16024 (Sorb. 500) s. X (Chatelain t. 52, 2), next Paris. 
 16025 (Sorb. 1576) s. X (Chatelain t. 52, 2) ; to this class belong 'e.g. Gruter's lost 
 Nazarianus, and the Leid. Voss. 73 s. XI, which, "though decidedly corresponding 
 with the first class, yet contains the missing chapters, at first hand, in the right 
 place. The later class of MSS. (which have been greatly interpolated) fill up the 
 large gap in the lug. and contain besides much genuine matter (Cat. 6, 2. lug. 
 21, 4. 44, 5) which is omitted from the first class : the best representative of this 
 class' is Monac. 14477 s. XI. The text of the speeches and letters in Vatic. 3864 
 (see n. 4) is often arbitrarily altered. For the differing theories as to the relation of 
 these two classes to each other, see KLRoth (EhM. 9, 129, 630), EDietsch in his ed. 
 of 1859, and EWolfflin (Phil. 17. 519, and against him EBeentano, de C. Sallustii 
 Crispi codd. recensendis, Frankf. 1864 p. 2 sqq.), H. Jordan (on Vat. 3864, in the 
 Herm. 1, 231 ; on the cod. Nazarianus, ib. p. 240 ; cf. 3, 460. 11, 330), HWiez, de 
 fide et auctorit. cod. Sail. Paris. 1576, Aarau 1867 ; Phil. Anz. 7, 151 ; ZfGW. 31, 
 272. KNippeedey, op. 540. MHeetz, JJ. 95, 318. AWeinhold, quaestt. Sail, 
 maxime ad libr. Vat. 3864 spectantes, in the Acta Lips. 1, 183. FChThDieck, de 
 ratione quae inter Sail. cod. Vat. 3864 et Paris. 500 intercedat, Halle 1872. GBose, 
 de fide et auctoritate cod. Sal]. Vat. 3864, Gott. 1874. OAnhalt, quae ratio in 
 libris recensendis Sail, recte adhibeatur, Jen. 1876. AEussnek, Phil. 25, 343 and in 
 Wiirzb. Festgruss (1868) 158. 184 ; JB. 1877 2, 156. LKuhlmann, de Sail. cod. Par. 
 500, Oldenb. 1881 ; quaestt. Sail, crit., Oldenb. 1887. ANitschnee, de locis Sail, qui 
 ap. scriptt. et grammaticos vett. leguntur, Gott. 1884. On a worthless Rostock 
 MS. OClason, JJ. Suppl. 7, 243 (previously collated in Classical journ. 19 [1791], 
 144) ; on a worthless Rostock fragment of the lug. Phil. 39, 363 ; on other fragments 
 at Montpellier and Paris. 10195 s. XI (Chatel. t. 53) MBonnet, Herm. 14, 157. 
 
 9. Editions e.g. Bale 1538 (by Glaeeahds). Ed. LCakeio, Antv. 1573, 1580. 
 JGeutes, Frankf. 1607. J Wasse, Cantabr. 1710. E rec. et c. notis GCoktii, Lps. 
 1724 (a reprint Lps. 1825 sqq.). Rec. et cum notis varr. ed. SHaveecamp, the Hague 
 1742 II (a reprint by CHFeotscheb, Lps. 1828 III). FDGeelach (recogn., varr. 
 lectt., commentaries et indd. adiecit, Bas. 1823 — 41 III ; denuo rec. atque ed., Bas. 
 1832 ; rec, adnot. crit., indicibus hist, et gramm. instruxit ; ace. historicorum vett. 
 roman. fragm. a CLRoth collecta, Bas. 1852 II ; the revised text, introductory 
 treatise, and selected readings, Stuttg. 1870), FKbitz (ad fid. codd. rec. c. comm., 
 Lps. 1828. 1834 f. II with an ind., and the fragmenta 1853 ; recogn. et succincta 
 annot. illustr., Lps. 1856), EWFabei (with notes, Numb. 2 1845), JCOeelli (Ziir. 
 1840 and 1853), RDietsch (Lps. 1843-1846 ; large critical edition, Lps. 1859 II ; with 
 German notes, I. Lpz. 1864) RJacobs (Berl. 9 1886 by HWiez). 
 
 Texts by GLinkek (Vienna 1855), AEussnee (Biblioth. Teub., 1887). ASchein- 
 dler, Prague 1883. IPeammee, Vienna 1886 (likewise sallust. Miszellen, Vienna 1887) 
 and especially HJoedan (with a trustworthy critical apparatus, Berl. 3 1887). 
 
 10. Critical and explanatory works : GLinker, Emendationen zu Sail., "Wiener 
 SBer. 13 (1854), 261. HJoedan, Herm. 1, 229. AEussnek in the Wiirzb. Festgruss 
 (1868) 158, and exercitt. Sallust., Wiirzb. 1868. KNippeedey, op. 542. GUngee- 
 mann, Bemerkk. zu Sal-1., Rheinbach 1878 ; JJ. 119, 554. PhKximscha, ZfeG. 29, 
 166: sallust. Miszellen, Kremsier 1883. CMeisee, BlfbayrGW. 19, 451. 20, 485. 
 ThOpitz, JJ. 131, 267. AWeidnek, advers. Sail., Dortm. 1886. FUbee (§ 206, 9). 
 Mollweide, glossae Sail., Strassb. 1887. 
 
 11. Translations e.g. by LNeuffee (Lpz. 1819), CCless (Stuttg. 1855 and 
 1865 II), RDietsch (Stuttg. 1858). 
 
366 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 206. Sallust was the first Koman historian who wrote in 
 obedience to fixed rules. Leaving the tracks of his Roman 
 predecessors, he found his models among the Greeks, where he 
 was especially interested and influenced by Thukydides. He fol- 
 lowed the Greek historian in selecting subjects taken from the his- 
 tory of his own time. Though he did not succeed in reaching the 
 elevated stand-point, the penetrating criticism and objective tone 
 of his model, he may be allowed to rival Thukydides in truthful- 
 ness and impartiality. Even in the outward arrangement of his 
 work he reminds the reader of Thukydides, especially in his in- 
 troductory remarks and the speeches which he intersperses, and 
 which serve to characterise the whole position of affairs and 
 the principal actors. There is, however, in the Roman historian, 
 a predominance of the rhetorical element which frequently inter- 
 feres with the historical style, and the narrative is overloaded 
 with general reflections. Sallust excels in delineations of cha- 
 racter and the representation of the motives of the age; a 
 constant increase of literary power in this respect is manifest 
 from the Catiline to the Histories. Herein, as well as in the 
 great care bestowed upon formal polish, he had no predecessor 
 among his countrymen, while among his successors only Tacitus 
 is to be compared to him. Like Thukydides, though perhaps not 
 to the same extent, Sallust was no fast writer and took great 
 pains with his works. Like his great model, he endeavours to be 
 brief, sententious and concise, to such a degree as to become 
 obscure and involved ; in many details of his diction he purposely 
 deviated from the usage of his time, and moulded his style in 
 imitation of Greek analogies and of archaic writers, especially 
 Oato the Elder. His archaic diction and rhetorical colouring 
 gained Sallust great authority in the time of Fronto, and again 
 at the close of the 4th and in the 5th century of the Christian 
 era. 
 
 1. Mart. 14, 191 primus romana Orispus in historia. Quint. 2, B, 19 Livium a 
 pueris magis (legi velim) quam Sallustium, etsi hie historiae maior est auctor, ad quern 
 tamen intellegendum iam profectu opus sit. — Vellei. 2, 36, 2 aemulum Thucydidis 
 Sallustium. Quint. 10, 1, 101 wee opponere Thucydidi Sallustium verear. Sen. suas. 
 6, 21 hoc (a summary of character in relating the death of an eminent person) semel 
 aut iterum a Thucydide factum, item in paucissimis personis usurpatum a Sallustio 
 It is significant that Sallust chose Thukydides for his pattern among the Greek 
 historians, hut that very fact explains why his imitation could not be successful in 
 the most important points. Sallust held opposite political views and was as decided 
 an adherent of the Democratic party as Thukydides was of the Aristocracy ; gravity 
 and dignity are, moreover, natural to Thukydides, and artificially acquired by 
 
§ 206. SALLUSTIUS: CHARACTEKISTICS. 367 
 
 Sallust. It has often been remarked that Sallust's tone is at variance with the 
 facts of his life. This was in ancient times asserted with great vehemence by 
 Lenaeus (§ 211, 3), who tanto amore erga patroni (Cn. Pompey's) memoriam exstitit ut 
 Sallustium historicum, quod eum oris probi, animo inverecundo (i.e. as a hypocrite) 
 scripsisset, acerbissima satura laceraverit, lastaurum et lurconem et nebulonem popi- 
 nonemque appellans ( perhaps a hexameter ' lastaurus lurco nebulo (turpisy que popino ' ? 
 and from a Menippean satire ? Bucheler, Petr. ed. min. 3 p. 243) et vita scriptisque 
 monstrosum, praeterea priscorum Catonis verborum ineruditissimum furem (Sueton. 
 gramm. 15 cf. below n. 8, 1. 10). But even such an honest man as Gellius (see § 205, 
 1 1. 11) remarks that actions like those in Milo's house can scarcely be thought 
 possible from the austere tone of Sallust's works ; hence Macrohius (sat. 3, 13, 9) 
 calls Sallust gravissimus alienae luxuriae obiurgator et censor. Symmachus also 
 (ep. 5, 68) calls him scriptor stilo tantwm probandus ; nam morurn eius damna non 
 sinunt ut ab illo agendae viiae petatur auctoritas. Lactahthjs (inst. d. 2, 12 quod 
 quidem non fugit hominem nequarn Sallustium, qui ait ' nostra omnis vis etc' [Cat. 1,2], 
 recte, si ita vixisset ut locutus est. servivit enim foedissimis voluptatibus suamque ipse 
 sententiam vitae pravitate dissolvit) judges unjustly, as Sallust's moral sayings were 
 posterior to his immoral life, and instead of being refuted thereby, might rather 
 he considered as the result of better experience and subsequent repentance. There 
 is no reason to doubt the sincerity of this change of mind, though it was somewhat 
 late, when Sallust had already secured the fruits of his past life, and could look 
 forward to nothing else but literary renown. But his past life may have left to 
 him a certain pessimism betrayed by the historian, a disposition to trace the acts 
 of others to bad motives, a kind of dissatisfied misantliropy. See also JWLfiBELL, 
 zur Beurteilung des Sail., Breslau 1818. — For assistance in his historical work 
 Sallust caused the scholar Ateius (§ 211, 1) to prepare for him a breviarium rerum 
 omnium romanarum (cf. HJordan, krit. Beitr. z. Gesch. d. lat. Spr. 352). 
 
 2. His veracity. Catil. 4, 2 statui res gestas populi row,. . . . perscribere, eo 
 magis quod mihi a spe, metu, partibus reip. animus liber erat. 4, 3 and 18, 1 quam 
 verissume potero. Hist. 1, 6 neque me divorsa pars in civilibus armis movit u vero. 
 Hence Augustin. civ. dei 1, 5 Sallustius, nobilitate veritatis historicus. Isidor. orig. 
 13, 21, 10 Sallustius, auctor certissimus. But Sallust did not aspire to completeness 
 and accuracy in details (Oros. 7, 10, 4. Vopisc. Firm. 6, 3) ; the dates he gives are 
 often indefinite (interea, isdem temporibus, dum haec aguntur) : he conceals the 
 chronological frame- work of his narrative rather than gives prominence to it. The 
 connecting middle terms in relation to facts are often omitted. Sallust's sober and 
 free thought made him silent on the subject of the miracles and wonders mentioned 
 by Livy. 
 
 3. On his prooemia see § 205, 2 1. 13. "WMPahl, de prooemiis Sail., Tub. 1859, 
 EKuhn, die Einl. zu Sail. Cat. n. Jug., Tauberbischofsheim 1868. HJordan, krit. 
 Beitrage 353. Sallust indulges much in neatly formulated commonplaces. Fronto 
 p. 48 Nab. gnomas egregie convertisti, hanc quidem quam hodie accepi prope perfecte, 
 ut poni in libro Sallustii possit. Among the letters occurring in Sallust that of 
 Lentulus to Catiline (Cat. 44) is historical (cf. Cic. in Cat. 3, 12), and the same may 
 be presumed of those of Catiline (c. 35) and of Pompey to the senate. 
 
 4. All the speeches in Sallust are impressive and powerful and far more adapted 
 to the peculiar character of the speaker than those in Livy. Yet they are not 
 authentic. Catiline's address to his companions may be shown from Cic. pMur. 25 
 and Plut. Cic. 14 to have been different ; nor does anything of what Cic. Att. 12, 
 21 (cf. pSest. 61. Vellei. 2, 35, 3. Plut. Cato min. 23) alleges from Cato's speech 
 in the Senate occur in the one attributed to Cato by Sallust. Hence it appears that 
 
368 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 the other speeches also should he looked upon as such compositions as Thukydides 
 1, 22 declares his own to he. Those of Sallust, however, produce a greater rhetorical 
 effect (of. §44, 6 in fin.) and display more art than those of the early Attic historian. 
 When, therefore, the rhetor Seneca controv. 3, praef. 8 says : orationes Sallustii in 
 honorem historiarum leguntur, this is the one-sided judgment of a scholastic rhetor, 
 who could discover too little of his unreal figures in the energetic speeches of 
 our historian. On the other hand, Licinianus' judgment is perverse at least as far 
 as the reason goes which he adduces for it (p. 42 sq. ed. Bonnensium) : Sallustium 
 non ut historicum puto sed oratorem legendum. nam et tempora reprehendit sua et delicta 
 carpit et contiones inserit et dat in censum (et dat praecepta et NMadvig) loca, mantes, 
 flumina et hoc genus amoena et culta et comparat (et culte comparat HJordan) disserendo. 
 . . . See also ahove § 36, 5 Trogus' opinion concerning the Sallustian speeches. 
 HSnorr v. Carolsfeld, d. Eeden u. Briefe hei Sail., Lpz. 1888. 
 
 5. Opinions concerning Sallust's diction. Ateius exhorted Asinius Pollio (ut) 
 vitet maxime obscuritatem Sallustii et audaciam in translationibus (Suet. gr. 10). On 
 the latter quality see Quint. 9, 3, 12. Sen. contr. 9, 1, 13 (see n. 6). Gell. 10, 26. — 
 Gell. NA. 4, 15, 1 elegantia orationis Sallustii verborumque fingendi el novandi 
 studium (cf . 1, 15, 18 novatori verborum Sallustio ; lb. 6, 17, 8. 10, 21, 2) cum multa 
 prorsus invidiafuit, multique non mediocri ingenio viri conati sunt reprehendere plera- 
 que et obtrectare. in quibus plura inscite aut maligne vellicant. Cf . 10, 26. Quint. 10, 
 3, 8 sic (slowly) scripsisse Sallustium accepimus, et sane manifestus est etiam ex opere 
 ipso labor. 
 
 6. His hrevity. Sen. contr. 9, 1, 13 cum sit praecipua in Thucydide virtus 
 brevitas, hoc eum Sallustius vicit et in suis ilium castris cecidit. . . . ex Sallusti 
 sententia nihil demi sine detrimento sensus potest. L. Sen. ep. 19, 5 ( = 114), 17 Sallustio 
 vigente amputatae sententiae et verba ante exspectatum cadentia et obscura brevitas 
 fuere pro cultu. Qu iht. 4, 2, 45 vitanda est etiam ilia Sallustiana, quamquam in ipso 
 virtutis locum obtinet, brevitas et abruptum sermonis genus. 10, 1, 32 ilia Sallustiana 
 brevitas, qua nihil apud aures vacuas atque eruditas potest esse perfectius. 102 immor- 
 talem illam Sallustii velocitatem. Gell. 3, 1, 6 Sallustium, vel subtilissimum brevi- 
 tatis artificem. Macrob. sat. 5, 1, 7 breve (dicendi genus), in quo Sallustius regnat. 
 Stat. silv. 4, 7, 55 Sallusti brevis. Apoll. Sidon. earm. 2, 190. 23, 151. Apulei. 
 apol. 95 (parsimonia). 
 
 7. His Graecisms. Quint. 9, 3, 17 ex graeco translata vel Sallustii plurima. 
 We find echoes especially of Thukydides' orations, and some orations of Demos- 
 thenes, Xenophon's Cyropaedia and Memorabilia, the Menexenos and the 7th 
 epistle of Plato. Gerlach's ed. 3, 331. Poppo's Thukyd. 6. 372. SDoleoa, de Sail, 
 imitatore Thucyd., Demosth. aliorumque scriptorum graec, Bresl. 1871. EMoll- 
 mann, quatenus Sail, e scriptorum graec. exemplo pendeat, Kflnigsb. 1878. PRobolski, 
 Sail, in conformanda oratione quo iure Thucydidis exemplum secutus esse videatur, 
 Halle 1881. 
 
 8. The archaisms consist chiefly in phrases such as multi mortales, prosapia 
 and others. Cf . Lenaeus p. 415 1. 14. Augustus in Suet. Aug. 86 verbis quae C. 
 Sallustius excerpsit ex originibus Oatonis. Suet, gramm. 10 (cf. § 211, 1) Asinius 
 Pollio in libro quo Sallustii scripta reprehendit ut nimia priscorum verborum affecta- 
 tione oblita. Cf . Gell. 10, 26, 1 Asinio Pollioni in quadam epistula quam ad Plancum 
 scripsit et quibusdam aliis G. Sallustii iniquis. Asinius also asserted that Aleius 
 collected antiqua verba et figuras for the use of Sallust (see also above n. 1 ad fin.) : 
 see § 211, 1 1. 12 from the end. An epigram in Quint. 8, 3, 29 et verba antiqui 
 multum /urate Catonis, Crispe, iugurthinae conditor historiae. Pronto epist. p. 62 
 
§ 206. sallust: characteristics. 369 
 
 31. Porcius eiusque frequens sectator C. Sallustius. Cf. ib. p. 36. Serv. Aen. 1, 6 
 Cato in originibus hoc dicit, cuius auctoritatem Sallustius sequitur (Catil. 6). Thus 
 lug. 81, l=Caton. reliq. p. 27, 1 Joed. 85, 8= p. 50 J. FDeltour, de Sallustio 
 Catonis imitatore, Par. 1859. GBrumert, de Sail, imitatore Catonis, Sisennae 
 aliorumque vett. historicorum rom., Jena 1873. But these archaisms are not 
 genuinely pre-Catonian ; they are intended to give stateliness and pathos to the 
 narrative. PSchultze, de archaismis Sail., Halle 1871. The antiquarian colouring 
 is also stronger in the later works (esp. Hist.) than in the earlier ones; see 
 EWolpflin, Phil. 34, 146 ; also HJordan, krit. Beitr. 350. 
 
 9. The formation and connection of Sallust's sentences is very simple and 
 commonplace, sometimes even monotonous, esp. the frequent recurrence of igitur at 
 the beginning of a sentence. Sallust repeats certain favourite expressions con- 
 tinually. Some are no doubt affectations, e.g. paucis tempestatibut (lug. 96, 1) instead 
 of brevi tempore- The impression of simplicity is chiefly caused by the frequent 
 use of the historic infinitive. In his sentences Sallust is fond of rapid changes of 
 construction, of subject and expression. Ind. verb, in Dietsch's ed. 1859. OEichert, 
 WOrterb. zu Sail., Hanover 3 1885. References in Geklach 3, 307. LConstans, de 
 sermone Sail., Par. 1880. NOstling, de elocutione Sail., Upsala 1862. Badstubner, 
 de Sail, dicendi genere, Berl. 1863. ALaws, de dicendi genere Sail., EOssel 1864. 
 KKjjact, d. vulgare Element in d. Spr. des Sail., Blaubeuren 1881. IUki, quatehus 
 ap. Sail, sermonis lat. plebeii aut cotidiani vestigia appareant, Par. 1885. FZeitfuchs, 
 de orthographia Sail., Sondersh. 1841. AAnschutz, selecta capita de syntaxi Sail., 
 Halle 1873. LHellwig, zur Synt. des S. I, Ratzeb. 1877. FGkossmann, d. Gebr. 
 der Kasus b. Sail., Berl. 1886. Gorlitz, de genetivi usu Sail., Schrimm 1878. A 
 Hercher, d. Gebr. d. Accus. b. S., Gera 1878. OChrist, de abl. Sail., Jena 1883. 
 ALehmann, de verborum compositorum structura, Bresl. 1863. Leobschutz 1884. 
 EBussmann, de temporum et modorum ap. S. usu, Greifsw. 1862 ; obss. Sail., Hamm 
 1871. CHubenthal, de usu infinit. hist. ap. Sail, et Tac, Halle 1881. On the use 
 of the particles in Sail, see PHelm, cf. § 333, 16. FBalazs, de disponendis enuntia- 
 torum et periodorum partibus ap. S., Hermannst. 1873. KMeyer, d. Wort- u. 
 Satzstellung b. Sail., Magdeb. 1880. DRohde, adiectivum quo ord. ap. Sail, 
 coniunctum sit cum substant., Hamb. 1887. WLilie, obss. gramm. in Sail., Jauer 
 1870. FUber, quaestt. Sail, gramm. et crit., Berl. 1882. KBraun, Beitr. z. 
 Statistik des Sprachgebr. Sall.s im Cat. u. lug., Dilsseld. 1885. 
 
 10. The distinct peculiarities of Sallust provoked opposition, while they could 
 not fail to attract a period fond of admiring and courting abstruseness. The 
 reaction was manifested not only by Lenaeus and Asinius Pollio (n. 1 and 5) but 
 by Livy, who was at the opposite pole to Sallust as a historical writer. Sen. contr. 
 9, 1, 14 (p. 399 and 449 K.) T. Livius tam iniquus Sallustio fuit ut hanc ipsam sententiam, 
 et tamquam translatam et tamquam corruptam dum transfertur, obiceret Sallustio. But 
 Tacitus felt himself akin to Sallust, whom he calls (ann. 3, 30) rerum romanarum 
 florentissimus auctor, and it is easy to perceive to what extent he is influenced by 
 Sallust. In the time of Augustus, Sallust was imitated by Arruntius, without 
 taste and with exaggeration (§ 259, 7). See JSellge (§ 258, 11) on Trogus and Jus- 
 tinus' imitation of S. The age of Fronto was greatly attracted by a writer so 
 piquant and so highly flavoured with archaisms. We find him frequently men- 
 tioned in the correspondence of Fronto and M. Aurelius. We meet repeatedly 
 with the combination of Cato, Sallust and Cicero (p. 93. 105. 149), the rhetorical 
 character of Sallust being mentioned with special emphasis. His antitheses (p. 
 107. cf. 108 sqq. 162) and his apophthegms (p. 48) are quoted admiringly. Under 
 the influence of the taste of his time and owing to his natural good temper, Gellius 
 
 R.L. B B 
 
370 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 repeatedly (3, 1. 4, 15. 10, 26) takes Sallust's part against his adversaries. In the 
 4th and 5th centuries Sallust again found many imitators, such as L. Septimius 
 (Dictys § 423, 4), Aurelius Victor (§ 414, 2), Hegesippus (§ 433, 5), Augustimis 
 (EWolfplin, Phil. Anz. 11, 35) ; Sulpicius Severus too (§ 441, 2) is fond of 
 Sallustian turns of expression, and Exuperantius (§ 445, 3) may almost he styled 
 a Sallustian Cento. In Atil. Fort. GL. 6, 275, 15 we read ille = Sallust. On 
 these imitators see PVogel, o/jtoiin-rp-es Sallustianae, in acta sem. phil. Erlang. 
 1, 313 ; and qnaestt. Sail. II, ih. 2, 405. Cf . besides EWolfflin, Herm. 9, 254. In 
 the Middle Ages Sallust was highly popular and esteemed (Wolfflin, phil. Anz. 
 11,35). 
 
 11. General literature on Sallust. J"WL6bell, zur Beurteilung des Sail., Bresl. 
 1818. PDGeklach, hist. Studien (Hamb. 1841) 286; Geschichtschreiber d. Bom. 
 (Stuttg. 1855), 103 ; de Sail, vita et scriptis, introd. to his ed. 1852, p. xiii. HUlbici, 
 Charakteristik der antiken Historiographie 125. DeGeblache, etudes sur Salluste, 
 Brussels 2 1859. Teuffel, Tubinger Doctorenverz. v. 1868 p. 1-21. BDietsch, 
 Stuttg. Philologen-Versamml. (Stuttg. 1857) 27. ThVogel, de Sail, vita, moribus 
 ac scriptis, Mayence 1857. MJaegek, de vita Sail., Salzh. 1879 ; de Sail, moribus et 
 scriptis, Salzb. 1884. ThRambeau, Charakt. der hist. Darstell. des Sail. I, Burg 
 1879. 
 
 207. In the field of jurisprudence, Caesar designed to collect 
 the whole existing ius civile in a Corpus, in which task he was 
 assisted by the learned lawyer A. O f ilius, whose literary exertions 
 extended over the entire domain of law. After him, the most emi- 
 nent jurist of this age was Cicero's young friend, C. Trebatius 
 Testa, whose life extends into the Augustan age and who was 
 the teacher of Antistius Labeo. Of about the same age as Cicero 
 was the jurist A.Cascellius, a man of republican character, 
 distinguished by his originality and wit. 
 
 1. Suet. Iul. 44 (destinabat) ius civile ad certum modum redigere atque ex immensa 
 diffusaque legum copia optima quaeque et necessaria in paucissimos conferre libros. 
 Ism. orig. 5, 1, 5 leges redigere in libros primus cos. JPompeius instituere voluit, sed 
 non perseveravit, obtrectatorum metu (probably of the Jurists), deinde Caesar coepit 
 id facere, sed ante interfectus est. 
 
 2. A. Of ilius, a pupil of Ser. Sulpicius, see § 174, 5. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 44 
 ex his auditoribus plurimum auctoritatis habuit Alfenus Varus et A. Ofilius, ex quibus 
 . . . Ofilius in equestri ordine perseveravit. is fuit Caesari familiarissimus et 
 libros de iure civili plurimos et qui omnem partem operis fundarent reliquit. nam de 
 legibus vicensimae primus (FDSanio, rechtshist. Abh. 1845, 78 : de legibus XX libros) 
 conscripsit : de iurisdictione idem edictum praetoris (cf . dig. 2, 7, 1, 2. 43, 20, 1, 17. 
 43, 21, 3, 10) primus diligenter composuiL (45) . . . ex his Trebatius peritior 
 Oascellio, Cascellius Trebatio eloquentior fuisse dicitur, Ofilius utrogue doctior. Among 
 his pupils were Tubero (ib. 46) and Ateius Capito (47). In the Digests is cited 
 Ofilius libr. Viuris partiti (32, 55, 1. 4. 7), Of. libr. XVI actionum (33, 9, 3, 5. 8), Of. 
 ad Atticum (50, 16, 234, 2). He is mentioned as a jurist by Cic. fam. 7, 21 (a. 710/44) 
 and perhaps Att. 13, 37, 4 (a. 709/45) ; cf. fam. 16, 24, 1 (a. 710/44). APKotorff, 
 rOm. Eechtsgesch. 1, 164. EHuschke, Z. f. gesch. Eechtswiss. 15, 186. 
 
§ 207. THE JURISTS : OFILIUS, TREBATIUS ETC. 371 
 
 3. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 45 fuit eodem tempore (with Ofilius) et Trebatius, qui 
 idem (item or quidem ? or Trebatius, Quinti C. M. auditor, fuit ex etc.) Cornell Maximi 
 (§ 154, 7) auditor fuit. ex his Trebatius peritior etc. (see n. 2) . . . Trebatii 
 complwes (libri exstant), sed minus frequentantur. 47 Antistius Labeo . . . institutus 
 est a Trebatio. C. Trebatius Testa was born about 665 at Velia in Lucaiiia, came 
 to Eome as an adolescens and there became acquainted with Cicero, who recom- 
 mended him to Caesar in Gaul a. 700/54 (fam. 7, 5), to improve his fortune. In 
 Gaul he remained for at least one year. Of this period we have Cicero's letters 
 to him, fam. 7, 6-18 ; also of a. 710/44 ib. 21. 20. 19 and of uncertain date ib. 22. 
 Hence he remained on Caesar's side, as a moderate and conciliatory ally, and he 
 played the same part under Augustus ; see Hor. sat. 2, 1. Justinian inst. 2, 25 pr. 
 dicitur Augustus convocasse prudentes, inter quos Trebatium quoque, cuius tunc auctoritas 
 maxima erat. He seems to have been still living about a. 740/14. PonrHYRio on 
 Hor. 1.1. ad Trebatium scribit equitem romanum (this he may have become through 
 Octavianus ; Teupfel on Hor. sat. 2, 1, 29). hie est Trebatius iuris peritus, qui locum 
 obtinuit (inter poetas, a trait quite in harmony with the character of an easy bon- 
 vivant, but which is missing in the authoritative Monac.^ et aliquot libros de civili 
 iure composuit et de religionibus novem (or rather XI?). The latter in Gell. 7, 12, 4 
 C. Trebatius . . . in libro de religionibus secundo; Mack. 3. 7, 8 (Trebatius 
 religionum libro nono) and 3, 3, 5 (Trebatius libro decimo religionum) ; cf. ib. 1, 16 
 28. 3, 3, 2. 4. 3, 5, 1. Sekv. Aen. 11, 316 ( Trebatius de religionibus libro VII). Traces 
 of his legal writings, especially of his commentary on the Edictum aedilium 
 curulium occur in the Digests (4, 3, 18, 3. 21, 1, 6, 1. 21, 1, 12, 4. 21, 1, 14, 3 ; cf . 
 Gell. 4, 2, 9). Cf. besides dig. 11, 7, 14, 11. 32, 100, 1, 4. 41, 2, 3, 5. 43, 24, 22, 3. 
 SWZimmekn, Gesch. des PBenhts 1, 1, 297. OStange, de C. Tr. T. et eius loco inter 
 aequales, Berl. 1849. PEE. 6, 2078. Teuffel's oommentary on Hor. sat. II (Lpz. 
 1857), p. 10. The fragments in Huschke, iurisprud. anteiust. 5 100. 
 
 4. Pompon. 1.1. 45 A. Cascellius (perhaps the son of the person of that name 
 mentioned in Cic. pBalbo 45, Val. Max. 8, 2, 1 ? see Mommsen 1.1.), Quintus Mucius 
 Volosii auditor, denique in illius honorem testamento Publium Mucium nepotem 
 eius reliquit heredem. The corrupt words are probably (cf. Mommsen ad loc, 
 Herm. 15, 114) to be read as follows : A. Cascellius, Volcacii (cf. Plin. HN. 8, 144 
 Volcacium nobilem qui Cascellium ius docuit), Q. Muci (§ 154, 1) auditoris, auditor. 
 See also PEE. 5, 188. Further notice of Cascellius in Pompon. 1.1. fuit autem 
 quaestorius, nee ultra proftcere voluit, cum illi etiam Augustus consulatum offerret, 
 ex his etc. (note 2). Cascellii scripta non exstant nisi unus liber bene dictorum 
 (perhaps a collection of his witticisms by some one else; cf. § 121, 6. 191, 2. 
 195, 5). As he appears (AffXos KacrictXios AtfXou vlbs "Pui/uMa) in the SC de Oropiis 
 a. 681/73 (§ 218, 3) among those who had a seat in the Senate, he must 
 have held the quaestura before that year : therefore he was born 650/104 at 
 latest. Mommsen, Herm. 20, 282. Val. Max. 6, 2, 12 Cascellius, vir iuris civilis 
 scientia clarus, quam periculose contumax! nullius enim aut gratia aut auctorilate 
 compelli potuit ut de aliqua earum rerum quas triumviri dederant formulam com- 
 poneret, hoc animi iudicio universa eorum beneficia extra omnem ordinem legum ponens. 
 idem cum multa de temporibus liberius loqueretur (under Augustus) . . . duas res 
 
 . . magnam sibi licentiam praebere respondit, senectutem et orbitatem. See also 
 Hok. AP. 371 : is he mentioned there as still living ? see Mommsen, Herm. 15, 114. 
 20 282. Quint. 6, 3, 87. Mace. 2, 6, 1 (Cascellius iuris consultus urbanitatis mirae 
 libertatisque habebatur, where a joke of his of the year 698/56 is quoted). He is 
 probably the author of the indicium Caseellianum sive secutorium in Gai. inst. 4, 166. 
 169. He is quoted 13 times in the dig.; see OLenel, palingenes. iur. civ. 107. 
 
372 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 EGLagemans, de A. Cascellio, Leid. 1823. SWZimmebn, Gesch. d. PEeohts 1, 1. 
 299. HEDibksen, hinterlass. Sokrr. 2, 435. 
 
 5. L. Valerius iureconsultus, ex domesticis atque intimis familiaribus of Cicero 
 (fam. 3, 1, 3 of a. 702/52), witty like his contemporary and colleague Trebatius 
 (ib. 1, 10), and as it seems a native of Apulia (Apuliam tuam, ib. of a. 700/54). Not 
 improbably be is meant ib. 7, 11, 2 (a. 701/53, in a letter to Trebatius) : si diutius 
 frustra afueris, nan modo Laberium sed etiam sodalem nostrum Valerium pertimesco. 
 mira enim persona induci potest Britannici iureconsulti ; whence we cannot conclude 
 with certainty that he actually wrote mimi (§ 8, 1. 3). It may be that he is the 
 Valerius (cf . § 147, 1) who is mentioned as a commentator on the twelve Tables 
 (§86,6). Cf. §199,2. 
 
 6. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 44 (cf. § 174, 5) ah hoc (Ser. Sulpicio, § 174, 2) plurimi 
 prqfecerunt, fere tamen hi libros conscripserunt . . . Pacuvius Labeo Antistius 
 (Mommsen omits Ant.) Labeonis Antistii (§ 265, 1) pater. On the praenomen of 
 his father (Pacuvius) see MHertz on Priscian. GL. 2, 384 and JJ. 91, 215. The 
 same is intended in Gell. 5, 21, 10 prima epistula (of Sinnius Capito) scripta est ad 
 Pacuvium Labeonem. He was one of the plotters of Caesar's murder, f 712/42. Cf . 
 Apfian. b. c. 4, 135 (<brl cro0i'? yviipip-ot). PEE. I 2 , 1163, 21. 
 
 208. Q.- Aelius Tubero wrote a historical work extending 
 to bis own time ; be was also an orator, but especially esteemed 
 as a writer on Jurisprudence. In point of formal perfection, 
 be was in tbe last mentioned brancb surpassed by P. Alfenus 
 Varus of Cremona (cos. 715/39). Tbe jurist 0. Aelius Gallus 
 toucbed upon tbe department of tbe grammarians in drawing 
 up a list of legal terms witb explanations. C. Matius, a 
 knigbt and intimate friend of Caesar and Augustus, took interest 
 in literature and bimself wrote — tbougb only on gastronomy. 
 
 1. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 46 post hos (Ofilius, Trebatius) quoque (Q. ace. to Mommsen) 
 Tubero fuit, qui Ofilio operam dedit ; fuit autem patricius (prius patronus? the 
 Aelii were Plebeians) et transiit a causis agendisad ius civile, maxime postquam (end 
 of 708/46) Q. Ligarium accusavit nee obtinuit apud C Caesarem. . . . Tubero 
 doctissimus quidem habitus est iuris publici et privati et complures utriusque operis 
 libros reliquit ; sermone tamen antiquo usus affectavit scribere et ideo pa/rum, libri eius 
 grati habentur. The other works of T. were also in archaic style. Quintilian had 
 read his accusation of Ligarius (10, 1, 23. 11, 1, 80 cf. 78. 5, 13, 20. 31). Gell. 14, 
 2, 20 mentions among his juridical writings (praecepta Aelii Tuberonis) super officio 
 i udicis, whence probably ib. 14, 7, 13 in libro IX Tuberonem dicere ait (cf. ib. 14, 8, 2). 
 Tubero's views are quoted dig. 32, 29, 4. 33, 6, 7 pr. (Ofilius, Cascellius, Tubero). 
 33, 10, 7, 1. 2. PHSaaymans Vader, de Q. Aelio Tub. eiusque in pandectis frag- 
 mentis, Leid. 1824. He is mentioned as a historian (Tovptpwv AUXios, which should 
 not be understood of his father, see § 172, 8) by Dionys. 1, 80 who calls him dewbs 
 cLvtyp Kal ircpl tt)k ovvayuyty rijs ioropias iiri/ieX^s ; cf. ib. 1, 7 and Liv. 4, 23, 1 (Val. 
 Antias et Q. Tubero). Tubero lib. XIV historiarum quoted by Nonius 481. His work 
 extended from the oldest time down to at least the beginning of the war between 
 Pompey and Caesar. Eor the citations from it see HPeter's hist. rell. 1, 311; 
 f ragm. 199. He seems to be the Q. Tubero quoted by Pliny as an authority for b. 
 2, 18 (cf. ib. 18, 235 and Schol. German, p. 132 Br.) and 36. Gell. 6, 9, 11 Aelium 
 
§ 208. THE JURISTS : TUBERO : ALFENUS VARUS : AELIU9 GALLUS. 373 
 
 quoque Tuberonem libro ad C. Oppium scripto. ' occecurrit' dixisse Probus adnotavit. 
 PEE. 1", 336, 7. HPeter, hist. rail. 1, ccclv. 
 
 2. Sueton. Galb. 3 avus (of the Emperor Galba, who was born Deo. 24, 751/3) 
 clarior studiis quam dignitate {non enim egressus praeturae gradum) multiplicem nee 
 incuriosam historiam edidit. Plut. Eomul. 17 <!>s 'I6j3aj tf-qal TdXfiav I,ov\tIkiov 
 lo-Topew. Okos. 5, 23 fuisse tunc (a. 678/76) Pompeio XXX milia peditum . . . 
 Galba scribit, Sertorium autem LX m. ped. . . . habuisse commemorat. He is 
 probably also referred to by Plin. NH. ind. auot. to b. 36 C. Galba. The opinion 
 advanced by GIVossius de hist. lat. 1, 18 (also maintained by GFUnqek, Abh. d. 
 bayr. Ak. 16, 1, 154), that this Sulpicius Galba should be identified with Sulpicius 
 Blitho (§ 172, 7), is improbable. HPeter, hist. rell. ccclxvii. fragm. 237. 
 
 3. P. AlfenusVarus; on the praenomen P. see Henzen, CIL. 1, 467. Pompon. 
 dig. 1, 2, 2, 44 ex his auditoribus (of Ser. Sulpicius, § 174, 2) plurimum auctoritatis 
 liabuit Alfenus Varus . . . ex quibus Varus et consul fuit (suff. a. 715/39). He 
 is probably identical with the Alfenus mentioned in Catullus (30) ; perhaps also 
 the Varus of the same author (10, 22); see MHaupt. op. 1, 97. AKiessling, 
 commentt. Mommsen. 354 ; cf. however § 213, 4. Again, he is probably the same 
 Varus who attended Siron's philosophical lectures together with Vergil (§ 224, 3. 
 Schol. Veron. on Verg. eel. 7, 9. Serv. on eel. 6, 13. Aen. 6, 264), and the Alfenus 
 Varus who was Octavianus' legate a. 714/40, and promised (eel. 6) to protect 
 Vergil's estate near Mantua (cf. eel. 9, 27), and identical with the Alfenus vqfer 
 in Hor. sat. 1, 3, 130, who omni abieeto instrumento artis clausaque taberna yet 
 (potentialiter) sutor erat, on which Porphyrio : urbane Alfenum Varum, Cremonen- 
 sem deridet, qui abiecta sutrina quam in municipio suo exercuerat Momam petiit 
 magistroque usus Sulpicio icto ad tantum, dignitatis pervenit ut et consulatum gereret 
 et publico funere efferretur. Gellius 7, 5, 1 Alfenus ictus, Ser. Sulpicii discipulus 
 rerumque antiquarum non incuriosus, in libro digestorum XXXIV, coniectaneorum 
 autem 11° (on these two titles see LMercklin, Phil. 19, 653). Dig. 3, 5, 20 pr. 
 apud Alfenum libro XXXVIII" digestorum. According to the Florent. Index, there 
 were altogether 40 books of his Digesta, a collection of responsa (of Serv. Sulpicius, 
 Heimbach, Z. f. BGesch. 2, 340. Mommsen on dig. 19, 2, 27) transferred by 
 Aufidius Namusa to his collection (§ 174, 5). The editors of the Digesta of 
 Justinian only knew and made use of the work of Alfenus in two epitomes, the 
 one by Paulus (§ 377, 4 : Alfeni digesta a Paulo epitomata, Pauli epitomae Alfeni 
 digestorum) following the original arrangement of the work, the other by an 
 anonymous writer, who adhered to the arrangement of the ediotum perpetuum 
 {Alfeni digesta). Cf. OLenel, palingenesia iur. civ. 37. Of some importance is 
 the lengthy extract dig. 5, 1, 76, as it attests the writer's philosophical training 
 {quod, ut philosopki dicerent, ex partieulis minimis consisteremus) ; other fragments 
 show an acquaintance with Greek, and nearly all are in a simple and easy style. 
 EOtto, P. Alfenus Varus in Thesaur. iur. rom. 5, 1631. SWZimmern, Gesch. d. 
 PBechts 1, 1, 295. EHuschke, Z. f. gesch. Bechtsw. 15, 187 (who, in the corrupt 
 reading Alfenus Varus Gaius in Pomponius 1.1., is inclined to change the last word 
 into Catus). PEE. I 2 , 768, 3. 
 
 4. Gell. 16, 5, 3 C. A e I i u s G alius in libro de significations verborum quae ad 
 ius civile pertinent secundo (a definition of vestibulum) =Macr. 6, 8, 16, who merely 
 adds vir doctissimus. Dig. 50, 16, 157 C. Aelius Gallus libro Ide verborum quae ad ius 
 civile pertinent significatione (a definition of paries and via). An abbreviated title 
 ap. Serv. georg. 1, 264 Aelius Gallus de verbis ad ius civile pertinentibus vallos . . 
 appellal ; and Eestus 218 b postliminium receptum Gallus Aelius in libro primo signifi~ 
 
374 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 cationum quae ad ius pertinent ait esse eum qui etc. : 273 a reus nunc dicitur qui causam 
 dicit , . . at Gallus Aelius libro II significationum verborum quae ad ius perti- 
 nent ait : reus est qui etc. 302 b saltum Gallus Aelius I. II significationum quae ad ius 
 pertinent ita definit ; 352 b ftumen recte did ait Aelius Gallus libro II quae ad ius 
 pertinent. The quotations never exceed the second book, and Festus 352, 5 (nota) 
 vit Aelius in XII (tabulis) signi(Jkarey relates to Aelius Stilo (§ 148, 2) ; see 
 BScholl, de legis XII tabb. reliqq. 29. Perhaps the arrangement -was alpha- 
 betical. " Aelius Gallus " or " G-allus Aelius " is quoted by Festus 19 times besides the 
 quotations already given. This extensive use as well as the combination of nunc 
 and at Gallus Aelius p. 273° show that Gallus' work was employed by Verrius 
 Flaccus. Gallus Aelius in Gaius dig. 22, 1, 19 pr. ; C. Aelius in Pkiscian. GL. 2, 382, 
 1 (see Lachmann, kl. Schr. 2, 248). CWEHeimbach, C. Aelii Galli Icti fragmenta 
 rec. et illustr., Lps. 1823. EHuschke, iurisprud. anteiust. 5 94. PEE. I 2 , 337. 
 
 5. C. Matius, born c. 670/84, the faithful friend of Caesar, especially adapted 
 by his mild and sober manner to his mediating position, though he did not enter 
 into political factions or public business. He transferred his love for Caesar to 
 Octavianus, and seems to have died as late as a. 750/4 ; see Plin. NH. 12, 13 primus 
 C Matius ex equestri ordine, divi Augusti amicus, invenit nemora tonsilia intra hos 
 LXXX annos. ^vLeutsch, ZfAW. 1834, 164. PEE. 4, 1643. Cic. fam. 7, 15, 2 
 (a. 701/53) O. Matii, suavissimi doctissimique hominis. 11, 27, 5 (a. 710/44) ut haec 
 <t>i\o<ro<poiJiiei'a. scriberem tu me impulisti . . . omnia me tua delectant. sed maxime 
 maxima cum fides in amicitia . . . turn lepos, humanitas, litterae. Apollodoros 
 of Pergamon dedicated his Ars (manual of Bhetoric) to him ; Quint. 3, 1, 18. A 
 letter to Cicero (fam. 11, 28, of a. 710/44) is a faithful reflection of his noble dis- 
 position and fine culture. A letter addressed to Cicero by Matius aud Trebatius 
 together (a. 704/49) is found ad Att. 9, 15 A. His work on gastronomy was 
 probably written under Augustus (cf. § 54, 3), and his interest in such subjects is 
 significant of his inoffensive character and love of refined enjoyment. Minutal 
 Matianum (hachis a la Matius) was named after him, Apic. 4, 174, also the mala 
 Matiana. Colum. 5, 10, 19. 12, 45, 5. Pun. NH. 15, 49 and elsewhere. 
 
 209. Among the other adherents of Caesar several may be 
 mentioned either as orators or writers of letters still extant : e.g. 
 the talented, but dissipated C. Scribonius Curio (trib. pleb. 
 704/50), Q. Cornificius, the triumvir M. Antony (671/83-724/30) 
 and L. Balbus. Men of wavering political opinions were the 
 clever M. Caelius Rufus and the unprincipled L. Munatius 
 Plancus (cos. 711/42) ; C. Furnius, who was legate to the latter 
 for a long time, was also an orator, and likewise the young L. 
 Sempronius Atratinus (cos. 720/34), Q. Volusius, Annius Cimber, 
 and also by Hortensia there was in the 1st century of the 
 Christian era a published speech extant. 
 
 1. Vellei. 2, 48, 3 C. Curio trib. pi. (704/50; son of the Curio mentioned 
 § 153, 6 ; f 705/49) . . . eloquens, audax, suae alienaeque et fortunae et pudicitiae 
 prodigus, homo ingeniosissime nequam et facundus malo publico. PEE. 6. 880, 11. 
 For the date of his birth see a conjecture below, n. 5. His character as an orator 
 is given by Cic. Brut. 230 ita facile soluteque verbis volvebat satis interdum acutas, 
 crebras quidem eerie sententias ut nihil posset ornatius esse, nihil expeditius. atque hie 
 
§ 208, 9. C. MATIUS : C. CURIO, cornificius, m. antonius. 375 
 
 parum a magistris institutus naturam Jiabuit admirabilem ad dicendum ; industrial®, 
 non sum exp'ertus; studium certe fuit. There were speeches by him in existence in 
 the time of Tacitus: see dial. 37 (§171,5). Meter, orat. rom. 2 p. 481. Letters 
 from Cic. to him fam. 2, 1-7 (of a. 701/53 and 703/51). 
 
 2. Hieron. ad. Eus. Chron. a. Abr. 1976=713/41 Cornificius poeta a mili- 
 tibus desertus interiit . . . huius soror Cornificia, cuius insignia exstant epigram.rn.ata. 
 Chronological reasons oblige us to identify him with Q. Cornificius, the quaestor of 
 Caesar (propraetor 706/48), who fell in Africa fighting against T. Sextius ; he was 
 also on friendly terms with Cicero, who addressed to him fam. 12, 17-30 in 
 709/45-711/43; see Drumann, GB. 2, 617. PBE. 2, 710, 3. Cicero somewhat 
 pointedly (fam. 12, 18, 1) places him among the magni oratores and (ib. 12, 17, 2) 
 recommends his Orator to his kind reception: in quo saepe suspicatus sum te ab 
 ludicio nostro, sic scilicet ut doctum hominem ab non indocto, pxullulum dissidere. ib. 
 12, 20 me amabis et scripto aliquo lacesses. He is no doubt identical with the 
 poetical friend of Catullus (c. 38), who wrote erotic poems (leve Cernifiei . . . 
 opus, Ovid, trist. 2, 436), whence a hendecasyllabic line in Macr. 6, 4, 12 and a 
 fragment of dactylic metre (perhaps from an epic) ib. 6, 5, 13 (Cornificius in 
 Glauco). Cf. § 233, 3 ad fin. LSchwabe, quaest. Catull. 298. It is doubtful 
 whether Cornificius in primo de etymis deorum (Prisc. GL. 2, 257, 6) should he 
 understood of him : from this Macr. 1, 9, 11 (Cornificius Etymorum libro III) quotes 
 curious derivations of the names of gods and a citation of Cic. de nat. deor. 
 1, 17, 9. 33. 62. 1, 23, 2. Other quotations in Fest. 123. 166. 170.. 194.. 282 and 
 in other places in Servius, Lactantius etc. It is incomprehensible how Cor- 
 nificius could find time or thought for these works in Syria and Africa, during the 
 years 709/45 and 713/41. These writings should rather be attributed to a gram- 
 marian of the same name in the Augustan period, perhaps to that Cornificius 
 Galhis whose somewhat pedantic epigram on Vergil is quoted by Cledonius, GL. 
 5, 43, 2 : ordea qui dixit (ge. 1, 210) superest ut tritica dicat. ThBer&k, op. 1, 545. 
 JBecker, Zf AW. 1847, 1060. 
 
 3. The triumvir M. Antony , see Drumann, GB. 1, 64. PEE. I 2 , 1174. Possess- 
 ing a defective education, he often fell in his speeches into a false kind of pathos 
 and became turgid, obscure and faulty (Suet. Aug. 86 M. Antonium . . . ea 
 scribentem quae mirentur potius homines quam intellegant ; cf. Cic. Phil. 2, 101. 3, 
 21 sq. Att. 10, 8 sq. 11, 3 sq.). It would perhaps be too much to call him on that 
 account an adherent of the Asiatic school (Plut. Ant. 2. 43 cf . Suet. 1.1.). His 
 letters to Cicero of a. 705/49 (Att. 10, 8 A. 10, 10, 2) and 710/44 (14, 13 A. ; ef. 
 also Cic. or. Phil. 8, 25 sqq. 13, 22 sqq.) are in a natural style. Plin. NH. 14, 
 148 M. Antonio, is enim . . . avidissime adprehenderat Jianc palmam (capacity for 
 drinking), edito etiam volumine de sua ebrietate . . . exiguo tempore ante proelium 
 aciiacum id volumen evomuit (cf. Drumann, GB. 1, 516. Schelle 1.1. 2). To this, 
 as well as to his correspondence with Octavian (specimens of which are given by 
 Suetonius, e.g. Aug. 69), relates Ovid ex Pont. 1, 1, 23 Antoni scripta leguntur. 
 EScheixe, de M. Antoni triumviri quae supersunt epp. I, Frankenb. i. S. 1883. 
 
 4. Asinius Pollio writes to Cicero (fam. 10, 32, 3 a. 711/43) Balbus quaestor 
 . . . ludis (which he caused to be given at Gades) praetextam de suo itinere ad L. 
 Lentulum procos. soUieitandum (705/49 to get him to leave Pompey and return to 
 Borne, Att. 8, 9, 4. 8, 11, 5. 8, 15 A, 2. 9, 6, 1. Vellei. 2, 51, 3) posuit. et quidem cum 
 ageretur flevit, memoria rerum gestarum commotus. ib. 5 praetextam (of B.) si voles 
 legere, Galium Cornelium (§ 232), familiarem meum, poscito. See WELCKER,gr. Trag. 
 1402. Bibbeck, rom. Trag. 625 ; rom. Dicht. 1, 194. This Balbus is the one called 
 Balbus minor to distinguish him from his uncle (§ 197, 4) L. Cornelius P. f. 
 
376 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Balbus, whose life extended far into the Augustan period (he certainly was liv- 
 ing 741/18), who was cog. suff. 722/32 and who triumphed a. 735/19 as proconsul 
 ex Africa; Drumann, GB. 2, 608. PEE. 2, 694. According to Vellei. IX he 
 likewise ad pontificatum adsurrexit and had a literary turn, whence it is not im- 
 possible that he is the Cornelius Balbus quoted by Seev. Aen. 4, 1 27 on hymenaeus 
 and to whom relates Mack. 3, 6, 26 Cornelius Balbus ifyyyiynKwv libro XVIII (cf. 
 HPetek, hist, fragm. p. xxi). 
 
 5. M. Caelius M. f. Eufus. Pun. NH. 7, 165 C. Mario Cn. Carlone III cos. 
 (a, 672/82) a. d. V Kal. Iunias M. Caelius JRufus et C. Licinius Calvus eadem die geniti 
 sunt, oratores quidem ambo, sed tain dispari eventu. But to judge from the manner 
 in which Cicero speaks of them (Brut. 273. 279) they cannot have been quite of the 
 same age ; more probably Caelius was the elder,' as according to Cic. pCael. 18 he 
 already in 695/59 per aetatem magistratus petere potuit, and his official career agrees 
 with this (698/56 already a member of the council of his native town Cic. Cael. 5 ; 
 quaest. between 698/56-700/54, tr. pi. 702/52, aed. cur. 704/50, praet. 706/48). 
 Hence Caelius must have been born c. 666/88. Instead of Caelius Pliny should 
 perhaps have mentioned Curio (n. 1). His native plaee was a municipium of 
 which the name is most likely concealed by some corruption of the MS. in Cic. 
 pCael. 5. Cf. Nipperdey, op. 299. KWegehaupt, Cael. Euf. 4. 
 
 6. Caelius was, as a young man, introduced by his father to Cicero and 
 Crassus (pCael. 9. 39. 72), with whom he thus found himself in close connection. 
 This circumstance made Cicero lenient towards Caelius' loose morals and luxurious 
 life ; he even defended him a. 698/56 (see § 179, 34) against some charges brought 
 by Clodia (§ 214, 3), whose dissolute circle he had frequented for some time before 
 breaking with her. During Cicero's absence in Cilicia (703/51) Caelius was his 
 appointed correspondent at Eome: the letters (17 in number; letter 16 in 
 duplicate ; cf. Att. 10, 9 A.) are collected in the eighth book of Cic. epp. fam. 
 Caelius exhibits in them a dashing and acute, though somewhat malicious judg- 
 ment of persons and facts, though he is never quite clear in his own position ; 
 the style is lively, humorous, and original, condescending to the use of popular 
 expressions, and not aiming at polish and elegance. Cf. § 188, 1, n. 2 and 4. 
 On the outbreak of the Civil War, Caelius was obliged by his debts to join the 
 camp of Caesar, who appointed him praetor in 706/48. As such he intended to 
 introduce tabulae novae, but was deposed and soon afterwards killed. He is 
 probably identical with the Eufus in Catullus; see LSchwabe, quaest. Catull. 
 64. 85. 183 and the commentators on Cat. 69. 77. Cf. Drtjmann, GB. 2, 411. 
 WWegehaupt, das Leben d. M. Cael. Euf., Bresl. 1878. HWieschholter, de M. 
 Caelio Eufo oratore, Lpz. 1886. — PBecher, d. Sprachgebr. A. Caelius, Ilfeld 1888. 
 FBurg, de M. Cael. Bun genere dicendi, Preibg. i/B. 1888. 
 
 7. On his oratorical power Cic. Brut. 273 splendida et grandis et eadem inprimis 
 faeeta et perurbana . . . oratio. graves eius contiones aliquot fuerunt (also 704/50 as 
 aedile de aquis, Prontin. aq. 76 ; from this a fragm. GL. 5, 590, 21), acres accusationes 
 tres (directed against C. Antonius 695/59, L. Sempronius Atratinus the father, 
 iterum, 698/56; a. 703/51 against Q. Pompeius Eufus, and also in his character of 
 patronus of the peregrinus Pausanias, plaintiff in a case of extortion), defensiones 
 (esp. 698/56 pro se against Atratinus, also pro Saufeio 702/52) . . . sane tolerabiles. 
 Hence Quint. 6, 3,. 69. 10, 1, 115 ; asperitas Caelii ib. 10, 2, 25 ; cf. Tac. dial. 18. 21 
 (sordes verborum, hians compositio, inconditi sensus). 25 (amarior). He seems to have 
 followed the Atticists in preference to Cicero's style, though Cicero had taught 
 him the principles of rhetoric in his youth (n. 6). Vellei. 2, 68, 1 M. Caelius, 
 vir eloquio animoque Curioni (n. 1) simillimus, sed in utroque per/ectior, nee minus 
 
§ 209. CAELIUS RUFUS AND OTHER ORATORS. 377 
 
 ingeniose nequam. Sen. de ira 3, 8, 6 Caelium oratorem fuisse iracundissimum constat. 
 Quintilian, Pliny (ep. 1, 20, 4), and Tacitus (dial. 21. 25) were acquainted with 
 his speeches. The fragments see in Meyeh, orat. rom. 2 460. A very lively 
 description from one of his speeches is given by Quint. 4, 2, 123. Witticisms on 
 Clodia ib. 8, 6, 53. OHarnecker, Berl. ph. Wschr. 1884, 225 (where however Cic. 
 Brut. 273 ad fin. is erroneously held to be the authority for Oaelius' desertion to 
 the side of the Atticists) ; WschrfklPhil. 1886, 1098. 
 
 8. L. Munatius Plancus, Caesar's legate and appointed by him consul in 
 712/42 ; after Caesar's death he went over to the side of the Senate, after a little 
 hesitation, then joined Antony and when his star began to set, Octavian, with 
 whom he could afford to remain, owing to his steady good fortune. He was censor 
 732/22, but generally despised. PEE. 5, 204, 9. CLEoth, liber M. PI., Erklarung 
 der Inschrift auf dem Mausoleum in Gaeta (CIL. 10, 6087), in the Mittheilungen 
 of the Basle Altert.-Ges. 4 (Bas. 1852J. AWdeKlerck, disci, de etc. Utr. 1855. 
 HAKleijn, de L. et T. Munatiis Plancis, Leid. 1857. Suet. rhet. 6 and Pun. NH. 
 7, 55 call him orator; orator insignis habetur in Hieronymus ad a. Abr. 1992= 
 729/25 ; summa eloquentia Cic. fam. 10, 3, 3 cf. 13, 29, 1. Ascon. 33 Or. 28 K.-S. 
 Non. 221. His rhetorical training, but also his vanity, appear from his letters to 
 Cicero (fam. 10, 4. 7-9. 11. 15. 17 sq. 21. 23 sq.) of a. 710/44 and 711/43, which are 
 exceedingly well written and abound in cadences, antitheses etc. (verborum et 
 sententiarum gravitas, ib. 10, 12, 1. 16, 1. 19, 1), but often cloak a very ambiguous 
 spirit under fair phrases. 
 
 9. Hiekon. ad Euseb. Chron. a. Abr. 1980=717/37 Furnii pater et filius clari 
 oratores habentur, quorum filius consularis ante patrem moritur. Cf. Tac dial. 21 (a 
 corrupt passage) nee unum (of the antiquarians) de populi ganuti (=Canuti ? § 153, 
 5 ad fin.) aut Atti, de Furnio et Toranio (Coranio, otherwise unknown) quique alii in 
 eodem valetudinario haec ossa et liana maciem prodiint. The father (C. Furnius) was 
 a friend of Cicero ; tr. pleb. 704/50 ; legatus to L. Plancus (n. 8) a. 710/44 sq. with 
 whom he joined Antony, to whom he adhered until the battle of Actium. He was 
 pardoned by Octavian and a. 725/29 adlectus inter consulares (Dio 52, 42). Cic. fam. 
 10, 26, 2 (qui alienas causas tarn facile discas) attests that he was an orator, and 
 Plut. Anton. 58 even calls him dewirraTos elwelv 'Pa/j.atav. Hos. sat. 1, 10, 86 te, 
 candide Furni, seems to relate to him, on which Acho hie historiarum elegantia 
 claruit (subsequently). A trait of egregious flattery towards Octavianus by his 
 son (cos. 1ST 117) is related by Sen. de benef. 2, 25, 1. 
 
 10. L. Sempronius L. f. Atratinus (cos. 720/34, triumphed 12. Oct. 733/21 as 
 procos. ex Africa (CIL. 1, p. 461). Hieronym. on Eus. chron. ad a. Abr. 1996=733/21 
 Atratinus, qui XVII natus annos Caelium (n. 7) accusaverat (a. 698/56 ; he was there- 
 fore born 681/73), clarus inter oratores habetur. ad extremum morborum taedio in 
 balneo voluntate exanimatus heredem reliquit Augustum. Cicero (pCael. 2) calls him 
 his necessarius, and says of him (ib. 8) ornate docteque dixisti ; ib. 15 he styles him 
 disertus adolescens. As a speaker in the Senate he is mentioned side by side with 
 Messala in Joseph, b. iud. 1, 14, 4. PEE. 6, 973, 8. 
 
 11. Vatinius to Cicero, fam. 5, 10 a,, 2 (a. 709/45): defenditur (Catilius) a 
 Q. Valusio, tuo discipulo. PEE. 6, 2745, 5. 
 
 12. Cic. Phil. 11, 14 T. Annius Cimber Lysidici filius (therefore son of a slave 
 or freedman), a follower of M. Antony, through whose assistance he became praetor 
 (ib. 13, 26). Concerning his literary tendency see the epigram on him Verg. catal. 
 2 (and Quint. 8, 3, 23), which already to Ausonius (op. 27, 13, 5) had lost its 
 meaning : Corinthiorum (i.e. with the hall-mark of antiquity) amator iste verborum, 
 
378 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 Iste iste rhetor, iamque, quatenus totus Thucydides, tyrannus Atticae febris (the exacting 
 instructor in distempered Attic), Tau (?) gallicum (perhaps on account of the 
 Gallic extraction of Annius Cimber), ruin (jdv) et sphin (<r(plj>) el — male illi sit (an 
 execration on dealers in grammatical curiosities) : ita omnia ista verba miscuit 
 fratri (as a draught which was fatal to him : Annius Cimber was accused of 
 fratricide: Quint. 1.1. Cic. Phil. 11, 14. 13, 26). According to this he seems to 
 have carried on the profession of a teacher before beginning his political career. 
 He is also mentioned as an antiquarian by Octavianus in Suet. Aug. 86 to M. 
 Antony : tu dubitas Cimberne Annius an Veranius Flaccus imitandi sint tibi ? i.e. 
 probably : you only waver between A. C. and Ver.'s pontificalia verba (§ 199, 4) and 
 hence you write — in the language of Cato. JGHuschke, de Annio Cimbro, Eost. 
 1824 and esp. Bdcheler, EhM. 38, 507. Cf. also § 19, 1 ad fin. 
 
 13. Caesar's favourite, the knight Mamurra of Formiae, f 709/45 (Cic. Att. 
 13, 52, 1 ; cf. also OHikschfeld, Herm. 5, 299), was active in literature, and seems 
 to have been a poet ; see Catullus 57, 7 and 105. Cf . § 214, 5. LSchwabe, quaest. 
 Catull. 187. 226. 
 
 14. Val. Max. 8,3, 3 Hortensia, Q. Hortensi (§ 171, 1) JBia, cum ordo matrona- 
 rum gravi tributo a triumviris (a. 711/43) esset oneratus nee quisquam virorum patro- 
 cinium eis accommodare auderet, causam, feminarum apud triumviros et constanter et 
 feliciter egit ; repraesentata enim patris facundia impetravit ut etc. Cf . Appian. 
 b. c. 4, 32. Quint. 1, 1, 6 Hortensiae Q.filiae oratio apud triumviros habita legitur non 
 tantum in sexus honorem. 
 
 210. Among the members of the conspiracy against Caesar 
 M. Iunius Brutus, an honest man, but without intellectual dis- 
 tinction, was the most active in literature, especially in philosophy 
 and oratory ; the style of D. Brutus and that of C. Cassius are 
 known to us from their letters to Cicero. The same correspon- 
 dence introduces us to Cassius of Parma and C. Trebonius, who 
 were also writers of poetry. Ampius Balbus, Actorius Naso, 
 and Tanusius Greminus wrote historical works hostile to Caesar. 
 
 1. M. Iunius Brutus. Plutarch's Brutus. Drumann, GB. 4, 18. PEE. 4, 
 518. 532. JSlevogt, de M. Bruti vita et scriptis, Petersb. 1870. Cic. Brut. 324 of 
 Hortensius: annis ante decern causas agere coepit (i.e. a. 659/95, see Brut. 229 
 L. Crasso Q. Scaevola coss. primum in foro dixit) quam tu (Brutus) es natus. The 
 birth-year which would be inferred from this (669/85) is at variance with Vellei. 
 2, 72, 1 hunc exitum M. Bruti XXXV Hum annum agentis (a. 712/42) fortuna esse 
 voluit (cf. Liv. per. 124 annorum erat circiter XL). This would lead us to infer 
 675/79 or 676/78 as the year in which Brutus was born, and this assumption is 
 presupposed by the story that Caesar (born 654/100) was himself the father of 
 Brutus. Hence KNipperdey's conj. (op. 301), ante sedecim in Cicero 1.1. has much 
 probability. Cf. Nep. Att. 8, 1 occiso Caesare . . . sic M. Bruto usus est ut nuUo Hie 
 adolescens aequali familiarius quam hoc sene (Atticus born 645/109). As early as 
 703/51 Brutus was a son-in-law (Cic. fam. 3, 4, 2) to App. Claudius (§ 199, 1). 
 Aue. Victor ill. 82 Athenis philosophiam, Bhodi (not attested by any other writer) 
 eloquentiam didicit (Pammenes, and Aristos, the brother of Antiochos, instructed 
 him at Athens, Cic. Brut. 332. Orat. 105. Acad. post. 1, 12. Plut. Brut. 2), 
 Cytheridem mimam cum Antonio et Gallo poeta amavit (cf. § 232, 1 and HFlach 
 
§ 210. M. BRUTUS. 379 
 
 JJ. 119, 793). . . . civili hello . . . Pompeium secutua eat, quo victo veniam a 
 Caesare accepit et procos. (?) Galliam (cisalp.) rexit (a. 708/46) ; a. 710/44, he became 
 praetor (urb.) through. Caesar ; f after the battle of Philippi, a. 712/42. — Portraits : 
 Bernoulli, rOm. Ikonogr. 1. 187. 
 
 2. Cicero is accustomed to exaggerate his praises of M. Brutus (e.g. Brut. 22) 
 both as Caesar's favourite and afterwards as his murderer ; he dedicated to him de 
 finibus, Paradoxa, de nat. deor., Tusc, Orator and Brutus. They differed as to 
 their theory of style ; cf. Cic. Att. 15, 1 b, 2 ego secutus (Med. : solus) aliud (iudicium 
 de optimo genere dicendi) sum, and Tac. dial. 18 ex Calm (§ 213, 6 ad fin.) et Bruti 
 ad Ciceronem missis epistulis (§ 46, 5. OHarnecker JJ. 125, 604) facile est depre- 
 kendere Calvum quidem Ciceroni visum exsanguem et aridum, Brutum- autem otiosum 
 atque diiunctum (discinctum), rursusque Ciceronem a Calvo quidem male audisse 
 tamquam solutum et enervem, a Bruto autem, . . . tamquam fractum atque elumbem. 
 His diction is described by gravitas (Quint. 12, 10, 10. Tac. dial. 25). He 
 endeavoured to attain to a rhythmical flow of prose (Quint. 9, 4, 76) ; hence Cicero's 
 criticism in his Orator. Both Quint. 10, 1, 123, who says that in his philosophical 
 writings multo quam in orationibus praestantior suffecit ponderi rerum, and Tac. 
 dial. 21 agree, the latter saying ; Brutum philosophiae suae relinquamus. nam in 
 orationibus minorem esse fama sua etiam admiratores eius fatentur. nisi forte 
 quisquam . . . Bruti pro Deiotaro rege (cf. Cic. Brut. 21. ad Att. 14, 1,2) ceterosque 
 eiusdem lentitudinis ac teporis libros legit, nisi qui et carmina eorundem miratur ; 
 fecerunt enim et carmina (see § 195, 3). Cf. Stat. silv. 4, 9, 20 Bruti senis oscitationes 
 (tedious speeches). Other published speeches of Brutus : de dictatura Pompei 
 (Quint. 9, 3, 95) of a. 703/51 ; his speech delivered on 17 March 710/44 on the 
 Capitol (Cic. Att. 15, 1 b, 2), and other contiones Bruti {falsa quidem in Augustum 
 probra, sed multa cum acerbitate habent, Tac. A. 4, 34) ; his declamation pro Milone 
 (orationem Brutus exercitationis gratia scripsit, Quint. 10, 1, 23 cf. 10, 5, 20. 3, 6, 93. 
 Ascon. p. 42 Or. 36 K.-S. Schol. Bob. p. 276) ; laudatio of his father-in-law App. 
 Claudius (Diomed. GL. 1, 367) and of his uncle M. Cato (Cic. Att. 13, 46, 2. cf. 12, 
 21, 1). Schol. Lucani 2, 234 ed. Usener and § 220, 3. Meyer, orat. rom.* 446. 
 
 3. On his philosophical works see Cic. acad. post. 1, 12. He had an inclination 
 to the Old Academy, Cic. Brut. 120. 149. We find notices of a treatise de virtute 
 (dedicated to Cicero, see fin. 1, 8. Tusc. 5, 1. Sen. consol. ad Helv. 9, 4 sqq. cf. 8, 1), 
 wepl KaS-fiKovros (Sen. Ep. 95, 45 ; cf. M. Brutus de officiis ap. Pkiscian. GL. 2, 199), de 
 patientia (Diomed. GL. 1, 383). — His abridgment of the Annals of Fannius and 
 Antipater (see § 137, 4 and 6 in fin.) was probably an early work, as was also his 
 abridgment of Polybios (Plut. Brut. 4. Sum. s. v. Bpouros. lypaxfiev . . . LtoAvjSiou 
 tov l&TopiKoQ filpTKuv iiriTo/ify ; see § 257, 8). 
 
 4. Letters. (M.) Brutus in epistulis (Quint. 9, 4, 75. Diomed. GL. 1, 388. 
 Priscian. ib. 2, 474 ; cf. Plin. NH. 33, 39 : M. Bruti in Philippicis campis epistolae 
 reperiuntur, frementes fibulas tribunicias ex auro geri), ad Caesarem (Charis. GL. 1, 
 130), ad Ciceronem (Tac dial. 18). On the correspondence of Brutus and Cicero 
 § 188, 4.— The letters of Brutus in Greek are the production of a rhetorician (e.g. 
 in EHercher's epistolographi Graeci, Par. 1873, p. 177), of which Plutarch availed 
 himself as though genuine in his Brutus 2. Cf. Suidas s. v. BpoOros. EHercheh, 
 Phil. 8, 187. 9, 592. IPMarcks, symb. ad epistologr. gr. (Bonn 1883) 23.— Brutus' 
 verses (see Tac. dial. 21, above n. 2) seem to have been erotic according to the 
 enumeration in Plin. ep. 5, 3, 5 (above § 31, 1).— Had the rhetorician Empylos, the 
 familiar friend of Brutus (probably identical with his namesake from Rhodes, see 
 Cic. ap. Quint. 10, 6, 4), composed in Latin that piKpbv /iti>, oi <pav\ov Si <niyypaij.p.a 
 irepl rijs Kattrapos avaipiaeus 8 Bpovros imyiypawrai (evidently a defence of the deed) ? 
 
380 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 5. D. Iunius Brutus, executed by M. Antony in the summer of a. 711/43. His 
 letters to Cicero in 710/44 and 711/43 (ad fam. 11, 1. 4. 5-11. 13a. 19. 20. 23. 26) 
 are sad specimens of the want of thought and courage continually exhibited by 
 him after the assassination of Caesar. Drtjmanw, GE. 4, 9. PEE. 4, 513, 19. 
 BNake, d. Briefwechsel zw. Cic. und D. Brut., JJ. Suppl. 3, 647. 
 
 6. C. Cassius Longinus, somewhat older than M. Brutus (Plut. Brut. 29. 40), 
 a. 701/53 sqq. quaestor in Parthia, 705/49 tr. pleb.; appointed in 710/44 praetor 
 together with M. Brutus; f after the battle of Philippi (712/42). He was of a 
 hard, trenchant character, but egotistical and without higher aims (cf. Plut. 
 Brut. 29. comp. cum Dione 1. Brut. 37 Kdtra-ios rots "SZmicoipov \iyois xp&pxvos ical 
 irepi Toiirwv Z8os ?xw><). Among his letters to Cicero, fam. 15, 19 (a. 709/45) is a 
 good-humoured echo of Cicero's previous letter ; 12, 11-12 (a. 711/43) are official 
 reports, partly calculated to flatter Cicero. A quotation from C. Cassii epistula 
 . . . ad Dolabellam in CnAms. GJj. 1,123,13. Cf. Drumann, GE. 2, 117. PEE. 2, 
 194, 11. OESchmidt, de epp. et a Cassio et ad Cassium datis, Lps. 1877. 
 
 7. Cassius Parmensis, after being one of the assassins of Caesar, held a 
 command in Asia (a. 711/43). He gives an account of his doings in a letter full 
 of flattory, in which he also imitates Cicero's style, fam. 12, 13. He was executed 
 after the battle of Actium, 723/31. Drumann, GE. 2, 161. PEE. 2, 200, 20. 
 Porphykio on Hor. ep. 1, 4, 3 [scribere quod Cassi Parmensis opuscula vineat} hie est 
 Cassius qui in partibus Cassii et Bruti cum Horatio tribunus mililum militant, quibus 
 victis Athenas se contulit (first 723/31). Q. Varius ab Augusto missus ut eum inter- 
 ficeret, studentern repperit et perempto eo scrinium cum libris tulit. unde multi credi- 
 derunt Thyestem Cassii Parmensis fuisse (the latter statements are due to a confusion 
 between the officer Q. Attius Varus, cf. b. g. 8, 28, 2. b. c. 3, 37, 6, and the tragic 
 writer L. Varius, § 223, 2 : see also Pohph. Hor. sat. 1, 10, 62). scripserat enim 
 multas alias tragoedias (? cf. opuscula in Horace) Cassius. Acko (p. 390 H.) 
 Epicureus fuit et poeta . . . satiras scripsit. . . . aliquot generibus stilum exercuit. 
 inter quae opera elegia et epigrammata eius laudantur. A passage in Suet. Aug. 4 
 from an abusive letter of Cass. Parm. to Octavian. From an epistula Cassi Par- 
 mensis ad M. Antonium ap. Plin. NH. 31. 11. An iambic verse by a certain Cassius 
 ap. Quint. 5, 11, 24. Praetexta Brutus by a Cassius : see § 134, 5 ad fin. A 
 "Weichert, de L. Varii et Cassii Parmensis vita et carminibus, Grimma 1836. 
 Welcker, d. gr. Tragodien 1403. (The hexameters entitled Cassii Orpheus in 
 Pea's Horace 2, p. 216, Wernsdorf's PLM. 2, 310 are the work of the Italian 
 Antonius Thylesius saec. XVII, see Weichert 1.1. 198.) 
 
 8. To about the same time as Cassius Parmensis belongs the improviser 
 Cassius Etruscus mentioned by Hor. sat. 1, 10, 69; see Kirchner ad loc. 
 
 9. C. Trebonius, quaestor 694/60, trib. pi. 699/55, Caesar's legate in Gaul 
 a. 700/54 sqq. and on his side in the Civil War; praet. nrb. 706/48; cos 709/45; 
 killed by Dolabella in Febr. 711/43. PEE. 6, 2083, 9. A. 707/47 he appears to 
 have made a collection of Cicero's puns and witty sayings ; cf . fam. 15, 21, 1-3, 
 e.g. liber iste quern mihi misisti quantam habet declarationem amoris tui ! primum 
 quod tibifacetum videtur quidquid ego dixi, . . . deinde quod ilia . . . fiunt nar- 
 rante te venustissima. quin etiam ante quam ad me veniatur risus omnis paene con- 
 sumitur. In his letter to Cicero (fam. 12, 16, a. 710/44) he speaks of the elder and 
 younger Cicero with great attachment and forwards to them versiculi (perhaps 
 iambics against M. Antony), on the free tone of which he observes: turpiiudo 
 personae eius in quam liber ius invehimur nos vindicabit (3). His request is (4) : tu, 
 sieul mihi pollicitus es, adiunges me quam primum ad tuos sermones. Cf. also § 196, 11. 
 
§210,11. c. cassius: cassius paemensis etc. : ateius. 381 
 
 10. T. Ampius Balbus, trib. pi. 691/63, praetor 696/58, a friend of Cicero 
 (see the speech, pro T. Ampio, Quint. S, 8, 50), and a zealous partisan of Pompey ; 
 PEE. I 2 , 920, 2. Some criticism on Caesar from the historical work of Ampius in 
 Suet. Iul. 77; cf. Cic. fam. 6, 12, 5 (a. 708/46) cum studium tuum consumas in 
 virorum fortium factis memoriae prodendis. — M. Actorius Naso was, according 
 to Sueton. Iul. 9 (cf. 52 Naso), the author of a work on Caesar or the time of 
 the Civil "War. Sueton. in his d. Iul. quotes only contemporaries of Caesar as his 
 authorities ; MHaupt, op. 1, 72. — On Tanusius § 212, 7. 
 
 211. The scholars and teachers had as such only a small share 
 in the political struggles. The most important of them was the 
 Greek L. Ateius Praetextatus, a manysided and prolific 
 writer, who styled himself ' Philologus ' ; besides him may be 
 mentioned S antra, who wrote on the history of literature ; also 
 Cn. Pompeius' freedman Lenaeus, Epidius, Sextus Clodius and 
 G-avius Bassus. Statius Sebosus, who wrote an account of his 
 travels, perhaps belongs to the same period. * 
 
 1. Sueton. gramm. 10 L. (the praenomen in the ind. p. 98 R ; cf. 1. 2 from the end) 
 Ateius Philologus libertinus Alhenis est natus. At the capture of Athens 668/86 
 he was probably allotted to the centurion M. Ateius (Plut. Sulla 14) and was by 
 him subsequently manumitted. Born about 655/99 (Graff 1.1. 396) : as he was 
 of assistance to Asinius Pollio when writing his history (see below and § 221, 3), 
 he must have lived at least until 725/29. Suet. 1.1. : hunc Capito Ateius (§ 265, 
 3 the grandson of his emancipator), notus iuris consultus, inter grammaticos rketorem, 
 inter rhetores grammaticum fuisse ait. de eodem Asinius Pollio, in lihro quo Sallustii 
 scripta reprehendit ut nimia priscorum verborum affectatione oblita, ita tradit : ' in 
 earn rem adiutofium ei fecit maxime quidem Ateius Praetextatus, nobilis grammaticus 
 latinus, declamantium deinde auditor atque praeceptor, ad summam Philologus ab 
 semet nominatus\ ipse ad Laelium Hermam (perhaps the same who is mentioned 
 § 148, 3 ad fin. Concerning auct. ad Her. 1, 18 cf. CLKayser, Phil. 12, 273) scripsit 
 se in graecis litteris magnum processum habere, in latinis non nullum, . . . audisse 
 Antonium Gniphonem (§ 159, 5) . . . praecepisse autem multis et Claris iuvenibus, 
 in quis Appio quoque et Pulchro Claudiis fratribus (cf. § 199, 1), quorum etiam comes 
 in provincia (in Cilicia and the prov. of Asia) fuerit. Philologi appellationem 
 assumpsisse^videtur quia . . . multiplici variaque doctrina censebatur. quod sane 
 ex commentariis eius apparet, quamquam paucissimi exstent. de quorum tamen copia 
 sic altera ad eundem Hermam epistola significat : ' Sylen nostram, quam omnis generis 
 coegimus, uti scis, octingentos in libros '. coluit postea familiarissime C. Sallustium et 
 eo defuncto Asinium Pollionem, quos historiam componere aggressos alterum (Sallust) 
 breviario rerum omnium romanarum, ex quibus quas vettet eligeret, instruxit, alterum 
 (Asinius) praeceptis de ratione scribendi, quo magis miror Asinium credidisse antiqua 
 eum verba et figuras solitum esse colligere Sallustio, cum sibi sciat nil aliud suadere 
 quam ut nolo civilique et propria sermone utatur vitetque maxime obscuritatem Sallustii 
 et audaciam in translationibus (=/teTa0opais). His personal conviction as to the best 
 style need not however have hindered Ateius from drawing up, at Sallust's express 
 order, both this breviarium and also a collection of archaic phrases. Pest. 181 
 Ateius Philologus in libro glossematorum, and he quotes, without mentioning from 
 what work, ib. 166. 173. 181. 313. 352. 375. Chakis. GL. 1, 134, 4 Ateius Philologus 
 ■mv&Kuv III. Chakis. GIL. 1, 127, 17 Ateius Philologus librum suum sic edidit 
 
382 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 inscription ' an amaverit Didun Aeneas ' (Gbaff 1.1. 308). Ateius is also cited 
 Plin. HIST. ind. auot. to b. 4 and as L. Ateius ib. to b. 8, further Pkisc. GL. 2, 383. 
 8. Sekv. Aen. 1, 601. HGeaff, melanges greco-rom. de l'acad. de St. Petersb. 2, 274. 
 
 2. Suet, gramm. 14 huius (of Curtius Nicias, § 200, 4) de Lucilio libros etiam 
 Santra comprobat. Cf.MABTiAL.il, 2, 7 salebrosum Santram, Hiekonym. de vir. 
 illustr. (2, 821 Vail.) praef. : fecerunt hoc idem (i.e. they wrote de viris illustribus) 
 . . . apud Latinos Varro (born 638/116), Santra, Nepos (born c. 655/99), Hyginus 
 (born c. 690/64). Gell. 7, 15, 5 ne si Aelii quidem, Cincii et Santrae dicendum ita 
 censuissent. Vebeius Flacous (ap. Festus 277) and Quint. 12, 10, 16 mention Santra 
 in reference to questions of literary history. Sueton. vit. Terent. (p. 31, 10 E ; 
 Santra Tereritium existimat etc. Festus 277 quam rem (on reoiniati mimi plani- 
 pedes) diligenter exsequitur Santra libro II de antiquitate verborum. Schol. Veeon. 
 Aen. 5, 95 (p. 95 K.) Santra de antiquitate verborum libro III ait etc. ad Aen. 2, 171 
 (p. 86) ut Santra antiquitatium libris. Non. 170, 21 Santra de verborum antiquitate 
 III (or I. II) : quod (Naevius' b. punicum, see § 95, 8) volumen unum nos lectitavimus 
 et postea (in other MSS.) invenim.ua septemfariam divisum. From Santra nuntiis 
 (nuptiis Eibbeck) Bacchus Nonius (see Bibb, trag. 2 p. 228, rom. Trag. 616) quotes 
 four (incomplete) senarii, at least three of -which are constructed after a strict 
 Hellenic model. To judge by his name Santra was not of Italic birth (LMebcklin, 
 Phil. 3, 344, takes him to have been an African, on account of Mabt. 6, 39 ; but see 
 ib. 7, 20, 1).— LLeksch, Zf AW. 1839, Nr. 13 sq. 43 ; Sprachphilosophie 3, 165. AE 
 Eggeb, lat. serm. Yet. reliqq. 18. LPkelleb, ausgew. Aufsatze 377. Bucheleb, 
 EhM. 40, 148. 
 
 3. Suet, gramm. 15 Lenaeus, Magni Pompei libertus et paene omnium expedi- 
 tionum comes, defuncto eo filiisque eius (Sextus died last, a. 719/35) schola se susten- 
 tavit . . . ac tanto amore erga patroni memoriam exstitit ut Sallustium historicum 
 . . . acerbissima satura laceraverit (see § 206, 1). traditur autem puer adhitc 
 Athenis subreptus refugisse in patriam, . . . verum . . . gratis manumissus. He 
 also wrote on pharmacology {Pompeius Lenaeus Magni libertus Plin, NH. 25, 5) ; 
 see § 53, 1. 
 
 4. Suet, gramm. 28 M. (so in the Ind. gramm. p. 99 E., but see below) 
 Epidius calumnia notatus ludum dicendi aperuit docuitque inter ceteros M. Antonium 
 et Augustum (also Vergil, see § 224, 3). quibus quondam O. Cannutius . . . matte 
 [se] respondit Isaurici esse discipulum quam JEpidii calumniator is. hie X/pidius ortum 
 se a C. Pipidio Nucerino praedicabat. Plin. NH. in the ind. auct. to b. 17 C. Epidio 
 and 17, 243 qualibus ostentis Aristandri apud Graecos volumen scatet, . . . apud nos 
 vera C. Epidi commentarii, in quibus arbores locutae quoque reperiuntur. HPetek, 
 EhM. 22, 153. Was GL. 6, 79, 18 (quid ais, Epidia ? etc.) perhaps also referred 
 to ? ? EBahbens, PLM. 327. Cf. also § 205, 6. 
 
 5. Suet, gramm. 29=rhet. 5 Sex Clodius e Sicilia, latinae simul graecaeque 
 eloquentiae professor (cf. Sabinum [Sextum?] Olodium uno die et graece et latine 
 declamantem in Sen. controv. 9, 3, 13), male oculatus et dicax par oculorum in amicitia 
 M. Antonii triumviri extrisse (?) se aiebat. . . . a quo (M. Antonio) mox consule 
 (a. 710/44) ingens etiam congiarium accepit. Cf. Cic. Phil. 2, 43 (rhetorem . . . 
 salsum hominem). 3, 22. ad Att. 4, 15, 2 (a. 700/54) vereor ne lepore te suo detineat 
 diutius rhetor Clodius. Lactant. inst. 1, 22, 11 Sex. Clodius in eo libro quern graece 
 scripsit. Aknob. adv. gent. 5, 18 Sex. Clodius sexto de diis graeco. On the other 
 hand the Clodius cited in Sebvius on Aen. 1, 176 Clodius commentariorum quarto, 
 cf. ib. 52. 2, 229) is probably Clodius Tuscus (§ 263, 5). JBebnays, Theophrastos' 
 work on piety p. 10. 
 
§ 211, 12. SANTEA, LENAEUS, EPIDIUS ETC.: VAEEO ATACINUS. 383 
 
 6. A grammarian Gavius Bassus is also quoted as the author of works de 
 origine verborum et vocabulorum (Gellius 2, 4, 3. 3, 19, 1. 5, 7) in at least 7 books 
 (ib. 11, 17, 4) de verborum significatione (Mace. 3, 18, 2), commentaria (Gell. 3, 9. 18, 
 3), de diis (Macr. 1, 9, 13 of. 3, 6, 17. Lyd. de mens. 4, 2 ; cf. Quint. 1, 6, 36. 
 Lactant. inst. 1, 22, 9). As according to Gell. 3, 9, 8 he still saw at Argos the 
 equus Seianus, the last proprietor of which, C. Cassius, died 718/36, he seems to 
 belong to this period (at the very latest to the Augustan time.) JKretzschmer, 
 defont. Gell. p. 99 sq.— In Fest. 166", 3. 170 b , 27. 355", 7 a certain Curiatius 
 as an explainer of words. Cf. LMercklin, de Varr. tralaticio scrib. genere, Dorp. 
 1858, 8. 
 
 7. Statius Sebosus is mentioned by Pliny in the ind. auct. for b. 2 and 9 
 and simply called Sebosus in b. 3. 5-7. 12. 13. Notices are given on his authority 
 ib. 6, 201 (the time of a voyage to the insulae Hesperidum) and 9, 46 (the wonders 
 of the river Ganges). EEHudeman, ZfAW. 1852, no. 3. A certain Sebosus is 
 mentioned by Cicero, Att. 2, 14, 2. 2, 15, 3 (a. 695/59), as a friend of Lutatius 
 Catulus and a troublesome neighbour. 
 
 212. Poets of this time who, as far as we know, kept aloof 
 from political contention were P. Terentius. Varro of Atax 
 (a. 672/82-717/37) and Publilius Syrus ; Varro 'first narrated in 
 an epic poem Caesar's war in the country of the Sequani (bellum 
 Sequanicum) and composed saturae : he subsequently became 
 more famous as a tasteful and dexterous adapter of Alexandrine 
 epic and didactic poems (Argonautae, Chorographia, and others) ; 
 he was also an elegiac poet. Publilius Syrus (perhaps a 
 native of Antioch) wrote for the stage, with much success, mimi 
 which were still performed under Nero, a rich mine of proverbial 
 philosophy, from which maxims were extracted in the 1st Chris- 
 tian century ; this collection was enlarged from other sources in 
 the beginning of the Middle Ages. A contemporary of these 
 two poets was the wide-ranging epic poet (Annales) Tanusius 
 Geminus, from Upper Italy, who was brought by Catullus into 
 bad repute ; he subsequently turned his attention to history, and 
 after Caesar's death he treated in an Historia of the most recent 
 events in Rome. 
 
 1. Hieronym. on Euseb. Chron. ad a. Abr. 1935=672/82 P. Terentius Varro 
 vico Mace (Porphyrio on Hor. 1.1. explains more correctly ab Atace fluvio dictus, 
 now Aude) in provincia Narbonensi nascitur. qui postea XXXV" m annum agens 
 graecas litteras cum summo studio didicit. Hor. sat. 1, 10, 46 hoc (Satire)' erat 
 experto frustra Varrone Atacino . . . melius quod scrihere possem. Prom this it 
 appears that Varro was no longer living when this satire was written (a. 718/36, 
 see Teuffel, BhM. 4, 111). Varro probably wrote satires in the earlier and 
 patriotic period of his life, to which also his bellum Sequanicum seems to belong 
 (Prisc GL. 2, 497 P. Varro belli Sequanici libro II, followed by an hexameter). 
 The subject was especially familiar to Varro both as regards period and locality ; 
 
384 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 it probably treated of Caesar's war against Ariovistus (696/58), who had estab- 
 lished himself in the territory of the Sequani, Caes. b. g. 1, 30-54. 
 
 2. Quint. 10, 1, 87 Atacinus Varro in Us per quae nomen est assecutus interpret 
 , operis alieni, non spernendus quidem, verum ad augendam facultatem dicendi parum 
 
 locuples. Vell. 2, 37, 3 auctoresque carminum Varronem ac Lucretium, unless it is 
 M. Varro who is there alluded to, see § 165, 2 in fin. Quintilian refers to Varro's 
 Argonautae, a free version of the 'ApyovavriKti of Apollonios of Ehodes. Pros. 
 Verg. G. 2, 126 Varro qui quattuor libros de Argonautis edidit ; Schol. Veron. ad 
 Verg. Aen. 2, 82 p. 84 K. Varro Argonautarum primo; Prob. Verg. G. 1, 14 traditur 
 . . . in corpore Argonautarum a Varrone Atacino ; Atjdax GL. 7, 332, 7 Varro 
 . . . in Argonautis, also mentioned approvingly by Ovid am. 1, 15, 21. AA. 3, 335. 
 trist. 2, 439. ex Pont. 4, 16, 21 (? of. § 252, 1). Prop. 3, 34, 85. Stat. silv. 2, 7, 77. 
 Sen. controv. 7, 2, 28 illos optimos versus Varonis=Avoi.i,. Eh. 3, 748 sq. Literal 
 borrowing from Ennius : Serv. Verg. Aen. 10, 396. EUnger, epist. de Varr. Atac, 
 Friedl. 1861. — He wrote also a geographical work, in hexameters, of which the 
 name is concealed ap. Prisc. GL. 2, 100, 15 in the corruption (h)ort(h)ographia : this 
 has long since been rightly corrected to chorographia (others read cosmographia). 
 After a general introduction (e.g. on the motions of the heavenly bodies, constella- 
 tions and zones) Europe (Fest. 381, 4 Varro in Europa?), Asia and Africa were 
 treated of successively, the work of Alexander of Ephesus (surnamed 6 A.&x?o$) 
 being probably the original: cf. GBoper, Phil. 18, 433. Meineke, anal. Alex, 
 374 ; used by Plin. NH. b. 3-6 (geography, ex . . . Varrone Atacino). Bitschl, 
 op. 3, 432. HFlach, Hesych. Mil. onomatol. p. 37 is wrong. — Also an Ephemeris : 
 Schol. Leid. ad Verg. Gr. 1, 397 p. 222 Serv. Lion. Varro in ephemeride (so in 
 Bergk : vulg. epimenide. Perhaps there is in the title a confusion with the Ephe- 
 merides of the Beatine author ; cf. § 166, 6, c ad fin.) ' nubes * vellera lanae stabunt ' 
 sic et Aratus (viz. 938) : to the same version by Aratus belong the seven well 
 constructed hexameters in Serv. Verg. G. 1, 375 (=Arat. 942. 954 sqq.). Bergk, 
 BhM. 1, 372. — In his elegiac writings Varro shared the erotic tendency of the 
 Alexandrine poets. Prop. 3, 34, 85 haec quoque perfecto ludebat Iasone Varro, Varro 
 Leucadiae maxima flamma suae, haec quoque lascivi cantarunt scripta Catulli etc. 
 Ovid trist. 2, 439 is quoque phasiacas Argo qui duxit in undas non potuit Veneris 
 furta tacere suae. These are, however, the only traces of his elegies, as his suc- 
 cessors obscured him ; it is hardly probable that his un-Eoman origin deprived 
 him of influence.— An epigram (AL. 414. PLM. 4, 64) on the tomb of the rich 
 Gaul Licinus (who died as late as Tiberius ; Schol. Iuv. 1, 109. PEE. 4, 1081) 
 may have been attributed to Varro on account of their being compatriots (it was 
 entitled : Terentii Varronis Atacini ; cf. Schol. Pers. 2, 36 non invenustum Varronis 
 epigrammd). Horace 1.1. is our sole witness as to Varro's satires. FWullner, de 
 P. Terentii Varronis Atacini vita et scriptis, Miinster 1829. Here are also col- 
 lected the scanty fragments, and in Eiese, Varr. Menipp. 261. FPB. 332. Cf. 
 Eibbeck, rom. Dicht. 1, 345. 
 
 3. Hieron. ad. Euseb. Chron. 1974=711/43 (the year in which Laberius died, 
 see§192,3): Publilius (so the cod. Amand. : Publius in the others) mimographus 
 natione Syrus Romae scaenan tenent. On the correct name Publilius (instead of 
 Publius) see Sillig on Plin. 1.1. EWolfflin, Phil. 22, 439. Plin. NH. 35, 199 
 talem (pedibus cretatis) PublUium f lochium {Antiochium OJahn, Phil. 26, 11), mimi- 
 cae scaenae conditorem, et astrologiae consobrinum eius Manilium Antiochum (cf. 
 § 253, 2 ad fin.), item grammaticae Staberium Erotem eadem nave advectos videre 
 proavi (cf. ib. 8, 209). Macr. 2, 7, 6 Publilius, natione Syrus, cum puer ad patronum 
 domini esset adductus, promeruit eum non minus salibus et ingenio quam forma. (7) 
 
§ 212. PDBLILIDS. 385 
 
 ob haec et alia manumissus et maiore cura eruditus, cum mimos componeret ingentique 
 adsensu in Italiae oppidis agere coepisset, productus Romae per Caesaris ludos (a. 
 709/45) (mines qui tunc scripta et operas suas in scenam locaverant provocavit ut singuli 
 secum posita invicem materia pro tempore contenderent. nee ullo recusante superavit 
 omnes, in quis et Laberium. (8) unde Caesar adridens hoc mode pronuntiavit 'favente 
 tibi me victus es, Laberi, a Syro ' Publilio palmam . . . dedit. tunc Publilius ad 
 Laberium recedentem ait ' quicum contendisti scriptor hunc spectator subleva ' (in 
 Publilius' further contest with other competitors). Publilius must therefore 
 have challenged his fellow actors to a mimic improvisation. EHoffmann, EhM. 
 39, 471. Syria excelled in the art of improvisation, see Wolfflin 1.1. 443. 
 Gell. 17, 14, 1 Publilius mimos scriptitavit. dignus habitus est qui subpar Laberio 
 iudicaretur. (3) huius Publilii sententiae feruntur pleraeque (om. Macr. 2, 7 10) 
 lepidae et ad communem sermonum (om. Macr.) usum commendatissimae (Mack. : 
 adcommodatissimae), ex quibus sunt istae singulis versibus circumscriptae etc. Sen. 
 controv. 7, 2, 14. 7, 3, 8 (quae apud eum melius essent dicta quam apud quemquam 
 comicum tragicumque aut Romanum aut Graecum). Sen. de tranq. an. 11, 8 Publilius, 
 tragicis comicisque vehementior ingeniis, quotiens mimicas ineptias et verba ad summam 
 caveam spectantia (addressed to the gallery) reliquit, inter multa alia cothurno, non 
 tantum sipario, fortiora et hoc ait, epist. 8,. 8 quantum disertissimorum versuum inter 
 mimos iacet! quam multa Publilii non excalceatis, sed cothurnatis dicenda sunt! Cf. 
 § 8, 6. Publilius seems also to have added allusions to his time. See Cic. Att. 14, 
 2, 1. Cf. besides Cic. fam. 12, 18, 2 and the other authorities on Publilius in 
 "WMeyee's ed. p. 1. 
 
 4. The fact that only two titles of plays by Publilius are known (Non. 133, 
 7 Publili putatoribus [the pruners] and Pkisc. GL. 2, 532, 25 Publius in f murmun- 
 thone) is accounted for by the fact that he was chiefly an actor and improvisatore, 
 and therefore only stage-copies of his plays were in circulation. The numerous 
 pithy sayings contained in them were collected and published in the 1st century of 
 the Christian era (Gellius 17, 14 already knows of such a collection). Of the 14 
 one-line apophthegms from Publilius given by Gellius 1.1., all (except one) recur 
 in collections still extant, and here we also find the 5 sayings attributed to 
 Publilius by the two Senecas. Accordingly the contents of these collections are 
 rightly traced to Publilius, as regards their fundamental substance, although no 
 MS. mentions him as their author, and this is confirmed by the collection of 
 excerpts in cod. Veron. 168 s. XJV (Flares rnoralium autoritatum), which gives 60 
 lines with the following references to their origin : Publius, ex sententiis Publii, 
 Publius Syrus, Publius mimus.. Hence the' original title may have been : Publilii 
 Syri mimi sententiae. Of these 60 lines 16 are not known from other sources. 
 WMeyee, die Samml. d. Spruchverse (1877) 47. 61 ; however SMaffec, de' teatri 
 antichi e moderni (Verona 1753) 118, had already published from the same MS. 
 12 out of those 16 lines (see GLoewe, EhM. 34, 624). — The extant collections 
 contain about 700 sayings (single lines, mostly iambio senarii, but also some 
 trochaic septenarii) and they consist of heterogeneous abstracts from an original 
 collection, which was alphabetically arranged and contained perhaps 1000 lines, 
 from which (directly or indirectly) the writer of the cod. Veron, drew his 
 materials. 
 
 5. The first revision (in WMeyee 2) e.g. in the Parisini 2676 s. X-XI and 
 7641 s. X, Turic. (=Bheinaug. 95) s. X, gives 265 apophthegms from A-N. To 
 replace the second half, which had been lost at an early date (it contained the 
 sayings from O-V), 149 apophthegms in prose, taken chiefly from Seneca de moribus 
 (§ 289, 10), were added. This entire collection was entitled after its better known 
 E. L. C 
 
•1386 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 author Sententiae (or Proverbia) Senecae. The second revision (II) contained 
 more than 450 lines; the Vaticano-Palatinus 239 s. X-XI includes the letters 
 A-I. The remainder is to be found in the Frisingensis (see below). The third 
 (Z), Which has been much remodelled, exists in a Turic. C 78 s. X from C-V : the 
 beginning of it (A-D) is given in Monac. 6369 s. XI: altogether 137 sayings, 
 amongst them BO which are not to be found in the other collections. Edited in a 
 complete form by WMeyee, SBer. d. Munch. Ak. 1872 2, 538. On the Vatic. Reg. 
 1762 s. LX, which resembles the Monac, see WMeyer, Abh. d. Munch. Ak. 17, 1, 
 22. — The most complete Corpus (*■) is that which has resulted from combining 
 the first and second revision, the cod. Frisingensis (now Monac. 6292) s. XI, 
 altogether 649 lines. The Frisingensis was already made use of (by JGeetsee) 
 in the Ingoldstadt ed. of 1600.— As nearly all the sayings are rules of common 
 prudence and every-day experience, and as Seneca (ep. 33, 7) writes: pueris 
 sententias ediscendas damns, it appears credible that this collection was used in the 
 schools. Thus Hieronymus epist. ad Laetam 107 (1, 679 Vail.) quotes the line 
 Aegre reprehendas quod sinas consuescere (now proved by the cod. Veron. to be by 
 Publilius) and he adds: legi quondam in scholis puer. — The earlier editions (see 
 Wolfflin, Phil. 22. 454. WMeyer's ed, p. 14) are now useless on account of their 
 confusion of the various parts, and of many interpolations. First documentary 
 edition : Publilii Syri sententiae ad fid. codd. optt. nunc primum rec. EWolfflin, 
 Lps. 1869. Bevisions by OEibbeck in the Com. lat. 2 p. 309 (together with p. 
 lxxxix. cxxxm; Jen. LZ. 1874, 446; LCentr.-BL 1880, 1044 and against this 
 rightly WMeyee, Beobacht. des Versaccents, Abh. d. Munch. Akad. 17, 1, 21) and 
 ASpengel (recensuit, Berl. 1874). New revision by WMeyek, Lpz. 1880 (with 
 complete critical apparatus and ind. verborum).— Publ. Syr. sententiae, dig. rec. 
 ill. OFriedrich ; ace. Caecilii Balbi, Pseudosenecae, proverbiorum falso inter 
 Publilianas receptae sententiae et recognitae et versibus adstrictae, Berl. 1880. 
 Cf. also especially WMeyee, die Sammlungen der Spruchverse des Publilius, 
 Lpz. 1877- ; likewise Wolfflin, Phil. 11, 191. 16, 618. 22, 437; phil. Anz. 9, 51. 
 ANatjck, Melanges greco-rom. (Petersb. 1872) 3, 2. CHaetung, Phil. 37, 569. A 
 few observations on the MS. copies, EBaheens, miscell. crit. (G-roningen 1879) 18. 
 
 6. From the original collection (n. 4 ad fin.) a series of Publilius-sayings was 
 transmuted into a collection of apophthegms, which we now possess in MS. in a 
 duplicate (longer and shorter) form (e.g. in the Frisingensis, now Monac. 6292 s. 
 XI; Paris. 2772 s. X). Printed as Caecilii Balbi de nugis philosophorum quae 
 supersunt nunc prim. ed. Wolfflin, Bas. 1855. The name of this author and this 
 title, which Wolfflin following ChPeteksen, Verh. d. Kasseler Phil.-Vers. 1844, 
 109, gave to the collection from Joannes Saresber. (Policrat. 3, 14), which had 
 been handed down without a name, are founded on an error : see ABeifferscheid, 
 BhM. 16, 12 and Wolfflin himself ib. 615 and PEE. 1*, 244. The so-called 
 Caecilius Balbus is mainly an ancient Latin translation of a Greek collection of 
 maxims ; see WMeyee, die Samml. d. Spruchv. d. Publ. Syr. 45, JScheibma'ier, de 
 sententiis quas dicunt Caecilii Balbi, Munich 1879. On the lines from Publilius 
 interpolated in this collection at a later time see Meyee LI. 44. Scheibmaier 1.1. 
 27. Also OFeiedeich (n. 5) 10. 81. 
 
 7. Sen. ep. 93, 9 paucorum versuum liher est (the short life of Metronax), et 
 quidem laudandus atque utilis. annales Tanusii scis quam ponderosi sint et quid 
 vocentur. hoc est vita quorundam longa et quod Tanusii sequilur annales. This quid 
 vocentur is an allusion to Catull. 36, 1 annales Volusi, cacala charta (cf. ib. 6 
 electissima pessimi poetae sorvpta ; 19 plena ruris et inficetiarum, and 95, 7 Volusi 
 annales Paduam morientur ad ipsam, i.e. in the author's native place) and Volusius 
 
§ 212, 13. PUBLILUJS : TICIDAS. 387 
 
 is a disguise of the real name of Tanusius ; MHaupt, op. 1, 71. LSchwabe, 
 quaestt. Cat. 278. Against PESonnenbuks, who in the histor. researches for 
 ASchafek, Bonn 1882, 158, disputes the identification of Volusius=Tanusius 
 see LSchwabe, JJ. 129, 380. — After Caesar's death this Tanusius wrote an historia 
 (§ 210), mentioned by Suet. Iul. 9 ( Tanusius Qeminus in historia), Stbabo 17, 829 
 (where instead of ro/Si'cios 6 tQv 'Pw/Wwe a-vyypa^eis we should according to the 
 best MS. read Taxiicnos, of. BNiese, RhM. 38, 601) and Plut. Caes. 22. This historia 
 treated of the most recent events, and was not favourable to Caesar. Perhaps 
 the Geminus mentioned in Macb. sat. 1, 16, 33 is likewise this same Tanusius, see 
 Schwabe, JJ. 1.1. 385.— HPeter, hist. rom. fr. 239. EUnger, de Tanusio Gemino 
 annalium scriptore, Friedland 1855. 
 
 8. Catullus (14, 18. 19. 22, 1) mentions likewise other (inferior) poets of his 
 time, such as Aquinus (cf. Cic. Tusc. 5, 63), Caesius, Suffenus. LSchwabe, quaestt. 
 Cat. 257 and the interpreters ad 11. 
 
 9. Nep. Att. 12, 4 L. Julium Calidum, quern post Lucretii Oatullique mortem 
 multo elegantissimum poetam nostram tulisse aetatem vere videor posse contendere, neque 
 minus virum bonum optimisque artibus eruditum post proscriptionem equitum (after 
 the list of the proscribed belonging to the equestrian order had been already 
 closed) propter magnas eius Africanas possessiones in proscriptorum numerum a P. 
 Volumnio praefecto fabrum Antonii absentem relatum expedivit (Atticus). Nepos 
 amicably overrates this poet, who is mentioned nowhere else. He is possibly to 
 be identified with the L. Julius from Africa, whom Cicero (fam. 13, 6, 3 a. 698/56) 
 recommends to Valerius Orca procons. Afr. 
 
 213. Ticidas, the author of erotic poems (on Perilla), appears 
 to belong to the same circle, as well as C. Helvius Glnna, who 
 in his mythological epic poem of Zmyrna laboriously plodded 
 along in the track of the erudite Alexandrine poets, and also 
 another friend of Catullus, the talented, original, and incisive 
 writer C. Licinius Calvus (a. 672/82-707/47), a man equally 
 eminent as juridical pleader and poet, and who in both depart- 
 ments purposely bridled his abundant vivacity by rigorous 
 attention to form. In oratory he followed the New Attic school, 
 and in poetry he succeeded in combining the correctness of the 
 Alexandrine school with an impassioned treatment of his subject, 
 both in love and hatred, in the manner of Catullus and closely 
 approaching him. 
 
 1. Ovid trist. 2, 433 (after Catullus and Calvus, before Cinna) quid referam 
 Ticidae, quid Mem/mi carnten, apud quos rebus abest nomen nominibusque pudor ? 
 Apul. apol. 10 accusant . . . Ticidam similiter, quod quae Metella erat Perillam 
 scripserit. A pentameter by Ticidas in praise of Valerius Cato's Lydia is quoted 
 by Suet. gr. 11, and Ticidas is mentioned ib. 4 together with Purius Bibaculus and 
 (Valerius) Cato. Pbisc. GL. 2, 189, 2 ' sole ' (as vocative) quoque antiqui. Ticidas 
 (so in the MSS., in Suet. gr. 11 we have the nominative Ticida) in hymenaeo : felix 
 lectule talibus sole amoribus, 
 
 2. C. (Catullus 10, 30) Helvius (Gell. 19, 13, 5) Cinna was the companion 
 of Catullus in the suite of the praetor Memmius (§ 202, 2) in Bithynia (Catull. 
 
388 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 10, 29, Cinnae fr. 3 Mull.). Very little besides this is known of his life. Perhaps 
 he was a fellow-countryman of Catullus. Cf. Cinna ap. Gell. 19, IB, 5 at nunc me 
 Genumana (the Cenomani lived near Verona and Brixia) per salicta ligis raeda 
 rapit citata nanis. Kiessling 1.1. 353 conjectures Brixia to have been his birthplace : 
 here the gens Helvia was numerously established according to the inscriptions. 
 Plut. Brut. 20 calls Cinna, the Caesarian tribune of the people, who, being mis- 
 taken for L. Cornelius China (PEE. 2, 691, 2) was killed in consequence at Caesar's 
 funeral (710/44), a iroi^riicds i.i>-hp to distinguish him from that Cornelius Cinna (he 
 is called C. Helvius Cinna by Val. Max. 9, 9, 1, Helvius Cinna by Suet. Iul. 85, 
 cf. 52. Cassitts Dio 44, 50). Accordingly it is very probable a priori that our 
 poet and his namesake and contemporary, the tribune of the people, are identical. 
 A difficulty indeed arises from the fact that the tribune of the people was a 
 partisan of Caesar, inasmuch as we should rather have expected a hostile atti- 
 tude towards Caesar in the friend of Catullus, which is confirmed by the circum- 
 stance that Catullus' poem 113, an attack on Caesar, is addressed to Cinna : but 
 perhaps Cinna like Catullus (§ 214, 5) and Calvus (§ 213, 7) had subsequently 
 been reconciled with Caesar, He must certainly have become one of his most 
 zealous partisans : cf . besides § 192, 5. Verg. eel. 9, 35 is not necessarily opposed 
 to the statement of Plutarch, since that passage need not imply that Cinna was 
 still living at the date of the composition of the poem (714/40). Kiessling 1.1. 
 353. On Cinna's reputation as a poet cf. also Valgius in schol. Veron. Verg. eel. 
 7, 22 (§ 233, 1). Ribbeck's theory (rOm. Dicht. 1, 343), that Cornelius Cinna, and 
 not Helvius Cinna, was killed at Caesar's funeral is incompatible with the 
 authorities on the subject ; see LSchwabe, Phil. 47, 169. 
 
 3. His principal work was his Smyrna (Zmyrna), in which he treated of the 
 unnatural love of Smyrna (Myrrha) for her father Kinyras, the subject being in 
 the manner of the Alexandrine poets. Cinna devoted nine years to this poem 
 (Cathll. 95. Quint. 10, 4, 4. Philargyr. on Verg. eel. 1.1. Porphyr. Hor. AP. 
 388) in spite of its inconsiderable length (Catuxl. 95, 9. Serv. Verg. eel. 9, 35 
 iSmyrnam, quern libellum decern annis elimavit), a fact equally characteristic of his 
 lack of real poetical talent and his industry in formal polish. Philargyr. 1.1. (in 
 Lion's Servius 2, p. 327) states the result of all this : fuit autem liber obscurus adeo 
 ut et nonnulli eius aetatis grammatici (L. Crassicius § 263, 2 is here referred to) in eum, 
 scripserinl magnamque ex eius enarratione sint gloriam consecuti. quod obscurus fuerit 
 etiam Martialis ostendit in illo versu (10, 21, 4) ' non lectore tuis opus est, sed ApoUine 
 libris : iudice te melior Cinna Mar one fuiV Ovid trist. 2, 435 places him among the 
 erotic poets Cinna quoque his comes est (cf. n. 1) ; we are justified in refusing credit 
 to G-ellius (see § 31, 1) both in his statement that these poems were illepida and 
 that C. was non ignobilis neque indoctus poeta (Gell. 19, 13, 5) . Lyrical poems by 
 him in Gell. 9, 12, 12 Cinna in poematis (choliambic) ; also 19, 13, 5 (hendeca- 
 syllabics). Non. 87, 27 Cinna in epigrammatis ; in Isidor. orig. 6, 12, 2 we have 
 an epigram by Cinna, written to accompany a present, a copy of Aratus' $aiv6/ieva 
 which he had brought with him from Bithynia (n. 2). In Charis. GL. 1, 124 four 
 hexameters from Cinna's Propempticon Pollionis (for the young Asinius Pollio 
 § 221, on the occasion of his journey to Greece, see Kiessling 1.1. 352). A com- 
 mentary on or introduction to this poem by Hyginus (Charis. GL. 1, 134, 12 Iulius 
 Hyginus in Cinnae propemptico). Parthenios, who was at that time living in Bome 
 and had great influence on the Roman poets (§ 150, 6. 230, 2, 3. 230, 3, 1), also wrote 
 a TrpoTefntTLKov (Steph. Byz. s. v. Ktipv/cos. iro'Xis KiXixfas. IlapSivios irpoTrep.itTi.Klf.) 
 Was Cinna in close connection with him ? Parthenios iX^Sn iirb Klvva (perhaps 
 the father of the poet? see Kiessling 1.1. 352) Xd^v/xw, 8re Midpiddrrip 'Pw/iaioi 
 
§ 213. HELVIUS CINNA: CALV0S. 389 
 
 KaTeiro\i/j.ii<rat> (Suid. s. v.). — In general AWeichert, poett. latt. vitae etc. (Lps. 
 1830) 147 ; the remains of Cinna's poems ib. 187, in LMuller's Catullus 87. FPB. 
 323. — AJEiessling, de C. Helvio China poeta in the oommentt. Mommsen. 351. 
 Eibbeck, rOm. Dioht. 1, 341. 
 
 4. Another friend of Catullus, Caecilius in Novum Comum, was — according 
 to Catullus 35, 13 — likewise engaged on a poem (an epic, or perhaps galliambic ? 
 § 214, 6 1. 15) of a mythological character on Kybele, but we do not know if it was 
 ever finished and published. — To this group also belongs Varus, Catullus' literary 
 friend (22 ; cf. 10), who is generally identified with Alf enus Varus (§ 208, 3) : it 
 is quite as probable that he is the friend mentioned by Hieronymus a.. 1994 
 (Freherian. a. 1993) =731/23: Quintilius Cremonensis Vergili et Horati familiar is 
 moritur, whose death is referred to by Horace c. 1, 24 (ad Vergilium), who has also 
 AP. 438 raised a monument to him as a skilful art-critic ; Porphyr. ad loc. : hie 
 erat Quintilius Varus Cremonensis (poeta Cremonensis Aero and comment. Cruquii) 
 amicus Vergilii, equ.es Romanus. LSchwabe, quaestt. Catull. 289. — Prom the Cretica 
 of an unknown author (de qua in creticis f versibus) see four hexameters ap. Hygin. 
 fab. 177 ? cf. the editors ad loc. Bahrens misc. crit. 19. FPU. 327. 
 
 5. C. Licinius Macer (Cic. ad Q, fr. 2, 4, 1) Calvus (with two surnames: see 
 
 Drumann's GE. 4, 195), the son of the annalist Licinius Macer (§ 156, 4), Val. 
 
 Max. 9. 12, 7. He was born May 28, 672/82: see § 209, 5. Cicero's letter to 
 
 Trebonius, fam. 15, 21, 4 (a. 707/47) presupposes the recent death of Calvus, cf . 
 
 below the passage from Cic. Brut, (composed 708/46). Seneca contr. 7, 4, 7 erat 
 
 (Calvus) parvolus statura, propter quod etiam Catullus in hendecasyllabis (53, 5) vocat 
 
 ilium ' salaputtium disertum ' (cf . for this word C. Iulius P. f. Salaputis CIL. 8, 
 
 10570). Hence Ovid trist. 2, 431 exigui Calvi. General characterisation of Calvus 
 
 Cic. Brut. 279 facienda mentio est . . . duorum adolescentium qui, si diutius 
 
 vixissent, magnam essent eloquentiae laudem consecuti, namely C. Curio (§ 209, 1) and 
 
 C. Licinius Calvus. 283 Calvus . . . orator fuit cum litter is eruditior quam Curio 
 
 turn etiam accuratius quoddam dicendi et exquisitius afferebat genus, quod quamquam 
 
 scienter eleganterque tractabat, nimium tamen inquirens in se atque ipse sese observans 
 
 metuensque ne vitiosum colligeret etiam verum sanguinem deperdebat. itaque eius oratio 
 
 nimia religione attenuata doctis et attente audientibus erat illustris, a multitudine autem 
 
 et aforo . . . devorabatur. (284) Turn Brutus, atticum se, inquit, Calvus noster 
 
 did oratorem volebat; inde erat ista exilitas, quam Ule de industria consequebatur. 
 
 ad. fam. 15, 21, 4 genus quoddam sequebatur in quo, iudicio lapsus quo valebat, tamen 
 
 assequebatur quod probarat. multae erant et reconditae litterae, vis non erat. . . . 
 
 de ingenio eius valde existimavi bene. Cf. Tac dial. 18 (see § 210, 2). Quint. 10, 1, 
 
 115 inveni qui Calvum praeferrent omnibus . . . est (Calvi) et sancta (cf. 12, 10, 11) et 
 
 gravis oratio et frequenter vehemens quoque. imitator autem est Atticorum fecitque illi 
 
 properata mors iniuriam. Sen. contr. 7, 4, 6 Calvus, qui diu cum Cicerone iniquissi- 
 
 mam litem, de principatu eloquentiae habuit, usque eo vioientus actor et concitatus fuit 
 
 ut in media eius actione surgeret Vatinius reus et exclamaret ' rogo vos, iudices, num si 
 
 iste disertus est ideo me damnari oportet f ... solebat praeterea excedere subsellia 
 
 sua et impetu latus usque in adversariorum partem transcurrere. . . . compositio 
 
 quoque eius in actionibus ad exemplum Demostlienis riget : nihil in ilia placidum, nihil 
 
 lene est, omnia excitata et fluctuantia. Another feature, his precise phraseology, is 
 
 mentioned by Tac. dial. 25 (adstrictior), Apul. apol. 95 (argutiae) ; but Fronto p. 
 
 114 Nab. says: in iudiciis . . . Calvus rixatur. — Suet. Aug. 72 habitavit primo 
 
 in domo quae Calvi oratoris fuerat. 
 
 6. Tac. dial. 21 ipse mihi (as a, champion of the modern oratory) Calvus, cum 
 unum et viginti, ut puto, libros (i.e. speeches) reliquerit, vix in una et altera oratiuncula 
 
390 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 satisfacit. nee dissentire ceteros ab hoc meo iudicio video : quotus enim quisque Calvi 
 in Asitium aut in Drusum legit ? at hercle in omnium studiosorum manibus versantur 
 accusationes quae in Vatinium inscribuntur ac praecipue secunda (which shows that 
 there were at least three) ex his oratio : est enim verbis ornata et sententiis, auribus 
 iudicum accommodata. ib. 34 uno et vicesimo (aetatis anno) Caesar Dolabellam, aliero 
 et vicesimo Asinius Pollio C. Catonem, non multum aetate antecedens Calvus Vatinium 
 Us orationibus insecuti sunt quas hodie quoque cum admiratione legimus. Cf. Quint. 
 12, 6, 1 cum . . . Calvus, Caesar, Pollio multum ante quaestoriam omnes aetatem 
 (which was then the thirtieth year) gravissima indicia susceperint. Calvus acted 
 several times as the accuser of P. Vatinius, the first time a. 696/58 (ex lege 
 Licinia Iunia?), then de ambitu e lege Tullia (a. 698/56 ?), and again lege Licinia 
 de sodaliciis in July 700/54, when Cicero defended the accused ; lastly, perhaps 
 a fourth time (de vi ?) also a. 700/54, when Cicero was one of the witnesses in favour 
 of Vatinius (ad. fam. 1, 9, 4. 19) ; see KNipperdey, op. 330. GMatthies, de Calvi 
 in Vatin. accusationibus, in the commentt. philol. (Lps. 1874) 99. Bahrens, com- 
 mentar. Cat. p. 264. BSchmidt, Catull. p. lv. In the same way Calvus defended 
 P. Sestius a. 698/56 (Schol. Bob. p. 292), and at another time Messius, and according 
 to Sen. 1.1. the epilogue to this speech was non tantum emollitae compositionis sed 
 infractae. Tac. dial. 23 isti (antiquarians) qui rhetorum nostrorum commentaries 
 fastidiunt, oderunt, Calvi mirantur : we hear, except this, nothing of works on 
 rhetoric by Calvus : perhaps this may be an allusion to the learned correspon- 
 dence on questions of oratory which Calvus carried on with Cicero ; cf. Tac dial. 
 18 (see § 210, 2). For the name cf. the commentariolum petitionis of Q. Cicero 
 (§ 190, 4). Nippeedey 1.1. 313 reads L. Aeli (§ 148) instead of Calvi. OHakneckek, 
 JJ. 125, 604. 
 
 7. Seneca contr. 7, 4, 7 carmina quoque eius (of Calvus), quamvis iocosa sint, 
 plena sunt ingentis animi, as a specimen of which he quotes a cutting saying against 
 Pompey ; cf . Schol. Lucan. 7, 726. Suet. Iul. 73 Gaio Calvo post famosa epigram- 
 mata (cf. ib. u. 49) de reconciliation per amicos (Catullus ? cf. § 214, 5) agenti vitro 
 ac prior scripsit. We know of hendecasyllabics in poematis, e.g. against Q. Curius 
 PEE. 2. 787, 8), and choliambics (against Tigellius). There were also erotic 
 poems ; see § 3.1, 1. Ovid trist. 2, 431 par (like Catullus' poems on Lesbia) fait 
 exigui similisque licentia Calvi, detexit variis qui sua furta modis, Cf. Pkop. 3, 25, 
 4. 3, 34, 89 haec etiam docti (hence probably in the manner of the Alexandrine 
 poets) confessaest pagina Calvi, cumcaneret miserae funera Quintiliae (Catull. 96, 6), 
 who probably was his wife. Cf. Diomed. G-L. 1, 376, 1 Calvus alibi (lib. I AEiese, 
 JJ. 105, 755) ad uxorem (see however HKeil iad loo.). These lamentations on the 
 death of his wife (elegies) seem indicated by such fragments as Chakis. GL. 1, 101 
 (Calvus in carminibus). Peisc. GL. 2, 170 Calvus in epithalamio (dactylic lines), 
 Chakis. GL. 1, 147 Licinius Calvus in poemate (glyconic). Part of his poems were 
 devoted to his friends ; cf . Chaeis. GL. 1, 77, 3 Calvus ad amicos (does this mean a 
 poetical epistle ?) : ne triclinarius. Also an epic poem Io, Seev. Verg. eel. 6, 47. 8, 4 
 Calvus in Io, (Probus) GL. 4, 226, 8. 234, 32, perhaps founded on Kallimachos' 'IoiTs 
 c(0i£is ? Schneider's Callim. 2, $3. — Maetial. 14, 196 Calvi de aquae frigidae usu 
 probably, to judge from the context, refers to a (didactic) poem (MHertz). Cf. 
 Feiedlander, Mart. 2, p. 300. — The remains of his poems are given in Lachmann's 
 (p. 85) and LMuller's (p. 13) Catullus, in Weichekt 1.1. 131. PPE. 320.— He 
 agrees with Catullus in many points, and is therefore frequently mentioned with 
 him e.g. Hoe. sat. 1, 10, 19. Prop. 3, 25, 4. 3, 34, 87. Ovid am. 3, 9, 62 (cum 
 Calvo, docte Catulle, tuo). trist. 2, 431. Plin. ep. 1, 16, 5. 4, 27, 4. Gell. 19, 9, 7. 
 Poems by Catullus addressed to him : 14. 50. 96. Cf. LSchwabe, quaestt. Catull. 
 
§ 214. CATULLUS. 391: 
 
 255. In general see AWeicheht, poetar. latt. vitae etc. 89. RUnger, Valg. Ruf. 
 (1848) 47. FPlessis, essai sur Calvus, Caen 1885. ORibbeck, Gesch. d. rom.. 
 Dioht. 1, 313. 
 
 214. C. Valerius Catullus of Verona (a. 667/87-c. 700/54) is 
 the greatest lyric poet of Roman literature. Though he followed 
 at first the track of the Alexandrine poets, he subsequently de- 
 veloped in the most varied forms a rich lyric talent, which was 
 ripened by his bitter experience of life and his love for Lesbia. 
 He is one of the few Romans to whom poetry was a necessity of 
 their being ; he was and could be nothing but a poet. His early 
 death prevented him from attaining to consummate excellence, 
 maturity, and unblemished beauty, he remained a youth, pas- 
 sionate both in love and hatred, hot-blooded and reckless, un- 
 reserved in his attachments and intensely sensitive, ideal and yet 
 coarse, tender and yet venomous, boldly spurning the bars of 
 manners and modesty, a loyal loveable child of nature. But the 
 directness with which the poet reveals his whole richly gifted 
 temperament delights and fascinates his reader. The larger 
 Catullus' poems are (with the exception of c. 61), the less they 
 are successful, and the poet does not handle dactylic metres quite 
 easily : on the other hand he is masterly in the lighter lyrical 
 forms. The harmony of substance and form, the refinement and 
 transparent clearness of the thoughts are incomparable, as are 
 the grace, strength and warmth of feeling in the shorter pieces, 
 especially his hendecasyllabics and iambics, which springing from 
 the mood of the moment evidence the true nobility of a born poet. 
 
 1. The good MSS. only give his cognomen and birth-place {Catulli Veronensis 
 liber). His praenomen rests on the authority of Apul. apol. 10 (accusent C. Catullum 
 quod Lesbiam pro Clodia nominarit) and Hieron. chron. a. Abr. 1930=667/87 
 Gains Valerius Catullus scriptor lyricus Veronae nascitur. The gentile name also is 
 given ap. Suet. Iul. 73. Pokphyb. on Hor. sat. 1, 10, 19. Chaeis. GL. 1, 97 (et 
 MHaupt, op. 2, 68). Varbo LL. 7, 50 (cf. LSchwabe, JJ. 101, 350). The praenomen 
 Q. in some of the MSS. (it has long been set aside in Plin. NH. 37, 81) has no 
 warrant. Scaliger's conjecture in the poem 67, 12 (Quinte) is tempting, but not 
 therefore right. See LSchwabe,, quaestt. Catull. 6, 11. Munro, criticisms of Cat. 
 68. KPSchdlze, ZfGW. 34, 360. Birth-place Verona, see also Ovid am. 3, 15, 7. 
 Plin.NH. 36, 48. Mart. 1, 61, 1. 10,103,5. 14, 195 and elsewhere. Cf. Cat. 39, 13. 
 Of a respected and wealthy family : relations between Catullus' father and Caesar, 
 Suet. Iul. 73 (below n. 5). Valerii are very numerous in upper Italy, and especially 
 in Verona: Valerii Catulli are rare; M. Annius Valerius Catullus OIL. 5, 4484 
 (Brixia). L. Vallerius Catullus M(essalinusy ib. 5, 7239 (Susa), according toBoRGHESi, 
 op. 5, 528, a descendant of the poet's brother; cf. L. Valerius Catullus Cohen, med. 
 imper. 2 1, 142 no. 536. Valerius Catullus Suet. Calig. 36. CIL. 14, 2095.— He had 
 an estate at Sirmio, c. 31 and at Tibur, c. 44. 
 
392 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 2. For the year of his death see Hieron. 1.1. a. Abr. 1959 = 696/58 but in the 
 codd. A(mand.) P(etav.) F(reher.) not until 1960 = 697/57: Catullus XXX aetatis 
 anno Bomae moritur. Hieronymus (or rather Suetonius) is therefore consistent 
 (see h. 1) in the year of his birth and death : yet it appears from Catull. 113, 2 
 that the latter is erroneously placed (696/58 or) 697/57 consule Pompeio . . . nunc 
 iterum (a. 699/55) ; cf. 55, 6. 11, 12 and 29, 20 (after the autumn of 699/55) ; whether 
 53, 2 applies only to the second half of 700/54 remains doubtful, as Calvus had 
 once before prosecuted Vatinius, see above § 213, 6. A date beyond 699/55-700/54 
 is indicated only by c. 52 sella in curuli Struma Nonius sedet, per consulatum peierat 
 Vatinius, as Vatinius was not consul until the close of a. 707/47. But he calculated 
 on being consul long before (and even used to swear ' ita consul flam, ut haec vera 
 sunt '), see Cic. in Vat. 6. 11 ; cf. Sohol. Bob. p. 315 Or. ; and these vain hopes of 
 Vatinius were further strengthened by the agreement of the triumvirs at Luca (a. 
 698/56, cf. Cic. Att. 4, 8b, 2). Cf also Ellis, commentary on Cat. p. 142. It should 
 also be observed that the years 700/54-707/47, especially 702/52 and 705/49, would 
 furnish Catullus with abundant matter for cutting epigrams ; but as there is no 
 trace at all of them in his poems (cf. on the collection of them n. 7), it appears that 
 he did not live until 702/52 sqq. On the other hand it is certain that Catullus 
 died very young (Ovid Am. 3, 9, 61 iuvenalia cinctus tempora . . . docte Catulle, 
 in Elysium). If we place his death a. 700/54 or 701/53, he actually died young, as 
 the doubts against the year 667/87 as that of his birth cannot be substantiated. 
 The erroneous computation of the year of his death by Hieronymus probably arose 
 from an inexact or garbled statement in Suetonius as regards the number of years 
 of Catullus' life. The conjecture in BSchmidt, Cat. p. lxii that Catullus lived 
 between 672/82-702/52, is arbitrary. Cf. in general Schwabe, quaestt. Cat. 33. 
 
 3. His liaison with Lesbia. Prop. 3, 34, 87 haec quoque lascivi cantarunt 
 scripta Catulli, Lesbia quis ipsa notior est Helena. Ovid trist. 2, 427 sic sua lascivo 
 cantata est saepe Catullo femina, cuifalsum Lesbia nomen erat. neccontentus ea multos 
 volgavit amores in quibus ipse suum fassus adulteriumst (his infidelity, AUiese, JJ. 
 105, 753). Martial. 8, 73, 8 Lesbia dictavit, docte Catulle, tibi and others. Apuleius 
 (see n. 1) attests that her real name was Clodia. An early and very probable con- 
 jecture identifies her with the notorious Clodia (born c. 660/94), elder sister of P. 
 Clodius (born c. 661/93). This woman, who was conspicuous for her beauty and 
 wit, was unhappily married to her cousin, Q. Caecilius Metellus Celer, cos. 694/60, 
 who died (perhaps through his wife) 695/59, a man known to us also by his touchy 
 and arrogant letter to Cicero (fam. 5, 1, a. 692/62) ; cf. also Cic. Att. 1, 18, 1 
 Metellus non homo, sed litus atque aer et solitudo mera ; see PBJE. 2, 26, 15. 420, 45. A 
 strong argument for identifying Lesbia with this Clodia occurs in c. 79, where beside 
 Lesbia (= Clodia) a certain Lesbius (therefore = Clodius) pulcher is mentioned, with 
 special allusion to the cognomen of P. Clodius Pulcher. Against the previous doubts 
 of ARiese (JJ. 105, 747, who however now hardly maintains his views, see his ed. 
 p. xiii) and others as to the identity of the two, see KPSchulze, ZfGW. 28, 699. 
 EBahrens, analecta Catull. (Jena 1874) 3 ; comm. in Catull. p. 31. CMPrancken, 
 Lesbia-Clodia, Verslag. en Mededeel. d. Amsterd. Akad. 2, 11 (1879). EScholl, JJ. 
 121,481. BSchmidt, Catull. p. vn. Clodia, well versed in all the arts of love, knew 
 how to lure the passionate and brilliant young provincial into her net, where she 
 held him fast for several years (perhaps from 693/61-696/58, Schwabe, quaestt. 
 Catull.), so that he addressed his most fiery songs to her ; nay after breaking with 
 her returned to her again and again, until his eyes were opened. Several attempts 
 have been made to trace the history of this connection with the help of Catullus' ■ 
 poetry; see the commentators and WThJungclaossen, on the chronology etc. 
 
§ 214. CATULLUS. 393 
 
 (Itzehoe 1857) 8. Schwabe, quaestt. Catull. 71. 358. Ribbeck, Catullus (1863) 29. 
 56. WVorlandek, de Catulli ad Lesbiain oarminibus, Bonn 1864. TTKkoon, 
 quaestt. Cat., Leid. 1864. RWestfhal, Catullus' poems (Breslau 1867) 33. 100. 
 Westphal's fancy as to erotic relations between Clodia (Lesbia) and Cicero (!) lias 
 been impugned by GPBettig, Catulliana 1 (Bern. 1868), 3. HHHeskamp, de C. 
 vita et ordine quo carmina amatoria sunt scripta, Milnster 1869. 
 
 4. Catullus stayed in Bithynia in the train of the propraetor Memmius 
 (§ 200, 2) together with Helvius Cinna and others, from spring 697/57 till 698/56, 
 but without the desired profits : see c. 10, 6. 28, 7. 31, 5. 46, 1. Schwabe, quaestt. 
 Catull. 153. PWehrmann, fasti praet. 62. 64. On his journey back he visited 
 the tomb of his brother, who had previously died in Troas : c. 101. (cf . 65, 1. 68a, 
 19. 68b, 91) Schwabe, 1.1. 176. 
 
 5. As a friend and an enemy : Catullus was in especially close relations with 
 Calvus (§ 213, 5) : 14, 1 Ni te plus oailis meis amarem, iucundissime Calve. 50. 53. 
 96. Accordingly later writers frequently mention C. and Calvus together as com- 
 peers both in poetry and in friendship ; see the numerous passages specified above 
 § 213, 7 in fin. p. 390 1. 2 from the end. He was also a friend of Cinna (§ 213, 2) : 
 10, 30. 95. 113. An ironical thanksgiving to the patronus omnium Cicero 49 
 (perhaps this was an allusion to his defence of Vatinius, see § 213, 6) ; cf . BSchmidt, 
 Cat. p. xl. — Attacks on Caesar and his adherents. Suet. Iul. 73 Valerium Catullum, 
 a quo sibi versiculis de Mamurra (§ 209, 13. Cat. 29 end of 699/55, and especially c. 
 57 ; see also OJahn, Herm. 2, 240) perpetua stigmata imposita non dissimulaverat, 
 satis facientem eadem die adhibuit cenae hospitioque patris eius sicut consueverat uti 
 perseveravit. See Tac. aim. 4, 34 (above § 192, 4). Besides this, c. 94. 105. 114. 115 
 (cf. 29, 13) are specially directed against Mamurra, whom the poet after his recon- 
 ciliation with Caesar calls Mentula. Catullus is not a politician, he is altogether 
 wanting in appreciation of public affairs: but like his companions among the 
 literary neo-B.oman youth he was a raisonneur, an oppositionist, who formed his 
 opinions not on real but on personal grounds. See on the whole question Schwabe, 
 quaestt. Catull. 182, and CPleitner, Catulls Gedichte an und fiber Caesar und 
 Mamurra kritisch behandelt, Speier 1849. EvBkaitenbekg, Cat.'s Verhaltnis zu 
 s. Zeit, Prague 1882. 
 
 6. The learned poems of Catullus are chiefly imitations of Alexandrine poems 
 or in Alexandrine style: to them he owes the surname of doctus Lygd. (Tib.) 3, 6, 
 41. Mart. 1, 61, 1. 7, 99, 7. 8, 73, 11. 14, 152. To the same class belongs the short 
 and laboriously constructed epic on the nuptials of Peleus and Thetis (c. 64) ; in its 
 plan and versification, its method of psychological delineation, by which the narra- 
 tive is thrown into the shade (cf. also 63. 68), and in a host of separate details it 
 imitates the Alexandrine manner, but it must not be looked upon as a, mere trans- 
 lation (so BMerkel ad Ov. lb. p. 360 ; ARiese, BhM. 21, 498 ; more correctly in 
 his edition p. 154). It contains an imitation of Euphorion (§ 32, 1. p. 250, 2)? 64, 30 
 Oceanusque, maritotumquiamplectiturorbem=l£uFHOR.{r.lb8]Sileiri. 'O/cecwos, rip iraaa 
 TreplppiiTos ivMSerat %Bibv. Cf. also OSchneider, Callim. 2, 791. KPSchulze, JJ. 125, 
 208. In this poem spondaic endings (n. 9) and alliteration are especially frequent. 
 There is again the translation of a Sapphic epithalamium (c. 62), and the trans- 
 lation of Kallimachos' elegy on the hair of Queen Berenike (c. 66) with a dedication 
 to Hortensius (c. 65 ; cf. 116, 2), and above all, the poem on Attis (c. 63) in galli- 
 ambic metre, a masterpiece in spirit and form, which is likewise dependent on 
 Alexandrine models (on Kallimachos according to UvWilamowitz, Herm. 14, 194). 
 Cf. MHaupt, op. 2, 75. KPSchulze, de Catullo Graecorum imitatore, Jena 1871. 
 
394 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 PWeidenbach, de Catullo Callimachi imitatore, Lps. 1873. "WHenkel, de Catullo 
 Alexandrinorum imitatore, Jena 1883. The poem on Allius is also Alexandrine 
 (e. 68 6 ) especially in its design. C. 61 is also translated from Sappho, but is altered 
 to suit the personal motive and is made to refer to Lesbia. — A second class of 
 poems treats of personal concerns, and' on these the poet's fame has chiefly been 
 founded and now justly rests. To this belong the epistle to Manlius (c. 68"), and 
 the dialogue with a door (c. 67), an extract from the chronique scandaleuse of 
 Verona, both in elegiac metre, and especially the lyrical poems (proper) and the 
 iambic poems. "With true tact these refrain from learned allusions, they attract 
 the reader by unpretending simplicity, and are the spontaneous effusions of love 
 or hatred (85 odi et amo), friendship or enmity, showing now genial warmth, now 
 caustic bitterness (Quint. 10, 1, 96 iambi acerbitas in Catullo. Cat. 36, B truces 
 iambi). Like everything else in Catullus, so even the sensuality and rudeness of 
 the lawless, unseasoned youth are wholesome (lascivus Catullus, Peop. 3, 34, 87. 
 Ov. trist. 2, 427 ; cf. Mart. 1, praef.) : they eschew mere lewdness, but the ' naughty 
 darling of the Graces' not infrequently condescends to unpleasant ribaldry and 
 repulsive coarseness. — To his most successful creations belongs the magnificent 
 hymn on the marriage of Manlius Torquatus (c. 61), which exhibits the Roman 
 spirit and Roman usage in the most graceful Grecian garb. Remains of nuptial 
 songs in the same (glyconic) metre among the fragments of his fellow-scholars 
 • Calvus and Ticidas. The hymn on Diana (c. 34) may have been composed for some 
 religious ceremony. — Imitation of Lucretius in Catullus ? Munro on Lucr. 3, 57 ; 
 critic, of Cat. 72. JJessen, liber Lucr. u. s. Verh. zu Catull, Kiel 1872. ABriegeh, 
 JB. 1873, 1098. 
 
 7. As the natare of the subject-matter proves, Catullus' poems were first pub- 
 lished separately — a fact evidenced by the reference to c. 5 and 7 in c. 16, 12 ; cf . 54, 
 6 irascere iterum meis iambis. The liber Catulli (so in the MSS. ; cf. n. 1 ; also 
 Terent. Maur. 2899) counts 2286 lines, therein considerably exceeding the average 
 compass of poetical ' books ' : the most voluminous books after these are those of 
 Lucretius, now comprising on an average 1235 lines (the highest number 1457 in 
 b. 5). from this and from the unmistakeable tripartite division of the present 
 book (n. 8), we should incline to the belief that the book as we have it is the 
 result of the subsequent amalgamation of three separate books ; the dedicatory 
 poem to Cornelius Nepos, accompanying a libellus, would be perfectly suitable as 
 the preface to a single book ; but neither separate books nor a plurality of books 
 are ever cited, and the quotation is only in a few instances further defined as 
 regards metre and subject; Sen. contr. 7, 4, 7. Charis. GL. 1, 97, 13 Cat. in 
 hendecasyllabis ( = c. 42, 5. 53, 5). Non. 134, 21 Cat. priapeo (?=fragm. 2). Caes. 
 Bass. GL. 6, 262, 19 Cat. in anacreonto. Quint. 9, 3, 16 C. in epithalamio ( = c. 62, 45). 
 All this does not oblige us to assume that there were formerly several books, nor 
 does this follow from the fact that Mart. 11, 6, 16 (cf. 4, 14, 13) designates Catullus' 
 work with the name of ' passer ' in reference to the first specially famous poems. 
 EBruner 1.1. (see n. 13) p. 603. Ellis, coram, p. 1. JSOss, act. sem. Enlang. 
 1, 21. ThBirt, antikes Buchwesen 401 and the writers cited in n. 8. At most we 
 might conclude from the nature of the book with its various fragmentary, dis- 
 connected and confused contents, that the edition prepared by the poet was after 
 his death enlarged, by some friend, into a general edition, his literary remains 
 being used for the purpose. The extant collection certainly contains almost 
 everything appertaining to Catullus which was known in ancient times. Most of 
 the so-called Catulline ' fragments ' are founded on errors. Schwabe's Catullus 1866 
 p. 169. 1886 p. 102. JSuss in the acta semin. phil. Erlang. 1, 15. Against BAhren's 
 
§ 214. CATULLUS. 395 
 
 assumption of a prose work by Catullus (from Sekv. Verg. ge. 2, 95 and Vabbo 
 LL. 6, 6) see HPeter, JJ. 115, 749. — The book must, according to the indications as 
 to the date contained in the collection (see i±. 2), have been published c. 700/54. 
 Possibly this took place in the first quarter of the year, if Cicero ad Q. fr. 2, 13, 4 
 (in June 700/54) refers to Cat. 25, 2 (see CBabth. adv. 38, 7 p. 1730. FBuchelee, 
 Greifsw. ind. schol. 1868/69 p. 16). Cf. also HAJMuneo, criticisms of Cat. p. 71. 
 Cic. Att. 13, 25, 3 (709/45) is perhaps an allusion to Cat. 3, 9 and 15, 1, 1 (710/44) 
 to Cat. 3, 16. Earliest quotation from Catullus (62, 1 vesper adest) in Varko LL. 
 7, 50 (dicit Valerius, according to LSchwabe, J J. 101, 350). Catullus at once 
 attained a high reputation ; cf . Nep. Att. 12, 4 ; the parody on Cat. 4 in Verg. 
 catal. 8 ; Hob. sat. 1, 10, 19 ; Prop. 3, 25, 4 ; Vell. 2, 36, 2 neque ullo in suscepti 
 operis sui carmine minorem Catullum and the other Testimonia in Schwabe's 
 Catullus 1886 p. vn sq. Catullus blamed by Asinius Pollio: § 221, 6. On the 
 imitation of Catullus in later writers (especially in the Priapea, in Ovid, in 
 Ausonius, and most of all in the Ciris and in Martial : ADanysz, de scriptorum 
 rom. studiis catull., Bresl. 1876 ; cf. JSiiss, acta sem. Erl. 1, 6. Pauckstadt (§ 322, 
 7) and the summary in Schwabe's Catullus (1886) p. vn sqq. 
 
 8. According to the traditional arrangement of the poems, which in its 
 origin is no doubt due to Catullus himself, the long poems occupy the middle of 
 the collection (c. 61-68) and are surrounded by shorter ones, the iambic and melic 
 poems (hendecasyllabics, choliambics, sapphic strophes etc.) preceding ; they are 
 followed by the elegiacs (epigrams), to which c. 65-68 form the transition, just 
 as c. 61 leads from the first to the second part. In several instances the arrange- 
 ment of the poems is determined by the attempt at diversity, and kindred subjects 
 are separated by extraneous matter. For further details JvGFeGhlich, Abh. der 
 Munch. Akad. 3, 3, 691. BWestphal, Catulls Ged., Bresl. 1867, p. 1. JSiiss, act. 
 sem. Erlang. 1, 23. 28. KPSchulze, Catullforschungen in the Festschr. d. Friedr.- 
 Werderschen Gymn., Berl. 1885, 195. BIhbens, commentar. p. 57. BSchmidt, 
 Cat. p. lxxxix. ASeitz, de Cat. carmm. in tres partes distribuendis, Bastatt 1887. 
 
 9. The diction of Catullus is distinguished for its extraordinary clearness, 
 simplicity and elegance : in the learned and graecising works indeed we meet with 
 much that is stiff and artificial (e.g. 64, 18 nutricum tenus, at, rlrS-q and tit86s ; 64, 8 
 diva . . . retinens in summisurbibus arces ; cf. tto\iovxos 'Adiva and other instances), 
 also much antiquarian lore, turned to especially good account in the Attis : but in 
 his best examples, the short occasional poems, C. lays aside all this, and to them 
 apply Macaiilat's words (Life 1, 468) : " no Latin writer is so Greek." In them the 
 free and easy sermo urbanus (e.g. frequent deminutiva) is developed with charm- 
 ing naturalness. Indices verborum to Sillig's, Doeing's (1834), Ellis' (1878) and 
 Schwabe's (1886) edd. FHeussnee, obss. gramm. in C. librum, Marb. 1869 KHupe, 
 de genere dicendi O, P. I, Munst. 1871. GOveeholthaus, syntaxis Catull. capp. 
 II, Gott. 1875. BZieglee, de C. sermone quaestt., Freib. i. B. 1879. ELehmann, de 
 adjectivis compositis ap. Cat. Tib. Prop. Verg. Ovid. Hor., Konigsb. 1867. FSeitz, 
 de adiectivis poetarum latt. (beginning with Catullus) compositis, Bonn 1878. 
 EDudeestadt, de particularum (=Praeposs.) usu ap. Cat., Halle 1881. FDeesslee, 
 de troporum ap. Cat. usu, Vienna 1882. BFisch, de Cat. in vocabulis collocandis 
 arte, Berl. 1875. EClemens, de Cat. periodis, Gott. 1886. Cf besides the works 
 cited § 32, 4, 5. — Metrical system : Catullus handles the most varied metres 
 (esp. versus minuti; cf. See. Augub, in Plin. ep. 4, 27, 4) with the sure touch of a 
 master (elegantissimus poetarum Gell. 6, 20, 6), who never indulges too freely in 
 the occasional licence permitted him, nor fears to avail himself of it (cf. Plin. NH. 
 praef. 1 ; Plin. ep. 1, 16, 5), avoiding artificiality and paltriness. He is least 
 
396 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 successful with hexameters, and the distichon especially is not yet polished to 
 Ovid's degree of euphony. In his hexameters so-called spondiaci frequently occur 
 in imitation of the Alexandrine model, sometimes even three in succession 64, 
 78-80 ; cf. Cic. Att. 7, 2, 1 hunc airovSelaiovra si cui voles tuv vewripwv (see p. 250, 2) 
 pro tuo vendita, cf. § 230. 2, 2). Of the lyric metres (iamb, trim., tetram., choliamh.; 
 phalaeceus ; glycon. asclep. mai. ; str. sapph. ; galliambi), the Phalaeceum hende- 
 casyllabum, Catullus' favourite metre, is by far the most frequent and the most 
 happily used : there is even one instance of its being used in strophes and with a 
 spondee instead of a dactyl (55), which is without precedent elsewhere. The 
 galliambi are especially effective (c. 63 ; cf. n. 6, such occur already in Varro § 165, 
 3 ; see also § 213, 4 1. 1), and so are the swift and trenchant pure iambics (c. 4. 29). 
 AEeeck, de C. carminum re grammatica et metrica, Bresl. 1872. CFANobbe, de 
 metr. Cat., Lps. 1820-21 II. JBaumaot, de arte metr. Cat., Landsb. a/W. 1881 ; and 
 on this LMuller's ed. p. lix, see also ThBirt, hist. hex. lat. (1876) 23. OFhanke, 
 de artificiosa carm. Cat. compositione (ace. HUseneri epimetrum de c. lxviii), 
 G-reifsw. and Berl. 1866 (cf. also REllis in his ed. 2 p. 223 de aequabili partitione 
 carminum Catulli, and ORibbeck, NSchweiz. Mus. 1, 213). CZiwsa, die eurhyth- 
 mische Technik des Cat., (Hernals) Vienna 1879. 1883 II ; der Intercalar bei Cat., 
 Wieu. Stud. 2, 298. 4, 271. 
 
 10. Manuscripts. Gellius 6, 20, 6 complains of libri (of Catullus) de corruptis 
 exemplaribus facti. In the glossaries (§ 42, 5) Catullus is but very little used; see 
 on this LSchwabe, JJ. 131, 803. During the Middle Ages he was almost forgotten. 
 The statement of GVoigt (Wiederbeleb. d. klass. Altert. 2 a , 335) that Servatus 
 Lupus, abbot of Ferrieres (f c. 862), had read Catullus, is founded on a misconcep- 
 tion : see LSchwabe, Herm. 20, 495. — All the collective MSS. extant of the liber 
 Catulli are late — only c. 62 occurs in the anthology of the cod. Par. 8071 (Thuaneus) 
 s. IX-X (see the facsimile in Chatelain t. 14) — and all are derived from a certain 
 cod. Veronensis, of which Rather, bishop of Verona, a, 965, availed himself ; this 
 was not heard of for a long time afterwards, until about the beginning of the 14th 
 century it was again discovered in Verona and made use of by certain writers ; it 
 was also copied at a considerably later time, and was then again lost. The earliest 
 and best MS. that can be proved to be a direct copy of the V(eronensis) is the Paris. 
 14137 (Germanensis) of a. 1375 (facsim. in Chatel, t. 15) ; most nearly related to 
 this G(ermanensis) is the O(xoniensis), probably copied direct from the V about a. 
 1400, in the Bodleiana (Canonicianus 30, facsim. in Ellis' ed. 9 p. 146); this is specially 
 important, because in it the original writing has not undergone numerous altera- 
 tions, as is the case in the G, owing to erasures and emendations. As regards the 
 other MSS. (about 70), concerning which see Ellis' prolegg. and Schwabe's ed. 
 1886 p. v sqq., it has not been demonstrated by how many and what links they are 
 connected with the cod. Veron, Bahren's view (see analecta catull. 31 and the 
 prolegg. in his ed. p. xvi) that all the MSS. (except O) are derived directly or 
 indirectly from G, is untenable : see LSchwabe, Jen. Lit,-Zeit. 1875, 513 and 
 BSchmidt, ib. 1878, 207 ; Cat. p. cm. RSydow, de recensendis Cat. carmm., Berl. 
 1881. Attempts to investigate the earliest condition of the original manuscript 
 (e.g. as regards the number of lines, the corruptions, lacunae, and transpositions) in 
 Lachmakn's ed. Haupt's op. 1, 35. Heyse, Ubers. 279. Bergk, BhM. 15, 507. 
 FBohme, qu. cat. 2. Westphal 1.1. 12, 23. Ellis' ed. 2 135. RFisch, Wschrfkl 
 Phil. 1884, 152. 180. On the critical history of the Catulline poems see MHaupt, 
 op. 1, 2, 276. ThHeyse, Catull. ilbers. (1855) 279. LSchwabe, in the transactions 
 of the Meissen Philologenvers. (Lpz. 1864) 111 ; in the-Ber-pat Ind. lect. 1865 ; introd. 
 to his ed. (1866) p. i and Phil. 24, 351. REllis and EBahkens intr. to their editions, 
 
§ 214. CATULLUS. 397. 
 
 the latter also in his analecta catull. (Jena 1874) 22. EAbel, die Catullrecension 
 des Guarinus, ZfoG. 34, 161; Viertelj.-Schr. f. d. Kult. d. Benaiss. 1, 521 and also 
 ESabbadini, riv. di filol. 13, 266 ; codd. latini posseduti da Guarino Veronese 
 p. 10. — AGehrmanh, de rat. orit. inde a, Lachmanno in emend. Cat. adhibita, 
 Braunsb. 1879. 
 
 11. Editions: on the oldest see Ellis, introd. to his ed. 2 p. lix. Ed. Aid. (by 
 HAvancius) Ven. 1502. 1515. Cum oomm. AMureti, Ven. 1554. Achillis Statu, 
 Ven. 1566. Cum oastigationibus IIScaligeri, Par. 1577 and subsequently. (The 
 cod. Cuiacianus of a. 1467, which was used by Scaliger and has been greatly 
 over-estimated, has recently reappeared in England : EEllis, Hermathena 3, 124 
 and in his ed. of Catullus s p. liv). Cum comm. IsVossn, Lond. 1684, JAVulpii 
 (Patav. 1710. 1737), FWDOring, Lps. 17S8-1792 H, smaller edition, Altona 1834. 
 Eecogn. ISillis, Gott. 1823. Epoch-making : Ex rec. CLachmanni, Berol. 1829. 
 3 1874. Eecogn. LSchwabe, Gissae 1866 ; ad optimos codd. denuo collates recogn. 
 LSohwabe, Berl. 1886. Eecogn., app. criticum, prolegomena, appendices addidit 
 EEllis, Oxon. 8 1878. Also EEllis, a commentary on Cat,, Oxf. 1876 (LSchwabe, 
 JJ. 117, 257, gives addenda). Eecens. et interpretatus est EBahrens, Lps. 1876-85 
 II (Eevision of the Bahrens collation of the MSS; of the G by MBonnet, rev. 
 critique 1877, 57, of the O by KPSchulze, Herm. 13, 50). Traduit en vers par E 
 Bostand, texte revu av. un commentaire (only down to poem 63) par EBenoist, 
 Par. 1880-82. Edited and explained by AEiese, Lpz. 1884.— The text by MHaupt 
 (Cat. Tib. Prop., Lps. 5 1885. JVahlen cur.), EEllis (Lond. 1866), LMult.er (Cat. 
 Tib. Prop., Lps. 1870). BSchmidt, Lpz. 1887 (besides this an ed. maior with pro- 
 legg.). — Select poems, with introductions etc. by JPSimpson, Lond. 2 1886. 
 AHWratislaw and FNSutton (with Tib, and Prop.), Lond. 1869. 
 
 12. Translated e.g. by ThHeyse (with Lat. text, Berl. 1855), "WHertzberg 
 and "WTeuffel (a selection in the Class, d. Alt., Stuttg. 1855 ; in a more complete 
 form in the rOm. Dichter, ib. 1862, with introd. and notes), EWestphal (C.'s 
 Gedichte in ihrem geschichtlichen Zusammenhange iibersetzt und erlautert, Bresl. 
 1867; Catulls Bueh der Lieder, Bresl. 1884. FPressel, Berl. 2 1884. Cranstoun 
 (with notes), Lond. 1867. EEllis, Lond. 1871. ThMartin (with notes), Lond. 2 
 1875. 
 
 13. Essays on Cat. in general and concerning the subject-matter. CGHelbig, 
 deutsche Jahrbb. 1842, 1213 (zur Charakteristik des C). WThJungclaussen, zur 
 Chronologie der Gedichte des C, Itzehoe 1857. LSchwabe, quaestt. Catullianarum 
 liber I, Gissae 1862 (Vol. 1, 1 of his first ed.). EBruner, de ordine et temporibus 
 carminum C, Acta soc. sc Pennicae 7 (Helsingf. 1863), 599. OEibbeok, C. Val. 
 Cat., eine literarhistorische Skizze, Kiel 1863; Gesch. d. rOm. Dicht. 1, 312. 
 BEichter, de Catulli vita et carminibus P. I, Freiberg 1865. Mommsen EG. 3 6 , 
 332. 600. MHaupt, in his Biogr. v. Belger, Berl. 1879, 238. Teuffel, preface to 
 the translation (1862) p. 6. ACouat, etude sur Catulle, Par. 1875. HNettleship, 
 characteristics of Cat., in his lectures and essays, Lond. 1885 p. 84. JDavies, 
 Catull. Tib. and Prop., Lond. 1870. VVaccaro, Cat. e la poesia, Palermo 1885. 
 HHHeskamp (n. 3). 
 
 14. Contributions to criticism and elucidation : J. Markland's unedited 
 conjectures, Hermath. 7, 153. MHaupt, op. 1, 1. 73. 2, 67. 121. JvGFrohlich, 
 Abh. d. Munch. Ak. 3, 3, 691. 5, 3, 235. 6, 2, 259. Eitschl, op. 3, 593. EKlotz, 
 emendd. C, Lps. 1859 ; de Cat. c. iv, Lps. 1868. Zehme, de Cat. c. lxiii, Lauban 
 1859. JPohl, lectt. Cat. I Miinster 1860, II Sigmaringen 1866. PBoehme, quaestt. 
 C. Bonn 1862. EFritze, c. lxiv rec. et ill., Halberst. 1863. AWeise, zur Kritik 
 
398 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 von C. c. 68. 65. 101, Naumb. 1863; krit. u. erkl. Bemerk. zu c. 68, Zeitz 1869. 
 ThBergk in Rossbach's ed., Leipz. 3 1860; BhM. 15, 507; emendatt. C, Halle 1864. 
 LSchwabe, coniecturae C, Dorpat 1864. HAKoch, in the symb. philol. Bonn 315. 
 GFRettig, CatuUiana, 1868-71 III. JMahly, JJ. 103, 341. JAndre, de C. o. lxiv, 
 Bostock (Gotha 1873). RPeiper, Catullus, Beitr. zur Kritik, Bresl. 1875. K 
 Pleitner, des C. Hochzeitsges&nge krit. behandelt, Dillingen 1858 ; Studien zu C, 
 Dillingen 1876 (cf. also n. 5 ad fin.). HAJMunro, criticisms and elucidations of 
 Catullus, Cambridge 1878; journ. of philol. 8, 333. 9,185. 11,124. 141. AKiessling, 
 analecta Cat., Greifsw. 1877. EBahrens, JJ. 115, 409 and analecta Cat., Jen. 1874. 
 EEichlee, quo iure Cat. c. 68 in duo carmina dirimatur, Oberhollabruon 1872. 
 HMagnus, JJ. Ill, 849 (the unity of c. 68)*. 113, 402. 115, 415 ; JB. 1887 2, 145 sqq. 
 KBossberg, JJ. 115, 127. 841. OHarnecker, ZfGW. 33, 72 ; Beitr. z. Erkl. des 
 Cat., Friedeberg Nm. 1879 ; Cat.s 68stes Ged., ib. 1881 ; qua necessitudine con- 
 iunctus fuerit cum Cic. Catullus, ib. 1882 ; Phil. 41, 465 ; JJ. 133, 273 ; BlfbayrGW. 
 21, 556. KPSchulze, ZfGW. 34, 369 ; researches on Catullus in the Festschr. of 
 the Priedr.-Werder Gymn., Berl. 1881, 195 ; JJ. 125, 205. APalmer, Hermath. 3 
 (1878), no. 6. 7, 134. BRichter, CatuUiana, Lpz. 1881. FSchOll, JJ. 121, 471. 
 MSohmidt, JJ. 121, 777. JVahlen, ind. lect. Berol. 1882. ATartara, animadw. 
 in Cat. et Liv., Borne 1881. AArlt, Cat. Ged. 36, Wohlau 1883. HMonse, zu Cat., 
 Waldenb. i. Schl. 1884. CJacobt, Phil. 44, 178 (c. 49). ABonin, d. 62ste Ged. des 
 Cat., Bromb. 1884. HBlumner (c. 30), JJ. 131, 879. JPPostgate, Mnemos. 14, 433. 
 FHermes, Frankf. a/0. 1888. ABDrachmann (c. 67), WschrfklPh. 1888, 538. 
 
 215. This turbulent and factious age employed the power of 
 the pen and valued its influence. Not only were the political 
 speeches more and more frequently published, in order to reach a 
 wider circle of hearers, but the hostile factions attacked each 
 other also in separate pamphlets. M. Varro, C. Scribonius Curio, 
 and A. Caecina wrote such pamphlets against Caesar. Others 
 again used the events of the day for ventilating their party 
 views. Funeral speeches especially (laudationes) were used for 
 these purposes. Cato's death at Utica gave rise to quite a litera- 
 ture of its own : Cicero, M. Brutus, M. Fadius Gallus, and Muna- 
 tius wrote in praise of him, and against him were A. Hirtius, 
 Caesar himself, Metellus Scipio, and at a later time Augustus. 
 In the same way Cato's daughter, Porcia, became on the occasion 
 of her death the subject of laudations by M. Varro, Lollius, and 
 Cicero. Some employed a metrical form (epigrams and lampoons). 
 
 1. On Varro's Tpuc&pavos in 694/60 see § 166, 3 ad fin. On Curio's pamphlet in 
 a. 695/59 see § 153, 6. A. Caecina see § 199, 5. On the poetical attacks against 
 Caesar see § 158, 3 1. 6 from the end. 192, 4. 213, 7. 214, 5. 
 
 2. On the pamphlets called forth by the death of Cato (a. 708/46) see Wart- 
 mann, Leben des Cato von Utica (Ziir. 1858) 145. On Cicero's Cato see § 180, 5 . 
 As a supplement M. Brutus wrote his pamphlet, see § 210, 2. For Hirtius' 
 Anticato see § 197, 2; on Caesar's Anticatones § 195, 7. The panegyric of M. 
 Fadius Gallus was probably published in July or August 709/45 ; see Cic. fam. 7, 
 
§ 215, 16. POLITICAL PAMPHLETS : ACTA SENATDS. 399 
 
 24, 2 ; cf. 25, 1. Cato's friend Munatius Rufus o-iSyypa^iua wepl Kdruivos i^iSuKe, 
 ip jua'Xtara Bpatrtas (§ 299, 7) iirvKo\oiidTjff€v. Plut. Cat. min. 37 cf. 25. Valer. Max. 
 4, 3, 2 id Munatius Rufus, Cypriacae expeditionis (Cato's 696/58) fidus comes, scriptis 
 suis significant. On the other hand Metellus Scipio had in Cato's lifetime published 
 /9i/3\(o» p\ar<j>riidas xarixo" fou Kdruvos, ib. 57. On Augustus' work see Suetonius 
 Aug. 85 midta varii generis prosa oratione composuit, ex quibus nonnulla in coetu 
 familiarium velut in auditorio recitavit, sicut rescripta Sruto de Catone, quae volumina 
 cum, iam senior ex magna parte legisset, fatigatus Tiberio tradidit perlegenda. 
 
 3. Poroia, the daughter (not the sister, as Mommsen, Herm. 15, 99 argued ; 
 see FRuhl, JJ. 121, 147) of Cato Uticensis and wife first of M. Bibulus (see § 255, 
 2), and then of M. Brutus. Her illness is mentioned by Brutus ep. ad Cio. 1, 17, 
 7 ; and when she had resolved in her husband's absence dti. vbaov Ka-raKatuv rhv 
 fiiov (Plut. Brut. 53), Brutus quarrelled with his. friends at Rome for not having 
 prevented her (ws d/ie\?;0e/«;s l/w airGiv, Plut. 1.].). A letter of condolence of 
 Cicero to Brutus, ep. ad Brut. 1, 9. The story that after the death of her husband 
 she swallowed burning coals is an invention of later rhetoricians. Cic. Att. 13, 
 48, 2 (a. 709/45) laudationem Porciae tibi misi correctam. . . . et velim M. Varronis 
 et Lollii mittas laudationem. Lollii utique ; nam illam legi ; volo tamen regustare. 
 
 216. The daily news was after a. 695/59 regularly published 
 in the acta, the minutes of the Senate in the acta senatus, and 
 the public and private events in the acta populi or acta diurna. 
 The latter were a kind of official journal, with a specially 
 appointed editor ; they were daily exhibited in public, copied 
 by entrepreneurs and sold by them. "We do not possess any 
 genuine fragments of the latter kind of acta. 
 
 1. Sueton. Iul. 20 inito honore (of the consulship, a. 695/59) primus omnium 
 instituit ut tam senatus quam populi diurna acta confierent et publicarentur. Acta 
 of itself denotes the transactions themselves, especially those of magistrates, and 
 as an abbreviation (instead of commentarii actorum) it means a written account 
 of them. Before Caesar, only the decrees of the Senate used to be written down 
 and, in special cases, published ; but Caesar published also the transactions of the 
 Senate. To take minutes of them was the constant practice of the whole Imperial 
 period (even a.d. 438 we hear of gesta in senatu urbis Somae de recipiendo codice 
 Tkeodosiano), but the publication was prohibited by Augustus (Suet. Aug. 36 
 auctor et aliarum rerum fait, in quis, ne acta senatus publicarentur). These minutes 
 contained also the motions made in the Senate, the reports and despatches as they 
 arrived, in the Imperial period also the speeches of the Emperors read by the 
 quaestor, and the acclamations of the senators. The minutes were written down 
 at first by senators specially commissioned by the consul and subsequently the 
 Emperor, afterwards by the curator actorum senatus, after Hadrian by the 
 official ab actis senatus. These acta senatus were kept in the Imperial archives 
 (tabularium), where they seem to have been accessible only to senators (and for 
 definite purposes), or in separate parts of the public libraries, which were acces- 
 sible only by special permission of the praefectus urbi. Some transactions of the 
 Senate were admitted into the acta populi and thereby became generally acces- 
 sible. EHCbnek, JJ. Suppl. Bd. 3, 564, and a brief account in WRein, PRE. I 2 , 
 132. 147. Also e.g. VLeclerc, des journaux chez les Romains, Par. 1838. WA 
 Schmidt in his Zeitschr. fur G-eschichtswiss. 1 (1844), 303. GEELiebehkuhn, de 
 
400 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 diurnis Bom. actis (Weim. 1840) and epist. orit. ad LeClercium (Lps. 1844). JWA 
 Benssen, de diurnis aliisque Bom. aotis, Groningen 1857. CZell, Ferienschriften 
 N. F. 1 (Heidelb. 1857), 1. Mommsen, rom. Staatsrecht 3, 1017. 
 
 2. The Boman public advertiser, the acta diurna populi, is also called acta 
 diurna or acta populi rom. or acta populi or acta publica, acta urbana, rerum 
 urbanarum acta, acta urbis, diurna populi rom., or diurna (e.g. Iuv. 6. 483) or 
 acta (el g. Iuv. 2, 136) briefly ; the Greek writers merely call them to Kuvh iiro- 
 ppJIfiaTa or simply biro/un/i/iaTa. The communication of the news of the day to those 
 who were absent had been a private affair before Caesar, and even afterwards 
 this was carried on privately : but Caesar made it regular and official. This was 
 so much suited to the requirements of travellers and such as lived abroad, nay 
 even of the very inhabitants of the huge capital, that the publication was con- 
 tinued uninterruptedly and did not cease until the seat of the Empire was trans- 
 ferred to Constantinople. The contents of these acta were partly official (such 
 as events concerning the reigning family, decrees of the Emperors and of the 
 magistrates, decrees or discussions of the Senate, and other facts interesting to 
 the general public, e. g. perhaps news as to the winners in the chariot contests ? 
 Friedlander, SG. I 5 , 290), partly private, containing family news of all kinds, 
 advertisements of births, marriages, divorces, deaths etc. communicated to the 
 editor, frequently in a very subjective tone (e.g. of a widower saucius pectus 
 Quint. 9, 3, 17). The official compilation was published in albo, and just as people 
 used to copy the annals (above § 76), these acta were multiplied by scribes and 
 communicated to their subscribers. After some time had elapsed, the original 
 was transferred to the archives, where it could be used for literary purposes. The 
 acta Muciani (§ 314, 1) and Acholii (§ 387, 1), were extracts from the originals. 
 On account of their voluminous extent, the acta can scarcely have existed in a 
 complete form in private libraries, and even at the very first they may have bean 
 read only in extracts. See EHubner 1.1. 594, and in Bein 1.1. 134. 
 
 3. The eleven fragments of acta populi first published by Pighius (1615) in 
 his Annales 2, 378 and commonly called fragmenta Dodwelliana from their 
 principal defender, Dodwell (praelect. Camden., Oxon. 1692, p. 665), are a forgery 
 of the 15th century. Against their genuineness see especially PWesseling, 
 Probabilia (Franeker 1731) p. 354 and JAErnesm, in his edition of Suetonius 
 (Lps. 1748). HHeinze, de spuriis actorum diurnorum fragmentis 1, Greifsw. 1860. 
 Cf. CZell, Ferienschrr. NF. 1, 109. But Lieberkiihn (especially in his Vindiciae 
 librorum iniuria suspectorum, Lps. 1844, p. l=Epistola ... ad Le-Clercium) 
 attempted to defend their genuineness ; see n. 1 ad fin. 
 
 217. A peculiar position midway between critical and merely 
 narrative daily literature is held by letters, of which we possess 
 a considerable number in this period in the collections forming 
 part of Cicero's works, most of them by Cicero himself, but 
 many also by other contemporaries. 
 
 1. On the letters see § 46 ; on those of Caesar see § 195, 8 ; on those of M. 
 Brutus see § 210, 4. 
 
 2. On the Ciceronian collections see § 187 and 188. Besides Cicero's own 
 letters they contain letters by his brother Quintus (§ 190, 3), by his son (fam. 
 16, 21. 25), M. Brutus (§ 188, 4. cf. § 210, 4), Ser. Sulpicius (§ 174, 2; JHSchmalz, 
 ZfGW. 35, 90), M. Marcellus (fam. 4, 11 ; Schjialz 1.1. 128), Q. Metellus Celer («} 
 
§ 217, 18. LETTERS: INSCRIPTIONS. 401 
 
 214, 3), Q. Metellus Nepos (fam. 5, 3), Vatinius (ib. 5, 9. 10 ; JHSciimalz, d. La- 
 tinitat des Vatinius, Mannheim 1880), L. Lucceius (§ 172, 5), A. Caecina (§ 199, 5), 
 Pompeius Bithynicus (fam. 6, 16), M\ Curius (fam. 7, 29 ; JHSciimalz, ZfGW. 35, 
 137), M. Caelius Eufus (§ 209, 6), Dolabella (fam. 9, 9; Sciimai.z ZfGW. 35, 131), 
 Munatius Planous (§ 209, 8), Ser. Sulpicius Galba (fam. 10, 30), C. Asinius Pollio 
 (§ 221, 5), Lepidus (fam. 10, 34. 35), D. Brutus (§ 210, 5), C. Matius (§ 208, 5), C. 
 Cassius (§ 210, 6), Cassius Parmensis (§ 210, 7), P. Lentulus (fam. 12, 14. 15), C. 
 Trebonius (§ 210, 9), M. Cato (§ 210, 2). HHellmuth, die Spraohe der Epistolo- 
 graphen Ser. Sulp. Galba u. L. Corn. Balbus, Wiirzb. 1888. Also enclosed in 
 letters to Atticus, we have letters of Cn. Pompeius (§ 171, 8), Caesar (§ 195, 8), 
 Balbus (§ 197, 4), M. Antonius (§209, 3). 
 
 218. Not one of the Latin inscriptions of a. 670/84-710/44 
 is in saturnian metre. Among the prose-inscriptions the most 
 important are the lex Cornelia de XX quaestoribus of a. 673/81, 
 the Senatus-consultum de Asclepiade, Polystrato, Menisco in 
 amicorum formulam referendis of a. 676/78, the lex Antonia de 
 Termessibus of a. 683/71, the lex Rubria de civitate Galliae 
 cisalpinae c. 705/49, and the lex Iulia municipalis of a. 709/45, 
 besides the inscription of a. 710/44 relating to the colony of 
 Urso (Osuna). 
 
 1. For the undated metrical inscriptions of the 7th century u.c. see § 163, 
 7-9. 
 
 2. The lex Cornelia of Sulla the dictator (CIL. 1, 202. PM. 29. Bkuhs font. 5 
 88. DIE. 307), of about a. 673/81 (cf. Tac. ann. 11, 22), is partly preserved on a 
 brass tablet, which was dug up under the ruins of the temple of Saturn at Eome. 
 
 3. The SC. by which Asclepiades and his associates are declared viri boni et 
 amici is written in Latin (very incompletely preserved) and Greek : CIL. 1, 203. 
 PM. 30. Bkuns font. 5 158. DIE. 308. The SS CC de Oropiis of a. 681/73 (Mommsen, 
 Herm. 20, 268. Bruns 5 162) and de Aphrodisiensibus a. 712/42 are extant in Greek 
 only. CIG. 2, 2737. Bkuns 5 167. 
 
 4. The lex Antonia confirms the independence of the town of Termessus 
 maior in Pisidia : CIL. 1, 204. PM. 31. Bruns 5 91. DIE. 309. 
 
 5. The lex Rubria : CIL. 1, 205. PM. 32. Bitschl, op. 4, 34. Bruns 5 95. 
 DIE. 311. — A new fragment, perhaps of this same law, has been found at Ateste: 
 Momjisen, Herm. 16, 24. Bkuns 5 100. 
 
 6. The lex Iulia municipalis of Caesar intended to regulate the legal state of 
 municipal towns : CIL. 1, 206. PM. 33, 34. Bkuns 5 101. DEE. 312. HNissen, 
 EhM. 45, 100. The most important treatise on it is by Savigny, verm. Schrr. 3, 
 279. — A lex municipalis is also contained in the lamina Tudertina, which belongs 
 to the Augustan period, and the lamina Elorentina ; see CIL. 1, p. 263. Bkuns 5 
 148. 149. 
 
 7. Lex coloniae Genetivae Iuliae s. Ursonensis of a. 710/44, but in its actual 
 form dating probably only from the end of the first Christian century ; it was 
 discovered a. 1871 sqq. in very considerable fragments at Osuna. HNissen, 1.1. 
 
 E.L. D D 
 
402 THE LATER CICERONIAN AGE. 
 
 MBdeBerlanga, Malaga 1873. 76. EHubner and Mommsen, ephem. epigr. 2, 105. 
 221. 3, 89. Bruns 5 119 and ZfEechtsgesch. 12, 82. 13, 383. CEe, Eome 1874. 
 ChGiraud, Par. 1875. FBucheler, Jen. LZ. 1877, 137. CMFrancken, Versl. en 
 Mededeel. d. Akad. Amsterd. 2, 10 (1880). 
 
 8. The rogatio Hirtia (of a. 708/46?) is mentioned in the brass tablet OIL. 1, 
 627 sq. p. 184. 
 
 9. Among the dated inscriptions of a. 670/84-710/44 (CIL. 1, 573-626) we 
 should especially mention those of the time of Sulla (nos. 584-586 and 587-589, of 
 the populus Laodicensis af Lyco, populns Ephesius and AvkIuv rb Koivbv), such as the 
 boundary-stone of M. Terentius Varro Lucullus (PEE. 4, 1074, 9) no. 583 DIE. 270 ; 
 the Campanian votive tablet (no. 573 DIE. 310) in which in servom lunonis Gaurae 
 contulerunt (a. 683/71), and the inscription of Furfo (no. 603, Bruns 5 241. Wilm. 
 105. DIE. 304 b a. 696/58), the latter remarkable for its boorish Latin ; HJordan, 
 Herm. 7, 201 ; Beitr. z. Gesch. d. lat. Spr. 250. 
 
 10. Leaden projectiles for slings (glandes) with inscriptions relating, amongst 
 other subjects, to. the siege of Henna (621/133), Asculum (a. 664/90 sq.), Perusia 
 (a. 713/41 sq.), the latter containing some coarse jokes of the soldiers, e.g. peto 
 Octaviani culum ; L. Antoni calve, Fulvia, culum pandite ; L. Antoni calve, peristi C. 
 Caesarus victoria ; esureis et me celas. CIL. 1, 644 sqq. ThBergk, Inschrif ten rom. 
 Schleudergeschosse, Lpz. 1876. EDesjardins, les balles de fronde de la republique, 
 Par. 1874-75. Latest complete critical edition : KZangemeister, glandes plumbeae 
 latine inscriptae, ephem. epigraph, vol. 6 (1885). 
 
 11. So-called tesserae gladiatoriae, up to the present about one hundred, of the 
 years 658/96 B.C. down to 827/74 a.d. ; also a few earlier ones reaching back to 
 about 640/114. Their coming into vogue is probably connected with the official 
 recognition of the gladiatorial games in the consulate of P. Eutilius 649/105 
 (Bucheler, EhM. 38, 476. Mommsen, Herm. 21, 273). The remarkable inscription 
 on them (now certain) spectavit has not yet been explained. Lists : CIL. 1, 717-774. 
 776 b ; in Eitschl's treatise on the subject op. 4, 572. Addenda : eph. epigr. 3, 161. 
 203; bulL arch. 1879, 252. 1880, 141. 1882, 8. 1884, 11. cf. also Friedlander, 
 SGesch. 2 5 , 477 and esp. Mommsen, Herm. 21, 266, AElter, EhM. 41, 517; Berl. 
 "Wschr. 1888, 1004, PFMeier. EhM. 42, 122, FHaug, Berl. Wschr. 1888, 763. 
 
 12. Bricks with dates from municipal towns (Veleia) of the years 678/76-743/11 
 in the CIL. 1, p. 202. 
 
 13. Imprecations (devotiones) of the Eepublican period in the CIL. 1, 818-820. 
 DIE. 386 sqq. ; cf. CWachsjiuih, EhM. 18, 560. WHenzen, bull. arch. 1866, 252. 
 Mommsen, Herm. 4, 281. GBdeEossi, bull. arch. 1880, 6. CStornaiuolo, bull. 1880, 
 188. 
 
 14. Sepulchral inscription on L. Manneius Q. (libertus) medicus, (pvimcbs 
 olvoSdrris according to the method of Asklepiades of Prusa (PEE. I 2 , 1845), therefore 
 probably in the time of Pompey, CIL. 1, 1256. 10, 338. 
 
 15. A jocular mural inscription at Pompeii : Urnannia (?) pereit de taherm. 
 sei quia earn rettulerit dalmntur etc. in the CIL. 1, 1254. 4, 64. Another found in 
 the same town and bearing an exact date : C. Pumidius Dipilus heic fait a. d. V. 
 nomas octdbreis M. Lepkl. Q. Catul. cos. (a. 676/78), ib. 1, 590. 4, 1842. 
 
§ 219. THE AUGUSTAN AGE: GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 403 
 
 B. THE AUGUSTAN AGE 
 (711/43 b.c-767/14 a.d.). 
 
 219. The battle of Actium and the death of M. Antonius 
 terminated the century of the Civil Wars ; Octavianus was now 
 the monarch acknowledged by all. But he was prudent enough 
 to avoid the rocks on which his great predecessor had been 
 wrecked, and did not openly discard the traditions of the 
 Republic ; its exterior forms were retained, but gradually 
 changed so as to become the vehicles of Imperial power. Thus 
 the Augustan period presents a twofold aspect, in that it contains 
 the decay of the old and the formation of the new institutions, 
 the death of the Republic and the development of the Monarchy. 
 This ambiguous character is plainly perceptible in the foremost 
 men of the time : Asinius Pollio, Messalla and Horace fought and 
 played a part in the time of the Republic, and Vergil had in his 
 early years written poetry in the manner of Catullus. But, 
 |)on the whole, Octavianus' task was greatly facilitated by fortune. 
 Most of the enemies of the Monarchy had been carried off by 
 death, and those who survived had no vigour or spirit, nor 
 were they backed by the people, who were tired of the long 
 struggles. Cleopatra's disgraceful sway over M. Antonius led 
 many into the camp of Octavianus, e.g. M. Messalla, Cn. Domitius 
 ■ Ahenobarbus (cos. 722/32), L. Sempronius Atratinus (cos. 720/34). 1 ) 
 ' One after the other made his peace with the new state of things 8 ). 
 The jurists Cascellius and Labeo were the most refractory, but 
 as they were comparatively harmless, they were allowed to do as 
 they pleased, though the more pliable Ateius Capito was favoured 
 in preference to them. Asinius Pollio never perhaps ceased to 
 resent the comparative insignificance to which the Monarchy had 
 condemned him, but his courage evaporated in mere taunts. 
 | Horace also long kept aloof from the Monarchy, but he gradually 
 
 x ) Horace also made this serve to justify his political conversion, which was 
 really necessitated by his connection with Maecenas; cf. epod. 9. carm. 1, 37. 
 Vergil (Aen. 8, 688) and the other Augustan poets likewise prefer to give 
 prominence to this national point of view, cf. Ovid. met. 15, 826. Pnor. 4, 11, 
 29. 41. Makil. astr. 1, 914. 
 
 2 ) Sex. de clem. 1, 10, 1 of Augustus : Saltustium et Cocceios et Deillios et totam 
 colwrtem primae adminsionis ex adversariorum castris conscripsit. iam Domitiox, Mes- 
 salas, Asinios, Cicercncs,-ct quidquid 'floris in civitate erat, clementiae suae dclehat. 
 
404 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 > became sincerely reconciled to it. Matins, Trebatius Testa, L. 
 
 J Varius and also Vitruvius were favourable to Caesar's heir from 
 the very beginning ; Publilius Syrus, Ticidas, and Vergil were 
 politically inoffensive. Munatius Plancus worshipped success. 
 The longer the Monarchy existed, the more freely it disposed of 
 rewards and punishments, the more it attracted, and at last 
 there was quite a rivalry in toadying. 3 ) Such characters as 
 Labeo and Labienus were soon considered crotchety ; they were 
 either misunderstood or laughed at. The official hypocrisy, 
 which continued the old forms and names in spite of the 
 complete change of their meaning, diffused a spirit of untruth 
 through the upper classes and through the literature of the 
 time ; this was further increased by the empty declamation, which 
 began to take the j)lace of oratory. Another result of the 
 hypocritical character of the government appears in the increased 
 sensitiveness of the ruler himself as to unwelcome revelations, 
 and in the exertions made by him to bury the past in oblivion 
 and consolidate the new institutions. Owing to these tendencies^ 
 literature was partly circumscribed, partly degraded to a servile 
 ' instrumentum regni.' 
 
 Oratory suffered most under these conditions. The restrictions, 
 which weighed upon it even under Caesar, became permanent 
 and continually heavier. Public life was extinguished, all 
 political business passed into the hands of the monarch, the meet- 
 ings of the people became rarer and less important, the courts 
 more and more subservient and mechanical. Only the trans- 
 actions of the Senate and the civil lawsuits before the Court of 
 the Centum viri offered a field to the exertions of orators; but 
 the Senate was cramped by the presence of the Emperor and 
 the servility of the great majority of its members, and very 
 frequently all discussion was cut short by decisions and orders 
 from the prince : even the authority of the Centumviri in its 
 narrow sphere was gradually encroached upon by the growing 
 power of the praefectus urbi. The two orators who survived the 
 Eepublic, Asinius Pollio and M. Messalla, lost their ground com- 
 pletely ; those who did not prefer silence were obliged to submit 
 
 3 ) Tac. aim. 1, 2 of Augustus : ubi militem donis, populum annona, ainctos 
 dulcedine otii pellexit, insurgere panlatim, munia senatus, magistratuum, legum in se 
 trahere, nullo adversante, cum ferocissimi per acies aid proscriptione cecidissent, 
 ceteri nobilium, quanta quis servitio promptior, opilms et Jwnoribus extollerentur «c 
 novis ex rebus audi tuta et praesentia quam Vetera et periculosa mallent. 
 
§ ^19. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 405 
 
 to the new mode, and to become elegant speakers without real 
 aims or subjects, in a word, mere declaimers. 4 ) 
 
 The other branch of literature which had attained a high per- 
 fection under the Republic, namely historical composition, 
 likewise suffered seriously. 6 ) At first M. Brutus was freely 
 defended in memoirs written by his friends, Messalla and 
 Volumnius, but after the battle of Actium Asinius Pollio soon 
 perceived that it was advisable to close his work on the Civil 
 Wars with the battle of Philippi. Contemporary history was 
 impeded by the cessation of publicity and the sequestration of 
 public documents. °) To a still greater extent the possibility 
 of pronouncing unbiassed judgments on historical characters 
 was reduced. Hence writers selected subjects removed by time 
 ! or locality, as did Pompeius Trogus 7 ), Fenestella and L. Arrun- 
 
 4 ) Cf. § 45 with note 1. 
 
 5 ) CX. § 39, 1. Sen. vol. 3, p. 437 Hse. ab initio bellorum civilium, uncle primnm 
 Veritas retro abiit. Suet. Claud. 41, historiam in adulescentia, liortante T. Livio, . . . 
 scribere adgressus est . . . coepitque a •pace civili, cum sentiret neque libere neqice vere 
 sibi cle superiorihus traclendi potestatem relictam, correptus saepe et a matre (Antoilia) 
 et ab avia (Livia). Sen. contr. 2. 4, 13 should therefore be taken with great re- 
 strictions : tanta sub divo Augusto libertas fait ut praepotenti tunc M. Agrippae non 
 defuerint qui ignobilitatem exprobrarent. 
 
 °) Cf. § 216, 1 1. 10. 18. 
 
 7 ) With the historical works of the Imperial period in Greek and Latin, we 
 have the Latin inscriptions (see § 40) ; preserved in countless numbers, and daily 
 augmented by fresh discoveries, they present for our investigation of all public and 
 private affairs under the Empire a source of instruction especially direct, many- 
 sided and valuable. In what follows only isolated inscriptions, which are also 
 remarkable as bearing on literary history, can be mentioned in their proper place. 
 On their different varieties and classes see the summaries in the collections of 
 Okelli and Wilmanns (§ 40, 2). Here may be mentioned, more on account of their 
 external form than for the importance of their contents, the Privilegia militum 
 veteranorumque de civitate et conubio, of which up to the present time over 60 
 have been found, reaching from the time of Claudius to that of Diocletian; they 
 are best edited CIL. 3, p. 843. Specimens e.g. in "Wilmanns 2862 sqc[. Bkuns, 
 font. 5 231. "We have besides the wax tablets found in 1875 in Pompeii containing 
 receipts for sums of money paid out by the auctioneer and farmer L. Caecilius 
 Iucundus, dating from the years 15. 27 and 53-62 a.d., published by GdePetka, 
 atti dei Lincei 2, 3, Rome 1876. Mommsen, Herm. 12, 88 ; giorn. d. scavi di Pompei 
 1879, 70. HEkmann, z. Gesch, d. rom. Quittungen, Berl. 1883. Specimens in Bkuns 
 font. 5 275. They exhibit many points of resemblance to the wax tablets of 
 Siebenburg, which have long been well known (best edited CIL. 3, p. 921). A 
 few similar business documents from Pompeii (a. 61 a.d. concerning the property 
 of a certain Dicidia Margaris) were found in 1887. Mommsen, Herm. 23, 157. 
 VScialoja e Alibkandi, nuove tavolette cerate pompejane, Bull, dell' istit. di 
 diritto rom. 1. (1888) 5. EEck, neue pompej. Geschaftsurkunden, ZfB/b. 22, 60. 
 151. 
 
406 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 tius ; Livy also, specially qualified in his capacity as a friend of 
 Augustus and, generally, as a moderate critic and felicitous 
 narrator, to pick his way per ignes suppositos cineri doloso, though 
 he brought Soman history down to his own time, yet felt a 
 repulsion from the present and an attraction towards the heroic 
 times and great characters of the past. The Greeks had greater 
 inducements to historical labours. Their nationality kept them 
 from political broils, their language precluded them from gaining 
 direct influence upon the nation at large, they easily adapted 
 themselves to the existing state of things and turned it to their 
 own account: hence they found at Rome a fertile field of 
 literary activity. Besides Timagenes of Alexandria and Nikolaos 
 of Damascus there wrote under Augustus and partly at Borne 
 Diodoros of Sicily, Dionysios of Halicarnassus, Juba king of 
 Maitretania and Strabo the geographer, and besides the historians 
 other learned Greeks : the rhetoricians Caecilius of Cale Acte, 
 Hermagoras, Apollodoros of Pergamon, the philosophers Areios 
 of Alexandria and Athenodoros of Tarsus, the grammarians 
 Didymos Chalkenteros, Tryphon, Philoxenos, the poets Parthenios 
 of Nicaea, Krinagoras of Mitylene and many others. 
 
 As concerns Jurisprudence, Augustus succeeded in gaining 
 it for the Monarchy by rendering the right of giving juridical 
 consultations (until then merely left to the confidence of the 
 public) dependent on the consent of the prince, 3 ) and also grant- 
 ing to these responsa the same importance which was formerly 
 attached to the edict of the praetor 9 ). In the possession of 
 these privileges, the jurists devoted themselves to the cultivation 
 of their science, and even then the personal enmity of Labeo and 
 Capito laid the foundation of the two schools of the Sabinians, 
 the adherents of Capito, and the Proculians who followed 
 Antistius Labeo. 
 
 The extinction of public political life was still more favourable 
 to the development of art-poetry and erudition. 
 
 8 ) Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 47 (49) ante tempora Augusti publke respondendi ius non 
 a principibus dabatur, sed qui fiduciam studiorum suorum habebant consulentibus 
 respondebant. . . primus divus Augustus, tit maior iuris auctoritas haberetur, con- 
 stituit ut ex auctoritate eius responderent. 
 
 9 ) Gaius inst. 1, 7 responsa prudentium sunt sententiae et opiniones eoruin quibus 
 Z>ermissum est iura condere. quorum omnium si in unum sententiae concurrant, id 
 qnod Ha sentiunt legis vicem oplinet. Sen. ep. 94, 27 iurisconsultorum valent responsa, 
 etiam si ratio non redditur. 
 
§ 219. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 407 
 
 Whereas formerly the Eomans had admitted literary activity 
 only in the second rank to fill up their otium, now that the 
 negotia of the Republican time had been so greatly reduced, it 
 became with many a serious life-task. Poetry especially was 
 now zealously studied as an art 10 ), and Hellenic finish was a 
 regular requirement. The form of the poems became of greater 
 importance, as the range of subjects was narrowed deliber- 
 ately or under compulsion and subjected to various limitations. 1 
 Prosody and metre were still treated with the rigour intro- 
 duced by the new school of the Ciceronian period, and the 
 reasonable severity of the Greek models was often surpassed 
 by a pedagogic correctness which regulated everything by 
 line and rule. Elision was treated in a more and more care- 
 ful and laboured manner. 11 ) But the gain in art was a loss in 
 popularity : poetry was written for a^select circle of friends and 
 connoisseurs and for posterity ; and sneers at the people plainly 
 show that there was no sympathy between the writers and their 
 nation. 12 ) But the greater the estrangement between the poets 
 and the nation, the more were they driven to the upper classes ; 
 these art-poets became court-poets, and this caused a further 
 increase of the disfavour in which they were held. Hence the 
 Augustan poets, especially Horace, are continually striving 
 against a hostile current in favour of the old national poets, a 
 tendency naturally connected with the general dissatisfaction at 
 the political aspect of the time. Not until the older generation 
 had died off, could the new school gain firm ground. 13 ) 
 
 Independently of this general assistance derived from the 
 existing political situation, the representatives of the new 
 school of poetry were also assisted by the rulers themselves, 
 partly from dilettantism, partly from political calculation. 
 Augustus did not forget to encourage the poets u ), and his f avour- 
 
 10 ) The making of verses was actually studied ; see § 200, 1. Mart. 4, 61, ?, 
 in achola poetarum dumfabulamur. 
 
 ") LMullee, de re metr. p. 74 and 281. WCobsseh, Vooalismus 2, 199. Ovid, 
 the author of the Culex, Grattius and Manilius are especially strict in this 
 respect. Cf. also MHaupt, op. 1, 88. 359. 
 
 12 ) malignum spernere volgus, Hon. c. 2, 16, 39. Cf. 3, 1, 1 odi profanum volgus 
 et arceo. ep. 1, 19, 37 nan ego ventosae plebis suffragia venor; cf. sat. 1, 4, 72. 1, 6, 
 15. 1, 10, 73. ep. 2, 1, 18. Ps.-Vergil. catal. 11, 64 pingui nil mihi cum populo. 
 Ps.-Tibuix. 3, 3, 20 /also plurima volgus amat. 
 
 13 ) Hok. c. 4, 3, 14 et iam. dente minus mordeor invido. 
 
 u ) Suet. Aug. 89 ingenia saeculi sui omnibus modisfovit. 
 
408 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 ites became the centres of literary circles which, though not 
 ■without rivalry and quarrels 16 ), were held together and influenced 
 by their common relations to Augustus. First of these should be 
 mentioned the circle of Maecenas, in which Horace was not the 
 oldest, but the most distinguished member on account of his in- 
 dependent character, acute mind and poetical talent. Other mem- 
 bers of the same circle were Vergil and L. Varius, Plotius Tucca, 
 Quintilius Varus, Aristius Fuscus, Valgius Rufus, Domitius Marsus, 
 Melissus, and others 16 ), and at a later time, when Horace had 
 almost entirely withdrawn from Eome, Propertius 17 ), who is never 
 mentioned by Horace, joined it. This whole circle was decidedly 
 in favour of the existing government, and all its members were 
 gradually imbued with these views. The circle of Messalla was 
 less forward in politics, and in the writings of the principal 
 member of it, Tibullus, the name of Augustus does not occur a 
 single time. Other members of it were Messalla's brother (Horat. 
 sat. 1, 10, 85), Aemilius Macer, Lygdamus, Sulpicia, the author 
 of Ciris and of the elegy on Messalla, 18 ) Lynceus (§ 244, 3), and 
 in part also Ovid. 19 ) Asinius Pollio was chiefly conspicuous as 
 a critic, and on account of his repeated opposition to the govern- 
 ment only the most independent members of other circles, 
 e.g. Horace, ventured to join him. When Augustus was left 
 alone and was no longer under the necessity of putting restraint 
 
 15 ) Cf. Sen. controv. 2. 4, 12. Something like this is reflected in Agrippa's 
 judgment on Vergil's poetical manner. Donatus' vita Verg. 44 (62) M. Vipsaniits 
 a Maecenate eum suppositum appellabat novae cacozeliae repertore (Var. repertorem), 
 non tumidae nee exilis, sed ex communibus verbis atque ideo latentis. On the other 
 hand see the favourable opinions on Vergil hy Maecenas in Sen. suas. 1, 12. 2, 20. 
 
 1G ) Cf. Hon. sat. 1, 10, 81, ep. 1, 3. See also Ovid, trist. 4. 10, 41. Mart. 8, 56. 
 
 17 ) On the other hand Propertius himself never mentions Horace, though he 
 alludes to him in several passages (see § 246, 2). Ovid also, who likewise frequently 
 shows points of similarity with Horace (§ 247, 7), passes him over in his enumeration 
 A A. 3, 333, and not until his death does he allow him the somewhat scanty praise : 
 tenuit nostras numerosus Horatius auris (trist. 4, 10, 49.) Verrius Placcus also, and 
 at a later time Velleius Paterculus never mention Horace. It may be that Horace 
 occasionally showed his mental and social superiority in a way offensive to younger 
 men. It is noteworthy that in the Pompeian mural inscriptions there occur 
 passages from Vergil, Ovid, Propertius, the Priapeia, Tibullus, and even from 
 Lucretius and Ennius (see § 101, 4 ; cf. OIL. 4. p. 259), but none from Horace. On 
 the scanty reminiscences of Horace among the inscriptions see MHektz, anal, ad 
 carm. Hor. hist. 3, 18. Cf. § 240, 1. 
 
 18 ) Vekgil. catal. 11. 
 
 19 ) Cf. ex Pont. 1, 7, 28 to Messalinus : nee tuus est genitor nos infitiatus amicos, 
 hortator studii causaque faxque mei. tri^t. 4, 4, 27. 
 
§ 219. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 409 
 
 upon himself, having already gained a firm footing, when all his 
 friends and advisers had preceded him in death, when he had lost 
 those to whom he had been attached within his private family 
 circle and only those whom he disliked were left, and he had 
 become sensitive and intolerant in his old age, then and only 
 then some acts occurred that remind us of the Octavianus of 
 the proscriptions, who preferred to rid himself once and for all 
 of what gave him trouble, and then he dealt summarily with ob- 
 noxious men such as Labienus, Cassius Severus, and Ovid. In his 
 earlier years men of talent had rather to be on their guard against 
 allowing his kindness to turn them from their own paths. 30 ) His 
 care for scholars was shown by the forming of public libraries, 
 the first of which, in atrio Libertatis, was founded by Asinius 
 Pollio after his Dalmatian triumph (a. 715/39) ; Octavian followed 
 this up with the library in porticu Octaviae, and a second one 
 near the temple of the Palatine Apollo (a. 726/28) 21 ). 
 
 As a result of this favour designedly shown to literary activity 
 we meet in the Augustan period with an immense number of 
 real and would-be poets 23 ) at Rome, even among the female sex 
 (e.g. Sulpicia, Cynthia and Perilla), while recitations of literary 
 productions before a select audience (though not long afterwards 
 
 2 °) Friedlandeb, SGesch. 3 5 , 386. 
 
 21 ) During the period following, the founding of new libraries in Bome was 
 a common occurrence. In the notit. reg. Urbis (§ 412, 7) the number of public 
 libraries is given collectively as 28 : only six are known to us by name : besides the 
 three already named in the text (mentioned together by Ovid, trist. 3, 1, 60. 69, 
 72) there is also the bibliotheca domus Tiberianae, the bibl. Pacis founded by 
 Vespasian, and the bibl. Ulpia of Trajan : Marquardt, rom. Privataltert. 1, 116. 
 OHirschfeld, Verwalt. 1, 187. Nor were such libraries wanting in the small 
 towns. Pliny presented a library to Comum his native town (ep. 1, 8, 2). Tibur 
 possessed in Herculis templo a bibliotheca satis commode libris instructa (Gell. 
 19, 5, 4 : cf. 9, 4, 13). In addition there were in rich houses and villas a multitude 
 of private libraries, often of very considerable extent. Sen. dial. 9, 9, 4 quo in- 
 ■numerabiles libros el bibliothecas, quarum dominus vix tota vita indices perlegit? 
 The collection of Serenns Sammonicus numbered 62,000 volumes.— It is remarkable 
 liow little prominence is given to booksellers under the Empire. Only very few 
 isolated notices about them are to be found. The Sosii fratres are mentioned by 
 Horace ep. 1, 20, 2. AP. 345 ; Sen. de benef. 7, 6, 1 mentions Dorus librarius as 
 a dealer in MSS. of Cicero and Livy. Tryphon is under Domitian the publisher 
 of Quintilian (§ 325, 6) and of Martial (4, 72, 2. 13, 3, 4). In" Martial are mentioned 
 in addition Atrectus (1, 117, 13), Secundus libertus Lucensis (1, 2, 7) and Q. Polius 
 Valerianus (1, 113, 6). M. Ulpius Aug. lib. Dionysius bybliopola Obelli 4154. . Sex. 
 Peducaeus Dionysius bybliopola CIL. 6, 9218. 
 
 *>) Hob. ep. 2, 1, 108. 
 
410 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 anybody who chose to come was -welcome 23 ), and declamations, 
 gradually became substitutes displacing the old meetings of the 
 people. These recitationes may indeed have had some relation 
 to the old collegium poetarum 21 ) : but Asinius Pollio was the first 
 who used them to make up for the loss of his public sphere 25 ), 
 and indeed they agreed so well with the spirit of the time, that 
 they never afterwards went out of use and soon became the 
 decisive test of the success of writers, though venal applause also- 
 served to deceive many inferior talents as to their value. 
 
 Among the various branches of poetry, epic poetry was 
 especially cultivated and perfected by Vergil, together with the 
 kindred branches of didactic poetry and idylls. In reference to 
 contemporary events, epic poetry naturally assumed a panegyric 
 character. Satire was regenerated by Horace, but, constrained by 
 circumstances to eschew political hostilities, it was soon limited 
 to personal, literary and social subjects and soon afterwards dis- 
 appeared from the arena altogether, though the poetical epistles 
 of a later period were merely an innocent reproduction of it : 
 in the former product of his earlier, and in the latter product 
 of his riper years, Horace produced by far his best work. He 
 himself indeed set a higher value on his lyrical (melic) poetry. 
 But however much we may recognise in this masterly method 
 and fine artistic perception, extensive culture, mature judgment, 
 etc., yet all this skill could not compensate for the want of 
 lyrical feeling and creative power.- — Elegy was developed with 
 much success ; here the Romans were at least the equals of their 
 Greek models. Cornelius Gallus was the first to cultivate erotic 
 elegy, and Tibullus subsequently imparted to his poems the 
 lucidity and loveliness of the productions of the Greek mind. 
 Propertius enriched this department by his vigour and versatility 
 in the poetry of passion, and in Ovid we meet with a graceful ease 
 and perfection of form which seem to vie with the naughtiness 
 
 23 ) Sen. controv. 10, praef. 4, T. Ldbientts . . . dedamavit non qitidem populo 
 sed egregie. non admittebat popidum, et quia nondum liaec consuetudo erat inducta et 
 quia putabat turpe ae frivolae iadationis. 
 
 24 ) Cf. § 94, 7. 134. 2. 
 
 25 ) Sen. controv. 4, praef. 2. Pollio Asinius nunquam, admissa multitudine 
 dedamavit (cf. n. 23), nee illi ambitio in studiis defuit: primus enim omnium Moman- 
 orum advocatis hominibus scripta sua recitavit. Suet. Aug. 89 recitantes et benigne 
 et patienter audiit, nee tantuin carmina et historias sed et orationes (e.g. Sen. controv. 
 2, 4, 12) et dialogos. On the arrangement of these recitationes cf. Sen. epp. 95. 
 Tac. dial. 9. Pun. ep. 8, 12. Iuv. 7, 10. Suet. Claud. 41. KLehks, populare 
 
§ 219. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS. 411 
 
 of the contents. The drama, however, no longer prospered. 20 ) 
 | Tragedy in the hands of contemporary poets became erudite,, 
 was seldom admitted to the stage and took refuge in the study - T 
 genuine comedy could not thrive. The trabeata of Melissus 
 remained isolated. "When the stage required artistic comedy or 
 tragedy, recourse was had to revivals of the plays of early masters. 
 The effete multitude, however, preferred coarse farces (Atellanae r 
 mimi) and especially the ballet (pantomimes, § 8, 13), which was 
 patronised everywhere, even by Maecenas. 
 i Even prose lost ground in this period. Livy, indeed, was a. 
 writer of the first rank, as far as style is concerned ; but even in 
 him, a certain poetical colouring of his style showed a marked 
 deviation from the Ciceronian standard, which indicated the 
 approach of the silver age. The other prose-writers are mostly 
 specialists and rather intent upon their subjects than their style : 
 for example Iulius Hyginus, Verrius JTlaccus, Sinnius Capito r 
 Vitruvius Pollio, and the jurists Antistius Labeo, Ateius Capito r 
 and others. Philosophy lacked neither motive nor interest. 
 Augustus himself wrote Hortationes ad philosophiam, and Livy 
 composed philosophical treatises. Vergil intended to give himself 
 up to philosophy, and Horace actually did so ; the author of Ciris 
 and Lynceus and also Iccius were enthusiasts for it. But only 
 Sextius was what may be called a technical writer on philosophy, 
 and he wrote in Greek. The others merely valued philosophy 
 for practical guidance, and most of them started with the con- 
 viction of the emptiness of all human splendour and wisdom. 
 From this they drew, according to their disposition and humour, 
 either serious or loose conclusions, but always arrived at the 
 result that it would be vain and foolish to struggle against the 
 existing constitution and against the religion of the time. "What 
 was in reality the effect of outward necessity, i.e. entire absti- 
 nence from public activity, was now adopted by the majority as 
 their free choice, and the principle of egotism was developed to 
 a system of subjectivism and a kind of practical philosophy 
 which finds its most eloquent and straightforward representative 
 in Horace. By this voluntary recognition of the actual barriers 
 the literature of this time assumed the character of obsequious 
 submission and resignation. 
 
 Aufsatze (1856) 175. ThHerwio, de recitatione poetarum ap. Bom., Marb. 1864. 
 I'kiedi.ander, SGesch. 3°, 372. EEohde, grieoh. Eoman 306. LValmaggi, riv, di 
 fllol. 16, 65. See also § 324, 1. ao ) Cf. above p. 249. 
 
412 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Altogether the equality of the influencing circumstances 
 causes a certain uniformity among the writers of the Augustan 
 period. In its beginning there was indeed a difference between 
 the older generation, whose youth had passed under the Republic 
 and during the Civil Wars, and the younger generation that had 
 entirely grown up under the Monarchy ; but very soon peace and 
 a mild despotism extended their relaxing influence over all alike, 
 and both young and old vie in lauding the happiness of an 
 iners vita, the slumber by the side of the murmuring brook 27 ) ; 
 they wasted time and art in amorous dallying with members of 
 the demi-monde ; in moments of surfeit they longed for the 
 healthy simplicity of nature, and endeavoured to stifle the sense 
 of their lost liberty and self-respect by pompously proclaiming 
 their immortality. But the clear intellect of Horace, penetrating 
 with quiet insight the hollowness and hypocrisy of the whole 
 period, derived therefrom a tone which shows itself sometimes as 
 mild irony, sometimes as sadness, and sometimes too as deep- 
 seated disgust. 
 
 This difference of the two generations was most pronounced 
 in the field of public speaking, where the few orators who sur- 
 vived the downfall of the Republic were succeeded in the younger 
 generation only by rhetoricians : in these the memory of the 
 olden time was at first still alive, for example, in Cassius Severus 
 and partly in the elder Seneca; but the other coryphees of de- 
 clamation and rhetoric in the Augustan period, such men as 
 Porcius Latro, Albucius Silus, Iunius Gallio, Cestius Pius, Rutilius 
 Lupus and others, can scarcely be distinguished in their manner 
 from those of the succeeding century. 28 ) 
 
 I. The Leading Men. 
 
 220. All the leading men of this time took an active share in 
 literature. Augustus (691/63 b.c-767/14 a.d.) wrote several 
 
 27 ) Teuffel on Horace sat. 2, 6, 61. p. 164. 
 
 2e ) AWSchmidt, Gesch. der Denk- mid Glaubensfreilieit im ersten Jakrh. 
 der Kaiserherrschaft (Berl. 1847), p. 35. 260 sqq. 290 sqq. (a caricature). GBekk- 
 hardy, rom. Lit. (Brunswick 1872) 5 254. JPCCampe, literar. Tendenzen u. 
 Zustande zu Bom zur Zeit des Horaz, JJ. 103, 463. 537. ThPluss, politische u. 
 sittl. Ideale im Reiche d. Aug., ibid. 109, 67. LFkiedlander, SGesch. 3 5 , "329, 
 HBlaze de Buuy, les femmes et la societe au temps d'Auguste, Paris 11 1876, 
 GBoissieb, l'opposition sous les Cesars, Par. 2 1885 ; la religion rom. d'Auguste aux 
 Antonins, Par. 1884 II. 
 
 OHaube, de carmm. epicis saec. Augusti, Bresl. 1870 ; cf . § 19, 3 with supple- 
 
§ 220. THE LEADING MEN. 413 
 
 works in metrical form, even more in prose, especially in the 
 shape of Memoirs, and a survey of his own reign, most of which 
 we possess in the incomparable monumentum Ancyranum, which 
 (in its contents, scope and composition) is just as unique as the 
 man, whose honours in and services to the state during a reign 
 of 57 years it records with justifiable pride. For a long time 
 afterwards letters by him were in circulation. Maecenas 
 (circ. 685/69-746/8) was notorious as a prose-writer for his 
 artificial style and also wrote trifles in various metres. Agrippa 
 (691/63-742/12) wrote Memoirs ; he caused a map to be made of 
 the whole Empire, and wrote commentarii to explain it. 
 
 1. C. Octavius C. f., born 691/63, adopted by Caesar in his last will and hence 
 called Caesar Octavianus. The battle of Actium was 723/31. The title of 
 Augustus he bore from the beginning of 727/27, f767/14. AWeicheet, de imp. 
 Caesaris Augusti scriptis, Grimma 1835 sq. II ; Imp. Caes. Aug. operum rell. I., 
 Grimma 1S46. 
 
 2. Suet. Aug. 84 eloquentiam studiaque liberalia ab aetata prima et cupide et 
 laboriosissime exercuit. . . . neque in senatu neque apud populum neque apud 
 milites locutus eat umquam nisi meditata et composita oratione. . . . pronuntiabat 
 dulci et proprio quodam oris sono. 86 genus eloquendi secutus est elegans et temper- 
 atum, vitatis sententiarum ineptiis atque concinnitate, . . . praecipuamque curam 
 duxit sensum animi quam apertissime exprimere. Tac. aim. 13, 3 Augusto prompta 
 ac prqfluens quaeque deceret principem eloquentia fuit. Pronto ep. p. 123 Augustum 
 . . . eleganter et latine, linguae etiamtum integro lepore potius quam dicendi uber- 
 tate praeditum pitto. He pronounced a parentation on his avia Julia in his twelfth 
 year (Suet. 8. Quint. 12, 6, 1. Nikol. Dam. Aug. 3), on M. Marcellus a. 731/23 
 (Dio 53, 30. Sekv. Aen. 1, 712), on Agrippa a. 742/12 (Dio 54, 28), on his sister 
 Octavia a . 743/11 (Dio 54, 35. Suet. 61), Drusus a. 745/9 (Suet. Claud. 1. Liv. 
 per. 140. Dio 55, 2). 
 
 3. Suet. Aug. 85 multa varii generis prosa oratione composuit, ex quihus nonnulla 
 in coetu famwiarium velut in auditorio recitavit, sicut rescripta Brulo de Catone (cf. 
 § 215, 2), . . . item hortationes ad pJiilosophiam (conjectures on this in HDiels, 
 doxog. gr. 83), et aliqua de vita sua, quam tredecim libris, Cantabrico tenus bello 
 (727/27-730/24) nee tdtra exposuit. Sum. v. Atfyoiwros 'Kattrap- typaif/e irepl toO Idiov 
 Slav Kal ruv irpa%ewv /3i/3X£a iy'. Plut. compar. Demosth. c. Cic. 3 6 KaTtrap iv rots 
 irpbs 'AypiwTrav Kal ~M.atKT)vav inrop.vTjf/.curu' J cf. Brut. 27. 41 {tv tois btrop.vi)pja.(jiv'). Serv. 
 Verg. buc. 9, 46 Augustus in lib. II de memoria vitae suae ; Aen. 8, 696 Aug. in 
 commemorationae vitae suae. dig. 48, 24, 1 Aug. lib. X de vita sua. Ps.-Plin. de 
 medic. 1, 18 ex commentariis Caes. Augusti. Teutull. de an. 46 in vitae illius (so 
 
 ment. APick, de adiectivo praedicativo ap. Aug. poetas latt., Halle 1879. 
 PEichter, de usu particularum exclamativarum ap. poetas Aug. aequales, 
 Hagenau 1878 (cf . p. 144 1. 12). OEbdmann, die lat. Adjective mit dem Gen. bei 
 den Schriftst. des 1. Jahrh. n. Chr., Stendal 1879. ASommer, de usu participii fut. 
 act. ap. aevi Augustei poett., Halle 1881. JSchaflee, die syntaktischen Gracismen 
 bei den august. Dichtern, Munich 1883. FSeitz, de fixis poett. Lat. epithetis, 
 Elberf. 1890. 
 
414 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 GVossius: the MSS. read in vitelliis) commentariis (of Augustus) conditum est. 
 The fragments of this work in HPeteh's hist. fr. 252. Suet. Claud. 1 nee contentus 
 lelogium tumulo eius (of Drusus) versibus a se compositis insculpsisse, etiam vitae 
 memoriam prosa oratione composuit (Augustus). Quotations frqm his letters in 
 •Suet. Iul. 56 (brevem admodum ac simplicem). Aug. 69. 71. 76. 86. Claud. 4. gramm. 
 16. Tac. dial. 13 (to Vergil, of. § 228, 1 1. 23). Letters to Horace are mentioned in 
 "Suetonius' life of the poet. A letter to Maecenas in Mack. 2, 4, 12 (cf. OJahn, 
 Tierm. 2. 247) and in Sueton.'s vita Horatii. Augustas in epistulis ad C. Caesarem, 
 Quint. 1, 6, 19, cf. ib. 1, 7, 22. 
 
 4. Suet. Aug. 101 tribus voluminibus, uno mandata de funere suo complexus est. 
 altero indicem rerum a se gestarum, quern vellet incidi in aeneis talndis quae ante 
 Mausoleum (the tomb erected by Augustus for the Imperial family a. 726/28, in 
 the Campus Martius close to the Tiber; cf. Dio 56, 33) statuerentur, tertio 
 breviarium totius imperii, quantum militum sub signis ubique esset, quantum pecuniae 
 in aerario et fiscis et vecligaliorum residuis. Tac aim. 1, 11 prqferri libellum re- 
 citarique iussit {Tiberius), opes publicae continebantur, quantum civium sociorumque 
 in armis, quot classes, regna, promnciae, tributa aid vectigalia et necessitates ac lar- 
 gitiones. quae cuncta sua manu perscripserat Augustus addideratqite consilium 
 <coercendi intra terminos imperii. The breviarium is to be connected with the 
 libellus mentioned by Tac. 1.1. and it contained matters essential to the statistics 
 of the .Imperial administration. Perhaps the discriptio Italiae totius in regiones XI 
 which was used by Pliny* b. 3 and 4 (ind. auct. : ex divo Augusto) and which Plin. 
 NH. 3, 46 attributes to Augustus, was a portion of or a supplement to the above- 
 named work. DDetlefsen, comment. Mommsen. 33. GOemichen, plin. Stud. 48. 
 Boemann 1.1. 33. CJullian, le breviarium de l'emper. Aug., Mel. d'archeol. et de 
 l'hist. de l'ecole franc, de Rome 3 (1882), 149. Cf. Riese, geogr. lat. p. x and see 
 below n. 13. OCuxtz, de Augusto Plinii geographicorurn auctore, Bonn 1888. 
 — Augustus' sepulchral inscription, in Suet. 1.1. index rerum a se gestarum, has 
 been preserved to us by a copy of it having been engraved (to right and left 
 of the door) on the marble wall of the vestibule of the temple of Augustus and 
 Soma at Ancyra in Galatia ; a Greek translation adorned the outer wall of the 
 temple cella at the same place. A second copy of this translation existed at Apol- 
 lonia in Pisidia, in a temple dedicated to the Julian Imperial family, CIG. 3971. 
 Waddington on LeBas, voyage, inscr. 3, 1194. Mommsen in the CIL. and the various 
 editions. Of this very scanty remains are extant, whereas of the inscriptions at 
 Ancyra (Monumentum Ancyranum), both the translation and the original, there 
 are such considerable fragments, that the substance of the whole, except for a few 
 unimportant gaps, is clearly established. The title of the Mon. Anc. (not the 
 original one) reads in the Latin rendering : Serum gestarum divi Augusti quibus 
 ■orbem terrarum imperio populi JRomani subiecit et inpensarum quas in rem publicam 
 populumque Mom. fecit, incisarum in duabus aheneis pilis quae sunt Somae positae 
 (see Suet. 1.1.), exemplar subiectum. The inscription was completed a few months 
 before the death of Augustus 767/14. — The best edition according to the most 
 recent impression of the fragments (cast in plaster by KHumann 1882, now 
 in the Berlin Museum) is by ThMommsen, res gestae divi Augusti ex monum. 
 Ancyr. et Apollon. iterum edidit, Berl. 1883 (-1865). See also CIL. 3, 769 sqq. The 
 remains of the mon. Anc. in GPehrot and EGuillaume, exploration archeol. de la 
 "Galatie et de la Bithynie, Paris 1862. Ees gestae divi Augusti, ed. ThBebgk, Gott. 
 1873. Handy editions : by ThMommsen, Berl. 1883. ECagnat et CPeltier, Par. 
 1885. On the importance of the mon. Anc., and on critical and linguistic points 
 see: EBobmann, Bemm. z. schriftl. Nachlass des K. Aug., Marb. 1884. JSchmidt, 
 
§ 220. THE LEADING MEN : AUGUSTUS : MAECENAS. 415 
 
 Phil. 44, 442. 45, 393. 46, 70. HNissen, EhM. 41, 481. UvWilamowitz, Herm. 
 ■521, 623. OHirsciifeld, Wien. Stud. 7, 170. Mommsek, in v. Sybel's hist. Zeit- 
 schrift NF. 21 (1887), 385. EWolfflik, Munch. SBer. 1886 2, 53. PGeitert, on 
 the monum. Ancyr., Berl. 1887. LCantarelli, bull. arch, commun. di Eoma 17, 
 "8, 57. JPlew, Quellenunterss. z. Gesch. d. K. Hadr., with app. on the Mon. Anc, 
 Strassb. 1889. A decree of Augustus de aquaeductu Venafrano, extant in an 
 inscription at Venafrum. CIL. 10, 4842. Bruns font. 5 222. 
 
 5. Suet. Aug. 85 poetica summatim attigit. units liber exstat, scriptus ah eo 
 iliexametris versibus, cuius et argiimentum et titulus est Sicilia; exstat alter aeque 
 modicus epigrammatum, quae fere tempore balinei meditabatur. From this a very 
 ■spicy epigram in Mart. 11, 20. A feeble epigram (an invitation to enjoy life, also 
 in PLM. 4. 122) entitled Octa. aug. published by HHagen, EhM. 35, 569 from 
 Bern. 109 s. X, is probably mediaeval. tragoediam magno impetu exorsus, non 
 ■succedenti stilo, abolevit, quaerentibusque amicis (Macr. 2, 4, 2 mentions L. Varius), 
 quidnam Aiax ageret, respondit Aiacem suum in spongiam incubuisse. Suidas v. 
 -Aiyovcrros Kaicrap (1, 851 B.) : Zypaij/e Kal rpayqiSiav AFaxris re i;al 'Ax'XXews. The 
 latter work, if indeed it is to be distinguished from the former, no doubt shared 
 the fate of his Ajax. Cf. Sophocles ed. Dindorf (Oxon. 1860) 8. p. 208. He com- 
 posed fescenninae against a certain Pollio (Asinius Pollio § 221, 1 or the glutton 
 "Vedius Pollio, PEE. 6, 2419? HPeteu, JJ. 119, 422; cf. § 5, 4). A school essay 
 ■on the theme : ' Eeflections of Augustus on Vergil's will ' AL. 672, PLM. 4, 179, 
 (cf. above § 45, 9). EBahrens, anall. Oat. 66. EChatelain, rev. de philol. 4, 79 on 
 Paris. 1623 b. s. X. 
 
 6. C. (cf. Vell. 2, 88, 2. Tac. ann. 14, 53. Dio 49, 16) Maecenas L. f. Pom- 
 :(ptina) : this full name in Gruter inscr. p. 945, 10. Maecenas is the name of the 
 gens (mehnate Etr. occurs in Perusia). He appears to have been related on the 
 female side to the aristocratic race of the Cilnii (of Arretium). EBormann, ind. 
 lect. Marb. 1883 p. in. Tac. ann. 6, 11 Cilnium Maecenatem, equestris ordinis ; in 
 Macr. 2, 4, 12 Augustus jocularly calls Maecenas among other things ebur ex 
 JEtruria, lasar Arretinnm. . . . Cilniorum smaragde ; otherwise we have up to the 
 present time no evidence for Cilnii at Arrezzo, Muller-Deecke, Etrusk. 1, 484. 
 Maecenas was born id. April (Hor. c. 4, 11, 14-20) probably between 680/74 and 
 ■690/64. Augustus liked to employ him on diplomatic missions when there was 
 need of mediation and reconciliation, for which Maecenas' easy pacific tempera- 
 ment was peculiarly adapted. His lack of real ambition (in spite of great though 
 harmless vanity) fitted him for positions of trust, such as he occupied in Eome 
 
 .-after the battle of Actium, while in war he never played an important part. He 
 died a. 746/8. (Dio 55, 7.) 
 
 7. The best description of his character is given by Vell. 2, 88, 2 : C. Maecenas, 
 •equestri sed splendido genere natus, vir ubi res vigiliam exigeret sane exsomnis, pro- 
 videns atque agendi sciens, simul vero aliquid ex negotio remitti posset, otio ac mollitiis 
 paene ultra feminam fluens. He receives a one-sided treatment from Seneca, who 
 parades against him his (theoretical) Stoic philosophy. Especially epist. 114, 4 
 quomodo Maecenas vixerit notius est quam ut narrari nunc debeat, quomodo ambula- 
 verit, quam delicatus fuerit, quam cupierit videri, quam vitia sua latere voluerit. quid 
 
 ■ ergo? non oratio eius aeque soluta est quam ipse discinctus f non tarn insignita illius 
 verba sunt quam cultus, quam comitatus, quam domus, quam uxor (Terentia from a. 
 731/23. Teuffel, ZFAW. 1845, 608) ? magni vir ingenii fuerat (ep. 92, 35 he even 
 :says : habuit ingenium et grande et virile, and 19, 9 ingeniosus vir) si . . . non 
 -etiamin oratione difflueret. videbis itaque eloquentiam ebrii hominis, involutam et 
 
416 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 errantem et licentiae plenam. He subjoins (5) a specimen of .Maecenas de eultu suo T 
 and adds (6) : non statim cum Jiaec legeris hoc tibi occurret lame esse qui solutis tunicis 
 in urbe semper incesserit ? , . . hunc esse qui . . . in ovmi publico coetu sic 
 adparuerit ut pallio velaretur caput exclusis utrimque auribus . . . f liunc esse 
 cui . . . comitatus hie fuerit in publico, spadones duo . , . ? hunc esse qui 
 uxorem milieus duxit, cum unam habuerit ? etc. Cf. ep. 19, 9. 92, 35. 101, 10. 120, 
 19. dial. 1 (de provid.), 3, 10. Iuv. 1, 67. 
 
 8. Prose works : Maecenas de cultu suo see n. 7. Sen. ep. 19, 9 Maecenas in eo 
 libra qui Prometheus inscribitur. Charis. GL. 1, 146 Maecenas in dialogo II. 
 Pkiso. GL. 2, 536 Maecenas in Octaviam. Serv. Aen. 8, 310 Maecenas in Symposia, 
 ubi (cui) Vergilius et Horatiils interfuerunt, cum ex persona Messalae de vino loquere- 
 tur ait. Aelian. fragm, 108 p. 239 Hercb. iv t$ <rvvSelirv(p r<? rod MaiKfya (of. 
 BHirzel, BhM. 43, 316). Sen. benef. 4, 36, 2. Did Maecenas also write historical 
 worts ? His intention is indicated by Hor. c. 2, 12, 9 tuque pedestribus dices 
 historiis proelia Caesaris, Maecenas. Prom this Sery. georg. 2, 41 jumps to the 
 conclusion that the intention was carried out. But Plin. NH. 7, 147 quotes 
 Maecenas together with Agrippa as authorities for an occurrence in the life of 
 Augustus (§ 220, 14). Moreover Plus. NH. 9, 25 pigeret referre ni res (of the tame 
 dolphin at Puteoli) Maecenatis et Fabiani (§ 266, 10) et JFlavi Alfii (§ 268, 9) 
 multorumque esset litteris mandata. Plin. ind. auct. b. 9, 32. 37 ex . . . Maecenate. 
 — Poetical works : Serv. georg. 2, 42 constat Maecenatem . . . plura composuisse 
 carmina. An hexameter in Sen. ep. 92, 35. Charis. GL. 1, 79 Maecenas in X(ci. 
 GL. 5, 575, 1), probably also GL. 5, 591, iamb. trim, in Caes. Bass. GL. 6, 263, 1. 
 In Sen. ep. 101, 11 are quoted glyconeans of Maecenas. Hendecasyllabics 
 addressed to Horace in Sueton. vita Hor. and in Isidor. orig. 19, 32, 6. Galli- 
 ambics in Diomed. GL. 1, 514 and Caes. Bass. GL. 6, 262. The poetical fragments; 
 FPR. 338. PHarder, d. Fragmente des Macenas, Berl. 1889.— "Witticisms of 
 Augustus on Maecenas' style (calamistri, Tac. dial. 26) in Sueton. Aug. 86 andi 
 Macr. 2, 4, 12. Strangely Dio 55, 7 irp&Tos a'qp.eli two. ypafj./j.d,Tav Trpbs t&xos i^evpe 
 koX airb. 6l 'Ak6\ov aireXevdepov evxvobs i^eStda^ev. See however above (§ 191, 4). 
 
 9. JHMeibom, Maecenas, sive de C. Cilnii Maecenatis vita etc., Leid. 1653.. 
 ALion, Tironiana et Maecenatiana, sive Tironis (§ 191, 1) et Maecenatis frag- 
 menta ac de vita et moribus utriusque, Gott. 2 1846. PSFrandsen, C. Cilnius. 
 Maecenas, eine histor. Untersuch., Altona 1843. WEWeber, Q. Horatius Flaccus- 
 (Jena 1844) p. 143. HJMatthes in his symbolae literariae 5, 1. Priedlander, 
 SGesch..3 5 , 389. Cf. also § 229,3. There are no authentic portraits of Maec. 
 extant : Bernoulli, r6m. Ikonogr. 1, 237. 
 
 10. M. Vipsanius Agrippa, born 691/63, hence of the same age as Octavianus,. 
 whose friend he was from boyhood, cos. 717/37, censor and cos. II a. 726/28, cos. 
 Ill a. 727/27. He was Octavianus' best general and admiral, and also successful as- 
 a diplomatist, especially in the East ; he was faithful and trustworthy, but knew 
 his importance well enough and would not bear anybody above himself except 
 Caesar's heir; in a, 733/21 he became Augustus' son-in-law : f 742/12. 
 
 11. He possessed rhetorical training, and a. 711/43 prosecuted C. Cassius as- 
 one of the assassins of Caesar (Plut. Brut. 27 cf. Vell. 2, 69, 5) and even later 
 appeared as a defender (Sen. contr. 2, 4, 12 p. 201 K.) ; see also Plin. NH. 35, 26. 
 exstat eius oratio magnifica et maxima civium digna de tabulis omnibus signisque- 
 publicandis. In literature he had a somewhat coarse (Plin. 1.1. : M. Agrippa, vir 
 rusticitati propior quam deliciis), but healthy taste (cf. above § 219, 15), and in his. 
 subjects showed a practical tendency. Prontim. aquaed. 98 M. Agrippa . , 
 
§ 220. AGRIPPA. 417 
 
 descripsit quid aquarum publicis operibus, quid lacibus, quid privatis daretur. ib. 99 
 qui ex commentariis Agrippae aquas haberent. 
 
 12. Map of the "World : Plin. NH. 3, 17 . . . Agrippam quidem in tarda 
 viri diligentia praeterque in hoc opere cura, cum orbem terrarum urbi spectandu'm 
 propositurus esset (also from the patriotic point of view, in illustration of the great- 
 ness of the Empire and of the services of those who had extended it), errasse quis 
 credat et cum eo (the publisher with the author) divum Augustum f is namque com- 
 plexam eum porticum ex destinatione et commentariis M. Agrippae a sorore eius 
 incohatam peregit. From this it would appear that Agrippa left only the sketch 
 of a chart and chorographic commentary, but in his will enjoined his sister 
 (Paula) to have his great map made for a public porticus (the Vipsania, cf. Plin. 
 NH. 6, 139. Tac. hist. 1, 31), an injunction subsequently carried out by Augustus 
 himself. The commentarii, which are specially based on road surveys and books 
 of travel, have been much used by Plin. NH. (ind. auct. to b. 3-6 ex ... M. 
 Agrippa, he is there quoted over thirty times), Mela and others, also by Strabo 
 (see Partsch 1.1. 42) : a collection of passages relating thereto in Philippi, de tabula 
 Peutinger., Bonn 1876 p. 30 and in Eiese's Geographi lat. p. 1-8. Prom these 
 works of Agrippa are derived (though not immediately, AvGutschmid, Lit. 
 Centr.-Bl. 1877, 860) two geographical lists of names (compiled as an elucidation to 
 school maps, at latest about a. 400) with scanty notices concerning boundaries and 
 the size of the various countries, the Dimensuratio provinciarum (published by 
 ESchelstrate, antiq. eccl. 2, 525, AMai, class, auct. 3, 410, ESchweder, Beitrage 
 zur Chorogr. des Aug. 1, 6 and Eiese, geogr. lat. 9) and the so-called Divisio orbis 
 (published by Schweder 1.1. and Eiese 1.1. 15), which again has been largely used 
 by Dicuil (§ 453, 5). Cf. also n. 13. — Agrippa's map was no doubt reproduced in 
 various parts of the Empire : it is probably of such a copy, intended for Augusto- 
 dunum (Autun), that we read in Eumenius pro instaur. schol. 20 a. 296 : videat 
 in illis porticibus iuventus et quotidie spectet omnes terras et cuncta maria . . . 
 si quidem . . . illic instruendae pueritiae causa . . . omnium cum nomi- 
 nibus suis locorum situs spatia intervalla descripta sunt etc. ib. 21 nunc demum iuvat 
 orbem spectare depictum. The tabula Peutingeriana also is indirectly derived 
 from Agrippa's model (§ 412, 6). Cf. HBazin, rev. d'archeol. 1887 2, 325 on an 
 inscr. taken from a geographical monument : audi, viator ; si libet, intus veni ; tabula 
 est aena quae te cuncta perdocet. 
 
 13. That Agrippa was commissioned by Augustus to undertake a geographical 
 . survey of the whole Empire, and as a result of this produced the map and com- 
 mentarii, is unlikely and cannot be proved. The statements in the so-called 
 Divisio p. 14 E. : orbem divus Augustus primus per chorographiam ostendit 
 and Isidorus 5, 36, 4 Augustus Bomanum orbem descripsit assume too much. 
 Augustus' breviarium totius imperii and discriptio regionum Italiae (§ 220, 4 ; 
 see also below § 344, 4 the passage from the liber col. p. 239) rather served 
 administrative and financial purposes ; see also Detlefsen, comment. Mommsen. 
 33. So did the survey of the Empire ordered by Augustus and carried on during 
 some 20 years by four Greeks ; our only evidence for this is Julius Honorius and 
 the pretended Aethicus in Eiese, geogr. lat. p. 21 and 72. Meanwhile Agrippa 
 naturally had the geographical materials, which these undertakings brought 
 to light, at his command for those works which were founded principally on 
 the measured distances on the roads. FEitschl, op. 3, 743. ChPetersen, EhM. 
 8, 161. 377. "9, 85. 422. KMullenhoff, d. Weltkarte u. Chorographie des August, 
 Kiel 1856 (and AvGutschmid, EhM. 12, 619) ; Herm. 9, 182. JPartsch, d. Darst. 
 Europas in dem geogr. Werke des Agr., Bresl. 1875. ESchweder, Beitr. *,. Kritik 
 
 K. L. E E 
 
418 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 d. Chorogr. des Aug., Kiel 1876. 78. 83 III ; die Concordanz der Chorographien des 
 Pompon. Mela und des Plin., Kiel 1879. Eiese's proleg. to the geogr. Lat. p. vn. 
 DDetlefsen, Unterss. z. d. geogr. Biiehern d. Plin. 1 : d. Weltkarte des M. Agrippa, 
 Gliickst. 1884. FPhilippi, z. Eeconstruct. der Weltk. d. Agr., Marl). 1880; in 
 the hist, researches for ASchafer 239. 
 
 14. Agrippa wrote an autobiography. Philaegye. on Verg. georg. 2, 162 
 Agrippa in secundo vitae suae elicit excogitasse se ut ex Lucrino lacu portum faceret. 
 Cf. Plin. NH. 7, 148 (Augusti) Philippensi proelio rnorhidi fuga et triduo in palude 
 aegroti et, ut fatentur Agrippa et Maecenas (n. 8) aqua subter cutem fusa turgidi 
 latebra. 36, 121 adicit ipse (Agrippa) aedilitatis suae (721/33) commemoratione etc. 
 — PSFeandsen, M. Vipsanius Agrippa, eine hist. Unters., Altona 1836. DvLakeken- 
 Matthes, de Agr. meritis, Amsterd. 1840. JHvEck, quaestt. hist, de A., Leiden 
 1842. APbeunek, PEE. I 2 , 599. APMotte, sur M. Agrippa, Ghent 1872. 
 
 221. Next to these leading men, Asinius Pollio and Valerius 
 Messalla were in the Augustan period the most prominent on 
 account of their past career and position among their contem- 
 poraries. C. Asinius Pollio (a. 678/76-758/5 a.d.), who in the 
 Civil "Wars exerted himself for Caesar and Antony, fell out with 
 the latter without going over to Octavianus, then retreated from 
 political life, supported science and art with great magnificence 
 and devoted himself to literature. At first he wrote tragedies, 
 then a history of the Civil Wars after the first triumvirate. But 
 he was principally an orator : both in this capacity and as a 
 writer he affected antique severity, and when his sphere as an 
 orator -was restricted, he found a substitute in the public recita- 
 tions. By keeping aloof from politics this hard, strong-willed 
 man contrived to maintain his peculiar position as well as a 
 nominal independence, while within the domain of literature he 
 was a very severe critic, by way of compensation for his lack 
 of political influence. 
 
 1. C. Asinius Cn. f. Pollio (on the mode of spelling Pollio or Polio see e.g. 
 Lachmam on Lucr. 1, 313 ; Eitschl, PM. p. 81 ; op. 3, 249. 5, 771), born 678/76, 
 prosecuted C. Cato (in his 22nd year, Tac. dial. 34) a. 700/54, praetor 709/45, cos. 
 714/40. As consul he fought against the Parthines and Dalmatians; capture 
 of Salonae (Spalato) and his triumph ex Parthineis a. d. VIII Kal. Nov. 
 715/39 (act. tr., OIL. 1, p. 461. 478. Hoe. c. 2, 1, 16). Having subsequently fallen 
 out with Antony (Chaeis. GL. 1, 80 Asinius contra maledicta Antonii), Asinius 
 thought too well of himself to join Octavianus (who was much junior to hhn) or ■ 
 to submit to him (Vell. 2, 86, 3), and until his death he held aloof from him 
 without open opposition or real submission. Hiekon. ad Euseb. chron., a. Abr. 
 2020 = 758/5 a.d. Asinius Pollio orator et consularis, qui de Dalmatis triumphaverat, 
 LXXX aetatis suae anno in villa Tusculana moritur. This is confirmed by Sen. 
 contr. 4, praef. 5, according to which passage Pollio was alive a.d. 4, and Tac. 
 dial. 17 Asinius paene ad extremum (Augusti principatum) duravit. KNippeedey, 
 op. 288. On the first public library, which he founded and decorated with the 
 portraits of celebrated authors (Plin. NH. 35, 10) : § 219, 21. He also admitted 
 
§ 221. ASINIUS POLLIO. 419 
 
 the public to his art-collections (Plin. NH. 36, 33). On the recitations introduced 
 by him see § 219, 25. 
 
 2. The poems of Pollio. His relations with Catullus (Cat.. 12) and Cinna 
 (§ 213, 3 1. 20) ; with Horace (n. 3). Carmina Sophocleo digna cothurno, i.e. tra- 
 gedies, either written or about to be written at the time of Vergil's eel. 8, 10 (a. 
 715/39), cf. ib. 3, 86 (Pollio et ipse facit nova carmina). Hon.. sat. 1, 10, 42 sq. 
 (c. a. 718/36) Pollio regum facta canit pede ter percusso (in iambic trimeters). 
 c. 2, 1, 9 (a. 724/30 or 725/29, paulum severae Musa tragoediae- dlesit theatris, while 
 Asinius was writing his history of the Civil Wars. That Asinius actually 
 published tragedies appears from Tac. dial. 21 Asinius . .. . videtur mihi inter 
 Menenios et Appios studuisse ; Pacuvium certe et Accium non solum tragoediis sed etiam 
 orationibus suis expressit : adeo durus et siccus est. That they were acted is indi- 
 cated by the expression theatris used by Hon. 1.1., but we are without further 
 information concerning them. There seems to be an error in Seev.. Verg. eel. 8, 10 
 alii ideo hoc de Pollione dictum volunt quod et ipse utriusque linguae tragoediarum 
 scriptor fuit. Asinius wrote also erotic poetry, according to Plin. ep. 5, 3, 5 
 (above § 31, 1), cf. 7, 4, 4. Out of all these poems there has only been preserved the 
 fragment in Chaeis. GL. 1, 100, 24 Polio ' Veneris antistita CuprusJ Cf. FHakder, 
 JJ. 137, 368. 
 
 3. History of the Civil Wars from the first triumvirate (a. 694/60, Metello 
 consule, Hob. c. 2, 1, 1) and as it seems simply called historiae (Sen. suas. 6, 15 
 Pollio in historiis suis; ib. 6, 25 in historiis eius and ne historias eius legere con- 
 cupi&catis ; cf. Val. Max. 8, 13 ext. 4). It treated of the battle of Pharsalus (Suet. 
 lul. 30 and elsewhere), of that of Thapsus, of Cato's death (Hoe. c. 2, 1, 24 sqq.), of 
 the war in Spain (Suet. Iul. 55), Cicero's death (Sen. suas. 6, 24-j and perhaps also 
 (vid. inf.) of the battle of Philippi (cf. Tac. ann. 4, 34 Asinii Pollionis scripta 
 egregiam eorundem — Cassius and Brutus — memoriam tradunt). There are no 
 quotations relating to the broils between Octavianus- and M. Antony ; this may 
 indeed be due to mere chance, but it is also possible that Asinius looked upon the 
 history of that period as periculosae plenum opus aleae (Hok.. c. 2, 1, 6) and there- 
 fore decided not to include it, and finished with a_ 712/42 or a still earlier date : 
 this is confirmed by the work being designated in Suidas (see below) as a 
 narrative of the Civil War between Caesar and Pompey. The statement of 
 Suidas (see below), that the work comprised 17 books, might well be explained by 
 the supposition that the volumes and years coincided with each other, the nar- 
 rative reaching from the middle of 694/60-710/44, that is, to the death of Caesar. 
 As b. 1 contained the introduction arid the second half of a. 694/60, so b. 17 would 
 contain the beginning of a. 710/44, and would close with a passing survey (in 
 which would be the eulogy of Cicero, Brutus and Cassius, see above) of the most 
 recent times. According to Hok. c. 2, 1-8. 17 Asinius was at work on his 
 historiae about the year 724/30 or 725/29. The passage in Peisc. GL. 2, 386, 9 
 Asinius ' cuius experta virtus hello Oermaniae traducta ad custodiam Illyrici est ' 
 cannot, if the name Asinius is correct, refer to Tiberius, as is generally supposed, 
 as he was not sent to Illyria until 760/7, after the death of Asinius (PEE. 6, 
 1934). The third book is quoted by Val. Max. 8, 13 ext. 4 Asinius Pollio, non 
 minima pars romani stili, in tertio historiarum libro. The wording of the work was 
 not rhetorical (see Sen. suas. 6, 25 adftrmare vdbis possum nihil esse in Asinii 
 historiis eius hoc quern rettuli loco — concerning Cicero, see above — disertius) : Ateius 
 (§ 211, 1) in the praecepta de ratione scribendi, which he gave Asinio historiam com- 
 ponere aggresso, had advised him successfully ut noto civilique et proprio sermone 
 
420 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 utatur (see also n. 4). The fragments in HPeter, hist. fr. 262 (the only consider- 
 able fragment is the judgment on Cicero, § 176, 1). Plin. NH. ind. auct. "b. 7 ex 
 . . Asinio Pollione. These historiae of As. were used by Plutarch in his Life 
 of Caesar and by Appian de bell, civ., see JAWijnne, de fide et auctor. Appiani in 
 bell, civ., Gron. 1855. PEyssenhakdt, JJ. 85, 757. HPeter, die Quellen Plutarchs, 
 Halle 1865, 124; JJ. 119, 420. PBailleu, quomodo App. in b. c. ]. H-V usus sit 
 Asinii historiis, Gott. 1874. GThouket, Leipz. Studien 1, 324. Cf. also CWich- 
 mann, de Plut. Antonii et Bruti fontibus, Bonn 1874. Suidas' two articles on 
 Arivios JlaXlui' "Pa/uuos (1, 786 ed. Bernh.) and on IluXiwy, 6 'AjLvios xPVI laT ^< ras i 
 Tpa\\i.av6s (2, 2, 387) axe full of errors (concerning which see various criticisms in 
 Teuffel, PEE. I 2 , 1868, 25. HPetee, JJ. 119, 422. Thouret 1.1. HFlach, EhM. 
 36, 316). According to these the consul Asinius Pollio would have written the 
 first history of Greece in Latin (irpwros 'EWyviKty laroplav 'PafiatKus ffvveypdxj/aTo), 
 which is manifestly an error and must rest on » confusion (AvGutschmid, EhM. 
 36, 316 supposes a confusion with Pompeius Trogus) ; again we read of the same 
 A. P. : Itrroplas "PwpMticcis awirafyv iv pipXlois if, on the other hand of Pollio of 
 Tralles that he composed a work irepl tov ip.tpvklov ttjs 'Piip,ns iroke'p.ov Sv tirokipviiaav 
 Kniadp re koX Ho/xinfiios. Here it is evident that the history of the Civil War 
 between Caesar and Pompey belongs rather to the consul, and that it is this work 
 which is alluded to as the 17 books la-roplat 'Pa/mCKal. GLandgraf, Unterss. zu 
 Caes. u. s. Portsetzern, Erl. 1888, has made the ' important discovery ' that Asinius 
 Pollio is the author of the bell. afr. (§ 197, 7) and the reviser and publisher of the 
 Caesar-Hirtius remains (bell. gall. VIH, bell, civ., bell, alex.) : will this theory 
 really obtain any adherents ? 
 
 4. On Pollio as an orator, both judicial and political (Hor. a 2, 1, 13), subse- 
 quently as a declaimer, see the passages in HMeter, orat. rom. 2 p. 487-491 and 
 FBlass, die griech. "Bere'ds. von Alex. 141. Sen. epist. 100, 7 compositio Pottionis 
 Asinii salebrosa et exsiliens et ubi minime exspectes relictura. denique omnia apud 
 Ciceronem desinunt, apud Pollionem cadunt, exceptis paucissimis quae ad cerium modum 
 et ad unum exemplar adstricta sunt. Quint. 10, 1, 113 multa in Asinio Pollione 
 inventio, summa diligentia, adeo ut quibusdam etiam nimia videatur, et consilii et animi 
 satis ; a nitore et iucunditate Ciceronis ita longe abest ut videri possit saeculo prior. See 
 the account (exaggerated from the point of view of the speaker) in Tac dial. 21 
 (above n. 2), cf. 25 (numerosior Asinius). But in his rhetorical displays he was 
 floridior aliquanto (Sen. contr. 4, praef. 3) than in his judicial speeches. Specimens 
 of them are given by the elder Seneca ; a collection of the fragments of the 
 judicial speeches in Meyer 1.1. 491. Among the latter the later ones are all de- 
 fensive speeches. Pin. NH. praef. 31 cum diceretur Asinius Pollio orationes in eum 
 fPlancum, § 209, 8) parare quae ab ipso ant liberis post mortem Planci ederentur etc. 
 The accounts of his style and his opposition to Cicero (Quint. 12, 1, 2) would 
 characterise A. P. as an adherent of the Atticists (p. 245), from whom he is, 
 however, distinguished by Quint. 10, 2,7. 
 
 5. Other prose- works by Pollio. As a philosophical writer (or penman ? ) Pollio 
 is mentioned by Sen. ep. 100, 9. Asinius Pollio ad Caesarem I ap. Charis. GL. 1] 
 131, 3. Cf. n. 6. There are only three letters extant of a. 711/43, from A. P. to 
 Cicero, Cic. fam. 10, 31-33. JHSchmalz, d. Sprachgebr. des A. P., in the Pestschr. 
 z. Karlsruher Philol.-Vers. 1882, 76. Erom Charis. GL. 1, 84, 5, Prisc GL. 2, 
 513, 7 and others, MHaupt, op. 2, 67, infers the existence of grammatical works 
 by A. P. to which he assigns his literary and aesthetic opinions (see below n. 6), 
 also Charis. GL. 1, 97, 11 Asinius in Valerium (i.e. Catullus, cf. § 214, 7 ad fin.). 
 Against this see Bergk, op. 2, 751. JSteup, de Prob. 71. 
 
§ 221, 22. asinius pollio: m. messalla. 421 
 
 6. Pollio as a critic. Sen. contr. 4, praef. 3 illud striatum eius (of A. P.) el 
 asperum et nimis iratum in censendo (so OJahn : incendio suo in the MSS., ingenio suo 
 Kiessling) indicium adeo cessabat (in the declamations of A. P.) ut in multis illi 
 venia opus esset quae ab ipso vix impetrabatur (cf. Plin. NH. 86, 33 Asinius Pollio 
 fait acris vehementiae). Some sharp criticisms on rhetoricians by As. in Sen. rhet. 
 sae ed. Kiessl. p. 532''. As his judgment on Cicero (§ 176, 1) was no doubt de- 
 rived from the historiae, so the one on Caesar's commentaries (Suet. Iul. 56 ; see 
 § 196, 1) appears to be derived from the same source ; the censure of Cicero (Sen.. 
 suas. 6, 15) is from a speech (Sen. 1.1.) and perhaps also the one on an expression of 
 Labienus (Quint. 9, 3, 13, cf. ib. 4, 1, 11). Besides this, see Scet. .gramm. 10 Asinius 
 Pollio in libro quo Sallustii scripta reprehendit (cf. § 206, 5). This ' liber ' was 
 possibly in the form of letters, cf . Gell. 10, 26, 1 Asinio Pollioni in quadam epistola 
 quam ad Plancum (n. 4) scripsit . . . dignum nota visum est quod (Sallustius) in 
 primo historiarum etc. Cf . u. 5. This ' liber ' may have contained also his criticism 
 on Cicero's style (Quint. 12, 1, 22) and his censure of the Paduan smack of Livy's 
 diction (Quint. 1, 5, 56. 8, 1, 3), perhaps the rejoinder to a remark of Bivy de 
 oratoribus qui verba antiqua et sordida consectantur et orationis obscuritatem severi- 
 tatem putant (Sen. contr. 9, 25, 26). — In general see JBThorbecke, de C. A. P., Leid. 
 1820. Drumann, GB. 2, 2. FJacob, A. P., Bub. 1852. OHendecourt, de vita, 
 gestis et scriptis A. P., Bowen 1858. Teuffel, PEE. I 2 , 1859. BLuzzato, ricerche 
 storiche su C. Asin. Poll., Padua 1867. PAAulard, de Asin. Poll, vita et scriptis, 
 Par. 1877. HPeter, JJ. 119, 420. JHSchmalz, Sprachgebr. des- Asin. Poll. 
 Munich 2 1890. See addenda to § 197, 7. 
 
 222. M. Valerius Messalla (a. 690/64 b.c-761/8 a.d.) served 
 Octavianus with fidelity and sincerity, but without debasing 
 himself. As an orator he was on a level with Pollio, but there 
 was somewhat of hauteur and affectation about him, and he 
 showed the jealous pride of a member of the old nobility. He 
 subsequently busied himself with antiquarian and grammatical 
 investigations e.g. concerning phonetics, and here he conde- 
 scended to minute philological details. In his younger days he 
 strongly felt the tendency of his time in admiring Greek litera- 
 ture; he translated Greek, and himself wrote in Greek both in 
 verse and prose (memoirs). 
 
 1. M. Valerius M. f. (of the consul 693/61 ; sae § 171, 12. BBorghesi, op. 1, 
 407, Mommsen, ephem. epigr. 3, 4) Messalla Corvinus. Hieronym. ad a. Abr. 
 1958=695/59 Messala Corvinus orator nascitur et T. Livius Patavinus scriptor 
 historicus; and ad a. Abr. 2027=764/11 a.d. Messala Corvinus ante biennium quam 
 moreretur ita memoriam (cf. Plin. NH. 7, 90) ac sensum amisit ut vix pauca verba 
 coniungeret, et ad extremum . . . inedia se confecit, anno aetatis LXXII (Fre- 
 herianus LXXVII). The date of his death (a.d. 11) is certainly wrong, as Ovid, 
 who was exiled in Dec. 761/8 a.d., was still at Borne when Messalla died (Ovid. 
 Pont. 1, 7, 27-80) : whence it is evident that Messalla must have died not later than 
 761/8. Supposing him to have been 72 years old, he must have been born a. 
 689/65 or 690/64, and must have been of the same age as Cicero's son (Cic. Att. 1, 2,. 
 1), together with whom (and Horace, born end of 689/65) Messalla studied at 
 Athens (a. 709/45 sq.). Messalla was appointed consul 1 Jan. 723/31, Cicero on the 
 ides of September 724/30). KNifperdey, op. 289. BBorghesi, op. 1, 408. HSchulz, de 
 
422 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Val. Mess, aetate, Stettin 1886, is of opinion that in giving the date of Messalla's 
 birth (cf. § 143, 1) Hieronymus erred owing to a confusion of two pairs of consuls, 
 viz. Caesare et Vigulo (coss. 690/64) and Caesare et Bibulo fcoss. 695/59). The state- 
 r ment in Tac. dial. 17 Corvinus in medium usque Augusti principatum . . 
 duravit, is no doubt erroneous : see Nipperdey 1.1. 297. After the defeat at 
 Philippi (a. 712/42) he went over to Antony, but was soon disgusted with his 
 revels (Plus. NH. 33, 50. Ohakis. GL. 1, 129, 7 Messala contra Antonii litteras ; ib. 
 104, 18 M. Messala de Antonii statuis) and made his peace with Octavianus (App. 
 b. c. 4, 38), who received him with open arms and (a. 718/36 sqq.) employed him in 
 several affairs; a. 723/31 he was even appointed consul in the place of Antony. 
 Messalla henceforth remained faithful to Octavianus, without, however, betraying 
 his former friends and principles (cf. Plot. Brut. 53). Xlepl "Kktiov vavapx^aas 
 (App. b. c. 4, 38). His victory on the Atax (§ 212, 1) over the Aquitanians on his 
 birthday (Tib. 1, 7) and his triumph (ex Gallia, a. d. VII Kal. Oct.) 727/27. 
 Hieron. chron. ad a. Abr. 1991=728/26 : Messala Corvinus primus praefectus urbis 
 factus sexto die magistratu se abdicavit, incivilem potestatem esse contestant ; cf. Tac. 
 ann. 6, 11. Nipperdey op. 283. Curator aquarum a. 743/11, Front, aq. 99 cf. 102. 
 A. 752/2 he moved that Augustus should receive the title of pater patriae (Suet. 
 Aug. 58). 
 
 2. As early as 711/43 Cicero ad Brut. 1, 15, 1 writes of Messalla : cave pules 
 probitate, constantia, cura, studio reip. quidquam illi esse simile; ut eloquentia, qua 
 mirabiliter excellit, vix in eo locum ad laudandum habere videatur. quamquam in 
 hac ipsa sapientia plus apparel : ita gravi iudicio multaque arte se exercuit in 
 verissimo genere dicendi. tanta au'tem industria est tantumque evigilat in studio ut 
 non maxima ingenio . . . gratia habenda videatur. The expression verissimum 
 genus dicendi shows that Messalla had not joined the New Attic School, but 
 followed the manner of Cicero. Cf . Tac dial. 18 Cicerone mitior Corvinus et dulcior 
 et in verbis magis elaboratus. Quint. 10, 1, 113 Messala nitidus (cf. 1, 7, 35) et 
 candidus et quodammodo praeferens in dicendo nobilitatem suam, virions minor. Sen. 
 controv. 2, 12, 8 fuit Messala exactissimi ingenii quidem in omni studiorum parte, 
 latini utique sermonis dbservator diligentissimus. In Sen. apocoloc. 10, 2 he is called 
 disertissimus vir. Suet. Tib. 70 in oratione latina secutus est Corvinum Messalam, 
 quern senem adolescens observarat. Messala orator is frequently mentioned in Plin. 
 NH. : 7, 90. 10, 52 and elsewhere. On Messala's introductions see Quint. 4, 1, 8 
 and Tac. dial. 20 ad init. His speech against Aufidia (defended by Ser. Sulpicius, 
 f 711, see § 174, 3) was known to Quintilian (10, 1, 22). See further Meyeb, 
 orator, fragm. 2 510. OGkuppe, quaest. Ann. (1873) 35. 
 
 3. Quint. 10, 5, 2 vertere graeca in latinum veteres nostri oratores optimum 
 iudicabant . . . id Messalae placuit, multaeque sunt ab eo scriptae ad hunc modum 
 orationes, adeo ut etiam cum ilia Hyperidis pro Phryne difficillima Homanis subtili- 
 tate contenderet. Hor. c. 3, 21, 9 socraticis model sermonibus. He wrote bucolic 
 poems in Greek and, as it seems, in the allegorical manner of Vergil's Bucolics : 
 the author of catal. Verg. 9, (11 ; cf. § 230, 5 n. 1) lauds them to the skies. On 
 account of these or of other poems Pliny ep. 5, 3, 5 (above § 31, 1) places him 
 among the erotic poets. The existence of Memoirs by Messalla (perhaps in Greek) 
 concerning the battle of Philippi etc. may be inferred from Plut. Brut. 40. 42. 45, 
 and Appian also seems to have used them (cf. e. g. b. c. 4, 38. 121). Suet. Aug. 74 
 Valerius Messala tradit etc. Plin. NH. 33, 50 Messala orator prodidit etc. Tac. 
 ann. 4, 34. Pliny NH. in the ind. auct. of b. 9 (ex . . . Messala Corvino). 33 (ex 
 Corvino). 35 (ex Messala oratore).— Plin. NH. 35, 8 extat Messalae oratoris indignatio, 
 quae prohibuit inseri genti suae Laevinorum alienam imaginem. — Disquisitions in 
 
§ 222, 23. M. MESSALLA: L. VARICS. 423. 
 
 epistolary form : Suet, gramm. 4 eosdem Utteratores vocitatos Messala Corvinus in 
 quadam epistula ostendit. Quint. 1, 7, 35 idea minus Messala nitidus quia quosdam 
 totos libellos non verbis modo singulis sed etiam litteris dedit ? of. ib. 23 Messala in 
 libro de S littera. 9, 4, 38 quae fuit causa et Servio . . . subtrahendae S litterae 
 (at the end of a word, when the next word began with a consonant), quod repre- 
 hendit Luranius ( Veranius Bekgk, of. § 199, 4), Messala defendit. Cf . ib. 1, 5, 15. 
 ESchOll (leg. XII tab. p. 36) supposes this treatise rather to refer to Messala the 
 augur (§ 199, 2). 
 
 4. Poems in honour of Messalla : Tie. 1, 7 and others ; a panegyric in Tib. 4, 1 
 (see § 245, 3). Elegia ad Messalam § 230, 5, n. 1. — In general see the treatises by 
 CvHall, Amsterd. 1820 II. LWiese, Berl. 1829. JMJValeton, GrOningen 1874. 
 LFontaine, Versailles 1878. Cf. also EBahkens, tibull. Blatter (Jena 1876) 49.— 
 The treatise de progenie Augusti Caesaris, which bears the name of Messalla, 
 is a production of the 15th cent., last edited by CHTzschucke, Lps. 1793, and 
 BMecenate, Eome 1820. Cf. HJordan, Herm. 3, 426 and esp. CFWebeb (and 
 JCaesae) de Mess, libello de pr. A., Marb. 1873. 74 II. 
 
 II. Poets. 
 
 223. The earliest of the poets of the Augustan period is L. 
 Varius Rufus (c. 680/74-740/14), an admirer of Caesar, then of 
 Octavianus, on both of whom he composed epic poems : but his 
 celebrity was chiefly obtained by his tragedy of Thyestes (a. 
 725/29), and by his friendship with Vergil and Horace, especially 
 by editing the former's Aeneid. Of about the same age with 
 him, and also a friend of Vergil, was Aemilius Macer of Verona 
 (f 738/16), the author of didactic poems in the manner of 
 Nicander, Ornithogonia, Theriaca and probably also on a botanical 
 subject (de herbis). 
 
 1. That Varius was nearly of the same age with Helvius Cinna (§ 213, 2) and 
 certainly older than Vergil, appears from Vekg. eel. 9, 35 neque adhuc Vario videor 
 nee dicere Cinna digna. An epic poem on Caesar, de morte, specimens of which 
 (12 hexameters) are given by Mace. 6, 1, 39. 6, 2, 19. FPB. 337. Hence Hoe. sat. 
 1, 10, 51 forte epos acer ut nemo Varius ducit. An epic poem by Varius in praise ot 
 the deeds of Agrippa (and Octavianus) is meant by Hoe. c. 1, 6, 1-4, and this hope 
 was fulfilled according to Porphybio on Hor. ep. 1, 16, 25 versus ' Tene magis etc' 
 . . . sunt notissimo ex panegyrico Augusti ; Aceon ib. : haec enim Varius de 
 Augusta scripserat. As an epic poet he is mentioned together with Vergil by Hon. 
 ep. 2, 3, 55. Perhaps he also wrote elegies ; Poeph, on Hor. c. 1, 6, 1 fuit L. Varius 
 et ipse carminis et tragoediarum (but only his Thyestes is known) et elegorum (or 
 elegiarum) auctor, Vergilii contubernalis. As a tragic poet he is mentioned by 
 Maet. 8, 18, 7. When Horace wrote ep. 2, 1, 247 (c. a. 742/12) Varius was dead. 
 
 2. A scholion in the Paris. 7530 s. VIII states (after the heading Incipit 
 Thuestes Varii) Lucius Varius cognomento Rufus Thyesten tragoediam magna cura 
 absolutam post actiacam victoriam Augusti ludis eius (a. 725/29 cf. Dio 51, 19. 21) in 
 scaena edidit. pro qua fabula sestertium deciens (as a donation from the Emperor) 
 accepit. FWSchneidewin, EhM. 1, 106. 2, 638. A quotation from it in Quint. 3, 
 8, 45. Two anapaestic fragments without mention of the play in Eibbeck, trag. 2 
 
424 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 229. Quint. 10, 1, 98 Varii Thyestes cuilibet graecarum comparari potest. Tac. dial. 
 12 nee ullus Asinii aut Messalae liber tarn Ulustris est quam Medea Ovidii aut Varii 
 Thyestes. Philakqtr. on Verg. eol. 8, 10 Varium, cuius exstat Thyestes tragoedia, 
 omnibus tragicis praeferenda. "Welcker, Trag. 3 (1841), 1426. 
 
 3. His relations to Augustus (Hor. ep, 2, 1, 245 ; he is probably also meant by 
 Quint. 6, 3, 78 L. Vareus [so in the MSS.] JEpicurius, Caesaris. i.e. of Augustus— 
 amicus, § 51, 1), Maecenas (paneg. in Pis. 238 Maecenas tragico quatientem pulpita 
 gestu evexit Varium ; cf. Mart. 8, 56, 21. 12, 4, 1), Horace (whom Varius introduced 
 to Maecenas, Hor. sat. 1, 6, 55 ; cf. 1, 5, 40. 93. 1, 9, 23. 1, 10, 81. 2, 8, 21. 63) 
 and Vergil. A follower of the Epicurean Philodemos: AKorte, RhM. 45, 172. 
 IPor his edition of the Aeneid see § 228, 2. A work on Vergil, Quint. 10, 3, 8 
 Vergilium paucissimos die composuisse versus auctor est Varius. Cf. Gell. 17, 10, 2 
 amici familiaresque P. Vergilii in Us quae de ingenio moribusque eius memoriae 
 tradiderunt. — On the tragedy of Tereus (the Progne of Greg. Corrarius, Ven. 1558), 
 falsely ascribed to Varius, see "Weichert, de L. Vario 118. — AWeichert, de L. Varii 
 et Cassi Parmensis vita et carminibus, Grimma 1836. RUnger, de Valgii Rufi 
 poematis (Hal. 1848) p. 296 ; L. Varii de morte eclogae reliquiae, Halle 1870. 78 II. 
 
 4. Hieronym. on Eus. Chron. a. Abr. 2001 (in the cod. Bern. 2002)=738/16 
 Aemilius Macer Veronensis poeta in Asia moritur, Serv. Verg. eel. 5, 1 Mopsus 
 (intellegitur) Aemilius Macer Veronensis poeta, amicus Vergilii. Ovid, trist. 4, 10, 
 43 saepe suas volucres legit mihi grandior aevo quaeque necet serpens, quae iuvet herla 
 Macer. Caton. dist. 2, praef . : quodsi mage nosse laboras herbarum vires, Macer haec 
 tibi carmina dicit. Quint. 10, 1, 87 Macer et Lucretius legendi quidem, sed non ut 
 phrasin . . . faciant ; elegantes in sua quisque materia, sed alter (Macer) humilis, 
 alter difficilis. ib. 56 Nicandrum frustra secuti Macer atque Vergilius (cf. § 241, 1 
 ad fin.) ? 12, 11, 27 neque post Lucretium ac Macrum Vergilius. 6, 3, 96 Ovidius ex 
 tetrastichon Macri carmine librum in malos poetas composuit (but cf. § 252, 3). Tin. 
 2, 6, 1. Manil. astr. 2, 43. 
 
 5. A hexameter from Macer Aemilius ornithogonias secundo quoted in Diomed. 
 GL. 1, 374, 21 ; cf. Non. 220, 18 Licinius Macer in ornithogonia. 518, 25 Aemilius 
 Macer in ornithogoniae libra I. Isidor. orig. 12, 7, 19. Schol. Bern. Lucan. 9, 701 
 serpentum nomina aut a Macro sumpsit de libris theriacon (nam duos edidit) aut etc. 
 Charis. GL. 1, 81, 18 Macer theriacon; cf. Isidor. orig. 12, 4, 24. RUnger, Phil. 47, 
 555. Other quotations of a more vague character ap. Serv. Aen. 1, 435. Schol. 
 Bern, georg. 2, 160. Charis. GL. 1, 65, 7. 107, 4. ' 113, 11. 14, also 72, 17. 100, 33 ; 
 the two passages last cited and de dub. nom. GL. 5, 576, 5 ?) seem to be from his 
 work on botany (Unger p. 11). The fragments in FPR. 345. Macer de herbis was 
 perhaps still known early in the Middle Ages : Bahrens, PLM. 3, 104. The work 
 set down by Becker, catal. bibl. antiq.74, no. 82 a,s'Nucer de herbis in the catalogue 
 of the convent library at Blaubeuren s. XI/XII must be the so-called Macer 
 Ploridus de viribus herbarum (see below) ; cf . also Becker 1.1. 117, 481 liber Macri de 
 virtutibus herbarum. Pliny NH. mentions Macer as one of his authorities on b. 9. 
 10. 11. 17, and it is therefore probable (Unger p. 16) that also in b. 19. 21. 22. 
 28. 29. 32, where the list of authorities mentions Licinius Macer in reference to 
 a similar subject, we have the same confusion of names as in Non. 220, 18 and 
 Diomed. GL. 1, 369, 15 (above § 156, 6).— For Macer in general see Broukhusius 
 on Tib. 2, 6. p. 274. Maffei, Verona illustr. 3, 2, 41. RUnger, de Macro Nicandri 
 imitatore, Friedl. 1845. — The name of Macer Floridus or (Aemilius) Macer is 
 erroneously given to the composition (in hexameters) of a certain French phy- 
 sician Odo Magdunensis (of Meun-sur-Loire) de viribus herbarum. X ; see AEbert, 
 Lit. d. MA. 3, 351. VRose, Hermes 8, 63. 
 
§ 223, 24. aemilius macer: vergilius (life). 425. 
 
 224. P. Vergilius Maro was born at Andes near Mantua on 
 Oct. 15, 684/70, in modest circumstances, but received a careful 
 education. When, a. 713/41 and 714/40, his paternal estate had 
 repeatedly been granted to veteran soldiers of Octavianus, the 
 intercession of influential friends effected either restitution or 
 indemnification. After that time, Vergil lived partly at Rome, 
 partly in Campania (at Naples), in many ways impeded by his 
 weak health, but gradually becoming possessed of comfortable 
 means. After the completion and publication of his Bucolica 
 (713/41-715/39) and Georgica (717/37-724/30), and when the 
 Aeneid was already far advanced (he began it 725/29), Vergil 
 wished to go to Athens and Asia for the further elaboration of 
 his work, but at Athens he was persuaded by Augustus to return, 
 and soon afterwards fell ill and died at Brundisium, Sept. 21, 
 735/19, shortly before the close of his fifty-first year. 
 
 1. Sources, a) Vita Vergilii de commentario Valeri Probi sublata, in HKeij., 
 M. Valerii Probi coram. (Halle 1848) p. 1 and in Beifferscheid's Suetonius p. 42 
 cf. p. 398. OJahn's Persius p. cxli. This is a carelessly made abstract, but 
 keeps free from fabulous fictions ; AEiese, de commentario Vergil. Probi p. 24. 
 Bibbeck, JJ. 87, 351. — b) Donatus' vita Vergilii ap. Eeifferscheid 1.1. p. 54 
 and HHagen suppl. vol. 4, 734 ; various readings from a Paris MS. in EWOlfflin, 
 Phil. 24, 153. It is prefixed to Aelius Donatus' commentary on Vergil (§ 409, 4), 
 and is mostly derived, as is shown by diction and style, from Suetonius de viris 
 illustribus, who himself owed most to the conscientious Asconius (§ 295, 2), who 
 was in his turn indebted to the works of L. Varius (§ 223, 3) and C. Melissus 
 (n. 4) ; it contains much valuable information, but is interpolated with additions 
 from the commentary of Servius, especially several nonsensical fictions of the 
 Middle Ages, which in the later MSS. are added to the original text. Cf. 
 Eeifferscheid 1.1. 399. Hagen 1.1. 676. JWBeck, JJ. 133, 502. The metrical work 
 of Phocas'is entirely dependent on Donatus' vita : see § 472, 4. — c) Hieronymus on 
 Euseb. Chron. ad a. Abr. 1948. 1959. 1964. 1999 (or to the years immediately follow- 
 ing). Also from Suetonius. — d) The vita bearing the name of Servius (prefixed 
 to his commentary on the Aeneid), but which is not the genuine life mentioned by 
 Servius in his introduction to the Bucolics p. 3, 25. 29 Thilo; see Eeifferscheid 
 1.1. 399. OEibbeck in his edition of the text of Vergil p. vn. — Finally we possess 
 a vita of slight value in some MSS. of Vergil, e.g. two Bernese, » Monacencis and 
 a Eeginensis ; see Eeifferscheid 1.1. 52. Hagen 'l.l. 745. A vita (without value) 
 from a MS. at St. Paul in Carinthia s. VIII MPetschenig, Wien. Stud. 4, 168.— 
 HNettleship, ancient lives of Vergil : with au essay on the poems of V., Lond. 1879. 
 
 2. Name. The inscriptions of the Eepublic and the first centuries of the 
 Christian era are in favour of Vergilius (not Virgilius), so also the older MSS., e.g. 
 the Medicean, and the Greeks also write almost invariably BepyLkios or OiepylXios. 
 The earliest dated instance of the spelling Virgilius is saec. V a.d. (see § 439, 1). 
 In the Middle Ages, from about saec. IX ; the spelling Virg. began to be favoured, 
 chiefly because of fictitious derivations of the name (from virgo or virga), and in 
 the 14th and 15th centuries this became quite victorious. But even then Angelus 
 
426 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Politianus proved it to be an error. It has been defended by ESchultz, orthogr. 
 quaestt. (Paderb. 1855) p. 42. JOberdick, Studd. a. lat. Orthogr., Miinst. 1879, 13 ; 
 WschrfKlPh. 1889, 348. On the other side see EHubner, JJ. 77, 360. HHagen, 
 ib. 95, 608. ThCreizenach, ib. 97, p. 294. FEitschl, op. 2, 779. Cf. ThBergk, 
 Phil. 28, 441. JPohl, in the Progr. of Linz am Bhein 1871, 14. But in German 
 (and correspondingly in Eng. Er. Ital. etc.) the poet is called ' Virgil.' 
 
 3. For the data as to the life of Vergil see esp. Ribbeck in his edition of the 
 text CBibl. Teubn. Lps. 1867) p. vm, cf. also G-Thilo introd. to his ed. Vergil's 
 mother was called Magia Polla. His father was mercennarius or figulus and by 
 his exertions gradually made a small fortune. The poet received his instruction 
 at Cremona, after 696/58. After the assumption of the toga virilis (15 Oct. 
 699/55, § 203, 1) he went to Milan, and in 701/53 to Eome, where he studuit apud 
 Epidium oratorem (§ 211, 4) cum Caesare Augusto (vita Bern.), though he pleaded 
 only once. He engaged all the more zealously in the study of philosophy, in which 
 he and (Alfenus) Varus (§ 208, 3) attended the Epicurean Siro (2e£pu>x, MHaupt, op. 
 3, 334 and Madvig on Cic. fin. 2 p. 336) ; he likewise studied mathematics and natural 
 philosophy, also medicine. May he have lived in the neighbourhood of Taren- 
 tum ? ? Prop. 3, 34, 67. EHeydenreich in the commentatt. philol. semin. Lips. 
 (1874), 20. It is not known when he returned to his native place. A. 713/41 the 
 allotments of agri were extended from Cremona to the neighbouring territory of 
 Mantua by the limitator Octavius Musa, and Vergil's paternal estate was assigned 
 to a centurio called Arrius. Asinius Pollio and Cornelius Gallus interceded with 
 Octavianus. At the end of the Perusine war, Octavianus replaced Pollio in Gallia 
 transpadana by Alfenus Varus, a, man devoted to him, who indeed promised to 
 protect Vergil, but did not prevent the primipilaris Milienus Toro from possessing 
 himself of his paternal estate, on. which occasion Vergil was nearly killed by a 
 certain Clodius. Vergil and his father then fled to an estate formerly belonging 
 to Siro (Catal. 10). Cornelius (Gallus) and (Aemilius ?) Macer advised him to go 
 to Eome, where the poet, who had meanwhile become known through his Bucolics, 
 was indemnified through Maecenas' intercession, perhaps in Campania (estate 
 near Nola, Gell. 6, 20, 1). At the end of 715/39 Vergil was already so familiar 
 with Maecenas that he could introduce Horace into his circle. A. 717/37 both 
 met on the Iter Brundisinum, Hor. sat. 1, 5, 40. Horace addressed to Vergil c. 1, 
 3 (a irpoireixirTLKbp for an Athenian journey of Vergil's, not for the last), 1, 24. 
 4, 12? Cf. Bucheler, coniectanea, Bonn 1878, 14. EWolfflin, Phil. 39, 367. 
 — The rest of Vergil's life is not remarkable for any events of public interest. 
 Donat. vita 35 (51) dum Megara . . . ferventissimo sole cognoscit languorem 
 nactus est eumque non intermissa navigatione (from Greece to Italy) auxit ita ut 
 aegrior aliquanto Brundisium appelleret, ubi diebus paucis obiit, XI Kal. Oct. C. Sentio 
 Q. Lucretio coss. Cf . Hieron. ad a. 2000. Ossa eius Neapolim translate sunt. A life of 
 52 years is assigned to him by Donatus and the vita in HHagen, JJ. Suppl. 4, 745 ; 
 also AL. 560. 566. (PLM, 4, 129. 130),— The plot of land on which Vergil's grave was 
 situated became subsequently the property of Silius Italicus (§ 231, 12 1. 9. 320, 1 ; 
 cf. Mart. 11, 48. 49). ECocchia, la tomba di Virg., Turin 1888. 
 
 4. Personal appearance. Donatus' vita 8 (19) corpore et statura fuit 
 grandi, aquilo colore, facie rusticana, varia valetudine. nam plerumque a stomacho 
 (Hor. sat. 1, 5, 49) et a, faucibus ac dolore capitis laborabat, sanguinem etiam saepe 
 reiecit. His portrait as a frontispiece to his works : Mart. 14, 186 Ipsius et vultus 
 prima tabella gerit. We do not possess any trustworthy portraits of the poet. Cf . 
 Bernoulli, rom. Ikonogr. 1, 246. DComparetti, Virgilio 1, 184. Portrait on the 
 mosaic at Treves, representing the Muses (Arch. Ges. Berlin, Sitz. 9. Dec. : 
 
§ 224, 25. vergilius (life : character). 427 
 
 Donatus' vita 16 (27) in sermone tardissimum ac paene indocto simihm eum fuisse 
 Melissus tradidit. ib. 28 (43) pronuntiahat autem (his compositions) cum suavitate turn 
 lenociniis miris. 
 
 5. Personal circumstances. Donatus' vita 13 (24) possedit prope centiens 
 se&tertium ex liberalitatibus amicorum (Hon . ep. 2, 1, 246 with Schol. Mart. 8, 56, 5. 
 Serv. Aen. 6, 862) habuitque domum JSomae Eaquiliis iuxta hortos Maecenatianos, 
 quamquam secessu (Tac. dial. 13) Campaniae Siciliaeque plurimum uteretur. As 
 Vergil lived very moderately, he might easily leave a considerable fortune. 
 Donatus 37 (56) heredes fecit ex dimidia parte Valerium Proculum fratrem alio 
 patre, ex quarta Augustum, ex duodecima Maecenatem, ex reliqua (each '/ I2 ) L. 
 Varium et Plotiwm Tuccam. Vergil had never been married. 
 
 225. Vergil was a childlike, innocent and amiable character, 
 tender, sincere, and peaceful, a good son and faithful friend, 
 honourable and high-minded, full of devotion both to persons 
 and ideal interests, but not competent to grapple with the tasks 
 and difficulties of practical life. If he had enemies notwith- 
 standing, they were not personal adversaries, but opponents in 
 regard to his political and literary position. Something similar 
 to his personal character may be traced in his works. He is 
 most successful in such subjects as call for or admit of a genial 
 treatment, for instance, inanimate nature, his native country, 
 family-ties, or love. But, weak and pliable as he was, and 
 groping for his themes without the sure instinct of genius, he 
 allowed himself to be led on to subjects for which his talent was 
 imperfectly adapted. He collected his materials for these, and 
 studied the *Greek authors with the pertinacity of a scholar ; he 
 worked up his design and polished his diction deliberately and 
 exactingly with the industry of a miniature-painter, and he did 
 actually obtain — in the opinion of his contemporaries and of 
 the following centuries — the highest honours both for epic and 
 didactic poetry, and his manner and style became for a long 
 period the models for Roman poets. 
 
 1. See for the details of the above characterisation Teuffel, PEE. 6, 2648. 
 
 2. His character as a man. Horace (sat. 1, 5, 54) .ealls Vergil optimus and (ib. 
 1, 5, 40) anima Candida. -See Donatus 1 vita, e.g. 11 (22) : et ore et animo tarn probum 
 constat ut Neapoli Hapffevias vulgo appellatus sit ac si quando Bomae, quo rarissime 
 cornmeabat, viseretur in publico sectantes demonstrantesque se subterfugeret in prqximum 
 tectum. There is nothing in the scandal recorded by Donatus 9 (20) on his love- 
 affair with his favourite slave Alexander (=Alexis in eel. 2. Mart. 5, 16, 2, on 
 which see Friedlander) and with Kebea, as well as with Plotia -Hieria, an arnica of 
 L. Varius (HHaqen in JRibbeck's prolegg. p.. vi, who might also have quoted the 
 Greek name as evidence; see also EWOlfflin, Phil. 24, 154). Ib. 12 (23) bona 
 cuiusdam exulantis offerente Augusto non sustinuit accipere. 
 
428 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 3. Donat. 43 (61) obtreetatores Vergilio numquam defuerunt. As such he men- 
 tions Numitorius with his Antibucolica (§ 226, n. 1), the Aeneidomastix of Carvilius 
 Pictor (Seev. eel. 2, 23 hunc versum male distinguens Vergiliomastix vituperat), 
 Herennius, who tantum vitia eius, Perellius Faustus, who furta (eius) contraxit. 
 sunt et Q. Octavi Aviti o/jioi.ot'/itwv (homoeotheleuton in the MSS.) octo volumina, quae 
 quos et unde versus transtulerit continent, ib. 43-45 (61-63). To these we should add 
 Bavius and Mevius (§ 233, 2), Anser a partisan of Antony (very doubtful, see 
 below § 233, 3), Cornificius (§ 209, 2 ad fin.), subsequently Caligula (Suet. Cal. 34) 
 and others. Echoes of these hostile criticisms in Macr. sat. 1, 24. 6. 3, 10-12 and 
 especially 5, 3-16 on supposed furta by Vergil. On the other hand, Asconms 
 Pedianus wrote a liber contra obtreetatores Vergilii, Donatus 46 (64). Cf. Bib- 
 beck's prolegomena 96 and below § 295, 2. 
 
 4. Hor. sat. 1, 10, 45 molle atque facetum Vergilio annuerunt . . . Camenae. 
 Descriptions of inanimate nature occur in the eel. and georg., also Aen. 5, 213. 9, 
 435. 11, 68 ; of a semi-idyllic character are also Aen. 4, 803 sqq. 11, 456 ; cf . 12, 473, 
 He describes some plants in a strikingly picturesque manner, EMeyee, Gesch. d. 
 Botanik 1, 374. His patriotic warmth ge. 2, 136. Aen. 6, 809. 842. He sym- 
 pathises with family happiness and the grief of a mother ge. 2, 523. Aen. 6, 
 680. 8, 408. 9, 283. 475 ; cf . also the pathetic passage on Marcellus at the end of 
 Aen. 6 (860). The whole fourth book of the Aeneid attests Vergil's sense of love, 
 and this may be pronounced the most successful part of the whole. There is 
 hardly » trace of sarcasm in Vergil, see WHertzberg on Aen. 12, 321. But cf . 
 also p. 445, 1. 27. All his characters bear the stamp of mild humanity, free from 
 harshness and ruggedness, but also devoid of energy. ECoixilieux, la couleur 
 locale dans l'Eneide, Par. 1881, has counted in Vergil 20 expressions for joy and 
 happiness occurring in 314 passages, against 58 which express pain and sorrow, 
 in 1071 passages ! 
 
 5. Quint. 10, 3, 8 Vergilium paucissimos die composuisse versus auctor est Varius 
 (§ 223, 3) ; cf. ib. 10, 1, 86 curae et diligentiae vel idea in Vergilio plus (than in 
 Homer) est quod ei fuit magis laborandum et quantum eminentibus vincimur fortasse 
 aequalitate pensamus (but this very aequalitas, if there is- nothing to interrupt it, 
 ends by becoming monotonous). Gell.- 17, 10, 2. Donat. vita 22 (33) cf. 34 (49). 
 To the Georgics Vergil devoted at least 7 years, and on the Aeneid he had already 
 bestowed at least 10 and thought of devoting to it another triennium continuum 
 (Donatus 35 = 51), after which time he wished to leave off writing and to devote 
 himself to a contemplative life (ut reliqua vita tantum philosophiae vacaret, Donat. 
 1.1.). Writing poetry was to him a, labour, the end of which he longed to see. 
 The unpractical scholar often betrays himself in Vergil's poems, e.g. ge. 1, 281. 3, 
 26. 4, 408. PhWagnee in Heyne's ed. 4 p. 590. WHertzbebg on Aen. 8, 660. 708. 
 726. As to his want of originality, see our observations on each of his poems and 
 the collections by FUrsinus, Virgilius collatione graecorum scriptorum illustratus, 
 Antv. 1568, Leov. 1747. FGEichhoff, etudes greoques sur Virgile, Paris 1825 III. 
 Also WBibbeck in his brother's edition. BWohler, Einfl, des Lucrez. auf die 
 Dichter der august. Zeit I (Virgil), Greifsw. 1876. 
 
 6. In his political views, Vergil was a, thorough Augustan. It is true, he 
 fondly glances back at Bome's great past ( Vergilius, amantissimus vetustatis, Quint. 
 1, 7, 18), but in his own time he rejoices above all at the restoration of peace and takes 
 every opportunity of praising the author of the new order. Yet he has been spared 
 the charge of servility which has been brought against Horace with so much noise, 
 perhaps because he was looked upon as less politically accountable. Compared 
 
§ 225, 26. VERGILIUS (LANGUAGE AND METRE). 429 
 
 with Antony, the cause of Octavianus appears also to Vergil (see above p. 403, n. 1) 
 to be the national cause, Aen. 8, 685 sqq. A philosophical theory of life is 
 nowhere prominent ; here also all is resolved into tender-heartedness. See how- 
 ever Aldenh-oven, uber den virgilischen Fatalismus, Eatezeb. 1850. EDietsch, 
 theologumenon Vergilianorum particula, Grimma 1853. GBoissiek, la religion 
 romaine 1 (Par. 1874), 250. 178. 
 
 7. Language, metre etc. (see also below under the separate works) : Indices 
 verborum by NErythraeus, CEbaeus and others see § 231, 10. GAKoch (and 
 KEGeorges), Worterb. zu Verg., Hanov. ° 1885. JBGreenough, a special vocabu- 
 lary to Virg., Lond. 1883. Ph Wagner, quaestt. Verg. in Heyne's ed. 4, p. 383.— 
 EWotke, alte Formen bei V., Wien. Stud. 8, 131. EvFeistmantel, die Deklin. der 
 griech. Eigennamen bei Verg., Baden 1867. ESiegel, die nom. propria (Greek 
 forms) in der Aen., Budweis 1887. Petersson and Uddgren, de syntaxi Verg, 
 quaestt., Upsala 1853. PhSpitta, quaestt. Verg. (on the use of the plural to 
 designate a single object or conception), Gott. 1867. FSass, de numero plurali (in 
 Verg.), Kiel 1873. ESetss, d. Plur. der substant. Abstr. in V.s Aen., Iglau 1882. 
 FAntoihe, de casuum syntaxi vergil., Par. 1883. CEantz, der Accus. bei V., Diiren 
 1871. HDittel, der Dativ bei V., Innsbruck 1873. HKern, z. Gebr. d. Abl. b. V., 
 Schweinfurt 1881. CSchuler, quaestt. Verg. (c. 2 : de abl. usu V.), Greifsw. 1883. 
 WvSteltzer, d. Gebr. des Inf. bei Verg., Nordhausen 1875. ChX&nicke, die sog. 
 Gracismen im Gebr. des Inf. bei Verg., Oberhollabrunn 1874. FMaixner, de 
 infinitivi usu Verg., Leipz. (Agram) 1877. HKrause, de Verg. usurpatione 
 infinitivi, Halle 1878. EWeissenborn, d. Satz u. Periodenbau in V.s Aen., Muhl- 
 hausen i/Th. 1879. JLet, Verg. quaestt. spec. I : de temporum usu (that is on the 
 peculiar use of the praes. hist, and perf.), Saarbrucken 1877 ; ZfGW. 36, 111 . 
 Placek, de re in compositis in Verg. Aen., Budweis 1882. MKrafft, z. Wort- 
 stellung V.s, Goslar 1887. PvBoltenstern, d. Wortstellung, bes. die Stell. d. 
 Prapp. in V.s Aen., Dramb. 1880. Uber die Wortsymmetrie i. d. Aen. JKvicala, 
 neue Beitr. z. Erkl. d. Aen. (1881) 274 ; lib. d. Alliteration in d. Aen. (with great 
 exaggerations), ib. 293. — StSobieski, Vergil u. Ovid nach ihren Gleichnissen, 
 Lemberg 1861. ThEppelin, die Vergleichungen V.s, Lahr 1862. WHornbostel, 
 die Gleichnisse bei V., Eatzeb. 1870. Houben, de eomparationibus Verg., Dusseld. 
 1876. AKrondl, quae potiss. V. similitudinibus illustraverit, Prerau 1878. 
 GKopetsch, de comparatt. Verg., Lyck 1879. Caspers, de comparatt. Verg., 
 Hagenau 1883. Zimmermann, BlfdbayrGW. 1870, 221. CGJacob, de epithetorum 
 nonnullorum ap. Verg. vi et natura, Cologne 1829 ; quaestt. epicae, Quedlinb. 1839. 
 LCholevius, epitheta ornantia ap. Verg. et posteriores I, KOnigsb. 1865. Lunzner, 
 iib. Personiftcationen in V.s Ged., Gvitersloh 1876. WHertzberg's Aeneis (Stuttg. 
 1859) p. xiv (on V.'s employment of hypallage, metonymy and hendiadys). 
 EBradmuller, lib. Tropen u. Figuren in V.s Aen., Berl. 1877. 82 II. ThLadewig, 
 de V. verborum novatore I, Neustrelitz 1869. HLowe, de elocutione Verg., Grimma 
 1873. Cf. also § 282, 6. — On Vergil's great care in polishing his lines, see 
 LMuller ; de re metr. 140. 183. 190. Also "WGossrau, de hexam. Verg. in his ed. 
 MWDrobisch, Lpz. SBer. 1866, 75. 1868, 18. 138. 1871, 1. 1872, 1. 1873, 7. 
 CSchaper, de georg. a Verg. emend. 39. ThBirt, hist. hex. lat. 39. JWClough, 
 the hexameter of V., Boston 1880. PKleinecke, de penthem. et hephthemimere 
 caesuris a Verg. (esp. in eel. et georg.) usurpatis, Halle 1882. JWalser, ZfOG. 33, 
 1 (caes. k. rpir. rpox-)- IDraheim, de Verg. arte rhythmica, JJ. 129, 70. ThFran- 
 zen, d. Untersch. des Hex. b. V., u. Hor., Crefeld 1881. EAlbrecht, wiederholte 
 Verse u. Versteile b. V., Herm. 16, 393 (with addenda, ZfGW. 36, Jahresber. 
 243). 
 
430 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 226. The extant poems of Vergil are in the following list 
 arranged according to the date of their composition. 
 
 The number of lines in the -whole of the Vergilian poems is given in an 
 epigram (AL. 717 PLM. 4, 178) as 12,847. Our Vergil MSS. give 12,912 lines. On 
 the variation see ThBcrt, Buchwesen, 174. 
 
 1) Bucolica, ten poems, written 713/41-715/39, imitations, 
 partly almost translations, of Theokritos, but with an artificial 
 admixture of persons and events of contemporaneous history. 
 The symmetrical composition of these poems cannot be doubted, 
 but neither can a uniform strophic arrangement be demonstrated. 
 
 1. Donatus' vita 19 (30) cum res romanas incohasset offensus materia (cf. Sekv. 
 eel. 6, 3 Aeneidem aut gesta regum Albanorum, quae coepta omisit nominum asperitate 
 deterritus) ad bucolica transiit, maxime.ut Asinium Pollionem Alfenumque Varum et 
 Cornelium Galium celebraret, quia in distributione agrorum . . . indemnem se 
 praestitissent. 25 (40) bucolica triennio . . . perfecit. Cf. Pkoe. p. 7, 7 K. cum cerium 
 sit e«m, ut Asconius Pedianus dicit, XXVIII annos natum, — i.e. end of 712/42 — bucolica 
 edidisse ; cf. Serv. eel. p. 3, 26 Th. Servius' vita Verg. p. 2, 8 Th. tunc ei proposuit 
 Pollio ut carmen bucolicum scriberet, quod eum constat triennio scripsisse et emendasse. 
 Don. 26 (41) bucolica eo successu edidit ut in scena quoqueper cantores crebro pronun- 
 tiarentur (cf. Tac. dial. 13. Serv. eel. 6, 11). 43 (61) prolatis bucolicis Numitorius 
 quidam rescripsit antibucolica, duas modo eclogas, sed insulsissime, irap<f>5i)iras, quarum 
 prioris inilium est ' Tityre, si toga calda tibi, quo tegmine fagi ? ', sequentis ' Die 
 miki, Damoeta, cuium pecusf anne latinumf non, verum Aegonis nostri sic rure 
 locuntur.' 1 The individual poems are called in the MSS. eclogae (eglogae) : cf. § 29, 1. 
 273, 1. Amongst them, eel. 10 is confessedly the last composed ; eel. 1 and 9, 
 4 and 8, and 6 contain hints for fixing their date of composition ; of 5 it may at 
 least be stated that it was written after 2 and 3, in both of which, and in eel. 7, 
 which is similar, the bucolic subject-matter is least alloyed with historical 
 allusions, for which reason they are perhaps the earliest pieces of the whole 
 collection. See Eibbeck, prolegg. p. 1. CSchaper (JJ. 89, 633. 769 ; de eel. Verg. 
 ihterpr. et emend., Posen 1872 ; de georg. a Verg. emendatis, Berl. 1873 ; in his 
 introd. to Ladewig's ed. ; symb. Ioachim. [Berl. 1880] 1, 3 ; JB. 1882 2, 133) has 
 advanced the erroneous opinion that eel. 4. 6. 10 are considerably later than 
 the others which were composed between 712/42-716/38, and that they were 
 not written until between 727/27-729/25. Against this see Eibbeck 1.1. p. 13. 
 EBitschofsky, quibus temporibus quoque ordine Verg. eclogas composuerit, 
 Stokerau 1876. EKrause, quib. tempp. quoque ordine V. eel. scripserit, Berl. 
 1884. APrztgode, de eel. V. tempp., Berl. 1885. APeilchenfeld, de V. buc. 
 tempp., Lpz. 1886. The Bucolica appear to have been published separately at first 
 and they had separate headings (eel. 6, 12). Prom georg. 4, 566 it is evident 
 that' in publishing the whole collection Vergil himself assigned the first place 
 to eel. 1, and thus perhaps the whole arrangement may be due to him ; cf. Ov. 
 am. 1, 15, 25. 
 
 2. With regard to Theokritos the eclogues show a procedure very much like 
 the contamination in the poets of palliatae (§ 16, 9) : e.g. eel. 3 is constructed after 
 Theokritos id. 4 and 5 ; eel. 8 after Theokr. id. 1 and 2. A comparison with the 
 Greek poet is rarely in favour of the Soman imitator, and in many places it is 
 very evident how Theokritos is spoilt, cf. e.g. 8, 43 by the side of Theokr. 3, 18. 
 
§ 226. VERGILIDS (bdcolica). 431 
 
 Altogether the9e rustic poems are the least successful works of the poet ; they are 
 devoid of all rustic freshness, the heavy air of the study is rather suggested in the 
 affected formality of the style, the superficiality of the characterisation, the want 
 of dramatic life, the confusion between the ostensible and the deeper meaning, and 
 the constant admixture of things unsuited to the Graeco-Sicilian form which the 
 poet has adopted. Tityrus (eel. 1) and Menalcas (eel. 5. 9) properly denote Vergil 
 himself, Daphnis (eel. 5) is Caesar ; in eel. 3, 84 there is a sudden transition from 
 bucolic surroundings to Pollio and Bavius and Mevius (§ 225, 3) etc. Eel. 4, the 
 bombastic and exaggerated prophecy of a new golden age, is entirely foreign to 
 the bucolic style. Cf. CPeter, Gesch. Eoms 3, 105. — Gell. 9, 9, 4 sqq. GAGebauer, 
 de poett. graec. bucol., imprimis Theocriti, carmm. in eclogis a V. expressis, vol. I. 
 Lps. 1861 ; quatenus V. in epithetis imitatus sit Theocritum, Zwickau 1863. 
 EButtner, d. Verh. v. V.s eel. zu Theokr., Insterb. 1873. 
 
 3. The fashionable theory of strophic composition was applied to the eclogues 
 by OEibbeck, JJ. 75, 65, and subsequently in his editions ; likewise WHKolster, 
 V.s Eklogen in ihrer stroph. Gliederung nachgewiesen mit Commentar, Lpz. 1882. 
 EMaxa, ad stroph. Verg. compositionem (zu eel. 10), Trebitsoh 1878 ; d. stroph. 
 Glieder. in V.s eel. 2 u. 10 nachgewiesen, Treb. 1882. Cf. EPeiper, JJ. 91, 344. 
 95, 456. 97, 167. Westphal, griech. Metrik 2 (1868), xviii and the sober opinion 
 of Ph Wagner, Phil. Suppl. 1, 396. This hypothesis cannot hold its ground against 
 an unprejudiced examination of the eclogues themselves. That which is a matter 
 of course in the amoebaean songs (e.g. 3, 60. 7, 21) should not be extended to the 
 poems as a whole. See also Madvig, adv. 2, 29. 110. Haag, de ratione strophica 
 carm. buc. Verg., Berl. 1875. 
 
 4. Vergil's rustic poems (text, transl. and explanation) by JHVoss (I and II 
 Buc, III and IV Georg.) Altona 1789-97 ( 2 1800-30) IV. Eel. and georg. by 
 ChAnthon, Bond. 2 1882. By ASidgwick, Cambr. 1887. Virg. Buc. erkl. v. EGlasee, 
 Halle 1876. Kolster's commentary on the buc. see n. 3. — A translation by 
 CNOsiander, Stuttg. 1834 and 1853. FWGenthe, V.s Ekl. metr. ubers. m. Einl. 
 tib. V.s Leben u. Eortleben als Dichter u. Zauberer etc., Lpz. 2 1855. A translation 
 (with georg. and youthful poems) by WBinder, Stuttg. 1856 and HDhtschke (eel. 
 and georg.), Stuttg. 1884. In English verse by CSCalverley, Camb. 1866. 
 SPalmer, Bond. 1883. 
 
 5. PHofmahn-Peerlkamp. ad Virgilium (eel. and georg.), Mnemos. 10, 1. 
 113. 229. 367. ThLadewig, Beurteilung der Peerlkampschen Bern. &. d. landl. 
 Gedd. V.s, Neustrelitz 1864. 
 
 6. CSchapeb, de eclogis Verg. interpretandis et emendandis, Posen 1872. 
 EGlaser, V. als Naturdiehter u. Theist ; Einl. zu Buk. u. Georg., Giitersloh 1880. 
 — GBippart, Beitr. a. Erkl. u. Krit. d. V. (eel. 1 und 2), Prague 1869 (=Abh. d. k. 
 b6hm. Ges. d. Wiss. 6, 2). FDChanguion, Virgil and Pollio, an essay on V.s eel. 
 2-5, Basle 1876. PWEreymui/ler, die messianische (! see however § 231, 4) Weis- 
 sagung in V.s eel. 4, Metten 1852. GFSchomahn, op. 1, 50. LGiesebrecht, Damaris 
 2 (1861), 197. WGebhardt, ZfGW. 28, 561. EHoffmann, de V. eel. IV. interpretanda, 
 Bossleben 1877. ThPluss, JJ. 101, 146. 115, 69. PAHWimmers, de Verg. eel. quarta, 
 Munst. 1874. OHellinghaus, de V. eel. IV, Miinst. 1875. OGruppe, Culte und 
 Mythen 1, 687. MSonntag, z. Erkl'. virg. Ekl. (4 and 10), Frankf. a/O. 1886. 
 EMaxa, ZfoG. 34, 249. On eel. 6 GKettner, ZfGW. 32, 385. HFlach, JJ. 
 117, 633. CSchaper, ib. 859. On eel. 8 FCGobbel, de V. eel. VIII, de Theocr. id. 
 I et II etc., Warendorf 1862. JVahlen, Berl. ind. lect. 1888. EvLeutsch, Phil. 
 22, 214. EPeipeb, JJ. 89, 456. JHoemer, ZfoG. 28, 421. On eel. 2. 4. 10 EGlaser, 
 
432 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Verh. der Geraer Phil.- Vers. (Lpz. 1879) 55; phil. Anz. 9, 646; JJ. 121, 247. 
 GGevers, die 10 Eel. des V. eine Parodie, Verden 1864 (also Ph Wagner, JJ. 91, 
 773). HFlach, JJ. 119, 791. — StSteffani, Arohaismen u. Vulgarismen in V.s eel., 
 Mitterb. 1884. KBrandt, de re metr. in eol. V., in the Pestsohr., Salzwedel 1882. 
 — Literary reviews (on the Eol. und Georg.) by H and ThPritzsche, JB. 1873, 308. 
 1874/75 1, 254. 1876 2, 128. 1877 2, 76. CSchaper ib. 1882 2, 112. See also 
 § 228, 9 ad fin. Edition by FHermes, Dessau 1890. Eel. 4 : CPascal, Turin 1888. 
 Eel. 8: M. Sonntag, WschrfKlPh. 1888, 1413. 
 
 227. 2) G-eorgica, four books, written 717/37-724/30. The 
 first book treats of agriculture, the second of the cultivation of 
 trees, the third of domestic animals, and the fourth of bees. It 
 is a didactic poem, written at the behest of and dedicated to 
 Maecenas, but on a subject so well suited to the personal inclina- 
 tions and gifts of the poet, that in it the pre-eminent qualities of 
 the Vergilian muse were able to develop themselves most freely 
 and luxuriantly. The subject is treated with evident love and 
 the enthusiasm which belongs to thorough knowledge, and 
 glorified and idealised as much as its character permitted, so 
 that even the didactic parts are not essentially different in tone 
 from those which are purely poetical. The poem has thus been 
 rendered the most perfect of the larger productions of Roman 
 art-poetry. 
 
 1. Donatus' vita 20 (31) deinde (after his Buc.) edidit georgica in honorem 
 Maecenatis. 25 (40) georgica septem . . . perfecit annis. (of. Serv. vita Verg. 
 p. 2, 9 Th. item proposuit Maecenas georgica, quae scripsit emendavitque septem annis.) 
 27 (42) georgica reverso post actiacam victoriam Augusta atque Atellae reficiendarum 
 faucium causa commoranti per continuum quadriduum legit, suscipiente Maecenate 
 legendi vicem quotiens interpellaretur ipse vocis offensione. We see that the work 
 was quite ready (about the middle of a. 725/29) ; it was fit for publication and 
 may have been so for several months already. That the publication was then not 
 delayed much longer, appears probable on account of the beginning of the 
 elaboration of the Aeneid. A second edition by Vergil himself may be inferred 
 from Serv. eel. 10. lfuit autem (Cornelius Gallus, see § 232) amicus Vergilii, adeo 
 ul quartus georgicorum (liber) a medio (1. 315 sqq.) usque ad finem eius laudes teneret, 
 quas postea (after Gallus' disgrace and death, a. 727/27) iubente Augusta in Aristaei 
 fabulam commutavit. See on georg. 4, 14 sciendum . . . ultimam partem huius 
 libri esse mutatam. nam laudes G-alli habuit locus ille qui nunc Aristaei et Orphei 
 continet fabulam, quae inserta est postquam irato Augusto Gallus occisus est (the 
 statements are impugned by EKlebs, de scriptoribus aet. Sullanae, Berl. 1876, 
 p. 66. JWang, de Serv. ad V. eel. 10, 1 et georg. 4, 1 annotatis, Klagenfurt 1883)* 
 A proposal of this kind would never have been made to Horace, much less would 
 he have acted on it. But Vergil yielded to it, and a second edition was accord- 
 ingly published about 729/25, this re-issue being of course intended for publicity. 
 But it is in itself probable that the poet introduced other changes also, and 
 some traces seem to point to this quite positively (Ribbeck, prolegg. 23. 24. 30) ; 
 but they cannot have been very thorough, as even in the present shape of the 
 work no allusion carries us earlier than 717/37 or later than 724/30 or 725/29 
 
§ 227. vebgilius (geokgica). 433 
 
 (ib. p. 14). A third edition may be inferred from Donatus' vita 40 (53) Vario ac 
 simul Tuccae scripta sua sub ea condictione legavit ne quid ederent quod non a se 
 editum esset, as this implies authority to republish the Bucolics and Georgics. 
 It may be granted that in a third edition by another hand and after two different 
 earlier editions some errors might arise ; but it is preposterous to speak of the 
 unfinished state of the Georgics, as both beginning and end show that the poet, 
 for his part, completed the work. The criticism in Ribbeck's Prolegg. p. 31-48 
 touches only insignificant details, or proves, if anything, that the poem might 
 perhaps have been made more perfect than it actually is. ATittler, die Zeit 
 der VerOffentlichung der Georg., Brieg 1857. CSchaper, de georgicis a Vergilio 
 emendatis, Berl. 1873 (date of composition 723/31-725/29, when it was published, 
 new ed. 729/25 ; against this ORibbeck. Jen. LZ. 1874, 315. EGlaseb, JJ. 109, 
 570). FBorgius, de tempp. quibus Verg. georg. scripta et perfecta sint, Halle 
 1875. Conington, journ. of phil. 1, 54 124. 
 
 2. For the subject-matter Vergil availed himself of his personal observation 
 and experience in his youth. But his whole bent of mind would also induce 
 him to consult other works, especially as both Greek and Roman literature 
 abounded in works on agriculture (see § 54). Sekv.. georg. 1, 43 sane sciendum 
 Xenophontem scripsisse' unum librum oeconomicum, cuius pars ultima agriculturam 
 continet. de qua parte multa ad hoc opus Vergilius transtulit (? see Moesch 1.1. 84) 
 sicut etiam de georgicis Magonis Afri (§ 54, 1), Catonis (§ 122), Varronis (§ 168), 
 Ciceronis quoque libro tertio oeconomicorum (§ 177 a , 2), qui agriculturam continet. On 
 Hyginus see § 262, 3. Quint. 10, 1, 56 quid ? . . . Nicandrum (for the fragments 
 of his yeuipyucd see OSchkeider, Nieandrea, p. 79) frustra secuti sunt Macer atque 
 Vergilius ? and Macr. 5, 22, 9 Nicander huius est auctor historiae (in georg. 3, 391) ; 
 cf. Serv. georg. 2, 215. In the passage from Quintilian quoted above, it is not 
 allowable to write (with RUnger) Macer atque Valgius^ (§ 241, 1) ; this is shown 
 by the words in Quintilian immediately following : quid f Euphorionem transibi- 
 musf quern nisi probasset Vergilius idem, numquam etc. Cf. HMorsch 1.1. 52. 
 OSchneider 1.1. p. 74. Macr. 5, 2, 4 vulgo nota sunt quod (Vergilius) Theo- 
 critum sibi fecerit pastoralis operis auctorem, ruralis Hesiodum et quod in ipsis 
 georgicis tempestatis serenitatisque signa de Arati pkaenomenis traxerit. Gell. 9, 9, 3 
 scite et considerate Vergilius, cum aut Homeri aut Hesiodi aut Apollonii aut Parthenii 
 (cf. ib. 13, 27, 1) aut Callimachi aut Theocriti aut quorundam aliorum locos effingeret, 
 -partem reliquit, alia expressit. Prob. in georg. p. 42, 13 K. hanc universam dis- 
 putationem (georg. 1, 233) cerium, est Vergilium transtulisse ab Eratosthene, cuius 
 liber est hexametris versibus scriptus, qui Hermes inscribilur. Plin. NH. 18, 321 
 Vergilius etiam in numeros lunae digerenda quaedam putavit, Democriti secutus 
 ostentationem. But the constant use of one principal author cannot be proved. — 
 AKnoche, Verg. graeca exempla in. georg., Lips. 1877. HMorsch, de graec. 
 auctoribus in georg. a Verg. expressis, Halle 1878. KBrandt, de auctoribus quos 
 in componendis georg. libr. adumbraverit Verg., Salzwedel 1884. — According to 
 Suidas v. 'Appiavds a. certain Arrianos composed ix.tT6.tppa.tnv tCiv ■yeapymui' tov 
 BepyiWlov iiriKus. Cf. Meineke, anal. alex. 370. Columella is an ardent admirer 
 of the Georg. (3, 1, 1. 7, 1, 3. 10, praef. 3 and v. 433 sqq.). 
 
 3. Editions by GWakefield, Cantabrig. 1788, JHVoss (see § 226, 4), EGlaser, 
 Halle 1872, JMartyn, transl. and notes, Lond. 1811, TKeightley (with Bucol.), 
 Bond. 1848, CS Jerram (forthcoming).— Translations by PWGenthe (Quedlinb. 1829). 
 CNOsiander (Stuttg. 1835 and 1853). EOvNordenflycht (Bks. 1-3, Bresl. 1876). 
 RDBlackmore, Lond. 1871 (verse). JWMackail, Lond. 1889 (with Eel., prose). 
 On the Georgica see in Heyne-Wagner's ed. 1, 265 and others. OHanow, schedae 
 E. L. F P 
 
<434 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 crit. ad V. georg., Lissa 1863 ; ZfGW. 17, 78. FBockemuller, V. G. nach Plan n. 
 Motiven erklart, Stade 1873. KBobsleb, z. Erkl. v. V. Georg., Darmst. 1872. 
 Mommseit, zu den Scholien der Georg., KhM. 16, 422; of. 17, 143. HSeemann, 
 annotatt. in ge. 4, 1-314, Weisse 1870. WHKolstee, J J. 125, 693. 133, 349. 
 IvahWageninen, de Verg. georg., Utr. 1888. HRobtagno, Verg. quae rom. 
 exempla secntns sit in georg., Flor. 1888.— On the metre of the Georg. of. Schafek 
 (n. 4 in fin.) p. 40 together with ORibbeck, Jenaer LZ. 1874, 316. 
 
 228. 3) A en e is, twelve books, commenced c. 725/29 but 
 not completed when the poet died (a. 735/19) and published by 
 L.Varius and Tucca contrary to his express desire, The Aeneid 
 turns on the fortunes of Aeneas, the founder of a second Ilium 
 and indirectly of Borne, and the ancestor of the Julian family. 
 The great difficulties, which are inseparable from the literary 
 epic, were in the case of Vergil heightened by the subject he 
 had chosen. Naevius and Ennius in their heroic poems narrated 
 to the Romans the great deeds of their forefathers and thus could 
 count upon the sympathy of their readers : Vergil undertook to 
 interest them in a hero who was neither a Roman nor an Italian, 
 whose connection with Rome was based on a literary legend, or 
 even on an imposition, a hero whose personality, whose deeds had 
 no hold on the people, and on whose behalf Vergil had to awaken 
 an interest in his readers by inventing for him artificial links 
 and connections both with the past and the present. He could 
 not, as did the Greeks, draw materials ready to his hand from 
 the living spring of legend or from history, but was obliged to 
 amass them laboriously for himself, and to cast them in a poetic 
 mould, struggling as best he could with the barren and intract- 
 able Italian tradition. For this purpose the poet partly availed 
 himself of the Greek epic writers, and partly relied on his exten- 
 sive studies of native legends, customs, traditions and localities ; he 
 blended Greek and Italian characteristics, and thus formed for his 
 narrative a background which, though consistent, was artificial and 
 far removed from the Homeric truth to nature. On the whole, 
 whoever compares Vergil with his unapproached and unapproach- 
 able model, Homer, will find him sadly wanting in the creative 
 ;and inventive faculty, fresh resource, simplicity and vivacity. 
 The events are but superficially explained, for the action, except 
 in the second and fourth book, is halting, the personages are not 
 sharply defined and characterised and distinct from one another, 
 and the bero himself is weak and leaves us indifferent. Yet in 
 spite of all this Vergil succeeded in creating for his country a 
 national and patriotic although somewhat courtly epic, which did 
 
§ 228. vergilius (aeneis). 435 
 
 ample justice to the times in which he lived, and for which his 
 contemporaries and posterity rewarded the poet with extravagant 
 admiration. And indeed, unreserved praise is due to the solemn, 
 dignified, and truly Roman tone and colouring of the whole, to 
 the splendour of the descriptions, to the psychological analysis, 
 where the rhetorical and lyrical bent of the poet manifests itself 
 in peculiar delicacy and deep insight, and lastly to the gorgeous 
 richness and masterly handling in diction and versification. 
 Roman and Romance ears have always been charmed with this 
 aristocratic elegance, and we feel at least the music of his 
 sonorous and beautiful lines. 
 
 1. From the promise georg. 3, 46 (mox tamen ardentis accingar dicere pugnas 
 Caesaris, etc.) ire should rather infer an epic poem in honour of Octavianus, but 
 with the Emperor's approbation (or according to Servius at his desire) the subject 
 was extended. About 728/26 Propertius was already acquainted with this exten- 
 sion of the design : see Pbop. 3, 34, 61. Cf. Dojiat. 30 (45), ib. 25 (40) Aeneida XI 
 perfecit (relatively speaking) annis. 23 (34) Aeneida prosa prius oratione firmatam 
 digestamque in XII libros particulatim componere instituit, prout liberet quidque, et 
 nihil in ordinem accipiens. (23=35) ac ne quid impetum moraretur quaedam im- 
 perfecta transmisit, alia levissimis verbis veluti fulsit, quos per iocum pro tibicinibus 
 interponi aiebat ad sustinendum opus, donee solidae columbae advenirent. Hence we 
 learn that Vergil attacked the poetical elaboration of his prose-sketch in various 
 places, just as his inclination prompted him, not keeping to the order of his 
 design. By this method of work a quantity of rather incongruous matter must 
 have been produced, and also, in the course of time, poetic motives may have 
 become transformed and new ones introduced : it was intended that these irregu- 
 larities should be removed and smoothed down (§ 225, 5) in the three years' 
 revision which Vergil contemplated. CHabeklin, Phil. 47. 310. Conjectures as 
 to the earlier or later elaboration of the separate books in FConrads' work (n. 4). 
 HGteokgii, on b. 3 of the Aeneid (Festschr. der G-ymn. Wurttemb., Stuttg. 1877, 
 63), JBSabbadini, riv. di fil. 15, 1. Donat. 30 (45) Aeneidos vixdum coeptae tanta 
 exstitit fama ut Sex. Propertius non dubitaverit sic praedicare (see above), (31=46) 
 Augustus vero—nam forte expeditione Cantabrica (a. 729/25) aberat— supplicibus atque 
 etiam minacious per iocum litteris efflagitaret ut ' sibi de Aeneide prima carminis 
 6woypa,<pTi vel quodlibet kuXov mitteretur.' cui tamen multo post perfectaque demum 
 materia (which does not include diction and style of the whole) tres omnino libros 
 recitavit, secundum, quartum et sextum. GBoissiek, rev. de phil. 8, 1 conjectures 
 not without probability that the Aeneid was published ». 737/17 (cf. n. 2 1. 8), as 
 Horace first mentions the legend of Aeneas in the carm. saec. (cf. Kiessling on 
 Hor. c. saec. 49) and afterwards with increasing frequency. Cf. § 234, 6 ad fin. 
 
 2. Donatus' vita 39 (62) egerat ( Vergilius) cum Vario, prius quam Italia de- 
 cederet, ut si quid ipsi accidisset Aeneida combureret ; at is ita facturum se 
 pernegarat; igitur in extrema valitudine assidue scrinia desideravit crematurus 
 ipse; verum nemine offerente nihil quidem nominatim de ea cavit. (40=53) ceterum 
 eidem Vario ac simul Tuccae (Plotius Tucca Donat. 37=56) scripta sua sub ea con- 
 dicione legavit ne quid ederent quod non a se editum esset. (41=59) edidit autem 
 auctore Augusta Varius, sed summatim emendata, ut qui versus etiam imperfectos sicut 
 
436 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 erant reliquerit. Hieronym. on Euseb. ohron. a. Abr. 2000=737/17 Varius et Tucca, 
 Vergili et Horati contubernales, poetae haberdur inlustres (we do not know from 
 other sources that Tucca was himself a poet), qui Aeneidum postea libros emenda- 
 runt sub lege ea ut nihil adderent. Serv. prooem. to Aen. p. 2, 10 Th. postea ab 
 Augusto Aeheidem propositam scripsit annis XI ; sed nee emendavit nee edidit, unde 
 earn moriens praecepit incendi. Augustus vero, ne tantum opus periret, Tuccam et 
 Varium hac lege iussit emendare (cf. Donat. vita V. 37=56) ut superflua demerent, 
 nihil adderent tamen. Doubtful instances of their editoral labour are quoted by 
 Serv. Aen. 2, 567. 588 (cf. Serv. prooem. Aen. p. 2, § 22 Th.). 4, 436. 5, 871. 7, 464. 
 Nisus in Don. v. Verg. 42 (60). Bibbeck, prolegg. 90. Superflua demere can only 
 be understood of various readings etc., but cannot be traced now with anything 
 like certainty. But see also G-ell. 17, 10, 6 quae procrastinata sunt ab eo, ut post 
 recenserentur, et absolvi quoniam mors praeverterat nequiverunt, nequaquam poetarum 
 elegantissimi nomine atque iudicio digna sunt, itaque cum morbo oppressus adventare 
 mortem videret petivit oravitque a suis amieissimis impense ut Aeneida, quam nondum 
 satis elimavisset, adderent. 
 
 3. The conjecture of LLersch (Siiddeutsche Schulzeit. 4, 2, 88 and Mus. d. 
 rhein-westphal. Schulm. 3. 1845) that the Aeneid was originally calculated to fill 
 24 books, each of the size of a book of the Georgics, and that the present division 
 was not by Vergil himself, is only supported by the analogy of the Homeric 
 poems (though this may also have prevented a modest poet like Vergil from fixing 
 on the number 24), but is contradicted by the express testimony of Donatus (or rather 
 Suetonius), vita 23 (34). See also ThBirt, antik. Buchwesen 295. The opinion 
 that Vergil intended to pursue his subject beyond the death of Turnus, to the 
 final settlement of Aeneas in Latium, is at variance with all the information we 
 possess, which implies only a qualitative incompleteness, and with distinct hints 
 in the poem itself : see 12, 803. 819. 833. See WHertzberg's Aeneid p. iv. 
 
 4. In a work confessedly unfinished and destined by its author to destruction 
 it is a mere matter of course that — besides the great artistic blemishes (see n. 5) — 
 there should be blemishes in detail, incongruities, gaps, contradictions, errors 
 of memory and calculation. JMarkland already (praef. to Stat. Silv. ad fin.) 
 observes that in the Aeneid nonnulla sunt contradictoria, multa languida, exilia, 
 nugatoria, spiritu et maiestate carminis heroici defecta, and Peerlkamp (in his ed. of 
 the Aen., Leid. 1843) explained these defects in his peculiar manner, by inferring 
 the existence of interpolations in the passages at fault. Incongruities in the 
 first six books are pointed out by FCoxrads, quaestt. Virg., Treves 1863; cf. 
 CSchuler, quaestt. Verg., Greifsw. 1883, 1. Throughout the whole poem OEibbeck, 
 prolegg. p. 59, follows the example of Peerlkamp. and even attempts the hopeless 
 task of discriminating what blemishes may be due to the imperfect state of the 
 poem, and which to interpolation. Of. also ThLadewig, einige Stellen des V., 
 Neustrelitz 1853. ThBergk, griech. Lit.-Gesch. 1, 539. That all the books 
 (though to a different extent) are in an unfinished state is proved by the imperfect 
 lines (about 60), which occur in all. Cf. on this HWeudland, ZfGW. 29, 385. 
 WGebhardi, JJ. 119, 566. On an early completion (before Seneca) of such a half 
 line see Bucheler, EhM. 34, 623. The attempts to explain the incomplete lines as 
 the result of artistic intention and a metrical innovation of the poet have been 
 unsuccessful. So Serv. Aen. 4, 361 et oratorie ibi finivit ubi vis argumenti substitit ■ 
 (cf. Seh. suas, 2, 20. AEussher, Phil. 43, 466) ; also MZille, die unvollendeten 
 Verse der Aen., Lpz, 1865, reprinted, in his transl. of the Aen., Lpz. 1868, 361. 
 AWeidher's Comment, on Aen. I and II p. 27. FWMunscher, die unvollst. Verse 
 in V.s Aen., Jauer 1879. 
 
§ 228. VEEGILIUS (AENEIS). 437 
 
 5. The belief that the Romans were descended from a Trojan colony, led by- 
 Aeneas info Latium, in the Sibylline books called Aeneadae, may perhaps origin- 
 ally have been caused by the Greek worship of Aphrodite on the coasts of Italy, 
 and subsequently formulated and fostered in the vain nobles by flattering 
 Greeks, but it was officially utilised at Borne as early as the first Punic war : see 
 Justin. 28, 1, 5. Suet. Claud. 25. This connection with the Trojans subsequently 
 became one of the standing beliefs with Eoman historians and poets. AScheben, 
 de poetis Aeneae fugam atque fata ante Virgilium describentibus, Munstereifel 
 1828. JAHild, la legende d'Enee avant Virgile, Par. 1883. FCauer, d. rom. 
 Aeneassage von Naev. bis Virg., JJ. Suppl. 15, 95 ; de fabb. graecis ad Bomam 
 conditam spect., Berl. 1884. EWorner, d. Wanderungen des Aen., bei Dion. Hal. u. 
 Virg., Lpz. 1882. HNettleship, journ. of phil. 9, 29, and in general Schwegler, 
 BG. 1, 279, esp. 307. PRELLER-JoRnAN, rttm. Myth. 2, 310. MZoeller, Latium u. 
 Bom. (Lpz. 1878) 70. But this legend had not received special treatment before 
 Vergil. In the time of Augustus, the national motive was still further increased 
 by the interest of the reigning dynasty, whose legendary tradition was that Aeneas 
 through his son Iulus=Ascanius was the ancestor of the gens Iulia. Vergil chiefly 
 dwells on this providential mission of his hero, and forgets to represent him act- 
 ing. Throughout, Vergil formed his hero much in imitation of himself: soft- 
 hearted, given to tears (cf. § 225, 4 ad fin.), full of piety, accessible to the noblest 
 feelings, but without personal energy, always led and pushed on by the gods or 
 by others. As the frail progenitor of a princely race he is anxiously watched 
 by the gods and, conscious of his great task, he shuns dangerous adventures as 
 much as possible. This is indeed a, critical position for the hero of an epic 
 poem, and it is this radical defect which renders a great part of the Aeneid 
 flat and lifeless, not to say oppressively dull. Besides this, the whole legend 
 of Aeneas, in its relation to Borne, was an artificial production, which had no 
 roots in national tradition, no ramification with public life, and Vergil had first 
 to gain such connection for it. He endeavours to keep down all doubts by 
 consistently and intentionally identifying Trojan and Hellenic traits with those 
 of Italy, and by blending legend and history ; but through this something untrue, 
 contradictory and characterless has invaded his narrative, an uncertainty in the 
 whole foundation and atmosphere not to be repaired by any local colouring, which 
 Vergil certainly endeavoured to realise and frequently did realise (see below). 
 The language and tone of the Aeneid in contrast with the simplicity of Homer 
 appear constantly stilted, the average style of the poem is so artificially elevated 
 as to leave no room for a successful gradation to a climax in really pathetic pas- 
 sages, and in spite of a multitude of brilliant points, one misses a just distribution 
 of light and shade through the whole. WHertzberg, pref. to his review of the 
 Aen. p. ix. This want could not be overcome by the faithful scholarly industry 
 which Vergil devoted to his work : we must acknowledge it in spite of all the 
 sympathy with which Vergil's personality and his performance inspire us, and we 
 must not subscribe to that adoring admiration of hidden beauties in which a 
 hysterical aestheticism has recently indulged. Cf. Vergil's own confession in his 
 letter to Augustus in Macr. 1, 24, 11 paene vitio mentis tantum opus ingressus 
 mihi videorj cum praesertim . . . alia quogue studia ad id opus multoque 
 potiora impertiar. — Vergil honestly strove by immersing himself in the past, and 
 by the study of the works of Cato, Varro and others to give to his work a local 
 Italian tone. In Macr. 1, 24, 16 the poet's knowledge of ius pontificium and ius 
 augurale conspicuous in the Aeneid is praised ; 3, 1, 6 sqq. the same praise is given 
 in/reference to inferorum deorum cultus ; 3, 2, 7 to his profunda scientia, as seen in 
 his verborum proprietas in descriptions of sacrifices, etc. 1, 24, 18 it is stated that he 
 
438 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 astrologiam totamque ph.ilosoph.iam . . . operi suo . . . adspersit. So also 
 Sekv. Aen. 6, 1 totus quidem Vergilius scientia plenus est etc. ; on 2, 57 sa'epe dictum 
 est Vergilium inventa occasione mentionem iuris pontificii facere in quacunque persona. 
 See also Niebuhr, rOm, Gesch. I 8 , 112. 217. — General praise of the Aeneid, and 
 of Vergil, in Ovid. am. 1, 15, 25. AA. 3, 337. rem. am. 396. trist. 2, 533. Prop. 
 3, 34, 65 (see on this EHeydenreich, de Propertio Vergilii praeoone in d. com- 
 mentatt. philol. semin. [Lips. 1874] 1). Quint. 10, 1, 56. 86. Stat. Theb. 12, 816 
 and others. — ChVdeBonstetten, voyage sur la scene des dix derniers livres de 
 l'Eneide, Geneva 1804—13 II. HTopfer, Virg. geographia in Aen., Arnstadt 1828 
 —34 IV. LLeesch, de morum in V. Aen. habitu, Bonn 1836 ; die Idee u. antiquar. 
 Bed. d. Aen., Mus. d. rhein-westph. Schulm. 2, 1. 18 ; antiquitt. Verg. ad vitam 
 populi rom. descriptae, Bonn 1843. ECollilieux, la couleur locale dans l'Eneide, 
 Par. 1881. AGobel, JJ. 89, 658. ChMotf, antiquitt. rom. in Aen., Halle 1864. 
 ANoel, Virgile et Italie, Par. 1865. ABougot, de morum indole in V. Aen., Par. 
 1876. 
 
 6. Mace. 1, 21, 18 praedicarim quanta de Graecis cautus et tamquam aliud agens 
 modo artifici dissimulatione modo professa imitatione transtulerit. But Asconius 
 defended Vergil against charges circa historiam fere et quod pleraque ab Homero 
 sumpsisset (vita 46=64). From the Homeric poems Vergil derived his whole epic 
 economy and method as well as numerous details (forging of weapons, description of 
 the shield etc.), and especially the device of commencing with the latter part of the 
 wanderings of Aeneas and making him describe his preceding adventures by way 
 of episode ; in the same way, b. 6 is entirely in the style of the Odyss. b. 11 and 
 the first half of the Aeneid (the wanderings) may be said to be in imitation of 
 the Odyssey, while the second half (the battles) imitates the Iliad. Its whole 
 tone and spirit are, of course, diametrically opposed to that of Homer. .Recent 
 literature besides the works quoted § 225, 5 : LMuller, de re metr. 219. 223. 307. 
 322. PEichteb, de Verg. imitatore poett. Graec., Post. 1870. MWilms, qua 
 ratione Verg. in Aen. aut locuturum aliquem aut locutum esse indicaverit, Duisb. 
 1865. EEichlee, d. TJnterwelt V.s. ZfoG. 30, 600. 721. DBiccoboni, quib. in rebus 
 V. Horn, aliosque imitatus singulare ingenium prodat, Ven. 1879. 80 II. EHermann, 
 V.s Aen. verglichen m. Horn., Dresden 1879-81 III. HBouviee, vgl. Erkl. der 
 Schildepisoden in Horn. II. u. V. Aen., Oberhollabrun 1881. JLuniak, de homericis 
 similitudinibus ap. V., Journ. d. russ. Min. d. Volksaufkl. 1881. ELNeermann, 
 ungeschickte Verwendung horn. Motive in d. Aen., Ploen 1882. PCauer, z. 
 Verstandnis der nachahmenden Kunst des V., Kiel 1885. The substance of the 
 sacond book is taken from the Cyclic poets (Pisander? Mace. 5, 2, 4,) and b. 4 is 
 imitated from the fourth book (Jason and Medea) of Apollonios Ehodios. Among 
 the Eoman poets, Vergil has especially availed himself of Ennius (e.g. 6, 846), as 
 has been shown by Seevius in many passages of his commentary, and by Mace. 6, 
 1 (see CABentfeld, d. Einfluss des Enn. auf V., Salzb. 1875) ; likewise non verba sola 
 sed versus prope totos et locos quoque Lucreti plurimos sectatum esse Vergilium videmus 
 (Gell. 1, 21, 7 cf. Mace. 1.1.). On the other hand the coincidences of expression 
 with Naevius, Eurius (§ 192, 5) and other Eoman epic poets are probably accidental. 
 
 7. CGHeyne, de carmine epico Virg., in his ed. 2, 1 ; de rerum in Aen. 
 tractatarum inventione, ib. 37 j censura eorum quae in Aen. oeconomia reprehendi 
 possunt, ib. 3, 854. PETissot, Studes zur Virg., compare avec tous les poetes epiq 
 et dramat. des anc. et des modernes, Par. 1826 IV. WYSellar, the Eoman poets 
 of the Augustan age: Virgil, Oxf. 2 1883. DComparetti (§ 231, 12 in fin.). 
 HNettleship, lectures and essays 97 ; cf . also § 224, 1 ad fin. Segeais, l'En. par 
 rapport a l'art de la guerre (Mem. de l'acad. des inscr. Vol. 24, Napoleon I also, 
 
§ 228, 29. VERGILIUS (aeneis: MINOR poems). 439' 
 
 guerres de Cesar 209 has accused Vergil of great ignorance). BWiechmann, de 
 Aen. libri II compositione, Potsd. 1876. HGeorgii, on b. 3 of the Aen., in the 
 Festschr. der wiirttemb. Gymnasien (Stuttg. 1877) 63 ; die politische Tendenz der 
 Aen., Stuttg. 1880. ThPli&ss, d. Beiz erzahlender Dicht. und die Aen., Basle 1882; 
 V. und die epische Kunst, Lpz. 1884. Cf. also n. 1. 
 
 8. Becent separate editions of the Aen. by CThiel (with elucidations, Berl.. 
 1834. 1838 II), PHofhan-Peerlkamp (ed. et adnot., Leid. 1843 II), GWGossrait 
 (illustr., Quedlinb. 4 1876), WGebhardi and PMAHN,.(for students, Paderb. 1880> 
 sqq.), OBkosin (Gotha 1883), BSabba^h (Turin f885).— On b. I. and II. a, com- 
 mentary by AWeidner, Lpz. 1869. L. I-VI by LSchmitz, Lond. 1879. TLPapil- 
 lon and AEHaigh, Oxford, 1890. 
 
 9. FConrads, quaestt. Verg., Treves 1863; ventorum ap. Verg. turbae, Kssen 
 1872. Madvio, adv. crit. 2, 29. HNettleship, suggestions introductory to the 
 Aen., in his lect. and essays 97. WKloucek (see § 231, 11). ThPluss, JJ. 103, 
 396. Ill, 635. 115, 69. 121, 545. 125, 46. 403. 849. CWNauck, notes on V. Aen. 
 1, 1-405, Konigsb. NM. 1862 ; Aen. 1, 406-760, ib. 1869 ; Aen. 2, 1-400, ib. 1874 ; 
 ZfGW. 28, 709. 29, 75. HBrandt, zur Krit. u. Exegese v. V. Aen. I-III, Bernb. 
 1876; ZfGW. 28, 82. KKappes, notes on V. Aen. (B. I-IV) I Freib. i. Br. 
 1859. II Const. 1863. Ill Donauesch. 1870. IV ib. 1871. JKvicala, Vergil- 
 studien (esp. on Aen. I-VI), Prague 1871 ; neue Beitr. z. Erkl. d. Aen., Prague 1881. 
 JHenry, a voyage of discovery in the Aen. I-VI, Dresd. 1853 ; in German in his 
 Adv. Virgiliana, Phil. 11, 480. 597. 12, 248. 13, 629. 17, 627 ; Aeneidea, or 
 critical and other remarks on the Aen., I Lond. 1873 ; II Dublin 1879. WGebhardi, 
 zum 2. Teil der Aen., Meseritz 1879 ; ZfGW. 32, 200 ; JJ. 119, 561. KPohlig, Beitr. 
 z. Krit. u. Erkl. zur Aen. B. I u. II, Seehausen 1871. 80 II. EWMdnscher, Phil. 
 39, 173. HPlach, zur Chronologie von Aen. B. Ill, JJ. 107, 853. JStanko, de 
 Vietorii eommentariis ineditis in Aen. 1. IV, Munich 1851. GKettner, B. 5 der 
 Aen., ZfGW. 33, 64L KZacher (on Aen. 1, 406), JJ. 121. 577. FSchOll, BhM. 41, 
 18. PCorssen, BhM. 41, 242. GHeidtmann (1. II), in the Festschr. v. Wesel 1883 ; 
 Bsitr. zur Emend, der Aen. (1, 695 sqq.), Wesel 1884 ; Emendationen (! !) zur Aen. I 
 u. IV, Coblenz 1885. EGboss, Krit. u. Exeg. *. Aen., Niirnb. 1883. GSchroeter, 
 a. Krit. u. Erkl. d. Aen., Glogau 1885 II. EBahrens, JJ. 129, 391. 131, 385. 135, 
 259. 807. ThOesterlen (see § 240, 9). — Literary reviews by EBahrens, JB. 1873, 
 211. 1874/75 1, 216. 1876 2, 149. 1877 2, 50. 1878 2, 113. 1879 2, 140. HGenthe, 
 ib. 1880 2, 144. 1883 2, 185. PDeuticke (also on Buc. and Georg.), ZfGW. 36, 
 Jahresbericht 100; 39, Jahresber. 233. CSchroeter, Beitrage z. Krit. u. Erkl. 
 der Aen. Ill, Neisse 1888. LHavet, Aen. 6, 618 sqq. rev. de phil. 12, 145. 
 BSabbadini, studi critici sulla Eneide, Lonigo 1889. EBrandes (B. 6 and 8), JJ. 
 141, 59. 141. 
 
 10. Translations by CLNeuffer (Frankf. 1816, Stuttg. 1830 sqq.), WBinder 
 (Stuttg. 1857), and esp. by WABHertzberg (see also his introd. and notes), Stuttg. 
 1859. In English (prose), by JWMackail, Lond. 1885, (verse) by JConington, 
 Lond. 6 1881, WMorris, Lond. 1876, WJThoknhill, Dublin 1886. 
 
 229. Besides these great and undoubtedly genuine works of 
 Vergil we possess also a number of smaller poems, which bear his 
 name with less justice. 
 
 1. Donatus' vita 17 (28) poeticam. puer adhuc awspicatus in Balistam ludi 
 magistrum 6b infamiam latrociniorum coopertum lapidibus distichon fecit : ' monte sub 
 hoc etc' deinde catalecton etpriapeia (§ 230, 5, 2) et epigrammata et diras, item cirim 
 
440 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 (el cupam adds Bahrens) et citliceni cum esset annorum XVI. (Here follows an 
 analysis of the latter). 19 (30) scripsit etiam de qua ambigitur Aetnam (see § 307). 
 mox cum res romanas incohasset . . . ad bucolica transiit. Donatus (i.e. Suetonius) 
 would therefore seem to consider all these poems as works of Vergil's youth. The 
 so-called Servius (introd. to the Aen. p. 1, 8 Th.) primum a Vergilio hoc distichon 
 factum est in Balistam latronem : ' monte etc' scripsit etiam septem sive octo libros hos : 
 cirin, Aetnam, culicem, priapeia, catalepton (so cod. Paris, catelepton V. Burmanni : 
 catalecton the rest of the MSS., see § 230, 5, 1), epigrammata, copam, diras (§ 200, 2). 
 According to this the poems had probably been formed even before Suetonius 
 into a collection, which bore the name of Vergil. In our MSS. it is entitled 
 Virgilii iuvenalis ludi UbeUus or septem ioca iuvenalia Virgilii. These poems have 
 come down to us with a strong admixture of foreign matter. The extant MSS. go 
 back to an original collection, which consisted of the works named by Servius and 
 Donatus, arranged in the following order : culex, dirae, copa, Aetna, ciris, priapea 
 (83-85), catelapta. To these were then added est et non, de viro bono, de rosis 
 naseentibus, moretum (see u. 2 sqq.) and others. Epigrammata (specially men- 
 tioned by Servius and Donatus) is only a secondary title for catalepta (thus catal. 
 4, 9 is quoted by Mae. Victorin. GL. 6, 137 as Vergilius iambico epigrammate). 
 More or less complete or valuable manuscripts of this collection, especially : 
 Ehedig. s. XV. Vatic. 3252 s. IX, Paris. 7927 s. X, 8069 s. X, 8093 s. XI ; Trevi- 
 rensis (or Augustanus) 998 s. XI; Cantabrig. a. X/XI, Paris. 17177 (fragm. 
 Stabulense s. XI) ; Bruxellensis 10675 s. XII ; Leid. Voss. O. 81, Monac. 18895, 
 Guelferb. Helmst. 332 ; the latter s. XV. On these see NIke, Eibbeck, Bahrens, 
 1.1. c.c— On Ambr. D. 267 inf. s. XV see ESabbadini, la critica . . . delle 
 poesie ps.-vergiliane, Catania 1888, 39. — ANake, de Vergilii libello iuvenalis ludi 
 app. to his Valer. Cato p. 221. OBibbeck, appendix Vergil, proleg., LMdller, praef . 
 Cat. p. xli. EBahrens, JJ. Ill, 137 ; Tibull. Blatter 49 ; PLM. 2, 38 (who con- 
 | jectures this collection to be the dilettante production of a small society of poets 
 | who met in Messalla's house, and supposes it to have been published perhaps under 
 the Emperor Claudius). EPeiper, Catullus (Breslau 1875) 63. See also Bahrens, 
 JJ. 117, 120. MSonntag, die append. Verg., Frank! a/0. 1887. 
 
 2. Of the three poems De viro bono, Est et non, De rosis naseentibus (printed 
 e.g. in Bibbeck's append. Verg. p. 181. AL. 644-646), which were not included 
 (see n. 1) in the original collection of the so-called youthful poems of Vergi], the 
 first and second belong to Ausonius (cf . on their transmission CSchenkx in his ed. 
 p. 149. 150), and De rosis also was attributed by HAleander in the Paris ed. of 
 1511 ex fide vetusti codicis to Ausonius. Prom its language and style it cannot 
 have been composed before the 4th cent. Cf. EPeiper, JJ. Suppl. 11, 210. 305. 
 Schenkl's Ausonius p. xxxvi. 243. — On equally slight grounds other works are in 
 various MSS. attributed to Vergil : AL. 781 PLM. 4, 160 ad puerum (a prayer to 
 be heard), epigrams AL. 256-63 PLM. 4, 156. AL. 782 PLM. 4, 160. AL. 663 
 PLM. 4, 161. Aldhelmus de metr. p. 232 (cf. p. 284) Virgilius libro quern paeda- 
 gogum praetilulavit, cuius principium est ' (Jarmina si fuerint etc' cf. AL. 675 
 PLM. 4, 161. 
 
 3. Two elegies on the death of Maecenas (Eibbeck, app. Verg. 193 AL. 779 
 PLM. 1, 125), transmitted to us as one and the same, but the work of two authors 
 (EWagner, de Martiale poett. August, imitatore, Konigsb. 1880, 42), also bear in 
 MSS. the name of Vergil: their careful construction combined with poverty of 
 substance makes it probable that they belong to the 1st century of our era; 
 cf. § 251, 5. The extant MSS. go back as far as the 10th cent. In late MSS. (Leid. 
 Voss. O 96 and Vatic. 3269 s. XV) we have the subscription : finit elegia inventa 
 
§ 229, 30. vergilius (minor poems: culex). 441 
 
 (c. a. 1455) ab enoch (Enoche da Ascoli, see GVoigt, Wiederbel. d. class. Altert. 1, 
 258. 2, 201) in Dacia (=Denmark). Bahrens 1.1. EChatelain, rev. de phil. 4, 80. 
 KSchenkx, Wiener Stud. 1, 65. 2, 69. LMuller, de re metr. 52 ; EhM. 23, 657. 
 Bibbeck's app. V. 61. EHubnee, Herm. 13, 239. ThBirt, hist. hex. (Bonn 1876) 
 66; EhM. 32, 397; de halieut. Ovid. 8. MHebtz, anal, ad Hor. carm. hist. 3, 10. 
 FBucheler, conieotanea (Bonn 1878) 13. Textual criticism : Maiily (§ 251, 5) p. 
 13-18. EEllis (gives the readings of the Vatic. 3269), Amer. journ. of phil. 9, 265. 
 ACima, Eiv. di fil. 17, 383. 
 
 4. Under the head of works in prose by Vergil, only his correspondence with 
 Augustus is known to us ; it was probably published at the instance of Augustus. 
 Specimens from it in Donatus' vita Verg. 31 (46) and in Macb. 1, 24, 11 (above p. 
 437 1. 24). Tac. dial. 13 (testes Augusti epistulae), Claudian. carm. min. 2 (41), 23 
 dignatus tenui Caesar scripsisse Maroni), and the opinion of the elder Seneca, contr. 
 3, praef . 8 Vergilium ilia felicitas ingenii in oratione soluta reliquit. 
 
 5. Editions of the carmina minora e.g. by JJScaliger (Virgilii appendix, 
 Lyons 1573 and frequently), JSillig (in b. 4 of the Heyne-Wagner ed.), OEibbeck 
 (vol. 4 of his Verg. = Appendix Vergiliana, Lps. 1868), in MHauft's V.-ed. Lpz. 2 
 1873 and in Bahrens' PLM. 2, Lpz. 1880.— Cf. JMahly, Heidelb. Jahrbb. 1870, 
 769. 801. Bucheler, EhM. 45, 321.— Transl. and explained by WABHertzberg, 
 Stuttg. 1856. 
 
 230. Among these lesser poems is 
 
 1) Culex, which^ so far attested that it is certain that 
 Vergil in his youth wrote^a small epic poem of this name, and on 
 very much the san* subject as the poem now extant ; but the 
 character of the latter renders it most probable that we have here 
 an imitation — written a few decades after Vergil's death — which 
 has taken the place of the original poem, which Vergil himself 
 destroyed. 
 
 1. Besides Donatus (see § 229, 1) we may quote the following testimonies in 
 favour of the composition of a Culex by Vergil: Sdeton. vita Lucani (p. 50 
 Effsch.) ut praefatione quadam aetatem et initia sua cum Vergilio comparans ausus 
 sit dicere : ' et quantum mihi restat ad culicem ! ' Cf. Stat. Silv. 2, 7, 73 haec primo 
 iuvenis canes sub aevo, ante annos culicis maroniani. Statius seems to have been of 
 opinion that Vergil wrote his Culex at the age of XXVI (not XVI) years. Stat. 
 Silv. 1 praef. et culicem legimus et batrachomyomachiam etiam agnoscimus ; nee 
 quisquam est illustrium poetarum qui non aliquid operibus suis stilo remissiore 
 praeluserit. It appears that his impression was that he still possessed Vergil's 
 Culex, though he did not think much of its poetical value. Mart. 14, 185 (after 
 two epigrams on the Batrachomyomachia) : accipe facundi culicem, studiose, 
 Maronis, ne nucibus positis Arma virumque legas. Therefore there must have been 
 a separate edition of the Culex, of which Martial did not question the Vergilian 
 origin ; see also 8, 56, 19 protinus Italiam concepit et Arma virumque qui modo vix 
 culicem fteverat ore rudi. Nor did Nonius 211 labrusca, genere feminine-, Verg. in 
 bucolicis (5, 7) ; neulro Vergilius in culice (v. 53). 
 
 2. On account of the MS. authority and because of these early and positive 
 testimonies, we might easily conclude the Culex now extant to be the work of the 
 youthful Vergil, and amongst others who held this view were Nake (on Val. Cat. 
 
442 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Dir. 1, p. 227), Teuffel (PEE. 6, 2657), Eibbeck (EhM. 18, 100 ; app. Verg. p. 23). 
 But to this opinion, though in itself very plausible, may be opposed the most 
 cogent reasons. First and foremost we are struck by frequent imitations of 
 Vergil's genuine poems (see FBaur 1.1. 571), though these are not so undisguised 
 as in the Ciris. Again, the poem is just as crude in regard to composition 
 and execution as it is masterly in its careful and elegant metrical treatment. 
 On this see WHertzberg p. 51, on the strictness of elision, -which is not in 
 keeping with Vergil's later manner, FBaur 1.1. 368. ThBirt, de halieut. Ovid. 
 49. It is not possible to attribute these peculiarities to Vergil's youthf ulness ; 
 this would also have betrayed itself in the metre. "We should rather interpret 
 this technical elaboration side by side with clumsiness in all other respects as » 
 proof that the poem is by some other author. Lastly, the original motive of the 
 poem can only have been the idea that the gnat could not rest in Hades and there- 
 fore asked the shepherd (whose life it had saved) for a decent burial. But this 
 very motive, without which the poem loses its consistency, is wanting in the extant 
 Culex, being suppressed in the effort to give the fullest possible description of 
 Hades. So nothing is left us but to assume that Lucan, Martial, and Statius were 
 mistaken in identifying the extant Culex with the one written by Vergil, even 
 if the origin of the former could be traced back to the Augustan period (so 
 LMuller, metr. 42. 217. 317; EhM. 23, 658. FBaur 1.1. Bahrens PLM. 2, 28). 
 WHertzberg places it in the first half of the 1st century of our era, between Ovid 
 and Persius. Heyne attempted to reconcile the various views by supposing the 
 Vergilian Culex to have been preserved, but disfigured by strong interpolations: 
 this untenable opinion has been pushed to extremjrtengths by BHildebrahdt 
 (Studd. auf d. Geb. d. rOm. Poesie u. Metr. 1 : V.s CuT^Lpz. 1887). Cf. in general 
 WHertzberg, introd. to his transl. p. 5. FBaur, JJ. 93, 357. EHildebrandt 1.1. 
 Also ThBirt, ad hist. hex. (Bonn 1876) 41 ; de halieut. Ov>,47. 
 
 3. On the MSS. of the Culex see § 229, 1 ; cf. also EEllis, journ. of phil. 16, 
 153.— Criticism : MHaupt, op. 1, 38. 55. 3, 63. 258. Eibbeck, EhM. 18, 100. 
 EEllis, Americ. journ. of phil. 3, 271. EUnger, journ. of phil. 16, 310. 
 
 2) Ciris, the account of the treacherous conduct of the 
 Megarian princess Scylla toward her father Nisus, and her trans- 
 formation into the bird Ciris. This small epic poem seems to 
 have arisen in the circle of Messalla, and is dedicated to his son 
 (cos. 751/3). The author draws largely upon Vergil's poetry, but 
 still more shows himself to be the pupil and imitator of Catullus, 
 and repeatedly reminds us of passages in Lucretius and others. 
 In its refined descriptions of psychic conditions the poem recalls 
 Vergil's manner. The metrical treatment is less careful, but the 
 style more lively. 
 
 1. Nothing can be adduced in favour of the Vergilian origin of the com- 
 position, but everything is against it, nor does the author himself attempt to foist 
 it upon Vergil, but in the opening lines of the poem gives an extensive statement 
 as to his personal circumstances. He represents himself as a man of advanced age, 
 who after an eventful (political) life would fain retire from public life and write 
 a didactic poem on Epicurean philosophy. His name is unknown. Cornelius 
 Gallus, whom JHVoss hit upon (so as to make Vergil guilty of theft from the 
 
§ 230. VERGILIUS (cieis, moeetum). 443 
 
 Ciris ! ), cannot have written it : (see WHertzberg 1.1. p. 53) ; it might rather 
 be the Lynceus of Propertius (§ 244, 3). The conjecture (by Teuffel, PEE. 6, 
 2657) that Messalla (v. 54) who is v. 86 addressed as iuvenum doctissime is the eldest 
 son of the orator Messalla, Messalinus (§ 267, 6), cos. 751/3, has been accepted 
 by WHektzberg 1.1. p. 55, Eibbeck, app. p. 16 and LSchwabe, observatt. in Cir. 
 (Dorp. 1871) p. 3. The poem then would seem to have been written somewhere 
 near 735/19-740/14, in about the 50th year of the author. On the possibility of 
 its having been written in the Augustan age, see also LMuxler, de re metr. p. 42. 
 
 2. The poem is an elaboration of the theme expounded in Vergil's lines ge. 1, 
 406-409, which for this reason form the close (see Schwabe 1871 p. 2). In its 
 general character, however, it approaches nearer to the manner of Catullus (in his 
 poem 64), than to that of Vergil ; the setting is as it were borrowed from Catullus, 
 the suggestion from Vergil, so that it has almost the appearance of a cento com- 
 piled from both writers. The purloining from all the works of Vergil (from whom 
 are taken 11 lines in their entirety and 8 with only the change of one word) and 
 from Catullus (esp. de nupt. Pel. et Thet. and the longer elegies) is traced by 
 JSchrader, emendationes (Leovard. 1776) 33. 63. Sillig, in Heyne-Wagner's 
 Verg. 4 p. 155. LSchwabe, 1.1. EBahrens, JJ. 105, 833 ; PLM. 2, 186. JStiss, 
 acta semin. Erlang. 1, 8. There also occur detached phrases from other poems of 
 the circle of Catullus (§ 213) ; the predilection for spondaic lines (see Schwabe, 
 1.1. 9) is also in keeping with the usage of that circle. Deviations from Vergil's 
 usage, especially in the use of the particles, EJacob on Prop. p. 165 and in Sillig, 
 1.1. p. 143. Haupt, op. 1, 121. Deviations from his metrical system, WHektzberg 
 1.1. p. 51 n. (see his whole introduction). Cf. also Eibbeck, app. Verg. 16. 
 
 3. The poem, as far as its subject-matter is concerned, probably imitates Greek 
 (Alexandrine) originals. : we have evidence for this in the Greek character of the 
 
 _ mythology and style (ESiecke, de Niso et Scylla in aves mutatis, Berl. 1884), the 
 fact of its concluding with a transformation, the etymologieal derivation of the 
 name ciris (from Kelpetv, v. 488) and much besides. But it cannot ba a translation : 
 this supposition is precluded both by the proem (1-100) and the imitations of 
 Catullus and Vergil. Perhaps it was modelled on Parthenios. See Schol. and 
 Eustath. on Dionys, Perieg. 420. AMeineke, anal. alex. 270. EEohde, gr. Eom. 
 93. See also WHelbig, arch. Z. 24, 196— EHoffmann (EhM. 40, 150) wrongly 
 supposes Ov. lb. 447 quibus exiguo est volucris devota Ubello etc. to refer to the 
 ps.-Vergil. Ciris. 
 
 4. On the MSS. see § 229, 1. — Criticism and explanation : MHadpt, op. 1, 55. 
 3, 75. 261, Eibbeck, EhM. 18, 112, LSchwabe, in Cirin observatt., Dorpat 1871 ; 
 JJ. 107, 617, MHertz, JJ. 103, 860, EBahrens, ib. 105, 833. 107, 773. AWaltz, de 
 carmine Ciris, Paris 1881. EUnger, d. Prooem. d. Cir., Halle 1881 ; electa e Ciris 
 commentariis, Halle 1885 ; journ. of phil. 16, 310. MKreunen, prolegg. in Cirin, 
 Utr. 1882. AZingerle, kl. phil. Abh. 3 (Innsbr. 1881), 23 (Ovid and the Ciris). 
 EEllis, Americ. journ. of phil. 8, 1. 399. 
 
 3) Moretum (the rural breakfast), a pleasant idyll of the time 
 of Vergil and perhaps translated by him from a Greek poem of 
 Parthenios, full of vivid and detailed description and amiable 
 humour, the form being masterly. 
 
 1. The Moretum is missing in Donatus' and Servius' enumeration of the lesser 
 Vergiliana. On the other hand it is found in MS. collections of these (see § 229, 1 
 and below n. 2). JGVossius, de poet. gr. 9, states that in a, cod. Ambr. this poem 
 
444 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 bore the heading : Parthenius moretum scripsit in Graeco, quern Virgilius imitatus 
 est. This may perhaps account for the fact that the fresh and lively style and 
 vivid description (Teuffel, PEE. 6, 2658. Hertzberg, transl. p. 95) and the 
 candid undisguised appellation of things observed in this poem do not agree with 
 Vergil's general manner. Hertzberg (1.1. p. 95. 100. 101) has justly concluded 
 from the name of Simylus, the metre of v. 18 and from v. 116, that the Greek 
 original was pretty faithfully translated. The 124 hexameters of this poem de- 
 scribe how the peasant Simylus rises at dawn, bakes his bread, prepares his mess 
 of herbs in the mortar and then sets to work. Sueius also had written a Moretum 
 (§ 150, 6), and it is not altogether improbable that the desire to surpass Sueius 
 influenced Vergil in attempting the same task again. At all events the poem 
 belongs to the best time of Boman literature, as appears e.g. from the estimation 
 in which the lactuca is held v. 76 as compared with the time of Martial (Mart. 13, 
 14, 1) : see Stauder, Zf AW. 1853, 290. Cf. Lachmann on Lucr. p. 326. MHaupt, op. 
 1, 39. Hertzberg's Introduction 93. Eibbeck app. p. 14. 
 
 2. On the MSS. see § 229, 1 ; also Vindob. 134 s. XI, Monac. 21562 s. XI/XII, 
 305 s. XI/XII.— FWSchneidewin in Jahn's Arch. 2, 426. ChrJahn ib. 4, 627. 
 MHaupt, op. 1, 36. Stauder, Zf AW. 1853, 289. OSieroka, JJ. 109, 395. EBabth, 
 Sprache und Versbau des Mor., Horn 1879. KvBeichenbach, d. Echtheit d. M., 
 Znaim 1883. BEllis (Heinsius' codex Moreti), journ. of phil. 18, 273. 
 
 4) Copa ("mine hostess"), a short elegy of the best time, 
 in style and diction quite according with Vergil's manner, but 
 much less resembling him in its sprightly contents and tone; 
 many passages of it remind the reader of Vergilian expressions. 
 
 1. The poem (19 distichs) has been transmitted to us among the lesser 
 Vergiliana ; Charisius also considered it to be by Vergil ; see GL. 1, 63, 11 quamvis 
 Vergilius librum suum Cupam inscripserit. Cf . Lachmann on Lucr. p. 164. On the 
 points of difference in diction and tone between the Copa and the Vergilian poems 
 see Hertzberg, transl. p. 103. The small compass of the Copa precludes us from 
 drawing any conclusion from the construction of the metre : this yields no decisive 
 evidence either for or against Vergil, but we notice a certain agreement with 
 Propertius. Hertzberg 1.1. 104. ThBirt, hist, hexam. lat. (Bonn 1876) 51. 
 There is certainly no reason for removing the poem beyond the Augustan period. 
 V. 27 cantu rumpunt arbusta cicadae= georg. 3, 328 ; v. 35 cineri ingrato=Aen. 6, 
 213 ; cf. umbrosis harundinibus (v. 8) with Aen. 8, 34 umbrosa harundo. V. 31= 
 Calpurn. eel. 11, 46. Eibbeck, app. p. 14. 
 
 2. The MSS. correspond to those of the Moretum, see § 229, 1 and above 3, 2. — 
 CDIlgen, animadvv. in Virg. Copam, Halle 1820. MHaupt, op, 1, 143. KZeix, 
 Perienschrr. 1, 5. WMuller, Bomund die ESmerinnen 2, 171. 
 
 5) Ca t ale p ton («aTa \67ttw), a collection of fourteen poems 
 in elegiac and iambic metre and on various subjects. Only a 
 few of them are attested as coming from the poet himself, but 
 only very few can be positively proved to be not by him. This 
 much may be stated, that all belong to the period of Vergil. 
 
 1. This collection is in the MSS. entitled Ve(i)rgilii catalepton (see n. 2). In 
 the so-called Servian vita it is, according to the best tradition, ealled cata(cate)- 
 lepton, sometimes catalecton : so also in Donatus' vita : see § 229, 1 ; cf . 301, 4. 
 
§ 230. VERGILIUS (catalepton). 445 
 
 Ausonius, grammaticomast. (op. 27, 13, 5 see § 209, 12) Die quid significent 
 catalepta (so the best MSS., see Schenkx ad loc. : the rest give catalecta) Maronis? 
 in his (2, 3) al Cdtarum posuit, sequitur non lucidius tau. The original title 
 was nard. \ewr6v, after the precedent of Aratos, who had called a, collection of 
 ' trifles ' hy this name (see vita Arati p. 55, 84 Westerm. typnif/n Se Kal dAXa 
 iroL^fiara . . . teal els M.6pu> Tbv adektpbv iTTLKirjdeLOV Kal Siocnjfie'ia teal 2kv8ik6v [?] 
 Kal Kara Xewriv flXXa and Strabo 10, 486 "Aparos iv rdis Kara \ewTbv. From this 
 cata lepton was derived hy an abuse catalepta and finally catalecta (KardX£KTci= 
 ' collected poems ' does not occur elsewhere). ThBergk, op. 2, 745. BUnger, JJ. 
 113, 429. The explanations of the name as catalepta=KaTtlXei7rTa ' poems left be- 
 hind ' (by EBahrens JJ. Ill, 142. 150 ; Tibull. Bl. 53 ; cf. PLM. 2, 36) or=raTttXi;7rT<{ 
 (by EPeiper, Catullus, Bresl. 1875, 65) are untenable. — In the collection no. 1. 3 
 (in praise of Alexander the Great ; Bucheler 1.1.) 4. 7. 8. 9. 11. 14 are in elegiacs, 
 6. 10. 12 and 13 are in iambics, 2 and 5 in choliambics. Immediately after 
 the collection there follows in the MSS. an epigram by the compiler (AL. 777 
 PLM. 2, 177), which ends thus : Illius (of Vergil) haec quoque sunt divini elementa 
 poetae Et rudis in vario carmine Calliope. This then agrees with the heading in 
 the MSS. (see above). No. 2 (on Annius Cimber see § 209, 12) is attested authentic 
 by Quint. 8, 3, 28 and Ausonius (see above). A definite proof against Vergil's 
 authorship is furnished only by no. 13, the first lines of which contain allusions to 
 personal circumstances of the author which are at variance with those of Vergil. 
 The servile elegy to Messalla (§ 222) no. 9 of a. 727/27 cannot be by Vergil (on 
 account of v. 17), but should be assigned to a tiro displaying his mythological 
 learning and imitating rather Ovid's than Vergil's manner. Eibbeck (app. p. 12) 
 ascribes it to Lygdamus (§ 245, 4), a conjecture at least more credible than 
 BUnger's plea for Valgius (de Valg. Buf. 304). Ed. et comm. instr. PhWagher, 
 Lps. 1816. Poem no. 14, although it relates to the Aeneid and speaks in the name 
 of Vergil, is hardly by him ; BGcheler, EhM. 38, 523. The acerbity of the iambic 
 poems (especially no. 6, 12 and 10) is not much in harmony with Vergil's later soft 
 character, but may be sufficiently explained hy the fire of youth, the general ex- 
 citement of the period, and the example of Catullus. These poems, the quotation 
 from Catullus in 6, 6, further no. 10, the parody of Catullus' poem 4 in derision of 
 P. Ventidius (pr. 710/44, cos. 711/43. Bucheler, EhM. 38, 518. EKlotz, de Cat. c. 
 iv eiusque parodia Verg., Lps. 1868), and the choliambics no. 5, also a remini- 
 scence of Catullus in no. 4, lead to the assumption of a period in Vergil's poetical 
 development in which he was under the influence of Catullus' manner and style. 
 Nos. 5 and 8 are in perfect agreement with Vergil's personal circumstances ; nos. 
 1. 4. 7. 11 are addressed to men of his acquaintance. On the whole question see 
 FNake, Valer. Cato p. 221. WHertzberg's introd. to his translation of the Catal. 
 p. 108, Eibbeck app. p. 6. MHaupt, op. 2, 147 and esp. Bucheler, EhM, 38, 507. 
 
 2. At the beginning of this collection of 14 poems, and included under the 
 same title as belonging to it (see n. 1), we find in all the MSS. — and accordingly 
 also in Bibbeck's append, p. 147. PLM. 2, 158 — three poems, ' Vere rosa ' consisting 
 of two distichs (cf . Mart. 8, 40), ' Ego haec ' in iamb, senarii, ' Hum ego ' in the 
 priapic metre, all priapea as regards their contents and supposed to be spoken by 
 Priapus. These are the priapea mentioned by Donatus and Servius (see § 229, 1) 
 among the Vergiliana. Cf. also Diomed. GL. 1, 512 Priapeum (sc. metrum) quo 
 Vergilius in prolusionibus suis usus fuit. The two last (which might really have 
 been youthful attempts of Vergil) used formerly (from Victorius and Muretus 
 down to Doring and Sillig) to be enumerated among the Catulline works as poems 
 20 and 19, and besides this all three used to be placed at the end of the collection 
 
446 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 of priapea (§ 254, 5), e.g. in LMuxler's ed. as no9. 83, 84, 85 ; Bucheler's Petron. 
 3 1882, 157. Cf. WHertzberg's transl. p. 110, JEWernicke, Priapeia (Thorn 1853) 
 p. 9. 108, FBucheler, EhM. 18, 415, Eibbeck, app. Verg. p. 4,— The fact that 
 Plin. ep. 5, 3, 6 mentions P. Vergilius (§ 31, 1) among the boni who wrote erotic 
 lusus is counterbalanced by the silence of Ovid, who trist. 2, 535 mentions only 
 Aen. IV and the Bucolics in this department. 
 
 231. Vergil obtained from the first the highest reputation: 
 his poems were at an early time admitted into schools, imitated, 
 translated, and commented on : one of the earliefet and most 
 important commentators was M. Valerius Probus, a later one 
 Servius. We still possess the commentary of the latter, and 
 fragments of other works in the various collections of scholia. 
 But Vergil's poems were also used for centos, and superstition 
 employed them for the purpose of consulting them as an oracle. 
 They were, moreover, industriously multiplied. Vergil himself 
 was in popular belief gradully turned into a magician, upon 
 whose name all nations of the West accumulated their fantastical 
 fictions and legends for a long time in the Middle Ages. 
 
 1. Suet, gramm. 16 Q. Caecilius Epirota (§ 263, 1) . . . primus dicilur . . . 
 Vergilium et alios poetas novos praelegere coepisse. Quint. 1, 8, 5 optime institutum 
 est ut ab Homero atque Vergilio lectio inciperet. Oros. 1, 18 Aeneae . . . adventus 
 in Italiam quae arma commoverit . . . ludi litterarii disciplina nostrae quoque 
 memoriae inustum est. Augustin. civ. dei 1, 3 apud Vergilium, quern propterea 
 parvuli legunt ut videlicet poeta magnus omniumque praeclarissim.ua atque optimus 
 teneris ebibitus animis non facile oblivione possit aboleri. Iul. Capitol. Clod. Albin. 
 5, 2 fertur in scholis saepissime cantasse inter puerulos ' Arma amens, 1 etc. (Aen. 2, 
 314). Macr. sat. 1, 24, 5 Vergilianos versus, qualiter eos pueri magistris praelegenti- 
 bus canebamus. (Auson.) epigr. 137, 1 Arma virumque docens atque Arma virumque 
 peritus. Augustus, confess. 1, 17, 27 ef. 1, 13, 20 shows that it was school-practice 
 to turn passages from Vergil into prose. — On the other hand, themata Vergiliana 
 were set as metrical exercises ; cf . n. 2 and § 230, 2, 2. 427, 1. 
 
 2. Ovid often alludes to Vergil (see AZingerle, Ovids Verhaltn. 2, 48). The 
 Aeneid (2, 77) is also quoted by Phaedrus, fab. 3, praef. 27 ; by Juvenal 2, 99. 3, 
 197. 9, 102. See Wehle, obss. in Petr. 44. Eibbeck prolegg. 200. Livy derives 
 much of his diction from Vergil, Tacitus even more ; see EWOlfflin, Phil. 26, 
 130. Verses on Vergil AL. 507-518 PLM. 4, 120. AL. 555-566 PLM. 4, 128. For 
 the use made of Vergil in the schools of the rhetoricians see Sen. suas. 3, 5 (solebat 
 Fuscus ex Vergilio multa trahere). Serv. Aen. 10, 18 et Titianus et Calvus (Catulinus 
 Floriac.) qui themata omnia de Vergilio elicuerunt et deformaverunt ad dicendi usum 
 (§ 364, 4). Cf. u. 1 and Eibbeck prolegg. p. 188. Passages from Vergil were 
 found scribbled on the walls at Pompeii : see OIL. 4, p. 259. Addenda : ephem. 
 epigr. 1, 53. giorn. d. scavi 1, 281. 2, 35. On a spoon (arch. Ztg. 1848, 110*) was 
 found engraved eel. 2, 17 ; on a relief at the Villa Albani Aen. 1, 607 above the 
 head of » seller of game, OJahn, Lpz. SBer. 1861, 365. On a brick from Italioa 
 near Seville is inscribed Aen. 1, 1-2 CIL. 2, 4967, 31. For the use of Vergilian 
 passages on tombstones see Marini fratr. Arv. p. 826 ; papiri dipl. p. 332. Quota- 
 tions incidental to everyday life, Suet. Dom. 9. Dio 75, 10. Lamfrid. Diadum. 
 
§ 231. VERGILIUS (scholia). 447 
 
 8, 7. Vopisc. Tac. 5, 1. Car. 13, 3. Apul. apol. 56 and many other instances. 
 LFriedlander, SQ-esch. 3 5 , 334. — Ancient illustrations to Vergil or in imitation 
 of him : on the MS. illustrations see n. 9. On wall-paintings in Campania : 
 Aeneas and Dido (Aen. 1, 715 ; cf. Mack. 5, 17, 5) : WHelbig, Wandgem. Cam- 
 paniens no. 1381 ; cf. bull. arch. 1881, 29 and the mosaic from Halicarnassus 
 (Aeneas and Dido in the chase=Aen. 4, 151) bull. 1860, 105. Laocoon (Aen. 2, 
 200) : ann. dell' inst. arch. 47, tav. O. Aeneas and Polyphemus (Aen. 3, 655) : giorn. 
 degli scavi 3 (1877) tav. 6. Aeneas admiring the weapons brought to him by 
 Venus (Aen. 8, 608) : Helbig no. 1382. Aeneas wounded and cured by Venus (Aen. 
 12, 398) : Helbig no. 1383. Cf. Helbig, Uuterss. lib. d. Wandmalerei 4. HHeyde- 
 mann, Arch. Z. 29. 122. 
 
 3. An inscr. from Borne in Orelli 1179 Wilm. 2481 Q. Qlitius Felix, Ver- 
 gilianus poeta, cf. § 251, 1 (also Wilm. 2488 mediats asclepiadius). But all the 
 Eoman epic and didactic poets are more or less imitators of Vergil. The begin- 
 ning of a cento-like employment of Vergil's poems may be traced as early as in the 
 Ciris ; see § 230, 2, 2. For later examples see § 26, 2. 
 
 4. Vergil's poems .were consulted as oracles, and resorted to for advice in 
 difficult positions of life, and sortes Vergilianae were even publicly kept in the 
 temples, see Iul. Capitol. Clod. Albin. 5, 4 : in templo Apollinis Cumani . . . 
 cum sortem de fato suo tolleret, his versibus ei dicitur esse responsum (Aen. 6, 857). 
 Lampeid. Alex. Sev. 4, 6 huic sors in templo Praenestinae talis exstitit (Aen. 6, 882). 
 14, 5 ipse . . . Vergilii sortibus huiusmodi illustratus est (Aen. 6, 848). Spartian. 
 Hade. 2, 8 cum sollicitus . . . Vergilianas sortes consuleret ' Quis procul etc' 
 (Aen. 6, 808) sors excidit. Teebell. Poll. Claud. 10, 4 cum in Apennino de se 
 consuleret responsum huiusmodi accepit (Aen. 1. 265) ; item cum de posteris suis (Aen. 
 1, 278) ; item cum defratre (Aen. 6, 669), In the Middle Ages (at the close of which 
 Vergil found an ardent admirer in Dante, cf. Compaeetti, Virg. nel med. evo 1, 
 256 and below n. 12) the fourth eclogue was on account of its prophetic tone in- 
 terpreted of the Messiah ; ThCeeizenach, die Aen., die 4 Ekl. u. d. Pharsalia im 
 MAlter, Prankf. a. M. 1864. FPipee, Virgilius als Theolog und Prophet des 
 Heidentums in der Kirche, Berl, 1862 (evangel. Kalender for 1862, 17). Vergil 
 was even said to have had a hand in the conversion of the Emperor Constantine ; 
 cf. Eossighol, Virgile et Constantin le grand, Paris 1845. DCompaeetti (see n. 
 12) voL 1. 
 
 5. Arrianos (see § 227, 2, in fin.) translated Vergil. Sen. consol. ad. Polyb. 8, 
 2 Homerus et Vergilius, tarn bene de humano genere meriti quam tu et de omnibus et 
 de illis meruisti, guos pluribus notos esse voluisti quam scripserant. On Avienus 
 see § 420, 6 ; on Titianus and Calvus § 364, 4. 
 
 6. On the commentators of Vergil see Eibbeck prolegomena critica cap. 9, 
 p. 114, where we find discussions on Q. Caecilius Epirota, Pollio, C. Iulius Hyginus, 
 (Iulius or Aufidius, see § 282, 1) Modestus, L. Annaeus Cornutus, Aemilius Asper, 
 M. Valerius Probus, Plavius Caper, TJrbanus, Velius Longus, Q. Terentius Scaurus, 
 Caesellius Vindex and Sulpicius Apollinaris, Helenius Aero, Haterianus, Aelius 
 Donatus, Carminius, Avienus, Servius, the so-called commentarii of Probus, Iunius 
 Philargyrius, the scholia Bernensia and scholia Veronensia. To this may be 
 added HHagen's introd. to his edition of the scholia Bernensia JJ. suppl. vol. 4, 696. 
 JKirchner, JJ. suppl. 8, 471. On each of these grammarians see below, in the 
 period to which they belong. In a MS. s. XIV at Padua ' Pulgentius super Bucol. 
 et Georg. Virgilii,' certainly not by the mythologist Pulgentius (§ 480), see EJung- 
 
448 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 hann, quaest.Fulg. 61. .TMDozio, Cynthii Cenetensis (of the 15th cent.) in Vergil. 
 Aen. commentar. (Aen. I, II, III first edited by AMai, auot. class. 7, S23) e cod. 
 Ambros., Milan 1845. 
 
 7. For the scholia Bernensia (on Buc. and Georg.) see § 472, 9: there too 
 concerning both are the explanationes bucolicorum of Junius Philargyrius 
 (Filargirius) and the georgicorum expositiones handed down in the Laur. 45, 14. 
 Paris. 7960 and Leid. 135 (G in Burmann-Lion). The (fragmentary) scholia 
 Veronensiaon the Aeneid were first published by AMai (Virgilii intpp. vett., 
 Milan 1818), then in Lion's Servius 2, 305 ; best ed. by HKeil, M. Valerii Probi in 
 Virg. buc. et georg. commentarius (p. 1-68); ace. scholiorum Veronensium (p. 71-108) 
 et Aspri quaestionum Vergil, (p. 111-115) fragm., Halle 1848. In addition HKeil, 
 EhM. 6, 369 and FBucheler (and AHerrmann), J J. 93, 65. AHerrmann, d. 
 Veroneser Vergilscholien, Donauesch. 1869. 1871 II. Cf . also GThilo, EhM. 14, 
 535. 15, 119. ThMommsen. EhM. 16, 137.— Glossary on Vergil, see GLowe, prodrom. 
 gloss. 164. ABouchekie, fragm. d'un commentaire (very late, and in barbarous 
 Latin) sur Virg. (eel. and ge. 1, 1-222), Montpellier 1875. 
 
 8. Various metrical arguments, chiefly of b. IV/V, for Vergil's works have 
 been preserved : deoasticha on the books of the Aen. under the name of Ovid : 
 AL. 1 PLM. 4, 161. Hexasticha on the Aen. by Sulpicius Apollinaris : § 357, 2. 
 Pentasticha on the Aen. AL. 591 sqq. PLM. 4, 136. Tetrasticha on all the works : 
 AL. 2 (cf. 654) PLM. 4, 173 (cf. 444, frequently attributed to Ovid). Monosticha 
 on the Aen. AL. 1 PLM. 4, 176 and AL. 634 PLM. 4, 151 ; similar ones for all the 
 works AL. 874 PLM. 4, 177. Hemistichia on the Aen. PLM. 4, 178.— Argu- 
 ments by a. certain Modestinus in antiquissimo Vergilii codice? Burmank, z. 
 Anth. lat. 2, 188 p. 372.— Cf. LMuller, EhM. 19, 114. 237*654. Eibbeck, prolegg. 
 Verg. 369. JMahlt, ZfeG. 22, 331. EOpitz, Lpz. Stud. 6, 282. 298.— Fragments 
 of a mediaeval argument of the Aeneid in distichs from a Bern. s. XH/XIII in 
 HHagen, JJ. Ill, 696. 
 
 9. Manuscripts of Vergil: Gell. 9, 14, 7 tells us of persons who had in- 
 spected idiographum librum Vergilii (on ge. 1, 208). Hyginus in Gell. 1, 21, 2 himself 
 collated on ge. 2, 247 a liber qui fuerit ex domo atque familia Vergili. We possess (in 
 a more or less complete state) seven very ancient MSS. of Vergil in capital writing 
 (the exact date is rather uncertain, as is the case with all manuscripts in capitals). 
 1. The 'Mediceus 7 39, 1 (M in Eibbeck) s. V at Florence, with the celebrated 
 Subscriptio, (cf. § 473, 6) : Turcius Rufius Apronianus Asterius v. c. et inl. ex comite 
 domest. protect, ex com. priv. largit. ex praef. urbi patricius et consul ordin. (a. 494) 
 legi et distinexi codicem fratris Macharii v. c. . . . XI. kal. Mai Bomae (here 
 follow 8 distichs, AL. 3 PLM. 5, 110, facsimile in Eibbeck's Vergil. 4, p. 206). 
 A copy of this MS. by PFFoggini, Flor. 1741. Facsimile in Zangemeister- 
 Wattenbach's exempl. codd. lat. pi. 10, Palaeograph. society pi. 86, Chatelain t. 
 66, 1.— 2. The ' Palatinus' (P) Vaticanus 1631, s. IV-V?, facsimile in Zangeh.- 
 Wattenb. pi. 12. Palaeogr. soc. pi. 115. Chatelain pi. 64. — 3. The 'Eomanus' 
 (E), Vatican. 3867, s. IV-V ?, in it 16 illustrations to Vergil, published by Bottari' 
 (see on no. 4) p. 5. 29. 41. 43 and by Agincourt, hist, de Part 5, pi. 63-65 ; Pde 
 Nolhac, les peintures des MSS. de Virg., in the Mel. de l'eoole franc, de Borne 
 1884, pi. 11. 12 ; cf. EPlatner in the description of Eome 2, 2, 347. Text-facsimile 
 in Zangem.-Wattenb. 1.1. pi. 11. Pal. soo. pi. 113. 114. Chatelain pi. 65. — 4. The 
 'schedae Vaticanae 1 (F), Vatic. 3225, put back without cogent reasons into 
 the second century of our era, a copy of this MS. by GGBottari, Eome 1741, in 
 which are (after drawings by PGBartoli, which are now in Windsor, see 
 AMichaelis, arch. Zeit. 32, 67) the illustrations of the MS. (originally 50), mostly 
 
§ 231. VERGILIDS (MSS. AND EDITIONS). 449 
 
 belonging to the Aeneid ; there are better specimens in Agincourt, hist, de l'art 
 
 5. pi. 20-25. PdeNolhac 1.1. p. 5-10. Cf. EPlatner 1.1. 345. Text-facsimile 
 in Zangem.-Wattenb. 1.1. pi. 13. Palaeogr. soc. pi. 116. 117. Ciiatel. pi. 63. 
 — The following MS. fragments are of insignificant extent: 5. Schedae 
 Berolinenses (A), s. IV?, three leaves; to the same MS. (at one time in 
 St. Denis) there originally belonged four leaves, now Vatic. 3256. Published by 
 GHPertz, Abh. der Berl. Akad. 1863, 97. Nachtrag, Berl. SBar. 1864, 278, cf. 
 JHenry, JJ. 95, 419. Facsimile in Zangem.-Wattenb. pi. 14. Chatel. pi. 61. — 
 
 6. schedae Sangallenses 1394 (G), Facsim. Zangem.-W. pi. 14". Chatel. pi. 62. — 
 
 7. schedae rescriptae Veronenses 40 (V). Facsim.; Chatel. pi. 75, 1. — Together 
 with these earliest MSS. we have the later ones : the cod. Gudianus (7) s. IX 
 three Berne MSS. (a, b — facs. Chatel. pi. 67 — c) of s. IX and X, besides (of s. 
 X-XII) the codex Minoraugiensis (m).- On these MSS., their connection, deriva- 
 tion from the same original etc. see Bibbeck, prolegomena ad Verg. (1866). 218 
 sqq. Other recent literature on the Vergil MSS.: JHenry, Aeneidea 1, Bond. 
 1873, p. xi-lx. On a Prague MS. of s. IX, see JKvioala, Vergilstudien, Prague 
 1878 (with a complete collation). On a Vatic, s. X init. written by Bahingus, a 
 monk of Flavigny in Burgundy, see LDelisle, Mel. d'archeol. et d'hist. 6 (1886), 
 239. AJViteinga, de cod. Aen. Daventriensi (s. XV, valueless), Daventer 1881. 
 MHechfellner, eine Innsbrucker Virgil-Hs. (valueless), Innsbr. 1880. EChate- 
 lain, un important fragm. de Virg. (Paris. 7906) in d. Mel. Benier, Art. 5. 
 
 10. Complete editions of Vergil's poems. Cf. the Notitia literaria in 
 Heyne-Wagnee 4, 635, Schweiger, class. Bibliogr. 2, 2, 1145, Engelmann-Preuss, 
 bibl. class. 2, 693. On the earliest see also JHenry, Aeneidea 1, lxi-lxxxv. Ed. 
 princ. Borne about 1469. Ven. ap. Aid. 1501 and frequently. Cum comment. Donati, 
 Servii etc. per GFabricium, Bas. 1551 and frequently. Argumentis, explicc et 
 notis illustr. a JLde la Cerda, Madrit. 1608-17 III. E rec. DHeinsii, Leid. 1636. 
 Bee. NHeinsius, Amst. 1664. 1676. Interpretat. et notis illustr. CBuAEUs,'in us. 
 Delph., Par. 1675 etc. (with an ind. verbb.). Cum Serv., Philarg. etc. et nott. 
 varr. ed. PBurmann, Amsterd. 1746 IV (in vol. 4 is the ind. verbb. by NEry- 
 thraeus, first published at Ven. 1537). Variet. lect. et perpet. adnot. illustr. a 
 CGHeyne, Lps. 1767-75 IV; 3 Lps. 1798-1800 VI (with » good glossary by 
 AWSchlegel) ; 4 Lpz. 1830-41 V (our. Ph Wagner, vol. 4 : Carmina minora [Copa, 
 Ciris, Culex, Moretum, rec. JSillig], Wagneri quaestt. Vergil., notitia literaria. 
 Bd. 5 : V. carmina ad pristinam orthographiam revocata, ace. Wagneri orthogr. 
 Vergiliana etc.). Bee. et illustr. AForbiger, Lps. 4 1872-75. Perpetuo comm. ad 
 modum JBond explicuit FDubner, Paris (Didot) 1858. Becensuit OBibbeck, 
 Lps. 1859-68 V (Prolegomena critica 1866, I Buc. et Georg. 1859, II. Ill Aen. 
 1860. 62 ; IV Appendix Vergiliana 1868). Vergile, texte latin . . . aveo un 
 commentaire exit, et explicatif etc., par EBenoist, Par. 2 1876 III. With a com- 
 mentary by JConington, revised by HNettleship, Lond. 4 1881-83 III. Explana- 
 tory school editions by Ph Wagner (breviter enarravit, Lps. 8 1861), ThLadewig 
 (Berl. 7 - 10 1882-86 III by CSchaper, cf. the same writer ZfGW. 31, 65). EBenoist, 
 Par. 4 1880, BHKennedy, Lond. 2 1879, KKappes (Lpz. 4 1887). With introd. and 
 notes by TLPapillon, Lond. 1882 II. ASidgwick, Camb. 1890. Translations (prcse) 
 by JConington (Lond. 3 1882), by JGLonsdale and JLee (Lond. 12 1890). 
 
 Editions of the text by HPaldamus (Lpz. 1854, with introd.), MHaupt (Lps. 2 
 1873), ThLadewig (cura PDeuticke Berl. 2 1889), OBibbeck (with introd., Lps. 
 1867). GThilo (with introd. and short apparatus, Lpz.' 1886). WKlodcek, Prague 
 1886. 87. 
 
 11. PhWagner, quaestt. Verg. (in Heyne's ed. 4, 383) and leott. Verg., Phil. 
 B.L. G G 
 
450 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Suppl. 1, 307; together with Phil. 15, 351. 16, 537. 17, 170. WKlotjcek, 
 Miszellen zu V., Leitmeritz 1870-73 II ; critical and exegetical notes on V. (esp. 
 Aen.), Prague 1879; ZfoG. 35, 588; Vergiliana, Smiohow 1882. 83. JKvicala 
 (n. 9 in fin.). RBentley's observations on V., communicated by EHedicke, Varia, 
 Progr., Quedlinb. 1879 and AStachelscheid, RhM. 35, 312; ZfcG. 35, 588. 
 OGuthling, curaeVerg. ; add. GLinkeri emendatt. Verg., Liegnitz 1886. AKiesch, 
 quaestt. Verg. crit., Munst. 1886. 
 
 12. Vergil continued to be kept in remembrance by the literature of the 
 whole of the Middle Ages. French, and following them, German elaborations of 
 the subject-matter of the Aeneid occur after the 12th cent, (le Roman d'Eneas by 
 Benoit de Saint-More ; Eneit by Heinrich von Veldeke). Towards the close of the 
 Middle Ages, Dante's (f 1321) divina commedia transfigured arid glorified the 
 poet so that he ceased to belong to the earth. But he also plays a great part in 
 the speech of the people, in popular books and so forth. The great respect in 
 which Vergil, in his quality as a poet, was held by posterity and which manifested 
 itself also in the reverence paid to his burial-place (§ 224, 3 ad fin. Plin. ep. 3, 
 7, 8 ; cf. Mart. 11, 48 sq. Stat. silv. 4, 4, 51), the superstitious use made of 
 his poems (above n. 4), and the interpretation of his name (from virga, a magic 
 wand) and that of his mother (Magia, § 224, 3), caused the gradual evaporation of 
 Vergil's real character into that of a mythical being. In Donatus' vita we meet 
 with indications of this, § 3-5, and in the later additions 8-18, 69 sq. and 78 ; the 
 more we descend into the Middle Ages (esp. after saec. XII), the stranger the 
 exaggerations, the greater the resemblance of Vergil to such figures as Faustus or 
 Theophrastus Paracelsus. But Vergil always appears as a benevolent genius fond 
 of assisting poor humanity. Only a Roman lady, who bad wickedly cheated his 
 love, must feel his revenge. Conformably to the romantic confusion of all names 
 and times, Vergil was(now)placed«under the fabulous Emperor Octavianus, now 
 under' King Servius (in the Seven Wise Men), now under Titus (Gest. Rom. c. 57), 
 now under Darius at Rome (ib. c. 120), even in Brittany under King Arthur, or 
 he is represented as the son of a knight of ' Campania in the Ardennes ' and of a 
 daughter of a Roman Senator under the Emperor Remus, who killed his uncle 
 Romulus and was succeeded by his son Perseus, in whose reign Vergil studied at 
 the University of Toledo (German popular chapbooks p. 3-7). The scene of his 
 exploits is at Rome and especially Naples, whence the Vergil legend originated. 
 At Rome he performs miracles chiefly at the request of the Emperor, who, after 
 a vain struggle, appoints him his chief Senator, and the aim of his deeds is to 
 insure the safety of the State (Salvatio Romae) and internal order. But at his 
 beloved Naples, which he founded and placed on eggs at the bottom of the sea, he 
 voluntarily provides for the welfare of the town (even driving away snakes and 
 flies, providing good meat, etc.). In the 15th cent, these inventions are brought to 
 a close in the chronicle (ly myreur des histors) of Jean d'Outbemeuse and in the 
 Faits merveilleux de Virgile (last printed in Geneva 1867). Principal work : 
 DCompaketti, Virgilio nel medio evo, Livorno 1872 II (in German by HD&tschke, 
 Lpz. 1875) ; it contains reprints of the most important documents 2, 169. GZapfebt, 
 Virgil in Mittelalter, Vienna 1851 (Denkschriften der "Wiener Akad. II). KLRoth, 
 der Zauberer Virgilius in FPfeiffer's Germania 4 (1859), 257 ; cf. KBaktsch, ib. 
 237 and FLiebeecht, ib. 10, 406. CGMilberg, Memorabilia Verg. (Meissen 1857), 
 and Mirabilia Verg. (Meissen 1867). STunison, Virgil in the Middle Age, 
 Cincinnati, 1889. Lastly the treatises by Genthe already quoted (§ 226, 1, 4), 
 Piper and Creizenach (above n. 4). 
 
 232. Cornelius Gallus of Forum Julii (684/70-727/27), the 
 
§ 232. GALLUS. 451 
 
 friend of Vergil's youth, was the first Roman poet who (apart 
 from learned translations) devoted himself exclusively to the 
 erotic elegy of the Alexandrines. Through the favour of 
 Octavianus he was raised to high military and political positions, 
 became too ambitious, and finished his life in a tragic manner 
 at an early age. 
 
 1. Praenomen : C. and Cn. in the MSS. ap. Eutrop. 7, 7 ; C. in Hieron. chron. 
 a. 1985 (from Eutrop.).— Asinius Pollio ap. Cic. ad fam. 10, 32 extr. (a. 711/43) 
 Galium Cornelium, familiarem meum. Probus on Vcrg. buc. p. 6, 1 K. insinuatus 
 Augusto per Cornelium Galium, condiscipulum suum, promeruit (VergUius) ut etc. 
 Verg. eel. 10 (a. 715/39) is addressed to him, and from this it appears that even 
 then he had written poetry and experienced the faithlessness of his mistress. 
 Lycoris (see § 210, 1 in fin.) cf. v. 2-6. 10. 22. 42. 72. Thereon Servius observes : 
 Gallus ante omnes primus Aegypti praefectus fuit, poeta eximius. nam et Euphorionem 
 . . . transtulit in latinum sermonem (cf. also on buc. 6, 72) et amorum suorum de 
 Cytheride scripsit libros quattuor . . . fuit autem amicus Vergilii, adeo ut quartus 
 Georgicorum a medio usque adfinem eius laudes teneret (see on this § 227, 1) . . . 
 hie Gallus amavit Cytheridem meretricem, libertam Volumnii, quae eo spreto Anlonium 
 euntem ad GaUias est secuta (cf. the scholion in the cod. Medic, of Vergil [§ 321, 9, 1] 
 on eel. 10, 2 in Zangemeister-Wattenbach's exempla codd. lat. pi. 10) ; Aim. 
 Vict. ill. 82 (§ 210, 1). On the personality of Lycoris see HFlach, JJ. 119, 793. 
 WKolster, JJ. 121, 626. Cf. also § 227, 1 and § 224, 3. Prob. on eol. 10, 50 
 JEhtphorion, . . . cuius in scribendo secutus colorem videtur Cornelius Gallus. Cf. 
 AMeineke, anall. Alex. 24. 78 and above p. 250, 2. Ovid, trist. 2, 445 nee fuit 
 opprobrio celebrasse Lycorida Gallo. Cf. rem. am. 765. Mart. 8, 73, 6. Quikt. 
 10, 1, 93 calls him durior as an elegiac poet. Only a single pentameter of Gallus 
 is extant in Vib. Seq. p. 5, 21 Burs. Cf. also § 209, 4. 230, 2, l.-We possess also 
 by Parthenios of Nicaea (printed e.g. in Hercher's Erotici gr., Lps. 1858, 1, 3) 
 a little book vepl ipaiTiicQy iraBTniATiav, in which erotic legends from Greek sources 
 have been collected for the use of Cornelius Gallus (avrtj! trot irapiarai els iwn nal 
 (\eydas iv&yeiv rh fiiXurra ££ airuv ap/iidia), to whom the work is dedicated by the 
 author. EBohde, gr. Boman 113. 
 
 2. Gallus took part in the war against Antony, Dio. 51, 9. Suet. Aug. 66 
 Cornelium Galium, quern ad praefecturam Aegypti (a. 724/30) ex infima fortuna 
 provexerat (cf. Dio. 51, 17. Strab. 17 p. 819. Eutrop. 7,7) ... ob ingratum 
 et malevolum animum domo et provinciis suis interdixit. Gallo et accusatorum 
 (§ 252, 8) denuntiationibus et senatus consultis ad necem compulso etc. Hieron. chron. 
 a. Abr. 1990=727/27 Cornelius Gallus Foroiuliensis (probably from Forum Julii in 
 Gallia Narbonensis, now Frejus) poeta, a quo primum Aegyptum rectam supra 
 diximus, XLIII aetatis suae anno propria se manu interfecit. Cf. Ov. trist. 2, 446. 
 am. 3, 9, 63. Pbopert. 3, 34, 91. Dio 53, 23. Amm. Marc. 17, 4, 5— Suet. gr. 16 
 Q. Caecilius jGpirota . . . ad Cornelium. Galium se contulit vixitque una fa- 
 miliarissime . . . post deinde damnationem mortemque Galli, etc. Cf. § 263, 1. — 
 WABeoker, Gallus 1», 16. CChCVolker, de C. G. vita et scriptis, I Bonn 1840 ; 
 II Elberf . 1844. ANicolas, de la vie et des ouvrages de C. G., Par. 1851. CPascal 
 riv. di filol. 16, 399. 
 
 3. The 4 poems (fragments), first published by AManutius 1590, of Gallus 
 (reprinted in Wernsdorf, PLM. 3, 183 and in Biese's AL. 914-917) have long been 
 recognised as a forgery. An unknown writer (probably himself the forger) in the 
 
452 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 year 1587 sent from Thessalonica to AStatius in Rome : 1) Qalli poetae clariss. 
 elegia in antiquo Ovidii codice reperta, sed multis in locis a tineis corrupta (=914 B.). 
 2) versus quattuor sine authore et titulo ( = 915). 3) carmen imperfectum, sed valde 
 elegans ut facile ab eadem officina profectum videretur cum hoc titulo ' de duabus 
 sororibus ex Illyrio ' (=916). Statius having cautiously reserved his opinion, the 
 forger appears to have brought a second thoroughly digested specimen under the 
 notice of other writers with more success. Cf. EChatelain, rev. de philol. 4, 69 ; 
 also Eiese on the AL. 2, xxxiii. xl, not. 28. — An epigram (AL. 242 PLM. 4, 
 183 : a petition to Augustus not to allow the Aeneid to be destroyed in spite of 
 Vergil's will) is also attributed to Gallus in the Vatic. 1575, s. XI and in late 
 MSS., incorrectly, as is shown by its contents ; PJacobs (anth. gr. vol. 13, p. 897) 
 likewise incorrectly assigned to Cornelius two epigrams from the Greek anthology 
 5, 49. 16, 89 bearing the superscription rdXXou (perhaps more correctly AOu'ou 
 
 233. Another friend of Vergil and, as it seems, a writer of 
 elegies was Codrus (perhaps a pseudonym). The poets Bavius 
 and Mevius were enemies of the poet. But as regards Anser, 
 such hostility is not proved ; he was an adherent of M. Antony 
 and wrote erotic poetry. 
 
 1. Verg. eel. 7, 21 nymphae . . . Libethrides, . . . mihi carmen quale 
 meo Codro concedite: proxima Phoebi versibus illefacit. Cf. ib. 25. 5, 11. Similarly 
 Valgius says of him (Schol. Veron. Verg. eel. 7, 22 ; cf. JJ. 93, 66) Codrusque Me 
 canil quali tu voce canebas atque solet numeros dicere, Cinna, tuos ; dulcior ut 
 nunquam Pylio profluxerit ore Nestoris aut docto pectore Demodoci. See Unger, 
 Valg. p. xi. Idle guesses at his real name (Cornificius or Cinna or even Vergil) 
 are given by the old commentators on the passage. The most likely suggestion 
 would be the Roman name of Cordus. See RUnger, Valg. 405. 
 
 2. Hieronym. in Eus. chron. ad a. Abr. 1982=719/35 M. Bavius (the MSS. 
 here, as frequently elsewhere, read Vavius) poeta, quern Vergilius in bucolicis notat, 
 in Cappadocia moritur. Porphyrio on Hor. epod. 10, 1 hie est Mevius importunissi- 
 mus poeta, quern et Vergilius cum simili contumelia nominat ; and on sat. 2, 3, 239 
 de hoc (the son of Aesopus the actor, § 13, 4) Mevius poeta scribit. Verg. eel. 3, 90 
 qui Bavium non odit, amet tua carmina, Mevi ; on which Servitjs observes : pro poena 
 ei contingat ut diligat Mevium peiorem poetam. nam Mevius et Bavius pessimi fuerunt 
 poetae, inimici tarn Horatio quam Vergilio. unde Horatius (epod. 10, 1). Similarly 
 Philargyrius, probably from Suetonius : duos sui temporis poetas dicit pessimos, 
 quorum carmina ob humilitatem abiecta sunt . . . ex quibus Bavius curator fuit, 
 de quo Dom'itius in Cicuta (§ 243, 2) refert (that he lived with his brother in peace 
 and community of goods, until the latter extended also to his wife). Serv. 
 on eel. 7, 21 ut sit . . . Thyrsis . . . Virgilii obtrectator, scilicet aut 
 Bavius aut Anser (n. 3) aut Mevius pessimi poetae. On georg. 1, 210 reprehensus 
 Vergilius dicitur a Bavio et Mevio hoc versu ' hordea qui dixit superest ut tritica 
 dicat ' (cf. eel. 5, 36) : this satirical line is attributed by Cledonius GL. 5, 43, 2 to 
 a certain Cornificius Gallus : cf. § 209, 2 ad fin. and below n. 3 in fin. Cf. generally 
 § 225, 3. Weichert, poetar. lat. vitae etc. 308. The more correct spelling is Mevius, 
 not Maevius : cf . Mommsen, arch. Ztg. 27, 123 ; and the Indices to the CIL. vol. 
 1. 2. 3. 5. 8. 10. 12 and 14 s.v. Mevius, further ib. 6, 44. 21814 sqq. and elsewhere. 
 
 3. Ov. trist. 2, 435 Cinna (§ 213, 2) his (erotic writers such as Ticidas and 
 Memmius) comes est Cinnaque procacior Anser. He is called poeta in Serv on 
 
§ 233, 34. codrus, bavius, mevius, anser : horatius (life). 453 
 
 Verg. eel. 7, 21 (see n. 2). He is doubtless the same concerning whom Ciceeo 
 (Phil. 13, 11) jokes : ii qui nunc Mutinam oppugnant, D. Brutum obsident, de Falerno 
 Anseres depellantur. According to this he was a zealous partisan of M. Antony. 
 Servius on Verg. eel. 9, 86 alludit ad Anserem quendam Antonii poetam, qui eius 
 laudes scribebat (cf. GL. 7, 543, 21) . . . de hoc etiam Cicero (1.1.) . . . ipsum 
 enim agrum {Falernum) ei donarat Antonius. From this passage of Servius is 
 derived the notice published in the glossarium edited by CBarth, advers. 37, 5 
 p. 1681 (and following this in Lion's Servius 2 p. 373) and by Mommsen, Herm. 
 8, 67 (from a Vatic, s. XV) : Anser quidam Antonii poeta fuit, qui eius laudes 
 scriberet, de quo Gi. in Philippicis dixit ' ex agro Falerno anseres depellantur,' 1 quern 
 scilicet agrum donarat Antonius. It is merely owing to some error or corruption 
 that Bakth here reads : de quo Mel in Philippica Ciceronis dixit, which is com- 
 pleted Melissus and has been taken to refer to Aelius Melissus (§ 352, 4). 
 Mommsen 1.1. 74. Perhaps these statements of Servius are founded merely o» 
 inference, but it must certainly be due to a misconstruction that Servius 1.™ 
 states : quern ob hoc (as a partisan of Antony) per transitum carpsit ( Vergilius). 
 For the words (eel. 9, 35) neque adhuc Vario videor nee dicere Cinna digna, sed 
 argutos inter strepere anser olores no more refer to the poet Anser than do the 
 words of Propertius 3, 34, 84 anseris indocto carmine cessit olor. The same mis- 
 construction may easily have led to the statement of Servius on eel. 7, 21 (see 
 n. 1) that Anser belonged to the obtrectatores Vergilii. The same sort of 
 mistake occurs also in the appendix to Donatus' vita Verg. 67 (in Eeifferscheid's 
 Sueton. p. 66) : coaevos omnes poetas ita adiunctos habuit ut, cum inter se plurimum 
 invidia arderent, ilium una omnes colerent, Varius, Tucca, Horatius, Gallus, Pro- 
 pertius. Anser vero, quoniam Antonii partes secutus est, ilium non observasse dicitur. 
 Cornificius (n. 2, in fin. and § 209, 2 ad fin.) ob perversam naturam ilium non tulit. 
 Against Weichert, poett. latt. vitae etc. p. 159 see KITnger, de Ansere poeta, 
 Neubrandenb. 1858. EHeydenreich in the Commentatt. phil. semin. phil., Lps. 
 1874, 14. 
 
 234. Q. Horatius Flaccus, born 8 December 689/65 at 
 Venusia, was the son of a freedman ; he received his instruction 
 at Rome and subsequently (perhaps a. 709/45) at Athens. When 
 M. Brutus came there in August 710/44, he also won the young 
 Horace over to his cause. Horace received from him an appoint- 
 ment as tribunus militum and accompanied him in Macedonia 
 and Asia, until the battle of Philippi (autumn 712/42) precipi- 
 tately ended his military career. He availed himself of the 
 amnesty to return to Rome, and having lost his paternal estate 
 by the distribution of the land among the veterans, he purchased 
 the position of a quaestorian scribe. He now began to publish 
 his Satires and Epodes, through which he became known in 
 literary circles. In the spring of 716/38 he was introduced by 
 Vergil and L. Varius to Maecenas, and he was admitted to his 
 circle in the winter of 716/717 = 38/37 B.C. Thus it came to 
 pass that he accompanied Maecenas on his journey to Brundisium, 
 a. 717/37. From Maecenas he received, c. 721/32, an estate in 
 
454 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 the Sabine country, and probably through him he was also in- 
 troduced to Octavianus, who by his liberality set the poet free 
 from all cares concerning his livelihood, and would gladly have 
 attached him to his service and society. In his middle age 
 Horace also composed lyrical poems, in his later years epistles. 
 He died within a short time after Maecenas, on 27 November 
 746/8, and was buried near him. 
 
 1. The poems of Horace contain abundant information on his life. "We derive 
 also a number of important facts from the biography of the poet by Suetonius 
 preserved in MSS of Horace (§ 347, 7). It was at an early time prefixed to copies 
 of his poems, especially such as contained scholia. From the latter interpolations 
 were soon added to the vita, e.g. on the speculatum cubiculum (from Schol. ep. 1, 19, 
 1 ; see KFEoth, EhM. 13, 531.. AReifferscheid, Sueton. p. 389). On the other 
 hand, this use of Suetonius' work entailed its being abbreviated, e.g. in the 
 enumeration of the poems of Horace (OJahn ap. Eeifferscheid p. 390). The text of 
 the vita e.g. in KLRoth's ed. of Suetonius p. 297 ; cf. p. lxxx, and the same writer 
 in EhM. 13, 517. FRitter introd. to his ed. of Horace p. v. AReifferscheid, 
 Suetoni rell. (Lps. 1860) p. 44, cf. p. 387. Cf. Acro on c. 4, 1, 1 (ut refert Suetonius 
 in vita Horatii) and Porph. on ep. 2, 1, 1 {cuius rei etiam Suetonius auctor est). 
 Porphyrio on sat. 1, 6, 41 mentions a, biography of Horace by himself patre 
 libertino natum esse Horatium et in narratione quam de vita illius habui ostendi. — 
 The other MS. vitae are worthless, Reifferscbeid 1.1. 387. An enumeration and 
 criticism of these in CKirchher, novae quaestt. hor., Naumb. 1847, 42. 
 
 2. Among modern biographies of Horace we mention especially JMasson, vita 
 Horatii, Leid. 1708. ChMitscherlich's introduction to his ed. of the Odes p. 
 cxliy, CPassow, on the life and period of Horace, before his ed. of the Epistles. 
 CFranke, fasti hor. p. 5. deWalckehaer, hist, de la vie et des poesies. d'H., Par. 
 1840. 1858 II. "WTeuffel, Horaz (Tub. 1843) p. 1-13 ; PEE. 3, 1465. ANoel des 
 Vergers, vie d'Horace, Par. 1855 (also in the introd. to Didot's Horace ed. 1855). 
 LMuller, Hor., e. literarhistorische Biographie, Lpz. 1880. — JMat, d. Entwick- 
 lungsgang d. Hor. von 41-33 v. Chr., Constance 1871 ; von 35-30 v. Chr., Offen- 
 burg 1883-87 II. Oertner, H.s Bemerkk. uber sich selbst in d. Satt., Gross-Strelitz 
 1883. FOnesotto, Orazio come uomo, Padua 1888. ACima, Orazio e Mecenate, in 
 Saggj di studj lat., Florence 1889, 1. ALasson, de iudiciis Hor. de suae et prioris 
 aetatis poetis, Stryj 1888. EVoss, d. Natur in d. Dichtung des Hor., Miinstereifel 
 1889. Cf. §235, 1. 
 
 3. His praenomen Quintus is mentioned by Horace sat. 2, 6, 37 ; his nomen 
 carm. 4, 6, 44. ep. 1. 14, 5 ; his cognomen Flaccus epod. 15, 12. s. 2, 1, 18; Martial 
 mentions the poet only under his cognomen (1, 107, 4. 8, 18, 5. 12, 4, 1). The day 
 on which Horace was born (sexto idus decembris) is given by Suetonius, the month 
 we know from ep. 1, 20, 27 ; the year from epod. 13, 6. c. 3, 21, 1. ep. 1, 20, 27 ; the 
 birth-place from s. 2, 1, 34. Venusia was in Apulia on the frontier of Lucania : s. 
 2, 1, 34 Lucanus an Apulus anceps. Martial is wrong in repeatedly (5, 30, 2. 8, 18, 
 5. 12, 94, 5) mentioning Horace as having been been in Calabria. The rank of his 
 father : libertinus et (auctionum) coactor s. 1, 6, 6. 45. 86. ep. 1. 20, 20. The state- 
 ment that his father was a salsamentarius (in Suet, vita Hor.) may possibly 
 rest on some slander circulated by the maligners of the poet ; AKiessling, coniectan. 
 I. (Greifsw. 1883), 7. On his bringing up s. 1, 6, 72. 1, 4, 105. Instruction, ep. 2, 1, 
 69. 2, 2, 41. Tribunus militum, s. 1, 6, 48. On his campaigns with Brutus and 
 
§ 234. hoeatius (life, etc.). 455 
 
 1 
 his flight at Philippi, see o. 2, VV, where v. 10 (relieta nan bene parmula) does not 
 
 exclude the possibility of a previous valiant defence (cf. ep. 1, 20, 23) and only 
 
 describes the necessary consequence of all defeats (cf. e.g. Liv. 39, 20 quattuor milia 
 
 militum amissa . . . et arma multa, quae quia impedimento fugierdibus per 
 
 siluestres semitas erant passim iactabantur). Horace could not prevent the general 
 
 flight, nor was he so intimately connected with the causa of Brutus that his 
 
 honour should have obliged him to court death. Sueton. : metis partibus venia 
 
 impetrata scriptum quaestorium comparavit. Cf. sat. 2, 6, 36 (and ep. 1, 14, 17). 
 
 The loss of his paternal estate is mentioned ep. 2, 2, 50: then paupertas impulit 
 
 audax ut versus facerem, i.e. (with jocular'mockery of his own poetic turn) ' poverty 
 
 made me fearless, so I attempted to write verse in order that I might become 
 
 known and get into a better position.' Cf. Fbitzsche, Hor. serm. 1, p. 3, 2. 
 
 4. The commencement of his acquaintance with Maecenas s. 1, 6, 41-61 ; cf . 2, 
 6, 40. He got the Sabine estate a. 721/33; see Teuffel's commentary on sat. 
 II p. 63. cf. ib. p. 158. GFGrotefend, BhM. 3,471. Suet. v. Hor. : vixUplari- 
 mum in secessu ruris sui Sabini aut Tiburtini : damusque eius ostenditur circa, Tiburni 
 lucidum (cf. c. 1, 7, 13). The Sabine estate is mentioned esp. epod. 1, 25. s. 2, 3, 5. 
 308. 2, 6, 1. 16. 60. c. 1, 17. ep. 1, 16, 1-14. There is voluminous early literature 
 concerning the situation of this estate; among more recent works ANoel des 
 Vebgees (see n. 2) in Didot's Horace p. xxm. PBosa, bull, dell' inst. arch. 1857, 
 p. 105: cf. ib. p. 30. 151. See archaol. Ztg. 16, 155*: JJ. 77, 479. WPfitzner, 
 Parchim 1864. CJullias, la villa d'Hor., Mel. de l'ecole franc, de Borne 3 (1883), 
 82. GBoissieb, nouv. promenades areheol. ; Horace et Virgile, Par. 1886, p. 1. 
 HStich, BlfbayrG-W. 20, 416.— A spring on his estate (s. 2, 6, 2. ep. 1, 16, 12) was 
 called by Horace fons Bandusiae (Hai/Sona ?) after one near Venusia associated 
 with youthful recollections, c. 3, 13. Cf. Stbodtmann, pref. to his translation of 
 the lyrical poems 59. 
 
 5. According to his own statements Horace was in person the very reverse of 
 Vergil (§ 224, 4), short (s. 2, 3, 309. ep.'l, 20, 24) and fat (ep. 1, 4, 15 ; of. Aug. ep. 
 in Suet.). In his youth he had dark hair (ep. 1, 7, 26, cf. c. 2, 11, 15. 3, 14, 25). 
 Was he delicate ? Aug. to Hor. in Suet. : Si per valetudinem tuam fieri possit (or 
 did Horace merely make this a pretext in order to remain free ?). He was after- 
 wards trouble 1 with hypochondriacal fits (ep. 1, 8). A certain well-to-doness 
 seems to be indicated by some expressions, e.g. on his library (s. 1, 6, 122. 2, 3, 11. 
 2, 6, 61. ep. 1, 7, 12. 1, 18, 108), his journeys (ep. 1, 15, 1 ; cf. 1, 7, 11), his slaves 
 (s. 1, 6, 116. 2, 7, 118) and his parasites . (see 2, 7, 36). Suet, vita Hor. : (Augustus 
 Horatium) una et altera liberalitate locupletavit. On the (very dubious) portraits 
 of Horace see Viscomti, iconographie rom. 1, 389 (pi. 13) and JBeenoulli, rOm. 
 Ikonogr. 1, 250. 
 
 6. The earliest poems of Horace (from about his 25th to 35th year) are the 
 epodes and the satires. Of the latter, so far as we can now ascertain, b. 1 was 
 finished a. 719/35, book 2 a. 724/30, while the epodes were concluded in the same 
 year. Next follow, among the works of his riper years, first the first three books 
 of the odes, published 731/23 ; then book 1 of the epistles a. 734/20 ; after this the 
 carmen saeculare for the secular festival of a. 737/17, which also in the MSS. stood 
 alone (after the epodes); lastly book 4 of the odes, concluded 741/13 : Horace only 
 resumed lyrical poetry in response to high influences. Suet, vita Hor. : Horatium 
 (Augustus) coegit propter hoc (that is propter Vindelicam victoriam Tiberii Drusiqxve 
 privignorum suorum a. 739/15 ; cf. c. 4, 4. 14) tribus carminum libris ex longo inter- 
 vallo quartum addere (c. 4, 1, 6 the poet calls himself a man of fifty). Perhaps at 
 the same time as b. 4 of the odes Horace wrote b. 2 of the epistles (consisting of 
 
456 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 letters 1 and 2). The liber de arte poetica, if we assume Porphyrio's statement 
 concerning the personality of the Pisones to be correct, must be placed in the 
 latter years of Horace (cf. § 239, 7).— Literature concerning the chronology of 
 the poems of Horace : JMasson, vita Horatii (1708) ; hist. crit. de la republique 
 des lettres (Amst. 1714) 5, 148. Bentley in the preface to his ed. p. xxv has 
 dealt with it summarily but pertinently. CKirchner, quaestt. Hor. (IJaumb. 
 1834) p. 1-41. GFGrotefend, in Ersch and Gruber, Allg. Encykl. 2, 10 (1883), 
 457; die schrifstellerische Laufbahn des H., Han. 1849. A new investigation 
 by CFkanke, fasti horatiani, Berl. 1839; with an epistola Lachmanni, p. 235 
 (also in his kl. Schrr. 2, 77). The whole question reviewed by Teuffel, Prolego- 
 mena zur horaz. Chronologie, Zi AW. 1842, 1103 ; die Abfassungszeit der Epoden, 
 ib. 1844, 508. 1845, 596 ; der Satiren, EhM. 4, 93. 208. WChrist, fastorum Horat. 
 epicrisis, Munieh 1877. WThStkeuber, Chronologie der horaz. Dichtungen, Bas. 
 1843. CGZumpt, introd. to Wiistemann's ed. of the sat. p. 20 (cf. EhM. 4, 224). 
 OEibbeck, Episteln p. 83. JVahlen, uber die Zeit u. Abfolge der Literaturbriefe 
 der Hor., MBer. d. Berl. Ak. 1878, 588 (together with ThMommsen, Herm. 15, 103). 
 HNettleshif, transact, of Oxf. philol. soc. 1882/83, 21. CBrandes, de editione 
 satt. Hor., Halle 1885. OTOselmann, quaestt. chronol. Hor., Ilfeld 1885. GGaebel, 
 de H. epp. 1. 1 tempp., Stettin 1888. AKrawutschke, tempp. Hor. carmm. 11. 1-III, 
 Troppau 1889. — On the (real and supposed) connections between the poems of 
 Horace and those of Vergil see HDuntzer, JJ. 99, 313. MHertz, anal, ad carmm. 
 Hor. hist. 1, 12. AKiessling in his and Wilamowitz' philol. TJnterss. 2, 113. 
 EEosenberg, ZfGW. 36, 675. 
 
 7. The order of the poems of Horace ,is in the MSS. (usually) the following : 
 carminum libri I-IIII, de arte poetica liber, epodon liber, carmen saeculare, 
 epistularnm libri I-II, sermonum libri I-II. The order to which we are now 
 accustomed (carmm. [ + carm. saec], epodi, satt., epp., a. p.) was meanwhile not 
 unknown to antiquity, cf. Diom. GL. 1, 528, 34 and § 352, 1. In each book we 
 notice a certain endeavour to give due prominence in the arrangement to the 
 poems addressed to the poet's most valued friends (see below) ; as for the rest, in 
 the epodes the poems in the same metre are placed together, while in the odes 
 they are separated ; at least two sapphic odes (25 in 103) are never found placed 
 immediately together ; only alcaic odes, which are more numerous (37 in 103), are 
 frequently found in company (1, 16. 17. 26. 27. 34. 35. 2, 13-15. 19. 20. 3, 1-6. 
 4, 14. 15). "With this exception there is in the odes only a single instance (3, 24. 
 25) of two poems of the same metre occurring together. In b. 1 the same metre 
 does not recur until c. 10, and book 1, c. 1-11 parades, so to speak, before the 
 reader all the metres employed by Horace in the odes, with the exception of three, 
 each of which only occurs once (2, 18. 3, 12. 4, 7). Horace addresses his very 
 first odes to his aristocratic and distinguished friends (1, 1 to Maecenas, 2 to 
 Augustus, 3 to Vergil, 4 to Sestius, who was consul in the year when this was pub- 
 lished 731/23, 6 to Agrippa, 7 to Plancus). In b. 2 c. 1-10 alcaic and sapphic 
 poems succeed each other in regular interchange. This arrangement was all the 
 more practical as the poems were originally separated from each other only by the 
 difference of metre, not by headings (cf. § 240, 3). On this striving for alternation, 
 and the other motives for the arrangement of the poems see Bucheler, coniectanea, 
 Bonn 1878, 15. AKiessling, philol. TJnterss. 2, 48. PKSchulze, JJ. 131, 865. 
 EEosenberg, BlfbayrGW. 18, 335. AElter, Wiener Studd. 10, 158.— HStefhanus, 
 diatribe de titulis et ordine librorum Horatii, in his ed. of Horace. SCahn, trias 
 quaestionum hor. (Bonn 1838) p. 1-17. Teuffel, Zf AW. 1842, 1108. AHerrmann, 
 curae hor., Celle 1861. AEiese, JJ. 93, 474. Eibbeok, Episteln p. 82. 
 
§ 235. HORATIUS (CHARACTERISTICS). 457 
 
 235. Horace is a highly sensitive nature, in which intellect 
 predominates. It -would be idle to expect in him great nights 
 of imagination, idealism of thought and feeling, inspiration, or 
 even anything inspiring. "We find in him rare lucidity, calmness 
 and sagacity of mind, a searching knowledge of his own self 
 and of other persons and situations. Trustworthy and faithful 
 towards friends, he is bitter towards his enemies. His sense of 
 independence disgusted him with the capital and endeared to 
 him the quiet of country life. His political opinions and his con- 
 duct towards Augustus are a continual compromise between this 
 feeling of independence and his perception of what was possible 
 and what necessary under the circumstances. Here also he hit 
 upon the difficult via media, neither degrading himself nor 
 offending others. He was not a member of the Opposition, but 
 he observed political decency. His views were those of a mature 
 mind, which had got over the passions of youth and could face 
 death intrepidly. Hence his tone changes from joyous love of 
 the pleasures of human life to calm resignation of the enjoyments 
 refused to us : he seldom cares to rise above neutral moods and 
 subdued tones. The aim constantly pursued by Horace is quiet 
 equability, undisturbed by the storms of passion, by external 
 occurrences or by the demands of other men. His intellect 
 sharpened his taste and imparted to his style its peculiar lucidity, 
 which we miss only in those parts where he cannot render his 
 own impressions. Nothing is more foreign to him than exagger- 
 ation and bombast. His knowledge of the limitation of human 
 existence makes him talk humorously of himself, and ironically 
 of all who deem themselves great ; and it is seen to best ad- 
 vantage in his vein of good-natured raillery. 
 
 1. "WTeuffel, Charakteristik des Horaz (Lpz. 1842), esp. p. 35 ; on Hor. (Tub. 
 1888) p. 34. WEWeeer, Q. Hor. Fl. als Mensoh u. Dichter, Jena 1844. SKarsten, 
 Q. Hor. Fl., transl. from the Dutch (Utr. 1861) by MSchwach Lpz. 1863. FDGer- 
 lach, Leben u. Dichtung des Horaz, Bas. 1867. OWeisseneels, Horaz, s. Bedeutung 
 usw., Berl. 1885 ; cf. § 234, 2. 
 
 2. His relations with his friends. In the most important passage (sat. 1, 10, 81) 
 Horace mentions as his friends in learned and aristocratic Borne the following : 
 Plotius § 228, 2, Varius § 223, 1, Maecenas, Vergilius, Va'lgius § 241, Octavius § 255, 
 5, Fuscus § 242, 1, Viscorum uterque § 242, 1, Pollio § 221, Messala § 222 ' cum 
 fratre ' § 267, 1, Bibulus § 255, 2, Servius § 242, 3, Furnius § 209, 9. At the same 
 place (sat. 1,' 10, 78) Horace also mentions some of his literary adversaries, who 
 were however entirely obscure writers, and who seem to have made even less im- 
 pression on the public than did the assailants of Vergil (§ 225, 3): Pantilius, 
 Demetrius, who played off the early writers— Catullus and Calvus— against Horace 
 
458 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 (cf. s. 1, 10, 18), Fannius (the poetaster ; cf. ». 1, 4, 21) and Tigellius Hermogenes 
 (of. s. 1, 10, 18). FJacobs, verm. Schr. 5, 3. Fhandsen, Maecenas (1843) p. 193. 
 GFGrotefend, des Horaz Freunde n. Bekannte, Phil. 2, 280. HPaldamds, Horaz 
 u. Maecenas, Zf AW. 1848, Nr. 113. FJacob, Horaz u. s. Freunde, Berl. 1852 II. 
 JGFEstre, Horatiana prosopographia, Amsterd. 1846. FHanna, zur Prosopogr. 
 Hor., Krems 1885. 86 II. SJaffe, de personis horat., Halle 1885. 
 
 3. Concerning Horace's relations -with Augustus, Suetonius relates some in- 
 teresting particulars, -which show how greatly Augustus endeavoured to gain the 
 poet in his favour, and how slow the latter was to conform to his wishes. The 
 same appears from the fact that the poems were kept back so very long in spite 
 of the numerous personal relations implied by Horace's intimate intercourse with 
 Maecenas, it appears again when he broke his silence, since his communications 
 merely contain facts, and steer clear of the writer's personal convictions. In those 
 cases in which Horace could not possibly avoid urgent demands, external compul- 
 sion is easily felt in the tone of the poems in question. It is not to be denied that 
 he at last did homage to success. But he did not yield to these demands until the 
 monarchy was firmly established, when it would have been scarcely wise to keep 
 aloof much longer, and even then he acted with dignity, not disowning old friends, 
 nor stooping to denounce those who were differently minded from himself. It has 
 been maintained entirely without grounds (CPeter, Gesch. Boms 3, 110) that 
 Horace recommended temperance and unambitious enjoyment of life especially to 
 those men whose high descent, riches or pride might inspire Augustus with dis- 
 trust. Literature : Wieland's introd. to ep. 2, 1. FJacobs, verm. Sehrr. 5, 318. 
 Giesebrecht, quid de Horatio senserit Augustus, Prenzlau 1829. Feldbausch, de 
 Horatio non adulatore, Heidelb. 1839 (cf. Teuffel, JJ. 28, 327). WEWeber, 
 Horaz als Mensch (1844) p. 16a OJahn, aus der Alt.-Wiss. (Bonn 1868) p. 300 
 and others. 
 
 4 With regard to the morality of Horace, it may be granted that only 
 in his later and more mature poems his views as to sexual relations rise above 
 those of his period. But not all passages in the odes touching this point should he 
 understood literally (cf. c. 1, 6, 19 cantamus vacui sive quid urimur) ; on the contrary 
 most of his ' mistresses ' owe their existence only to the poet's fancy and to his 
 literary studies. He was preserved from seriously giving himself up to women 
 by his cool, sagacious temperament, so that he should rather be called a depiser 
 of women than one of their votaries. Literature : Lessing, Bettungen des Horaz 
 (Werke 4, 215 ; ed. of 1857 8, 1). Teuffel, de Horatii amoribus, Jahn's Archiv 
 6, 325. 7, 648; Charakteristik des Horaz 85. HDuntzer, Krit. u. Erklar. d. 
 Hor. 3, 35. WEWebbr in Jahn's Archiv 9, 248. 
 
 5. We may speak of the philosophy of Horace in so far as we mean his 
 general views of the world, and so far as Horace assumed a certain position towards 
 the two principal systems then current at Borne, the Epicurean and Stoic philosophy. 
 At first a decided follower of Epicurus (study of Epicurus and Lucretius : AKiess- 
 ling, coniectanea 3 (Greifsw. 1886), vn. s. 1, X 101=Lucr. 5, 83. Cf. besides ep. 1, 
 4, 16) and adversary of Stoicism, Horace betrayed even then (s. 1, 3. 2, 3. 7) a 
 certain interest in the latter system by his repeated recurrence to it (cf. Teuffel 
 on sat. 2, 7. p. 175). In spite of his hedonistic views of life Horace had a philo- 
 sophical bent and gradually came to esteem the moral earnestness of the Stoic 
 system independently of its strange excrescences ; he gradually ceases to combat it 
 and assimilates more and more of it (cf. ep. 1, 1, 17), though he never really became 
 a convert, but rather maintained towards the various systems a critical attitude or 
 
§ 236. hoeatius (satires). 459 
 
 the eclectic position of a, dilettante (ep. 1, 1, 14). u. 1, 34 is rather the expression 
 of » transient mood than the result of a thorough change of mind. The con- 
 version supposed to have taken place then does not prevent the poet calling himself 
 F/picuri de grege porcum (ep. 1, 4, 16) even later. But c. 2, 2, 19 proves that 
 when he was turned forty (c. a. 730/24) he began to render more justice to the 
 Stoic system. Eecent literature: JHBFortlage, de praeceptis Hor. ad artem 
 heate vivendi spectantibus, Osnabriick 1835. AArnold, das Leben des Hor. und 
 sein philosoph., sittl. u. dichterischer Character, Halle 1860. ThVogel, die 
 Lebensweisheit des Hor., Meissen 1868. AJBeisacker, Hor. in s. Verhaltn. zu 
 Lucrez u. in s. kulturgeschichtl. Bedeutung, Bresl. 1873, see also "Weingartner 
 § 240, 10. EChrEiedl, Hor. Welt- und Lebensanschauung, Trieste 1873. AKirch- 
 hoff, d. Stellung des Hor. zur Philos., Hildesh. 1873. FABeck, Hor. als Kunst- 
 richter u. Philosoph, Mayence 1875. HWeise, de Hor. philosopho, Colberg 1881. 
 KMaier, d. philosoph. Standpunkt des Hor., Kremsier 1888. 
 
 6. Horace has been reproached with a certain degree of inaccuracy in matters 
 of history, especially Eoman ; but what is adduced in proof of this is not very 
 sound (cf. also e.g. OKeller, Epileg. zu Hor. 326). The worst passage is c. 4, 8, 17, 
 where the incendia Carihaginis are attributed to Scipio Africanus the Elder, which 
 is as bad a confusion as if ' a Prussian poet had attributed the capture of Paris to 
 Frederick the Great ' (Haupt, op. 3, 49) ; but that line is altogether to be suspected 
 as a late interpolation. It is not correct to assume the same confusion s. 2, 1, 71 
 (cf. Cic. de or. 2, 22), while it is simply preposterous to suppose that Hor. s. 1, 6, 21 
 is an allusion in bad taste to the old Appius Caecus (§ 90) : Horace is here evidently 
 alluding to the severe (cf. also p. 362, 1. 3) censorship (Dio 40, 63) of App. Claudius 
 Pulcher 704/50 (§ 199, 1), who proceeded rigorously in the Senate against the sons 
 of freedmen ; those proceedings Horace had witnessed at the age of fifteen and, 
 himself the son of a freedman, had retained them in his memory. The rest of 
 the supposed blunders (c. 1, 12, 37. s. 1, 6, 12. ep. 1, 6, 40. AP. 276) are no more 
 satisfactorily proved. 
 
 236. The branch of poetry first cultivated by Horace was 
 satire (sermones). Following in the wake of Lucilius, Horace 
 employed satire to display his own individuality and his personal 
 views on various subjects. But after the horrible events of the 
 preceding years, it was not possible to touch upon political topics 
 without tearing open scarcely healed wounds, and a writer who 
 had been a partisan of the conquered side could only keep silence 
 on politics to avoid damaging his character. Hence the subjects 
 of Horace and the aims of his criticisms are exclusively social 
 and literary. The satirist rests his satire on a serious basis, and 
 endeavours to gain proselytes for his ethic ideal by assailing 
 those who disfigure it; but this he does with the weapons 
 of jest, treating what is perverse and objectionable as merely 
 ridiculous. The method of discussion is disguised by an appear- 
 ance of laxity, though it is anything but planless. The poet 
 with good reason avoids direct exposition. Most of the satires 
 of the second book are dressed up as dialogues or in a dramatic 
 
460 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 form, and show a more mature artistic faculty than those of the 
 first. As regards his form, Horace voluntarily confined himself 
 to epic metre, this being indeed most in harmony with the 
 general didactic character of his satires, and also recommended 
 by the example of Lucilius. In his verse Horace succeeded in 
 attaining the lightness and unconstraint proper to satirical poetry. 
 The satires are (together with the epistles, which see) the master- 
 piece of the poet : in them we see in {heir fullest and finest 
 development his gift for description, his lively and striking 
 diction and characterisation, his cultivation as a man of the 
 world, and lastly his fine free humour, thoroughly at home with 
 men and the human heart, which with happy ease and without 
 blustering or scolding holds up the mirror to all the follies of 
 his time. 
 
 1. On the position of the satires in the MBS. see § 234, 7. These are both in 
 the headings and subscriptions of the MSS. entitled without exception sermones 
 (see also § 239, 1). But Horace includes under this name (= tittle-tattle) both his 
 satires (see 1, 4, 42. ep. 1, 4, 1) and his epistles (ep. 2, 1, 4. 250), because both 
 approach the manner of the sermo, the every-day language of cultivated people 
 (sat. 1, 4, 56 ; cf . Musa pedestris, sat. 2, 6, 17. ep. 2, 3, 95). But as the epistles are 
 also sermones, it becomes more advisable to designate the satires as satirae, especi- 
 ally as s. 2, 1, 1. 2, 6, 17 show that this appellation is in conformity with the 
 poet's intention while it characterises better the position which these poems occupy 
 in literature and their relation to the predecessors and successors of Horace in this 
 department of poetry. 
 
 2. Editions of all the Satires (independently of the complete editions of the 
 works § 240, 8). Translated, with notes and introductions by CMWieland, Lpz. 
 1786. II. " 1819 ; the translation also at Bresl. 18S1. Explained by LFHeindorf, 
 Bresl. 1815 (EFWustemann, Lpz. 2 1843 ; Doderlein 3 1859). Critically revised, 
 translated, and explained by CKirchner, I. Strals. 1829. Translated and explained 
 by WE Weber, edited by WTeuffel, Stuttg. 1852. Critically revised, and translated 
 with explanatory commentary by CKirchner. Lpz. 1854-57 II (the commentary 
 on b. 2 by WTeuffel). Latin text and German translation by LDoderlein, Lpz. 
 1860. Becensuit PHofmann-Peerlkamp, Amsterd. 1863. Explained by HFritzsche, 
 Lpz. 1875. 76, II : by APalmer, Lond. 1883 ; by KOBreithaupt, Gotha 1888— Poetic 
 sermones, Lat. and German with notes by JSStrodtmann, Lpz. 1855. Satires and 
 epistles, in German with notes and introductions by EMhnk, Berl. 1867. Sermones 
 aliquot a MHertzio germanice redditi, Bresl. 1875. 
 
 •*— 3. Becent editions and discussions of individual satires (cf. Teuffel, on 
 Horace 1868, 11) e.g. : 1, 1 (by PA Wolf), Berl. 1813 (= Id. Schrr. 2, 992) ; KKeisig's 
 Vorless. lib. Sat. 1, 1, edited by EPEberhard, Cob. 1840; FGumpert, Buxtehude 
 1888 ; FAEckstein, familiaris interpretatio, Lps. 1865 ; on allusions to Vergil's 
 georgica in 1, 1 see MHertz, anal. hor. 1, 12. 1, 3 MSchmidt, JJ. 121, 249. 1, 4 
 ChCron, epist. ad EOppenrieder, Augsb. 1880. 1, 5 EDesjardins, rev. d. philol. 2, 
 144. ABischoff, Landau 1880. AWaltz, ann. de Bordeaux 2, 2, 256. 1, 6 
 PWillems, notes de crit. et d'exegese, Brussels 1873. 1, 9 FGumpert, Buxtehude 
 
§ 237, 38. hoeatius (epodes: odes); 4G1 
 
 1881. HEoby, journ. of philol. 13, 233. 2, 1 AArlt, Wohlau 1883. 2, 3 FTeich- 
 muller, Versuch einer Sichtung von Hor. Sat. 2, 3, Berl. 1872. EKammer, JJ. Ill, 
 61. 2, 5 HBlumner, EhM. 34, 166. — JApitz, coniectan. in Hor. satt., Berl. 1856. 
 CNipperdey (de locis quibusd. Hor. ex libro I satt.), op. 469. TMommsen, Bemer- 
 kungen zu Hor. Sat. I, Frankf. 1871. ALowinski, zur Krit. der hor. Satt., Deutsch- 
 Krone 1889. Sat. 1, 9: JBMispoulet, rev. de philol. 12, 1. 2, 8: JHembold, 
 Muhlhausen i/Els. 1888. 
 
 4. DHeinsius, de sat. Hor. liber, in his ed. of Hor., Leid. 1612 and elsewhere. 
 Manso in the supplements to Sulzer 4, 446. BG-Niebuhb, Brief an einen Philologen, 
 published by Jacob p. 135. Teuffel, Charakteristik des H. (1842) p. 47. FABeck, 
 das "Wesen der horaz. Satire, Giessen 1859. ESzelinski, de nominibus personarum 
 . . . apud poetas satirioos rom. (Konigsberg 1862) p. 10^42. ThFkitzsche, 
 Menipp und Horaz, Giistrow 1871 ; Phil. 32, 744. HFritzsche, ed. of Hor. sat. 1, p. 
 28. 2, p. 90. Arndt, Hor. sitne imitatus Menippum, Harburg 1884. AHeinrich, 
 Lukian u. Hor., Graz 1885. MAHeuwig, Hor. quatenus recte de Luoilio iudica- 
 verit, Halle 1873. JJIltgen, de Hor. Lucilii aemulo, Montabaur 1872. LTriemel, 
 <ib. Lucil. u. s. Verh. zu Hor., Kreuzn. 1877. BYTyrrell, Hor. and Lucil., Her- 
 math. 4, 355. VZawadzki, qua tenus in satt. Hor. videatur imitatus esse Lucilium, 
 Erl. 1881. FHastna, der apolog. Charakter der hor. Satt., Nikolsb. 1878. 79 II ; cf . 
 § 235, 2. EBowe, quo iure Hor. in satt. Menippum imitatus esse dioatur, Halle 
 1888. BHeinze, de Horatio Bionis imitatore, Bonn 1889. HSchrOder, Beziehungen 
 auf Tagesereignisse u. Polemisches in Hor. Satt., in d. Festschr. d. Strassb. protest. 
 Gymn. 1888. AEHodsman, journ. of phil. 18, 1 (Satt. and Ep.) — Metrical and 
 linguistic works on the satires : see e.g. AKiessling introd. to his ed. 2, xiv. On 
 the construction of the Horatian hexam. see e.g. FCHultgren, JJ. 107, 150. Vogel, 
 d. Struktur des hor. Hex., Duren 1887. ThFranzen, d. Unterschied d. Hex. bei 
 Virg. u. Hor., Cref. 1881.— FBarta, sprachl. Studd. s. d. Satt. d. Hor., Linz 1879. 
 81 II. BIker, d. Metaphern i. d. Satt. d. H., Strals. 1883. 
 
 237. The epodes, which, were written about the same time as 
 the satires are, like these, of an aggressive character ; they are, 
 however, directed against individuals, while the satires contain 
 criticisms of general application. Horace appears here as an 
 ardent and skilful imitator of Archilochos and his versification. 
 Besides the acerbity and animosity which form a characteristic 
 feature of this kind of poetry, Horace imitated also its peculiar 
 alaxpoXoyia. The whole collection forms a book of studies, the 
 satirical element of which Horace developed in the sermones, 
 the formal (melic) element in the odes, in both cases with greater 
 success. The later pieces of this collection are more quiet and 
 mature and approach the style of the carmina, just as many of 
 the latter might well be ranged among the epodes in regard 
 to form and contents. 
 
 1. Iambi is the name which Horace himself gives to the collection dedicated to 
 Maecenas 14, 7 (deus nam me vetat inceptos olim, promissum carmen, iambos ad um- 
 bilicum adducere) : cf. c. 1, 16, 3. 24. ep. 1, 19, 23. 2, 2, 59. Therefore the last epode 
 17 (in iambic trimeters) is entitled to form part of this collection. The name of 
 
4G2 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 iirifSol and rh iiripM, epodon liber, is an addition of the grammarians, taken from the 
 metrical character of most of the pieces. The name of epode subsequently became 
 usual for all those kinds of metre in which a long and short line (the latter called 
 6 iir(jiS6s sc. arixos) are combined, especially an iambic trimeter and dimeter, e.g. 
 epod. 1-10. Thus e.g. Schol. Hermog. in Walz's Rhetores gr. 7, 820 iarl 8k dei ri 
 eir(f)5bi> Ppaxtirepov rod irpb airoO arl%ov avKhafihs rirrapas. The single poems are 
 called by Pokphyrio eglogae (see § 226, 1 1. 14). For the relation of these poems to 
 Archilochos see ep. 1, 19, 23-25. The treatment of the trimeter in Horace exactly 
 agrees with the manner of Archilochos. But epod. 16, the earliest of all the lyrical 
 poems (a. 714/40), shows exclusively pure iambics (and no elision in the hexa- 
 meter) after the manner of Catullus (4, 29). As regards the intimate connection 
 of the latest epodes with the earliest odes cf. epod. 9 with c. 1, 37. A spirit similar 
 to that of most of the epodes appears also in c. 3, 15 ; and c. 1, 4. 7. 28. 2, 18. 4, 7 
 might as well form part of the epodes, as far as their metrical form goes — but that 
 collection was already completed when the odes were composed. The four-line 
 strophe (§ 238, 4) is not employed in the epodes, neither is it possible to trace in 
 them any antistrophic arrangement. 
 
 2. PhButtmann, Mythologus 1, 318. Vanderbourg's ed. 2, 2, 549. CFranke, 
 fasti hor. 43. "WTSrstenau, de carm. hor. chronologia 11. Teuffel, ZfAW. 1884 
 sq. (see § 234, 6). MAxt, zur Erkl. u. Krit. der hor. Epoden, Creuzn. 1846. Leid- 
 loff, de epodon Hor. aetate, Holzminden 1856. FMartin, de Hor. epodorum 
 ratione antistrophica et interpolationibus, Posen 1860. Of. against this ABtttt- 
 mann, ZfGW. 16, 673. 753. CBeck, de vera epodon horat. indole, Troppau 1873. 
 On epod. 2 see Ammann, Bruchsal 1888 ; epod. 9 GFaltin, JJ. 131, 617 ; epod. 14 
 JCPohl, ZfGW. 33, 575. OHarnecker, ib. 36, 428. 
 
 238. When Horace was already midway between thirty and 
 forty, he resolved to use the technical skill and mastery of style, 
 which he had acquired in composing his epodes, for the purpose 
 of transplanting Alkaios and Sappho into Roman soil. He was 
 thus employed for at least eight years, and the result is the 
 first three books of the carmina, to which he subsequently 
 added a fourth, under external pressure, after a long interval. 
 Being the production of the ripest years of Horace, and of refined 
 artistic consciousness, the lyrical poems are in point of form 
 the most perfect of his creations, remarkable for the thoughtful 
 lucidity of their design, the care and finish of the work, the 
 evenness of the execution (showing preference for a tripartite 
 arrangement), the severe regularity, beauty and harmony of the 
 verses and the delicate linguistic perception. But they are not 
 the immediate expression of inner experience which the poet 
 puts forth to relieve and unburden himself of it, nor are they 
 the outpouring of inspiration and overflowing imagination ; they 
 chiefly manifest a clear, calm and mature mind and careful 
 reflection on the questions of life. There are not, however, 
 wanting indications of tameness and frigidity ; some turns and 
 
§ 238. horatius (odes). 463 
 
 expressions are rather prosaic and affected, and art is too often 
 distorted into artificiality ; -we meet with exaggerations quite 
 at variance with the poet's general good taste, and repetitions 
 occur in the whole collection, but with especial frequency in 
 the additional fourth book. These faults appear most of all in 
 those poems which are either mere abstract compositions or even 
 written to order ; but when Horace's heart was interested, he 
 often rose to real beauty. He began his lyric poetry with 
 imitations of Greek works, gradually attempted independent 
 composition in their spirit, and last of all treated original sub- 
 jects, chosen from contemporary history, or manifestations of his 
 own mind, in the Greek moulds. 
 
 1. Self-criticism of Horace: operosa parvus carmina Jingo, c. 4, 2, 31. In epod. 
 11 and 14 he confesses that love prevented him from working (writing), and c. 1, 1, 
 19. 29 harmless enjoyment of life is contrasted with poetical studies. Again s. 1, 4, 
 39 Horace excepts himself from the number of real poets, though in other places 
 he speaks complacently of his lyrical performances (especially in the last poems 
 of books 2 and 3 of the odes) : but the great care and industry bestowed upon his 
 compositions, and the renown he gained by them, gave him a right to do so. Char- 
 acterisation of Horace as a lyric poet in MHaupt's op. 3, 52. 
 
 2. The lyrical poems of Hor. are entitled carmina in the MS. headings and 
 subscriptions, and likewise in the later grammarians, in whom however the name 
 odae also occurs. Horace never employs the word ode. He repeatedly calls his 
 poems aeolium or lesbium carmen, e.g. c. 3, 30, 13. 4, 3, 12. 1, 26, 11. 1, 32, 4 ; cf. 
 4, 6, 35. Their connection with Aeolic melic poetry (in which Catullus preceded 
 him) is indeed their chief characteristic, and it is a special merit of Horace that 
 he fell back upon the genuine classical melic poets of the Greeks, such as Alkaios, 
 Sappho, and Anakreon— an immense gain in naturalness. Yet he did not do so 
 throughout and consistently, but in place of nature he often started with artificial 
 and rhetorical, or even academic motives. Cf. also AKiessling, on the recep^ 
 tion of the Odes of Horace in the first century, in the Verhandl. d. Kieler Philo- 
 logenvers. (Lpz. 1870) p. 28. As translations (metrical imitations) we may safely 
 consider 1, 9 and 18, as well as the beginning of 1, 37. In all these instances we 
 see how far Horace was from the fresh native energy of his originals, but also how 
 clearly — showing himself in this rather a scholar than a poet— he knew what he 
 had to omit or change and what to adopt, what minute attention he gave to his 
 transitions and connections, and to the working out of details, and how he brings 
 his poem within the immediate scope of his reader by adding traits of contemporary 
 history. But independently of the intentional imitations we meet also with frequent 
 reminiscences of Greek poets, which however we must not suppose to have been de- 
 liberately collected with bee-like industry. — On Horace's relation to the Greeks see 
 GFGkotefejjd, die Originalitat des Horaz in s. Oden, Zf AW. 1844, no. 19. ThAbnold, 
 de Horatio Graecorum imitatore, Halle 1845 ; die griech. Studien. d. H., Halle 
 1855. 1856. Gobel, Hor. u. Euripides, ZfGW. 1, 298. HHGakcke, Hor. carm. libri 
 I collatis scriptoribus graecis illustrati specimen, Halle 1853. 1860 ; quaestionum 
 de graecismo Hor. pars prior, Halle 1860. EThaxlwitz, de Hor. Graecorum imit. 
 I, Lps. 1874. JFCCampe, Hor. u. Anakreon, Phil. 31, 667. (An attempt at a Greek 
 translation of the odes of Horace by BAknold, Munich 1858.) See further § 240, 10. 
 
464 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 3. In his treatment of the metres which he imitates we find, various diver- 
 gences in Horace as compared with his Greek models : here Horace has not been 
 (as used to be supposed) exclusively influenced by the peculiarities of the Latin 
 tongue (e.g. its wealth of spondees) ; he has been guided likewise by the rules 
 of metre at that time prevailing and circulated in various text-bpoks : the poet's 
 practice accords noticeably with these theories in several points, e.g. in his 
 preference for the long syllable in many instances and in his treatment of the 
 caesura. WChrist, d. Verskunst des Hor. im Lichte der alten Uberlieferung, 
 Munch. Sitzungsberichte 1868, 1 sqq. AKiessling, introd. to his edition of Horace 
 1, vu. GSchultz, Herm. 22, 270. But adherence to theory will not in itself 
 account for the gradually increasing strictness in the radical use of the spondee. 
 C. 1, 15 (ascl.) is shown to be one of the very earliest attempts by the fact that at 
 v. 36 Horace still employs the trochaic basis instead of the spondaic. In the same 
 way in the anacrusis of the alcaic line Horace has admitted a, short syllable five 
 times in the first book, three times in the second, twice in the third, while he 
 avoids it in the fourth. With regard to the caesura we find in Horace strict 
 regularity : e.g. in the alcaic and sapphic line of eleven syllables he places the 
 caesura each time after the fifth syllable, because according to the theory which 
 he follows the joining between the two parts of the line occurs at this place, A 
 careful study of Horace's treatment will also show that he steadily laboured at the 
 perfection of the outward form of his poetry. In his alcaic strophes Horace gives 
 to the third line of nine syllables in the odes of the first two books, as he does to 
 the first two lines of the strophe, the caesura irevOTifu/iep^s (i.e. division of 5+4). 
 But subsequently he came to the conclusion that this rendered the line monotonous 
 (the general defect of the Horatian metres), hence in the third and fourth books he 
 carefully avoided this caesura of the third line and replaced it by others (especially 
 the division of 6+3, sometimes also 7 + 2, with separate division of the first part). 
 Cf. CLachmann's note on Franke's fasti hor. 238. The irarB-qyu^ep^t in the sapphic 
 strophe which is used in b. 1-3 almost exclusively (see above) has, in the fourth 
 book and the carm. saec, to share with the caesura Karh rplrov rpoxa-hr. Division 
 of the word at the end of the third line in the same strophe does not occur in the 
 fourth book or in the carm. saec. Horace is here more strict than in b. 1-3 with 
 regard to elision (Lachmann on Lucr. p. 219). Cf . AWai.tz (§ 240, 10). OTuselmann 
 (§ 234, 6 in fin.) 17. — On the metres of the Horatian odes in general see summaries 
 before the editions and Teuffel introd. to G-Ludwig's new translation of the odes 
 (Stuttg. 1860), 24. A comparison of the Hor. metres with the Greek originals in 
 CBock, de metr. Hor. lyricis, Kiel 1880. See in addition EUkban, Vorbemerkk. 
 a. e. Hor.-Metrik, Insterb. 1885. HSchiller (for the use of schools, Lpz. a 1875). 
 EKorKE, Berl. 3 1886. On the elisions (synaloephae) see KLehrs, Horatius (1869) 
 p. i-xxii and JSchultz, die prosodia satiricc. Rom., KOnigsb. 1864. FLindemann, 
 de hiatu in versibus Hor. lyricis, Zittau 1825. Cadenbach, de alliterationis apud 
 H. usu, Essen 1838. On the metre of c. 1, 10 ThKook, RhM. 41, 315. ThBEicHAKDT, 
 de metrorum lyric. Hor. artificiosa elocutione, Marb. 1889. 
 
 4. Strophic arrangement is peculiar to the idea of an ancient fJXos. Hence 
 we meet with it in the odes of Horace. Yet not only in Pindar, but also in 
 Alkaios and Sappho we often see sense and grammatical construction carried 
 beyond the limits of the strophes ("Westphal, gr. Metrik 2 2 , p. 295), so that there 
 is nothing strange in Horace taking the same liberty ; and even e.g. in the fourth 
 book (which is otherwise more strict in its construction, see n. 3), in his favourite 
 metre, the alcaic, he allows the close of the strophe to coincide with that of the 
 sense more rarely than in b. 1-3 (Kiessmng in the philol. Unterss. 2, 82 ; intr. 
 
§ 238. horatius (odes). 4G5 
 
 to his ed. 1, xv). The smallest compass of a strophe embraces two lines, like 
 the elegiac distich, and the epodes of Archilochos and Horace kyep within this. 
 But the sapphic and alcaic strophes consist of four lines each, likewise those forms 
 of the asclepiadean metre in which three asclepiadean lines are joined to a gly- 
 conean, or two asclepiadean lines and one glyconean are joined to a pherecratean. 
 If an asclepiadean is joined to a glyconean line, the result is a strophe of two 
 lines ; cf . however c. 3, 9 the dialogue with speech and rejoinder each of 4 lines 
 in 3 groups; if the asclepiadeus minor or maior is simply repeated through the 
 whole poem, we have an apparently monostichic composition. But after the sug- 
 gestion of Wetzel, CLachmann (kl. Schrr. 2. 84) and AMeinkke (pref. of his edition) 
 have made the observation that not only with the latter metres, but also in the 
 carmina which resemble epodes, in fact in all the poems of the four books (except 
 the very corrupt c. 4, 8, see also § 235, 6), the number of the lines is divisible by 
 four, from which they drew the probable though not absolutely certain conclusion 
 that Horace himself always designed his poems in strophes of four lines each. On 
 the influence of this discovery on the criticism of Horace see LDSderlein, Eeden 
 (1860) p. 388. 403. Cf. also WFOrster, quaestt. hor. 2 (Briinn 1870), 3. CBock, do 
 Hor. metr. lyricis, Kiel 1880, 55. 
 
 5. Ovid, trist. 4, 10, 49 tenuit nostras wtmerosus Horatius aures. dum ferit ausonia 
 carmina culta lyra. Petron. 118 Iloratii euriosa felicitas. Quint. 10, 1, 96 lyri- 
 corum (rom.) Horatius fere solus legi dignus. nam et itmtrgit aliquando et plenus est 
 iucunditatis et gratiae et variis figuris et verbis felicissime audax. Paneg. in Pis. 
 229. Frokto p. 23 Nab. (memorabilis poeta). Atoll. Sidon. ep. 8, 11. carm. 9, 
 218-222. Jaki pref. to his edition 1, civ. Makso in his additions to Sulzer 5, 
 301. EHakow, ist H. ein kleiner Dichter? Halle 1838. AStaiib, in the Hall. 
 Jahrb. 1840, 1652. Teuffel, ib. 1841, no. 106-112, and Charakter. d. H. (Lpz. 
 1842), 13. 73. AGGernhard, de compositione carminnm Hor., Weim. 1841-1842 
 II. ELTkompheller, Beitrage z. Wiirdigung d. horaz. Dichtweise, Coburg 1855-74 
 V. CPrien, d. symmetrische Bau der Oden d. Hor., KhM. 13, 321. FMaktik, 
 de- aliquot Hor. carminum ratione antistrophica et interpolationibus, Posen 1865. 
 Here, as well as in the epodes, Martin simply proceeds upon the plan of eliminat- 
 ing as spurious all passages which are at variance with his assumed laws of 
 symmetry ; so also CPrien, FJSchwerdt, and others. Such mechanical views of 
 the general poetical method of Horace have been wrongly deduced from the strictly 
 systematic arrangement of several of his lyric poems. — PPeters, z. Wortstellung 
 in den Oden d. H., Minister 1870. 
 
 6. Horace's predilection for the same number (three) in his illustrations is 
 very conspicuous, just as he also frequently repeats himself ; Teuffel, on Horace 
 (1868) 18. Prosaic illustrations and turns occur e.g. 3, 1, 25. 34 sqq. 3, 4, 69 sq. 3, 
 5, 12. 3, 11, 18 sq. 4, 4, 37 sq. Prosaic particles like ergo (epod. 2, 9), qitodsi (1, 1', 
 35. 3, 1, 41. epod. 2, 39. 10, 21. 11, 15. 14, 13), atqui (1, 23, 9. 3, 5, 49. 3, 7, 9), 
 quatenus (3, 24, 30), eius atque (3, 11, 18 cf. 4, S, 18), also probably namque (1, 22, 9. 
 1, 34, 5. 4, 1, 13). An elevated tone does not suit Horace, and whenever he strikes 
 upon it, he soon drops it again ; sometimes indeed one may doubt whether this is 
 not done with intentional humour, e.g. when he says of Venus 4, 1, 21 sq. : naribus 
 duces tura, or ib. 4, 7, 5 sq. 2, 20, 9 sqq. It sounds like parody to read in a sapphic 
 ode of teretes surae (2, 4, 21) or in an alcaic ode of olentis uxores mariti (1, 17, 7). Bad 
 taste of this kind appears inauritae quercus (1, 12, 11 sq.), the libido quae solet matres 
 furiare equorum (1, 25, 13 sq.), clavi trabdles etc. (1, 35, 18 sqq.), hydrops and aqnosus 
 languor (2, 2, 13 sqq.) and in the rude expressions 2, 5, 2 sqq. 2, if, 21. 3, 11, 19. 
 4, 13. epod. 9, 35. In the same way vitrea Circe (1, 17, 20) and purpurei olorcs (4, 
 
 E. L. H H 
 
46fc> THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 1, 10) are not exactly elegant epithets. See OKeller, RhM. 19, 211.— It also hap- 
 pens frequently that Horace overdoes his illustrations, heaping one upon another 
 with the immoderation of a rhetorician : cf. 1, 1. 3, 1, 9 sqq. 41 sqq. 3, 27, 1-16. 
 epod. 2. Neither 2, 20 nor 3, 30 can he called moderate. Learning is put in quite 
 out of its proper place 2, 17, 13-20. 2, 18, 35 sqq. Exception may he most frequently 
 taken to the long odes, where Horace's inadequate talent for lyric poetry becomes 
 most conspicuous. Teuffel, die horazisohe Lyrik und deren Kritik, Tub. 1876, 18 
 makes an attempt to arrange the odes and epodes in order of merit: he distin- 
 guishes four degrees : 1. imperfect poems, in which the deficiencies preponderate, 
 the majority being youthfully immature, unmeasured or forced (14 poems). 2. Me- 
 dium work not without defects (considerable either in number or character), in 
 which however good work preponderates (80). 3. Good examples, without important 
 defects (24). 4. Excellent work, with decided preeminence both in substance and 
 form and (almost) without any real defects (3 poems, viz. c. 3, 7. 9. 29). Goethe's 
 language (Uiemei-.'s Mitteil. 2, 643) is equally exaggerated and incorrect, where he 
 says that he recognises Horace's poetical talent only in regard to technical and lin- 
 guistic perfection, i.e. successful imitation of the Greek metres and poetical diction, 
 and this combined with a fearful realism, devoid of any real poetry, especially in 
 the odes ; and so are Gruppe's dictum (Minos 412) ' Horace is himself only in his 
 odes ' and KLehks' paradoxical opinion (N. Schweiz. Mus. 1861, 64) ' The real 
 Horace is never found in his odes.' On the contrary, the same individuality which 
 is seen in the satires and epistles appears to all intents and purposes in the odes ; 
 whence we should also explain the good and bad qualities of the latter. An im- 
 partial criticism on Horace's lyrics by GBernhardy, Berl. Jahrbb. 1835, 750. 
 Lehrs, Horatius p. lxxv, justly says, ' we should learn not to exaggerate the poeti- 
 cal character of Horace and even be prepared to meet with great defects.' But he 
 does not act up to this maxim ; see n. 7. Cf. also the remarks in MHaupt's op. 3, 52. 
 
 7. An opinion which still widely obtains starts with the assumption that Horace 
 is a faultless lyrical poet. An attempt is made to support this by arbitrary construc- 
 tion (recently either a vapid mystic-melancholy interpretation has been adopted 
 which readily discovers deep sentiment, or else a humoristic one, which, when at 
 fault, detects charming sallies and conceits) : while others assert that the Hora- 
 tian poems have been very largely interpolated. It is of course open to each writer 
 .and to every age to praise or to blame the poet according to their own standard, 
 but it is absurd to pretend to judge solely by the criterion of modern aestheticism, 
 what is and what is not the work of the poet. The strong rhetorical alloy in the 
 ■odes is often displeasing to us, while it delighted the Romans. The absence of a 
 dominant motive and of warm feeling, which seems to us a defect, was to the 
 Bomans amply compensated by the musical and artistic quality of the language in 
 its metrical mould. Again, it has been forgotten that Horace produced his odes 
 by slow, deliberate polishing, remodelling and gradual elaboration (§ 238, 1, 2. 
 Kiessling 1.1.), and likewise that the poet reckoned upon careful readers, capable 
 of following up concealed allusions. It became usual to declare spurious every- 
 thing which contradicted the unfounded assumption of the perfection of the odes. 
 But it must be confessed that, even after the most extensive omissions, much re- 
 mains which might justify renewed objections, and consequently new omissions, so 
 that we should never have done with them. This method of holding interpo- 
 lators responsible for everything which did not exactly suit the casual reader (no 
 trouble being taken to prove the possibility of such interpolation) caused the poems 
 to be unjustly criticised ; passages which deserved no blame at all were treated 
 .superciliously and immoderately censured. The first writer who, following certain 
 
§ 238. horatius (odes). 467 
 
 predecessors such as DLambinus, TFaber and especially FGuvet (see his objections 
 enumerated in the Phil. 35, 479), applied this fixed idea of the absolute perfection 
 of Horace's lyrical poems in a one-sided way, even making it the test of the genuine 
 or spurious origin of the whole or part of the odes, was the Dutch scholar PHou- 
 man-Peerlkamp (ed. of the odes of 1834). Cf. GBernhardy, Berl. Jahrbb. 1835, 
 737. Teuffel, Peerlkamp und seine Bestreiter, JJ. 41, 438 ; Jahrbb. der Gegenwart 
 1843, no. 50 sqq. = Correspondenzblatt f . d. wtirttemb. Gelehrtenschulen 1859, 196 '; 
 tiber Horatius (Tub. 1868), 20; die horaz. Lyrik u. deren Kritik, at the Tubingen 
 Philol.-Versammlung, Tub. 1876, p. 1. Madvig, adv. crit. 1, 93. LMuller, JJ. 
 87, 171. 176 ; Gesch. d. class. Philol. in den Niederl., Lpz. 1869, 13. Among those 
 who followed in the wake of Peerlkamp must be mentioned FMartin (in the Posen 
 Programme of 1844. 1858. 1860. 1865 ; cf. n. 5 and 9 and § 237, 2), AMeineke (in his 
 ed.), CPrien, GLinker (ed. of 1856 and in the transactions, of the Breslau, Frank- 
 fort, Meissen, Halle, Innsbruck, Wiesbaden and Gera Philologenversammlung ; 
 •quaestt. Hor., Festschr. z. Tubinger Jubilaum, Prague 1877 etc.), OFGruppe (Minos ; 
 on the interpolations etc., Lpz. 1839 ; Aeacus, Berl. 1872 ; cf. Teuffel, EhM. 28, 
 634 and on Gruppe's self-contradictions MHertz, JJ. 93, 577), KLehrs (Horatius, 
 Lpz. 1869) and others. Cf. besides KGesell, de interpolatt. mythol. ap. Hor., Bonn. 
 1865. On the other side ABischoff, hor. Lyr. I. Schaffh. 1872, 81. NMadvig, adv. 
 crit. 2, 50 ; Scheele, Horatiana, Merseb. 1874. IOlsson, Lund 1882. 1885 and 
 others. — More circumspect investigators have long since recognised that only a 
 few passages necessitate the assumption of interpolations : PhButtmann, Mytho- 
 logus, 2, 364, MHaupt, op. 3, 42 (cf. ChrBelger, MHaupt als akad. Lehrer [Berl. 
 1879], 137), also LMuller in his editions, AKiessling, zur Interpol, u. Inter- 
 pretation der Oden, in his and Wilamowitz' phil. Unterss. 2, 75 ; cf. also SHeyne- 
 iiann, de interpolationibus in carm. Hor. certa ratione diiudicandis, Bonn 1871 
 (against this FAHoffmann, vindic. Venusinae, Neisse 1873). A review of the 
 atheteses of Peerlkamp and his followers in the odes in ThFritzsche, de Interpol, 
 hor. 1, Gustrow 1873 ; a supplement on FGuyet, Phil. 35, 477. - ""» 
 
 8. Recent separate editions of the odes (and epodes) (cf. the general editions 
 § 240, 8) by ChDJani (Lps. 2 1809 II), ChWMitScherlich (Lips. 1800 II), CFPreiss 
 (Lpz. 1805-1807 IV), ChVanderbourg (ad fidem XVIII MSS. Paris, rec. etc. Par. 
 1812 II), PHofman-Peerlkamp (Harlem 1834 ; 2 Amsterd. 1862. Cf. above n. 7), 
 FLubker (commentary on b. I-HI, Schlesw. 1841 ), ThObbarius (Jena 1848), CIGr ysar 
 (Vienna 1853), LMuller (with notes, Giessen 1882), JMMarshall, Lond. 1874, 
 TEPage, Lond. 4 1890, ECWickham, Lond. 2 1887, AFrigell ( 2 Upsala 1888; also 
 adnott. ad H. carmm., Ups. 1888), EEosenberg, Gotha 1883. 
 
 — - 9- Eeviews of and discussions on single odes, esp. recent ones : 1, 1-4 EAnspach, 
 Cleves 188a 1, 1 by GHermann, op. 8, 395 ; ChrJahn, Lpz. 1845 ; cf. JJ. 43, 462 ;' 
 HSchvvalbe, Eisleben 1865 ; ALowinski, Deutsch-Krone 1878; Miscellen, Deutsch- 
 Krone 1886 ; JChFCampe, JJ. 101, 125 ; ADoring, Phil. 33, 713 ; HStopler, Darmst. 
 1881 ; LEeinhardt, JJ. 129, 429. ThPluss, JJ. 133, 115. 1, 2 (and 2, 13 sq.) by 
 HEunge, Osnabr. 1871 ; EBenoist, rev. de phil. 2, 62. 1, 1. 3. 12. 20 GBoissier 
 rev- de phih 2, 204. 1, 3 JBartsch, JJ. 109, 275 ; EEosenberg, ZfGW. 35, 396. 
 
 1, 3. 4, 12 EWolfflis, Phil. 39, 367. 1, 4 ThPluss, JJ. 133, 785. 1, 6 ThPluss. 
 JJ. 129, 139 ; MGitlbauer, philol. Streifz. 1, 125. 1, 4 and 12 ABeifferscheid, 
 .anall. hor., Bresl. 1870. 1, 7 JBartsch, JJ. Ill, 701; KSchenkl, ZfoG. 29,1 
 AEeifferscheid, Bresl. ind. schol. 1879/80, 1 ; 1884/5, 11. 1, 12 JBerhays, op 
 
 2, 300; MHaupt, op. 3, 55; ThPluss, JJ. 107, 111; WHerbst, JJ. Ill, 119 
 JStrenge, Friedl. i. M. 1882 ; ThKock, Herm. 17', 497. 1, 5-12 EAnspach, Cleves 
 1889. 1, 14 EUnger, JJ. 115, 763 ; ThPluss, J J. 129, 853. 1, 16 KNiemeyer 
 
468 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 JJ. 133, 129. 1, 20 AKiessling, Wiesbad. Philol.-Vers. 142 ; of. Phil. Anz. 8, 447.. 
 
 1, 20. 30. 2, 11. 4, 3 FAEckstein, scholae Horat., Lpz. 1869. 1, 22 KSteffes, 
 JLpz. 1882. 1, 22 and 3, 8 AEuhe, Miinst. 1873. 1, 25 ThPluss, JJ. 127, 493'. 
 1, 28 BGWeiske, JJ. 12, 349; CPkAntl, Munich 1842; AMeiheke, Phil. 5, 171; 
 
 LTJOderlein, Erlang. Philol.-Vers. 51 ; cf . 59 ; CGottling, ges. Abhh. 2, 214 ; 
 JMahly, EhM. 10, 127 ; FMartin, Posen 1858; HJHeller, Phil. 16, 731 ; AMeyer, 
 Festschr. v. Parchim 1877, p. 45 ; FAdam, Patschkau 1881 ; LCantarelli, riv. di 
 filol. 11, 86; ABeifferscheid, Bresl. ind. sohol. 1884/85, 12; ThPluss, JJ. 133, 
 12&j 1, 32 EBrocks, Sehwetz 1881. 1, 34 GLinker, Wiesbad. Philol.-Vers. 
 167. 1, 34. 3, 1 Kern, Ulm 1878. 1, 37 HProbst, Essen 1871. 2, IFEitschl, 
 op. 3, 602 ; FMartin, Posen 1858 ; ThPluss, JJ. 117, 641 ; GBoissier, arm. de la 
 fac. de Bordeaux, 1, 80. 2, 2 KFisch, Frauenfeld 1883. 2, 5 ThPluss, JJ. 131, 
 272. 2, 6 JCFCampe, JJ. 115, 136 ; ThPluss, JJ. 117, 137 ; JBartsch, ih. Ill, 
 703 ; ALuchs, Erl. 1888. 2, 7 VValentin, Frankf. 1887. 2, 11 ThPluss, JJ. 
 119, 209. 2, 12 JProschberger, BlfbayrGW. 23, 201. 2, 13 WHEoscher, JJ. 
 135, 676. 2, 19 ThPluss, ZfGW. 35, 720. 2, 20 ThPluss, JJ. 123, 189. 3, 
 1-6 HWarschauer, de Hor. 1. Ill, 1-6 carmm. p. I (esp. on 3, 3), Bresl. 1877. 
 In addition ThPluss, ZfGW. 33, 707 ; EEosenberg, ZfGW. 34, 309 ; ThMommsen, 
 preuss. Akad. 24 Jan. 1889. 3, 3 CLStruve, op. 2, 339 ; OKiesel, Diisseld. 1845; 
 FBamberger, op. 200; BEauchenstein, N. sclrweiz. Mus. 1, 129 ; HSchwalbe, Eisl. 
 1863 ; EEosenberg, JJ. 133, 344. 3, 4 GSchepss, BlfbayrG. 24, 185 ; ATeuber, 
 
 JJ. 139, 147. 3, 5 sq. 16 sq. Scheele, Merseb. 1874. 3, 8 AEuhe, Miinst. 1873; 
 FHardkr, JJ. 129, 412. 3, 11 FNake, op. 1, 73. 3, 12 KLachmann, kl. Sehr. 
 
 2, 84 ; PKnapp, JJ. 115, 326 ; LQuicherat, melanges (Par. 1879) 59. 3, 25 Th 
 Pi.uss, Pforta 1879. 3, 27 ThSchafer, Lpz. 1868; ThPluss, ZfGW. 32, 649; 
 LBolle, J J. 134, 578; EBlack, Class, review, 3, 3 p. 107. 3, 30 ESchulze, JJ. 
 135, 621 ; EAnspaoh, J J. 137, 383. 4, 2 and 8 FSuss, St. P5lten 1883. 4, 2 
 KZiwsa, ZfoG. 31, 246 ; Bucheler, EhM. 44, 317. 4, 6 FBucheler, EhM. 14, 
 158. 4, 7 FMartik, Berl. 1837; HProbst, JJ. 331, 140. 4, 8 KLachmakx, kl. 
 Schr. 2, 95; GHermann, op. 8, 401; AKiessling, Greifsw. 1874; JHaussneb,. 
 Freib. i. Br. 1876 ; HJordah, Herm. 14. 270. ; AWVerrall, journ. of phil. 17, 145. 
 4, 11 MGitlbauek, philol. Streifz. 1, 130. Carm. saeeul. . JWSteiher, Kreuzn. 
 1841; CFHermann, de loco Apollinis in u. s., Gott. 1843; AKuhn, Bresl. 1877.; 
 HBesser, JJ. 133, 692. MMessina Faulesi, il carm. sec. de Or., Catania 1889. — I 
 Critical, linguistic and other writings on Horace's odes, e.g. in Lachmann's kL 
 Schr. 2, 81, Madvig's adv. 2, 50, Bucheler's coniectanea (Bonn 1878) 10 ; EhM. 37, 
 226. ThSritzsche, Beitr. ^. Krit. des Hor., Giistrow 1877. ELTnger, analecta 
 Hor., Halle 1877. HThPluss Horaz-studien, . . . iiber horaz. Lyrik, Lpz. 1882. 
 EEosenberg, d. Lyrik des H., Gotha 1883. WGebhardi, asthet. Commentar z. d. 
 lyr. Dichtt. d. Hor.y Paderborn 1885. FBobrik, Horaz. Entdeckungen (! !) u. 
 Forschungen I, Lpz. 1885 (compare FCurschjiann, Darmst. 1885). AWVerrai.l, 
 Studies ... in the odes of H, Lond. 1885. JJCorkelissen, Mnemos. 16, 293. 
 LBolle, d. Eealien in den Oden d. H., Wismar 1882, and others. 
 
 10. Translations of the odes especially by K WEamler (Berl. 2 1818 II), WBinder 
 (Stuttg. 4 1855), v.d.Deoken (Brunswick 1838 II), JSStrodtmann (with Lat. text and 
 notes, Lpz. 1852), GLudwig (Stuttg. 1853. 1860), ABacmeister (Stuttg. [1871]), 
 ThKaysek (Od. and Epod., text and transl. with notes, Tiib. 1877), CBruch, Minden 
 1855.— 50 odes translated in EGeibel's class. Liederbuch, Berl. 4 1882. " 12 odes and 
 epodes transl. by LMuller, Petersb. 1882. English verse : JConington, Lond. 10 1888. 
 By various translators : ed. CWFCooper, Lond. 1880. SdeVere, Lond. 3 1888. 
 
 11. The musical settings of some of the odes are extant, proving that Horace 
 
§ 239. hoeatius (epistles). 469 
 
 ■vvas occasionally sung in convents : see'OitEu.i-BAiTEu's ed. 2, p. 915. Kirciinkr, 
 novae quaest. Hor. 37. — EVLiliemcron, d. horaz. Metren in deutschen Compositt. 
 ■des 16. Jahrn., Lpz. 1888. 
 
 239. The epistles are written in the same metre as the satires ; 
 they share with the latter the general character of sermones and 
 ■together with them constitute the most remarkable production of 
 the muse of Horace. In freshness and liveliness they are indeed 
 inferior to the satires, and in not a few passages they are mere 
 prose done into verse as regards their structure, but they atone 
 for these defects by a more mature tone and form, refinement, 
 and moderation of view, and conscious power. Now portraying 
 the character of the author, now absorbed in the immediate pur- 
 pose of a letter, now dealing with a given subject in quite a 
 didactic style, they are distinguished sometimes by the nice tact 
 with which difficult questions touchingTpersrinal or social rela- 
 tions are treated, sometimes by their abundance of sound, sug- 
 gestive matter. The latter especially applies to the letters (in b. 
 2 and in the epistle de arte poetica extant in a separate form) in 
 which Horace's literary views are defended with much warmth 
 and in some passages with partiality, his contention being that 
 the Romans ought to fall back upon the genuine Greek models 
 .and endeavour after their formal polish rather than imitate the 
 negligence and disregard of form peculiar to the old Roman 
 jDoets. The most famous of these epistles is the one addressed to 
 the brothers Piso, in which a number of aesthetic questions are 
 dealt with in a very sensible manner, somewhat on Greek lines, 
 •but with considerable originality. 
 
 1. The epistles speak of themselves (ep. 2, 1, 250) as sermones (i.e. in antithesis 
 to compositions in an elevated style), though this is not meant to stand for their 
 title, which is constantly given as epistulae by the grammarians anil MSS. -Of. 
 PonrHYB. on ep. 1, 1. 1 Flacci epistularum libri titulo tantum dissimiles a sermonum 
 sunt, nam et metrum et materia verborum et communis adsumptio eadem est ; the 
 same "writer sat. 1, 1, 1 quamvis saturam esse hoc opus suum Horatius ipse conjiteatur 
 (sat. 2, 1, 1), tamen proprios titulos voluit ei adcommodare. nam hos priores libros 
 duos sermonum, posteriores epistularum inscripsit. in sermonum autem vult intelleiji 
 
 .quasi apud praesentem se loqui, epislulas vem quasi ad absenles missas. 
 
 2. Regarded as the expression of the poet's moods, the letters present great 
 •variety ; cf. ep. 1, 8 with 7 and 10 ; 1, 15 with 14. On the whole they show a more 
 highly matured art, and this even in details ; for instance, elisions in the epistles 
 .are comparatively far less numerous (by about $) than in the satires. JJeep, de 
 elisionibus Horat., Wolfenbuttel 1844. Long vowels are very rarely elided before 
 :fihort (i.e. invariably short, which AMichaelis, comment. Mommsen. 428 dis- 
 regards) in the epistles (and never in the AP.). MHaupt, op. 1, 91; cf. 121. 
 Xachjiann on Lucr. p. 77. Cf. also IIhBibt, hist. hex. lat, Bonn 1876, 38. 
 
470 • THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 3. Separate editions of the epistles (cf. the collective editions § 240, 8). 
 Explained by FEThSchjiid, Halberst. 1828. 30 II (without Ars poet.). Commen- 
 tariis uherrimis instructas e.d. SObbarius, Lps. 1837-47 II (without book II). 
 "With an introduction etc., by ORibbeck, Berl. 1869 (against this e.g. OLemcke, 
 Jena 1874). By ASWilkins, Lond. 3 1889. B. 1 by ESShuckburgh, Cambr. 1888. 
 With Satt. and AP., by ECWickhaji (forthcoming). 
 
 4. Latin and German by JSStrodtmann (Lpz. 1854), LDOderlein (Lpz. 1856. 
 58 II). Other translations : by CMWieland (Dessau 1782. Lpz. 1837 II. Bresl. 
 1883), CPassow (Lpz. 1833 ; without AP.), JMerkel (Aschaffenb. 1841), WEWeber 
 and WTeuffel (Stuttg. 1853. 1859), FList, Erl. 1883. CBardt, Bielef. 1887. 
 JConington (Lond. 7 1888, with Satt., in verse). 
 
 5. CMohgenstern, de sat. et epist. hor. discrimine, Lpz. 1801. CPassow 
 (see n. 4) cxxxix n. 178. 180. 282. Teuffel, Charakteristik des Hor. (1842) 61. 
 Duntzer, Kritik u. Erkl. 3, 73. WEWeber, Horatius (1844) 281. Schiereniserg, 
 die Personen der Briefe d. Hor., Detmold 1846. «) Manso, Hor.'s. Beurtheil. d. 
 iilteren rom. Dichter, in his Miscellaneous Essays and Treatises (Bresl. 1821) 87. 
 KReichel, Hor. u. die altere rom. Poesie, Pressb. 1852. ABaukholt, Horatii de 
 vett. Horn, poetis sententiae, Warburg 1876. EMeissner, d. Kampf d. H. fur eine 
 bessere Geschmacksrichtung in der Poesie, Dresd. 1867. Berning, d. Geist der 
 horaz, Briefe, Recklingsh. 1856. LDoderlein, translation p. 78. KLehrs, 
 Horatius (1869) p. clvii. WHKolster, die Episteln des H. welche ersichtlich 
 Antwortschreiben sind, Meldorf 1867. 
 
 6. Hofman-Peerlkamp, adnott. ineditae ad Hor. epp., Mnemos. 14, 305. 
 HKeck, de Hor. epist. libro I critica ad,L. Doederleinum epistola, JCiel 1857. 
 HMuther, Beitr. z,. Erkl. u. z. Emendation der horaz. Epp., Cob. 1864. EPahxe,. 
 zur Erkl. von Epp. I, JJ. 97, 185. 269. LCMAubert, adnott. in- 1 H. epp. lihr., 
 Tidskr. f. fil. 9, 170. MBedjanic', de H. epp. 1. I, pars I, Serajewo 1883. FCBirch, 
 Tidskr. f-filol. 8, 161. 9, 186.-£-Revisions of and discussions on particular epistles : 
 1, 1 APlakck, Corr.-Bl. f. d. wiirttemb. Gel.-Sch. 31, 521. 1, ; 1 and 7 LDrewes, 
 JJ. 113, 705. 1, 2 the same writer in JJ. Ill, 705. 1, 5 ThFritzsche, Phil. 42, 
 709. 1, 6 APlanck, wiirtt. Corr.-Bl. 32, 542. 1, 6 and 10 OLemcke, Jena 1874. 
 1, 6. 10. 16 GBippart, Prague 1887. 1, 7 by RHasfer, Naumb. 1874 ; ThOsteri.en, . 
 wiirtt. Corr.-Bl. 29, 283. 1, 11 and 14 JChFCampe. Phil. 29, 448. 1, 11 Teuffel, 
 RhM. 27, 347 ; AKnutgen, Oppeln 1882 ; AReifferscheid, Bresl. ind. schol. 1884/85, 
 15 ; GFaltin, JJ. 137, 567. 1, 12 JArnoldt, JJ. 101, 619 ; JChFCampe, JJ. 115, 
 129 ; ASchubert, Anklam 1879. 1, 14 WGillischewski, Lauban 1885. 1, 15 
 MSchanz, Verhahdl. d. Wurzb. Philol.-Vers. (Lpz. 1869) 115 ; CobRtoy, rev. de 
 l'instr. publ. en Belg. 11, 4 ; RDuncker, JJ. 129, 57. 1, 16-18 PGeyer, de Hor. ep. 
 1, 16-18, Jena 1872. 1, 18 JBaron, Iambor 1881. 1, 19 FClausen, Jena 1868. 
 1, 2Q' OMuli.ee, ein Begleitschreiben des H. zu s. Sermonen, Berl. 1876. 2, 1. 2 
 and AP. JVahlen, die Zeit u. Abfolge der Literaturbriefe des H., SBer. d. Berl. 
 Akad. 1878, 688, compare ThMommsen, Herm. 15, 103 ; AKeisslikg, Griefsw. ind. 
 l.;ct. 1887/88. 2, 1 by KZell, Heidelb. 1819 ; HRiedel, Groning. 1831 ; JVahlen, 
 
 ■ ZfoG. 22, 1. 254 (against RibbiIck, ib. 241). 24, 18; JNFischer, ZfoG. 35, 481. 
 KMacke, J J. 137, 697. 2, 2 ALowinski, scholae crit. in H. ep. 2, 2, DKrone 1875 ; 
 JVahlen, ZfoG. 25, 12 ; AOPrickard, transact, of Oxf. philol. soc. 1886/87, 9. 
 
 7. In the MSS. the liber de arte poetica follows immediately after the odes- 
 '(§ 234, 7). This work is already quoted by Quintilian (8, 3, 60 Horatius in prima 
 parte libri de arte poetica) ; cf. Symmach. ep. 1, 4. Apoll. Sid. carm. 22 (lyricu* 
 Flaccus in artis poeticae volumine), and 9, 220. Prisc. GL. 3, 254, 16 {Horatius de 
 
§ 239. HOEATIUS (epistles: ars poetica). 471 
 
 arte poetica). Charis. GL. 1, 202, 26. 204, 5 includes the Ars poet, among the 
 epistles, and since HStephanus and Cruquius it has been accounted the third epistle 
 of b. 2. This epistle is usually considered to be among the latest works of Horace, 
 or is even taken to be the very last (cf . Teuffel's transl., Stuttg. 1859, 304 together 
 with ARiese, JJ. 93, 476 ; see also above n. 2 ad fin.). See however AMichaelis, 
 commentat. Mommsen. 420, who for reasons not quite conclusive holds (with 
 Eeenen) that the Horatian Pisones are Cn. Calpurnius Piso (cos. 731/23) and his 
 sons (coss. 747/7 and 753/1) and believes the Ars poetica to have been composed 
 simultaneously with the first book of the epistles, about 734/20. Cf. also Mommsen, 
 Herm. 15, 114. 20, 282. HNettleship, journ. of phil. 12, 43.— Porfhyrio at the 
 commencement (p. 344 Meyer): hunc librum, qui inscribitur de arte poetica, ad L. 
 Pisonem qui postea urbis custos fuit (=cos. 739/15) . . . eiusqne liberos misit 
 . . . in quern librum congessit praecepta Neoptolemi tou ila/Maxou de arte poetica, 
 non quidem omnia, sed eminentissima. This distinct statement of Porphyrio pre- 
 cludes the conjecture of Meineke, who suggests the work of that Alexandrian 
 writer irepi a(rre'C<Tfi.£ii>, thongh again it does not oblige us to believe that Horace 
 availed himself of such an inferior authority on a subject of which he was complete 
 master. But Aristotle's treatise on poetry could neither be ignored nor over- 
 looked by Horace ; a, parallelism between Aristotle's poetica and this epistle, 
 though partly exaggerated, is given by Streubner, 1.1. 72. 
 
 8. Editions of the Ars poetica e.g. by FvPHocheder (Passau 1824), PHofman- 
 Peerlkamp (Leid. 1845). MAlbert (Par. 1886). Various experiments in criticism 
 by Peerlkamp, JGOttema (Lowen 1846), Gruppe, Ribbeck (against him Eeqek, 
 die AP. des Hor., Passau 1873), Lehrs, MSchmidt and others (see n. 9). See also 
 Teuffel, RhM. 28, 493 ; LSpekgel, Phil. 33, 574. Translations (cf. «. 4 and 9) by 
 AArnold (Berl. 1836) and another AArnold (in rhyme, Erfurt 1853. Halle 1860), 
 JMahly (Jahn's Archiv 19, 436; rom. Lyr. [1880] 60), ThKayser, Stuttg. 1888 
 and others. 
 
 9. Explanatory treatises on the Ars poetica. VanReenen, dissertat. philol. 
 crit. etc., Amst. 1806. Eichstadt, quo tempore et ad quos scripta sit, Jenae 1811. 
 Bosch, curae secundae in Hor. epist. ad Pis. Jenae, 1812 ; cf. Ernesti Parerga p. 
 li. EMuller, Gesch. der Theorie der Kunst bei den Alten 2 p. 269-284. WTn 
 Streuber, Basl. 1839. Lindemann, Zittau 1841 II. FJacob, on the relation of the 
 Epistles of Horace to his Satires (Liib.*1841), 7. Teuffel, on the character of 
 Horace (1842) 64. GBernhardy, prooemium de Hor. ep. ad Pis., Halle 1847. 
 AMichaelis, de auctoribus quos Hor. in arte poetica secutus esse videatur, Kiel 
 1857 ; die horaz. Pisonen, commentatt. Mommsen. 420. BBuchsenschutz, Phil. 12, 
 150. LSpengel, ib. 18, 94. AKiene, Composition der etc., Stade 1861, likewise 
 Walentin, Frankf. 1876. FABeck, Beitr. zur Wtirdigung der AP., Giessen 1863. 
 FBeck, die Ep. an d. P. nach ihrem Zusammenhang etc., Eos 1, 196. JVahlen, 
 ZfoG. 18, 1. MSchmidt, horazische Blatter, Jen. 1874 p. 1-57. EBahrens, miscell. 
 critt. (Gr5n. 1878) 35. VZambra, l'epistola ai Pisoni, Trent 1875-79 IV. • OWeis- 
 senfels, asthet.-krit. Analyse der AP., Gorlitz 1880. Adah, Cic.'s Orat. u. Hor. 
 AP., Uracil 1882. GFaltin, Berl. phil. Wschr. 1884, 1223; Horazstudien I: d. 
 Zusammenh. d. ep. ad Pis., Neuruppin 1886. GAntonibox, studj sull' A.P. di 
 Oraz., Bassano 1888. 1' A.P. commentata da GBBonino, Turin 1888. 
 
 240. The poems of Horace obtained immediate recognition, 
 and maintained their position throughout antiquity. Their use 
 as a text-book for schools contributed to this in a great degree. 
 
472 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 The necessity of having numerous copies of them rendered inter- 
 polation extremely difficult, and any attempts of this kind were 
 soon rejected and remained without influence upon the text. 
 These poems were also commented on at a very early time by 
 Julius Modestus, Valerius Probus, Q. Terentius Scaurus, Helenius 
 Aero, Pomponius Porphyrio, perhaps also Claranus. Scholia by 
 Porphyrio are extant. Those which bear the name of Aero are 
 of a later period. The number of MSS. of the works of Horace 
 is very considerable, but none of them goes beyond the ninth 
 century. 
 
 1. Horace himself (ep. 1, 20, 17) prophesied that he -would become a school- 
 author, and as early as in the time of Juvenal (7, 226) he had regularly taken 
 that position. On the reception and spread of H.'s works in the 1st cent, see 
 JHLMeiekotto, de rebus ad auctores quosdam class, pertinentibus dubia, Berl. 
 1785. SHeynemann, de interpolate in carm. Hor., Bonn 1871. AKiessling, Verh. 
 dor Kieler Philol.-Vers. 18G9, 28. Cf. §_21&17, §.3323. Hor. is often cited by 
 Quintilian -who, as well as other authors, quotes passages (e.g. c. 1, 12, 40 in Quint. 
 9, 3, 18 ; c. 2, 17, 17 in Persius 5, 45) which have been doubted by the hyper- 
 critical wisdom of modern times ; Caesius Bassus and Martial also quote him. 
 List of the qxiotations from Horace in the editions of Eitter and Keller-Holder, 
 WDillenburgeh, testimonia zu Horaz, ZfGW* 22, 322. Cf. Haupt, op, 3, 47, Be- 
 sides Persius (see § 302, 4) Horace had for his imitators esp. Seneca (tragedies), 
 Statius, Ausonius, and Martial, Claudian, Prudentius etc. HPaldamus, de imita- 
 tione Horatii (Greifsw. 1851). AZingerle, zu spat. lat. Dichtern 1 (Innsbr. 1873), 
 xt i and 1; Ovids Verhaltn. zu s. Vorgang. 3 (Innsbr. 1871), 9 and esp. MHertz, 
 analecta ad carminum Hor. historian), Bresl. 1876-82 V. 
 
 2. Suetonius (BeiiTersch. p. 47) venerunt in manus meas et elegi sub titulo ems 
 ct epislola prosa oratione quasi commendantis se Maecenati. sed utraque falsa puto 
 (see § 46, 7). nam elegi vulgares, epistola etiam obscura, quo vitio minime tenebatur. 
 These attempted deceptions were so strongly rejected by general tradition, that 
 they do not even survive in a single MS.', nor do we perceive any fluctuation as 
 concerns the extent of the existing works. No doubt Horace himself suppressed his 
 youthful Greek poems (see 1, 10, 31). The two new odes asserted by Pallavicini 
 to have been discovered by him in the Vatican library (printed 1788 in Villoison, 
 animadv. ad Long. p. 310, and in the Gentleman's magazine, also in Jani's edition 
 lp..cvi; Preiss 1, 110, PEERLKAMr p. xxvm and elsewhere) are the production 
 of a very late time ; cf . Vanderbourg 1, 356. Ballenstedt, Hanover 1788. A 
 dissertation concerning two odes of Hor., London 1789. Richter, vita Horatii 
 p. 127. 
 
 3. Commentaries : Hieronym. apol. c. Eufin. 1, 16 (cf. § 41, 4) puto quod puer 
 legeris . . . commentaries . . . et aliorum in alios, Plauturn videlicet, Lucre- 
 tium, Flaccum etc. The vita in the Bern. 363 (B) and Paris. 7975 (7), with which 
 Pseudo-Aero introduces his expositions, says : commentati in ilium sunt P orphyrion _ 
 (§ 374, 3), Modestu s (§ 231, 6. 282, 1) et Helenius Acron (§ 374, 1) omnibus melius. 
 On Valerius Probus § 300. On the supposed commentator of Horace, C. Aemilius, 
 see FHauthal, EhM. 5, 516.— The Scaurus quoted by Porphyrio on sat. 2, 5, 92 is 
 uo doubt Q. Terentius Scaurus § 352, 1. On the supposed Chalcidius § 407, 5. 
 
§ 240. iiokatius (scholia). 473 
 
 The headings of the poems iu the MSS. sometimes only name the recipient 
 •(ad Maecenatem, ad d. Augmtum etc.) sometimes they add in Greek technical terms 
 a designation of the metre (monocolos, dicolos, telracolos etc.) and of the contents 
 (encomiastice, erotice, hymnus, paraenetice, pragmatice, proseuctice, prosphonetice and 
 r-so forth). Not one of these notices is by the poet himself : hut in several of the 
 designations of recipients we can discern the traces of an expert scholar of a, good 
 period ; cf. esp. the heading to c. 1, 4 ad Sestium Quirinum, owing to which it has 
 been feasible to fix this name (that of the consul of a. 731/23) in a fragment of the 
 fasti Capit. (CIL. 1, p. 441). AKjessling, de horatian. carmm. inscriptionibus, 
 ■Greifsw. 1876. WHenzen, ephem. epigr. 3, 15. Those data concerning contents 
 and metre, which are entirely external in their character, are derived from the 
 schools, in which Horace was treated of and commented upon according to the 
 canons of rhetoric. EZarncke, de vocab. graecanicis in inscriptt. carmm. Horat., 
 ■Strassb. 1880 ; JJ. 123, 785. — There were writers qui de personis horatianis scrip- 
 terunt (Ponrii. on sat. 1, 3, 21. 91), who have been made use of in Porphyrio's 
 ■commentary : the notices from this have been collected by AKiessling, de personis 
 horat., Greifsw. 1880. 
 
 The so-called Commentator Cruquianus is a collection of glosses from among 
 his MSS., especially the Blandinii (n. 5) and other authorities (amongst them more 
 recent ones, e.g. the BasTe editions of 1527 and 1555) carelessly compiled by 
 -JCruquius; cf. Croquius on ep. 1, 18, 15 (p. 581 a): Blandin. antiquissimus, ex quo 
 comment, descripsimus. A number of scholia formerly only known from the comm. 
 Cruq. are to be found in the Paris. 7975 s. XI (n. 6) : cf. HJordan 1.1. 3 and 
 AKurschat, unedierte Horaz-Scholien d. Par. 7975 (7) zu c. 1. IV, epod., carm. 
 rsaec, sat. 1. 1, Tilsit 1884. The comm. Cruq. contains many excellent notices not 
 to be found elsewhere. KZangemeister, BhM. 19, 333. WHirschfelder, quaestt. 
 hor. spec, Berl. 1862; ZfGW. 18, 568. FMatthias, quaestt. Blandinianae, Halle 
 1882, 29.- HJordan, de commentatore Hor. Cruquiano, KOnigsb. 1883. — In the 
 Vindob. 213 s. X-XI are preserved scholia on the Ars poetica by Alcuin (or be- 
 longing to his school), founded on the so-called Acron (see § 374, 2), cf. Schol. 
 Vixdor. ad Hor. a. p. ed. JZechmeistek, Vienna 1877 ; cf. OKeller, ZfoG. 28, 516. 
 •See for similar scholia on the AP. and other epistles in the Monac. 14693 s. XI, 
 JHuemer, Wien. SBer. 96, 506. 
 
 -a-4. Editions of the scholia by GFabricius (Basle 1555), by PPauly (Prague 1858 
 ■sq. II, see on these JMOtzell, ZfGW. 9, 850; cf. FPauly, Beitr. zu Porph., Prague 
 1876; new additions Prague 1877) and by FHauthal, Berl. 1864. 1866 II (cf. 
 OKeller, JJ. 91, 175. Hauthal, ZfGW. 20, 398). Porphyrionis commentarii in 
 Horatium, rec. WMeyer, Lps. 1874 (see the same author in Beitr. z. Krit. des 
 Porph., Munich 1870)r/ Concerning the scholia see WHDSuringar, hist. crit. 
 .scholiastarum latt. Vol. Ill, Leid. 1835. WDillenburger, Horatiana, Aachen 
 1841. WTeuffel, RhM. 3, 473. CKirciiner, novae quaestt. hor. 1847, 59. 
 CLEoth, BhM. 13, 517. GLinker, ZfoG. 9, 813. HUsener, de scholiis horat., 
 Beme 1863. OKellee, BhM. .19, 154 ; symbola philolog. Bonnens. (Lps. 1867) 491. 
 ESchweikert, de Porphyrionis et Acronis scholiis horat., Miinst. 1865 ; de Acrone 
 qui fertur Hor. scholiasta, Cobl. 1871. MGitlbauer, Porphyrion's text of Horace 
 in his phil. Streifztigen 120.— Textual criticism MPetschenig, ZfoG. 22, 649. 27, 
 721. 30, 801 ; Progr. of Klagenfurt 1872 ; of Graz 1873. Critical estimate of . the 
 .Schol. of HBUsger, J J. 110, 490. WAHoffmans, in schol. hor. quaestt. Miinst. 
 1874. 
 
 -^5. The number of the MSS. of Horace amounts to about 250, most of which 
 come from France. In Italy the MSS. of Horace are much more scarce, and almost 
 
474 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 all of late date. Horace was not really acclimatised in Germany until the- 
 middle of the 10th century ; previous to this period the odes especially were known 
 only to the most learned scholars in the convents (see EVoigt 1.1. 27). Of the 
 1175 hexameters of the ecbasis captivi (a "beast-epic of s. X edited "by EVoigt, 
 Strassb. 1875. Cf. AEbekt, Lit. d. MA.lt. 3," 276. CBursian, Gesch. d. class. Phil, 
 in Deutschl. 49 ; Munch. SBer. 1873, 457) 250 are derived from Horace (esp. from 
 the satt. and epp.). — Enumerations of the MSS. e.g. in Keller-Holder, praef. to 
 vol. I and II.— The codices Blandinii, which were in the-Abbaye de St. Pierre au 
 mont Blandin (at Ghent) and perished when it was destroyed a. 1566, we know 
 (apart from insignificant notices in the miscell. of PNannius ?) only through the 
 information supplied by JCruqwius in his separate and collective editions, (see n. 8) 
 of Horace: see on this KZangemeister, RhM. 19,321 and ESchweikert, Cruquiana, 
 MGladbach 1879. Cf. also JMutzell, ZfGW. 9, 850. KHalm, ib. 946. FRitter, 
 ib. 11, 359 and against him HDuntzer, ib. 11, 927. 18, 876. Among these codd.. 
 Blandinii the antiquissimus is by RBentley, KLachmann (ad Lucret. p. 37), 
 MHaupt (see e.g. op. 3, 45), KZangemeister (BhM. 19, 321) and others rightly 
 considered to be the principal basis for the formation of the text, while ThBergk 
 (op. 1, 737. JJ. 83, 861) maintained that the statements of Cruquius on his MSS. of 
 Horace were partly falsifications. The latter opinion has been adopted by OKeller 
 (RhM. 18, 281. 19, 634 ; Epilegomena zu Hor. 292. 800). See the palaeographic 
 juggling in AHolder, Herm. 12, 501 in order to get rid of the awkward reading 
 in the Bland, antiquiss. (s. 1, 6, 126), which in itself shows the superiority of this 
 MS. over the others ; another ' methodical ' essay with the same intention in OKel- 
 i.ek, Epileg. 483. Unfortunately the text of the Blandine MSS. of Cruquius has 
 been transmitted incompletely, superficially and with numerous errors and con- 
 fusions; but there is neither evidence nor likelihood of his having falsified it. 
 The still extant cod. Divaei, now Leid. 127 A s. XII, has likewise been used by 
 Cruquius, also with great carelessness, but without falsification : JHaussner, phil. 
 Rundschau 1883, 233. FMatthias, quaestt. Bland. 52. Recent treatises : WDitten- 
 uerger, ZfGW. 35, 321. WMewes, de codicis Hor. Blandin. vetustiss. natura et 
 indole, Pestschr. d. Friedr.-Werderschen Gymn., Berl. 1881, 51 (compare RKukula, 
 phil. Rundseh. 1882, 1001) ; der "Wert des cod. Bland. Vetust., Berl. 1882. FMat- 
 thias, quaestt. Blandiniarum capp. Ill, Halle 1882. PHohn, d. cod. Blandin. 
 antiquiss., Jena 1883. JHaussner, Cruquius u. die Horazkritik, Bruchsal 1884 ; 
 phil. Ruhdsch. 1884, 430. RCKukula, de Cruquii codice vetustissimo, Viemia 1885. 
 
 6. Among the MSS. of Hor-ace preserved to us (of which not one was written 
 in uncial letters, the Blandin. antiquiss. had barbarissimos characteres, see Cruq. on 
 sat. 2, 7, 64, therefore was likewise not in uncials) the following are notable for 
 their antiquity and excellence : Bernensis 363 [Bongarsianus] s. VIII-IX (B in 
 Keller-Holder ; on critical marks in this MS. see HHagen, Zuricher Philol.-Vers." 
 1887), Sueco-Vaticanus 1703 [from Weissenburg in Alsace] s. IX-X (R), Harleian. 
 2725 [Graevianus] s. IX-X (8). Harleian. 2688 s. IX-X (d), Paris. 7972 [Mentelia- 
 nus] s. IX-X (\), Paris. 10310 [Augustodunensis, Autissiodorensis] s. IX-X {if) 
 (Chatelaik, rev. ^de phil. 12, 13 ; MHertz, anall. ad hist. Hor. 5, 24) ; Argentora- 
 tensis s. (IX-) X, burnt a. 1870 (D), Einsidlensis 361 a . X ineuntis (e), Paris. 7973 
 s. X in. (u), Ambrosian. O 136 [from Avignon] s. X in. (a), Dessaviensis s. X in, {v) T 
 Leid. 28 [from Beauvais] s. X in. (1), Paris. 7900 a [Puteaneus] s. X, a few leaves of 
 this are in the town library at Hamburg, see AKiessling, Jen. LZ. 1875, 158 (A), 
 Turicensis s. X (t), Paris. 7974 s. X (tj>), Paris. 7971 s. X. {f), Lips. s. X (L), Paris.. 
 7975 s. XI (y), Mellicensis s. XI (M) and others. Photographic facsimiles of most 
 of these MSS. (and of a few others) in Chatelain, paleogr. des< class, lat. pi. 76-90. 
 
3 
 
 § 240. hoeaticjs (manuscripts : editions). 47& 
 
 — In 8 MSS. (e.g. in A, X, 1, and also in the Gothanus s. XV, in which alone of all 
 the MSS. sat. 1, 6, 126 agrees with the Bland, vetustiss.) we find after the epodes 
 the following subscriptio: Vettius Agorius Basilius Mavortius v. u. et inl. excom. dom. 
 excons. ord. legi et utpotui emendavi con/erente mi hi magistro Felice (§ 452, 6) oratore 
 urbis Romae (OKeller, Epilegom. 415. 785). Cf. below § 477, 3.— Hitherto it has 
 not been feasible to establish an authentic pedigree for the MSS. Certain morn 
 or less closely related groups may indeed be distinguished among the mass, but the 
 differences between these groups are so slightly marked, their readings are so mixed 
 and interchanged, that the decision between the various readings of the earliest 
 MSS. — for these, of the MSS. named above, especially B and E, must naturally 
 first be consulted — rests less upon the fact of their belonging to this or that group 
 than upon other grounds, such as the poet's language elsewhere, and the logic and , 
 cohesion of the passage. The text has been transmitted, on the whole, with veryf 
 remarkable uniformity, and the very numerous quotations from Horace (see n. 1)/ 
 in later authors show no important divergence from our MSS. There is not much , 
 scope for conjectural criticism in the Horatian text, — MHaupt, op. 3, 45 ' the MSS..) 
 of Horace are the better the nearer they approach to the earliest of the lost Blan- 
 dines ... It is one of the laws of Horatian criticisms that there be no un 
 necessary departure from this Blandine MS., even where it is unsupported 
 AKiessling, de horat. carm. inscript. (Greifsw. 1876) p. 8. LMuller, pref. to his 
 ed. of Hor. (Lpz. 2 1879) p. vn. OKeller, EhM. 19, 225. 33, 122; Epileg. p. vn. 
 790 and in the prefaces of the ed. mai. (cf. besides JJ. 133, 509) distinguishes 3 
 classes of MSS. (he reckons e.g. in I : MKyDr ; in II : AB, the revision by Mavor- 
 tius ; in III : <f>fti). Teuffel, z. Beurtheil. der Hss. des H. in the Begruss.-Schrift 
 f.d. Tiibinger Philol.-Vers. (Tub. 1876) p. 19 unites in one Keller's classes I and II, 
 see on this Keller, EhM. 33, 127. 
 
 7. Horace's influence on German literature : see Teuffel, Charakt. d. H. (1842) 
 50. HFritzsche, JJ. 88, 163. CLCholevius, Gesch. d. deutsch. Poesie nach ihren 
 antiken Elementen 1 (Lpz. 1854), 335. 469. 488. 2 (1856), 75. 435. ALehnert, d. 
 deutsche Dichtung d. 17. u. 18. Jahrh. in ihrer Bez. z,. Hor., Konigsb. 1882. 
 
 8. Complete editions. The ed. princ. (fol.) s. 1. et a., (though printed in 
 Italy about 1470-73). Further may be mentioned : with the commentary of Cuit 
 Landinus, Flor. 1482. GFabricius, Bas. 1555. With Muretus' Comm., Ven. 1555.. 
 DLambin's ed., Lugd. 1561 II. Par. 1567. 1579. 1587 II and frequently ; reprinted 
 Coblenz 1829 II. Ed. HStephanus 1577 and subsequently. JCkuquius (Cruucke), 
 first separately Od. b. IV, Brugge 1565 ; epod. and carm. saec. 1567 ; satt. 1572, then 
 complete Antverp. 1578 (see n. 5) ; (subsequently with JDousa's commentary) 1597 
 and 1611. <Ed.LToRRENTius,Antv. 1608. DHeinsius, Leid. 1612 and frequently. Ed.. 
 MdeMarolles, Par. 2 1660 (in this are FGuyet's atheteses, reprinted Phil. 35, 478; 
 otherwise Marolles is entirely untrustworthy; JUri, un cercle savant au XVII 
 siecle : FGuyet, Par. 1886). (WHertz, de Hor. exemplari olim Guyetiano I, Bresl. 
 1889.) A translation into French, with exit, and histor. notes by Dacier, Par. 
 1681 X ; Amstel.* 1727.— Leading epoch-making work : ed. EBentley, Cantabrig.. 
 
 • 1711 (republished Amsterd.-'1713. 1728. Lps. 1764. 1826. vBerl. 1869 II). Ed. 
 ACuninqham, Hag. Com. 1721. Chronol. arrangement, French translation and 
 notes by NCSanadon, Par. 2 1756 VIII. JMGesner (after WBaxter, Lond. 2 1725), 
 Lps. 2 1772. GWakefield, Lond. 1794 II. JPHaberfeldt, Vorless. ub. die class. 
 Dichter der Eomer, Lpz. 1800 IV. CFea, Eome 1811 II ; denuo rec. FHBothe, 
 Heidelb.' 1821. -1827. FWDoring, Lps. 1803 (Vol. I, cur. Eegel 5 1839; Vol.11., 
 3 1836); ed. minor, 'Lps. 1830. JCOrelli, Berl. 4 1885 sqq. (by WHiksciifeldeh). 
 At the same time an editio minor (° 1881-84 by WHiks-cufki.der). HDuntzeu, 
 
476 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 i 
 Kritik. u. Erklar. der horaz. Gedichte (without Text), Brunsw. 1840-45 V; with the 
 text, Brunsw. 1849. Explanatory school edition Paderb. 1868 sq. WDillen- 
 bueger, Bonn 7 1881. Explained by CWNauck, and GTAKrugee (and GKru- 
 «er), Lpz. 12 - 11 1885 II. Cum novo comm. ad modum JBoNDii-(with illustra- 
 tions) Par. (Didot) 1855. Ad codices saec. IX et X exact, comm. critico et exeget. 
 illustr. ed. PBitter, Lps. 1856 sq. II. In us. scholarum brevi annot. instr. 
 JFRitter, Lps. 1857. Ed. with notes, by AJMacleane (Lond. 1869), J by JEYonge 
 ■<Lond. 1867). Cura WHMilman, Lond. 1868.— Eecensuerunt OKellek (cf. RhM. 
 18, 271. 19, 211) et AHolder, Lps. 1864-70 II ; ed. minor, Lps. 1878. In addition, 
 OKellek, Epilegomena zu Hor., Lpz. 1879-80.— With a commentary by ECWick- 
 ium, Vol. I 2 , Oxf. 1878. Edited with special regard to the spurious passages and 
 poems by KLehrs, Lpz. 1869; a supplement to this, Lpz. 1871. Explained by 
 HSchutz, Berl. 2 1880-83 III. ^Expl. by AKiessling, Berl. 1884-88 III. By 
 AWaitz, Par. 1887. 
 
 Editions of the text e.g. by AMeineke, Berl. 2 1854. MHaupt (and JVahlen), 
 Lps. 4 1881 (compare Haupt, op. 3, 42 and JVahlen, Berl. ind. lect. 1886). 
 GLinker, Vienna 1856. Recogn. et praefatus est LMuxler, Lps. 2 1879 (cf. RhM. 
 25, 561), ed. min. ib. 1885 and (ed. nitida) ib. 1874 (cf. LMuller, lectiones Hor. in 
 the Petersb. Mel. Greco-rom. 3, 688) and Chicago 1882. Ed. FAEckstein, Bielef. 
 1876 (editio bityiophilorum). Ed. MPetschenig, Prague 1883, edd. OKeller et. 
 JHaussner, Prague 1885.— Illustrated edition by Milman, Lond. 1850. Hor. opera 
 illustrated from antique gems by CWKing, the text revised with an intro- 
 duction by HAJMunro, Lond. 1869. See also above the Paris ed. of 1855. 
 
 9. Recent general explanatory works on the poems of Horace e.g. JHorkel, 
 analecta Horat., Berl. 1852. ELTrojipheller, Beitrage (§ 238, 5). GBippart, 
 Beitr. *.. Krit. u. Erkl. d. H., Prague 1864. AKiessling, Hor. Kleinigkeiten, Bas. 
 1867. EUngeu, emendatt. Hor., Halle 1872 ; analecta H., Halle 1877. Madvig, ad- 
 vers. 2, 51. ThFritzsche, Beitr. z. Krit. des Hor., Giistrow 1877. GSanger, Ver- 
 besserungen z. Texte d. H., Kiew 1878-S1 III. EBahrens, lectt. Hor., Gron. 1880. 
 •GStier, Horatiana, Zerbst 1884. HNettleship, lectures and essays 143. 
 ThOsterlen, Studd. <,. Verg. u. Hor., Tub. 1885 ; Komik u. Humor bei H., Stuttg. 
 1885-87 III. OJager, Nachlese zu H., Cologne 1887 etc.- FSFeldbausch, zur Erkl. 
 d. H. ; Einleitt. in die einzelnen Gedichte, Heidelb. 1851-1853 III. 
 
 10. Language etc. : indices by TiiTreter, Antw. 1576 ; DAveman, Brunswick 
 1667. The latter, augmented by JVerburg, is repeated in the ed. of Bentley's 
 Horace of a. 1713 and others (e.g. also in . the ed . published at Lpz. 1826) ; again 
 (augmented) in FEitter's edition ; new indices (by WBegel) in Doring's ed. 
 of 1836 and especially (by KZangemeister) in the Berlin ed. of Bentley's Horace 
 of a. 1869. Separate indices for the lyrical poems and for the satires and epistles 
 in Keller-Holder's ed. maior. — JHMErnesti, clavis horatiana, Lps. 2 1823 III. 
 GAKoch, Worterb. zu Hor., Hanov. 2 1879. — GEbeling, de casuum usu Horatiano, 
 Wernigerode 1866 ; de imperativi usu Hor., ib. 1870. ^HDittel, de dativi ap. 
 Hor. usu, Landskron 1878. EOtt, d. Congruenz des Prad. m. mehreren Subjecten 
 im Numerus bei H., Bohm. Leipa 1887. Abt. 2, 1888. FTeetz, de verbb. com- 
 positorum ap. H. structura, Halle 1885. JAVoigt, d . Gebrauch des Adjectivs bei 
 H., Halle 1844. OLautensach, analecta hor. grammatica (on the connection 
 between the noun and its attribute), Greifgw. 1878. FWDahleke, de usu inflni- 
 ■tivi hor. I, Bresl. 1854. FJHester, de infinitivi . . . ap. Hor. usu, Milnst. 
 1858. HOIndebetou, de usu infinitivi Hor., Upsala 1875. AGrabenstein, de in- 
 terrogationum enantiativarum usu Hor., Halle 1883. LUnterberger, die syntak- 
 •stischen Gracismen bei H., Brixen 1877. ARuhe, de ornamentis elocutionis quibus 
 
§240,41. HORATIUS (literature): valgius. 477 
 
 in oomponendis curmm. Hor. usus est, Coesfeld 1879. OCgrny, das epitheton 
 ornans in den hor. Oden, Briinn 1878. HEggeks, de ordine et figuris verborum in 
 H. carmm., LOwen 1877. GBeste, de generis dicendi inter H. carmina sermonesque 
 disorimine, Miinst. 1876. FBarta, sprachl. Stud, zu d. Satt., Linz 1879. — 
 HHabenicht, d. Allitteration b. H., Eger 1885. AWeinhold, quaestt. Hor., 
 Grimma, 1882. — JNeitss, quaestt. hor. gramm., Miinst. 1870. ABothmaler, de 
 Hor. verborum inventore, Berl. 1862. CZangemeistek, de Hor. verbis singularibus, 
 Berlin 1862. AWeingartner, de Hor. Lucretii imitatore, Halle 1874. A Waltz, 
 des variations de la langue et de la metrique d'H. dans ses differents ouvrages, 
 Par. 1881. On the metre : see the summary before the various editions and e.g.. 
 the writings cited § 238, 3. 239, 2. 
 
 11. Translations of the whole of the poems into German by JHVoss (Heidelb. 
 2 1820 II), KGNebmann (Treves 2 1868), JSStrodtmakn (Lpz. 2 1860), WBindek 
 (Stuttg. 1855), FOvNordenklycht (Berl. 1861. Bresl. 1874. 1881) and others.— 
 Hor. in neuen metrischen Ubersetzungen, ausgewahlt von TuObbarius, Paderb. 3 
 1872. English (verse), by ThMartin, II. Lond. 1881 : (prose), by JGLonsdale and 
 JLee, Lond. 8 1890. 
 
 241. On friendly terms with Horace was C. Valgius Rufus, 
 cos. 742/12, the author of elegies and epigrams, a work on herbs, 
 a Latin version of the rhetoric of Apollodoros of Pergamon 
 his master, and of grammatical disquisitions in epistolary form. 
 
 1. C. Valgius C. f. BiUfus was in the year 742/12 cos. (suff.) with P. Sulpicius 
 Quirinus ; see JKxein's fasti cons, for that year. Porphykio on Hor. c. 2, 9 Valgium 
 cormdarem, amicum suum (cf. v. 5), consolatur morte delicati pueri graviter adfectum. 
 To judge from the tone of this poem, he was probably younger than Horace. He 
 belonged to the circle of Maecenas ; Hor. ». 1, 10, 82. Perhaps he is meant by the 
 Pyrrhus (xwp/ods = rufus) of Hor. c. 3, 20 (Bamberger), paneg. ad Messal. (Tib. 4, 
 1) 179 est tibi qui possit magnis se accingere rebus Valgius, aetertio propior non alter 
 Homero, words at least expressive of the expectations cherished of his talent for 
 epic poetry in these circles ; cf. Hor. c. 2, 9, 18 (probably of a. 727/27). Schol. 
 Veron. on Verg. buc. 7, 22 (p. 74, 10 Keil) similiter Jiunc Codrum in elegiis Valgius 
 honorifice appellat et quadam in ecloga de eo ait etc. (see § 233, 1)." Servius ib. : 
 Oodrus poeta eiusdem temporis fuit, ut Valgius in elegiis suis refert ; ad Aen. 11, 457 
 Valgius in elegis. Isidor. orig. 19, 4, 8 ( Valgius : a distich). Unger, Valg. 1.1. 
 233. In these poems Valgius had probably also sung of and bewailed his favourite 
 slave Mystes (Hor. c. 2, 9, 9). Charis. GL. 1, 108, 7 Valgius in epigrammatis (a 
 phalaecean verse follows). Unger considers Valgius to be also the author of the 
 elegy on Messalla, see § 230, 5, n. 1 1. 24. Philargyr. on georg. 3, 177 (ut Valgius 
 ait) quotes two hexameters, which Unger 1.1. 265 assigns to alleged Bucolica by 
 Valgius. 
 
 2. A book on herbs : Plin. NH. 25, 4 post eum (see § 53, 1) unus illustrium 
 temptavit O. Valgius eruditione spectatus, imperfecto volumine ad divum Auguslum, 
 incohata etiam praefatione religiosa, ut omnibus malis humanis illius potissimum 
 principis semper mederetur maiestas. According to this the work must neverthe- 
 less have been published (which e.g. HMorsch, de Verg. ge. 52 erroneously denies). 
 C. Valgius is also quoted by Pliny among his authorities for b. 20-27 (medicinal 
 botany). For EUnger's conjecture on Quint. 10, 1, 56 Macer atque Valgius (instead 
 of Vergilius) see § 227, 2. 
 
 3. Gell. 12, 3, 1 Valgius Bufus, in secundo librorum quos inscripsit de rebus pier 
 
478 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 epistulam quaesitis, lictorem (licit a ligando appellatum esse. Charis. GL. 1, 108, 28 
 ( Valgius de rebus per epistulam quaesitis solitaurilia dicta ait esse etc.) ; ib. 135, 23 
 ( Valgius de rebus per epist. quaes, in support of lacer). Hence also ib. 102, 10 (et 
 Valgius et Verrius et Tragus de animalibus laete dicunt) and 143, 24 (secunda ratio, 
 <[tia Plinius ait Valgium niti). Unger 1.1. 163. Diom. GL. 1, 387, 6 Valgius de 
 translatione (ait) : cornesa (not comesta) patina. It is not likely that this formed 
 part of his version of the t^x*! of Apollodoros of Pergamon (§ 44, 10. 202, 1. 208, 
 5. 243, 3. 268, 3. 276, 6 ; also Sex. contr. 2, 5, 11 Attico Vipsanio, Apollodori dis- 
 cipulo). Quint. 3, 1, 18 (see § 44, 10). 3, 5, 17 (causam finit Apollodorus, ut inter- 
 pretatione Valgii, discipuli eius, liter, ita). 5, 10, 4 (epichirema Valgius aggressionem 
 vocal). Ritschl, op. 3, 269 calls attention to the iambic rhythm of the quotations 
 from Valgius' Ars in Quint. 3, 5, 17 (cf. § 243, 3). See also Unger 1.1. 145. 
 Vague quotations in Sen. ep. 51, 1 (Aetnam quare dixerit Messala unicum, sive 
 Valgius, apud utrumque enim legi). In the little book de dubiis nominibus GL. 5, 
 ■586 we read: Vallius ' perfusam pelvem,' where Haupt conjectures Valgius. — 
 Weichert, poetar. lat. vitae etc. 209. EUnger, de C. Valgii Eufi poematis, Halle 
 1848 (510 with xvm pp. !). The scanty fragments also in FPE. 342. 
 
 242. Other friends of Horace, who themselves wrote, in metre, 
 were Aristius Fuscus, the two Visci, Fundanius, Servius Sul- 
 picius and Floras, and Titius and Iullus Antonius. 
 
 1. Heading of Hor. c. 1, 22 ad M. Aristium Fuscum. In the same way Hor. 
 ep. 1, 10 is addressed to him (heading : ad Fuscum Aristium grammaticum, cf. 
 Porphyr. on sat. 1, 9, 60 Arist. Fuscus praestantissimus grammaticus illo tempore et 
 amicus Horatii fait) ; cf. sat. 1, 9, 61. 1, 10, 83. Pokfh. on ep. 1, 10 ad Aristium 
 Fuscum scriptorem comoediarum ; but in part of the MSS. of Acro on ep. 1, 10, 
 1 (p. 422 H.): alloquitur Aristium scriptorem tragoediarum, which renders the whole 
 notice dubious. The Varronian excerpt GL. 7, 35 relates to Aufustius ; see § 199, 
 8. — Together with him Hon. s. 1, 10, 83 mentions among his learned friends Vis- 
 corunx uterque: on this the comment. Cruq. (=Porphyrio ; see AKiessling ad loo.): 
 Visci duo fralres fuerunt optimi poetae et indices critici, quorum pater Vibius Viscus 
 eto. 
 
 2. Hor. s. 1, 10, 40 arguta meretrice potes Davoque Chremeta eludente senem 
 (hence palliatae) comis garrire (at recitationes) libellos unus vivorum, Fundani. 
 Cf . Porph. ad loc. -. solum illis temporibus Gaium Fundanium dicit comoediam bene 
 scribere. Cf. also Hor. s. 2, 8, 19. 
 
 3. Hor. s. 1, 10, 86 te dicere possum (among the docti et amid) . . . Servi. 
 Perhaps he is identical with the Ser. Sulpicius whom Pliny (ep. 5, 3, 5 ; see § 31, 1) 
 ■enumerates among the writers of erotic poetry ; of. Ovid, trist. 2, 441 nee sunt 
 minus improba Servi carmina. As far as the time is concerned, he might be the 
 son of the jurist Serv. Sulpicius Bufus (§ 174, 2), the husband of Valeria Mes- 
 salarum (that is of Corvinus § 222 and of Potitus cos. 722/32) soror (Hieron. adv. 
 lovin. 1, 46 Vail.) and the father of Tibullus' Sulpicia (§ 245, 3). Cf. MHaupt, op. 
 a, 502. 
 
 4. Hor. ep. 1, 3 and 2, 2 are addressed to Julius Plorus, who was according 
 to Porph. on ep. 1, 3, 1 a saturarum scriptor, cuius sunt electae ex Ennio, Lucilio, 
 Varrone saturae. — Hor. ep. 1, 3, 9 quid Titius, romana brevi venturus in oraf 
 Pindarici fontis qui non expalluit haustus, fastidire lacus et rivos ausus apertosf 
 . . . fidibusne latinis Tliebanos aptare . modos studet auspice Musa an tragica 
 desaevit et ampullatur in arte ? We do not know whether anything of the kind 
 was ever finished. He is probably also referred to by Tib. 1, 4, 73. 74 (see 
 
§ 242, 43. ARISTIUS FUSCUS, ETC. : DOMITIUS MARSUS. 479 
 
 EHubner, Herm. 14, 300). He is perhaps the son of M. Titius, cos. suff. 723/31 
 '(PRE. 6, 201). See also § 254, 3. At all events he belongs to Horace's junior 
 friends. See FJacobs, verm, schrr. 5, 344. Tluvfel, translation of the epistles of 
 Horace (Stuttg. 1859) 208. 
 
 5. Of Albinovanus Celsus also (schol. Hon. ep. 1, S), the comes and scriba of 
 .(Tiberius) Nero (ib. 2) about a. 734/20, who is warned (ib. 1, 3, 15) to beware of 
 plagiarism, it is unknown whether he ever published his poems. He may be the 
 'Celsus whose death is mourned by Ovid Pont. 1, 9. Cf. ib. 37-40 to Fabius Maxi- 
 mus: multos habeas cum dignus amicos, non fuit e multis quolibet ille minor ; si modo 
 nee census nee clarum nomen avorum, sed prdbitas magnos ingeniumque facit. He 
 was probably a relation of Albinovanus Pedo § 252, 6 ; see EHObner, ephem. epigr. 
 •2,33. 
 
 6. Iullus Antonius (on the praenomen Iullus, which is now established by in- 
 scriptions, and is also found in Hor. c. 4, 2, 2 and must be read there, see Che 
 Hulsen, Berl. phil. Wschr. 1888, 667. Cf. Mommsen, rOm. Forsch. 1, 35. Herm. 
 24, 155. FBucheler, RhM. 44, 317. Borghesi, op. 1, 468), triumviri (M. Anto- 
 nius) films (Suet. gr. 18, cf. § 263, 2), born c. 710/44; praet. 741/13; cos. 744/10; 
 f 752/2. PEE. I 2 , 1181, u. According to Acro on Hor. u. 4, 2, 33 lieroico metro 
 AiofiriSdas XII libros scripsit egregios, praeterea et prosa aliqua, cf. comm. Cruq. ad 
 loc. — Cf. AKiessling, de borat. carmm. inscriptt. p. 6. 
 
 243. Domitius Mars us, (700/54-750/4?) a younger contem- 
 porary of Horace, is never mentioned by the latter ; he made him- 
 self known by a collection of pointed epigrams (Cicuta) and comic 
 narratives and wrote a treatise on the application of wit in 
 oratory (de urbanitate). He also wrote an epic (Amazonis) and 
 perhaps erotic elegies (on Melaenis). 
 
 1. Marsus possibly enjoyed like Horace the instruction of Orbilius (§ 200, 3), 
 though scarcely at the same time with Horace. He was still living after 735/19 
 (in which year Vergil and Tibullus died), but had long been deceased at the time of 
 Ovid's exile, (a. 761/8 a.d.) ; see Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, Zfamaque post cineres maior venit ; 
 •et miki nomen tunc quoque cum vivis adnumerarer (before my exile) erat; cum foret 
 ■et Marsus magnique Rabirius oris etc. For his relations to Augustus or his inti- 
 mate friends, especially Maecenas, see Mart. 8, 56, 21 (cf. § 223, 3) : quid Varios 
 Marsosque loquar ditataque vatum nomina ? ib. 7, 99, 7 (n. 2). Horace's silence 
 concerning him (cf. § 219. 17) may possibly have originated in the offence taken 
 by the self-conscious and sensitive satirist at the acerbity of the epigrammatist. 
 (Perhaps Hor. c. 4, 4, 20 is in ridicule of the Amazonis of Marsus ; see MHaott, 
 ■op. 3, 332). It was easier to get on with such sterling men as Vergil and 
 'Tibullus ; Marsus' epigram on the death of Tibullus ; see § 245, 1. 
 
 2. He is often mentioned by Martial as his predecessor, e.g. in the preface to 
 1 concerning the lasciva verborum Veritas : sic scribit Catullus, sic Marsus, sic Pedo, 
 sic Gaetulicus etc. 5, 5, 5 sit locus et nostris aliqua tibi parte libellis, qua Pedo, qua 
 Marsus, quaque Catullus erit. 7, 99, 7 nee Mar so nimium minor estdoctoque Catullo. 
 ■8, 56, 24 Vergilius non ero, Marsus ero. 2, 71, 3. 2, 77, 5 {Marsi doctique Pedonis 
 saepe duplex unum pagina tractat opus). The collection of his Epigrams was 
 entitled Cicuta (Bergk: Scutica). Philarg. on Verg. buc. 3, 90 Domitius in 
 Cicuta : here follows an epigram on Bavius (§ 233, 2) and his brother, recently 
 .supplemented from a Paris MS. : see HSauite, Lpz. SBer. 1852, 135, and the dis- 
 
480 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 cussions ou it, Phil. 13, 222. 14, 217. 19, 150; EhM. 15, 132. 152. 18, 476. 633. 
 JJ. 99, 268. From the same are probably derived the hexameters on Orbilius- 
 (Suet. gr. 9) and Caecilius Epirota (ib. 16), the incomplete line ap. Pnisc. G-L. 2, 
 168, 16, as well as the hemistich ap. Diom. GL. 1, 319, 13. EUngee, epistola d& 
 Marsi Cicuta, Friedl. 1861. 
 
 3. Chaeis. GL. 1, 72, 4 Marsus fabellarum Villi (hexameter) : perhaps anec- 
 dotes, miscellaneous trifles in verse, like much in Lucilius and Horace ? — Quint. 
 6, 3, 102 Domitius Marsus, qui de urbanitate diligentissime scripsit. Prom this are 
 derived the definitions of urbanitas and the urbanus ib. 104 sq. Cf. ib. 108 {Marsi, 
 Jiominis eruditissimi) and 111 {dictum Pompeii, quod refert Marsus, in Ciceronem). 
 This work has perhaps been made use of by Mack. sat. b, 2, see GWissowa, Herm.. 
 16, 499. — Mart. 7, 29, 7 et Maecenatis Maro cum cantaret Alexin, nota tamen Marsi 
 fusca Melaenis erat : accordingly the composition of erotic elegies is usually attri- 
 buted to Marsus : epigrams might also be alluded to (n. 2). — Makt. 4, 29, 7 saepius 
 in libro numeratur Persius uno quain levis (perhaps on account of his erotica) in 
 tota Marsus Amazonide (Welcker, ep. Cykl. 1, 319) ; see n. 1 in fin. — Marsus is pro- 
 bably also indicated by Quint. 3, 1, 18 ceteras missa ad Domitium epistola non 
 acjnoscit (Apollodoros of Pergamon). Cf. § 241, 3. Marsus poeta is mentioned by 
 Plin. NH. as an authority for b. 34 (aeris metalla) : conjectures concerning this in 
 Uiu.iCHS, d. Quellen register zu Plin. (Wurzb. 1878), 11. — Weichert, poett. latt. 
 vitae etc. p. 241. The fragments also FPE. 346. 
 
 244. Among the poets of this period we should also mention 
 Pupius, the author of lacrimose tragedies, and Maecenas' freed- 
 man C. Melissus, the inventor of a new learned variety of the 
 national Roman comedy (the trabeata) and the editor of a volu- 
 minous collection of anecdotes. Propertius' Lynceus seems also 
 to have published poems. 
 
 1. Hon. ep. 1, 1, 67 ut propius spectes lacrimosa poemata Pupi. On this Acro 
 (p. 364 H.) tragoedi vel tragoediograph i. Piyrius tragoediographus ita adfectus spec- 
 tantium movit ut eos flere compelleret, unde distichon fecit: 'Flebunt amid et bene noli 
 mortem meain ; nam populus in me vivo lacrimavit satis. It seems more probable 
 that these senarii contain a joke made on him by others and placed to his account. 
 
 2. Suet, gramm. 21 C. (On. in Acro, see § 254, 3) Melissus Spoleti natus 
 ingcnuus, sed ob discordiam parentum expositus, cura et industria educatoris sui 
 altiora stadia percepit ac Maecenati pro grammatico munere datus est. cui cum, se 
 gratum et acceptum in modum amid videret, quamquam asserente matre, permansit 
 tamen in statu servitutis, . . . quare cito inanumissus et Augusto iminuatus est, quo 
 delegante curam ordinandarum byoliothecarum in Octaviae porticu suscepit. atque,ut 
 ipse tradit, sexagesimum aetatis annum agens libellos Ineptiarum, qui nunc Iocorum 
 inscribuntur, componere instituit, absolvitque CL, quibus et alios diversi operis postea 
 addidit. fecit et novum genus togatarum inscripsitqne trabeatas (above § 17, 1). 
 Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, 39 tua cum socco Musa, Melisse, levis. Lachmann proposed to take 
 paneg. in Pis. 237 Maecenas alta totiantis (apta togatis Lachm.) eruil etpopulis ostendit 
 nomina Grais (acumina Gai Lachm.) in reference to the trabeata of Melissus, see 
 HAurT, op. 1, 406, and against him Bucheler, EhM. 36, 336 and below § 246, 4. 
 These ineptiae or ioci were a collection of witty sayings, in which earlier ones 
 (e.g. those of Cato § 121, 6, of Tiro § 191, 2, of Caesar § 195, 5, of Furius Bibaculus 
 § 192, 4 ; cf. besides § 207, 4. 243, 3) were included, sifted and added to. His 
 
§ 244, 45. melissus etc. : tibullus. 481 
 
 literary activity must belong to the later Augustan period. Hieron. chron. ad a. 
 Abr. 2013=750/4 B.C. Melissus Spoletinus grammaticiw agnoscitur. Plin. NH. 28, 
 '62, triennio Maecenatem Melissum accepimus silentium sibi imperavisse. He is proba- 
 bly the same Melissus who is named as his authority by Pliny in b. 7 (man), 9 
 (aquatic animals), 10 (birds), 11 (insects), 35 (painting), and also the Melissus, qui 
 de apibus scripsit (see FGlOckner, RhM. 33, 159), mentioned by Serv. Aen. 7, 66. 
 By the same author may also be the notice on Vergil in Donatus' vita (see § 224, 
 ■4). But the references in Serv. Aen. 4, 146 (Jios Melissus ab Homero Acliabas appel- 
 lari ait), Ponf. GL. 5, 287 (on pronunciation) and gramm. de dub. nom. GL, 5, 
 -575 (dibanus generis masculini, ut Melissus docet), should rather be traced back to 
 the grammarian Aelius Melissus (§ 352, 4) in the time of Gellius. 
 
 3. To Lynceus (with a fictitious name), an older friend, who had formerly 
 been attracted to philosophy and tragic poetry, Propertius 3, 34 gives the advice 
 that he should devote himself to the Alexandrine erotic elegy. Cf. ThBirt, EhM. 
 32, 409. OHaube, de carm. ep. 29. See also § 230, 2, 1. 
 
 245. Among the elegiac poets of the Augustan age, Albius 
 Tibullus (c. 700/54-735/19) followed indeed the Alexandrine 
 poets in his almost exclusive choice of erotic subjects, but he 
 discarded their inevitable aroma of learning and based his poems 
 on warm and real feeling. Being less remarkable for power and 
 talent than for depth and sentiment, he generally prefers a 
 medium key. But though he is perfectly natural and his diction 
 exceedingly simple, Tibullus succeeds in imaging each successive 
 mood in lively hues, and expresses the fluctuations of feeling 
 with consummate art. His genial and gentle spirit is agreeably 
 impressed on, his poetry, his passion for the peaceful calm of 
 rural life, his yearning after true love impart to his elegies a 
 strain of tender melancholy. His most perfect poems are those ' 
 to Delia. In others it is discernible that the poet was surprised 
 by an early death before he had finally polished them. The first 
 •editor added to this collection, consisting 1 of two books, a third, 
 which comprised besides Tibulline poems elegiac poems by other 
 members of the circle of Messalla, among which we should 
 mention the song in praise of Messalla, the elegies of a certain 
 Xygdamus and those of Sulpicia. 
 
 1. We have in our best MSS. of Tibullus (n. 7) and at one time it was also to 
 be found in the original (perhaps it might be traced back to Sueton. de poetis ; 
 -cf. EBahrens, tib. Blatter [Jena 1876] 3. ABeifferscheid, JB. 1880 3, 284. 
 EHiller, Herm. 18, 351) : Domitii Marsi (§ 243, 1 ; this heading is found only in 
 the best MS. F, see n. 7) : ' Te quoque Vergilio comitem non aequo, Tibvlle, Mors 
 iuvenem compos misit ad Elgsios, Neforet out elegis moUes quifleret amoresAut canexet 
 forti regia bella pede.' Albius Tibullus eques R. (eques regalis in the MSS.) insignis 
 forma (Hok. ep. 1, 4, 6) cultuque corporis observabilis, ante alios Corvinum Messalam 
 .{§ 222, 1) oratorem (originem in the MSS.) dilexit, cuius el contubernalis aquitanico 
 E.L. I 1 
 
482 THE AUGUSTAN AGE.. 
 
 hello (a. 726/28 sq.) militaribus donis donatus est. hie multorum iudicio principem 
 inter elegiographos obtinet locum (cf. Quint, above § 32, 1). epi&tolae quoque eius 
 amatoriae quamquam breves (those of b. IV ?) omnino utiles {subfiles Bahrens) sunt. 
 obiit adulescens, ut indicat epigramma supra scriptum.. Thus according to Domitius 
 Marsus T. died 735/19 at the latest, being still iuvenis. Ovid, trist. 4, 10, 51 
 Vergilium vidi tantum nee amara Tibullo tempus amicitiae fata dedere meae. 
 successor fuit hie tibi, Galle etc. (above § 32, 1), ib. 2, 463 legiturque Tibullus et placet 
 et iam te (Augustus) principe notus erat.— The praenomen of the poet is unknown ; 
 it was perhaps A. — He seems to have been well off originally (el. 1, 1, 41 ; cf. 4, 1, 
 183?), but to have suffered afterwards through the agrarian distributions of 
 a. 713/41 ; he got, however, into comfortable circumstances, perhaps through the 
 recommendation of Messalla (Hoe. ep. 1, 4, 7. 11. cf. Tib. 1, 1, 49 sqq. 77 sq.). 
 When Messalla was going to Asia, Tibullus at first refused to join him (el. 1, 1), 
 but subsequently travelled after him (1, 3, 9). and remained ill at Corcyra (1, 3, 3). 
 Horace addressed to Tibullus c. 1, 33 and ep. X r 4 (against this Bahrens, tib. BL 
 7 ; see however KPSchulze, ZfGW. 31, 658. LGrasberger 1.1. WMewes, ZfGW. 
 Jahresber. 5, 85) ; Ovid. am. 3, 9 is a poem on his death. Relations between Tibullus 
 and Propertius : Zingerle, kl. philol. Abhh. 2, 84. "WOlsen in the commentatt. 
 sodal. philol. Gryphiswald. 27. FWidder, de Tib. eodd. 35; see § 246, .2. ad fin. 
 — HAWSpohn, de Tib. vita et carmm. I, Lpz. 1819. NOESTLiNG,.de Tib. vita et 
 carmm., Upsala 1860. LGrasberger, JJ. 125, 838. 
 
 2. Tibullus himself mentions as his mistresses Delia (and Marathus, b. 1) and 
 Nemesis (b. 2) ; Ovid. am. 3, 9, 31 sic Nemesis longum, sic Delia nomen habebunt, 
 altera (Nemesis, see v. 57 me — Nemesis is the speaker — tenuit moriens deficiente 
 manu) cura recens, altera primus amor. Mart. 8, 73, 7 fama est arguti Nemesis 
 formosa Tibulli. 14, 193, 1. Apul. apol. 10 accusent . . Tibullum quod ei sit 
 Planiq in animo, Delia in versu (cf. planus=drfkos\ a gens Plania is not other- 
 wise known). In Hor. c. 1, 33, 2 Glycera is named as a mistress of Tibullus. 
 Fragments of the miserabiles elegi he wrote on her are perhaps to be found in 
 Tib. 4, 13 sq. (if indeed Glycera is not rather one and the same with Nemesis, see 
 AKiessling on Hor. 1.1.). Cf. Teuffel, Stud. (1871) 347. Spohn 1.1. 32. HA 
 Dieterich, de Tibulli amoribus, Marb. 1844. OBichter, BhM. 25, 518. GDoncieux, 
 de Tib. amoribus, Par. 1887. EScheidemantel, commentatt. Ribbeck. 373 
 (Marathus odes). See also n. 3. — Epigrams on this (?) Delia are to be found AL. 
 451 sq. PLM. 4, 80. 81. 
 
 3. In the MSS. the Tibulline collection is divided into three books i most 
 editions reckon four, by a subdivision of the third (we here quote in accordance 
 with this, the usual method). B. 1 (10 elegies, principal subject: Delia [and 
 Marathus]) was published by the poet himself. B. 2 (6 elegies, chief subject : 
 Nemesis) probably published soon after the poet's death. B. 3 adds to these 
 earlier collections of the Tibulline poems in two books a supplement, which 
 belonged to the family of Messalla, containing works both by Tibullus and by 
 other authors, first 6 elegies (=3, 1-6 Lygdamus and Neaera, see n. 4),vthen (here 
 begins b. 4) panegyricus Messallae (=4, 1), then 5 short familiar elegies of Tibullus 
 (=4, 2-6) relating the love between Sulpicia (Messalla's niece, cf. § 242, 3) and 
 Cerinthus (=Cornutus 2, 2. 2, 3), variations on the theme already announced in the 
 6 charming poetical letters by Sulpicia herself which follow (=4, 7-12; Teuffel, 
 Stud. 365 ; on the supposed heading Sulpicia before 4, 8 see EHiller, RhM. 29 r 
 106). A short elegy and an epigram (=4, 13. 14) form the close. — Among these 
 poems the earliest is the Panegyricus Messallae (4, 1) of a. 723/31. If this ode 
 were really by Tibullus (whose authorship is not expressly certified in the MSS.), k 
 
§ 245. tibullus. 483 
 
 it would represent to us the 1 poet's period of Alexandrine transition. It is built 
 after the method of Greek hymns (OCrusius, WschrfklPhil. 2, 1299; Zurich 
 Phil.-Vers. 265), it attests a certain talent, but still more evidently unripe taste 
 and low views, and betrays the exaggeration and want of tact peculiar to a youth 
 just come from the schools of the rhetoricians, features by which some scholars 
 have with good reason been led to. deny Tibullus' authorship of it; see Lachmann, 
 Id. Sohr. 2, 149. EBahkens, tib. Blatter 41. ThBirt, hist. hex. lat. 49. HHartung, 
 de paneg. ad Mess, pseudo-tibulliano, Halle 1880. Cf . in favour of the Tibulline 
 authorship Teuffel, Stud. 352. FTeufel, de Catulli etc. vocibus sing. (1872) 43 
 and FHankel, act. societ. phil. Lips. 5, 45. Wacoaro, de aiBevriq. Tib. in Mess, 
 paneg., Palermo 1887. Of pretty much the same kind, though somewhat superior 
 (OCkusius 1.1.), is the poem on the triumph of Messalla (a. 727/27) 1, 7. Similarly 
 the elegies on Marathus (1, 4. 9. 8) and 1, 10 show mistakes and faults (especially 
 1, 4 the same far-fetched mythological allusions and the same rhetorical manner as 
 1, 7), though they also exhibit a decided progress in the artistic grouping of the 
 subject-matter (Teuffel, Stud. 355). But the highest stage of the poetical develop- 
 ment of Tibullus, his literary prime, was attained in his elegies on Delia (1, 1. 3. 
 5. 2. 6) perhaps a. 730/24 sqq. They form a, cycle containing a piece of genuine 
 biography, a complete romance. Cf. OEichter, EhM. 25, 518. Bahrens, tib. Bl. 
 16. OEibbeck, EhM. 32, 445. GGotz ib. 33, 145. FLeo 1.1. 10. On the same 
 eminence we may place the elegies treating of the love of Sulpicia (4. 2-6). On 
 the other hand, those elegies of the second book lack final polish, which treat of 
 Tibullus' liaison with Nemesis (Teuffel 1.1. 370). In general see KLachmann, Id. 
 Schr. 2, 149. OFGruppe, rom. Elegie, Lpz. 1838, and WHeetzberg, Hall. Jalirbb. 
 1839 1, 1009. Passow, de ordine temporum quo libri I elegias scripsit Tib., in his 
 op. (Lps. 1835) p. 280. ESchultz, quaestt. in Tib. 1. I. chronologicae, Lps. 1887. 
 FKindscher, Chronol. d. Gedd. T.s, ZfGW. 13, 289. APetersek, de libri IV Tib. 
 elegiis earumque auctore, Gliickst. 1849. AZingerle, on the Sulpicia elegies, in 
 his kl. philol. Abh. 1, 22. 2, 45. Also WWOlfflin, act. semin. Erl. 1, 100. JNMosl, 
 Sulpiciae el. V, in the symb. phil. ad LSpengel, Munich 1877, 17. More on the sub- 
 ject n. 9. On the arrangement of the poems (variatio etc.) KPSchulze, J J. 131, 860. 
 GDoncieux, corrections a Sulpicia, rev. de phil. 12, 26. — EUllrich, studia Tibull. 
 de libri II editione, Berl. 1889 ; JJ. Suppl. 17, 385. — SEhrengruber, de paneg. 
 Mess, pseudo-tibull., Kremsmtinster 1889. 
 
 4. Of the six elegies collected in the so-called third book, five treat of the love 
 between Lygdamus and .Neaera, the sixth (3, 5) is an epistle to friends. The 
 author (born 711/43; see 3, 5, 17) is a younger contemporary and imitator of 
 Tibullus in particular (see Liese 1.1. 8; Kleeman 1.1. 55), who however lacks his 
 spirit and is altogether only moderately gifted, in every respect different from 
 Tibullus (Teuffel, Stud. 372). Ovid cannot be the author of these poems (ib. 378 ; 
 there is an attempt to prove that 3, 5 at least is the work of Ovid in the Phil. Anz.. 
 10, 184). A still unsolved problem is the imitation which occurs 3, 5, 15-20 of 
 three passages in Ovid (am. 2, 14, 23. 24. a. a. 2, 670. trist. 4, 10, 6 — the latter 
 only concluded 765/12 !) together with the inferences to be drawn from it.. 
 Lygdamus is probably an assumed name ; perhaps the author desired to charac- 
 terise himself by this name (cf. Alhius and \i5y5os, \tiy5wos, lygdos, lygdinus) as a 
 follower of Tibullus. But our author certainly belonged to the circle of Messalla,. 
 hence also his elegies were added to those of Tibullus, in consequence of which his 
 personality remained entirely obscure (Teuffel, Stud. p. 381). Conjectures 
 concerning this literary circle of Messalla and the formation of the corpus 
 Tibullianum in its midst in Lachmann, kl. Schr. 2, 150. FHaase, Berl. Jahrbb- 
 
484 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 fur wissensoh. Krit. 1837, 40. Bahrens, tib. Bl. 47 ; JJ. Ill, 137. ThBirt, antiies 
 Buchw. 426. EHillee, EhM. 18, 343. In general cf. AEichstadt, de Lygdami 
 carmm., Jena 1819. 1823 sq. 1835. ETornebladh, de elegiis Lygdami, Calma 
 1861. CStumpe, de Lygd. elegiis, Halle 1867. LBolle, de Lygd. carmm., Gott. 
 1873. Lierse, die Unechtheit v. Tib. B. 3, nebst Untersuoh. iib. d. Conjunct*, d. 
 Tib. u. Lygd., Bromb. 1875, SKleemann, de- libri III carmm. quae T. nomine 
 circumferuntur, Strassb. 1876. CBohlau, de Lygd. carmm., Neustettin 1877. 
 CBiuso, la questione del terzo libro di Tib., Eieti 1883. Cf. also § 230, 5, n. 1, 1. 
 28. GDoncieux, rev. de philol. 12, 129. 
 
 5. On the two Priapea attributed to Tibullus see § 254^ 5. 
 
 6. The opinions of Ovid amor. 1, 15, 27 donee erunt ignes arcusque Cupidinis 
 arma discentur numeric culte Tibulle, tui, Vell. 2, 36, 3 . . . Tibullusque et Naso, 
 perfectissirni in forma operis sui and Quintilian (10, 1, 93 ; see § 32, 1). Like 
 Horace, Tibullus also is fond of tripartite arrangement : see FEitschl. op. 3, 633. 
 Bubendey, qu. Tib. 9. It is not however advisable to exaggerate a native feeling 
 for symmetry into mechanical calculation, as HBubendey, quaestt. Tib., Bonn 
 1864; die Symmetrie der rom. Elegie, Hamb. 1876, and CPrien, JJ. 83, 149, and: 
 Symmetrie u. Eesponsion d. rom. Elegie, Liib. 1867, 3-36. Cf. JEiemann, de compos, 
 stroph. Tib., Cob. 1878. HG-roth, quaestt. Tib., Halle 1872. HFritzsche, quaestt. ■ 
 Tib., Halle 1875. HTKarsten, de T. elegiarum structura, Mnemos. 15, 211. 305. 
 16, 39. In connection with this exaggerated idea of symmetry, or from magnifying 
 the difficulties of explanation and so forth, the empirical method of resorting to 
 transposition remained for some time in favour : it has now gradually fallen into 
 deserved discredit. — Tibullus deals very gracefully with his pentameters, in which 
 he always contrives a pleasing parallelism with the preceding hexameter, while 
 at the same time he succeeds in being novel and attractive. Tibullus furnishes 
 the first example, on a large scale, of the limitation of elisions, even such as are not 
 at all objectionable : this was attempted by Horace, see § 237, 1 ; he was followed 
 by Ovid, the author of the Culex, Grattius, Manilius, and later poets. For other 
 details concerning Tibullus' poetical individuality see LDissen's prolegg. p. xxxvn, 
 in Grdppe 1.1. p. 3 and in Teuffel's studies 384. MKrafft, de artibus Tib. et 
 Lygd. in versibus concinnandis, Halle 1874. On the metre see LMuller's ed. p. 
 xxvu. EBoltzenthai,, de re metr. et de genere dicendi Tib., Cilstrin 1874. 
 SKleemann (cap. iv and v, see n. 4). BLinke, Tib. quantum in poesi eleg. 
 profecerit comparato Catullo, Luckau 1877. BEhrlich, de Tib. elocutione, Halle 
 1880. JStreifinger, de syntaxi Tib., Wurzb. 1882. HIber, de dativi usu Tib., 
 Marb. 1888. MHansen, de tropis et figuris ap. T., Kiel 1881. EStebxe, de Tib. 
 puri sermonis poetici cultore, Strassb. 1886. Cf. also § 32, 4 and 5. 
 
 7. Manuscripts: Tibullus had disappeared early in the Middle Ages, cf. 
 EEhwald, Phil. 46, 639. The earliest trace of a MS. of Tibullus is contained in 
 a library catalogue of the 9th cent, (see Haupt, op. 3, 426. GBecker, catalogi 
 biblioth. 42) Albi Tibulli lib. II. (cf. n. 3), later on we find traces of a (Veronese) 
 MS. of Tibullus in "William of Pastrengo (1290-1365) and in the flores moral, 
 autor. of a. 1329 (§ 212, 4). MHaupt, op. 1, 276. WMeyer, Spruchverse des 
 Publ., Lpz. 1877, 61. All the MSS. still extant are, like those of Catullus and 
 Propertius, of a late date, the majority of them being interpolated especially by 
 the Italians of the 15th cent. (e.g. JAurispa. f 1459, JPontanus f 1503 and 
 ThSeneca in Ancona about 1420, see a letter by the latter in Bahrens' ed. p. viii). 
 The best MSS. extant are a certain A(mbrosianus) E 26 sup. s. XIV (once in the 
 possession of Coluccio Salutato, § 187, 5. 246, 5) and V(aticanus) 3270 s. XIV/XV. 
 ■On the estimation of these and other MSS. (in particular the G(uelferbytanus) s 
 
§ 245. tibullus. 485 
 
 XV, whose value has been exaggerated by Bahrens) see Bahrens pref. to his ed. p. 
 vii ; JJ. 119, 473. KEossbeko, JJ. 119, 74. GGotz, EhM. 86, 141. EHiller 
 pref. to his ed. p. v ; EhM. 37, 567 ; Phil. Anz. 14, 24. MEothstein, ds Tib. oodd., 
 Berlin 1880. ELeonhard, de codd. Tib., Munich 1882. FWiddee, de Tib. codd., 
 Lahr 1824. PhIllmann, de Tib. eod. Ambrosiano, Halle 188G.— More correct and 
 of much greater antiquity was the fragment um perojitimum Cuiacii (F) made use 
 of by Scaliger, but which commenced only with 3, 4, 65 (or a few verses earlier) : 
 Scaliger's collation of this is in Leiden, see CMFrancken, verslagen en meded. 
 Amsterd. 10, 33 ; EHilleb, EhM. 29, 97 ; JJ. 127, 273. On the second, quite late 
 Cuiacianus of Scaliger, which contained Cat. Tib. Prop, see § 214, 11 1. 4.— Besides 
 the complete MSS. there are extant two varieties of excerpts, which are of impor- 
 tance, even though the verses quoted have often been arbitrarily altered for the 
 purposes of selection. The most valuable are the excerpta Frisingensia (Monac. 
 6292) s. XI. printed in LMuller's ed. of Tib. p. vm ; JJ. 99, 63 ; cf. Protzen 1.1. 
 3. A second collection of excerpts (perhaps of s. IX/X) has been preserved in 
 various copies, the earliest and fullest is Paris. 7647 (Thuaneus) s. XII/XIII in 
 Meyncke 1.1. 381, and again Paris. 17903 (Nostradam. 188) s. XIII ib. and in 
 "Wolpelin 1.1. 155 and in Prozen 1.1. 22. From this second collection are also 
 derived the excerpts used by Scaliger (who probably made use of the Thuaneus 
 itself) and that of Vincentius of Beauvais (f about 1264) in his speculum doetrinale 
 b. 5-7 (cf. OEichter, de Vincentii Bellovacensis excerptis Tib., Bonn 1865 and 
 Mevkcke 1.1. 370. 372. 452. On other excerpts from the same source see LMuller's 
 ed. p. vii, Bahrens ed. p. xin, cf. besides GLOwe, EhM. 37, 145. Cf. Lachmakk, 
 kl. Schr. 2, 146. CMFrancken, in den verslagen en meded. Amsterd. 10 (1866), 
 30 ; JJ. 99, 207. EWolfflin. Phil. 27, 152. LMuller, JJ. 99, 63 and in his ed. 
 EProtzen, de excerptis Tib., Greifsw. 1869. GMeyncke, d. Pariser Tibullexcerpte, 
 EhM. 25, 369. 
 
 8. Editions: e.g. JJScalioer (with Cat. and Prop.), Par. 1577 and elsewhere. 
 (JBeoukhusius), Amsterd. 1708 (with ind. verbb.). JAVulpius, Padua 1749. 
 CGHeyne, Lps. 4 1817 (ed. EFCWunderlich-; supplem. by LDissen 1819). JHVoss 
 (corrected from MSS., Heidelb. 1811), JGHuschke (Lps. 1819 II). First critical 
 edition : ex rec. CLachmanni, Berl. 1829. Explicuit LDissen, Gott. 1835 II (cf. on 
 it CLachmann, kl. Schr. 2, 145). Tib. eleg. libri II ; ace. Pseudotibulliana, recens. 
 Aem. Bahrens, Lpz. 1878. Tib. elegiae cum carmm. pseudotibull. ed. EHiller, 
 ace. index verborum, Lps. 1885. — Texts by MHaupt (§ 214, 11), AEossbach, Lps. 
 1855, and LMuller, Lps. 1870. 
 
 9. Eecent contributions in criticism and explanation (see also n. 3) : CLach- 
 mann, kl. Schr. 2, 42. 102. FAEigler (annott. ad. T., Potsdam 1839-44 III), 
 FHaase (de tribus Tib. locis transpositione emendandis, Breslau 1855 and against 
 this MHaupt, op. 3, 36), ODrenckhahn (criticism on T., Putbus 1862), FEitschl 
 (on Tibullus 1, 4. op. 3, 616. Also GBubendey, Hamb. 1876 [see n. 6], EHubner, 
 Herm. 14, 307, Westphal, COslin 1880), OEiebeck (de Tib. 1, 1 et Prop. 3, 34, Kiel 
 1867), Kindscher (onl, 10; EhM. 17, 148), OKorn (on 1, 6 and 2, 5, ib. 19, 497; cf. 
 "WWagner, ib. 20, 314; Eorn, ib. 471 : de codiee archetypo carm. Tib., ib. 20, 167), 
 WWisser (quaest. Tib. Lps. 1869; on 2, 5, Eutin 1874), CPrien (JJ. 101, 689), 
 EEichter (de Tib. tribus primus carm., Zwickau 1873 ; de quarti lib. Tib. elegiis, 
 imprim. de quinta, Dresd. 1875), HGroth, (quaestt. Tib., Halle 1872, esp. on 4, 2 
 sqq. and 1, 4), ESeilee (Halle 1872, on 1, 2), EDietrich, quaestt. Tib. (on the trans- 
 positions in 1, 1) et Prop., Marb. 1873, CMFrancken, Mnemos. NS. 6, 174, Bahrens, 
 tib. Blatt. (Jena 1876) 64. JVahlen (on 2, 5. 1, 4. 1, 1), Berl. SBer. 1878, 343. 
 FLeo, in Kiessl.-Wilamow. phil. Unterss. 2, 1. EMaass (2, 5. 2, 2), Herm. 18, 321. 
 
486 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 480. ChKnappe, de Tib. 4, 2-4, 12, Gott. 1880. GLarroumet de IV Tib. libro, Par. 
 1882. CMFrancken, Mnemos. 13, 176.— HMagnus, JB. 1887 2, 301. GBelling 
 (Tib. 2, 4) Phil. 47, 378. RBaumgartner, Wien. Studd. 11, 323. 
 
 10. Metrical translations by Count Reinhardt (Zur. 1783), FKvStrombeck 
 (Gott. 2 1825), JHVoss (Tub. 1810), WTeuffel (Stuttg. 1853 ; repeated in part in 
 the rom. Elegiker, ib. 1855, Class, d. Alt., p. 73). WBinder (Stuttg. 1862), AEberz 
 (Frankf. 1865). GPischer (in modern metre), Ulm 1882. English (verse) by 
 JCbanstoun (with notes and life of the poet), Lond. 1872. 
 
 246. Sextus Propertius (c. 705/49-739/15) was a native of 
 Umbria, but educated at Rome and admitted to the circles of 
 Maecenas, after be had made himself known by his book on 
 Cynthia. Besides this book, which was the first to be published, 
 three (or four) others (although much damaged and curtailed) 
 are still extant. Like Tibullus, Propertius is almost exclusively 
 an elegiac and erotic poet, but far more than Tibullus he is a 
 disciple of the Alexandrine school, brimful of mythological learn- 
 ing and frequently obscure ; but he greatly surpasses his models 
 in vivacity and originality as well as in glowing fervour. How- 
 ever strong his feelings, he has a still stronger reserve of thought 
 to keep them in their place, and of art wherewith to embody 
 them in his poems. His diction and metre are likewise nervous, 
 but the sequence of his ideas is often desultory. The contents 
 of the last book are in remarkable contrast with those of the 
 others ; especially in its more descriptive, semi-didactic poems 
 on Roman (Italian) subjects somewbat in the manner of Ovid's 
 Fasti. These (together with a few which are ratber political) 
 show us the poet in a new aspect as a Roman wbo looks with 
 pride upon his country's past and present, eulogising it with 
 patriotic ardour. 
 
 1. The poet calls himself (eight times) simply Propertius, and the other 
 authors allude to him similarly : only Donat. vita Verg. 45 calls him Sex. 
 Propertius ; cf. besides AL. 264 PLM. 4, 158. The Neapolitanus (n. 5) has the 
 heading Incipit Propertius ; other MSS. before b. 1 Incipit monobiblos Propertii 
 Aurelii Nautae ad Tullum, which cannot be credited : monobiblos is taken from 
 Mart. 14, 189 (see n. 1 ad fin.), Nautae from the erroneous reading in Prop. 3, 24, 
 38 Properti . . . navita (for haud ita) dives eras, lastly Aurelius probably arose 
 from a confusion with Prudentius (§ 436, see the same mistake GL. 5, 576, 22) and 
 was copied from the MSS. into spurious inscriptions (from Ameria: L. Aurelio 
 Propertio L.f., and from Hispellum : Sext. Aurel. Propert. Sex.f. Lorn.). MHaupt, 
 op. 1, 280, cf. ThMommsen, Lpz. SBer. 1849, 261. 266. His home was Umbria (see 
 1, 22, 9. 5, 1, 64. 121), and probably the town of Asisium (5, 1, 125 scandentisque 
 asis, which Lachmann rightly corrects Asisi, kl. Schr. 2, 248 ; cf. below § 332, 4), 
 where Propertii have been discovered in inscriptions (MHaupt 1.1. 282). EMattoli, 
 la patria di Prop, ed il Torti rivendicato, Citta di Castello 1886. GUrbini, la 
 
§ 246. propeetius. 487 
 
 patria di Prop., Torino 1889 (for Spello). WYSlxlar, Class, review, Nov. 1890 (for 
 Assisi). The year in which he was born is not known and can only be approxi- 
 mately guessed at by various combinations. Propertius is certainly younger than 
 Tibullus and older than Ovid ; see trist. 4, 10, 53 sq. (above § 32, 1) and 2, 465 
 invenies eadem (as in Tibullus) blandi praecepta Properti . . . his ego tmccessi. 
 Hence it appears that he was born between 700/54 and 710/44. On the other hand, 
 no allusion leads us beyond the year 739/15 (5, 6 to the quinquennales 738/16 and 
 5, 11, 65 to P. Cornelius Scipio, cos. a. 738/16). There are-, however, not many of 
 these allusions. The designation of Octavianus as Augustus shows that the poems 
 in question were written later than January 727/27, modo Gallus mortuus (3, 34, 91) 
 after a. 727/27 (cf. § 232/2). The early loss of his father and injury to his property 
 by the agrarian distribution of 713/41 ; 5, 1, 127, cf. 3, 34, 55. Delicate health 
 (and early decease) are indicated by frequent dwelling on death (e.g. 2, 1, 71. 2, 
 ■8, 17. 3, 13, 17. 3, 15, 54. 3, 24, 35. 4, 16, 21. 4, 21, 33). We perhaps possess a 
 portrait of Propertius in a double Hermes (in the Villa Albani and the Vatican, 
 see Visconti, iconogr. rom. pi. 14, 3. 4) which unites the head of a youthful, beard- 
 less, nervous, and delicate-looking Roman with that of a Greek poet (Kallimaehos? 
 Philetas?), see EBrizio, ann. dell' inst. arch. 1873, 105; CRobert, arch. Zeit. 38, 
 35. This same Roman head is also perhaps still extant in Madrid. Friedrichs- 
 "Wolters, Berliner Gipsabgiisse no. 1637. — The conclusions to be drawn from the 
 poet's statements about his amores are very uncertain. His first love after the 
 assumption of the toga virilis (at the age of 15 or 16) was Lycinna ; 4, 15, 6. This 
 was succeeded by his love for Cynthia (about 725/29 sqq. ) ; this had already lasted 
 two or three years when 4, 15 was written ; see ib. v. 7 ; five years to the time of 
 the (perhaps final) rupture in 4, 25, 3 (cf. multos annos 2, 8, 13), in which we may 
 include the period of estrangement mentioned 4, 16, 9 (cf. 1, 1, 6). Cynthia was 
 older than Propertius (3, 18, 19 ; cf . § 214, 3) and died before him (5, 7, 3). AruL. 
 apol. 10 accusent . . . Propertium, qui Cynthiam dicat, Hostiam dissimulet. Cf. 
 ■§ 146, 1 in fin. In general Martial. 8, 73, 5 Cynthia te vatem fecit, lascive Properti . 
 14, 189 (with the heading Monobiblos Properti) Cynthia facundi carmen iuvenale 
 Properti, accepit famam nee minus ipsa dedit. Iuv. 6, 7. Cf . Prop. 3, 25, 3. 3, 34, 
 93. AMarx, de Prop, vita et librorum ordine temporibusque, Lps. 1884. GUrbini, 
 vita, tempi, elegie di Prop. I, Foligno 1884. 
 
 2. On his relation to Ovid, who repeatedly mentions Prop, with hearty appre- 
 ciation, see trist. 4, 10, 45 sape suos solitus recitare Propertius ignes, iure sodalicio 
 qui mihi notus erat. On the numerous points of resemblance to Propertius in Ovid 
 see AZingerle, Ovid u. s. Vorganger 1 (Innsbr. 1869), 109. JAWashietl, similitud. 
 Ovid., Vienna 1883, 160. It is even possible that Ovid may have been prompted to 
 write his Heroides by Prop. 5, 3 (cf. § 248, 3) and his Fasti by 5, 2. 4. 9. 10 (see 
 n. 4) ; cf . § 249, 6 ad fin. He was on friendly terms e.g. with the younger (Volca- 
 chis) Tullus, the nephew of the cos. 721/33 ; see 1, 1, 9. 1, 6, 2. 1, 14, 20. 1, 22. 1. 
 4, 22, 2. Not until after the publication of the first book does he seem to have been 
 introduced to Maecenas ; in it we find no allusion to relations between the poet 
 and the leading men and circles. Addressed to'Maecenas are 2, 1 (v. 17) and 4, 9 ; 
 in the latter elegy he refuses a request to write on greater subjects, but at the end 
 (if indeed this part belongs to the poem ; see Heimreich 1.1. 23) he promises poems 
 on national subjects (probably like the greater number in book 5). Propertius, 
 like Vergil (§ 224, 5), lived on the Esquiline (4, 23, 24), perhaps with Maecenas ; 
 but such familiarity as existed between Maecenas and Horace was rendered 
 impossible by the difference of age. We find phrases in praise of Augustus such 
 .as arma deus Caesar dites meditatur ad Indos (4, 3, 1) ; Caesar dum canitur, quaeso, 
 
488 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Iuppiter ipse vaces (5, 6, 14) ; vix timeat salvo Caesare Soma lovem (4, 11, 66) ;, 
 lacrimas vidimus ire cleo (5, 11, 60. To understand this cf. 3, 15, 40 node una quivis 
 vel deus esse potest. 4, 9, 45 Jiaec urant scripta puellas meque deum clament et mihi 
 sacra ferant; also 3, 34, 18. 46). Warm praise of Vergil and of the as yet un- 
 published Aeneid : 3, 34, 61. Reminiscences of Verg. Georgica e.g. Pkop. 4, 13, 41 
 =Verg. georg. 1, 21. Prop. 4. 24, 15=georg. 1, 303. Cf. EReusch 1.1. 121.' 140. 
 MRothstein, Herm. 24, 1. Horace is never mentioned by him, nor is Tibullus ; 
 but we often meet in Propertius with reminiscences of Horace, e.g. 3, 24, 17 hoc 
 erat in primis=~&oii. s. 2, 6, 1 ; Prop. 4, 2, 17 pyramidum sumptus ad sidera ducti 
 cf . Hoit. u. 3, 30, 2 ; 4, 9, 17 est quibus eleae concurrit pahna quadrigae cf. Hor. c. 1, 
 1, 3 ; 4, 23, 23 i puer et citus Jiaec=Hon. s. 1, 10, 100 ; with 5, 6, 65 cf. Hon. epod. 9, 
 23 ; with ib. 79 {sero confessum foedere Parthum) Hor. c. 3, 8, 22 ; with 1, 6, 11 
 (Iioram possum durare) Hor. ep. 1, 1, 82 ; with 4, 13, 60 (frangitur ipsa suis Soma 
 superba bonis) Hor. epod. 16, 2 etc. Cf. Meierotto, de rebus ad auctores quosd. 
 class, pertinent, dubia (Berl. 1785). 143. EReisch, Wien. Stud. 9, 120. We might 
 rather be justified in concluding from Horace's silence as to Propertius that the 
 calm mind of Horace was not much attracted by the passionate manner of the 
 .young elegiac poet. Cf . § 219, 17. 243, 1. Possibly Hor. ep. 2, 2, 90 sqq. is intended 
 to satirise Propertius (JPPostgate, Sel. eleg. of Prop. p. xxxn). — Imitations of 
 Tibullus : AZihgerle, Ovid u. s. Vorganger 1, 55. 98. 101. 103. 132 and else- 
 where. BKuttner (see n. 4 ad fin.) 72. AMarx 1.1. 41 and above § 245, 1. Remin- 
 iscences of Catullus : HMagnus, JJ. 115, 418. Quintilian's opinion of Prop. : § 32, 
 1. Ov. a. a. 3, 333 teneri . . . Properti. tr. 5, 1, 17 blandique Propertius oris (cf. 
 2,465). Mart. 8, 73, 1 lascive Properti. 14, 189 facundi . . . Properti. 
 
 3. It was divided into books, the first of which was published separately by 
 the author himself (hence, at the close of b. 1 c. 22, the poet introduces himself to 
 the reader) : 2, 3. 4 turpis de te iam liber alter erit ; 3, 24, 1 cum, sis iam noto fabula 
 libro et tua sit toto Cynthia lecta foro. The title Propertii Cynthia, monobiblos in 
 the MSS. is therefore just, as far as the matter itself is concerned, see n. 1 1. 4. 
 The first book shows remarkable indifference with respect to the concluding penta- 
 meters in three or more syllables, and in the books following these occur more and 
 more rarely ; Propertius here has regard to the more skilful (Ovidian) metrical 
 construction. The second book contains much that is fragmentary. — Lachmann 
 (ed. of 1816 p. xxi and in the ed. of 1829) has divided the second book into two. 
 According to this arrangement b. 1 of the manuscripts = b. 1 in Lachmann ; b. 2 r 
 1-9 MS.=b. 2Lachm.; b. 2, 10-34 MS. = b. 3 Lachm. ; b. 3 MS. = b. 4 Lachni.; b. 
 4 MS. = b. 5 Iiachm. In Lachmann's ed. of 1829 — from which we quote — and like- 
 wise in Haupt's editions, only the numbers of the books are set down according to 
 Lachmann's arrangement, but the counting of the poems and of the lines has been 
 retained from the vulgate. In favour of the division of b. 2 Lachmann advances 
 especially 3, 13, 25, where Propertius says in picturing to himself his funeral : sat 
 mea sit magna, si tres sint pompa libelli, quos ego Persephonae maxima dona 
 feram ; a passage which must, therefore, belong to the third book although in the 
 MSS. it is in b. 2 ; see however e.g. EReisch, Wien. Stud. 9, 94. Lachmann be- 
 gins a new book with 2 (3 Lachm.), 10 : this poem is evidently intended to form 
 the dedication of a book to Augustus (corresponding with 2, 1 to Maecenas) : b. 2 
 in Lachmann is indeed comparatively rather short (it may have been incompletely 
 preserved, see also ThBirt, RhM. 32, 393, AOtto, JJ. 131, 411), but b. 2 of the 
 MSS. is on the other hand disproportionately long. It is more important that the 
 only quotation from Propertius with a reference to the number of the book (in 
 Nonius 169, 32 Propertius elegiarum libro III ' iam liqnidum nautis aura secundat 
 
§ 246. propertius. 489" 
 
 iter ' = 3 [4 Lm.], 21, 14) tells against Lachmann and for the enumeration of the 
 MSS., although it is very easy to write II II instead of III. TiiBirt, antikes 
 Buchw. 413 ; BhM. 38, 199 a remodelling of Laehmann's theory : first collection* 
 Cynthia, monobiblos, published and consisting independently ; a second later col- 
 lection of 4 books: b. 1 (=MS. b. 2, 1-9 incomplete; see above), b. 2 ( = MS. 2,. 
 10-34), b. 3 and 4 as transmitted in the MSS. Cf. also Hertzberc; in his ed. 1,. 
 p. 213. ChrHeimreich, quaestt. Prop. 22 (and compare Heydenreicii, quaestt. 
 Prop. 22). Lutjohann, qu. Prop. 77. CBrandt (n. 7) cap. 3. Baiirens pref. to his. 
 ed. p. xl. PPlessis, etudes 97. JPruszinsky, de Prop, carmm. in libros dis- 
 tribuendis, Pesth 1886. EEeisch, "Wien. St. 9, 95. — The date of composition of the- 
 several poems cannot usually be exactly determined, and the date of publication, 
 of the books is also uncertain: b. 1 perhaps in the middle of 726/28; b. 2 + 3 (in, 
 this 3, 31 was written immediately after the dedication of the temple to Apollo on, 
 the Palatine 9th Oct. 726/28, and in the closing poem 3, 34 Cornelius Gallus (§ 232,, 
 1) f 727/27 is mentioned as modo mortuus) about 728/26-729/25 ; b. 4 (in this 4, 18 ; 
 on the death of Marcellus (n. 4), f 731/23) about 732/22-733/21 ; b. 5 (in this 5, 11 
 on Cornelia, f 738/16) about 738/16-739/15. See besides BEschenburg in the liber 
 misc. soc. Bonn. (1864) 83. Bahrens 1.1. xlv, and the treatises by AMarx (n. 1. ad 
 fin.), EScharf (n. 7), KKirchner (n. 4), PPlessis, etud. 195, EEeisch, Wien. Stud. 
 9, 106 and many others. 
 
 4. Among the Alexandrine poets Propertius mentions as his models especially 
 Kallimachos and Philetas (4, 1, 1. 4, 3, 52. 5, 1, 64. 5, 6, 3). Pie rendered themi 
 admiring homage and imitated them zealously, both as regards the legendary 
 materials they employed and individual poetical images and phrases, although it. 
 is very difficult to give proof of this owing to the fragmentary condition of the 
 Alexandrine literature, and e.g. many of the reminiscences of Kallimachos are only 
 to be recognised from the reflection of them in Paulus Silentiarus (AEeifferscheid,. 
 JB. 1880 3, 271). Cf. in general Hertzbehg 1, p. 186. AOtto, de fabulis Prop. I, 
 Bresl. 1880, H, Gross-Glogau 1886. PMallet, quaestt. Prop., Gott. 1882. In point 
 of natural character, these scholar-poets were really the antipodes of Propertius 
 with his rich imagination, and indeed the flames of his passion often rise above his 
 mythological manner : but that which after all attracted him towards them was- 
 their mastery over form, and this very adherence is proof sufficient that in spite of 
 his sensuous fervour Propertius maintained his intellectual self-command. He 
 was almost too apt a pupil of his models ; when he has moved, elevated and car- 
 ried away his readers, it suddenly occurs to him to return to the Alexandrine 
 manner : mythological names, stories and allusions are rattled off in strange med- 
 ley, and the reader's interest cools. Propertius' poetical gifts less than any had 
 need of external props ; but his impetuous nature imposed on itself this scholastic 
 ballast, so as not to be driven without goal or helm on the sea of passion. It was 
 Propertius who inspired the Eoman elegies of Goethe, who says later on in Eiemer, 
 Mittheil. 2, 646 ' Propertius' elegies . . . the greater part of which I have re- 
 read, have strongly stirred my nature, as works of this kind usually do, and given 
 me a desire to produce something of the same kind, etc' His books, the inexhaust- 
 ible life of the huge metropolis, and his own exuberant fancy supplied our poet, 
 however monotonous a life he might chance to lead, with the abundance of ideas 
 which distinguishes him from Tibullus, but they also destroyed the even balance 
 of his powers, the harmony of his colouring, and the clear steadiness of his 
 thoughts. 
 
 The poems on Italian or Eoman subjects are to be found in the last book : 
 Propertius' intention is to celebrate Eome in a work to which 5, 1 forms the intro- 
 
490 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 ■duction: we there find v. 67 Boma,fave, tibi surgit opus: date Candida, cives, omina 
 et incept is dextera cantet avis : sacra diesque canam et cognomina prisca locorum : has 
 meus ad metes sudet oportet equus. Cf . "besides 4, 3, 3 sqq. 4, 9, 49 sqq. Hence these 
 must have been atria in imitation of Kallimachos adapted to Italy. Propertius 
 probably -undertook the work at the solicitation of Maecenas : 4, 9, 49 and paneg. 
 in Pisonem 237 Maecenas alta Tonantis emit et populis ostendit nomina Grais, 
 carmina Romanis etiam resonantia chordis, on which see Bucheler, BhM. 36, 336 
 and EEeisch 1.1. 136 (cf. § 244, 2). Propertius, however, did not complete the 
 work. We have fragments of it in 5, 2 (Vertumnus). 4 (Tarpeia). 9 (Hercules 
 and Cacus). 10 (Iuppiter Peretrius). Varro, no doubt, principally supplied the 
 subject-matter for these poems. MTurk, de Prop, carminum quae pertinent ad 
 antiquitatem Bom. auctoribus, Halle 1885. — With these poems are connected to 
 some extent those on the most recent and contemporary events : 5, 6 (on the battle 
 of Actium). 11 (on the death of Cornelia, t 738/16) : the last-named poem, ' the 
 •queen of elegies,' as it has been called, of most touching and thrilling beauty, was 
 perhaps designed to ornament the grave of the deceased (cf. v. 36 in lapide hoc uni 
 nupta fuisse legar. Cf. EHubner, commentatt. Mommsen., Berl. 1877,98; Herm. 
 13, 423. Separate editions by Hofman-Peerlkamp, Amsterd. 1865 (cf. LMuller, 
 JJ. 91, 777). Further 4, 4 (on Augustus' armaments against the Parthians 
 732/22?). 4, 18 (on the death of the young Marcellus, f Sept. 731/23; Bucheler, 
 EhM. 39, 621, cf. Vekg. A. 6, 865 sqq.). The last book is proved by its increased 
 severity of metrical treatment to be the latest composition of the writer (KKirch- 
 ner 1.1. cap. 4), but it was probably not published by the poet himself. Cf. 
 EMerkel on Ovid's Pasti p. ccxlviii. LMuller ed. p. xiii. xlvii. See also 
 .§ 332, 4. The Propertian origin of b. 5 is contested with insufficient reason by 
 DCarutti (Prop. Cynthia, cum libro IV qui Propertii nomine fertur, Hagae Com. 
 1869, p. xxxiv). Cf. the same writer, Mem. dell. Acad, di Torino 2, 26 (1868), 23. 
 A vindication of the tradition by EVoigt, de quarto (V) Prop, libro, Helsingf. 
 1872 and KKirchner, de Prop. 1. V, Eost. 1882 ; Festgabe f. WCrecelius, Elberf. 
 1881, 62. EScharf (n. 7) 62. Cf. also Eeisch 1.1. 123.— On the rhetorical element 
 in P.'s method see the references in Hertzberg's prolegg. p. 105. On the refined 
 construction of his elegies Hertzberg ib. p. 80-103 ; and, with much exaggeration, 
 KMullenhoff (allg. Monatsschrift 1854, 186 ; see now the same author Herm. 13, 
 423) and CPrien (Symmetrie u. Eesponsion d. rom. Elegie, Liib. 1867, 36). 
 'ODrenckhaiix, stroph. Composition in b. 3 d. Prop., ZfGW. 22, 177. 257 ; in b. 4, 
 :Stendal 1868. — On the succession and arrangement of the poems (variatio, etc.) cf. 
 KPSchulze, JJ. 131, 867. AOtto, Herm. 20, 552. On the metre of Prop. cf. 
 Eschenburg, observ. p. 1, ChrLutjohann, comm. propert. 96, ThBibt, hist, hexam. 
 lat. (1876) 26 and LMuller's ed. p. xlvii, Postgate (n. 6) p. cxxvi. Cf. also § 32 
 4 and 5. — On the diction cf. besides Hertzberg, Postgate (n. 6) p. lxxxix and 
 others, BKuttner, de Prop, elocutione quaestt, Halle 1878. PHetmasn, in Prop, 
 quaestt. gramm. et orthogr., Halle 1883. Frahnert, zum Sprachgebr. des P. (on 
 'Supina, Gerundia, Participia), Halle 1874. AHOrle de casuum usu Prop., Halle 
 1887. NMButler, the postpositive et in Prop., Americ. journ. of philol. 12, 349. 
 AWagher, de syntaxi Propertiana, Passau 1888. WAEdwards, d. syntakt. 
 Gracismen bei Pr., Geneva 1889. WSchneider, de Prop, sermonis novatore et 
 amplificatore, Strassb. 1888. ASpandau, de serm. Prop. I, Lps. 1888. HSpindler, 
 .syntaxeos Prop. capp. II (de verbi tempp. et modis), Marb. 1888. 
 
 5. Propertius' works are very rarely cited by later authors and were un- 
 known during the Middle Ages, hence we do not find him quoted in anthologies 
 •etc. (see Barrens' ed. p. 197). There are extant at the present time only late and 
 
§ 246. PROPERTIOS. 491 
 
 for the most part very corrupt MSS., derived from one and the same original, 
 "which has disappeared. A MS. of Propertius belonging to Petrarch is the first 
 mentioned. It is about this MS. or a transcription of it that Coluccio Salutato is 
 ■concerned (§ 187, 5) in a letter of a. 1374 (see MHaupt's op. 1, 277). Comparatively 
 the most correct version is the cod. Neapolitanus, now in Wolfenbuttel Gud. 224, s. 
 XII/XIII '? ; facsimile of 6 pages of the Neapol. in FPlessis, etudes sur Prop., Par. 
 1884. On the history of the Neapolitanus see PdeNoliiac, bibl. de FOrsini, Par. 
 1887, 233. The MSS. (Laur. 36, 49 s. XV, Leidensis Voss. 38 s. XIV, Ottoboniano- 
 Vaticanus 1514 s. XV, Daventriensis 1792 s. XV) preferred by Bahrens (in his ed.) 
 ■do not merit this preference above the Neapol., and only the two latter should be 
 ranked with but after it. FLeo, RhM. 35, 441. AKiessling, DLZ. 1880, 231. 
 APalmer, Hermath. 7 (1881), 40. KRossberg. JJ. 127, 65. RSolbisky, de codd. 
 Prop., Jena 1882 ( = diss. Ienens. 2, 139). CWeber, de auctoritate codd. Prop., Hagen 
 1887. The Groninganus s. XV, which was formerly much valued, also abounds in 
 interpolations ; see HKiel, obss. 11. MHaupt, op. 2, 53. ChrHeimreich, quaestt. 
 Prop. (Bonn. 1863) p. 2. WGrujime, de codd. Prop. Groning. et Neapol., Aurich 
 1869. Chr Lutjohann, comment, propert. p. 3. EHeydenreich, quaest. Prop. 37. 
 On the Propertian MSS. generally see Hertzberg's ed. 1, p. 231, LMuller's ed. p. 
 iv together with RhM. 27, 162. EBahrens' ed. p. iv. FPlessis, etud. s. Prop. p. 
 1. On the re-discovered Cuiacianus of Scaliger : § 214, 11 (collated with Propertius 
 -in Palmer's ed. [n. 6] p. 139). — On a cod. Corsin. s. XV see HSchenkl, Wien. Stud. 
 .3, 160. 
 
 6. Editions (see Hertzberg 1, p. 248, Plessis 1.1. p. 47) e.g. JScaliger, Par. 
 1577 (and elsewhere). JPasseratius, Par. 1608 (with a full ind. verb, and a 
 
 ■ commentary). JBkoukhusius, Amsterd. 1727. JAVulpi, Padua 1755 II. PBur- 
 .mannus (and LvSanten), Utr. 1870. — CLachmann, Lps. 1816 with a commentary ; 
 <ed. of the text Berl. 1829. FJacob, Lps. 1827. WAHertzberg, Halle 1843-45 III 
 (cf. HKeil, ZfAW. 1845, 519). Recens. EBahrens, Lps. 1880, rec. APalmer, Lond. 
 1881. FAPaley, Lond. 2 1872 (also b. 5 with verse transl., Lond. 1866.) JPPost- 
 gate, Select elegies, ed. with introd., notes etc., Lond. 1881. — Texts by HKeil, 
 Lps. 1850. MHaupt (§ 214, 11). LMuller (§ 214, 11). 
 
 7. The obstacles which the poet offers to rapid comprehension, the uneven 
 ■method of his composition, which develops the ideas now by anticipation, now by 
 .retrospect, here passing over the connecting details, there throwing them in as 
 aiterthoughts — all this has caused Propertius to be loaded with useless conjectures, 
 and it has been attempted to mend the text by numerous arbitrary transpositions. 
 Recent contributions to criticism and explanation : HKeil, observatt. crit. in 
 
 •Prop., Bonn 1843. FJacob, Phil. 2, 446. 3, 552. RUnger, anall. Philetaea et 
 Propertiana, Neubrandenb. 1850 ; anall. Propert. etc., Halle 1851 ; Phil. 19, 319 ; 
 emendd. Prop., Friedland 1868. MHaupt, op. 2, 52. 101. 3, 205. 513 : in Belger's 
 Biogr. of Haupt (Berl. 1879) 249 and elsewhere. WFischer, de locis quibusd. 
 'Prop., Bonn 1863. ChrHeimreich, quaestt. Prop., Bonn 1863; novae quaestt. 
 .Prop, in the symb. philol. Bonn. 669. HAKoch, symb. phil. Bonn. 321. BEschen- 
 itorg in the liber miscellaneus (Bonn 1864), 83 ; obss. crit. in Prop., Bonn 1865. 
 ■ ChrLutjohann, commentatt. Prop., Kiel 1869 (esp. on b. 5). REllis in the pro- 
 fessorial dissertations of University College, London 1871-72. 1872-73 ; journ. of 
 .phil. 15, 12. AKiessling, coniectan. Prop., Greifsw. 1875. EHeydenreich in 
 commentatt. phil. sem. Lips. (1874) p. 3 on 3, 34 (see Teuefel, Jen. LZ. 1875, 453) ; 
 quaestt. Prop., Lps. 1875 ; Ubersichten iiber die neuere Prop.-Lit., JB. 1886 2, 139. 
 1887 2, 83. KWeber, quaestt. Prop, (on interpolation), Halle 1876. EBahrens, 
 misc. crit. (Groning. 1879) 70. CRossberg, lucubratt. Prop., Stade 1877; JJ. 127, 
 
492 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 G4. CESandstrSm, eniendatt. in Prop., Lucan., Valer. PL, TJps. 1878. HKnauth,.. 
 quaestt. Prop., Halle 1878. CPeipeh, quaestt. Prop., Creuzburg 1879. HAJMunro, 
 journ. of phil. 6, 28. JPPostgate, ibid. 9, 62. JJCornelissen, Mnemos. NS. 7, 98. 
 INMadvig, adv. orit. 2, 62. APalmer in Hermathena b. 1 sq., Dublin 1873 sq.. 
 11, 318. EDieteich, quaestt. Tib. et Prop, (transpositions in 2, 6. 2, 8. 2, 11). 
 Marb. 1873. LKeahnee, Phil. 27, 58 (on 5, 1). FLeo, BhM. 35, 431. CBeandt, 
 quaestt. Prop., Berl. 1880. LPolster, qu. P., Ostrowo 1881. BSchaef, qn. P. f 
 Gott. 1881. JWeidgen, qu. P., Cobl. 1881-82 II. JVahlen, Beitrr. z. Beriehtigg. 
 des P., Berl. SBer. 1881, 335. 1882, 263, (on 1, 8. 2, 1) ; die Patus-Elegie d. P. (4. 
 7), ib. 1883, 69 ; Berl. ind. schol. 1886/87. AOtto, die Versumstellungen bei Prop. 
 I, Grlogau 1884 ; die Versumstellungen b. Prop. 4, 1-4, in the commentatt. in hon. 
 Beifferscheidii, Bresl. 1884, 11 ; BerlphWschr. 5, 481 ; d. Eeihenfolge d. Gedd. d. 
 Prop., Herm. 20, 552 ; neue Beitr. z. Erkl. d. Prop., Herm. 23. 21. ThKorsch, de 
 interpolatt. Prop., Nord. Tidskr. f. fil. 5, 257. FAPaley, journ. of phil. 16, 183. 
 WEHoirsMAN*, ibid. 16, 1. Eibbeck, BhM. 10, 481. OTappe, anall. ad Prop. 1. I, 
 in the Festschr. d. Konigst. Bealsch., Berl. 1882, 75. GKuhlewein, in the Festpr.. 
 an HHeerwagen, Erl. 1882, p. 1. ThBirt (b. I), EhM. 38, 196. FPlessis, etudes 
 critiques sur Prop, et ses elegies, Par. 1886 ; Propertiana. extr. du -bull, de la fao. 
 de Poitiers, Par. 1886. HFleischmank, Wien. St. 10, 150. AKiessling, commen- 
 tariolum Propert. (on 5, 11), Greifsw. 1889. 
 
 8. On Propertius see e.g. Geuppe, rom. Eleg. 1, 274. FJacob, Properz, Ltib.. 
 1847. WTeuffel, PEE. 6, 99. MHaupt, op. 3, 205. ThFKylandee, Prop., en 
 lit.-historisk Studie I, Upsala 1877. Postgate (n. 6) in his introduction. Plessis, 
 etud. 281. Buchelee, Properz, in the deutsche Eevue 8 (1883), 187. 
 
 9. Translations by OLvKnebel (Lpz. 1798; new ed. Lpz. 1882 Eeclam),. 
 PCvStkombeck (Brunswick 1822), JHVoss (Brunswick 1830), WHertzbekg 
 (Stuttg. 1838; ausgewahlte Elegien, Class, d. Alt- 1855, p. 137), P Jacob (Stuttg. 8 
 1868). In English (verse) 6, JCeanstouk, Lond. 1875. 
 
 247. P. Ovidius Naso, of an equestrian, family at Sulmo (a. 
 711/43 b.c— 770/17 or 771/18 a.d.), received an extensive rhetori- 
 cal training, but at an early age devoted himself exclusively to 
 poetry, for which he possessed an uncommon formal talent. Yet 
 he remained rhetorical even in poetry, dallying with thought- 
 and subject-matter, rejoicing in brilliant figures and witty turns, 
 without any seriousness, higher aims or firmness, indifferent to 
 the claims and problems of life, but ingenious, piquant and origi- 
 nal, showing unsurpassed mastery in all points of form, and in- 
 imitable lightness, adroitness and grace. In his first period he- 
 treated almost exclusively of sensual love, in the manner of the 
 Alexandrine elegiac poets, though he always imparted to mytho- 
 logy, elegy and didactic poems a dash of irony by his frivolous 
 selection of subjects. In his second period he wrote on subjects, 
 of Grreek mythology and Italian legends, in nearly the same 
 manner, but with greater care and earnestness. The works ot 
 his third period were composed at Tomi, and contain endless- 
 
§ 247. ovidius (life). 493 
 
 •complaints about his exile alternating with humble prayers for 
 pardon. 
 
 10 
 
 1. Ovid's description of himself : tr. 4, UK His name rests on the authority 
 -of the MSS. ; he often calls himself Naso, e.g! am. 3 , 11, 27. 2, 1, 2. He was born 
 '20 March (trist. 4, 10, 13. cf. fast. 3, 813) 711/43 (trist. 4,10, 6 cf. Hieron. on Eus. 
 
 chron. a. Abr. 1975) at Sulmo (am. 3^,15, 11. Pont. 4, 14, 49 and elsewhere) in 
 Paelignis (am. 2, 1, 1. 2, 16. 37. 3, 15, 3. 8 and elsewhere), being the second son 
 of a well-to-do (trist. 2, 113) father. His brother died as early as 730/24 at the 
 age of 20 (ib. 4, 10, 31). He studied rhetoric : see Sen. controv. 2, 10, 8 hanc con- 
 troversiam memini ab Ovidio Nasone declamari apud rhetorem Arellium Fuscum, 
 ■ cuius auditor fuit ; nam Latronis admirator erat, cum diversum sequeretur dicendi 
 genus, habebat ille comptum et deceits et amabile ingenium. oratio eius iam turn, nihil 
 aliud poterat videri quam solutum carmen, adeo autem studiose Latronem audiit ut 
 multas illius sententias in versus suos transhderit . . . (9) tunc autem ami 
 studeret habebatur bonus declamator. . . . (12) declamabat autem Naso raro con- 
 troversias, et non nisi ethicas ; libentius dicebat suasorias. molesta Mi erat omnis 
 argumentatio. verbis minime Hcenter usus est, nisi in carniinibus, in quibus non 
 ignoravit vitia sua, sed amavit. . . . adparet summi ingenii viro non indicium 
 d.efuisse ad compescendam licentiam carmiiuim suorum, sed animum. aiebat interim 
 decentiorem faciem esse in qua aliquis naevos fuisset. — Ov. tr. 1, 7, 1. 8 mentions 
 portraits of himself (busts and gems). 
 
 2. The official career of Ovid : (twice) XXvir, i.e. triumvir capitalis (trist. 4, 
 10, 33) and decemvir (stlitibus iudic, fast. 4, 383), a member of the court of the 
 centumvirs (trist. 2, 93. Pont. 3, 5, 23) ; judge (trist. 2, 95). There are, however, 
 but very slight traces in his writings of special knowledge of the ius civile. A 
 further continuation of this career was prevented by Ovid's laziness and preference 
 for poetry (trist. 4, 10, 35). He undertook a journey to Athens, Asia, and Sicily 
 (trist. 1, 2, 77. Pont. 2. 10, 21). He was twice married at an early age and soon 
 -divorced (trist. 4, 10, 69) ; his third wife, Pabia (cf. HPeter on Ov. fast. 6, 802), 
 remained faithful to him in exile. Ovid had a legitimate daughter who was twice 
 married, trist. 4, 10, 75 ; cf. 1, 3, 19. Sen. dial. 2, 17 Fidum Cornelium, Nasonis 
 Ovidi generum. This daughter cannot be the Perilla alluded to in trist. 3, 7, 
 whose poetical taste was encouraged by Ovid. VXoers, de Ovidii filia, RhM. 1 
 (1833), 125. 2K2aKeAXap<J7rouXos, y 0vyarijp rov 'OfSidlov in the 'AttwJk 7ifiepo\6yioi> 
 1879, 14. SGOwen on trist. p. xvp, xxix. Priends and intimates: Propertius 
 (trist. 4, 10, 45), Gallio (Pont. 46%A. Sen. suas. 3, 7. p. 27 K.), Hyginus (Suet. gr. 
 20), the poets Ponticus, Bassus, Macer, Sabinus, Tuticanus (see § 252, 1 sqq.), Cotta 
 (§ 267, 6), Graecinus (am. 2, 10. Pont. 1, 6), Atticus (am. 1, 9, 2. Pont. 2, 4) and 
 others ; MKoch, prosographiae Ovidianae elementa, Bresl. 1865. OHennig, de 
 Ovidii sodalibus (=the contemporary poets mentioned in Ovid), Berl. 1883 and 
 further references § 250, 1. 
 
 3. His exile. Decern luslris peractis (trist. 4, 8, 33 cf. 4, 10, 95. Ibis 1) Tomitas 
 ■quaerere me laesi principis ira iubet (tr. 4, 10, 97). In Elba he received the first 
 news of his prosecution (Pont. 2, 3, 83). He was relegatus, non exsul (tr. 2, 137), and 
 hence retained his fortune (Ibis 24). The description of his departure from Borne 
 tr. 1, 3. It took place towards the end of 761/8 a.d. In December Ovid was on 
 the Adriatic (trist. 1, 11, 3) and it was probably only in the spring of 762/9 that, 
 after a long and tedious voyage (tr. 1, 10), he arrived at Tomi: he passed there as 
 sexta bruma the winter of 767/14 (Pont. 4, 13, 40). HBrandes, J J. 115, 353, 
 -CSchbadee, ib. 846, EMeyer, ZfGW. 32, 451, GGraber, quaestt. Ovid. 1, Elberf. 
 
494 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 1881, in. ThMatthias, JJ. 129, 201. GNick, Phil. Anz. 12, L94 and other refer- 
 ences § 250, 1. The cause consisted in duo crimina, carmen et error (tr. 2, 207).. 
 The first of these, his immoral and dangerous ars amandi, is often mentioned by- 
 Ovid, who attempts to justify himself (esp. in b. 2 of the tristia, specially addressed 
 to Augustus, ib. 3, 1, 7. Pont. 2, 9, 69. 2, 10, 15. 3, 3, 69. 4, 13, 41. Ibis 6 and 
 elsewhere), and hence Ai'oll. Sidon. c. 23, 157, Vict. epit. 1, 27' mention his tres- 
 libellos amatoriae artis as the sole cause of his exile (Ovid. Pont. 4, 13, 42 says. 
 prima causa). It is indeed quite credible that Augustus should have been highly 
 displeased -with a work so greatly opposed to his attempts to promote marriage 
 and a moral life (tr. 2, 7 carmina fecerunt ut me moresque notqret iam demum visa. 
 Caesar ah arte meos. 2, 212 arguor obsceni doctor adulterii). But ten years had 
 passed since the first appearance of it, and the immediate cause must have con- 
 sisted in quite a different error. Concerning this (his error, not scelus tr. 1, 3, 37.. 
 3, 1, 52. 4, 10, 90. Pont. 3, 3, 75 ; cf. 1, 6, 25. 2, 9, 75) Ovid always speaks in 
 mysterious expressions. Even the reason given for his silence, his unwillingness, 
 to renew Augustus' pain (trist. 2, 209 cf. 3, 6, 27), shows that the latter must have 
 felt offended in his personal interests (cf. tr. 2, 133 tristibus invectus verbis . . . 
 zdtus es offensas . . . ipse tuas). And as Ovid blames his eyes as the guilty 
 part (tr. 2, 103 cur aliquid vidi, cur noxia lumina feci ! cur imprudenti cognita culpa 
 mihi est ! cf . 3, 5, 49 inscia quod crimen viderunt lumina plector, peccatumque oculos 
 est habuisse meuni; ib. 3, 6, 27. Pont. 3, 3, 74), it is highly probable that he 
 witnessed without preventing the guilty act of some member of the Imperial 
 family, perhaps under the erroneous impression (partem nostri criminis error 
 habet, tr. 3, 5, 52) that Augustus himself knew of it and connived at it. This was. 
 probably the younger Julia's (Augustus' grand-daughter) adulterous connection 
 with D. Silanus (Tac. ann. 3, 24). Julia was banished in the same year as Ovid 
 (Tac ann. 4, 71) : Silanus was disgraced and went into voluntary exile (Tac. ann. 
 3, 24) : the principal blame was perhaps laid upon Ovid, against whom Augustus 
 may have been still predisposed on account of his ars amandi. The whole of 
 Ovid's works (not only the ars, cf. v. 65) were removed from the three public 
 libraries (§ 219, 21), see trist. 3, 1, 60 sqq. — ThDyek, in the Classical Mus. 1847, p. 
 229. GBoissiek, rev. des deux mondes 69 (1867) p. 580. CLEoth, wiirtt. Corresp.- 
 Bl. 1854, 185. ADeville, sur l'exil d'Ovide, Par. 1859. EAppel, quibus de causis 
 Ovid relegatus sit, Lps. 1872. Minich, atti dell' inst. Veneto di scienze 6, 5, 10 
 (1881). GtSchomann, Phil. 41, 171. EKGrber, de Ov. relegationis causis, Petersb. 
 1883. JHubek, d. Ursachen d. Verbannung Ov.'s, Regensb. 1888. ETiiomas, rev. 
 de phil. 13, 47. 
 
 4. The manner in which Ovid bore his exile can only be compared with the 
 meekness of Schubart when broken down by a lengthy imprisonment ; his com- 
 plaints resemble those of Cicero in his exile ; his crouching to Augustus is carried 
 to a delire d'adulation (Boissier). In losing Rome, he had lost himself. He now 
 confines himself to the request that at least some other place of exile may bet 
 assigned to him (e.g. trist. 2, 577. Ibis 18), or again he cries to be pardoned and 
 recalled. Augustus was already softened or tired out by the continual prayers of 
 Ovid, but he died (Pont. 4, 6, 25 sq.), and his successor's cold heart was inaccessible 
 to sighs and flatteries (Pont. l.JC 17). So it came that Ovid died at Tomi (on the 
 Black Sea, in Moesia, the modern Kustindje) : Hieron. on Eus. chron. a. Abr. 
 2033 = 770/17 a.d. (in the Amand. as early as a. 2032, in the Bongars. not until a. 
 2034) Ovidius poeta in exilio diem obiit et iuxta oppidum Tomos sepelitur. ThMat- 
 thias, JJ. 129, 214 conjectures from fast. 1, 223 that Ovid must have died during 
 the first four months of 771/18 ; cf . Mebkel on Ov. fast. p. cclxvii. 
 
§ 247. OVIDIUS (characteristics). 495. 
 
 5. The MS. vitae Ovidii (esp. Vrndob., Vat. and Fames.) are of no value, but 
 Ovid's own poems are excellent sources for his life, especially trist. 4, 10. Among 
 modern biographies the best is JMasson, Ovidii vita ordine chronologico sie 
 delineata ut poetae fata et opera veris assignentur annis etc., Amstelod. 1708. A 
 detailed and elaborate account is given by EvLeutsch, in Ersch and Gruber's. 
 Allg. Enc. 3, 8 (1836), 39.— ENageotte, Ovide, Dijon 1872.— No authentic portraits 
 of Ovid (cf. a. 1 ad fin.) are extant : JJBernoulli, rom. Ikonogr. 1, 287. 
 
 6. On the character of Ovid : Sen. controv. 2, 10 (above note 1) and 9, 28, 17 
 Ovidius nescit quod bene cessit relinquere. Sen. nat. qu. 3, 27, 13 poetarum ingenio- 
 sissimus, . . . nisi tantum impetum ingenii et materiac ad pueriles ineptias 
 reduxisset. Quint. 10, 1, 88 lascivus quidem in heroin qitoque Ovidius et nirnium 
 amator ingenii stii, laudandus tamen inpartibus. Cf . ib. 93 (Ovidius utroqve. — Tibullus 
 and Propertius — lascivior). 98 Ovidii Medea videtur mihi ostendere quantum ille vir 
 praestare potuerit, si ingenio suo imperare quam indulgere mahtisset. Among Ovid's 
 own expressions the following are most significant : trist. 4, 10, 26 quidquid 
 tentabam dicere (in prose) versus erat ; ib. 40 otia iudicio semper amata meo. He 
 feels himself to be the child of his time: (a. a. 3, 121 prisca invent alios, ego me 
 nunc denique natum gratulor ; haec aetas moribus apta meis . . . quia cultits 
 adest, nee nostras mansit in annos rusticitas). His ideas on the gods are very free : 
 expedit esse deos, et ut expedit esse putemits . . . innocue vivite, numen adest (a. a- 
 1, 637 ; cf. 3. 654. am. 3, 3, 23). Kruse, de Ov. nioribus et operibus, Strals. 1856. 
 AJUeichart, die sittliche Lebensanschauung des Ovid, Potsd. 1867. 
 
 7. As his proper domain and chief performance Ovid himself considers (erotic) 
 elegy (am. 2, 18, 13. 3, 1. 3, 15, 13. a. a. 3, 343. rem. am. 389. 395. trist. 4, 10; 
 54. Pont. 3, 3, 29), in the peculiar metre of which he also treated subjects properly 
 belonging to epic (the Fasti) or iambic poetry (Ibis). Among Ids predecessors 
 he thought most of Tibullus (cf. am. 3, 9), from whom he frequently borrowed 
 subjects, thoughts, illustrations, expressions and phrases (AZingerle 1, especially 
 54), though he often turns them to frivolous use (cf. a. a. 2, 669 with Tib. 1, 1), 
 next of Propertius (cf. § 246, 2). There are also reminiscences of the other 
 literature of the time (Vergil, Horace, Lygdamus etc.) and of Lucretius, as indeed 
 may easily be supposed of a poet gifted with such a, prodigious memory ; he is 
 fond of dressing up citations of this kind mythologically (fast. 3, 465 = Catull. 64, 
 132 ; met. 14, 812 and fast. 2, 487 = Enn. ann. 1, 47 Vahl.). Reminiscences of the 
 epigrammatist Philodemos of Gadara: see below p. 497, 1. 5. The comparisons 
 and' metaphors so frequent in Ovid are also almost all the result of reading. 
 JAWashietl, de similitudinibus imaginibusque Ovidianis, Vienna 1883. He 
 also repeats himself very frequently, and sometimes, it may be supposed, quite in- 
 tentionally (e.g. a. a. 2, 77 = met. 8, 217). Cf. Sen. suas. 3, 7. Cf. AZingerle, Ovid 
 u. s. Verhaltnis zu den Vorgangern u. gleichzeitigen romischen Dichtern (I Cat. 
 Tib. Prop., II Enn. Lucr. Verg., Ill Hor.), Innsbr. 1869-71 III. ALuneburg, de 
 Ovidio sui imitatore, Konigsberg 1888. All this, and his treatment of his 
 materials, show that Ovid's principal strength lies in his formal style. His 
 wonderful gift of adaptation and his sensibility enable him to deal with every 
 kind of idea, to transform it with ever-varying modifications, and toilluminate it 
 with all the brilliancy of his skilful rhetoric. After the fashion of an improvisa- 
 tore, Ovid delights his readers with a display which, like a fine show of fireworks, 
 burns out and leaves no lasting impression. Ovid has a masterly command of the 
 mythological jargon of his time, though he is just as lax in regard to the particu- 
 lars as he is in all matters of detail (e.g. am. 3, 6, 31. 12, 21. rem. am. 783). 
 
496 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 8. His diction is simple, clear and full of natural grace ; his verse is smooth, 
 fluent and elegant : no Roman has shown greater mastery of the elegiac metre 
 than Ovid ; yet his verse, as applied to all subjects alike, gives a certain impression 
 
 •of monotony. — GVBucht, de usu infinitivi ap. Ov., Upsala 1875. ETeillhaas, d. 
 Inf. bei Ov., Erlangen 1877. StSobieski (see § 225, 7). EvKittlitz, Phil. 11, 283 
 (part. fut. act. in Ov.). PHau, de casuum usu Ovid., Munst. 1887. Lowe, 
 Lexikalisches zu Ov., Strehlen 1888. See further under the various poems. — 
 "MSchmidt, de Ovidii hexametris, Cleves 1856. LMuller, de re metr. 91. 408. 
 ThBirt, hist, hexam. lat. 52. JDraheih, Herm. 14, 253. Cf. above § 19, 2. 32, 4 
 and 5. On the same or similar verse-endings : EGeibel, Hadersleben 1872. 
 HStSedlmayer, Wien. Stud. 2, 293. 
 
 9. On Ovid and his writings see EvLeutsch in Ersch. and Gruber's Enc. 
 :3, 8, 54. Teuffel, PEE. 5, 1028. MHaupt pref. to his ed. of the met. p. in. 
 
 WABHertzberg in the ausgew. Gedd. d. r5m. Elegiker (Stuttg. 1855) 227. 
 ■Cavallin, ad libros Ov. prolegg., Lund 1859. AEiese pref. to his ed. 1, v. MSArrA, 
 'Ovidio umorista, Biv. di filol. 11, 347. 
 
 248. The most faithful image of Ovid's peculiar character 
 may be gained from his erotic poems, with which he commenced 
 his literary career : the Amores, three books of elegies, lasci- 
 vious scenes connected with the name of Corinna, the rhetorical 
 Epistulae (Heroides), fictitious love-letters addressed by ladies 
 ■of the heroic age to their lovers, with the addition of some 
 spurious compositions ;- then also the Ars amatoria, a humorous 
 ■ didactic poem in three books, wanton in tone and contents 
 though displaying great knowledge of the subject and much 
 psychological refinement — and its companion, the Remedia 
 amoris, also the poem on female toilet (libellus demedicamine 
 faciei). In the same period Ovid wrote his tragedy of Medea 
 .and other works which have not come down to us. 
 
 1. Lines from the Amores and Ars were found on the walls of Pompeii ; see 
 CIL. 4, p. 260. The MSS. of all the carmina amatoria of Ovid are derived from 
 
 • an archetype, where they seem to have been in the following order: ars. am., 
 remedia, amores, epistulae, medicamina (see n. 7). The best MSS. are two Parisini, 
 
 • 8242 P(utanus) s. XI and 7311 E(egius) s. X, and Sangallens. 864 s. XI, Etonensis 
 :s. XI (see Sedlmayer, proleg. crit. ad Ov. her. p. 4) etc. See further under the 
 
 various works. — Editions : Ovidii amatoria c. var. lect. ed. CGWernsdorf, 
 Helmstedt 2 1802 ; recogn. (without epist. and medic.) LMuller, Berl. 1861. Cf. 
 LMuller, zur Kritik des ersten Teils der ovid. Dichtungen, EhM. 17, 522. 18, 
 71. 20,256; de re metr. 43. Ovid's erotic works translated by ABerg, Stuttg. 
 1867. 
 
 2. Early poems, trist. 4, 10, 57 carmina cum primum populo iuvenilia legi, Jiarba 
 .reseda mihi bisve semelve fuit. moverat ingenium totam cantata per urbem nomine 
 non vero dicta Corinna mild (cf. am. 2, 13. a. a. 3, 538. Mart. 5, 10, 10. 8,73,10 
 and other passages). Ap. Sidon. carm. 23, 159 calls her (manifestly by an error) 
 •Caesarea paella. Much of the subject-matter of the amores was no doubt fur- 
 
§ 248. ovidius (amatory poems;. 497 
 
 nished by the poet's own life (cf. am. 3, 1, 16. 22, 53. 3, 12) ; but the whole work 
 is nevertheless a creation of poetic fancy fed on well-known themes, situations and 
 literary models, not a poetic idealisation of actual facts, such as Tibullus' and Pro- 
 pertius' songs on Delia and Cynthia. The name Corinna is only chosen as a col- 
 lective title for the elegies (cf. besides a. 2, 17. 29. a. a. 3, 538). The work breathes 
 the refined dissoluteness of the Soman aristocracy. The obscenity of these poems 
 is sometimes quite distressing (e.g. esp. 2, 13 sq. 3, 7). Bat they also contain such 
 beautiful compositions as the elegy on the death of Tibullus (3, 9). Oyid (accord- 
 ing to the epigram prefixed) himself brought out two editions of his Amores : the 
 •first in five books probably published in his early youth about 740/14 (e.g. 3, 9 
 shortly after the death of Tibullus 735/19), the second (now extant) had been 
 revised, what was immature being rejected. The Amores appeared (the second 
 edition as well) before the a. a., therefore before 752/2 ; see am. 2, 18, 19. a. a. 
 3, 343 deve tribus (?) libris titulus quos signat amorum elige quod docili molliter ore 
 leges. 3, 538. The epilogue (am. 3, 15, 18) announces an important work (perhaps 
 tragedies; cf. n. 8). — Gruppe, rOm. El. 1, 374. 2, 205. LMuller, de Ov. amorum 
 libris, Phil. 11 , 60. 192. EKautenberg, de arte compositionis in Ov. am., Bresl. 
 1868. JHeuwes, de tempore quo Ov. amores, heroides, ars am. c&nscripta et edita 
 sint, Miinster 1883. His use of the epigrams of Philodemos of Gidara (a friend 
 of L.Calpurnius Piso cos. 696/58 § 179,37): GKaibel, Philod. Gad. epigr., Greifsw. 
 1885. — Translated by WHertzberg (Stuttg. 1854 ; a selection in the rom. Elegiker, 
 CI. d. Alt. p. 225), HLindemann (Lpz. 1859), ABerg (see n. 1) and HOelsch lager, 
 Lpz. 2 1881. 
 
 3. Ars. am. 3, 345 (after mentioning the Amores) vel tibi composita cantetur 
 epis tula voce; ignotum hoc aliis ille (Ovid) novavit opus. It is a special kind of 
 the poetic epistle first introduced by Ovid (§ 25), which may have been suggested 
 by Propertius' letter of Arethusa (5, 3) to Lycotas (EReisch, Wien* Stud. 9, 143) 
 or by Greek models (KDiLTHEr, obss. in Ov. her. I, Gott. 1884, i). The poet is not 
 very careful as to the exact character of time and situation, but even here the 
 fluctuating moods are finely represented. Prisc Gl. 2, 544, 4 Ovidius in heroidibus. 
 In the MSS. they are generally entitled epistulae. The letters of a) Penelope, b) 
 Phyllis, c) Oenone, d) Canace, e) Hypsipyle, f ) Ariadne, g) Phaedra, h) Dido, and 
 i) Sappho are mentioned as finished or planned by Ovid am. 2, 18, 21-26, also an- 
 swers by their respective lovers to a. g. h. b. e. i. composed by his friend Sabinus 
 ib. 27-38 (§ 252, 4). — The present collection consists of the following letters (those 
 which are also mentioned in the amor. 1.1. are spaced): by 1) Penelope, 2) 
 Phyllis, 3) Briseis, 4) Phaedra, 5) Oenone, 6) Hypsipyle, 7) Dido, 8) 
 Hermione, 9) Deianira, 10) A r i a d n e, 11) C a n a c e, 12) Medea, 13) Laodamia, 14) 
 Hypermnestra, 15) Sappho, 16) Paris, 17) Helena, 18) Leander, 19) Hero, 20) 
 Acontius, 21) Cydippe. — Among these no. 15 Sappho occupies a special position, as 
 it either does not appear at all in the MSS. of the Heroides at present known to us 
 (this applies to the majority of them and to the best), or it is not to be found included 
 among the Heroides and hardly ever (only in the Vindob. 3111 s. XV) bears the 
 name of Ovid. But that there did exist an early MS. version which gave Sappho 
 as no. 15 of the Heroides (perhaps this was also known to NHeiksius when he 
 placed Sappho after no. 14) is shown not only by the excerpts in Vincent of Beau- 
 vais, but especially by the Paris MS. excerpts 7647 and 17903 (see § 245, 7), in 
 which excerpts from no. 15 are placed between those from 14 and 16. Allusions 
 to the Sappho in the Epicedion Drusi (§ 251, 5) also prove that it belonged to the 
 best period : at a subsequent time we find such allusions in Sacerdos GL. 6, 482, 
 1 (from this Probus GL. 4, 30, 19) and in Ausonids, while its author himself made 
 
 B.L. K * 
 
498 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 use of Lucan (cf. v. 139 with Lucan. 6, 508 sqq.). On the very exaggerated use of 
 the poems of Ovid in the Sappho epistle see EXWerfer, acta sem. Monae. phil. 1, 
 4 and Loeks in his ed.— FWScbheidewin, EhM. 2, 138. 3, 144 (for the contrary- 
 view VLoees, EhM. 4, 40). JMahly, ih. 9, 624. FGWelcker, EhM. 11, 241; kl. 
 Schr. 2, 116. DComparetti, sulla epistola Ovidiana di Saffo (Publicaz. dell' Inst.di 
 studi superiori), Florence 1876. EBahrens, de ep. Sapphus, Eiv. di filol. 13 (1884), 
 49. ThBikt, EhM. 32, 388. 399. HStSedlmayer, prolegg. p. 32 ; Wien. Stud. 10, 
 167. MHaupt, op. 1, 339. SdeVeies, ep. Sapph. ad Phaonem, Leid. 1885. NBarbu, 
 de Sapph. ep., BerL 1887. — ILuniak, quaestt. Sapphicae (p. 2 de Ovid. Sapphus ep. 
 fontt. ; p. 97 critt. et exeget.), Kasan 1888. ABilger, de Ovid. her. appendice, 
 Paridis et Helenae epp- sintne Ovidi quaeritur, Marb. 1888. — Of 21 (Cydippe), 
 the last number, the majority and the best of the MSS. give only vs. 1-12, the rest 
 occurs only in old editions and in very few and quite late MSS., e.g. vs. 13-144 
 Par. 7997, Guelierb. Gud. 279, Oremifanensis 329, and on the other hand vs. 13-248 
 Laur. 36, 27 (here however these lines are only added by some writer of s. XVI ; 
 Sedlmayee, Wien. Stud. 3, 158), and Lips. 47, all s. XV. These lines are neverthe- 
 less most certainly genuine, i.e. they are the original continuation of the commence- 
 ment extant in the MSS. In the old editions we find heroidum Ovidii ultima recem 
 reperta (cf. § 251, 5). CDilthey, de Cydippe Callimachea, Lps. 1863 (where also p. 
 133 is the text of no. 20 and 21, together with Maximus Planudes' Greek transla- 
 tion of 20 and 21, 1-12 ; on the latter see WStudemdhd, Phil. 34, 370. AGudeman, 
 Berl. Studd. 8, 1) — Lastly, it is only in old copies (e.g. Parm. 1477) that we find 
 preserved lines 16, 39-142, which are indeed very weak (see also AEiese, Lit. Centr.- 
 Bl. 1879, 776), but which probably formed part of the original ; the gaps are to be 
 accounted for by the loss of some leaves, Peters 1.1. ThBirt, Gott. GA. 1882, 831. 
 —The best of the MSS. now extant is the P (§ 248, 1), next Eton, (ib.), Bern. 478 s. 
 XII (a collation by GWartenberg, WschrfklPh. 1887, 1272. 1366. 1464 ; cf. Dil- 
 they, obss. in her. 1, 11), the G(uelferbytanus 260 s. XIII), but the later MSS. are 
 valuable by way of check and supplement, especially where the P is wanting. An 
 enumeration and critique of the MSS. in Sedlmayer, prolegg. 1, 32, 85 and also 
 Dilthey's obss. in her. 1, 10. WPeters 1.1. cap. 1. 
 
 The last six epistulae differ even externally from 1-14, both by their being in 
 pairs,and by their greater volume and peculiarities of metre and prosody. Lachmann, 
 kl. Schriften 2, 61. LMuller, de re metr. 46 ; EhM. 17, 192. 18, 87. BEschenburg, 
 metr. Untersuchungen ub. die Echtheit der Heroiden des Ovid, Lubeck 1874 ; wie 
 hat Ov. einzelne Ww. u. Wortklassen verwandt? e. Beitr. z. Echtheitsfrage der 
 Her., Liib. 1886. But they too follow throughout the metrical construction of the 
 first century. It remains a question how these differences are to be accounted for. 
 Apparently (and this view seems the most obvious and probable) some clever imitator 
 composed these last pieces as a continuation of the Ovidian style of composition 
 (see e.g. Haupt, op. 1, 125. NMadvig, adv. 2, 77. ThBirt, EhM. 32, 386), and they 
 were afterwards, together with the Sappho (15) which is certainly not by Ovid, in- 
 corporated with the Ovidian collection : or did Ovid himself in later years (perhaps 
 in order to amuse himself during the dreary period of his banishment) return with 
 less freshness, but with all the more abundant phraseology to the kind of composi- 
 tion which he had originated in his youth ? AEiese, J J. 109, 569 ; JB. 1874/75 1, 
 234. 1877 2, 20. 1878 2, 243.— WZingerle, TJnterss. zur Echtheitsfrage der 
 Heroiden Ovids, Innsbr. 1878. HStSedlmayer, ZfoG. 30, 816. JVahlen, d. 
 Anfange der Her. d. Ov. (on missing parts at the beginning of the Her.), Abhh. 
 d. Berl. Akad. 1881. EBodenstein, Studd. zu. Ov. Her., Merseb. 1882. HJurenka, 
 Beittr. z. Krit. d. Ov. Her., Vienna 1881 ; quaestt. crit., Vienna 1885, 6. 12. 
 
§ 248. ovidius (amatory poems). 499 
 
 WPetebs, obss. ad Ov. her., Gott. 1882. CDilthey, obss. in Ov. epp. her. I, Gott. 
 1884. AStJezierski, de universis Ov. epist. her. et singillatim de Sapph. ep., 
 Tarnow 1886. Gilbert, Meissen 1887. JTolkiehn, Konigsb. 1888. -On the 
 sources of the Heroides (principally Hellenistic, but with occasional use of the tra- 
 gedians) see CDilthey Cyd. 41 and elsewhere. EEohde, gr. Boman 129. Welcker, 
 gr. Trag. 495 and elsewhere. ThBirt, BbJVI. 32, 398; antikes Buchwesen 378. 
 AKalkmann (§ 249, 1). MMayer, de Eur. mythopoeia, Berl. 1883 ; Herm. 20, 101. 
 —In general cf. besides Gruppe, Minos 495. KLehrs in his Horatius (1869) 
 ocxxii-ccliv. Separate editions by GBachet de Meziriac, la Haye 2 1716 II, DJv 
 Lennep, Amst. 2 1812, "WTerpstra (Leid. 1829), VLoers (Cologne 1829 sq. II), APal- 
 mer, Lond. 1874. Ovidii epp. XIII, ESShuckburgh, Lond. 1879. Ov. heroides appar. 
 crit. instr. HStSedlmayer, Vienna 1878 and a small ed., Prague 1886 (cf . the same 
 writer, proleg. crit. ad her. Ov., Vienna 1878; krit. Commentar zu Ov. Her., 
 Vienna 1881).— Translated by JHenning, EFMetzger (Stuttg. 1855), HLindemann 
 (Lpz. 1867). 
 
 4. A. Sabini epistolae tres (cf. n. 3 1. 12), printed in editions of Ovid (first 
 Vioent. 1480, Venet. 1486), were composed by the Italian Angelus Quirinus 
 Sabinus about a. 1467 (Sabini poetae opp., Pome 1474, as a supplement to his 
 Ammianus). OJahn, ZfAW. 1837, 631. CEGlaser, EhM. 1, 437. 
 
 5. Ars amatoria is the title in the MSS., against which there is no very 
 weighty argument in 1, 1 si quis . . . artem non novit amandi me legat, and 
 am. 2, 18, 19 artes teneri prqfitemur amoris (cf. Sen. controv. 3, 7 est eius qui hoc 
 saeculum amatoriis non arlibus tantum serf sententiis implevit). Ovid generally calls 
 it only ars (e.g. trist. 2, 303). The first two books contain rules for men how to 
 gain (b. 1) and to retain (b. 2) the love of young girls (libertinae) ; b. 3 contains 
 similar rules for girls. It is in vain that the poet now and then talks gravely 
 (2, 599. 3, 483. 615) or plays the moral man (3, 494. 613) and pretends to have 
 written his poem solis meretricious (tr. 2, 303 cf. ib. 244. Pont. 3, 3, 50), as love is 
 here taken as mere sensual pastime. The poem, didactic in form, becomes ironical 
 from the lively enjoyment which the poet derives from dressing up his wanton 
 subject-matter. He is well acquainted with ordinary feminine nature, e.g. 1, 99 
 spectatum veniunt, veniunt spectentur ut ipse ; 705 ut pudor est quondam 
 coepisse priorem, sic alio gratumst incipiente pati. The work was probably pub- 
 lished a. 752/2 or 753/1. Allusions to contemporary history 1, 177 e.g. Parthe, 
 dabis poenas; . . . ultor adest . . . bellaque non puero tractat agenda puer. par cite 
 natales, timidi, numerare deorum etc. — -Collation of a MS. Oxon. s. IX for b. 1 : 
 EEllis, Herm. 15, 425. — Translated by ChrPAdler (Lpz. 1843) and esp. by 
 WABHertzberg (with introd. and notes, Stuttg. 1854), and by HCriepen ( = 
 Pernice), Lpz. 1856. Edited (with the Amores) by JHWilliams, Lond. 1884. 
 
 6. Eemedia amoris,in one book, probably written a. 754 / 1 or 755 / 2, ad vice 
 how to free oneself from troublesome passion (v. 15, 41), rather a weak performance 
 when compared with the Ars, but not without psychological refinement and 
 masterly technique, rem. 385, Thais in arte mea. lascivia libera nostrast . . . 
 si mea materiae respondet Musa iocosae, vicimus etc. — A. Zingerle, Notes from MSS. 
 on Ov. B. A. (from an Innsbruck MS. saec. XV), in his kl. philol. Abhh., I (Inns- 
 bruck 1871) p. 31-34. — Transl. by Stkombeck (Brunswick 2 1829). WHertzberg, 
 (Stuttg. 1855). 
 
 7. Ovid. a. a. 3 ; 205 est mihi quo dixi vestrae (ladies) medicamina formae 
 parvus, sed cura grande libellus opus. It was, therefore, written before the close 
 of the a. a. ; the lively introduction was transferred as a whole (part of it without 
 
500 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 the slightest change) into the a. a. 3, 101. 2, 97. V. 39 is quoted as Ovidian in 
 Charis. GL. 1, 90, 16 ; Pliny NH. 30, 33 huius medicinae auctor est Ovidius poeta 
 is an allusion to this work. Cf . ThBiet, de Halieuticis (1878), 41. On the MSS. see 
 Kunz 1.1. In the 100 lines which are extant (the heading in the Laur. Marc. 223 
 s. XI/XII, the best MS., is lihellus de medicamine faciei femineae, in the other MSS. 
 de medicamine faciei) we have only the smaller part (perhaps a fifth) of the whole, 
 which was based on Greek medical authorities. LMuller, de re metr. p. 43; 
 EhM. 20, 256 accounts for the lost portions by supposing the poem to have stood 
 at the end of the archetype (see n. 1); cf. also MSchanz, EhM. 39, 313. EEhwald, 
 JB. 1882 2, 179. 1885 2, 184.— Ov. de medic, faciei ed., Ovidio vindicavit AKunz, 
 Vienna 1881. Translated by WHertzberg (Stuttg. 1855). 
 
 8. Tac. dial. 12 nee ullus Asinii aut Messalae liber (speech) tarn illustris est quam 
 Me dea Ovidii aut Varii Thyestes. Quint. 10, 1, 98 (above § 247, 6). Cf. Ovid. am. 
 2, 18, 13. 3, 1, 11. 67. trist. 2, 553, above n. 2 1. 20. Also cited in the epistola 
 Valerii ad Eufinum (see however § 477, 7). LMuixer, JJ. 95, 496. Only two lines 
 from it are preserved in Quint. 8, 5, 6 and Sen. suas. 3, 7. Cf. OEibbeok, EhM. 
 30, 626. It may perhaps have been used in Seneca's Medea. FLeo, Sen. trag. 
 1. 166. 
 
 9. A poem on the nuptials of Pabius Maximus (cos. 743/11) Pont. 1, 2, 133. 
 
 10. Quint. 6, 3, 96 Ovidius ex tetrastichon Macri (§223, 4) carmine lib rum (an 
 entire book) in Trial os poet as composuit. — Peisc. GL. 2. 149 Ovidius in epigram- 
 
 ■ matis (a pentameter follows). Prom the same source is perhaps derived the satirical 
 pentameter in Quint. 9, 3, 70 and the two phalaecic lines ib. 12, 10, 75. — Lactant. 
 inst. div. 2, 3 Naso . . . eum librum quo 3> a i v -6 /i c v a breviter comprehendit, his 
 tribus versibus terminavit (3 hex. follow). Pkob. ad Verg. ge. 1, 138 Ovidius in phae- 
 nomenis (2 hex.). See also FPE. 349. Cf. ThBikt, de Halieut. Ovid. (Berl. 1878) 40. 
 
 249. The Metamorphoses, in fifteen books, contain a version 
 of the Greek legends concerning transformations, beginning with 
 Chaos: with these are connected in the two last books a few 
 Italo-Eoman ones. The whole work closes — somewhat abruptly 
 — with an act of homage to the reigning princely house, i.e. 
 Caesar's transformation into a star, and a reference to the future 
 deification of Augustus himself. The poet cleverly arranges his 
 chronology and the sequence of the various legends so as to 
 mystify the reader, and derives one transformation from another, 
 or knits them together. The subject-matter, which is borrowed 
 almost entirely from the Greeks, but treated freely throughout, 
 offers an abundant opportunity for the display of Ovid's brilliant 
 talent for narrative, the flowing eloquence of his diction, the 
 ease and elegance of his verse. He unweariedly invents fresh 
 alternations in order to avoid monotony and to gain the reader's 
 sympathy for the varied and almost bewildering succession of 
 pictures in this book of magic and marvels. The Fasti (six 
 books in elegiac metre) explain and interpret the calendar 
 
§ 249. ovidius (metamorphoses). 501 
 
 (astronomical, civil and religious) of the Romans according to 
 the months. The work was begun before Ovid's banishment 
 and was planned to extend to twelve books. It was first in- 
 tended to be dedicated to Augustus and after his death to 
 Germanicus, but it was never completed and was published 
 only after the death of the author. 
 
 1. On the subject-matter see e.g. IGLMellmann, de causis et auctoribus 
 narrationuin de mutatis formis, Lps. 1786. Among the Greeks it had been treated 
 by Ps. Boios ('OpviSoyoi'ta Athen. 9, 393 ad fin. Anton. Liber. 3, 7, 11, and else- 
 where; GKnaack, anall. 1) and especially the Alexandrine poet Nikandros of 
 Colophon ("Erepoi.oifi.eva, 5 bb. in hex.), as well as Parthenios of Nicaea (Mera/iop0t6<reis, 
 and likewise Theodores and Didymarchos), and Antigonos ('AXXoiciireis). It is not 
 possible to refer to Ovid's sources in detail, as the Greek originals are not extant, 
 and besides Ovid evidently dealt very freely with the fantastic materials which 
 his incomparable memory culled from his reading both of earlier and later 
 literature. Nikandros and Parthenios are rightly mentioned among his sources 
 (for Theodoros see Pbobus on Verg. ge. 1. 399) ; also other Alexandrines (e.g. 
 Euphorion, Phanokles etc.), then Homer, the Greek tragedians (esp. Euripides), 
 Theokritos and others. But Ovid assuredly did not trouble himself with arduous 
 researches ; he drew his materials from works lying ready to his hand, therefore 
 also from manuals, epitomes, summaries (e.g. the hypothesis to Eur. Med. ; 
 KEobert, Bild und Lied, in Kiessl.-Wilamow. philol. Unterss. 5, 231) and so forth. 
 Cf. AEiese, praef. ad metam. p. iv. EKhode, gr. Eom. 124. 127. ASukber, die 
 Meleagersage . . . zur Bestimmung der Quellen von Ov. met. 8, 170 sqq., Zur. 
 1880. EForster, Eaub. d. Perseph. (Stuttg. 1874) 84. GKnaack, anall. alex- 
 andrino-rom., Greifsw. 1880, 53; quaestt. Phaethonteae, in Kiessl.-Wilamow. 
 philol. Unterss. 8, 22. UvWilamowitz, Herm. 18, 396; ind. lect. Gott. 1884; 
 Isyllos v. Epid. 60. AKalkmann, de Hippolytis Eurip. quaestt., Bonn 1882. 
 GPlaehn, de Nicandro aliisque poetis gr. ab Ov. in met. adhibitis, Halle 1882. — 
 ASchmekel, de Ovidiana Pythagorae doctrinae (esp. met. 15, 75) adumbratione 
 Greifsw. 1884. — The attempt of WPetersen, quaestt. Ov., Kiel 1877, to prove that 
 Parthenios' work was Ovid's only original has entirely failed. GNick, phil. Anz. 
 9, 554. — Quint. 4, 1, 77 ilia vera frigida et puerilis est in scholis affectatio, ut 
 ipse transitu,! efficiat aliquam utique sententiam, . . . ut Ovidius lascivire in 
 Merap-optpwo-eo-iv solet, quern tamen excusare necessitas potest. Sen. nat. quaest. 3, 27, 
 31 (cf. above § 247, 6). 
 
 2. Ovid, trist. 1, 7, 13 carmina mutatas hominum dicentia forrnas, infelix domini 
 quodfuga rupit opus, haec ego discedens, sicut bene multa meorum, ipse mea posui 
 maestus in igne manu. . . . (23) quae quoniam non sunt penitus sublata, sed 
 exstant, pluribus exemplis scripta fuisse reor (cf. trist. 4, 10, 62 sqq. ; supposing 
 Ovid to have actually burnt them, still he knew that they were preserved else- 
 where) . . . (26) nee tamen ilia legi poterunt patienter ab ullo, nesciet his sum- 
 mam si quis abesse manum. ablatum mediis opus est incudibus Mud, defuit et scriptis 
 ultima lima meis. . . . (39) quidquid in his igitur vitii rude carmen habebit 
 emendaturus, si licuisset, eram. See trist. 2, 255 dictaque sunt nobis (quamvis manus 
 ultima coepto defuit) in fades corpora versa novas. 559 pauca quibus prima surgens 
 ab origine mundi in tua deduxi tempora, Caesar, opus, trist. 3, 14, 19 sunt quoque 
 mutatae ter quinque volumina formae. Sen. nat. quaest. 3, 27, 12. Quint. 4, 1, 77. 
 The length of the Metam. according to an epigram in the MSS. was 11985 lines 
 
502 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 (our vulgate numbers 11996) : Birt, antikes Buchwesen 507. — ' Narrationes fabu- 
 larum quae in Ov. Metam. occurrunt ' (in 15 books), in the Marcianus (see n. 3) 
 without the name of the author ; in a later Laur. entitled ' Donati breviatio fabu- 
 larum Ovidii ' ; in the editions it is for some unexplained reason attributed to 
 Lactantius Placidus (§ 321, 10 e.g. in the ed. of the Met., Antverp. 1591, in the 
 Mythographi lat. by Muncker 2, p. 189 ; cf. 2, praef. p. vn). Cf. EForster, Eaub 
 d. Perseph. 289. — In 1210 Albrecht von Halberstadt composed in rhyme a trans- 
 lation of the Met., which was remodelled by Jorg Wickram (Mayence 1545), see 
 § 251, 2. 'OfiiSiov /ieTa./j.op4>dia-ei.s (a Greek translation by Maximus Planudes) ed. 
 FBoissonade, Par. 1822. — On a, (worthless) mediaeval commentary on the Met. s. 
 XI/XII (in the Monac. 4610) see KMeiser, Munch. SBer. 1885 1, 47 ; on another 
 s. XV MBHaureau, acad. des inscript. SO, 2 (1883), 45. Cf. also HStSedlmath, 
 Wien. Stud., 6, 142. 
 
 3. Manuscripts : Laur. Marc. 225 s. XI, Harl. 2610 s. XI (for b. l-III ; cf . 
 EEllis, journ. of phil. 12, 62 ; collation by Ellis in the anecd. Oxon. 1 — 1885 — , 
 5; cf. BEhwald, JB. 1885 2, 181). Laur. 36, 12 s. XI, fragments in Bern. 363 s. 
 VIII, London (Brit. 11967 s. XI), Leipzig s. X (on these and on some in Munich 
 ClHelmuth, Munch. SBer. 1883 1, 221). The numerous late MSS. are often much 
 interpolated. Ov. MSS. in Paris Ellis, journ. of phil. 15, 241. — AEiese, praef. 
 metam. p. vi. — Critical and explanatory editions of the Met. by GEGierig ( 2 Lps. 
 1821-23 II by JChrJahn), ECChrBaoh (Hanover 1831-36 II), DCGBaumgarten- 
 Crusius (Lps. 1834), VLoers (Lpz. 1843).— Eecensuit OKorn, Berl. 1880. Ex- 
 plained by MHaupt, OKorn and HJMuller (Berl. I' 1885, II 2 1881). Ed. 
 AZingerle, Prague 1884 (cf. the same Wien. Stud. 6, 59). Explained by HMagnus, 
 Gotha 1885 (and the same writer in JJ. 135, 129 ; Studd. z. Ov. Met., Berl. 1887). 
 
 Eecent selections for schools e.g. by OEichert (Bresl. s 1866), JSiebelis and 
 FPolle (Lpz. 13 1887 II), LEnglmann (Munich 2 1878). JMeuser, Paderb. s 1886. 
 B. 13 by CHKeene, Lond. 1884. B. 13 and 14 by ChSimmons, Lond. 1887.— Lexicons 
 for the Metamorphoses by OEichert (Hanov. 9 1886) and JSiebelis (Lpz. 4 1885 by 
 FPolle). 
 
 4. Liebau, de consilio Ov. in comp. met., Elberf. 1846. GBreton, metam. Ov. 
 quo consilio susceperit, qua arte perfecerit, Par. 1882. Henneberger, Ov. met 
 contin. seriesque, Hildburgh. 1846. Ludke, Lautmaleri in Ov. Met., Strals. 1871 
 rhythmische Malerei in Ov. Met., Strals. 1878. 79 II. HLoewe, denonnullis figuris 
 in met. I- VII, Grimma 1863. LScheibe, de sermonis Ov. proprietatibus . 
 in metam., Halberst. 1880. FUrban, d. Alliteration in Ov. Met., Braunau 1882. 
 JFavre, de Ovidio novatore vocabulorum in metam., Par. 1885. — IBekker, variae 
 lectt. cod. Berol. Ov. Met., Berl. SBer. 1853. MHaupt, op. 2, 195. JEAProLD, a. 
 Krit. u. Erkl. d. Met., Leoben 1870 (cf. § 251, 7 ad fin.). PSchonfeld, Ov.s Met. 
 in ihrem Verhaltn. zur antiken Kunst, Lpz. 1877. LLakge, Leipz. Studien 1. 
 381. HKostlin, Phil. 39, 175. ClHbllmuth, zu Ov. Met., Kaiserslautern 1880. 
 EGnesotto, in Ov. met., Padua 1881. EEllis, journ. of phil. 12, 62. FPolle, JJ 
 131, 889. Ebert, d. Anachronismus in Ov. Met., Ansb. 1888. 
 
 5. Translations by AvEode (Berl. 1816), JHVoss (Brunswick 2 1829 ; a selec- 
 tion, newly revised by FLeo, Stuttg. 1883), HChrPfitz (Stuttg.), HLindemann 
 (Lpz. 1853-56), ESuchier (Stuttg. 1858), WvTippelskirch (Berl. 1873). 
 
 6. Trist. 2, 549 sex ego fastorum scripsi totidemque libellos (sex . . ■ 
 totidemque = 12 bb., see fast. 6, 725 ; scripsi refers to his labour upon the work, not 
 to its completion), cumque suo finem mense volumen habet. idque tuo nuper scripturn, 
 stib nomine, Caesar (Augustus), et tibi sacratum sors mea rupit opus. The extant 
 
§ 249. ovidius (fasti : tristia). 503 
 
 work is, however, dedicated to Germanicus (§ 275, 4) ; see 1, 3 sqq. 63. 285. After 
 the death of Augustus Ovid probably commenced at Tomi a revision of bb. 1-6 in 
 order to dedicate them to Germanicus, but (except in a few passages ; e.g. 4, 81 
 sqq.) he did not get beyond the first book. Merkel, quaest. Ov. critt., Halle 1835 
 and pref. to his ed. p. cclvu. ARiese in his ed. of Ovid 3, vi ; JJ. 109, 563 ; JB. 
 1874/75 1, 243. 1877 2, 26. HPeter in his ed. 1, p. 11 ; JJ. Ill, 499. PGold- 
 scheidee, de retractione fastorum Ov., Halle 1877. WKnoegei., de retractione 
 fastorum ab Ovid. Tomis instituta, Montabaur 1885 (and HWintiier, WschrfklPh. 
 1886, 326). On the subject-matter see fast. 1, 1 tempora cum causis (aMcus) Latium 
 digesta per annum, lapsaque sub terras ortaque signa canam. 1, 7 sacra recog- 
 nosces annalibus eruta priscis et quo sit merito quaeque notata dies. 4, 11 tempora 
 cum causis annalibus eruta priscis lapsaque . . . cano (same as 1, 2). The chief 
 source whence Ovid took the whole framework of his poem was the Fasti of 
 Verrius Flaccus which, at that time, had not long been published (§ 74, 3. 261, 1) : 
 the fragments of these Fasti extant in inscriptions coincide in a remarkable 
 degree with Ovid's statements, and the calendar of Verrius in book form probably 
 supplied other matter. HWinther, de fastis Verrii Flacci ab Ovidio adhibitis, 
 Berl. 1885. As in the Metamorphoses, Ovid here no doubt preferred to transfer 
 into verse the materials thus ready to his hand rather than to work them out for 
 himself. In the astronomical portion we meet with numerous errors (LIdeler, 
 Abh. d. Berl. Ak. a. 1882, 137 ; Hoffmann, die Auf- und Niedergange etc., Trieste 
 1879), which existed only in part in his authorities. Elsewhere too in this poet, 
 who cared more for the form than for the subject, we meet with numerous blunders, 
 cf. e.g. GNiok, Phil. 41, 450. Perhaps Ovid may have made use of Eratosthenes' 
 Karaa-Tepiir/uit for the legends connected with the celestial bodies. See CRobekt on 
 Eratosth. catast. 29. Against ChrHulsen, Varronianae doctrinae (from the anti- 
 quitt. div. et hum.) quaenam in Ovidii fast, extent vestigia, Berl. 1880, see GNick, 
 phil. Anz. 11, 182 ; Phil. 40, 380. ARiese, JB. 1881 2, 89. Ovid besides probably 
 turned to account (especially in some poetical artifices) Kallimachos' AiVm 
 (HPeters ed. 1, p. 15. RForstek, Raub d. Perseph. 76. ERhode, gr. Rom. 87). 
 Are there traces of Livy being used ? see KSchenkl, ZfoG. 11, 401. It is possible 
 that the choice of this subject may have been suggested by the unfinished fifth book 
 of Propertius (Merkel 1.1. p. ccxlviii). Cf. § 246, 2. The elegiac form shows itself 
 to be in many ways less appropriate to the descriptive subject. — On calendars 
 drawn up in accordance with Ovid's Fasti (extant in M.SS.) see Merkel pref. to his 
 ed. p. liu and GBoissier, rev. de phil. 8, 55. 
 
 7. Manuscripts: Vatic.-Regin, 1709 (Petavianus) s. X, also Vatic. 3262 
 (Ursinianus) =. XI, Monac. 8122 (Mallerstorfiensis) s. XII/XIII; besides these, 
 later manuscripts, often much interpolated. Merkel p. cclxxi. HPeter, disp. 
 crit. de Ov. fastis, Meissen 1877. VLoers, de tribus Ov. fast. codd. MSS. (with 
 var. lect. of the cod. Trevir.), Treves 1857. CMFeancken, cod. Fonteinii ap. Mer- 
 kelium in fast., Mnemos. 12, 292. — FKruger, de Ov. fast, recensendis, Rostock 
 1887. 
 
 8. More recent editions, of the Fasti by GEGieeig (Lps. 1812-14 II) and es- 
 pecially by RMerkel (ed. et interpr., Berlin 1841). Explained by HPetek, Lpz. 2 
 1879 II.— Text by OGuthling, Prague 1883. With notes by TKeightley, Lond. 
 1848, FAPaley, Lond. 3 1888, GHHallam, Lond. 1881. Criticism and explanation : 
 OKreussler (Bautzen 1872). HPeter, Lps. 1874. EHoffmann, JJ. 115, 396. 
 GNick, Phil. 36, 428. 41, 445. ARiese, JJ. 117, 398. WGjlbert, ib. 117, 771.- 
 Translations by EFMetzger (Stuttg.) and EKlussmann (Stuttg. 1859). WvTippelb- 
 kibch, Berk 1873. 
 
504 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 9. In the time immediately preceding his exile Ovid composed an elegy on the 
 death of Messalla (§ 222, 1) ; Pont. 1, 7, 30 cui nos . . dedimus medio scripta 
 canenda foro. 
 
 250. During his exile Ovid wrote in 762/9-765/12 his five 
 books of Tristia, and the continuation of them in the four books 
 of Epistles ex Ponto, composed with failing powers and hopes 
 and with less care, from 765/12 nearly until the death of the 
 poet; then Ibis, an abusive poem in elegiac metre, in imitation 
 of Kallimachos, against an anonymous person at Rome who 
 endeavoured to injure the interests of the exile. The panegyric 
 poems on Augustus and Tiberius (one on the former in the native 
 G-etic dialect) composed also at Tomi, have not come down to us ; 
 the didactic poem on fish (Halieutica), in imitation of Greek 
 originals, was left incomplete by the author. 
 
 1. Chronology of the trist. and epp. ex Ponto, recipients of the letters (whose 
 names, though disguised in the tristia, are mentioned in ex Ponto, n. 2) : HBrandes 
 JJ. 115, 350. CSchrader, JJ. 115, 846; 131, 487. EMeyek, ZfGW. 32, 449, 
 ThMatthias, JJ. 129, 206. HSchulz, quaestt. Ovid., Greifsw. 1883. GGraber 
 quaestt. Ovid., Elberf. 1881 ; Unterss. ub. Ov. Brief e aus d. Verbann., Elberf 
 1884. BLorentz, de amicorum in Ov. trist. personis, Lpz. 1881. GWartenberg 
 quaestt. Ovid, de trist. Ibid. epp. ex Ponto temporibus, Berl. 1884. The separate 
 tristia are arranged chronologically, the books were published separately: I 
 during the Journey, in the spring of 762/9 a.d., II consisting of a letter to 
 Augustus in self-defence, elaborated with much care and skill, and closing with 
 the petition that a more endurable place of banishment may be assigned to him, 
 written at Tomi in the end of 762/9; III 763/10; IV commencement of 764/11 
 (cf. 4, 7, 1); V commencement of 765/12 (cf. 5, 10, 1) describes Ovid's departure 
 from Pome. The poet's letters to his wife are especially touching (1, 6. 3, 3. 4, 
 3. 5,5.11.14). 
 
 For trist. 1, 5, 11-3, 7, 1 and 4, 1, 12-4, 7, 5 the most important MS. is the 
 Laurentianus olim S. Marci 223 s. XI, for the rest of the work especially the 
 Guelferbyt. Gud. 192 s. XIII and Vatic. 1606 s. XIII. PTank, de tristibus Ov. 
 recensendis, Greifsw. 1879. — Separate editions by RMerkel (Berl. 1837), VLoers 
 (Treves 1839). B. I by SGOwen, Lond. 1885. Libri V rec. SGOwen, Bond. 1889. 
 — Contributions to research and criticism on the manuscripts: JPBinsfeld, qu. 
 Ov. crit. I Bonn 1853. II Cologne 1855. Ill BhM. 14, 39 ; obss. Ov., Bonn 1860. 
 KEhwald, ad. hist, carmm. Ovid, recensionemque symbb., Gotha 1889. — Transla- 
 tion by HWolffel (Stuttg. 1858) and ABerg (with Pont., Ibis and Halieut., Stuttg. 
 1865). 
 
 '2. The epistles ex Ponto, mostly of 765/12, at first published separately, were 
 afterwards brought out collectively in three books 766/13. Pont. 3,9, 51 nee liber 
 ut fierel, sed uti sua cuique daretur littera, propositum curaque nostra fuit. post modo 
 collectas, utcumque sine ordine, iunxi : hoc opus electum ne mihi forte putes. The 
 later epistles (down to 769/16) were added as b. 4 (perhaps only after the death 
 of Ovid). On the relation of this work to the Tristia see Pont. 1, 1, 16 non minus 
 hoc Mo triste quod mite dedi. rebus idem titulo differt, et epistola cui sit non occultato 
 
§ 250. ovidius (ex ponto, ibis, halieutica). 505 
 
 nomine missa docet. Ovid's store of words is quite inexhaustible, and he has done 
 his best in point of variation, yet the nature of the subject does not admit of much 
 variety. Repetitions and slight mistakes of all kinds, in thought, diction, and 
 metre, are not rare in these productions of melancholy. His flattery and adula- 
 tion surpass all bounds. 
 
 Manuscripts (besides the Wolfenbuttel fragment s. VI/VII) Hamburg, s. 
 XII, Monac. 384 (' Bavaricus ') s. XII/XIII and Monac. 19476, concerning them 
 see OKorn, Strehlen 1874.— Ov. ex Ponto 1. IV, ad codd. fidem apparatu crit. instr. 
 OKorn, Lps. 1868 (cf. OKorn, zur Hss.-Kunde der Br. ex P., .Wesel 1866; de codd. 
 duobus carmm. Ov. ex Ponto Monac, Strehlen 1874 ; de carm. Ov. ex P. compos, 
 strophica, RhM. 22, 201). B. I by CHKeene, Lond. 1887.— BDinter, de Ov. ex P. 
 libris, Grimma 1858. 65 II. — Translated by HWOlffel (with introduction and 
 notes, Stuttg. 1858) and ABerg (see n. 1). — OEJacobi, de syntaxi in Ov. trist. et 
 epp. ex P., Lyck 1870. ARothmaler, emend. Ov. (on Tr. and ex P.), Nordhausen 
 1871. 
 
 3. The title of Ibis was taken from a similar poem of Kallimachos against 
 Apollonios of Rhodes (v. 55). It was written after the 50th year of the poet (v. 1 
 lustris bis iam mihi quinque peractis) in Tomi (v. 6. 11 et al.) during the lifetime 
 of Augustus (v. 23) and before the composition of Pont. 4, 14 ; cf. 44 exstat adhuc 
 nemo saucius ore meo. Eiese's ed. 3, vn. GWartenberg, quaestt. Ov. 112. 
 ThMatthias, J J. 129, 212. The name of the person attacked is at first withheld 
 (v. 9. 51. 61. 637), though there are threats of subsequent iambic poems with mention 
 of the name (v. 53. 641). From v. 19 (debuerat) we might infer him to have been 
 a relation or former friend of Ovid. The incongruity between the elegiac metre 
 (which was used also by Kallimachos in his Ibis) and the subject is admitted by 
 Ovid himself (v. 46), as well as the fact that Kallimachos' ambages and obscure 
 (caecae) subjects (especially those taken from mythology) were not in general his 
 business (v. 57-60). Against OSchneidek, Callimach. 2, 273 ARiese, JJ. 109, 377 
 argues pertinently. In general see Ellis pref. to his ed. 
 
 Manuscripts : Turon., Cantabrig., both s. XII, Vindob. s. XII/XIII, AMaag, 
 de Ibidis Ov. codd., Berne 1887. — On the confused and almost useless scholia to the 
 Ibis (in Merkel p. 460, of saec. VI/VII) see REhwald, de schol. qui est ad Ov. 
 Ibin, Gotha 1876. JGeffcken, die Kallimachuscitate der Ibis-Scholien, Herm. 25, 
 91. Editions with the Tristia ; especially by RMerkel (with a prolusio ad Ibin, p. 
 333). Separate edition : ex novis codd. ed., scholia vet., commentarium add. REllis, 
 Oxf. 1881 (supplementary notes: journ. of phii. 1885, 93). Criticism: MSchmidt, 
 RhM. 20, 457. KSchenkl, ZfoG. 34, 259.— Translated (with Halieut. and Nux) by 
 HWOlffel (Stuttg. 1867) and others. 
 
 4. The fragment (130 hexam.) on fishes, in the Vienna MS. entitled versus Ovidi 
 de piscibus et feris (this addition on account of animals being mentioned vs. 
 49-81), was known to Pliny as Ovidi Halieutica, and only as a fragment. Ovid has 
 treated drily and without much success the thankless subject-matter, which is not, 
 as Pliny (see below) asserts, peculiar to the author and based on personal observa- 
 tion of the fish, but is derived simply from Greek books. Notwithstanding this, 
 and in spite of much that is strange in diction and metrical construction, the 
 genuineness of the poem is undoubted. — Plin. NH. 32, 11 mihi videntur mira et 
 quae Ovidius prodidit piscium ingenia in eo volumine quod Halieuticon inscribitur ; 
 ib. 152 his adiciemus ab Ovidio posita nomina (animalia Birt) quae apud neminem 
 alium reperiuntur, sed fortassis in Vonto nascentia, ubi id volumen supremis suis 
 temporibus incohavit. In the list of his authorities for b. 31 ex . . . Ovidio 
 and for b. 32 ex . . . Ovidio poeta. In the face of these passages to allow as 
 
5C6 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 we must, that Pliny was acquainted with the identical poem of which a fragment 
 is preserved to us, and yet to assert on the other hand that this was a forgery de- 
 liberately written under the name of Ovid about the middle of the 1st cent., is 
 an inadmissible evasion which is not made more plausible by a reference to the 
 supposed Vergilian Culex. — The best MSS. Vindob. 277 (Sannazarianus) s. IX and 
 Paris. 8071 (Thuaneus) s. IX/X : an edition (with Grattius and others ; see § 253, 
 1) by MHaupt, Lpz. 1838. Already Mdretus and others doubted Ovid's author- 
 ship. See also WHartel, ZfoG-. 17, 334 and esp. ThBirt, de Halieuticis Ovidio 
 poetae falso adscriptis, Berl. 1877 ; cf. the same writer's antikes Buchwesen 298. 
 The genuineness was defended by AZingerle, kl. philol. Abhandl. (Innsbr. 1877) 
 2, 1 ; cf. ib. 114; and ZfoG. 30, 178. 
 
 5. A poem on Tiberius' triumph (16 Jan. 766/13, HSchulz 1.1. 15), accompanied 
 by Pont. 3, 4 (to Eufinus). Cf. ib. 2, 5, 27. KSchrader, JJ. 139, 213. 
 
 6. In point of linguistic interest we may regret the loss of the Getic poem 
 in honour of Augustus, his successor, and his family, on which see ex Pont. 4, 13, 
 19 ; cf. 3, 2, 40 ; see also trist. 3, 14, 48. 
 
 7. For another poem on the death of Augustus see Pont. 4, 6, 17 ; cf. 4, 9, 131. 
 
 251. The authority enjoyed by Ovid during the first century 
 of the Christian era in the schools of the rhetoricians and still 
 longer with the poets, as well as the smoothness and ease of his 
 verse, were the reason that at an early time and also in the 
 Middle Ages many productions, especially in elegiacs, were 
 ascribed to his name. Such productions of ancient date, and 
 belonging to a good period, are the elegy entitled Nux and the 
 Consolatio ad Liviam ; in the Middle Ages jocular poems 
 such as the Elegia de pulice, de vetula, the verses de philomela 
 and others. 
 
 1. The philosopher Seneca shows his intellectual affinity with Ovid in his 
 predilection for quoting him, e.g. benef. 4, 14, 1. 5, 15, 3. nat. quaest. 2, 44, 1. 
 3, 1, 1. 3, 20, 3. 3, 26, 4. The frequent quotations from Ovid in Quintilian show 
 his great authority in the schools of the rhetoricians of the period. The later 
 poets imitated Ovid industriously (trist. 4, 10, 55 utque ego maiores, sic me coluere 
 minores), e.g. the Priapea, Manilius, Seneca, Lucanus, Calpurnius (paneg. ad 
 Pisonem), Silius Italicus (Homerus latinus), Statius, Martialis and many others. 
 Of. also LMuller, de re metr. 136. — The (perhaps incomplete) inscription Ovidi- 
 anus poeta hie quiescit CIL. 10, 6271 Wilm. 2480 refers to an imitator of Ovid (cf. 
 § 231, 3). 
 
 2. In the Middle Ages especially the Metamorphoses (see § 249, 2), the Ars 
 and the Heroides were much read, employed aud imitated : see KBartsch, Al- 
 brecht von Halberstadt und Ovid im Mittelalter, Quedlinb. 1861. HDunger, die 
 Sage vom trojanischen Kriege (Dresd. 1869) p. 49. 53 and elsewhere. See also 
 below n. 6. ad fin. 
 
 3. No. 3 of the P r i a p e a (§ 254, 5) is attributed by Sen. controv. 1. 2, 22 (p. 92 
 K.) to Ovid (Ovidianum illud ' inepta loci ', a passage found Priap. 3, 8). It is pos- 
 
§ 251. ovidius (apocryphal poems). 507 
 
 sible that other pieces of that collection are by Ovid (cf. Wernicke, Priapei. p. 
 120-124. 126-131), though it is impossible to identify them with certainty. 
 
 4. The elegy of Nux (in 182 lines, P. Ovidii Nasonis liber nucis in the Laur.) 
 somewhat diffuse and rhetorically ornate (e. g. v. 108. 175), but pure and fluent in 
 metrical construction and in parts of graceful style. The subject is a develop- 
 ment of a Greek theme (anth. Pal. 9, 3), being the complaint of a nut-tree concern- 
 ing ill-treatment, with mournful reflections on better times and manners (e. g. v. 
 23). Caesar . . deus v. 142. Nothing prevents us from assigning the composi- 
 tion of this poem to a time soon after Ovid. LMcller, de re metr. 49 ; ABiese 
 JJ. 101, 282. According to Wilamowitz 1.1. 400 it is a manifestum indicium against 
 Ovid's authorship that miserum illud ' forsitan,' quod . . . Ovidius constanter 
 vitavit should occur in the poem : it is unfortunate that Ovid uses the proscribed 
 forsit-an more than eighty times (AKunz, Ov. de medic, fac. p. 54). WFrohner, 
 Phil. Suppl. 5, 46 takes it to be a, youthful work of Ovid. The earliest MS. is a 
 Laur. s. XI (§ 250, 1). Printed e. g. with a commentary by PLindemann, Zittau 
 1844. New critical revision by UvWilahowitz, commentt. Mommsen. 390 and 
 EBahrens PLM. 1. 90. Supplements to the collation of the Laur. ARiese. JB. 1878, 
 2, 160. GGoetz, quaestt. misc. Ill, Jena 1889, p. vu. — Translated by HWolffel 
 see § 250, 3 ad fin.). 
 
 5. P. Ovidii Nasonis consolatio ad hiviam Augustam de morteDrusi 
 Neronis,filii eius, qui in Q-ermania morboperiit : this poem is extant in a few quite 
 late MSS. (Dresd., Laur. 36, 2, Urbinas 353, Brit. 11973, Ottobon. 1469, all s. XV ; 
 see on this subject KSchenkl, Wien. Stud. 2, 56. 7, 339, where are also the complete 
 collations), and is printed in the ed. Romana of Ovid's works, a. 1471 (not however 
 in the contemporary Bononiensis), in the Veneta of 1472 and subsequently: most 
 recently in MHaupt's op. 1, 315 and EBahrens' PLM. 1, 104. In the Laur. 36, 2 
 there is a vita Ovidii, in which we read concerning the consolatio as a poem by 
 Ovid : quae nuper inventa est (see HSbner 1.1. 427). This is a rhetorical exercise 
 by a petty imitator of Ovid and Propertius, and also of Tibullus and Vergil, who 
 had before him Seneca's consolationes (§ 289, 4, 6. 11. 12) ; it is very similar to the 
 first elegy on Maecenas (§ 229, 3), and probably also dates from the first century. 
 EWagner, de Martiale imitatore, Konigsb. 1880. 44 supposes that the author of 
 this elegy on Maecenas intends by its opening words Defleram iuvenis tristi modo 
 carmine fata to designate himself as the author of the consolatio. Haupt (Epicedion 
 Drusi, Lps. 1849 = op. 1, 315) held the poem to have been composed by some 
 Italian scholar of the 15 th cent., because up to the present time no early MSS. of it 
 have been discovered and the poem shows an absence of all positive information 
 which might not be derived from well-known writers (see however Isargus 386 
 and Dacius Appulus 388), etc. See for the contrary view PTi-iAdler, de Ovidii 
 consolat. etc., Anclam 1851 and esp. EHubner, Herm. 13, 145. 427 ; cf. besides 
 FBOcheler, phil. Kritik (Bonn 1878) 21. EBahrens, PLM. 1, 97. KSchenkl 1.1. 
 See in addition G-ruppe, Aeacus 157, JMahly, de Drusi atq. Maecen. epicediis etc., 
 Bas. 1873. HNettleship, the latinity of epic. Dr., Transact, of Oxf. phil. soc. 
 1885/86, 16. OHirschfeld, Berl. SBer. 1886, 1164. WWilding, de aetate conso- 
 Jationis ad Liv. deque carmm. consolatoriorum ap. Gr. et Rom. hist., Marb. 1889. 
 
 6. A collection of most of the spurious Ovidiana in Goldast, Catalecta Ovidii, 
 Prancof. 1610. Of mediaeval origin are the lines de philomela (§ 23, 3), de pedi- 
 culo, de medicamine aurium (MS. in Berne, Sinner 1, 543. Hagen 429), de pulice 
 (by Ofilius Sergianus) and the three books de vetula (HCocheris, la Vielle, ou les 
 derniers amours d'Ovide, poeme francais du XIV siecle etc., precede de recherches 
 
508 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 sur l'auteur de Vetula, Paris, 1861). De arnilo and Somnium are in Ovid. am. 2, 
 15 and 3, 5 though they have frequently been copied with spurious pieces in MSS. 
 Cf. KBaetsch, Albr. v. Halberst p. iv. — Tables of contents for the Vergilian poems 
 wrongly attributed to Ovid : § 231, 8. Cf. EOpitz, Lpz. Stud, 6, 298. Various 
 works on Ovid during the Middle Ages in HStSedlmayeb, "Wien. Stud. 6, 142 ; also 
 JHuemek, ZfeG. 32, 415. 
 
 7. Collective editions e.g. by GBersmann (Lps. 1582 sqq. cum notis varr., 
 Frankf. 1601), by DHeinsius (Leid. 1629 III), but esp. by Nicolaus Heinsius (Am- 
 stelod. 1652. 1658, the best in 1661 III ; cum Heinsii notis integris (these have also 
 appeared separately) cur. JFFischer, Lps. 1758 II (with ind. verbb.), illustr. DCris- 
 pinus in us. Delphini, Lyons 1689 IV (vol. 4 ind. verbb.), ed. PBurman (cum notis 
 variorum, Amstelod. 1727 IV [with ind. verbb.] ; praefatio, ib. 1756) ; cum notis 
 variorum, Oxf. 1827 V (in it are BBentley's MS. notes). First methodical revision 
 with praefationes criticae by EMerkel (and EEhwald, Lps. 4 1888 sqq. III). — Ed. 
 AEeise, Lpz. 2 1889 sqq. III. Ed. OGuthling, HStSedlmayeb, AZingerle, Prague 
 1883 sqq. — Criticism (besides what is cited above) Madvig, adv. 2, 66. Bekgk, op. 1, 
 655. AZingerle, kl. phil. Abhh. 3 (Innsbr. 1882), 35. JRapfold, ZfoG. 32, 401. 
 801 and many other treatises. Literary reviews of Ovid by AEiese and EEhwald, 
 JB. 1873, 137. 1874/75 1, 229. 1876 2, 97. 1877 2, 20. 1878 2, 241. 1881 2, 72. 
 1882 2, 157. 1885 2, 125. 
 
 252. Among those friends of Ovid, who attempted poetical 
 composition, the oldest are the epic poet Ponticus, who was also 
 on friendly terms with Propertius, the translator Tuticanus, Macer, 
 who was somewhat younger, and wrote an epic poem on the 
 Trojan legends, and Sabintis, the author of answers to the 
 heroic Epistles of Ovid and of a work resembling his Fasti ; then 
 also Cornelius Severus, an epic poet who chose his subject from 
 the history of the time (bellum siculum) ; Albinovanus Pedo, 
 the author both of a Theseis and of an epic poem on a subject 
 derived from contemporary history, as well as of epigrams ; and 
 others. Outside of this circle, Eabirius and Sextilius Ena of 
 Corduba chose their material from the recent Civil Wars. Most 
 of the epic poets, however, followed the track of the Alexandrines, 
 and besides Homer the Cyclic poets were also made use of. Epic 
 poems of this kind on mythological subjects were written by 
 Iullus Antonius and Largus, Camerinus, Lupus, Abronius Silo, 
 and others. 
 
 1. The principal source of information on the poets contemporary with Ovid is 
 ex Ponto 4, 16, a poem which, however, gives only indirect allusions and is obscure 
 and corrupt in parts (on its construction see Ehwald 1.1.). In general see the 
 treatises (cited § 250, 1) by GGrIdee,' GWartenberg, BLoeentz and by OHennig 
 (§ 247, 2 ad fin.) and also EEhwald, JB. 1885 2, 140.— Trist. 4, 10, 47 Ponticus 
 heroo, Bassus quoque clarus iambo, dulcia convidus membra fuere mei. An allusion 
 to the latter occurs probably ex Pont. 4, 16, 21 vdivolique maris vates, cui credere 
 possis carmina caeruleos composuisse deos (this is disputed by OHaube, carm. ep. p. 
 
§ 252. PONTICUS, MACER, CORN. SEVERUS, PEDO, ETC. 509 
 
 19). That he wrote a Thebaid appears from Prop. 1, 7, 1 dura tibi Cadmeae dicun- 
 tur, Pontice, Thebae armaque fraternae tristia militiae, atque, ita sim felix, primo 
 contendis Homero etc. cf. ib. 9, 9 quid tibi nunc misero prodest grave dicere carmen 
 aut Amphioniae moenia flere lyrae ? It may be inferred that he imitated Antimachos. 
 He seems to have been still living when Ovid wrote Pont. 4, 16. 
 
 2. Tutioanus is mentioned as a friend in youth and a contemporary of Ovid, 
 ex Pont. 4, 12, 20. Besides this letter, 4, 14 is also addressed to him, both with the 
 observation that the trochaic measure of the name did not agree with dactylic 
 metre. Hence his name is avoided ib. 4, 16, 27 el qui Maeoniam Phaeacida vertit 
 (the translator of the story of Nausikaa). But that he is meant appears from ib. 
 4, 12, 27 dignam Maeoniis Phaeacida condere chartis cum te Pierides perdocuere deae. 
 lb. v. 25 shows that he was very strict in point of form. 
 
 3. M a c e r (who should be distinguished from the earlier didactic poet of the 
 same name, § 223, 4) was Ovid's companion in his travels in Asia and Sicily (Pont. 
 2, 10, 21. 31). He calls him Iliacus, Pont. 4, 16, 6, and he seems to have treated 
 the legends antecedent to the Iliad, i.e. Antehomerica (am. 2, 18, 1 carmen ad 
 iratum dum tu perducis Achillenprimaque iuratis induis arma viris, nos, Macer, . . . 
 cessamus), cf. Pont. 2, 10, 13 tu canis aeterno quidquid restabat Homero, ne careant 
 summa troica bella manu), no doubt in imitation of the Cyclic poets ; cf. Hennig 1.1. 
 (see n. 1) 22. BEhwald, JB. 1885 2, 142. He is perhaps identical with the Macer 
 mentioned by Quint. 6, 3, 96 (see above § 223, 4 ad fin.). The opinion (of Werns- 
 dorf and others) is probable that he is identical with (the grandson of the Pom- 
 peian Theophanesof Mytilene) Pompeius Macer, to whom Augustus ordinandas 
 bybliothecas delegaverat (Suet. Iul. 56 extr.). Perhaps he may also have been a 
 grammarian ; Prise. G-L. 2, 13, 9 auctoritas quoque tarn Varronis quam Macri teste 
 Censorino nee K nee Q nee h in numero adhibet litterarum. The son of this Macer 
 was probably the praetor of 768/15 a.d. (Tac. ann. 1, 72, cf. 6, 18 praetorius), who 
 together with his father (illustris eques rom., Tac. ann. 6, 18) died a voluntary 
 death, a. 786/33 a.d. 
 
 4. Ovid. am. 1, 18, 27 mens Sabinus. Pont. 4, 16, 13 et qui Penelopae rescribere 
 iussit Ulixen (cf. am. 2, 18, 27), . . . quique suam f trisemem imperfectumque dierum 
 (Glaser, BhM. 1, 437) deseruit celeri morte Sabinus opus. Hence it appears that the 
 epic poem, the title of which is corrupt, was actually finished. In point of chron- 
 ology he might be the Sabinus mentioned by Hor. ep. 1, 5, 27. His gentile name 
 is not known. Cf. § 248, 3 (1. 12) and 4. 
 
 5. Quint. 10, 1, 89 Cornelius Sever us, etiamsi versificator quam poeta melior, si 
 tamen ad exemplar primi libri bellum Siculum (with Sex. Pompeius, a.. 716/38 sqq.) 
 perscripsisset, vindicaret sibi iure secundum locum (among the Eoman epic poets). 
 Valer. Prob. GL. 4, 208, 16 Cornelius Severus rerum romanarum lib. 1 dicit ' pelagum 
 pontumque moveri. 1 As Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, 9 alludes only to a carmen regale, which 
 Severus Latio dedit (cf. Pont. 4, 2, 1 ; see below), the b. sic. probably formed part of 
 these res romanae. GWartenberg, quaestt. Ovid., Berl. 1884, 100 takes a different 
 view. From this epic may be the quotation in Sen. suas. 2, 12, the tTTrovSadfav in 
 Schol. Pers. 1, 95, the quotations in Charis. GL. 1, 80, 7. 81, 16 ( = GL. 7, 291, 8). 
 86, 7. 100, 24. 107, 29 (= GL. 5, 590, 23). Diomed. GL. 1, 378, 2. schol. Bern, ad 
 Luc. 9, 402, as well as the description of Aetna mentioned by Sen. ep. 79, 5 (cf. 
 App. b. c. 5, 117). Prom the same* also the 25 eloquent and elegant hexameters on 
 the death of Cicero in Sen. suas. 6, 26 (with the introductory observation : nemo ex 
 tot disertissimis viris melius Ciceronis mortem deflevit quam Severus Cornelius). A 
 
510 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 line given without special mention of the author in an incomplete passage of 
 Charis. GL. 1, 105, 19, by collation with gramm. de dub. nom. GL. 5, 588, 2, has 
 been proved to belong to Cornelius (Severus ; cf. ib. 588, 26. 590, 1). This line is 
 in Charisius followed by the words : cuius (Corn. Sev.) moveremur, inquit Plinius, 
 auctoritate, si quidquam eo carmine puerilius dixisset. Diomed. GL. 1, 375, 22 is 
 doubtful, where after Severus the quotation given by Priscian. GL. 2, 546, 21 but 
 corruptly, (in VIII de statu suo ad quem etc.) seems to have been lost ; this quota- 
 tion has not yet been put into any metrical form such as would agree with the 
 well-known elegance of Corn. Sev., whence we may perhaps ascribe it to Cassius 
 Sev. (§ 267, 11) ; lastly Severus' claim to two anonymous hexameters in Charis. 
 GL. 1, 287, 4 is quite uncertain. Ovid, ex Pont. 4, 2 is addressed to Corn. Sev. (v. 
 1 o vates magnorum maxime regum ; 11 fertile pectus habes interque Helicona colentes 
 uberius nulli provenit ista seges, i.e. carmina), and so perhaps is 1, 8 (v. 2 pars animae 
 magna, Severe, meae. 25 o iucunde sodalis), though 4, 2 Ovid apologises eius adhuc 
 nomen nostros tacuisse libellos (v. 3). In general see Wernsdojrf, PLM. 4, 25 ; the 
 fragments ib. 217 and FPE. 352.— JBecker, ZfAW. 1848, 587. OHaube, de carm'. 
 ep. (Bresl. 1870) p. 10. 
 
 6. Albinovanus Pedo ; the correct sequence of names — for Albinovanus is 
 the gentile name, see EHubner, ephem. epigr. 2, 32 — occurs in Sen. contr. 2, 2, 12 p. 
 180 and 233 K ; it is inverted Pedo Albin. in Sen. ep. 122, 15 ; both names occur 
 separately in Ovid, ex Ponto 4, 10, 4. 65 ; elsewhere the poet is only named as Pedo, 
 his praenomen is unknown. He is probably the praef. eqq. Pedo mentioned in 
 Tac. aim. 1, 60. Cf. also above § 242, 5. The philosopher Seneca knew him per- 
 sonally, calls him fabulator elegantissimus and gives a, specimen of this gift of his 
 for stories (ep. 122, 15). Another of his good stories is given by Sen. controv. 2, 
 10, 12 (p. 180 K.). A witty saying of his in Quint. 6, 3, 61. Martial, who in one 
 instance calls him doctus (see § 243, 2), mentions him repeatedly as one of his fore- 
 runners and a master of epigram. Cf. also Sidon. Apoll. 1, 256. — He is enumerated 
 among the epic writers by Quint. 10, 1, 90. Babirius ac Pedo non indigni cognitions, 
 si vacet. He wrote a Theseis ; see Ovid in the epistle ex Ponto 4, 10, 71. 75 ad- 
 dressed to Pedo (carissime v. 3). Concerning an epic poem on a Boman subject see 
 Sen. suas. 14 latini declamatores in descriptione Oceani non nimis viguerunt. . . . 
 nemo illorum potuit tanto spiritu dicere quanto Pedo, qui navigante Oermanico dicit 
 ' iam pridem, etc' Here follow 23 hexameters of sonorous cadence and rhetorical 
 descriptive style (commented on by "Wernsdorf, PLM. 4, 229 ; cf. MHaupt, op. 3, 
 412. ThBergk, mon. Anc. 97. 124. OHaube, Albin. Pedo 12). ' The description 
 refers to the storm which the fleet of Germanicus encountered in the North-sea 
 769/16 a.d., see Tac. ann. 2, 23; not to the expedition of Drusus to the North-sea 
 742/12 a.d., as Haube Alb. Pedo 21 and others suppose. PHOfeb, d. Peldz. des 
 Germanicus im J. 16, Pestschr. z. Begrtiss. d. Dessauer Phil.- Vers., Bernb. 1884, 
 attempts unsuccessfully to prove that Tacitus made use of this epic. Haube, de 
 carm. ep. (1870) 14 and Albin. Pedo 22 refers also to Albinovanus Prisc. GL. 2, 
 304, 20 Albinus rerum romanarum I (followed by three hexameters), which is not 
 borne out by the twice repeated use of cui as an iambic. Cf. § 383, 8. To conclude 
 (with Weichert, rell. poett. 382, Haube, Albin. Pedo 9 and others) from the epithet 
 sidereus (Ov. Pont. 4, 16, 6 Iliacusque Macer [above n. 3] sidereusque Pedo) that 
 Pedo wrote de sideribus is so much the less admissible as Ovid Pont. 4, 10— where 
 the description of the freezing of the Pontus should have been set down to Pedo's 
 interest in natural phenomena — expressly gives a personal reason for the insertion 
 of this description (v. 65), and in this poem mention is made (not of the supposed' 
 phenomena but) only of the Theseis (v. 71) of Pedo. Concerning sidereus cf. the 
 
§ 252. PEDO, EABIEIUS, ETC. 511 
 
 passage quoted from Sen. suas. 1, 14 and Ov. Pont. 4, 10, 76, also Colum. 10, 434. 
 In gen. see OHaobe, zrur Kenntn. des Alb. Pedo, Fraustadt 1880. 
 
 7. Cams (the gentile name unknown), the tutor of the sons of Germanicus 
 (Pont. 4, 13, 47), non dubios inter sodales, vere carus (ib. v. 2 ; cf. trist. 3, 5, 17). On 
 their joint studies in poetry see Pont. 4, 13, 43,. An allusion to his epic poem on 
 Hercules ib. v. 11 and 4, 16, 7 et qui lunonem laesisset in Sercule (by composing 
 poetry on him) Carus, funonis si non iam gener (as the husband of Hebe) ille foret. 
 Cf. Sen. Here. Oet. 1441, and Octavia 216. — Possibly it is from a Heracleis of this 
 period that was derived the hexameter Barbarus aere cavo tubicen dedit . . . 
 signa (CIL. 4, 1069 a ), which occurs under a Pompeian wall-painting (Hesione set 
 free by Herakles and Telamon, WHeluig, campan. Wandgem. 1132 pi. xiv). 
 EEhwald, Phil. 46, 640. 
 
 8. A list of epic poets who wrote on mythological subjects is given in Ovid. 
 ex Pont. 4, 16, 17 ingeniique sui dictus cognomine Largus, gallica qui phrygium 
 duxit in arva senem. quique canit domito Camerinus ab Hercule Troiarn. ib. v. 25 
 Trinacriusque suae Perseidos auctor, et auctor Tantalidae reducis Tyndaridosque 
 Lupus. Largus, who appears to have written on the legendary settlement of 
 Antenor in Cisalpine Gaul, is supposed- to be the faithless friend and accuser of 
 Cornelius Gallus (§ 232, 2), called Valerius Largus (Dio 53, 23). Camerinus, whose 
 subject was the capture of Troy, might be identical with Q. Sulpicius Camerinus, 
 consul 762/9 a.d. Lupus (who wrote an epic poem on the return of Menelaos and 
 Helena) is generally identified with the rhetorician Kutilius Lupus (§ 270). Tri- 
 nacrius ( = Siculus ?) does not look like a proper name ; a Perseid had been written 
 among the Greeks by Choirilos and Musaios. See Merkel's edition of the Tristia 
 etc. p. 376. — The words of Ovid Pont. 4, 16, 20 concerning Tuscus, who is mentioned 
 in a list of exclusively epic poets, quique sua nomen Rhyllide Tuscus habet may mean : 
 ' Tuscus, who is named after his epyllion on the story of Damophon and Phyllis ' 
 (see Ov. Her. 2) i.e. who has been surnamed Damophon as though he were the 
 admirer of the Phyllis celebrated in his poem. In that case Tuscus should be 
 identified with Damophoon, the pseudonymous friend of Propertius (3, 22). Cf. 
 AKiessling, coniecturae Prop., Greifsw. 1875. Merkel 1.1. 373 suggested that he 
 might be the grammarian Clodius Tuscus (§ 263, 3). On Iullus Antonius see § 
 242, 6. 
 
 9. Vell. 2, 36, 3 inter quae (ingenia) maxime nostri aevi eminent princeps car- 
 minum Vergilius Rabir iusque (while Horace is not mentioned !). Quint, judges 
 more sensibly 10, 1, 90 (above n. 6). Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, 5 magnique Rabirius oris. 
 An hexameter by Rabirius ap. Oharis. GL. 1, 65, 9. Other notices in the gramm. 
 de dub. rom. GL. 5, 578, 7. 13. 590, 19. Cf. FPB. 356 and MHaupt, op. 1, 158. 
 On the subject of his poem see Sen. benef. 6, 3, 1 egregie mihi videtur M. Antonius 
 apud Rabirium poetam, . . . exclamare ' hoc habeo quodcumque dedi.' From this 
 indication of the subject-matter, he is supposed by Ciampitti and others to be the 
 author of the fragment discovered in the papyrus no. 817 of Herculaneum (speci- 
 men in Zangemeister-Wattenbach's exempl. codd. pi. 3; Hayter's copy is fac- 
 similed in WScott's fragm. Herculanensia, Oxf. 1885) on the battle of Actium 
 and the death of Kleopatra ; see Volumina Herculan. (Naples 1809) 2, 7 sqq. 
 JThKreyssig, carminis latini de bello actiaco sive alexandrino fragnsenta, Lps. 
 1814, and esp. after his comm. de Sail. hist, fragm. (Meissen 1835) p. 117. AL. 
 482, cf. 2, vi. PLM. 1, 214. Cf. AWeichert, de L. Vario 157, 163. EEllis, Journ. 
 of phil. 16, 81. Those fragments actually exhibit a, preference for the same 
 
512 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 caesura which is noticed in the citation in Sen. 1.1. The mention of Atropos points 
 to a treatment of the subject similar to that in the Aeneid (cf. § 228, n. 5). 
 
 10. Sen. suas. 6, 27 Sextilius JSna [?)fuit homo ingeniosus magis quam eruditus, 
 inaequal is poeta et plane quibusdam locis talis quales esse Cicero (pArch. 26) Cordu- 
 benses poetas ait, pingue quiddam sonantes atque peregrinum. is hanc ipsam pr.o- 
 scriptionem (of Cicero) recitaturus in domo Messalae Corvini . . . in principio 
 kunc versum . . . recitavit ' deflendus Cicero est ' etc. From this and the preceding 
 expression municipem nostrum it appears that he was a native of Corduba. 
 
 11. Ovid, ex Pont. 4, 16, 10 et cum subtili Priscus uterque Numa. The con- 
 nection of the passage justifies the inference that both Priscus and Numa were 
 also epic poets. They are, however, completely unknown, unless Priscus is the 
 Clutorius Priscus mentioned by Tacitus and Dio. Tac. ann. 3. 49 fine anni (21 a.d.) 
 Clutorium Priscum eg. rom. post celebre carmen quo Cermanici suprema defleverat 
 pecunia donatum a Caesare corripuit delator obiectans aegro Druso composuisse quod, 
 si extinctus esset, maiore praemio volgaretur. Priscus was immediately put to death. 
 Cf. Dio 57, 20. OHennig, de Ovidii sodalibus. 
 
 12. Equally obscure is the allusion in Ovid, ex Pont. 4, 16, 23 quique acies 
 libycas romanaque proelia dixit, et Marius scripti dexter in omne genus. The first 
 would from this appear to have written a bellum punicum. OHaube, de carm. 
 ep. (1870) 18 understands it of the wars in Africa with Juba and the partisans of 
 Pompey. Pont. 4, 16, 33 is quite corrupt and not yet set right Tityron antiquas 
 passerque rediret ad herbas (so cod. Bavar.). 
 
 13. Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, 11 quique vel imparibus numeris, Montane, vel aequis 
 sufficis et gemino carmine nomen habes. This Montanus, a person equally celebrated 
 in elegy and in epic poetry, is probably the same as Iulius Montanus in Sen. contr. 
 7, 16, 27 Montanus Iulius, qui comis fuit quique egregius poeta ; cf . the judgment of 
 Seneca's son (ep. 122, 11) tolerabilis poeta et amicitia Tiberii notus et f rigor e (Teuffel 
 on Hor. sat. 2, p. 28). ortus et occasus libentissime inserebat (cf. Apocoloc. 2). He 
 then gives (11-13) specimens of his verse. Donat. vita Vergil. 29 (44) Seneca 
 tradidit Iulium Montanum poetam solitum dicere etc. 
 
 14. Sen. suas. 2, 19 memini auditorem (Porcii) Latronis Arbronium (or Abronium) 
 Silonem, patrem huius Silonis qui pantomimis falulas scripsit et ingenium grande non 
 tantum deseruit sed polluit (see § 8, 13 ad fin.), recitare carmen, of which the sub- 
 ject-matter was derived from the Iliad, and from which Seneca quotes two 
 rhetorical hexameters. 
 
 15. We are not aware what department of poetry the younger son of the 
 orator Messalla, Cotta, attempted (see § 267, 6). Cf. Ovid, ex Pont. 4, 16, 42 (Pieri- 
 dum lumen praesidiumque fori) and 3, 5, 39 (recitas factum modo carmen amicis, cf. 
 1,5,57). 
 
 253. Didactic poetry was in the Augustan period cultivated 
 by Grattius, of whose dull poem on the chase (Cynegetica) we 
 possess a part. It was not until the reign of Tiberius that the 
 so-called Manilius published his Astronomica (now five books), 
 a work which treats less of astronomy than of astrology, and 
 though he fails to win our sympathy by his superstitious treat- 
 
§ 252, 53. sextilius ena etc. : grattius : manilius. 513 
 
 ment of this worthless subject, we are yet attracted by the 
 versatility of his knowledge, the independence of his views and 
 especially by his originality and power of giving shape to his dry 
 and stubborn subject-matter, and his seriousness and depth of 
 thought. Both by the latter qualities and by the unevenness 
 and heaviness of his style, Manilius reminds us of Lucretius, 
 though he differs from him in his mastery of all technical forms. 
 
 1. Ovid, ex Pont. 4, 16, 34 (cum) aptaque venanti Qratius arma daret, an 
 allusion to Grat. cyneg. 23 carmine et arma dabo venanti et persequar artes armorum. 
 He is not mentioned elsewhere. It has been supposed, without sufficient reason, 
 from v. 40 (nostris — Faliscis) that he came from Falerii. We can only tell that he 
 was an Italian from the passage in question (in contrast with the Una Hispanae 
 Saetabis mentioned above). 536 lines are extant (together with 5 fragments of lines) 
 in Vindob. 277 (Sannazarianus) s. IX ; the Paris. 8071 (Thuaneus) s. IX/X consists 
 only of v. 1-159. Cf . § 250, 4. The work is incomplete at the end : the heading 
 in both MSS. gratti cynegeticon libi (libri) shows that there were originally several 
 books; see ARiese, anth. lat. 1, xxxvi. — The poet is generally called Qratius and 
 he appears to be mentioned under this name in the MSS. of Ovid. 1.1., hut in the 
 two MSS. of the Cynegetica the name is Grattius (see above) and this form is to be 
 preferred as it occurs in the inscriptions and elsewhere (e.g. Cic. pArch. 8. 12 in 
 the MSS.) almost exclusively (see the indices nominum in CIL. vol 2. 3. 5. 8. 10. 
 12. 14 and CIL. 6, 19117-19125), FBucheler, BhM. 35, 407.— The style of the work 
 is technical, dry, and heavy, and but very rarely rises somewhat higher, e.g. v. 
 812 in the rhetorical excursus on the disadvantages of luxury. The metrical con- 
 struction is careful. The episodes 427, 479 contain many reminiscences of Vergil. 
 V. 348 (Fatum . . . nigris circumvolat alis) reminds the reader of Hon. s. 2, 1, 
 58. — Ed. princeps (with Halieut., Nemes. and Calpurnius) cura GLogi, Ven. 1534. 
 Then in the Auctt. rei venaticae ed. IUlitius (Leid. 1645. 1655) and SHavercamp 
 (Leid. 1728) ; in vol. 1 of the PLM. by PBurman (Leid. 1731), by JCWernsdorf 
 (Altenb. 1780) and by EBahrens (Lps. 1879). Cum comm. varior. ed. BSteun 
 Halle 1832 (with Nemesianus). Ex rec. MHauptii, Lps. 1838 (with Ov. Halieut., 
 Nemes. etc.)— Cf. ThBirt, hist. hex. lat. 57. 
 
 2. The name of the poet of the Astronomicais uncertain. It is just the earli- 
 est and best MSS. which furnish us with no useful data (in the Gembl. the heading 
 is scratched out, in the Lips., Voss. 1, Brux. 2, we read : Arati philosophi astronomicon 
 liber primus etc.) ; in the late MSS. also the headings are evidently very corrupt : 
 Voss. 2 and 3 M. Mallii xqvom (eq. rom. ? — for this in the Voss. 3 Antiochi [from 
 Pi.in. NH. 35, 199 ? cf. § 212, 3] Poeni) astronomicon divo oct. (octavio Voss. 3) 
 quirino aug., similarly also Vat. 3099 ; M. Manlii Laur. 30, 15 ; M. Manilii Vatic- 
 Urbin. 667 ; M. Manilii Boeci ITrbin. 668 ; O. Manilii cod. Cassin. Gerbert (f 1003) 
 ep. 78 p. 45 Olleris entreats a friend for a copy of M. Man(i)lius de astrologia.—The 
 author is entirely unknown, and is not mentioned by any other writer. The 
 inscription (Orelli 4804) which contains Manil. 4, 16 is spurious ; see Ritschl, op. 
 4, 251. Possibly Germanicus in his Aratea (§ 275, 6) already imitated Manilius ; 
 cf. Freier 1.1. 63. Cramer 1.1. 58. There are distinct traces of his having been 
 used in Nemesianus (§ 386, 1) 1, 39, 40=Manil. 1, 760. 761. 1, 800 has been imi- 
 tated by Deacont. 5, 326, see Bossberg, JJ. 119, 476.— The non- Italian origin of the 
 author (Bentley took him to be a Greek from Asia Minor, Jacob, an African, cf . 
 
 E. L. L L 
 
514 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 besides the spurious heading in the Voss. 3, above 1. 6) was formerly assumed, 
 without sufficient reason, from the nature of the language (see n. 5). There are 
 also certain passages which tell the other way, e.g. 2, 888 censum sic proximo 
 Oraiae nostra subit linguae. 3, 40 et si qua externa referentur nomina lingua, hoc 
 operis, non vatis erit. 4, 41. His geographical horizon is uncommonly large ; cf . 
 e.g. 4, 715. 749. The choice of such a subject necessitated an exact acquaintance 
 with Greek literature, see however esp. e.g. 2, 1 sqq., 3, 5 sqq., 5, 461 sqq. Allusions 
 to the poems of Aemilius Macer (§ 223, 4), of G-rattius (above n. 1) ? see 2, 43 sqq. 
 (cf. 5, 197 sqq.). 
 
 3. Chronological hints. The first book must have been written after the battle 
 in the Teutoburg Wood (a. 762/9 a.d.) ; 1, 898 ut foedere rupto cum fera ductorem 
 rapuit Oermania Varum, infecitque trium legionum sanguine campos. Tiberius had 
 however already been at least recognised as Augustus' successor. 4, 764 est Shodos 
 hospitium recturi principis orbem. Opinions differ as to whether the first books 
 were composed after the death of Augustus ; it is certain that book 5 was not 
 written until the reign of Tiberius. Cf. 5, 513 hinc. Pompeia manent teteris monu- 
 menta triumphi, non exstincta acie semyerque recentia flammis ; this may be under- 
 stood of the theatre of Pompey, which was burnt down a. 775/22 a.d. (Tac. ann. 3, 
 72, cf. Suet. Tib. 47). FJacob p. xvi. Lachmahn, kl. Schrr. 2, 42. There is evi- 
 dence that even the first book was written under Tiberius, particularly 1, 800 
 caelum .... quod regit (presumably after his deification!) Augustus socio 
 per signa Tonante. Other passages are more doubtful 1, 7 tu, Caesar, patriae 
 princepsque paterque, qui regis augustis parentem legibus orbem concessumque patn 
 mundum deus ipse mereris. 1, 384 cetera (sidera) non cedunt ; uno vincuntur in astro 
 Augusto, sidus nostro quod contigit orbi ; Caesar nunc terris, post caelo maximus 
 auctor. Lachmann 1.1. BFkeier, de Manilii astronomicon aetate, G-ott. 1880. The 
 fifth book is incomplete at the end ; the work must have contained 6 books 
 (MBechekt, Lpz. Studd. 1, 17. Woltjee 1.1. 80). 
 
 4. Manilius takes astronomy in the sense usually attached to it in antiquity 
 as also embracing astrology, and the latter even preponderates with him, see at . 
 the very commencement 1, 1 Carmine divinas artes et conscia fati sidera, diversos 
 hominum variantia casus deducere mundo aggredior. On the difficulty of putting 
 the subject in verse see 1, 20. 3, 26. He apologises for using foreign i.e. Greek 
 (technical) expressions : 2, 693. 830. 897. 3, 41. He is proud of being the first poetic 
 writer on this subject in Latin literature : 1, 4. 113. 2, 57. 136. 3, 1. 5, 1. He 
 disdains the old beaten track of legendary and historical epic poetry : 3, 5. He 
 unfolds his arrangement of the subject-matter : 1, 120. 2, 750. 4, 119. A review 
 of the contents of the work in Woltjeb 1.1. 41. He voluntarily resigns all claims 
 to elegance : ne dulcia carmina quaeras. ornari res ipsa negat, contenta doceri (3, 
 38). But in his excursuses (especially his introductions, also 1, 884, and particu- 
 larly in the fifth book in various descriptions) he furnishes ornament, and when- 
 ever he comes to speak of the dignity of man and of his reason (2, 106. 4, 883) 
 or of human greed (4, 1), he is eloquent, earnest, and pleasing. Fatalism is im- 
 plied 4, 14 ; on the relation of this to free will and human responsibility see 4, 108 
 (e.g. 117 non refert scelus unde cadit; scelus esse fatendumst). On the sway of ratio 
 in the world : 1, 483 (against the atomists). 2, 60 cf. 4, 920 (932 ratio omnia vincit). 
 Over-finished rhetorical colouring may be noticed in the account of Andromeda 
 and Perseus 5, 540. OGruppe, Herm. 11, 235 tried to prove that book 6 of Varro's 
 diseiplinae (§ 166, 6, a.) was M's chief authority : cf . however HDiels, doxogr. gr. 
 and EhM. 34, 490. 
 
§ 253, 4. manilius: proculus etc. 515 
 
 5. Manilius 1 style is remarkable in many ways, especially for its violent con- 
 trasts e.g. between dry or dull and elevated, inspired or rhetorically ornate lan- 
 guage, which is sometimes so intricate and pompous as to be almost unintelligible, 
 and crowded with metaphors and figures and miscellaneous ingredients drawn 
 from legend or real life. The poet has not succeeded in equalising and smoothing 
 down these contrasts in tone which irritate and perplex the reader ; but the later 
 books, especially the fifth, show decided improvements. The diction too is not 
 without peculiarities, e.g. in the use of the prepositions and moods, but they do 
 not nearly suffice to establish the assumption of former times that Manilius was 
 not of Italian origin ; in particular no graecisms are adduced as evidence to cor- 
 roborate the theory of his Greek extraction. He rarely employs new word^s or 
 antique phraseology (only itiner 1, 88; clepsisset 1, 27, diu=die 4, 823), but he 
 abounds in alliteration. Of the early poets Manilius imitates especially Vergil 
 and Lucretius in their diction, also Ovid and others, see Jacob's index p. 199, 
 Freier 1.1. 44. Woltjer 1.1. 30 and esp. ACramer, de Manilii elocutione, Strassb. 
 1882 (diss. Argentor. 7, 57). Cf. also MBechert, JJ. 119, 798.— Manilius' metrical 
 and prosodiacal treatment is strict and elegant, e.g. he is careful in the employ- 
 ment of elision. LMuller, Phil. 15, 481. 492 ; de re metr. 52. 329. 333. ThBirt, 
 hist. hex. lat. 52. ACramer 1.1. 7. By the same writer, d. Inf. bei Manil., comm. 
 in honor. Studemundi, Strassb. 1889, 60. 
 
 6. All our MSS. of Manilius are derived from an archetype itself very corrupt. 
 Most of them are of s. XV and greatly interpolated, as is also the Leidensis 3 
 (Vcss. 2) s. XV erroneously preferred by Jacob. By far the best MS. is the Bru- 
 xellensis 10012 (Geinblacensis) s. X/XI, then the Lipsiensis 1465 s. XI, the 1 ss 
 important Leidensis 18 (Voss. 1) o. XII and Bruxell. 10699 (Cusanus) s. XII. Cf. 
 Jacob's praefatio p. v. CTBreiter, de emendatione Manilii, Hamm 1854 and esp. 
 MBechert, de Manili emendandi ratione, Leipz. Stud. z. Phil. 1, 3. PThomas, 
 lucubratt. Manil. (cont. a new collation of the Gemblac), Ghent 1888. 
 
 7. Ed. princeps at Nurnberg about 1472 (see CGSchwarz, de prima Manilii 
 astr. editione, Altorf 1764). Principal editions by JScaliger (Par. 1579. Heidelb. 
 1590. Leid. 1600), EBentley (Lond. 1739 ; see on this MHautt, op. 3, 43) and 
 PJacob (rec, Berl. 1846). — Explanatory: by EJacob, Posen 1830 (spec. ed.). 
 Liibeck 1832 (I de Manilio poeta). 1833 sqq. (II de versibus a Bentleio abiudicatis 
 libr. 1-5). — JWoltjer, de Manilio poeta, Groningen, 1881. GLamson, de Manilio 
 poeta eiusque ingenio, Par. 1887. AKraemer, de Man. astronomicis, Marb. 1890. 
 Critical : HHaupt, op. 3, 473. 583. — Book I with a German translation by JMerkel 
 (Manilius' celestial globe etc.), Aschaffenb. 1844. 1857. THBreiteh, JJ. 139, 193 . 
 693. 845. KRossberg, JJ. 139, 705. 
 
 8. Isid. or. 18, 69 pila . . . quod sit pilis plena, haec antea et sphaera 
 dicta, de quarum genere et pondere Dorcatius (concerning the name cf. CIL. 5, 
 2793) sic tradit. Here follow two hexameters, probably therefore from a didactic 
 poem, which is perhaps alluded to by Ovid trist. 2, 485 ecce canit formas alius 
 iactusque pilarum. MHauft, op. 3, 571. — On Plotius Crispinus, who versified the 
 Stoic doctrine, see § 266, 3. 
 
 254. In other departments of poetry the declining age of 
 Augustus produced only mediocrities. Such were the erotic 
 elegiac poets Procalus and perhaps Alfius Flavus, the iambic 
 poet Bassus, the lyric poet Rufus, the tragic poets Turranius and 
 
516 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Gracchus. On the other hand the collection of the Priapea, 
 which, as far as most of the pieces are concerned certainly belongs 
 to the period of Augustus and is chiefly derived from the circles 
 of aristocratic dilettantism, shows perfection of metrical con- 
 struction, and sparkling though strongly flavoured humour. 
 
 1. Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, 32 {cum) Callimachi Proculus molle teneret iter (which 
 BEhwald, JB. 1885 2, 141 insists on taking in reference to an imitation of the 
 tnxTvpiKa, Spanara, TpayqMai., Ku/iydltu of Ksllimachos !). — On Tuscus see § 252, 8 in 
 fin. — On Alf ius Flavus, the author of trifling erotic poems, see § 268, 9.— Ovid. 
 Pont. 4, 16, 36 (cum) Naidas a Satyris caneret (in idylis?) Fontanus amatas, 
 clauderet imparibus verba Capella modis. Cf. ib. 11 (§ 252, 13). Perhaps therefore 
 Capella composed epigrams, or rather elegies. 
 
 2. The iambographer Bassus, a friend of Ovid, (see § 252, 1) is probably the 
 person addressed by Propertius 1, 4, 1. 12, and perhaps identical -with a rhetorician 
 of this period, Julius Bassus, homo disertus, cui demptam velles quam consectabatur 
 amaritudinem et simulationem actionis oratoriae (Sen. contr. 10, praef. 12), and who 
 consectari solebat res sordidas et inveniebat qui illas unice suspicerent (ib. 10, 30, 13. 
 p. 475, 7 K.). Lengthy specimens of his lectures ib. 1, 6, 2-6. 7, 8. 
 
 3. Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, 28 Pindaricae fidicen tu quoque, Sufe, lyrae. It is not very 
 probable that he is the same Eufus who is addressed ib. 2, 11 and who had an 
 estate at Fundi, considering that the latter is not complimented on any poetical 
 productions ; nor is he the same as Valgius Eufus (§ 241) or Antonius Eufus, for 
 Glandorp's statement that he teste Acrone vertit Homerum et Pindarum rests only 
 on an erroneous combination (cf. "Weknsdorf PLM. 3, xxx). Acko on Hor. AP. 
 288 says only : praetextas et togatas scripserunt Aelius Lamia (a certain (Aeliusy 
 Lamia is quoted by Fest. 131 b , 5. 6 in a fragmentary passage), Antonius Rufus, 
 On. Melissus etc. On the other hand this poet of togatae may well be identical 
 with the grammarian Antonius Eufus in Quiht. 1, 5, 43 and Vel. Long. GL. 7, 79, 
 13. AEeiepeescheid, coniectanea nova (Bresl. 1880) 7 attempts to connect this 
 Pindaric Eufus with the Pindaric Titius in Horace (§ 242, 4) as Titius Eufus, and 
 takes him to be the son of C. Titius L. f. Eufus praetor 704/50. — Ov. Pont. 4, 16, 
 WMusaqite Turrani tragicis innixa cothurnis. Cf. § 132, 6. The pseudo-Apuleius 
 (de orthogr., see § 367, 10) pretends to know that he had written a tragedy on the 
 subject of Helena ! 
 
 4. Ovid. Pont. 4, 16, 31 cum Varus Gracchusque darent fera dicta tyrannis. 
 The name is generally written Varius on the assumption that he is the author of 
 the Thyestes (§ 223, 2), though the latter died as early as 740/14 ! In this case 
 the association would be caused by the fact that Gracchus also wrote a Thyestes. 
 Pkisc. GL. 2, 269, 8 Gracchus in Thyeste (a well constructed senarius follows). So 
 likewise is the one quoted from Gracchus in Atalanta (ib. 206, 11). An anapaestic 
 dimeter from Graius in Peliadibus ap. Non. p. 202, 17. Welckek, griech. Trag. p. . 
 1431. Trag. lat. (ed. Bibb.) 2 p. 230. He is probably identical with Sempronius 
 Gracchus familia nobili, solers ingenio et prave facundas whom Tiberius had killed 
 a. 767/14 a.d. on the island of Cercina, where he had already spent 14 years in 
 exile, on account of his former connection with Julia (the daughter of Augustus), 
 see Tac. ann. 1, 53, cf. Vell. 2, 100, 5. If so, Ovid would seem to have mentioned 
 two deceased poets together. 
 
 5. Priapea (diversorum auctorum Priapeia incipit in the Laur.) is the name 
 
§ 254, 5. priapea: bibulus, dellius etc. 517 
 
 given in -late MSS. (the earliest is Laur. 33, 31 s. XIV), in which they are pre- 
 served, to a collection of 80 jocular and obscene poems on Priapus in various 
 metrical forms (hendecasyllabics, distichs, choliambics), which the editor (who 
 himself prefaced them by 1 and 2) had gleaned from literature (3 is from Ovid, 
 see § 251, 3) and especially from the walls of the shrines of Priapus (probably 
 about the middle of the first Christian century) and himself revised. Hon. s, 1, 
 8 is also a kind of enlarged Priapus poem, and has evidently been influenced by 
 the fashion then prevailing. — To this collection, which had been transmitted as a 
 whole, the editors add five Priapea, which were extant elsewhere : of these two (81 
 Vilicus, 82 Quid hoc) bear the name of Tibullus (§ 245, 5), though they are cer- 
 tainly not by him. The first of these (81) was discovered in an inscription at 
 Padua, and by chance got inserted in the Tibullus MSS. See Mommsen, CIL. 5, 2803. 
 EHilt.ee, Plerm. 18, 343. EBahkens, JJ. 127, 860. The second (82) was in the 
 Cuiacianus of Tibullus (§ 245, 7) and is frequently to he found in MSS. of the 
 Pseudovergiliana (§ 229, 1 ; cf. Bahrens' ed. of Tib. p. xx), and in the same way 
 the three others (83-85) have been transmitted among Vergil's Catalepton, see 
 § 230, 5, 2. — The Priapea are printed in the Latt. Antholl. by Bukmann (1. VI) and 
 HMeyee (no. 1616 sqc[.), especially in PBuchelek's small ed. of Petronius (Berl. 3 
 1882 ; cf. his vindiciae libri Priapeorum, EhM. 18, 381), in LMuller's Catullus 
 (Lps. 1870) and in EBaheems' PLM. 1, 58. A treatise by JEWeknicke, I Thorn 
 1853. On Vatic. 2876 s. XV of the Priapea EEllis, EhM. 43, 258. , 
 
 6. Hieeon. on Eus. ehron. ad a. Abr. 2023 (in the cod. Petav. on 2022) = 760/7 
 a.d.: JPhilistio mimographus natione Magnes Asicmus (according to Snidas from 
 Nicaea or Prusa) Romae clarus habetur. He wrote in Greek and is perhaps 
 that author who was served by Crassicius (§ 263, 2) as an interpreter and assistant 
 {circa scenam versatus est dum, mimographos adiuvat 7 Suet. gr. 18) ; he may also be 
 identical with the jocular Filistus, Augusto familiaris, orator et peesin mediocriter 
 doctus, who is mentioned in a passage of Donatus' vita Vergilii (18, 77 ; in 
 Eeipeeesoheid's Suetonius p. 67). On the other hand it seems that the Aesopus 
 mentioned together with Philistion in Amm. Maec. 30, 4, 21 (ex Philistionis aid. 
 Aesopi cavillationibus) must have composed Latin mimi, as Aristides- and Cato are 
 compared 1.1. with these two authors. 
 
 III. PROSE-WRITERS. 
 
 255. Among the prose-writers of the Augustan age the 
 historians occupy the first place. At first a great number 
 devoted their attention to defending or eulogising the celebrities 
 of the times immediately preceding their own. Thus Volumnius 
 and Bibulus wrote on M. Brutus, Q. Dellius on M. Antony, Tiro 
 on Cicero ; and also the authors of Memoirs on their own share 
 in politics, such as Augustus, Agrippa, and M. Messalla, followed 
 in the same path. Asinius Pollio started a large work on the 
 whole period of the Civil Wars, but soon found that the time was 
 not favourable to candid relations of recent events. 
 
 1. Plut. M. Brut. 48 HdirMos BoXotfyUj'ios, Lv^p <pi\6<rotpos koX avveo-TpaTtvp^vos 
 dw apxys Bpoiiriji, . . . \iyu. ib. 51 dvo <mxous, Sir rbv irepop BoXou^mos &i>{ypa<j/e 
 
518 
 
 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 etc. Appian's account (b. c. 4, 112-135) seems also to be derived in parts from 
 this source (and from Messalla, see § 222, 3), see HPeter, die Quellen Plutarchs 
 137. A certain Volumnius Flaccus is mentioned as a friend of D. Brutus in Cic. ad 
 fain. 11, 12. 18. 
 
 2. L. Calpurnius B i b u 1 u s, the son of Porcia (§ 215, 3) arid of M.Bibulas cos. 
 695/59. He served with his step-father at Philippi, was taken prisoner by M. 
 Antony, entered his service and fell as his lieutenant in Syria c. 723/31 (Drumann, 
 GK. 2, 105) ; Kal ti pifiMSiov puxpbv aMop.vt)pnvevp\A.TW B/joi/tou, yeypapjievov vw ai)roO, 
 SiairibfcTcu, Plut. Brut. 13 ; cf . ib. 23 raura 6 rrjs UopKias vlbs iarbpnue Bi//3Xos. HPetek, 
 1.1. 139. Hok. sat, 1, 10, 86 (Bibule). 
 
 3. Stkab. 11, 13, 3. p. 523 C Sis <j>nai.v b A^XXios 6 tov ' kvrwlov (pt\os, avyypi.^ia.% 
 (probably in Latin; see WSieglin, phil. Wschr. 1883, 1454) rty M Ila.pBva.iovs 
 avTov arpareiav, tv yj irapriv Kal avrbs 7]-yep,oviav <=x uv ' Plut. Anton. 59 ttoXAoi;s koX t&v 
 SXKuv cpikmv oi KXeoirar/Das xAXcuces i&paXov, . . . fix nal Map/cos 1ji> SiXaxis Kal 
 AeXXios 6 'urropucds. oZtoi Si . . . <pn<rli/ etc. CWichmann, de Plut. in vitis 
 Bruti et Antonii fontibus, Bonn 1874. ABukcklein, Quellen d. r5m. parth. 
 .Feldzvlge, Bsrl. 1879, 7. Sen. suas. 1 hellissimam rem Dellius dixit quern Messala 
 Corvinus desultorem bellorum civilium vocat, quia ab Dolabella ad Cassium trans- 
 iturus saluiem sibi pactus est si Dolabellam occidisset, a Cassio deinde transiit ad 
 Antonium, novissime ab Antonio transfugit ad Caesarem. hie est Dellius cuius 
 epistolae ad Oleopatrum lascivae feruntur. Cf . Hon. c. 2, 3. WFabricius, Theo- 
 phaiies v. Mitylene u. Q. Dellius als Quellen des Strabo, Strassb. 1888. 
 
 4. Tiro on Cicero see § 191, 2 ; Munatius Bufus the younger on Cato § 215, 2. 
 —The autobiographies of Augustus (see § 220, 3), Agrippa (§ 220, 14), M. Messalla 
 (§ 222, 3).— On Asinius Pollio's history of the Civil Wars see § 221. 3. On the 
 historical work of Q. Tubero see § 208, 1 ; on that of the rhetorician Seneca see 
 § 269, 3. 
 
 5. Ps.-Vekgil. catal. 11, 1 quis deus 7 Octavi, te nobis abstulitf 5 scripta quidem 
 tua.nos multuni mirabimur et te raptum et romanam flebimus historiam. He is 
 probably identical with Musa Vergil, cat. 4 (cf. v. 10 Clio nam per te Candida nunc 
 loquitur) and with the Octavius mentioned Hon. s. 1, 10, 82, therefore the Octavius 
 Musa, civis Mantuanus idemque magistratus in Seev. Verg. eel. 9, 7 and Schol. 
 Been. eel. 8, 6 (an historian, M. Octavius, is quoted in the origo gentis rom. 12, 19, 
 see § 414, 5). Bat it is doubtful whether he is the same as the Octavius venerandus 
 (sanclus) puer who is addressed (§ 230, 1) in the Culex (1.25. 26. 37). OBiebeck, 
 app. Verg. p. 8. Bahrens, tib. Bl. 54 ; JJ. 117, 119 ; PLM. 2, 34.— Of the Euso 
 mentioned in Hor. s. 1, 3, 86, who compelled his debtor to listen to his historiae 
 amarae, PoRm. ad loc. says Octavius Huso . . . scriptor historiarum (the same 
 name is borne by a quaestor of Marius, Sall. lug. 104, 3). — Perhaps to the Augus- 
 tan or Tiberian period belong a few authors otherwise unknown, whom Suetonius 
 in his v. Aug. quotes as authorities for details of the life of Augustus : Aquilius 
 Niger (Aug. Id), C. Drusus (94), Julius Saturninus (27) and Baebius Macer, who is 
 quoted for the same purpose by Servius eel. 9, 47. Aen. 5, 556. 
 
 6. Nothing is certain concerning the Annales of the younger Cincius (see 
 § 117, 4. Pluss, de Cinciis 38 ; NSchweiz. Mus. 6 [1866] , 45). 
 
 256. The most important prose-writer of the Augustan period 
 is T. Livius of Patavium a. 695/59 b.c-770/17 a.d. He spent 
 
§ 256. t. livius (life and writings). 519 
 
 the greater part of his life at Rome, far from political life, though 
 on friendly terms with Augustus. Having studied rhetoric he 
 wrote several philosophical works of popular tendency, in the 
 shape of dialogues, a work on rhetorical training addressed to his 
 son, in epistolary form, but especially a comprehensive account 
 of the whole history of Rome from the foundation of the City 
 until the death of Drusus (a. 745/9) in 142 books, of which, how- 
 ever, only 35 have come down to us, being the first decade and 
 books 21-45. The outlines (periochae) which we possess of al- 
 most all the books are but an unsatisfactory compensation for the 
 loss of the rest. 
 
 1. Recent general literature on Livy : WWeissenborn (-HJMuller) introduc- 
 tion to the Berlin ed. and prolegg. before the second Leipzig ed. (1860). MHeetz 
 (prolusio) before his ed. of the text (Lpz. 1857). APrigell, Liv. som historie- 
 skrifvare, Stockholm 1881. HTaine, essai sur Tite-Live, Par. 5 1888. LEKohlee, 
 de T. L. vita ac moribus, Berl. 1851. MWeingartner, de T. L. vita, I. Berl. 1852. 
 
 2. Hierojs. on Eus. chron. a. Abr. 1958=695/59 Messala Corvinus orator nasci- 
 tur (this is incorrect : see § 222, 1) et T. Livius Patavinus scriptor historicus ; and 
 a. Abr. 2033 = 770/17 a.d. Livius historiographus Patavi moritur. His birth at Padua 
 is confirmed by the charge of patavinitas (see § 257, 14), and by Mart. 1, 61, 3 
 (censetur Apona Livio suo tellus) and Stat. Silv. 4, 7, 55 (Timavi alumnum), also 
 Plot. Caes. 47 (in TlaTa^iip F&'ios Kopur/Xtos, . . . Aifliov tov avyyptMpim iroklrm Kcd 
 yvupL/Aos). — On the supposed grave of Livy and the inscription which it bears (that 
 of a freedman T. Livius Halys) see Mommsen in CIL. 5, 2865. Portraits: RBecker, 
 Gorlitzer Philol.- Vers. 1890. 
 
 3. Liv. 4, 20, 7 hoc ego cum Augustum Caesarem (see n. 5) . . . se ipsum . . . 
 legisse audissem. Tac. ann. 4, 34 T. Livius . . . On. Pompeium tantis laudibus tulit 
 id Pompeianum eum Augustus appellaret ; neque id amicitiae eorum qffecit. Scipionem, 
 Afranium, hwnc ipsum Cassium, hunc Brutum nusquam latrones et parricidas, quae 
 nunc vocabula imponuntur, saepe ut insignes viros nominat. Cf. Sen. nat. quaest. 
 5, 18, 4 quod de Caesare maiore volgo dictitatum est et a T. Livio position, in incerto 
 esse utrum ilium nasci magis reip. profuerit an non nasci. Suet. Claud. 41 historiam 
 in adulescentia hortante T. Livio . . . scribere adgressus est (Claudius, born c. 
 744/10). GSchwab, de Livio et Timagene hist, script, aemulis, Stuttg. 1834. 
 
 4. Sen. ep. 100, 9 nomina adhuc (as a philosophical writer) T. Livium. scripsit 
 enim et dialogos, quos non magis philosophiae adnumerare possis quam historiae, et ex 
 professo philosophiam continentes libros. In the sequel he is associated with Cicero 
 and Asinius Pollio (tribus eloquentissimis). Liv. is also named as a philosophical 
 writer in Sen. ep. 46, 1 (see § 307, 2). Quint. 10, 1, 39 apud Livium in epistola ad 
 filium scripta, legendos Demosthenen atque Ciceronem, turn ita ut quisque Demostheni 
 et Ciceroni simillimus. Cf. ib. 2, 5, 20 (quemadmodum Livius praecipit). Hence 
 probably also ib. 8, 2, 18 (cum iam apud T. Livium inveniam fuisse praeceptorem 
 aliquem qui discipuloe obscurare quae dicerent iuberet), and the quotations of Seneca 
 contr. 9, 24, 14 p. 399 K. (on Sallust), and 9, 25, 26 (cf. § 221, 6 in fin.). This son 
 of the historian was also an author : Plin. NH. ind. auct. to b. 5, 6 (geography) 
 ex . . T. Livio filio. — Strange statements by Aelian (fragm. 83 Herch.) in 
 
520 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Suidas v. Kopvouros : Sia avyypa</>ie 'Pa/j.atoiv -f\dTrpi, Titos Alpios, oB diappec iroXi) ical 
 k\uvov 6vofjt.a t Kai Kopvovros, the latter of whom, being childless and rich, attracted 
 a great crowd tQiv aKpow^vav. 6 xp°"°s di . . . ko.1 ij &Xi}0«a . . . top p£v 
 dv^Tjvav . , . &<nrep KSKpvfifjLevov 6-qaavpitv . . tovtov rbv M(3lov etc. 
 
 5. His plan : praef . 1 a primordio urbis res populi Rom. ( —principis terrarum 
 populi) perscribere. The author takes refuge a conspectu malorum of the present 
 in the ancient splendour of Eome, he intends that his reader should feel^ei* quos 
 viros quibusque artibus domi militiaeque et partum et auctum imperium sit and how 
 Home has fallen ad haec tempora quibus nee vitia nostra nee remedia pati possumus. — 
 Livy commenced his history between a. 727/27 and 729/25, as 1, 19, 3 (see n. 3) 
 Octavian is already entitled Augustus (since 727/27), and though he knows of the 
 first (a. 725/29) he is unaware of the second closing of the temple of Janus by him 
 (729/25). B. 9 was written before 734/20, b. 28 after 735/19 (28, 12, 12), b. 59 
 after 736/18. The latest event which can be shown to have been mentioned by 
 Livy is Drusus' death and burial in the winter of 745/9 sq. ; it is an idle conjecture 
 that Livy intended continuing his work down to the death of Augustus (767/14) 
 and completing the number of 150 books, as Livy (who was only 4 years younger 
 than Augustus) could not know beforehand the time of Augustus' death, neither 
 if and for how long he would outlive him, hence he could have formed that plan 
 only after the death of Augustus. But Livy himself was at that time 72 years 
 old, and had at the most finished book 120 down to 711/43 (see below). He had 
 already devoted nearly 40 years of his life to the work, and yet we are to suppose 
 that like a thoughtless boy, ignorant of the uncertainty of human life, he would 
 set himself the task' of chronicling down to the end the whole of Augustus' over- 
 eventful reign of fifty-six years ! The single portions (§ 257, 11) were, as it seems, 
 separately published by the author under special titles, hence supplementary cor- 
 rections could not be added. Cf. above p. 229 1. 9. Books 109-116 in the cod. 
 Nazar. of the periochae bear the title belli civilis libri VIII. The periocha libri 
 CXXI in the cod. Nazar. is headed : ex lib. CXXI, qui editus post excessum Augusti 
 dicitur. The passages quoted in n. 8, and the opinion of Augustus Cn. 3) and 
 Asinius Pollio presuppose that large portions of the work were then known; so 
 also the introductions to several books (§ 257, 11). See besides Plin. NH. praef. 16 
 T. Livium . . . quodarn volumine sic orsum, satis iam sibi gloriae quaesitum et 
 potuisse se desidere, ni animus inquies pasceretur opere. 
 
 6. The work was divided into books, decades etc. see § 257, 11. 
 
 7. The title of the history : Liv. 43, 13, 2 ea pro indignis habere quae in meos 
 annates referam. Plin. NH. praef. 13 T. Livium in historiarum suarum, 
 quas repetit ab origine urbis, quodam volumine. According to the Verona palimp- 
 sest and other old MSS. of Livy and the periochae and citations in the gram- 
 marians, the real title is ab urbe condita libri ; cf. Liv. 6, 1, 1 quae ab condita urbe 
 Soma ad captarn . . . Momani . . . gessere etc. Cf. the similar title 
 of Pliny (§ 312, 2. 5), Tacitus (§ 338, 1) and Herodian (rrjs p-erci M&pkov /3acriXe£as 
 itjTopi&v /3£jSAo(). 
 
 8. Estimation by the writer's contemporaries. Sen. controv. 10, praef. 2 (p. 
 459 K) L. Magius, gener T. Livi . . . cum ilium homines non in ipsius honorem 
 laudarenl, sed in soceri ferrent. Plin. ep. 2, 3, 8 nunquamne legisti Gaditanum 
 quendam Titi Livi nomine gloriaque commotum ad visendum eum ab ultimo terrarum 
 orbe venisse statimque ut viderat abisse ? Cf. Hieron. ep. 53. In the later Imperial 
 period Livy's work was used almost without criticism, and it was also copied and 
 epitomised. UKohlek, qua ratione T. Livii annalibus usi sint historici latini 
 
§ 256. t. livius (his history). 521 
 
 atque graeci, Gfltt. 1861.— Self-confidence of the author: Pus. NH. praef. 16 
 (above n. 5 ad fin.). 
 
 9. The extant books treat of Roman history (b. 1-10 first decade) from the 
 foundation of the City to the third Samnite war 461/293, then b. 21-45 (the third, 
 fourth and half of the fifth decade), from the beginning of the second Punic war (a. 
 536/218) to the triumph of Aemilius Paulus over Macedonia (a. 587/167). The 
 scanty fragments of the other books may be seen in the editions, e.g. MHebtz and 
 Weissenborn-Muller 1881. Cf. MHertz, de fragmentis T. Livii, Bresl. 1864 II. 
 The loss of the largest part was no doubt caused by the great extent of the whole 
 work (see n. 10 init.). Cf. vanHeusde, Verslagen etc. 5, 4, 374. 
 
 10. An abridgment of Livy is mentioned already in Mart. 14, 190 Pellibus 
 exiguis artatur Livius ingens, quern mea non totum bibliotheca capit (cf. AKiesslinu, 
 coniectt. II, G-reifsw. 1884, vi). The extant periochae (T. Livi periochae omnium 
 librorum in Nazar.) give a dry enumeration of the most important facts together 
 with a few hints for the use of the rhetorical schools. Those of book 136 and 137 
 have been accidentally lost, but two of b. 1 are extant. They are commonly 
 found in the MSS. of Florus, the best example being in the Palat. 894 (Nazarianus) 
 s. IX in Heidelberg (see § 348, 5) ; their author is unknown. These periochae 
 were compiled perhaps in the 4th cent. a.d. from a fuller abridgment of Livy (now 
 lost), the same which was used by Orosius (§ 455, 4) ; see KZangemeister on Oros. 
 p. xxv ; on the periochae of Liv. in the Festschr. of the Karlsruh. Philol.-Vers., 
 Preib. 1882, p. 87./ An edition of the same by OJahn, Lps. 1853. Proposed emen- 
 dations by CHalm, J J. 81, 507. EvLeutsch, exercitt. critt., Gott. 1859. Cf . EWolff- 
 lin, die Periochae des Liv. (especially on interpolations), comment. Mommsen. 
 337. In general HNissen, EhM. 27, 558. PHeyer, JJ. Ill, 645 and AEussner ib. 
 881. OEossbach, EhM. 45, 65 (with new collations). — A collation of the prodigies 
 noted in Livy by Julius Obsequens, see § 416, 4 ; of Livy's fasti in Cassiodorus' 
 chronicle, see § 483, 4. 
 
 11. The MSS. of the first decade bear various subscriptions. At the end 
 of all the books therein we read : Victorianus v. c. emendabam domnis Symmachis ; 
 together with this we find at the end of b. 6. 7 and 8 : Nicomachus Flavianus (§ 428, 
 2) v. c. Ill praef ect. urbis emendavi apud Hennam ; after b. 3. 4 and 5 : Nicomachus 
 Dexter v. c. emendavi ad exemplum parentis mei Clementiani. It would seem to re- 
 sult from this that Victorianus emended the whole decade, but the two Nicomachi 
 only several books each. OJahn, Lpz. SBer. 1851, 335. — Specimens of the writing 
 in the four earliest MSS. (the Veron. and Vatican, palimpsests, the Putean. and 
 Vindob.) in Mommsen, analecta Liv., Lps. 1873. WHeraeus, quaestt. crit. et 
 palaeogr. de vetustiss.'codd. Liv., Berl. 1885. Vindiciae Liv. I, Hanau 1889. 
 
 12. Por the first decade we possess about thirty MSS., which are divided into 
 two equally important classes. One of these is represented only by the palimpsest 
 in the chapter-library at Verona, containing b. 3-6, first published by FBlume, 
 EhM. 2 (1828), 336. Cf. AWZumpt, de Liv. libr. inscriptione et cod. antiquiss. 
 Veron., Berl. 1859. Mommsen, T. Livii ab u. c. libr. Ill- VI quae supersunt in codice 
 rescripto Veronensi descr. et ed., Abh. d. Berl. Ak. 1868. AWodrig, anall. Liv: de 
 cod. veron., Greifsw. 1873. WJung, de fide cod. Veron. cum recensione Victoriana 
 comparati, Gott. 1881. — The other class is the Nicomachean recension (seen. 11), 
 which is best represented by the (now lost) cod. Vormaciensis and its equal, thp 
 important Mediceus s. XI (in Plorence Laur. 62, 19). Next to this comes the 
 Parisinus 5725 (formerly Colbertinus), s. X, Florent. Marc. 326 s. XII, Upsaliensis 
 s. XI/XII and Helmstad. I (on these two MSS., which are very nearly related to 
 
522 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 each other, see EWHaogstrom excerpta Liv., Ups. univers. arsskrift 1874), Vatican. 
 3329 s. XI, Paris. 5724 s. X (Floriacensis) Paris. 5726 (on this see LDuvau, rev. de 
 phil. 1886, 148) and others. AFrigell, Livianorum librorum primae decadis 
 emendandae ratio, Ups. 1875 ; collatio codioum Liv. atque editt. antiquiss. I 
 (b. 1-3), Upsala 1878 (from the Nordisk Tidskr. f. Filol. NF. 5) ; epilegomena ad 
 Liv. 1. 1, Ups. Univers. arsskr. 1881. Supplements to this by OBiemann, rev. de 
 phil. 4, 100. 159. JCornelissen, Mnem. 17, 175. 
 
 13. For the third decade also we have a double version : the chief representa- 
 tive of the one class is the excellent Paris. 5730 (Puteanus) s. V. (specimens of the 
 writing in Mommsen, anall. (see n. 12) and Zangem.-Wattenbach, exempla codd. 
 Latt. t. 19) in uncial writing, which has however unfortunately gaps at beginning 
 and end. Cf. EWOlfflin, Herm. 8, 361. PdeNolhac, biblioth. de FOrsini, Par. 
 1887, 89. The results of a new collation are given by ALuchs, Herm. 14, 141 ; cf. 
 especially his ed. (n. 16). Copies of this are Vat. Kegin. 762 s. IX (EWolfflin, 
 Phil. 33, 186), also Laur. 63, 20, Paris. 5731 (Colbert.) s. XI and XII (WOlfflin, 
 Herm. 8, 364), and Bamberg. *. XI (JMeyer, Nurnb. 1847 sq_. Progr.).— The second 
 version, contemporaneous with that of the Puteanus, comes to us through seven 
 leaves of a Turin palimpsest (s. V) for b. 27 and 29 ; also through the cod. Spirensis 
 s. XI, which was used by BKhenanus in his annotationes before the ed. Probeniana, 
 Bas. 1535, and by SGelenius, who brought out this edition ; it is however lost all 
 but one leaf (containing 28, 39—41), which was discovered in Munich by KHalm 
 (see Munch. SBer. 1869 2, 580) ; finally through MSS. nearly related to the Spiren- 
 sis, especially Harl. 2684, Vatic.-Palat. 876, Londin. (Burn.) 198 and others. 
 HWHeerwagen, comment, crit. de Liv. 26, 41, 18-44, 1, Niirnb. 1869. Mommsen 
 and Studemund, anal. Liv. p. 6. 32 (collation of single passages from 82 MSS. of 
 the third decade) and esp. the prolegg. of ALuchs in his ed. of b. 26-30 (see n. 16). 
 — Cf. also HPerthes, quaest. Liv., Bonn 1863. JHasenmuller, EhM. 19, 313. 
 EWOlfflin, Antioch. und Antip. (1872) 87. 95 ; Herm. 8. 366; JB. 1874/75 1, 740. 
 HNohl, Herm. 9, 243. FLeo, RhM. 35, 236. OEiemahn, rev. de phil. 6, 193. 
 
 14. The fourth decade rests on Bamberg, s. XI (which contains b. 31-38, 46) 
 and the now lost Moguntinus, the readings of which are given in the Mayence ed. 
 of 1518 and the Basle ed. of 1535 (see n. 16). LUrlichs, Eos 1 (1864), 84. W 
 Weissenborn, de codice Livii Moguntino, Eisenach 1865 ; de ratione qua Gelenius 
 IV Liv. decadem emendaverit, commentat. Mommsen. 302. On a late MS. (of no 
 value) at Liegnitz see HKraffert, JJ. 103, 69 and EPeiper, ib. 211. 
 
 15. What we possess of the fifth decade (b. 41-45) rests on cod. Laurishamien- 
 sis (found 1527 in the Benedictine monastry at Lorsch by SGrynaeus, see his 
 letter to Melanchthon in Haupt's op. 2, 117), now Vindobonensis 15, in uncial 
 writing s. V. On the subscriptio s. VIII Me codex est theuberti {iheatberti according 
 to Gitlbauer) epi de dorostat (=Wijk bij Duurstede, near Utrecht) see esp. 
 Gitlbader 1.1. Cf. Kreyssig, annott. ad Liv. XLI-XLV ex cod. Vindob. I, 1849. 
 Madvig, de Liv. libr. xliii initio e cod. Vindob. emendando, Copenh. 1852. JVae- 
 len, ZfoG. 5, 249. 17, 307. WHartel, ib. 17, 1 and esp. MGitlbauer, de cod. Liv. 
 vetust. Vindobon., Vienna 1876 : ZfoG, 29, 341. Anall. Bollandiana 6, 1 (1887), no. 
 5. Specimen of writing in Zangemeister-Wattenbach's exempla cod. latt. pi. 18. 
 WHartel, Krit-Vers. 3. 5. Dek. des Liv., Wien. SBer. 116, 1888. 
 
 16. Collective editions (cf. Drakenborch 15,1,628. Schweiger, class. Biblio- 
 graphie 2, 1, 524. Engelmann-Preuss 2, 368 and others). Ed. prinoeps Eome about 
 1469 cura Jo. Aleriensis (without b. 33 and 41-45), supplemented (by 26, 41, 18 
 fF.) ed. Ven. 1498 (by Barthol. de Zanis), also (from cod. Mogunt. see n. 14) in the 
 
§ 256. t. livius (editions : his chaeacteeistics). 523 ; 
 
 Mayence ed. of 1518 and still more (from the cod. Laurish., see n. 15) by SGrynaeus 
 (Basel bei Froben 1531) ; lastly (from cod. Bamberg, see n. 14) a. 1616 sq. especially 
 by JHokbio. On account of the use of the cod. Spirensis (see n. 13) and the 
 Moguntinus (see n. 14) the ed. by BBhenanus and SGelenius (Basel bei Froben 
 1535) is important. Cum scholiis CSigonii, Ven. 1555. — First critical ed. ex rec. 
 IFGronovii, Leid. 4645. 4679 III. Most copious collection of materials by A 
 Drakenborch (cum comm. Dukeri et variorum, cum supplements JFreinshemii), 
 Amsterd. 1738-46 VII ; Stuttg.4820-28 XV. Ed.IBEKKER and EEaschig (Berl. 1829 
 sq. III). Critical editions : by CFSAlschefski Berl. 1841-46 (only down to b. 23) 
 III. JNMadvig and JLUssing (Copenh.4861 sqq ; 4 1886 sqq.), appar. crit. adi. ed. 
 ALuchs, Berl. 4888 (up to the present b. 21-25). Critical editions of portions : 
 Livi libri xxvi-xxx, recensuit ALuchs, Berl. 1879 (compare AWodrig, JJ. 123, 
 193). — Liber xxx ad. codd. fid. emend, ed. CFSAlschefski, Berl. ,4839. — Liber 
 xxxin ad cod. Bamb. denuo ed. JGKreyssig ; acced. var. lect. in libris xxx- 
 xxxviii ex cod. Bamberg., Meissen 1839. Texts with critical prefaces by WWeis- 
 senborn and MMuller, Lps. 2 1860. 1881 sqq., by MHertz (Lps.vl857-64 IV). 
 AZingerle (still incomplete) Prague-4883 sqq., — With explanatory German notes 
 by WWeissenborn and HJMuller, Berl. z - 8 4867-88 X; by MMuller, FLuter- 
 bacher, EWolfflin, HJMuller, FFriedersdorff (incomplete), Lpz. 1875 sqq. ; by 
 MHeynacher, FLuterbacher, ThKlett, GEgelhaaf (incomplete), Gotha 1883 sqq. 
 — Recent edd. of texts (still incomplete) by HJMuller, Berl. 1881 sqq. AFrigell, 
 Gotha 1882 sqq. (the text with prolegg. ad. Liv. XXII, Gotha 1883, ad Liv. XXIII, 
 Gotha 1885). AZingerle, .Prague 1883 sqq. . see also n. 17. 
 
 17. A large number of school editions of separate portions : e.g. ; B. 1 by 
 JESeeley, Oxf. 2 1876. LPurser, Dublin 1881. ECocchia, Turin 1887. B. 2 
 HBelcher, Lond. 1881. AFrigell, Stockholm 1882. B. 2, 3 HMStefhenson, 
 Lond. 2 1886. B. 4 HMStephenson, Lond. 1890. B. 5 ChSimmons, Lond. 1881. 
 LWhibley, Lond. 1890. JPrendeville, Lond. 13 1890. B. 5-7 AECi.uer and 
 PEMatheson, Lond. 1881. B. 7, 8 FLuterbacher, Lpz. 1889-90. B. 21. 22 
 AFrigell, Ups. 1871, Stockh. 1880 (with epilegomena, Ups. 1881). EWFabri and 
 HWHeerwagen, Nurnb. 2 1852. LDDowdall, Lond. 1885. WWCapes, Lond. 8 1889. 
 MSDimsdale, Lond. 1888-9. B. 21-23 MTTatham, Lond. 2 1889. B. 23 AFrigell, 
 Stockh. 1888.— B. 21-25 AHaraht, Par. 2 1886 II. OEiemann et EBenoist, Par. * 
 1836 II.— B. 23 and 24 by EWFabri, Nurnb. 1840. GCMacaulay, Lond. 2 1888. 
 B. 27 HMStefhenson (forthcoming). B. 26-30 OEiemann and THomolle, Par. 1889. 
 
 18. Contributions to the criticism of the text; e.g.: JFGronov, observationum 
 libri IV, Leid. 1642 and subs. Emendationes Livianae by GLWalch (Berl. 1815), 
 EWFabri (Niirnb. 1842), HAKoch (Brandenb,/1860 f), ALuchs, Erl. 1881-87 III 
 and especially (the leading work) by JNMadvig (Copenh.v 1860. 2 1877). Emenda- 
 tiunculae by SWesenberg in the Tidskr. f. Filol. IX and X. 1870 sqq. EWolfflin, 
 livianische Kritik und liv. Sprachgebrauch, Berl. 1864 (esp. on b. 22) and Antioch. 
 u. Antip. (1872) 84 ; Boot, Verslagen en mededeel. IX, Amsterd. 1865 (on B. 21) ; 
 MMullek, l. Krit. u. ErkLar., Stendal 4866. 4871. 1888; JJ. 99, 339. 129. 185. 133, 
 855. LVielhaber (Liv. Studien, Vienna 1873 II), AWodrig (see n. 12), Mommsen 
 and Studemund (analecta Liv., Lps. 4873). JVahlen, Berl. ind. lect. 1876/77. 
 ADederich, emendatt. Liv. I, Emmerich 1876 ; JJ. 119, 481. AHarant, rev. de 
 philol. 1, 36 ; emendatt. et adnott. ad T. Liv., Par. 1880. OEiemann (B. 23-25), rev. 
 de phil. 6, 193. 12, 97. CGCobet, Mnemos. 9. 400. 10, 97. 113. AMayerhOfer, crit. 
 studd. Liv., Bamb. 1881. AZingerle (3. Decade), Wien. SBer. 101, 555. EGrunauer, 
 zum Text des Liv., Wmterth. 1 1882. CHachtmann, symb. critt. ad Liv. decadem III, 
 
524 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Dessau 1884 and others. JCGBoot, Mnemos. 17, 1. JVahlen, Berl. SBer. 1889, 
 1049 ; Berl. ind. lect. 1890. 
 
 19. Translations by EHeusinger (Brunswick 1821 V ; Lpz. 1884 Beclam.), Ortel 
 (Munich. 1822 sqq.. IX), CFKlaiber and WTeuffel (Stuttg. 2 1854-56 VI). FDGer- 
 lach (Stuttg. 1856 sqq.). Philemon Holland, Lond. 1600. B. 21-25, AJChurch 
 and WJBrodripp, Lond. 8 1890. 
 
 257. If we examine Livy's work from the point of view of the 
 modern historian, we meet with many shortcomings. The author 
 has not troubled himself with laborious investigation of the 
 sources nor visited the scenes of the events related by him, but 
 has generally contented himself with rendering the narratives of 
 his predecessors, especially Polybios and the later Roman Anna- 
 lists, in an improved and elegant style. He also lacks adequate 
 
 | knowledge of political law and most of all of military art and 
 discipline, and he even writes without a settled system of chron- 
 ology. But these numerous faults are compensated by one great 
 
 /virtue, his unquestionable intention of stating the truth, which 
 he never violates or withholds against his better knowledge ; and 
 even where his trifling with history is worst, it is veiled and ex- 
 cused by the writer's irresistible charm. His mild nature recoils 
 from harshness and sympathises with the oppressed and van- 
 quished ; the stalwart characters of the ancient days of Rome are 
 worshipped by him with enthusiastic fondness. This warm sym- 
 pathy and his versatile talent for description make him as great an 
 historical writer as he is insignificant as an historical critic. His 
 strength lies in the representation of events, moods and charac- 
 ters. He is fond of giving descriptive sketches of his actors by 
 attributing speeches to them, in which the writer's rhetorical 
 training appears to the greatest advantage. On the whole, like 
 almost all Roman historians, he interests his readers by his rhe- 
 torical power and style and by his entertaining and instructive 
 presentation of the past, more than by the endeavour to ascertain 
 historical fact. Livy's diction lacks severe classicality and even 
 polish in details, but is lively, elegant and adapted to every situa- 
 tion with unerring tact. Both his contemporaries and posterity 
 justly celebrated Livy as the greatest Roman historian. His in- 
 fluence extended over the whole of antiquity, and of all the severe 
 losses suffered by Roman historical literature, none is sadder than 
 the disappearance of the greater part of this work, the product of 
 a rare combination of happy gifts and fortunate circumstances. 
 
§ 257. t. livius (characteristics). 525 
 
 1. Personal avowals of Livy. Praef. 5 ego hoc quoque laboris praemium petam ut 
 me a conspectu malorum quae nostra tot per annos vidit aetas tantisper certe, dum 
 prisca ilia tota mente repeto, avertam, omnis expers curae quae scribentis animum etui 
 non fleeter e a vero, sollicitum tamen efficere posset. 43, 13, 2 et mihi vetustas res scri- 
 betiti nescio quo pacto anticus fit animus et quaedam religio tenet quae Mi prudentissimi 
 viri publice suscipienda censuerint (omens), ea pro indignis habere quae in meos 
 annates referam. 
 
 2. Judgments of antiquity. Sen. suas, 6, 21 quotiens magni alicuius viri mors 
 ab historicis narrata est, toties fere consummatio totius vitae et quasi funebris laudatio 
 redditur. hoc ... J 1 . Livius benignius omnibus magnis viris praestitit. . . . 
 ut est nalura candidissimus omnium magnorum ingeniorum aestimator T. Livius. Sen. 
 de ira 1, 20, 6 apud disertissimum virum Livium. Plin. NH. praef. 16 T. Livium, 
 auctorem celeberrinium. Tac. Agr. 10 Livius veterum, Fabius Rusticus recentium 
 eloquentissimi auctores. ann. 4, 34 T. Livius, eloquentiae ac fidei praeclarus imprimis. 
 Quint. 8, 1, 3 in T. Livio, mirae facundiae viro. A very happy criticism ib. 10, 1, 
 101 neque indignetur sibi Herodotus aequari T. Livium, cum in narrando mirae 
 iucunditatis clarissimique candoris turn in contionibus supra quam enarrari potest 
 eloquentem ; ita quae dicuntur omnia cum rebus turn personis accommodata sunt, 
 affectus quidem praecipueque eos qui sunt dulciores, ut parcissime dicam, nemo histori- 
 corum commendavit magis ; ib. 32 neque ilia Sallustiana brevitas . . . neque ilia 
 Livii lactea ubertas. 2, 5, 19 ego candidissimum quemque (writer) et maxime exposi- 
 tum velim, ut Livium a pueris magis quam Sallustium. But Caligula (Suet. Cal. 34) 
 ut verbosum in historia neglegentemque carpebat (T. Livium). 
 
 3. Modern opinions on Livy as an historian : Niebuhe, rom. Geschichte 1, 3. 
 2, 609 ; Vortrage ilber RG-. 1, 45 ; and other writers on (early) Roman history, e.g. 
 Schweglee (1, 103. 2, 10) and GCLewis (on the credibility of early Roman history 
 etc. 1, 51. ch. 7, § 3. 4.) ; of. also the introductions to recent editions (n. 16) e.g. by 
 Weissenboen, Hertz and others. HUleici, antike Historiographie 120. FDGee- 
 lach, G-esehichtschr. d. ROmer 133. Mommsen, Herm. 5, 270. HNissen, RhM. 27, 
 539 ; ital. Landeskunde, Berl. 1833, 21 and many others. Cf . also § 256, 1. 
 
 4. Political views of Livy (see FXFruhe, Constance 1851). Livy is no political ^ 
 partisan ; this would not agree with his romantic, idealistic and sympathetic 
 nature. Nor does his mild temper admit of party-hatred. But he has his strong 
 antipathies. All violence, rant, and harshness are disagreeable to him, wherever 
 he may meet with them ; hence he dislikes App. Claudius as much as C. Terentius 
 Varro, C. Flaminius or the impatient tribunes of the people ; even Scipio the Elder 
 is not quite orderly enough for him. His admiration is most sincere for Romans 
 of the old style, such as Cincinnatus, Papirius Cursor, Camillus, Sex. Tempanius, 
 P. Decius, Fabius Cunctator ; in a case of party-strife he is always on the side of 
 moderation, reasonableness and conciliation. He is most averse to the mob, which 
 he frequently lashes for its want of sense and honour, and for its licentiousness 
 (e.g. 23, 2. 24, 25, 8. 31, 34. 44). His aversion to it leads to his unfairly placing on 
 
 a par the plebs of the Civil War with the mob of his own time ; this is at once an 
 evidence of his want of penetration in regard to the political development of Rome. 
 EHeydeneeich, Liv. u. die rOm. Plebs, Berl. 1882. But in ancient Rome he sees . 
 his ideal realised, and romanus accordingly signifies in his language all that is noble \ 
 (e.g. 1, 53, 4. 5, 28, 3. 5, 36, 1. 5, 38, 5. 22, 57, 6. 25, 36 extr. Cf. § 1, 2). He thus 
 involuntarily appears partial in favour of Rome, and unjust to her enemies ; see 
 Weissenbokn's introd. p. 7 49. Compared with those palmy days, his own period 
 appears to him depraved, and many times he mourns the loss of ancient piidor 
 
'526 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 simplicitas, modestia, aequitas, altitudo animi and especially of pietas. On the other 
 hand, neglegentia deum, omnis divini humanique moris characterises the time in his 
 eyes. This sentimental mode of viewing things renders him not only eloquent, hut 
 also courageous ; cf. 7, 40, 2 nondum erant tarn fortes ad sanguinem civilem, nee 
 praeter externa noverant bella, ultimaque rabies secessio ab suis habebatur. 
 
 5. Livy's piety is altogether of a pantheistic colour. Man, conscious of his 
 littleness and weakness, must be meek, watch the manifestations of divine sway, 
 honour the deity and beware of ever sinning against it. Hence arises also Livy's 
 fatalism, which is chiefly conspicuous in the first decade, in the absence of a clear 
 perception of a reasonable co-ordination of things, e.g. 1, 42, 2 nee rupit tamen 
 fati necessitatem humanis consiliis. 5, 37, 1 adeo obcaecat animos fortuna, vbi vim 
 suam ingruentem refringi non volt. 6, 24, 4 ut ferme fugiendo in media fata ruitur. 
 
 25, 6, 4 nulla providentia fatum imminens moveri potuit. Another passage is some- 
 what rationalistic, 8, 7, 8 movet ferocem animurn, iuvenis seu ira seu . . . pudor 
 seu inexsuperabilis vis fati. Cf. 3, 8, 1. Here we should also mention his belief in 
 miracles (which from a. 536/218 he chronicles regularly) ; cf. 27, 23, 6 in capita 
 consulum rep. incolumi exitiabilis prodigiorum eventus vertit. 43, 13, 1 non sum 
 nescius ab eadem neglegentia qua nihil deos portendere volgo nunc credant neque 
 nuntiari admodum ulla prodigia iu publicum neque in annates referri. Some limita- 
 tions 3, 5, 14. 5, 21, 9. 24, 10, 6. 27, 23, 2.— Queck, Baitr. *.. Charakt. des Liv., 1 Son- 
 dersh. 1847. OFabkicius, zur religidsen Anschauungsweise des Liv., Konigsb. 
 1865. 
 
 6. Limitation of his historical subject-matter. 33, 20 extr. non operae est per- 
 sequi ut quaeque acta in his locis sint, cum ad ea quae propria romani belli sunt vix 
 sufficiam. In nearly the same words he says 41, 25 extr. 39, 48, 6 cuius belli et 
 causas et ordinem si expromere velim immemor sim propositi, quo statui non ultra 
 attingere externa nisi qua romanis cohaerent rebus. Cf. 8, 24, 18. 29, 29, 5 (excedere 
 paululum). 35, 40, 1. The chronology he adopts is the pontifical, according to 
 which the foundation of Rome took place in 01. 7, 2=750 b.c. 
 
 7. The aesthetical view which Livy takes of his subject-matter is characterised 
 by his repeated expressions piget .scribere, enumerare etc. (e.g. 10, 18, 7. 10, 31, 15. 
 
 26, 49), also by such expressions as 27, 37 (§ 94, 7). Of the two motives distin- 
 guished by him praef. 2 (dum novi semper scriptores aut in rebus certius aliquid 
 allaturos se aut scribendi arte rudem vetustatem superaturos credunt) he has certainly 
 been influenced by the second. 
 
 8. Authorities. Livy with his imaginative temperament and rhetorical 
 training could not bring to bear on the historical work of his predecessors a 
 thorough methodical criticism, nor could it ever have been his intention to do so, 
 considering the plan of his work, which was calculated for a wide circle of readers. 
 He was therefore not very particular in the" choice of his authorities, contented 
 himself for the period concerned with a few (and not always the best) sources, and 
 only incidentally recognised others. He did not attempt to avail himself of orig- 
 inal historical documents (inscriptions, public records, etc.), and does not appear 
 to have used even the annates pontificum (§ 76, 5). He does not seem to have had 
 regular recourse to any one of the early historians, not even to Fabius Pictor (see 
 § 116, 2) nor Piso (§ 132, 4), but contents himself with comparing authors of a later 
 period, such as Valerius Antias (§ 155, 3), Licinius Macer (§ 156, 6), Claudius Quad- 
 rigarius (§ 155, 1), Coelius Antipater (§ 137, 6), his chief authority for the war 
 with Hannibal, and Aelius Tubero (§ 208, 1). Only at » later time did he begin 
 to estimate Antias more justly, see § 155, 3. Livy did not turn to account Cato's 
 
§ 257. t. livius (characteristics). 527 
 
 origines until the fourth decade, for the description of Cato's own career. He 
 neither used Dionysios of Halicarnassus, nor was he used by the latter, but both 
 probably drew from the same sources. Cf. CPeter, Phil. 33, 572 ; BhM. 29, 513 ; 
 zur Krit. d. Quellen der alteren rom. Gesch. (Halle, 1879) 82. On the other hand 
 Polybios is one of his principal authorities. From his cold expression (haud sper- 
 nendus auctor, P. is here first mentioned) it might indeed be supposed that Livy 
 undervalued Polybios : but it is obvious that in the fourth and fifth decade, in the 
 narrative of the wars of the Bomans in the East, he translates him almost word for 
 word, now abridging, now amplifying him (33. 10, 10 nos Polybium secuti sumus, non 
 incertum auctorem cum omnium romanarum rerum turn praecipue in Graecia gestarum). 
 But he shrank from openly confessing himself to be indebted chiefly to a Greek. 
 Besides it is even now a moot point from what epoch Livy begins to use him : it is 
 most likely however that from the Hannibalian war (beg. b. 21) Livy compared 
 Polybios, whose work begins with an account of that war, together with Coeliu s 
 and others (perhaps at first only in an abridgment ? See OHibschfeld, ZfoG. 28, 
 801 ; cf. above § 210, 3). — It is hardly likely that Livy made use of Ennius himself, 
 but more probable that in his account of the earliest period much of Ennius' work 
 has been introduced through the medium of the annalists whom he consulted. Cf . 
 § 101, 3 ad fin. EZarncke, commentatt. Ribbeck. 274. — In regard to his use of the 
 authorities the details must, for the most part, remain uncertain, inasmuch as 
 those authorities have been almost entirely lost. Comparatively little evidence of 
 any value has been brought to light by the over-zealous research of the last ten 
 years in this field. 
 
 FLachmamj, de fontibus historiarum T. Livii, Gott. 1821 sq. II. CPeter, d. 
 Verh. d. Liv. u. Dion. Hal. zu einander u. ssu d. alteren Annalisten, Anclam 1853 
 (cf. above). LKieserling (§ 37, 6). HPeter, hist. rell. 1, lxxxix. cxcviii. ccxxv. 
 cccxin. cccxlvii. EWolfflin, Antioch. u. Antip. (1872)22; cf. his ed. of b. 21, 
 p. xiv. — KWNitzsch, Quellenanalyse von Liv. 2, 1-4, 8 and Dion. Hal. 5, 1-11, 63 
 in his Rom. Annalistik (1873) 11. HVirck, d. Quellen d. Liv. (2, 1-33) u. Dionys. 
 fur d. alteste Gesch. der rom. Rep., Strassb. 1877. ELubbert, de Liv. libri IV 
 fontt., Giessen 1872. EHevdenreich, Fabius Pictor u. Liv., Freiberg 1878. 
 GKlinoer, de Liv. 1. X fontt., Lpz. 1884. — JNedlins, de belli punici primi scrip- 
 torum fontibus, Gott. 1873. — ThLucas, qua ratione Liv. usus est opere Polybiano, I 
 Glogau 1854. Michael, in wie weit hat L. den Pol. als Hauptquelle bentitzt, Tor- 
 gau 1859. LTillmanhs, qua rat. L. (in b. 31-45) Polybio usus sit, I Bonn I860; 
 quo libro Liv. Polybio uti coeperit. JJ. 83, 844. CPeter, Liv. u. Pol., iib. d. 
 Quellen des 21. u. 22. B. des Liv., Halle 1863. WMichael, qua ratione L. in decade 
 III Polybio usus sit, Bonn 1867. CFohlisch, d. Benutzung des Pol. in B. 21 u. 22 
 des Liv., Pforzh. 1884. MPosher, quibus auctoribus in bello Hannibalico enarran- 
 do usus sit Dio Cassius, symbola ad cognoscendam rationem quae inter Liv. et Pol . 
 intercedat, Bonn 1874. FFriedersdorff, Liv. et Pol. Scipionis rerum scriptores, 
 Gott. 1869 ; das 26. B. des Liv., Marienb. 1874. KKessler, secundum quos auctores 
 Liv. res a Scipione maiore in Africa gestas narraverit, Marb. 1877. CBoTTCHER,.de 
 Liv. 1. XXI et XXII fontibus, Konigsb. 1867; d. Quellen d. Liv. im 21. u. 22. B., 
 JJ. Suppl. 5, 353. OHirschfeld, ZfoG. 28, 801. FLuterbachek, de fontt. 1. XXI 
 et XXII, Strassb. 1875. AVollmer, unde belli punici secundi scriptores sua hau- 
 serint (Gott. 1872) 44 ; d. Quellen der 3. Dekade des Liv., Duren 1881. LKeller, 
 der 2. pun. Krieg u. s. Quellen, Marb. 1875 ; RhM. 29, 88. OGilbert, Bom u. 
 Karthago (Lpz. 1876) 10. WPirogow, Forschungen z. 3. Dekade des Liv., 
 Petersb. 1878 (Buss.). WSieglin, Chronologie der Belagerung von Sagunt, Lpz. 
 1878 ; EhM. 38, 348. GEgelhaaf, Pol. u. Liv. iiber den Krieg der J. 218-217, JJ. 
 
528 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Suppl. 10, 471. OSeeck, Herm. 8, 152. HJMuxler, die Schlacht an der Trebia, 
 Berl. 1867. EMuller, noch einmal die Schlacht an der Trebia, Conitz 1876. 
 HHesselbarth, de pugna Cannensi, Gott. 1874 ; hist.-krit. Unterss. im Bereiohe der 
 3. Dekade des Liv., Lippstadt 1882. JBSturm, quae ratio inter Liv. deeadem III 
 et Coelii Antip. historias interoedat, Wiirzb. 1883 (compare LBauer, phil. Bundsch. 
 1884, 1578). ThZielinski, d. letzten Jahre des 2. pun. Kriegs, Lpz. 1880. — HNissen, 
 krit. Unterss. liber die Quellen der 4. und 5. Dekade des L., Berl. 1863. GFUnger, 
 die rom. Quellen des L. in der 4. u. 5. Dekade, Phil. Suppl. 3, 2, 3. — WHeimbach, 
 quid et quantum Cassius Dio libro XL and 1. XLVII (a. 700/54-712/42) e Divio 
 desumpserit, Bonn 1878. HHesselbarth, Unterss. 2 z. 3. Dek. des Liv., Halle 1889. 
 AvBreska, Quellenunterss, im 21.-23. B., Berl. 1889. 
 
 | 9. Livy's standard of historical criticism. Whenever his predecessors agree, 
 a matter must be very improbable in itself (cf. 5, 21, 8 sq. 6, 12, 2 sqq.) if Livy is 
 to doubt it. Things agreed upon by his authorities be generally considers true, 
 and thus only renders the ordinary tradition. If his predecessors disagree, he fre- 
 quently abstains from deciding himself, or he combines their views (WOlfflin, 
 Antioch. 55. 57. 74), or pronounces for the majority or the earliest and least sus- 
 pected witness, sometimes also for the more intrinsically probable account, but 
 often for the one more favourable to the Eomans (e.g. 7, 27, 9. 10, 39) or the most 
 charitable (e.g. 4, 29, 6. 6, 38, 10. 8, 18, 2) or the most impressive (e.g. 7, 39 sqq. 10, 
 37. 21, 46, 10. 26, 15), or merely adopts a mediating account (e.g. 26, 49, 6). Es- 
 pecially in the earlier period his judgment frequently wavers ; cf . 5, 21, 9, in rebus 
 tarn antiquis si quae similia veri sint pro veris accipiantur satis habeam. In this part 
 he frequently declares himself incompetent to decide. But elsewhere also he is 
 fond of choosing this solution, partly from defective study of his authorities or 
 owing to his shallow estimation of the controverted points, partly from his natural 
 diffidence and trustfulness. This is carried so far that he does not even profit by 
 some very disagreeable lessons. Though his experience with Valerius Antias ought 
 to have taught him to beware of high numbers in the accounts of battles, he still 
 does not hesitate (37, 44) in stating about 54,000 killed and even (27, 49) 56,000. 
 Such instances show his want of practical discernment. As concerns his modesty, 
 we may refer e.g. to 29, 14, 9, id . . . sicut proditum a proximis memoriae tem- 
 porum illorum scriptoribus libens posteris traderem, ita meas opiniones coniectando 
 rem vetustate obrutam non interponam. He frequently lets his own preferences 
 decide whether a thing is true or has not taken place (FLachmann 1.1. 2, 69). But 
 he tries to exclude some of the more flagrant inventions of Roman national vanity 
 (WOlfflin, Antioch. 22. 36. 39. 80). 
 
 10. His dependence on his authorities and a certain inadvertence — which may 
 be easily explained in sc extensive a work, — partly also the successive elaboration 
 and publication of detached pieces, have caused many errors in details, repetitions, 
 contradictions, omissions, mistakes, erroneous translations etc. Instances are 
 given in Weissenborh's introduction '42. Cf. besides JSchmidt, Herm. 16, 155. In 
 consequence of all this, Livy as a historical authority should be used, especially on 
 the earliest time, only with much caution, though his personal intention to state 
 the truth cannot be questioned. Treatises de fide Livii (omitting those which are 
 antiquated) by CKruse (Lps. 1812. II) and Badmker (Liv. antiquiss. rerum rom. 
 hist, etc., Paderborn 1863). ThStade, die Schlachtenschilderungen in L. erster 
 Dekade, Jena 1873. JMaissiat, Annibal en Gaule (Par. 1874) 308. 
 
 11. Division and plan of the work : Livy divided his work first into books; 10, 
 31, 10 Samnitium bella quae continua per quartum iam volumen ( = b. 7-10) agimus. 
 
§ 257. t. livius (characteristics! 529 
 
 6, 1, 1 quinque libris exposui. 21, 1, 1 cum in mentem cei/it LXIII annos . . . aeque 
 multa volumina (that is 15 books) occupasse mihi quam etc. The gigantic subject 
 next fell into large sections (cf. 21, 1, 1 partes singulae tanti operis), e.g. the earliest 
 period down to the Punic wars (b. 1-15 with the sub-divisions: Borne down to the 
 capture by the Gauls b. 1-5, the remainder 6-15 ; b. 6 has a separate preface) ; the 
 Punic wars (b. 16-30, with the sub-division : first Punic war b. 16-20, second Punic 
 war b. 21-30 ; b. 21 with a preface) ; the Macedonian wars (b. 31-45 ; b. 31 with a 
 preface, in three sub-divisions of 5 books each ; war with Philippos ; Syro- Aetolian 
 war, war with Perseus) etc. There was also, as may be seen from the examples 
 quoted and others (b. 17 opens with the plans of Livius Drusus and the Social war; 
 in b. 80 we have the death of Marius, in b. 90 that of Sulla), a systematical internal 
 arrangement by decades or half-decades, or rather decades-and-a-half. At the close 
 of antiquity, the division in decades was taken by the copyists as the basis of the 
 work. The earliest mention of this known to ns occurs in Pope Gelasius' epist. ad 
 Andromachum (Mansi, concil. 7, 197) Lupercalia propter quid instituta sunt . . . 
 Livius secunda decade loquitur. But the recension of Victorianus (§ 256, 11) proves 
 this arrangement to be of earlier date. — Livy himself in the progress of his work 
 and especially in the description of his own life-time (from b. 109 ; cf. Serv. Aen. 
 1, 373 Livius ex annalibus et historia constat ; cf. § 37, 3) did not carry out this ar- 
 rangement by decades : in b. 100. 110. 120. 130. 140 there is evidently no division 
 (nor does any, according to HNissen 1.1., occur in b. 10. 50. 60. 80). On the other 
 hand cf. b. 109-116 = belli civilis libri VIII above § 256, 5. EWOlfflin, Phil. 33, 
 139. HNisskn, EhM. 27, 539. In detail Livy's work resembles that of the annal- 
 ists not only because in describing events it follows in the main a chronological 
 order, but also because it devotes a comparatively short space to the most remote 
 past, and gradually expands as it approaches the better known periods (§ 37 and 
 116). B. 1-30 comprises 550 years, b. 31-68 100 years, b. 69-108 50 years, lastly 
 b. 109-142 (beginning with 701/53) 42 years. 
 
 12. A means of portraying character frequently and successfully employed by 
 Livy is that of speeches, which he interposes in order to give a simulacrum of a. 
 certain person (45, 25, 3) or to indicate the motives of the actors (e.g. 8, 7, cf. 3, 47, 
 5), and which for this reason have so little pretension to historical truth (in hanc 
 sententiam locutum accipio 3, 67, 1) as not even to shun anachronisms (e.g. 5, 4, 12) 
 or to attempt to imitate the style of the time. But they are generally a very 
 faithful reflection of the character or position of the speaker ; cf . e.g. 7, 34. In 
 some instances we are still able to trace in what manner Livy rhetorically en- 
 larges upon the brief hints of a predecessor, cf. Polyb. 3, 64 with Liv. 21, 40 sq. 
 OKohl, Zweck u. Bedeutung der liv. Peden, Barmen 1872. FFriedersdorff, de 
 oratt. operi Liv. insertarum origine et natura I, Tilsit 1886. Livy's speeches were 
 (like those of Sallust § 205, 4) disseminated in separate editions (see § 319, 6). On 
 the rhetorical character of the history of Livy see HTaine, essai sur Tite-Live, 
 Paris 5 1888. 
 
 13. Livy's relation is characterised by a certain rotundity and easy fulness, 
 like that of Herodotos (cf. Quintilian above n. 2), so as to become really prolix 
 in some parts. Quint. 8, 3, 53 vitanda /j.a.Kpo\oyta, i.e. longior quam oportel sermo, ut 
 apud T. Livium. Cf . Chakis. Gl. 1, 271 with the parallel passages there indicated and 
 MHektz, prolusio (§ 256, 1) not. 77. This quality also reminds us of the manner 
 of Cicero, whom Livy imitated (see § 256, 4) and approached more closely than any 
 other Eoman prose-writer. Though his (rhetorical) art is conspicuous throughout 
 his work, it never becomes artifice or want of naturalness. Livy's remarkable 
 power of realising the motives of a certain situation lends also to his descriptions 
 
 E. I. MM 
 
530 
 
 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 the colouring suitable to the occasion. Only the description of the earliest period, 
 (the first third of b. 1) is meagre : here (and at the beginning of b. 2) Livy at- 
 tempts with very little success to establish internal connections and proofs. In 
 dealing with such obscure times and personages, little effect could be produced 
 with the psychological colouring which elsewhere constitutes one of Livy's strong 
 points. Otherwise he succeeds in describing public feeling (e.g. 8, 7, 20 sq. 9, 2, 10 
 sq. 5 sq. 33, 32) as well as external events (e.g. 5, 39 sqq. 21, 58. 23, 27, 6 sq. 24, 26) 
 with the utmost vividness. The most brilliant description in the extant books is 
 ( that of the war with Hannibal. "We are unfortunately precluded from forming 
 an opinion of "just those portions of the narrative where the writer's increased in- 
 terest in his subject-matter led him into greater detail (n. 11). Here Livy's talent 
 for skilful and vivid narrative and description must have found a specially con- 
 genial field. 
 
 14. Livy's diction is intentionally (§ 256, 4) classical, and it certainly ap- 
 proaches the standard of classicality far more closely than Quintilian or Tacitus 
 in his youthful Ciceronian work. But even in Livy numerous poetical phrases 
 betray the approach of the silver age (haec ubi dicta dedit after Vergil ; ubi Mars 
 est atrocissimus ; ad arma coniternatwm esse ; cogitationibus animum volutare ; ad- 
 versa montium ; stupens animi-; laeta pascua etc.), as does also a certain fondness for 
 strong expressions (e.g. attonitus, ingens etc.). He uses by preference Vergilian 
 phraseology. It may have been his employment of words which sometimes ap- 
 peared strange to those who were accustomed to the sermo urhanus. Quint. 1, 5, 
 55 peregrina (verba) ex omnibus, prope dixerim, gentibus . . . venerunt ; . . . quemad- 
 modum Pollio (see § 221, 6) deprehendit in Livio patavinitatem. Cf. ib. 8, 1. 2 ut sint 
 (verba') quam minime peregrina et externa. (3) et in T. Livio, mirae facundiae viro, 
 putat inesse Pollio Asinius quandam patavinitatem. DGMokhof. de patavinitate 
 Liviana, Kil. 1685 (also in Deakenboech's Livy 15, 1, 50). CGWiedeham, de 
 patavinitate Livii, Gorlitz .1848-54 III. Cf. MHaupt, op. 2, 69. HJMullek, 
 ZfGW. 41, Jahresber. 25. — In point of diction it is noticeable that the style, which 
 in the first book is still fluctua'ting, becomes more settled and conformable to rule 
 as the work progresses. EWolfflin, livianische Kritik und livianischer Sprachge- 
 brauch (Berl. 1864) 29, cf. Antioch. u. Antip. (1872) 84. 
 
 15. Literature on the language of Livy: AWEknesti, glossarium Livianum, 
 edd. GHSchafee et IThKheyssig, Lpz. 1827. Chief work : OBiemann, etudes sur 
 la langue et la grammaire de Tite-Live, Par. 2 1884 (epitomised in Biemann's edd. 
 of b. 21 and 22 ; see § 256, 17). LKuhnast, d. Hauptpunkte der livian. Syntax, 
 Berl. 2 1872. EWolfflin (see n. 14). EBallas, d. Phraseologie des Liv., Posen 
 1885. "Weissenborn's introduction to his Berlin edition 7 68. GQueck, Beitrage 
 ». Charakt. des Liv. II : Die Darstellung des L., Sondersh. 1853. GHildebrand, 
 liber einige Abweichungen im Sprachgebr. des Cic. Caes. Liv. usw., Dortm. 1854 ; 
 specimina lexici Liviani, Dortmund 1857. 68 II; Beitr. z>. Sprachgebr. des L., 
 Dorlm. 1865. PEugnee (who intends to publish a lex. Liv. founded on Hilde- 
 brand's work), specimen lex. Liv., Nienburg 1888. — EKbah, spec, grammaticae 
 Liv., Insterb. 1859. CEGuthling, de T. Livii oratione, I de usu verborum sim- 
 plicium, Lauban 1867, II de participiis, Liegnitz 1872. LAdkian, das Part. Praes. 
 Pass, (in Liv.), Grossglogau 1875. MWengee, zum Gebr. der Partizipien bei Liv., 
 Seitenstetten 1882. MMOllek, zum Sprachgebr. d. L., I haud, haudquaquam, 
 Stendal 1877. GKichter, Beitr. *,. Gebr. des Zahlworts im Lat., I Livius, Oldenb. 
 1880. JEEixENnT, de praepos. a cum nominibus urbium iunctae ap. Liv. maxime 
 usu, Konigsb. 1843. HLowe, de praepos. de usu ap. Liv.' Grimma 1847. GWulsch, 
 de praepos. pee usu Liv., Halle 1880. PGLtth, de usu praepos. fee ap. Liv. eiusque 
 
§ 257, 58. t. livius (characteristics): pompeius trogus. 531 
 
 aliquot synonymarum, Visboae 1883. Kleine, de genetivi usu Liv., I Cleves 1865. 
 Lorenz, der Dativ. d. Bestimmung bei L., bes. der Dativ. Gerundivi, Meldorf 1871. 
 74 II. BJonas, de Gebr. der vv. frequentativa u. infcensiva bei Liv., Posen 
 1884. ALehmann, de vv. compositis ap. Sail. Caes. Liv. Tac. I, Leobsohutz 1884. 
 EWesener, de quibusd. Liv. orationis proprietatibus, Coblenz 1854 ; de periodorum 
 Liv. proprietatibus, Fulda 1860. WKriebel, see § 177, 3. WIgnatius, see § 198, 
 12. Kreizner, de propria orationis Liv. indole proprio maxime adiectivorum usu, 
 Hadamar 1844. Englert, d. attributive Gebrauch adverbialer Bestimmungen bei 
 L., Aschaffenb. 1866. Gunther, die Formen der Hypothesis aus Liv., Bromb. 1871. 
 Schmidt, de temporum historicorum ap. L. usu, Demmin 1874. JNMadvig, die 
 syntaktischen Mittel der Sprache, . . . bei Liv., kl. philol. Sehr. (Lpz. 1875) 356. 
 EWHoltze, de syntaxi Liv. dispertienda et ordinanda, Naumb. 1881. HJMulleb, 
 -eque bei Livius, RhM. 43, 637. AMASchmidt, zur liv. Lexicographie, Baden 
 b/Wien 1888. Waidhofen a,. Th. 1889 II. AFugner, Liv. b. 21-23, grammatisoh 
 untersucht, Berl. 1888; Lexicon Livianum, Lps. 1889 sq. GWdlsch, de verbis 
 cum praepos. per compos, ap. Liv. I, Barmen 1889. AKoberlin, de participiorum 
 usu Liv., Erl. 1890. 
 
 258. About the same time as Livy and as it were to supple- 
 ment his history, Pompeius Trogus ■wrote his Universal 
 History, Historiae Philippicae, in 44 books, beginning with Ninus 
 and extending to the writer's own time, from a Greek source 
 (probably Timagenes) ; it was composed in a lively style and 
 classical diction and was also more rich in material and less 
 rhetorical than Livy. "We know the work chiefly through the 
 abridgment of Justinus. Besides his historical work, Trogus 
 wrote also on zoology and botany, after the best authorities, 
 Aristotle and Theophrastos. 
 
 1. Itjsttn. 43, 5, 11 in postremo libro Trogus maiores suos a Vocontiis originem 
 ducere, ovum suum Trogum Pompeium Sertoriano hello civitatem a Cn. Pompeio per- 
 cepisse dicit, patruum Mithridatico hello turrnas sub eodem Pompeio duxisse, patrem, 
 quoque sub C. Caesare militasse epistularumque et legationum, simul et anuli curam 
 hahuisse. His grandfather's name may, therefore, have been Cn. Pomp. Tr. ; the 
 inference drawn from an inscription from Vaison (OIL. 12, 1371) that his patruus 
 was called Q. is very doubtful ; his father was probably the Cn. Pompeius whom 
 Caesar b. g. 5, 36 mentions as an interpreter employed by himself a. 700/54; 
 whence it becomes probable that the historian had also the praenomen of Cn. 
 JBecker, Phil. 7, 389. Cf . KNipperdey, op. 411. — LEHallbeeg, de Trogo Pompeio, 
 Par. 1869. 
 
 2. Charis. GL. 1, 102, 10 Valgius et Verrius et Trogus de animalibus. ib. 137, 9 
 Trogum de animalibus libro X. A longer quotation from this (Trogus, et ipse auctor 
 e severissimis) in Plin. NH. 11, 275. All the fragments are literally translated — 
 not without errors— from Aristotle's hist. anim. Pliny mentions Trogus in his 
 ind. auct. to b. 7-11 (mankind and animals). 12-18 (trees and agriculture). 31 
 (medicinae ex aquatilibus) and quotes him repeatedly in his work. According to 
 this Trogus would appear to have also written a treatise de plantis, and it was prob- 
 ably (as is shown by the quotation in Plin. NH. 17 t 58) based on Theophrastos. 
 AGutschmid, J J. Suppl. 2, 180; EhM. 37, 548. ThBibt, de halieut. Ovid. 136. 
 
532 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 3. His principal work is the 44 books historiarum philippicarum, a universal 
 history with special reference to geography (hence the MSS. are entitled Sistoriae 
 Philippicae et totius mundi origines et terrae situs'), written in the digressive manner 
 of Theopompos, and skilfully planned, so that the history of Macedonia and the 
 successors of Alexander the Great furnished the theme for the narrative, while 
 Soman history, with the exception of the regal period, which in Trogus' opinion 
 was best to be derived from Greek sources (it is added in b. 43), was systematically 
 excluded (cf. praef. 1), B. 1-6 gives as an introduction the history of Asia and 
 Hellas. The latest fact mentioned in the work is the recovery of the standards 
 taken by the Parthians a. 734/20 (42, 5, 11). AvGutschmid conjectures that 42, 4, 
 16 (Parthiae, in qua iarn quasi sollemne est reges parricidas haberi) was meant in 
 reference to the murder of Phraates IV by his son Phraatakes (Oct. 3 B.C. at latest). 
 The lively style of the work is frequently conspicuous even in Justinus' abridg- 
 ment. Justinus praef. 1 calls him vir priscae eloquentiae ; cf , Vopisc. Prob. 2, 7 ut 
 non Sallustios, Livios, Tacitos, Trogos alque omnes disertissimos imitarer vivos. Sober 
 judgment and strict principle seem to be indicated in Iustin. 38, 3, 11 quam (ora- 
 tionem) obliquam Pompeius Trogus exposuit (cf. Iust. 28, 2. 38, 4-7), quoniam in Livio 
 et in Sallustio reprehendit quod contiones directas pro sua ratione (thus "Wolfflin 
 reads : the MSS. have pro sua oratione ; G utschmid reads perversa ratione) operi suo 
 inserendo historiae modum excesserint. He referred to his contemporary Vergil ; see 
 Serv. ad Aen. 6, 783 de hoc loco et Trogus et Probus quaerunt. Trogus' diction also 
 appears to be considerably influenced by Vergil. ASonny, EhM. 41, 473. He 
 imitated Sallust. JSellge, symb. ad hist. libr. Sail. I : de studiis in Sallustio a 
 Trogo et Iustino colloeatis, Bresl. 1882. — Hugo de Pleury (Ecclesiastical History ; 
 abbot of Canterbury from 1091 ?) and from him the chronicler Eoger Wendover 
 and from him again Matthew of Westminster, Mores Histor. (ed. 1570) 1, 81 (see 
 AvGutschmid [n. 5] p. 260, Eeiffekscheid's Suetonius p. 382 and especially FBuhl, 
 die Verbreitung Justins p. 25) : anno divinae incarnationis nono, Caesare Augusto 
 imperii sui Llum agente annum (762/9 a.d.), Trogus Pompeius chronica sua terminavit 
 . . . Pomanorum remp. . . . ah initio usque ad praesens tempus prosequitur. 
 Badulfus de Diceto, de viris illustr. (of a. 1210, from unknown but good sources) : 
 Trogus Pompeius a tempore Nini regis Assyriorum usque ad annum XXIXum Hyrcani 
 principis Iudaeorum chronica sua digessit (Buhl, 1.1. p. 32). 
 
 4. AvGutschmid in the lit. Centrabl. 1872, 659 has conjectured with much 
 probability and developed the theory in BhM. 37, 548 that Trogus' historiae Philip- 
 picae is a version of a Greek historical work (by Timagenes). He considers that a 
 Boman is not to be credited with having originated such a unique piece of literary 
 mosaic, carried out with such constant recourse to original sources, and such con- 
 scientious accuracy. Cf. also Mommsen, Herm. 16, 619. Among the sources of the 
 Greek original are Theopompos' $iXX«rx((cci (on which Trogus founded himself also 
 for the title of his work), Ephoros, Timaios, Kleitarchos, Polybios (HNissen, krit. 
 Unters. 305), Poseidonios, Deinon and others. AHLHebeen, de Trogi fontibus, in 
 the commentt. soc. Gotting. 15 (1804), 185 (repeated in Pkotschee's ed.). CBauh, 
 de Clitarcho Diodori Curtii Iustini auctore, Bonn 1868. HWolffgakten, de Ephori 
 et Dinonis historiis a Tr. expressis, Bonn 1868. WFricke, d. Quellen des Plut. im 
 Alkib. (Lpz. 1869) 71. GBichtee, de fontibus ad Gelonis hist., Gott. 1873. PNatorp, 
 see § 198, 11. LGeschwandtner, quibus fontt. Tr. in rebus successorum Alex; M. 
 usus sit, Halle 1878. LHolzaffel (see § 198, 11) 47. JHeinz, Justin als Quelle 
 zur Gesch. des Cyrus, Sigmar. 1879. BKohler, see § 292, 3, AEnmahn, d. Quellen 
 des Tr. fur die Griech. and sicilische Gesch., Dorpat 1880. ONeuhaus, die Quellen d. 
 Tr. in d. pers. Gesch., Hohenstein 1882-86 IV. ABibelje, Quellen des Tr. im 3. 
 
§ 258. POMPEIUS trogus (justinus). 533 
 
 Perserzug, Eost. 1883.— HCrohn, de Trogi ap. antiquos auctoritate, Strassb. 1882 
 (diss. Argentor. 7, 1). 
 
 5. Our knowledge of Trogus' historical work is derived partly from the 
 prologi (tables of contents) of all the books, partly from the abridgment of Jus- 
 tinus, who in his praefatio says : Trogus Pompeius graecas et totius historias orbis 
 latino sermone composuit. . . . cuius libris omnium saeculorum, regum, nationum popu- 
 lorumque res gestae continentur. . . . ea omnia Pompeius divisa temporibus et serie 
 rerum digesta composuit. horum igitur XLIV voluminum (nam totidem edidit) per 
 otium quo in urbe versabamur cognitione quaeque dignissima excerpsi. Justinus 
 gives us very little of the work word for word, e.g. Mithridates' address to his 
 soldiers 34, 4—7 ; cf. Iust. 38, 3, 11 quam orationem dignarn duxi cuius exemplum 
 brevitati huius operis insererem. Some passages are also quoted by Priscian, Cas- 
 siodorus (Jordanis), Servius and Junius Philargyrius, see AvGhtschmid 1.1. 186. 
 All other writers know only Justinus, though they may mention Trogus. The 
 fragments which Bielowski (n. 6) pretended to have taken from Polish chronicles 
 have been shown to be fictions by AvGutschmid, die Fragmente des P. Tr., JJ. 
 Suppl. 2. 202. Cf. duEieu, Mnemos. 3 (1854), 177. JBerhays, op. 3, 211. 
 
 6. Pompei Trogi fragmenta . . . una cum prologis historiarum Philipp. 
 et criticis annotationibus edidit ABielowski, Lemberg 1853 (see n. 5). The frag- 
 ments of the Hist, are also collected in the ed. of Justinus by Frotscher 1, xcvm 
 and elsewhere. Trogi prologi ed. GHGrauert, Miinster 1827; the same rec. 
 AvGutschmid, see n. 10.— On the alleged new fragments of Trogus (from b. 12) in 
 the Vatic. 1869 s. 12 see § 292, 5 ad fin. 
 
 7. The time of M. Junian(i)us Justinus (so named only in the Laur. 66, 21, 
 see n. 9) is not positively known, though probably he lived in the age of the Anto- 
 nines (FBuhl, d. Verbreitung, p. 36). Considering his old-school way of thinking 
 and the style of his preface as well as his reference to Cato the Elder, we should 
 not like to put him much later than Floras who epitomised Livy. (Cf . however 
 CLachmann, kl. Schr. 2, 193.) Eadulfus de Diceto (see n. 3 ad fin.) says indeed 
 (Buhl p. 32) : Tustinus philosophus Trogi Pompei abbreviator, scripsit eodem anno 
 (with which Josephus concluded his Antiquities), but probably confounds him 
 with Justus of Tiberias, just as in the Middle Ages he was confounded with 
 Justinus Martyr (Buhl 1.1. 36, 46). The first writer who mentions Justinus is 
 Hieronymus 5, 621 Vail, praecipue nostri Livii et Pompei Trogi atque Justini. 
 Orosius made great use of him, cf. n. 9. 
 
 8. On Justinus' treatment see praef . 4 omissis his quae nee cognoscendi voluptate 
 iucunda nee exemplo erant necessaria breve veluti florum corpusculum (nosegay, 
 anthology) feci. Cf. n. 5. Augustin. de civ. d. 4, 6 Iustinus qui graecam vel potius 
 peregrinam, Trogum Pompeium secutus, non latine tantum . . . verum etiam 
 breviter scripsit historiam. Oros. 1, 8 Pompeius historicus eiusque breviator Jus- 
 tinus ; ib. 10 Pompeius sive Justinus. Justinus seems to have made but few 
 changes in the diction of Trogus and to have merely alloyed it with several new 
 additions. Justinus' individual talents were but very small. Even the text of 
 Trogus used by J. must have been corrupt. Aethicus Ister employed probably a 
 different abridgment of Pomp. Tr. (perhaps in Cassiodorus' Gothic History) ; see 
 Buhl p. 6. It is uncertain whence are derived those portions which are in agree- 
 ment with J. in the Anecdoton to the Gothic History in Buhl, JJ. 121, 549. 
 
 9. In the Middle Ages the abridgment of Justinus was much read and copied, 
 though it never found a place among the school-books. FBuhl, die Verbreitung 
 
534 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 des Iustinus im MAlter, Lpz. 1871. The extant MSS. of Justinus divide into two 
 groups. The first is represented only by Laur. 66, 21 s. XI. This alone fills up a 
 large gap at 24, 6, 6, but at the same time is itself inaccurate and imperfect, and 
 interpolated by various hands. The other group falls into three classes : J (under 
 this e.g. Eusebianus s. X, Laur. 66, 20 s. XI, Sessorianus s. XI, Voss. Q. 101 _s. 
 XI), T (under which Paris. 4950 s. IX, SGallensis s. IX, Gissensis s. IX, Ash- 
 burnham. s. IX etc.). II (under which Petropolit. 422 a. IX, Palat-Vatic. 927, s. 
 XII). Besides the MSS. Orosius is also specially important for criticism. See 
 FBuhl 1.1. and his treatise on the sources of Justinus' text, JJ. supplementary vol. 
 6, 1 and pref. to his ed. ; cf. the same author JJ. 105, 853. — Cf. also JJeep in his 
 praefatio and in the Wolfenbiittler Progr. 1855. JAEozsek, liber funf Iustinus- 
 Hss., G-raz 1871. ILHeiberg, nye fragmenter af et Iustinushdskr., Nord. Tidskr. 
 f. El. 3, 275. AHarant, variantes d'un ms. de Justin (in Laon) s. XII, rev. de 
 phil. 2 (1878), 78. 
 
 10. Editions of Justinus. Ed. princ. Venet. 1470 and Bom. 1470 (cf. Buhl, d. 
 Verbreitung, p. 51). Prom good MSS. JBongarsius (cum notis), Par. 1581 ; with 
 additions by PModihs (Frankf. 1587). Cum notis IsVossn, Leid. 1640. Cum notis 
 variorum ed. IGGraevius, Utr. 1668. Leid. 1683. 1701. A variorum edition by 
 Abk. Gronov, Leid. 1719. 1760 ; revised and added to by CHFkotscher, Lps. 1827- 
 30 III. CBenecke, with notes, Lpz. 1830, FDubner (adnot. crit. instr., Lps. 1831), 
 WFittbogen (with notes, Halle 1835), Johahmeatj et Dubner (Par. 1838 II), rec. 
 JJeep (Lps. 1859, with comm. criticus p. 1-188) and especially ex recensione 
 FBuhl, ace. prologi in Pomp. Trog. ab AdeGutschmid recensiti, Lpz. 1886. 
 
 11. OEichert, Worterbuch zu lust., Hanover 1881. JFEecke, d. Sprach- 
 eigentiimlichkeiten Justins, Miihlhausen 1855. FSeck, de Trogi sermone, Con- 
 stance 1881. 82 II. JFMuxler, de casuum ap. lust, usu, Budissin 1859. JAEozsek, 
 de natura latinitatis Iustin., Hermannst. 1865. FFischer, de eloc. Iustini, Halle 
 1868. HDomke, d. Gebr. d. Praposs. ab ex u. de bei Just., Bresl. 1877. — CPaucker, 
 iiber justinische Syntax, ZfoG. 34, 321. JBenesch, de casibus obi. ap. Just., 
 Vienna 1889.— Criticism : UKohler, JJ. 91, 427. FBuhl, ib. 101, 21. 133, 365. 
 Madvig, adv. 2, 616. FBorchardt, quaestt. Iustin., Greifsw. 1875.— Translated by 
 Ostertag (Frankf. 1781 II), Kolbe (1824) and ChrSchwarz (Stuttg. 1834-37). 
 
 259. At the close of the Augustan period and perhaps under 
 Tiberius wrote the exact scholar Fenestella, whose pattern 
 was Varro. He composed Annales and, in these or in a separate 
 work, devoted minute attention to the history of Roman manners 
 and to the political condition of Rome. L. Arruntius on the 
 other hand imitated and rather exaggerated Sallust's manner in 
 his History of the Punic war. The early history of Rome was, 
 perhaps in this period, related by Annius Fetialis, and somewhat 
 later A. Cremutius Cordus composed a narrative of the times 
 immediately preceding his own. 
 
 1. HiERONYM.on Eus.Chron.ad a. Abr. 2035 = 772/19 a.d. Fenestella Mstoriaram 
 scriptor et carminum septuagenarians moritur sepeliturque Cumis. He would, there- 
 fore, seem to have been born 702/52 ; this agrees with Pi.ut. Crass. 5 roiruv <jrq<rl 
 t%v frtpav (who was about 18 years old a. 668/86 and therefore born c. 650/104) ^5i? 
 
§ 258, 59. justinus : fenestella. 535 
 
 trpeo-^vnv oB(7ai» 6 icuveor^Mas iSeli/ aiiris Kal ttoWcLkis d/couo-ai (perhaps in Spain). Not 
 much probability attaches, therefore, to the statement of Pliny NH. 33, 146 sua 
 memoria coeptum Fenestella tradit, qui obiit novissimo Tiberii Caesaris principaiu. 
 As Tiberius died 790/37 a.d. this statement would oblige us to place Fenestella's 
 life c. 719/35 b.c-789/36 a.d. (Mekcklin 1.1.. 3). That he wrote the work in 
 question in the reign of Tiberius, does not appear from Pliny NH. 8, 195 togas 
 rasas . . . divi Augusti (words of Pliny ?) novissimis temporibus coepisse scribit 
 Fenestella. It is certain that he wrote before Asconius,. who frequently men- 
 tions and argues against him. The statement of Lyd. magistr. 3, 75 is certainly 
 wrong &s QevecrrtWas Kal Stomas ol 'Pw/Atuoi tpaaiv, &v Tas xpfo €l - s o flappuiv eVl tQ>v 
 avdpwirlviov irpa.yfia.TUiv dvf]yayev. £y& de ras /3//3Xous oGiroi reBtap-at... Probably Fenes- 
 tella quoted Sisenna and Varro, and Lydus' authority seems to have mixed up the 
 three names. Praenomen and nomen of Fenestella are unknown (the cognomen 
 Fenestella CIL. 5, 469 ? 12, 259) ; the same applies to his carmina, mentioned only 
 by Hieronym. 1.1. (Scaligek's conjecture in Hieron.. is historiarum scriptor et' 
 annalium ; cf. § 37, 3. 257, 11.) 
 
 2. Annales. Ascon. in Cic. Corn. 66 p r 59 neque apud Sallustium neque apud 
 Jjivium neque apud Fenestellam etc. Exact quotations from the annales of F. occur 
 only in Nonius, viz. 221, 35 (v. reticulum,, perhaps from a description of customs) : 
 Fen. annalium (III), 154, 16 (v. praesente) : Fenestella annalium lib. II (of un- 
 known date), and 385, 7 (v. rumor): F. annali lib. XXII (a. 698/56). No doubt 
 the statements in Plut. Sull. 28 and Crass. 4 sq.. are derived from that work. 
 Even if the details concerning Eoman life are taken from, the annales (n. 3), they 
 do not prove that these reached back into the regal period, as they (e.g. Plin. 
 NH. 15, 1) may have formed part of digressions. The mistakes which Asconitjs, 
 Plinius (NH. 9, 123 Fenestella . . ~ manifesto errore), and Gellids adduce against 
 Fenestella are partly unimportant, and partly based on difference of opinion, 
 hence they do not disprove the estimate of Lactant. (inst. div. 1, 6, 14) : Fenestella 
 diligentissimus scriptor, which is rather borne out by passages such as Sueton. vit. 
 Terent. 1 and Mace. 1, 10, 5 f. Cf, besides Lactant. de ira dei 22, 5 plurimi et 
 maximi auctores tradiderunt, . . . nostrorum Varro et Fenestella. The few connected 
 passages which we know (esp. in Non. 385, 7, also Pkisc. GL. 2, 386, 13) prove his 
 style to have been discursive and circumstantial. Hence the abridgment men- 
 tioned in Diom. GL. 1, 365, 7 apud Fenestellam in libro epitomarum secundo : quemad- 
 Inodum Caesar a piratis- captus sit etc., such as were also made of Fannius (§ 137_ 
 4 ad fin.), Coelius (§ 137, 6 ad fin.), Livius (§ 256, 10), Trogus (§ 258, 5), Valerius 
 Maximus (§ 279, 9), and of several works of Varro and others (§ 165,. 1 ad fin.).. 
 The quotation ut Fenestella in Achaicis (or ArchJ) scribit is based only on Fulgenthis 
 (mythol. 3, 2) and is therefore worthless. 
 
 3. Fenestella is quoted as an authority for numerous statements concerning 
 the Eoman constitution and ritual, e.g. on provocatio, the quaestors, the XVviri, 
 the leges Aureliae, the diesfesti and profesti, the Eoman year, the ludi circenses, 
 Jibri sibyllini, also on the expense of the aqua Marcia ; concerning costume 
 (togae rasae, uniones, anuli aurei, calcei), silver vessels, money, domestic life (fish,. 
 introduction of olea, rise of luxury) and literary history (on Terence and Cicero).. 
 But we never find his annales quoted as the source of any of these statements 
 (except in the very uncertain passage in Non. 154, 16).. The definite quotations 
 from the Annals actually bear the stamp of a historical relation, but those othev 
 statements have something of a philosophical character, though connected with, 
 numerical dates (Mekcklin p. 10). Sen. ep. 108, 31 also says : aeque notat (Cic. in 
 Eep.) . . . provocationem ad populum etiam a regibus fuissc ; id ita in pouti- 
 
536 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 ficalibus libris, el alii putant et Fenestella. The maimer in which Fenestella is here 
 associated with the pontificates libri agrees with the combination of his name 
 with those of G-racchanns (§ 138, 2) and Trebatius (who wrote de religionibus, 
 § 207, 3) in ITlpian, dig. 1, 13, 1, 1 el Junius et Trebatius et Fenestella scribunt. We 
 can scarcely connect with this the designation of him as annalium commentator 
 (rather =' author ') in Teetull. adv. Valent. 34. Pliny mentions and uses him as 
 an authority in b. 8 (de elephantis etc.), 9 (de aquatilium natura), 14, 15 (frugiferae 
 arbores), 33 (metals), 35 (painting). 
 
 4. The fragments of Fenestella were last collected by HPetek, hist, fragm 
 272, and in Fbotschee's edition of Corte's Sallust (Lpz. 1825) 1, 489 (additions by 
 LMeecklin, de Fen. p-12, and by JPoeth, de Fen. p. 21). — LMeecklin, de Fenestella 
 historico et poeta, Dorpat 1844. JPoeth, de Fen. historiarum scriptore et carmi- 
 mim, Bonn 1849. 
 
 5. The work de magistratibus et sacerdotiis Bomanorum published under the 
 name of LFenestella (e.g. Vindob. 1510. Paris 1530. 1535) is the composition of 
 the Canon ADFiocchi (f 1452), and was also edited under his name (Floccus) 
 by Aegid. Witsius 1561. The fact that the author (fol- 6 b of the Vienna ed.) 
 compares the different ranks of the Roman flamines with the Christian bishops, 
 archbishops, cardinals etc. proves that he did not intend an absolute forgery. 
 OMeinektz, d. Hss. und alten Drucke zu Braunsberg, 1882, 11. 
 
 6. SnET.gr. 20 full (Hyginus) familiarissimus Ovidio poetae et Clodio Licino 
 ronsulari historico, qui eum . . . tradit liberalitate sua quoad vixerit sustentatum. He 
 is no doubt the cos. suff. of a. 757/4 a.d. (ex Hah Iul.) C. Clodius Licinus (Orelli 
 644. 3260. CIL. 1, p. 473 sq. p. 180), and perhaps also identical with Clodius 
 Licinus in libro III rerum romanarum quoted by Livy (29, 22, 10) (for a. 561/194) 
 with rather astonishing accuracy. To the same writer we should probably refer 
 Nonius 535, 20 (Claudius rerum romanarum libro XII) and 221, 13 (Licinius rerum 
 romanarum libro XXI). Cf. § 156, 6 and HPetee, hist, fragm. p. sxin. It would 
 therefore, seem that he began his history with the Punic wars and carried it down 
 to the time of Augustus. MHertz, de historic. 1871 p. 4. 
 
 7. Sen. ep. 114, 17 L. Arruntius, vir rarae frugalitatis (Vell. 2, 86, 2 of a. 
 723/31 L. Arruntii, prisca gravitate celeberrmii, fides), qui historias belli punici scrip- 
 sit, fuit Sallusiianus et in illud genus nitens. l&quae apud Sallustium rarafuerunt 
 apud hunc crebra sunt et paene continua. 19 Arruntius in primo libro belli punici. He 
 is no doubt the same Arruntius who is mentioned by Plin. NH. in his list of 
 authorities in b. 3. 5. 6 (Spain, Africa, Asia). This historian was probably 
 L. Arruntius L. f. B. n. cos. 732/22, the father of the consul of the same name a. 
 759/6 a.d. + 790/37. To the latter refer Tac ann. 11, 6 meminissent . . . recen- 
 tiorum Arruntii et Aesemini (§ 267, 8) : ad summa provectos incorrupta vita et 
 facundia and Sen. contr. 7, praef. 7 (a diligent pleader before the court of the 
 centumviri). KNipperdey, op. 409. GZippel, d. Losung der Proconsuln, Konigsb. 
 
 ,16. 
 
 8. Annius Fetialis, mentioned by Pliny among his authorities in b. 16, 33 
 and 36, and quoted 34, 29 as an authority for the statement that the statue of 
 Cloelia rather represented a Valeria. Conjectures on this in Schweglek, BG-. 2, 8, 
 HPeter, hist. rell. 1, cccxviii. LUrliohs, d. Quellenregister zu Plin. letzten BB. 
 (Wurzb. 1878) 5. 
 
 9. Suet. Aug. 79 Iulius Mar a thus, libertus et a memoria eius (Augustus^, . . . 
 tradit; cf. ib. 94 auctor est I. M. (of a legend in praise of Augustus). 
 
§ 259-61 . ARRUNTIUS ETC. : SINNIUS CAPITO : VERRIUS FLACCUS. 537 
 
 10. Suet. Vitell. 1 extatque elogi (cf. § 81, 2) ad Q. Vitellium divi Augusti quaes- 
 torem (the uncle of the emperor Vitellius, cf. Suet. Vitell. 2. Tac. a. 2, 48. Dio 
 51, 22) libellus on the history of the gens Vitellia, evidently a party pamphlet in 
 eulogy of the family, which was then becoming powerful (§ 80).— On Cremutius 
 Cordus see § 277, 1.— On T. Labienus see § 267, 10. On the historical works of 
 Hyginus and Verrius Flaccus, see § 261, 1. 262, 2. 
 
 260. As concerns the grammarians, Sinnius Capito fol- 
 lowed the example of earlier writers in composing both gram- 
 matical works and such as treated of the history of literature. 
 Varro's influence on Sinnius appears in the national tendency of 
 his investigations and in the epistolary form adopted by him. 
 
 1. Gell. 5, 20, 1 soloecismus, ... a Sinnio Capitone eiusdemque aetatis aliis im- 
 parilitas appellatus, vetustioribus Latinis stribiligo dicebatur. 5. 21, 9-11 Sinni 
 Capitonis, doctissimi viri (cf. Hieron. in n. 2), epistulae sunt uno in libro multae 
 positae . . . in tsmplo Pads (§ 219, 21 1. 5). prima epistula scripta est ad Pacuvium 
 Labeonem (§ 207, 6). . . . in ea rationes grammaticas posuit per quas docet 'pluria ' 
 latinum esse, ' plura ' barbarum. 5, 20, 2 Sinnius Capito in litteris quas ad Clodium 
 Tuscum dedit. Cf. Fest. 162 (si diligentius inspiciatur, ut fecit Sinnius Capito). 170. 
 To the same class we should probably add the liber de syllabis . . . Sinni Capitonis 
 mentioned by Pompeius GL. 5, 110, 2. Cf. JBecker, Zf AW. 1847, no. 133. In his 
 etymologies (Fest. 138. 230. 340) Capito, like Nigidius (§ 170, 4) appears to rely on 
 mere empirical analysis of the Latin. 
 
 2. Lactant. mst. 6, 20, 35, Sinnius Capito in libris spectaculorum docet. Cf. 
 . Fest. 326. 364. MHertz 1.1. 20. His explanations of proverbial phrases (Fest. 
 
 145. 261. 282. 322. 325. 334) were probably contained ill a work specially devoted 
 to this subject. Hertz 1.1. p. 22. 32 ; Phil. 1, 610. Geographical and ethno- 
 graphical investigations? Hieroh. in Gen. 3, p. 319 Vail, legamus Varronis de 
 antiquitatibus libr-os et Sinnii Capitonis et G-raecum Phlegonta ceterosque eruditis- 
 simos viros, et vldebimus omnes paene insulas etc. Hertz 1.1. 23. 30, who uses this 
 passage in support of his assumption that Sinnius Capito, like Varro, wrote a 
 comprehensive work, Antiquitates or De antiquitatibus, in which he stored up his 
 investigations on subjects of Roman religion, polity, and law. CWachsmuth, in 
 his ed. of Lydus de ostent. p. xx, understands also Lyd. ost. 3 (p. 6, 16) and de 
 magistr. prooem. (S re Kawlrav ko.1 $oi'T^ios) as referring to this. — MHertz, Sinnius 
 Capito, BerL 1845 (with a collection of the fragments). Cf . Egger, vet. serm. lat. 
 reliqq. p. 63. 
 
 261. Fenestella's and Sinnius Capito's tendency in the inves- 
 tigation of antiquarian lore and their Varronian direction were 
 shared by the learned freedman M. Verrius Flaccus, chiefly 
 known by his Fasti and his comprehensive lexicon entitled de 
 verborum significatu, a rich store-house of the most important 
 information concerning Roman antiquities and old Latin. We 
 possess part of the copious abridgment made of this work by 
 Pompeius Festus, which is unfortunately incomplete : only the 
 
538 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 second half, and this badly mutilated, is now extant. On the 
 other hand the abridgment of Festus by Paulus Diaconus, which 
 is preserved intact, offers only a dry skeleton of the original 
 work. 
 
 1. Sueton. gr. 17 M. (so in the ind. gramm. p. 98 B) Verrius Flaccus libertinus 
 idocendi genere maxime inclaruit. . . . quare ab Augusto quoque nepotibus eius (born 
 734/20 and 737/17) praeceptor electus transiit in Palatium cum tota schola (probably 
 .about 744/10 B.C.) . . . decessit aetatis exactae sub Tiberio. On his renown as a 
 teacher see also §'263, 2. Hieron. ad a. Abr. 2024 = 761/8 a.d. . . . et M. Verrius 
 Flaccus grammaticus insignes habentur fixes his floruit too late. The Praenestine 
 Fasti of Verrius (see below) are brought down in the original work to about 760/7, 
 the additions (perhaps made by Verrius himself) inscribed on the stone to shortly 
 before 775/22. Mommsen, OIL. 1, p. 295 a . Suet. 1.1. adds: statuam habet Praeneste 
 (his birthplace?? OHirschfeld, Herm. 9, 105. AEeifferscheid, ind. schol. 
 Vratisl. 1877/78 p. 5) in inferiure (superiore) fori parte, circa (not' contra with 
 JVahlen, ind. schol. Berol. 1877/78 p. 4: see AEeifferscheid 1.1. p. 4) hemicyclium 
 in quo fastos a se ordinatos et marmoreo parieti incisos publicarat. The Fasti are 
 still partly extant : § 74, 3. On their employment in Ovid's Pasti : § 249, 6.— The 
 inscription m. verrio t. f. fal. flacoo celsvs frater (CWKing, BerlphWschr. 
 1887, 158) now in Cambridge has as little to do with the grammarian, who was a 
 freedman, as the spurious one CIL. 14, 278* Orelli 1167. 4009, which used for- 
 merly to he taken in reference to him. Verrius Flaccus, iuris pontificii peritissimus 
 in Macr. 1, 15, 21 might perhaps be the manumitter of the grammarian ; it is 
 however more likely that Veranius was meant. Cf. § 199, 4. 
 
 2. The fragments of Verrius are collected in OMuller's edition of Pestus 
 (praef. p. xiii). Gell. 4, 5, 6 in Verri Flacci libro I rerum memoria digndrum. _ 
 Prom the same source may be derived the information borrowed by Plinius NH. 
 b. 3. 7. 8. 9. 14. 15. 18. 28. 29. 33-35 ex Verrio (Flacco). Gell. 17, 6, 2 libri 
 
 . . . Verrii Flacci de obscuris Catonis (§ 122, 4). in libro II scriptum est etc. 5, 
 17, 1 (and 18, 2) Verrius Flaccus in quarto de verborum significatu. Schol. Veroh. 
 ad Aen. 10, 183 and 200 (p. 103 K.) Flaccus primo Mruscarum. Mace. 1, 4, 7 (cf. ib. 
 1, 8, 5) Verrius Flaccus in eo libello qui Saturnus inscribitur. Vague quotations 
 concerning Eoman ritual ib. 1, 6, 15. 1, 10, 7. 1, 12, 15. Lactant. Lust. 1, 20. Sbkv. 
 Aen. 8, 203. 11, 143 (alii, sicut Varro et Verrius Flaccus, dicunt). Concerning his 
 (questionable) studies on Vergil see Eibbeck, prolegg. Verg. p. 175. Suet. gr. 19 
 Scribonius Aphrodisius . . . docuit quo Verrius tempore, cuius etiam libris de ortho- 
 graphia rescripsit, non sine insectatione studiorum morumque eius. Prom this work 
 are probably derived the statements on the orthographical views of Verrius Flac- 
 cus in Charisius, Diomede, Velius Longus and others. HNettleship, journ. of 
 phil. 15, 189. If the disquisitions given there with regard to gender, accidence, 
 and etymology be derived from the same work, it would appear that Verrius took 
 orthography in the sense of spelling in conformity with linguistic rules. Like 
 Varro, he used the epistolary form in his grammatical disquisitions ; Serv. Aen. 8, 
 423 antea hoc adverbium loci fuit ; . . . nam crebro in antiquis lectionibus invenitur, 
 sicut in epistolis probat "Verrius Flaccus exemplis, auctoritate, ratione. The origo 
 gentis romanae (§ 414, 5) is attributed by BSepf, p. 45 of his ed. of the work, to 
 Verrius Flaccus ! 
 
 3. The work de verborum sig.nificatu was alphabetically arranged by 
 Verrius, so that each letter extended over a number of books, e.g. P over at least 
 
§ 261. veeeius flaccus (festus). 539 
 
 five (Pest. 326 b, 2 causam Verrius in libro V quorum prima est P litera reddidit), A 
 over at least four (see Gell. in n. 2), and S over several books in the same way 
 (Fest. 309 a, 5). Within each separate letter two distinct portions may be dis- 
 cerned : in the ' first (and larger) portion ' the lemmata are arranged alphabet- 
 ically according to the first and second and often according to the three first 
 letters, in the ' second portion ' no attention is paid to the second and third letter, 
 but on the contrary we find connected groups of glossae, e.g. for each author, Cato, 
 Plautus and so forth, and numerous quotations from authors who are not cited in 
 the ' first portions ' (Antistius Labeo § 265, 2, Veranius § 199, 4, Messalla augur 
 § 199, 2). Cf. on this OMullek pref. to his ed. p. xvi. OGkuppe, commentatt. 
 Mommsen. 547. HNettjleship, Americ. journ. of phil. 1 (1880), 253. 2 (1881), 1. 
 FHoffmann, de Festo quaestt. 21. RBeitzenstein, Verrianische Forsch., Bresl. 
 1887. This fact is difficult to account for : the most plausible explanation is that 
 of Eeitzensteik, that the ' second portions ' also belong to Verrius (not to Festus) 
 and are part of the collection of materials from which by a revision and recasting 
 in strict alphabetical order Verrius attempted to restore the ' first portions.' He 
 would appear to have been unable to carry out this attempt, and the work to have 
 been hastily got ready for publication after his death.— Of the later poets only 
 Lucretius and Vergil (all his poems) are mentioned by Verrius with any fre- 
 quency ; others are never quoted, e.g. Horace (§ 219, 17). The date of the com- 
 position of the work may be inferred from 154 b, 7 cum mansisset ab urbe condita 
 ad principatum Augusti Caesaris inviolatum, and 347, 25 ubi nunc est aedis Concordiae 
 inter Capitolium et forum, this temple having been consecrated a. 763/10 a.d. 
 Hence the work would appear to be one of the latest of Verrius. See Mekkel on 
 Ovid's Fasti p. xciv. 
 
 4. Festus probably explained his treatment of Verrius' work in the preface, 
 which is lost together with the first half of his work. Verrius is frequently men- 
 tioned by name in Festus (and Paulus). Festus tries rather obtrusively to assert 
 his independence with regard to the author on whom he has founded his work : he 
 often applies to Verrius cheap criticism, and makes various trivial additions. Cf . 
 218 b, 1 cuius (i.e. Verrius) opinionem neque in hoc neque in aliis compluribus refutare 
 minime necesse est, cum propositum habeam ex tanto librorum eius numero intermortua 
 iam et sepulta verba atque ipso saepe confitente nullius usus aut auctoritatis praeterire, 
 et reliqua quam brevissime redigere in libros admodum paucos (fortunately he is not 
 consistent in the execution of this plan), ea autem de quibus dissentio et aperte et 
 breviter, ut sciero, scripta in Us (his in the MS.) libris meis invenientur <<2tu> inscri- 
 buntur ' priscorum verborum cum exemplis.' 1 Thus in the first place Festus gives an 
 abridgment of Verrius, in the second place he is preparing a work in which he 
 proposes to justify his contradiction of V. Of the latter nothing is otherwise 
 known. — Cf. also 209 a, 12 cur hoc loco relatum sit a Verrio, cum de significatu 
 verborum scribere propositum habuerit, equidem non video; also 360, 34 quod ad 
 significationem verborum non magis pertinet quam plurima alia et praeterita iam et 
 deinceps quae referentur. 326 b, 30 quam inconstantiam Verrii nostri non sine rubore 
 rettuli. 329 a, 23 spondeee Verrius putat dictum quod . . ., deinde oblit us infer iore 
 capite . . . ait quod etc. (v. monstrum 138 inde did apparet id quartum quod 
 mihi visum est adiciendum, praesertim cum ex eadem significatione pendeat et in 
 promplu sit omnibus). 309 a, 5 subukam Verrius alio libro — that is 302 a, 15 — a 
 pago Succusano dictam ait, hoc vero maxime probat eorum auctoritatem qui aiunt etc. 
 206b, 19 sed, ut mihi videtur. 209a, 26 . . . Verrius ait: mihi non satis per- 
 suadet. 214 b, 11 . . . ait Verrius : mihi id falsum videtur, nam etc. 261 a, 14 
 non, ut V. putat. 294 a, 29 (sudum Verrius ait sigynificare sub(udum. sed 
 
540 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 auctor^um omnium fere (exempla poscunt ut sud^us siccum signified. 340 b, 30 
 quod Mum Verrius kmBivtis introduxit. 347b, 23 inquit Verrius . . . absurde, ut 
 mihi videtur. 351 b, 14 quod quam aniliter rela(tum sit cui)vis manifestum est and 
 other passages. The quotations from Lucan (34, 11) and Martial (369, 2) were 
 added by Festus. 
 
 5. The age in which Sex. Pompeius Festus lived is not known, but he quotes 
 Lucan and Martial (n. 4 ad fin.) and is himself quoted by Charisius (i.e. Julius 
 Bomanus) GL. 1, 220, 28 (Porphyria ex Verrio et Festo), also by Macrobius (sat. 3, 
 3, 10 and 3, 5, 7 Pompeius Festus, 3, 8, 9 Julius Festus de verborum significationibus 
 libro XIII), also in the gl. Philox. p. 6 a , 27 Labb. ' Adoriosus &<8o£os, is n.o/Mn}ios. 
 Ador vIkt), ws TLoinriiioi' (of. Paul. p. 3. 12). Porphyrio (see § 374, 3) quotes him, 
 hence Festus must have lived before the 3rd cent. a.d. He divided his abridgment 
 into 20 books of nearly equal size, without arranging that each book should begin 
 a new letter (OMuller p. xxxi). — We possess the work in only one MS. (see EhM. 
 17, 310), cod. Farnesinus s. XI (now at Naples), which was no doubt complete in 
 that century. Of the 16 quaternios (each of 16 double columns) of which the MS. 
 originally consisted, the quaternios VII1-XVI (commencing with the second half 
 of M) were before 1477 brought by Manilios Ealles Kabakes from Illyria to Borne 
 (to Pomponius Laetus), and even these were badly injured by fire in the outer 
 column. Of these nine three have long since been lost again (q. VIII, X, XVI) 
 and are known to us only in the copies made of them in the 15th cent., e.g. by 
 Pomponius Laetus (the so-called schedae Pomponii Laeti). The copy made by 
 Politian (important for q. XV) is preserved in the Vatic. 3368. PdeNolhac, rev. 
 de phil. 10, 145 ; biblioth. de FOrsini. Par. 1887, 212 ; also a collation of the same 
 with the ed. Aid. 1513 by PVictorius, now in Munich. Other editions of impor- 
 tance for the text are those of Milan 1500 and of FUrsihus 1581, and also the much 
 interpolated copies Vatic. 1549. 2731. Voss. O 9. Of. OMuller pref. to his ed. p. 11. 
 Beitzenstein 1.1. 97. Additions to the collation of the Farnesinus in Miiller's 
 ed. are given by HKeil, EhM. 6, 618. Cf. also Mommsen, Festi codicis quater- 
 nionem XVI™ denuo edidit, Abh. d. Berl. Ak. 1864, p. 57. Important extracts 
 from Festus in the glossaries (g 42) : cf . HKettner, Bemerkk. zu Varro u. lat. 
 Glossaren (Halle 1868) 85. GLoewe, in the commentatt. philol. (Lpz. 1874) 243 ; 
 prodrom. gloss. 193. 234 and esp. GGoetz, EhM. 40, 324 ; melet. Festina, Jena 1885. 
 87 II. 
 
 6. Just as Festus' abridgment may originally have contributed to the loss of 
 the original work, Festus himself was in his turn superseded by his epitomiser, 
 whom Bethmann in Pertz' Arch. 10, 320 erroneously considered not to be identical 
 with Paulus Diaconus (§ 500, 6) : both the date of the epitomiser and his attitude 
 towards Charlemagne are appropriate to Paulus Diaconus, while the style of the 
 preface, except for a few phrases, agrees with that of the works of Paul. Diac. and 
 Festus is often quoted in this writer's historia romana. GWaitz, Gott. gel. Anz. 
 1876, 1520 and pref. to his scriptores rer. Langob. et Ital. s. VI-IX (Hanover 1878) 
 p. 19. In the missive to Charlemagne which serves as a preface we read : Sextus 
 Pompeius . . . opus suum ad ^ usque prolixa volumina extendit. ex qua ego 
 prolixitate superjiua quaeque et minus necessaria praetergrediens et quaedam abstrusa 
 penitus stilo proprio enucleans, nonnulla ita ut erant posita relinquens, haec vestrae 
 celsitudini legendum compendium obtuli. Paulus ruthlessly adapted the abridgment 
 of Festus to the very moderate demands of his own period. But the original work 
 was so rich and extensive that even this repeated abridging, diluting and bung- 
 ling could not efface all its original wealth. Paulus deserves praise for his al- 
 most complete abstinence from additions of his own (cf . 36, 3 the quotation from 
 
§ 261, 2. festus : paulus : hyginus. 541 
 
 Boman customs 1, 14). As he copies even the orthographical mistakes of the cod. 
 Fames, of Festus or avoids them by omitting the words in question, it seems that 
 he used the same MS. of Festus as the copyist of the Farnesinus. See OMuller's 
 praef. p. xxxn. vm. G-Goetz, nova melet. Fest., Jen. 1887, vi. vn. The abridg- 
 ment of Paulus exists in a great many MSS. -. among the most important are 
 Monac. 14734 s. X/XI, Leid. Voss. 116, Trecensis 2291 s. X/XI (cf . EThewrewk de 
 Ponor, melanges G-raux, Par. 1884, 659), Escorialens. O III 31 etc. Cf. EThewrewk, 
 Ungarische Eevue 1, 80. 
 
 7. Editions of Festus and Paulus : cf. Mullek's praef, p. xxxv. Festus and 
 Paulus were separated and a critical treatment inaugurated by AAugustinus, 
 Ven. 1559 and elsewhere. Excellent contributions to the criticism of the whole 
 are found in JScaliger's castigationes, first ed. 1565. With supplements by Ful- 
 vius Ursinus, Rome 1581. Cum nott. varr., Par. 1584. Notis illustr. ADaciee, 
 Paris 1681 and Amst. 1700. In Lindemann's Corp. gramm. II, and separately Lpz. 
 1832. Edidit AEEgger, Par. 1838. Principal edition ; emendata et annotata a 
 COMuller, Lpz. 1839 ; a new unaltered edition of this, Lpz. 1880. Ed. EThewrewk 
 de Ponor I, Pesth 1889. 
 
 8. HNettleship, lectures and essays 201. FHoffmann, de Festi de verbb. 
 signif. quaestt., KSnigsb. 1886. — ELeidolph, de Festi et Pauli locis Plautinis in the 
 commentt. Jenens. 2 (1883), 199. HEDirksen, d. rSm. rechtl. Quellen des Verr. Fl. 
 u. Fest., hinterlass. Schrr. 1, 64. SBugge, Altlatein bei Fest. u. Paul., JJ. 105, 91. 
 GKettner, Beobachtungen ilber d. Benutzung des Verr. Fl. (in the Festprogramm 
 f. Meissen), Pforta 1879. — Criticism e.g. LMercklin, obss. ad etc., Dorpat I860, 
 WCorssen (Phil. 20, 730), Mommsen, Berl. Akad. 1864, p. 66, MVoigt, EhM. 31, 149 
 and others. 
 
 262. Augustus' freedman and librarian C. Julius Hyginus 
 (c. 690/64 b.c-770/17 a.d. ?) combined the studies of Varro with 
 those of Nigidius Figulus. He imitated Varro in the variety and 
 in the national direction of his literary activity and attained re- 
 spect. He wrote de situ urbium italicarum and on celebrated 
 men of Roman history ; but he also wrote commentaries on one 
 of Cinna's poems and on Vergil's works and composed original 
 treatises on agriculture and the treatment of bees. In imitation 
 of Nigidius, Hyginus composed works on theology and astrology, 
 which seem, however, to have been more sober than those of 
 Nigidius. — We possess under the name of Hyginus two school- 
 treatises on mythology; the so-called Fabulae, which are es- 
 pecially valuable on account of the extensive use made of the 
 tragic literature of the Greeks, but which we have in an abridged 
 form and unclassical diction ; and four books de astrologia from 
 Alexandrine sources, in a better text, but also abridged. Both 
 works are no doubt by the same writer ; but it is doubtful 
 whether this Hyginus is identical with the Augustan writer 
 Julius Hyginus. 
 
 1. Suet. gr. 20 C. Julius Hyginus, Augusti libertus, natione Hispanus — nonnulli 
 
542 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Alexandrinum putant et a Caesare puerwm Romam adductum Alexandria capta (a. 
 707/47). On account of his apprenticeship to Alexander Polyhistor (see below), 
 who as an adult received from Sulla (therefore 676/78 at latest) the rights of 
 Roman citizenship, we can hardly suppose Hyginus to have been born later than 
 690/64, as familiarissimus Ovidio (see below) would otherwise suggest. He is 
 erroneously supposed to have been even earlier than Vergil (born 684/70) by 
 RReitzenstein de scriptor. R.R., Berlin 1884, 18, who draws this conclusion from 
 Colum. 1, 1, 13 (see n. 3). Suet. 1.1. . studiose et audiit et imitatus est Cornelium 
 Alexandrum grammaticum graecum, quern propter antiquitatis notitiam Polyliistorem 
 multi . . . vocabant (hence perhaps Hyginus is styled Alexandrinus). praefuit 
 palatinae bybliothecae (founded a. 726/28), nee eo seeius plurimos docuit ; fuitque 
 familiarissimus Ovidio poetae (who addressed trist. 3, 14 perhaps to him) et Clodio 
 Licino (§ 259, 6), . . . qui euni admodum pauperem decessisse tradit. . . . huius 
 libertus fuit Julius Modestus, in studiis vestigia patroni secutus. This is carelessly 
 excerpted by Jerome on Euseb. chron. ad a. Abr. 2008 = 745/9 : C. lulius Hyginus, 
 cognomento Polyhistor (!), grammaticus habetur inlustris. "When Columella (1, 1, 13) 
 wrote, Hyginus had long been dead (n. 3). As early as in Fest. 182a, 16 Yginus is 
 quoted together with Aelius Gallus and Cornificius. — ChrBBunte, de C. Iulii 
 Hygini . . . vita et scriptis I, Marb. 1846 ; also in his edition of the Tabulae p. 1. 
 Cf. also GFUnger, Abh. d. Munch. Akad. 16, 196. 205. 209. 217 sqq. 
 
 2. Gell. 1, 14, 1 lulius Hyginus dicit in libra de vita rebusque inlustrium virorum 
 sexto. Ascon. ad Cic. Pis. p. 13 Or. 12 K.-S. Varronem tradere . . . lulius 
 Hyginus dicit in libro priore de viris claris. Does this indicate two divisions, or, as 
 is more probable (see § 259, 2 in fin.), two versions, a shorter and a longer ? Unger 
 1.1. takes the two books de viris claris (i.e. de imperatoribus Rom. and de Romania in 
 toga claris) to be the distinctive title of part of the viri illustres, which is however 
 refuted by the wording in Asconius. Cf. also Gell. 6, 1, 2 (and 6) et C. Oppius 
 (§ 197, 3) et lulius Hyginus aliique qui de vita et rebus Africani scripserunt and 
 Hieronymus above § 211, 2. On the sources of Hygin. de vir. ill. see HHildes- 
 heimer, de libro de vir. ill. Urb. Rom., Berl. 1880, p. 63. On the conjectures of 
 GFUnger, who attributes to Hyginus the book on the generals usually ascribed to 
 Cornelius Nepos, see § 198, 7 (cf. also ' Unger, Phil. 43, 431).— Gell. 10, 18, 7 
 Hyginus in exemplis refert (cf. § 198, n. 4, 3). Serv. Aen. 5, 389 secundum Hygi- 
 num, qui de familiis troianis scripsit (with Varro, above p. 259, e). Macr. 3, 4, 13 
 Hyginus in libro quern de dis penatibus scripsit. 3, 2, 13 Hyginus (so Mommsen CIL. 
 1, p. 26 : the MSS. read Hyllus) libro quern de dis composuit. 3, 8, 4 Hyginus de 
 proprietatibus deorum, cum de astris ac de stellis loqueretur, ait etc. Cf. Non. 518, 35. 
 From this (or from the Genealogiae, see ji. 6) may be derived what Paulin. Nol. 
 carm. 36, 131-143 states as Hyginus' view on Vesta. — Serv. Aen. 3, 553 secundum 
 Hyginum, qui scripsit de situ urbium italicarum; cf. ib. 1, 277. 530. 7, 412 (H. in ital. 
 urb.). 8, 597 {in urb. it.). 600. 7, 678 (de urb. it.). 8, 638 (de origine urbium it.). 
 Macr. 5, 18, 16 (lulius Hyg. in libro II urbium) ; cf. ib. 1, 7, 19 (ut Hyginus Protar- 
 chum Trallianum secutus tradit). HPeter, hist, fragm. 280. 
 
 3. Charis. GL. 1, 142 Hyginus de agricultural!. Cf. Colum. 1, 1, 13 nee postremo* 
 quasi paedagogi eius (of Vergil in the gaorg. ; cf. GFUnger 1.1.) meminisse dedig- 
 nemur, Iulii Hygini . . . non minorem tamen laudem meruerunt nostrorum temporum 
 viri, Cornelius Oelsus etc. ; according to this Hyginus' work was published before 
 Vergil's georg. (which came out 724/30), and, as Varro de RR. (published 717/37) 
 does not mention it, it must have appeared after the latter work ; cf . RReitzenstein, 
 de scriptt. RR. 19. GFUnger 1.1. 220 takes a different view. 3, 11, 8 Hyginus, 
 secutus Tremellium (§ 160, 2). 11, 2, 83. 11, 3, 62. Pliny who cites him, (always 
 
§ 262. hyginus. 543 
 
 as Hyg.) in his list of sources for the NH. b. 3-6 (geography, see n. 2 in fin.) 
 10-22 (zoology and botany) mentions him NH. 13, 134. 16, 230. 18, 232. 19, 88. 
 20, 116. 21, 53. He also wrote separately on bees, or this may have formed part of 
 his work de agricultura ; cf. against this view BEeitzenstein 1.1. 191. Oolum. 9, 
 13, 8 Hyginus in eo libro quern de apibus scripsit ; cf. ib. 9, 13, 6. 9, 11, 5 (H. aucto- 
 ritatem Oraecorum sequent). 9, 13, 3. 9, 14, 1-18. Plin. NH. 20, 116. On the 
 character of this work see Colum. 9, 2, 1 de quibus (bee-hives) neque diligentius quid- 
 quam praecipi potest quam ab Hygino iam dictum est nee ornatius quam Vergilio 
 . .. . Hyginus veterum auctorum placita secretis dispersa monimentis industrie collegit 
 . . . ea quae Hyginus fabulose tradita de originibus apum non intermisit poeticae 
 magis licentiae quam nostrae fidei concesserim. PEusch, on Hygin. de apibus (used 
 in Pus. NH. b. 11, 21) in the commentatt. sodal. philol. Gryphisw. 1887, 42.— 
 G-loss. Labb. p. 128 c Paleta (read Pala) : a<l>ev86rq SanrvHov, lis 'Tyiros iv r$ (the name 
 of the work is missing). 
 
 4. Chakis. GL. 1, 134 Iulius Hyginus in Oinnae propemptico (cf. § 213, 3). 
 Gellius 16, 6, 14 (on Aen. 4, 57) Hyginus Iulius, qui ius pontificum non videtur 
 ignorasse, in quarto librorum quos de Vergilio fecit. Hence also Mace. 6, 9, 7 Hyginus, 
 qui ius pontificium non ignoravit, in quinto librorum quos de Vergilio fecit. Gellius 
 1, 21, 2 Hyginus, non hercle ignobilis grammaticus, in commentariis quae in Vergilium 
 fecit, states that in libro qui fuerit ex domo atque ex familia Vergilii he found 
 amaror georg. 2, 247. 7, 6, 2 sqq. Gellius defends Vergil against the censure of 
 Julius Hyginus (concerning praepes), and 10, 15 notices a, number of objections 
 made to the Aeneid by Hyginus in order to show that it had never been com- 
 pleted. (1 reprehendit Hyginus Vergilium correcturumque eum fuisie existimat. 11 
 item hoc quoque in eodem libro reprehendit et correcturum fuisse Vergilium putat nisi 
 mori occupasset. 14 item in his versibus errasse Vergilium dicit. 18 versus . . . 
 quern Vergilius procul dubio exempturus fu it). See also Serv. on Aen. 2, 15. 7, 47. 
 12, 120. Bunte p. 22. Bibbeck, prolegg. Vergil, p. 117. The doubt expressed con- 
 cerning the identity of the commentator on Vergil and C. Julius Hyginus by 
 FBougius, de tempp. quibus Verg. georg. scripta sint 27 is unfounded. 
 
 5. De astrologiaor astronomia, de ratione sphaerae and so forth are the 
 headings which the work generally entitled Poetica astronomica bears in the MSS. ; 
 see Buesian JJ. 93, 761. The work is cited only by Isidorus de nat. deorum 17, 1. 
 19, 1. 48, 1, and simply as Hyginus without any mention of the title (see Bursian, 
 Munch. SBer. 1876 1, 1). It is dedicated to an otherwise unknown person, M. 
 Pabius, who is thus addressed in the preface : etsi te studio grammaticae artis 
 inductum non solum versuum moderatione . . . sed historiarum quoque varietate 
 . . . praestare video, . . . tamen . . . ne nihil in adolescentia laborasse 
 dicerer et imperitorum iudicio desidiae subirem crimen, hoc velut rudimento scientiae 
 seripsi ad te. Then follows the table of contents. After this we read : in his igitur 
 tarn multis et variis rebus non erit mirum aut pertimescendum quod tantum numerum 
 versuum scripserimus ; . . . quodsi longior in sermone visus fuero, non meafacun- 
 ditate, sed rei necessitate factum existimato, . . . etenim praeter nostram scriptionem 
 sphaerae quaefuerunt ab Arato obscurius dicta persecuti planius ostendimus. . . . 
 quodsi vel optimis usus auctoribus effeci ut neque brevius neque verius diceret quispiam 
 etc. ideoque maioribus etiam niti laborious cogitamus. . . . etenim necessariis 
 nostris hominibus scientissimis maximas res scripsimus, non levibus occupati rebus 
 populi captamus existimationem. The sources he used are especially the KaraffTepur/ioi 
 of Eratosthenes, with which Hyginus in b. 2 and 3 is in complete accord (see the 
 comparison in Eobert 1.1.), and other Alexandrine writers (Parmeniskos, Asklepiades, 
 
544 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Istros, Euhemeros, Aratos, Kallimachos etc.), see Eobeet 1.1. 221. Cicero's transla- 
 tion of Aratos is quoted 3, 29 and 4, 3. The end is defective. Of the MSS. Vatic. 
 (Eeginensis) 1260 s. IX, Montepessul. 334 s. X, Voss. s. IX-X, SGall. s. IX, Dresd. 
 s. IX-X are specially important ; later, much interpolated MSS. are very numer- 
 ous. On the history of MSS. see ECHHeydenreich, die Freiberger Hyginh., Lpz. 
 1878. On a MS. in tacbygraphic notes which Pope Julius II received e Dacia see 
 BFoestek, JJ. 121, 56. — In the editions this work is generally joined to the Fabulae, 
 especially in the Mythographi of Comhelinus, Munckee and van Staveeen n. 6 ad 
 fin. ; rec. BBctnte, Dresd. 1875 (on this esp. CBuesian, Munch. SBer. 1876, 1, 1). 
 Book 2 and in fragments also in CBobert's ed. of the catasterism. of Eratosth., Berl. 
 1878. Cf. also Kiehl, Mnemosyne 2, 88 sqq. LWHasper, Hyginus philosophus de 
 imaginibus coeli (=Hyg. de astr. b. 3). Lpz. 1861. Cf. Bursian, Lit. Centralbl. 
 1861, 854 and JJ. 93, 785, n. 46. — BBcnte, eine franzOs. Bearbeitung der Astron., 
 Herrig's Archiv 56, 155. 
 
 6. ' Fabulae'. Htgin. astr. 2, 12 de quo in primo libro genealogiarum scrip- 
 simus (cf. 2, 17 nos [nostri in the MSS.] in progenie deorum). The first part of the 
 fabulae consists in genealogies of the gods (see below). Dosith. 'Epp.Tiveip.aTa libr. 
 Ill p. 65 Maximo et Apro coss. (a.d. 207) a. d. Ill id. Sept. Hygini genealogiam 
 omnibus notam descripsi, in qua erunt (erant emended by Bursian p. 769) plures 
 historiae interpretatae in hoc libro = Ma£lpip Kal "Airpip iwarots irpb y eldSiv Xeirrep^piav 
 Tyivov yeveaXoylav iraaiv yvoxxrty piereypa^/a, iv rj taovrcu irXeloves laropicu Snjpp.Tjvevp.evaL 
 iv Totrtp rip pi.fSkltp (copied also in MSohmidt Hyg. p. liv). A comparison of what 
 Dositheus gives with the extant fabulae of Hyginus (Bunte, Hyg. fab. p. 18. 
 Lange 1.1. p. 6) proves the identity. The extant work begins with a scanty genea- 
 ology of the gods and. heroes resembling a catalogue ; it is followed by the main 
 subject, a recital of the whole mythological subject-matter specially requisite for 
 understanding the poets, according to the different cycles of legend (the title 
 Fabulae was given by Mycillus to the whole work with special reference to this 
 main subject) ; the conclusion consists of indices, which divide the subject-matter 
 and collate it according to topics. Cf. MSchmidt p. xxvu. CBuesian, JJ. 93, 773. 
 Owing to long use in the schools and corrupt transmission the work, in comparison 
 with its original condition, has been greatly damaged (by erasures, additions, in- 
 versions etc.). The greater part of the work as it stands is evidently translated 
 from one or more Greek sources. The original of the middle portion especially 
 drew upon the dramatic literature of the Greeks and the epic poets. But little 
 recourse was had to Roman sources (Vergil, Ovid ; see n. 7. BFoester, fiaub d. 
 Perseph. 68. 87. 89. 289 ; cf. the heading fab. 8 Eadem [Antiope] Euripidis, quam 
 srribit Ennius. At the end of the fabb. before the indices is now to be found a Latin 
 fable concerning Care (220), in which the trochaic septenarii are still recognisable 
 (§ 103, 1 ad fin.). There are many mistakes as to my thological names, Lange p. 19 ; 
 cf . Buesian 1.1. 784. The third part (the indices) is also based on very good ancient 
 authorities. They contain short mythological collections of examples (also for the 
 use of schools) in catch-words, e.g. qui facti sunt ex mortalibus immortales, quifilias 
 suas occiderunt, rnatres quae filios interfecerunt, quis quid invenerit, oppida qui quae 
 condiderunt etc. Besides the two palimpsest leaves saec. V or VI (discovered by 
 Niebuhr in the Vatican library and edited Eome 1820, see § 180, 2 ; in Schmidt, 
 Hyg. p. xlix), which appear to be derived from a still shorter version, the work 
 has been preserved in only one MS. (Bursian's program, 1868, p. vn) the Frisin- 
 gensis (saec. IX) of Micyllus (Bursian ib. p. iv) now lost except for a few frag- 
 ments. On the fragments of 'this MS. see CHalm, Munch. SBer. 1870 1, 317. 
 MSchmidt p. xlvii sq. On abstracts of Hyginus in the cod. Strozzianus of the 
 
§ 262. hyginus. 545 
 
 Germanicus-scholia s. XIV, which are based on a more correct tradition than 
 that of the Erisengensis, sse CRobekt, Eratosth. catasterism. p. 210. — Editions by 
 JMycillus, Bas. 1535 and 1549, HCommelinus, Iieidelb. 1599, JScheffer, Hamb. 
 1674, ThMuncker, Mythographi latini, Amsterd. 1681, AvanStaveeen, Auctores 
 mythogr. lat., Leid. 1742, BBunte, Lps. 1857, MSchmidt, Jena 1872.— CLange, de 
 nexu inter C.Iulii Hygini opera mythologica et fabularum qui nomen eras prae se 
 fert librum ; ace. fabb. transmutationum selectae, Mayence 1865. CBuksian, JJ. 
 93, 761 and Ex Hygini Genealogiis excerpta . . . restituta, Ziir. 1868 ; emen- 
 datt. Hygin., Jena 1874. EWolfflin, zur Kritik von H. Fabeln, Phil. 10, 303. 
 MSchmidt, ib. 23, 47. 25, 416 ; RhM. 20, 459. RUngee, Phil. 35, 279. 46, 210. 
 RSchone, Herm. 6, 125. AOtto, JJ. 133, 281. GKnaack, Herm. 16, 585. 
 MTschiassny, stud. Hyg., Vienna 1888 (compare BBunte, WschrfklPh. 1889, 59. 
 102. 123). LDietze, quaestt. Hyg., Kiel 1890. GKauffmann, de Hygini memoria, 
 and see addenda to § 177a, 1. 
 
 7. The identity of the author of the Genealogy (fabulae) and of the Astrology 
 cannot be doubted; see n. 6 init. But the question is: is he the Augustan writer? 
 In confirmation of this we have only the name Hyginus (not Julius [or C. Julius] 
 Hyginus) under which these works are transmitted and quoted (in Dosith. see n. 
 6 imt. Isid. de rer. nat. 17. 19. 48) : all the other data are contrary to this view, e.g. 
 the fact that the author in the Astrology, which he — according to the fabulae — 
 composed in adolescentia (see n. 5. 6), clearly betrays his use of the Metam. and 
 Ibis of Ovid (cf. fab. 123 p. 106, 1. 2 Schm. = Ov. Ib. 301. 302; fab. 107 p. 97, 20=Ov. 
 met. 13, 391), and therefore wrote after 761/8 (§ 250, 3), at which date C. Julius 
 Hyginus was over 70 years of age (see above). MSchmidt, Hygin. fab. p. xxxi. 
 GPUngek, Abh. d. Munch. Ak. 16, 213. The awkward boastful style of the preface 
 to the Astrologia (see n. 5), and the tiro-like mistakes in both works, and especially 
 in the translations from the Greek, do not harmonise with the idea we should be 
 inclined to form of the grammaticus non hercle ignobilis (see above, n. 4, 1. 5). No 
 quotations are found from any works of this kind by the latter (notwithstanding 
 n. 2 1. 15). Lastly the latinity of both these works points to a later date. But 
 the question becomes involved because we have neither of the books in their 
 original form (this applies specially to the fabulae), see n. 5. 6 : we have, for in- 
 stance, of portions of the genealogiae (fabulae) three redactions of different tenor 
 in Dositheus, in Niebuhr's leaves, and in the text of the Prisingensis. The gro- 
 matic writer Hyginus (§ 344, 1) is at all events not the author of these works 
 (Buesian, JJ. 93, 767). The opinion (of CBuesian, JJ. 93, 773) that the original 
 work was composed in the second half of the second cent. a.d. is very probable 
 (the reference in Dositheus, n. 6 1. 4 gives the terminus ante quern) : but Bursian's 
 attempt at the same time to explain the name of Hyginus from the use of a com- 
 plete theogony by the Augustan writer is dubious, as nothing is known of any 
 such work, and this conjecture would not equally account for the fact that the 
 astrol. has also come down to us under the name of Hyginus.— It is therefore 
 better to sever all connection with the Augustan writer and to attribute both 
 works to some author unknown, who either adopted the disguise of the Augustan 
 writer, or whose name was actually Hyginus. The latter is most probably the 
 fact : for although the name of Hyginus was not of specially frequent occurrence 
 among the Greeks (see however the indd. to CIG. and CIA.), yet in the Imperial 
 period it was not at all unusual among Romans, as is proved by the inscriptions. 
 This Hyginus III (if we designate the Augustan as I, the gromatic writer as II) 
 wrote a) genealogiae in at least three books (see the quotation n. 6 1. 1), b) de 
 astrologia (n. 5), c) he made preparations for a work on the legends of the gods 
 E.L. N N 
 
546 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 and heroes, of. astr. 2, 12 p. 46, 22 B. de qua (Gorgo) alio tempore plura dicemus; 2, 
 20 p. 59, 25 de qua (the golden fleece) alibi plura dicemus ; 2, 34 p. 73, 21 sed quae 
 post mortem eius (Orion) Diana fecerit in eius historiis dicemus. Hyginus must 
 actually have published this book of legends. This "being presupposed, we may 
 (following CEobeet's apposite conjecture Eratosth. p. 236) conclude that the school 
 text-book ' f abulae ' before us was compiled from a) the genealogies and c) the book 
 of legends of Hyginus III. It remains uncertain whether Hyginus or only the 
 compiler added the indices (n. 6). 
 
 263. Besides this writer, the Augustan period possessed a 
 considerable number of less important grammarians and pro- 
 fessors, most of whom were also busied with literature. Such 
 were Cloatius Verus, Caecilius Epirota, L. Crassicius, Scribonius 
 Aphrodisius, and others. Clodius Tuscus wrote on subjects con- 
 nected with worship. An astronomical calendar by this author 
 is extant in the Greek translation of Laurentius Lydus. The 
 works bearing the name of the physician Antonius Musa are of 
 later origin. 
 
 1. Gell. 16, 12 Lemma: quae Cloatius Verus aut satis commode aut nimis 
 absurde et inlepide ad origines linguae graecae redigit. 1 Cloatiu s Verus in librw 
 quos inscripsit verborum a Oraecis tractorum non pauca hercle dicit curiose et sagaciter 
 conquisita neque non tamen quaedam futtilia et frivola . . . (5) commode haec sane 
 et conducenter. sed in libro III 'faenerator ' inquit ' appellatus est quasi (jiai.vep6.Twp, 
 airb toO tpa.lvevda.1 kirl rb xpv a " r ^ Te P '' ' e *c. (6) idque dixisse ait Mypsicraten quempiam 
 grammaticum (§ 159, 12) etc. Macrobius also quotes this work 3, 18, 4 (in libro a 
 Graecis tractorum) and likewise Cloatius Verus Ordinatorum Graecorum libri, the 
 heading perhaps=Graeca ex ordine tractata, arranged and discussed systematic- 
 ally and technically, in contrast to such titles as quaestiones confusae, silvae and 
 so forth. The work probably dealt with technical matters rather than mere 
 nomenclature. B. 2 of this is cited by Mack. 3, 6, 2 (the altar of Apollo at Delos), 
 b. 4 by the same author 3, 18, 8 (nux) and 3, 19, 2 (enumeration of varieties of 
 apples in alphabetical order). It is probably the same grammarian whom Verrius 
 quotes six times as Cloatius (without Verus), each time as a commentator on the 
 Eoman liturgical formulae : cf. Pest. 141a, 25. 189a, 25. 193a, 4. 213a, 29. 309a, 26. 
 318a, 24. As the attempt to derive the Boman terms from the Greek is not trace- 
 able in any of these passages, a third work by Cloatius must here have been used. 
 
 Suet. Gr. 16 Q. Caecilius Epirota, Tusculi natus, libertus Attici (§ 172, 1), . . . 
 cum filiam patroni nuptam M. Agrippae (§ 220, 10) doceret, suspectus in ea et ob hoc 
 remotus ad Cornelium Galium (§ 232) se contulit vixitque una familiarissime, quod 
 ipsi Gallo inter gravissima crimina ab Augusto obicitur. post deinde damnationem 
 mortemque Galli scliolam aperuit, sed ita ut pauciset tantum addlescentibus praeciperet, 
 praetextato nemini. . . . primus dicitur latine ex tempore disputasse primusque 
 Vergilium et alios poetas novos praelegere coepisse. 
 
 2. Suet. gr. 18 L. Crassicius, genere Tarentinus ordinis libertini, cognomine 
 Pasicles, mox Pansam se transnominavit. hie initio circa scenam versatus est dum 
 mimographos adiuvat (cf. § 254, 6), deinde in pergula docuit, donee commentario 
 Zmyrnae (§ 213, 3) . . . inclaruit ; (here follows a eulogistic epigram on this com- 
 
§ 263. CLOATIUS VERUS, CRASSICIUS, ETC. 547 
 
 mentary) . . . sed cum . . . doceret iam multos ac nobiles, in his Iullum 
 Antonium (§ 242, 6), . . ut Verrio quoque Flacco compararetur, diiuissa repente nchola 
 transit ad Q. Sexti (§ 266, 5) philosophi sectam. 
 
 3. Suet. gr. 19 Scribonius Aphrodisius, Orbili (§ 200, 3) servus atquc discipulus, 
 mox a Scribonia, . . . quae prior Augusti uxor fuerat, redemptus et manumissus 
 docuit quo Verrius tempore, cuius etiam libris de orthographia rescripait etc. (§261, 2). 
 
 4. Fest. 352 b, 5 toppek significare ait Artorius cito, foi tasse etc.. Cf. ib. 225, 
 
 12. 364 b, 16. Quint. 9, 1, 2 nee de-ni.nl qui tropis figurarum nomen imponant, 
 quorum est C. Artorius Proculus. — Fest. 170b, 5 at Panurgus Antonius haec ait 
 etc. Is the same author referred to 274a, 21 (meminit etiam trientis^ratili Antonius 
 etc. or Antonius Gnipho (§ 159, 5) ? — Porcellus grammaticus also, who cut down a 
 line of Cornelius Severus (§ 252, 5), for which he was censured by Seneca suas. 2, 
 
 13, belongs perhaps to this period. A fragment of the same writer occurs in (Suet. ) 
 difif. p. 310, 28 Both Proeetlus ait : ' quae L. littera finiuntur in declinatione etc' 
 
 5. Serv. Aen. 1, 176 Clodius scribit commentariorum quarto. Cf. ib. 1, 52 Clo- 
 dius commentariorum. 2, 229 Clodius scriba commentariorum. 12, 657 Clodius Tus- 
 cus : mussare est ex graeco etc. This Clodius T u s c u s composed an astronomical 
 calendar, which we possess in the Greek translation of Laurentius Lydus (de 
 ostentis p. 114 Wachsm.). The heading is : i(prip.epls tou wavrbs hiavrov, ■fpjovv o-rjfielu- 
 <ns 4ttlto\Q>v t€ koX dvtrfj.&v tCiv iv ovpavtp tftaLvo^voiv, £k tujv KXauSi'ou tou Qoihtkov ko.8' 
 €piLT]veiav irpbs Xtgur ; cf. p. 155 Kal ravra fxev 6 KAciStos ^/c tuiv irapa Qovvkois lepwv Tpbs 
 \4I-iji. — Gell. 5, 20, 2 Sinnius Capito in litteris (on points of grammar) quas ad 
 Clodium Tuscum dedit. It is quite uncertain whether he is the same Tuscus whom 
 Ovid (ex Pont. 4, 16, 20. cf. § 252, 8) mentions as a, poet. On the historicus Tuscus 
 see § 277, 4. A certain Fabricius Tuscus is mentioned by Puny NH. ind. auct. to 
 b. 3. 4 and 6 (geography). 
 
 6. In the time of Augustus grammatical works were also written by M. Mes- 
 salla (§ 222, 3), Antonius Eufus (§ 254, 3), Cornificius (§ 209, 2 in fin.) ; works on 
 antiquities were produced by Cincius (§ 117, 4) and Fenestella (§ 259, 3) ; on 
 natural history by Pompeius Trogus (§ 258, 2) and Sabinus Tiro (§ 54, 4. 266, 11 
 ad fin.). 
 
 7. Of the physician Antonius Musa (PEE. I 2 , 1188,65) we often hear what 
 remedies he employed (e.g. Plin. NH. 30, 117 and in Galen), but in a manner 
 which does not justify the inference of extant works by him ; see EMeyer, Gesch. 
 d. Botanik 2, 48, who pronounces the writer on remedies in Greek mentioned in 
 Galen. 12 p. 989 to be identical with Petronius Musa. (f c. 50 a.d.) Under the 
 name of Antonius Musa we possess a treatise ' de herba betonica ' introduced 
 by a letter to M. Agrippa {Antonius Musa M. Agrippae s.) with prescriptions (cf. 
 § 367, 7, b ; there is also a, fragment ' de tuenda valitudine ad Maecenatem ' ; see 
 Antonii Musae fragmenta quae extant, collegit FCaldani, Bassano 1800). Manu- 
 scripts of this work de herba betonica in Leyden s. VI (see LMuller, KhM. 23, 
 189), Breslau s. XI (see CEChrSchneider, ind- lect. Vratisl. 1839/40), Florence 
 Laur. s. XI and XIII (see EBahuens, miscell. crit. 107). In these MSS. are in- 
 cluded two agreeable poems in senarii freely modelled after the archaic method 
 (see WStudemund, Phil. Anz. 7, 40) 'Precatio terrae matris' and 'Precatio om- 
 nium herbarum ' (in the Laur. s. XI herbarum precatio Antonii Musae). Printed 
 e.g. AL. 5. 6 PLM. 1, 138. Cf. on these MSchmidt, Jena Vorles.-Verz. 1874. 
 EBahrens, misc. crit. 1.1., who with slight probability takes Antonius Musa to be 
 the author ; see also AKiese, lit. centr.-Bl. 1879, 1671. 
 
548 THE AUGUSTAN AGE, 
 
 264. The architect and technologist Vitruvius Pollio dedi- 
 cated in his later years to Augustus his ten books de architectura, 
 in which this subject-matter is treated in its widest sense. The 
 author appears to possess varied education and learning and a 
 reflecting mind ; yet he had not acquired refined culture and 
 taste. In point of its subject, 'this work (the only one of its kind 
 which we possess) is very important, but its form is repulsive and 
 crotchety, and disfigured by debased Latin. Besides the original 
 work we possess also an abridgment made by M. Cetius Faven- 
 tinus. 
 
 1. Personal circumstances. The work itself gives us only the name of Vitru- 
 vius, his cognomen has the authority of the epitome (see n. 5). The praenomen 
 has not been transmitted and can only be inferred from the inscription at Verona, 
 CIL. 5, 3464 L. Vitruvius L. I. Cerdo architectus, if this Cerdo, who was formerly 
 wrongly supposed to be the author, was a, disciple and freednian of the latter. 
 Only the statements of Vitruvius himself are trustworthy, especially those in the 
 preface to b. 1, which looks like a paraphrase of the beginning of Hoe. ep. 2, 1 
 in the peculiar taste of Vitruvius : cum divina tua mens et numen, imperator 
 Caesar (Augustus), imperio potiretur orbis terrarum invictaque virtute cunctis hostibus 
 stratis, triumpho (August 725/29) victoriaque tua cives gloriarentur . . . populusque 
 rom. et senatus tiberatus timore amplissimis tuis cogitationibus consiliisque gubernar- 
 etur, non audebam tantis occupationibus de architectura scripta . . . edere, metuens ne 
 non apto tempore interpell-ans subirem tui animi qffensionem (cf. Hok. s. 2, 1, 20. ep. 1, 
 13, 4. 2, 1, 220). cum vero attenderem te etc. . . . ut civitas per te non solum provin- 
 ciis esset aucta (Egypt 724/30, Galatia 729/25) verum etiam etc., non putavi praeter- 
 mittendum quin . . . ea tibi ederem, ideo quod primum parenti tuo (Caesar) de eo 
 fueram notus et eius virtutis studiosus. cum autertx . . . imperium parentis in tuam 
 potestatem transtulisset, idem studium meum in eius memoria permanens in te contulit 
 favorem. itaque cum M. Aurelio et P. Minidio et Cn. Cornelio ad apparationem 
 ballistarum et scorpionum reliquorumque tormentorum re/ectionem fui praesto et cum 
 eis commoda accepi. quae cum primo mihi tribuisti, recognitionem per sororis (Oc- 
 tavia, f 743/11) commendationem servasti. cum ergo eo benejicio essem obligatus ut ad 
 exitum vitae non haberem inopiae timorem, haec tibi scribere coepi, quod animadverti 
 multa te aedificasse et nunc aedificare. He mentions the pronaus aedis Augusti 5, 1, 
 7 (p. 107, 3 E). Reference to Caesar is made 2, 9, 15 sq. (p. 59, 18 E) divus Caesar 
 cum exercitum habuisset circa Alpes etc. with a detailed description such as an eye- 
 witness would give ; 8, 3, 25 (p. 203, 11 B) C. Iulius, Masinissae filius, . . . cum 
 patre Caesari militavit (a. 708/46). is hospitio meo est usus. He always addresses 
 Augustus as Imperator or Caesar, but knows also the title of Augustus, which had 
 been awarded to him a. 727/27. The mention'he makes of the numerous buildings 
 of Augustus also leads us beyond a. 727/27 and even beyond 738/16, at which time 
 the temple of Quirinus was built at Home, Vitk. 3, 2, 7 (p. 70, 4) dipteros . . . est 
 aedis Quirini dorica. On the other hand, Vitkuv. 3, 2, 2 speaks only of a single 
 stone theatre at Borne, whereas two more were built a. 741/13. Hence the work 
 appears to have been composed about a. 740/14. AHiet, in "Wolf's Mus. der Alt.- 
 Wiss. (1806), 228. Pliny mentions Vitruvius NH. ind. auct. b. 16. 35. 36 (ex 
 Vitruvio), and there is evidence of the extant work having been used in the above- 
 named books of the NH. (and also in b. 31 and 33), HBeunn, de indie. Plin. (Bonn 
 1856) 57. DDetlefsen, Phil. 31, 385. GOehmichen, plinian. Studd., Munich 1880, 
 
§ 264. vitruvius pollio. 549 
 
 211. Sbbv. Aen. 6, 43 Vitruvius qui de architectonica scripsit, ostium dieit etc. (but 
 the passage cited does not occur in Vitruvius). Sidon. ep. 4, 2 (p. 228, 5 Say.) 
 quaeque si fors attigit, tenere non abnuit cum Orpheo plectrum, . . cum Vitruvioper- 
 pendicidum etc. 
 
 2. On the character of the work. Vitr. 2, prooem. 5 mihi autem, Imperator, 
 staturam non tribuit natura, faciem deformavit aetas, valetudo detraxit vires, itaque 
 quoniam ab his praesidiis sum desertus per auxilia scientiae scriptaque, ut spero, per- 
 veniam ad commendationem. 6, prooem. 4 cum et parentium cura et praeceptorum 
 doctrinis auctas haberem copias disciplinarum, pkilologis et philotechnis rebus commen- 
 tariorumque scripturis me delectans eas possessiones animo paravi e quibus haec est 
 fructuum summa, . . . nihil desiderare. . . . ego, Caesar, non ad pecuniam parandam 
 ex arte dedi sludium. . . . idea notities parum est adsecuta, sed tamen his voluminibus 
 editis, ut spero, ctiam posteris ero notus. neque est mirandum quid ita pluribus sim 
 ignotus. ceteri architecti rogant et ambiunt ut architectentur, mihi autem a praeceptor- 
 ibus est Iraditum rogatum, non rogantem, oportere suscipere curam. 1, 1, 17 peto, 
 Caesar, et ate et ab is qui ea volumina sunt lecturi ut si quid parum ad regulam artis 
 grammatical fuerit explicatum ignoscatur. namque non uti summits philosophus nee 
 rhetor disertus nee grammaticus . . . , sed ut architectus his litteris imbutus haec nisus 
 sum scribere. But he is fond, especially in the garrulous introductions he pre- 
 fixes to each book (Schneider's ed. 1, p. liii), of displaying his knowledge in 
 philosophy (cf. § 266, 2) and history, though frequently with small success, e.g. 6, 
 prooem. 3 non minus poetae qui antiquas comoedias graece scripserunt easdem senten- 
 tias verbis in scena pronuntiaverunt, tit Eucrates, Chionides, Aristophanes, maxime 
 etiam cum his Alexis. He declares his purpose to be brief : 5, prooem. 3 cum anim- 
 advertissem distentam occupationibus civitatem publieis et privatis negotiis, paucis iu- 
 dicavi scribendum, uti angusto spatio vacuitatis ea legenles breviter percipere possent, 
 and again ib. 5 cum ergo . . . animo advertam inusitatas et obscuras multis res esse 
 mihi scribendas, quo facilius ad sensus legentium pervenire possint, brevibus volumini- 
 bus iudicavi scribere. 
 
 3. Vitruvius himself states at great length and repeatedly the contents of the 
 single books (volumina) at the beginning and close of each. The first seven books 
 treat of architecture proper (consecrated and private buildings). The eighth 
 book treats of water and aqueducts, the ninth of instruments for measuring time 
 (sun-dials), the tenth of machines, uti totum corpus omnia architecturae membra in 
 decern voluminibus habeat explicata (10, 22, 12). Vitruvius' principal sources were 
 Greek writers (cf. also MCantob, rom. Agrimensoren 87), whom he chiefly enu- 
 merates 7, prooem. 11-14, with the declaration : quorum ex commentariis quae utilia 
 esse . . . animadverti collecta in unum coegi corpus. But his knowledge of Greek is 
 deficient, in spite of such bold formations as dciarpoXifyijTos. He frequently does 
 not succeed in expressing himself intelligibly ; he lacks literary talent and facility. 
 His style is sometimes immoderately diffuse, sometimes unduly brief, now oddly 
 affected and distorted, now plebeian. EWolfflin, Phil. 34, 148. HUlkich, de 
 Vitr. copia verborum, Frankenthal 1883, Schwabach 1885 II. JPkaun Bemm. z. 
 Synt. des V. mit eingehender Darst. der Subst.-Satze, Bamb. 1885. PHEBEitaARD, 
 Vitruvianae obss. gramm., Pforzh. 1887. 88 II. Cf. u. 6. MStock, de Vitr. ser- 
 mone : de formis enuntiatorum tempp., Berl. 1888. 
 
 4. Of the two existing MSS. the most important are Harlei. 27C7 s. IX and 
 Gud. 69 s. XI (see Eose pref. to his ed.). Both, however, are derived from the 
 same original, as they have the same gaps and errors, and the same transposition 
 of leaves at 7, 6. On a Schlettstadt MS. s. X. see AGiky, rev. de philol. 3, 16. On 
 the Spanish Vitruvius MSS. see GLoewe, Wiener Studd. 9, 327. 
 
550 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 5. The abridgment bears in a Vienna MS. (suppl. 2867 s. IX/X see JHaupt, 
 Wien. SBer. 69, 31) and in the Schlettstadt MS. (see n. 4) the heading M. Ceti 
 Faventini artis architectonicae privatis usibus adbreviatus liber, in the others the 
 name of the author of the epitome is wanting and it bears the title : De diversis 
 fabricis architectonicae, and begins : De artis architectonicae peritia multa oratione 
 
 Vitruvius Polio aliique auctores scientissime scripsere. verum ne longa eorum diser- 
 ■'taque facundia humilioribus ingeniis alienum faceret stadium, pauca ex his mediocri 
 licet sermone privatis usibus ornare fuit consilium. The arrangement of Vitruvius 
 has been kept unchanged, but the subject limited to private buildings. At the 
 end (c. 29) an explanation of horologium pelecinum and hemicyclium is added 
 from another source ; c. 30 also (on maltae, which is missing e.g. in the Schiett- 
 stadt MS.) is taken from some other source and is of later origin. The whole com- 
 position has been edited from three MSS. s. X by Eose p. 285. Cf. ib. p. xn. This 
 epitome was used by Palladius (§ 410, 2) and Isidorus (§ 496, 7). Cf. HNohl, 
 commentat. Mommsen. 64. 
 
 6. Editions of Vitruvius (cf. Schneider's edition 1, xi) e.g. by Io. de Laet, 
 Amsterd. 1649 (c. nott. varr. and with BBaldi's Lex. Vitruv., see n.7). BGaliani, 
 Naples 1758. ARode, Berl. 1800 II. Bee. em. ill. IGSchneidek, Lps. 1807 sq. III. 
 Collective editions by Stkatico., Udine 1825-30 IV and AMakini, Borne 1836 IV. 
 Bee. atque emend, et in germ. serm. vertit CLorentzen, 1, 1 (not completed), 
 Gotha 1856. — Ad antiquiss. codd. nunc primum ediderunt VBose et HTMuller- 
 Strubing, Lps. 1867', to this an index Vitruvianus by HNohl, Lpz. 1876. — 
 Criticism : CLorentzen, observatt. crit. ad Vitr., Gotha 1858. BHui/tsch, JJ. 113, 
 251. AWilmanns, commentatt. Mommsen. 254. FEyssenhardt, epistula urbica ad 
 IClassemrm, Hamb. 1879. HNohl, anall. Vitruv., Berk 1882. 
 
 7. Translations : By ABode, Lpz. 1796 H ; plates and notes, Berl. 1801. 
 Translated and explained in notes and woodcuts by FBeber, Stuttg. 1864 sq. — 
 Erench translations by CiPerrault (Par. 1673. 1684). — "With text and atlas, by 
 Tardieu and Cousin (Paris 1839) ; by Maufras (Par. 1847 sqq. II). — English trans- 
 lations by WNeiyton, Lond. 1771-91 II. Wilkins, Loud. 1813 II. etc.— Explana- 
 tory works : BBaldus, de verborum Vitruv. significatione, Augsb. 1614. (CPromis, 
 vocabuli latini di architettura posteriori a Vitruvio, oppure a lui sconosciuti, com- 
 plemento del lessico Vitruv. di Baldi, Turin 1876.) JPolenus, exercitatt. Vitru- 
 vianae, Padua 1739. 1741. HCGenelli, Briefe iiber Vitr., Brunswick 1801. Berl. 
 1804 II. JFBSsch, Erlauterungen iiber Vitr., Stuttg. 1802. CGHaubold, exer- 
 citatt. Vitr., Lps. 1821 III. Vitr. 10, 13-15 in Bochly und Bustow's griechischen 
 Kriegsschriftst. 1 (Lpz. 1853), 347. EHEMeyer, Gesch. d. Botanik 1 (Konigsb. 
 1854), 382. EBeber, Phil. 27, 185. ATerquen, la science rom. a l'epoque d'Auguste ; 
 etude hist, d'apres Vitr., Par. 1885. GOehmichen, d. gr. Theaterbau nach Vitr. 
 etc., Barl. 1886 : BhM. 43, 524 and other technical treatises. 
 
 265. Among the jurists of the Augustan age the two most 
 important are Labeo and Capito. M. Antistius Labeo's (c. 
 700/54-c. 770/17 a.d.) legal knowledge was based on comprehen- 
 sive culture and supported by a character of unconquerable 
 firmness, which no less than his numerous legal works contributed 
 to maintain his name in respectful and honourable remembrance. 
 His opposite was the monarchist C. Ateius Capito (a. 720/34- 
 
§ 264, 65. viteuvius : jurists : antistius labeo. 551 
 
 775/22 a.d.), who ranked far below Labeo in scientific import- 
 ance and literary activity. To the same period belong Blaesus, a 
 pupil of Trebatius, and probably also the jurist Fabius Mela. 
 
 1. Pompon, dig. 1, 2, 2, 47 : post hunc (Aelius Tubero, § 208, 1) maximae auctori- 
 tatis fuerunt Ateius Capito, qui Ofilium secutus est, et Antistius Labeo, qui omnes hos 
 (all professors of law of that period, see § 207 and 208) audivit, institutus est autem 
 a Trebatio (§ 207, 3). ex his Ateius consul fuit (a. 758/5 a.d.) ; Labeo noluit, cum 
 offerretur et ab Augusto consulates, quo suffectus fieret, honorem suscipere (for he had 
 been previously passsd over by Augustus, his junior Capito obtaining the prefer- 
 ence ; see the passage from Tac. below 1. 20), sed plurimis studiis operam dedit et 
 totum annum ita diviserat ut Eomae sex mensibus cum studiosis esset (and consulentibi.s 
 de iure publice responsitaret, Gell. 13, 10, 1), sex mensibus secederet (probably to his 
 fundus G-allianus, see Gell. 13, 12, 4) et conscribendis libris operam daret. itaque 
 reliquit quadringenta volumina, ex quibus plurima inter manus versantur. hi duo 
 primum veluti diversas sectas fecerunt (see above p. 406) ; nam . . . Labeo ingenii 
 qualitate etfiducia doctrinae, qui et ceteris operis sapientiae operam dederat, plurima 
 innovare instituit (§ 49, 5). Gell. 13, 10, 1 Labeo Antistius iuris quidem civilis disci- 
 plinam principals studio exercuit, . . . sed ceterarum quoque bonarum artium non 
 expers fuit et in grammaticam sese atque dialecticam literasque antiquiores altioresque 
 penetraverat latinarumque vocum origines rationesque percalluerat eaque praecipue 
 scientia ad enodandos plerosque iuris laqueos utebatur. The example given ib. 3 
 (soror from seorsum) prove him to have been a purist (above p. 57). Tac. ann. 3, 75 
 Capitoni consulatum adceleraverat Augustus, ut Labeonern Antistium, isdem artibus 
 praecellentem, dignatione eius magistratus anteiret. namque ilia aetas duo pads decora 
 simul tulit. sed Labeo incorrupta libertate et ob id fama celebratior, Capitonis obse- 
 quium dominanlibus magis probabatur. illi quod praeturam intra stetit commendatio 
 ex iniuria, huic quod consulatum adeptus est odium ex invidia oriebatur. Gell. 13, 
 12, 1 in quadam epistula Atei Capitonis scriptum legimus Labeonern Antistium legum 
 atque morum populi rom. iurisque civilis doctum adprime fuisse. ' sed agitabat (hence 
 it was written after Labeo's death),' inquit, ' hominem libertas quaedam nimia atque 
 vecors, tamquam eorwm dioo Augusto iam principe et remp. obtinente ratum tamen 
 pensumque nihil haberet nisi quod iustum sanctumque esse in romanis antiquitatibus 
 legisset. 1 Pobphyrio on Hok. s. 1, 3, 82 Marcus Antistius Labeo praetorius, iuris etiam 
 peritus, memor libertatis in qua natus erat multa contumaciter adversus Caesarem 
 dixisse et fecisse dicitur, propter quod nunc Horatius adulans Augusto insanum eum 
 dicit. Cf. Acko ib. (p. 58 H.). Horace 1.1. (Labeone insanior inter sanos dicatur, 
 written a. 716/38 or 717/37) certainly does not refer to the jurist, though it may 
 perhaps to his father (§ 207, 6). Cf. Peknice, Labeo 1, 12. Kiessling ad loc. 
 Teuffel, PEE. 12, 1163, 26. 
 
 2. Labeo's worts included 400 books (see n. 1). The fragments from the Digest 
 in Hommel, Palingenesia 1, 321 ; OLenel, Palingenesia 502 ; those from other 
 authors in Huschke, iurispr. anteiust. 6 110. Gell. 13, 10, 2 sunt libri post mortem 
 eius editi, qui JPosteriores inscribuntur, quorum librorum tres continui, XXX VIII et 
 XXXIX et XL, pleni sunt id genus (see n. 1) rerum ad enarrandam et inlustrandam 
 linguam latinam conducentium. In other respects the work was a system of civil 
 law, arranged according to the design (variously modified) of Q. Mucius (§ 154, 2) , 
 and its plan was also the standard for the ius civile of Sabinus (§ 281, 1) ; cf . 
 Krugek 1.1. MVoigt (§ 154, 2 1. 6) 348. Notes on Labeo were written by Proculus, 
 Aristo and Paulus (dig. 29, 2, 60. Mommsen conjectures Aulus). Two epitomes 
 were made by Javolenus, which were employed in the Digest, just as the eight books 
 
552 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Probabilium (iriBavCov) are there quoted from the epitome of Paulus. The two 
 works are quoted 63 times in all in the Digest. Labeo Uhris epistolarum (dig. 41, 3, 
 30, 1) ; libri responsorum, at least 15 books (Collat. 12, 7, 3). Gell. 13, 10, 3 in libris 
 quos ad praetoris edictum scripsit multa posuit partim lepide atque argute reperta. 
 sicuti hoc est quod in quarto ad edictum libro scriptum legimus etc. dig. 50, 16, 19 
 Labeo libro primo praetoris urbani (notes on this were written by Quintus, dig. 4, 
 3, 7, 2 = Q. Saturninus § 360, 6 ad fin. or Q. Cervidius Scaevola § 369, 1?) 4, 3, 9, 4: 
 Labeo libro trigesimo praetoris peregrini. Gell. 1, 12, 18 in commentariis Labeonis 
 quae ad XII tabulas composuit ; cf. ib. 20, 1, 13 and 6, 15, 1 Labeo in libro de XII 
 tabulis secundo. Fest. 253a, 7 Labeo de iure pontificio I. XI; then ib. 9 and 13 
 Labeo Antistius, and Antistius de iure pontificali I. IX; 348, where he is also quoted 
 for other purposes : Labeo Antistius I. X commentari iuris pontifici ; 351 a Antistius 
 Labeo in commentario XV iuris pontifici. Perhaps also (de) officio augu(ywrn), ib. 
 p. 290 a . Gell. 1, 12, 1 qui de virgine capienda scripserunt, quorum diligentissime 
 scripsit Labeo Antistius. Mack. 3, 9, 4 (after a previous citation of Ateius Capito 
 ex libro I de iure sacrificiorum) Labeo vero sexagesimo et octavo libro intulit etc. 
 Peenice, Labeo 1, 46 without cogent reason refers this passage to Cornelius 
 Labeo (§ 389, 8). But the large number of books causes difficult}'. CThomasius, 
 comparatio Labeonis et Capitonis, Lps. 1683. CvEck, de vita . . . Labeonis 
 et . . . Capitonis, Franeker 1692 (and in Oelkich's thes. nov. 1, 2, 825). 
 FABienee, op. (1830) 1, 196. SWZimmern, Gesch. d. PBechts 1, 1, 306. 
 AFBudorff, rom. BGesch, 1, 178. 236. DeGeek, Versl. en Med. d. k. Akad. v. 
 Wetensch. XI. 1868. LBokchekt, num A. L. stoieae philosophiae fuerit addictus, 
 Berl. 1869. APeenice, M. Ant. Labeo, d. Privatrecht im 1. Jahrh. d. Kaiserzeit, 
 Halle 1873-1878 II. PKeuger, Gesch. d. Quellen u. Lit. d. rom. Eechts, Lpz. 
 1888, 141. MSchahz, Phil. 42, 309 (compare Bekkek, ZdSavigny-Stift. 6, 75. 
 Keugee 1.1. 142, 9). 
 
 3. C. Ateius (CIL. 1 p. 198, nr. 750 sq. Pasti praenest. ib. p. 474, XIII) 
 Capito, principem in civitate locum studiis civilibus adsecutus, sed avo centurione 
 Sullano, patre praetorio. consulatum ei adceleraverat Augustus etc. (n. 1), Tac. a. 3, 
 75. If this was said of the consulship of a. 758/5, Capito would appear to have 
 been born c. a. 720/34. He was curator aquarum from a. 766/13 a.d. to his death, 
 a. 775/22 a.d. (Tac. 1.1.), Feontin. aq. 102. As a jurist he was a pupil of Ofilius 
 (§ 207, 2). Gell. 10, 20, 2 Ateius Capito, publici privatique iuris peritissimus. Mace. 
 
 7, 13, 11 apud Ateium Capitonem, pontificii iuris inter primos peritum. Tac a. 3, 70 
 Capito insignitior infamia fuit (on account of his servility, cf. Suet. gr. 22. Dio 
 57, 17), quod humani divinique iuris sciens egregium publicum et bonas domi artes 
 dehonestavisset. 
 
 4. The works of Capito. Coniectanea (Gell. 2, 24, 2. 15. 20, 2, 3; ib. 4, 14, 1 
 cum librum VIII Atei Capitonis coniectaneorum legeremus, qui inscriptus est De 
 iudiciis publicis ; 10, 6, 4) ; liber de officio senatorio (Gell. 4, 10, 7 sq. ; perhaps b. 9 
 of the Coniectanea, see ib. 14, 7, 12 quod Ateius Capito in coniectaneis scriptum 
 reliquit ; nam in libro IX . . . ait nullum senatusconsultum fieri posse etc. ib. 14, 
 
 8, 2 Ateius Capito in coniectaneorum IX ius esse praefecto senatus habendi dicit) ; de 
 pontificio iure (b. 5 ap. Gell. 4, 6, 10 : Pest. 154 b Capito Ateius in I. VII ponti- 
 fical^ cf . Mace. 7, 13, 11) ; Mace. 3, 10, 3 Ateius Capito . . . libro primo de iure 
 sacrificiorum. Epistulae (Gell. 13, 12, 1 sqq. cf. note 1). Cf. Hdschke, iurisprud. 
 anteiust. 5 115. This work is repeatedly quoted by Pestus, and by Pun. NH. 
 ind. auct. to b. 3. 4. 14. 15. 18, probably from the Coniectanea. In the later jurists 
 he is quite neglected, as he in his quae ei tradita fuerant perseverabat (Pompon, dig. 
 1, 2, 2, 47) i.e. was unproductive. There are very few quotations from him, e.g. in 
 
§ 265, 66. jurists : capito etc. : philosophy. 553 
 
 Proculus dig. 8, 2, 13, 1. OLenei,, Palingenesia 106. Zimmern, Gesch. d. PRechts 
 1, 1, 307. ThFrederking (and LMercklin), Phil. 19, 650. PRE. I 2 , 1955, 4. 
 PKruger, 1.1. 145. 
 
 5. Labeo dig. 33, 2, 31 Blaesus ait Trebatium respondisse, etc. Majansius, 
 comm. 2, 162. 
 
 6. Fabius Mela (dig. 43, 23, 1, 12) is in the Digest frequently quoted together 
 with Labeo and Trebatius (15, 3, 7, 2 sq. 19, 2, 13, 8. 19, 5, 20. 27, 3, 1, 5 sq. 47, 10, 
 17, 2), being probably a contemporary of theirs, especially as he himself quotes 
 Aquilius Gallus (§ 174, 1) and Servius Sulpicius (§ 174, 2) : (dig. 19, 1, 17, 6 Gallus 
 Aquilius, cuius Mela refert opinionem. 33, 9, 3, 10 Servius apud Melam. Cf. dig. 46, 
 3, 39 pr. Mela libro X). HEDirksen, de Fabio Mela, Konigsb. 1808. 
 
 7. V i t e 1 1 i u s, on whom Massurius Sabinus and Cassius Longinus (see § 281, 1 
 and 298, 3) wrote notes under Tiberius (and perhaps Paulus at a, later time ? 
 § 377, 4), appears to belong to the Augustan period, but is otherwise unknown, 
 unless he be the rerum Augusti procurator Vitellius mentioned by Suet. Vitell. 2 
 (§ 259, 10). 
 
 8. On Veranius see § 199, 4. — To the Augustan period we should perhaps 
 attribute the pactum fiduciae, found in Spain, which was concluded between 
 Dama L. Titi ser(vos) and L. Baianius ; see CIL. lat. 2, 5042, p. 700. Bruns, font. 5 
 251 ; cf. EHubner, Herm. 3, 283 and HDegenkous, ZfRGesch. 9, 117. 
 
 266. Interest in philosophy was generally evinced in the 
 Augustan age, all writers of eminence, e.g. especially "Vergil, 
 Horace, and Livy, manifesting it, and in common with them also 
 Labeo, Vitruvius, Varus, Lynceus, and others. Owing to the 
 influence of the favourite system of Epicurus, this interest was 
 now extended to the physical side, though ethics retained always 
 the upper hand. Yet it never exceeded the limits of dilettantism, 
 even with those who professed to write on philosophy, e.g. 
 Augustus and Livy, and perhaps even with the Stoics Crispinus 
 and Stertinius. A certain importance attaches only to Q. 
 Sextius, both father and son, whose zealous adherents were 
 Crassicius, Papirius Fabianus, and others : they, however, wrote 
 in Greek. The father, a man of austere morality, and an inde- 
 pendent thinker, aimed at realising his conception of moral worth 
 in individual life. The so-called Sextus-maxims have no direct 
 connection with the Sextii. 
 
 1. Cf. above p. 411. On Vergil's philosophical bent see § 224, 3 ; on Horace 
 § 235, 5 ; T. Livius § 256, 4 ; Augustus § 220, 3 ; Alfenus Varus § 208, 3 ; on the 
 author of the Ciris § 230, 2, n. 1 ; on Lynceus § 244, 3 ; P. Volumnius § 255, 1 ; 
 Labeo § 265, 1. Seneca's mother Helvia would have liked to study philosophy, if 
 her husband had allowed her ; see § 269, 1. 
 
 2. Vitruv. 1, 1, 7 philosophia perficit architectum animo magno et uti non sit 
 adrogans, sed potius facilis, aequus et fidelis sine avaritia etc. . . . praeterea de 
 rerum natura . . . philosophia explicat, quam necesse est studiosius novisse, quod 
 
554 THE AUGOSTAN AGE. 
 
 habet multas et varias naturales quaestiones, ut etiam in aquarum ductionibus. . , , 
 quorum (i.e. spiritus naturales) offensionibus mederi nemo poterit nisi qui ex philosophia 
 principia rerum naturae noverit. But even without a practical interest of this 
 kind natural philosophy was much studied in this period together with ethics 
 by Iccius (Hoe. c. 1, 29, 13. ep. 1, 12, 15), the author of the Ciris (Cir. 5. 11. 39), 
 Lynceus (Peop. 3, 34, 27. 51), and Manilius (astr. 1, 96. 118. 4, 866). In the same 
 way, the elder Sextius Niger (n. 5-7) and Papirius Fabianus (below n. 10 sq.), 
 Celsus (§ 280), Seneca, Pliny the Elder and Suetonius exemplify a connection of 
 philosophical and physical studies. 
 
 3. Pobphyeio on Hor. s. 1, 1, 13 Fabius Maxim us Narbonensis, equestri 
 loco natus, Pompeianas partes secutus aliquot Ubros ad Stoicam philosopkiam pertinentes 
 conscripsit ; the same on Hor. s. 1, 1, 120 Plotius Crispinus philosophiae 
 studiosus fuit. idem et carmina scripsit, sed tarn garrule ut aretalogus diceretur (Acko 
 ib. : hie Crispinus poetafuit, qui sectam stoicam versibus scripsit). 
 
 4. Aceo on Hor. ep. 1, 12, 20 Stertinius philosophus, qui OOXX Ubros Stoicorum 
 latine scripsit. hos notat quod versibus suis obscuriorem philosophiam fecerint. The 
 first statement, which is in itself not very probable, is not found in Porphyrio, 
 who says merely : hunc et alibi tangit ut Stoicum qui de paradoxis loquitur, and on 
 p. 2, 3, 33 Stertinius unus e Stoicis fuit. 
 
 5. Sen. ep. 98, 13 honor es reppulit pater Sextius, qui ita natus ut remp. 
 deberet capessere latum clavum divo lulio dante non recepit : according to this 
 Sextius must have been born not later than 684/70. Plut. prof, in virt. 5 p. 77 
 ad fin. . . . ipaal Zefrioy tov 'Pw/icuop atpewdra ras iv rrj 7r6X« rivets Kal apxas 8id 
 <pi\o<rotplav, h 5k tu> <p~t\oo-o<pe'iv ad ircCkw dvairaBovvra Kal %P^I JLev ° v T V X<fw X aAe ' r '? T0 
 ■KpCirov, 6\iyov Beijaai Karaftakeiv iavrbv Ik twos Srfpovs. Sen. ep. 59, 7 Sextium 
 . . . lego, virum acrem, graecis verbis, romanis moribus philosophantem. 64, 2 
 lectus est liber Quinti Sextii patris, magni . . . viri et, licet neget, Stoici. quantus 
 initio . . . vigor est, quantum animi ! . . . cum legeris Sextium dices: vivit, 
 viget, liber est, supra hominem est, dimittit me plenum ingentis fiduciae. in qua 
 positione mentis sim cum hunc lego fatebor tibi : libet omnes casus provocare, libet 
 exclamare ' quid, cessas, fortuna ? congredere. paratum vides. 1 . . . hoc quoque 
 egregium Sextius habet quod et ostendet tibi beatae vitae magnitudinem et desperationem 
 eius nonfaciet. 73, 12 solebat Sextius dicere Iovem plus non posse quam bonum virum. 
 73, 15 credamus itaque Sextio . . . clamanti ' hoc itur ad astra, hac secundum 
 frugalitatem, hac secundum temperantiam, hac secundum fortitudinem.' 1 de ira 
 3, 36, 1 faciebat hoc Sextius ut consummato die . . . interrogaret aninvum suum 
 ' quod hodie malum tuum sanasti ? ' ib. 2, 36, 1. ep. 108, 17 dicebat quare Pythagoras 
 animalibus abstinuisset, quare postea Sextius. The latter looked upon animal food 
 as an incentive to cruelty and to luxury, and as unwholesome. Plin. NH. 18, 274 
 hoc (EZellee, Gesch. d. gr. Phil. 3 3 , 1, 676) postea Sextius e Romanis sapientiae 
 adsectatoribus Athenis fecit eadem ratione. 
 
 6. Under the name of Sextus a collection of maxims has been transmitted to 
 us, which we can trace back to the middle of the third Christian century (see 
 below the passages from Origen). This was originally written in Greek : an 
 abridgment of the Greek original collection, which is not extant in a complete 
 and independent form, is to be found in FBoissonade's anecd. 1, 127 {yv&iiai. troQ&v 
 from the cod. Paris. 1630) : numerous Greek Sextus-maxims also occur in Por- 
 phyrios' epist. ad Marcellam, in Stobaios and elsewhere, some of which we do not 
 meet with in the translators. Gildemeistee, ed. p. xxxvm. xlix, and Herm. 4, 
 81. JCOeelli, op. ssnt. 1, 244 ; Mullach's fragm. philos. gr. 1, 522. 2, 116. 
 
§ 266. philosophy : the sextii. 555 
 
 Okigen already quotes from the Greek collection c. Cels. 8 p. 397 {h rah "ZIkotov 
 yixi/j-ais) and in Matth. 19, 3 (2(?f<rTos b> rats yvufuus, Pip\l V cpepo/j.{>> V Trapit. noWoU lis 
 SoKl/uf) the maxims 13. 109. 273 G.ildem.— The Greek collection was translated into 
 Latin by Bufinus (§ 435, 1) ; in his preface he says: . . . Sextum in Latinum 
 verti, quern Sextum ipsum esse tradunt qui apud vos, id est in urbe romana, Xystus 
 vocatur, episcopi et martyris gloria decoratus (this refers to Sixtus II. a. 256-258 
 bishop of Borne : Jerome already controverts this repeatedly, below, 1. 7 from end of 
 page . . . omne autem opus ita breve est ut de manu eius (the reader's) numquam 
 possit recedere totus liber, unius pristini alicuius pretiosi anuli obi 'mens locum. 
 . . . nunc ergo interim habeatur pro anulo liber. . . . addidi praeterea electa 
 quaedam religiosi parentis ad filium, sed breve totum, ut merito omne opusculum 
 vel 'enchiridion,' si graece, vel 'anulus' si latine appelletur. The appendix to 
 the Sextus-maxims indicated by Bufinus in these last words (electa religiosi 
 parentis ad filium) is not extant : Jerome was however acquainted with it, as 
 he repeatedly alludes to Bufinus having divided the maxims : in duas partes 
 divisit (5, 206 Vail. cf. 4, 993). Bufinus' version is preserved in numerous MSS. ; 
 unfortunately however the two best, Paris 10318 s. VII/VIII (Salmasianus, 
 cf . § 476) and Paris. 2676 s. X (§ 211, 5) do not give the whole collection ; the 
 latter gives only no. 1-84, the former only a selection of 173 maxims out of the 
 whole number of 451. On the MSS. see Gildemeistek 1.1. p. xiv.— Lastly the 
 collection was translated from the Greek into Syriac and is extant in two versions ; 
 the first under the title ' Selected maxims of S. Xystus, bishop of Borne,' gives 
 only a selection of 131 maxims (with a, few additions), but the second gives the 
 whole collection (with a few unimportant omissions) : both were edited from 7 
 London MSS. (two of them a. VI) by PdeLagakde, analecta Syriaca (Lps. 1858), 
 p. 1, translated into Latin in Gildemeister in the principal edition (the older ones 
 are useless) : Sexti sententiarum recensiones latinam graecam syriacas coniunctim 
 exhibuit IGildemeistek, Bonn 1873. 
 
 The collection, as we now have it, is not the personal confession of faith of an 
 individual philosopher set forth in the form of maxims, but rather a would-be 
 formal, but essentially unmethodical, combination of various philosophical and 
 religious thoughts put together from reading ; this accounts for the very large 
 number of variants of maxims identical or nearly related, which are given side 
 by side, and for the colouring which is alternately Stoical, Pythagorean, and 
 Christian. As regards the Christian maxims we notice however that the 
 peculiarly Christian doctrines and the name of Christ do not occur, and this 
 much is certain, that, as compared with the extant Greek maxims, the Chris- 
 tianising of the collection is carried much further in the hands of the Christian 
 editors, Bufinus and the Syrians (the attempt of OBibbeck, comic, lat. » p. c, to 
 detect traces of metrical maxims in Bufinus is unsuccessful). It must remain 
 an open question whether the original Greek collection was absolutely free from 
 Christian matter (cf. Zellek 1.1. 679) or whether the first collator already 
 attempted to harmonise the old and new faiths by cautiously adopting Christian 
 maxims : Origen and Porphyry took the collection for the work of a Greek 
 philosopher, and Jerome repeatedly lays stress on its Pagan character (1, 1030. 
 4, 993. 5, 206 Valh). See also Augustime (after his previous error de nat. et 
 gratia 64) retract. 2, 42 and Gelasius (§ 469, 5) deer. 7, 24 ; cf. also Isidorus de 
 vir. illustr. 7, 139 Arev. 
 
 The composition of the extant collection makes it evident that it cannot be 
 the work of one of the Boman Sextii, but even should we decide to assume the 
 existence of a purer original collection (Le. free from Christian matter), the 
 
556 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 authorship of the Sextii would still he equally impossible. The conjecture that 
 all the subsequent matter may have gradually gathered round a small nucleus of 
 proverbial maxims of the Sextii leads to nothing, as we have no evidence for the 
 existence of any such nucleus from which the collection might have derived its 
 name ; though we do not wish to deny that maxims of the Sextii were actually 
 incorporated in his work by the collector. It would be more plausible to suppose 
 that the extant collection with its neutral attitude towards Greek philosophy 
 and Christianity was brought out (perhaps in the second century) under the 
 name -of Sextius the grave Eoman, and that at a later period, e.g. from the 
 genitive Sexti (=Sextii), Sextus was wrongly supposed to be the author. For 
 the Eoman philosopher is throughout called ' Sextius,' the collector of the 
 maxims ' Sextus.' But this presumption is . traversed by the fact that Jerome 
 several times mentions Sextus Pythagoreus as the author of the collection of 
 maxims, and under this name no doubt refers to the writer of whom he read in 
 Euseb. Chron. for 01. 195, 1 (=754/1 a.d.) : 2&fTOS TlvBayopiicbs <pCKbiro(pos iJK/j.a^e 
 (Sextus Pythagoricus philosophus agnoscitur : Jerome himself gives this as the 
 translation, and so does the Armenian version, see ASchone ad loc). Iamblichos 
 in Simplicius on Aristot. p. 64 b , 12 and p. 327 b , 10 ed. Berol. also mentions this 
 Pythagorean Sextus : iraph 8£ tois Tlvffay ope lots (rbv Terpayoivurfibp tov kvkKov) yvpTJcrBai 
 tfyqcnv 'I(i/x/3Xtxos, tus 8t)\6v effriv o\irb tujv 7j£%tov tov TlvBayopelov diroSel^ewv , 6s &vta$€v 
 /card. 8ia8oxV iraptXafie ttjx /i4Bodov rijs &iro5et£ews. But (quite apart from the 
 difference in name) there are many obstacles to our identifying this Pythagorean 
 Sextus with the Eoman Sextius. Q. Sextius could hardly (in spite of Sen. ep. 108, 
 17 ; see n. 5 in fin.) bear the regular title of a Pythagorean ; rather if we had to 
 assign him to a particular school — he himself avoided this (see n. 5) — he could 
 only be called a Stoic. Just as little appropriate to him is the solution of the 
 problem of squaring the circle which has been fathered on him, in support of 
 which the work irepl BXris can hardly be appealed to (see n. 7). Lastly Eusebios- 
 Hieronymus would place his floruit at least 40 years too late (see n. 5 init.). 
 Moreover the opinion of Jerome, which again involves us in serious difficulties, 
 with regard to the authorship of the Pythagorean Sextus, is doubtless founded on 
 a mere supposition. On the other hand it seems that Sextius is really referred to 
 by Hiherios (in Photii bibl. p. 366 a , 41 Bk.) in the enumeration in inverted 
 chronological order : Bp-rjvu vvv Sv (his son) Scivdrepov if\ifi<ja Mij/ou/cicu'oO (pBiy^aaBai, 
 ceixvbrepov Sk TSixaybpov, H\ovTa,pxov Be evyKwTTorepov, Moviruplov 8e (see § 299, 8) 
 <pi\o<To<pt£repoi>, 2efrou (read Sefriou) Si tcaprepiKoiTepov. — Cf. EZeller, Gesch. d. gr. 
 Philos. 3, l 3 , 675. MOtt, Charakter u. Ursprung der Spriiche des Sextius, 
 Eottweil 1861 ; die syrischen auserlesenen Spriiche des Xistus, Bischofs von Eom, 
 eine uberarbeitete Sextiusschrift, Eottweil 1862 sq. II. Criticism : AEberhard, 
 JB. 1873, 1302. 
 
 7. It was probably the same Sextius (though he does not elsewhere bear the 
 cognomen Niger) who wrote on natural sciences, likewise in Greek. A work 
 ircpl OXijs (materia mediea) is mentioned by Erotian. Lex. p. 94 Kl. v. Xelpi-ov. 
 Sextius Niger, qui graece (de medicina) scripsit, is mentioned by Pliny jSH. ind. 
 auct. 6. 12-16. 20-30. 32-34 (medicinal use of plants, animals and minerals) who 
 quotes him eight times in the work and at 32, 26 as diligenlissimus medicina. 
 MWellmann, Herm. 24, 530. Dioscorides also made frequent use of Sextius. 
 OJahn, Lps. SBer. 1850, 277. CMayhoff, novae lucubr. Plin. (1874) p. 7.— A bust 
 at Florence (engraved in the Archael. Ztg. 35, pi. 9) was erroneously taken for a 
 portrait of this Sextius, see KEobert, Herm. 17, 135. 
 
 8. The son (cf. n. 5) continued his father's work ; cf . Seu. nat. quaest. 7, 32, 2 
 
§ 266. philosophy: the sextii: fabianus. 557 
 
 Sextiorum nova et romani rohoris secta inter initio sua, cum niagno impetu coepisset, 
 extincta est. On L. Crassicius see § 263, 2; on Papirius Fabianus below n. 10 sq. 
 Subsequently scripsit non parum multa Cornelius Celsus, Sextios secutus (see below 
 § 280). Seneca's master Sotion (§ 287, 1) appears also to have been amongst the 
 pupils of Sextius. The Sextii are also alluded to in Claudian. Mamert. de statu 
 animae 2, 8 (Sextius pater Sextiusque filius). 
 
 9. Quint. 10, 1, 124 Plautus in Stoicis rerum cognitioni utilis. 2, 14, 2 haec 
 interpretatio non minus dura est quam ilia Plauti ' essentia ' et ' queentia.' Cf. 3, 6. 23 
 oviriai>, quam Plautus ' essentiam ' vocat. 8, 3, 33 multu ex graeco formata nova 
 ac plurima a Sergio f flavio (thus in the best MSS.), quorum dura quaedam 
 admodum videntur, ut ' queens ' et ' essentia ' ; quae cur tantopere aspernemur nihil 
 video. Sen. ep. 58, 6 says on essentia: Ciceronem auctorem huius verbi habeo,puto 
 locupletem. si recentiorem quaeris, Fabianum, disertum et elegantem, orationis etiam 
 ad nostrum fastidium nitidae (cf. also Sidon. ep. praef. carm. 14) : this does not 
 however raise any serious difficulty, as Seneca mentions only two authors of 
 different periods who both used essentia. The passages in Quintilian can be made 
 to agree by means of the very slight alteration Sergio Plauto for Sergio Flauio. 
 The author whose name is thus obtained may perhaps be identified with the 
 Sergius Plautus mentioned in Plin. NH. ind. auct. b. 2, 18 (although with the 
 variant Paidus ; § 54, 4). Cf. CIL. 2, 1406 L. Sergio Regis f. Am. Plauto 
 Q(uaestori) Salio Palatino. DDetlefsen, lib. einige Quellenschriftsteller d. Plin., 
 Gliickst. 1881, 5. — Is the same Sergius referred to in (Apul.) irepl ipwv. p. 262 
 Hild. ? vocat Sergius ' effatum,' 1 Varro ' proloquium ' , Cicero ' enuntiatum', Graeci 
 [turn] ' protasin ', turn ' axioma ' , ego verbum ex verba turn ' protensionem ', turn 
 1 rogamentum '- 
 
 10. Papirius Fabianus, called philosophus by Sen. suas. 1, 9. contr. 2, 9, 
 25. 2, 13, 18. 7, praef. 4. Sen. ep. 40, 12. Fabianus, vir egregius et vita et scientia 
 et . . . eloquentia quoque. de brev. vitae 10, 1 Fabianus, non ex his cathedrariis 
 philosophis, sed ex veris et antiquis. He commenced with the study of rhetoric. 
 Sen. contr. 2, praef. 1 Fabianus philosophus, qui adolescens admodum tantae opinionis 
 in declamando quantae postea in disputando fuit. exercebatur apud Arellium Fuscum 
 etc. ab hac (i.e. the oratio lasciva of Ar. F.) cito se Fabianus separavit et luxuriam 
 quidem cum voluit abiecit, obscuritatem non potuit evadere; haec ilium in philosophiam 
 persecuta est. (2) deerat Mi (i.e. Fab.) oratorium robur . . .; splendor vero 
 . . . orationi aderat. voltus dicentis lenis et pro tranquillitate morum (cf . Sen. ep. 
 11, 4) remissus. (4) cum aliquando Sextium audiret (cf. n. 8) nihilominus declam- 
 itabat. ... (5) habu.it et Blandum rhetorem (§ 268, 1) praeceptorem . . . 
 apud Blandum diutius quam apud Fuscum Arellium studuit, sed cum iam transfugisset 
 (to philosophy). . . . nee ille declamationibus vacabat et ego tanto minorem natu 
 quam ipse eram (hence Fabianus would appear to have been born 715/39-720/34. 
 cf. Sen. contr. 2, 12, 12) audiebam quotiens inciderat, non quotiens volueram. An 
 extensive specimen of his declamations ib. 2, 9, 10-13 ; others ib. 2, 12, 3. 10. 2, 13, 
 6. 2, 14, 4. Hence in all probability his habit of giving public lectures (on 
 philosophy) ; cf. Sen. ep. 52, 11 disserebat populo Fabianus, sed audiebatur modeste. 
 erumpebat interdum magnus clamor laudantium, sed quern rerum magnitudo (cf. ep. 
 100, 10) evocaverat. Among his pupils were Albucius Silus (see § 268, 4) and 
 Seneca the philosopher (ep. 100, 3. 12). 
 
 11. On the diction of Fabianus see Sen. ep. 58, 6 (n. 9) and especially ep. 100, 
 where he says 1 : Fabiani Papirii libros qui inscribuntur (artium) civilium legisse te 
 scribis et non respondisse expectationi tuae ; deinde pblitus de philosopho agi composi- 
 
558 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 tionem eius accusas ; upon which Seneca elaborately defends and characterises 
 Fabianus and states (9) that in his philosophical works (with regard to style) only 
 Cicero (cuius libri ad philosophiam pertinentes paene totidem sunt quot Fabiani), 
 Asinius Pollio and Livy surpassed him. He differed from Cicero in writing chiefly 
 on subjects of natural history : Fabianus causarum naturalium II in Chakis. GL. 
 4, 106, 14 ; less accurately causarum libro II et III ib. 146, 28 ; causarum tertio in 
 Diomed. GL. 1, 375, 22. See also Val. Peob. GL. 4, 209, 21 and Seeg. ib. 542, 16. 
 Chakis. GL. 1, 105, 14 Fabianus de animalibus primo ; cf. ib. 142, 14. Cf. Plin. NH, 
 9, 25. He seems to have treated both of zoology and botany (pharmacology), ac- 
 cording to the quotations in Plin. NH. 12, 20. 15, 4. 18, 276 (a Fabiano graecisque 
 auctoribus) 23, 62. 28, 54 (Aristoteles et Fabianus). But he appears to have been 
 somewhat uncritical, to conclude from the statement ib. 36, 125 inter plurima alia 
 Italiae miracula ipsa marmora in lapicidinis crescere auctor est Papirius Fabianus, 
 naturae rerum peritissimus. Likewise ib. 2, 121. 224. Pliny quotes Fabianus NH. 
 ind. auct. b. 2. 7. 9. 11-15. 17. 23. 25. 28 and 36. His full name may perhaps also 
 be restored in Plin. NH. ind. auct. 6. 18 en; . . . Sabino Fabiano (P/etlefsen, 
 ind. Plin. s.v.). But elsewhere in the lists of authorities he is mentioned only as 
 Fabianus, and as in the ind. auct. b. 19 (in the continuation of the naturae frugum) 
 Sabinus Tiro (§ 54, 1 ; more correctly Sabinius, see DDetlefsen, lib. einige Quellen- 
 schriftsteller d. Plin., Glilckst. 1881, 5) is mentioned, we should rather in ind. 
 auct. 18 write : ex . . . Sabino (Tironey, Fabiano. — HGHofig, de Papirii Fa- 
 biani philosophi vita scriptisque, Bresl. 1852. 
 
 267. Oratory, so far as it still throve in the Republican 
 time, was represented by Asinius Pollio and M. Messalla, besides 
 whom we may mention Furnius, Atratinus, L. Arruntius, Q. 
 Haterius (a. 690/64 b.c-779/26 a.d.) and others. The younger 
 generation adapted their talents to the narrow sphere allowed by 
 the Monarchy ; e.g. the sons of Messalla, Messalinus and Cotta, 
 Fabius Maximus, and others. Greater importance attaches to 
 T. Labienus and Cassius Severus, whose candour of expression 
 brought them into trouble, Labienus becoming obnoxious 
 through his historical work. Cassius Severus, a writer hated and 
 feared on account of his poignant humour, may still be considered 
 an orator and only against his will engaged in scholastic declam- 
 ation, yet in the manner of his eloquence he betrayed his affinity 
 to the prevailing style of the period. 
 
 1. On Asinius Pollio and Messalla as orators see above § 221, 4 and 222, 2. 
 Pedius is mentioned, in conjunction with Messalla, as a renowed orator who like 
 the latter (§ 222, 2 1. 11) carefully cultivated a pure Latin style avoiding the use 
 of foreign words, by Hoe. s. 1, 10, 28 cum Pedius exudet causas Poplicola atque Cor- 
 vinus. It is doubtful whether Horace here calls him Pedius Poplicola (in proof of 
 which we can no longer quotethe inscription CIA. 3, 866, as the stone reads Aevidov 
 TeWiov [not Hedlov, as in the bull. arch. 1855, xxx] lIoirXiKdXa) or whether Poplicola 
 does not rather belong to Corvinus ; cf. Veeg. catal. 9, 40 praemia Messallis maxima 
 Poplicolis and PRE. 6, 2352**. He might be a natural son of Q. Pedius cos. 711/43, 
 and would thus be connected on the mother's side with Messalla (Plin. NH. 35, 21). 
 
§ 267. ORATORY. 559 
 
 It is usual to identify him (following Ps.-Ackon) with the author mentioned in 
 Horace s. 1, 10, 85 (te Messala, tuo cumfratre) and to take him for an adopted son 
 of Q. Pedius, But this opinion of Ps.-Acron probably rests only on a hasty infer- 
 ence drawn from a comparison of the two passages in Horace, and it will therefore 
 be more correct (with KNipperdey, op. 494. 540) to identify this brother of Messalla 
 with his half-brother L. Gellius L. f . Poplicola (cos. 718/36 ; PEE. 3, 664. LSchwabe, 
 quaest. Catull. 111). We might also think of Valerius Messalla Potitus cos. suff. 
 725/29, if it were quite certain that he was a brother of Messalla the orator (for 
 this view see Borghesi, oeuvr. 1, 412). It is probably this Potitus who is quoted 
 by Plin. ind. auot. to b. 19 as the author of KvTrovpiKd (§ 54, 4). Cf. Plin. jNTH. 14, 
 69 and DDetlefsen, lib. einige Quellen des Plin., Gliickst. 1881, 6.— On Furnius 
 § 209, 9; Sempronius Atratinus § 209, 10. On the rhetorical training and the 
 oratory of Augustus § 220, 2 ; of Maecenas § 220, 7 ; of Agrippa § 220, 11. 
 
 2. Hor. ep. 1, 5, 9 (perhaps a. 735/19 to Torquatus) mitte . . . Moschi 
 causam ; on this Porphyrio : Moschus hie Pergamenus fuit rhetor notissimus. reus 
 veneficii fuit, cuius causam ex primis tunc orator es egerunt, Torquatus hie, de quo nunc 
 dicit, cuius exstat oratio, et Asinius Pollio. Of the same Torquatus, Hor. c. 4, 7, 23 
 praises the genus, facundia et pietas. As Suetonius' narrative allows us to infer 
 that the Manlii Torquati had become extinct in the Civil Wars, this Torquatus is 
 probably (see Weichert de Cass. Parm. p. 304) the person mentioned by Suet. Aug. 
 43: in hoc (Troiae) ludicro Nonium Asprenatem lapsu debilitatum aureo torque don- 
 avit passusque est ipsum posterosque Torquati ferre cognomen. Cf . ib. 56 cum As- 
 prenas Nonius artius ei (i.e. Augustus) iunctus causam veneficii accusante Cassio 
 Severo diceret etc. He may, therefore, be one of the two Asprenates whose de- 
 clamations are mentioned by the rhetorician Seneca, frequently in the case of 
 Publius, e.g. suas. 7, 4. contr. 1, 1, 5. 1, 2, 9. 1, 8, 4-6 and 12. 2, 10, 4. 7, 23, 6. 
 10, 33, 25 (P. Asprenates dixit), once in the case of Lucius, ib. 10, praef. 2 (pertinere 
 ad rem non puto quomodo . . . L. Asprenates aut Quintilianus senex declamaverit ; 
 transeo istos quorum fama cum ipsis extincta est). L. Nonius Asprenas was cos. 759/6 
 a.d., another a. 782/29 a.d.; a P. Nonius Asprenas (son of the declaimer?) cos. 
 791/38 a.d. in the reign of Caligula. 
 
 3. On L. Arruntius (n. 8) see above § 259, 7. 
 
 4. Q. Lucretius Vespillo, cos. 735/19; PEE. 4, 1198. A funeral speech on his 
 wife Turia, who died after a married life of 41 years, about 746/8-752/2, a fervid 
 outpouring of feeling, is preserved in an inscription, CIL. 6, 1527. Orelli 4859. 
 Brons, font. 5 303. Mosimsen, zwei Sepulcralreden avis der Zeit Augusts u. Hadr., 
 Abh. der Berl. Akad. 1863, 455. 464. 477. GBdeEossi, in the studi di storia e 
 diritto 1 (1880), 1. Cf. § 356, 5. 
 
 5. Hieron. on Eus. chr. a. Abr. 2040 = 777/24 a.d. Q. Haterius promptus et 
 popularis orator usque ad XC prope annum cum summo honore consenescit. Tac. a. 
 4, 61 fine anni (779/26 a.d.) excessere insignes viri, Asinius Agrippa . . . et Q. 
 Haterius, familia senatoria, eloquentiae quoad vixit celebratae. monimenta ingeni eius 
 haud perinde retinentur. scilicet impetu magis quam cura vigebat. . . . Haterii 
 canorum illud et profluens cum ipso simul extinctum est. Sew. contr. 4, praef. 6-11 
 Q. Hater iumscio . . . imbecillo animomortes sex filiorum (mortem Sex. filii^KiEss- 
 ling) tulisse. . . . declamdbat Haterius admisso populo ex tempore, solus omnium 
 Romanorum quos modo ipse cognovi in latinam linguam transtulerat graecam faculta- 
 tem. tanta erat illi velocitas orationii ut vitium fieret. . . . nee verborum illi tantum 
 copia sed etiam rerum erat. . . . quaedam antiqua et a Cicerone dicta, a ceteris deinde 
 deserta dicebat. . . . multa erant quae reprehenderes, multa quae suspiceres etc. Sen. 
 
560 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 ep. 40, 10. Specimens of his] declamations are frequently given by Seneca the 
 Elder, see p. 541 Kiessl. Cf. also Tac. a. 2, 33 (consularis). Suet. Tib. 27. 29. 
 ACima, de Q. Haterio Oratore, in his Saggj di studj lat., Elor. 1889, 105. 
 
 6. M. Valerius Corvinus Messalla or Messalinus, the orator's eldest son, cos. 
 751/3 ; PEE. 6, 2355, 100. GGraber, quaestt. Ovid. 1 (Elberf. 1881), 17. Tac. a. 3, 
 34 Valerius Messalinus, cui parens Messala ineratque imago paternae facundiae. Ov. 
 Pont. 2, 2, 51 vivit enim in vobis (this Messallinus and Cotta who is just about to be 
 mentioned) facundi lingua parentis. Cf. § 230, 2, n. 1. His appointment as XVvir 
 sacr. is celebrated in Tib. 2, 5 (of a. 735/19 ?) Letters addressed to him by Ovid ex 
 Pont. 1, 7. 2, 2 and trist. 4, 4 (cf. v. 5 cuius in ingeniost patriae facundia linguae); 
 cf . GrIber 1.1. 1, 20.— His younger brother was called M. Aurelius Cotta Maximus, 
 from the time (after a. 762/9 a.d.) when he was adopted into the family of his 
 mother, the gens Aurelia, but after the death of his brother (who may have died 
 childless) he assumed his cognomen of Messalinus. He took little part in politics 
 (cos. 773/20) and shifting his position with the utmost servility led the life of a 
 voluptuary (egens ob luxum, per fiagitia infamis, Tac a. 6, 7), adding to the 
 pleasures of the table (Pun. NH. 10, 52) the pastime of verse-making (§ 252, 15) 
 and repartee (Tac a. 6, 5). He was on very friendly terms with Ovid though 
 much his junior ; ex Ponto 1, 5. 9. 2, 3. 8. 3, 2. 5, probably also trist. 4, 5 (see esp. 
 v. 29 sqq.). 9. Ovid read at Tomi a speech which he had made before the tribunal 
 of the Centumvirs, Pont. 3, 5, 7 (legimus, o iuvenis patrii non degener oris, dicta tibi 
 pleno verba diserta foro). He is also mentioned as a patron of poets in Juv. 5, 108. 
 7, 94. Cf. also the epigram in exaggerated praise of him by a certain Zosimus, his 
 freedman, in "WHenzen, ann. arch. 37, 5.— On him see PRE. 6, 2356, 101. Henzen, 
 1.1. ; act. fratr. Arv. p. 179. Graber 1.1. 1, 19. BLorentz, de Ovidii in trist. amicis, 
 Lps. 1881, 3. 
 
 7. Paulus Fabius Q. f. Maximus, cos. 743/11 f 767/14. Ovid addressed to him 
 ex Ponto 1, 2. 3, 3. 8. On him ib. 4, 6, 9 (Fabiae laus, Maxime, gentis). 1, 2, 69 
 (romanae facundia, Maxime, linguae). 117 vox . . . tua . . . auxilio trepidis quae 
 solet esse reis . . . doctae dulcedine linguae) and 137 {tua nonnumquam . . . scripta 
 legebas). Hon. c. 4, 1, 9 (pro sollicitis non tacitus reis et centum puer artium). Quint. 
 6, 3, 52. He (his brother cos. 744/10 Q. Fabius Q. f. Maximus Africanus is not 
 otherwise known as an orator) is probably the same person who is several times 
 mentioned in Sen. contr. : 2, 4, 9 (Fabius Maximus). 10, praef. 13 (Fabius). 2, 4, 
 11 sed ut aliqwid iocemur, Fabius (Fabianus in the MSS.) Maximus nobilissimus vir 
 fait qui primus foro romano hunc novicium morbum quo nunc laborat intulit, de quo 
 Severus Cassius, antequam ab illo reus ageretur, dixerat : ' quasi disertus es, quasi 
 formosus es, quasi dives es : unum tantum non es quasi — vappa.' 1 PEE. 6, 2919, 67. 
 Graber 1.1. 1, 10. Loeentz 1.1. 19. 
 
 8. Tac. a. 11, 6 (in the time of Claudius, a.d. 47) meminissent G-ai Asinii, M. 
 Messalae ac recentiorum Arruntii (n. 3) et Aesernini : ad summa provectos incorrupta 
 vita et facundia. Aeserninus is probably the son of the cos. of 732/22 M. 
 Claudius Marcellus Aeserninus, and grandson to Asinius Pollio (Suet. Aug. 43), 
 born perhaps 725/29-730/24, initiated into oratory by his grandfather ; see Sen. 
 contr. 4, praef. 3 sq., where we read e.g. : Marcellus, quamvis puer, iam tantae indolis 
 erat ut Pollio ad ilium pertinere successionem eloquentiae suae crederet. Specimens 
 (though generally short ones) of his declamations are given by Sen. suas. and 
 contr. (see Kiessling's ind. p. 544). Cf. also Tac. a. 3, 11 and above § 259, 7. 
 
 9. Plin. NH. 34, 47 duo pocula . . . quae Cassio Solano . . . praeceptori suo 
 Q-ermanicus Caesar . . . donaverat. This is the Salanus to whom Ovid addressed 
 
§ 267. ORATORY : LABIENUS : CASSIUS SEVEROS ETC. 561 
 
 ex Pont. 2, 5, in -which he is called doctissimus (v. 15), and his eloquium (40) and 
 facundia (69) are praised, and also poetical compositions by him are indicated (63- 
 68), his relations to Germanicus (41-56) being mentioned. 
 
 10. On T. Labienus see especially Sen. contr. 10, praef. 4 sqq. e.g. : declamavil 
 non quidem populo, sed egregie. . . . magnus orator, qui multa impedimenta eluctatus 
 ad famam ingeni confitentibus magis hominibus pervenerat quam volentibus. summa 
 egestas erat, summa infamia, summum odium. ... (5) color orationis antiquae, vigor 
 novae, cultus inter nostrum ac prius saeculum medius. libertas tanta ut libertatis 
 nomen excederet et, quia passim ordines hominesque laniabat, ' Rabie(nuys ' vocaretur. 
 . . . in hoc primam excogitata est nova poena : effectum est enim per inimicos eius ut 
 omnes eius libri (ex senatus consulto) comburerentur. . . . (7) non tulit hanc La- 
 bienus contumeliam nee superstes esse ingenio suo voluit, sed in monimenta se maiorum 
 suorum ferri iussit atque ita indudi (c. 765/12 a.d. ?) . . . (8) memini aliquando, 
 cum recitaret historiam, magnam partem ilium libri convolvisse et dixisse ' haec quae 
 transeo post mortem meam legentur.' 1 Suet. Calig. 16 Titi Labieni, Cordi Cremuti, 
 Gassi Severi scripta, senatus consultis abolita, requiri et esse in manibus lectitarique 
 permisit. Sen. contr. 4, praef. 2 homo mentis quam linguae amarioris. Specimens 
 of his declamations are found p. 483. 485 sq. 489. 498. 501 K. In the law-suit 
 about the inheritance of Urbinia, Labienus conducted the case of Pigulus and was 
 opposed to Asinius Pollio ; cf. Quint. 1, 5, 8. 4, 1, 11. 9, 3, 13. Chakis. GL. 1, 77, 14. 
 376, 8. A speech of Lab. against Bathyllus is alluded to by Sen. contr. 10 praef. 8. 
 Cf. Weichekt de L. Vario p. 319. 
 
 11. T 'ac. a. 1,72 primus Augustus cognitionem de famosis libellis . . . tractavit, 
 commotus Cassii Severi libidine, qua viros feminasque inlustres procacibus scriptis 
 difamaverat. The aristocratic historian's indignation at this presumption appears 
 also ib. 4, 21 relatum de Cassio Severo exule, qui sordidae originis, malejicae vitae, sed 
 orandi validus, per immodicas inimicitias ut . . . Cretam amoveretur effecerat ; 
 atque illic eadem actitando recentia veteraque odia advertit, bonisque exutus . . . 
 saxo Seripho consenuit. Hieron. ad ». Abr. 2048 = 785/32 a.d.: Cassius Severus, 
 orator egregius, qui Quintianum Mud proverbium luserat, XXV exilii sui anno in 
 summa inopia moritur vix panno verenda contectus. He may, therefore, have been 
 born c. 710/44 b.c, and for this very reason, even if there were no others, Hoe. 
 epod. 6 cannot relate to him ; see Teuffel, Zf AW. 1845, 596. His character is 
 delineated by Sen. contr. 3, praef. 2 oratio eius erat valens, culta, ingentibus plena 
 sententiis. ... (3) non est quod ilium ex his quae edidit aestimetis ; . . . auditus 
 longe maior erat quam lectus '. . corporis magnitudo conspk.ua (cf. Plin. NH. 
 7 55 Cassio Severo celebri oratori armentarii mirmillonis obiecta similitudo est), 
 suavitas valentissimae vocis. ... (4) gravitas, quae deerat vitae, actioni supererat. 
 
 . (5) uno die privatas plures agebat, . . . publicam vero numquam amplius 
 quam unam uno die. nee tamen scio quern reum illi defendere nisi se (against the 
 accusation of Fabius Maximus, ib. 2, 12, 11) contigerit. ... (7) omnia habebat 
 quae ilium ut bene declamaret instruerent: phrasin . . . lectam, genus dicendi 
 . ardens et concitatum . . . explicationes plus sensuum quam verborum 
 habentes. . . . tamen non tantum infra se, cum declamaret, sed infra multos erat. 
 itaque raro declamabat et non nisi ab amicis coactus. He himself instructively ex- 
 plains this ib. 12 (c. a. 744/10; JBrzoska, comm. phil. in honor. Keifferscheidii, 
 Bresl. 1884, 40) by saying that he was able only causas agere, inforo dicere, but not 
 to pursue this idle occupation seriously. Of. suasor. 6, 11. Specimens of his witti- 
 cisms in Sen. contr. 2, 12, 11. 4, praef. 11. 9, 26, 14. 10, praef. 8. 10, 34, 20. 
 Quist. 6, 3, 27 cf. 78 sq. 6, 1, 43. 8, 2, 2. 8, 3, 89. 11, 3, 133. Suet. gr. 22. 
 
 R.L. 
 
 O O 
 
562 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 Specimens of his declamations are given by Sen. contr. 7, 18, 10. 9, 25, 12 and 
 especially 10, 33, 2. The exaggeration of details in the latter confirms the judg- 
 ment of Tac. dial. 19 : antiquorum admiratores . . . Cassium Severum . . . 
 primum affirmant flexisse ab ista vetere atque directa dicendi via, and ib. 26 : 
 equidem non negaverim Cassium Severum, si Us comparetur qui postea 
 
 fuerunt, posse oralorem vocari, quamquam in magna parte librorum suorum plus viri 
 habet quam sanguinis ; primus enim contempto ordine rerum, omissa modestia ac 
 pudore verborum . . . non pugnat, sed rixatur. ceterum et varietate eruditionis 
 et lepore urbanitatis et ipsarum virium robore multum ceteros superat. Quint. 10, 1, 
 116 multa, si cum iudicio legatur, dabit imitatione digna Cassius Severus, qui, si 
 ceteris virtutibus colorem et gravitatem orationis adiecisset, ponendus inter praecipuos 
 foret. (117) nam et ingenii plurimum est in eo et acerbitas mira et urbanitas et fervor ; 
 sed plus stomacho quam consilio dedit. According to Dio 55, 4, he prosecuted 
 (a. 745/9) Augustus' friend, Nonius Asprenas, (see n. 2) on a charge of poisoning, 
 Asinius Pollio being the defendant's counsel Quint. 10, 1, 22. One of his speeches 
 is quoted by Diom. 1, 371, 19. Cassius Severus ad Maecenatem (a letter ?) in Charis. 
 GL. 1, 104, 11=Prisc. GL. 2, 333, 11 : Cassius ad Tiberium secundo in Diom. GL. 1, 
 373, 20 = Prisc. 2, 489, 3. Cf. also Hertz on Prise. 2, 380, 1. Tertull. apol. 10. 
 adv. nat. 2, 12 mentions him among historians, but he confounds him with Cassius 
 Hemina (§ 132, 1. 368, 1). The assumption that he was a native of Longula has 
 lost its foundation since the punctuation has been changed in the ind. auct. in 
 Plin. NH. 35, in the following manner : ex . . . Cassio Severo, Longulano. 
 This Longulanus, however, (see a conjecture in LUrlichs, die Quellenregister zu 
 Plin. letzten BB. [Wiirzb. 1878] 14), is as completely unknown to us as Fabius 
 Vestalis qui de pictura scripsit, who is mentioned directly afterwards and also 
 quoted (without mention of this work) in the ind. auct. to b. 7. 34 and 36. Cf. 
 TJrlichs 1.1. — ThFroment, un orateur republicain sous Auguste, Cass. Sev., Annal. 
 de la fac. d. lettr. de Bordeaux 1 (1879), 121. 
 
 12. Varius Geminus, sublimis orator (L. Seneca ap. Hieron. adv. Iovin. 1 p. 170), 
 apud Caesarem dixit : Caesar, qui apud te audent dicere magnitudinem tuam ignorant, 
 qui non audent, humanitatem (Sen. contr. 6, 8, 6). Specimens of his declamations 
 are given by Sen. suas. 6, 11-14. contr. 7, 16, 18 and 23. 7, 19, 5. 7, 21, 10 and 15-17. 
 7, 22, 11. 
 
 268. Among the rhetoricians of the Augustan age the most 
 aristocratic of the older generation was the Roman knight 
 Blandus, but among the most famous was M. Porcius Latro, the 
 compatriot and early friend of Seneca the Elder ; Arellius Fuscus, 
 who followed the prevailing taste of Asia, his native country ; C. 
 Albucius Silus of Novara : Passienus the Elder ; the vain Cestius 
 Pius of Smyrna ; L. Junius Grallio, also a friend of the elder 
 Seneca. In the younger generation we may mention among 
 the, relatively speaking, most eminent rhetoricians Papirius 
 Fabianus, a man of philosophical training, and Alfius Flavus. 
 who wrote also in verse. We meet with a great number of other 
 school-rhetoricians in the pages of Seneca the Elder. 
 
§ RHETORIC : LATRO : ARELLIUS FUSCUS. 563 
 
 1. Sen. eontr. 2, pr. 5 Blandum rhetorem qui (primus) eques Horn. Romae 
 docuit (rhetoric § 45, 1). Prom Tibur according to Tag. a. 6, 27 in domum Rubellii 
 Blandi, cuius avum, Tibertem eq. Rom. plerique meminerant (Bokghesi, op. 4, 486). 
 Cf. besides Sen. contr. 1, 7, 13. 2, 5, 14. 15. 7, 5, 13. Did this writer also compose 
 historical works? Sekv. ge. 1, 103 Rubellius Blandus et Quadrigarius historici 
 dicunt etc.— Sen. contr. 10, praef. 13 primum tetradeum quod faciam quaeritis? 
 Latronis, Fusci, Albuci, Gallionis. As a proof of the prevalent bad taste he men- 
 tions ib. 3, praef. 14 : et Pollionem Asinium et Messalam Corvinum et Passienum . . 
 minus bene videri quam Cestium aut Latronem. In general see ASchott, de claris 
 apud Senecam rhetoribus, in his ed. of Seneca (§ 269, 8) and the indices to the edd 
 of Seneca by Kiessling and HJMuller. 
 
 2. Hieron. chron. a. Abr. 2013=750/4 b.c M. Porcius Latro (cf. Suet. ind. 
 rhet. p. 99 Rffseh.) latinus declamator taedio duplicis quartanae semet ipsum interficit. 
 His character is delineated by Sen. contr. 1, praef. 13-18. 20-24, e.g. Latronis 
 Porcii, carissimi miki sodalis, memoriam . . . et a prima pueritia usque ad 
 ultimum eius diem perductam familiarem amicitiam . . . nihil illo viro gravius, 
 nihil suavius, . . . nemo plus ingenio suo imperavit, nemo plus indulsit. in utraque 
 parte vehementi viro inodus deerat. . . . (16) corpus illi erat natura solidum et 
 multa exercitatione duratum. . . . vox robusta sed sordida, lucubrationibus et 
 neglegentia . . . infuscata. . . . nulla umquam illi cura vocis exercendae 
 fuit : ilium fortem et agrestem et hispanae consuetudinis morem non poterat dediscere. 
 (17) . . . memoria ei natura quidem felix, plurimum tamen arte adiuta. (20) 
 . . . cum in illo, si qua alia virtus fuit, et subtilitas fuerit. . . (22) cum 
 condiscipuli essemus (at Home) apud Maridlum rhetorem, hominem satis aridum (see 
 n. 10) . . . (24) controversia . . . quam primam Latronem meum declamasse 
 memini admodum iuvenem in Marulli schola. 9, praef. 3 Latronem Porcium, decla- 
 matoriae virtutis unicum exemplum, cum pro reo in Hispania Rustico Porcio propin- 
 quo suo diceret etc. ( = Quint. 10, 5, 18 P. L., quiprimus clari nominis professor fuit). 
 10, praef. 15 Latro numquam solebat disputare in convivio aut alio quam quo decla- 
 mare poterat tempore. . . . negabat itaque ulli se placere posse nisi totum. Numer- 
 ous specimens of his declamations are given by Seneca the Elder (e.g. contr. 7, 16, 
 16 sqq.), which show him to have been a relatively natural and moderate rhe- 
 torician. Cf. Lindner 1.1. p. 25. Messalla thought his style not purely Roman 
 (Sen. contr. 2, 12, 8). Prom a declamatio de raptore (Skn. contr. 2, 11) by Latro a 
 passage is quoted by Quint. 9, 2, 91. His pupils were greatly attached to him : 
 see Sen. contr. 9, 25, 23 nee ulli alii coniigisse scio quam apud Graecos Niceti, apud 
 Romanos Latroni ut discipuli non audiri desiderarent, sed contenti essent audire. They 
 would even drink cuminum silvestre to look pale like their master (Plin. NH. 20, 
 160). Among these pupils were Ovid (§ 247, 1), Plorus (Sen. contr. 9, 25, 23), 
 Fulvius Sparsus (n. 10) and Abronius Silo (§ 252, 14). PGLindner, de M. Porcio 
 Latrone, Bresl. 1855. ThProment, Pore. Latro ou la declamation sous Auguste, 
 Ann. de la fac. de lettr. de Bordeaux 4 (1882), 335. 
 
 3. Sen. contr. 9, 29, 16 Fuscus Arellius cum esset ex Asia etc. was closely 
 allied to his compatriots Addaios (ib. 9, 24, 12) and Hybreas (ib. 9, 29, 16). suas. 
 4, 5 quia soletis mihi molesti esse de Fusco, quid fuerit quare nemo videretur dixisse 
 cultius, ingeram vobis Fuscinas explicationes. dicebat autem suasorias libentissime 
 et frequentius graecas quam latinas. His manner is repeatedly characterised by 
 Seneca the Elder ; e.g. suas. 2, 10 ut sciretis quam nitide Fuscus dixisset vel quam 
 licenter. . . . nihil fuisse me iuvene (which shows that Fuscus was somewhat 
 older than Seneca) tarn notum quam has explicationes Fusci etc. Cf. ib. 3, 7 descrip- 
 
564 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 iionibus Fusci vos satiern f contr. 2, praef. 1 erat explicatio Fusci Arelli splendida 
 quidem sed operosa et implicate,, cultus nimis adquisitus, compositio verborum mollior 
 . ; summa inaequalitas orationis, quae modo exilis erat, modo nimia licentia vaga 
 el effusa; principia, argumenta, narrationes aride dicebantur ; in descriptionibus extra 
 legem omnibus verbis, dummodo niterent, permissa libertas ; nihil acre, nihil solidum, 
 nihil horridum ; splendida oratio et magis lasciva quam laeta. To this should be 
 added suas. 3, 5 solebat Fuscns ex Vergilio multa trahere, ut Maecenati imputaret ; cf . 
 ib. 4, 5. Seneca the Elder's work contains numerous specimens of the oratory of 
 Fuscus, the longest of which stand suas. 2, 1 sqq. and contr. 2, 9, 4-8. 7, 21, 7 sq. 
 Cf. Lindner 1.1. p. 11. As Seneca in some of these passages calls him Arellius 
 Fuscus (or Fuscus Arellius) pater, we infer that, like Clodius Turrinus (Sen. contr. 
 10, praef. 14 sqq. contr. 10, praef, 16 Apollodoreos sequitur and elsewhere, see p. 536 
 Kiessl.), he had, at the time when Seneca wrote his work, a son who in his turn 
 pursued rhetorical studies, though it does not entitle us to explain those passages, 
 in which pater is omitted and we read only Arellius Fuscus or Fuscus Arellius, of 
 the son, the designation of filius never being added. On the contrary it appears 
 from the numerous instances in which in one and the same sentence pater is now 
 added and then again omitted, that all the passages of Seneca should be under- 
 stood of the father, he being the famous rhetorician of the name ; see Teuffel, 
 PEE. I 2 , 1496, 6. Lindner 1.1. p. 4-6. Among his pupils were Ovid (§ 247, 1) and 
 Papirius Fabianus (§ 266, 10). Certainly not of him, but perhaps of his son, Pliny 
 says NH. 33, 152 : vidimus et ipsi Arellium Fuscurn motum equestri ordine ob 
 insignem calumniam, cum celebritatem assectarentur adolescentium scholae, argenteos 
 auulos habentem. FGLindnek, de Arellio Fusco, Bres. 1862. 
 
 4. Suet. rhet. 6 ( = gr. 30) C. Albucius Silus Novariensis cum aedilitate in 
 patria fungeretur . . . contendit . . . inde Somam, receptusque in Planci 
 oratoris (§ 209, 8) contubernium . . . ex eo clarus propria auditoria instituit, 
 solitus declamare genere vario : modo splendide atque adornaie, turn . . . cir- 
 cumcise ac sordide et tantum non trivialibus verbis, egit et causas, verum rarius, dum 
 amplissimam quamque sectatur nee alium in ulla locum quam perorandi. postea renun- 
 tiavitforo, partim pudorepartim metu (especially after in a suit pleaded before the 
 Centumviri L. Arruntius had made him feel the difference between rhetorical 
 figures and legal deductions, Sen. contr. 7, praef. 7. Suet. 1.1. Quint. 9, 2, 95). et 
 rursus in cognitione caedis Mediolani apud L. Pisonem proconsulem (cos. 739/15) 
 defendens reum . . . paene poenas luit. iam autem senior ob vitium vomicae 
 Novariam rediit convocataque plebe causis propter quas mori destinasset diu ac more 
 contionantis redditis abstinuit cibo. Hieeon. ad a. Abr. 2011 = 748/6 b.c Albucius 
 Silo Novariensis clarus rhetor agnoscitur. Everything proves him to have been a 
 contemporary of Seneca the Elder (Lindnek 1.1. p. 7). Quint. 2, 15, 36 Albucius, non 
 obscurus professor atque auctor, a passage which also shows that he wrote on the 
 theory of oratory. Cf. ib. 3, 3, 4. 3, 6, 62 (in Vergil, catal. 7, 3 the reference to 
 Albucius is based on a false conjecture). His oratorical style is described by Sen. 
 contr. 7, praef., e.g. : (1) instatis mihi quotidie de Allmcio. non ultra vos differam, 
 quamvis non audierim frequenter, cum per totum annum quinquiens sexiensve populo 
 diceret (declaimed publicly) . . . alius erat cum turbae se committebat, alius cum 
 paucitate contentus erat. . . . ilia intempestiva in declamationibus eius philosophia 
 sine modo tunc . . . evagabatur. cum, populo diceret omnes vires suas advocabat ■ 
 et ideo non desinebat. . . . argumentabatur moleste magis quam subtiliter. . . . 
 (2) . . . splendor orationis quantus nescio an in nullo alio fuerit. . . . dicebat 
 citato et effuso cursu, sed praeparatus. . . . senlentiae . . . simplices, apertae. 
 . » . (3) . . . non posses de inopia sermonis latini queri cum ilium audires : ' 
 
§ 268. ALBUCIUS SILUS : PASSIENUS : CESTIUS. 565 
 
 tantum orationis cultae fluebat . . (4) timebat tie scholasticus nderetur. . . . 
 
 quern proxime dicentem commode audierat imitari volebat. memini ilium . . . 
 apud Fabianum philosophum tanto iuveniorem quam ipse erat cum codicibus sedere ; 
 (o) memini admiratione Hermagorae stupentem ad imitationem eius ardescere. nulla 
 erat fiducia ingenii sui et ideo adsidua mutatio. . . . (6) raro Albucio respondeat^ 
 fortuna, semper opinio. ... (7) erat homo summae probitidis, qui nee facere 
 iniuriam nee patl sciret. Cf. also ib. 1, 4, 14 (Albucius, qui Craecos praeminet). 
 Numerous specimens of his declamations are given by Seneca the Elder, e.g. contr. 
 7. 16, 1-3. 9, 25, 6-8. FGLindner, de C. Albucio Silo, Bresl. 1861. 
 
 5. Hikron. ad a. Abr. 2008=745/9 B.C. Passienus pater, declamator insignis 
 diem obit. Sen. contr. 2, 13, 17 Passienus, vir eloquentissimus et temporis sui primus 
 orator. 3, praef. 14 Passienum, qui nunc primo loco stat. 10, praef. 11 Passieno . 
 declamatori subtili, sed arido. 3, praef. 10 Passienus noster (Cassius Severus being 
 the speaker) cum coepit dicere, secundum principium statim fuga fit, ad epilogum 
 omnes revertimur, media tantum quibus necesse est audiunt. He was esteemed by-- 
 Augustus (tantus vir), ib. 10, 34, 21. Cf. alsoib.7, 16,20. His son was Passienus 
 C'rispus bis consul (iterum 799/44 a.d.), orator, Agrippinae matrimonio et Nerone 
 privigno clarior postea (Plin. NH. 16, 242). Cf. Schol. Iuv. 4, 81 (though there he 
 appears to be confounded with Vibius Crispus § 297, 2) plurimas sponte causas 
 apud centumviros egit. . . . consulatus duos gessit. uxores kabuit duas, primata 
 Domitiam, deinde Agrippinam. . . . omnium principum gratiam adpetivit, sed 
 praecipue C. Caesaris. . . . periit per fraudem Agrippinae etc. Tac. a. 6, 20 
 scitum Passieni oratoris dictum. Quint. 6, 1, 50. 10, 1, 24 nobis pueris insignes pro 
 Voluseno C'atulo Domitii Afri, Crispi Passieni, D. Laelii orationes ferebantur. To 
 him is addressed the epigram (perhaps by Seneca) AL. 405 PLM. 4, 60, in which v. 
 
 2 Crispe, vel antiquo conspiciende foro. v. 8 cuius cecropio pectora melle ' madent, 
 maxima facundo vel avo vel gloria patri. Cf . AL. 445 PLM. 4, 78. 
 
 6. Hiekon. ad a. Abr. 2004 = 741/13 b.c. L. Cestius Pius (Suet. ind. rhett, 
 p. 99 Effsch.) Smyrnaeus rhetor latine Eomae docuit. Sen. suas. 7. 13 erat Cestim 
 . . . Ciceroni etiam infestus, quod illi non inpune cessit. nam cum M. Tullius. filius 
 Ciceronis, Asiam obtineret (a. 725/29) . . . cenabat apud earn Cestius . . 
 servus . . . interroganti domino quis ille esset qui in imo recumberet aii ' hie r^t 
 Cestius qui patrem tuum negabat litteras scisse ' ; adferri ocius fla'gra iussit et Cicerom 
 . . . de corio Cestii satisfecit. contr. 3, praef. 16 pueri fere aut iuvenes schotas 
 
 frequentant ; hi non tantum disertissimis viris (contemporaries) Cestium suum-prae- 
 ferunt sed etiam Ciceroni praef errent nil apides timerent. . . . huius declamationei 
 ediscunt, illius orationes non legunt nisi eas quibus Cestius- rescripsit. (16) memini 
 (says Cassius Severus) me intrare scholam eius cum recitaturus esset in Milonem (cf. 
 Quint. 10, 5, 20 rescribere veteribus orationibus, ut fecit Cestius contra Ciceronis 
 actiojiem habitam pro Milcnie). . . . Cedius Ciceroni responsurus mihi quod i'c- 
 sponderet non invenit. . . . (17) deinde libuit (mihi) Ciceroni de Cestio in foro 
 satisfacere. . . . dixi molestum me amplius non futurum si iurasset disertiorem 
 esse Ciceronem quam se. nee hoc ut faceret vel ioco vel serio effici potuit. contr. 7, 
 praef. 8 Cestii, mordacissimi hominis. 7, 16, 27 Cestium latinorum vcrborum inopia 
 hominem graecum, laborasse, sensibus abundasse. Many specimens of his declamations 
 occur in the pages of Seneca. Of his pupils we may mention Surdinus (§ 15, 3) 
 Aietius Pastor (Sen. contr. 1, 3, 11), Quintilius Varus (the son of the general 
 known for his defeat and son-in-law to Germanicus, ib. 1, 3, 10), and especially 
 Argentarius, see Sen. contr. 9, 26, 12 Cestius . . . quid pulatis, aiebat, Argen- 
 
566 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 tariumesse? Cesti simius est. . . . fuerai enim Argentarius Gesti auditor et erat 
 imitator. (13) . . . aeque ex tempore dicebat, aeque contumeliose multa interpone- 
 hat ; illud tamen optima fide praestitit, cum uterque Graecus esset, ut numquam graece 
 declamaret. Cf. PEE. I 2 , 1518, 1. FGLindner, de L. Cesbio Pio, Ziillichau 1856. 
 
 7. (L.) Junius Gall io, friend to Seneca the Elder (Gallio noster, Sen. suas. 3, 6. 
 contr. 2, 1, 33. 2, 5, 11. 13. 7, praef. 5), and Ovid (Nasoni suo, Sen. suas. 3, 7), pro- 
 bably the same Gallio whom Ovid endeavours to console on the death of his wife, 
 ex Pont. 4, 11. He seems to have been nearer in age to Ovid than to Seneca 
 the Elder ; Sen. contr. 7, praef. 5 sq. He wrote a rhetorical work (Quint. 3, 1, 21 
 pater Gallio) and declamations (ib. 9, 2, 91 remissius et pro suo ingenio pater Grallio ■ 
 cf . Tac. dial . 26 tinnitus Gallionis), which were still extant in the age of Hieronymus, 
 (comm. in Esaiam, praef. qui . . . concinnas declamatiortes desiderant legant 
 Tullium, Quintilianum, Gallionem, Gabinianum). Specimens which lead us to infer 
 relative sobriety of style (e.g. Schmidt 1.1. 22) are frequent in Seneca ; the longer 
 ones occur suas. 5, 8. contr. 1, 1, 8 and 14. 1, 2, 11 sq. 1, 7, 12. 1, 8, 9. 2, 11, 6 sq. 
 and 14. 7, 16, 12 sq. 7, 22, 3-5. 7, 23, 4. 7, 24, 8 and 10. 9, 26, 2 sq. and 6. 9, 27, 
 12 sq. 9, 28,1. 7sq.ll. 21. 10,31,1-3. 10,34,13-17. See also 10, praef . 8monstrabo 
 belluni vdbis libellum, quern a Gallione vestro petatis. recitavit rescriptum Labieno pro 
 Bathyllo Maecenatis. Tac ». 6, 3. Dio 60, 35. 62, 25. BSchmidt, de L. Iunio 
 Gallione rhetore, Marb. 1866. FGLindner, de I. G. comm. Hirschb. 1868. He 
 adopted the eldest son of his friend Seneca, M. Annaeus Novatus, who was subse- 
 quently called L. Junius Gallio (Dio 60, 35) ; the latter obtained a consulship 
 (cf. JAseach, anall. hist. et. epigr. 22) and then governed Achaia (a.d. 52). Stat. 
 silv. 2, 7, 32 calls him dulcis. His brother Seneca addressed to him (under the 
 name of Novatus) his treatises de ira and (ad Gallionem) de vita beata. Accord- 
 ing to Tac. a. 15, 73, he survived Seneca (f 65), but was soon forced to follow his 
 example; Hieron. a. Abr. 2080=64 a.d. (instead of 65) Junius Gallio, f rater 
 iSenecae, egregius declamator (perhaps a confusion with his adoptive father) propria 
 st manu interficit. PSE. I 2 , 1025, 13". 
 
 8. Sen. contr. 2, 9, 33 Junius Otho pater . . . edidit IV libros colorum, quos 
 belle Gallio noster Antiphontis libros vocabat ; tantum in Mis somniorum est. Cf . 1, 3, 
 11 Othonem Iunium patrem memini colorem stultum inducere, quod minus ferendum est 
 <luod libros colorum edidit. Seneca gives specimens of his declamations also. He 
 was praetor «.. 775/22 a.d. Of him Tac a. 3, 66 Iunio Othoni litterarium ludum 
 exercere vetus arsfuit ; max Seiani potentia senator obscura initia impudentibus ausis 
 yropolluebat. 
 
 9. Sen. contr. 1, 1, 22 hanc partem, memini apud Cestium declamari ab Alfio 
 Flavo, ad quern audiendum me fama perduxerat; qui cum praetextatus esset tantae 
 opinionis fait ut populo rom. pure eloquentia notus esset. . . . tanto concursu 
 hominum audiebatur ut raro auderet post ilium Cestius dicere. ipse ovinia -mala 
 faciebat ingenio suo. naturalis tamen ilia vis eminebal quae post multos annos, tarn et 
 desidia obruta et carminibus (perhaps erotic poems) enervata, vigorem tamen suum 
 tenu.it. Cf. 2, 14, 8 Flavum Alfium, auditore-m smmiu, qui eandem rem lascivius 
 dixerat, obiurgavit (Cestius). 3, 7, 3 Alfius Flavus hanc sententiam dixit: . . . 
 lame Cestius quasi corrupte dixisset obiurgans ' apparetf inquit, ' te poetas studiose 
 legere : iste sensus eius est qui hoc saeculum amatoriis nan artibus tantum sed sententiis 
 implevW (of Ovid). Specimens of the declamations of Alfius ib. 1, 1, 23. 1, 7, 7. 
 2, 10, 3. He is probably the same as Alfius Flavus whom Plin. NH. 9, 25, («» 
 res Maecenatis et Fabiani et Flavi Alfii multorumque esset litteris mandata, cf. ind. 
 auct. b. 9), quotes as his authority for an anecdote of the age of Augustus. 
 
§ 268, 69. gallio: alfius etc: senega the elder. 567 
 
 10. Among the other rhetoricians from whom Seneca the Elder quotes extracts 
 and who partly belonged to the period of Tiberius, those who are most frequently 
 mentioned are Argentarius (above n. 6), P. (Nonius) Asprenas (§ 267,2), Bruttedius 
 Brutus, (Fabius?) Buteo, Capito (Sen. contr. 10, praef. 12), Clodius Sabinus 
 (cf. § 211, 5) and Turrinus (see n. 3), Cornelius Hispanus, Fulvius Sparsus (an 
 imitator of Latro, Sen. contr. 10, praef. 11 ; homo inter scholasticos sanus, inter sanos 
 scholasticus, ib. 1, 7, 15), G-avius Sabinus and Silo (10 praef. 14), Julius Bassus (cf. 
 § 254, 2), Licinius Nepos, Marullus (praeceptor noster, Sen. contr. 7, 17, 11 ; cf. above 
 ii. 2), Murredius (very slightingly treated by Seneca, see Koiiber p. 64), Musa (Sen. 
 contr. 10, praef. 9), Pompeius Silo (sedens et facundus et litteratus est et haberetur 
 disertus si a praelocutione dimitteret ; dedamat male, ib. 8, praef. 11 ; homo qui iudicio 
 censebatur, ib. 9, 25, 22 ; a contemporary of Porcius Latro, see ib. 7, 23, 10. 9, 28, 10. 
 Extensive specimens are given suas. 7, 5 and 10 sq. contr. 1, 2, 20. 1, 5, 3. 1, 7, 13. 
 2, 9, 16 and 20 sq. 9, 25, 17 sq. 9, 29, 14 sq. 10, 32, 11 ; cf . also § 276, 7) ; the delator 
 Romanius Hispo (erat natura qui asperiorem dicendi viam sequeretur, ib. 9, 26, 11 ; 
 cf. 7, 17, 13. Tac. a. 1, 74. 14, 65. Quint. 6, 3, 100), Sepullius Bassus, Triarius 
 (compositions verborum belle cadentium multos scholasticos delectabat, Sen. contr. 
 7, 19, 10 ; a contemporary of Asinius Pollio, Latro and Cestius, ib. 2, 11, 19. 7, 19, 
 10. 9, 29, 11 ; long specimens suas. 7, 6. contr. 1, 2, 21. 2, 12, 8. 7, 20, 1 sq. 9, 25, 20 
 sq. 9, 29, 9 and 11. 10,33,4. 10, 34, 5) ; Vallius Syriacus, Vibius Gallus (fuit tarn 
 magnae olim eloquentiae quam postea insaniae, a contemporary of Papirius Pabianus 
 Sen. contr. 2, 9, 25 sq. ; specimens ib. 2, 9, 9. 7, 20, 3. 7, 23, 5. 9, 24, 4. 9, 29, 2) and 
 Vibius Euf us (erat qui antiquo yenere diceret, ib. 9, 25, 25. Specimens ib. 2, 9, 2. 2, 
 11, 8. 2, 14, 10. 7, 18, 4 ; but the one quoted by Pltn. NH. ind. aucf. on b. 14. 15. 19. 
 21. 22 is called Vibius Rufinus and is otherwise unknown), L. Vinicius (quo nemo 
 civis rom. in agendis causis.praesentius habuit ingenium, Sen. contr. 2, 18, 20; Illvir 
 monetalis a. 738/16 [Cohen l 2 , no. 541] and in reference to this eleganter dixit divus 
 Augustus: L. Vinicius ingenium in numerato habet, ib. ; a specimen ib. 19), and his 
 cousin (ib. 19), son of the cos. suff. 735/19 (OGruppe, quaest. Ann. p. 27, not. 23), 
 P. Vinicius (exactissimi vir ingenii, qui nee dicere res ineptas nee ferre poterat, ib. 
 7, 20, 11 summus amator Ovidii, ib. 10, 33, 25 ; a specimen ib. 1, 2, 3 ; against him 
 s-;e Sen. ep. 40, 9. Consul 755/2 a.d. PBE. 6, 2627, 4 and 5) : Votienus Montanus 
 (sse § 276, 1). 
 
 11. A certain Popilius Lenas is mentioned as a rhetorician and' the author of 
 rhetorical works by Quint. 10, 7, 32 ; cf. 3, 1, 21. 11, 3, 183. He probably lived as 
 late as Tiberius ; cf. § 280, 1. 
 
 12. On the rhetoricians of this period who were both Greek by birth and 
 taught in Greek, such as Artemon, Damas, Diokles, Euktemon, Glykon Spyridion 
 (Quint. 6, 1, 41), Hybreas, Moschos (§267,2; Bursian, JB. 1880 2, 142), Niketes 
 Potamon and others, s?e HBuschmann, Charakteristik der griech. Ehetoren beim 
 Rhetor Sen., Parchim 1878; die enfants terribles unter den Ehett. b. Sen., in the 
 Pestschr. f. GCHBaspe, Parch. 1883, 25. Baumm, de rhetoribus graecis a Sen. in 
 iuas. et contr. adhibitis, Kreuzb. 1885. 
 
 269. Nearly the whole of the 8th century u.c. was embraced 
 by the life of L. Annaeus Seneca of Corduba. A man of gen- 
 uine Eoman severity, which is, however, frequently tempered 
 with pleasant humour, of sober and refined judgment, and in 
 
568 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 point of style an admirer of Cicero, he himself does not appear to 
 have figured among the florid orators of his time. But, besides 
 an historical work, he composed in his later years a survey of the 
 themes commonly treated in the schools, 10 books of controversiae 
 and one book of suasoriae, under the title : oratorum et rhetorum 
 sententiae, divisiones, colores, which bears witness to his wonder- 
 ful memory, and is a rich store-house for the history of rhetoric 
 under Augustus and Tiberius. We possess this work with con- 
 siderable gaps. Some of them are filled up by a still extant 
 abridgment (Excerpta) made in the 4th or 5th century of the 
 Christian era. 
 
 1. The praenomen in part of the MSS. (especially the Antverp. and Bruxell.) 
 is Lucius, -which may be owing to confusion with the son f but may also be right. 
 Since the time of BVolaterranus the initial M. has been arbitrarily assumed. 
 The family were of equestrian rank (Tac. a. 14, 53) and well-off (Sen. ad. Helv. 
 14, 3). Their home was Gorduba, see Mart. 1, 61, 7 duosque Senecas . . . facundt 
 loquitur Corduba. His personal character : Sen. ad Helv. matr. 17, 3 patris met 
 antiquus rigor. . . . utinarn . . . pater mens, minus maiorum consuetudini 
 deditus, voluisset te praeceptis sapientiae erudiri potius quam inbui ! . . . propter 
 istas quae [Uteris non ad sapientiam utuntur, sed ad luxuriam instruuntur, minus te 
 indulgere studiis passus est. This agrees with such expressions of his father as 
 contr. 1, praef. 6 (insolens Graecia) and 8 sq. (cantandi saltandique obcena studia 
 etc.). 1, 6, 12 (valde levis et graeca sententia). 10, 33, 23 {laiinam linguam facultatis 
 non minus habere, licentiae minus than the Greek). Nothing proves Seneca to have 
 himself been a rhetorician; there is not in his works a single example from a 
 declamation composed by himself. 
 
 2. His life. Contr. 1, praef. 11 omnes magni in eloquentia nominis excepto 
 Cicerone videor audisse; ne Ciceronem quidem aetas mihi eripuerat, sed bellorum 
 civilium furor, qui tunc orbem Mum pervagabatur, intra coloniam meam me continuit ; 
 alioqui in illo atriolo in quo duos grandes praetexiatos ait secum declamasse, potui 
 adesse illudque ingenium . . . cognoscere et . . . potui vivam vocem audire. 
 He appears, therefore, to have been born a. 700/54 at the very latest. He died 
 c. 792/39 a.d. ; see note 5. He certainly was not living when his son was exiled 
 (a. 796/43) ; see LSen. ad Helv. 2, 4 sq. He twice stayed at Borne ; contr. 4, praef. 
 3 audivi ilium (Asinius Pollio, ». 678/76-758/5) et viridem et postea iam senem. His 
 accurate knowledge of the Roman rhetoricians of that period shows that his so- 
 journ in the city lasted for some time. His masters (see § 268, 2 and 10) and friends 
 (§ 268, 2 and 7) lived there. At a mature age he married at Corduba Helviam, 
 bene in anliqua et severa institutam domo, Sen. ad Helv. 16, 3 ; cf. ib. 2, 4 carissimum 
 virum, ex quo mater trium liberorum eras, extulisti. The eldest of them was (cf . n. 4) 
 Novatus (see § 268, 7) ; the second the philosopher L. Seneca (§ 287, 1) ; for the 
 third, Mela, the father of Lucan (§ 303), see Tac. a,. 16, 17 ; cf. Polyaen. 8, 62. 
 Cf . § 303, 2. 
 
 3. His works. L. Seneca de vita patris (vol. 3, 436 ed. Haase) si quaecumque 
 composuit pater meus et edi voluit iam in manus populi emisissem, ad claritatem 
 nominis sui satis ipse prospexerat; nam nisi me decipit pietas, . . . inter eos 
 
§ 269. SENECA THE ELDER. 5(30 
 
 haberetur qui ingenio meruerunt ut puris scriptorum tilulis nobiles essent. quisquis 
 legtsset eius historias ab initio bellorum civitium . . . paene usque ad mortis suae 
 diem, magni aestimaret scire quibus natus esset parentibus ille qui (so excellently 
 described) res romanas. This historical work appears not to have been edited at 
 that time. From this work may be taken the statement on the death of Tiberius, 
 Suet. Tib. 73 (Seneca eum scribit, etc., unless his son be meant), and Lactant. instit. 
 7, 15, 14 (noil inscite Seneca romanae urbis tempora distribuit in aetates), unless Lact. 
 has confused Sen. with ' Annaeus ' Florus (Salmasius) ; see § 348. The reference 
 in Quint. 9, 2, 98 suits neither the existing work of the father nor any one of the 
 son's works. OKossbach, de sen. libr. recens. et emend. 161 sqq. 
 
 4. His extant work. Contr. 1, praef . Seneca Novato, Senecae, Melae filiis salutem. 
 (1) Exigitis rem magis iocundam mihi quam facilem: iubetis enim quid de his decla- 
 matoribus sentiam qui in aetatem mearn inciderunt indicare et si qua memoriae meae 
 nondum elapsa sunt ab Mis dicta colligere. . . . est, fateor, iocundum mihi redire 
 in antiqua studia melioresque ad annos respicere etc. (2) sed cum multa iam mihi ex 
 meis desideranda senectus fecerit, oculorum aciem retuderit, aurium sensum hebetaverit, 
 nervorum firmitatem fatigarer it, inter ea quae retinui memoria est. . . . hancali- 
 quando in me floruisse, ut . . . in miraculum usque procederet, non nego: nam et duo 
 milia nominum recitata quo erant ordine dicta reddebam etc. (3) . . . ex parte bene 
 spero (concerning the account desired) ; nam quaecumque cipud illam aut puer out 
 iuvenis deposui quasi recentia aut modo audita sine cunctatione profert. . . . (4) ita ex 
 memoria quantum vobis satis sit superest. . . . illud necesse est impetrem, ne me quasi 
 certum aliquem ordinem velitis sequi in contrahendis quae mihi occurrunt. (5) . . . 
 necesse est me ad delicias componam memoriae meae. (10) quaecumque a celeberrimis 
 virisfacunde dicta teneo, ne ad quemquam privatim pertineant, populo dedicabo (so 
 that it would appear t"o have been published before his death). (12) facile est mihi 
 ab incunabulis nosse rem post me natam (i.e. declamatio). At the close (10 praef. 1) 
 he has the confession: sinite me ab istis iuvenilibus studiis ad senectutem meam reverti. 
 
 fatebor vobis, iam res taedio est. primo libenter adsilui, velut optimam vitae meae 
 partem mihi reducturus ; deinde me iam pudet, tamquam diu non seriam rem agam. 
 Yet he added the suasoriae to the controversiae ; see contr. 2, 12, 8 quae dixerit sno 
 loco reddam, cum ad suasorias venero. He also completed them ; suas. 6, 27 si hie 
 desiero, sciofuturum ut vos . . . desinatis legere. . . . ergo ut librum velitis usque ad 
 umbilicum revolvere adiciam suasoriam proximae similem (n. 7, the last). 
 
 5. The work was written in Seneca's senectus (see n. 4), after the fall of 
 Sejanus (a. 784/31 a.d. ; suas. 2, 12) and the death of Scaurus (a. 787/34) : suas. 2, 
 22 Tuscus ille qui Scaurum Mamercum, in quo Scatirorum familia extincta est, maies- 
 tatis reum fecerat. The latest parts contain traces of events posterior to the death 
 of Tiberius (t March 790/37) : suas. 3, 7 Tiberius . . . offendebatur Nicetis ingenio, 
 also the statements on the accuser of Scaurus (suas. 2, 22), on the judicial burning 
 of books (contr. 10, praef. 5 sq.), and the quotation from the work of Cremutius 
 Cordus which was burnt under Tiberius, suas. 7, 19 sq. 
 
 6. The controversiae are divided into ten books (libelli 2, praef. 5 ; cf. 4, praef. 
 1), always marked by prefaces in which one or several rhetoricians are character- 
 ised, and which deserve reading both in point of form and subject. The prefaces 
 to books 5, 6 and 8 are lost; that to b. 9 is not complete. In the single themes the 
 writer generally observes the division according to sententiae (the opinions of thp 
 rhetoricians concerning the application of a law to a given case), divisio (distri- 
 bution into single questions), and colores (disguises of a criminal act) ; yet the 
 
570 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 method of the work is free, with numerous digressions. The accounts of the 
 performances of the single rhetoricians are so much alike that they appear to 
 he rendered merely in their general sense (against this see Sander and Karsten 
 11. 11.). There is a fair sprinkling of anecdotes and witticisms. The criticisms on 
 individuals are sober and severe, sometimes even harsh. The author admires 
 Cicero, see contr. 1, praef. 11. 10, praef. 6. The diction shows in the prefaces but 
 few traces of the silver age, but more in the controversiae and suasoriae them- 
 selves. 
 
 7. Only one half of the ten books of controversiae, viz., b. 1. 2. 7. 9 and 10 (con- 
 taining 35 themes), have come down to us, partly with gaps, especially when the 
 utterances of Greek rhetoricians had been quoted in the original. A lost eon- 
 troversia is quoted by Quint. 9, 2, 42. In the 4th or. 5th century of the Christian 
 era a rather awkward (see Bursian p. vn) abridgment was made by an unknown 
 author for the use of schools which, including all the 10 books of the controversiae, 
 embraces also almost all the lost works (39 themes) and has preserved the complete 
 prefaces to b. 1. 2. 3 and 4. The snasoriarum liber (the beginning incomplete, 7 
 themes) is in the MSS. placed before the controversiae, this being the gradation 
 adopted in school-instruction. The MSS. of the unabridged original (the best are 
 Bruxell. 9581, Antverp. 411, and Vatic. 3872, all s. X) are derived from one and the 
 same source, which was. however, itself depraved and incomplete. Of the numerous 
 MSS. in which the Excerpta are preserved, the best is the Montepessulanus 126 s. 
 IX/X ; see on it MBonnet, rev. de phil. 8, 78. KHoffmann, Tiber eine Admonter 
 Hs. (s. XII) der Excerpta des alteren Sen., Graz 1875. The writer of the abridg- 
 ment had before him a copy of the complete work, which differed from the arche- 
 type transmitted to us by ABV. Cf. Bursian's, Kiessling's and HJMuller's 
 prefaces. OGruppe (see n. 10), p. 1-24 (de codice archetypo). Its employment in 
 the Gesta Bomanorum, LFriedlander, Sittengesch. Boms 3 5 , 423. Oesterley in 
 his ed. of the Gesta, Berl. 1872, 714. 
 
 8. In the earliest editions the father's work is mixed up with the works of 
 his son ; it was not separated before the editions of NPaber (Par. 1587. 1598) and 
 ASchott (Par. 1607. 1613) ; by JPGronovius (Leid. 1649) and cum notis varior. ex 
 rec. Gronovii, Amsterd. 1672. Critical editions ; rec. et emend. CBursian, Lips. 
 1857. Becogn. AKiessling, Lips. 1872. Ed. HJMuller, Prague 1887. 
 
 9. Criticism : HHofig, de Sen. rhet. IV codd. MSS. Schottianis, GOrlitz 1858. 
 JVahlen, BhM. 13, 546. AKiessling, ib. 16, 50 ; Beitr. z. Krit. lat. Prosaiker (Basle 
 and Geneva 1864) 32 ; neue Beitr. zur Kr. des Bh;~ S., Hamb. 1871. HJMuller, 
 BhM. 21, 405 ; 24, 636. 25, 451 ; ZfGW. 22, 81. 715 ; J JV 107, 525 ; JB. 1888 2, 175. 
 CFWMuller, JJ. 93, 483 ; ZfGW. 22, 490. ClKonitzer, ib. 22, 966 ; quaest. in 
 Sen. crit., _Bresl. 1864 ; Beitr. z. Krit. des Bh. Sen., Bresl. 1866. BWachsmuth, 
 quaest. in Sen., Posen 1867. OBebling, obss. crit. in S. patrem, Gott. 1868. 
 MHaupt, op. 3, 412. 442. 598. CBursian, spicilegium crit. in Sen., Ziir. 1869 ; lit. 
 Centralbl. 1873, 1555 ; JB. 1880 2, 129. EThomas, schedae crit. in Sen. rhet., Berl. 
 1880 ; Herm. 21, 40. CGertz in philol.-hist. samfunds mindeskr. (Kopenh. 1879) 
 148 ; JJ. 137, 293. HTKarsten, spicil. crit. (Leid. 1881) 33 ; elocutio rhetorica Sen. 
 rhet., Botterd. 1881. AOtto, JJ. 131, 415. BOpitz, JJ. 137, 273 ; commentatt. 
 Bibb. 35. SLinde, emendatt., Lund 1883, 39 ; Phil. 46, 760. 47, 173. BOpitz, 
 Phil. 48, 67. 
 
 10. JKorber, iiber den Bhetor Seneca (p. 1-23. 58-66) und die rom. Bhetorik 
 seiner Zeit (p. 23-58), Marb. 1864. OGruppe, quaestiones Annaeanae, Stettin 1873, 
 
§ 269, 70. SENECA THE ELDER: EUTILIUS LUPUS. 571 
 
 P- -1-17 (de declamandi ratione et de Claris quibusdam deolamatoribus). — MSan- 
 der, quaestt. syntact. in Sen. rhet., Greifsw. 1872; d. Sprachgebrauch des Ehet. 
 Sm., Waren 1877-80 II; JJ. 117, 787. AAhlheim, de Sen. rhet. usu dicendi. 
 Giessen 1886. 
 
 270. Coincident with the latter part of the life of Seneca was 
 probably the rhetorician P. Eutilius Lupus, the author of two 
 extant books of schemata lexeos, being an abridged translation of 
 one of G-orgias' works on the figures of speech, but which seem to 
 have formed only part of the original work. 
 
 1. Though Seneca never mentions Eutilius Lupus, this does not prove that hs 
 did not know him, but rather may be explained from the design of his work ; see 
 contr. 1, praef. 4 neque de his me interrogans quos ipsi audistis, sed de his qui ad vos 
 usque non pervenerunt. That Eutilius wrote before Celsus, appears from Quint. 9, 
 2, 102 praeter ilia quae Cicero inter lumina posuit sententiarum multa alia et Sutilius, 
 Goryian secutus, non ilium Leontinum, sed alium sui temporis (who at Athens taught 
 young Cicero, ad fam. 16, 21, 6 of a. 710/44) cuius quattuor libros in unum suum 
 transtulit (which shows that the division into two books is of later origin ; 
 HLAhkens, Zf AW. 1843, 158 conjectures usum instead of unum), et Celsus, videlicet 
 Sutilio accedens, posuerunt schemata. Cf. also ib. 101. 106 (Sutilius sive Qorgias). 
 9, 3, 36. 81. 89 (qui proprie libros huic operi — i.e. rhetorical figures — dedicaverunt 
 sicict Caecilius, Dionysius, Sutilius, Cornificius, Visellius, see § 276, 11). 91-94. 99. 
 Lupus was perhaps the son of the partisan of Pompey who bore the same name 
 (PEE. 6, 588, 14). Cf. § 252, 8 1. 9. 
 
 2. The extant work fully illustrates the unnecessary and puerile multipli- 
 cation of oratorical figures of the later rhetoric, in which Gorgias seems to have 
 either been independent or to have availed himself of other sources unknown to 
 us, his lists and terms possessing many peculiarities of their own (Dzialas, 1.1. 15). 
 His small work is valuable chiefly for the numerous and well-translated examples 
 (perhaps from Messalla's translations — § 222, 3. — see IwMullee, JP>. 1879 2, 155), 
 taken from Greek orators now mostly lost. In comparison with these there is » 
 marked inferiority of style in the elucidations of the figures of rhetoric. That the 
 Greek original svas abridged in the process of translation appears from 2, 12 quid 
 intersit . . . cognoscere poteris . . . multo diligentius ex graeco Gorgiae libro, ubi 
 pluribus uniuscuiusque ratio redditur. 
 
 3. That the work in its present shape is incomplete, appears both from the 
 oratorical figures (irx^l^ara diapolas) which are quoted by Quint. 9, 2, 103. 10S (cf. 
 9, 3, 89. 99) from Eutilius, but are not found in the present work, and from the 
 title of the treatise in the MSS. . P. JRutilii Lupi schemata dianoeas ex Graeco versa 
 Gorgia, the extant part relating only to the figures of speech (crxVP-^ra X<-£ews). The 
 title may, therefore, originally have been : schemata dianoeas et lexeos ex graecis 
 Gorgiae versa (Euhnken). Cf. Dzialas, quaest. 14. 28. Under these circumstances 
 the conjecture of Dzialas, that only an epitome of Eutilius is extant (ib. p. 36), and 
 that of Dkaheim (p. 3. 9. 23), that Eutilius only treated of the schemata dianoeas 
 quite incidentally (perhaps in the prooem) and that his work has come down to 
 us almost unabridged, have little foundation. The author of the carmen defiguris 
 
572 THE AUGUSTAN AGE. 
 
 (§ 451, 1) knew only the present extent of the work, even with the gap between 1, 
 5 and 6 : see Dzialas 15. On the supplement furnished for this gap by CSchop- 
 pee (Quedlinb. 1837) see FHaase, de f ragmentis Eutilio Lupo a Sch5pfero suppositis, 
 Bresl. 1856. 
 
 4. The manuscripts (especially two Laur. s. XIV and XV) are late (see Draheim 
 p. 19). — Editions e.g. in the Ehett. ant. of FPithoeus (Par. 1599), ClCappeeonnier 
 (Strassb. 1756) and esp. in the Ehetores latini minores of CHalm (Lpz. 1863) p. 
 3-21. Bee. et annot. adi. DBuhnken, Leid. 1768 (Lps. 1831). In us. schol. ex- 
 planavit FJacob, Liib. 1837.— GDzialas, quaestt. Eutilianae, Bresl. 1860; rhe- 
 torum antiq. de figuris doctrina (Bresl. 1869). CSchmidt, de Eutilio Lupo, Bresl. 
 1865. JDeaheim, schedae Eutilianae, Berl. 1874. — Criticism : JMahlt, Phil. 14, 
 764, JGPeohlich, JJ. 89, 202, JSimon, Phil. 27, 642, MHaupt, op. 3, 367, Madvic, 
 adv. crit. 3, 273 and others. 
 
ADDENDA. 
 
 (§ 1-214.) 
 
 § 2, 1. 7 (the use of Greek by the earliest Roman historians) EZarncke, com- 
 mentatt. Eibbeck. 267. 4 (general works on Soman lit.) EBurn, Eoman litera- 
 ture in relation to Eoman art, Lond. 1888. MSchanz, Geseh. d. rOm. Litt. I : 
 Eepublik, Munich 1890 (in IwMuller's Handb. 8). 3, 1 (Eom. poetry) 
 
 OBibbtck, Geseh. d. rom. Dicht., vol. 2 : Augusteisches Zeitalter, Stuttg. 1889.— 
 LMiiller, d. Entstehung der rom. Kunstdichtung, Hamb. 1889. APais, degli 
 epicedii lat., riv. di iil. 18, 142. 5 (Fescenninae) WDeecke, die Falisker, 
 
 Strasb. 1888, 111. 6, 2 (satura, meaning) FMarx, Deutsche Lit.-Ztg. 1888, 
 
 662.— AFunek, satur, Kiel 1888. 9, 1 (Atellanae) BMaffei, le favole 
 
 Atell., Volterra 1886. 3 1. 8 (Dossennus)on the passage from Horace KMacke, 
 JJ. 137, 703. 14, 2 ad fin. (praetextae) KMeiser, historische Dramen der 
 
 Eomer, an address (Bayr. Akad.), Munich 1887. 19, 3 (Epos) OHaube, die 
 
 Epen des silb. Zeitalters II, Praustadt 1887. 26, 2 (Tityrus, cento) printed 
 
 also by CSchenkl in the Corp. script, eccles. lat. Vindob. 16, 609 and cf. there 
 generally on the centones p. 541. 27, 4 (satire) ThBirt, zwei politische 
 
 Satiren d. alten Eom., Marb. 1887, 6. IBruns, zur antiken Sat., Preuss. Jahrbb. 
 61, 509. — MHeitzmann, de substantivi ap. poett. satir. collocatione, Bonn 1887. 
 FLeo, Varro und die Satire, Herm. 24, 67, FMarx, de sat. rom. origine, Eost. 1888 ; 
 (on the spelling satura and satira) interpretationum hexas II, Eost. 1889, 13. 
 
 30, 2 (hymns) FWEEoth, lat. Hymnen d. MAlters, Nachtr. zu Daniel u. a., 
 Augsb. 1888. APasdera, le origini dei canti popolari lat. cristiani, riv. di fil. 17, 
 455. 32, 5 (elegy) KHMiiller, de similitudinibus et imaginibus ap. vett. 
 
 poett. eleg., Gott. 1887. 35, 2 (prose) HSchlottmann. ars dialogorum apud 
 
 Gr. et Eom., Eost. 1889. 36, 5 (speeches in the histt.) see addenda to § 196, 
 
 8. 6 (historians, descriptions) EZarncke, commentatt. Eibbeck. 274 sqq. 
 37, 1 ad fin. (Annalists) BNiese, de arm. rom. obss. alterae, Marb. 1888. 6 
 AEeckzey, gramrn. u. rhetor. Stellung des Adjektivunis bei d. Annalisten, Cato u. 
 Sail., Berl. 1888. 39, 3 (historical writers under the Empire) EKlebs, d. 
 
 dynastische Element in der Gesch.schreibung d. Kaiserzeit, histor. Zeitschr. JSP. 
 25, 213. 7 (Brunichius) HGelzer, Iul. Afric. 1, 229. 40, 1 (Corp. 
 
 inscrr. lat.) there have now appeared also vol. XI (1888), XII (1888), XIV (1887). 
 Vol. Ill : supplem. fasc. 1, 1890. Vol. V. : supplem. Italica ed. HPais, Eome 1888. 
 3 GBdeEossi, inscr. christianae II, 1, Eome 1888. 41, p. 57, 1. 19 read 
 
 585/169. 7 (grammar) HNettleship, Grammar among the Eomans in the first 
 cent, a.d., Journ. of phil. 15, 189. 42, 2 (metrical systems) GSchultz, 
 
 Herm. 22, 278. FLeo, ib. 24, 180. 6 (glosses) GGotz, Scaliger's glossogr. Studd., 
 Lpz. SBer. 1888, 219. 9 (glossaries) Corpus glossariorum lat. a GLoewe incoha- 
 tum compos, rec. ed. GGoetz. II: glossae latinograecae et graccolatinae, ace. 
 minora utriusque linguae glossaria ; IV : gl. codd. Vat. 3321, SGall. 912, Leid. 67 F., 
 Lps. 1888. 89. 43, 5 (oratory) ATartara, i precursori di Cicerone, Pisa 1888. 
 
 46, 12 (Papal epistles) Cf. §469, 5. 48, 2 (jurisprudence) GKruger, Geseh. 
 
 d. Quellen u. Lit. des rom. Eechts, Lpz. 1888. PJors, rom. Eechtswissensch. /,. Zeit 
 d. Eepublik : I bis auf die Catonen, Berl. 1888. 49, 5 LMai, der Gegensatz 
 
 der Sabinianer u. Proculianer etc., Heidelb. 1887. 51 (philosophy) PHart- 
 
 lich, exhortationum (irpoTpeTrnKCiv) a Graecis Eomanisque scriptarum historia, Lpz. 
 Studd. 11, 209. 52 sqq. SGunther. Mathem. Naturwissensch. u. Erdkunde 
 
 im Altertum in IwMuller's Handb. d. Alt. W. 5, 1, Nordl. 1888. 53, 1 fDes- 
 
 sius Mundus) he is identified with the Mundus in Cic. Att. 15, 29, 1 (J. 710/44) 
 DDetlefsen, Quellenschriftsteller des Plin., Gluckst. 1881. 54, 4 (Sabinus 
 
 Tiro) Detlefsen 1.1. reads more correctly Sabinius Tiro. On Sergius Paullus (or 
 Plautus) Detlefsen.1.1. 5. Cf. § 266, 9. 11. 5 (Oppius) Mommsen, Milnzw. 289. 
 
 573 
 
574 ADDENDA. 
 
 7 (husbandry) ABaranski, Gesch. d. Tierzucht u. Tiermedizin im Altertum, Vienna 
 
 1887. OKeller, Tiere des klassischen Altertums in kulturgeschichtl. Beziehung, 
 Innsbr. 1887. 55, 2 (oculists) a list of those mentioned on the seals in 
 SBeinach, rev. archaeol. 1888 1, 254. 6 ThPuschniann, Gesch. des medicin. Un- 
 terrichts von A. altesten Zeiten bis zur Gegenwart, Lpz. 1889. 
 
 61, 2(Saturnius) PBamorino, mem. dell' istit. Lombardo 16(1886) 215. 
 LValmaggi, riv. di filol. 14, 228. 64, 3 (song of the Salii) carm. sal. rell. ed. 
 
 CMZander, Lund 1888. 65, 1 (acta Arvalium) additional discoveries : Bom. 
 
 archaol. Mitteil. 2, 141 ; Berl. phil. Wschr. 1889, 42.— JWeisweiler, zur Erkl. der 
 Arvalakten, J J. 139, 37. 75, 2 (f a s t i c a p i t o 1 i n i) ChrHillsen, on the date 
 
 of their composition, Herm. 24, 185. CCichorius, de fastis coss., Lpz. Studd. 9, 
 171. JKaerst, Phil. 48, 338. 3 (acta triumphalia) a new fragment : ChrHillsen, 
 BerlphilWschr. 1889, 394. 77, 1 (augural books) PBegell, JJ. 135, 489. 137, 
 
 380. 78, 1 (commentarii consulum) noticed in Bruns font. 5 162. 
 
 83, 4 (earliest inscriptions, manios med fhefhaked numasioi) HDDarbishire, 
 Journ. of phil. 16, 196. COZuretti, riv. di filol. 17, 63. 5(Dvenos inscription) 
 Elhot, Oxf. phil. soc. 1888/89, 20. BSConway, Americ. journ. of phil. 10, 445. 6 
 (Caso Cantovios) GEdon, acad. des inscr. 17. Aug. 1888. 8 (column, rostr.) 
 EWolfflin, Munch. SBer. 1890, 293. 86, 2 (Laws of the Twelve Tables, 
 
 Greek influence) against this view GSteinhausen, de XII tabb. patria, Greifsw. 
 1887.-GGoetz, ad leg. XII tabb. adnotatt., Jena 1889. 88 (Cn. Plavius) 
 
 LTriemel, JJ. 139, 209. 91, 8 LKoprivsek, die Gegner des Hellenismus in 
 
 Bom bis z. Z. Cic.'s, Budolfswert 1887. 94, 2 (Andronicus) ThZielinski, 
 
 quaestt.com. 103. 
 
 96, 1 (Pl actus) Varro LL. 7, 104 Maccius (so Plor.) in Hasina a fringuilla 
 'Quidfringutis ' (Cas. 2, 3, 49). 97, 3 (Aulul.) rec. PLangen, Paderb. 1889. 
 
 — LHavet, rev. de phil. 11, 142. 12, 106. 187. 4 (Capt.) uitgegeben door 
 
 JSSpeijer, Leid. 1887. ed. by WMLindsay, Oxf. 1887.— JSSpeijer (on cod. Voss. 
 Q. 30 s. XII, closely related to Ambros. E), Mnem. 16, 121. 9 (Bacch.) ATar- 
 tara, de PI. Bacch., Pisa 1889. AEAnspach (date of composition), JJ. 139, 355. 
 17 (Bud.) FSchall, BhM. 43, 298. GLangrehr, Plautina. De Plauti Eudente, 
 Fried], i. M. 1888. 19 (Trin.) explained by JBrix and MMemeyer, Lpz. 4 1888. 
 
 98, 7 (diction, see also addenda to § 111, 6) Arlt, sekvare bei Ter. und PL, 
 Wohlau 1887. JDorsch, Assimilation in den Compositis bei PI. u. Ter., Prager 
 phil. Studien (1887), 1. FHansen, die Adjektiva auf -bilis im archaischen Lat., 
 Phil. 47, 274. JBach, de pronomm. demonstr. ap. prise, scriptores lat. I, Strassb. 
 
 1888. APrehn, quaestt. PI. de pronom. indefinit., Strassb. 1887. EZimmermann, 
 quaestt. Plaut. et Ter. I, de verbi posse formis dissolutis, Lorrach 1882. ABell, 
 de locativo in prisca lat., Breslau 1889. Breytheer, de omissione verbi substantivi 
 ap. Plaut., Lingen 1888. HNeumann, de futuro in priscoram Latt. vulgari et 
 cotidiano sermone, Bresl. 1888. JMBeinkens, d. ace. c. inf. bei PI. u. Ter. I, 
 Dusseldorf 1887. PHinze, de an particula ap. prise, scriptt., Brandenb. 1887. 
 HCElmer, the copulative conjunctions que et atqoe in the inscriptions of the 
 Bepubl., in Ter. and in Cato, Baltimore 1887. JSchneider, de tempp. ap. prise, 
 scriptt. lat. usu quaestt., Glatz 1888. EBodenbusch, de tempp. usu Plaut., 
 Strassb. 1888. AWirtzfeld, de consecutione tempp. Plaut. et Ter., Munster 1888. 
 EPMorris (interrogative sentences in PI. and Ter.), Americ. journ. of phil. 10, 397. 
 EBecker, beiordnende und unterordnende Satzverbindung b. d. altlat. Schrift- 
 stellern, Metz 1888. WBock, subiecta rei cum actionis verbis coniungendi usus in 
 prisca latinitate usque ad tempp. Cic, Lps. 1889. FGoldmann (see 1. 5 from the 
 end), d. poet. Personification II, Halle 1887. WvWyss, d. Spriichwortar bei d. 
 rom. Komikern, Ziir. 1889. EWolfflin, d. Wortspiel im Lat., Munch. SBer. 1887 
 2, 187 8 (prosody) against WMeyer (1. 4 from the end) PLangen, Phil. 46, 401. 
 
 99, 2 (prologues) PTrautwein, de prologis PI., Berl. 1890. 8 (Beccadelli 
 as emendator of PI.) GSuster, Phil. 48, 456. 9 (MSS.) Studemund's apographon 
 of Ambros. has now appeared : PI. fabb. reliq. Ambros. ed. WStudemund, Berl. 
 1890. 11 (Editions) by Eitschl and others: III, 4 Pseud. 1887. 5 Men. 1889. 
 IV, 1 Cas. 1890. 13 (criticism) FLeo, vindic. Plaut., Bost. 1887. BBaier, in the 
 Abhh. f. MHertz, Berl. 1888, 271. 
 
 100 (Ennius), 1 (birth-place) ECocchia, riv. di fil. 15, 489. 6 (portrait) dis- 
 covered 1884 at Treves (Ber. Arch. Ges. Sitz. 9. Dec. 1888). 101, 3 (tradition) 
 EZarncke, commentatt. Bibbeck. 274. ThBirt, zwei polit. Satt., Marb. 1887, 64 
 
 102, 1 (Alcumeo) JVahlen, Berl. ind. lect. 1887/88. j 104, 6 (criticism.) 
 
ADDENDA. 575 
 
 JVahlen, Berl. SBer. 1888, 31 ; ind. lect. Berl. 1888/89. JMahly, BlfbayrGW. 24, 
 469. LHavet, rev. de phil. 1890, 25. (chronology) FSoholl, BhM. 44, 158. (lin- 
 guistic) ABoichardt, de Enn. ann., JJ. 139, 81. 777. 105, 2(Pacuvius) 
 LMiiller, de Pacuvii fabulis, Berl. 1889. 106, 3 (Cae cilius Statius, Bas- 
 traria) on the title EWolfflin, RhM. 43, 308. 108, (Terence), 1 (life) 
 EAbel, die aus d. Altert. u. MAlter stammenden Terenzbiographien, Budapest 
 1887 (in Hungarian, abridgment : WschrfklPh. 1888, 1000). 8 (supposed bust of 
 Terence) FMarx, Rostock ind. lect. 1888/89, 10. Gercke, Berl. Archaol. Gts. 1890. 
 March. 109, 2 (MBS.) on the Bembinus EHauler, Wien. Studd. 11, 268. 
 6 (prologues) PhFabia, les prologues de Ter., Par. 1889. 7 (edd.) best ind. verbb. 
 in NELemaire's Ausg., Par. 1828, 2, 2. 110, 3 (Heaut. tim.1 HKriege, 
 JJ. 141, 78. 4 (Phorm.) ed. by ASloman, Bond. 1887. 5 (Hec.) publ. par 
 PThomas, Par. 1887. 6 (Ad.) par BAPessonneaux, Par. 1888.— FSoholl, BhM. 
 44, 280. FNencini, contaminazione in Ter. Ad., Pisa 1888. Ill, 6 (diction, 
 see also addenda to §98, 7) OBOttger, de dum particulae usu ap. Ter. et in reliquiis 
 tragg. et comm., Halle 1887. PGutjahr-Probst, d. Gebr. von ut bei Ter. u. Ver- 
 wandtes, Lpz. 1888. ELalin, de dum donec quoad particulis ap. Ter., Norcopiae 
 1888. AWeninger, de parataxi in Ter. fabb., Erl. 1888. 120 (Cato),'3 
 (Origines) WSoltau, WschrfklPh. 1888, 373. 122, 1 (de agri cultura, 
 original form) PWeisa, quaestt. Caton. capp. V, Gott. 1886, and also BBeitzenstein, 
 WschrfklPh. 1888, 587. 4 (diction) Beckzey, see above on § 37, 6. 134 
 (Accius), 4 LMiiller, de Accii fabulis., Berl. 1890. 141, 7 (Titius) 1. 2 
 Macr. 3, 13, 13 Titius in suasions legis Fanniae. 
 
 143, 4 (Lucn-ius, b. 26) ThBirt, zwei politische Satiren, Marb. 1887, 74. 89. 
 Il2. 11 (criticism) Biicheler, BhM. 43, 291. CMFrancken, Mnem. 16, 395. 
 JMahly, BlfbayrGW. 24, 474. LHavet, rev. de phil. 1890, 86. 12 (in gen.) PBasi, 
 satira Lucil., Padua 1888. 148, 2 (Stilo) FMentz, de L. Aelio Stilone, diss. 
 
 lenens. 4, 1. 151, 5 (Novius, Pictores) Wolfflin, BhM. 43, 309. 153, 
 
 5 ad fin. (Cannutius) is he also referred to Tac. dial. 21 (ganuti in theMSS.) ? Cf. 
 § 209, 9. 159, 2 (L. Plotius Gallus) FMarx, interpretationum hexas II, 
 
 Bost. 1889, 9. 160, 2 (Tremellius Scrof a) BHeinze, commentt. Bibbeck. 
 
 433. 162 (Oornif ic. ad Herenn.), 7 FMarx, studia Corn., BhM. 43, 376. 
 
 GThiele, de Cornif. et Cic. artibus rhetoriois, Greifsw. 1889. 166 (Varro), 
 
 2 (Log is tor ici) 1. 1. The Logistoricus Pius de pace was composed only after 
 Sallust's death, therefore during Varro's last years. Gell. 17, 18. 4 (Antiqq. 
 div. et hum.) ESchwarz, de M. Varr. ap. sanctos patres vestigiis cap. II, ace. Var. 
 antiquitatt. rer. div. 1. XVI. JJ. Suppl. 16, 405. 5 (literary history) CCichorins. 
 Varro's libri de scaenicis originibus, commentatt. Bibbeck., Lps. 1888, 415. FLeo, 
 Varro unddie Satire, Herm. 24, 67. 167, 3 (de ling, la t.) GAntonibon, riv. 
 
 di fil. 17, 177; Phil. 48, 185 (cod. Mutin.). 168, 2 (de re rust.) recogn. 
 
 HKeil, Lps. 1889 (bibl. Teubn.).— BHeinze, commentt. Bibbeck. 431. 169, 3 
 
 (diction) OBOssner, de praeposs. ab de ex usu Varron., Halle 1888. JSitzler, d. 
 Casusgebr. bei Varro I (gen. and dat.), Tauberbischofsh. 1889. 170, 2 
 
 (Nigid. Fig.) HWinther, WschrfklPh. 1889, 376. ASwoboda, Nig. Fig. frag- 
 menta cum quaestt. Nigid., Vienna 1889. 172, 2 (Atticus, annales) used 
 
 in the restoration of the fasti Capitolini : COichorius, de fast, consul, antiq., Lpz. 
 Stud. 9, 249. 7 (Sulpicius Blitho) cf. § 208, 2. 174, 4 (Sulpicius 
 
 Bufus) on his latinity JHSchmalz, ZfGW. 35, 90. 5, 1. 7 (T. Caesius) cf. 
 § 199, 6. 
 
 175 (Cicero), 3 (portrait) discovered a. 1884, in the mosaic representing the 
 Muses, at Treves (Arch. Ges. Berlin, Sitz. 9. Dec. 1888). 177, 3 (diction) 1. 11 
 
 Chr Janicke, d. Verbindung etc. II, Vienna 1887. HLattmann, de coincidentia ap. 
 Cic, GOtt. 1888. JLindvall, de coniunctivo fut. periphr. ap. Cic, Lund 1888. 
 AMarchi humanitas, humanus etc nel Cic, Milano 1889 ; OBiemann, unus avec le 
 ginit. chez Cic, rev. de phil. 12, 176. 4 (tradition) HKarbatun, de origine 
 
 exemplorum Ciceronian, ap. grammaticos lat., Werniger. 1889. 177a, 1 
 
 (Aratea) GSieg, de Cicerone, Germanico, Avieno Arati interprett., Halle 1886. 
 JMaybaum, de Cic et Germanico Arati interprett., Boat. 1889. GKauffmann, de 
 Hygini memoria scholiis in Ciceronem Harleianis servata ; ace scholia apparatu 
 critico et notis instructa, Bresl. 1888 (Bresl. phil. Abh. 3, 4). 3 (de invent.). 
 WHaellingk, Ciceronem libros de inv. inscripsisse rhetoricos, Commentatt. in hon. 
 Studemundi, Strassb. 1889, 337. 7 (de invent., MSS.) WFriedrich, varietas cod. 
 Voss. 70 ad Cic. de inv., Miihlhausen 1889. EStrobel, Phil. 47, 170. Baudouin, 
 rev. de phil. 12, 19. 178, 1 (jests) ChrHerwig, d. Wortspiel in Cic. Beden, 
 
576 ADDENDA. 
 
 Attendorn 1889. 6 (salected speeches) 6. "Von Nohl's ed. vol. 4 (Mur. Sull. Arch'.) 
 1889. vol. 5 (Mil. Lig. Deiot.) 1888. Oratt. sel. ex edit. CFWMuelleri expr., 
 Lps. 1889 II. 6 (criticism relating to the speeches) ThStangl, Talliana et Mario- 
 Victoriniana, Munich. 1888, 1-11. 179, 11 (Verr.) de sign. ; de supplic. expl. 
 
 by KHachtmann, Gotha 1888. 89. — ACClark. excerpts from the Verr. in Harl. 
 2682, journ. of phil. 18, 69. 19 (pRab. perd. reo) JSchmidt, ZfoG. 39, 211. 
 ASchneider, d. Process, d. C. Bab., Zttr. 1889. 20-23 (in Catil.) OJohn, Phil. 
 40, 651. KFusslein, Cic. erste R. gegen Catil., Merseb. 1889. AChambalu, d. 
 Verh. d. 4. catil. Rede zu der wirklich gehaltenen Rede, Neuwied 1888. 24 
 (pMur.) AGrumme, Cic. pMur. or. dispositio, Gera 1887. 28 (cum senatui 
 grat. egit) WStock, de recens. Cic. or. c. san. gr. eg., in the Genethl. Gotting. 
 
 1888, 106. 30 (de domo) FScholl, Interpolatt. etc. in Cic. de domo, RhM. 43, 
 419. ThMatthias, JJ. 139, 274. LScihaum, de consecratione domus Cic, Mayen?e 
 
 1889. 34 (pCael.) ad optt. codd. recogn. JCVollgraff, Leiden 1887. 37 (in 
 Pis. ) EStrobel, BlfbayrG. 25, 381. 38 (pPlancio) on the date AEKorner, de 
 epp. Cic. post red., Lpz. 1885, 49. 40 (p Mil.) AThChrist, ZfoG. 34, 577. 
 FItzinger, die Metaphern in Cic. pMil., Budweis 1888. 89 II. 41 (pMarc.) 
 SSchmid, die Echtheit der Rede pMarc, Zurich 1888. 42 (pLig. ) expl. by 
 JStrenge, Gotha 1888. 43 (pDeiot., MSS.) CPWMiiller, JJ. 137, 137. HNohl. 
 ib. 137, 398. 
 
 182 (rhetorical works) GThiele, see addenda to § 162, 7. 2 (tradition) 
 
 RSabbadini, riv. di fil. 16, 97. ( de or. ) b. Iby RStolzle, Gotha 1887. OHarnecker, 
 adnott. ad Cic. de or. 1. II, Eriedeb. Nm. 1888. 6 (top., MSS., crit.) WEriedrich, 
 JJ. 139, 281. 7 (de opt. gen. orat.) rec. EHedicke, Sorau 1889 (Progr.). 
 
 183, 5 (philos. works, tradition) on Vind. 198 PSchwenke, BerlphWsohr. 
 1889, 618. 6 CGiambelli, fonti delle opere filosof. di Cic, Riv. di fil. 17, 116. 222. 
 WKahl, Demokrit in Cic's philos. Schrr., Diedenhofen 1889. 184, 1 (de 
 
 rep.) CWachsmuth, Lpz. Studd. 11, 197. 5 (Hortensius) HDiels, zu Aristo- 
 teles' Protrept. u. Cic's Hort., Arch. f. Gesch. d. Philos. 1, 477. PHartlich (above, 
 § 51) 292. HUsener on Dion. Halic de imitatione, Bonn 1889, 114. 6 (de fin.) 
 PLangen, ad Cic. de fin. adnott., Miinst. 1888. 1888/89 II. 8 (Tusc.) ASpengel, 
 die Personenzeichen in den Hss. der Tusc, Phil. 48, 367. EStrObel (on Vatic. 3246 
 s. IX) ; Phil. 49, 49. 10 (nat. deor.) PWendland, Arch. f. Philos. 1, 200. LRein- 
 hardt, d. Quellen v. Cic. n. d., Bresl. phil. Abhh. 3, 2 1888. PSchwenke, appar. 
 crit., Classical Review Vol. 4. nos. 9 and 10 (1890). 11 and 14 (Cato and 
 Lael.) rec. RNovak, Prague 1889. Cato expl. by HAnz, Gotha 1889.— MSS. of 
 Cato : SGdeVries, exercitatt. palaeogr., Leid. 1890. CHofstede de Groot, Herm. 25, 
 293. 16 (off. ) commentati da RSabbadini, Turin 1888.— PKlohe, de Cic de off. 
 fontibus, Greifsw. 1889. 186, 2 (history, xnr6iwmj.a) CBuresch, commentt. 
 
 Ribbeck. 217. 7 (grammar) HSchlag, Cic. als Verfasser einer grammatischen 
 Schrif t, Siegen 1888. EZarncke, commentt. in honor. Studemundi, Strassb. 1889, 
 195. — JWBeck, de synonyma Cic, in the periodical : Coniunctis viribus 1 (1889), 
 158; BerlphWsohr. 1890, 297. GGoetz, ib. 1890, 195. 
 
 187, 2 (letters, chronol.) WSternkopff, Cic's Korrespondenz aus J. 68-60, 
 Elberfeld 1889. 4 (tradition) LGurlitt, Nonius u. die Cic-Briefe, Steglitz 
 
 1888 (especially on the letters ad Caesarem). 7 (crit.) LHolzapfel, Phil. 46, 644. 
 PMaixner, ZfoG. 40, 386. 188, 1, 2 ( ad f am. ) on b. 5 genus severum, grave 
 
 etc. epistularum) and b. 6 (letters of condolence and congratulation) LGurlitt, JJ. 
 137, 863. 3 (ad Q. fr. ), 2: ad Q. fr. epistula prima, avec un comment, par 
 EAntoine, Par. 1888. 4 (ad M. Brut.) OESchmidt, JJ. 141, 109; Phil. 49, 33. 
 189, 1 (poems) Lindner, Cic. als Dichter, Prague 1888. 191, 5 (notae 
 
 Tiron.) WSchmitz, d. tironischen Noten des Bern. 611, Stenographenzeitung 1888 
 no. 23 ; d. tiron. Noten in den Hss. der Kalner Dombibliothek, NArohfadGesch. 11, 
 109. FRuess, d. tironischen Endungen, Munich 1889. 
 
 195, 9 ( C a e s a r , diction) PHellwig, d. Pleonasmus b. C, Berl. 1889. RMenge, 
 d. Relativum b. Caes., Halle 1889; d. Bezeichn. des reciproken Verhaltnisses bei 
 C, JJ. 139, 265. 196, 2 (MSS.) FRamorino, cod. Rice (di Caes.) oollazionato, 
 
 riv. di fil. 18, 253. 8 (bell, gall.) HKloevekorn, d. Kampfe Caes.'s gegen die 
 Helvetier, Lpz. 1889. PhFabia, de oratt. in Caes. b. g., Paris 1889. RRichter, 
 krit. Bern, zu Caes. b. g. b. 7, Stargard 1889. JLange (b. g. 5, 8 sqq.), JJ. 139, 187. 
 11 (b. civ.) ed. "WThPaul, Prague J889. JJCornelissen (b. civ. and alex., Mnem. 
 17, 44. (reports of legates) WEhrenfried, qua ratione Caesar legatorum relationes 
 adhibuerit, Wurzb. 1888. 197, 1 (continuator of Caesar) OHirschfeld (on 
 
ADDENDA. 577 
 
 the preface to b. g. VIII), Herm. 24, 101— EFourer, ephemerides Caesarianae 
 rerum ab ineunte bello afr. usque ad extr. bell. hisp. gestarum, Bonn 1889. 6 
 (bell, alex.) expl. by RSchneider, Berlin 1888. 7 GLandgraf, Unterss. zu 
 
 Caes. u. s. Fortsetzern, insbes. uber Autorschaft u. Kompos. des b. alex. u. afr., 
 Erl. 1888 (compare AKohler, BlfbayrGW. 25, 516. ESchneider, ZfGW. 43, 
 Jahresb. 112). GLandgraf, bell. Alex. 48-64 recently published, Erl. 1890. C. 
 Asinii Polionis (!) bellum africum reo. emend, adn. EWslfflin et AMiodonski, 
 Lps. 1889. EWolmin, Miinch. SBer. 1889, 319 ; ArchfLexikogr. 6, 85. 
 
 198, 5 (Nepos, de vir ill.) abbot Wiba Id of Stablo (s. XII) in Jaffe's bibl. 
 rer. Germ. 1, 277 lege Tranquillum, lege Cornelium Nepotem et alios quosdam gentiles 
 de viris illustrious : tanta esse scripta intelleges quae vix a quoquam studiosissimo legi 
 possint, derived his knowledge of the viri illustres of Nepos solely from Hierony- 
 mus, notwithstanding MManitius, Philol. 47, 567. 9 (crit.) GGemss, z. Beform 
 der Textkritik d. Corn. N, Berl. 1888 ; a new class of MSS. of Corn. Nep., Berl- 
 WschrfklPh. 1889, 801. 11 (sources) ELippelt, quaestt. biograph., Bonn 1889, 
 37-43. GHiihnel, d. Quellen d. Nepos im Hann., Jena 1888. 12 (diction) 
 EKohler, Sprachgebr. d. Nep. in d. Kasussyntax, Gotha 1888. 200, 2 
 
 (Dirae) MBothstein, de diris et Lydia, Herm. 23, 508. GEskuche, de Val. Catone 
 deque diris et Lydia, Marb. 1889. 203, 2 (Lucretius, models) HPullig, 
 
 Ennio quid debuerit Lucretius I, Halle 1888. 4 (authorities and system) 
 HSchiitte, Theorie der Sinnesempfindd. bei Lucr., Danz. 1888. MLongo, Lucrezio, 
 sagg. critico, Sansevero 1887. Lohmann, Analyse des lucr. Ged. u. philos. Gehalb 
 
 I, Helmstedt 1889. OWeissenfels, Lucrez u. Epikur, Analyse etc., Latisitz. 
 Magazin 65, 1. — EMarx, d. Venus des Lucrez, Bonner Studien fur BKekule, Bonn 
 1890, 115. 5 (diction) JWoltjer, Mnemos. 17, 64 (Personalpronomina bei Lucr ). 
 10 (crit.) ThTohte, Lucr. 1, 483-598, Wilhelmshaven 1889. 205, 2 
 (Sali.ust, Cat.) rec. GLinker, ed. 2 cur. PhKlimseha, Vienna 1888; avec un 
 cotnmentaire etc. par EAntoine et BLallier, Par. 1888. — CThiaucourt, etude sur 
 la conjuration de Catil.de Sail., Par. 1887. 206, 7 (Sail, and Thuk.) 
 RSchild, quibus in rebus Sail. Thucydidem respexerit, Nordhausen 1888. 9 
 (diction) GMuller, Phraseologie des Sail. I, K5then 1888. EBakman, de particulis 
 copul. et que atque ap. S., Upsala 1887. Beckzey, see addendum to § 37, 6. 
 Wilckens, z. Synt. des S., Lahr 1888. JSorn, cf. § 348, 7. EAntoine, sur l'emploi 
 de quelques particules (sed, ceterum, equidem, ne) dans S., Ann. de Bord. 1889, 51. 
 AStitz, das Gerundium bei S., Krems 1889. 209, 2(Cornificius) ACima, 
 de Q. Cornificio e numero oratorum eximendo, Riv. di filoJ. 16, 301. 12 (Ann. 
 Cimber)onthe Tau gallicwrn : GKaibel, BhM. 44, 316. 212, 4 ( P u b 1 i 1 i a s, 
 Sentenzen aus s. Mimen gesammelt) Date ? Conjecture by OBossbach. de Sen. libr. 
 recens. (Bresl. 1888) 86. 213, 1 (Ticidas) on Perilla = Metella see FLeo in 
 Kiessl.-Wilam. phil. Unterss. 2,22. 4 (Quintil. Varus Cremon.) CPascal, 
 de Q. V. Cr. poeta, riv. di filol. 17, 145. Adherents of the Epicurean Philodemos : 
 AKorfce, BhM. 45, 174. 
 
 214 (Catullus), 6 MBudinger, Catull u. d. Patriziat, Wien. SBer. 1890. 
 ABDrachmann, Catuls digtning etc., Copenh. 1887. 9 (diction) StBednarski, de 
 infinitivo ap. Cat., Tarnow 1886. ABeeck. Beitr. z. Synt. des C, Bromb. 1889. 
 10 (MSS.) PSchulze, der cod. M. (Ven. 107), Herm. 23, 567. Complete photographic 
 reproduction of the cod. Germ. LCledat, collection des reproductions en photolitho- 
 graphic I, avec une etude d'EChatelain, Par. 1890. — KWeyman (survival of 
 Catullus), Phil. 48, 760. 11 BEllis, a commentary on Cat., 2 ed., Oxf. 1889. rec. 
 JPostgate, Lond. 1889. 12 (translations) by ThHeyse, 2. ed., Berl. 1889. 14 
 (critical commentary) AFiirst, de Cat. c. LXII, Melk 1887. BEllis, Journ. of phil. 
 17, 128. ATeuber (on Cat. 36), JJ. 187, 777. JVahlen (poem 66), Berl. SBer. 1888, 
 1361. 1889. 47. JAPostgate, Journ. of phil. 17, 226. 18, 145. EHermes, Beitr. etc. 
 
 II, Frankf. on/O. 1889. WMeyer, Munich. SBer. 1889 2, 245. ThBirt, de Cat, c. 
 68, Marb. 1889. WHOrschelmann, de Cat. c. 68, Dorp. 1889. HWeber, quaestt. 
 Catull., Gotha 1890. 
 
 Butler & Tanner, The Selwoou Printing Works, Frotne, and London. 
 
;« l i 
 
 a^«t 
 
 
 ill 
 1 ^ m 
 <5"9o 
 
 *-* 
 
 Q-"7 ^ 
 
 
 Q.) i 
 
 ^U 
 
 
 y Q.U 
 
 •20> 
 
 'V*?- 
 
 L» f 'b 
 
 ■ 
 
 ^G 
 
 aaSr-^M I 
 
 
 «/ 3, <* 
 
 ■3. %Q 
 2.30- 
 
 
 
 2S L, 
 
 JT-3*-/ 
 
 
 2nn 
 
 leq 
 
 
 aW . 
 
 • ••«? 
 
 
 2\" t 
 
 ^3S 
 
 ZW^ 
 
 2 
 
 ILf , M < 
 
 ai/fr- 
 
 -^'O 
 
 
 -2 i" 1 
 
 "tjZ* 
 
 ^-"S*" 
 
 ^11- 
 
 ^ r i~ 
 
 60 
 
 fe 1 
 
 ^ Q'2-LO 
 
 ^l 
 
 
 at/z'^i 
 
 
 
 ">0 
 
Bictionariee anb Books of IReference* 
 
 WEBSTER'S INTERNATIONAL DICTIONARY. A 
 
 new Edition, thoroughly revised, considerably enlarged, and reset in new type 
 throughout. Medium 4to, 2118 pp., cloth, £l'lls. 6d.: sheep, £2 2s.: half rus'sia, 
 £2 5s. 
 
 *** Prospectuses and specimen pages free on application. 
 
 KLUGE'S ETYMOLOGICAL DICTIONARY OP THE 
 
 GERMAN LANGUAGE. Translated hy J. F. Davis, D.Lit., M.A. Crown 4to, 
 half buckram, 18s. 
 
 ARGOT AND SLANG. A new French and English Dictionary 
 of the Cant Words, Quaint Expressions, Slang Terms, and Flash Phrases used in 
 the high and low life of old and new Paris. By Albert Bare^re. Officier de 
 1'Instruction Publique. New and Revised Edition, large post 8vo, 10s. Gd. 
 Limited Edition, 675 copies only, 
 
 SLANG, JARGON, AND CANT. A Dictionary of Unconven- 
 tional Phraseology, comprising' English, American, Colonial, Tinkers', Yiddish, 
 Pidgin and Anglo-Indian Slang; with Philological Notes and Illustrative Quota- 
 tions. Compiled and Edited by Prof. Albert Barrier, R.M.A., Woolwich, and 
 Charles G. Lelawji, M.A., Hon. F.R.S.L., Author of "The English Gypsies and 
 their Language," etc., " Hans Breitmann," etc. In co-operation with Dr. Charles 
 Macxay, LL.D., Prof. Douglas, B.-W. Sladejt, Mr. J. Coleman, and other authori- 
 ties. 
 
 *** A few copies only of the above remain. Price, 2 vols., Roxburgh, £4 4s. ; 
 vellum, £3 3s. 
 
 FOLK-ETYMOLOGY. A Dictionary of Corrupted Words which 
 have been Perverted in Form or Meaning by False Derivation or Mistaken Ana- 
 logy. By the Rev. A. S. Palmer, Author of "A Word- Hunter's Note Book." Demy 
 8vo, 21s. 
 "Most interesting, instructive, and valuable contribution to the study of language." 
 
 — Athenaeum. 
 
 DICTIONARY OF THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH 
 
 LANGUAGKS, with more than Fifteen Thousand New "Words, Senses, etc. By F. 
 B. A. Gasc. With New Supplements. Fourth Edition, Revised and Enlarged, 
 demy 8vo, 10s. 6<J. 
 
 DICTIONARY OF LATIN AND GREEK QUOTA- 
 TIONS; including Proverbs, Maxims, Mottoes, Law Terms and Phrases. With 
 all the Quantities marked, and English Translations. With Index Terborum (622 
 pages), 6s. 
 
 A BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. Containing Concise 
 
 Notices (upwards of 15,000) of Eminent Persons of all Ages and Countries, and 
 more particularly of distinguished Natives of Great Britain and Ireland. By 
 Thompson Coopeb, F.S.A., Editor of "Men of the Time," and joint Editor of 
 '* Athenae Cantabrigienses." With a Supplement, bringing the work down to 1898. 
 2 vols., 5s. each. 
 
 LONDON : GEORGE BELL & SONS. 
 
 B79 
 
CLASSICAL WORKS 
 
 BIBLIOTHECA CLASSICA. A Series of Greek and Latin 
 Authors, with English Commentaries ; edited by eminent scholars, under the 
 direction of the late George Long, M.A., formerly Fellow of Trinity College, 
 Cambridge, and the late Bev. A. J. Macleane, Ml., Head Master of King 
 Edward's School, Bath. Demy 8vo. Complete Sets (26 volumes), £9. 
 
 LUCRETIUS. TITI LUCRETI CARI DE RERUM 
 
 NATUBA LIBBI SEX. ' By the late H. A. J. Munro, M.A., Fellow of Tri- 
 nity College, Cambridge. Fourth Edition, finally revised. 3 vols. Demy 
 8vo. Vols. I., II., Introduction, Text, and Notes, 18s. ; vol. III., Translation, 6s. 
 
 THE PHARSALIA. Edited by C. E. Haskins. M.A., Classical 
 Lecturer and Fellow of St. John's College. With an Introduction by W. E. 
 Heitland, M.A., Tutor and Fellow of St. John's College, Cambridge. Demy 
 8vo, 14s. 
 
 CORPUS POETARUM LATINORUM. Edited by Walker. 
 In one thick vol., royal 8vo. Cloth, 18s. ; Bussia, £1 4s. 
 
 Containing : — Catullus, Lucretius, Vergilius, Tibullus, Propertius, Ovidius, 
 Horatius, Plisedrus, Lucanus, Persius, Juvenalis, Martialis, Sulpicia Statius, 
 Silius Italicus, Valerius Flaccus, Calpurnius Siculus, Ausonius, and Claudi- 
 anus. 
 
 THE THEATRE OF THE GREEKS. A Treatise on the 
 History and Exhibition of the Greek Drama. "With a Supplementary Trea- 
 tise on the Language, Metres, and Prosody of the Greek Dramatists, and 
 numerous Illustrations from the best Ancient Authorities, and 3 Plans. By 
 John William Donaldson, D.D. Eighth Edition. 5s. 
 
 KEIGHTLEY'S (THOMAS) MYTHOLOGY OF ANCIENT 
 
 GREECE AND ITALY. Fourth Edition, revised by Leonhard Schmitz, 
 Ph.D., LL.D., Classical Examiner to the University of London. With 12 
 Plates from the Antique. 5s. 
 
 Cambridge Greek anb Xatin Gerts. 
 
 ^ESCHYLUS. By F. A. Paley, MA. 
 2s. 
 
 C/ESAR: DEBELLO GALLICO. Bv 
 G. Long, M.A. Is. Qd. 
 
 CICERO: DE SENECTUTE et DE 
 AMICITIA, et EPISTOLjE SE- 
 LECTS. By G. Long, M.A. ls.Gd. 
 
 CICERONIS ORATIONES. Vol. 
 I. (in Verrem.). By G. Long, M.A. 
 2s. Qd. 
 
 EURIPIDES. By F. A. Paley, M.A. 
 3 vols., each 2s. 
 
 HERODOTUS. By J. G. Blakesley, 
 B.D. 2 vols., each 2s. Qd. 
 
 HOMERI ILIAS. I. -XII. By F. A. 
 Paley, M.A. Is. Qd. 
 
 HORATIUS. By A. J. Macleane, 
 M.A. Is. Qd. 
 
 JUVENAL ET PERSIUS. By A. 
 J. Macleane, M.A. Is. Qd. 
 
 LUCRETIUS. By H. A. J. Munro, 
 MA. 2s. 
 
 SALLUSTI CRISPI CATILINA 
 ET JUGURTHA. By G. Long, 
 
 M.A. Is. Qd. 
 
 SOPHOCLES. By F. A. Paley, M.A. 
 2s. Qd. 
 
 TERENTI COMCEDI/E. By W. 
 Wagner, Ph.D. 2s. 
 
 THUCYDIDES. By J. G. Donald- 
 son, D.D. 2 vols., each 2s. 
 
 VERGILIUS. ByJ.CoNiNGTON,M.A. 
 2s. 
 
 XENOPHONTIS EXPEDITIO 
 CYRI. By J. F. Macmichael, B.A. 
 Is. Qd. 
 
 NOVUM TESTAMENTUM 
 GR^CE. By F. H. Scrivener, 
 M.A. 4s. Qd. An edition with 
 wide margin for notes, half bound, 
 12s. 
 
 LONDON: GEORGE BELL & SONS. 
 
 580