CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Claude Granger L^i Date Due fiS »« a fi *"i ^"WrTnT 1353 M' i'" --h - ^ - • ,1 " ,"" 1 iiiiin 024 301 156 a Cornell University fl Library The original of tliis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31 924024301 1 56 THE LIFE OF GENERAL LAFAYETTE. BY WILLIAM GUTTER. " A NOBLE character which will flourish in {he annals of the world, and live in the veneration of posterity, when kings, and the crowns they wear, will be no more regarded than the dust to which they must return." — Charles Jakes Fox. " LiBEBTT will ultimately be established in the old ns well as in the new world ; and then, the history of our revolutions will put all things, and all persons, i» their proper places." — LAPAYExra. NEW YORK : DERBY & JACKSON, 119 NASSAU ST 1859. -f..i II In! I V I iv -■ 1 "V Y [Hip A -'i(^u?s^ Eotered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1849, Bt GEORGE F. COOLEDGE & BROTHER, In the ClerVa Office of the District Coiirt of the United States; In and tor the Southern District of New York. STEREOTYPED BY C. C, SAVAOE, 13 Chomben Street N. T. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. BIRTH AND EARLT HISTORY OF LAFAYETTE. His Parentage. — Education and Position in Society. — School-boy Rem* iniscences.^ Noticed at Court. — Receives a Commission in the Ar- my. — Refuses to court Royal Favor. — Early Marriage. — Offends Count de Provence page 9 CHAPTER II. NOBLE CONMENCEMENT OF A NOBLE CAREER. The American Revolution. — Lafayette's sudden Zeal in the Cause. — Firm Resolve and prompt Action. — Interposition oi' Friends. — Baron de Kalb. — Silas Deane. — Secret Arrangements. — Startling News from America. — Noble Disinterestedness of Lafayette. — His Visit to England. — Prepares to embark for America. — Sends his Vessel to Spain. — Follows it in Disguise.— Narrow Escape from Arrost. — Difficulties of the Voyage . ...*... I X CHAPTER HI. FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. Hospitable Reception by Major Huger. — Journey to Philadelphia. — A Crisis in American Affairs. — Presents his Letters to Congress. — Offers to serve as a Volunteer. — Liberality to his Comrades. — Intro- duction to Washington. — First Impressions of the Army. — Battle of Brandywine. — Lafayette wounded. — Sent to Bethlehem. — Kind- ness of the Moravians. — Correspondence 29 CHAPTER IV. GALLANT SERVICES REWARDED. — LAFAYETTE COHIMANDER-IN- CHIEF OF THE NORTHERN ARMY. Lafayette commands a Detachment at Gloucester Point; — Receives the Command of a Division. — Conway's Cabal. — Lafayette appoint- ed to the Command in the North. — Plans of the Expedition. — Jour- ney to Albany. — Discouragemecte. — New Plans contemplated. — His disinterested Zeal. — Is recalled. — His Policy in reference to the Northern Indians. — Conference with them at Johiwon's Town. Adopted by them as a Chi fif . . 43 4 CONTENTS. CHAPTER V. FKENOH ALLIANCE. — BAEREN HILL. — MONMOUTH. Eucampment at Valley Forge. — Position and Policy of France. — Pop- ular feeling in favor of America. — Treaty with France. — Encoura- ging Prospects. — Lafayette at Barren Hill. — Masterly Mana?uTring and Retreat. — Lord North's Proposals for Concihation. — Philadel- phia evacuated by the British. — Battle of Monmouth . . .51 CHAPTER VL Lafayette's services in rhode island. — his return to FRANCE. Proposed Attack on Newport. — Lafayette detached to support Sulli- van. — Plan of Attack. — Count d'Estaing offended. — British Fleet in the OfEng. — Toe Count goes out to offer Battle. — Unfoitunate Con- sequences of this Movement. — Sullivan reinforced. — Difficulty with the French Admiral. — Siege of Newport raised. — Lafayette in Bos- ton. — Further incidents at Newport. — Lafayette returns to Phila- delphia — Carlisle's Letter. — The Writer challenged by Lafayette. — Lafayette proposes to return to France. — His severe Illness at FishkiH. — His Recovery and Embarkation 78 chapter vil Lafayette's influence and usefulness in France. — his second voyage to america. Lafayette under Arrest. — His Position at Court. — His In£uence in be- half of America. — Proposed Invasion of England. — Sword presented to Lafayette by Franklin. — Proposed Invasion and Independence of Ireland. — Procures Aid for America, and returns. — Invested with the Command of the Vanguard of the Army. — Happy Eiiect of French Succors. — Proposed Attack on New York ... 99 CHAPTER VIII. Arnold's treason. — Lafayette in Virginia. Washington and Lafayette on the Way to West Point. — Arnold's Treason brought to Light.— Plans for Attacking the Enemy's Posts. Greene in Command of the Southern Department. — Lafayette wishes to join him.— Delays and Hinderanoes. — Arnold in Virginia. — Lafayette ordered to oppose him. — Adventures and Eflbrts. Ai^ nold reinforced.— Lafayette ordered to join Greene.— Difficulties nobly surmounted.- Baltimore Volunteers. — Lafayette at Rich- mond. — Ravages of the British.— Baron Steuben.— The Two Ar- mies.— Comwallis moving Northward.- Death of General Phillips . 108 CONTENTS. CHAPTEB IX. tAFATETTE AND COENWALLIS, OR " THE EOT " AND THE VETEHAN. Comwallis at Petersburg. — The " Boy-General." — Marches and Coun- tei*marches. — Lafayette protects Albemarle. — A Trap. — Wayne drawn into it. — Rescued by Lafayette. — Comwallis takes Post at YorktowB. — Count de Grasse in the Chesapeake. — ^Washington in Virginia. — Siege of Yorktown. — Comwallis surrenders. — Military Courtesies 121 CHAPTEB, X. NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. Prospects of Peace. — Lafayette prepares to retum to France. — Ap- pointed Field-Marshal in the Army. — A new Enterprise. — Peace. — Diplomacy in Spain. — Commercial Treaty with France . . 14C CHAPTER XI. VISIT TO AMERICA IN 1784. Reception at New York — Philadelphia — Mount Vernon. — Influence with the Northern Indians. — Visit to New England — Virginia. — In- teresting Meeting at Richmond.— Surrenders his Commission at Trenton. — Anecdote of his Liberality . . ... 153 CHAPTER XIL DOirESTIO REPOSE AND PUBIIO HONORS. Efibrts to benefit American Commerce. — Civic Honors. — Plans and Eflbrts for Negro Emancipation. — Travelling on the Continent. — Reception at Vienna. — Grand Review at Potsdam. — Frederick the Great — Meeting with old Friends and old Enemies. — Opinions. — Elforts in behalf of Protestants 163 CHAPTER XIIL THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. Its Causes. — Assembly of Notables. — Lafayette demands a National Assembly. — Agitating Debates. — Boldness and Independence of Lafayette. — Resistance of the Court. — Mirabean. — Decision and Triumph of the People 173 CHAPTER XIV. PROGRESS OF THE REVOLUTION. — THE NATIONAL GUARDS. New Measures of Intimidation. — Lafayette's " Declaration of Rights." — Neoker dismissed. — The Bastile demolished. — The King re- treats. — Lafayette in Paris. — Commands the National Guard. — Es- 6 CONTENTS. corts the King to Paris.— The Tricolored Cockade.— Befiises the Supreme Command. — Scenes of Violence. — Resigns his Command. — Is persuaded to resume it. — His elevated Position ■ . .189 CHAPTER XV. MOB-KULE IN PARIS. Call for the King at Paris.— Famine— A Mob of Women.— Their March to Versailles.— Lafayette follows.— His Plans thwarted.— The Palace attacked. — The dueen's Danger. — Influence and Suc- cess of Lafayette.— Escorts the King to Paris. — Parties in France . 810 CHAPTER XVL THE REVOLUTION. — THE FEDERATION. — FLIGHT OF THE KING. Plots and Rumnrs. — Mirabeau attaches himself to the Court.- Popu- larity of Lafayette. — The Festival of the Federation. — Extract from Carlyle. — Honoi-s to Lafayette. — His Modesty and Moderation. — Plots and Counterplots. — The King leaves Paris secretly. — Pursued and brought back. — Lafayette resigns his Command and retires . 227 CHAPTER XVn. THREATENED INVASION OF FRANCE. — LAFAYETTE COMMANDS THE ARMY. War. — Lafayette at Metz. — Rochambeau and Luckner. — Attempt upon Belgium. — The Issue. — Lafayette addresses a Letter to the Assembly. — Goes to Paris. — Appears before the Assembly. — Re- turns to the Army. — Attempt to withdraw the King from Paris . 253 CHAPTER XVin. THE REIGN OF TERROR. Lafayette denounced by the Jacobins. — The King deposed and im- prisoned. — Commissioners sent to the Army. — Their Arrest. — Pro- posals. — Luckner. — Decree of the Assembly. — Lafayette in a Di- lemma.— His Flight ' .268 CHAPTER XIX. CAPTIVITY. — MAGDEBOURG. — OLMUTZ. Lafayette applies for a Passport and is arrested. — Insulting Propo- sals. — Attempted Assassination. — Transferred from Prison to Pris- on. — Severe Treatment. — Sufferings. — Olmutz. — Its Position and Appointments 271 CHAPTER XX. ADVENTURE OF BOLLMANN AND HUGER. Plans of Dr. BoUmann to effect the Release of Lafayette Discovers him at Olmutz. — Associates himself with Hnger. — Ingeniouii and CONTENTS. 7 bold Attempt to rescue the Prisoner. — Lafayette retaken. — BoH- maiin and Hager imprisoned 291 CHAPTER XXL PRISON INCIDENTS AT OLMUTZ. Madame Lafayette and Daughters in Prison. — Liberated. — They hasten to Ohuutz. — Share the Captivity of Lafayette. — Employ- ments- — T^eprivdt. — Felix and Jules. — Ulness of Madame Lafay- ette. — Harsh Treatment of the Emperor. — Efforts in behalf of the Prisoners. — Letterfrom W ashington. — Masclet. — Fitzpatrick. — Fox 239 CHAPTER XXIL RESTORED TO LIBERTY. Napoleon demands his Release. — Promises. — Delays. — Romeuf sent to Vienna. — Secures his Object. — Arrangements for the Reception of the Prisoners at Hamburg. — The Prison Doors opened. — The Journey. — Meeting of Friends. — Correspondence. — Debts of Grati- tude. — Legacies 314 CHAPTER XXIIL TWO TEARS IN EXILE. — RETURNS TO FRANCE. Domestic Retreat in Holstein. — Proceeds to Utrecht. — Obstacles to his Return to France. — Anarchy. — Intrigue. — Frankness and Bold- ness of Lafayette. — Bonaparte in Paris. — The Consulate. — Lafay- ette goes to Paris. — Bonaparte displeased. — Dignified Course of Lafayette . . . 325 CHAPTER XXJV. HIS RELATIONS WITH NAPOLEON. Napoleon's Respect for Lafayette. — Their Laterviews. — Opinions. — Lafayette nominated to the Senate. — Offered an Embassy to the United States. — Resigns his Commission in the Army. — Retires to Lagrange. — Death of his Wife. — Restoration of the Bourbons. — The Hundred Days. — The Second Restoration 33f CHAPTER XXV. VISIT TO AMERICA IN 1824. Embarkation. — Reception. — Joseph Bonaparte. — Tomb of Washing- ton. — Yorktown. — Charleston. — Kaskaskia. — Indian Story, — A Snag in the Ohio. — Red Jacket. — Bunker Hill Monument. — Adieus. — Departure ^ 8 CONTENTS. CHAPTEa XXVI. REVOLUTION OF 1830. Despotic Tendencies of the Court of France. — Lafayette in the Cham- ber of Deputies. — His Joomey to Anvergne. — Civic Honors and Triampho. — Chagrin of the Coort. — Despotic Ordinances of Charles X. — Agitation in Fans. — Lafayette solicited to take Command of the National Ghiard.— The Three Days of Jnly.— Charles X. de- posed. — The Doke of Orleans proposed aa Lieatenant-General of J"rauoe. — The People reluctant to receive him. — ^Hi» Fromises 373 CHAPTER XXVIl REIGN OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. Meeting of the Chamber of Deputies. — Louis Philippe proclaimed King of the French. — Lafayette Commander-in-chief of the Na- tional Guard. — Review. — Political Offenders. — Chief Magistracy of Belgium offered to Lafayette-^General Agitation in Europe. — Trial of the Ex-Mmisters. — Lafayette insulted. — Resigns his Com- mand. — Remonstrates with the King 387 CHAPTER XXVnL CLOSING SCENES AND DEATH. Funeral of General Lamarque. — Enthusiasm of the People. — Conflict with the Royal Troops. — Lafayette withdraws his Confidence .ftom the King. — Exposure — Illness — Death. — Character . Mt THE LIFE OP GENERAL LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER I. BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. The characters of public men belong to the world, They who come voluntarily forth, oi-, by the guiding hand of Providence are led forth, from the i-etired walks of domestic life, to mingle in the strife of events, and exert a moulding influence on communities and nations, are amenable, for their actions, and the principles of their conduct, at the bar of human society. Even the secret motives which sway their decisions, and the disturbing influences which sometimes turn them aside from their direct courses, are legitimate subjects of scmtiny and animadvevRion. And the lessons which may be derived from such scrutiny, are the most valuable patrimony which one generation of men can leave to its successors. In estimating character, however, reference should always be had to the circumstances in which it was de- veloped, and the influences by which it was surrounded. The principles of morality are fixed and unchangeable. But the admiration or censure which is bestowed upon individuals, is justly graduated to the scale of their ovm times, rather than to that of their censors. " According 10 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. to that a man hath, and not according to that he hath not," is the governing maxim of an impartial and unerring Judge. They who stand forth, at the present moment, as "burning and shining lights," do so, perhaps, only be- cause they are somewhat in advance of the prevalent virtue of the age, and not because they have attained to " the fulness of the stature of peifect men." Posterity, looking down from loftier vantage-gi'ound, may lament their weakness, and marvel at the narrovraess of their views, and their obliquities of faith and practice, even as we now do at those of the saints and the sages, the heroes and the martyrs of by-gone ages, of whom, notwith- standing, " the world was not worthy." To such considerations as these, regard should always be had, in reviewing the characters of history. And, if they demand, in some cases, the mantle of charity for unexpected errors, they equally exact, in others, extra- ordinary awards of admiration for surprising merit, and for virtue that stands out in bold relief amid all surround- ing degeneracy. " No country in Europe," says Mr. Everett, " had re tained more of the feudal divisions, than France, before the Revolution. A partition of the orders of society, but little less rigid than the Oriental economy of castes, was kept up. Causes which time would fail us to develop, had rendered the court and capital of France signally corrupt, during the last century. It is doubtful, whether, in a civilized state, the foundations of social morsility were ever so totally subverted. It was by no means one of the least active causes of this corruption, that all con- nexion between the court and the capital, and the higher ranks in general, on the one hand, and the people on the other, was cut off by the constitution of society, and the hopeless depression, degradation, and ignorance of the mass of the people. Under these influences, a new gen- BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. 11 eration was trained. They did not make, they found the coiTuption. They were reared in it. They grew up in the presence and under the patronage of a most dissolute court, suiTounded by the atmosphere of an abandoned metropolis, without the constraint or the corrective of a wholesome public sentiment. The great monitors of society were hushed. The pulpit, not over-active, at that time, as a moral teacher in the catholic church in Europe, was struck dumb; for some of its highest dig- nitaries were stained with all the vices of the rest of their order, that of the nobility. The press was mute on everything which touched the vices of the time." To this, let the all-pervading influence of the philoso- phy, " falsely so called," of Voltaire, be added, and a full appreciation may be had of the auspices under which the subject of the present memoir was ushered upon the stage of life. He was born at Chavagniac, in the prov- ince of Auvergne, on the 6th of September, 1757. Those who are curiously precise as to the locality, will need to be informed that Chavagniac, in the modern geography of France, is iu the department of the Haute Loire, the canton of Paulhoquet, and the aiTondisspment of Bri- onde. It is three hundred and sixty miles from Paris. The mansion is large, romantically situated, and has an air of venerable antiquity much beyond its years, having been built only one hundred and fifty years ago, on the ruins of a more ancient one, which had been destroyed by fire. The estate attached to the chateau was once extensive and valuable ; but, confiscated by the Jacobins of 1793, and sold in parcels, to meet the exigencies of those anarchists, a small portion only of the land was re- covered by the family, on their return from exile, and that by purchase from the new occupants. According to the prevailing custom in distinguished families in Europe, the noble infant received, at his bap' 12 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. tism, a list of names sufficient for an ordinary household. He was registered under the honorable appellation of Marie-Paul-Joseph-Roche-Yves-Gilbert de Mottier Mar- quis de Lafayette, a name which contains all the lettera of the French alphabet except four. Gilbert de Mot- tier was the name by which he was usually distin- guished from his predecessors ; while, as the chief rop resentative of the family, and the heir to its title and estates, the single patronymic Lafayette not only suffi- ciently designated his person, but answered all the pur- poses of law as a signature. By that honored name he will continue to be known, till the end of time, as the champion of freedom, and as the one in whose person and history were concentrated all the gloiy and renown of a house, which, though noble in itself, and distinguished for ages by its virtues, derived from him a new distinc- tion, which it was not capable of conferring upon him. His father, Michael-Louis-Christophe-Roche-Gilbert de Mottier Marquis de Lafayette, though he died at the early age of twenty-five, was an officer of considerable distinction in the army of Louis XV. He was a colonel of the grenadiers of France, and chevalier of the order of St. Louis, and was held in high esteem among the brave and gallant spirits of the day. He fell at Minden, in Gei-many, on the 13th of July, 1757, bravely fighting under the victorious standard of the duke de Broglie. The war in which this battle occurred is generally known as " the seven years' war," and was can-ied on, in Eu- rope, by the great Frederic of Piaissia, assisted by Eng- land, against the combined forces of Russia, Austria, and France, and in America by England and her coloniej against France and her colonies, — the latter teiininating in the conquest of Canada, and the total extinction of the power of France in the western continent. The mother of Lafayette was a daughter of the mar- BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. 13 quis de Riviere, of the noble house of Lusignan. Her early widowhood seemed to extinguish all hope of again reviving the glory of the ancient house, of which her gallant lord had been the sole male representative ; but in the birth of a son, about two months after, the broken line was restored. The early days of the orphan gave small promise of the glory of the long and eventful life that followed. Feeble in health, left to the sole guidance of an indulgent mother, and suiTOunded by servile at- tendants and the enervating influences of wealth, it was scarcely to be hoped that he would ever attain to more than the pigmy proportions of a mere titled aristocrat. To add to these inauspicious omens, and make the bril- liant success of his after-career the more remarkable, his mother died when he was but thirteen years of age, leaving him in the full possession of large and valuable estates, and the absolute master of his own movements and destiny. His early education had been conducted at home, un- der the eye of his mother. At twelve he was placed in the college du Plessis, at Paris, where his rank and wealth introduced him to all the gayeties and dissipa- tions of fashionable society. What progress he made in his studies, at this time, does not appear. It is not probable, however, that he was able to do more than maintain a respectable standing among pupils of his own age. In his own brief reminiscences of this period, he alludes rather playfully to " some schoolboy success- es, inspired by the love of glory, and somewhat dis- turbed by that of liberty." What these " successes" were, he does not inform us ; but, fi-om what is known of his character, so early matured and developed, his undisguised and fearless frankness, and the direct, prac- tical, matter-of-fact logic which he was accustomed tc employ, we find no difficulty in imagining the nature of 14 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. his literary triumphs. They were undoubtedly the tri umphs of plain common sense over the heartless and artificial sentiments which characterized every depart- ment of society, but especially that of the capital and the court. Everything was expected to bend to a ser- vile flattery of greatness. Even literature was not ex- empt from this unseemly sycophancy. Poetry and the fine arts were all made tributary to th.< pHde of power, and the an-ogance of station. It was tau^at in the nur- sery, as the highway to favor and promotion. It was inculcated in the schools, and enforced in the colleges. But in this species of learning the young Lafayette was no apt scholar. His perceptions of right never included a blind submission to authority ; and it is easy to con- jecture how often and ably he might have foiled, by the lucid enunciation of his inborn creed of liberty, the specious sophistries of the schools. It appeai-s that he was more ambitious of what he regarded as time, than of the honors of the college ; for he tells of one occasion on which he sacrificed his hopes of reward to his views of the teachings of nature. He was required to describe, in a rhetorical exercise, a perfect, well-trained courser, that would obey the look of his master or the shadow of the lash ; instead of which, he indulged himself in a full and glowing description of one so restiff under re- straint, that, at the very sight of the whip, he reai-ed and plunged, and threw his rider to the ground — a lesson sc ajiposite to the existing condition of France, as almost to desei-ve to be styled prophetic. He was much noticed at the gay court of Louis the Grand, and became quite a favorite of that magnificent monarch. lie was appointed one of the queen's pages ; a station which, though coveted by the proud and noble of the kingdom, was little in accordance with the frank, independent bearing of the young Lafayette. Ho waa BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. 15 also enrolled in the king's regiment of musketeers, in which, through the direct agency of the queen, he re- ceived a commission, at the earlj age of fifteen. This was an honor which was resenred exclusively for the sons of the most distinguished and favored among the no- bility, and conferred as a mark of especial royal regard. Though of a disposition eminently social, and keenly alive to the pleasures and comforts of domestic life, La- fayette displayed an early predilection for military glory, and an uncommon maturity in all the essential requisites of military success. The main one for advancement, however, he did not possess ; he would not court pro- motion. He could not " bow the pregnant hinges of the knee" to ask for a place, which was conferred as a matter of favoritism, not of merit. He had expectations of an appointment, worthy of his rank, in a regiment under the marshal de Noailles, his uncle — expectations based upon certain promises to that effect ; but his uncourtier-like habits prevented him from enjoying that honor. He was averse, even in boyhood, to those puerilities of conversa- tion which constitute so large a part of the intercourse of the gay circles of society. He had too much self- respect to be a flatterer ; and when the matter of conver- sation did not accord with his views, he was unifoiTnly silent and reserved. He did not rudely interpose his sentiments where they would be unwelcome ; but, when- ever he could not speak his own free thoughts fi'ankly, without giving olTence, he became a silent listener. These habits soon excited suspicion, and created ene- mies, and placed a mark against his name on the royal list, 1 his disappointment, if felt at all, was not seriously laid to heart. Other conquests than those of arms began very early to engi'oss his thoughts. An attachment to one of the noblest and most amiable of women. — an attach- 16 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ment which grew deeper, and holier, and more absorb- ing, through evei-y period of his eventful life, and which, surviving its object through a widowhood of nearly thiity years, went with him, undiminished, to his grave — was consummated by his man-iage, at the very early age of sixteen, to Maxie-Adrienne-Franqaise de Noailles, daugh- ter of the duke d'Ayen, who was two years younger than himself Nothing more need be said — no higher or more just encomium can be uttered — than that she was in all respects worthy to be the vnfe of Lafayette, and the mother of his children. This connexion was not only founded in the deepest affection, on his part, but favored and promoted, on the part of the relatives, by those motives of policy by which so many noble families are linked together, and out of which so many ill-assorted and unhappy alliances spring. No sooner was it consummated, than interest was made at court, by his new relatives, to obtain for the young marquis a place in the civil establishment of the king. The post sought for was an honorary one in the household of the count de Provenqe, the second son of Louis XV., who afterward became Louis XVIII. This position was by no means desired by Lafayette, as it involved precisely that deference to the authority of a mere name, and that outward and heartless conformity to the eti- quette of a court, which were most unpalatable to the republican simplicity of his heart. He was in danger, however, of having the honor " thrust upon him" by the oiEcious interference of his friends. To prevent it, without offending them, by refusing to accept the sta- tion offered, he sought an opportunity to render him- self so obnoxious to the prince, as to preclude the pos- sibility of completing the arrangement. This opportu- nity offered itself at a masked ball, where the count de Provence appeared in a disguise, which was instantly BIRTH AND EARLY HISTORY. 17 penetrated by the observing eye of Lafayette. Enga ging him in conversation, he lost no time in broaching some of those view^s and opinions which he knew would be least acceptable to the ear of the prince, at the same time replying to his remarks with a freedom and boldness, which, if he had been unmasked, would have been deemed decidedly uncourteous. At length the prince, having taken some offence at his free dom, gave him to understand that he should remembei it, and then proceeded to show that his memory was remarkably clear and tenacious ; to which Lafayette coolly replied, that " memory was the wit of fools." This closed the conference of the masks, and satisfied the prince that the young marquis would be an unavailable attache, if not a refractory subject. In speaking of this conversation afterward, Lafayette did not conceal the fact that he was at the time fully aware of the rank of the person with whom he was conversing. This, being reported to the prince, was deemed an unpardonable of- fence. It was never forgiven. B 18 LIFE OP LAFAYETT*. CHAPTER II NOBLE COMMENCEMENT OF A NOBLE CAUEEa. The long struggle of the American colonies with theil unnatural step-mother excited but little interest in Eu- rope, in its incipient stages. Even in France, the natu- ral enemy of England, its causes and its progress were but little understood. It was not until the Rubicon was irrevocably passed, the gauntlet of open defiance thrown down, the Declaration of Independence signed, sworn to, and published to the world, that any portion of Eu- rope became aware of the importance of that struggle, or of the numbers and strength of the people who claimed a place in the family of nations. The deep tones of that solemn and unanswerable declaration, borne on the breeze across the Atlantic, struck the ear of legitimacy like a distant knell. Monarchy and aristocracy quaked alike, and looked aghast at each other ; and, except in the heart of a Lafayette, and of here and there a Polish refugee of rank and talent, it would have found no re- sponse in the high places of the old world, had not the long-cherished hostility of France against England seen in it a favorable opportunity to humble her rival, by as- sisting to wrench from her all-grasping sway, her most valuable colonial possessions. Even France came for- ward with slow and hesitating steps, to widen the breach. Had she known the real nature and tendency of the contest — had she understood the character of the Amer COMMENCEMENT OF A NOBLE CAREER. 19 lean people, or foreseen the foim of government which they would ultimately adopt — it is not probable that she could have been induced to come forward at all. Her king and his cabinet no doubt expected a western mon- archy, or, at the worst, an aristocracy, and not a repub- lic, whose history should be the text-book of revolution to all fi-ee spirits in all the empires of the world. It was in the latter part of 1776, about two yeai's after his man-iage, and while his mind was yet agitated by negotiations to attach him to the person of the count de ProvenQe, that Lafayette's attention was first drawn to the conflict of libei^ty with oppression in America. He was, at that time, an officer in the French army, and stationed on duty at Metz. The duke of Gloucester, brother to George III. of England, happening to pass that way, was complimented with a dinner by the com- mandant of the place. Lafayette was among the invited guests. A principal topic of conversation, at the table, was the progi-ess of the rebellion in America, and the sti-ingent measures adopted and contemplated by the crown of England to crush it. The duke had just re- ceived from London the latest advices, and was very free in his communications — more so probably than good diplomacy, in one so near the throne, would ap- prove. There was much in the details given which was new to Lafayette. They interested him intensely. He entered earnestly into the conversation, drawing out fi'om the talkative duke, by apposite questions, such facts in the yet un-vvritten history, as were necessary to enable him to understand the whole merits of the case. He saw, at a glance, that it was the cause of justice, of liberty, of Heaven. Before he rose from that table, and while talking with the brother of the king of England hia pui-pose was formed — his resolution was taken. He 20 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. deteimined to offer himself on the altai- of liberty — to abandon home, and proffer himself and his services to the people who were thus nobly struggling for fi-eedom. It is not the least singular, among the many remarka- ble incidents in the history of this great man's efforts to promote liberty in the world, and especially in America, that the first clear insight into the cause should have been given, the first impulse of chivalric fervor imparted to his soul, by one of the royal family of England, against whose house the rebellion was begun, and fi.'om whose crown it was destined to pluck away its brightest jewel. From this time, the subject of freedom in the western world engrossed all his thoughts. It filled his imagina- tion ; it realized his utmost dream of ambitious enter- prise and noble achievement. To use his own words, uttered years afterward, in a calm review of the conflict, " Such a glorious cause had never before attracted the attention of mankind. It was the last struggle of Lib- erty ; and, had she then been vanquished, neither hope nor asylum would have remained for her. The oppres- sors and oppressed were to receive a powerful lesson. The great wox-k was to be accomplished, or the rights of humanity were to fall beneath its ruins. The destiny of France and that of her rival were to be decided at the same moment When I first learned the sub- ject of this quan-el, my heart espoused warmly the cause of liberty, and I thought of nothing but adding also the aid of my banner." To resolve was to act. Full of his new project of glory, he returned to Paris, to make further inquiries, and prepare himself for the enterprise. With all the ardor and confidence of youth, he developed his views to his two intimate friends. Count Segur, his uncle, and the viscount de Noailles, his brother-in-law, proposing that they should join him in seeking early laurels in this COMMENCEMENT OP A NOBLE CAREER. 21 cause of human liberty. With a kindred enthusiaam, they entered into his views, heartily desiring to accom- pany him in his voyage to America; but, being depend- ent on their parents, they were obliged first to solicit their consent. This was peremptorily refused, and the whole scheme denounced. Fortunately, in advocating their own wishes, they did not disclose the designs of their friend, who, being his ovra master, with an income of about forty thousand dollars at his disposal, was not to be deteiTed from the prosecution of his purpose. The count de Broglie, to whom he next confided his intentions, did all in his power to discourage him. He represented the project as altogether hopeless and chi- merical, invested on every side with danger, and without any prospects of advantage to justify the risk to be in- curred. Personal advantage was not the end which the ardent young hero sought, or expected. Personal dan ger he utterly disregarded. It was the cause of liberty and right that lay near his heait. That he believed to be the cause of America ; and for that he was ready to sacrifice all. Resolved to go, notwithstanding the ur- gency of his friend's protestations, and knowing that all possible obstacles would be thrown in his way, he re- quested the count not to betray his secret, but leave him to pursue his plans in his own way. The cdunt assured him his confidence was not misplaced, while, with all the eloquence at his command, he urged and reiterated his arguments to dissuade him from indulging any far- ther his preposterous design. " I have seen your undo die," he exclaimed, " in the wars of Italy ; I witnessed your father's death at the battle of Minden ; and how can I be accessory to the ruin cf the last and only lep- resentative of the family !" Finding his arguments and entreaties alike unavailing to divert his yoMng friend fi-om his noble and rhivalroua S2 LTPE OP LAFAYETTE. pui-pose, the count offered to inti-oduce him to a Ger- man officer of some reputation and experience, who had espoused the same cause, and was then seeking an op- portunity to consecrate himself to its sei-vice. This was the baron de Kalb, whose labors, and sacrifices, and death, are interwoven in the story of American inde- pendence. A common sympathy made them fast friends. The baron's counsels were of great value ; while his agency as interpreter — for Lafayette was not yet famil- iar with the English language — was quite essential in the course of his subsequent negotiations with the Amer- ican agents. Anticipating the obstacles that would be thrown in his way by his family connections, he resolved to keep his own secret, and ask neither advice nor consent of any one. Satisfied of the sacredness of the cause and the purity of his motives, and depending only on his own judgment and resouixes, he proceeded to make all neces- sary preparations for an early departure. Adopting, as the motto on his arms, the simple but emphatic appeal " Cur non V (why not ?), he seemed to challenge friend and foe alike, to present one reasonable objection to the career which he had chosen, and the line of conduct he had marked out for himself. Silas Deane was then at Paris, as agent from the American Congress, soliciting aid, and endeavoring to procure anns for the prosecution of the war. To him Lafayette was introduced by the baron de Kalb. Being yet scarcely nineteen years of age, he could not boast of military experience, or promise much in the value of his counsels, or in the strength of his ann. But he claimed that his enlistment in the service would excite, as soon as his departure should be known in France, a wide-spread interest in its behalf, and be the means of inducing oth- ers to follow his example. Impressed with the noble COMMENCEMENT OP A NOBLE CAREER. 23 ardor of the youth, and discerning, at a glance, the rare qualities of his mind and heart, the American envoy gladly accepted his services, promising to procure him an ea'ly passage to America, and an honorable position in the continental aimy. To secure the success of such arrangements as these, it was necessary that they should be conducted with the utmost secrecy. Had his plans been known to his family fiiends, to the government, or to any one of the numerous army of French and English spies in Paris, insurmountable obstacles would have been thrown in the way of his departure. The interests of England at the French court, at this time, were represented by Lord Stormont, who protested so earnestly against the designs and doings of the American agents, that the ministers were afraid to receive or acknowledge them. Not only so ; they ordered all private arrangements, having a view to the shipment of arms, and the raising of recruits, to be suspended, and closed all their ports to American privateers. The news of the disasters at Brooklyn, Long Island, White Plains, and Fort Washington, and the retreat across the Jerseys, with the rapid defection of large bodies of the people, reaching France at this moment, threw a shade of seemingly-hopeless gloom over the cause of America, and the enthusiasm of many who had begun to look upon it with interest ; while the credit of her agents was at once destroyed. Lafayette, on the contrary, felt his zeal increase, and his detennination strengthen, under the pressure of these unfavorable circumstances. He called at once upon Mr. Deane, ai: 1 requested him to hasten his departure. The 'eply was, that the credit of his cause was so completely prostrated by the recent tidings, that it was impossible to procure 24 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. a vessel, or to oifer him any sufficient encouragement to proceed in his generous purpose. Nothing daunted by these representations, he modestly but nobly replied : " Hitherto I have only had opportu- nity to express in words my ardor for the cause of your counti-y. The time has come to prove my sincerity. I shall purchase a ship myself, to carry out all who are willing to go. Let us feel confidence in the fiiture. It is especially in the hour of danger that I would devote myself to your cause." This generous proposal was accepted with the cordial frankness of one who knew well its value, and could ap- preciate the exalted spirit which dictated it. There were many difficulties in the way of its execution. Every- thing was to be done in the dark ; the most perfect se- crecy was to be maintained with respect to evei-y move- ment ; and, at the same time, the utmost despatch was necessary to render the aid thus profiered seasonable and effective. Just at this juncture, Lafayette was under the neces sity of fulfilling an engagement, previously entered into with his cousin, the prince de Poix, to' pay a visit to England. He would gladly have avoided doing so, on account of the time it must consume ; but fearing that (lis real design might be suspected, and his great secret disclosed, if he should suddenly change his purpose, ho resolved to turn it to good account, by making his prep- arations for this short voyage a cover for those of the more important one, which engrossed all his thoughts. On arriving in London, he displayed the earnestness of his zeal in the new cause, by paying his respects to Bancroft, the American, before being presented to his Britannic majesty. With a high sense of what was due from him as a man of honor, he declined all invita- tions to visit the seaports, or examine the vessels which COMMENCEMEIVT OF A NOBLE CAREER. 25 were fitting out for the war with the colonies, since this might be regarded as an abuse of confidence, when his intentions should become known. With characteristic frankness, he openly avowed his sentiments respecting the war, advocating the cause of the rebels, and strongly expressing his satisfaction in view of their signal and unexpected success at Trenton, the mortifying intelli- gence of which reached London during the time of his visit. At the expiration of three weeks he returned to Paris. Though strongly urged to accompany his uncle to Ver- sailles, where he might bask for a while in the sunshine of royalty, he suffered an apology to be made for him, and hastened to complete the arrangements for his voy- age. These aiTangements had been slowly and silently going forward during his absence. Arriving in Paris, he proceeded directly to the house of baron de Kalb. Without making his appearance in public, he saw pri- vately a few of his friends, who were favorable to his project, and some of the Americans in Paris, and, after three days, set out for Bordeaux, whence he intended to embark. Here he was informed that his intended do parture had, by some means, become known at court, and that orders were already issued to arrest it. Deter- mined not to be outdone by a watchful police, he sailed to the neighboring port of Passage, in Spain, where he left his vessel, and returned immediately to Boi'- deaux. He then wi'ote to the ministers of the king at Versailles, openly declaring his purpose, and asking leave to prosecute it without molestation. He also dis- closed his intentions to his family, and to some of his most intimate friends. In these letters there was an air of freedom and de- fiance, which gave great offence. He reminded min- isters that an ofiicer in the king's Ii'ish regiment had 2 ae LIFE OP LAFAYETTE been permitted to go over and join the British forces), and challei.geJ them to sliow reason why other officers should not be allowed to join the Americans, equally an inde- pendent people, and contending for just principles. The privilege had already been granted to several peraons, who had entered the American sei-vice, and could not, with any show of justice, be denied to him. As to his oath of allegiance, he observed that, when ministers should be faithful to their pledges to the people, they might, with better grace, talk about a violation of an oath to the goverament. The answers to these despatches were anything but satisfactory. The letters from his family were violent and reproachful. Those from the government were peremptory, and accompanied with threats. Neither of these had any influence to divert him from his pui-pose. The grief and anxiety of his wife, whose delicate situa tion demanded all his sympathy, affected him most deep- ly ; but he had gone too far ; his heart was in the cause; he could not turn back. Among the letters then received, was one requiring him to repair at once to Marseilles, and there await the further orders of his sovereign. Under pretence of obeying this order, he set off in a post-chaise, on the road to Marseilles, in company with an officer named Mauroy, who was also desirous to go to America. Hav- ing proceeded a few leagues in this direction, he assumed the disguise of a courier, and, taking the road to Bay onne, rode on before the can-iage in the capacity of sei-vant to Mauroy. Being necessarily detained at Bay- onne a few hours, Lafayette acted well his part as ser- vant, by throwing himself upon the straw in the stable, and dozing quietly, while his supposed master was ar- ranging affairs for the prosecution of their journey. He had nearly escaped the danger of pursuit, when he was I.aftiyetio recngniizefl by Hio Pnstmnn"-; Daiiijfhlcr. — P.-ir-o 97. COMMENCEMENT OP \ NOBLE CAREER. 27 unexpectedly recognised by the postman's daughter, at St. Jean de Luz, a small village on the border. She had seen him as he passed, on his return from Passage to Bordeaux. Perceiving that he was known, he made a sign that she should not expose him. She not only kept his secret, but adroitly turned away suspicion when his pursuers came up. In reply to their inquii'ies, sho assured them that a carriage had passed that way, but that no such person was in it as they described. By this means he escaped all further annoyance. He rejoined his ship at Passage, on the 26th of Apiil, 1777, and set sail on the same day for the theatre of his future glory. In his company was baron de Kalb, Mr. Mauroy, and ten other officers, of different ranks, to all of whom a free passage was given. As soon as it was ascertained that the ardent young hero was gone, the court of France despatched orders to the colonies in the West Indies to aiTest his progi-ess. He had taken out papers for one of the French West India islands ; for, even in Spain, it would not have been safe or prudent openly to avow his true destination. It was, moreover, the general custom, with both Spanish and French cruisers, to take this indirect course, partly with a view to making a double voyage, and partly through fear of the English ships-of-war, which were hovering on the coast of America. The captain of the Victory insisted upon taking this course ; but Lafayette, anticipating the hazard of pursuit, required him to sail directly for an American port, threatening, in case of refusal, to give the command to the mate. The captain, deceived by the ostensible design of his employer, had taken on board, for his own account, a cargo assorted for the West Indies, and valued at eight thousand dol- lars. With the generosity so i atural to him, Lafayetti! 28 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. agreed to indemnify him for any loss that might result from this change of destination. The Victory was a heavy sailer. She was furnished with two inferior cannon, and a quantity of small-arms — an armament insufficient for a conflict with the Ught- est privateer. Notwithstanding this meager equipment, her brave company resolved to contest the right of way with any force that might appear to dispute it, and, in any event, not to suffer themselves to be taken. To avoid this latter alternative, Lafayette had concerted measures with Bidaulx, a brave Dutchman, who, having deserted his post in the royal army, had nothing to hope for, in case of capture, but an ignominious death, to blow up the ship, should there be a probability of its falhng into the hands of their pursuers. As soon as he had recovered fi'om the first attack of sea-sickness, Lafayette applied himself with diligence to tlie study of the language of his new friends, and to such other matters as would qualify him to become useful on his arrival. They had nearly reached the American coast, when they descried a vessel, apparently in chase. The captain was alarmed ; but the crew, as well as the company of officers on board, were all united in making preparations for resistance. Their courage was not put to the test. The stranger proved to be an American privateer, returning from a cruise among the islands, and homeward bound. They made every effort to keep their ship in company with her ; but being a superior sailer, she soon left them behind. It was a fortunate parting. Tlie following day the American vessel encountered two English frigates, and was made a prize. The slowei Frenchman escaped. FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. 29 CHAPTER III. FIRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA. After a tedious voyage of seven vreeks, dui'ing which time they had encountei'ed the usual variety of perils and discomforts, and naiTowly escaped the dangers of pur- suit and capture, they descried the coast of South Caro- lina, near Georgetown, at the mouth of Pedee river. It was late in the day when they made the land. Entering the mouth of the river, about dai-k, they went on shore in their boats. Attracted by a light, they approached the house of Major Benjamin Huger. The furious bark Ing of the dogs promised them anything but a hospitable reception. Nor were the people within apparently more favorably disposed than their watchful sentinels without. Supposing the strangers to be a party of pillaging marau- ders, just landed fi'om some British privateer — numbers of which were continually hovering on the coast — they kept their doors bolted and ban'ed, and held a prudent parley, before they would consent to give them admit- tance. Baron de Kalb, who had been in America be- fore, and was tolerably acquainted with the language, was obliged to act as interpreter. Having announced himself and his party, and explained the object of theii visit to America, the doors were instantly thrown open, and a cordial welcome extended to the strangei's. With the generous hospitality so universally characteristic of the southern gentleman, Lafayette and his band were 30 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. received into the family of Major Hugei as friends and brothers, and every an-angement was made for their personal comfort. The feeling of mingled triumph and hope which agi tated the mind of Lafayette, in finding himself safe upon American soil, out of the reach of pursuit and moles- tation, and on the point of realizing his ardent desire to take part in the contest between freedom and oppres- sion, in a field sufiiciently wide to give ample scope to the combatants, and sufficiently noble to justify a strug- gle for its possession, can be better imagined than de- scribed. It partook of the ardent enthusiasm of youth, full of confidence and buoyant with expectation, and the firm and earnest resolve of mature manhood, when its entire being seems concentrated upon a point, and all its interests involved in a single cast of the die. When the morning dawned, and he looked out for the first time upon an American landscape, he was enchanted with the beauty of the country, clothed with the luxuri- ant verdure of June, and smiling in the rosy light of an unclouded morning. Everything was new to him ; hut everything was beautiful. Transfen-ed suddenly from a society where everything was artificial and heartless, and where rank and title everywhere had precedence of solid worth and virtue, to the bosom of a people who had just announced to the world, as the basis of their political creed, the doctrine of equal rights and universal liberty, he seemed to feel that he had begun his lile anew, and that henceforth he was neither a nobleman nor a Frenchman, but a citizen of the world — a member of the great family of mankind. This feeling never left him. It grew with his years, and strengthened with his experience, and made him, in all the vicissitudes of an eventful life, the man of the age, rather than the man of a nation, a party, or a creed. FIRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA. 31 Among the children of Major Huger was an interest- ing boy, a fine, manly little fellow, who attracted the attention of the guests, and who, as he is destined to act a most heroic and romantic part in the seijuel, desei-ves a passing notice here. Francis Kinloch Huger, first alanned and then delighted, at the appearance of so many strangers, amused and puzzled with their foreign accent and broken language, was noticed by all, but especially by Lafayette. Sitting upon his knee, or walk- ing with him over the gi'ounds of the plantation, he en- tertained the noble visiter with his childish prattle, and with his intelligent questions respecting the distant land from' which he came. With the enthusiasm of an ob- serving child, he entered into his zeal for the cause of liberty, which was understood and discussed by the chi dren of America with the boldness and freedom, if not with the intelligence, of their patriot parents. Thus the name of Lafayette became associated, in the earliest thoughts of the young Carolinian, with all that was good, and great, and noble. With the deepest veneration and affection, he treasured up all the incidents of his subse- quent career. Once he risked liberty and life in his service, and, to the last, entertained toward him almost the reverence due to a superior order of beings. Having entertained his honored guests with the hospi- tality of a patriarch. Major Huger provided horses to convey them to Charleston. The Victory was ordered to the same place, though in imminent danger of being captured by British cruisers. She arrived in safety, having encountered neither friend nor foe by the way. Finding several vessels, both French and American, about to depart fir Europe, Lafayette employed the first moments of his short stay in Charleston in writino to his friends at home. The following extracts from his letters of this period, will serve to complete the nana- 32 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. live and illustrate the feelings of the youthful adven- turer. Under date of June 7th, one week before his amval, he thus expressed his enthusiastic and almost prophetic desires for the cause in which he was about to engage : "While defending the liberty I adore, I shall enjoy perfect freedom myself I but offer my service to that interesting republic from motives of the purest kind, unmixed with ambition or private views. Her happiness and my glory are my only incentives. I hope that, for my sake, you will become a good American ; for that feeling is wor- thy of every noble heart. The happiness of America is intimately connected with the happiness of all mankind. She will hecome the safe and respected asylum of virtue, integrity, toleration, equality, and tranquil happiness." On the 15th, after announcing his amval at Major Hu- ger's, he added : " The manners in this part of the world are simple, polite, and worthy in every respect of the country in which the noble name of liberty is constantly repeated." Writing from Charleston, on the 19th, he says : " The country and its inhabitants are as agreeable as my en- thusiasm had led me to imagine. Simplicity of manner, kindness of heart, love of country and of liberty, and a de- lightful state of equality, are met with universally. The richest and the poorest men are completely on a level." Leaving Charleston, where he had received every at- tention becoming his rank and his disinterested devotion to liberty, Lafayette had before him a journey of about nine hundred miles to Philadelphia,, where Congress was then in session. The facilities for travellin"' were far o inferior to those which we now enjoy. The roads were anything but easy, and travellers were in some peril, owing to the unsettled state of the country, and tlie differences of opinion, in relation to the contest, which prevailed MUST IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. 33 among the people. This journey wag made on horse- back ; a light carriage, which was purchased at Charles- ton to relieve the tediousness of the way, having soon fallen a sacrifice to the roughness of the roads. Alluding playfully to this circumstance in a letter from Petersburg, he says : " You know that I set out in a brilliant manner in a carriage. I must now tell you that we are all on horseback, having broken the carriage according to my usual praisewrjrthy custom, and I hope soon to write to you that we have anived on foot." The Victory was despatched, with letters, and a cargo of rice, for France. But, having fulfilled her destiny, she was wrecked on the bar, at the entrance of Charleston hai-bor, and the vessel and cargo became a total loss. The journey to Philadelphia occupied a month ; tin extreme heat of the weather, and the badnes'5 of tho roads, combining to make his progress slow and tedi ous. It was made interesting, however, as well by ob- servations on the face of the country, and the character and habits of the people, as by the object for which it was undertaken. At every resting-place, the leisure mo- ments of Lafayette were employed in writing to his wife and to his friends in France. These letters are replete with sentiments of the purest affection for his family and friends and the country he had left behind, and the noblest and most disinterested enthusiasm for that which ho had now adopted. It was an interesting crisis in American affairs when Lafayette arrived to take part in the struggle. The mas ■ terly stroke by which, with the broken remnants of a thrice-vanquished and retreating army, Washington had turaed upon his victorious pursuers, and driven them, with great loss, out of the Jerseys, had convinced the British commander that the " rebels" were not easily beaten, and that more vigorwis measuj-es must be adopt 2* C 34 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. ed to recover the royal possessions in America. The plan of the campaign was to put on so formidable a front as to crush at once all hope of successfiil resistance. For this purpose, an ai-my of ten thousand men was collected in Canada, to operate, by way of Lake Champlain, against the norther frontier, and, if possible, separate New Eng- land from the more southern colonies. Preceded by proc- lamations, addressed alike to the fears of the timid and to the lingering hopes of the loyal, and accompanied by bands of mercenary savages, more dreaded because more ignorant and fierce, than De Heister's Hessians, Burgoyne descended the lake, and taking possession of the too easily abandoned fortress at Ticonderoga, sti-uck a heavier and more eflective blow than had yet distinguished the British arms in America. With this fonnidable dan- ger on the north, and the brothers Howe concentrating a force of nearly twenty thousand men in New York for some secret expedition, Washington was utterly at a loss as to how he should dispose his comparatively feeble force to properly meet and resist the movements of the ene- my. New York, Rhode Island, and the lakes, were now in the hands of that enemy. Every point was threatened at the same time. To guard the fortresses in the highlands of the North river, and prevent the junction of Sir Henry Clinton with Bui'goyne, Putnam was strongly reinforced at Peekskill, and the main army placed in a commanding position on the other side of the river. To meet an ap- parent demonstration toward Philadelphia, the main anny traversed the Jei'seys to the Delaware, and the reinforce- ments ordered to the highlands were withdravvm to the western bank of the river, to bo in instant readiness for a movement northward or southward, as the exisrencies cf the different posts might require. At length, the British fleet was reported in the Dela- ware, and the real design of General Howo was fully riRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA. 35 disclosed. On receiving this information, Washingtoi! crossed the Delaware, and encamped with eleven thou, sand men at Germantown, about ten miles from Phila- delphia. It was at this critical juncture that Lafayette, with hia retinue, arrived at Philadelphia. Ho immediately placed his letters in the hands of Mr. Lovell, chairman of the committee of foreign aftairs. Calling the next day for an intei-view with him, a sudden shade was thrown over his high-raised hopes and expectations. The Ameri- can Congress had been overwhelmed with applications from foreigners, who, for the most part, with the most extravagant pretensions, exhibited no good title to confi- dence or regard. Many of them, without name, without talent, without any other purpose than an undefined am- bition for military distinction, were mere quixotic ad- venturers, who, for the paltiy glory of a name, would as soon have espoused one side as the other ; while others would perhaps have betrayed them both for the distinc- tion of an epaulette, a purse of gold, or a mess of pot- tage. The motives and characters of such as these were soon understood by the shrewd men to whom the inter- ests of Amei'ican freedom were then intrusted. Their claims were rejected at once. Some of them lowered their tone, and accepted stations far more humble than were at first demanded. Others, disappointed and cha- giined, returned to Europe, to seek service in some other tield of war, perfectly indifferent whether they found it in the ranks of freedom or in those of its enemies. So numerous had t? ise applications been, during the past season, that /ongress begaij ,a look with suspicion upon all foreignL/s, and to lay their claims upon the ta- ble, with scarcely the ceremony of a reception. Mr. Lovell explained " .'lese circumstances to Lafayette, and assured him there Mi^ Uttle hope that the agreement of 36 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. Mr. Deaiie, which promised him the rank of major-gen- eral, would be ratified by Congi-ess. Satisfied that his papers had not been examined, he requested Mr. Lovell to return to Congress and renew his application for ad- mission to the sei-vice, accompanied with the following brief and emphatic note: "After the sacrifices I have liiade, I have a right to exact two favors : one is, ro sei-ve at my own expense ; the other is, to serve, at first, as a volunteer." These tei'ms, so unlike the tone of exti-ava- gant demand to which they had been accustomed, ana presenting few obstacles on the ground of an interferenct with the just expectations of American officers, were im mediately accepted. The resolution of Congress, con ferring on him the nominal rank of major-general, with out assigning him any definite command, was passed on the 31st of July, and is in these words : " Seeing thai the marquis de Lafayette, on account of his great zeal in the cause of liberty in which the United States are en- gaged, has quitted his family and country, and has come to offer his services to the United States, without de- manding either pay or private indemnity, and that he de- sires to expose his life in our cause — Resolved, That his services be accepted, and that, on account of his zeal; his illustrious family and connections, he shall have the rank and commission of major-general in the anny of the United States." At the date of this resolution, which confen-ed upon him the highest rank known in the Amer- ican ai-my, the young hero was within five weeks of com- pleting the twentieth year of his age. With several of the oflScers who had accompanied hiru from France, in the hope of obtaining honorable employ- ment in America, Lafayette was wholly unacquaintef until he met them on board the Victory. But lie felt a friendly interest in them all, and, with his characteristic generosity, deeming himself in some measure instrumen- FIRST IMPRESSIONS OF AMERICA. 37 tai in leading them across the Atlantic, he liberally in- demnified from his own purse those whose services were not accepted. Washington was now daily expected at Philadelphia, and L afaj'ette anxiously awaited his aiTival. Their first meet- ing was at a dinner-party, where several members of Con- gress were present, who communicated to the command- er-in-chief the circumstances under which the new com- mission had been issued. Washington was most favora- bly impressed with the modest appearance and disinter- ested zeal of the young volunteer. On rising from the cable, he drew Lafayette aside, and entered into a free and paternal conversation with him. He complimented nim upon his zeal and his sacrifices in the cause of hu- man liberty, and invited him to consider the headquarters of the army as his home, playfully adding that he coula not promise him the luxuries of a court, or the conveni- ences of a domestic establishment, but that, having sacri- ficed so much to become an American soldier, he was no doubt prepared cheerfully to submit to the customs and privations of a republican camp. From this time, a friendship of the most intimate and enduring character existed between these truly gi-eat men — a friendship based upon a fundamental similarity of tastes, habits, and opinions, and cemented by the sin- cerest esteem and affection. Having accompanied the general in a visit of exami- nation to the fortifications in and about Philadelphia, Lafayette proceeded with him to the camp. On the day of his anival the troops were reviewed by the general in person. To a French officer, accustomed only to the well-appointed camps, and disciplined armies, of the Old World, that army must have presented a singular spec- tacle. Poorly clad, in clothes of every form and hue, miserably armed, and almost ent"'ely unskilled in the 38 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. most common military tactics, it might nave provoked a smile from one less versed than he in the ait of war. To him, however, who looked rather to the cause in which they were enlisted, than to mere outward trap- pings, it was the noblest army that was ever arrayed in camp or field. There was fire in their eyes, and spirit and independence in their movements, which, proving them alike incoiTuptible and invincible, threw all the out- ward pomp and circumstance of military parade and equipment quite into the shade. When Washington ex pressed to Lafayette the embarrassment he must neces- sarily feel in exhibiting such an army before a Euro- pean officer like himself, he modestly replied, " 1 have come here to leara, and not to teach." Wlien the British fleet entered the Chesapeake, Wash- ington removed his camp to Wilmington. In making this movement he marched his entire army through the sti'eets of Philadelphia, which were gayly dressed for the occasion with leaves and flowers, where, accompanied by the stir- ring music of drum and fife, they received the cheering acclamations of the citizens. Lafayette was at his side during this march. He also shared the danger to which he impi-udently subjected himself, when, a few nights after, having reconnoitred the position of the enemy, and being overtaken by a stomi on his return, he took shelter in a fannhouse so perilously near to the enemy's lines as to expose himself and his party to the imminent hazard of a surprise. Hitherto, Washington had pursued the prudent, un- ambitious policy of annoying the enemy by occasional skirmishes, without risking a general engagement. The voice of the people and of Congress now demanded a battle, and preparations were made to meet that demand. The British had landed a little below the head of the Elk, which is farmed by the inion of two small creeks FIRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA. 39 at Elkton. It is about half way between the Susque hannah and the Delaware, and thirteen miles from its ■unction with the Chesapeake. The Americans were posted on the northern bank of Red Clay creek, a few miles below Wilmington, their pickets, under General Maxwell, being advanced to Christiana bridge, which was nearly one third of the distance between them and the enemy's position. During the time occupied in landing, there was constant skinnishing between light pai'ties of the opposing armies, in which the Americans gained some advantage. The movements of Greneral Howe indicating an intention to outflank the American right, Washington retired across the Brandywine, post- ing his centre on the high ground near Chad's Ford, two miles south of Dilworth. His right wing, commanded by Sullivan, had chai-ge of the fords above and at the forks of the river. The left wing, under Armstrong, extended down toward Wilmington. In this position, in pursuance of the advice of Congress, a stand was made, with a view to bring on a general engagement. One division of the British ai-my, under General Knyp- hausen, advaficed in a direct line toward Chad's Ford, with no other design than to divert the attention of the Ameri- can commander ; while the other division, under Lord CornwalHs, accompanied by General Howe, proceeded along the Lancaster road, making a circuit of seventeen miles, and crossing the Brandywine above the forks, at- tacked the i-ight wing in the rear. Finding that this was to be the field of danger for that day, Lafayette, who had remained near the person of Washington, asked leave to volunteer his services to General Sullivan. His request was cheerfully granted, and he galloped away to the scene of action. His aiTival infused new spirit into the troops, who were hardly bested, and destined to a severe engage- ment with afai- superior force. Comwallis advanced in 40 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. fine order, with a heavy fire of both artillery and musLoli-j The two wings were soon put to flight. The centre, commanded by Lord Stirling, maintained its gijund nobly for a considerable time. One regiment, under Conway, was particularly distinguished for its good con- duct. Lafayette was with this division, and rendered essential service in rallying the troops and preserving order on their i-etreat. He had dismounted, on his ar- rival, and joined the ranks on foot, where he exhibited a conspicuous example of coolness and courage which would have done honor to a veteran. In the heat of the engagement, and at the very moment when the central division, overpowered by the superior num- bers of the enemy, broke and gave way, Lafayette re- ceived a ball in his leg, but paid no attention to it till the blood was noticed running over his boot-top. By the assistance of Grimat, his aide-de-camp, he mounted his horse, and continued his exertions till Greene came up with reinforcements. Compelled by loss of blood to stop and have his wound bandaged, he was exposed to im- minent danger of being captured by the advancing foe. The presence of Greene could not turn the reti-eal ; but he covered it with signal ability, checking the pur- suit of the enemy, and sustaining a wai-m engagement till dark. It was not until he arrived at Chester, a dis- tance of twelve miles from the scene of action, with the slow pace of a retreating ai-my, in which he was active and useful to the last, that Lafayette was able to have his wound attended to. It was then found to be «ufii- ciently serious to require a considerable period of re- pose ; having, no doubt, been not a little aggi-avated by- the exertions and exposures of a hazardous retreat. Ho was first conveyed to Philadelphia; and immediately afterward, when Congress abandoned that city for a more secure position at Lancaster, he was placed in the FIRST IMPRESSIONS OP AMERICA. 41 i are of the good Moravians at Bethlehem. In their hos- pitable and peaceful retreat, where he was confined to his bed about six weeks, he received the kind attention and good nursing which his case required. But to his youthful and ardent spirit, inactivity was as hard to bear as physical pain. He longed to be abroad in the field, and to witness the progress of those events, on the issue of which he had staked his all. The peace- loving Moravians endeavored in vain to convince him of the folly and sinfulness of the profession he had adopted, and the perfect propriety and practicability of the pacific principle. He listened with deference to their homilies against war, while, at the same time, he amused himself with projects which should strengthen the cause of liberty in the new world, and kindle afresh the contentions with tyrants in the old. Unable to wield the sword, he took up his pen, and corresponded with singular diligence and ability, not only with his family and friends, but with such persons of distinction, in both France and the French colonies, as he supposed might exert a favorable influence in the American cause. To M. de Bouille, governor of Martinique, he proposed an entei-prise, to weaken the power of the common enemy, by an attack upon the English islands, under American colors. That gen- eral approved the project, but, on laying it before the minister, was not permitted to prosecute it. He also wrote to the count de Maurepas, proposing to conduct an expedition against the English factories in the Indian ocean, to be manned in part by Americans, and earned on under the American flag. Subsequent events left no doubt on his mind that this latter expedi- tion would have been attended with complete success, depriving Great Britain of the most important of her colonial possessions in the East; but, as Lafayette was 42 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. in disgi-ace at Versailles, his unceremonious departure not having been forgiven, no official answer was ever made to this suggestion. Count de Maurepas spoke publicly in praise of it, and ever after showed a decided partiality for the brave heart and sagacious mind in which it originated. In remarking upon the warmth of his zeal in the seiTice of liberty, the old minister is reported to have said : " He will end, one day, by un- fumishing the palace of Versailles to serve the Ameri- can cause ; for when he has once taken anything luto his head, it is impossible to resist him." GALLANT SERVICES REWARDED. 43 CHAPTEK IV. 6ALLANT SERVICES REWARDED LAFAYETTE COMMAND- ER-IN-CHIEF OF THE NORTHERN ARMY. During the temporary retirement of Lafayette, the British general had entrenched himself at Philadelphia ; and Washington, with the hope of dislodging him, had conducted a well-fought but unsuccessful attack upon his advanced post at Geraiantown. This was on the 4fh of October. The report of the action, and the new hopes it inspired, made the young volunteer more impatient than ever to be in the field. He was not then allowed to leave his bed ; but early in November, though still unable to wear a boot, he was so far recovered as to be able to return to the camp. Headquarters were then established at Wliitemarsh, fourteen miles west of Philadelphia. General Greene being ordered into New Jersey, to watch and harass the movements of Lord Comwallis, Lafayette accompanied him as a vol- unteer. Taking command of a detachment of three hundred and fifty raen, for the purpose of reconnoitring the enemy's position, he led them from Mount Holly to Gloucester point, a few miles below Philadelphia, on the opposite side of the river, where he overtook the letiring foe. They had collected considerable booty, which they were engaged in conveying across the river. To inform himself more perfectly of their position, the young gen- eral advanced, in person, upon a narrow strip of land 14 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. called Sandy point, which projected far into the river Here he was wholly exposed to the direct fire of the British, to which he would doubtless nave fallen a vic- tim, if they had not relied with so much confidence upon their ability to cut off his retreat and take him alive, as to neglect the use of their arms till he was quite out of their reach. His guides were in the greatest alarm. The pursuit was extremely warm ; but, by his coolness and activity, he succeeded in evading the one and quiet- ing the other. At four o'clock in the afternoon, he fell in with a regi- ment of Hessians, nearly four hundred in number, who were posted about two miles in advance of the British camp. Though his force was inferior in numbers, and without artillery, he immediately assaulted the place, and compelled the Hessians to give way. The firing being heard at the camp. Com wallis came up with his grenadiers; but, owing to the nature of the ground and the skilfiil dis- position of the American party, he was deceived as to the number of his antagonists. Supposing himself engaged with the entire coi-ps of General Greene, which was equal to his own, he suffered himself to be driven back to the neighborhood of Gloucester, where he intended to make a stand. In this skirmish the British lost about sixty men. A message had been despatched to Greene, to in- form him of the conflict. He set forward immediately, and ari'ived on the gi'ound late at night. The combat having been suspended, he did not deem it prudent to renew it. In the morning Lord Cornwallis crossed the river, without risking another engagement, and Gieene, with his force, rejoined the main ai-my at "Wliitemarsh. The good management and success of Lafayette, in this affair, was highly gi-atifying to the army and to Con- gress. His personal popularity was great, wherever he was known. His devotion to their cause — his cool, in- GALLANT SERVICES REWARDED. 45 ti'epid bravery in action — his modest deportment, unas- suming manners, and easy acquiescence in the plain habits, plain fare, and unusual hardships of the republi- can camp — had won for him a high place in the confi- dence, esteem, and affection, of all classes. It was, therefore, with general satisfaction that Congi-ess em- bi'aced this opportunity to assign him a command in ac- cordance with his rank. On the 26th of November, immediately after the affair at Gloucester, Washington urged the matter upon the attention of Congfi-ess, in a letter commending, in strong terms, his pr-udence and good conduct. A resolution was accordingly passed, on the 1st of December, 1777, declaring that " it would be extremely agi'eeable to the Congi'ess of the United States to see the marquis de Lafayette at the head of a division." Three days after- ward it was proclaimed, in public orders, that he was to take command of the division recently under General Stephen, who had been dismissed from the army. This division was composed chiefly of the Virginia regiments of militia. On the 5th of December, General Howe, having been reinforced by several regiments from New York, took post at Chesnut hill, scarcely more than three miles from Whitemarsh. His force consisted of twelve thousand men. Washington, with his accustomed prudence, though not averse to an engagement, resolved to act on the de- fensive, upon the gi-ound he had chosen. But Howe, not inclined to venture upon an attack, after wasting three days in a variety of manoeuvres, in the vain hope f gaining some advantage, suddenly returned to Phila- delphia, having lost, in diffei'ent skirmishes, more than a hundred men. Meanwhile, the American force in Pennsylvania had heen considerably strengthened by detachments from the 46 I.IPB OP 1 APAYETTB. army at the north, the surrender of Burgoyne rendering the longer continuance of the troops in that quarter un- necessary. But as companies and regiments, whose tenns of enlistment had expired, were continually retuniing to their homes, the whole number, under the iramediale command of Washington, seldom exceeded ten thousand men. "\'.''ith a well-organized, regular army, he could at any time have driven the British from the field. About the middle of December, with his little handful of men, wretchedly clad, and wretchedly provided in all respects, Washington went into winter quarters at Valley Forge. An encampment so unique, so destitute of ev- erything that could make it attractive, comfortable, or even tolerable, our European allies had never seen nor imagined. It filled them with surprise and admiration. Lafayette, who partook of its hardships, remarked that " the patient endurance of both soldiers and officers was a miracle which each moment served to renew." With a devoti(jn to the American cause as deep as it vfas sin- gular, he encouraged the endurance of others by submit- ting cheerfully and voluntarily to every privation, and remaining constantly on duty in camp. He wished to be even more simple, frugal, and austere, than the Amer- icans themselves, and refused nothing in the way of self- denial or fatigue, which his duty as an officer rendered practicable. At this epoch, General Lafayette was called upon to take a very conspicuous place in the ai-my, under cir- cumstances which exhibited in the strongest light, not only his sincere attachment to Washington, and his true fidelity to the American cause, but that sterling virtue and incorruptible integrity of character, which made him, through his whole life, one of the most noble and consistent of men. An intrigue was in progress, to un- dermine the influence and destroy the power of the com- COMMANDS THE NORTHERN ARMY. 47 mander-iu-ohief. General Crates was at the- head of it, though it has received the designation of " Conway'" cabal." Gates, Mifflin, and Conway, were the conspira tors ; and, aided by the eclat which attached to the name of the former, in consequence of his success at Saratoga, he had gained the ear of several members of Congress. Even in that honorable body, on whose deliberations and decisions were suspended, not only the fate of the na- tion, but that of Liberty herself for centuries to come, there were not a few of those shortsighted, shallow rea- soners, who estimate talent by success, and virtue by the noisy pretensions of those who lay exclusive claim to it. The evident design of the cabal was to displace Gen- eral Washington, and raise General Gates to the supreme command. The better to effect this, it was deemed ne- cessary to detach Lafayette from his interest, and, if possible, draw him into the conspiracy. With this view, an expedition againt Canada was projected, to be or- dered by Congiess, and carried on by a distinct army, under a commander who should be in no way responsi- ble to Washington. Gates, as chairman of the board of war, was the author of this scheme. It was adopted, by the aid of his friends and supporters in Congi-ess, with- out consulting Washington in reference to any of its de- tails. He was only infoimed of its nature and design, when, in the latter part of January, 1778, he received a letter from General Gates, enclosing another to Lafay ette, infoiming him that he was appointed to the com mand of the expedition. Washington placed the commission in the hands ot his friend, without allowing himself to make a single remark. Lafayette, on perusing the paper, immediately penetra- ted the designs of its projectors, and declared to three commissioners of Congress, who chanced to be in the cainp at that moment, that he would lever accept any 48 ~ LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. command independent of his general, and that tlie ti- tle of aide-de-camp appeared to him preferable to any other that could be offered to him. His first impulse was to decline the appointment altogether. It was at best an unpromising scheme ; and so it appeared to hira at first view. It contemplated the raising of an anny of two or three thousand men, to rendezvous at Albany, proceed across Lake Champlain on the ice, burn the enemy's shipping at St. John's, press onward to Montreal, and accomplish such other enterprises as circumstances raight suggest and permit. General Washington at once advised the acceptance of the command, expressing his satisfaction that it was offered to him rather than to any other person, and ad- ding that so high a testimony of the confidence of Con- gress would be honorable to him in the eyes of the world, while his own prudence would be a sufficient guaranty to his reputation, in whatever manner the ex- pedition might terminate. Thus advised by the man in whom he most confided, Lafayette signified his acceptance of the honorable charge on condition of remaining subordinate to General Wash- ington, of being considered but as an ofiicer detached from his command, and of addressing all official letters to him, the duplicates of which should be sent to Con- gress. These stipulations being assented to, he hastened to York, about eighty miles west of Philadelphia, where Congress was then assembled, to confer with the board of war. They had directed him to proceed at once to Albany, and there await his further instructions, hoping tnus to intoxicate him with a sense of his own impor- tance, and at the same time remove him from the influ- ence of the counsels of his commander. But he insisted upon receiving circumstantial orders before his depart- ui-e, with a fall statement of the means to be employed, COMMANDS THE NORTHERN ARMY. 49 and the prospects of ultimate success. He also demand- ed an additional number of general officers, among whom he nominated his old friend the baron de Kalb, who, being senior in rank, would take precedence of Conway, and thus defeat all the hopes based upon his superior influence. At the house of General Gates, where all these mat- ters were discussed at the dinner-table, Mifflin and Con- way being present, with others interested in promoting the enterprise, the youthful general threw off all disguise in relation to his own sentiments and preferences, by ob- serving, as they were about to separate, that there was one toast which they had not drank, which could not, without violence to his feelings, be omitted. The glasses being filled, he gave — " The commander-in-chief of the Amer- ican armies." It was received with manifest coldness, but, in deference to him who proposed it, was drunk with the usual ceremony of respect. This frank and manly avowal of his sentiments, and the decided conditions by which he cut off all hope of being made the mere tool of a faction, to promote their ovra elevation by the destruction of all above them, deprived the entei-prise of all its most promising features, and led to its ultimate abandonment. Its projectors had not the hardihood, however, to give it up without some show of effort, which sei-ved only to divide and distract the Amer- ican forces, and consume a large amount of " the sinews of war," the furnishing of which imposed such a heavy burden upon the country. General Lafayette entered upon the execution of this new ti-ust,with full confidence that he should be able to I'ender impoztant service to the country, if all the prom- ised means were faithfully and promptly afforded him ; but, at the same time, with a strong conviction that the whole would fail for want of those means. In his in- 3 D 50 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. structions from the war-office, it was stipulated that twenty-five hundred men should be assembled at Albany, to be joined by a large corps of New-England mil'tia, under command of the brave and falented Geneial Stark whose gi-and achievement at Bernington, the previous year, had furnished the key to all our successes at the north. He was also to be supplied with two millions of paper-money, a considerable quantity of specie, and tU the necessary facilities for conveying his army across Lake Champlain on the ice. Early in February, 1778, the commander-in-chief of the northern army, being then some seven months less than twenty-one years of age, commenced his long and dreary journey to Albany. He could only travel on horseback, and the distance was more than three hun- dred miles. Dismissing his guide at Hemingtown, he wrote a hasty note to Washington, in which he says, ■' I go on slowly, sometimes drenched with rain, sometimes covered with snow, and not entertaining many handsome thoughts about the projected incursion into Canada. If successes were to be had, it would surprise me in the most agreeable manner, for the reason that I do not ex- pect any brilliant ones. Lake Champlain is too coki to produce one sprig of laurel ; and, if I am not starved, I shall be as proud as if I had gained three battles." On the 17th, he arrived at Albany. The boasted prep- arations had scarcely commenced. Instead of twenty- five hundred men, but little more than a thousand were collected, and these poorly provided for such an expedi- tion. General Stark, who, as Gates boastfully predicted, would have burnt the English flotilla at St. John's before the main army could arrive there, had not even been no- tified that his services would be required. Generals Schuyler, Lincoln, and Arnold, had each sent in their written opinions, condemning the whole entei'prise, in COMMANDS THE NORTHERN ARMY. 51 the most emphatic mannei-, as altogether impracticable and preposterous. This was the universal sentiment of the north. Clothing, provisions, military storesj sledges for transportation, were all unprovided. The men who were there were not half furnished even for a summer campaign, besides having arrears of pay due them amour t- ing to nearly a million of dollars, the want of which was already producing a serious disaffection in the ranks. Encompassed with these difficulties, and deeply cha grined at the aspect of the entei-prise, he wrote to Wash- ington, as to a father, expressing the fear that his reputa- tion would suffer fi'om having his name connected with so ill-judged and ill-planned an expedition, and suggesting the possibility of turning to good account such prepara- tions as had already been made, by a sudden diversion to another quarter. Arnold favored an attack upon New York, but was too sick to accompany it. Lafayette de- sired anything which might save his command from the disgrace of a total failure. The projected invasion of Canada, though deemed im- practicable from the beginning, was not wholly aban- doned by its adventurous commander until the bi-eaking up of the ice in March. Disappointed of the promised reinforcements, he conceived the bold idea of attempting to accomplish by surprise, with a detachment, the enter- prise which he had not means to prosecute in any other way. It was but a momentary thought, however, which mature deliberation pronounced rash and impossible. Carleton was too strongly posted to fear anything but a well-appointed anny, and Lafayette, though ardent and fearless, was too prudent to risk anything for the love of adventure mei-ely. As he concealed from every one but Washington his doubts and disgusts, and employed eveiy means in his power to forward the expedition, even boiTOwing money 52 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. on his personal credit, to satisfy the demands of the sol- diers, it became at length a cause of serious alann at Geoi'getown, where Congi-ess was at that time assem- bled, lest he should push forward to the lake, and attempt the passage when it was too late to do so with safety. Orders were therefore issued, countermanding his origi- nal instructions, and recalling him to his former position in the main army, where, it was flatteringly said, his pres- ence was highly necessary. He had already, before the aiTival of these orders, renounced the expedition. But, consistently with the position he assumed in accepting his command, he would not lay it down, though recalled by Congi'ess, tillhe received the orders of the command- er-in-chief. " Till I have instructions for leaving the place from yourself," he vn'ote, " I shall stay, as power- ful commander-in-chief, as if Congress had never re- solved my presence absolutely necessary for the great army." During his brief residence at Albany, Lafayette had won the affection and confidence of all classes, and ren- dered some actual senrice to the cause in which he was engaged. The whole northern frontier was exposed to the merciless irruptions of the Indian tribes ; especially the Hurons and the Iroquois, who, being in the pay of the British, seized every occasion to plunder and harass the American settlements, often committing the greatest oarbarities upon defenceless women and children. Find- ing that he must abandon his expedition to Canada, and conscious that he could not hope for means adequate to the protection of every part of so extensive a frontier, Lafayette resolved at least to do what he could. He directed that quarters for the accommodation of troops should be erected in many different places along the line, causing it to be announced as widely as possible, that gamsons would immediately be established in them COMMANDS THE NORTHERN ARMY. 53 all. This sti-atagem made the Indians more cautious in their advances, it being an important part of their sys- tem of tactics to avoid danger whenever they can. The principal tribes in that quarter having been invi- ted to a conference vfith the American commissionei's, Schuyler and Duane, at Johnstown, on the Mohawk, General Lafayette was requested to attend the meeting The attachment of these tribes to the French had survived their loss of dominion in Canada ; and though always ready, for British gold, to fight against Americans, they would probably at any time have preferred to return to their ancient allegiance. The French missionaries were still their instructors and religious guides. With the French language they were more familiar than with the English ; and when the young Fi'ench chief addi-essed them, they listened with unusual attention. They receiv- ed his presents with marked satisfaction, and promised, for his sake, to abstain from further acts of hostility against his friends the Americans. They even adopted him as one of their own chiefs, giving him the name of Kayoula, by which one of their deceased wan'iors had been distinguished. The treaty thus entered into was for some time rigidly observed by a portion of the Indians, and, so far, had a happy effect in relieving the frontier ; and, if the Amer- ican purse had been as amply provided as the British, they would doubtless have been able, by the aid of their French allies, to avert altogether the atrocities of those ruthless marauder's. The effect of this visit was felt for a considerable time after. Whenever the aid of the Indians was required for any purpose, or any dealings with their chiefs be- came necessary, recourse was had to the name and credit of Kayoula, " whose necTclaces and words were equally respected." In retiring fi-om this honorable command in the north. 54 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. G-eneral Lafayette had the satisfaction, not only of hav- ing secured the approbation and increased the confi- dence of Washington, by the manner in which. he had conducted, but also of receiving from Congress and the board of war a vote of thanks for his good conduct. The resolution of Congx-ess, on this occasion, declared that that honorable body " entertained a high sense of the prudence, activity, and zeal, of General Lafayette, and that they are fully persuaded that nothing has, or would have been, wanting on his part, or on the part of his officers who accompanied him, to give the expedition the utmost possible effect." He had, however, a higher satisfaction within, than any such testimonials as these could afford — the satisfaction of having been permitted to contribute his share in " turning into foolishness the counsels" of an unprincipled faction, who were aiming to aggi-andize themselves by immolating, on the altar of their ambition, the only man who was able to guide, through all the storms that assailed it, the cause of lib- erty and of man. THE FRENCH ALLIANCE. 55 CHAPTER V. THE FRENCH ALLIANCE BARREN-HILL RETREAT BAT- TLE OP MONMOUTH. General Lafayette retui-ned to the camp, at Valley Forge, in season to witness something more of the priva- tions and hardships which the army hail endured throiigh that terrible winter. These were sufficiently severe at its commencement, before he departed for the north ; but they had increased in severity as the months passed on. Soon after his arrival, he was called upon to render a service of peculiar delicacy and importance to the army. An oath of allegiance had been prescribed by Congress, to be administered to all the officers in its service. It embraced an acknowledgment of the inde- pendence, liberty, and sovereignty, of the United States, an eternal renunciation of George III., his successors and heirs, and every king of England, and a promise to defend the states against any and all attempts of said George III. to reduce them again to his dominion. There were still many men in the army, as well as many private citizens, who had not fully made up their minds that the breach between the mother-country and hei colonies could not, by suitable concessions on tin.' part of England, be healed. Some, who would by no means submit to the exactions of the past, which they regaidod rather as ministerial follies than royal encroachments, were not prepared to renounce foi ever their allegiance 66 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE, to the crown. They were consequently reluctant to take the oath. When it was proposed to General Lee, he met it with the peculiar objection, that, though he had no scruples about renouncing for ever his allegiance to the king, he was not prepared to do the same with respect to the prince of Wales. The difficulty arising out of this matter was soon over- come by the delicate and judicious management of La- fayette, whose popularity and influence were universal, and whose good offices, in relation to this particular ob- ject, were duly acknowledged by the commander-in- chief and by Congress. But America was indebted to this ardent and devoted friend, or rather to a kind Providence through him, for another and higher influence, on which the question of her destiny seemed to turn. Though he left France against the express interdict of the king, pursued by the police to the very shore, and by the royal cruisers across the ocean, yet the act of leaving, under such circum- stances, had the effect, ultimately, to win over to the same cause the whole power and chivalry of France. Though denounced by the ministry and the court, as one who had disobeyed the express orders of his king, hi? conduct was heartily approved by the greater part of the brave cavaliers of the land. So enthusiastic was their admiration of the course he had taken, that it would not have been politic, or even safe, for the king to exercise his prerogative of punishment, by declaring the offender an outlaw and confiscating his property to the state. France was, and for ages had been, the natural enemy of England, and, by consequence, the natural ally of any power that was opposed to England. The entire suc- cess of the American states would, at any time, have electrified with joy the court and the people of France. They wished to see their rival humbled, and would even THE FRENCH ALLIANCE. 57 submit to considerable sacrifices to promote that object ; but at this particular crisis, when the nation was gi'oan- ing under the weight of accumulated burdens, they were afraid of the expense of involving themselves in another war with England. It was rather fi'om motives of pel- icy, therefore, than of hearty good will, that Louis XVI. and his crafty ministers frowned upon the chivalric en- tei-prise of the young marquis. They were obliged to put on the appearance of displeasure, to satisfy the watchful and suspicious emissaiies of George III. The sentiment in favor of the straggling colonies was continually increasing in France. Some of the papers openly advocated their cause, and applauded, in unmeas- ured tei-ms, the heroic conduct of Lafayette. Many brave old soldiers and young cavaliers were eager to follow his example ; and when the news of the suiTen- der of Burgoyne, and the bold and masterly conduct of Washington at Gennantown, reached the ears of the monarchs of Europe, giving assurance of ultimate suc- cess, the tide of popular feeling set so strongly in favor of America, that the ministry was cari'ied along with it. Franklin, Deane, and Lee, were recognised and received as commissioners. A treaty of mutual amity was nego- tiated, and the independence of the United States of America guarantied by the court of France. The gal- lant conduct and spirited correspondence of Lafayette had its full share in bringing about this great result, by creating such a cuiTent of popular opinion in its favoi as no ministry, however reluctant at heart, would have dared to oppose. So manifest, even at that time, was the agency of Lafayette, in producing this favorable issue, that Franklin, Deane, and Lee, had no sooner been admitted to an audience with the king, than, with John Adams and other distinguished Americans who were then in Paris, they immediately called on Madame a* 58 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. de Lafayette, and made a public acknowledgment of the Indebtedness of tbeir country to her husband. On the 13th of April, 1778, Simeon Deane, brother of the commissioner in Paris, and bearer of despatches, was landed, from the French frigate La Sensible, at Fal- mouth (now Portland), Maine, bringing the joyful intel- ligence of a treaty with France. He was hailed with enthusiastic joy in all the towns through which he passed, on his way to York, where he anived on the 2d of May. When Lafayette received his letters, announ- cing this arrival, he could scarcely contain his joy. He ran to General Washington, and embracing him, with tears of the deepest emotion, exclaimed : " The king, my master, has acknowledged your independence, and formed an alliance with you to secure and establish it." The joy was universal, and loudly expressed. A new confidence was infused into Congress, the anny, and the people. On the 6th of May, the orders of the command- er-in-chief were issued, to have the event suitably ac- knowledged, in the following manner : " It having pleased the Almighty Ruler of the universe to defend the cause of the united American states, and finally to raise us up a powerful friend among the princes of the earth, to establish our liberty and independence upon a lasting foundation, it becomes us to set apart a day for grate- fully acknowledging the divine goodness, and celebra- ting the important event, which we owe to his divine intei-position.'' Agreeably to these orders, the several brigades of the anny were assembled at their respective places of pa- rade, on the morning of the 7th, where a full outline of the compact with France was Tiommunicated by the chaplains, followed by devout thanksgivings to God, and patriotic discourses upon the renewed obligations of American citizens. After some preparatory manoeuvres, BARREN HILL RETREAT. 59 the whole army was foitned into line, and a grand salute fired of thirteen heavy guns. This was followed hy a brilliant running fire of all the infantry, through the whole front line, from right to left, when it was imme- diately taken up by the rear line, and continued from left to right. Upon a signal then given, the whole anny shouted, "Long live the king of France .'" — the eclio, 'king of France !" reverberating from the hills on ev- ery side, being blended with and lost in another dis- charge of thirteen rounds from the heavy artillery. A second general discharge of musketry, in a running fire as before, from right to left, and left to right, was suc- ceeded by the universal shont, " Long live the friendly European powers !" Prefaced in the same brilliant manner, the last and loudest huzza was given to " The. American States !" which, rising on the breeze, was borne away to the distant hills, announcing, as if by a voice from heaven, that those states wei'e now recos:- nised in Europe as a free and independent nation. In all these festive demonstrations. General Lafayette and his French compatriots bore a conspicuous part, receiving, as the representatives of their nation, the homage of a grateful people. Under these encouraging auspices, the campaign of '78 was opened with a confidence and spirit which few, if any, of the American leaders, had ever felt before. In the expectation of efficient aid which was soon to aiTive from France, it was determined to make every effort to bring all their effective force into the field, and drive the enemy from his posts. With a view to obtain satisfac- tory intelligence of their position, as well as to protect the country on the north from the ravages of foraging parties, two thousand four hundred men, under the com- mand of General Lafayette, were sent, on the 18th of May, across the Schuylkill to Barren hill, a positior 60 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. about equidistant from the two armies. This movement and its object were immediately reported to General Clinton by a spy, who had formerly been a soldier in the American army, and who still kept up a familiar but unsuspected intercourse with his old comrades. On re- ceiving this intelligence, General Clinton foimed a plan for cutting oft" the whole detachment ; and so confident was he of success, that he invited several ladi js of Phil- adelphia to sup with him on the evening of the folJowing day, promising them the honor of an introductioa to the young marquis de Lafayette. With this view, creneral Grant was detached, at the head of five thousaud men, with orders to file oiF to the left, through Whitemarsh, so as to fall upon the rear of the American detachment. At the same time. General Grey, with two thousand men, marched up on the western bank of the Schuylkill, and took a station about two miles below Barren hill, on that side of the river ; while another corps, commanded by General Clinton in person, took the direct I'oad from Philadelphia, and halted at Chestnut hill. Lafayette had chosen his position with the eye of a general, and disposed his men to great advantage. His camp occupied a commanding eminence, protected by the Schuylkill with its precipitous, rocky banks on the right, and by thick woods and some strong stone houses on the left. His cannon were well planted in front. A little in advance of his left wing was Captain M'Lane's company of riflemen, with about fifty young Indian war- riors, having charge of the woods, to prevent a sm-prise. The roads leading to Philadelphia were well guai'ded by light troops, accustomed to the service of videttes ; while General Porter, with six hundred Pennsylvania militia, was stationed on the road to Whitemarsh. A short distance in the rear of his encampment, on the left, there was a fork in the road, each branch leading to the BARREN HILL RETREAT. 61 river, one sti-iking it at Matson's ford and the other at Swedes' ford, the latter being the direct road to the camp at Valley Forge. The movements of the enemy were quiet, stealthy, and unexpected. Their approach was not discovered by any of the argus-eyed outguards till the morning of the 20th, when General Grant's column was within a mile, on Lafayette's left. When this intelligence reached him, he was in the act of commissioning a messenger to Phil- adelphia, in the person of a young woman, who, under pretence of visiting her fiiends in the city, had engaged to procure information of the movements and designs of the British. While engaged in conversation with this woman, he was informed that a body of cavalry in red aniform was advancing from Whitemarsh. Expecting, according to previous arrangement, that a detachment of dragoons would join him from that quarter, the an- nouncement did not alarm him. He sent an officer, how- ever, to reconnoitre, and was soon informed that a strong column of the enemy, much superior in number to his own, was in full march along the road from Whitemarsh to Swedes' ford, and that the direct retreat to Valley Forge was cut off, the advanced guard of the enemy having already gained the fork. The picket coming in at the same time from the south, reported General Grey's column advancing on the Ridge road from Philadelphia. The numbers and proximity of the enemy, and the ad- vanced position already gained by General Grant, ren- dered the situation of Lafayette and his detachment haz- ardous and critical in the extreme. The youthful general saw at a glance the full extent of his danger, and the absolute necessity of consummate prudence and instant action in order to effect his escape. With the greatest promptness and decision, he changed his front, ordered a strong party to take possession of a 62 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. cTiurchyard, which lay directly between his camp and the line of the enemy's advance, and drew up the remainder so that they were protected by the wood and the stone houses before mentioned. Perceiving that his only re- treat was by Matson's ford, he directed a rapid but or- derly advance on that road, at the same time sending out several small parties, with orders to show themselves, as heads of columns, at different points in the wood, hoping hus to deceive the enemy into the belief that his whole force was marching to an attack. In this manoeuvre he was entirely successful. On the appearance of these parties, making a bold front. General Grant supposed they were sustained on their rear by the whole Ameri- can force, and, fearing they might attempt to turn his flank if he continued his march in column, he halted his troops and drew them up in order of battle. Availing himself of the time occupied in this movement, Lafayette drew off his main body in rapid march toward Matson's ford, that road being fortunately concealed from the view of the enemy by an intervening hill covered with wood. In a little time his heads of columns and pickets gradu- ally fell back and joined in the retreat. Having all arrived safely at the ford, they crossed the river, took possession of the high grounds on the other side, and prepared to receive the enemy, should he attempt to pursue them farther. His advanced parties reached the ford in season to annoy the American rear-guard, which was protecting the passage of the artillery. A sHght skii-mish took place, in which the Americans lost nine men killed and taken, and the enemy two dragoons killed and several wounded. When the two divisions of the British met at the church on Barren hill, their over-confident generals were surprised and chagrined to find that the bird had flowii. They were quite sure that they had him in a net from BARREN HILL RETREAT. 63 which he could not escape. They pushed on with all speed to the ford, but, finding that the retreating paity was strongly posted on the other side of the stream, and ready to contest the passage, they abandoned the pursuit and returned immediately to Philadelphia. Lafayette obtained and deserved the highest praise for the prudence and skill with which he exti'icated him- self from this perilous position. He received the warm- est approbation of his beloved commander, and a vote of thanks from Congress, in which they styled his ma- noeuvre " a well-timed and masterly retreat." Nor was it through any want of proper military prudence on his part that he was brought into a situation of so much peril without due notice. The road to Whitemarsh had been provided with a strong guard of six hundred men, under General Porter, who, for some unexplained rea- son, of which the general was not notified, had retired to anotlier position, and left that road open to the enemy. ' This affair was one of the deepest interest to both the contending parties. Lafayette's detachment comprised the flower of the American army, and its loss would have been a severe if not an iiTeparable disaster. To give intensity to the interest of the occasion, the whole scene of his peril was distinctly viewed, by the aid of telescopes, from the camp at Valley Forge. His position was high, with a declivity toward the north, which exposed to the view of the observers at headquarters the encampment and the entire line of General Grant's march toward the Swedes' ford road. The road to Matson's ford was con- cealed from view. So that Washington and his com- peers had the pain of seeing their noble young friend suvTounded with peril from which it seemed impossiblo to escape, without the power of following him in his masterly retreat. The British generals, on the other hand, were so sure 64 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. of their prey before they started on the chase, that they were wholly unprepared for a disappointment. It ig understood that General Howe, though not then in com mand, accompanied the expedition, and that his brother, the admiral, was also present as a volunteer, flattering him- self that he should have the pleasure of conveying the young marquis as a prisoner to Europe. When the gen- erals met on the hill, they were both so overcome with vexation at the loss of their prey,, that they almost quar- relled with each other. There was little time, however, for words. The alarm-guns fired at Valley Forge, to warn Lafayette of his danger, had given them the im- pression that the whole American force was coming down upon them. They therefore made all possible despatch in securing their own retreat. An amusing incident is related in connection with this enterprise. The young Indian warriors, who were placed near Captain M'Lane's company, in ambush among the trees, had never seen an English dragoon. When, there- fore, a party of these fierce-looking cavaliers, with their Imge bearskin caps and fiery costume, advancing rapidly along the road, came suddenly upon the ambuscade, the tenified savages raised a horrible yell, threw down their arms, and escaped by svidmming across the Schuylkill. The dragoons, on the other hand, had recently arrived in the counti-y, and had not yet encountered an Indian foe. Equally astounded and terrified by the sudden ap- parition and the unearthly yell, they turned suddenly about, without firing a pistol, and never looked behind them till they reached Philadelphia. On the anival of the commissioners with Lord North's proposals of conciliation, a new excitement arose, in which General Lafayette was destined (,o act a conspic- uous pait. The door to reconciliation with the mother- country was hopelessly closed, long before this arrival PROPOSALS 01' CONCILIATION. 65 The Declaration of Independence, notwithstanding some diffevences of opinion among the people, had settled that point for eyer. It was the Magna Charta of America. The oath of renunciation and allegiance administered to the officers of the army, and the resolutions of C ongi-ess of the 22d of April, before the arrival of the commissioners, and before the treaty with France was announced, de- claring that " the United States could not with propriety hold any conference or treaty with any commissioners on the part of Great Britain, unless they shall, as preliminary thereto, either withdraw their fleets and aiTuies, or else in positive and express terms acknowledge the indepen- dence of said states," were the double bars and bolts that secured the ark where that charter was deposited. And the ratification of the treaty with France, in which, while she guarantied our independence and liberty, we sol- emnly pledged ourselves not to listen to any proposal for relinquishing it, placed a seal upon those bolts which few would have been so hardy as to break, even if they had desired to do so. The commissioners were not admitted to an interview with Congress, the essential preliminary above contem- plated, not having been attended to. Among the papers transmitted by them to Congress was an address to that honorable body, the reading of which was called for as soon as it was announced by the president. The paper contained, among other offensive matters, expressions which were regai'ded as highly disrespectful to the king of France. At that point the reading was interrupted. The house directed the president to seal up the papers, and immediately adjourned. When the subject was re- sumed the next day, the 17th of June, it was only to re- iterate the resolution of the 22d of April, and assure the commissioners of their perfect readiness to make peace whenever the king of Great Britain should manifest a E 6Cy LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. disposition to do so, " the only solid proof of which would be an explicit acknowledgment of the independence of these states,, or the withdrawal of his fleets and armies." The offensive passage in the address was in these words : " We can not but remark the insidious interpo- sition of a power which has, from the first settlement of the colonies, been actuated by enmity to us both ; and, notwithstanding the pretended date, or present form, of the French offers to North America, it is notorious that they have only been made, because it was b Jieved that Great Britain had conceived the design of an amicable arrangement, and with a view to prevent reconciliatlou, and prolong this destructive war." By orders from the minister of war, the British gen- eral prepared to evacuate Philadelphia as soon as it was ascertained that the terms of conciliation would not bo accepted by Congress. The war was now to be prose- cuted with the utmost vigor. The olive-branch was with- drawn, and absolute, unconditional submission, at the point of the bayonet, proposed in its stead. From New York, as the central post, the thunder-bearing ships and the armed legions were to be sent forth in all directions to ravage the country, to lay waste the towns and vil- lages, that so rebellion might be crushed under the iron hoof of Mars. The evacuation took place on the 17th of June. Sir Henry Clinton led the army in peraon across the Jer- seys, moving by slow and easy marches, and apparently inviting an attack. The army of Washington, which was of nearly equal force, left its quarters at Valley Forge at the same time, and took the road to Coryell's fen-y, with the purpose of hanging on the rear of the enemy, and taking advantage of every opportunity that might offer to annoy him. It was a question in the council of war, upou which the officers were seriously (?ivided, whether they BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 67 should allow the foe to pass unmolested to New Yoik, and content themselves with merely taking possession of the ground, by establishing their camp at White Plains, or endeavor to weaken him as they went, by falling on his rear, or offering him battle. Lee, Stirling, and sev- eral others, were opposed to fighting, on the ground that the advantage was too much in favor of the enemy. Others, among whom Lafayette was one of the most ur- gent, contended that it would be dishonorable to them- selves, and unjust to the army, to allow so favorable an opportunity to pass, when they had the choice of the time and mode of attack. To this opinion, in which he was ably supported by General Greene, the commander-in- chief was strongly inclined. But the majority seconded the views of Lee. Confident in his ability to meet the enemy, and satis- fied that the interests of his cause demanded the trial, Washington called another council, in which his views were again negatived by a decided majority. Finding, howevei", that some of his officers on whom he placed the greatest reliance not only supported his views, but were ready to take the lead in any plan of operations which he might dii'ect, he resolved to take the entire respon- sibility upon himself. He was then in the vicinity of Princeton, and the British army was on its march, by way of Crosswicks and AllentowTi, toward Monmouth. Major-General Dickerson, with about one thousand of the Jersey militia, and a brigade of continentals, com- manded by General Maxwell, kept close on its track, and observed and reported all its movements. Gen- eral Cadwallader and Colonel Morgan, with their re- spective coi-ps, were also in pursuit, hanging on the right flank and rear of the enemy. On the 24lh of June, Brigadier-General Scott was de tached, with a chosen corps of fifteen hur drei men, to 68 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. reinforce General Maxwell. The next day, Brigadier- General Wayne followed with a thousand select troops, accompanied by Major-General Lafayette, who had com- mand of the whole force. This command, which was in the highest degi-ee honorable and important, devolved of right upon General Lee. But that officer having op- posed with all his eloquence the hazard of the present expedition, thought proper to decline the post. It was immediately solicited and obtained by Lafayette, much to the satisfaction of Washington, who rejoiced in having so good an opportunity of showing his entire confidence in the ability and prudence of the young marquis. He was no sooner gone, than General Lee changed his mind, and addressed a note to the commander-in- chief, apologizing for his " rash assent" to the arrange- ment, and claiming the right to have it reversed, de- claring that, in case of action on the part of so large and important a detachment, under the command of theii junior, both he and Lord Stirling would be disgraced. Willing to gi-atify Lee, and desirous, at the same time, of saving the feelings of Lafayette, the fonner was imme- diately detached, with two additional brigades, to sup- poi't the latter. As senior officer, he would, of course, have command of the whole division ; but he was spe- cially instructed, in case General Lafayette had already undertaken any definite enterprise against the enemy, that he should be permitted to cairy it through without interference. With this understanding, Lee joined the detachment at English Town, and assumed the command of the whole division, leaving to Lafayette only that of the militia and the light-horse. It was with the greatest reluctance that the latter yielded a position he had so much coveted ; but when General Lee appealed to his generosity, saying, " It is my fortune and my honor thai I place in your hands ; you are too generous to causa BATTLE OP MONMOUTH. 69 the loss of both," he waived his right, and retired to his subordinate command. Meanwhile, before the arrival of Lee, Lafayette had pressed boldly forward, and taken a position on com- manding gi'ound, not far from Monmouth, and about five miles in the rear of the enemy, with the intention of leading on the attack as soon as he should take up his line of march in the morning. The main army having moved on to Cranberry, this advanced corps was found to be too far on the right, to be easily reinforced, in case of coming to close action, and Lafayette received orders fcom Washington to file off toward English Town. This was done early in the morning of the 27th. Sir Henry Clinton having taken a strong position on the heights of Fi-eehold, it was not deemed pmdent to assail him there ; but as there would be no chance of operating successfully against him, if he should succeed in reaching the heights of Middletown, it was determined to attack his rear, as soon as he should move from his encampment. Orders to this effect were sent to Gen- eral Lee, and corresponding preparations were made with the main division. The subsequent details of this battle belong rather to the history of the war and to the private memoirs of Washington and Lee, than to those of Lafayette. The part he took in it was subordinate, and dependent upon the orders and movements of others, and consequently afforded little opportunity for the display of military talent. The unexpected retreat of Lee, the disorder and confusion consequent thereupon, the sudden arrival of Washington, the renewed attack, the decisive advan- tages gained by the Amer'ican arms, and the silent aban- donment of the field by the English, under cover of the night, notwithstanding the manifest desire of Washing 70 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ton to renew the battle, are recorded in all the chroniclea of the day. The position of General Lafayette in this engagement was in the left wing, under the immediate command of General Lee. The light-horse companies of his detach- ment, being brought into immediate conflict with the queen's dragoons, were soon routed. The militia could hardly be expected to stand their gi-ound, whoever led them, when the whole division, under superior orders had commenced a reti'eat. When, through the pi'esence and active exertions of Washington, Lee's flying squad- rons rallied, and the inglorious retreat was changed into an impetuous charge, and a decided repulse of the enemy, Lafayette was in the thickest of the fray, and won the admiration of all around him, for his coolness, intrepidity, and skill. Colonel Willet, of New York, who acted as aid to General Scott, of the Virginia line, and was under the immediate command of Lafayette, was particularly enthusiastic in hi^ commendation of the youthful hero. " I have been charmed," said he, " with the gallantry and sagacity of the marquis de Lafayette, who appears to be possessed of eveiy requisite to con- stitute a great general." But gallantry and intrepid courage were not the only virtues he displayed on this brilliant occasion. The truly brave are always generous and humane. A truly heroic soul can not be a selfish one. Having approach- ed, with a small escort, within reach of the enemy's guns, for the purpose of reconnoitring their position, his aide- de-camp and friend was struck by a ball, and fell at his side. The officers and soldiers fled precipitately from the spot ; but the general would not abandon his friend, while a chance remained of saving his life. He hastened to his side, and, leaning over him, addressed him in tones of kindness and affection. But it was too late ; the work BATTLE OF MONMOUTH. 71 of death was already done. Tiiraing away with deep emotion, he left the place with slow and mournful steps, and presently rejoined his escort, who awaited his coming at a safe distance from the fatal battery. It is said that Sir Henry Clinton was present in person at this scene ; and recognising the young marquis, by the snow-white charger which he always rode, was so touched by his heroic magnanimity and manly gi-ief, that he command- ed the gunners to cease firing, and suffered him to retire unmolested. How beautifully are the harsh and revolt- ing features of war relieved by such noble traits of hu- manity as these ! and how lamentable that men, who, even when anayed in deadly strife against each other, are alive to such sentiments, and moved by such sym- pathies, should ever feel it necessary to resort to the sword for the settlement of their differences, whether uational or personal. ?2 LIFE OF LAPAYETTK. CHAPTER VI. tAFAYETTE's SERVICES IN KHODE ISLAND HIS RETURN TO FRANCE. Early in July, tne French fleet, consisting of twelve vessels, under command of the count d'Estaing, arrived in the offing at New York, to aid, agreeably to the terms of the treaty, in establishing the independence of the United States. M. Girard, a minister duly accredited to the young republic, accompanied the fleet. This anival was an occasion of the sincerest satisfaction to Lafayette, and soon procured for him the honor of an active and useful service. He was still in official discredit at Versailles. " The last mark of attention," to use his own words, " with which the court had honored him, had been an order to aiTest him in the West Indies." He consequently re- ceived no letters by the fleet; but Count d'Estaing, re- specting his character, and perceiving the elevated stand he had taken in America, honored him with special marks of attention and confidence. It was the design of the count, and the wish of Con- gx'ess, to make an immediate attack on the headquarters of the British at New York ; hut not being able, in con- sequence of the heavy draught of his ships, to enter the harbor, it was resolved to make an attack on General Pigot, at Newport, in Rhode Island. The British ganison, at that time, consisted of six thousand effective ti-oops. SERVICES TN RHODE IST.AND. 73 in a strong position, with excellent defences and ample military appointments. General Sullivan commanded the American force in that quarter, which, for this emer- gency, was to be augmented by large draughts upon the New England militia. His headquarters were at Providence. On the 21st of July, Lafayette was de- tached from the army at White Plains, with two brigades of continentals, to support Sullivan. He was immedi- ately followed by General Greene, who, besides being one of the ablest commanders in the American army, was a native of Rhode Island, and possessed great per- sonal influence with the people. On his amval, he took command of the right wing, under Sullivan, Lafayette •jeing at the head of the left. The French fleet an-ived at Newport on the 25th. A plan of operations was immediately concerted, to dis- lodge the Bi'itish gamson. The French fleet was to enter the harbor, and land a body of troops on the west side of the island, while the Americans, under cover of the guns of a fiigate, should land on the opposite shore. Everything being in readiness, on the 8th of August, ihe French squadron entered the harbor of Newport, discharging heavy broadsides into the town, and receiv- ing the fii'e of the batteries, but without material damage to either party. Some reinforcements of militia which were expected to co-operate in this entei'prise not having arrived, Sullivan sent a message to the French admiral, proposing to postpone the attack till the next day. The fleet accordingly retired down the bay. Having ascer- tained at early dawn the next day, that the British de- fences on the northern part of the island had been aban- doned during the night, and deeming it necessary to take immediate possession of the works, Sullivan crossed over with his whole army, at Rowland's fen-y, and occupied the deserted posts. 4 74 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. The Freneh commander was displeased with this more ment, in which he and his troops were not allowed to cc operate, as it deprived them of their just share in the honors of the day. He contended that it was his own demonstratioTi of the previous day which led to the evacu- ation of the fortresses, and to him belonged the honor of taking possession. In this, however just might have been his claim to precedence, he was more punctilious than wise, and, as the result proved, sacrificed the whole expe- dition to a point of etiquette. The day was lost in dis- cussion, which should have been given to action. Sulli- van, when he sent to infomi the count of his new position, proposed an immediate attack ; but that gentleman's resentment was so gi-eat, that he not only refused to move, but even to reply to the message. The next day, the French fleet had other business to do than to attack Newport. A British fleet appeared in the offing, and Count d'Estaing found it necessai-y to do the same thing which Sullivan had done two days before, that is, to accommodate his motions to this new emergency without consulting the American commander. I'he wind being favorable, he put out to sea in quest of the British ships, after sending word to General Sul- livan that, on his return to port, he would pursue any coui-se with respect to the intended attack which the Ameiican commander might then deem proper. As Lord Howe did not consider it prudent, on his part, to attempt the succor of General Pigot while the French fleet held possession of the bay, it is difficult to imagine on what grounds the count was induced to relinquish so great an advantage, at the very moment when eveiything was ready for decided action. Had he first made the contemplated attack on Newport, he might, and prob- ably would, after accomplishing the highest hopes of the expedition, have gone forth, in the very flush of one ^ic- SEKnCES IN RHODE ISLAND. 75 tory on land, to seek and secure anothei on Ins own appropriate element. But Providence ordered it oth- eiwise. The British gari'ison escaped, and jealousies were kindled and excitements produced, which for a time disturbed the whole country f. and threatened even to nullify all the great and permanent advantages which were expected to result from the French alliance. A violent stonn prevented the engagement of the two hos- tile fleets, doing such material damage to the ships of both as to render them unfit for action. Lord Howe re- turned to New York for repairs ; and Count d'Estaing, after an absence of nine days, regained the harbor of Newport. In the meantime, the expected reinforcements of mili- tia from New Hampshii'e and Massachusetts had ariived, increasing Sullivan's eifective force to ten thousand men, and it was deemed advisable at once to commence the siege. G-eneral Lafayette remonstrated against proceed- ing to active operations before the return of the count, on the twofold ground that his presence and co-operation were essential to success, and that new offence would be taken, should they make any decisive move in his ab- sence. There was, however, a necessity for immediate action. The anny, composed mostly of volunteer mili- tia, who had only for a few days exchanged their scythes and sickles for swords and bayonets, to meet a sudden emergency, could not long be held together, except by the pressure of imminent danger or active sei'vice. La- fayette's opinion was consequently oven'uled by the ma- jority in council, and Sullivan with his army encamped before Newport on the fifth day after the departure of the French. His situation was critical and alarming ; since, by the deprirture of the fleet, the door was throwr wide open for the entrance of any succors by which the British general might wish to reinforce the town or cut 76 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. off the retreat of the besiegers. On the svening of the 19th, all apprehensions on this account were relieved by the reappearance of the fleet. But Sullivan was doomed to a second disappoint- ment, more bitter than the fii'st. Count d'Estaing had only put into the bay to inform him that it was impos- sible to render any assistance at that time, as he was obliged, by the tenor of his insti-uctions, to go to Bos- ton for repairs. The American commander employed arguments and persuasions, entreaties and remonstran- ces, in the hope of reversing this fatal decision. Gen- erals Greene and Lafayette were deputed to wait on the admiral in person, with instructions to urge everything which might induce a compliance with their vsdshes. This commission, though faithfully executed, was un- successful. With the ardor and earnestness of men personally interested in the result, they represented to the count the vast importance, not only to America but to France, of sti-iking an early and decisive blow. They urged the absolute certainty of success ; requiring, for that end, a delay on his part of two days only. They painted, in glowing colors, the brilliancy of the exploit, which should reduce to submission, at one sti'oke, a well- appointed garrison of six thousand chosen troops, and the coiTesponding reproach that would be cast upon the allied arms, if so favorable an opportunity for distinctioo should be causelessly thrown away, and the beleaguered enemy suffered to escape unharmed. They pressed the consideration that everything was ready on the part of the Americans, and that, in the view of both nations and the world, the failure of the entei-prise must be chargeable solely to the untimely withdrawal of their new allies, whom the common enemy had earnestly en- deavored to persuade them they would find always nioif -eady to promise than to perfoiTQ — always more ready SERVICES IN RHODE ISl.AND. i ' ro negotiate a treaty for mutual benefit, than to can-y it into effect. To that enemy it would be a double triumph, to see so formidable and promising an expedi- tion melt away into nothing, and to be able, tauntingly, to say, " We forewarned you of this. Behold the broken reed on which you have chosen to lean. Its first act haa involved you in loss and disgrace, when it might easily have secured you a triumph. From such friends you have more to fear than even from your enemies." It was further suggested, and with ample reason, that, in the shattered condition of the flieet, it would incur a new hazard in attempting the diflScult navigation of the Nantucket shoals and Cape Cod ; while its present position olfered equal facilities for refitting with Boston, and far greater advantages for annoying the enemy. To these arguments were added an earnest entreaty that no personal or private considerations should be allowed to affect a decision, on which so many and so great public intei'ests were suspended. It was all in vain. The count, inflexible in his purpose, sailed for Boston on the 22d of August. When Lafayette and Greene returned to the army with this report, it awakened the most lively emotions of indignation and regret. Loud murmurs, not un- mixed with bitter execrations, ran from rank to rank, and the same feeling of intense disappointment and re- gret pervaded the whole country. Sullivan, seeing a glorious and certain achievement wrenched from his very grasp, was chagrined and excited beyond measure, In the forlorn hope of yet saving the expedition froni utter failure, he despatched Lieutenant-Colonel Laurens, in a fast-sailing clipper, to overtake the fleet, with an- other message of eai'nest remonstrance to Count d'Es- taingj^against so singular an abandonment of an enter- prise of his own suggesting, and pressing him ir imy 78 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. event, if he must withdi-aw his ships, to leave behind hie land-forces. This was accompanied by a protest, signed by all the general officers of Sullivan's command, except Lafayette, setting forth, in terms of emphatic earnest- ness, the vievv's they entertained ef his conduct, and the poignant regret and disappointment, not of the anny alone, but of the whole country, at his unexpected de- parture from the scene of action. The count was deeply wounded and displeased with the terms of the protest, but, unmoved by its arguments and appeals, held on his course to Boston. Thus disconcerted in his plan of operation, General Sullivan was subjected to the additional mortification of beeing his own force, which, by extraordinaiy exertions, he had augmented to ten thousand, dwindle away to something less than half that number. The neighboring militia, who, with the promise of efficient aid, and the expectation of instant and decided action, had rushed to the rescue at a moment's warning, seeing now no hope of accomplishing any good purpose, mshed back to their farms and their firesides, with a sullen determination not again to leave them, till the trumpet should give forth a less " uncertain sound." In the course of a few days, the army was so reduced that it became necessary to raise the siege, and retire to the post recently abandoned by the enemy, at the north end of the island. Having entrenched himself in this position, General Sullivan resolved to make one effort more to induce Count d'Estaing to return, and lend the aid of his fleet, to accomplish the object he had so much at heart. For this purpose, recourse was had, a second time, to the good offices of General Lafayette, who, in company with General Hancock, of the Massachusetts militia, proceeded to Boston, to seek an intei"vie\ii.with the French commandant. SERVICES IN RHODE ISLAND. 79 Had this mission proved successful in its main object, the aid it solicited would have airived too late. In breaking up his camp before Newport, Sullivan used every precaution to prevent the enemy frtim gaining an advantage over him. Retiring in perfect silence, under u;ver of the night, his motions were not observed till he had nearly effected his object. As soon as the dawn revealed his retreat to General Pigot, he issued forth in two heavy columns, and fell upon the rear. Stung with vexation and disappointment, in view of his changed position, and nerved to tenfold resolution by the events which had just transpired, Sullivan turned upon his pux'- suers and offered Instant battle. A warm action ensued, in \vhich the Americans displayed the most admii'able coolness and resolution, and repulsed the enemy with considerable loss. The fig-htina; continued through the day. The day following, a distant cannonade was kept up on both sides, but neither party was inclined to risk a general engagement. General Pigot was hourly expecting reinforcements from New York. Sullivan, being duly advised of their embarkation, silently abandoned his post on the island, and crossed over, with his whole force, to the main land. So judiciously was this manoeuvre planned, and so hand- somely executed, that the enemy had no intimation of the movement till it was effected. When Lafayette re- ceived intelligence of the retreat of Sullivan, he hastened back from Boston, and amved at his post in season to render essential service in covering the rear. A more timely retreat was never made. The next day, the 31sl of August, Sir Henry Clinton arrived in the bay, with twelve ships-of-war, and large reinforcements of men Thus ended this unfortunate expedition to Rhode Islnnd But the feeling of disgust, which it everywhere excited, did not end here. Diligently nnd skilfully fomented by 80 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. British influence, it broke out, in several places, intw aces of open hostility. The part borne by General Lafayette, in these trying scenes, was as magnanimous as it was difficult. To an interest in the cause of American independence, as deep and sincere as that of the best and bravest of her own sons, he added an honest, earnest loyalty to his native land, and a patriot's pride in all that concerned her honor. While he shared in all the disappointment and regret of the army to which he was attached, and the people of his adoption, he was, as a Frenchman, keenly alive to every indignity offered to the crovim and flag of France in the person of her military representative. lie suffered alike from the caprice and captiousness of Count d'Estaing, and from the severe though merited animad- versions of Sullivan and his associates. In all this, he maintained the dignity and self-respect of the French- man, without compromising, in any degree, the ardor and fidelity of his attachment to America, or lessening the confidence of his American friends in the heartiness of his devotion to their cause. Having withdrawn his army from the immediate vi cinity of the enemy. General Sullivan re-estabhshed hiif headquarters at Providence. The posts near Newport were left in charge of Lafayette, whose quarters were fixed at Bristol. In a few days he repaired again to Boston, where hi* presence and influence were requiie-d to sooth the excited passions of the multitude, and re- store harmony and good feeling between his counliyricn and the Americans, which, recently so cordial and en- thusiastic, seemed about to be changed into b'rterress. Some of the leading men in Boston were so c'';oply ex- cited, that it was feared the necessary facilitcii for re- pairing the shattered fleet would be withheli. Lafay- ette succeeded, however, in calming the angi'j elements; SEKVICES IN RHODE ISLAND. 81 nis easy access to both parties, and his universal popu- larity, giving him a preponderating influence in thi councils of each. This commission fulfilled, and no prospect remaining of active service at the north, he re- tui-ned to the main anny, then stationed in the highlands of Nev7 York. During his absence, the English commissioners had been employing all the means in their power to create an interest among the masses of the people in favor of a reconciliation with Great Britain. In pursuing this ob- ject, they had made a free use of the temporary disaf- fection toward France. In a public letter, widely cir- culated, bearing the signature of " Carlisle," the French nation was taxed with " a perfidy too universally ac- knowledged to require any new ■proof ." Not satisfied with the warmth of American indigna- tion, in view of this and similar insulting language, the patriotic pride of Lafayette demanded some further notice of the indignity. He could not silently allow these aspersions upon the character of his royal master. Deeming the earl of Carlisle, who was at the head of the commission, the principal aggressor, he addressed him a note, repelling the unhandsome reflection upon his country, and demanding either a gentlemanly retrac- tion of the offensive words, or personal satisfaction in the field. Washington would have ovei'ruled his friend in this matter, if his prudent counsels had been listened to. He acknowledged that ground of offfence eSisted, but argued beforehand that the challenge would be declined on considerations of a public nature, and that, for this rea- son, it would be wiser and more prudent to take no notice of the matter. The earl, on receiving- the challenge, treat- ed it as Washington had predicted, refusing to grant, in relation to a matter of public concern, in which he could only be regarded as the representative of his sovereig", 4* F 82 LIFB OP LAFAYKTTE. speaking in his name and by liis orders, that kind of satisfaction, which, however admissible, in case of mere personal differences, should be resei-ved for such alone. In this case, Lafayette was led to do, in the ardor of youth, and in the heat of military pride, what the bettei "udgment of his mature years condemned. In writing of this incident, some forty years after, he says : " Car- lisle was right." Many of his best friends, no doubt, re ■ gretted his course at the time, as uncalled for and inju- dicious ; but there were few, if any, at that day, who were prepai'ed to condemn it as immoral. So far as his reputation and standing were concerned, the effect was favorable. It increased his popularity and consequence with the American army and people, gratified his friends in Europe, and gained him favor with the king and court of France, who were somewhat disposed to pardon his past contumacy, on witnessing so conspicuous a proof of the loyalty of his heart, and the sincerity of his pat- riotism. The ground taken by the earl, his antagonist, was un- questionably the true one. It was no reilection upon his courage, that he declined the duel. He did it upon high and acknowledged principles ; and it was gi'eatly to his credit, as a brave and honorable man, that he lis- tened to the voice of reason rather than to that of pas- sion, in a case where passion usually has the most influ- ence, and where the sentiment of the multitude was sure to be against him. France was now at war with England, and with other powers on the continent ; and General Lafayette, though bound by stronger ties than ever to the cause of Amer- ica, felt that the first duty of every soldier was to serve his native country. Under this impulse, he addressed a tetter to Congress, soliciting a temporary leave of ab- serre, that he might offer his services to his king "As KETUBN TO FRANCE. 83 lono' as there were any hopes," says his letter, " of ar active campaign, I did not think of leaving th» CM. 'Now, that I see a very peaceable and undisturbed mo- ment, 1 take this opportunity of waiting on Congress In case my request is granted, I shall so manage my de- parture as to be certain, before going oft", that the cam- paign is really over. Enclosed, you will find a letter from his excellency General Washington, expressing his assent to my getting leave of absence. I dare flatter myself that I shall he looked upon as a soldier on fur- lough, who most heartily wishes again to join his colors and his most esteemed and beloved fellow-soldiers. If [ can be in any way useful to America, in my absence, I trust I shall always be considered as a man deeply in- terested in the welfare of the United States, and enter- taining the most profound affection, regard, and confi- dence, for their representatives." This application was honored with a most respectful and flattering attention, resulting in the following reso- lutions : — " 1778. In Congress, October 21. Resolved, That the marquis de Lafayette, major-general in the service of the United States, have leave to go to France, and that he return at such time as shall be most convenient to him. "Resolved, That the president write a letter to the marquis de Lafayette, returning him the thanks of Con- gress for that distinguished zeal which led him to Amer- ica, and for the services he has I'endered to the United Slates, by the exertion of his courage and abilities on many signal occasions. "Resolved, That the minister plenipotentiaiy of the United States of America at the court of Versailles be directed to cause an elegant sword, with proper devices, to be made, and presented, in the name of the United States, to the mai-quis de Lafayette." 84 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. " October 22. Resolved, That the following letter ^i recommendation be written to the king of France : — " To our great, faithful, and beloved fiiend and ally, Louis the Sixteenth, king of France and Navan-e : The marquis de Lafayette having obtained our leave to re- turn to his native country, we could not suffer him to depart, without testifying our deep sense of his zeal, courage, and attachment. We have advanced him to the rank of major-general in our aiTnies, which, as v/ell by his prudent as his spirited conduct, he has manifestly merited. We recommend this young nobleman to your majesty's notice, as one whom we know to be wise in council, gallant in the field, and patient under the hard- ships of war. His devotion to his sovereign has led him, in all things, to demean himself as an American ; acquiring thereby the confidence of these United States, your good and faithful friends and allies, and the affec- tion of their citizens. We pray God to keep your maj- esty in his holy protection." M. Girard, the French minister, in closing his de- spatches to his government, at this time, uses the fol- lowing language : " I ought not to terminate this long despatch, without rendering to the wisdom and dexteritj of the marquis de Lafayette, in the part he has taken in these discussions, the justice which is due to his merits. He has given most salutary counsels, authorized by his friendship and experience. The Americans have strong- ly solicited his return with the troops which the king may send. He has replied with a due sensibility, but with an entire resignation to the will of the king. I can not forbear saying, that the conduct, equally prudent, courageous, and amiable, of the marquis de Lafayette, has made him the idol of the Congress, the army, tnd the people, of America. A high opinion is entertained of his military talents. You know how little I am in- RETURN TO FRANCE. PS clined to adulation; but I should be wanting in justice, if I did not transmit to you these testimonials, whicli are here in the mouth of all the world." The letters of General "Washington were equally flat- tering and kind. The officers and soldiers of the army expi'essed the deepest affection for his person, and the most exalted admiration of his conduct. There was a universal sentiment of regret at his departure, accompa- nied with a cordial and unanimous approval of the mo- tive and spirit by which he was actuated. With these testimonials, and loaded with the gratitude of a nation, he took leave of his devoted friends in camp and city, and set out on his journey to Boston, where the frigate Alliance was ordered to be in readiness to convey him home. The labors, fatigues, and agitations of re- cent events, and particularly the gi-ief of mind he had experienced in the ill-fated expedition to Rhode Island, had seriously undermined his health, and induced a sfa'ong tendency to fever. Exposed on horseback to the chilly winds and frequent rains of autumn, these symptoms had increased to such an alaiTning extent on his arrival at Fishkill, then the headquarters of General Macdougal, that he was compelled to surrender to the care of the surgeon. He was soon reduced to the last extremity by inflammatory fever. He was three months detained under the medical care of Doctor Cochrane, the piinci- pal surgeon of the army, during which his life was for a time despaired of. In prospect of this impending ca- lamity, the aiTny and the nation were afflicted. Washing- ton, whose headquarters at that time were not many miles distant, exhibited the most intense paternal anxi- ety, visiting him daily, and conjuring the attending physi' clan to watch over him as if he were his own son, adding, with emotion, " I love him as truly as if he were so.'' These charges were by nC' means necessary, to secure 86 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE the kindest and most faithful nursing. The patient wag equally dear to every officer in the army. He was known in the camp as the " soldier's friend ;'' and anx. ious looks and eager inquiries on every side testified to the sincere attachment of the whole army to the youthful general, and their absorbing solicitude for his speedy restoration. His sufferings were very gi'eat, and his pros- pect of recovery exceedingly slight. The fever raged with great violence, accompanied with severe pains in his head, though he was not at any time deprived of his reason. He was conscious of his danger, and prepared himself to meet his fate with composure. It was hard to bring himself to think of taking so sudden and eai'ly a leave of his devoted friends, and his glorious career. His young and lovely wife, to whom he was devotedly attached ; his children, one of whom he had never seen; his ambition for military glory, and his love of liberty, which were now the idols that divided his heart ; his hope of seeing America free and independent, and of doing something himself to secure so glorious a consum- mation ; his ardent love for his native land, and his finn belief that a better day was about to dawn upon her : these were the objects which occupied his mind and agi- tated his heart while contemplating the near approach of death, and the premature cutting off of a cai'eer so brilliantly begun. " In spite of my one-and-twenty yeare," said he, in speaking, some years after, of his feelings at this time, " I would willingly have exchanged my future chance of life, for the certainty of living but three months, on condition of again seeing my friends, and vntnessing the happy termination of the American war." By the aid of a good constitution, and most faith- ful, tender care, the fever was finally subdued. The prospect of his recovery was hailed with universal joy and many an offering of heartfelt gratitude to God. As RETURN TO PRANCE. 87 soon as he was able to travel, he set off for Boston ac- companied by his physician, who had strict charges IVom the commander-in-chief to be in constant attendance, and not to leave him till he was actually embarked in his voyage. As there were at that time but few American sailors who were accustomed to naval sei-vice, it was found extremely difficult to complete the crew of the Alliance. The Massachusetts council proposed to resort to the press, a measure of compulsion well knowTi to the people of England, but happily repugnant to every prin- ciple and sentiment of Americar growth. To this Gen- sral Lafayette would not consent. It was therefore re- solved to supply the deficiency by shipping a number of English deserters, then in port, who were not unwil- ling to return to Europe, and to open the way for vol- unteers fi'om among the prisoners. With a motley com- pany thus made up of the most incongi'uous elements, the frigate took her departure for Havre on the 11th of January, amid the wannest demonstrations of kindness and regard on the part of the hospitable people of Bos- ton toward her distinguished passenger. The voyage, which, at so advanced a season of the year, is seldom veiy agreeable, was at that period attend- ed with all the peculiar hazards of a state of war, and with some, as will be seen in the sequel, not necessarily incidental to such a state. They encountered a violent storm on the banks of Newfoundland, which carried away the maintop-mast, the sea breaking over the ship with such violence as nearly to fill her with water. Du- ring one long dark night she was considered in imminent danger. She rode out the gale, however, in safety, and was soon again, with favoring winds, careering on her way. Escaped from this peril ol the sea, they were soon exposed to one of a more difficult and appalling charac- ter. A convulsion of the natural elements is far less to 88 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. be dreaded than one of the moral. The ungoverned passions of wicked men, when roused to deeds of mutiny, treason, and death, are more fonnidable than tempest, volcano, or earthquake. The proclamations of the British minisU-y had not only encouraged desertion and treason in the ranks of the American ai-my, but had stimulated mutiny and massacre on board American ships, by promising to pay to their crews the full value of every rebel vessel which they should bring into an English port. Unhappily, the crew of the Alliance was composed of the very materials to be operated upon by such a temptation. The poverty of the British prisoners was a sufficient inducement on their part to listen to the overtures of the deserters, who had the additional incentive of a good opportunity, not only to fill their pockets with gold, but to secui'e the pai'don of the king, and the safety of their forfeited lives. Whether any of them shipped with this object definitely ^a view, was never ascertained. But the plot was soon foimed, and had nearly ripened into action before it waa discovered. The day was fixed for the pei-petration of the bloody deed. The cry of " Sail ho !" was to be raised by the men stationed in the top. This would, of course, bring the officers all on deck, and probably the passengers with them. As they came up, they were instantly to be swept down by the guns of the conspirators, who, by the aid of the gunner's mate, had provided themselves for the crisis. Four in the afternoon was the hour assigned fot the signal, and everything promised fair for the scheme until three. The men were all in their places, their guns loaded, and their other implements of death ready for the work, when it was most providentially aiTested. A trae- hearted American seaman, who had resided some years in Ireland, and acquired the accent peculiar to that pea- RETURN TO PRANCE. 59 pie, was, from this circumstance, supposed to belong to the British ranks. Under this impression, the mutineers had disclosed their plot to him, offering him the command of the frigate if he would join them. With admirable self-possession and prudence, he concealed his hoiTor, and pretended to accept the proposal. He entered into their plans, informed himself of their numbers, names, and means of operation, and then watched for a favora- ble opportunity to defeat their honid pui-pose. It was only one hour before the work was to have been finished, that such an opportunity offered, without exciting suspi- cions which would have been fatal to him, and destructive to his hopes of saving the ship. About three o'clock, he succeeded in obtaining an interview with the com- mander and with General Lafayette, unnoticed by any of the conspirators. Being informed of the danger which menaced them, they summoned the officers, with the other passengers, rushed sword in hand upon deck, and calling upon the uncorrupted American and French sailors to come to the rescue, seized the ringleaders and put them instantly in irons. Thirty-one of the culpi-its were thus secured and brought to tiial. Many more were implicated, but, having disanned them, and taken away their leaders, it was deemed the best policy to treat them with seeming confidence, and let them go. Eight days after the detection of this plot, the Alliance entered the port of Brest. The mutineers were treated with singular clemency, being only detained as British prisoners, and exchanged as such, as soon as an oppor- tunity occun-ed, instead oi being brought to instant ex- pcution at the yard-arm. 00 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER \ II. Lafayette's influence and usefulness in France— his second voyage to america. When the ardent young soldier, the high-bom and wealthy marquis de Lafayette, left his native land in the spring of 1777, to enlist as a volunteer in the rebel army of the United States, he was obliged to steal away like a fugitive, without seeking counsel or a blessing from his friends, or even taking leave of his young and lovely wife, disguised as a servant, pursued by the police, and subject to censures, penalties, imprisonment, and confis- cation. "When, in the early part of 1779, he returned to France, he entered her port openly and boldly, clothed with the highest office in the revolutionary army, and covered with the honors and praises of the grateful people whom he was aiding to secure their birthright of freedom, and was welcomed home with enthusiasm and triumph by the land of his birth. Ti-ue, he was yet unde? the frown of royalty. Louis XVI. had not yet pardoned the presumption of his fii-st overt act of disobedience. But the position of Louis was entirely changed. He had thrown down the gauntlet to Eng- land, foiTned an alliance with her rebel colonies, and com- missioned his navy to aid them in making good their Declaration of Independence. In this change of policy, i-he nation sympathized, and everywhere the way was INFLUENCE AND USEFULNESS IN PRANCE. 91 prepared to receive the young cavalier -with open arms as the champion of liberty and the pride of France. Though placed under aiTest, his prison was not the Bastile, as, under different circumstances, it might have been, but the hotel de Noialles, the magnificent city-res- idence of his wife's relations, where, in the princely lei- sure of a week's nominal confinement, he revelled in the endeai-ments of home, and received the congi-atulatory visits of admiring friends. After this brief duresse, he was received at coui-t, with every mark of respect and admiration, the courtiers vying with each other which should do most honor to his heroic gallantry. The king and queen did not spare the most flattering compliments upon his early laurels, though neither of them approved, at heart, of the principles of the cause he had espoused. The current of popular opinion, too strong to be safely resisted, aided by the natural desire to cripple the power of England, had made Louis XVI. the ally of the Amer- ican states, while, at the same time, he seriously depre- cated the prevalence of opinions so adverse to the sta- bility of monarchical institutions. The beautiful and accomplished Marie Antoinette, who cordially sympa- thized in all the legitimist scruples of her royal husband, had others, of a more conscientious character, respecting the course he was pursuing toward his rival on the other side of the channel. She prefeiTed open war to strata- gem, and looked upon the indirect effort to weaken the power of Great Britain, by sustaining her rebellious col- onies in the establishment of a separate and republican government, as equally ungenerous toward her, and un- advisable with reference to their own position and claims, as hereditary occupants of a throne. With these views, the result of education and habit, she always and earnestly opposed the alliance. Could she have foreseen the ter- rible fate which the progress of liberal opinions was ere- 92 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. paring for herself, her royal husband and children, this opposition would doubtless have been more earnest, bet- ter directed, and therefore, perhaps, more successful. As queen of France, however, she was proud of all that was noble and heroic in French chivalry. Though opposed to the principles of the American revolution, she could not but enjoy the- spectacle of a proud, enthusiastic people engaged in rendering homage to the pmdence, couragn, and singular capacity, of the young Fiench no- bleman, whose admirable conduct had won all hearts at home, as it had secured the highest esteem and confidence abroad. Sympathizing in this generous enthusiasm of her subjects, which regarded the early glory of the youth- ful marquis as part of the military renown of France, she honored him with special marks of royal favour. He was often at court " the observed of all observers.'' The following lines, copied from an old play, by her oivn hand,as illustrative of the early maturity of his powers and his fame, show that the queen was no flatterer on this occasion, but that she justly appreciated, and truly admired, the character of Lafayette: — *' "Why talk of youth, When all the ripe experience of the old Dwells with him ? In his schemes profound and cool, He acts with wise precaution, and reseiTes For times of action his impetuous fire. To guard the camp, to scale the leagnered wall, Or dare the hottest of the fight, are toils That suit the impetuous bearing of his yquth; Yet, like the gray-haired veteran, he can shun The field of peril. Still before my eyes I place his bright example, for I love His lofty courage, and his prudent thought: Gifted like him, a warrior has no age.'* The recital of this passage at the theatre called forth the most enthusiastic applauses, and tended, more than ever, to draw all eyes toward the youthful hero, to whose fNPLUENCE AND USEFULNESS IN FRANCE. 93 Bingular merit it was conceded, by universal acclaim, to offer an appropriate homage.* The enthusiasm of the queen was such, at the time, I hat she proposed to send to Washington a magnifi- cent royal present, as a token of her personal admira tion. In consulting Lafayette with respect to the form of presentation, she cited the terms employed on similar occasions, in addressing the king of Sweden and othei monarchs. Lafayette objected to them as unsuitable in this case, saying, with a tone of raillery which her maj- esty had too much good sense to resent, " They, mad- ame, were only kings. Washington is the general of a free nation." Lafayette's position was now more conspicuous and im- portant than it had ever been. He had become the main connecting link between the United States and France. He enjoyed the affection and confidence of the two nations . With that steady and prudent zeal which foi-med so con spicuous a trait in his well-balanced character, he imme- diately set about employing all the facilities afforded by his favor at court, and his general popularity, in serving he cause of America. In this ho had many serious ibstacles to encounter. The ministry was divided into parties, by several of which, under various pretexts, means were employed to neutralize the popular zeal, or, at least, to prevent it from furnishing any effective suc- cor. The queen's party demanded the previous fulfil- ment of the treaty of Vienna, by which forty thousand soldiers were pledged to cany on the war of the succes- sion in Austria. The honest old economist, Necker, who, in unravelling the foi-midable mysteries of the na- tional finances, had sounded the seemingly-unfathomable depths of the national debt, strenuously opposed any measure? which could increase the public burdena. al- * Madame Campan. 94 LIFE or LAFAYETTE. ready insupportable. The count de Maurepas, who had favoi'ed the American movement hithei'to, began to sym- pathize with Neckar, and to contemplate a more speedj termination of the war, by a maritime descent upon England. This latter proposal accoi'ded well with the bold, dar ing, chivalrous zeal of Lafayette. Entering into it with characteristic energy, he was soon far in advance of its originators. Dr. Franklin had purchased the Bonne Homme Richard, a ship of fifty guns, the command of which was given to the celebrated Paul Jones. An- other frigate was to be added, on French account, and a sudden descent made upon the western shores of Eng- land, with a view to levying heavy contributions upon Livei-pool, Bristol, and other large commercial tovras, for the benefit of the American finances. These vessels were to have sailed under American colors, commanded by Captain Jones, Lafayette having command of the land-forces accompanying the expedition. The vessels were nearly equipped, the troops, to the number of fif- teen hundred, were assembled, ready for embarkation and the whole scheme was about to be put into execu- tion, when it was suddenly laid aside by the French government, to make way for another, which was to be formed on a more imposing scale. A combined attack on the English coast was to be made by the forces of France and Spain, which looked not merely to levying temporary contributions upon a few British merchants, but to permanently humbling the pride of British power, In this expedition, Lafayette, though not the prin- cipal, as before, was to hold an important command, under the marshal de Vaux. But it was destined to an entire failure. Through the tardiness of Spain, in fur- nishing her stipulated quota of ships and men, the enter- prise was delayed until England was apprized of its INFLUENCE AND USEFULNESS IN FRANCE. 95 objects, and prepared herself to resist it. France was ready, on her part ; her ships and men, with those of the American commander, having rendezvoused at Havre. It was while waiting here, on this occasion, that Lafay- ette received from Dr. Franklin, through the hands of his grandson, a magnificent sword, which the Congi-ess of the United States had voted him, on the eve of his departure from America. This sword was a chefd'aeuvre of American ingenuity and French art. The handle and mountings were of massive gold, beautifully and elaborately carved. On the knob were two medallions ; one exhibiting a shield, with the Lafayette arms and a marquis's coronet, sur- mounted by a streamer, inscribed with his favorite motto, "Cue Non ;" the other, a continent, illumined by the moon's crescent, representing the rising glory of Amei- ica. In the centre of the shaft were two opposite, ob long, oval, medallions, representing, on one side, the British lion prostrate under the foot of Lafayette, and, on the other, America presenting a laurel-branch to her youthful defender. Piles of anns and laurel-crowns made up the remaining ornaments of the shaft. On the guard were four medallions, two on the convex and two on the concave face, representing, in ban relief, the bat- tles of Gloucester and Monmouth, and the retreats of Ban-en hill and Rhode Island. The sides of the guard were also appropriately decorated ; the front, or exposed side, bearing this inscription : " From the American Congress to the marquis de Lafayette, 1779." The mount- ing of the scabbai'd was of gold, which was carved with symbolic devices. On one side, a large oval medallion reoresented Fame on the wing, crossing the ocean in advance of the frigate which conveyed Lafayette back to ]* ranee. In one hand she held the crown awarded by America to Lafayette, and, in the other, the trumpet 96 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. with which she proclaimed to Europe his heroic exploits. On the other side was a shield, encircled with laurel, in- tended to receive the cipher and device of Lafayette, as the founder of a new name. On forwarding this sword to Lafayette, Franklui ad- dressed to him the following letter : — " Passy, August 2d, 1779. " Sir : The Congress, sensible of your merit toward the United States, but unable adequately to reward it, determined to present you with a sword, as a small mark of their grateful acknowledgments. They dii-ected it to be ornamented with suitable devices. Some of the prin- cipal actions of the war, in which you distinguished yourself by your bravery and conduct, are, therefore, represented upon it. These, with a few emblematic figures, all admirably well executed, make its principal value. By help of the exquisite artists France affords, \ find it easy to express everything but the sense we have of your worth, and our obligations to you. I there- fore only add, that, with the most perfect esteem, I have the honor to be, etc., B. Franklin." During the reign of terror, this sword was buried, for safe-keeping, in the garden at Chavagniac. On the return of the family from exile, the blade was found to he entire- ly coiToded with rust. The handle and mountings were afterward adjusted to the blade of another trophy, present ed by the National Guard, in October, 1791, and manu- factured from the bolts and bars of the Bastile. Tho correspondence of General Lafayette, at this pe- riod, indicates an intensity of devotion to American in- terests, and a fertility of resource, which we are hardly prepared, even by his previous efforts and sacrifices, to expect. Sanguine in his hopes, and impatient of any delay in a matter so near his heart, he lost no op- portunity to urge upon ministers the despatch necessaiy INFLUENCE AND USEFULNESS IN FRANCE. 97 to secure success, and the liberality requisite to insure despatch. His desire and hope was, that France would enter largely into the contest, and make ample prevision for bringing it to a speedy issue. This, however, was ask- ing too much from the economical counsellors of the king. At first, he did not solicit it in the name of the United States, his instructions from Congi-ess having forbidden such a course, in consequence of the general dissatisfac- tion and want of confidence occasioned by the result of the expedition to Rhode Island. But when he saw the backwardness of the government and its agents, and be- gan to fear that they would suffer the whole campaign to go by without affording any efficient aid to their new allies, he resolved to assume a new and mighty respon- sibility, going not only beyond, but against his instruc- tions. He made direct application to his government, in behalf and in the name of the American Congress, for a large body of auxiliary troops, well appointed and oificered, to be placed under the command of General Washington. The result justified the course he had taken. The direct, formal, official application was im- mediately answered. He was promised a body of six thousand men, who should be ftiUy armed and equipped, and placed at the disposal of the American commander. This number was afterward reduced to four thousand. That Lafayette lost none of the Frenchman, in identi- fying himself so heartily with the cause of America, was strikingly manifest in the designs proposed by him against England, some of which aimed directly at the dismem- berment of that empire, as an end, as well as a means of accomplishing his first object, the independence of America. He had already taken part in two enterprises which proposed an offensive descent upon the coast of Great Britain. He now proposed another, of a more formidable and permanent character. This was no other G 5 98 LIFE OP J-AFAYETTE. than the invasion and conquest of Ireland, not witli view to attach it to the crown of France, but to wrench it from that of England, and establish for it an indepen- dent government. " The scheme of my heart," said he in his letter to Washington, " would be to make her as free and independent as America. I have formed some private relations there. God gi'ant they may succeed, and the era of freedom at length annve for the happiness of mankind ! I shall knovif more about Ireland in a few weeks, and then I will immediately communicate with your excellency." Could this " scheme of Lafayette's warm heart" liave been realized, how different would he the story of the " Emerald Isle" from that which now pains the heart of every reader ! The voice of her chil- dren would not now be coming to our ears, over the ocean-wave, in the wails, and groans, and dying sighs, of a nation perishing with famine, but in the shouts and paeans of a people " emancipated, regenerated, dis- enthralled." Wherever, among the crowrned heads of Europe, there existed at this time an ancient pique, or a more recent cause of liostility against England, it was sure to mani- fest itself in some act of sympathy for her rebel colonies. Lafayette took advantage of this feeling wherever he saw it exhibited, and administered such stimulants as he supposed necessary to rouse it into active co-operation. With this view, he made application to the Swedish em- » » ■flador at Paris to procure the loan to America of sev- ^ al ships-Qf-the-Hi.e, with half their crews, pj-oposiiig that France should guaranty the loan, and complete the equipment. Knowing the backwardness of the ministiy to adopt any suggestion which involved a new draught upon the exhausted treasury, he proposed, with a devotion pnd generosity seldom equalled, that the guaranty of the government should extend only so far as to cover tlie INFLOENCB AND USKFULNESS IN FRANCE. 99 excess of ultimate loss over and above the amount of his own private fortune; thus pledging to tliis one efl'ort in behalf of the United States the vi^hole of his princely es- tates. So confident was he in the entire success of the American cause, that he did not esteem the risk in this case worthy to be compared with the advantages to be derived from such an an-angement. A few ships at her own disposal would have been, indeed, a right arm of power to America in any stage of her arduous struggle, and would doubtless have shortened its duration most ma- terially. The scheme failed — whether through the re- luctance of France to engage in it, or the refusal of Sweden to second the views presented by her minister, does not appear. It was finally determined, in accordance with Lafay- ette's urgent and unremitted persuasions, to send Count Rochambeau to America, with four thousand troops. Many young oificers, fi-om the most distinguished fami- lies of France, and especially those about the court, were induced to attach themselves to this corps, in order to give it additional importance in the eye of the ministry, and lead them the more readily to sustain its movements, by sending with it a competent naval force. The troops were to be disembarked at Rhode Island, which had just been evacuated by the British. They were then to be placed at the disposal of General Washington, and to constitute a division of his army, but under the immediate command of their own officers, with whom it was previ- ously stipulated, in order to prevent continual jealousies and unnecessary discussions, that American officers of the same rank and age should always have tl>,-'j priority. In addition to these important services, a loan of money was obtained in Holland, under the guaranty of i'rance, to sustain the treasury of the United States. Fifteen 'housand suits of clothes,and as many stand of arms w era 100 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. also ordered in the different ports of France, for the ben- efit of the American army. Unhappily, this shipment was reserved to accompany the last detachment of two thou- sand men which had been promised to make up Count Rochambeau's force to six thousand. As this detach- ment never sailed, the clothing was a long time delayed in reaching its destination. The spirit of entire devotion to the cause of American fi-eedom in which these eminent sei-vices were rendered, can not be better illustrated than by allowing it to speak for itself in a few brief extracts from the letters of this period : — " To THE President of Congress : The affairs of A.merica I shall ever look upon as my first business while I am in Europe. Any confidence from the king and ministers, any popularity I may have among my own countrymen, a;ny means in my power, shall be, to the best of my skill, and till the end of my life, exerted in behalf of an interest I have so much at heart. If Con- gress believe that my influence may serve them in any way, I beg they will direct such orders to me, that I may the more certainly and properly employ the knowledge I have of this court and country,for securing a success in which my affections are so much engaged." To General Washington he wrote, after detailing some of his efforts to procure a loan of money — "Serving America, my dear general, is to my heart an inexpres- sible happiness.'' Having spoken of his kind reception in France, his favor with the king, and the happiness of his family relations, he adds: "What I wish — wha would make me the happiest of men — is, to join again the American colors, or to put under your orders a di- vision of four or five thousand countrymen of mine.'' To the count de Vergennes, minister of foreign affairs, having proposed certain measures to aid the American BEOOITD TOTASE TO AMBEICA. 101 cause, and otherwise harass the British in their foreign possessions, he says : " I solemnly affirm, upon my honor, that if half my fortune were expended in forwarding suc- cors of troops to the American army, I should believe that in so doing I rendered to my own country a service much more important than this sacrifice." To General Washington, of a later date: "However happy I am in France, however well treated by my coun- try and king, I am bound to you, to America, and to my fellow-soldiers there, with such an affection, that the mo- ment when I shall sail for your country will be one of the most wished-for and the happiest of my life." When about to return to America, a question arose between himself and the French ministry, in what ca- pacity he should be employed — whether he should com- mand the French detachment, under the commission of the king, or resume his position as a major-general in the continental army. "In regard to myself," said he, " I ask for nothing, as, during the course of the war, I may hope to acquire rank. I will bind myself, if it be desiced, to ask for neither rank nor titles; and, to put the ministry quite at their ease, I will even promise to refuse, should they be offered me." Some of these pre- Uminaries it became necessary to settle before assigning to so young an officer the same rank in the French detach- ment which he held in the American army, as it would create confusion and dissatisfaction among his seniors on his return. This will explain his last remark, that " he would bind himself to refuse rank, if it should be offered to him." He also, in the same spirit of disinterested devo- tion, says in another place, that he should wish such a commission to be given him as " would not prevent his seniors from resuming afterwards their rank." It was finally concluded that he should return to the United States as an American officer, having no definite .V02 LIFE OF LAIAYETTE. connection with the French corps. At his audience of leave, he wore his American uniform, the first perhaps that had been seen among the more showy equipages of the royal saloons. He sailed from the island of Aix, in thi3 French frigate Hermione, on the 19th of March, 1780, an i an-ived at Boston on the 2Sth of April following. He flad instructions from the count de Vergennes to prepare for the arrival of a French fleet, which was soon to set sail for America. To prevent the possibility of a mis- take, or any serious deilay in communicating with head quarters, he was directed to place an intelligent French officer at Cape Henry, and another at Newport, Rhode Island, to announce the 'arrival of the fleet, and famish its commander such information as might be requisite t.; direct his first movements. This fleet arrived at New port on the 10th of July. It consisted of seven ships-of- the-line, under the command of Admiral le chevalier de Ternay ; and, though less in number than was expected, and inferior in force to the British fleet, it rendered es- sential service in the future operations of the war. Four thousand men, under Count Rochambeau, accompanied the fleet. The reception of G-eneral Lafayette at Boston was marked with an enthusiasm in the highest degree flatter- ing to that gallant young officer, and worthy of the pa- triotic pride of " the cradle of liberty." He was met with the acclamations of the multitude on the wharf, and borne in a triumphal civic procession to the residence of Governor Hancock, on Beacon hill, where he received the congi-atulations of the citizens. Eager to see his he- loved Washington, and find himself once more in the field, he hastened to headquarters, at Morristown, where he was received, not only by the commander-in-chief, but by the whole army, with every demonstration of gratitude, affection, and respect. His own unbounded SECC ND VOYAGE TO AMERICA. 103 popularity, not less than the tiding-s he brought of ex- pected succors, in both men and ships, from Fnmcf, in- sured him a cordial welcome. VVashiiii,rioii, in the ful- ness of his heart, writing to the Freu.-h in'nister, l!:e chevalier de la Luzerne, says : " You will parfi. wever, which he could not surmount. Although the capture of New York had been one of the objects of the French ministry, they had contrived by their instructions to Count Ro- chambeau to render it quite impracticable. They at- tached great importance to Rhode Island as a station, and directed that it should be held as a centre of opera- tions. The count was therefore reluctant to withdi-aw his whole force from it ; and with anything less than the whole, he would not think of attempting to take New York. The naval force of Admiral Ternay, it was also urged, was inferior to those of Arbuthnot and Graves combined. His vessels, though heavier in metal, numbered scarcely more than one to three of the adverse fleet. It was also doubted whether there was depth of water on the bai sufficient to allow his largest vessels to enter the harboi of New York. This, it will be recollected, had deterred Count d'Estaing from prosecuting a similar enterprise, on his first arrival in the American vs^aters. All these points were fully and ably discussed on both SECOND VOYAGE TO AMERiCJI. J '1 7 sides, and not without some feeling, as the con'espnu- dence shows, on the part of Lafayette. He entei-eil with all the enthusiasm of his nature into the plans and wishes of Washington. He indulged at the Siime time a most laudable, patriotic pride, in I'eflecting that, in striking so important and decisive a blow as that which was iiov/ contemplated — a blow on which the great questioi of American independence might turn — the right aim of America would be the arm of France, stretched, 'jut bjr his persuasions, and bared for the conflict by his own example, influence, and eflbrts. The French were eager for action. The enthusidsia of the soldieKS was at its highest pitch. They coull scarcely tolerate the idea of waiting in fruitless inaction for the arrival of the second division of the fleet and army, and Count Rochambeau's private feelings were in full sympathy with theirs. Admiral Ternay, however, who was completely blockaded at Newport, did not think it right, in any sense, to risk a general engagement, till the other ships should come. In expectation of their speedy arrival, and in the hope of hastening the issue, by a more complete understanding of the American po- sitions and movements, they proposed a conference with General Washington, whom they regarded as their su- perior officer, and whose orders they were perfectly ready to obey. This proposal was assented to, but was not carried into effect until the latter part of September. Haitford, in Connecticut, was fixed upon as the place of meeting, being about equidistant from Washinj^ton'a headquarters and the French station at Newport. 108 LIPB OP LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER VIII. Arnold's treason — lafayette in Virginia. The campaign of 1780 was signalized, chiefly, by tha defeat of General Gates in the southern department, and the treason of Arnold at West Point, which threw an inausjjicious shade over the prospects of the American struggle. The latter event came to its crisis while Washington was at Hartford, whither he had gone, in company with Lafayette and Knox, to confer with Ad- miral Ternay and Count Rochambeau. Returning fi'om this conference, he took the upper road to Fishkill, in- tending to visit West Point, for the double pui-pose of inspecting, and showing the fortifications to Lafayette, they having been constructed during his absence in France. They were detained at Fishkill several hours, by the chevalier de la Luzerne, the French minister, who was on his way to the headquarters of Count Ro- chambeau. This was on the 24th of September. On the morning of th^ 25th, the party was early on its way toward the headquaiters of General Arnold, commonly known as " Robinson's house," on the east side of the river, several miles below West Point. The distance from Fishkill was eighteen miles. A message had been sent forward, that the party might be expected there to breakfast. Ai-riving opposite West Point, General Washington turned suddenly into a narx'ow road leading to the river Arnold's treason, 109 oank. Lafayette, on seeing it, called out, " General, you are going in a wrong direction. Mrs. Arnold will be waiting breakfast for us, and that road will take us out of our way.'' Washington replied, with his usual good- natured smile, " Ah ! I know you young men are all in love with Mrs. Arnold, and the hope of breakfasting in her company gives spurs to your haste. You can ride on, and tell her not to wait for me, as I must first exam- ine the redoubts on this side ; but I will join you soon." Refusing to avail themselves of this pennission, the offi- cers accompanied their commander to the river, having first sent forward Colonels Hamilton and M'Henry to explain the cause of their delay. On the arrival of the aids, Arnold sat dovim with them to breakfast. While seated at table, a messenger came in with a letter, which he opened and read in the pres- ence of the company. It informed him of the capture of Andre, the consequent failure of his nefarious plot, and his own imminent danger. Not a moment was to be lost. With singular self-command, he concealed his emotions, which could only have been those of the most intense chagrin, disappointment, and apprehension, and immediately left the room ; leaving word for General Washington that urgent business had called him sud- denly to West Point, and that he would await his arrival at that place. He had scarcely left the house, when Washington and his party came up. Partaking of a hasty breakfast, they followed his steps, as they supposed, to West Point, while in reality he was rapidly making his way down the river to the Vulture — a Biitish frigate, lying be- low, through means of which he had been caiTying on his treasonable coiTespondence with Sir Henry Clin- ton. Though surprised to leam from the commandant not only that Arnold was not at West Point, but that 110 LftE OP LAFAYETTE. he had neither seen nor heard from him in two days, no suspicions appear to have been awakened in any mind, that all was not perfectly right at that important post. Having occupied an hi.ur or two in a careful inspection of every part of the gan-ison, they i-etumed to the other side of tho river. As they approached Arnold's quar- ters, they were met by Colonel Hamilton, who had just received the fatal papers whicn disclosed the whole ex- tent of the treason, and explained the mystery of Arnold's singular absence. Communicating the contents oi these papers only to Lafayette and Knox, with the melancholy inquiry, " Whom can we trust now ]" Washington immediately despatched Hamilton to Vei-planck's Point, to intercept, if possible, the retreat of the fugitive. But it was much too late. He had six hours the start of his pursuers, and was already safe under the protection of the British flag; which, while it shielded him from the vengeance of those whom he would have betrayed to its power, blushed for the villany it was compelled to cover, at the expense of the ignominious death of one of the worthiest and most accomplished officers of the royal army. This was the most trying incident of the Revolution. In all the difficulties he had yet encountered, the Amer- ican commander had been sustained by an unshaken confidence in the patriotism and fidelity of his officers. Arnold had received his full share of that confidence. His courage and skill as a general, of which he had given the most honorable proofs, would as soon have been suspected, as the sincerity of his devotion to a cause in which he had suffered so much, and to which he had rendered such signal services. Who, then, could be relied upon 1 The very gi-ound on which they stood seemed to tremble under them, as with an eai-thquake. But Washington was firm and composed. He did not Arnold's treason. Ill Buffer himself to doubt or suspect others, in consequence of this defection. Lafayette was his constant companion ; a man who, being all frankness himself, scorned suspi- cion scarcely less than treason. To be the bosom-friend of Washington, at such a juncture, his confidant, his counsellor, was indeed an enviable privilege. This ele- vated position was Lafayette's, at the age of twenty-two. The youthful general, weary of inactivity, and finding no prospect of active service in the field, projected a descent upon Staten island, to cut off a detachment of the British army stationed there, and secure the military stores. It was found impracticable, however, on account of the want of boats sufficient to ti'ansport the ti'oops to the island. A still more extensive entei-prise was then projected, viz. : an attack upon the British posts on the upper end of New York island. The zeal of the gen- eral, and his eagerness to be personally employed, were strongly and ably set forth in a letter to Washington, dated "Light Camp, October 30, 1780." His plan was well devised, and fortified by cogent arguments for its immediate execution, as well as by his own judicious arrangement of the details, and his sagacious anticipation of the difficulties that encompassed it. He claimed the post of danger ; he was himself to lead the advance. The French legions were to co-operate in the entei-prise. And it was no small part of Lafayette's ambition, in ar- ranging the plan, to show the foreign allies what Amer- ican soldiers and in-egular militia could do, when put to the test ; but his ambition was not gratified at this time, his wishes being overruled by the superior caution of the commander-in-chief. General Gates having been recalled from the com' mand of the southern department. General Greene was commissioned to take his place. Believing that tho principal theatre of action, during the approaching cam 112 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. paign, would be found in tliat quarter, and hoping foi some active service there even in the winter, numerous applications were made by the gallant officers of the army, for appointments under General Greene. Among the number of these applicants was Lafayette. His let- ter to Greene, declaring his intention to solicit a com- mand under him, is replete with those admirable senti- ments which always actuated him, displaying a spirit in which a lofty personal ambition was always subservient to a loftier determination to consecrate all his powers to the general good. " You will have great difficulties to struggle with. Defeats are expected. But I am heart- ily willing to have my fate united to yours, and to share in anything, good or bad, that may happen to the troops under your command. By my temper and principles, I am bound to accept anything, and cheerfully to act upon any scale that a superior officer thinks fit for me ; but you are not mistaken in believing that the command of a flying camp, composed of the horse and light-infanti-y of your army, will better please me than the honorable but less active command of a wing. In case the dispo- sitions of the enemy make you wish that I should repair to any particular place, I will, on the least hint from you, ask leave from the general to fly there with the greatest despatch." Having obtained permission to act in accordance with these promises, he had* proceeded as far as Philadelphia, when his further progress was delayed by the desire of Congi-ess, that he would assist in the negotiations then going on with the chevalier de la Luzei'ne, the French minister. These negotiations had reference to the em ployment of the French fleet, which was then on the West-India station, where it had gained some advantages over the British. It was under the command of the count de Grasse, an able and experienced commander Arnold's treason. 113 and one full of zeal for the American cause. It was now proposed to invite his co-operation in an attack upon the British army at the south, as well as to cut off its com- munication with New York. Lafayette entered warmly into the plan, and used all his influence to forward it. When all the preliminaries were arranged, and he was at liberty to pursue his course, he turned his face once more toward Charleston, to join the army under Gen- eral Greene. At this moment, it was ascertained that Arnold, having received a part of " the wages of iniquity," in a commis- sion as brigadier-general in the British aimy, was at the head of a detachment sent into Virginia, to levy contribu- tions and plunder the defenceless inhabitants. He was acting the part of a savage bandit, rather than that of a soldier, carrying fire and sword wherever he went, and ravaging the property of Americans, more to gratify pri- vate revenge, than to derive to himself or his troops any substantial benefit. He landed at Westover, on the James river, in January, 1781, and proceeded, ynih rapid strides, to Richmond, where he destroyed an immense amount of public and private property. Baron Steuben, who was in the vicinity with a considerable force, watched his movements, and followed him closely in his retreat, till he anived at Portsmouth. Steuben, who could not dis- lodge the traitor from this post, was able to confine him there, while he sent for reinforcements, in the hope of cutting him off, or getting possession of his person. On the receipt of this intelligence, Lafayette was im- mediately directed to proceed to Virginia, at the head of twelve hundred light-infantry, selected from the lines of New England and New Jersey. The headquarters of the army were then in the highlands of New York, Making a feint, by way of diversion, toward Staten island, he moved off, by forced and rapid marches, to the head H 114 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. of Elk, the northernmost point of the Chesapeake, where he an-ived on the 3d of March, being three or four days earlier than had beon anticipated. Here he embarked, with his men, in a little squadron of small boats, and dropped silently down to Annapolis, a distance of about sixty miles. Leaving his troops at this place, to await the anival of promised reinforcements from the French fleet, he set out in a canoe, with a few officers, to join Baron Steuben, and to summon to his aid a portion of the Virginia militia, and thus hold himself in instant readiness for the arrival of the French troops. Safely eluding the vigilance of the English fi-igates then sta- tioned in the bay, he proceeded to Williamsburg, on the York river, a distance of more than one hundred miles. Here he was joined by several companies of volunteer militia, hastily brought together, from their farms and woi'kshops, to meet the sudden emei-gency. The utmost eagerness and spirit were manifested, which no sei-vice could have raised to a gi-eater height of enthusiasm, than that which promised to secure the person of the traitor Arnold. Arnold's position at Portsmouth not having been fully reconnoitred, Lafayette proceeded in person to Suffolk. General Muhlenberg, who was in command at this place^ was advised to advance his camp somewhat nearer fo the enemy's lines ; which being done, he proceeded, with Lafayette and a small body of ti'oops, to take % more particular view of the 'British defences. This Drought on a trifling skirmish, but resulted in nothing important to either party. The next day, the 20th of March, advices were received from Hampton that a fleet nad come to anchor within the capes. Supposing this to be the expected reinforcement jnder Admiral Des- touches, the Americans were greatly elated with the assured prospect of a successful issue to their entei-prise LAKAVEITE IN VIRGINIA. 115 Arnold, who was for some time of the same opinion, was thrown into great consternation ; and, notwithstanding the signals made by the advancing fleet, dared not, at first, send out his pilots to give them welcome. To his gi-eat relief, however, and to the chagi-in and disappointment of the besiegers, it proved to be the English fleet sent to the succor of the traitor. If there had been a suffi- cient naval force, in that quarter, to cut off his retreat, and prevent his receiving this reinforcement by water, he would inevitably have fallen into the hands of La- fayette. Most unfortunately for this enterprise, the French fleet, which sailed from Newport to co-operat=! with Lafayette, encountered a British fleet off the capes of Virginia. A sharp conflict ensued, with no decisive results ; but the French admiral, finding his vessels much di,maged, and deeming it imprudent, in so shattered a condition, to proceed in the face of a considerably superior force, while there were also other British frigates in the Ches- apeake, returned at once to Newport, for repairs. By ihis accident, Lafayette was deprived of the means of transporting and protecting his troops down the bay to the scene of action ; while, at the same time, Arnold was relieved by the accession of Genei-al Phillips, with two well-appointed regiments of Bi'itish infantry. Heartily as the British general-in-chief despised Arnold, he was no sooner made aware of the southward movement of Lafayette, than he despatched this force to his relief. As it was accompanied by a superior officer, who would supersede Arnold in the command, it is not improbable that his new masters suspected his fidelity, well knowing that he who w^as capable of betraying one sacred trust, w'>.s accessible to temptation in respect to another. fhe English were now masters of the Chesapeake ft 'eral of the smaller class of ships were stationed iB 116 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. the bay, and it was no easy matter for an American flo« tilla to escape their vigilance. Notwithstanding this, however, Lafayette succeeded not only in reaching An- napolis in safety himself, hut in retransporting his troops from that place to the head of Elk. This he accom- plished by means of a ruse, which, though it could hardly have been attempted in serious earnest, proved, singu- larly enough, entirely successful. Two vessels, one of eighteen and another of twenty guns, blockaded the har- bor of Annapolis, determined to prevent his movements. " In these circumstances," he saya, in his letter to "Wash ington, " I had two eighteen pounders put on board a small sloop, which appeared ridiculous to some, but proved to be of gi'eat service. On the morning of the 6th, Commodore Nicholson went out with the sloop and another vessel full of men. Whether the sound of eigh- teen pounders, or the fear of being boarded, operated upon the enemy, I am not able to say ; but, after some manoeuvres, they retreated so far as to render it prudent for us to sail. Every vessel, with troops and stores, was sent in the night by the commodore, and I brought up the rear with the sloop and another vessel." Lafayette was about marching his detachment back to the headquarters of the ai-my, when he received, on the 8th of April, an order from General Washington to turn southward again, in order to co-operate with General Greene against Lord Comwallis, who, it was now sup- posed, would be joined by Phillips and Arnold. The troops under his command, who were all from New England and New Jersey, were exceedingly reluctant to acquiesce in this movement, and, indeed, were hardly in a condition to undeitake a new enterprise so far from home. Most of them were poorly clad, and in their win- ter clothing, and had large aiTears of pay due to them, Some of the officers were so situated, with respect tci LAFAYETTE IN VIRGINIA. Ill their domestic aftairs, that Washington made provision to relieve them at once. The men, feeling that their own concerns v^ere equally urgent, and seeing no rea- son vchy they should not be regarded with as much favor as their leaders, showed signs of great discontent. Many deserted. In this emergency, besides employing the rigorous measures commonly resorted to, to punish those of the runaways who were caught, Lafayette, vidth his accustomed generosity, relieved the necessities of his troops fi-om his own purse. Borrowing from the mer- chants of Baltimore, on his own private credit, ten thousand dollars, payable in two years, he expended it all in clothes, shoes, hats, &c. Thus relieved, they inarched forward, with alacrity, to join the southern army. To his despatch to the commander-in-chief, which de- tails the circumstances just naiTated, General Lafayette added a postscript, which is too complimentary to the courage, endurance, and patriotic spirit of the mass of his soldiers, to be passed by unnoticed. Having said in the body of his letter that, in consequence of the meas- ures adopted, desertion was lessened, he adds : — "P. S. — The word lessened does not convey a suffi- cient idea of what experience has proved to be trae, to the honor of our excellent soldiers. It had been an- nounced in general orders that the detachment was in- tended to fight an enemy far superior in number, uni'er difficulties of every sort. This the general was, for his part, determined to encounter, but such of the soldiers ds had an inclination to abandon him, might dispense with the danger and crime of desertion, as every one of them who should apply at headquarters for a pass to join their corps at the north, might be sure to obtain it Immediately." This appeal roused all the pride and enthusiasm of 118 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. the corps. After this, not a man was willing to leave his general on any pretence ; and one of the subordinate officers, who was so disabled by a wound in his leg as to render it impossible for him to proceed on foot, hired a wagon, at his own expense, to enable him to follow the detachment. Strengthened by a volunteer company of dragoons from Baltimore, composed of the elite of the young men of the city, Lafayette pushed forward with such ardor and celerity, that he entered Richmond the day before the British troops under General Phillips made their ap- pearance at Manchester, on the opposite bank of the James river. The British commander was aware of his approach, but did not suppose it possible he could reach the capital so soon. He was not less surprised than dis- appointed, therefore, to find it so occupied and defended as to render it prudent for him to retire. By a singular coincidence, Lafayette was now brought into immediate conflict with the same British officer be- fore whom bis father had fallen, twenty-three years be- fore. It will be remembered that the noble marquis wa& bom to orphanage, his father having been mortally wounded at Minden, a few months before his birth. The battery which he was engaged in storming was de- fended by this same General Phillips, then a captain of artillery ; and it was one of the balls discharged by his order that killed the colonel marquis de Lafayette, at the early age of twenty-four. Richmond was a place of great importance to both parties. A large amount of stores and ammunition had been collected there by the state of Virginia, since the incendiary visit of Arnold at the close of the previous year. It was also rich in other property, which the in- vaders seemed to take particular pleasure in destroying Tn their progress hitherto, they had ravaged the country. lAPATETTE IN VIRGINIA 119 burnt the storehouses of every description, and destroyed tobaccQ to the amount of moi'e than ten thousand hogs- iieads. The mean spirit of Arnold delighted in this spe- cies of malicious revenge upon the Americans. On his return to the north, he pursued the same dastardly buai ness in many of the small towns and seaports of New England, caiTying fire and desolation to the defenceless villages, but rarely exposing himself to the fire of Amer- ican rifles. At Richmond, Lafayette formed a junction with Baron Steuben, by which his force was augmented to more than three thousand men. It was still nearly one thou- sand less than that of the enemy, which was composed of disciplined and well-appointed veterans, while two thirds of his own were raw militia, and the remainder, though regulars, miserably clad and equipped. Not- withstanding this inferiority. General Phillips did not deem it prudent to attack the city. He retreated down the river, burning, as he went, the exposed property of the citizens. Lafayette hung on his rear till he reached the Chicahominy, about eighteen miles below Richmond. Here he encamped. The British general, proceeding down the river as far as Hog island, was met by a letter from Lord Comwallis, then retiring from Noi'th Carolina, directing him to take possession of Petersburg, where he would soon join him. As soon as his adversary began, in compliance witt these orders, to reascend the James river, Lafayette re- turned to Richmond, supposing that was again the object to be aimed at. On his arrival there, he learned that Cornwallis was moving northward. Phillips at the same time commenced landing his troops at Brandon. Per- ceiving in a moment that the two armies were about to form a junction below him, Lafayette made the utmost despatch to gain possession of Petersburg But Phillipak 120 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. who was nearer that point than he, frustrated his design The marquis, therefore, returned hastily to Richmond, and commenced removing the military stores to places of greater security. While reconnoitring the enemy's position at Peters- burg, and engrossing his attention in that quarter, La- fayette succeeded in sending off, unobserved, by another route, a considerable quantity of military stores for the southern ai-my, of which General Greene was then in great need. Four days after entering Petersburg, General Phillips died. His career, which had been one of great success, and had won him an enviable distinction in the royal army, was suddenly terminated by a fever. By this ac- cident, the entire command of the British forces in Vir gioia devolved upon Arnold. With him Lafayette re- fused to hold any intercourse or correspondence. A letter which was sent to him, by a flag, at Richmond, he returned unopened, stating at the same time that if any of the British officers had written to him, he should have been happy to receive their letters, and to extend to them the courtesy rendered necessai-y by the loss of their commander. This conduct gave great pleasure to Wash- ington and the American army, and added much to the embarrassment of Arnold in his new and difficult Dosi- tion. CAMPAIGN iN VIRGINIA. 12J CHAPTER IX. THE CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA, OR THE BOY AND THE VET- ERAN. On the arrival of Lord. Comv^allis at Petersburg, on the 20th of May, the British force was increased to about eight thousand men, veteran troops, more than one thou- sand of whom were mounted ; while that of the Ameri- cans, under Lafayette, was less than three thousand, and the greater part of them militia. An easy conquest was confidently anticipated, and somewhat boastfully prom- ised, in a letter from Comwallis to Clinton, in which he remarked, " The hoy can not escape me." The result proved that neither age, nor experience, nor vastly su- perior numbers and appointments, could absolutely guar- anty success. Comwallis was a man of eminent military talents, with a reputation inferior to very few in the British sei'vice ; but the " boy," to whose capture or defeat he had proudly pledged himself, had within him, not only the soul and spirit of a full-gi-own man, but the prudence and skill of a veteran officer. It was the pol- icy of his lordship to tempt his youthful adversary to open combat. The natural ardor and enthusiasm of that adversary, and his ambition to secure some brilliant achievement, on an occasion when everything depended upon him, gave tenfold influence to the tempting bait. But the risk was too great ; and his singularly-mature judgment and manly prudence were proof against everj 6 122 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. inclucement to attempt anything which did not promise certain good to his cause. On the 24th of May, Cornwallis moved up toward Richmond, where he was joined by a reinforcement just arrived from New York, and attempted to gain the rear of the American ai-my. Lafayette, however, having re- moved the most valuable stores from that post, immedi- ately abandoned it, and marched rapidly, but in excellent order, acioss the Chickahominy toward Fredericksburg, where he expecl id a battalion of the Pennsylvania line, under General \/ayne, to join him. His movements were made with so much rapidity and caution, that Cornwallis, after pursuing him for some days, was com- pelled to give up the chase. Sending ofl' two detach- ments, one under Colonel Simcoe, to the Point of Fork, at the confluence of the Rivanna and Fluvianna branches of the James river, to destroy the stores under the pro- tection of Baron Steuben, and the other, composed of cavalry, under the celebrated Tarleton, to Charlottesville, to arrest or disperse the legislative assembly of Virginia, he moved slowly up, and threw himself between the position of Lafayette and Albemarle, where the greater part of the military stores removed from Richmond had been deposited. Simcoe succeeded in destroying a part of those at the point, and Tarleton frightened the legis- lature into a hasty adjoiiinmont, to meet the next day at Staunton, on the other side of the Blue Ridge, and about forty miles distant from Chai'lottesville. General Wayne, with his battalion, having come up, Lafayette recrossed the Rapidon, and marched with so much celerity that he overtook the British aiTny, while yet a day's march from Albemarle. Appi-ehendino-^he object of this hasty movement, Cornwallis pitched his camp near the river, and advanced his light-troops to a position commanding the only known road by which CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 123 the Americans could pass. Here he confidently be- lieved the young marquis vifould be obliged to fight, or retrace his steps even more hastily than he had advanced. In this he was disappointed. By means of his scouts, who were thoroughly acquainted with the country, Lafayette discovered, during the night, another road, vvhich had long been disused, leading, by a shorter course, to Albemarle. This, with great energy and de- spatch, he caused to be cleared, and immediately, under cover of the darkness, drew off all his force in that di- rection. The next morning, to the unutterable chagrin and disappointment of the British general, the Americans had crossed the Rivanna, and taken up a strong position behind the Mechunck creek, considerably in advance of the British camp, and completely covering the stores, which had been the object of all these movements. Re- inforced at this place by a body of mountain militia and a corps of riflemen, and strongly posted on commanding ground, Comwallis did not venture to attack them, but retired, without sti'iking a blow, first to Richmond and then to Williamsburg. Lafayette followed with cautious circumspection. Ta- king care to keep the command of the upper country, and to avoid a general engagement, he held his main body between twenty and thirty miles in the rear of the foe, all the while harassing his flanks and picking off" his outposts with his light detachments. On the 18th of June, he was joined by Baron Steuben, with nearly five hundred militia ; making his whole force about four thousand men. By skilful management, he contrived to make the enemy believe his numbers to be much larger than they really were, so that he now sought rather to avoid than to provoke an engagement. A brilliant skir mish came off" In the neighborhood of Williamsburg between Colonels Butler and Simcoe, in which the fonnel 124 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. claimed to have gained a decided advantage, thougli compelled, by the appearance of the whole British army, immediately to abandon the field. Cornvyallis, having orders to send off a portion of his troops to New York, found it necessary, as a matter of pi-udence, to retire from Williamsburg, and seek a stronger position at Portsmouth, where, also, he might be protected or relieved by a British fleet. In pursuance of this resolution, he crossed over to Jamestown, a part of his force taking immediate possession of the island, while the greater part remained, in ambuscade, upon the nor- thern bank of the river. These dispositions were made with the hope of deceiving Lafayette, who followed close on his rear, intending to make a spirited attack when the main body should have passed over. But the qaick eye of the sagacious youth instantly detected the artifice. The precautions taken to conceal the force on the main- land, and the singular display of those on the island, led him to suspect a ruse. His oificei-s, generally, were of opinion that the movement was not a feigned one, and that the circumstances favored an immediate attack. To satisfy his own doubts on this point, he proceeded in person to reconnoitre the enemy's position, from a tongue of land which jutted into the river a short distance above. Here the whole movement of his enemy was disclosed ; the major part of his force being found compactly dis- posed on the bank of the river, under cover of a blind or artificial thicket, which had been promptly trans- planted for the purpose. Returning hastily to the camp, he found General Wayne already engaged with the enemy. His pickets being ea- sily forced and driven back, the Americans had been drawn into the snare, and were pushing boldly forward, to overtake and capture the flying guards, when suddenly they encountered the whole British army, drawn up in CAMPAIGIM IN VIRGINIA. 125 ai'der of battle. Wayne, who was never appalled by odds, deemed the boldest course the most prudent one. Accordingly, he ordered his small detachment instantly to charge the enemy. Dashing vigorously on, to follow up this order, a warm action ensued, in the midst of which Lafayette airived on the ground. Perceiving the unequal nature of the conflict, and fearing that Wayne would be wholly cut in pieces, without efiecting any good object, he ordered him immediately to retreat, and foiin in a line with the infanti-y, which was then dravni up about half a mile in the rear. As it was already night, this movement was executed with success, and with little loss beyond a few pieces of artillery. He then retired with the whole army to a station about six miles in the rear, and encamped. Comwallis had now learned something of the qualities of " the boy" he had to deal with. Suspecting this full reti'eat, immediately after so bold an onset, to be a mere stratagem to offset his own, and di-aw him into an am- buscade, he made no pursuit, but proceeded to entrench himself in his camp. During this encounter, Lafayette displayed not only a prudence and sagacity much above his years, but a degree of coolness and courage worthy of a veteran ofiicer. His person vi^as often greatly ex- posed. One of his horses was killed, but he escaped unhurt. A few days after these events, ComwaUis pursued his route to Portsmouth. Lafayette, at the same time, with- drew to the forks of the York river, where he dismissed his militia, and sat do%vn, with his comparatively small band of regulai-s, wearied and harassed with watching, marching, and countei'marching, to take a little repose. War has a code of morals peculiar to itself, and, among other things, admits of every species of artifice, and even falsehood, to deceive the enemy. Men who, in ordinary 126 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. cases, would sooner sacrifice a right hand than utter a deliberate lie, would not hesitate to act one, as a ruse, in time of war. Wliile Comwallis was retiring before La- fayette, under a false impression as to the extent of hia force, the latter used every means in his power to keep up and strengthen that impression. He had taken into his service a very shrewd negro, whom he instructed to go into the enemy's camp and give himself up for pro- tection. This task he performed so well, that Lord Com- wallis employed him as a spy, and sent him back. He was true to his first employer, however, and soon re- turned with new instructions. Lafayette vrrote a ficti- tious order to General Morgan, requiring him to take his station with his corps at a certain post, in conjunction with the army. The paper was then torn and given to the negro, with directions how to proceed. When asked by Comwallis what news he brought from the American camp, he replied that there was no news ; that he saw no changes, but everything appeared as it was the day before. Holding the tattered paper in his hand, he was asked what it was, and replied that he had picked it up in the American camp, but that, as he could not read, he did not know that it was of any importance. Taking the fragments and putting them carefully together, the general was surprised at the development. He had not heard of Morgan's arrival, or of his being expected. It increased his caution, however, which was all the object Lafayette had in view. Not long after this, while Comwallis was employed in fortifying Yorktown, Lafayette inquired of Colonel Bai'- ber if he knew of a trusty, capable soldier, whom he could safely send as a spy into the British camp, and was refeiTed to a man named Morgan, belonging to the New- Jersey line. The general sent for him, and told him that he had a very difficult task to propose to him, which was^ CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 127 tliat he shoulii jiveteTid to desert, go over to tlie British camp, and enlist as a soldier. Morgan answered flint lie was ready to do anything to serve his country or oblige his general, but that his feelings revolted at sucli a pn.- p5sal. He must assume the character of a spy, ami, if detected, he would not only lose his life, but bring an everlasting disgrace upon his name. After some further conversation, however, he consented to go, on condition that, if any disaster should happen to him, the general should cause a true statement of the facts to be published in the New-Jersey Gazette, so that his family and friends might not be reproached for his supposed misconduct. He then went over to the British camp and enlisted. Lafayette's object was twofold. He wished to gain accurate knowledge of the movements and intentions of the enemy, and to deceive them with respect to his own. Both armies were now on the north side of the James river. Some of the British officers had proposed a re- treat southward into North Carolina. Lafayette sup- posed this would be attempted, and wished to prevent it, without risking an engagement. He therefore instruct- ed Morgan particularly to give the impression that the Americans possessed all the necessary facilities for cros- sing the river at any moment. Morgan had been but a few days in camp when Comwallis sent for him and asked him many questions. Tarleton was present at the inter- view, and took part in the conversation. Among other things, he inquired how many boats the " rebels" had on the liver. Morgan replied that he did not know the ex- act number, but had been told that there were enough 1.3 carry over the \\hole army at a moment's waniiiij. " There !" exclaimed Cornwallis, addressing Tarleton, " I told you this would not do." About this time, the French fleet arrived. Lafayette had been out to reconnoitre. On his return, he found 138 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. Moigan at his quarters, in his British unifoi-m, with five others in the same dress, and one green-coated Hessian. " Well, Morgan," asked the general, " whom have you here V — " Five British soldiers, sir, who have deserted with me, and a Hessian whom we captured at the out- post,'' was his reply. In reward of his fidelity and ser- vices, Lafayette offered to make him a sergeant. Mor- gan was gratified to have pleased his general, but declined the promotion, saying thut he believed himself to be a good soldier, but was not sure that he should make a good officer. The general then offered him money, but he refused it, saying that he did not need it. '' What, then, can I do for you V inquired Lafayette. "I have only one favor to ask, sir," was the reply. " During my absence, some person has taken my gun. It is an old friend, and I value it highly, and, if it can be restored, it will give me particular pleasure." The gun was de- scribed, found, and returned ; and this was the only re- ward that Morgan could be prevailed upon to accept. General Washington was at this time concerting with C!Iount Rochambeau an attack on the British headquar- ters at New York. Expecting the most active sei-vice in that quarter, and earnestly desiring to be near Wash- ington, Lafayette proposed that he should be permitted to join the army in the north, and leave the command in Virginia to Baron Steuben, who was a pnident and able general, and who had reluctantly yielded it to him, as his superior, when circumstances made it necessary. Before these matters could be well arranged, however, the aspect of things was considerably changed both in New York and in Virginia. Sir Henry Clinton had received reinforcements from Europe, and consequently countermanded his orders to Cornwallis, to forward a portion of his troops to New York. The latter general was now directed to renew the campaign in Virginia, by CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 129 taking a strong position on the Chesapeake, from which he might act elSciently against any of the neighboring states. Selecting Yorktown as his principal post, with a sec- ondary one at Gloucester point, on the opposite side of the river, Comwallis proceeded to fortify it in the most appi'oved manner. For this it offered many facili- ties, though the result proved that in one respect at least it was not well chosen, as it was easy to be invested, and too open on every side to afford facilities for retreat. Nothing could have suited Lafayette better than this selection of his adversary. " Such," to use his own words, " had been the aim of all his movements, ever since a slight increase of force had permitted him to think of any- thing but retiring without being destroyed, and saving the magazines. He knew that a French fleet was soon to arrive from the islands. His principal object ha,d been to force Lord Cornwallis to withdraw toward the seashore, and then entangle him in such a manner among the rivers, that there should remain no possibility of a retreat. The English, on the contrary, fancied them selves in a very good position, as they were possessors of a seaport, by which they could receive succors from New York, and communicate with different parts of the coast." This sense of security on their part was in- creased by an accident, which, though carefully guarded against, proved in the end most fojtunate for the Ameri- can cause. While Lafayette, full of hope, was writing to General Washington that he foresaw he could push Lord Cornwallis into a situation in which it would be easy for him, with some assistance from the navy, to cut off his retreat — the general-in-chief, who had always thought that Lafayette would be veiy fortunate if he could save Vii-ginia, without being cut up himself, wi-oto to him freely of his projected attack on New York, grant- I 6* 130 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. ing him permission to take part in it, but, at tlie saiEe time, representing how useful he had been, and might still be, in Virginia. The two letters passed each other in New Jersey. The one written by Lafayette arrived safely, and prepared Washington to take advantage of the peculiar situation of Lord Cornwallis. Washington's letter was intercepted, and immediately fowarded to Sir Henry Clinton. It was in Washington's own handwi-i- ting, and its friendly and confidential tone left no room to doubt that the next great move of the American army would be against New York. Every thought and effort was therefore concentrated to that point, and the army at Yorktown was deemed perfectly secure from any se- rious molestation. At this juncture, Count de Grasse arrived in the Chesa- peake with a strong naval force, and three thousand troops for the land service. Colonel Gimat, a French officer un- der Lafayette, had been stationed at Cape Henry, in an- ticipation of this arrival. He immediately communica- ted to the count the latest intelligence from both depart- ments of the army, requesting him, with as little delay as possible, to send up the troops to join Lafayette at Wil- liamsburg, and so to blockade the river as to render the retreat of the British impossible. Washington now perceived that the great and fina. blow was to be struck in his own native state, and im- mediately hastened thither with his French allies, and all the force that could be spared from the northern depart- ment. Meanwhile, Count de Grasse, whose engagements imperatively required that he should very soon return to the West-India station, strenuously urged upon Lafay- ette the necessity of an immediate attack on the British at Yorktown, witliout waiting for the arrival of the nor- thern army. He offered to aid him, not only with all the marines of his fleet, but with as many seamen as he CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 131 should roquire. The marquis de St. Simon, an officer of great e.Kperience, who commanded the French troops, united with the admiral in pressing this measure. They represented that, the works of Cornwallis being incom- plete, Yorktown and Gloucester might in all probability be carried by storm, if attacked by superior numbers. They also urged that it was quite just, after so long, fa- tiguing, and fortunate a campaign, that the glory of ma- king Cornwallis lay down his anns should belong solely to him who had reduced him to that situation. The temptation was a very sti'ong one, and there are few generals of his age, enthusiasm, and ambition, who would or could have resisted it. A full excuse for the attempt was found in the declaration of Count de Grasse, that his time was too limited to allow him to wait for the an'ival of the troops from the north. Success in such an enter- prise would have given unrivalled brilliancy to the mili- tary reputation of Lafayette, but would necessarily have cost much blood. The noble spirit of the youthful general, though pant- ing for fame in the honorable discharge of his duty, was superior to all the solicitations of selfishness. He refused to sacrifice the lives of his gallant men to the hope of personal glory, and finally persuaded De Grasse to await the arrival of Washington and Rochambeau, when the great object of their desires could be accomplished with far less waste of human life. On the 14th of September, Washington arrived at Wil- liamsburg, accompanied by Rochambeau, Chastellux, and the officers of his staflT. Hastening, in company with Lafayette, on board the flag-ship of the admiral, a plan of operations was concerted, which, it was hoped, would bring the contest to a speedy issue. At this moment a cloud came over their prospects, from which the elo quence and influence of Lafayette alone preserved them. 132 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. Information having been received of a considerable ac- cession to the British fleet, under Admiral Dighy, the count de Grasse, regarding his situation in the Chesa- peake as too confined, deemed it his duty to put to sea at once, with the hope of falling in with one part of the British force before they should concentrate in numbers superior to his own. He proposed leaving a few frig- ates to blockade York river, and prevent the escape of the British in that direction, and going immediately to New York, to attack the enemy in detail. Feeling that such a movement would put to hazard all their present hopes and plans, and leave them exposed, in the absence of the fleet, to have their beleagured en- emy drawn off by the arrival of a British naval force su- perior to that which it was proposed to leave behind, Lafayette was commissioned to use his utmost exertions to change the purpose of the count. Happily for the cause of the American confederacy and of freedom, he succeeded in his mission, and thus added another to the already numerous instances in which the talents, good sense, and earnest love for America, of this accomplished young man, were permitted to guide the current of events, and give a favorable turn to seemingly inauspi- cious circumstances. Hitherto, Lafayette had been leader in all his opei-a- tions in Virginia. He was now to act a subordinate, but not unimportant part, under the commander-in-chief. The siege of Yorktown, it is well known, was ably and obstinately conducted on both sides. It was of twenty days' duration, commencing on the 28tli of September, and terminating on the 17th of October. The gi-eater part of this time was occupied in preparations for the coming storm ; the details of which belong rather to general history, or to the biography of the commander- in-chief, than to this work. CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 133 ft was not until the 14th of October, that Lafayette was afforded an opportunity for active service. The second parallel of approaches was then completed, and the American batteries were opened within three hun- dred yards of the British lines. The men employed in finishing these works were exceedingly annoyed by an incessant and very effective fire from two redoubts, on the enemy's left, which, being advanced three hundred yards in front of their works, completely flanked this parallel, and enfiladed the whole line. It was absolutely necessary to silence these redoubts, and preparations were made, on the 14th, to caiTy them both by storm. The honor of achieving this brilliant exploit was divided between the Americans and their French allies. The baron de Viominil led on the grenadiers and chasseurs of France against one of the redoubts ; while Lafayette, at the head of a detachment of American light-infantry, assaulted the other. The former indulged so warmly, in the presence of the latter, in self-gratulation on ac- count of the boasted superiority of the French in an assault, that Lafayette was somewhat piqued. Regard- ing himself only as an American officer, proud of his adopted country, and confident that the men he had so often tried would not suffer by comparison with the vet- erans of the old world, he replied, with feeling : " "We are but young soldiers, and we have but one sort of tac- tics on such occasions, which is, to discharge our mus- kets, and push on straight with the bayonet." It was late in the day when the two detachments marched out to the assault. Conscious that they were generally observed, and regarded somewhat as rivals for the glory of a daring achievement, they both pushed on, with a bold front and a vigorous step, to the charge Colonel Hamilton led the advanced corps of the Ameri- cans, while Colonel Laurens turned the redoubt, at the 134 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE head of a company of eighty men, in order to take tha garrison in the rear, and intercept their retreat. La- fayette commanded the whole in person, and was fore- most in the charge. Rushing on, without firing a gun, and without even allowing time for the sappers to clear the way, by removing the abatis and palisades, they en- tered the redoubt on all sides at the same time, and so completely surprised and overwhelmed its defenders, that the whole party, including Major Campbell, its commander, was made prisoners, with but little loss on either side. The other redoubt«J)roved to be more ably manned than this, and made a desperate resistance. It was as- saulted with the greatest intrepidity, and earned,, though with a loss of nearly one hundred men. The command- ant escaped, with some of his men. Eighteen were killed, and forty-two made prisoners. After Lafayette had finished his work, and while the conflict was still raging furiously on the left, he despatched Major Bar- bour, one of his aids, to ask the baron if he did not wish for assistance from the Americans. The major was shot at and wounded, on the way, but, with admira- ble coolness, delivered his message before he would suf- fer his wound to be attended to. The proffered aid was declined as unnecessary, the brave Frenchmen having advanced so far as to render them sure of ultimate suc- cess. But the baron was obliged to acknowledge that his friend, the marquis, had most effectively retorted up- on him the implied though undesigned contempt of the mcming.* * As one of the historians of that period has, gratuitously, and without a shadow of proof, reproached both Washington and Lafayette with tha grossest inhumanity on this occasion, it would be wronging the memory of both those heroes to suffer any opportunity to pass, without disproving the slander. Mr. Gordon, in his Histoi-y of the American War, has stated that orders were given by Lafayette, with the approbation of Washing CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 135 The captured redoubts were immediately included in the extended lines of the second parallel, and their guns turned upon the besieged. Lord Coniwallis, finding himself unable to sustain the tremendous fire now opened upon him, devised a bold and able plan of escape, by a bridge of boats ever the York river; intending to foice his way, by flying marches, to New York. A violent storm defeated his purpose, when considerable progi*ess had been made in its execution. It is doubtful whether he could have succeeded, under the most favorable cir- tpon, that no quarter should be granted, but that, in retaliation for recent cruelties on the part of the British, every man in the redoubts should be put to the sword. These orders, he assures us, were given especially to Colonel Hamilton, who led the American advanced corps, who, more hu- mane than his commanders, refused to execute them, and spared every man that remained after the surrender. The story was widely circulated^ though always contradicted by all who had che means of knowing the truth. The following letter, written twenty years after, puts the calumny for ever at rest : — " New York, Augu&t 10, 1802. **To THE EDITOR OF THE EVENING PosT — SiR: Finding that a story, long since propagated, under circumstances which it was expected would soon consign it to oblivion, and by which I have been complimented at the expense of Generals Washington and Lafayette, has of late been revived, and has acquired a degree of importance, by being repeated in different publications, as well in Em-ope as America, it becomes a duty to counter- act its currency and influence, by an explicit disavowal, "The story imports, in substance, that General L afayette, with the approbation or connivance of General Washington, ordered me, as the officer who was to command the attack on a British redoubt, in the course of the siege of Yorktown, to put to death all those of the enemy who should happen to be taken in the redoubt, and that, through motives of humanity, I forebore to execute the order. " Positively, and unequivocally, I declare that no such or similar order was ever by me received, or understood to have been given, nor any inti- mation or hint resembling it. " It is needless to enter into an explanation of some occurrences on the occasion alluded to, which may be conjectured to have given rise to the calumny. It is enough to siy, that they were entirely disconnected witi" any act of cither of the generals who have been accused. " With esteem, I am, sir, your most obedient servant, **A. IJamaltow 136 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. cumstances, as tlie presence of the French fleet afforded facilities of rapid movement and counteracting manoeu- vres, vi^hich the American commander had not often possessed. This hope being abandoned, and the batteries of the second parallel completed and put into full operation, further resistance w&a useless. About ten o'clock in the forenoon of the 17th of October, Cornvsrallis proposed a cessation of hostilities, vcith a vievsr to capitulation. This was immediately granted. On the morning of the sec- ond day after, the 19th, the tei-ms w^ere adjusted and the articles signed, " surrendering the posts of Yorktovra and Gloucester point, with their gan-isons, and the ships in the harbor, with their seamen, to the land and naval forces of America and France." The army, artilleiy arms, military chest, and public stores of every de- nomination, were surrendered to General Washington, and the ships and seamen to Count de Grasse. The prisoners, including seamen, exceeded seven thousand men. Five hundred and fifty-two had been killed during the siege. It was thus 'the singular good fortune of Lafayette to act a most prominent and conspicuous part in the closing and decisive scene of the American Revolution. Op posed to vastly superior numbers, and to one of the ablest and most experienced generals in the British ser- vice, he had succeeded in escaping his best laid snares, foiling his most judicious arrangements, outmanoeuvring his ablest and most rapid movements, harassing him in rear and flank, in all his marches, and finally, in partly driving and partly luring him intu a corner, from which all his after-efforts were insufficient to extricate himself, and where he was compelled, at length, to lay down hia arms. And so powerfully was his talented adversary impressed with the perseverance, skill, and gdlantry, as CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 137 well as with the humane and lofty spirit of the youthfii' general, that he requested, as a favor, w^hen the fortunes of war compelled him to capitulate, that he might be permitted to treat with him alone, and surrender his sword into his hands. To this, however, Lafayette him- self objected, from motives of delicacy and regai'd to General Linci^ln. That officer had been obliged, a few months before, to suirender to Lord Comwallis, at Charleston, and to submit to terms more humiliating than are ordinarily required of those whose personal gallantry and able defence of their post entitle them to the respect of a generous enemy. Lafayette, therefore, magnanimously suggested that General Lincoln should receive the sword of Cornwallis, exacting precisely the same terms that had previously been required of him. Comwallis, either overcome with the fatigue and ex- ertion of this ill-fated siege, or sick at heart with his sudden reverse of fortune, excused himself from appear- ing in person at the head of his vanquished army, and sent his sword by the hand of General O'Hara, who was next in command. This officer, no less reluctant than his superior, to surrender to an American, when the moment for the ceremony arrived, offered the weapon to General Rochambeau. The count, by a graceful ges- ture, referred him to Washington, remarking, that, as the French army was only auxiliary, it was from the American general that he should receive his orders. Washington declining to accept it, in pursuance of previous an-angement, it was courteously received by General Lincoln. In the subsequent ceremony of lay- ing down their arms, the British soldiers manifested the same proud chagrin as their officers had done, in being compelled to submit to such a humiliation by those whom they had been taught to despise as rebels and cowards. To cover their mortification, in the act, they turned theif 138 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. faces toward the French line, as if they would ackfiowl edge them only as the conquerors ; upon which Lafay. ette, by way of pleasant retaliation, ordered the bands to strike up " Yankee Doodle." The joke was apt, and stung them to the quick; and they flung down their arms with such violence that many of thera were broken. On receiving the glittering token of submission. Gen- eral Lincoln instantly returned it to General O'Hara, \vith his compliments to Lord Comwallis. Generals Washington, Rochambeau, and Lafayette, sent also, by their aids, to present their compliments and the tender of their friendly offices. Lafayette's aid. Major Wash- ington, a nephew of the general, he detained, saying, that having made this long campaign against General Lafayette, he wished, from the high esteem he felt for him, and the value he set upon his good opinion, to give him a private account of some of the leading motives which had induced him to sun-ender. The next day Lafayette called to see him, at his quarters. It was an intei'esting interview. The " boy" and the man were face to face. The boy Tiad, escaped, and the man was his prisoner. With that unaffected courtesy and frank- ness which distinguish the true hero, Cornwallis gave free expression to the high regard and confidence which the singular ability and skill of his conqueror had won from him, and earnestly commended to his humane re- gards his army of prisoners. In doing this, he intimated some want of confidence in the kind dispositions of the Americans. This Lafayette immediately answered, by alluding to the past, and especially to the considerate kindness which had been shown to the army of Bur- goyne, for he was too much of an American at heart, to allow himself to be complimented at their expense. Hospitalities were now cordially exchanged between the American, French, and English officers, and mutual CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. 139 health and prosperity were pledged in the social glass, and jokes were cracked, and laughter-moving stories told, as freely and heartily as if they had always been sworn friends and companions. Lafayette, who was usually gi-ave and reserved, was often witty in conversa- tion, and sometimes could not resist the temptation of a fair personal repartee. One day, at dinner. General O'Hara, conversing of recent events with the French generals, remarked, in a complimentary tone, that he considered himself fortunate in not having suirendered to American arms alone. " Probably," replied Lafay- ette, "General O'Hara does not like repetitions" — allu- ding to the fact that he was an officer in the anny of Burgoyne. 140 I-IFE OP LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER X. NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. LaJAYette's career of glory in America was now fl i- ished. Another expedition was concerted, against Wil- mington, in North Carolina, the command of which was assigned to him ; but, as it required the co-operation of Count de Grasse and his fleet, which could not be se- cured, on account of his previous engagements with the Spanish fleet and their joint designs on the West Indies, it was abandoned. The negotiations for peace, which were soon after entered into, rendered his presence in America no longer necessary, while his services were, on that account, much needed in Europe. He there fore made preparations to return immediately home. The part which he had acted in the war, and particu- larly in its closing scenes, had been peculiarly gratifying to Washington, who, in case of failure or disaster in that department, might have been censured for intrusting to so young an officer the hazardous experiment of encoun- tei-ing, under such gi-eat disparity of numbers, one of the most experienced and accomplished generals of the age. " Be assured, my dear marquis," said he, in a letter of that period, " your conduct meets my warmest approba- tion, as it must that of everybody. Should it ever be said that my attachment to you betrayed me into partiality, you have only to appeal to facts, to refute any such charge." The count de Vergennes wrote to him in a similar strain NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. 141 of unqualified gratulation and praise. " I have followed you, step by step," says he, " through your whole cam- paign in Virginia, and should often have trembled for you if I had not been confident in your wisdom. It re- quires no common ability and skill to enable a man to sustain himself, as you have done, and during so long a time, before such a general as Lord Comwallis, who is lauded for his talents in war ; and this, too, with such a great disproportion in your forces." From Congi-ess, from the several states, from literary institutions, and from assemblies of the people on eveiy side, he received the most ample testimonials of the high sense universally enteitained of his disinterested sacii- fices in the cause of American freedom, and of the dis- tinguished ability and success with which he had conse- crated to it the flower of his manhood. The sentiment of admiring gi-atitude was deep, unanimous, and all-per- vading. It followed him across the Atlantic, in prayers and blessings, which accompanied him in all his future ti'ials and successes — bursting forth afresh from the heai'ts of a new generation, when, aftei- the lapse of half a century, he returned again to the country of his adop- tion, to witness its giant growth, and receive the homage of its children. It is difficult to estimate too largely the service ren- dered to our country by this singular young man. It was not merely his personal presence and action, his feats of gallantry, and the shedding of his blood on our behalf; all this, admirable as it was, connected with his uncommon maturity of judgment, his prudence and skill as an officer, and the fearless daring with which he faced the veteran foe at the head of a handful of raw, undisci- plined militia, constitutes but a small part of his claims upon our grateful remembrance. This he shares in common with many others of his own countrymen, and 142 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. with Steuben, Kosciusko, De Kalb, and Pulaski, who did all that zeal and heroism could do, but who, at the same time, had little but zeal and heroism to bestow. The civil relations of Lafayette gave him immense power. His own piivate fortune was large, and wholly at his disposal. This, it has been seen, he did not hesi- tate to put to the twofold risk, first of confiscation to the crown of France for his bold assumption of the right of thinking and acting for himself, in the cause of another nation, and, second, of entire loss, by pledging the whole as security for the debts of a struggling and bankrupt people, whose need he constantly met by drawing upon its income for the relief of the pressing wants of the army. A volunteer in the cause of liberty, he sought no remuneration ; he asked only the honorable opportunity of distinguishing himself in her straggles. But his greatest sei-vice was rendered in the influence, direct and indirect, of his name and character. It was this, more than all other influences, that procured for us the alliance of France, resulting not only in subsidies to the amount of twenty millions, to replenish our exhaust- ed coffers, but in an army and navy, without whose co- operation the gi-eat work of American independence could never have been achieved. To the gi'atitude and love of America, it was his sin- gular felicity, at this period, to know that the entire ap- probation of his king and country was added. Of thiS; the following testimonial, received on the eve of his de- parture, is sufficient evidence : — " THE MARdUlS DE SEGUR TO M. DE LAFAYETTE. "December 5, 1781. " The king, sir, having been informed of the military talents of which you have given such multiplied proofs, while conrimanding the different corps of the aimy thai nas been confided to you in the United States ; of the NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. 143 wisdom and prudence that have guided you in the van- oas decisions you were called upon to take respecting the interests of the United States ; and of the great con- fidence with which you have inspired General Washing- ton ; his majesty has desired me to tell you, that the praises you have so justly merited on such various occa- sions have fixed his attention, and that your conduct and successes have made him conceive the most favorable opinion of you — such a one as you might yourself de- sire, and from which you may depend on his future kind- ness. His majesty, in order to give you a veiy flattering and peculiar mark of this intention, renews to you the rank of field-marshal in his armies, which you are to en- joy as soon as the American war shall be terminated, at which period you will quit the service of the United States, to re-enter that of his majesty. " In virtue of this decision, sir, you maybe considered as field-marshal, from the date of the signature of the ca- pitulation, after the siege of Yorktown, by General Cora wallis, the 19th of October, of this year, on account of your fulfilling, at that time, the functions belonging to the rank in the rroops of the United States of America. "His majesty is disposing, at this moment, of his regi- ment of dragoons, of which he had kept for you the com- mand until the present time. " I beg you to be convinced of the pleasure I experi- ence in this act of his majesty's justice, and of the wish I feel to prove to you on every occasion the sincere at- tachment with which I have the honor of being, &c., " Segur." Thus did a second ti-iumph await him in returning to his native France. The Alliance, the same ship that took him home on his previous visit, was placed at his disposal again. He landed at L'Orient, on the 17tli of Tanuary, 1782. Hastening to Versailles, he was greeted Hi LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. by the people on the way, with enthusiastic welcome. He was received by the king with the most flattering marks of approval. He was complimented and feasted, wherever he went. But the queen, while she admired the man, and felt justly proud of him as a Frenchman, could never disguise her opposition to the American alliance. Negotiations for peace, between Great Britain and her revolted colonies, proceeded at a moderate pace. Hos- tilities wei-e not wholly suspended. The two contend- ing armies were still in the field, and liable to be brought into bloody conflict at any moment. The city of New York, with a few other places of less importance, at the north, were in the actual possession of the English. At the south, the Carolinas presented a theatre of active warfare, on which the talented and excellent Greene was winning the hard-earned laurels of fame. The people of England favored a peace, but the king and his ministers obstinately opposed it. The crowned heads of the continent interposed their good offices to hasten the consummation of a treaty, one after another, enfor- cing their views by recognising the independence of the United States, and concluding with them treaties of am- ity and commerce. Meanwhile, every preparation was made, on the part of Congress and the commander-in-chief, for the contin- ued vigorous prosecution of the war. In the furtherance of these measures, they were zealously and ably assisted by Lafayette. All the powers of his mind, and all his personal influence, were unremittingly consecrated to the interests of America. From the commanding position which he now occupied, he was enabled to operate on a wide and extended sphere, among the great ones of the earth. The unlimited confidence which Congress reposed in him, had induced that body to instruct the American NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. 146 ministers and agents, in every part of Europe, to commu- nicate all their affairs to him, and to consult with him on all occasions. He took an active part in all their nego- tiations with the English envoys ; but finding them alto- gether too slow and undecided to meet his views, he resolved on more active measures to bring the matter to a favorable issue. By his suggestion and advice, the courts of France and Spain resolved on a combined ex- pedition, having for its object the entire overthrow of the British power in America. An overwhelming naval force, selected from the fleets of both nations, was to proceed to the West Indies, and seize all the English colonies. It was to carry an army of twenty thousand Spanish and French soldiers ; six thousand of the latter of whom, after completing the conquest of the islands, were to be landed at some point in the United States fi'om which they could conveniently reach and oveiTun Caflada. The aiTangements for this foiTnidable expedition were nearly completed. Count d'Estaing was appointed gen- alissimo of the land and sea forces, a post which he ac- cepted on the express condition that General Lafayette should accompany him, as chief of the staff of the com- bined armies — a title equivalent to adjutant-general in the American army. This arrangement was readily made ; but another, proposed at the same time by the count, that Lafayette should be named governor of Ja- maica, in the event of a conquest, was emphatically re- jected by the king of Spain. " No !" replied the old monarch, with some warmth, " I will not consent to that. He would make it a repuhlic." In communicating to General Washington these plans, he thus expressed his thorough American feeling : " Though I am to re-enter the French line as field-mar- Bhal, from the date of Lord Comwallis's sun-ender, I will. J 7 146 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. However, keep my American uniform, and the outside, aa well as the inside, of an American soldier. 1 will conduct matters, and take commands, as an officer borrowed from the United States, as it were occasionally, and will watch for the happy moment when I may join our beloved colors." His correspondence with the French minister, Ver- gennes, and with Carmichael, the American agent at Madrid, evinces the same depth and intensity of Ameri- can spirit, together with a coolness and maturity of judg- ment, and a i-each of thought, rarely if ever seen in a man of his age. " Shall we now have peace," he asks, " or must we fight before we can come to a proper un- derstanding 1 My grand affair appears settled, for America is certain of her independence, humanity has gained her cause, and liberty will never be without A PLACE OF REPUCE. May our present success cause a general peace, and France resume her rank and advan- tages ! I shall then be perfectly happy, for I am not yet philosopher enough not to take a very warm private m- terest in public afl'airs." Embarking at Brest, in the early part of December, 1782, General Lafayette proceeded to join Count d'Es- taing, at Cadiz. He was accompanied by four battal- ions of infantry, an equipage of artillery, and five thou- sand recruits. He had stipulated that these troops should be placed, as a detachment, under his command, after the reduction of the West India islands, and conveyed to the continent, that he might, at length, have an opportu- nity of carrying out the project, long before intrusted to him by Congress, of invading Canada — an expedition which he had never lost sight of, notwithstanding the unfavorable auspices under which it was first commended to his attention. This grand enterprise to be conducted by the flower of NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. 147 the armies and navies of France and Spain, would have assembled at the islands sixty-six ships-of-the-line, and twenty-five thousand men. The coips of Count Rocham- beau was to join them from some port of Spanish America. The French troops of the camp of Saint Roch, under Baron Falkenheim, and a fine division of six thousand Spaniards, commanded by General Las Casas, were as- sembled at Cadiz. The stafi" was composed equally of French and Spanish officers, of great merit and distinc- tion. The secret destination of the aimament was only known to the generalissimo and the chief of the staff. All things were ready, and the fleet was on the eve of departure, when despatches were received, announcing the joyful intelligence that preliminaries of peace had been ai-ranged at Paris. So happy was Lafayette in this event, and so eager to share in the joy which it would diffuse among his friends in America, that he would have hastened himself to con- vey the gratefiil tidings, if he had not been assured by the American minister, that his presence and influence in Europe were still necessai-y to insure the full success of the negotiations. That no .time might be lost, how- ever, he applied immediately to Count d'Estaing, re- questing him to despatch, on the moment, a fast-sailing vessel, to carry the news. His request was instantly granted. Le Triomphe was placed at his disposal ; and with such right good will did she plough the waves of the Atlantic, on her en-and of peace, that she was the first to cast the olive-branch on our bleeding shores. She an-ived at Philadelphia, on Sunday, the 23d of March, 1783. Hostilities were immediately suspended by land and sea. The sword was turned at oncp into a ploughshare, and the voice of rejoic!.ng and of thanks- giving wont up from every dwelling in the land. And to Lafayette was accorded the high satisfaction, not only 148 IIFE or LAFAYETTE. of forwarding tbose negotiations which led to this happy result, but of conveying the earliest possible notice of it to America, and thereby aiTesting the effusion of blood at an earlier day, by more than two months, than it would , have been done by the ordinary official despatches. When Lafayette arrived at Madrid, he found the ne- gotiations, which were then in progress with Spain, in a manner suspended, by the absence of Mr. Jay. Mr. Carmichael had not been officially recognised. Lafay- ette was touched on both sides of his heart by this cold- ness. His Amei'ican pride was wounded by the slight shown to her accredited representative. His sensibili- ties as a Frenchman were wounded, by the appeai-ance of suing from the court of Spain, with more humility than was meet, the recognition which France had al- ready so cheerfully given. Addressing a letter to Mr. Carmichael, under date of January 20, 1783, he had said : " To France you owe a great deal ; to others you owe nothing. As a Frenchman, whose heart is glowing with pati-iotism, I enjoy the part France has acted, and the connexion she has made. As an American, I ac- knowledge the obligation ; and in that, I think, true dignity consists. But dignity forbade our sending abroad political forlorn hopes ; and I ever objected to the condescension ; the more so, as the French treaty had secured their allies to you, and because America is more likely to receive advances, than to need throw- ing herself at other people's feet. Peace is likely to be made. How, then, can the man, who advised against your going at all, propose your remaining at a court where you are not decently treated. Congress does not intend that their dignity shall be trifled with." In connexion with this subject, he had a conference with the Spanish r&inister, on his arrival at Madrid, in which ^3, declared, that if, on the following Saturday, the NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. 149 day fixed for the reception of ambassadors, Mr. Caiiiii- chael was not presented as the charge d'affaires of the United States, they should both leave Spain immedi- ately, and that, for a length of time, no envoy from America should be seen at Madrid. This had the de- sired effect. A few days after, he went, in person, to Pi ado, the king's country-seat, and presented CaiTni- chael. The result was all that was desired. The inde pendence of the United States was fonnally recognised by Spain about four weeks after. It was one of the rjost important objects to be sought for in Europe. As Spain had large colonial possessions in America, inclu- ding the Floridas, Louisiana, and the command of the navigation of the Mississippi, nothing could be more desirable to the interests of the United States, than friendly relations and a definite commercial treaty with that power. For securing these benefits, without vexa- tious and injurious delays, we were indebted mainly tc the firmness and decision of Lafayette, and to that re- markable personal influence and popularity that made him, while only twenty-five years of age, the counsellor of kings and cabinets, and the confidential agent of nations. A letter written at this juncture from Cadiz, is so strongly marked with the characteristic ardor, simplicity, benevolence, and patriotism of the vmter, as well as with the sagacity and foresight for which he was distinguished, that it can not be wholly omitted, without mailing the integrity of the naiTative. It was addressed to General Washington, February 5, 1783 : — " My dear General : Were you but such a man as lulius Caesar, or the king of Prussia, I should be almost sorry foi you at the end of the great tragedy, where you are acting such a part. But, with my dear general, I rejoice at the blessings of a peace, where our noble ends have been secured. Remember our Valley -Forge times, 150 LIFE OF LAF VYETTE. and i'rom a recollection of past dangers and 1-ibors we shall better appreciate our present comfortable situation What a sense of pride and satisfaction I feel whon 1 think of the times that detei-mined my engaging in the American cause. As for you, who can truly say you have done all this, what must your virtuous and good heart feel, on the happy instant, when the Revolution you have planned is firmly established. I can not but envy the happiness of my grandchildren, when they shall eel ebrate your name, to have had one of their ancestors among your soldiers. To know that he had the good fortune to be the friend of your heart, will be the eternal honor in which they shall glory ; and to the eldest of them, as long as my posterity may last, I shall delegate the favor you have been pleased to confer upon my son George — (to be called by your name). " At the first opening of the prospect of peace I had prepared to go to America — but, on a sudden, have been obliged to defer my darling plan, from political considerations. In June I shall embark. Happy, ten times happy, shall I be in embracing my dear general, my father, my best friend, whom I love with an affection and respect which I too well feel, not to know that it is impossible for me to express it. " Now, my dear general, that you are about to enjoy some repose, permit me to propose a plan for elevating the African race. Let us unite in purchasing a small estate, where we may try the experiment to free the ne- gi-oes, and ise them only as tenants.* Such an example cis yours, would render the practice general. And if we should succeed in America, I will cheerfully devote a part of my time to reader the plan fashionable in the • To this Washington replied : " I shall be happy to join you in so land- able a work." It was subsequently attempted, as will be seen in the sequel NEGOTIATIONS IN EUROPE. 151 West Indies. If it be a wild scheme, I would rather be mad in that way, than be thought wise on the other tack. " I am so anxious to hear from you, and to let you hear from me, that I have sent my own serv»nt, with a vessel, to be set ashore on the coast of Maryland. " Your influence, my dear general, can not now be better employed than in inducing the people of America to stiengthen the federal union. Depend upon it, Eu- ropean politics will be apt to create divisions among the states. Now is the time when the powers of Congress must be fixed, the boundaries determined, and the Arti- cles of Confederation revised. It is a work in which every well-wisher to America must desire to be con- cerned. It is the finishing stroke that is wanting to the perfection of the temple of liberty. " As to the army — what will be its fate 1 I hope their country will be grateful. Will part of the army be kept together 1 If not, we shall not, I hope, forfeit our noble title of officers and soldiers in the American army; so that, in case of danger, we may be called upon from every quarter, and reunite in defence of a country which the army has so effectually, so heroically saved. I long to know what measures will be taken." Washington's reply was dated April 5th. " It is ea- sier for you to conceive," he says, " than for me to ex- press, the sensibility of my heart at the communications of your letter of the 5th of Febmary from Cadiz. It is to these communications we are indebted for the only account yet received of a general pacification. My mind, upon the receipt of this intelligence, was instantly as- sailed by a thousand ideas, all of them contending for pre-eminence ; but, believe me, my dear frieiid, none could supplant, or ever will eradicate, the gratitude which has arisen from a lively sense of the ccnduct of your nation, and froiri my obligations to m any of its illus 152 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. trious characters of whom, 1 do not mean flattery, when 1 place you at the head. On his return to Paris, Lafayette devoted all his talents, energies, and influence, to advancing the interests of the United States. His object was, to pi'ocure for them a commercial treaty with France, which should put them upon the most favorable footing. To this end, in addi- tion to other stipulations, he proposed that four of the ports of France should be free to all American vessels — one in the Mediterranean, two on the Atlantic shore, and one on the British channel. The perseverance and abil- ity with which he prosecuted this scheme, and the sac- cess of his endeavors, are proof sufficient, of his zeal for America, and of his influence in France. The ports thus thrown open to the vessels of the United States, were Marseilles, Bayonne, L'Orient, and Dun- kirk. Three of them were to be absolutely free for the importation and exportation of " all merchandises, as well foreign as domestic," without the payment of any duty whatever. Marseilles was to be equally so, vdth re- spect to all articles except tobacco, which was there sub- ject to a duty. This concession was no less a favor to the ports thus made free, than to America. So sensible was Bayonne of the benefit, and so grateful to the author of it, that the name of Lafayette, by a special o'.'dinance^ was inscribed among those of its citizenat TISIT TO AMERICA IN 1784. 153 CHAPTER XI. VISIT TO AMERICA IN 1784. When these public concerns were all arranged, and he felt that he had done all that was then in his power to do in Europe, for the furtherance of the interests of America, Lafayette turned his thoughts to the indulgence of a private feeling, which he would gladly have grati- fied at an earlier day. It was the strongest wish of his heart to meet once more his comrades in aiTns, and con- gratulate them on the complete success which had now crowned their efforts. To this he had been earnestly solicited by Washington, and other friends on this sido the Atlantic. To Madame Lafayette also, a waiin-heartfcd urgent invitation was sent to accompany her husband, and share in the gi-ateful homage which all were eager to render to his virtues. " You must have a curiosity," he says, " to see the countiy, young, mde, and uncultivated as it is, for the liberties of which your husband has fought, bled, and acquired much glory, where everybody admireSj and everybody loves him. Come, then, let me entreat you, and call at my cottage-home , for your own doors do not open to you with more readiness than mine would." To this kind invitation, the worthy lady could only send an apology, by the hand of her husband. He em- barked at Havre on the first of July, 1784, and aiTived at New York on the fourth of August. Important as New York then was, has since been, and will ever con- 7* 154 LIFE OF L^F VYETTB. tinue to be to the United Sta;es, Lafayette had nevei before seen it, except from the ojaposite bank of the river. During the entire period of his military service, it was held- by the British as their headquarters, and centi-e of operations. He had often hoped, during that long strug- gle, to enter it at the head of a victorious band of assail- ants, and drive the enemy out. He now entered it in triumph — a triumph more glorious than that of the vic- torious hero, marching through blood, and fire, accom- panied with the groans of the dying and the din of bat- tle. It was the triumph accorded by the heart of a na- tion to one of its deliverers. He was received with open arms, and greeted with a universal welcome. From New York he proceeded to Philadelphia, where a similar reception awaited him. But such was his eager- ness to reach Mount Vernon, and embrace his " beloved general," that he could not stay to receive the welcomes of the people in other places. To describe his meeting with Washington, and the residence of twelve days at his house, would be a vain attempt. Under similar circum- stances, two such men had never met — their work ac- complished — their triumph achieved — their hopes re- alized — one, a venerable patriarch, the father of his country, laden with the honors of a grateful people, and the homage of a world — the other, a youth, in the very prime and morning of his manhood, who, like a son by the side of his father, had assisted in achieving the for- tune and fame of both. Each, emphatically, the man of the age — one for emancipated America, the other for oppressed and struggling Europe — they were the em- bodiment of the great spirit of revolution and progress in two hemispheres, scarcely less admired by their ene- mies, than beloved by their friends. It is rarely given to the principal agents in the grand reforms of this woild, to witness and enjoy the ripe fruits VISIT TO AMERICA IN 1784. 155 of their labors. But Washington and Lafayette were en- ab..odto sit down in peace, to the full realization of their hopes, and see around thera a nation, disenthralled through their exertions, springing up to life and freedom. Had they been men of a grasping selfish ambition, wo miglit easily lift the curtain, and read aloud their schemes of per- sonal advantage and the specious arithmetic by which they would so divide the spoil as to secure all but the refuse to themselves. Had they been AJexanders, or Caesars, Fredericks, or Napoleons, with millions of untaught slaves, and a standing army at their feet, we might read the story of their intei'view on a thousand pages of his- tory. But, being such as they were, in the midst of thir- teen free and independent states, with three millions of intelligent, thinking freemen around them — their victo- rious ai-my disbanded — their own commissions thrown up — their power and patronage voluntarily relinquished — every sword by which they had achieved freedom's battle, turned into a ploughshare, every bayonet into a sickle, every soldier into a husbandman, every man into a sovereign — here was a scene which the muse of his- tory had never before had opportunity of portraying, and which, perhaps, the pen of a Lamartine may fitly under- take to describe. From Mount Vemon he returned northward, visiting the principal cities in each of the states, rejoicing in the indisputable signs of enlarged prosperity which gi-eeted him on every side, and receiving everywhere the most cordial and exalted testimonials of a nation's gratitude and esteem. The influence of Lafayette, as a Frenchman, ^vith the noithem Indians, had been felt in the progress of the war, and was especially illustrated during his temporary residence at Albany. That influence was again called into exercise on this occasion. Commissioners being- 156 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. about to proceed to Fort Schuyler, to negotiate a treaty with the Mohawk and Seneca tribes, he was requested to accompany them. The Indians had given him the name of Kayoula, which had belonged to one of their most distinguished chiefs. They listened to hia words as to one of their own chiefs in council. And, through his influence with them, the terms of the ti-eaty were easily adjusted, and one cause of solicitude in relation to the northern border removed. " Let the ears of Kayoula," said the chief of the Mohawks, "let the ears of Kayoula, the war-chief of the great Ononthio,* be opened to re- ceive our words. We love to hear thy voice ; it does us good, and never wou:::ds our hearts. Thy words are truth. Thy predictions have been accomplished. We remember the words thou didst speak to us seven suns ago. They have all been verified. Thy words to-day shall be proclaimed among the six nations. They will sti-engthen the chain of friendship which we trust will endure for ever." From this place, he traversed the states of New Eng- land. In every town, village, and hamlet, through which he passed, he was hailed by some scarred comrade in arms, and gi'eeted by the fathers and mothers, the sons and daughters of the land, as one of its deliverers. In some places he was struck with surprise at the gi'eat number of women among the multitudes that assembled to welcome him. He was told that they were the mothers, the widows, the sisters and daughtera of the brave men who fell in the war, and that the loss had fallen so heavily on some places, that the propoition of men left in the community was very small. This was especially the case in the seapoi't towns, where, the coasting and fishing business being entirely destroyed by the British armed vessels hovering on the coast, the * The .lame by wbicli the Indians rerognised the king of France. VISIT TO AMERICA IN 1784. 157 whole population was thrown out of employment, and the men, old and young, shouldered their muskets^ and marched, en masse, to the camp. Having saluted his comrades in all the principal towns, as far as Portsmouth, New Hampshire, he returned to Boston, and thence took passage, by water, for the Ches- apeake. Virginia hailed his coming with rapture. The people everywhere welcomed him as the hero who had fought their battles, who had protected their persons and property fi-om the ravages of a powerful foe, and who, by his masterly skill, consummate prudence, and unyielding valor, had delivered their state from the hands of a hos- tile army, and struck the great decisive blow in their long conflict for independence. At Richmond, he was joined by General Washington. Together they traversed, in peace and security, the scenes of the recent war. They shared the congratula- tions and homage of a gi-ateful people, who knew well how to appreciate their services, and the sacrifices they had made in rendering them. The legislature of Vir ginia was then in session. Pati-ick Henry was there, and Jefferson, and Madison, and Monroe, with Lee, and Marshall, and Randolph, and many others, whose names, if not as conspicuous, now, on the tablets of fame, were as dear and as honored then, as these. The intex-views of such men, on such an occasion, their sentiments, their conversation, their reminiscences, their anticipations, the feelings which thrilled their souls, may be imagined, but not easily described. Sojourning a few days more at Mount Vernon, on his way, Lafayette made a brief pause at Philadelphia, and then hastened to Trenton, New Jersey, where the Con- tinental Congress was then in session. From that body he received the most distinguished marks of attention and gi-ateful regard. An address from the president, 158 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. expressing the sentiment of the nation, was responded to in a tone of fervid eloquence and prophetic ardor; which was characteristic of his exalted enthusiasm and profound devotion to liberty. " May this immense. tem- ple of freedom," said he, " ever stand as a lesson to op- pressors, an example to the oppressed, a sanctuai-y for the rights of mankind ; and may these happy United States attain that complete splendor and prosperity which will illustrate the blessings of their government !" Yielding up his commission into the hands of the president, he bade an affectionate farewell to each mem- ber, and to the numerous friends who had gathered around him on the eve of his departure, and proceeded on his way to New York. Nearly all the states through which he had passed, in his tour, had bestowed upon him and his descendants the rights of citizenship. From that date, Lafayette and his heirs became naturalized citizens of these United States. Such was the estimation in which he was now held in France, even at the court where he was so recently pro- scribed, that a national ship was placed at his seiTice, to convey him home. He left New York, on Christmas day, 1784, in the NympJie frigate, and, after a passage of thirty-one days, arrived safely in Paris. In passing through Philadelphia, Lafayette became acquainted with a talented and agreeable young man, a recent refugee from Ireland, in whose history and for- tunes he took a lively interest. He was a printer bj profession, and had made himself so obnoxious to the officers of the crown, by the liberality of his political opinions, and his boldness in declaring and defending them, that it was nn longer safe for him to remain in Great Britain. Leaving everything behind, he fled to America, the ample asylum, whose doors had just been thrown open to the oppressed of all nations. Reduced, VISIT TO AMERICA IN 1784. 159 by his sudden flight, from the enjoyment of comparative afHuence, he landed on our shores in a state of absolute poverty, having only the universal birthright of freedom for an inheritance. His story, which awakened a lively interest in the city of " brotherly love," coming to the ears of Lafayette, he sought an intei^view with him, and was so well pleased with his intelligence, and the fi-ank and manly tone of his conversation, that he became at once his firm and faithful friend. He not only encouraged him in a plan he had contemplated of establishing a pa- per in Philadelphia, by becoming a subscriber himself, and soliciting his friends to do likewise, but made him a present of four hundred dollars in money, as a capital on which to commence his business. On this capital, the enterpiising stranger laid the foundation of an ample fortune, which, accumulating by the industry and thrift of a long and useful life, enabled him, not only to refund the original amount to the generous donor, but to repay to otheis, a hundred fold, the favor he had received, and to leave behind him, at the close of his career, a hand- some estate to his family, with liberal bequests to the charities of his adopted country. But Lafayette's kindness to Matthew Carey did not stop here. He took an active interest in procuring him other friends and patrons. In his farewell letter to Washington, dated " On board le NympJie, New York harbor, December 21, 1784," he thus commends the young stranger to the kind regards of "the father of his country :" " Mr. Carey, printer of the Volunteer Jour- nal, has been obliged to fly for his life, and now lives at Mr. Sutter's, hatter, in Front street, Philadelphia, vfhere he is going to set up a paper. A letter from you, be- coming a subscriber, and telling him I have mentioned it to you, will the more oblige me, as I have pi-omised to recommend him to my friends." 160 LIFE OP LAFAYETTK. CHAPTER XII. DOMESTIC REPOSE AND PUBLIC HONORS. The few yeal's that intervened between the close ol the American revolution and the opening scenes of that of France, were, to Lafayette, a season of domestic fehci- ty and honorable repose. In the splendid retirement of his own lordly mansion, surrounded by admiring and devoted friends, he passed the happiest and most peace- ful days of his eventful life ; and whenever, from that retreat, he went forth into the world, he was courted and honored by the great, and greeted with the liveliest en- thusiasm by the people. During this period, his house was always open for the reception of Americans, and many of them found a home there, where cordial and refined hospitalities reminded them forcibly of their native land. Always on the alert to discover in what way ho could promote the interests of America, he procured some veiy important commer- cial concessions from France, tending greatly to advance the trade between the two countries. The French mer- chants had not, at that time, engaged, to any great ex- tent, in the whaling business. They were indebted to American and English enterprise for nearly all their supply of oil, which was admitted to enter under a heavy duty. Seeing, in this fact, an opportunity to benefit America, without injuring France, he endeavored, first, to procure a total abolition of the duties on American DOMESTIC REPOSE AND PUBLIC HONORS. 161 oils, in order to secure for them the mor.opoly of the market. Finding this impracticable, on account of the revenue derived from that source, and the effort then making to encourage a home enterprise in the fisheries, he contented himself vifith obtaining, first, a considerable reduction of the duty on American oil, and, secondly, a contract for the admission, duty free, of three cargoes, of about five hundred hogsheads each, for lighting the cities of Paris and Versailles. This conti-act was given to a mercantile house in Boston. In announcing this result to hia friend, S. Breck, Esq., he reniarks : " I virorked very hard to bring this about ; and am happy at having, at last, obtained a point which maybe agreeable to New England and the people of Boston. I wish they may, at large, know I did not neglect their affairs ; and, although this is a kind of private bargain, yet, as it amounts to a value of about eight hundred thousand French livres [$160,000], and government have been prevailed upon to take off all duties, it can be considered as a matter of importance." To the inhabitants of Nantucket, and others engaged in the fishing and whaling business, this reduction of the import duty was an invaluable boon ; and they testified thsir gratitude in a manner no less unique and original, than tasteful. It was thus described, in one of the jour- nals of the day : — " Although separated from the continent, the inhabit- ants of this island have, nevertheless, participated with their fellow-citizens in the just tribute of gratitude which the great services rendered by the marquis de Lafayette to the United States have obtained. As wise, as useful, and as enlightened, in peace, as he was brave and skilful in war, he has endeavored still closer to draw together two nations, already united by policy and reason. To ncxomplish this object, he has devoted his attention ts IC 162 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. those commercial ties whicli might prove mutually ad- vantageous. With the view of establishing our com- mercial relations on a solid and permanent basis, and of affording to us the means of paying for the merchandise whi ih we are desirous of exporting from France, he has ootained the privilege that our whale-oil (which, with our flocks, constitutes our sole riches) shall pay no other duty than that of the Hanseatic towns. This generous concession on the part of the French government, has confen-ed upon us an extraordinary benefit, as it revives our discouraged industry, and establishes us on this island, the land of our fathers, from which the new order of things would otherwise have compelled us to emi- grate. Penetrated with gratitude for so signal a service, the inhabitants of Nantucket, in corporation assembled, voted and resolved. That each of them should contribute the milk afforded by his cow during the space of twenty- four hours ; that the whole quantity thus obtained should be manufactured into a cheese weighing five hundred 'pounds ; and that the same should be transmitted to the marquis de Lafayette, as a feeble, but not less sincere, testimonial of the affection and gratitude of the inhabit- ants of Nantucket." Republics are proverbially ungrateful. If America was not so to Lafayette, she has abundantly vindicated her title to that character since, in the niggardly pittance with which she has mocked the declining years of the " old conti- nentals." Ninety-six dollars annually, minus the fees and charges of sundry officials, is poor compensation for the miseries and hardships of war, and the peril of life and limb which it involves. The youthful marquis was awarded the honor of a civic triumph ; his name was im- mortalized by bestowing it upon towns and counties in al, the states, and ya. him and his descendants, to the latest gen eration, were conferred the rights of naturalized citizens. DOMESTIC. REPOSE AND PUBLIC HONORS. 163 In addition to these, the state of Viiginia ordered two splendid busts to be executed in marble, by the celebiated Houdon. One of them was placed conspicuously in the capitol of the state. The other was presented through Mr. Jefferson, to the city of Paris. It was received with great public pomp, and placed in the principal hall of the Hotel de Ville. This was a place of great dis- tinction and importance. Here the National Assembly of France held its meetings, and here, on the 12th of July, 1789, Lafayette was elected, by that body, to the supreme command of the National Guards. His coiTespondence with General Washington at this period, is full of interest. It is too voluminous to admit of its introduction here in any other fonn than that of a meager abstract. One of the subjects which occupied his attention, and engrossed his care, was universal eman- cipation, and a plan which he had long contemplated, for elevating the colored race to a capacity for freedonv He did not admit the doctrine of slavery, in any form," into his creed. He was not, like some modem reform ers, in favor of madly overturning the existing relations of society, without making provision for the new relations that would suddenly arise. He proposed a rational and judicious course of preparation, by which the slave was first to be elevated to the character and intelligence of a freeman, and then admitted to his privileges. For this end, he purchased an estate in the colony of Cayenne, with a large number of slaves. Proposing the gi-adual emanci- pation of the whole number, he procured for them a com- petent teacher, and immediately commenced a thorough system of education and discipline, which should prepare them to act for themselves. This expei-iment was a purely benevolent one, intended to demonstrate the capabilities of the colored race, and the absolute advantages, in an economical point of view, of elevating them to an equal 164 LIFE Oy LAFAYETTE. ity with white men. A large sum of money was devotfcd to it. The utmost zeal and enthusiasm of Lafayette were enlisted in its behalf. The countenance and co- operation of several eminent statesmen and philoso- phers,* on both sides of the water, were secured. And it was in the full flow of successful experiment, promising to realize all the exalted anticipations of its noble pro- jector, when it was suddenly arrested by the palsying hand of the Reign of Terror. Too just, too wise, too regardful of the permanent rights and interests of hu ■ manity, to run into the mad excesses of the Jacobins of that dreadful day, he fell under the ban of their dis- pleasure. A price was set upon his life, his estates were confiscated. The experimental plantation in Cayenne, with its family of half-emancipated slaves, was ti-ans- ferred to other hands, the laborers being first turned adrift, and then reclaimed and sold again into bondage. What lessons might have been derived from this philan- thropic experiment, how far the condition of slavery in the world might have been ameliorated by the introduc- tion of humanizing institutions, or how far the agitations and extravagances of merely theoretical abolitionista might have been forestalled and prevented by the result of this noble effort, and of others that would naturally • Among the American names of distinction which were openly and cordially pledged to these plans and views, are those of Washington, Adams. Franklin, Jefferson, Madison. Patrick Henry, Laurens, &c. Wash- ington in his reply to Lafayette's annotmcement of his purchase in Cay- enne, used the following unequivocal and emphatic language : " Your late purchase in Cayenne, with a view of emancipating your slaves, is a gen- erous and noble proof of your humanity. Would to God a like spirii might diffuse itself generally into the minds of the people of this comitry. But I despair of seeing it. Some petitions were presented to the assem- bly (of Virginia) at its last sessiop, for the abolition of slavery, but they could scarcely obtain a hearing. To set the slaves afloat at once, would, I really believe, be productive of much inconvenience and mischief; but by degrees it certainly might, and assuredly ought to be effected ; aud tha tfK), by legislative authority." DOMESTIC REPOSE AND PUBLIC HONORS. 165 have sprung from it, it is difficult now to conjecture. It is confidently believed, however, if it could have heen faithfully carried out under the constant charge and over- sight of its humane and sagacious projector, that it would have demonstrated beyond a cavil the grand problem of our age, by proving that it is both safe and politic to en- lighten and instruct the slave, as well as feasible and wise to emancipate him on the soil. It is the ignorant untutoredsavage thatwe justly fear. From the educated freeman, admitted to the rights and privileges of citizen- ship, we have nothing to fear, but everything to hope. Imperfect as this noble experiment was, and airested as it was in mid career, its actual results are eloquently sug- gestive. Cayenne was the only one of the French colonies in which efforts were made to instruct and elevate the negroes. Moved by the arguments and stimulated by the example of Lafayette, the minister of the marine, on whom the charge devolved, gave directions to the inten- dant of Cayenne, to extend the same privileges to the negroes belonging to the crown. The planters began to follow in the same steps, and the light of intellectual and moral day was dawning on the slaves of Cayenne. And yet, in direct contradiction of the timid and unjust alarms of "the peculiar institution," Cayenne was the only one of the colonies in which no disorders took place, when the decree of emancipation went forth. Filled with gratitude to their paternal friend, the slaves on the model plantation declaimed that, if Lafayette's property was confiscated, they would avail themselves of the lib- erty which the law had proffered them ; but while it re- mained in his possession, or under his guardianship, they should continue to cultivate it for him. The summer of 1785 Lafayette employed in travelling through the principal states and kingdoms of continen- tal Europe. He visited the courts of Austria and Prus 166 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. sia, where, as in all other places, he was received with every token of respect and admiration. N otwithstanding his well-known republican principles, which were always frankly avowed, and conspicuously illustrated, he was treated with the utmost cordiality and distinction by kings and nobles, as well as by the people. The empe- ror Josephll.jOf Austria, brother to the beautiful Marie Antoinette, and Frederick the Great, of Prussia, showed him the highest marks of regard and esteem. The latter monarch had collected at Potsdam an immense as- semblage of princes, noblemen, and military officers, the flower, pride, and strength of a nation then the most war- like and powerful in Europe, to witness and take part in the grand review of an army of fifty thousand men Hearing of the ariival of Lafayette at his capital, the emperor immediately sent an aide-de-camp, to invite him to his palace, where he received not only the hospitality due to a distinguished guest, but the most flattering tes- timonials of royal respect and kindness. He was hon- ored, in both public and private, with the personal atten- tions of " the great captain" Frederick, the most dis- tinguished military character of the age. He was highly complimented upon his gallant services in America. He took a conspicuous part in the reviews and military pa- rades of the week, where he had the pleasure of wit nessingthe evolutions and manoeuvres of the most highly disciplined and best appointed troops in the world, and where sieges and storms, assaults and retreats, with all the varied evolutions of the camp and the field, were enacted to the life, under the eye and command of the king. To Lafayette, it was at the same time a treat and a lesson, a f6te and a school, and he knew well how to appreciate the professional advantages as well as the personal distinction he enjoyed. It is gratifying to observe how personal merit, and a DOMESTIC REPOSE AND rUBLIC HONORS. 167 nigh and fearless consistency of character will sometimes overcome the strongest barriers of natural prejudice, and extort the sincerest expressions of esteem and admira- tion from sources whence opposition and hatred only could have been expected. From the autocrats and le- gitimists of Europe, who contended only for the "di- vine right" of kings, and regarded their people as mere instruments to execute their will, it could not have been expected that the plain republicanism of Lafayette, and his manly recognition of the rights of the people, as the true sovereigns everywhere, should have met with any countenance. It was utterly repugnant to every princi- ple on which they were accustomed to reason and act. It was in direct antagonism to all their preconceived no- tions, and most cherished plans. And yet to the hero- ism of the soldier, and the virtues of the man, they were compelled to yield the homage of unfeigned respect. On leaving Potsdam, Lafayette received from Frederick a present of the emperor's miniature, magnificently set with diamonds, a token of personal consideration, which is usually resei-ved by monarchsforthemost distinguished occasions, and which is consequently regarded as one of the highest compliments that royalty can bestow. On his return to Paris, Lafayette wrote to Washing- ton a gi'aphic sketch of this interesting tour. " My sum- mer," he says, " has been devoted to princes, soldiera, and post-horses. I have been rambling through Cassel, Bnanswick, Berlin, Breslau, Vienna, Prague, Dresden, Potsdam, and Berlin again. At Cassel, I saw our Hes- sian friends, and among them, ' old Knip.'* I told them they were fine fellows. They replied with thanks and compliments. Ancient foes can meet with pleasure ; which, however, I think must be gi-eater on the side that fought a successful cause." At Potsdam, he "made hie * General Knyphausen, commander of the Hessian corps in America. 168 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. bow to the king," whom he describes as an old, broken down, dirty corporal, covered all over with Spanish snuff, his head leaning^ on one shoulder, his fingers distorted with the gout, yet with the most beautiful eyes that ever were seen, in which fire, blended with softness, gave an expression to his physiognomy as charming in the ordi- nary intercourse of social life, as it was severe and thi-eat- ening at the head of the army. Here, also, he met his old antagonist. Lord Comwallis, who was placed between himself and the duke of York, at the king's table, where a long and interesting conversation took place in relation to American affairs. Abercrombie, and other distin- guished British officers were there, at the same time, as well as several of his worthy compeers, both French and American, in the army of independence. In all the cir- cles of regal and aristocratic influence, he heard much, &nd had much to say, of America. The spirit and firm- aess vnth which the revolution was carried through, ex cited universal admiration. The name of Washington was pronounced with respect and enthusiasm, which made the heart of his pupil and friend glow with unspeakable happiness. But they had no confidence in the stability of the government, or the capacity of the people to gov ern themselves. This was not to be expected. And, though Lafayette combated their errors with the power- ful logic of an eye-witness and an actor, he left them un- convinced, and they have remained unconvinced during all the agitations of the sixty years that have since elapsed. But now, sudden conviction has seized them all. At this very moment, an electric influence has shot through all the nations of Europe, crowns are falling in \he dust, and the old crowned heads, awaking from the 4ream of ages, are fain to acknowledge that kings are Qut men, and that the people are the only sovereigns. In one of his " table-talks'' with the emperor, at Pots- DOMESTIC REPOSE AND PUBLIC HONORS. 169 dam, Fredei'ick declared confidently his opinion that America would not long be republican. She would re- tm-n to the good old system. " Never, sire, never," re- plied Lafayette — "a monarchy, a nobility, can never exist in America." " Sir," said the monarch, " I knew a young man, who, after having visited countries where liberty and equality reigned, conceived the idea of es- tablishing the same system in his own country. Do you know what happened to him 1" " No, sire." The king replied with a smile — "He was hanged." Lafayette smiled in his turn, but neither of them foresaw or ima- gined that, in less than ten years, the prediction would come so near being realized, the honored guest of that day being the culprit, and the successor of his royal host, who was also present at the table, being the jailer and executioner. The free sentiments expressed on this occasion were long remembered and cherished against Lafayette. When Dr. Bollman, in 1793, presented to the Prussian minister a memorial drawn up by Lally-Tolendal, solicit- ing the release of Lafayette from imprisonment, the minister replied : " Lafayette has too much fanaticism for liberty. He does not conceal it. All his letters prove it. If he were out of prison he could not remain quiet. I saw him when he was here, and I shall always recol- lect one of his expressions which sui-prised me very much at the time. 'Do you believe,' said he, 'that I went to America to obtain military reputation 1 — it was for liberty I went there. He who loves liberty can only remain quiet after having established it in his ovsm coun- try.' " The cause to which Lafayette had consecrated him- self, was that of the people. Liberty, in his view, was another term for wise and equal laws, and its achi^'e- ment consisted in restoring to the common people those 170 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. rights and privileges which the prevalence of false sys- tems, and the endless usurpations of i-ulers.had frittered away. In the prosecution of this grand object, no work was too great to be attempted, and no service too minute or too humble, to command his attention. Though him- self a nominal adherent of the church of Rome, he couIJ no more tolerate the tyranny of a pope or a priest, than that of a king. Finding that the protestants of France were still laboring under severe disabilities, on account of their faith, he immediately espoused their cause, pur- suing it with his accustomed energy and zeal, till he procured a decree for their relief. The protestants resided chiefly in the south of France, their principal congregation being at Nismes, in the de- partment of Gard. Under cover of a journey to Cha- vagniac, his own paternal estate, which lay in that direc- tion, Lafayette visited Nismes, and called on the vener- able Paul Rabaut, the apostle and almost martyr of the persecuted faith. The interview was sublime and af- fecting. Having listened awhile, in silence, to his dis- tinguished visiter, until he learned the object of his mission, the aged patnarch raised his hands and eyes to heaven, and exclaimed, in the words of Simeon, " Lord, now lettest thou thy servant depart in peace, for mme eyes have seen thy salvation." It was concerted, that, as soon as Lafayette had prepared the way in Paris and Versailles, Rabaut de St. Etienne, the eldest son of the patriarch, and himself a protestant minister, should pro- ceed to the capital, to confer with other liberal patriots there, who would further the object they had in view. Loaded with blessings, and followed by the prayers of these persecuted men, Lafayrtte returned to Versailles, and commenced his work of charity, by consulting with Ro#hefoucauld, Malesherbes, and others of the same lib- eral sentiments. Young Rabaut arrived in due time. DOMESTIC REPOSE AND PUBLIC HONORS. 171 His simple piety, his lofty self-devotion, his intelligence^ and the unaffected purity of his life and manners, made a most favorable impression. Hearts and hands were enlisted in the cause, prejudices melted aw^ay, bigotry relaxed its stern pretensions, and justice gave back to the oppressed the invaluable, inalienable right to vi'or ship G-od in their own way — to obey him rather than man. Writing to "Washington on this subject. May 11, 1785, he said : " Protestants in France are under intolerable despotism. Although open persecution does not exist, it depends wholly upon the whim of the king, the queen, parliament, or any of the ministry. I have taken it into my head to be a leader in this affair, and to have their situation changed. It is a work of time and some dan- ger ; but I run my chance." It is through such hazards and toils that the great work of humanity is accomplished. He who would wrench power from the hand of oppression, or achieve any part of a nation's deliverance, must " run his chance" for glory, a dagger, or a halter. The great epochs of Time always produce men equal to the emergency. Let us who reap the golden harvest, cherish the memories, and emulate the virtues, of them who broke up the fal- low-ground, and watered it with their blood. 172 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER XIII. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. The finances of France were reduced to a state oi the utmost disorder. The most wasteful extravagance, as well as the most shameless profligacy, had given an in- famous distinction to several of the reigns immediately preceding that of Louis XVI. To supply means for the prodigal expenditures of the crown, all the natural resources of the kingdom had been exhausted, and aheavy und yearly increasing debt had been accumulated. To cover the deficiency thus created, and, at the same time, to supply the ceaseless demands upon the treasury, re- sort was had to every species of taxation, till the peas- antry and the common people, on whom most of the burdens of government rest, were ground into the dust. There never lived a more miserable, down-trodden, op- pressed race, than the poor of France were at this period. The chief duty of a minister was to devise means to mul- tiply their burdens, and to extract from the miserable remnants of their means all that tyranny and rapacity might claim. At length, when every resource failed, an assembly 3f the notables was called, by order of the king, to assist in devising measures of relief for his embarrassed finan- ces. The members of this assembly, nominated by the king, were chosen from the most distinguished of the nobility, the clergy, and the commons. They were di- vided into several bureaux or committees. Over each THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 17. of these bureaux a prince of the royal family presided. The law providing for this assembly required that all its members should be at least thirty years of age. La- fayette wanted more than six months of that age at the opening of the assembly ; yet he was elected, though not without opposition from the minister Calonne, the law having been suspended in his favor. Count d'Ar- tois, brother of the king, and afterward Charles X., was placed over the section to which Lafayette belonged. This prince was quicksighted enough to perceive that he had difficult materials to work with ; and, with the usual sagacity of princes, he attempted to subdue the members by intimidation. The first thing that was demanded was the refoim of abuses ; and, as a necessary preliminary to that, an in- quiry into the administration of public affairs. This was by no means agreeable to the king. He had hoped for measures of aid for the future, without any seiious med- dling with the past. But Lafayette, and others of the same class, insisted on knowing the full extent of the evils they were called upon to remedy, and expo- sing, with a view to removal, the cause of those evils. Such an investigation was painful to royalty, and it brought to light a long train of abuses too appalling to be contemplated. There was a deficiency in the treas- ury of more than a hundred and forty millions of livres. The most shameful peculation prevailed in every depart- ment. The administration of justice was con-upted in all its sources. The royal prerogative was overshad- owed and overawed ; and being wielded, for the most part, by a selfish and ambitious ministry, it wanted even the safeguard of the king's known humanity and love of ti-uth. On all these topics, Lafayette spoke with a plainness and energy to which the delicate ear of royalty waa 174 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. wholly unaccustomed. He went directly to the point at issue, and resisted every effort at concealment. He was the first, and the most resolute, in condemning the "lettres-de-cachet," a secit^t and summary insti-ument of despotism, hy which private aiTests were made, and all the fonns of law superseded. He entered a bold and eloquent protest against eveiy species and degree of re- ligious persecution. The duty on salt,* which was the heaviest gi-ievance of the people, and the most despotic folly of the crown, he also procured to he abrogated, appending to the resolution which demanded this meas- ure of relief, an earnest request to the king that he would immediately order that " all the unfortunate persons who had, on that account, been loaded with irons, or dragged to the galleys, should be immediately restored to their families and to freedom." The wasteful prodigality which had characterized all the public expenditures, was commented upon with great wai'mth and severity. The presiding officer of the com- mittee reported the speeches and remarks to the king. He also conveyed to him the resolutions and suggestions which, from day to day, were matured in the assembly. The king was seriously displeased with the plainness and severity of some of the speeches, and demanded that all statements in the nature of complaints of the govern- ment, and all proposals for reform implying censure of any of its departments, should be given in writing, and signed by the person proposing it. This kind of indi- * The salt-tax was one of those peculiar inventions of a disjointed er^ which imply, on the part of its author, no less a diseased intellect, than a con-upt heart. It required that every individual of the common people should purchase at the govemmeut deputs, at a stipulated price, a certain quantity of salt per annum. Every father was obliged to purchase that quantity for each of his children from the day uf its birth. The quantity was much gi-eater than any adult could consume, and the price was exor- bitant. It was a yoke grievous to be home, and occasioned the greatest ilistress among the peaiantry. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 175 vidual responsibility, it was supposed, woiild check the boldness of censui-e ; but the spirit of Ijafayelte was not to be intimidated by any mere mark that royalty or its instruments could set upon him. He a>sked for noth- ing but what was right, and he would not yield the right of asking that. On the announcement of the king's de- sire, he instantly rose in his place, and requested the president to thank the king for the permission thus given, to add the force of personal influence and confirmation to the measures which their public duty required them to propose — apennission which he promised to take advan- tage of, "with the zeal, impaitiality, and freedom, which should ever actuate his conduct." This was followed by a manly, undisguised statement of some of the principal abuses, by which the finances of the government had become deranged, and the bur- dens of the people rendered insupportably oppressive. " Great disorder," he said, " supposes great depredation. The millions that are dissipated are raised by impost; and an impost can only be justified by the real exigences of the state. All the millions given up to cupidity or depredation, are the fruit of the sweat, the tears, and perhaps the blood, of the nation." Count d'Artois having objected to this memorial, as too personal and emphatic in its tone and language. La fayette replied, that he possessed by birth the right of laying his i-epresentations at the foot of the throne. It will be remembered, that the French ministry, in ' justifying their early recognition of American independ- ence, and their interference in American affaiis, mnde the remarkable concession, that the United States were in fact already independent, being made so by virtue of their own declaration. Lafayette, who received that an- nouncement in the camp at White Plains, immediately said to General "Washington, " We will take care tiD ro 176 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. mind the king of that at some future day." lie was alwaj s on the lookout for omens of liberty, and always ready to secure every step of advance already made. He declared to several influential members of the as- sembly, his determination not to let the present opportu- nity pass, without securing some good results to France. The calling of the assembly was a measure of absolute necessity on the part of the king. The crown was bank- rupt, and would be irrecoverably so, without its assistance. He proposed, therefore, to make it a prerequisite in ren- dering that assistance, that the king should formally and solemnly acknowledge certain specified constitutional principles, for the future administration of the govern- ment. The memorials which developed the gei-ms of those principles, are worthy of the head and heart that produced them. They show a depth of thought, a calm, prudent, watchful regard for every interest of the people, blended with a sincere and respectful recognition of the king and his just prerogatives ; a fai'-reaching sagacity, and high moral courage, rarely found in the high places of an aristocratic dynasty. As a specimen of his earnest and pointed advocacy of the rights and interests of the common people, th* following extract may serve the present purpose : " I know that the reduction of taxes demanded would ap- pear small, when compared with the dissipation and luxury of the court and the higher classes' of society ; but let us follow those millions when dispersed among the small cottages of the poor, and we shall behold the widow's and orphan's mite, the last vexation which for- ces the laborer to quit his plough, and condemns the family of the honest artisan to pauperism." Having in a manly, decided, yet calm and moderate tone, exposed the enormous evils of the existing state of things, and proposed extensive i-etrenchments, and a THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 177 system of well-balanced accountability in all the depart- ments of public business, he frankly announced his con- viction that the nation had reached a gi'eat crisis in ilj affairs; that the events which had already transpired, and the measures which were now to be adopted, must of necessity bring about " a new order of tilings." lie therefore earnestly entreated the king to complete what he had already so well begun, by convoking a National Assembly. These last words fell upon the ears of the prince- president like a clap of thunder. " What, sir !" he ex- claimed, " do you ask for the convocation of the states - general %" " Yes, my lord," was the unhesitating reply, " and even more than that." " You wish me, then, to write, and to caiTy to the king, that the marquis de Lafayette moves to convoke the states-general 1" " Yes, my lord." Here commenced the drama of the French revolution. The remoter causes had been operating through ages of slow and wasting oppression ; but the magic word which set this tenible engine in motion — the match which lighted the train to this mighty magazine — was the sim- ple proposition of Lafayette, to call an assembly of the representatives of the people. The government of France was an absolute despotism. The king was the supreme arbiter of its destinies. He ajipointed his own ministers, made his own lav/s, levied and raised taxes at his pleasure, and lavished his treas- ures as he pleased, till the resources of the nation were exhausted; then, utterly unable to devise measures ade- quate to replenish his coffers, he called together, of his own will, and subject to his own mode of organization and control, an assembly of the notables. There was L 8* 178 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. something ridiculous in the very name ; and Lafayette humorously burlesques it, in a letter to Washington, re- marking, that " wicked people called them not-ables." It was composed of the very aristocracy of the land. The two brothers of the king, all the princes of the blood, dukes and peers, the highest dignitaries of the church, the most distinguished among the nobility, and the mayors and chief magistrates of some of the princi- pal cities of the kingdom, constituted this assembly. It was a representation of every interest but that of the people. It was not, indeed, necessary that they should have been represented there, as the leading design of the assembly was to induce the privileged orders, who com- posed it, to relieve the people, and replenish the ex- hausted treasure, by self-imposed assessments upon their own estates and incomes. Their deliberations were con- fined to certain measures proposed by the minister. But such men as Lafayette were not to be bound by arbiti-a- ry and unreasonable restrictions. They demanded con- cessions on the part of the king, pieliminary to yielding to him the right to tax their estates. They asked em- baiTassing questions. They insisted upon awkward in- vestigations, in order that they might fully understand the extent of the evil to be remedied. It was the dis- tinctive glory of Lafayette, that the concessions he de- manded embraced the interests and the welfare of the people. He sought no aggi'andizement of the nobility ; no perquisites of privilege or power for his own order. He rather aimed to reduce them, by elevating the whole nation. He demanded an equality of rights — pei'sonal liberty for all, religious liberty for all, and a representa- tion in the government for all the governed. These demands were rejected. The assembly of no- tables was dissolved, without accomplishing the object for which it was called. The king attempted, by new THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 179 measures of arbitrary power, to prop up his waning au- thority. But it was too late. The assembly, though en- tirely aristocratic in its composition, and trammelled by royal interference, had done much to show the necessity of a great public reform, and to assert the representative rights of the people. Revolution which knows ni) rctrogade, had already begun. Calonne, the prime minister, at whose instigation the more recent acts of tyranny had been perpetrated, and who proposed to the king to send Lafayette to the Bas- tile, for his bold propositions in the assembly, was una- ble to hold his place. The assembly could not convert nor control him, but it effected his removal from office. Neoker, the able, honest, incorruptible Swiss financier, was again called to take the chai'ge of the treasury, and the convocation of the states-general was resolved upon- This was not a regularly-organized legislative body It had no existence but in the arbitrary will of the king There was no constitution or compact between him and the people, which provided for such an assembly, and appoi'tioned its powers and prerogatives. Like the as- sembly of the notables, it was called together by a royal edict, with a view, not to ameliorate the condition of the people, or devise means to extend their liberties and privileges, but rather to improve the condition of the- crown, to replenish its bankrupt coffers, and relieve its treasury of an insupportable burden of debt. An important preliminary question arose, which led to a second meeting of the notables. It was public opin- ion, loudly and peremptorily expressed, that had driven the king to decide upon calling the states-general. The same public opinion now demanded a liberal infusion of the popular principle in its organization. The states, or estates of France were three, the nobles, the clergy and the commons. The last was called le tiers etat, tha 180 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. tliird estate, known hitherto only as the bearer of all the ) ablic burdens, and recognised only as subjects. This . i^as now to be convened only as an insti-ument of royal v'ill, to raise subsidies for his exchequer. He cesigned, a the construction of the assembly, to place them in heck by the other two orders, by giving them only an iqual representation, and requiring that they should meet n sepai-ate chambers, and act by concun-ent votes. Pub- ic opinion, however, demanded that the representatives if the commons should be equal to that of both the )ther estates, and that they should constitute one joint assembly, to deliberate upon the aifairs of the nation. As the clergy were, in fact, a kind of nobility, a privi- leged order, exempt fi-om taxation, it was manifestly right and equitable that the commons should be thus repre- sented. In no other way, indeed, could they be said to be represented at all ; inasmuch as in all matters of con- flicting interest they would always be in a hopeless mi- nority. Louis XVI. was naturally disposed Co justice and lib- erality. He really desired the welfare of his people. But he wanted the decision of character to take so gi-eat a responsibility. He therefore convoked another assem- bly of the notables, to advise him what to do. Lafay ette, as might have been expected, took the popular side, in which he was supported by some of the ablest men in France. The debate was a stormy one, calling into exercise all the pride and selfishness of a pampei ed aris- tocracy, and all the fervid zeal and fearless eloquence of the sincere advocates of liberty. The decision was unfavorable to the people. But the people were not to be put down. They caused them- selves to be heard through so many channels of influence, and with so powerful an appeal to the common sense and the better feelings of the king, that he yielded tha THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 181 point, so far as to order that the number of the deputies of the commons should be equal to that of the nobles and the clergy united. The states-general assembled in May, 1789, the three orders meeting in separate departments. The question of a joint meeting of the three estates, which had already been discussed in public, was raised/in the chamber of the commons. A proposition to that effect, sent up to the other chambers, though ably advocated by Lafayette, was rejected by the nobles. The clergy, by a consider- able majority, were in favor of it, but were overruled by a still larger majority of the nobles. The commons persisted, and refused to organize except in a joint as- sembly of the three orders. They claimed the right of examining the credentials of all the members, and sub- mitting their own in a public joint session. Several weeks elapsed in the discussion of this point, the com- mons all the while gaining confidence in themselves and influence with the people. At length, they took the bold responsibility of proceeding to business without waiting longer for the consent of the nobles. On the 17th of o June, they resolved themselves into a legislative body, under the name of the National Assembly, declaring their intention, in that capacity, " to accomplish the re- genei'ation of France." The spirit of freedom was abroad. That name, which, pronounced by the lips of Lafayette only two years be- fore, had startled Count d'Artois from his seat, and elec- trified the assembly of notables, was now openly and fearlessly adopted — adopted by the representatives of the common people, in the face of the nobles and the crown, in whom alone all power had hitherto resided. Never was a bolder, a more heroic attitude assumed by any body of men on earth. The chamber of the third estate had then no existence but in the sovereign will 182 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. and condescension of the king. It had no acknowledged rights, no prerogatives, no constitution, no treasury, no army, no arm to support it, but the inhevent, jure-divino sovereignty that everywhere and always resides in the people, and waits only to be assei'ted. The court and the nobles were thrown into the utmost consternation at this daring and unexpected measure. The clergy, who had all the while leaned to the liberal side, resolved to accept the invitatiou of the commons, and immediately joined their assembly. Doubly alarmed by this defection, the nobles called upon the king to in- terpose the royal prerogative, and compel the refractoiy commons to confine themselves within the limits he had prescribed. This he attempted by proposing to attend the session in person, hoping to overawe them by the presence of the supreme power, before which all sub- ordinate powers were held as suspended. Preparatory to this display of his supremacy, he closed the hall where they held their meetings, and stationed a guard of sol- diers about the doors. Assembling, as usual, on the morn- ing of the 20th of June, the deputies were notified that the king had adjourned the sitting until the 22d. Hav- ing regularly adjourned their own sitting, and by no means admitting that, because the king had called them together to exercise an inherent right, which had been wrongfully witliheld from them, he had therefore the power to recall that right, and dissolve their assembly, they immediately repaired to the Tennis court, a large unoccupied building, where, without seats, or furniture of any kind, and subject alike to the foi-midable inter, ference of royal bayonets, and the disturbing acclama- tions of the multitude, they calmly proceeded to fulfil their high commission. Convinced that the usurping power which had so long held back their rights, and which had now conceded them only for a moment, to THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 18S Bubsei've its own ends, was eager to reclaim ttem, they resolved, by one bold and decided act, to secure them for ever. They fully understood that, between self-gov- '' eniment and tyranny, freedom and slavery, there was no neutral gi'ound. Having obtained a standing in the fo- rum, and a hearing in the councils of the government, they were determined never to abandon the one, or suf- fer the other to be silenced, till France was regenerated, and a just balance devised between the power of the ni- ler, and the rights of the people. They demanded a CONSTITUTION, a solemn written compact, to which the governors as well as the governed, should be always amenable. And, that there might be no quailing or shrink- ing under the power of royalty, they bound themselves, each to the other, under a solemn oath, administered in open assembly, and subscribed by all but one of the dep- uties, " never to separate, and to assemble whenever cir- cumstances should require, till the constitution of the kingdom should be established and founded on a solid basis." Like the Declaration of Independence in America, this open and fearless act of the plebeian assembly, sec- onded as it was with loud demonstrations of popular sympathy, made the foundations of the throne tremble. It aimed a death-blow at prerogative and prescription. It sent consternation and alarm through all the ranks of the aristocracy. The nobles were even more sensitive than the king. By a large majority they voted to repair in a body to the palace, and urge him immediately to intei-pose the strong arm of the crown to save the crum- bling fabric. Lafayette, and a few able independent men of that order, who preferred popular right to indi- vidual privilege, protested vehemently against this meas- ure, as alike impolitic, unjust, and dangerous. They urged the necessity of yielding immediately to the de 184 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. mands of public opinion. "With Lafayette, it was a mat- ter both of principle and of feeling, and he advocated the cause with the double force of one whose zeal is the offspring of conviction, and whose duty and inclinations harmonize. His fellow-magnates trembJ-sd witli appre- hension for the loss of their privileges. He desired no privileges, but those which everywhere belong to moral worth and intellectual superiority, and which are open alike to all. Sustained by a minority of only forty-seven, in a body of two hundred and fifty members, Lafayette boldly and eloquently adv>cated the cause of the people. He warned thfa nobles to beware, for their own sakes, how they stood in the way of the progress of liberty. He depicted the old system of proscription and tyranny as tottering on its foundations, and those who should madly and selfishly cling to it, as perishing amid its awful mins. He appealed to the eternal principJes of truth and jus- tice. But it was all in vain. He talked to men of one idea. He reasoned with the blind upon the nature and power of light. He made no impression upon the mass ; but he carried with him the best and the ablest men of that assembly. Intrigue, dissimulation, and intimidation, were resorted to, in the vain hope of crushing in embryo the giant spirit of the popular will. The royal sitting, proposed for the 22d, was postponed to the 23d. The Tennis court, to which the assembly had adjourned, was hired by the princes for their own use, in the hope of breaking up the meeting for that day. But the deputies of the people were not to be so diverted from their purpose, Repairing to a church in the vicinity, cheered and sus- tained by loud demonstrations of popular enthusiasm, they were immediately joined by a majority of the cleri- oal deputies. THE FRENCH REVOLUTION. 181 On the morning of the 23d, the hall of the states was surrounded by an armed guard. The populace was en- tirely excluded. The deputies of the third estate were, for some time, kept waiting at the door ; and when at length they were admitted, they found their seats pre- occupied by the nobles, and by those of the higher clergy who joined them in resisting the encroachments of the people. Presently the herald appeared, announcing the an-ival of the king. He was received in profound silence. Surrounded with all the insignia of regal power, he mounted the throne, and addressed the assembled states in a tone of unyielding, dictatorial authority. He cen- sured, in strong terms, the proceedings of the " National Assembly," denounced their assumption of that imposing title, declaring that they were only one, and that the low- est, oi'der of the states, commanded them to preserve the distinctions of the separate orders, to maintain the an- cient rights and privileges of the nobility, and to beware how they overstepped the bounds assigned them by his sovereign will, or trespassed, in any way, upon the pre- rogatives of the crown. With these injunctions, he dis- missed the assembly, commanding them to separate im- mediately. Withdrawing from the hall in the order of rank, the king led the way, followed by the nobles and a portion of the clergy. As the last of their number was passing the threshold, Mirabeau, smarting under the indignities he had suffered, and burning not less with a thirst for revenge than with the love of liberty, sprang to his feet. "Gentlemen," he exclaimed, in a tone of voice that rang through the hall, and fixed all eyes upon him — " Gen- tlemen, I grant that it may be for the present peace and quiet of the country, that we should give heed to the instructions we have just received. But the presence of despotism here is fraught with infinite danger To 136 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. devise good for the natioa we must deliberate. To d& liberate, we must be free. What means this insulting dictation 1 this threatenin'^ display of arms 1 this flagrant violation of the national temple 1 Who is it that dictates to you the way in which you shall be happy ] lie who acts by your commission. Who is it that gives you im perious laws ] He who acts by your commission — the minister, who by your appointment is vested with the execution of the laws — of laws which we only have a right to make. Ours is an inviolable political priesthood. To us, twenty-five millions of people are looking to guard from further desecration the sacred ark of liberty, to re- lease them from the burdensome yoke which has so long crushed them, and to give them back their own inalien- able right to peace, liberty, and happiness. Gentlemen, the freedom of your deliberations is attempted to be de- stroyed. The iron chain of despotic prescription is laid upon you. A militaiy force surrounds your assembly. Where are the enemies of France 1 Is Catiline at our gates 1 Gentlemen ! I demand that, clothing yourselves in you" dignity and your legislative authority, you remain firm in. the sacredness of your oath, which does not per- mit us to separate till we have framed a constitution — till we have given a magna charta to France." The grand-master of ceremonies, seeing that the as- sembly did not separate, as dii'ected, was about to inter- pose, by reminding them of the peremptory order of the t-ing. But Mirabeau silenced his intrusion. " Go," ho ,'xclaimed — " tell your master that we are here by the -rdor of the people, and that we shall depart only at the J oint of the bayonet." " Gintlemen!" added Siezes, calmly addressing him- self to 'he assembly, " we are to-day what we were yes- terday. Let us proceed with our deliberations." The asseml '7 was iwmediately brought to order, and the bu- THE FRENCH REVOLUTION 187 sinesa went forward as if no inten-uption \iad occuiTed. Its former acts and decrees wt-re reaffirmed, and the persons of its members declared inviolable. The next day was an exciting one in the chamber of peers. Their grand stratagem had failed. The deputies of the people had not been overawed by the presence ind command of the king. They had dared to proceed m open opposition to the will of the throne. To what would it come at last'? Where would these lawless en- croachments end ] In vain did Lafayette, and the few who had imbibed his liberal sentiments, point out the only true remedy for the evils they apprehended, the only refuge from the dangers which surrounded them. In vain did he set forth, with calm diupassioned eloquence, and a force of argument which it was impossible to an- swer, the rights of the people, and the duties of the gov- ernment. In vain did he urge them to go, as they were bound to do, and take their seats in the National Assem- bly, to take part, as they had a right to do, in the delib- erations of the people, and add the weight of their wis- dom, experience, and power, to the councils by which the future destinies of France were to be shaped and governed. They were obstinately bent on sustaining their one idea. They would not yield an iota of their ancient claims and prerogatives. They refused to enter- tain the question of submission. Lafayette was not a man to be hoodwinked by the mere arbitrary dictum of a majority. He was as inaccessible to promises of personal advantage, on the one hand, as he was to the fear of power on the other. He could do what he knew to be right, alone, though he would have been glad to caiTy his associates with him. He accordingly withdrew from the useless contest with the peers, and, accompanied by the forty-seven who had shared his sen- timents, and seconded his views, proceeded to the assem 1S8 LIFE OP LAFAYETTB. bly, and signified his acceptance of their invitation to take part in their deliberations. The greater part of the clergy had already taken their seats there, and the pop- ular assembly now embraced more than two thirds of the deputies of the three estates. The majority of the nobles, and the minority of the clergy, with sullen hut unavailing obstinacy, continued their separate sittings for several days, when certain alarming demonstrations of the popular will in Paris, and in some parts of the country, induced them suddenly to yield the contested point. On the 27th of June, the three orders were all united in one body, and the National Assembly of France was complete. THE KETOLUTION. ISO CHAPTER XIV. PROGRESS OP THE REVOLUTION ORGANIZATION ASV COMMAND OP THE NATIONAL GUARDS. The aristoci'acy had been compelled to bow to public opinion. But the king, influenced by the rash counsels of some of his ministers, and urged onward by his proud and beautiful queen, resolved on another effort to lay the spirit he had raised. . He deteimined by force to control the deliberations of the assembly, and to make it, as he had originally intended, the subservient instrument of his own will. Troops were gathered in from all quaiters, and Versailles presented more the appearance of a camp than of a court. The hall of the states, like the head- quarters of a general, or rather like the jail where pris- oners-of-war are confined, was surrounded by sentinel- guards, and all access to it by the common people was carefully prohibited. Mercenary legions from neighbor- ing states were posted in all the avenues to Paris and Versailles, more than 60,000 of whom had been engaged to take the place of the French troops distrusted by the king. Excited to new phrensy by these menacing prepara- tions, the people began to show symptoms of that resist- ance to oppression which was never to be quelled but with the life-blood of the oppressor. In the assembly, there were similar indications of a spirit not easy to be sub- dued. On the motion of Mirabeau, seconded by Lafay 190 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ette, an address was sent to the king, requiring the wit i- drawal of the troops. The king, however, persisted in his policy of intimidation, and the guards were rather increased than diminished. He was as ignorant of the character of the men he had to deal with, as of the spirit of the times. They were superior to fear, and incapable of dissimulation. While the bayonets of the royal guards were bristling in every passage, and along all the avenues to the hall, Lafayette pi-oposed for adoption the first decla- ration of rights that was ever heard in the old world. It breathed the spirit of universal freedom, and was worthy of the adopted son of America. It was condensed into the following brief and comprehensive form : — " Nature has made men free and equal. The distinc- tions necessary to social order are only founded on gen- eral utility. "Every man is bom with rights inalienable and im- prescriptable. Such are the liberty of his opinions, and the care of his honor and his life, the right of property, the uncontrolled disposal of his person, his industry, and all his faculties, the communication of all his thoughts by all possible means, the pursuit of happiness, and the resistance of oppression. " The exercise of natural rights has no limits but such as will insure their enjoyment to other members of so- ciety. " No man can be subject to any laws, excepting those which have received the assent of himself or his repre- sentatives, and which are promulgated beforehand acd applied legally. " The principle of all sovereignty resides in the na- tion. No body, no individual, can possess authority, wliich does not expressly emanate from it. " Goverament has for its sole object the general wel- fare. This interest requires that the legislative, execu- THE REVOLUTION. 191 tive, and judicial powers, should be distinct and defined, and that their organization should secure the free repre- sentation of the citizens, the responsibility of the agents, and the impartiality of the judges. " The laws ought to be clear, precise, and unifonn for all citizens. " The subsidies ought to be freely consented to, and fairly imposed. " And, as the inti-oduction of abuses, and the right of succeeding generations, make the revision of every hu- man establishment necessary, it must be allowed the na- tion to have, in certain cases, an extraox-dinary convoca^ tion of deputies, whose sole object should be the ex- amination and correction, if necessary, of the vices of the constitution." Thus it was, that the same noble spirit, from which emanated the first demand for a National Assembly, came forward in the midst of that assembly with a chai-- ter for the people. It was immediately and warmly seconded by Lally Tolendal, who, with no less justice than enthusiasm, accompanied his motion with the dec- laration, that " all the principles contained in this bill of rights are the sacred emanations of truth ; all the senti- ments are noble and sublime ; and the author of it now displays as much eloquence in speaking of liberty, as he has always shown courage in defending it. When, at the close of the American war, Lafayette returned to his family, he furnished a house ift Paris. Upon one of the walls he suspended, in a handsome frame, a copy of the Declaration of Independence, leav- ing the corresponding space, on the opposite side, vacant. " What do you design to place here 1" asked one of his friends. " The Declaration of Rights for France," was the ready reply. Eight years that room remained ub furnished, no other human work being considered wor- 19JJ LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. thy to occupy the vacant panel ; now, it is appropriately filled. The counterpart to the Declaration of Inde- pendence is there, and Lafayette hopes for his beloved France all that he aided to achieve for America. The Declaration of Rights was adopted on the 11th of July. It was immediately followed by the dismissal and banishment of the faithful and efficient Necker, which caused afearful outbreak of popular fury in Paris ; where upon Lafayette brought forward, and the assembly in- stantly passed, a decree, declaring that the king's ministers and advisers, of whatever rank or state, should be held responsible for the acts of the government ; and then, ap- prehending, from the signs about them, that they should be forcibly excluded from their hall, the assembly passed another decree, declaring their session permanent and indissoluble. To relieve the venerable president, the Archbishop of Vienne, of a portion of his too arduous Juties, Lafayette was chosen vice-president of the as- jiembly, and presided over its deliberations during the alight. For two successive nights, while a tenible con- sfict was raging in the city, between an outraged pop- alace and the mercenary troops of the crown, they did aot leave their seats, lest they should be prevented from tesuming them in the morning. The people triumphed. The Bastile was demolished. The king, suddenly awaked from his mad security, saw ithat he had gone too far, and began to retrace his steps. WithoTjt a guard or an escort, accompanied by his two brothers, he presented himself before the assembly, to give, at the same time, his personal acknowledgment of their rights, as a National Assembly, and his personal assurance that his orders had already gone forth for the removal of the troops. "I am," said he, "one of the nation. You have been afraid of me ; but I now put my trust in you." Having, at the same time, promised THE REVOLUTION. 193 to recall Neckar, and restore him to tlie head af the cabinet, and to proceed in person, the next day, to Paris, with a view to appease the tumult and conciliate the people, he was greeted on all sides with the most rapturous enthusiasm. The members, without distinc- tion of rank or party, rose from their seats, and escorted the monarch on foot to his palace. The destruction of the Bastile was no ordinary event. It was, to outward appearance, an irregular, violent erup- lion of popular indignation, roused to unusual phrensy, in the r'ighteous cause of resistance to organized oppression. It was not, however, the movement of a mob, or a fac- tion, but of the whole people, the natural sovereigns, in whom all power originates, and to whom it necessarily (•everts, when abused by those to whom it is delegated. This gigantic fortress, which for ages had reared its gloomy head amid the dwellings of Paris, frowning ven- geance upon all who dared to breathe opposition to the will of the king, had been a ten-ible engine of tyrannical power. In its deep, dark dungeons, as hopeless of re- turn as the grave, thousands of helpless, innocent victims had wasted away, under the slow-consuming tortures of suspense, without a trial, without an examination, and often without a knowledge of the offence they had committed. With its moats and ditches of impassable breadth, its towers and ramparts of inaccessible height, and its massive, impenetrable walls, it had ever been deemed impregnable to any human power. It had, in a former day, for more than three weeks, successfully withstood the skill, entei-prise, and x-esolution, of the great Conde, with a well-appointed army at his feet. Now, that mighty, irresistible power — that power which may almost, without irreverence, be called om- nipotent — a determined, united people, stands before it. An unorganized, undisciplined multitude, without an M 9 194 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. acknewledged leader, demands its destruction. And it falls ; in less than four hours it falls, never to rise again Its destruction was one of those solemn acts in the great drama of human goverament, which Lafayette contem- plated, when he uttered the memorable maxim, " When oppression renders a revolution necessary, insurrection BECOMES THE HOLIEST OP DUTIES." The key of this gloomy prison was presented to Lafayette, as the em- bodiment and representative of freedom in Europe. By him it was sent to Washington, with a sketch of the ruins of" that fortress of despotism." — " It is a tribute," to use the language of his own letter, " which I owe, as a son, to my adoptive father — as an aide-de-camp, to my general — as a missionary of liberty, to its patriarch." It is now carefully presei'ved, in a glass case, in the hall of the Washington mansion at Mount Venion. The first stone that was removed from its walls was also pre- sented "^o Lafayette by the person who contracted to take it down ; and not many weeks after, while conduct- ing General Paoli over its desolate ruins, he received, from the same hand, the last stone from its dismal sub- terranean dungeons. On the return of the deputies to the hall, it was proposed that a large deputation of members should be appointed, to proceed immediately to Paris, and an- nounce the auspicious turn of affairs, and the promise of the king to visit the capital. Lafayette was at the head of this deputation. On arriving at Paris, they found the municipality of the city assembled at the Hotel de Ville, surrounded by an immense and excited multitude of the people. On announcing the object of their visit, they were received with the liveliest demon- strations of joy. Bailly, one of their number, was in- stantly, and by acclamation, declared mayor of Paris, in the place of Flesseles, who, with De Launy, command THE NATIONAL GUARDS. 195 ant of the Bastile, had fallen a victim to the populai- fury in the insurrection. A new institution, destined to have gi-eat influence on the cuiTent of events, vyas about to be organized in Paris. Hitherto, the military force of the nation viras wholly at the disposal of the crown. The army was the right ann of the king, not less for the oppression of his subjects, than for resisting or chastising the enemies of the coun try. Now, a National Guard, an army, not of mere mercenai-ies, but of citizen-soldiers, was to be organized. It was the right arm of the people, for the protection of their rights, not less from oppression at home, than from foreign aggi'ession. The constitution and discipline of this body in the capital, was one of the subjects of delib eration before the municipality of Paris, when the depu- tation from the National Assembly arrived. The ques- tion at length arose, to whom shall we intrust the com- mand of the National Guards 1 A momentary pause ensued — a pause of deep and anxious thought. Moreau de St. Mery, one of the electors, rose in his place, and, without uttering a word, pointed to a beautiful marble bust, which adorned one of the niches of the hall. It was the bust of Lafayette, which a few years before had been presented by the state of Virginia to the city of Paris. The effect was perfectly electric. The motion was seconded by acclamation. " Yes ! yes !" was shout- ed from every side — "The very man we want — the only man we desire." This appointment was received and confirmed, with the deepest enthusiasm, by the citizen-soldiers of Paris. At the head of that body, nearly two hundred thousand in number, Lafayette met the king at Sevres, on the 17th of July, and escorted him in triumph to the city. It was a scene without a parallel in the annals of the splendid court of Franco. Hastily drawn together from all the 196 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. varied walks of common life, the royal escort presented as motley an appearance as the militia of New England at a general muster — citizen's dresses, of every style and hue, and, for arms, muskets, pikes, lances, broad- swords, scythes, and staves, so unlike the gay caparison, the gorgeous equipment, the glittering armor, of the royal host on a gala-day excursion. Through the ser- ried lines of this mighty host, the king passed up the crowded street, and entered the Hotel de Ville, under an arch of swords crossed over his head. It was a day of rejoicing and ti'iumph to the people, and a day of dis- may to the ill-fated advisers of the king. Some of the latter left the kingdom at once, prefen-ing voluntary ex- ile to banishment or death. They were soon followed by large numbers of the aristocracy, who prudently withdrew from a conflict which they could neither con- trol nor withstand. The number of exiles was vei-y great ; and they were known, in the various countries of Europe, by the common name of emigrants, or French refugees. The presence of the king under such an escort, and the liberal promises he made to the people, restored quiet to the capital, and established new relations of confidence between Louis and his subjects. With per- fect grace and apparent good will, the king gave his royal sanction to the appointment of Lafayette as com- mander-in-chief of the National Guai'ds, and authorized him to incoi-porate into that body the old French Guards, who were all pledged to the cause of the people. This was a delicate and difficult task, requiring all the firm- ness, tact, and moderation, of Lafayette. Tenacious of distinctions to which they had so long been accustomed, and which they had been trained to believe essential to a sound military organization, the French Guards shewed the greatest reluctance to being merged and lost in the THE NATIONAL GUARDS. 197 ondistinguished mass of citizen-soldiers. But Lafayette was not to be thwarted by ordinary difficulties. To per- suasion and reason, he added an argument too powerful and palpable to be resisted. As he had done on a pres- sing occasion in America, he borrowed money, on his own responsibility, to make up their aiTears of pay, to the amount of two hundred and forty thousand dol- lars. This had the desired effect. The several battal- ions of the French Guards were quietly dissolved, and the men who composed them were drawn, on a foot- ing of common equality, into the ranks of the National Guards. The distinctive badge of this body was the tri-colored cockade, devised by Lafayette, in which the blue and red of the city-arms were blended with the white of the royal standard. In announcing to the assembly its adop- tion by the Guards, Lafayette made the following brief but emphatic speech : " Gentlemen, I bring you a cock- ade which shall make the tour of the world ; and an in- stitution, at once civic and military, which shall change the system of European tactics, and reduce all absolute governments to the alternative of being beaten, if they do not imitate it, or overthrown, if they dare to oppose it." This cockade Lafayette presented to the king at the Hotel de Ville, who immediately placed it in his hat, and showed himself to the people. Loud and long-con- tinued shouts of Vive le Hoi ! resounding from one ex- tremity of the city to the other, rewarded this simple act of conciliation. The organization of the National Guard was not con- fined to Paris. It extended into all the cities and towns of France. As if by a common impulse of confidence and respect, Lafayette was looked to as the supreme commander of the whole. Solicitations to this effect were pressed upon him from every quarter. A specific 198 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. motion was made to invest him witli tlae powers of a dictator. The ministers also proposed to him to accept the staff of marshal of France. But, so little was he ambitious of personal distinction, where the public good was concerned, that he not only refused all these offers, modestly declaring that he could only think of his own concerns, when he ceased to be useful to his country, but introduced into the assembly a special order, inca- pacitating any individual from being at the head of more than one department at the same time. His speech on that occasion was thus characterized by one who heard it : " He spoke without any hesitation. He did not re- ject the proposal with the feeble accent with which Caesar refused the diadem that Anthony offered on his knee, but reproved, with a virtuous indignation, and a voice that inspired confidence, the improper motion, and the intemperate zeal of the person who proposed it."* He knew well that it was too much power to be safely intrusted to one man. The history of the world shows us many Cassai-s and Napoleons, but few Washingtons and Lafayettes. At the same time that he refused to accept of these extended powers, he was offered another command which he could not refuse. The interest which he had taken in negi'O emancipation, and his efforts to elevate the Af- rican race, had drawn toward him the confidence and regards of the free people of color; and when, in the month of October, they sent a deputation from their number, to assert in the assembly their rights as citizens, they waited on General Lafayette, with an earnest re- quest that he would assume the command of a battalion of National Guards, which, in imitation of their white * It is a curious fact, though not so singular as, at first sight, it appeal^ that the abbfe Fauchet, the author of this rejected motion, was one of thosa who, at a later period, accused Lafayette of ambition and Cromwellism. THE NATIONAL GUARDS. 199 fellow-citizens, they had organized among themselves, for the maintenance of order, and the defence of the constitution. This post, as honorable to the receiver as it was creditable to them who sought to confer it, was iiamediately accepted. Scenes of violence are almost necessarily incident to a revolution. While human nature remains what it is, there will always be found large numbers of men, so entirely the slaves of passion, as to seize upon evei-y op- portunity to overstep the restraints of law and justice, and, under the specious pretence of setting things right, to commit the most extravagant excesses. It was so in Paris at this epoch. When the people had actually ta- ken arms into their hands, and risen in open i-ebellion against the government, they became inflamed to such intensity of fury, as to be blinded at once to the real objects of the revolution. Instead of destroying oppres- sion, they satisfied themselves with wreaking instant ven- geance on the oppressors. This they did in the most summary manner, without ti-ial, without even the form of an accusation. De Launy, commandant of the Bas- tile, and Flesseles, mayor of Paris, had been sacrificed to popular indignation, in the first insuiTection, on the 14th of July. On the arrival of the king in Paris, a few days after, and the dispersion of the old ministry, there was a fearful outbreak of popular fury, which threatened to defeat the best hopes of the nation. The efforts and achievements of Lafayette, on that day, were truly as- tonishing. More than twenty persons were rescued from the hands of the mob, by his courage, prudence, and decision. Among them was the abbe Cordier, whom they were on the point of hanging to a lamp-po'it, in front of the Hotel de Ville. While standing by his si in 216 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. the morning, he took some refreshment, and threw him- self on a bed for a moment's rest, of which he had been totally deprived for the last twenty-four hours. At this moment, the mob, roused by some tiger-spirit from their biief slumbers, began to stir, and to gather about the environs qf the palace. One of the life-guards ordered them to retire. High words ensued, and they were fired on from a window. Infuriated by this as- sault, they instantly rushed on, passed the gate which had been carelessly left open, and made their way into the palace. Ascending a staircase, without molestation, they were entering one of the upper corridors, when their progress was arrested by two life-guardsmen, who, Heroically defending themselves against overwhelming numbers of assailants, retreated step by step, keeping the infuriated mob at bay, in the hope that the royal family might escape, though by the sacrifice of their own lives. One of them, alarmed at the progress they were making toward the royal apartments, shouted, " Save the queen !" The cry rang through the halls, and reached the ears of the queen. In an agony of terror, she rushed into the king's apartments. Overcoming the feeble resistance of the two guards whom they first en- countered, the assailants burst into the queen's bed- chamber. Finding the bed just forsaken, in the impo- tence of their rage, they pierced it with their swords and knives, throwing everything into complete disorder, and then pushed on toward the apartments of the king. But they were immediately checked by the life-guards, who were posted in considerable numbers at that point. At this moment, the French Guards, composing a part of Lafayette's -command, and stationed near the palace, hearing the uproar, hastened to the spot, and instantly overawed and dispersed the mob. Arriving at the door behind which the life-guards were stationed, they cried MOB-RULE IN PARIS. 817 riut, -'Open the door ! We are friends ! The French G-uards have not forgotten that you saved their regiment at Fontenoi !" The door was instantly thrown cpen, and they rushed into each other's arms. All was confusion and tumult without. Lafayette, who had laid down only for a few moments, without closing his eyes, caught the first sound of disturbance, ran out, leaped upon the first horse he met with, and galloped into the thickest of the fray. lie there found several of the life-guards overpowered by the mob, and on the point of being sacrificed. At the risk of his own life, he dashed in and saved them, at the same time or- dering all his troops to hasten to the palace, for the pro- tection of the King. Alone, in the midst of the enraged multitude, from whose savage grasp he had that moment wrenched their prey, Lafayette had turned upon himself the violence of their disappointed rage. " Down with him !" was the cry. A musket was aimed at his head. He saw it, and coolly commajided the people to bring the man to him. Instantly recovering their old regard for the man of the people, they turned upon the culprit, dashed out his brains on the pavement, and trampled him under their feet. Flying to the palar,«, Lafayette was instantly sur- rounded by his soldiers, who promised, in the presence of the king, to protect his person, or perish in the at- tempt. At this moment, the life-guards, whom he had just rescued from the murderous fury of the mob, flung up their caps and shouted, " Lafayette for ever !" The inmates of the palace, who witnessed the scene, were equally enthusiastic in their acknowledgments of grati- tude to him, whom they warmly embraced as their pre- server. Madame Adelaide, the sister of the king, ran up to him, and clasping him in her arms, exclaimed, " Gen- 10 S18 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. era!, you have saved us !"* Even the queen, with all hei- prejudices and distrust, was compelled to acknowl- edge him as the sole instrument of their deliverance — an acknowledg-ment which she often, afterward, repeated. While this scene was enacting within the palace, the angry multitudes without were insisting, with loud and discordant cries, upon the main object of their embassy. " To Paris !" — " To Paris !" — " The king to Paris !" was shouted by thousands of voices, till the welkin rang again with the cry. A council was called, to consider what should be done. Lafayette was requested to at- tend it, but refused, through a delicate suspicion that his presence might impose some restraint qfi the free ex- pression of opinion. When it was decided that the king should comply with the wishes of the people, they were informed of it, by slips of paper thi'own from the win- dows. A shout of triumphant satisfaction arose from the mighty throng. Louis then presented himself to them, in a balcony, accom^fenied by Lafayette, as surety for the fulfilment of his pledge. He was greeted with loud. and long-continued shouts of "Vive le roi !" The queen was then called for. Wlien she appeared, with her children, she was received with insulting shouts and threats. " It was in that position," says Lavallette, " that I beheld, for the first time, that unfortunate princess. She was dressed in white ; her head was bare, and adorned with beautiful locks. Motionless, and in a modest and noble attitude, she appeared to me like a * " I owe you more than my life," said Madame Adelaide to Lafayette : "T owe you that of tlie king: and of my poor nephew." When the royai family presented themselves at the Hotel de Ville, Lafayette felt a hand pressiu? his with a feelinq; of deep gratitude, and he was gratified to find that it was that of Madame Elizabeth. This generous-minded princess at a later period, evinced her grateful remembrance of the service, by en- deavoring to destroy a document which his enemies at ooart designed tu use OS on iiwitrument of his desti'uction. MOB-RULE IN PARIS. S19 victim on the block. The enraged populace -vere not moved at the sight of wo in all its majesty. Impreca- tions increased, and the unfortunate princess could not even find support in the king." Lafayette then came forward, and begged to know what she intended to do. " I shall accompany the king," she replied with firmness. Then, turning to the people, he raised his voice tc ad- dress them, but in vain. His words were lost in the wild uproar. If he would be understood, he must speak to the eye. Stooping, and taking the hand of the queen, he kissed it with profound respect. Swayed by their confidence and affection for one who had never betrayed the trust reposed in him, and transported at this signifi- cant act, the multitude instantly responded to*'it, with loud acclamations, " Long live the queen !" — "Long live Lafayette !" Thus, by the fidelity, firmness, and ad- aress, of one man, and he disti-usted as an enemy, the royal family was saved from the hands of an infuriated, starving rabble, the tide of popular indignation was turned suddenly back, and threats of bloodthirsty rage and re- venge were exchanged for shouts of loyalty, confidence, and affection. The life-guards were still in danger. They had fired upon the mob, and had only escaped their fuiy by the timely interposition of Lafayette. Kind-hearted and generous by nature, attached to his guards, and unwil- ling to expose them to the hazards of another meeting with the populace, without an attempt at reconciliation, the king earnestly requested Lafayette to use his influ- ence with the people on their behalf " With all my heart," he replied ; and taking one of them by the hand, ho led him to the balcony, and presented him to the people. Then, clasping him in his arms, as a friend, he put on him his own shoulder-belt, as if he would say " We acknowledcre one master ; we are united in ono 220 LIFE OP LAFAVETTB. cause." The populace assented with shouts, and the reconciliation was complete. Lafayette had yet a difficult and delicate task to pei- form. These hordes of savage men and intoxicated wom- en, rendered doubly frantic by the excesses in which they had indulged, and inflamed with the idea that they had achieved a great victory over their oppressors, were now to be sent back to their miserable houses in the metrop olis. Without a leader, without that unity of object which bound them together in their march to Ver- sailles, there was infinite danger of riot and bloodshed. The royal family, with all its attendants and guards, and the National Assembly, were also, by promise, to travel the same way. It required no ordinary skill in a commander to manage, at once, such heterogene^ ous materials. But Lafayette was as fertile in resour- ces, as he was indefatigable in the use of them. By mingled persuasions and commands, he first induced the mob to file off in separate bands toward the city, as the head of the grand escort. He then sent after them a detachment of the army, to prevent them fi'om turning back. In the quiet belief that the whole royal ti'ain was bringing up the rear, they drove madly on, shouting and singing like so many infernal furies, with every species of frantic and disgusting gesticulation. Anived at the Palais Royal, they were quietly dispersed by the magis- trates, and Paris was reduced to something like order and repose, before the royal cortege had set out from Versailles. Received by the municipality and the people of Paris, with deir onstrations of respect and joy, the king took possession of the Tuileries, which had not been occupied for a century. The charge of it was confided to the National Guards of the city, and their commander was thus made responsible to the nation for the safety of MOB-RULt IN PARIS. 221 the king. It was a difficult and an unenviable posi- tion, subject, on every side, to the suspicions and jeal- ousies of all the various parties that agitated the na- tion. Distrusted by the court, and especially by the queen, whose influence with the king was unlimited, and who could not believe that a man so consistently devoted to the popular cause, could at the same time be sincere in his attachment to the king — hated and maliciously branded as a jailer by the nobles, who hoped yet to recover possession of the royal person that they might prolong their despotism in his name — and almost equally hated and distrusted by those radical agitators, who, having nothing to lose, thought there was nothing to be gained by a change which did not utterly uproot and overturn the ancient order of things — Lafayette had no other guide, amid the diffi- culties which surrounded him, than an honest, upright mind, conscious of right, and fearless of consequences, while satisfied that he was in the line of his duty. It was no part of the policy, or the wish of Lafayette, to put a restraint upon the fi'eedom of the king. He was perfectly sincere in desiring to secure for France a constitutional monarchy. To his plan, the king was as necessary as the constitution — the legitimate executive, as the legitimate law. With this he was satisfied in the beginning, and with this he continued to be satisfied through all the stages of that political tornado, which, proceeding from simple reform to the wildest anarchy, swept away not only the foi-ms of government, but the very foundations of society. With this he remained sat- isfied, dowm to the end of his life ; and this, after the lapse of forty years, he lived to see accomplished, as he fully believed, in the revolution of 1830. Never can-ied away by the lawless enthusiasm of the times, he held on, firrn and steadfast, to the measure of reform with which 222 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. he originally set out. When others, demanding morCj rushed madly by in a path which he foresaw could only lead to ruin, he paused, held back, resisted, and finally abandoned them altogether. And the result justified his foresight. That result is summed up in the " Reign of Ten-or," the martial despotism of Napoleon, and the final restoration of the ancient regime. There was no leaven of aristocratic pride in Lafay- ette's preference for the king. He had voluntarily and heartily relinquished all the hereditary rights and privi- leges of nobility. He dropped even the title of marquis, and refused to be recognised by it, as a distinctive ap- pellation. He was as sincere and consistent in his re- publicanism, as the sternest reformer in the new world. But he was thoroughly sensible of the prevalent defects in the French character, and saw infinite danger in the idea of throwing open the chief-magistracy to oft- recurring political contests. With a proud, wealthy, ambitious, but broken-down and disappointed aristoc- racy, on the one hand, and an ill-educated populace and numberless factions of grasping adventurers, on the other, the choice would be attended with insurmountable difficulties. Each new election would be the signal foi a new revolution, and civil dissension, anarchy, and feud, would prepare the way for some new tyrant to re- store, in all its hateful oppressiveness, the sway of an absolute despotism. In this, the disinterestedness of his patriotism was most conspicuous. Had he sought his own aggrandize- ment, he might have put forth as fair a claim to tlie chief-magistracy, as any other man in France. With unparalleled popularity, and with the command of the most important division of the national militia, he might, without presumption, have promised himself the fortune of a Washington, or assumed, without fear of the result. MOB-RULE IN PARIS. 223 the more questionable attitude of a Cromwell. But sel- fishness had no place in his system of public duty. He looked to the interests of France and the French peo- ple, and in all his endeavors to promote them, listened only to the generous counsels of an enlarged under- standing, and an enlightened conscience. Histoi-y fur- nishes few examples of finnness, consistency, and self- sacrifice, and none of a steadfast adherence to one mag- nanimous idea, through a long, eventful, and stormy life, more striking than Lafayette. In one of his confiden- tial letters of this period, he says : " Do not calculate what I can do, for I shall not make use of that power. Do not calculate what I hai'C done, fur 1 shall accept no recompense. Calculate the public advantage, the wel- fare and liberty of my country, and believe that I shall refuse no burden, no danger, provided that, at the hour of tranquillity, I may return to private life •,J'or there now remains but one step for my ambition — that oj" arriving at zero." The better to undei'Stand the true position of Lafay- ette, at this juncture, let us take a bird's-eye glance at the parties then in the ascendant, or engaged in the con- flict for the ascendency. The king was in Paris, seem- ingly free, but actually a prisoner. The duke of Or- leans, father of the late king, Louis Philippe, a man of prodigious" wealth,* and of shameless profligacy, was plotting the death or deposition of the king, he cared not which, in the hope of being made regent, or lieu- tenant-general of the kingdom. By spme of those who built their hopes of self-aggrandizement upor. a change of dynasty, he was distinctly named as the successor to Louis XVL, and his wealth and aptness in intrigue gave him great facilities for creating and increasing the agi- tations of the country. Mirabeau, suspected of intimate * His annual ncome was about $?, 500,000. 224 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. associations with the duke* aspire i to the ministry, well knowing that, though the king wears the crown and the purple, the ministers are the real depositaries of all ex- ecutive power. Though nominally of the same conserv- ative party with Lafayette, he was jealous of his popu- larity and power, and humbled and vexed by the per- sonal purity of his life. Corrupt in heart and manners, degi-aded from his rank in society by the precocious vil- lany of his early manhood, and smarting under the con- sciousness that, however feared or flattered as a political partisan, he could not be respected as a man — the lan- guage of his heart toward Lafayette was — " There is a daily beauty in bis bfe, Whicb makes me ugly." He hated him, because he was too high above him to admit the hope of outstripping him. And, with a petty malice, which showed the real littleness of his nature, he sneeringly called him a Grandison-Cromivell. The liberals, represented in the assembly by Duport, Bar- nave, and the two Lameths, and the radicals, or destruc- tives, among the people, guided and wai^ped by the in- fernal counsels of Danton, Petion, Marat, and Robes- pierre, were equally opposed to the conservative views of Lafayette, and equally afraid of the immense powet he had gained by the recent movements. Insensible to fear, and unshaken in his high purpose by the disti-ust and jealousy of tho.'ie whom he was most eager to serve, Lafayette determ'ied, in spite of every obstacle, to uphold the king and '^he constitution. For this end, he resolved, in the first olace, to get rid of tho duke of Orleans. He accprdinply sought an interview with that prince, in which, by th < manly plainness of his speech, and the firmness of hip manner, he intimidated * " What signifies it to you,'' said Mi ■ beau to Mounier, " whether tha king be called Louis or Philippe ?" MOB-RULE IN PARIS. g25 him into an agreement, not only to withdraw from the capital, but even to quit the country for a season. The king, feigning to be reluctantly forced into the measure, wrote to the duke, saying that it was absolutely necessary that either he or Lafayette should retire, that, in the ex- isting state of public opinion, the choice between them was in no way doubtful. He therefore gave him, as a pretext for his absence, a commission for England. Mirabeau was indignant at this arrangement, and sent woi'd both to the duke and to Lafayette, that he would denounce them in the tribune, if the departure of the for- mer for England should take place. The duke was sha- ken in his purpose. But Lafayette, as little moved by threats as by promises, went to him again with an imper- ative order to depart. At this second interview, the duke affected gi^eat surprise and regret at the efforts of his party to make disturbance in his name, and assured the gene- ral that he would endeavor, when at London, to discover the authors of these movements. To which Lafayette replied, " You are more interested than any other per- son, since no one is so deeply compromised as yourself." At their last meeting, the duke remarked, " My enemies pretend that you have -proofs against me." — " They must be rather mine who assei't it," I'eplied Lafayette; "if I were able to produce proofs against you, I should already have had you aiTested, and I give you warning that I am diligently seeking such proofs everywhere." This perfect frankness and fearlessness of tone, together with his own consciousness of guilt, decided the point, and he immediately left the country. Mirabeau, on receiving information of his departure, instead of putting his threat into execution, gave vent to his private vexation, by exclaiming, " The fool is not worth the trouble that is taken about him." Mirabeau wa^ no coward ; but he had too much of ' the bettei O 10* 226 LIFE OF LAFAYETTK. part of valor" to come to an open conflict with " the man of the people,'' and " the savior of the king." His speech was already written, full of vehement denuncia- tion, and he was on the way to the assembly to pro- nounce it, when he met, on the bridge of Sevres, one of Lafayette's aids, who was returning to Paris with the duke's passport. This, and the duke's letter to the as- sembly, intended to vindicate himself, but at the same time fully disclosing the manly and loyal part which La- fayette had assumed in the matter, so effectually quenched the fire and silenced the thunder of his intended philipic, that there was nothing of Mirabeau left in it, and he had no resource but to commit it to the flames. !-90. 227 CHAPTER XVI. TT^r- THE REVOLUTION THE FEDERATION THE PLIGHT OF THE KING. A PERIOD of compai'ative quiet succeeded the turbu- lent epoch of the king's return to Paris. The last thyee months of the year 17S9 were not distinguished by any important event. Louis was, however, far from being contented in his new position. He felt himself a cap- tive in his palace, and endeavored to make it appear that he was so. The nobles were continually hai'ping upon this idea, and even thought, on the strength of it, to an- nul the laws to which he had given a constrained assent. The queen complained to Lafayette that the king was not free, alleging in proof of the position, that the duty of guarding the palace was assigned to the national mi- litia, while it appropriately belonged to the king's life- guards. The latter had been dismissed after the scenes of the 5th and 6th of October. Lafayette immediately inquired if their recal would afford any satisfaction to herself or her royal husband, promising that he would instantly use measures to effect it. The queen hesitated to answer, but could not consistently refuse a boon which but a moment before she had represented as so desirable. Lafayette lost no time in presenting the matter to the municipality, which, at his request, sent a formal petition to his majesty, to recal his life-guards, offei'iiig, at the game time, to share with them the duty of the palace 228 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. The king and queen were gratified by this mark of re gard to their wishes. The effect, however, was noc what they desired; and their advisers, who hoped to gain a point by representing them as not free in their movements, persuaded them, after all, to reject the prop- osition, under the pretence that the king would not ex- pose the life-guards to the risk of being murdered by the populace of Paris. To the extreme mortification of the queen, who communicated this reply to Lafayette, he informed her majesty that he had just met one of the corps, walking in full uniform in the palais-royal, not only without fear, but in no danger of molestation from the people. At the very beginning of the year 1790, symptoms of fresh disturbances began to appear. The distant mut- tei'ings of a gathering stoim were heard, and many strong hearts trembled. Rumor, with her hundred tongues, devised the most alanning plots of " treason, stratagem, and spoils." Bailly and Lafayette were tp- be assassinated, the king forcibly earned off by a foreign army, and the assembly blown into the air, by the agency of some unknown and unsuspected Guy Fawkes. Th* investigations which followed these rumors, revived, ii. all its force, a suspicion that the court was acting a double part, and that, if there was conspiracy anywhere, it was within the walls of the Tuileries. To lull this to rest, the king proceeded to the assembly, on the 4th of February, and delivered a speech replete with sound sense, benevolent feeling, and generous con- fidence in the people, declaring his solemn intention to carry out to the letter every mesisure of refoiTQ which it should be the will of the nation to adopt. The hall rang with plaudits, and the king was conducted back to the Tuileries, amid the shouts of a grateful people. In this the king was sincere, but the court was hypo- 1790. 229 crltrcal. The rejoicings which everywhare responded to the language of the throne, were followed by new jealousies, and distrust toward all his intimate advisers. Lafayett, true to his post, warned the queen, and ex- postulated -with the ministers ; but in vain. He was looked upori by them as the enemy of the king, and his pmdent and fi'iendly counsels were utterly and petulantly rejected. About this I'ime, Mirabeau transferred himself to the court,* to whtise sei^vice Bouille, a distinguished general of the army, and a relative of Lafayette, was also devo- tedly attached. The latter was a true monarchist, and opposed to all tv-e reforms of the revolution ; but Mira- beau, without a\>andoiiing the popular cause, was only becoming more Icyal in his wish to retain the kingly ele- ment in the fram& work of the government. Lafayette had undergone no oJange. Firm alike in his loyalty and his patriotism, he Tvas as truly devoted to the king as to his country, and residved, at all sacrifices, to maintain the integiity of both. If the queen had listened to reason rather than to prejudice, if the court had given its con- fidence to the true-he-^rted and irreproachable Lafayette as freely as to those «jvil-minded persons who made it their interest to abuse him, the revolution, though turbu- lent, might have beej a bloodless one — the Reign of TeiTor, and the subvursion of order, civil, religious, and * The reception of Mirabeau, as a partisan, and the liberal wages al- lowed him ($10,000 per mcath), indicate the great straits to which the royal pair were reduced, as well as the singular inveteracy of the queen's personal prejudice against Lafayette. It was known to her at the time when she granted him a private interview, that, a few months previous, Mirabeau had proposed that a decree should be passed, declaring that the person of the king only was inviolable, "while Lafayette insisted that the queen should also be included in the provision ; to which Mirabeau repUed, *' Well, general, since you will have it so, let her live. A humiliated queen may be useful j but a beheaded queen can only serve for the com- position of some poor tragedies." 230 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. social, might have been averted — the empire, with its iron despotism, and its exhausting wars of conquest, might never have been. Louis XVI. might have enjoyed a long, peaceful, and happy reign, transmitting to his own children a crown more glorious than that of abso- lute power, and a name fairer, brighter, and worthier, than the most splendid achievements of royal heroism and imperial conquest could make it. Amid all the irregularities and extravagances of the radical reformers of the day, Lafayette stood firm and almost alone, in the pure unyielding simplicity of genu- ine republicanism, as far removed from anarchy and ex- cess on one side, as from despotism and slavery on the other. While he remained unmoved and unchangeable in his adherence to the throne, and in his advocacy of all its just prerogatives, he was ready to sacrifice at once; and for.ever, all the honors and advantages of personal rank, though inherited through a long line of noble an- cestry, and take his place among the mass of his coun- trymen, on a footing of perfect equality. When it was proposed to abolish all hereditary titles of distinction, he cordially and powerfully advocated the measure, and from that moment laid aside the " marquis" from his long list of names, like an old wornout livery, and refused to be recognised by it, in both public and private life. This question arose unexpectedly, during the discussion of a motion to remove from the statue of Louis XIV. the slaves chained at the monarch's feet, as slaves, even marble ones, would disgrace the soil of liberated France. The debate was an exciting one. In the midst of the confusion of many voices, one was heard above the rest. It was that of Lambel, who exclaimed : " Since we must efface all the monuments of pride, we must not only overthrow statues, but suppress all the titles of dukes, counts, marquises " — He had not finished his sentence. THE REVOLUTION. 231 when Charles Lameth and Lafayette rose at the same moment to speak. Lameth claimed precedence, and seconded the motion. Lafayette followed, saying: "The motion that has been made, and which M. Lameth sup- ports, is so necessary a consequence of the constitution, that it can not occasion the slightest difficulty. I content myself with uniting in it with my whole heart." In the course of the discussion, the objection was raised that these dignities were often bestowed, as a re- ward for public services, " And what," the objector asked, "would you substitute for the words — such a man was created count, or marquis, for services ren- dered the state ]" — "Let it be merely said," replied La- fayette, with truly Roman simplicity, " that, on such a day, such a person saved the state." Moderate in all things, and well knowing that, as the substance was already gone, the shadow was not worth contending about, he was willing that those who wished to retain their titles should be at liberty to do so. But the meas- ure was caiTied to the extreme, and all titles were per- emptorily abolished. So unbounded was the popularity, and so mighty the influence of Lafayette at this period, that the court, al- ways distrustful of him, began to entertain the most ab- surd dread of his ascendency. They affected to be greatly alarmed at a nimor which was then put in circu- lation by some mischievous persons, that he was about to be offered again the supreme command of all the Na- tional Guards of the kingdom. "It was but natural," remarks Thiers, " that those who did not know Lafay- ette should feel this distrust ; and his enemies, of all par- ties, strove to augment it. How, in fact, could it be sup- posed, that a man possessing such popularity, at the head of a considerable force, would not abuse it 1 Noth- ing, however, was farther from his intention. He had 232 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. resolved to be notliing but a citizen, and, whether fronj virtue, or vsrell-judged ambition, the merit is the same. Human piide must be placed somewhere — it is virtue to place it in doing what is right.'' The winter of 1790 was marked by every species of factious plot and private intrigue, that could indicate or illustrate the festering corruption of the body politic. Among other alarms, there were anonymous letters ad- dressed to the ministers, announcing a conspiracy, the object of which was to place upon the throne a person of importance, whose name was not mentioned. The matter was revealed to Lafayette, with the expectation that he would betray some consciousness of the plot. With perfect openness and unresei-ve, he replied, that the duke of Orleans was the only prince on whom sus- picion could alight. The queen rejoined, regarding him with a piercing look, that " it was not necessary to be a prince to pretend to the crown." Lafayette, interrupt- ing her, coolly replied, " At least, madame, I know no one but he who would desire it." The intrepidity and personal influence of Lafayette, and the vaiied nature of his duties, as conservator of the public peace, were happily illustrated by a singular inci- dent which occurred in the early part of this year. A man, accused of having stolen a bag of oats, was seized by the people, and, in spite of all the efforts of the guard, had, as was supposed, just been put to death. Lafayette, with E-omeuf, one of his aides, passing that way in a car- riage, was informed of the circumstance. Ordering the coachman to drive on as far as possible, they alighted, and threw themselves into the midst of the crowd. One man raised his bludgeon against Romeuf, who had laid hold of the body, to protect it from further violence. La- fayette placed himself asti'ide of it, and, addressing the crowd, told them they were mere assassins. But, aa THE REVOLUTION. 233 he could not believe them all to be guilty, he called on them to designats the murderers. A man being pointed out to him as the ringleader, he seized him by the collar, exclaiming, "I vvrill show you that every func- tion is honorable, when we execute the law." He then dragged the cowardly culprit through the crowd, and handed him over to the police. The patrol of the Na- tional Guards pressed around him, and were flot willing to leave him alone, exposed to the fury of the mob. But, having delivered up his prisoner, he ordered the guards to make a way, and, mounting the parapet, harangued the populace in terms of the severest reproach for their disorderly and criminal conduct. He told them they were the dupes of factious men and robbers, who wished to compel the National Assembly and the king to quit Paris, that they might devote the city to fire and plun- der; but that the tranquillity and property of the capital being confided to his protection, he would crush all who should dare to disturb the public order. He was confi- dent he should be supported by the people ; but, if he were quite alone, he would resist crime, and cause law to be respected, till his latest breath ; and, while in the upright discharge of that duty, he did not -believe there existed a man bold enough to attack him personally. At that moment, he perceived a new movement in the mighty mass before him, and soon learned that the rob- ber, whom he supposed dead, having revived, the mob was about to hang him, he flew to the spot, with Romeuf and a few of the National Guards, rescued the poor wretch from their hands, and consigned him to a place of safe-keeping and friendly care, where he soon entirely recovered. Then, recommencing his speech to the peo- ple, he rejoiced with them that they had not been guilty of murder, warned them to be always quiet, orderly, and ibedient to law, and ordei'ed them to separate ; which 234 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. they immediately did, shouting, as they went, "Vive La- fayette !" The queen, on heaving of this incident, ac- companied with commendations of Lafayette's deep sen- sibility to the interests and rights of all classes of the people, replied, "Yes, the general has sensibility for everybody but kings.'' The constitution of France was now so far consoli- dated, that the way was prepared for the solemn cere- mony of its public adoption and ratification. This, it was resolved should be done, with great pomp, on the 14th of July, the anniversary of the destruction of the Bastile. The ceremony was directed to take place in the Champ de Mars, a spacious area, extending fiom the Military School to the bank of the Seine, and comprising about five hundred acres of ground. Lafayette was charged with the whole arrangement of the festival, and appointed chief of the Federation, in his quality as com- mandant of the Parisian guard. The object of this Fed- eration was the union into one body of all the National Guards of France — a million of citizen-soldiers, pledged to each other, to the king, and to the nation, to suppoi't and defend the constitution, at the hazard of their lives. To prepare the vast amphitheatre, twelve thousand laborers were employed. Apprehending that, even with this force, the work could not be finished in season, the whole population of Paris volunteered their assistance. A scene of the most exciting activity and enthusiasm ensued. All classes, and both sexes, mingled in the glorious work, marching with order and decorum to the spot, to the thrilling notes of martial music, and under banners with appropriate devices. The most perfect harmony prevailed to the last. The people felt that they were laboring for themselves — laying the founda- tions of their temple of liberty. The object of all this preparation was the administra- THE TEDERATION. 235 tion of the civic oath — the oath to be taken alike by the king, the assembly, the army, and the people, to support and preserve the constitution, as the sacred charter of the nation's I'ights. On the 10th of July, the deputations from the various departments assembled, in great numbers, in the house of commons of Paris. Lafayette was chosen president by acclamation. He wished to decline the honor, but could not prevail upon the assembly to excuse him. Several resolutions were immediately presented, by mem- bers from the diiferent departments, expressive of the nation's gratitude to Lafayette, their high sense of his invaluable services, their confidence in the purity of his principles, and their aifection for his person. The pres- ident refused to put them to vote, and, after the usual preliminaries, adjourned the meeting. On the 13th, the king and the National Assembly received the confeder- ates in the hall of the assembly, where Lafayette, as president and major-general of the Federation, pro- nounced an eloquent address to the assembly, closing with these emphatic sentences : " May the celebration of the great day be the signal of the conciliation of all parties, of the forgetfulness of all resentments, of peace, and of public felicity. Do not fear that our holy enthu- siasm can lead us beyond the limits prescribed by public order. Under the auspices of law, the standard of lib- erty can never become that of license. We swear to you, gentlemen, to respect the law, of which we are the defenders ; we swear it on our honor ; and freemen and Frenchmen can not give their word in vain." Turning, then, to the king, he addressed him as pos- sessing "the most glorious of all titles — that oi cJiiefqf Frenchmen, and king of a free people. Enjoy, sire, the reward of your virtues. Let this pure homage, which despotism never could command, be the gloiy and re< 236 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ompense of a citizen-king;. The National Guards of France swear to your majesty an obedience that shall have no limit but that of law — an affection that shall have no end but that of life."* The 14th at length arrived. The day and the scene '■e thus eloquently described by Carlyle : " In spite of plotting aristocrats, lazy, hired spademen, and almost of destiny itself (for there has been much rain), the Champ de Mars is fairly ready. The morning comes, cold for a July one ; but such a festivity would make Greenland smile. Through every inlet of that national amphithea- tre — for it is a league in circuit, cut with openings at due intervals — iloods in the living throng, covering, without tumult, space after space. Two hundred thou- sand patriotic men, and, twice as good, one hundred thousand patriotic women, all decked and glorified as one can fancy, sit waiting in this Champ de Mars. What a picture, that circle of bright-dyed life, spread up there on its thirty-seated slope, leaning, one would say, on the thick umbrage of those avenue trees — for the stems of them are hidden by the height; and all beyond it were greenness of the summer-earth, with the gleam of wa- ters, or white sparklings of stone edifices. On remotest steeple, and invisible village-belfry, stand men with spy- glasses. On the heights of Chaillot are many-colored, undulating groups ; round, and far on, over all the cir- cling heights that embosom Paris, it is as one more or less peopled amphitheatre, which the eye grows dim with measuring. Nay, heights have cannon, and a floating- battery of cannon is on the Seine. Wlien eye fails, ear * The reply of the kin.i^ was equally noble and touching. " Repeat to your fellow-citizens," said he, *' that I should wish to speak to them as I now speak to you ; repeat to them that their king is their father, their brother, their friend ; that he can only be happy in their happiness, great in their glory, powerful in their liberty, rich in their prosperity, and sor rowfol in their calamity." THE FEDERATION. 237 ehall serve. And all France, properly, is but one am- phitheatre ; for, in paved town and unpaved hamlet, men walk, listening, till the muffled thunder sounds audibly on their horizon, that they, too, may begin sweai'ing and firing. But now, to streams of music, come federates enough, for they have assembled on the Boulevard St. Antoine, and come marching through the city with their eighty-three department-bannei's, and blessings not loud Dut deep ; comes National Assembly, and takes its seat under its canopy ; comes royalty, and takes seat on a throne beside it ; and Lafayette, on a white charger, is here, and all the civic functionaries ; and the federates foi-m dances, till their strictly military evolutions and manoeuvres can begin. Task not the pen of mortal to describe them; truant imagination droops — declares that it is not worth while. There is wheeling and .jweeping to slow, to quick, to double-quick.time. Sieur Metier, or Generalissimo Lafayette — for they are one jnd the same, and he is general of France, in the king's itead, for twenty-four hours — must step forth with that sublime, chivalrous gait of his, solemnly ascend the steps of Fatherland's altar, in sight of heaven and of scarcely- breathing earth, and pronounce the oath, ' To king, to law, to nation,' in his own name and that of armed France ; whereat there is waving of banners, and ac- claim sufficient. The National Assembly must swear, standing in its place ; the king himself, audibly. The king swears ; -and now be the welkin split with vivats ; let citizens, enfranchised, embrace ; armed federates clang their arms ; above all, that floating-battery speak. It has spoken — to the four corners of France ! From eminence to eminence bursts the thunder, faint heard, loud repeated. From Arras to Avignon — from Metz •■o Bayonne — over Orleans and Blois — it rolls, in can- nnn-recitative ; Puy bellows of it amiohis gran: te mount 238 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ains ; Pau, where is the shell-cradle of gi-eat Henri. A.t far Marseilles, one can think, the niddy evening wit- nesses it; over the deep-blue Mediterranean waters, the castle of If, ruddy tinted, darts forth from every can- non's mouth its tongue of fire ; and all the people shout. Yes, France is free ! Glorious France, that has burst out so, into universal sound and smoke, and attained — the Phrygian cap of liberty !" In the midst of this scene of intense and intoxicating enthusiasm and overpowering excitement, Lafayette, drenched with rain, and almost overcome with heat, was hailed by a stranger in the crowd, who, advancing with a bottle in one hand and a glass in the other, said, " Gen- eral, you are hot; take a glass" — at the same time pouring out a full bumper. A momentary suspicion of treason crossed the minds of some of his friends ; but Lafayette, as unsuspicious as he was openhearted and generous, looking calmly at the stranger, took the glass, and drained it at a single draught. The people, with shouts, applauded his confidence ; while he, with a smile of complaisance, cast a benevolent and confiding look upon the multitude, as if he would say, " I fear nothing ; I suspect nothing but good from you." The language of the look was understood, and received with renewed shouts and tnvats. The modesty of the nresident of the Federation indticing him to refuse all acknowledgment from that body, the dep- aties, by a private arrangement, assembled at a very eariy hour, on the morning of the 16th, before the arrival of the president, and voted an addi'ess, which was prepared during the day ; and, at a similar meeting on the follow- 'no- morning, unanimously adopted. They then pro- ceeded, en masse, to the house of Lafayette, and ad- di-essed him, by their senior member, in the following terms : — THE FEDERATION. 239 "Sir: He who, at the moment when the Consliluent Assembly was threatened with the vengeance of despo- tism, dared to speak of the rights of man as a freeman himself — he, who had co-operated, in so glorious a man- ner, in the revolution of the new world, ought, undoubt- edly, to devote himself to the one his own fellow-citizenfi have so lately achieved, and prove himself to them, also, the friend and defender of liberty. But you, who havn done so much for the public cause, have detemiined tc receive no recompense ; you have refused the homage prepared for you by the hearts of our grateful citizens ; you withdrew from our applause and testimonies of af- fection, and you have shown us that a great man never conceives he has done enough for his country. The deputies of the National Guards of France will retire with reg-ret, not having bee:«i able to appoint you their chief. The constitutional law arrests the impulse of our hearts ; and it is your glory, that you proposed that law yourself, and fixed a limit to our gratitude. But, if you can not become our chief, you shall be for ever our friend, our guide, our model Receive the expres- sions of joy and affection, which your presence excites, as the homage due to him whom our regenerated coun- try has placed at the head of her defenders." Taken by surprise, and overcome with emotion, the general briefly replied, in a manner worthy of himself and of the principles he had always inculcated. " My emotions, gentlemen, do not allow me to find expressions adequate to my feelings. I have often reminded you, that the National Guards of France, assembled here, ought to present no address, except to the National As- sembly and the king. Judge, therefore, whether I can consent to the honorable and touching exception you design to make in my favor. No, gentlemen, permit me to consider it as a testimony of friendship to youi 240 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. Parisian brothers-in-arms, in the person of their com- mander " On the 20th, the session of the Federates was closed by an address from the president, as rich in sublime moral sentiment, as it was eloquent in thought and feel- ing. A single paragraph will illustrate the spirit and style of the whole : " Equality, gentlemen, is not injured by the exercise of those authorities which public utility renders necessary, and which the constitution has estab- lished ; but it is injured by the slightest pretension which exceeds the limit traced by law. Let ambition obtain no power over you. Love tlie friends of tTie people; hut reserve blind, submission for law, and enthusiasm for liberty. Pardon this counsel, gentlemen, you granted me the privilege of giving, when you showered on me every species of favor a fellow-citizen can receive ; and my heart, in its delicious emotion, could not avoid expe riencing a feeling of alarm." The spirit of union, of harmony, of fraternity, seemed to pervade all ranks, from the king to the beggar, and to promise an easy and peaceful triumph to the cause of the people. But it was only the enthusiasm of the moment. The next day, the old discussions were l-enewed, and the old jealousies revived; and the torrent of revolution rolled on, as if nothing had obstructed its course. It was, and for a long time had been, the secret wish of ,the court, and of the ultra royalist p?rty, to induce the king to leave France. They hoped, by removing him from the immediate atmosphere of the revolution, not only to save him from that terrible fate which seemed to be in reserve for him in Paris, but. to enable him, under the support and countenance of his allies, to act with more independence and efficiency in arresting the downward tendency of things. Many plans were devised to effect THE FEDERATION. 241 his removal. Even when Louis seemed all complai- sance to the people, and all pliancy to the will of their representatives, he was daily induced by his courtiers to favor the means to disappoint that will, and to escape from the too free and familiar surveillance of the natior.. Suspicion was awake to these movements, and precau- tions were taken to counteract them. Lafayette, as commander-in-chief of the Parisian guards, was specially charged with the protection of the royal person, and with the prevention of his flight. The departure of the king would have been the sig- nal for a civil war, which was dreaded by all the parties to the revolution, and desired only by the aristocracy. In such an event, they hoped, by the aid of foreign arms, to subdue France again to an absolute despotism, and so to regain their lost honors and prerogatives. Lafayette, though sincerely attached to the king, and honestly de- sirous to presei-ve him to the nation, and with him all the powers and prerogatives of a constitutional monarch, was the object of so much suspicion and prejudice in the palace, that he would not obtnide himself there, except in cases of absolute necessity. He had too much confi- dence in the king's sincei'ity and honor, to suppose him capable of duplicity. Meanwhile, his old friends and colleagues, one after another, deserted him. Mii'abeau, who hated him for his iiToproachable integrity and purity of character, had quite gone over to the aristocracy and the court, and took the lead in plots for the removal of the king. The Lameths, on the other hand, and others of the refonners, deeming Lafayette too much attached to the court, were constantly throwing difficulties in his way, and plotting to supplant him in office. On the occasion of a slight popular outbreak, on the 28th of February, a new opportunity was afforded him P 11 212 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. to " define his position," and he did define it in siicli a nnnner as ought for ever to have put to silence the ma- li(,ious cahimnies of his enemies. This disturbance was planned and fomented by the minions of the court, who flattered themselves that they should be able to throw Paris into confusion, by decoying the commander of the National Guards out of the city, and involving him in a contest with the people, where he would be sure to be overpowered, '>r assassinated. They hoped then to take advantage of the storm, and the absence of the pilot, to seize the helm, and reinstate themselves in their ancient position. There was an -old castle at Vincennes, a few miles from Paris, which had been one of the strongholds of tyranny, a sort of suburban Bastile. It was in bad odor with the people, and Lafayette had several times advised the king to order its demolition, as he could not brook the idea of its being done, under constitu- tional order, by a mob. Acting upon this hint, his aris- tocratic enemies had contrived to get up an excitement against the old tower, and to send off a horde of ruffians in that direction. Lafayette, hearing the uproar, and learning the cause, made instant arrangements, by a ju- dicious disposition ol his guards, to secure the tranquil- lity of the city, and hastened with his whole staff to Vin- cennes. The work of destruction had already begun. The insane fury of the populace was increasing with every blow that was struck. Dashing into the midst, and, by his commanding presence and well-known voice, instantly establishing order among the National Guards of the place, whom some factious persons from the city were endeavoring to mislead, he ordered the rioters to disperse, caused the ringleaders to be seized and sent to prison for trial, and, in a very few hours, restored order and the peaceful dominion of law. THE FEDERATION. 243 It was not without great personal hazard, that Lafay^ ette discharged this double duty of military commander, and chief of the police. Several shots were fired at him and his officers, though without effect. On his return at night, as he was passing through the street St. Antoine, an attempt was made, by one of the hired ruffians in the crowd, to trip up his horse, which was frustrated by a resolute thrust of the bayonet from a gi-enadier of the Na- tional Guard. It was rumored that the general was killed ; and great excitement prevailed in the city, til' the report was authentically contradicted. During the whole day, efforts had been made to dis arm the National Guards on service at the Tuileries, by furnishing them freely with liquor, and urging them to frequent libations. A large number of royalists, many of whom had been invited from the country for the pur- pose, not by the king, nor even with his knowledge, but by the officers of his household, had collected in the palace, and taken possession of the apartments which separated the hall of the National Guards from the king's chambers. Some had entered openly, by the gate, and some by secret passages, which were sacred to the uses of the royal household. They were armed with small- swords, sabi-es, sword-canes, pistols, and daggers, which they had concealed about their persons, on their en- trance. The king, when all were assembled, left his room for a conference with his visiters. What they pro- posed to do has never been fully disclosed. But it is evident some desperate deed was meditated. It might, perhaps, have been accomplished, had not the over- heated zeal of the chevalier de Saint Elme, or, it may be, his over-draughts upon the royal wine-fla^ons, got the better of his prudence, and precipitated the crisis, befoie their plans were matured for action. Full of loyal valor, and ready to face, single-handed, the wbol* 244 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. National Guard, he threw open the door leading to then hall, and flourished a pistol before them. Great excite- ment ensued. The alai-m was given. The guards rushed to their posts. The king was in the utmost consterna- tion. Timid by nature, and exceedingly averse to the shedding of blood, he begged his brave cavaliers to dis- band at once, and keep their arms out of sight. It was well that they did not hesitate to obey, for the National Guards, who had just heard the rumor of the assassina- tion of their chief, were about to burst into the apart- ment. They disposed of their weapons as well as they could, and escaped, with all haste, from the palace, not, however, without insults and even blows ft'om the exas- perated citizen-soldiers, whom they had so shamefully compromised, and so nearly betrayed. While this scene was passing, Lafayette an-ived from Vincennes. The National Guards received him with transports of joy — the courtiers with looks of chagrin and dismay. To some of them, but especially to the king's chamberlain, he spoke with gi-eat severity. He waited immediately upon the king, who, in expressing his regret for this untoward incident, which he had no agency in procuring, remarked, that " the false zeal, or extravagance, of the people who called themselves his fiiends, would ruin him" — a prediction but too signally verified. On returning from the king to the hall, the general was informed that a considerable quantity of anns had been secreted in the closets. They were sent for, and brought out into the court. The daggers, of which there were many, were broken by the soldiers, in the presence of some of the chevaliers, who were still smarting under the failure of their scheme, and the indignities they had met with from the guards. The leaders of them were familiarly known, from that time, as " chevaliers du FLIGHT OF THE KING. 24S poignard ;" while the aristocratic sensibility of the offi- cers of the household was painfully shocking, on the fol- lowing morning, by the "order of the day," in which beside being spoken of in terms of severe reproach, they found themselves designated as "chiefs of the domes- ticity." Not long after, as the king vi^as riding towii.d Saint Cloud, the populace, influenced by a rumor that he was about to flee fi-om the country, arrested his progress by violently stopping the horses in the street. Lafayette hastened to the spot, and entreated the king to remain quietly in his carriage, assuring him that he vifould soon clear a passage, andleavehim to pass unmolested. Louis refused to accept his interposition, and, alighting from his carriage, proceeded on foot. The flight of the king, so long concerted, was now actually determined upon. The evening of the 21st of June was selected for his departure. Disguised, and in silence, the different members of the royal family left the palace, and proceeded on foot to a place of meeting, where a carriage was in waiting. The queen, accom- panied by a single soldier, who was unacquainted with the streets, lost her way. Passing the carnage of La- fayette, attended by servants bearing torches, she was alarmed lest she should be discovered, and concealed her- self under the wickets of the Louvre, till the carriage had passed. The flight of the king was not known in the city till quite late the following morning. Then all Paris was in an uproar. Consternation was depicted in every coun- tenance. The enemies of Lafayette, who could not comprehend his attachment to the king, charged him with being accessory to his departure. That charge was repeated, and maliciously magnified by his political ene- mies ; and it is not the least of the many sins of the 246 LIFE Otr LAFAVF.TTE. court, on that occasion, that this cowardly desertion of his realm by the king, was understood by them to involve the life of one who had been faithful in every charge, and who had several times perilled his own to save the king's life. The rage of the people was extreme, and nothing but their long-tried and perfect confidence in Lafayette restrained them from venting it all upon his person. The ci-y of death was more than once raised against him. The storm was rapidly increasing in violence, when, with a calm countenance, and with a dignified self-composure, he presented himself among them, assembled in vast num- bers before the Hotel de Ville. Fury was depicted in many faces, anxiety in all. He made no defence. He offered no explanation. He only replied to their looks of dismay, and their loud complaints and lamentations — " If you term this event a misfortune, what word would you apply to a counter-revolution, that should de- prive you of liberty 1" This simple question, diverting their thoughts from the present evil to a danger witlila and about themselves, and proving clearly that theii' general was true to them and their cause, restored tneir confidence, and equanimity, and called forth shouts of " Vive Lafayette !" In the assembly, even they who had been opposed to Lafayette on party grounds, indignantly repelled the suspicions that had been thrown out against him, and called upon all to unite in sustaining him in this difiicult and alarming crisis. This generous sentiment was re- sponded to on all sides, with a truly French enthusiasm. A deputation was instantly selected from their own num- ber, with dii'ections to proceed to the Hotel de Ville, and invite him, through fear of the violence of the pop- ulace, to come under escort to the assembly. The depu- tation, on their arrival, found him as high in favor as e-;er. To their suggestion of an escort, he replied, " I FLIGHT OP THE KINO. 247 will order one for you, as a mark of res])ect;. but, for myself, I shall return alone. I have never been in more perfect safety than at this moment, the streets being tilled with the people." Immediately on being apprized of the flight of the king, Lafayette had despatched two of his nio-t trusty and efficient aids, to overtake, if possible, and bring him back. They were arrested by the mob, as they were pass- ing out of the city, and hurried back to the assembly as enemies of the state. The assembly, receiving them with confidence, and heartily approving tbe plans of their general, sent them immediately off, with a suitable guard for their protection. The king was arrested at Varennos, before they came up with him. They accompanied him on his return to Paris, and were the means of saving the lives of some of his friends. The part which Lafayette took in the measures adopt- ed for the ari-est of the king, tended greatly to increase the dislike of the queen, and consequently to widen the breach between him and the whole royal family. But it was by his interposition alone, that they were protected from violence on their return. When the escort entered the city, Lafayette hastened to meet it. During his ab- sence, on this errand, an immense crowd had gathered about the Tuileries. No violence or insult was offered to the king, or to any one of the royal family. They were received in silence, without any of the customary royal honors, the flight I: aving been regarded by the con- stitutionalists as an act of abdication. But the soldiers who aided their escape, and who now accompanied them on their return, seated on the box of the king's carriaa-e, were made the especial objects of the people's fury. The queen, anxious for their safety and well aware of the in- fluence of Lafayette with the people, no sooner saw him approach than she exclaimed, " General Lafayette save 248 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. the life-guards." The general immediately took them by the hand, and led them to a place of safety within the pal- ace. The royal family, having entered immediately after, L afayette presented himself at the door of the king's apart- ment, saying respectfully, " Has your majesty any orders for me 1" To which the king i-eplied, with a smile, " It appears to me that I am more under your orders than you are under mine." Lafayette then respectfully an- nounced to him the decree of the assembly, suspending him from his functions, as king, and placing a guard over his person. The king testified no displeasure, or excitement at this, but the queen was greatly agitated and vexed. Affecting to regard him as their jailer, she petulantly urged him to take the keys of the desks, which had been left in the carriage. The general replied that no person thought, or would think, of disturbing the privacy of those desks. The queen then placed the keys on his hat. Lafayette requested her to pardon the trou- ble he gave her of taking back those keys, declaring that he would not touch them. " Well," said the queen, im- patiently, " I shall find persons less sci'upulous than yourself." Though this was said tauntingly, and with bitterness, the queen was aware that it was no more complimentary than true. France was now virtually a state without a king, for, in suspending Louis XVI. from the exercise of royal power,.the assembly had made no provision for, or recog- nition of, a successor. Lafayette, as commander-in-chief of the National Guards of the metropolis, and possessing the entire confidence of the assembly and the people, was the most conspicuous and powerful man in France, exercising, in effect, without the title or prerogatives of viceroy, or regent, the chief executive functions And nobly did he sustain the trying position, holding, by his energy, decision, and unwavering consistency, an PLIGHT OP THE KING. 249 even balance between the enemies of popular liberty on the one hand, and the disturbers of public order on the other. His duty as special guardian of the king, he dis- charged with no less delicacy to the prisoners than fidelity to the state. Whenever a rigorous measure was suscep- tible of two interpretations, he always adopted the most humane one ; and even took upon himself the responsi- bility of modifying, in many particulars, the system of surveillance ordained by the assembly and its committees. But France was not a republic, though the Jacobins made the most vigoiious and determined efforts to make it so. It was a monarchy without a monarch, and meas- ures were soon taken to restore the sovereignty. These measures were violently opposed by the radical party, and a great riot ensued in the Champ de Mars, where immense numbers had assembled, under the direction of Robespierre, Petion, and others, to protest against the king. He was restored, notwithstanding, and Lafayette was sent to quell the tumult. Hastening to the spot, he broke down the barricades, which they had already be- gun to throw up, and dashed into the midst of the insur- gents, commanding them instantly to disperse. Too much excited to submit without an effort, they instantly turned upon their assailant, and threatened his life if he persisted in his attempt to disturb their proceedings. Never daunted, when duty was before him, he sternly reiterated his order to disperse. At that moment, one of the crowd, in a paroxysm of rage, raised a musket, and fired, the muzzle almost touching the general's head. By a singular interposition of Providence, he escaped this danger, and soon after succeeded in persuading tho people to retire from the scene. The man who had at- tempted his life was arrested by the National Guards, but immediately set at liberty by Lafayette. He was severely censured by the ultra-popular party, for the pari he took 11* 250 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. in subduing this movement, and from that time had aa many bitter enemies among the revolutionists, as he had hitherto had among the aristocracy ; although he was al- most the only trae friend of the people, who looked alone to the good of the whole nation, and who was ever ready, at any sacrifice to himself, to repair, as far as was possi- ble, the inevitable evils of political revolution. This was manifest, and this was cordially acknowledged, when, a short time after, on the announcement by the king of his acceptance of the constitution, the man of the people came forward with a cup of Lethean water for past troubles, proposing a general amnesty for political of- fences. The proposition was adopted by acclamation, and the prison-doors were thrown open, amid the shouts of the people, and the songs of the liberated. The same decree abolished the use of passports, and allowed every citizen to go and come at his own pleasure. Wherever the cause of liberty and the rights of man wei-e brought in question, the name of Lafayette was a watchword, and his counsel and influence were eagerly sought. The leaders of the revolution in Belgium, and the promoters of an independent administration in Cor- sica, looked up to him as a guide and friend, and found in him a prudent and sagacious adviser. In the early part of their struggle, he proposed to enter the Batavian service. The ministry opposed his wish and prevented it. He was solicited to go to the aid of Ireland, and would have gone, but for the interference of the French government, and the concessions of England. At that time, he was free to act where the cause of libei'ty and humanity demanded his sei'vices; but now, as a French- man, intrusted with the most important command in her national army, as well as with the lofty function of a le- gislator in her constitutional assembly, he could render no personal aid. He commended their cause to the favora- FLIGHT OF THE KING. 251 6Te regai'd of the assembly and the king, and encouraged them to proceed with moderation, and a constant rever- ence for law and order, but i-efused any movement in their behalf, which any other citizen might not with propriety have made. The establishment of the Batavian republic received his hearty approval, as a citizen, and his able counsel and generous zeal were duly appreciated and acknowledged by its founders. In reply to one of the letters from the president of " the sovereign congress,'' he said: "You have condescended, gentlemen, to cor- respond with me, though I have, in this respect, no other character than that of a friend of liberty. Permit me, then, in virtue of that title, in consideration of my con- cern for the union and prosperity of the Belgians, and for the cessation of intestine divisions, to include my- self in the number of those who regard the liberation of General Vander Meersch,* as the first and indispensable means of accomplishing those wishes that ought to ani- mate every patriotic breast.'' On the dissolution of the constitutional assembly, and the seeming establishment of a constitutional govern- ment, Lafayette resigned his commission, as command- ant of the National Guards, relinquishing at the same time all military rank and power, and retired to his quiet residence in the country. He had asked nothing for himself, and, when his great work of self-sacrificing patriotism was accomplished, he immediately sought the reward of his labors, and the peace he so ardently loved, in the bosom of his family. He carried with him to his retirement, the homage and regi-et of his companions m amis, the grateful regards of the people, and the respect, if not the entire confidence, of all parties. They who * An officer in the Belgian service, imprisoned for political motives, Lafayette had no confidence in liberty whiwi -id not include fi-eedom of thought and speech. 252 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. nad most earnestly opposed him, could say nothing worse of him than Mirabeau and others of the same class had always felt, that he was too honest and too pure for the exigencies of the times. There was not a man in France, of any name or party, who concentrated in his own per- son so much of public confidence and private regard, as Lafayette. His journey from Paris to Chavagniac was a continual succession of triumphs. The municipal council of Paris voted him an emblematic medal, and a marble statue of Washington, and ordered the decree conferring these marks of approbation, to be inscribed on the bust of La- fayette, which had been presented to the capital, twelve years before, by the state of Virginia. The National Guards of Paris at the same time voted him a sword, made from the bolts of the Bastile, and sent it by the hands of a committee, to his retreat. He was nomina- ted and strongly supported, as a candidate for the mayor- alty of Paris ; but the influence and money of the court defeated him. With that obstinate blindness to his true interests, which was a soil of fatality with the king, he made great pecuniary sacrifices to prevent the election of Lafayette, his true, sincere, and steadfast friend, and thus secured the elevation of Petion, a cold, heartless, determined enemy, an ultra-Jacobin, the very man, who, on their return from their attempted flight, had cruelly and shamelessly insulted both the king and the queen in their own carriage, and who paved their way, with his then unprincipled and heartless associates, frcm the throne to the tsmple, and from the temple to the guillo- tine. THREATENED INVASION OP PRANCE. 253 CHAPTER XVII. THREATENED INVASION OP FRANCE LAFAYETTE IN COM- MAND OP THE ARMY. Lafayette did not long enjoy the luxury of home, nor the feeble hope which he might have been disposed to in- dulge, that the struggles of France were over, and her regeneration accomplished. Great numbers of the no- bility, disgusted and alarmed by the progress of the rev- olution, had emigi-ated to various parts of Europe, but principally to the states adjoining their own country. Their property had been heavily taxed, as a penalty for their absence, and a decree had been passed, perempto- rily requiring them to return. Many of them were now disposed to return, but not in the manner proposed by the assembly. They had made interest with some of the continental powers, with a view to entering France, at the head of a large anny, and putting down the revolu- tion at the point of the bayonet. Some coiisiderable numbers of them were already in arms, in several places, and rumor followed rumor of extensive and alarming preparations for invasion. Measures were instantly adopted to repel the antici- pated movement. The king, with great apparent sin- cerity and earnestness, went hand in hand with the as- sembly in these measures, declaring any man an enemy of France, who should pass the frontier with hostile in- tent. An army was immediately raised, and Lafayetto 854 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. was summoned from his retreat to comimand the centre, comprising fifty thousand men, with his Headquarters at Metz. Associated with him were Rochambeau, com- manding the army of the north, in Flanders, and Luck- ner, with the southern division, at Alsace. The appoint- ment of Lafayette to this command was hailed with rapturous applause by the people ; but when offered for confirmation, in council, the king objected. " If your majesty does not appoint him to-day," said the minister Narbonne, " the national wish will force you to do so to-morrow." All the ministers were of the same opin- ion, and the king yielded to their advice. Lafayette immediately obeyed the call of his country, and pre- sented himself before the assembly, where he was re- ceived with the utmost cordiality. The president, on handing him his commission, said : " The French peo- ple, who have sworn to conquer or die for liberty, will ever present, with confidence, to nations and to tyrants, the constitution and Lafayette." Crowds of enthusiastic citizens hailed him in all the streets. Battalions of the National Guard escorted him out of the city toward the scene of his new command, while the ceaseless vivats of the people, who followed him on his way, testified the respect and affection with which he was regarded. Rochambeau and Luckner were officers of the old school, accustomed to the strictest system of military discipline, and to regarding an anny as a mere assem- blage of animated automata, subject to the sway of one despotic will. To them, the citizen-soldier, with his right of opinion, and his prerogative of private judg- ment, was not a fitting instrument of warfare. Lafay- ette, trained in the American school, and accustomed to that kind of discipline which is suited to freemen, was quite in his element. Young, active, and ambitious to distinguish himself in the defence of his country, he im- COMMANDS THE ARMY. 255 mediately introduced and established the most efficient discipline among his troops ; overcoming, by his urban- ity, decision, and ingenuousness, all the difficulties raised by the ill-will of his subordinates, who were chiefly from the aristocracy of the army. He also introduced two companies of mounted artillery, such as he had seen in Prussia, and other improvements to increase the effi- ciency of his division. War was now the all-absorbing topic. Without break- ing down the distinctions of party, or neutralizing the bitterness of private dissension, it turned all eyes in one dix'ection, and united all heads and hearts in one com- mon object. Whatever views the different factions might entertain in regai'd to the internal affaii'S of the nation, it was the dictate of universal patriotism to defend the coun- try from foreign aggression. The ultra-Jacobins, with Robespierre at their head, were the least ardent of all the factions in support of the war. Their great fear was, that it would affi)rd too many advantages for Lafayette to strengthen his position, and perhaps, ultimately, pro- cure for him the supreme power, in the foiin of a mili- tary dictatoi'ship. They had no confidence in the good intentions of the king, and supposed that, as soon as he could do it with safety to himself, he would declare against the revolution, and avail himself of foreign aid at hand to restore him to his ancient sovereignty. They were equally suspicious of Lafayette. Measuring him by their own standard of virtue, they never doubted that he would seek his own private interests, to the exclusion of all others ; and his moderation, prudence, and unas- sailable integrity, were an insuperable bar to the prog ress of their sweeping reforms. This war, though commenced as one of defence only, soon assumed an offensive character. An attack on Belgium was contemplated, as the first great movement. 256 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE, That country, then under the dominion of Austria, had re. cently manifested a revolutionary spirit, and it was sup- posed that the great body of the people would cordially welcome a French anny, that would release them from the yoke of their old masters. The execution of this movement was intrusted to Lafayette. He was ordered, first, to advance with ten thousand men, from Givet to Namur, and from Namur to Liege, or Brussels. He was to be followed immediately by the whole division. While he was executing this movement, Lieutenant- General Biron was to set out from Valenciennes, with ten thousand men, and march upon Mons. Another di- vision was to proceed to Toumay, with orders to secure possession of it immediately. These secondary move- ments were intended, principally, to support and mask the real one committed to Lafayette's charge. The movements above described were ordered to bo made during the last ten days of May. Biron soon made himself master of Quievrain, and, proceeding to Mons, found a few hostile detachments drawn up to op- pose him. Suddenly, in the midst of their mai'ch, two regiments of dragoons, not then in the presence of the enemy, cried out, " We are betrayed !" and instantly betook themselves to flight. The whole army, as if struck with sudden panic, followed them, unmoved alike by the commands, entreaties, and threats, of their offi- cers. The deserted camp, with all its paraphernalia and stores, fell into the hands of the enemy. Another division, of three thousand men, who were to stai't from Lille, conducted in the same shameful and cowardly manner ; the cavalry, as before, taking the lead, and compelling the infantry to accompany them. Theobald Dillon, their commander, and one of his offi cers, were murdered, while attempting to arrest their flight. COMMANDS THE ARMY. 257 In the meantime, Lafayette, by forced and difficult marches over almost impassable roads, had proceeded as far as Givet — a distance of one hundred and seventy miles, which he achieved in the incredibly short space of five days — before he vras apprized of these serious disasters. Justly deeming that there wa.s concerted trea- son at the bottom of this twofold desertion, and im- oressed with the conviction that it originated with his personal enemies, he thought it pmdent to halt for a time, and protect himself as well against " the enemy in his i-eai-," as against the one in advance. It was manifest to all that there was treason in the camp ; but none, save the few who plotted it, could di- vine its object, or tell whence it proceeded. The army was not to be relied upon. Lafayette felt perfect reh- ance upon his division, not only from what they had al- ready done, but from their personal attachment to him- self; but, unaided by the other divisions, it would have been worse than madness to think of advancing, in the face of all Europe. Agitations the most violent and alarming, discussions the most bitter, ensued at Paris and throughout France. Party was armed against party, and faction against fac- tion ; each suspected, hated, and feared the other. AH, or nearly all, suspected and hated, though few feared, the king. Poor, unfortunate man ! On his devoted head were about to be poured all the vials of popular wrath and political madness. So long overshadowed by the dark and ten'ible incubus of the throne, the revolution- ists had succeeded in overturning and demolishing it, leaving in its place the mere form and title of a kiog, whose crowTi was not his own, and whose seat was the common footstool of the sovereign people. The throne was only the shadow of what it once was ; but yet the shadow was as much feared and hated, as the substance Q 258 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. had fovmer]y been. The malignity of the factions v/aa bsginning to be directed from the king to the man — from Louis XVI. to Louis. Through all his adversities, Lafayette had maintained toward the king, not only the allegiance of an upright, true-hearted subject, and an intelligent citizen, who re- garded a king as the most proper executive for France, but the devotion of a sincere, self-sacrificing friend ; and, though rejected and kept at arm's length, by the personal dislike of the queen, he still continued, through every change, to exert all his influence and power to save them. In the present exigency, when to come to the rescue of the throne was tp rush at once upon the bayo- nets of the army, the sword of the assassin, and the mines of all the intriguing politicians of the nation, he stood forth boldly and openly, and advocated his cause. lie did more. Alone and single-handed, he went into the midst of the people, and demanded justice for the king, and a guaranty for the integrity of the constitution. His first act was, from his camp before a foreign ene- my, to address a letter to the assembly. In this letter, he frankly and fearlessly expressed his sentiments rela- tive to the king and the constitution, and his disapproba- tion of any measure which tended to attack or injure either of them. He declared that the public cause was in danger — that the fate of France depended on her representatives — that the nation looked up to them for deliverance, while, by giving a constitution, she had pre- scribed to them the means by which they were to secure her safety. He then openly denounced the efforts of the Jacobins, whom he described as " domestic enemies, intoxicated with fanaticism or pride, and cherishing the most chi- merical hopes." He claimed the right thus to denounce them, as inherent and inalienable. " I will not be pr& LETTER TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 259 vented," said he, " from exercising this right of a free- man, and fulfilling this duty of a citizen, either by mo- mentary errors of opinion — for what are opinions which depart from principles 1 — or by my respect for the rep- resentatives of the people, for I respect still more the people themselves, whose cor.stitution is the supreme law — or by the regard which you have always shown me, for I wish to preserve that regard, as I obtained it, by an inflexible attachment to aberty." He char-ged upon the Jacobin clubs all the disorders of the times. " Organized like a separate power, in its source and its ramifications, blindly directed by a few ambitious leaders, that faction forms a distinct corpora- tion in the midst of the French people, whose power it usui-ps by subduing its representatives and agents." In terms equally bold and direct, he charged them with openly trai^pling on law, eulogizing and promo- ting every species of public crime, preaching insubordi- nation to the aimy, and scattering, broadcast, the seeds of discontent and discouragement. He earnestly depre- cated the growing influence and dictatorial power of such a faction over the National Assembly, who were responsible to the people, and not to a party ; and con- jured them, by their love of liberty and of France, to resume fearlessly, and maintain manfully, their constitu- tional functions. He contended that the power of the crown must remain inviolate and undiminished, for it was guarantied by the constitution ; and independent, because that independence was one of the springs of liberty — that the king should be revered, because he was invested with the majesty of the nation ; and he expressed the earnest hope that he would select a ministry which should not wear the chains of faction. " Lastly, let the reign of the clubs give way to the leign of law; their usurpations to the firra and ind»- 260 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. pendent exercise of the constituted authorities ; theil disorganizing maxims to the principles of liberty ; their insensate fury to the calm and constant courage of a na- tion which knows its rights and defends them." " This," says Thiers, " was saying to exasperated pas- sions, ' Stop !' — to the parties themselves, 'Put an end to your own existence!' — to a torrent, 'Cease to flow !' But, though the advice was useless, it was not less a duty to give it." It was highly applauded by dome ; by others, received in that sullen silence whicb indicates both fear and dislike. An animated discussion ensued. Vergniauni objected, that the assembly could not receive the lecture of an armed general, without endangering that very liberty which Lafayette had hitherto so ably defended ; to which Thevenot replied, that the assembly ought to receive, from the lips of Lafayette, truths which it had not the courage to announce to itself. The power of the appeal, and the influence of the name under which it was pre- sented, were so deeply felt, that thex-e seemed to be no antidote to its effect, but to deny its authenticity. It was accordingly suggested that the letter was a forgery, and that the name of Lafayette was employed only to give weight to the sentiments of a royalist. " Impossible !" exclaimed M. Coube. " Even if it were not signed, none but Lafayette could have written it." M. Guadet as- serted that the letter could not have come from Lafay- ette, because it adverted to the dismissal of Dumouriez, though dated on the same day on which the dismissal took place. " Either the signature is not his," he said, " or it was attached to a blank, which was left for a fac- tion to fill up at its pleasure." A great uproar followed these words. " M. Lafayette is incapable," resumed Guadet, " according to his know* sentiments, of having written such a letter. He muai tiETTER TO THE NATIONAL ASSEMBLY. 261 know, that when Cromwell — " Dumas, unable to re- strain his indignation at this allusion, endeavored to speak. There was great agitation in the assembly. Guadet, however, retained his gi'ound, and attempted to speak. " I WEis saying — " but he was again interrupted. " You were at Cromwell," said one of the members. " I shall return to him," he replied. " I was saying, that Lafay- ette must know, that when Cromwell held a similar lan- guage, liberty was lost in England. It is expedient, either that we ascertain whether some coward has not sheltered himself beneath the name of Lafayette, or prove, by a signal example, to the French people, that we have not taken a vain oath in swearing to maintain the constitution." Such was the power of Lafayette's name at this cri- sis — such the confidence of his fi'iends, and the fear of his enemies. No one individual in France concentrated in his own person so many of the real elements of pow- er, public confidence, and private regard, as he did ; and it now became as necessary for the evil disposed to de- stroy him, as to get rid of the king. He was violently attacked in the clubs, in the newspapers, and in all the public meetings of the people, till the masses, who were led by the noisy harangues of unprincipled men, came to believe th'at he, in whom they had so long confided, was indeed a traitor to his country, and a friend of despotism. The excitement became deeper and more intense than it had ever been. France was the crater of an overheated volcano, on the eve of an eruption. Lafayette, without having changed his posi- tion in the least, was now regarded as belonging to the court and the aristocrats, and denounced as a traitor. His supposed defection increased the fear and hatred of those who would demolish the throne ; so that his able and ')^nest effort to sustain the king, only increased the diffi 262 LIFE OF L iPAYETTE. culties that surrounded him. So great was the excite- ment, that a mob of the most violent and degraded of the people, breaking over all the bounds of law and decency, burst into the palace, offered the grossest in- sults to the royal family, and threatened personal vio- lence to the king. Nothing daunted by the danger which threatened him in this new crisis, Lafayette resolved to go in person to Paris, to repeat and confirm the sentiments of his letter of the 16th of June, and to do all in his power to recall the nation to the path of liberty and glory, on which it had first set out. He counted on the fidelity of the National G-uard, and hoped to impart to it a new impulse of patriotic devotion. He counted on the support of the court, which he could not believe to be his enemy, when he came to sacrifice himself in its defence. Having proved his chivalrous love of liberty, he was now re- solved to prove his sincere attachment to the king; and, in his hei-oic enthusiasm, it is probable that his heart was not insensible to the glory of this twofold self-devotion. He arrived on the morning of the 28th of June, twelve days after the date of his letter to the assembly. The news of his arrival soon spread, and it was everywhere repeated with surprise and curiosity, that General La- fayette was in Paris. On that day, the hall of the assembly was thronged with multitudes of people, in anxious expectation to learn the object of the general's visit. A little past noon, having requested admission to the bar of the house, he made his appearance, and was received with applause by one side, and with silence by the other. With that calmness and dignity which always character- ized his manner, he rose and addressed the assembly; first assuring them that, before leaving the anny, he had made all needful arrangements for its protection and APPEARS AT THE BAR OF THE ASSEMBLY. 263 order during his absence, and then explaining, in a few words, his motives in coming. When he concluded, he was invited to take his seat with the assembly. Objections being made, accompa- nied by confused cries of " Yes" and " No," from differ- ent parts of the house, the general modestly took his seat on a bench allotted to petitioners. Guadet then rose, and, with bitter irony, inquired if the enemies of France were vanquished, and the country delivered from the threatened invasion. " No !" he exclaimed in reply ; " the country is not delivered ; our situation is not chang- ed ; and yet the general of one of our armies is in Par- is." He then pi'oceeded severely to censure Lafayette, and to propose an inquiry into his right to leave the army, without a special order from the minister of war, or to address the assembly on purely political subjects. From the charges insinuated in this proposition, the general was ably and eloquently vindicated by M. Ra- mond. " When, but a few days ago," said he, " an armed multitude presented itself in this hall, it was not asked what was its errand; it was not reproached with infringing, by the parade of arms, the independence of the assembly. But when M. de Lafayette, who is for America and for Europe the standard of liberty — when he presents himself, suspicions are awakened ! If there are two weights and two measures — if there are two ways of considering, things, let it be allowable to make some distinction in favor of the eldest son of liherty !" He then proposed to refer the matter to a special com- mittee, to examine, not the conduct of Lafayette, which was above suspicion, but the petition he had presented. This motion was carried ; and Lafayette left the hall, amid the congratulations of the friends of order, and fol- lowed by a large train of National Guards, who could not repress, even in the presence of the national legisla- 264 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ture, their sentiments of respect and affection for theit old commander. From the assembly Lafayette proceeded to the palace, to pay his respects to the king, and to renew the offer of his services. It was the capital crisis in the affairs of Louis XVI., the last turning point in his destiny. If he had, even at that late hour, received Lafayette into his confidence, and intrusted to him and his friends the general guidance of his affairs, the tide of Jacobin an- archy which was about to sweep away the throne and desolate France, might have been turned back, and the constitutional monarchy established on a pei'manent ba- sis. But the prejudices of the queen wei'e not yet over- come. Lafayette was received with open abuse by the courtiers, and with repulsive coldness by the king. The royal family were together. The king and queen both repeated that there was no safety but in the constitution, and that it must be supported at all hazards. And yet they rejected with severity the only man who had been always and consistently devoted to it and to them, and who, at that very moment, was hazarding, not his popu- larity only, but his life, in their defence. It had been appointed that the king should review four thousand men of the National Guards, on the morning of the next day. Lafayette asked permission to accompany him, at the same time declaring his intention to address the troops, as soon as his majesty should have retired. And he hoped to make it the occasion of renewing their devotion to the constitution and the king. This proposal was not directly negatived, but its purpose was thwarted through a blind fear that Lafayette would gain some advantage to himself, by an order from Petion, the mayor, counter- niandingthe review, at a very early hour in the morning. On leaving the Tuileries, a numerous concourse of people escorted him to his residence, shouting, " Long RETURNS TO THE ARMY. 265 live Lafayette !" In their enthusiasm they even planted a liberty-pole at his gate. These demonstrations of popular attachment, con- trasting strongly with the jealousy of the court, and the virulent hatred of the Jacobins, deeply afl'ected the gen- eral, and inspired him vyitli some hope that all w^as not yet lost. It created, moreover, a nevy alarm among the factions. Alvcays open and frank, and prefemng the boldest courses to any species of intrigue, Lafayette proposed to his friends, that the clubs, the strongholds of the an- archists, and the very caldrons of political agitation and corruption, should be violently broken up and dispersed. He appointed a meeting for this pui-pose. But few had the courage to attend, and the project was necessarily abandoned. The Jacobins, however, knowing his reso- lution and zeal, and fearing he might be supported bj numbers too great for them to oppose, were seized with panic, and abandoned their clubs for the time. Amid denunciations, threats, and hints of assassination, Lafayette remained another day in Paris, making fear- less but fruitless endeavors to accomplish the object he had so much at heart. Then, finding all his zeal and self-devotion unavailing, and lamenting the fatal obsti- nacy of the king, who would not suffer himself to be saved, he reluctantly returned to his camp, to await the fearful issue. He even then entertained dark forebo- dings of the future, though he could not have imagined the utter blackness of darkness which that future ulti- mately revealed. He had fl-eely exposed himself and his fortune to save the state, and was ready, as freely, to consummate the oblation, to attain the end. He had braved, openly and boldly, the fury of his enemies, to rescue the king from their grasp. But his offering was not accepted. He was basely calumniated by the court, 12 266 I.irE OP LAFAYETTE, and even accused of having betrayed the king. His want of success, vi'hich was owing only to the absence of co-operation on the part of the court, was made an argument against him. Under these painful and inaus- picious circumstances, he left the metropolis for the anny, doubtful in what manner he should return, and destined to an absence of many long unhappy years. , But the temperament of Lafayette, as that of a gen- erous and unsuspecting nature always is, was ever hope- ful. He never abandoned a good purpose, so long as there was even a slight chance of accomplishing it. Though in a manner driven from the palace, and refused the hospitality of the city, he still cherished the design of rescuing the king from the hands of those who sought his blood, as the only means of extinguishing his title and power. Almost any other man would have aban- doned tlie obstinate court to its' fate. But Lafayette's pati'iotism was proof against coldness, distnist, and cal- umny, on the one hand, as well as against the specious arguments of the designing and crafty, on the other. He consulted only his own honest and true heart, re- solved that the king should be saved in spite of himself, and immediately formed a plan for getting him away from Paris, where he was only a state-prisoner, without the ordinary guaranty of safety to his person, and with J'ttle prospect of any other release than that of death. Meanwhile, the danger of invasion grew daily more a.id more imminent ; and daily, as the allies were sup- posed to be approaching, suspicions of the king increased. In the assembly he was openly charged with inviting in- vasion, and a decree of dethronement was boldly pro- posed and discussed. , The plan of removing the king from Paris was one of infiuite difficulty and danger. Lafayette caused it to be communicated to the king by Lally Tolendal, who PLAN FOK RESCUING THE KING. 267 freely pledged himself for the sincerity and fidelity of the general. He had gained over General Luckner, who commanded one division of the army, and who promised all that was desired. It was proposed that the king should summon the two generals to Paris, to take part in the great festival of the Federation, on the 14th of July. On the 15th, the king, accompanied by Lafayette, was to have gone to the assembly, and announced his intention of spending some days at Compeigne. On his arrival there, with a small escort of Parisian National Guards, he was to be furnished with a trusty body- guard, composed of a detachment of the Compeigne militia, and two regiments of chasseurs from Lafayette's division, associated with the escort from Paris — the whole to be commanded by Brigadier-General Latour Mau- boui'g. Thus surrounded, and sheltei'ed from all vio- lence, in a situation of his own choice, the king would, of his own accord, have issued his proclamation, forbid- ding his brothers to advance a step, declaring any who should invade the French territory enemies and traitors, and announcing his intention, if the assembly approved, to go in person against them. He would, at the same time, have pronounced in favor of the constitution, in such terms as should leave his enemies no room to doubt his sincerity. Such was the plan of Lafayette, and such a step, fully carried out, would probably have enabled Louis to re- turn to Paris, amid the universal acclamations of the people, with power to consolidate the constitutional monarchy. But such a triumph would have been the triumph of liberty, and therefore the court declined it. They were not willing to accept deliverance from La- fayette. " It would be too bad," said the queen to Madam Elizabeth, the king's sister, " that we should l.o twice indebted to him for our lives." 868 I.irE OP LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER XVIIl. THE REIGN OP TERROR. Some of the king's personal friends left no means un- tried, to inspire him with confidence in Lafayette. They conjured him to comply with the counsels of the only man who could snatch him from destruction. But those of them who, unfortunately, had most influence in the palace, saw no chance for absolute royalty, save in anar- chy and foreign invasion. Lafayette was requited with cold and formal thanks for his plan, which was rejected as impracticable ; and when his aide, Colombe, aftenvard asked the queen by what sti'ange infatuation she and the king had come to so fatal a decision, she replied, " We are very grateful to your general ; but the best thing that could happen to us would be, to be confined for two months in a tower !" At the same moment when these heartless thanks were offered, and while Lafayette was projecting the only feasible plan for saving the royal family from immolation, it was knov\Ti to him that me- morials, fall of the bitterest personal abuse, were, by the queen's orders, composed against him, and that a portion of the libels, daily devoted to his defamation, were paid for out of the civil list. In unfolding his plan to Lally-Tolendal, Lafayette remarked, in reference to the gathering storm, " I see a series of dangers commencing immediately after the 14th. T again repeat it : the king must leave Paris ! I know THE REIGN OF TERROR. 2C9 tbat, were he not sincere, this course would be attended with inconveniences ; but when the question is about ti'usting the king, who is an honest man, can one hesi- tate a moment 1 .... I consider it a sacred duty to be near the king on this occasion I find myself sur- rounded by inhabitants of the country, who come ten leagues and more to see me, and to swear that they have confidence in none but me, and that my enemies are theirs. I find myself beloved by the army, on which the Jacobin efibrts have no influence. I see testimonies of adherence to my opinions ai-riving from all parts of the kingdom ; and I can not believe that all is lost, and that I have no means of being serviceable." When, in composing his singular and most unworthy reply to this generous proposal, the king declared that "he was infinitely sensible to the attachment which would induce him [Lafayette] to put himself thus in the front," he uttered the true sentiments of his own good heart, which, had he trusted and followed them, would have saved him, and his house, and France. But when, in concluding his letter, he said, " The best advice which can be given to M. Lafayette is, to continue to serve a? a bugbear to the factions, by the able performance of his duty as a general," he only made himself the organ of all the littleness of an intriguing court and an impe- rious queen, whose influence ultimately prevailed to divert the king from the course which his own heart and conscience would have suggested. The pi'overbial ir- resolution and fickleness of Louis XVI. was not so much owing to a native imbecility of character, as to that ami- able weakness which yielded an undue ascendency to an ambitious wife, whom he ardently loved and perfectly trusted. Foiled in this patriotic and loyal purpose, Lafayette conceived the yet bolder design of marching his army 270 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. to Paris, putting down, at the point of the bayonet, the factions which were distracting the counsels of the na- tion, and establishing, by force, the constitution of the people. He well knew that a large majority of the na- tion had decided in its favor, that the king was truly pledged to it, and that only a comparatively small num- ber of discontented anarchists, in Paris, opposed it. These he proposed to silence and crush, that the will of the people might be paramount, and the salvation ot the country rendei-ed certain. But the terrible ci'isis could not be averted. The offers and plans of Lafayette, for the escape of Lou- is, and for overawing the capital, became known to the Jacobins, who immediately denounced him in the assembly, and raised such a storm of popular fury against him, in the metropolis, that he was not only openly and loudly anathematized in the streets, but absolutely burnt in effigy in the gardens of the Tuileries. The attempt to procure a decree of condemnation in the assembly failed by a large majority; but this only turned the tide of popular indignation against the assembly. All was uproar, consternation, and violence. The day of doom had an-ived. Paris was probed to the core, and all the foul corruption, that had so long been festering there, oozed out upon the surface, and spread itself over the body politic. The cry, " To arms !" was heard on ev- ery side. The legislature and the law were set at open defiance. The palace was sacked by an infuriated mob ; the royal family were driven to take refuge in the hall of the assembly, and . afterward shut up in a gloomy prison, to await a cruel death. The Swiss guards were massacred, and Paris made an Aceldama — a field of blood. All this was done in less than a month after the disinterested and generous offer of Lafayette, to sheltej- the king from the impending storm, had been THE REIGN OP TERUOK. UTl rejected. The reign of terror had commenced. Itsbirth* day was the 10th of August, 1792. Wishing, amid the new dangers that now enonmpasseJ the dethroned and imprisoned king, to be nearer Paris, that he might more readily render any assistance which -.night be demanded, Lafayette was desirous of transfer- ring his command to the noith. Unwilling, however, to quit his own troops, by whom he was greatly beloved, and in whom he had entire confidence, he proposed to General Luckner to change positions. This was agreed to ; and Luckner, with his division, took post at Metz, while Lafayette repaired to Sedan. This brought him within two days' journey of the capital. The revolution was the work of the people of France. It was the necessary result of the progress of thought in an oppressed and burdened people. The reign of ter- ror could never have been conceived, or begotten, any- where but in Paris ; but it soon swept over the whole country. It overawed or pei'vaded the assembly, which was compelled to acknowledge, while it lasted, the su- premacy of such moral monsters as Petion, Robespierre, Danton, and Marat. But, even these were not able to procure a decree for the impeachment of Lafayette, though it was one of the first objects they sought to accomplish. An admirable comment on the principles and objects of the party which denounced him, was afibrded in the fact that Brissot, who was the speaker on that occasion, declared that it was a mere party affair, and that " the man whom he denounced was the one whom, of all the world, he most highly esteemed." Their sense of his importance and influence was also exhibited in a per- fectly gratuitous announcement, in one of their journals, that he approved of the events of the 10th of August, and had caused them to be recognised by the army un- der his command. S72 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. The king having been dethroned, and a new constitu- tional substitute provided, commissioners were immedi- ately sent to the several divisions of .the aimy, to com- municate the decrees of the assembly, and to exact from the generals and their troops the new oath of allegiance. Lafayette, having notice of their approach, directed them to be an-ested by the municipality of Sedan. They were closely questioned by the mayor respecting the recent scenes of violence in the capital, and the sudden change of views and plans in the assembly. Deciding, from the account they gave, that the legislative assembly had been overawed by a lawless mob, that it was not free when it decreed the suspension of the royal authority, and that its commissioners were consequently only the envoys of a factious cabal, he ordered them to be arrested and con- fined, in the name of the constitution, as persons treason- ably designing to tamper with the loyalty of the army and the allegiance of the people. This was all done in pursuance of the instructions of Lafayette ; and he, al- ways ready to stand in the forefront of danger, assumed the sole responsibility, as military commander of the city. The commissioners, after their arrest, solicited a con- ference with the general, and proposed to him, in pursu- ance of instructions from their unprincipled superiors at Paris, to identify himself with the new order of things in the nation, by accepting the chief executive depart- ment of the government. They urged it upon him, as the first wish of the leaders, and certain to be acceptable to all parties and to the people, declaring that it only waited his decision, to be proclaimed to the nation and the world. The offer was rejected with indignation, as similar ones had been several times before. The sole ambition of Lafayette was, that hi" country should be free and just, and he was resolved to be so himself, at al' THE REIGN OP TERROR. 273 hazards and at all sacrifices. He immediately caused his aimy to renew their oath of fidelity to the king and the law, and ordered the same to be done by all the troops under his command. Expecting large support fi'om the interior and remote departments, from many of which he had received the most ardent assurances of personal confidence, and of entire devotion to the principles of his celebrated letter to the assembly of the 16th of June, he pui-posed to attempt a decisive movement, to i-estore the constitution, and reinstate the assembly and the k'ng in their legitimate authority. General Arthur Dillon, who was at Valenciennes, under the orders of Lafayette, obeyed his general-in-chief, caused the oath of fidelity to the law and to the king to be taken by the soldiers under his command, and used his influence to have it done by the entire army. Luckner, at Metz, was suiTounded by influences less favorable to loyalty. He wrote to Lafayette, conjuring him to guard well the commissioners, " whom he should not know what to do with, if they should find their way to his camp." His real sentiments coincided, in all re- spects, with those of Lafayette, as will be seen by his brief, soldier-like, but somewhat ludicrous address to his army on that occasion. It was written down on the spot by Romeuf, Lafayette's Aid, and is thus Anglicised by the hand of the general himself: — " Officers, unter-officers, soldiers : A feiiy creat acci- dent has just happent in Pai'is. Te enemy who are pe- fore us, I mock at tern ; but te enemy who are pehint us, I mock at tern not.* If money be give you, take eat; I mock at tat. Do not abanton me. I will nefer abanton you. " Officers, unter-officers, soldiers : Cheneral Fayette * The hero of Lundy's Lane had precedent for the only feaT he was ever known to manifest. R 12* 274 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. has put unter arrest two commissioners, who come to put lisorder in his army. We shall soon have te same fisit. We will receif tem te same. Here is te aide-de- camp of Fayette, who bring me tis news, and who will tell Fayette te good tispositions of the soldiers of te army of old Luckner." When it was announced in Paris, that Lafayette had arrested the commissioners, and denied the authority of the assembly, it caused great excitement and alarm. It was the absorbing topic of the day. His immediate im- peachment was vehemently demanded, and the assembly was severely reproached for not having ordered it before. A decree was instantly passed against the depaitment of Ardennes, but not against Lafayette. New commission- ers were despatched to the aimy, with the same powers as their predecessors, who were ordered to be immedi- ately liberated. Other commissioners were sent to Count Dillon's division for the same purpose. But this would not satisfy the factions. While Lafayette retained hia post, they well knew he could neither be intimidated by decrees, nor driven by threats, to turn aside from the straight path of rectitude and loyalty. It was necessary to remove him from his command, in order to manage and cpntrol him. They accordingly pursued their ob- ject, until, on the 19th of August, they procured a decree of the assembly, declaring him a traitor to his country. His position was indeed anomalous and alarming. It was alarming to himself, as he was ignorant of the plans of his enemies, and the extent of their intrigues against him. It was most alarming to the political demagogues of the metropolis, wliose factious violence had driven him to assume it, as they well knew his fearless inde- pendence, his unassailable integrity, and his popularity with the army and the country. Divided, as she then was, between the anarchists, who had now obtained afi THE REIGN OP TERROR. 275 cendency in the assembly, and temporary control of what remained of the government, and the constitutionalists, who composed and commanded the army, France was imminently exposed to invasion from without, and polit- ical revulsion within. If the army remained true to its oath, it could annihilate the factions at a blow, and re- store to the assemblj- that freedom of deliberation and action which it originally possessed, and without which it was merely the organ of every new despotism that aspired to control it. If, with Lafayette at its head, it should march to Paris, and replace the king on his throne, what but ostracism or death would remain for the Jaco- bins ? With fearful apprehension, they waited the turn of the crisis. With no fear for himself, but with anxious solicitude for his country, Lafayette found himself surrounded with difficulties which he knew not how to surmount. To his view, the constitution was virtually abolished, and all the worst predictions of the court and the aristocracy real- ized. With that which was now transpiring he had all along been taunted by the queen and by his brother lordlings, who lamented the loss of their titles and pow- er, and longed for the restitution of the old despotism, that they might bask in its patronage. And not only so, but his hopes for the regeneration of France were based, not on destroying, but on reforming the /government — not on taking down and removing the old fabric, but on accommodating it to the wants of an intelligent people, He foresaw clearly the consequences of the radical • )pin- ions and counsels then prevailing, and knew, from the genius of the French, which no man understood better than he, that they would overleap all liounds of safety, and react with terrible energy upon his ill-fated country. There was, apparently, but one way to prevent this ca- tastrophe, and secure for France those free institution? 276 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. which should establish and perpetuate the liberty and happiness of the people. It was one which a Cansax or a Napoleon might adopt, and, in pursuing it, in volve the nation in civil war, and rear up for himself an imperial throne. But this was not the course for Lafayette. He sought nothing for himself; he desired only the happiness and glory of France. With such aims and such reflections, and with all the horrors of a civil war before him, he could not but hesitate ; he could not but waver in his course. This hesitation, this wa- vering, was instantly seen and felt by the ai'my under his command. His orders, imperatively and undoubtingly given, they would instantly have obeyed to a man. Him, in a cause where his heart and his conscience led him, they would have followed to the death. But when, in- stead of commanding, he consulted — when, with the frankness and fearlessness which always characterize an honest purpose, he caused the whole matter to be laid before his army, and even allowed the commissioners from the assembly to proclaim their own messages, it is not to be wondered at that the army hesitated and wa- vered too, and finally decided to obey the orders of the assembly. And what, now, shall their general do ! Proscribed by the dominant party, and no less hated than feared by all the Jacobins, to whose mad control the countiy now seemed disposed to submit, he could not return to Paris, with any hope of being useful there. He could not remain with the army, for he could not submit to the orders of the men who had deposed the king to whom he had sworn fidelity, and trampled on the constitution, which, also, he had sworn to honor and defend. There was no alternative but exile. In the midst of his soldiers, he would have been safe from personal vio- lence, for they would sooner have defied the assembly THE REIGN OP TERROR. 277 and raised the standard of rebellion, than have seen their beloved general treated as a malefactor. It was this peculiar condition of aifairs that made a secret flight ne- cessary. The a.YO-wa\ of his purpose, and the acknovirl- edgment that his life was in danger, would have created disaffection, and perhaps revolt, in the army. He there- fore resolved to go alone, or attended only by those of his officers whose political opinions and importance ex- posed them to the same danger- as himself. He would not draw away from France one of her defenders, nor suffer any to accompany him, but such as were pro- scribed with him, and therefore could only remain as victims to the vengeance of the Jacobins. Accompa- nied by these, and a small company of horse, as an es- cort, he left his camp on the 20th of August, and took the road to the Netherlands, where he expected to be received as a prisoner-of-war, or to obtain a free pass for himself and fi-iends to America. Before taking his de- parture, he had taken cai'e to see that everything was in perfect order in the camp, and made all the dispositions necessary to repel a sudden attack, which he very natu- rally supposed the enemy would attempt, with a view to profit by the confusion and alarm created by the discov- ei-y of his absence. Having passed the line where pur- suit, or any other danger from the rear, might be appre- hended, the escort was dismissed, with orders to return to the army ; and the little band of exiles, fifteen in num- ber, proceeded on their doubtful way, flying from unnat- ural enemies at home, to seek a temporary refuge among natural enemies in foreign lands. How sti'ange the position ! How wayward the ca- prices of fortune ! The man who, a few days ago, was the acknowledged favorite of the nation — who had uii bounded popularity with the people, and the entire con- fidence and affection of the army — who was more be- 278 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. loved by the virtuous, and more feared by the vicious, than any other man in France, is now a proscribed, self- expatriated wanderer, seeking, among the invading foes whom he was sent to repel, the protection which is de- nied him in his own country. And all this, not for any change in him — not for any deviation from that lofty course of patriotic devotion which had secured for him the confidence and love of the nation — not for any act or suspicion of treachery to the principles he had al- ways advocated, and had been specially commissioned to defend — no ! but simply and only because he would not change — because, while the factious leaders of the people had openly and flagrantly abandoned all their promises and oaths, he alone remained true to his, and prefeiTed exile, proscription, and death, to the least de- parture from the straight line of his duty. Alexandre Lameth, Victor Latour Maubourg, and his brother Louis, Bureau de Puzy, the gentlemen of Lafay- ette's staff, and some of the staff-officers of the Paiisian National Guard, who were implicated in the recent op- position to the mandates of the assembly, with Felix Pontonnier, secretary to Lafayette, and Jules Gruyeon servant to Maubourg, made up the little band that ac- companied the general in his flight. CAPTIVITY. 279 CHAPTER X IX. CAPTIVITY MAGDEBOURG OLMUTZ. On aiTiving at Rochefort, which was one of the ad- vanced posts of the Austrian aimy, it became necessaiy to send to Namur, to procure the necessary passports from General Moitelle, who commanded at that station. Bureau de Puzy undertook this errand. On announcing his name and his business, he was met with a rebuff as shameful as it must have been startling. " What !" ex- claimed the agitated Austrian, " Lafayette ! General La- fayette ! Is he here ] Run instantly" (addressing one of his officers), " and inform the duke of Bourbon. Lafay- ette 1 — set out this moment" (addressing another officer), ■' and carry this news to his royal highness at Brussels." And thus he ran on, for some minutes, half-soliloquy and half-pantomime, ever and anon muttering the name of Lafayette, as if there were a spell in the very word suf- ficient to move his entire army. Meanwhile, De Puzy stood before him, unable to put in a word of explanation or remonstrance, till orders had been given to write to half the princes and generals in Europe, conveying the thrilling intelligence that Lafayette was a prisoner in the camp of the allied armies. When, at length, the general recovered sufficient composure to attend to the business immediately before him, he peremptorily refused a pass- port, and ordered the whole company into close custody. In vain did Lafa;yette, on his arrival at headquarters, 2S0 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. demand for himself and his fiiends the treatment to which, under the laws of nations and of war, they were fully entitled. He was too important a personage, and his influence was too well known, and too widely felt, to allow his going at large on parole. Even at the ex- pense of the highest principles of justice and humanity, in defiance alike of civil and martial law, of personal honor and military precedent, the champion of liberty was confined as a public malefactor, and ti'eated with all the indignity and severity of a convicted felon. No cir- cumstances could more powerfully demonstrate the ex- alted position of Lafayette at that period, than the violent procedure of General Moitelle, and the subsequent con- duct of the monarchs whom he represented. If the best hopes of liberty had not been centred in him, he could not have been so much the terror of tyrants, as to induce them, in their treatment of his person, to forego alike their self-respect, and the respect of all the world. In throwing Lafayette into a dungeon, and shutting him up from intercourse with France, they supposed they wei'e crushing at once the head and the heart of the rebellion and laying anew the foundations of their tottering thrones. Before proceeding to extremities with the captive gen- eral, it was attempted to seduce him from his allegiance to the principles of the constitution. He was required to repudiate the opinions for which he had so long and BO bravely contended. This, of course, he indignantly refused to do. He was then offered his freedom, and the passports he had demanded, on condition that he would publicly recant his opinions respecting the aboli- tion of titles of nobility. The offer was rejected with the scorn it merited ; a ad when, in the course of the same evening, it was proposed by the marquis of Chasteler, in drawing up a statement of Lafayette's declaration, to soften down his views on thip •"■"ct. in CAPTIVITY. 281 order to favor his liberation, he peremptorily objected to the statement, as untrue, and declaimed that, if any such means were employed to misrepresent his language, he would go before a notary, and make a public protest against the whole proceeding. The an-est was made at Liege, which, being neutral ground, entitled the whole party to the protection of passports. From this place, the captives were conveyed to Namur, thence to Nivelles, and finally to Luxem- bourg, in each of which places some new indignity awaited them. At Namur, Lafayette was informed that Prince Charles was instructed to converse with him upon the affairs of France, and that he was expected to communicate such details of its military condition and means of defence, as would be useful to the allies, in prosecuting their plans of invasion. , He was even given to understand that his personal liberty and privileges would depend upon the freedom and value of his dis- closures. To this he indignantly replied, that " if such a commission had been given, he did not believe there was a man among them who would dare to execute it upon him." As he said this, the prince came in. The courtly affability of his address, and the real respect he entertained for his guest, could not prevent his visit from being cold, constrained, and fonnal. There was little freedom or ease, even while the conversation turned upon general topics. But when, for a design which was perfectly understood, it was proposed that the compan- ions of Lafayette should withdraw, for a few moments, the whole party remained still and silent. Not a word was uttered. The proposal was met with the proud and speechless contempt it desenred. The rebuke was severely felt by the prince and his attendant. The task they had undertaken was too much for them, and they soon retired, mortified and disgusted with a commission 282 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. as painful and degrading to themselves as it was dishon* orable to those who devised and required it. At Nivelles, a commissioner was announced from the duko of Saxe Teschen, commandant of the Austrian force at Brussels, authorined and prepai'ed, with due form and solemnity, to secure the treasure, which it was supposed Lafayette had brought with him, with a view, as they professed, to account for it to the king of France. The announcement of this commission was i-eceived with a smile of incredulity, as an undignified joke. But, when it was repeated, with a tone of authority, as a se- rious demand, and fortified by the display of the com- mission, with the signature and seal of the noble duke, Lafayette, though vexed and chagrined, could not re- strain his laughter. " I am to infer, then," he replied, with cutting emphasis " that if the duke of Saxe Tes- chen had been in my place, he would have stolen the military chest of the army. The generals of the king of France were taught in a different school of morals." The truth was, Lafayette, and his friends, on leaving the army, took with them only money enough to defray their expenses to a place of refuge. With an exalted unsel- fishness, and patriotic devotion, he stole away in se- cret, lest numbers should follow him, and left everything in camp so perfectly disposed for defence, that the enemy, after a searching reconncitre at every assailable pointy deemed it imprudent to make an attack. He made bet- ter provision for the safety of the army than for his own. The Austrian major, to whom this delicate commission was intrusted, was struck with equal admiration and sui-prise, on finding, after a diligent search of their per- sons and portmanteaus, that they had among them only about two months' pay apiece. At Luxembourg, an attempt was made to assassinate Lafayette, not by the tools or emissaries of the tyrants THE PRISONS OP WESSEL AND MAGDEBOURG. 283 who had assumed the infamous distinction of becoming his jailers, but by his own countrymen, those aristocratic emigrants who had fled fi-om their homes, where they were no longer regarded as bom to dignity and power, and were now engaged in a patricidal war, not to benefit France or her ill-fated king, but to recover their own titles and dignities. Thus proscribed and cast off by the Jacobins, for his fidelity to the king, and equally proscribed and condemned by the aristocracy, for his fidelity to the constitution and the people, there seemed to be no refuge for him on any side. Hated by the no- bles for his love of liberty, and by the radicals for his love of order, he fled from the prisons and guillotines of the one, at home, only to encounter the daggers and dungeons of the other, abroad. It was a source of the greatest grief to the generous heart of Lafayette, that the companions of his flight were subjected to restraint and insult on his account. Had he not been among them, they would probably have been allowed to pass unmolested. Auguste Massoii, Rene Fillet, and Cardignan, who held only a military rank, were sent to Antwerp, on parole, and were, soon after, exchanged or liberated ; but Maubourg, De Puzy, and Lameth, as members of the National Assembly, were honored with the distinction of a dungeon, as men whose very existence was a terror to despotism. From Luxembourg, the captives were removed, by water, to Wessel on the Rhine, for more secure impris- onment within the domains of Prussia. During their journey, and on their amval at Wessel, the populace were pennitted to assail them with the coarsest and most abusive language. They were put in irons, and confined in separate cells, in the castle. Their only attendants were inferior, non-commissioned officers, who were strictly ordered never to suffer them to be a moment 284 LIFE OP LAFAYETTK. out of sight, and not to hold any kind of conversation with them, nor even to ansv^er their most unimportant questions. The cold and damp of his cell, and the rigor of hif confinement, were too much for the constitution of La fayette. He was soon reduced to such a state of debil ity as to leave but slight hopes of his recovery. In thii condition, his fellow-piisoners were not permitted to be near him, or to hold any kind of intercourse with him, nor was he suffered to know anything of them or of his family. It was insolently proposed to him, however, by the emissaries of the king of Prussia, that he should have better accommodations, and more liberty, if he would furnish plans for military operations against France. The base proposal was rejected with indignation. He would not purchase liberty, or life, at the desperate price 3f treachery. The terms of his refusal were so bold and decided, as to give new offence to his oppressors, who retaliated, with a petty malignity peculiar to little minds in great places, by diminishing still further his personal comforts, and increasing the severity of his confinement. Wessel, wretchedly dark and gloomy as it was, had no cell severe enough to satisfy the revenge of the disappointed monarch. He therefore caused his prisoner to be transferred to Magdebourg, where were dungeons better befitting his purpose. The journey was perfoi-med, as before, in a common cart, such as is used for the worst malefactors, and under a close military guard- It was, however, to the prisoners, a great relief from the monotony and solitude of their captivity, to be permitted to see and converse with each other on the way, and to re- ceive, as they did, marks of sympathy and respect from the people, as they passed along. At Ham, they met with Damas, one of the Girondists of France, and from him received the most painful and alarming accounts of the MAGDEBOURO NEISSE OLMUTZ. 285 progress of the reign of terror, and of the scenes of cru- elty and carnage which were enacting in France, under the name of liberty. The dungeon into which Lafayette was thrown, was dark, damp, and narrow, and utterly destitute of any means of comfort for day or night. The prison was sun-ounded by a high wall of palisades, secured by mas- sive gates, and all the varieties of bolt, bar, lock, and chain, which the ingenuity of man had then invented. His companions were also removed to the same place, with no mitigation of their sufferings, except that derived from occasional intercourse with each other. In the fortress of Magdebourg the celebrated Baron Trenck passed more than nine years of his memorable captivity, after having escaped from the prison at G-latz. The romantic memoirs of that unfortunate knight fur- nish a graphic description of the details of life in prison. If any one is curious to know more of the horrors of solitary confinement, and the privations of a Prussian impiisonment, he can be gratified there, even to a surfeit. By a refinement of cruelty, the prisoners were not permitted to know anything of their families, concerning whose fate they experienced the deepest solicitude, in consequence of the sweeping proscriptions and severe measures of the dominant faction at home, of which they had just been informed by Damas. In order the more efifectually to prevent any information from reaching them, great care was taken to keep their place of confinement secret. They were removed from place to place, lest haply the vigilance and perseverance of friends should discover their concealment, and contrive means of secret correspondence. After a year's confinement at Magde- bourg, Maubourg and De Puzy were transferred to Glatz, and Lafayette to Neisse. These places are in the province of Silesia, in the S86 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. southeastern part of Prussia, ana near the Austiian fron- tier, at no great distance from Olmutz. ■- The sequel will show that their removal to this vicinity was only prepar- atory to another and a permanent removal, which was now contemplated, and the accomplishment of which alone was wanting to complete the infamy of the king of Prussia. The journey was performed in miserable wagons, over four hundred and fifty miles of road, under an es- cort of ai-med soldiers — an officer always in the caaiage with each of the prisoners, with a loaded pistol in his hand, and with orders never for a moment to lose sight of his charge, on penalty of losing his own head. By this time, Lameth had become so I'educed, by the se- verities of his long imprisonment, that it was impossible to remove him. He seemed just ready to sink under Ills sufferings. Finding that death was about to wrench his victim from his cruel grasp, Frederick now yielded so far as to separate him from his fellow-prisoners, and allow him to be placed, on parole, under the care of his friends, on condition that he should not leave the Prussian states. On the conclusion of a treaty of peace with the French republic, in 1795, Lameth was, of ne- cessity, set at liberty. Frederick, by no means willing that the peace, which he foresaw it would be necessary to conclude with France, should deprive him of his other victims, who still had strength remaining for further tortures, had already delivered them over to Austria, under the ap prehension that a demand would be made for their re- lease. In consequence of this arrangement, they were transferred to Olmutz. Though now within the same castle, and occupying cells in the same corridor, the friends were as complete- ly guarded against all intercourse with each other, and OLMUTZ. 287 all knowledge of each other's condition, as if an ocean or a continent separated them. As they entered their cells, it was declared to each of them, that they would never come out of them alive — that they would never see anything but what was enclosed within the four walls of their respective cells — that they would hold no com- munication with the outer world, nor receive any kind of information of persons or things there — that their jailers were prohibited from even pronouncing their names — that, in the pi'ison reports and government de- spatches, they would be refen-ed to only by the numbei's of their cells — that they would never be suffered to learn anything of the situation of their families, or even to know of each other's existence ; and that, as such a situation of hopeless confinement would naturally in- cite to suicide, knives and forks, and all other instru- ments by which they might do violence to themselves, would be thenceforth withheld from them. The building which formed the prison at Olmutz, was an ancient convent of Jesuits, transformed into a military barrack. The cells were vaulted, both above and below. They were on a level with the corridor, which was itself on a level with a large square court, surrounded with lofty buildings, from which the only outlet was through a massive and strongly-fortified vault. The door of this vault was always closed at sunset. Under it was sta- tioned, night and day, a guard of thirty or forty men, and no one could pass in or out without undergoing a strict personal search, and a severe examination. On the south side, the cells were as high as the first story, and the windows looked out upon a terrace, or elevated rampart, from which there was a gentle slope of about three hundred feet, to the bank of a small stream flow- ing into the Morawa. Beyond the river, there was an upward slope of three hundred yards, terminated by the 288 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. walls of a fortress erected for the defence of the town on that side. The whole of this space, between the prison and the fortress, was occupied with magazines for mili- tary stores. There were, also, on that side, two guard- houses, commanding a view of the prison and its en- trance, whose sentries were charged with the douhle duty of watching the prisoners, and keeping a vigilant eye upon the sentinels placed over them. The elevated position of the castle, at one extreme of the town, with a good exposm-e to the south, and commanding a view of the country, would naturally make it an agreeable and healthy situation ; but the fre- quent and heavy fogs that lie along the valley, and the use of the stream as a common sewer, into which all the gutters and sink-drains of the town were continually discharging their contents, desti-oyed the natural advan- tages of the place, and made it a mere reservoir of rot- tenness, and a laboratory of offensive and noxious vapors. The external walls of the prison were six feet thick, and the separation walls four feet, of that solid and du- rable masonry which characterized the works of the monks of the middle ages. The aperture for the win- dows, eight feet in height by four in breadth, opened in four divisions, the upper ones being closed and secured by padlocks, so that air was admitted by an opening only four feet square. This was still further obstruct- ed by a double grating of massive iron bai"s, each sel forming meshes six inches square, and so placed that the inner set obstructed the light which might have been admitted through the outer. The doors were double. The inner one was secured by a single lock ; the other, opening into the con-idor, was two inches thick, secured by a heavy lock in the middle, and two enormous pad- locks above and below. To these cells, the prisoners were so strictly confined that they never stepped out PnlSON-LIFE AT OLMUTZ. 289 of them for any pui-pose wliatever. Their scanty and sometimes disgusting meals were furnislied three times a day, under a system of guards sufficient to prevent the escape of a regiment of ai'med men. The general sur- veillance was intrusted to a major, attached pennanently to the place, and a lieutenant of the garrison, who was always selected with sjiecial reference to his unsocial and unsympathizing nature. Under him was a sort of quasi corporal, whom they dignified with the title of prevot — a stupid, timid, covetous brute, whose entire being was absorbed in the two passions of fear and the desire of gain. The interior guard, stationed under th^ great vaulted entrance, before mentioned, was composed of thirty picked men, commanded by two corporals. They re- lieved each other every two days, so that there were always fifteen men and a corporal on duty. The guard furnished five sentinels day and night ; three in the cor- ridor, and two on the teiTace befoi^e the windows of the cells. The corridor could only be opened by the senti- nel within, and no one could enter, whoever he might be, unless on duty. The dooi's of the prisoners' cells could never be opened, except at the stated hours named in the orders, and then only in presence of one of the cor- porals of the guard, who was obliged, each time, to ob- tain the keys from the commandant-general, and to re- turn them himself within a specified time. If, during these intervals, any one of the prisoners had been at- tacked with sudden illness, however alarming, he must have died alone-; for no provision was made by which he could convey a knowledge of his wants to the com- mandant, and the sentinels were strictly enjoined to pay no attention to anything the prisoners might say. To make this security the more perfect, as well as to deprive the prisoners o f the little consolation of knowing, ■ S 13 290 LIFE OP LAPAYETTE. each day, that their companions were still alive, they were not allowed ti eat at the same time, but were sej-ved in succession. During this ceremony, the whole guard of fifteen was under arms, and in service order, inside the corridor, the door leading into the court being closed and baiTed behind them. The door of one of the cells being then opened, one of the sentinels placed himself before it, with his musket across the opening, while another soldier, with a drawn sabre in his right hand, held the door with his left. While the meal was being arranged on the table, the coi-poral and the prevot went into a minute examination of the cell, with a view to discover if^any attempt at escape had been made, or provided for. The doors were then doubly locked and bolted, and the same cautious ceremimy was observed at each of the other cells, in their turn. The only solace which was allowed them was the pos- session of a few books, which were read and re-read, till they were quite worn out. But even of these, the utmost jealousy was manifested. The whole stock un- derwent a searching scrutiny, as senseless and bigoted as it was severe. In the first place, no woik published sub- sequently to the beginning of the revolution, even though of a strictly religious character, was admitted. On this g7-ound — a mere matter of date — a little devotional work, entitled '' Imitation of Jesus Christ," was rejected. Helvetius was confiscated, because, as they asserted, his works had spoiled the heart of the emperor Joseph II, An abiidgment of the histoiy of Greece was condemned, because, on the first opening, the eye of the command- ant foil on the words, " liberty," and " republic." For other equally sage and important reasons, several other volumes were taken away, while some, of far more lib- eral sentiments, remained. BOLLMANN AND HUGER's ADVENTURE. 291 CHAPTER XX. BOLLMANN AND HUGER's ROMANTIC ADVENTURE. To this rigid confinement the prisoners vi^ere subjected for nearly three years and a half. During all that time, Maubourg and De Puzy did not once pass the threshold of their cells. Lafayette, after a confinement of more than a year, was so reduced in health, that he was per- mitted, on the certificate of three physicians, several times repeated, with urgent representations of its abso- lute necessity, to take an occasional walk, under the guard of several officers. Hitherto, the friends of Lafayette, and all the outer world, had been ignorant of the place of his confinement. Loud, but unavailing protests from America, from Eng- land, and from many parts of the continent, had been presented. The most urgent representations had been made, in high places, and under the sanction of the greatest names of the age, and measures, which will be detailed hereafter, had been put in train to eflect bis de- liverance ; but all to no purpose. So far from opening the doer of his dungeon, they could not even discover the site 3f his prison. About a year after his removal to Olmutz, an enter- prise of a most dai'ing and romantic character, was set on foot for his rescue. It was unfortunate in its issue, ^iiit its design and execution were vvorthy of the proud ■ 292 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. est age of chivalry. The cavaliers of this noble enter prise were Bollmann and Huger. Dr. Erick Bollmann was a native of the electorate of Hanover. Brave, adventurous, philanthropic, and an ardent lover of liberty and of all its true advocates, he cheerfully and heaitily enlisted in the cause of Lafayette. He had already made an unsuccessful attempt to procure his liberation, by presenting a memorial, in person, to Frederick of Prussia. And he now resoled to use other means, more effectual than humble petitions. Having reconnoitred the country along the frontier-, he selected Tarnowitz, eis a place of temporary retreat, in case an opportunity should occur of rescuing the prisoner from captivity. This point detennined in his mind, he proceeded toward Olmutz. Here he ascertained that several state-prisoners were kept in the citadel, with a degree of caution and mystery, which was quite uncom- mon. It seemed highly probable that Lafayette was one of them. Acting upon this supposition, the doctor vis- ited the hospital, and endeavored to form an acquaintance \\nth the firet surgeon. The surgeon proved to be a man of intelligence, probity, and feeling. After several inter- views, when the conversation turaed on the effect of moral impressions on the constitution. Dr. Bollmann, drawing a pamphlet from his pocket, abruptly said: - Since we are on the subject, you attend the state-pris- oners here. Lafayette is among them. His health is much impaired. Show him this pamphlet. Tell him a traveller left it with you, who lately saw in London all the persons named in it, his paiticular fi-iends; that they are well, and continue attached to him as much as ever. This intelligence will do him more good than all your dru"i5." — At the same moment, belaid the pamphlet on the table, and perceiving that the surgeon knew not hov» to replv, changed the conversation, and soon after left him. BOLLMANN AND HUGER's ADVENTURE. 293 Jn a few days, the surgeon mentioned, of his own ac- cord, that Lafayette wished to learn some further partic- ulars respecting the situation of one or two persons whom he named. On hearing this, Bollmann, appearing to have accidentally about him some white paper, but which, in fact, had been prepared for the emergency, sat immediately down, and wi-ote a few lines in reply to the inquiries made, and finished with the sentence : " I am glad of the opportunity of addressing you these few words, which, when read with your usual warmili, will afford to a heart like yours some consolation." The pa- per had been previously written over with sympathetic ink, which would I'emain invisible, unless brought out by the application of heat. The slight hint conveyed in the last sentence sufficed; Lafayette became acquainted with his projects, and his readiness to serve him in any practicable way. But the mode could be pointed out only by the prisoner, as he alone, from within, could judge what might be hopefully attempted from without. To guai'd against suspicion, the doctor, on the day following, proceeded to Vienna, where he remained a considerable time. He had a can-iage constructed there, in which wei'e contrived convenient places for conveying secretly a vaiiety of articles, such as rope-ladders, cords, tools for cutting iron bai's, and other instruments for sim- ilar purposes. These general preparations being made, he visited several gentlemen on their estates in Moravia, and took an opportunity of again touching at Olmutz, where he called on the surgeon, who returned him the pamphlet foraierly left for Lafayette. On examining it, he found that the margins had been written over wit'n sympathetic ink (lime-juice) ; and, on applying heat, learned that the captive, on account of his enfeebloil state of health, after repeated applications, had at last obtained pei'm>asion to take an airing, in a carriage at 294 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. Stated days in the week, accompanied by a military guard, and that by far the easiest mode to restore him to liberty, would be to attack the guard on one of these excui-sions, and then to take him off. Having ascertained, for his guidance, that Lafayette, in taking his ride, sat in an open carriage, with an offi- cer by his side, a driver on the box, and two armed sol- diers standing behind. Dr. Bollmann returned to Vienna. As it was indispensable to have at least one coadjutor, he communicated his project to a young American gen- tleman, Francis Kinloch Huger, who had often men- tioned to him, in conversation, that Lafayette, on arri- ving in America, first landed at his father's house, and there used often to have him on his knees, when a boy. He was a young man of uncommon talent, decision, and enthusiasm, possessed of a warm heart and a resolute mind ; and he entered at once into the whole design, and devoted himself to its execution with the most ro- mantic earnestness. Having agreed upon a plan, they publicly announced their intention of returning to England together. Two saddle-horses wei-e purchased, and a steady groom was engasred to attend them. Thus, sometimes sendinar the groom a station or two forward with the carriage, at others, leaving him to bring up the horses slowly, while they pushed on in the caniage, they arrived at Olmutz. These two were the only persons on the continent, except Lafayette himself, who had the slightest suspi- cion of any aiTangements for his rescue, and neither of these persons knew him by sight. When they reached Olmutz, Bollmann immediately visited the surgeon, and, knowing the day when the marquis was to take his rido; mentioned to him the same day as the one on which he intended to continue his journey. On that day (8th of Vovember, 1794), the gi-oom was despatched, at an early BOLLMANN AND HUGER's ADVENTURE. 295 hour, to Hoff, a post-town aliout twenty-five miles dis- tant, with orders to have fresh horses in readiness at four o'clock. It had been concerted between the parlies, that, to avoid all mistakes when the rescue should be at- tempted, each shoidd take off his hat and wipe his fore- head, in token of recognition. Their saddle-horses were now ready at the inn, and Hiiger feigned some business near the town-gate, in or- der to watch the moment when the carriage should pass. As soon as he saw it, he hastened back to the inn. The two friends mounted immediately, and followed it at some distance, armed only with a pair of pistols, and those not loaded with ball. Their success was calcula- ted on surprise; and, under all the circumstances of the case, to take any person's life would have been unjusti- fiable, useless, and imprudent. They rode by the cai'riage, and then, slackening their pace and allowing it again to go ahead, exchanged sig- nals with the prisoner. At two or three miles from the gate, the cairiage left the high road, and passed into a less-frequented track, in the midst of an open country ; the plain was covered with laboring people. Presently the carriage stopped. Lafayette and the officer stepped out, and walked arm-in-arm, probably to give the former more opportunity for exercise. The carriage, with the guard, drove slowly on, but remained iu sight. This was evidently the moment for their attempt. The two companions galloped up, and Bollmann, dismounting left his horse with Huger. At the same instant, Lafiy- ette laid hold of the officer's sword, but could only half draw it from the scalibard, as the officer, a stout m'iu, had seized it also. The doctor joining, he was pi-eseiitly disarmed ; bui then he grasped Lafayet'e, held him with all his might, and set up a tremendous roaring for help. The guard, on hearing it, instead of coming to his as- 296 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. sistance, fled to alarm the citadel. The people in the field stood aghast. A scuffle ensued. Huger passed the bridles of the two horses over one arm, and with the other hand thrust his handkerchief into the officer's mouth, to stjp the noise. The officer, the prisoner, and the doc- tor, came to the ground. The doctor, kneeling on the officer, kept him down, while the general I'ose. All wo lid now have been well, but one of the horses, takijig fright at the scene and noise, reared, slipped his bridle, and ran off. A countryman caught him, and was holding him at a considerable distance. BoUmann, still keeping 'down the officer, handed a purse to the general, requesting him to mount the horse which was left ; and Huger told him, in English, to go to Hoff. He mistook what was said to him, for a more general direction to go off — delayed a moment, to see if he could not assist them — went on — rode back again, and asked once more if he could be of any service — and finally, urged anew, galloped away, and was out of sight in a minute. The officer, recovering from his panic, fled tow- ard Olmutz. The doctor and Huger recovered the horse that had escaped, and both mounted him, intend- ing to follow and assist Lafayette ; but the animal, less docile and tractable than the other, which had been trained to carry two persons, refused to perform this task, reared and bounded, and presently threw them both. Huger immediately exclaimed, " This will not do ! The marquis wants you. Push on ! I '11 take my chance on foot across the country." The doctor pushed for- ward, and Huger, who had now little chance of escape, was soon seized by the peasants, and conducted back to Olmutz. These accidents defeated their romantic enter- prise. BoUmann easily arrived at Hoff; but not finding Lafayette there, and being anxious to receive some in- tcUitrence of him, although he might readily have se- BOLLMANN AND JIUGEr's ADVENTURE. 297 „urecl himself by proceeding to Tarnowitz, lie lingered about the frontiers till the next night, when he, too, was aiTested by order of the Prussian authority, at the requi- sition of Austria. Lafayette remained unpursued. He had taken a wrong road,' which led to Jagersdoff, a place en the Prussian frontier, and followed it as long as his horse could ]uo- ceed. He was within a few miles of the boundarj of Austrian rule ; and perceiving that his horse could go no farther, he accosted a man, whom he overtook on the road, not far from a village, and endeavored to prevail on him to procure him another horse, and to attend him to the frontier. The man appeared satisfied, and went toward the village for the horse. But the general had awakened suspicion by his accent, his appearance, his request, and his money. The man promptly returned from the village, but he came with a force to arrest the marquis, and conduct him befoi'e a magistrate. During three days, the period of his detention there, his name was unknown. He was at last recognised by an officer from Olmutz, to which fortress he was reconducted. All three of the prisoners were separately confined, without being permitted to know anything of each oth- er's fate. Huger was chained to the flo'or, in a small arched dungeon, about six by eight feet, without light, and with only bread and water for food ; and once in six tours, by day and by night, the guard entered, and, with a lamp, examined each brick, and each link of his chains. To his earnest request to know something of BoUmann, and to learn whether Lafayette had escaped, ht received no answer at all. To his still more earnest solicitation to be permitted to send to his mother', in America, merely the words, " I am alive," signed with his name, he re ceived a rude refusal, Bollmann was also put in chains, and conducted t(j a i:,* 298 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. dismal dungeon, half under- ground. Only a faint lig^t broke into it, through a narrow, oblique aperture, made in a wall upward of five feet thick. When he laid down at night, chained to the walls, he was attacked by myri- ads of famished vermin. Neither candle-light nor books were allowed him, and his food was limited to what could be procured for four cents per day. In this dread- ful situation he remained more than two months, with- out communication with any person except the jailer; nor did he ever learn from him the fate of Mr. Huger. In fact, at first, every degi-ee of brutal severity was prac- tised toward both of them ; but, afterward, this severity was relaxed. They were placed nearer together, where they could communicate with each other; and their tri- al, which was protracted during the whole winter, was begun with all the tedious formalities that could be prescribed by Austrian fear and caution ; for they had dreamed, in Vienna, of a deep-rooted plot, and wide-ex- tended conspiracy, and could not believe that such an attempt would be made mei-ely by two individuals, and without any other design than simply that of restoring a man to fi'eedom and to his friends. By the powerful but unknown intercessions of many of the personal friends of Dr. Bollmann, in Vienna, but particularly through the influence of Count Metrowsky, a nobleman living near the prison, the rigor of their treatment was not only greatly mitigated, but, on the conclusion of their trial, they were merely sentenced to two weeks additional confinement, after having been al- ready imprisoned during eight months. The doctor and Mr. Huger received many flattering marks cf kindness and good will, even at Olmutz, before their departure; and their progress through Germany was a kind of tri- umph, though embittered by the recollection of the cop tinned captivity of Lafayette. i-BlSON INCIDENTS AT OLMUTZ. 299 CHAPTER XXI. prison incidents at olmutz efforts to procurh Lafayette's release. More than three years of captivity had now worn away. The last was more rigorous and distressing than any of the preceding. Thrown back into his wretched dungeon, with bitter taunts and execrations for his vain attempt to escape, he had scarcely a hope that his suffer- ings would have any other tei-mination than death. His feet were put in ii'ons, secured to a massive bolt in the floor, and so closely fastened about his ankles, that, for three months, he endured the "most excmciating tortures. During the winter of 1794— '5, which was extremely se- vere, he was thrown into a fever, and reduced to the verge of the grave ; and yet the severity of his confine- ment was in no way mitigated on this account. Neither food, clothing, nor attendance, suitable to his enfeebled condition, was allowed him. His bed was of damp, mouldy straw, which had not been changed for the sea- son, to which he was confined by a chain round his waist, secured to the wall, and only long enough to enable him to turn from side to side. To add to his disti'esses, he was given to understand that he was only reserved for an ignominious execution, that the fi-iends who had so nobly attempted his rescue had already perished on the scaffold, and that all his family had fallen under the san- guinai'y guillotine of RobespeiiTO, of which he had heard :1l)l) LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. -an appalling account during the few brief hours of his unfortunate attempt to escape. The disinterested exertions of Bollman and Huger, while they recoiled upon themselves, and greatly increased the rigor of Lafayette's confinement, resulted in one great advantage to all who were interested in the fate of the captive. It revealed to the world the place of his captiv- ity, and opened a way of access to it which could not be again closed up. During the latter half of these three long, dark, eventful years, the heroic wife and daughters of Lafayette, a wife and daughters worthy of the namo and the man, had also been suifering a close imprisonment, among the thousands of virtuous victims of the era of proscription in France. Day after day, the companions of their imprisonment had been drawn out to the insatia- ble axe, and yet the prisons of the capital were crowded to suffocation with wretched beings, who, in countless numbers, awaited their turn to undergo the same horri- ble fate. Already, Madame de Noailles, the grandmother of Madame Lafayette, the Duchess d'Ayen, her mothei, and the viscountess de Noailles, her sister, had been immolated on that infernal altar. The dark cycle was still revolving in the blood of thousands, without re- spect to age, or sex, or character. Her own day, and those of her daughters, were already marked in the dreadful calendar of the revolutionary tribunal. Utterly ignorant of the fate of husband and father, and equally ignorant of the fate that awaited themselves, their im- prisonment was a season of hopeless and withering sus- pense, inJer which the sjjirit fainted, and the j)hysica powers gave ^vay. By some unaccounted-for oversight, or by a refinement a*" cruelty which delights in lengthening out a season of agonizing suspense to the utmost limit of endurance, the day of thei' 'loom was .sutfored to pass by. Mo.nnvhile, PRISON-LIFE AT OLMUTZ. 301 the swiil reliiburioiis of au All-Wise and just Proviclence, which overrules the affairs of nations, and often \indicate3 itself in the fates of men, lingered not. The revolution overleaped itself. Ihe master-spirit of the Convention was condetnned by his own tribunal. The blood of Robespierre washed away the reproach of the guillotine. The prison-doors were thrown open, and their innocent, unsuspected, uncondemned inmates, of every rank, age, and sex, chargeable only with virtue superior to the evil times on which they had fallen, rushed forth to light, life, and liberty. The axe rested, surfeited with blood, and the pu]-ple stream that flowed beneath it — " Ebted, and languished, and died away.'' No sooner was Madame Lafayette restored to liberty, than, sending her son George to America, to be placed under the care of Washington, she set out, accompanied by her daughters, for Germany, to see what a wife could do for the release of her husband. They passed under the name of Motier, and with the protection of Ameiican passports. On aiTiving at Vienna, she sought, and, through the kind offices of the prince de Rozemberg, obtained, an audience for herself and her daughters. The interview can better be imagined than described. The emperor was Francis I., nephew of the late unfor- tunate Marie Antoinette, queen of France. The peti- tioner was the wife of Lafayette, whom, notwithstanding his eminent services, and his fidelity to the king, Marie had always distrusted and hated, as an enemy in dis- guise. It is quite probable that all the royal house of Austria were infected by the same suspicions, and fillec with the same dislike. In addition to this, the emperoi was, by his own confession, bound by engagements with his allies in the war against the French revolution. He had assumed the odious chH.racter of a jailer, v.'ithoul 302 LIFE OF LAFArETTE. reserving the right of relinquishing it at pleasure. To all her appeals for a restoration of her husband to liberty, and her assurances that they would depart instantly foi America, he coldly replied, that his hands were tied — that he could not, if he would, gi-ant her request. She then asked leave to share his impi'isonment, with her daughters. This was reluctantly granted by him, in opposition to the wishes and counsels of his minis- ters ; but it was accompanied with restiictions and severities worthy of the inquisition or the Bastile. The rigors of a stateprison were not to be remitted by the entrance within its gloomy walls of these angels of mer- cy, nor mitigated by any of the comforts which they had provided. They alone were allowed to enter, after leaving behind them everything that could possibly be spared from their own conveniences, and all that did not absolutely belong to themselves. They were also as- sured, in entering the walls of the prison, that they would close on them for life. Unmoved by these appalling prospects, and desiring only to share life, in whatever condition, with a husband and a father, whom they regarded with affection and re- spect approaching to idolatry, they hastened, with the utmost despatch, to Olmutz, a distance of one hundred and fifty miles, and presented their imperial passports at the gate of the prison. Their meeting, who shall attempt to describe ! One mon;ent, the heart of the husband and father is faint- ing under those horrible doubts which, far worse than certain evils, oppress and overwhelm the soul — imagin- ing the wife of his youth, and the children of his love, pining in prisons as dark and wretched as his own, of led out, amid the brutal acclamations of infuriated fiends, to the scaffold and the axe ! — the next moment, the dooi of his cell flies open at an unusual hour, and while he PKISON-LIFE AT OLMUTZ. 303 perhaps witli a feeling of relief, looks up to see his own executioner enter, his wife and children rush into hia amis, and cover him with kisses and tears ! From this time, these noble-hearted women did not leave the prison, till they accompanied Lafayette, on his liberation, in 1797. His daughter Anastasie was six- teen years of age, and Virginia thirteen, when they en- tered Olmutz. Confined in separate cells for eighteen hours of each day, and allowed to pass only six houi-s in the naiTow cell of their father, the time must have moved on with leaden wings. Its wretched monot- ony was relieved only by the continual exercise of their ingenuity in devising means to add to the com- forts, and lighten the burdens, of their parents. Un- happily, there was ample scope for the use of all their talents. The wardrobe of their father was so reduced, that it was scarcely possible to keep him decently cov- ered. As the police of the prison contemplated no pro- vision of this kind, it was necessarily supplied by the skill and industry of his daughters. So scanty were their means of supplying this deficiency, that the only stockings he had to wear were patched up from tho shreds of an old coat. But innocence and love are cheerful under all circum- stances, where opportunity is afforded to cherish the ob- iects of love. The unspeakable satisfaction of being near their father, enlivening his solitude, and administer- ing to his wants, made Olmutz their paradise, and the prib m their home. They felt no hardships but his, and realized no privations but as they affected him. They lavished upon him every attention. They sung, and played, and laughed, and whiled away the weary hours of the day, till they seemed as short as they were few They amused themselves with all that was strange or f/rotesque in the appointments of their narrow quarters ■304 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. ill the castle, as well as in the persons and characters of their jailers, who, being set for their guards and attend- ants, became, less by virtue of their office than by their own innate selfishness and inhumanity, their daily tor- mentors. The officers and guards, each in their turn, with one honorable exception, came in for their share of this harmless sarcasm. The poor prevot, before men- tioned, was the master-subject of their wit. Of him they preserved a lasting memorial, in a faithful sketch made by An astasia, an enlarged copy of which is here pre- sented. The original was drawn on the young lady's thumb-nail, lest it should be discovered and seized, or made a pretext for some new indignity ; for she could hardly suppose that the old fellow, who had probably never enjoyed the luxury of a miiTor, would be flattered or pleased with a faithful full-length portrait. . He is rejjresented in the act of opening the door at the en- trance of the con-idor. During all their confinement at Olmutz, their keepers and attendants are characterized as coarse, unfeeling, and cruel, with the single exception of Count M'Elligot, who had charge of the police of the prison during a por- tion of their last year, of whom honorable and grateful mention is made, for the kindness and urbanity which invariably marked his conduct. In their attempts to amuse their parents, and to alle- viate the hardships of their captivity, the young ladies were greatly assisted by the untiring zeal andfrui'ful ingenuity of their two servants, Jules and Felix, who still, with a fidelity worthy of all praise, clung to them fhrough all the hardships and privations of their long confinement. From prison to prison, they had followed Lafnyotte, and administered, as far as they were permit- ted to do, to his most pressing wants. This service was rendered exceedingly difficult and trying, by tha PRISON-LIFE AT OLMUTZ. 305 hai'shness and suspicion of the oflicevs. At one timC; Felix was severely punished, and shut up in a low, dark hole for three months, and fed only upon black bread and water, because he was suspected of attempting to contrive a medium of communication between his mas- ter and his fellow-prisoners; after which Lafayette ^\'a8 not permitted to see him for more than two yeai's. Yet he remained, a voluntary prisoner in the gloomy cas- tle, and subject to all the privations of a dungeon, till his general was released, and he was permitted to ac- company him home. His fidelity was the more remark- able, as he was only sixteen years old at the time of his arrest. Felix was a youth of no little taste, and had cultivated music to some purpose ; and when he was not peimitted to bold any direct communication with his master, he often enlivened the dull houi's of their wearisome soli- tude by the dulcet notes of his flute, which he played at the grating of his own cell, so that the sounds might reach the ears of the occupants of the adjoining cells. It is wonderful that his over-cautious jailers allowed even this indulgence ; they certainly would not have done so, if they had known all the mysterious agencies of these notes, and the pui'pose for which they were often employea. In the early pai-t of their imprison ment, Felix had invented a kind of musical language, known only to the prisoners, by means of which he often succeeded in conveying intelligence from one to the other, of their respective situations and wants. He sev- eral times eluded the vigilance of the jailers so far as to convey interesting mes'sages from cell to cell, and eveh to provide secret means of coiTespondence with friends without. True, his ingenuity accomplished nothing im- portant ; but it occupied and elevated his own spirits, fihed an occasional gleam of sunshine over the dark m' T 306 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. notony of solitary confinement, and proved the depth and sincerity of his devotion to a master who was v^or- thy of the attachment he inspired. The close imprisonment of Madame Lafayette, in a place so damp and unvi^holesome, following immediately upon her confinement of a year and a half in the prison of the Tribunal at Paris, proved too much for her strength. She became exceedingly reduced ; and at length, in sub- mission to the earnest enti*eaties of her husband and children, was induced to write to the emperor, asking permission to pass a week at Vienna, where she might breathe a pui-e air, and enjoy the advantages of a whole- some regimen, and the advice of a physician. Two months this reasonable petition remained unnoticed. At the expiration of that period, the commandant of the prison, who had never before honored her with a visit, entered her cell, and, having directed her daughters to leave her, informed her that she was prohibited from ever appearing at Vienna, but that she had leave to de- part from the fortress, on condition of never returning to it again, or remaining in any of the dominions of the emperor. Requiring her to decide on the instant, and to commit her decision to paper, she seized a pen, and wrote as follows : — " I owed it to my family and my friends, to ask the assistance necessary for my health ; but they know that the conditions attached to it can not be accepted by me. I never can forget that, while we were both on the point of pei'ishing — I by the tyranny of Robespierre, my hus- band by the physical and moral sufferings of his captiv- ity — I was not permitted to receive any news of him, nor he to leara that his children and I still existed. I will not expose myself to the horror of a new separation. Whatever may be the state of my health, or the incon- venience of this residence to my daughters, we shall EFFORTS TO PROCURE HIS RELEASE. 301 gratefully avail ourselves of his imperial majesty's good- ness, in permitting us to share my husband's captivity in all its details. " Noailles Lafayette." From the moment of the an-est of Lafayette, earnest and vigorous efforts were made, by his numberless friends, and by many who were personally strangers to him, to procure his release. General Washington had just en- tered upon the second term of his administi-ation. With intense interest and untiring zeal, he applied himself to such measures as were deemed most likely to prove availing for the restoration of his friend to liberty. In his official capacity, as head of the nation, he could not interpose, without involving the country in the contro- versy ; but be caused the most urgent representations to be made in his behalf, to the governments of England and France, instructing the ministers resident near those courts to leave no means untried to procure his speedy liberation. With a delicacy which is always a characteristic of great miT)/*s, Washington addressed a letter to Madame LafayettP, informing her that one thousand dollars were placed to her credit with his bankers in Holland, he be- ing indebted in more than that amount to her husband, for sei'vices rendered, of which he had not received an account. He then sent Mr. Marshall to Berlin, with an urgent and eloquent letter to the king of Prussia, solicit- ing, not only as an act of justice, but as a personal favor to himself, the release of his noble prisoner. But he had already been transferred to the sterner keeping of Austria. Direct application was then made, through Mr. Jay, to the court of Vienna, followed by a private, unofficial letter from Washington, mai'ked by the pecu- liar dignity, simplicity, and force of reasoning, which characterize all his voluminous coiTespondence. " It will readily occur to your majesty," he says, " that oc 308 LIFE >OP LAFAYETTE. casions may sometimes exist, on which official consider- ations would constrain the chief of a nation to be silent and passive, in relation even to objects which affect his sensibility, and claim his interposition, as a man. Find- ing myself precisely in this situation at present, I take the liberty of writing this private letter to. your majesty, being persuaded that my motives will also be my apol- ogy for it. " In common with the people of this country,. I retain a strong and cordial sense of the services rendered to them by the marquis de Lafayette, and my friendship for him has been constant and sincere. It is natural, therefore, that I should sympathize with him and his family, in their misfortunes, and endeavor to mitigate the calamities they experience, among which his present confinement is not the least distressing. " I forbear to enlarge on this delicate subject. Permit me only to submit to your majesty's consideration, wheth- er his long imprisonment, and the confiscation of his es- tate, and the indigence and dispersion of his family, and the painful anxieties incident to all these circumstances, do not form an assemblaore of suflerinKS which recom- mend him to the mediation of humanity 1 Allow me, sir, on this occasion, to be its organ ; and to entreat that he may be permitted to come to this country, on such conditions, and under such instructions, as your majesty may think it expedient to prescribe. " As it is a maxim with me not to ask what, under similar circumstances, I would not grant, your majesty will do me the justice to believe that this request ap- pears to me to correspond with those great principles of magnanimity and wisdom, which form tlie basis of sound policy and durable glory." To all these appeals, the court of Vienna was inexo- rably deaf. Permission was refused even to transmit an EFFORTS TO PROCURE HIS RELEASE. 309 open letter to Madame Lafayette, inquiring after her health and that of the prisoners. An ineffectual efibrt was also made to procure his release, by paying any amount of ransom which the cupidity of his captors might exact, and large sums were remitted from Amer- ica, for that purpose, to two of his aides in London. Meanwhile, the most earnest efforts were made to secure the mediation of England in this matter. The American ministers in Europe exerted all their influence to this end. Washington addressed letters to all his influential friends in England and on the continent, pressing every motive of policy, friendship, humanity, and justice, in support of his object. The leading jour- nals of America and Europe advocated the cause with all the zeal and talent they could command. Numer- ous supporters arose in every quarter ; friends increased on every side. Men, to whom Lafayette was a total stranger, who knew him only as the champion of fi'ee- dom, and a martyr to its cause, aiTayed themselves for his defence, and called loudly for his deliverance. It seemed as if the virtuous and noble-hearted of every land and language, claimed him as a brother, and felt that the cause of humanity was the cause of Lafayette. On the other hand, the kings and aristocrats of Eu- rope, with their partisans, interested in upholding the ancient order of things, secretly triumphed in the down- fall of a man, by whose means the atmosphere of des- potic Europe had become infected with the influences of American freedom. They regarded his very exist- ence as incompatible with the safety of the existing gov- ernments of Europe. They associated his name with all that was fearful in revolution, and destructive in an- archy. The accusation of Fayettism v/as in itself a de- ci'ee of imprisonment or death. The archives of their tribunals, if examined, would disclose multitudes of ojm 310 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. mitments and condemnations on this charge alone. Tn teiTor of its extension and prevalence, they ret only sustained the emperor of Austria in his unholy act of oppression, but, as he himself declared to Madame La- fayette, " tied his hands" by their selfish diplomacy. Under these circumstances, bis name became the ral- lying word of liberty. Often did good citizens, men of the highest character for virtue and talents, vsrhen proscribed by anarchists in France, or by monarchists elsewhere, profess before the tribunals, and even on the scaffold, their profound attachment to the principles and the person of Lafayette. " Behold !" said an officer at the battle of Fleurus, while passing before a battalion of the National Guards, " behold a company of Fay- ettists !" — "Yes," replied the captain, proudly, "we are all Fayettists, and you shall see if we fight or fly." They went into the thick of the battle, and but few of them returned alive. Of the many private citizens who took a deep and ac- tive interest in the release of Lafayette, the most remark- able was Joseph Masclet. He was a Frenchman, a man of extensive learning, fine taste, and ardent pati-iotism. Proscribed for his attachment to the constitution, he made his escape to England, where he met with Talley- rand, and other emigrants of distinction. Talleyrand had formed the design of proceeding to America, and expressed a strong desire that Masclet should accompa- ny him. But an aflair of the heart detained him. He married and remained in England. Masclet was not personally acquainted with Lafayette, and had never even seen him ; but he shared his polit- ical principles, and admired his virtues. Having retired to a country-seat near London, he wrote constantly and powerfully against the unjust detention of Lafayette, and published his numerous articles in the Morning Chroni MASCLET ELEUTHERE. 311 c)6, and in the journals of Holland and Hamburg, over the Greek signature of Eleuthere, or Freeman. The bet- ter to further his object, he connected himself with the opposition members of the British parliament, ar.d, through them, rnade the people of England speak loudly in reprobation of France, for remaining indifferent to the unjust captivity of so distinguished a citizen. He secured the assistance of active and intelligent agents, by whose means, though with infinite difficulty, he estab- lished a coiTespondence with the prisoners, which, though irregular, and often internipted, acquainted them with the efforts of friends on their behalf, and enabled him to speak confidently of their situation, and the severe treat- ment to which they were subjected. So powerful were his arguments, so urgent his appeals, that even the des- potic emperor was compelled, in very shame, to assign reasons for his oppressive conduct. It was then that he made the memorable declaration, which betrayed the almost puerile weakness of his fears, that "the existence of Lafayette was incompatible with the safety of the present governments of Europe." The generous undertaking of Masclet was not only a difficult but a dangerous one. It drew upon himself the hatred and the persecution of all the crowned heads oi Europe. Exasperated at the boldness and truth of his disclosures, Francis sent several emissaries to London, to discover, and, if possible, put to silence, the daring and ti'oublesome Eleuthere. Had he been found, he would, no doubt, have been secretly assassinated, or kidnapped and hunied to Olmutz, never again to see the light of day. But, safe under laws, where alone thei-e is safety for the citizen, laws that guaranty the freedom of the press, Eleuthere baffled the secret agents of Aus- tria, and reiterated his complaints in louder tones and severer denunciations than before, till the emperor was 312 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. compelled to attempt another vindication of his couvse. This was in the form of a manifesto, setting forth his extreme lenity to his prisoners, and the many and un- usual indulgences granted them in their confinement. This was met by a vigorous refutation fj-om Masclet, revealing the whole truth, and showing up, in all their sickening details, their numberless privations, the harsh and unnecessai-y rigor of their confinement, and the petty vexations by which their captivity was aggravated. To its shame be it said, the English cabinet, under the administration of Pitt, was ranked with the enemies of Lafayette. By the eloquence and perseverance of Masclet, however, a powerful interest in his favor was awakened among the most distinguished of the opposi- tion members. Fox, Wilberforce, Sheridan, Grey, Fitz- patrick, and Tarleton — the same Tarleton who, under Cornwallis, had fought against Lafayette in Virginia — made repeated and courageous efforts to compel the interference of the government in behalf of the prison- ens of Olmutz. They were seconded by some of the ablest writers and most illustrious men on the continent, and by many even in the heart of Germany, and under the shadow of the imperial throne. " I can never be- lieve," said the brave Fitzpatrick, " that this country hates a man born in France, because he instituted the National Guards, who, after having for two years, under his orders, protected property and maintained the tran- quillity of the capital, have enabled France to esta;>lish the government of her choice against all the efforts of coalesced Europe ; still less can I, by any admission, sanction the idea that there exists in any corner of the British soil, in any English heart, conceptions sc nar- row, vengeance so base, as to wish to see the pupil of the illustrious Washington perishing in a dungeon on account of his political principles, were it even true that FITZPATftICK POX NAPOLEON. 313 he had learned those principles by supporting the cause of America against Great Britain." Fox, in one of his impassioned addresses, alluding to the base proposal of the king of Prussia, to give Lafay- ette his liberty on condition that he would furnish plans for military operations against France, said : " With the same diabolical perversity which afterward suggested to the Austrian ministers the laying of snares for the cour- ageous affection of the wife, endeavors were made to seduce the patriotism of the husband. Base men had dared to hope that Lafayette would be disposed to re- nounce his brilliant and justly-acquired reputation ; that he would stain the laui-els with which he was covered, and sacrifice a noble character, which will flourish in the annals of the world, and live in the veneration of pos- terity, when kings, and the crowns they wear, will be no more regarded than the dust to which they must return. But Lafayette, while he condemned the measures which exiled him, was too magnanimous to favor the designs of those who were leagued against his country. The idea of such perfidy could not approach that heart, which never for a moment ceased to glow with a sacred fire of the purest and most religious patriotism." But the court of Vienna was insensible alike to the voice of reason, the claims of justice, and the appeals of humanity. It was not, however, wholly impregnable. There was one point in which it could be successfully assailed; and that which could not be won from its jus- tice or its humanity, was at length extorted from its fears. While the calm persuasive dignity of Washington, the impassioned eloquence of Fox and Fitzpati-ick, and the importunate zeal and unanswerable logic of Masclet, did but rivet faster the chains of despotism, which they were endeavoring to break, it was reserved for the all-con- quering sword of Napoleon to sever them at a blow. 14 314 IIFB OF LAFATETT*. CHAPTER XXII. LAFAYETTE RESTORED TO LIBERTY. When the reign of terror, having exhausted anarchj of its victims, and satiated Death with blood, gave viraj to returning reason, the voice of France was aijain heard, amid the smouldering ashes of her desecrated altars, asking for her exiled martyrs. In the early part of 1797, Napoleon was general-in-chief of the army of Italy. Hanging on the confines of Austria, within a few days' march of her capital, he threatened her with a deluge of arms, like that which once poured down fron? " tht populous north" upon the plains of Italy. Austria trem bifid at his advance, and made hasty proposals of peace Assuming the powei's of a negotiator, the youthful gin eral included in his preliminaries a demand for the i*n mediate release of the prisoners of Olmutz. His gener ous thought was seconded by the immediate action o» the Directory, instructing him to insist upon his demand as the sine qua nnn of the treaty. General Clarke, com missioned to meet the envoys of Austria, at Turin, hac instructions to the same effect, which he urged with tht vehemence and perseverance of a generous-heai'ted sol dier. Austria promised, but delayed. France reiterated hei demand, and instructed her envoys to say, peremptoi "ly, to the cabinet of Vienna, that " the time had arrived for a categorical explanation ; that the prolonged detentiun RESTORED TO LIHEETT. 3i of the prisoners of Olmutz, after the promise of thei enlargement, led to a suspicion of a nipture ; that thfl speedy liberation of the prisoners was the most unequiv ocal pledge which his imperial majesty could give to the French republic, of his desire to bring to a happy issue a negotiation that essentially interested the welfare of both nations, and the ti-anquillity of Europe." This was language too decided to be misunderstood. Further delay was impossible. Lieutenant-General Chasteler was therefore commissioned to propose to the prisoners the conditions on which they should receive their freedom. These were, that Lafayette should immediately depart for America, and that all of them should sign a pledge never again to enter any part of the Austrian dominions, without the special permission of the emperor. In the hope that the prospect of immediate deliverance would induce them to gloss over the story of their wrongs, and thus shield the government fi-om the odium of cruel and impolitic severity. General Chasteler was also instructed to obtain from each of them a statement of the treatment they had received at Olmutz. In reply to this commission, Lafayette declined ma- king any complaints, but referred, for the ti-eatment he had received, to the instructions sent from Vienna, in the name of the emperor. Maubourg and De Puzy, on the other hand, set forth the hardships they had endured, in their true colors, confirming, in all respects, the often reiterated charges of Masclet. To the conditions im- posed upon him, Lafayette replied, that it had long been his intention to repair to America, as soon as he should have the power to do so ; but, as a pledge to that effect; under present circumstances, would appear like an ac- knowledgment of the emperor's right to impose such a condition, he felt it inexpedient to give it. On the other condition, his answer was in these words : " His majesty 31C LIFE OP LAFArETTE. the emperor and king, has done me honor to announce to me that, as the principles which I profess ai-e incom- patible with the safety of the Austrian government, he can not consent to my return to his states, without his special permission. There are certain duties, the fulfil- ment of which I can not decline. Some I owe to the United States, and more to France. I can not, under any circumstances, release myself from the right which my country possesses over my person. With this reser- vation, I can assure general the marquis de Chasteler of my fixed determination never to set foot in any state subject to his imperial majesty, the king of Bohemia and Hungary." Maubourg and De Puzy made each a sim- ilar reservation. These manly replies were wholly unsatisfactory to the court. The Austrian ambassadors, however, at the head- quarters of the French army in Italy, were instructed to declare that the prisoners were liberated. They hoped thus to secure the ratification of the treaty, and then to cover, by an endless tissue of diplomacy, this flagi'ant breach of one of the stipulations. But Bonaparte was as quick-sighted as he was rapid and energetic in action He immediately suspected the treachery, and, with his characteristic promptness, despatched Louis Romeuf, an ardent admirer of Lafayette, and one of his aides in the National Guards, to treat directly with the prime minister Thugut, at Vienna. Many obstacles were thrown in his way, but Romeuf manfully surmounted them all, and presented his de- mand, in person, to the court, requiring, not assurances only, but evidence, that the gates of Olmutz had been thrown open, and the citizens of France set free. With all the warmth of his enthusiastic nature, and of a devo- ted attachment to Lafayette, he earnestly solicited per- mission to go to Olmutz, " to embrace there the martyra RESTORED TO LIBERTY. 317 to tho noble cause in which he was engaged." Tliisi though often repeated, was constantly refused. Backed by the terror of Napoleon's name and swoi'd, Romeuf's mission was short and successful. The court consented that the prisoners should be liberated at once, on the sole condition that " the American consul at Ham burg would promise to do his utmost to engage them to quit the ten-itory of Austria within ten days after theii arrival at that place. Hastening to Hamburg, Romeuf soon returned to Vienna, with the official pledge of Mr. Parish, the American consul, and his assurance that a vessel should be immediately placed at the disposal of Lafayette, to convey him and his friends to America, should they de- sire to go. Ample funds were, at the same time, placed at their disposal, to provide them with every conveni- ence. The gallant Romeuf now urgently renewed his solicitations to be permitted to become the bearer of this intelligence to Olmutz, that he might enjoy the singular satisfaction of seeing its massive gates fly open at his bidding, and of receiving to his embrace, and ushering back to life and liberty, his venerated com- mander, and the devoted sharers of his long captivity. The privilege was still peremptorily denied, though the minister had the courtesy to offer to convey any letters which he might please to write. Romeuf s letter to Lafayette, on this occasion, is full of interest, and expresses an intense affection, as credit- able to him who felt it, as to him who was capable of inspiring it. It speaks of the extreme irritation of the emperor and his ministers, on the refusal of the prif.oners to accept of their recent proposals, and their absolute deteiTuination never to relent — of the warm and decided zeal of Bonaparte in their behalf — of his own audiences with the minister Thugut and the re 318 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE, suit— of his journey to Hamburg in consequence— of his urgent solicitations to be suffered to meet the prisoners at Olmutz, and of the arrangements then made to receive his answer at Eatisbonne, on the way to Hamburg. " At that place,'' he says, " I shall join Madame de Maubourg, and two of her daughters, and Madame de Puzy, with her daughter, for whom, also, I earnestly requested permission to go with me, and receive you at the gate of your citadel ; but it could not be allowed. At Hamburg, we shall have the happi- ness to embrace you. I am intoxicated with the hope that the day is not far distant." It was, in ti'uth, nearer than he supposed. In announcing their release to Mr. Parish, the Aus- trian minister exhibited a specimen of not uncommon diplomatic meanness, in denying the agency of France in the result, and ascribing it wholly to the peculiar re- gard of the emperor for the president and people of the United States, and his desire to afford them some defi- nite proof of that regard, in the person of Lafayette. Washington must have been overwhelmed with the compliment, when he remembered that, for two long years, his urgent appeals had been lying neglected — that his numerous envoys had been treated with con- tempt, and sent away empty — that, to evei-y demand hitherto, fi'om every source, a flat denial had been given — that, in the recent proposals for their release, a condi- tion had been annexed of their immediate deportation to America, as of felons to the Botany-Bay of freedom, and that the flattering token of imperial regard was coldly withheld, till the victorious ai'my of France was at the gates of his palace, and the sword of the conqueror sus- pended over his head. On the 19th of September, 1797, Lafayette and his friends stepped forth into the light of day, having been RESTOREu TO LIBERTY. 319 five years 3,nA one month in prison ; three j'ears and four months of which were passed in the dismal dungeons of Olmutz. During all this latter period, they had not swen each other's faces, nor held any kind of intercourse, ex- cep 3uch as had been stealthily arranged by the ingeni- ous d( vices of Felix and Jules. The presence of his wife and daughters, during the last twenty-two months of hj-^ captivity, had done much to restore the health of Lafayette, which had well nigh sunk under an oppres- sive anxiety for their welfare. His hair, which had en- tirely fallen off in one of the fevers which threatened his life in the early part of his confinement, was now partially restored, and he appeared to his friends to have suffered but little from his long incarceration. But, though out of prison, the captives were not abso- lutely free. So formidable a personage as Lafayette need- ed unusual watching, and many solemn guaranties were required, before the puissant emperor, and the mighty em- pire, of Austria could feel safe in letting him loose. As with Gulliver in Liiliput, they seemed to fear that he would crush them under his feet. The ground trembled as he walked. They would gladly have put him in a balloon, and sent him through the air to America, lest revolutions should spring up in the highways, as he journeyed, ortrees of liberty grow in his footprints. He was accordingly put under a militaiy escort, commanded by a major in the Austrian army, charged to convey him to Hamburg, and deliver him into the hands of the baron de Buol, his majesty's minister to the states of Lower Saxony, by whom he was to be formally suiTendered to the Ameri- can ccnsul, under the pledge already exacted, that ho should be carried beyond tlie boundaiies of Austria within ten days after his arrival at Hamburg. The journey consumed sixteen days, it being neces- sary to travel very slowly on account of the extremo 320 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. weakness of Madame Lafayette. She had been seri- ously ill more than a yeai% but was now convalescent. At Dresden, they were unexpectedly met by I^omeuf, with the families of Maubourg and De Puzy, the wife of the latter having but one daughter, five years old, wljom the father had never seen. The prisoners re- ceived, in all parts of the route, but especially at Dres- den, Leipsig, and Halle, the most affecting testimonials of interest from the friends of liberty, of whom Germany, though ruled, in some of its sections, with a rod of iron, has always had a numerous band. Hambui'g is one of the Hanse-towns, or free cities uf Germany, having an extensive commerce with the world. The representatives of all nations are there, and there the guarded captives found a welcome from their own countrymen, from Americans, from Englishmen, from noble-spirited, independent Germans, Prussians, and men of every name and language. They entered the city on the 4th of October. An immense crowd of people witnessed their arrival. The streets were lined with thousands who came, from idle curiosity, to see the lions, or from personal sympathy and interest, to give them a fitting reception. The house of Mr. Parish, the consul, was thronged with personal friends, some of whom had never seen Lafayette, but many of whom were bound to him by long years of devoted friendship. A lane was formed, and they passed into the private room of the consul, amid the vivats of the multitude, and the warm though silent congratulations of friends. La- fayette led the way ; his wife, in a state of extreme de- bility, leaning heavily on his arm. His two daughters followed, while Maubourg and De Puzy, with their wives and children, and the gallant Romeuf, brought up the rear. In the house of an American, they felt that they wero RESTORED TO LIBERTY. 32{ free indeed. Lafayette embraced the consul with a warmth which showed that five years of imprisonment, under imperial jailers, had in no degi-ee lessoned his love for his friends, or his attachment to the American name. His wife and children gathered round him, and expressed, in the warmest tei'ms, the grateful joy they experienced in meeting him who was made the instru- ment of their deliverance. In the midst of this scene, the baron de Buol entered. After the usual courtesies of an introduction, they re- tired to an inner room, accompanied by the baron's secretary, the commanding officer of the escort, and Mr. Morris, late American minister at Paris. Here the baron made a very handsome address to the prisoners, dwelling chiefly upon the satisfaction he felt in deliver- ing them over to the care of a friend, who loved and re- spected them so much. He then addressed a few com- plimentaiy words to the consul, reminding him of his en- gagements to the emperor, and of the condition on which this transfer was made, viz., to have theprisoners removed beyond the limits of Germany within ten days from that hour. Then, turning again to Lafayette, with an official, yet courteous smile, he said, " You are now free." Yes, and he was fi-ee indeed, though bound to leave Germany in ten days, and never voluntarily to return. Thanks to the spirit of our free institutions, the custody of an American consul, under bonds, is perfect freedom, in comparison with the best aspects of liberty in the do- minions of the emperor of Austria. Remaining in Hamburg only so long as was necessary for rest, and the anangement of their personal affairs, they used all diligence to leave the realms of his impe- rial majesty for some more hospitable region. The first act of freedom in which they indulged, was an expres- sion of gratitude to General Bonaparte, for the lively U 14* 322 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. interest and efficient zeal he bad manifested in securing their liberation. This joint letter, dated Hamburg, Oc tober 6, 1797, commences thus : " Citizen-general : The prisoners of Olmutz, happy in owing their deliverance to the kindness of their country, and to your irresistible arms, have, during their captivity, enjoyed the thought that their liberty and their lives were associated with the triumphs of the republic, and with your personal glory. It would have afforded us the sincerest pleasure, could we offer in person these sentiments of gratitude, and see, on the theatre of so many victories, the army which achieved them, and the hero who has added to his many miracles of power our resun'ection. But you know that the journey to Hamburg was not left to our choice. It is the place where we have said our last adieu to our jailers, and where we can address our thanks to their conqueror." To General Clar'ke, then just deposed fi-om the office of minister of war, and in disgrace with the ever-change- ful Directory — to M. Talleyrand, minister of foreign relations — to Masclet — to Messrs. Bollmann andHuger — to General Fitzpatrick, and others, who had mani- fested so warm an interest in their deliverance, they ad- dressed similar notes of congratulation and thanks. To Huger, Lafayette thus writes : " Behold the friend whom you so generously undertook to rescue from his captivity, and who, in the first moment of his return to liberty and life, hastens, with a throbbing heart, to offer you the tribute of an inexpressible aiTection, and a boundless gratitude. That which you did for me, the manner of doing it, my heroic friend, attaches me to you bj' eternal bonds of admiration and gratitude. Your sufferings, your dangers, supported with such nobleness and intrepidity, did not find in me a corresponding firm- ness. I was tortured with such unspeakable agony and RESTORED TO LIDERTY. 323 iispense, which my keepers were foi-hid'len to relieve, that my life was endangered by ray sufl'erings ; and it was only preserved by the joyful tidings of your deliv- erance, which, in spite of the cruel obstacles to prevent it, I had the happiness to receive. In vain shall I at tempt to desci'ibe to you my feelings, when this consoling assurance was secretly conveyed to me." The letter to General Fitzpatiick enumerates a large number of English friends, to whom he took occasion to acknowledge the same obligations — Fox, Sheridan, Grey, Tarleton, Smith, Jekyl, Whitbread, Lord Lau- derdale, the duke of Bedford, Wilbei'force, and the duch- ess of Devonshire, all of whom, with Clarkson, and many others, had exerted their utmost influence to procure his release. Nor was this interest for his welfare, in Eng- land, confined to persons in public life, or to mere so- licitations, letters, essays, and speeches, in his behalf. It pei^vaded the liberal portion of society, and moved to acts of noble generosity the hearts of persons unknown to the great world, and unambitious of the distinctions of public life. Among these was a Mrs. Edwards, of whom Lafayette knew nothing but her name, and that only from a letter received at Hamburg from the executor of her estate, with the following extract from her will : — " I bequeath to M. Lafayette, general of the French anny, at present a prisoner in Prussia, whose character has always appeared to me virtuous and noble — I be- queath to him, or, if his death should occur before my own, I give to his widow and children, the sum of one thousand pounds sterling, to be paid to him, oi to those who may be authorized to receive it, with interest at four per cent., from the day of my death to the time when it shall be paid over. If they continue in adversity, this trifle will be of use to them ; if not, I am sure they wil' not disdain this humble ofiering of sincere respect." 324 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. A similar tribute, from another English lady, whose name is not given, amounting to three thousand pounds sterling, was received some time after, during liis resi- dence in Holstein. All his property in France having been confiscated, these substantial tokens of a vyorla's esteem came like special interpositions of Providence, to sustain him in his singular position, when, proscribed in his own country, an outcast from his paternal inher- itance, he sought, as a citizen of the world, a temporary resting-place on neutral ground. Having acknowledged, and so far discharged, these debts of the heart — having received and returned the congratulatory visits of his aides-de-camp, of the Bata- vian minister, of the American consul, of Archenholtz, of Klopstock, the patriot-poet, and of many other fiiends, of both hemispheres — having received the hos- pitality of public levees from Mr. Parish and from the French minister, a splendid entertainment on board an American vessel in the harbor, and an address from all the Americans in the city, Lafayette and his companions took leave of Hamburg, and the Austrian domain, on the 10th of October, and passed over into Holstein, a dependancy of the king of Denmark. De Puzy way detained some time at Altona, on matters of business. The rest of the party went on as far as Wittmold, the temporary residence of Madame de Tesse, near the vil- lage of Ploen, where accommodations had been provi- ded for them, and where they had the happiness of being welcomed by Madame de Tesse, the aunt, and Madame de Montague, the sister, of Madame Lafayette. About a month after, they took possession of the castle of Lemkhulen, in the near vicinity of Wittmold, where they enjoyed a calm and healthful retirement of nearly two yeai's. TWO YEARS IN EXILE. 325 CHAPTER XJ II. TW3 YEARS IN EXILE RETURN TO FRANCE. In their beautiful reti'eat at Lemkhulen, the pnsoners of Olmutz enjoyed a luxui-y of repose, contrasting pow- ei-fuUy, not more with the gloomy monotony of their long and painful captivity, than with the stormy scenes of revolution and war which preceded it. It Wcis a luxury which they all required, to prepare for the active duties of the future. The family circle of Lafayette was com- pleted by the return of George from America, in Februa- ry, 1798. He had been two years in the family of Wash- ington, where he had gained the esteem, affection, and confidence, of all who had the pleasure of his acquaint- ance. Soon after his return, Anastasie, the eldest daugh- ter, was united in marriage to Charles-Latour-Maubourg, a younger brother of Victor Maubourg, the devoted friend and fellow-prisoner of Lafayette. As the health of Madame Lafayette improved, so as to justify the experiment, the general promised him- self a visit to America ; but, in view of the delicate re- lations of our government with the Directory of France, at that time, involving some questions of serious import, and wearing a threatening aspect, he deemed it prudent to delay, lest the wakeful jealousy of political adversa- ries should turn the movement to his own disadvantage, or to that of the United States. In connestion with Bureau de Puzy, he employed some 326 — LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. of his leisure hours, in collecting and arranging the inci« dents of his past life, and especially of his public career, in a manuscript entitled, " Historical Fragments." These pajiers are of great value, showing, with the force of truth, the acts of the nation, of the king, of pai-ties, of individ- uals, with brief sketches of their characters, by one who, more than almost any other man, could say, " Quorum var.i, magna fui." By invitation from the government of the Batavian republic (fonnerly the seven United Provinces, now the kingdom of Holland), in the establishment of whose liber- ty Lafayette had rendered essential service, in the day of his prosperity and power, he left his retreat at Holstein, in the early part of 1799, and proceeded to Utrecht. Here he could be nearer home, and hold more ready and frequent intercourse with his wife, who had been obliged to go to France, for the settlement of some im- portant family affaii's. To accomplish this journey, he was furnished with two passports from Mr. Abema, the Batavian minister at Hamburg — one under the name of Motier, to protect his passage through Hanover, and one under his own proper name, for the states of the republic. At Utrecht, Lafayette was received with every mark of respect. He felt like a new man, in treading once more the soil of freedom. Writing to Masclet, on the 7th of March, he says : " I have experienced the most lively satisfaction, in finding myself on this side the border. Though the tolerance of Holstein was so comprehensive that even I was not excluded, it was uncomfoitable to live under one of those ancient guvernments which have been declared incompatible with my pi-inciples. Heie I find good institutions, and good opinions — liberty, civil and religious — the government well disposed, and the governed well informed of their rights and their duties.' TWO TEARS IN EXILE. 327 His old friends, both Dutch and French, clustered around him, and testified, in the wannest manner, their unchange- able affection and respect. It was earnestlj desired by many that he should at once return to France ; but the Directory was jealous of his influence, and would not erase his name from the list of the proscribed. Before his release, Lally-Tolendal had proposed, and Archen- holtz had seconded the suggestion, that Lafayette was the ' only man who, by his influence with the National Gu-ards, and with the numerous constitutionalists throughout France, was capable of arresting the hoiTible massacres of the reign of teiTor, and that a proper representation to the allied powers would secure his release for this end. But those powers were more afraid of liberty than of anarchy. They sought the re-establishment of the monarchy, rather than the restoration of peace and or- der. " True," they replied, "Lafayette would, as in 1792, save his and our friends ; but he would turn all to the advantage of liberty." The celebrated Madame de Stael, on the first intima- tion of Napoleon's purpose to demand his release, wrote to Lafayette, saying: " Come directly to France. There is no other country for you. You will here find the re- public which your opinions aspired to, when your con- science bound you to royalty. You are, as a hero, as a martyr, so allied to liberty, that I pronounce her name and yours indifferently, to express all that I desire for the honor and liberty of France." This was the common sentiment among the true patri- ots of France ; but they, unfortunately, were not in the ascendant. Even Napoleon, while insisting- upon his liberation from Olmutz, ^TOuld gladly have man-ed the act, by a condition that he should not return to France. With his own hand he added a clause, to that effect, to the stipulations of the Directory. And now, in the same 328 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. spirit, General Brune, commander of the French forces near Utrecht, complained to the governments of France and Holland, that his residence there was a grievance, and not to be endured. If the Batavians had shovvm any sympathy with this narrow jealousy, the noble proscript would indeed have found himself in a most serious di- lemma. Germany was forbidden ground. Holstein was threatened with an invasion from Russia. The way was not yet clear to America. England, under the adminis- tration of Pitt, though she might not forbid him a ref- uge, could not afford him a hospitable reception. As he said in his letter to Archenholtz, during his early im- prisonment at Magdebourg : " To the dangers of an es- cape from these barriers, guards, and chains, are added those of a flight through the enemy's country, and an asylum.. From Constantinople to Lisbon, from Kam- schatka to Amsterdam (for I am not in favor with the house of Orange), only bastiles await me. The forests of the Hurons and the Iroquois are peopled with my friends. The despots of Europe, and their courts, are savages to me. Though I am not beloved at St. James, that is a nation of laws ; but I would avoid a countiy at war with my own." His friend Bureau de Puzy, having embarked foi America, was captured by an English vessel, and de tained at Yarmouth. Alluding to this circumstance, he wrote to his wife, playfully, saying, " If I had not a ref- uge here, I should be compelled to live with the fishes, for all the avenues are closed If the aerial squad- ron* makes a good voyage, I shall be tempted to go to America in a balloon." The revolution was drawing to a close. With the last pulses of the expiring century, the volcano was dy- * Blanchard, the aeronaut, and Lalande, the astronomer, were ahooi malting a pubUo experiment of five balloons in a group. TWO YEARS IN EXILE. 329 ing out. The violence of the eruption had exhaust- ed its fury. The convulsion had been ten-ible. The ruin was widespread and irameasurahle ; the reaction universal. The cycle of experiment was nearly com- plete. Power, which had been wrenched from despo- tism by liberty, from liberty by faction, from faction by anarchy, was stealing back from the many to the few — from the divided, jealous, uncertain few, to the consoli- dated, despotic one. The old golden chain, that had held France enthralled for ages, had been broken and flung away ; but a mighty one of iron, with massive links and bolts, was forging. The kingdom had been demolished to make way, not for liberty, but for a con- centrated tyranny — not for a republic, but for the em- pire. The mild, the gentle, the generous, the upright, the humane Louis JXVI., had been sacrificed to make room for the consuming despotism of Napoleon. The dying throes of anarchy were fearful on account of its very weakness. Doubt, distrust, jealousy, pei-vaded the high places of the land. The Ancients were jealous of the Council, the Council distrusted the Directory, and the Directory, feared, distrusted, hated both. It was a house divided against itself; it could not stand. It want- ed a leader, a responsible head, whose tried integrity and patriotism no one could doubt ; but it wanted him to abandon his integrity and patriotism, and work by in- trigue. It applied to Lafayette. It was during his residence at Utrecht, and a little before the dissolution of the old Directory, that Camot, the president, sent an emissaiy to confer with Lafayette. He told him that he was soon to be recalled, that it was absolutely necessary he should return to France, and that, in the new movement which was then contemplated, it was desii'able that his friends should show themselves. Camot had been opposed, in all things to Lafayette. S30 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. The opposition had been personal and bitter, on the part of Camot ; but he flattered himself that he had, in a meas ure, cancelled the memory of the past, by the influence he had exerted, as one of the Directory, in forcing open the iron gates of Olmutz. Lafayette acknowledged his obligations on this point, but had no confidence in the political integrity of the man, who now professed a desire to establish, through him, the liberties of Fi-ance. " The nanje of liberty has been so abused," said he, " that my friends will not en- gage in any movement, without knowing what is pi-o- posed, and how it is to be accomplished. They who would return to good principles, will be sure to meet those who have never abandoned them ; and they who would serve liberty and their counti-y by honest means, will always find me ready to co-operate with them. With other than such, I can have no sympathies." When it was proposed that his name, and those of some of his particular friends, should be ei'ased from the list of the proscribed, he objected to it as equally arbitrary with the original proscription. " It would be more simple and just to recall all the emigi'ants who are not actually i. arms." Objection being made to Lally-Tolendal, " Not only Lally," he replied, " who is a patriot, though a mon- archist, but all honest men of his party, whom it is abom inable to proscribe — not only those of my friends who, on the 10th of August, shared my fortunes, but the La- meths, whom I do not like, but with whom, in this mat- ter, I make common cause." Intrigue and political conspiracy were the means by which the ends proposed were to be brought about. To these, Lafayette would not stoop to lend himself. He knew thoroughly the men who intended to go forward, as well as all the great actors then on the stage. Ho foresaw to what result all the parties, and their endless TWO YEARS IN EXILE. 331 intrigues, were tending. He had, as it were, read the horoscope of Napoleon, even before his campaign in Egypt.* "As to Bonaparte,'' said he, "he is the con- stable of the conventional party. He can make himself the master of France. Doubtless it is he to whom Sieyes and his friends are looking. The halo of his glory gives him immense advantages." In this state of mingled doubt, fear, and expectation, of plots and counter-plots, when none of the leading n en dared openly to avow an opinion, and few were able to maintain one for two days together, Lafayette was full of courage and hope. Writing to Maubourg, he said . " Persuaded that the first means of success is to dare, and seeing that everybody was afraid to compromise himself, I have offered to present myself suddenly at Paris, and give the ruling power the alternative to act wifh me, or to assassinate me. I have offered to take horse with Beumonville, Lefebvi'e, and others, and to proclaim and assure liberty in the capital and throughout France — liberty for all, and against all." To this magnanimous offer, the only reply was, that it would be throwing away his life for nothing — that he could not succeed. The ti-uth was, they feared he might succeed ; and they would not have him v/ith them, ex- cept as a co-partner in their schemes, or a tool to exe- cute their purposes of self-aggrandizement. He aimed only at the good of France ; and this could be sought for and secured openly, and by means as honorable in * Lafayette was the original projector of the expedition to "Egypt. Had be possessed the grasping ambition of Napoleon, be might have been its fortnnate thrice-crowned leader. The project, ia his mind, however, was connected with views of humanity, and not of personal aggrandizement, or national gloty. His object was to secure to France a field for the culti' vation of cotton and sugar, to be carried on by free labor, and thcs to aid bis grand scheme of African emancipation, and the elevation of the Afti can race. 332 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. themselves as tlie end at which they aimed. It was re marked, with surprise, not only in the royal cahinets of the allied powers, but in that of the Directory, that, since his release fi'om Olmutz, there was nowhere to be seen the least trace of his hand in any of the thousand in- trigues which, like a mighty net, entangled the political movements of France and of all Europe. The revolution went convulsively on. Bonapaite ap- peai-ed suddenly in Paris. The Directory gave way to the Consulate, with Napoleon at its head. This was in November, 1799, seven weeks before the close of the century. Lafayette had foreseen the change, and was prepared for it. He had measured the ambition of Na- poleon, and, notwithstanding the certain demise of an- archy, and the nominal return of the nation to the liberal and safe principles of '89, he felt a chill of distrust and apprehension, from the mystic premonitions of that mighty despotism, which already began to " cast its shadow before." To all it held out the promise, to the short-sighted the hope, of republican liberty. France was in a blaze of joy. The tidings spx-ead rapidly, and the banished and proscribed, in all Europe, hailed it as the signal of their return to the homes of their youth. When the news reached Utrecht, the commandant of the city, recognising, amid the general rejoicing, the principles on which this new revolution was based, and the true source from which they sprung, gave out for the password, in the orders of the day, " Liberty, Paris, and Lafayette." Romeuf, the indefatigable aide, the devo- I ed friend, followed on the wings of the same wind that wafted these tidings, bearing a passport to his general, under a feigned name, with a message from his wife, advising that, if he pi'oposed returning to France, he should do it without delay. Two hours after, he was on RETURN TO FRANCE. 333 the road to Paris, accompanied by his son and the gal- lant Romeuf. Immediately on his arrival at the capital, he threw off his disguise, and wrote to the consuls, announcing his return, and demanding to be restored to his rights as a French citizen. To Napoleon he wrote thus : " From the day when the prisoners of Olmutz owed their libei'ty to you, to this, when the liberty of my country lays me under still greater obligations to you, I have thought that the continuance of my proscription was not expedi- ent for the government, or for myself. Accordingly, I am now in Paris. Before going into the country, where I shall meet my family — before even seeing my friends here, I delay not a moment to address myself to you ; not that I doubt that I am in my appropriate place, wher- ever the republic is founded upon worthy bases, but be- iause both my duty and my feelings prompt me to bear to you in person the expression of my gratitude." This note was delivered by General Clarke. Bona- parte was disconcerted and displeased. He had been outgeneralled by the boldness and frankness of Lafay- ette. He had supposed that the proscribed patriot would remain in exile, and make a formal application to be restored to his rights, which, under various diplomatic pretexts, he could delay or deny, as long as it should suit his pleasure to do so. He did not desire his pres- ence in France. He feared his popularity, and the con- stancy of his principles, which were proof alike against corruption and fear. There was probably no one of the absentees who would not have been more cordially wel- comed by the first consul than Lafayette. But he was taken by suiprise. He could not complain jr resist, for ho had just made a public profession of those principle!) which Lafayette had always acknowledged, and in ac- rcrdance with which he should have been instantly re 334 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. called. " "We will have the republic. We will have it founded on genuine liberty — on the representative sys- tem. We will have it. I swear in my own name, and in the name of my companions-in-arms." The plausible, omniform intriguer, Talleyrand, busied himself in the matter. Seeking an interview with La- fayette, he depicted the rage of the consul at his au- dacious return, threatened him with violent measures, besought him not to expose his friends to destroy them- selves by taking his part, and concluded by urging him to return immediately to Holland. With heroic dignity and self-respect, he assured his adviser that he would not compromise any one in his movements ; that, having judged it expedient to return to France, it was now for the consul to judge if it was ex- pedient to let him remain there in peace ; and, that tho only effect of an imperious and menacing tone would be, to confirm him in the course he had taken. Talleyrand continued to press his solicitations, by various motives, till after midnight, but without effect. As Lafayette re- tired, with his friend Romeuf, he observed to the supple courtier, " What a fine joke it would be, if I should be arrested at night by the National Guai'd of Paris, and placed in the temple, the next day, by the restorer of the principles of '89 !" That no one might be compromitted by his relations with the government, Lafayette commissioned his mfe to make the necessary explanations with the consuls. She was graciously received by Bonaparte, who repre- sented to her, without clearly explaining his meaning, that the arrival of her husband would check his own efforts for the re-establishment of the principles of lib- erty — that he should be obliged " to take in sail." " You can not understand me, madame," said ht, "but General Lafayette will undei'stand me. I conjure him to avoid RETURN rO FRANCE. 335 all publicity. I put it to his patiiotism." She replied, that it had always been his intention to retire into the bosom of his family. The consul left her, to attend a meeting of the council, where he was observed to be in a very bad humor. Lafayette did understand the consul fully, but not as the consul intended he should. Napoleon had not yet reached the position where even he would venture to lay a rude hand upon Lafayette. His strides to despotic power were gigantic ; but he had a few more to take, before he could feel secui'e in placing his iron heel upon the neck of even a prosciibed patriot. He must put on the cap of liberty, to blind the eyes of the people, till the dictator's rod and the imperial crown were made ready. Other efforts were made to induce Lafayette to return to exile in Holland, or to embark for America, with- out any promise that his name would be erased from the black-list of the government. Talleyrand was the chief mover in these attempts, and Volney was one of his em- issaries. Lafayette simply replied, that he made no ac- count of the menaces of Bonaparte ; that, having seized the moment when the liberal professions of the govern- ment rendered his return decent, and having removed the principal obstacles to the return of his friends, he should retire to the country, as a private citizen, and await the act of justice which should restore him to his rights as such. The dignity of his deportment on this occasion, and the unimpeachable purity of his patriotism, completely foiled his adversaries. Bonaparte was deeply incensed, to find himself checkmated in a game for which he thought he had prepared himself more than two years before, when he made his first move by inserting, in the preliminaries of the treaty of Leoben, a proviso of per D^etual banishment from France for the prisoners of O'l 33G LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. miitz. But Bonaparte was not yet crowned. He was a mere military politician, though an unusually bold one. He did not dare openly to confirm and execute the decree of proscription. He adopted the more prudent course of absolute silence. He wished, if possible, to consign to oblivion the man whom he dared not destroy or even to oppress. A very remarkable instance of this course of proceeding was exhibited in the early part of February, 1800, when funeral services, in honor of General Wash- ington, were solemnized in Paris. Fontanes delivered the eulogy, but under a strict injunction, from the con- sul, that Lafayette should not be named or alluded to in the discourse. No member oV his family was invited to attend the ceremony, nor any of the Americans in Paris. The journals of the day, in noticing the proceedings, make no mention of any American being present, but severely censure the orator for having forgotten the he- roes of the United States, to pay court to the hero of Egypt. The bust of Washington was draped on the occasion, not with the flag of free America and of the republics of Europe, but with the standards taken by Napoleon in Europe, Asia, and Africa. The first con- sul was installed at the Tuileries on the very day when Fontanes' pseudo-eulogy was published. RELATIONS WITH NAPOLEON. 337 :!HAPTER XXIV. HIS RELATIONS WITH NAPOLEON TWELVE VEARS* RE- TIREMENT AT LAGRANGE. When the new constitution was presented by the con- suls for the acceptance of the people, the name of La- fayette was yet on the list of the proscribed. He was consequently unable to vote. Had he possessed the right, he would have voted against an instrument which, to use his ovim woi'ds, " sacrificed the guaranties of liberty to those of self-love." He was, therefoi'e, more than ever an object of jealousy to the mling powei-, and much diplomacy was employed to get him out of the way. But, regardless of intrigues and menaces, he remained in Paris till he had secured the restoration of the Hghts of citizenship to himself, his comrades, and some of his family friends. The former was accomplished by a de- cree of the 1st of March, 1800. During the pendency of this question, he had no interview with Napoleon. These remarkable men perfectly understood each other's character and aims. Lafayette admired the ge- nius, and was fascinated with the militaiy glory of Na- poleon ; but he was sensible of his towering ambition, and had no confidence in his moral principles. Napo- leon respected and admired the consistency, firmness, and purity of Lafayette, while he feared and hated him for these very qualities. He knew that he could not be intimidated, and therefore he feared him ; he knew that V 15 S.'JS LIFE OP LAPAYETTK. he could not be bought, and therefore bo hated him. " Nobody in the world," said he to one of his generals, " is so hated by the enemies of liberty, and of France, as I^afayotte. I, who negotiated his deliverance, well know what price the foreign powers placed upon his deten- tion." As a tyrant, as the arch-enemy of liberty in France, Napoleon shared and manifested the same feel- ing. When a general call was made upon all good citi- zens to press into the volunteer service, to repel inva- sion, a proposal was made to engage Lafayette in the work, and use the influence of his name. " Yes," re- plied Napoleon, " he would aid us in this ; but, in other things, he might be in our way." On the eve of the battle of Marengo, which was preceded by reverses to the French arms in Italy, and in reference to which there were great apprehensions for Napoleon, Lafayette wrote a letter to the general, and gave it in charge to his son, George Washington, a volunteer in the regiment of lius- sars, asking permission, in case of defeat, to join the army as a volunteer. The letter was not to be delivei'ed till after the battle. Napoleon was victorious, as usual, and therefore did not receive it; but the fact of the offer it contained was made known to him bj' some of his officers. It affiected him sensibly. " Which of you, gentlemen," said he, turning to the generals about him, " could have done better than that ]" Of this victory, and the man who achieved it, Lafayette spoke thus : •■ It is clear that Bonaparte was there, as evei-ywhere else, the great captain. That which is espe- cially admirable, and indeed the most beautiful act of his life, is his noble abandonment of the central post at Paris, where he was scarcely yet established, to climb the Alps and gain the battles of France; a greatness, the glory of which belongs to him alone, and which iias always so excited me, that I am even now indignant to RELATIONS WITH NAPOLEoW. 339 think that the same man could believe tliat ah imperial robe would add to his greatness." Having regained his rights as a citizen, he sought an intei-view with Napoleon. ■ He was presented, by Consul Lebrun, at the Tuileries. Bonaparte received him with an air of frankness and courtesy, reminding him, to use his own words, " of the cordial welcome he had foiTnerly received from Frederick the Great." After the usual compliments on both sides, he replied to felicitations upon his success in Italy, by giving the credit of that success chiefly to Moreau. Then, speaking of the for- eign powers, he added, with a veiy gracious smile, " I do not know what you have done to them, but they had extreme reluctance to let you go." He was soon after introduced to Joseph Bonaparte, who met him with great cordiality and politeness, com- plimented him upon the events of his early life, and in- vited him to a Jete he was about to give to the commis- sioners, who had just concluded a treaty of amity with the United States. There he met with old friends and old associations, and was the object of universal regard. The American ministers, his old colleagues in the Na- tional Assembly, his comrades of the National Guard and of the army, the new generals of the last revolution, the first consul, and all the Bonaparte family, were pres- ent at this festival. Lafayette, as usual, was manly and undisguised in the expression of his views. In a private conversation with the first consul, he freely advocated the claims of liberty and of France, and set forth the true course of glory for him who would guide her des- tinies. " I find the French people," said Napoleon, " aru growing cool with respect to liberty." " Yes," replied Lafayette ; " but they are in a condi- tion to receive it," 340 I.rFE OP LAFAYETTE. " They are pretty well surfeited," rejoined the consul. " You, Parisians, for example. Oh ! the shop-keepers want no more of it." " They are in a condition to receive it," repeated his guest, with emphasis ; adding, " I do not use that ex- pression lightly, general ; I am aware of the crimes and follies which have profaned the name ot liberty ; but the French are more than ever, perhaps, in a condition to receive it. It is for you to bestow it. It is for you that we wait." The consul then spoke, without reserve, of the militaiy and political interests of France, of the intrigues of the royalists, and of the co-operation of exti-eme parties to the same result, in which he exhibited " a simplicity of genius, depth of intellect, and quickness of observa- tion," which surprised and gi'atified his companion. In reply to an allusion from the consul to his campaigns in America, Lafayette exclaimed, " The grandest interests of the universe were decided in that contest." He then spoke of the idea of some of the American politicians to make, for the United States, a presidency for life. The consul's eyes flashed at the suggestion. Lafayette add- ed, " That, with a national representation and suitable checks, would be just the thing for France." The con- sul regarded him with fixed attention, while he proceeded to give him some details respecting the chief magistracy of the United States, the duties of which were discharged without guards or military pageant ; to which he re- plied, " But you will agree that, in France, this would not do." At this interview, Lafayette solicited and ob- tained the erasure, from the black list, of the names of his aged relatives, M. and Madame de Tesse. Napoleon often alluded to the peculiar personal hatred of the kings and cabinets of Europe to the name of La- fayette. " I am sufficiently hated," said he, " by the RELATIONS WITH NAPOLEON. 34.1 pnnces and their courtiers ; but it is nothing to their hatred for you. I have been so situated as to see it, and I could not have believed that human hatred could go so far." He then added, " How is it possible that the republicans could be bo foolish as to suppose that their cause could be separated from youi's ] But now they do you justice — yes, complete justice." " General Lafayette," said he at another time, " you have overturned the strongest monarchy that existed. Behold all the monarchies of Europe ! Ours was the best constituted. It was a beautiful and a difficult en- terprise ; but you committed a great fault, in wishing to preserve, in such a revolution, the ancient dynasty ; for, if you refused it absolute power, the government could not go on ; if you granted it, it would be employed against you. The problem was incapable of solution." Lafayette replied, " It is certainly soothing to my self love, to find that you regard as insoluble the problem oi which we have been wrecked. But the public will, ii^ which we foupd at once our means and our duties, equally demanded all the elements of a democratic re- public, and the presei-vation of the king. It demanded a Bourbon ; it demanded Louis XVI. It was this that produced the constitutional amalgam of '91. It was by no means perfect, but it commanded, for the time, the confidence of the nation ; and that, sir, is the mainspring, the only sure foundation, of all political institutions." To this the consul assented, and at the same time ac- knowledged, that if the Jacobin proscription of the first chiefs, and the first pi'inciples of the revolution, had not, in 1792, arrested the general movement, which the coa- lition of the emigrants and the kings only sei^ved to ac- celerate, all Europe would in ten years have been im- bued with the doctrines of the " Declaration of Rights.'' On the opening of the senate by Napoleon, Lafayette 342 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. was nominated as a member. His acceptance of the seat, so honorable and so attractive, was strongly desired and solicited by some of the most prominent of the re- publican party, his old colleagues of the Gironde ; to whom he replied, that, having refused to the Jacobins the sanction of his silence, when his command of the aimy was at stake, he could not accord the tacit appro- bation of his co-operation to the measures then in prog- ress. At the same time, he was urgently solicited to accept an embassy to the United States, with the assurance that his compliance would oe most agreeable to the head of the government. His characteristic reply was, that "he was too much an American to be able to act the part of a stranger there." The matter was urged upon him from several quarters ; but he could not reconcile his personal relations to America, and his American feel- ings, with the coldness and distance of a diplomatic fuuc- tionaiy. He could not be a foreignei-, much less the watchful representative of a foreign government, in Washington. He was a citizen both of the United States and of France, and he could no more denation- alize himself in one country than in the other. Unsuccessful In securing this object, the consul, through his supple instrument, Talleyrand, renewed his request that Lafayette would accept a place in the sen- ate ; to which he jocosely objected, that, if he went there, he shrfuld be under obligations at once to de- nounce the govei'nment and its chief. General Dumasi soon after waited on him, by order of the first consul, to ask an explanation of the attitude of censure, if not of hostility, which he had assumed. " No one likes to be regarded as a tyrant," said Napoleon to Dumas ; " La- fayette seems to consider me one." — "The silence of my retirement," replied Lafayette, " is the maximum of RELATIONS WITH NAPOLEON. 343 my submission. If Bonaparte had wished to serve the cause of liberty, I would have been wholly devoted to him; but I can neither approve of an arbiti-uiy guvcni- ment, nor take any part in it." In Hccordince uilh lliij sei'liment, firmly and repeatedly declai ed, he ref I'ied nu- merous other solicitations to take part in the councils of the government even in the humblest and most un- important station. To the minister who waited on him to request his acceptance of a place in the council of the department of Seine and Marne, he replied, that he should be like the obstinate boy at school, who refused to say a, through fear that he should afterward be obliged to say b. He afterward, however, accepted the office of departmental elector of that department, because the preservation of the right of election was the result of popular suffrage. It was matter of no little uneasiness with Bonaparte, that, in restoring Lafayette to his rights as a French cit- izen, he restored him, also, to his rank in the army, It was to withdraw him from this, that he proposed to ele- vate him to the senate. " You have yet too much love of activity,'' said he, " to wish to be a senator." — " It is not that," replied the general ; " but 1 feel that retire ment would suit me better." Having added to this, that he wished also to retire from the ai'my, the consul evin- ced great satisfaction, and accorded to him at once all that was due to a retired officer of the highest grade. In 1802, Lord Cornwallis was commissioned, on the part of the government of Enghmd, to negotiate a treaty wilh France. Lafayette was invited to dins with him, at the house of Joseph Bonap'-irte. Tho tendency of the new government was sufficiently apparent to the British mir.isler, who was somewhat sarcastic, in relation to it, in his conversations with Lafayette. The next time they m-jt, Napoleon exclaimed, " Lord Cornwallis pre 344 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. tends that you are not yet corrected." — "Of what?" demanded Lafayette — " of my love of liberty ? What should disgust me with that ? The extravagances and crimes of teiTorist tyranny have only served to make me hate more heartily every arbitrary regime, and attach myself more strongly to my principles." — "But you have spoken to him of our affairs," said the consul, some- what sternly. " No one is farther than myself," replied the general, " from seeking a foreign ambassador to cen- sure what is passing in my own country ; but if he ask me if this is liberty, I must answer, No." — " I must say to you, General Lafayette," said the embiyo despot, se- I'iously, " and I perceive it with pain, that, by your man- ner of speaking of the acts of the government, you give its enemies the weight of your name." — "What more can I do 1" urged the uncompromising republican. " I live in the country, in retirement. I avoid, as far as 1 can, occasions of speaking of public affairs ; but when any one demands of me if your administration of the government is conformable to my ideas of liberty, I shall say that it is not. I wish to be prudent ; but I can not be false." In this bold and decided opposition to the arbitraiy rule of Napoleon, there was no jealousy, no ambition for himself, no personal dislike to the man whom he op- posed. This was seen and felt by the consul. " What do you mean by an arbitrary regime ]" he demanded. " I allude not to this or that particular act," was the re- ply, " but to the tendency of all. It is this tendency, general — yes, it is this only, that pains and afflicts me. A free government, and you at the head of it, would sat- isfy me pei-fectly." But this did not satisfy the ambition of the first consul, nor the subserviency of his parasites. He demanded, and obtained, the consulship for life. Called upon to vote on this question, Lafayette thus LAGRANGE. 340 protested in writing : " I can not vote for such a magis- tracy, until public liberty has been sufficiently guaran- tied ; then I will give my vote to Napoleon Bonaparte." That his position Hiight be fully understood, he at the same time addressed the first consul, dated, " LagTange, May 20, 1802," in which he declared that nothing would give him gi-eater pleasure than to see him the chief magistrate for life of a free republic. " That," said he, " would be the climax of your glory; but it is in unison with my principles, my engagements, the actions of my whole life, to ascertain, before I vote, that liberty is es- tablished on bases worthy of the nation and of you." To this letter, so frank, so manly, so courteous, and, to a noble mind, so flattei'ing, Bonaparte made no reply. He could not reply, without retracing his steps, or quar- relling with the writer. The former he would not do ; the latter he was not then in a position to do with safety. From this time, all intercourse between the two was suspended for twelve years. They did not meet again, till after the reverses of the emperor in 1814. In the division of the property of the duchess d'Aysn, Lagi-ange, a beautiful estate in the depailment of Seine and Marne, about forty miles east of Paris, fell to the share of Madame Lafayette. The old estate of Cha- vagniac had been very much reduced by the confis'-a- tions of the reign of ten-or. Lagrange had been pre- served entire, and, by a decree of the new government, was now restored to its original owners. From chis time, it became the permanent residence of the family It comprises nearly a thousand acres, beautifully distrib- uted into wood, lawn, and tillage. The chateau was an old baronial castle, with towers, and moats, and draw- bridge, and all the obsolete appointments of a feudal for- tress. Traces of these aie visible on every side, tho'jgl/ 15* 346 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. tlie baronial manor is reduced to a simple farai, and the castle to a gentleman's country-seat. In the bosom of this quiet and romantic retreat, the hero and patriarch sought repose from the toils, perils, and honors, of an arduous public life. But full repose is seldom found on earth. His was disturbed, first, by a serious accident to himself, which occasioned him intense suffering for a >,ime, and left him a cripple for life, and, not long- afterward, by the severest of all domestic afflic- tions. After the establishment of peace in 1802, Pai'is was visited by some of the most distinguished of the British whigs, among whom were Fox, Fitzpatrick, Adair, Erskine, and Lords Holland and Lauderdale. Some of them came expressly to see Lafayette, and he went up to the meti'opolis to meet them. While there, he accidentally fell upon the pavement, and broke his thigh-bone, just below the neck of the hip-joint. The surgeons, in reducing the fracture, enclosed the limb in a wooden frame, in which, under severe pressure from bandages above and below, it was confined more than two weeks, without change or relief. Confiding in the skill of the surgeons, the patient had borne the pain and inconvenience without a word of complaint. When, at length, an examination was made, the limb was found to be in a most alarming condition. The upper band- ages had cut into the muscles, on the inside of the thigh, so as to lay bare the femoral artery ; the lower ones had produced mortification about the heel, and laid bare ;he tendons of the toes. The fortitude with which this severe operation was endured, entirely de- ceived thi surgeons, leading them to suppose that all was going on well. The issue was a tedious confine- ment of six months, followed by a permanent lameness of the hip-joint. In December, 1807, Lafayette, and the family at La RETIREMENT AT LAGRANGE. 347 gi'aiige, were visited by tTie most painful bereavement wliicb it vi^as possible for tbe heart to endure. Madame Lafayette, wbo, in tbe language of Segur, " was a model of heroism, and, indeed, of every virtue, contracted, duiirig her captivity, the disorder which, after years of suffering, teiminated her life. She died, surrounded by a numer- ous family, who offered up earnest prayers for her jires- ervation. When unable to speak, a smile played upon her lips at the sight of her husband and children. L>e- voted to her domestic duties, which were her only pleas- ure — adorned by every virtue — pious, modest, charita- ble, severe to herself, indulgent to others — she was one of the few whose pure reputation received fresh lustre from the misfoitunes of the revolution." The attachment of Lafayette to the wife of his youth was of the purest and most enduring chai-acter. It had never been clouded or marred by the slightest shadow of distrust, or any other sinister influence. To perfect respect and confidence, wei-e added the most perfect sympathy, and the tenderest regard. And he, who had never bowed to soitow, or shrunk from danger, calam- ity, or suffering, was now smitten to the earth. " I wil- lingly admit," said he, in a letter responding to the tender condolence of Masclet, " that, under great misfortunes, I have felt myself superior to the situation in which my friends had the kindness to sympathize. But, at pi-es- ent, I have neither the power nor the wish to struggle against the calamity which has befallen me, or, rather, to surmount the deep affliction which I shall cany with me to the grave. It will be mingled with the sweetest rec- ollections of the thirty-four years, during which I was bound by the tenderest ties that, peihaps, ever existed, and with thoughts of her last moments, in which she heaped upon me such proofs of her incomparable affec tion." 348 LIFE OF LAPAiTETTE. These were not words merely. They told truly the Btory of that great man's love, and of the long widowhood which was to bear testimony to its truth. Nearly thirty years he continued to cherish the memory, and recall the virtues, of the depai-ted. Her private apartment was ever after held sacred, and preserved in the same state as when she died ; and thither her bereaved partner daily repaired, alone, or in company with his children, to re- new his homage to her memory. Her portrait, in a small gold medallion, he always wore suspended to his neck, and was more than once surprised, by his intimate friends, gazing upon it with intense and abstracted emo- tion. Around the portrait were the words, " I am yours." On the reverse was a touching inscription, in which the departed one, anticipating the inevitable separation, ap- peals to the beautiful past, when the portrait was taken, for the assurance that her image should never be lost, till the heart on which it was engraven should cease to beat. It was, " I was then a gentle companion to you ! In that case bless me." The character of Marie Adrienne Fran9aise Noailles de Lafayette was combined of all that is admirable in female heroism, and lovely in female gentleness, piety, and truth. While the greater part of the wives of the French refugees and exiles, who remained in France during the reign of terror, went through the fonnality of a feigned divorce, and changed their names, to save their lives and estates, Madame Lafayette steadfastly refused to separate herself and fortunes from those of her hus- band. In her petitions and remonstrances to the reign- ing powers, she always commenced with this fonn ; 'i-La femme Lafayette." She wished only to be recog^ nised as his wife. She never suffered an aspersion up- on his character to pass without repelling it, nor an opportunity to manifest his principles, without honor- RETIREMENT AT LAGRANGE. 349 ing tliem, and declaring that she held them in common with him. Madame Lafayette was truly pious. Her husband, though nominally a Roman catholic, and an admirer of the exalted principles of Christianity, was a philosopher of the French school. She often expressed to him the hope that, in reflecting further, with that honesty of soul for which he was distinguished, he would yet be con- vinced of the truth. She was wont to speak of religion as " the sovereign liberty," hoping thus to attract to it his i-egai'ds, and often, for the same purpose, quoted the words of Fauchet, '' Jesus Christ, my only master." She sometimes, in the delirium of her last moments, expressed the thought that she was going to heaven, but seemed not satisfied to go without him. " This life is short and troubled," she would say ; " we reunite in God ; we pass eternity together." She was often engaged in prayer ; and her last desire for her husband was, that he might possess " the peace of God." She died at the age of forty-eight. While Napoleon was advancing fi'om victory to vic- tory — from Marengo to Moscow — and, with yet more rapid and appalling strides, from disaster at Moscow to irretrievable discomfiture at Leipsic, and an ignoble ca- pitulation at the gates of Paris, Lafayette was enjoying the otium cutti Aignitg,te of a retirement, as congenial to his tastes as it was honorable to his patriotism. He had too much confidence in the principles of liberty, to doubt their ultimate prevalence. He had too much confidence in his countrymen, to believe that they would long sub- mit to a military despotism. He calmly awaited its in- evitable overthrow, and the return of the people to the recognition of their natural and inalienable rights. Meanwhile, his position was not without its perils. 350 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. He was a political anomaly in Fiance — a citizen, not suspected, but known to be cordially and unchangeably opposed to the imperial dynasty, and to all the forms and principles of the existing government. He was an ob- ject of hatred and fear to Napoleon — of hatred, because, while he obeyed the laws as a good citizen, ho never, by word or act, consented to the arbitrary regime of the despot — of fear, because his republican integrity was alike incoiTuptible by the threats and the promises of the throne, and by the intrigues of its factious opponents. His name was more than once maliciously involved viath the intrigues and conspiracies of mere adventurers, who, without means or reason, attempted to overthrow the government. The brave Malet suffered death for this cause, in October, 1808 ; and it was on this occasion that Napoleon flattered himself that Lafayette was too surely involved to escape. The conspirators, however, denied all connexion with him. Malet not only shielded his colleagues, but refused even to defend himself, say- ing to the tribunal, when he was summoned to answer, '" The defender of the lights of his country has no need of a defence — he triumphs, or he dies." Though many perished in this way, at different times, while Lafayette, by his perfect frankness and fearless- ness, remained unharmed, he was the only man whom the tyrant truly and always feared. " Gentlemen," said he to the council of state, on an occasion when the re- establishment of the National Guards was under discus- sion, " I know your devotion to the power of the throne. Everybody in France is corrected. I know of one man only who is not so — Lafayette. He has never drawn back a hair-breadth. You see him always quiet and calm ; but, I tell you, even now he is ready to begin again." — " Your existence," said Bemadotte to Lafay ette, " is truly miraculous. Your peril was even less RESTORATION OF THE BOURBONS. 35] from the character of the emperor, than from the bitter- ness of the men of the ancient regime, who irritated him against you.'' Napoleon fell, the idol still of the ai-my, but not of the people, who were heartily weary of imperial rule, with all its costly burden of glory and war. The allied sovereigns entered Paris, with their victorious armies, to restore the constitutional monarchy, and the ancient dy- nasty of the Bourbons, in the person of Louis XVIII. This, under dilFerent circumstances, and accompanied with suitable guaranties, would have realized the long- delayed hopes of Lafayette ; but, forced upon the nation as it was, by fi jreign dictation, and sustained by foreign hayonets, it was scarcely more acceptable than the ab- solute despotism of Napoleon. He would gladly have taken up arms, to repel the aggi-essors, and to vindicate the right of France to frame her own government, and choose her own rulers ; but his close retirement, and his long absence from the arena of public affairs, left him without resources or influence to resist this new revo- lution. Louis XVIII. was scarcely eleven months in posses- sion of his throne. It was a period of agitation, discon- tent, and doubt, portending another eruption. Lafayette took no part in public affairs. The constitutional mon- archy would have been acceptable to him, had it been the free choice of independent France ; but, constrained as it was, it failed to secure either his sympathy or his confidence. He went only once to Paris during that year. He was then presented at court, and was cordially received by the king ; but, having nothing to ask from royalty, and seeing nothing to hope for France, he re- turned to his farm, and to the quiet pursuits of hus- bandry. Suddenly the comet, in its eccentric orlit, reappear*! ;i52 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. in the horizon. Napoleon is at Cannes. The gates of Grenoble, of Lyons, of Paris, fly open at his coming. He stands again in the capital. The Bourbons fly ; the nation gathers at the feet of the conqueror. All France lifts up the shout, and the heavens reverberate it to the ends of the earth, " Vive I'empereur !" " The hundred days" have begun. Bonaparte knew and acknowledged that his ex.iie had been the result of the progress of liberal opinions. He thei'efore proposed to make some concessions to the con- stitutional party, and conciliate the sentiment of liberty, which still glowed in the bosom of the nation. For this end, his brother Joseph sought an interview with. Lafay- ette, and endeavored to inspire him with confidence in this new position of the emperor, fortifying his pui-pose by an appeal to his patriotic pride, which should resist the dictation of an invading foe. Lafayette responded, at once and heartily, to this last appeal, avowing himself always ready to take up arms against any foreign power that should touch the soil of France. At the same time, he frankly acknowledged that he had no faith in the promises of Napoleon, and demanded the pledge of a written constitution, to guaranty the liberties of the peo- ple. He refused a seat in the chamber of peers, against the restoration of which he protested, but was elected a repi-esentative of the people. As he anticipated, the concessions of Napoleon foil far short of the demands of the nation. They were alto- gether unsatisfactory. The throne overshadowed all other powers, and rendered them only subservient to one iron will. Lafayette was driven to opposition. He insisted upon the formation of a new constitution. He demanded that the assembly should assume an attitude capable of inspiring confidence, both at home and abroad , and that its members should show, at once and decidedlj. THE HUKDRBD DAYS. 353 whether they were the representatives of the French people, jr simply the Napoleon club. Meanwhile, the congi'ess of Vienna had declared Na- poleon an outlaw. The ti'umpet sounded loud and long on every side, and the banded hosts of Europe mustered to battle. To every measure of defence against the threatened invasion — to every demand of the emperor to meet this crisis of his fate, Lafayette gave his cordial and decided support. , He pressed earnestly the reor- ganization of the National Guards. But Napoleon was afraid of the free spirit of citizen-soldiers ; he required an army of conscripts, and it was granted. At the head of one hundred and fifty thousand men, he went forth to meet the invaders. In a few days he returned, a fugitive and alone, but not in despair. Resolved on one desperate effort more to retrieve his fortunes, he purposed to sweep away the fabric he had begun to raise, dissolve the assembly, as- sume the dictatorship, and levy the whole nation in one vast army of resistance. Forewarned of this intention, Lafayette seized the first moment of their meeting, on the following morning, to sound the alarm. " The moment has arrived," he said, " for rallying round the old tri-colored standard, the standard of 1789, of liberty, equality, and public order It is that stand- ard alone which we have to defend against foreign pre- tensions and internal intrigues." He then proposed that the chamber should declare itself permanent, that every attempt to dissolve it should be adjudged high treason, and that the National Guards should be imme- diately reorganized. These resolutions were adopted without discussion, and the last grand move of Napoleon was frustrated. A secret session was held in the evening, at which it was proposed that Napoleon should abdicate. His broth W 354 LIFE OP LA AYETTE. er Lucien, who was present, powerfully and eloquently vindicated the claims of the emperov, tliiowing out, in the heat of the moment a sneering allusion to the vola- tile and inconstant character of the French people. La- fayette sprang to his feet, and, without moving from his I-lace, or losing, in his indignation, his wonted compo- sure and dignity, exclaimed, " That is a calumnious as- sertion. Who shall dare accuse Frenchmen of fickleness or inconstancy, with respect to the Emperor Napoleon 1 Did they not follow him over the sands of Egypt, and through the deserts of Russia, over fifty fields of battle, in his disasters as well as in his victories 1 And it is for having thus followed him, that they have to regret the blood of three millions of their countrymen." Lucien bowed, but ventured no reply. His sneer was triumphantly refuted. The whole assembly seconded the just rebuke, deeply convinced that their first duty was to secure the safety of France, and that the claims of the fallen emperor were secondary to that. " Go," said Lafayette to Lucien, " tell your brother that we can trust him no longer. We will take care of the countiy ourselves." Napoleon, having been informed of the proceedings of the assembly, summoned a council of the principal officers of state, including the vice-presidents of the as- sembly, of whom Lafayette was one, and demanded what should be done. The council was divided in opinion, as hope, or fear, or interest, swayed its members. La- fayette was open, clear, and decided, declaring that un- qualified abdication was the only safe course for the em • peror and for France. The council was dissolved. Napoleon hesitated ; but, the next morning, sent in a formal abdication in favor of his son. The assembly accepted the abdication, but took no notice of the condition attached to it. A deputation. END OP THE HUNDRED DAYS. 355 with Lafayette at its head, was immediately appointed to convey to him the thanks of the assembly for this art of patriotic self-sacrifice. " It was an imposing specta- cle," says Lafayette — "these nine representatives of the people, armed only with the respect due to a National Assembly, coming to annoimce to him who, having sub- dued all the sovereigns of Europe, still commanded the French army — to his guard, and to an immense host of partisans in the faubourgs — that he was no longer em- pei'or, and that the nation resumed the goverament." " The hundred days" were ended. A pi'ovisional government was established, consisting of a council of five — two from the chamber of peers, and three from that of the deputies. By the intrigues of the Bonapartists on the one hand, and the Bourbon- ists on the other, Lafayette was excluded. Fouche, a Bourbonist, was made president, and Lafayette was placed at the head of a commission to treat with the al- lied powers. This was only a ruse to remove him from Paris, where his presence and influence would have greatly hindered, and perhaps wholly defeated, the in- trigues of Talleyrand, Fouche, and their fellow-conspir- ators, who had already secretly bargained for a second restoration of the Boui'bons. The conference took place at Haguenau. The com- missioners demanded a suspension of hostilities, urging that Napoleon, who was the sole cause of the war, was now only a private citizen, under the surveillance of the government. Lord Stewart, the English ambassador, interposed many obstacles to the negotiation, and finally defeated it. At one of their conferences, he said, ad- dressing himself to Lafayette, " I am bound to advise you, sir, that a peace with the allied powers is impossi- ble, except on the condition that you deliver over to us U)(! person of Bonaparte." — "I am exceedingly aston SbG LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. ished," replied Lafayette, with emphatic emotion, " that, in making so odious a proposition, you should have ad- dressed yourself to one of the prisoners of Olmutz." ■ His lordship then objected to the legitimacy of the as- sembly, under whose authoi-ity they acted, since it was convoked by the order of Napoleon ; to which Lafay- ette replied, that " it was strange enough, that a public man from representative England should intimate a doubt that the authority of a national assembly is de- rived rather from those who elect, than from him who convokes it." Lord Stewart withdrew from the conference. The negotiations were abruptly broken off. The commis- sioners returned to Paris, where, to their surprise and chagrin, they found the capitulation concluded, the anny withdrawn to the Loire, and the gates of the capital about to be throwTi open to the allies. On the 8th of July, the deputies found the hall of ses- sion closed against them, and the order was proclaimed, that no one should enter. Lafayette demanded if it was the order of the prince regent of England ; and then, raising his voice to its utmost pitch, invited the members to meet at his house. The invitation was accepted ; but an adjournment to the house of the president was imme- diately voted. Two hundred members were present at this session. A spirited protest was adopted, and signed by every one present. But it was all in vain. Louis X VIII. re-entered Paris the same day, supported against his own people, by a million of foreign bayonets ; and the tri-colored standard of liberty everywhere gave place to the white flag of the Bourbons. Four years of retirement at Lagrange succeeded the stoiTtny peti/jd of the second restoration, after which La- fayette was called again to sei-ve as a deputy for La Sarthe and Meaux. Here, as he had always doi>ej he A CHARGE OP TREASON. ac contended manfully for the rights of the people, resist- ing, step by step, the insidious encroachments of the crown. His boldness and freedom of speech became more and more offensive, as the govei'nment advanced toward those despotic measures which ultimately caused its ovei-throw. Many attempts were made to displace him from his seat. At length, in 1823, he was publicly charged with treason by the king's attorney. His col- leagues, who were implicated with him, demanded a trial. It was on this occasion that Lafitte applied to the attorney the merited epithet oi purveyor to the guillotine. Lafayette, disdaining to deny the charge, mounted the ti-ibune and said : — " In spite of my habitual indifference to party accusa- tions and animosities, I still think myself bound to add a few words to what had fallen from my honorable friend. During the whole course of a life entirely devoted to liberty, I have constantly been an object of attack to the enemies of that cause, under whatever form, despotic, aristocratic, or anarchic, they have endeavored to com- bat it. I do not complain, then, because I observe some affectation in the use of the word proved, which the pro- cureur-general has employed against me ; but I join my honored friends in demanding a public inquiry, within the walls of this chamber, and in the face of the nation. Then, I and my adversaries, to whatever rank they be- long, may declai-e, without reserve, all that we have mu- tually had to reproach each other with, for the last thirty years." From this open challenge his accusers recoiled. The accusation was dx'opped ; but, by intrigue and bribery, the ministers succeeded in defeating his re-election, and he returned once more to Lagrange, with the hope that his domestic retirement would never again be distui'bed by a call to the aisena of political strife. 358 LIFE OF LAPAYETTB. CHAPTER XXV. LAST VISIT TO AMEKICA, IN 1824. The patriarch of liberty was approaching the close of his career. He had almost reached his threescore years and ten. In a long life of uncommon activity, and world- wide usefulness, he had almost filled up the measure of his glory and his duty. The two great fields of his labors, America and France — how different the result of their struggles ! The latter, after thirty years of conflict and suffering, of herculean effort and gigantic convulsion, was scarcely nearer to the goal than when she started in the race. The former, established, consolidated, had grown, in half a century, to the stature and strength oi a giant ; and in her vigorous onward march, had calmlj taken her place of lofty independence and growing pros- perity and power, among the nations. America had been tiis early love. To her he devoted the first efforts of hiu youth — for her he spilled the first drop of his blood. In all his toils and trials, in all his hopes and fears, in all his joys and sorrows, he had turned to her with the pride and exultation of a child, and with the consoling assu- rance that all his labor's and sacrifices had not been in vain. He had long wished to revisit her shores, and to see, with his own eyes, the evidences of her growing wealth and power. And he now resolved to gratify that wish. LAST VISIT TO AMERICA. 359 His purpose becoming known on this side the Atlan- tic, the president of the United States addressed him a letter, inviting him, in the most cordial terms, to come, and placed a fiigate at his disposal, at any time vi^hen he should be ready to embark. Respectfully declining the offer of a public vessel, he took passage in the Cad- mus, an American merchantman, accompanied only by his son, George Washington, and his secretary, Mr. Le- vasseur. He sailed from Havre on the 12th of July, 1824, and arrived at New York on the 15th of August. Once more on American soil. And what a change ! Forty years had elapsed since he was last here. A whole generation had passed away. The thirteen independent states had become twenty-four. Three millions of peo- ple had become twelve millions. And every element of power, and gi-eatness, and happiness, had increased in the same proportion. It was more like a magnificent vision than a living reality. To describe the brilliant parades, the triumphal pro- cessions, the costly fttes, the balls, the parties, which made his long and rapid jouraey an uninterrupted gala day of excitement and display, would be to repea*' a thousand times, with variations, the same gorgeous and imposing scene. To recite all the fine speeches, or even to relate all the interesting incidents of his triumphant tour, would requii'e a volume. A few of the most prom- inent, with a small selection from the incidents by the way, must suffice for the present puipose. He called on Joseph Bonaparte, at his beautiful resi- dence in Bordentown, New Jersey. It was a deeply in- teresting and affecting interview. The ex-king had always entertained the highest respect for the character of Lafay- ette, and gi-eatly valued his friendship. Lafayette recip- rocated these sentiments, with a just appreciation of the goodness of Joseph's heart, and the liberality of his opin 360 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. ions. The scenes through which they had passed, the part which each had borne in those scenes, and the mighty changes which successive revolutions had wi'ought in their native land, conspired to give intensity to the emo- tions awakened by such a meeting on a foreign shore. To indulge them the more freely, Bonaparte and Lafay- ette withdrew to the library, where they remained alone more than an hour. After dinner, the grounds about the mansion were found to be filled with inhabitants from the country around, old and young, anxiously waiting to greet the "nation's guest." The ex-king immediately caused the doors to be thrown open for their reception. When they had retired, Lafayette apologized for having been the unconscious cause of such an intrusion upon the privacy of the house. But his host interrupted him, with the assurance that he was most happy to have his neighbors associated with him, in giving welcome to his friend and theirs, adding that he was quite accustomed to such gatherings of the people, as he always joined them on the 4th of July, in celebrating the anniversary of American independence. He visited the grave of Washington. " The tomb of the citizen-hero," says Levasseur, " is scarcely perceived amid the sombre cypresses by which it is suiTounded. A vault, slightly elevated, and sodded over — a wooden door without inscription, a few garlands, some green and some withered, indicate the place where rest in peace the puissant arms that broke the chains of his country. As we approached, the door was opened. Lafayette de- scended alone into the vault, and a few minutes after re appeared, his eyes ovei-flowing vyith teai'S. He took his eon and me by the hand, and led us into the tomb. We knelt reverently by the coffin, saluted it with our lips, and retired, all bathed in tears." He celebrated at Yorktown, the anniversary of tbo LAST VISIT TO AMERICA. 36J suiTendei of Coi'nwallis, occupying, while there, the same house that had formed the headquarters of that general, during the siege in 1781. It was much dilapi- dated, and, with the buildings around, presented the ap- pearance of a sacked village and a deserted camp. Yorktown had never recovered from the disasters of the siege and the storm. The inhabitants were few. The rained houses, blackened by fire, and pierced by balls, had not been repaired. The ground was still covered, in many places, with fragments of arms, broken shells, overturned gun-camages, and other implements of war, some of which lay all exposed upon the naked rocks while some were half-buried in the sand. Tents grouped or scattered, according to the nature of the gi-ound, and platoons of soldiers placed at various points, gave it all the appearance of a camp hastily formed near a village taken and occupied after an obstinate battle. To make the illusion more complete, camp-beds were prepared, and officers, civil as well as militai-y, threw themselves at random on mattresses or straw, in the half-open and un- furnished apartments. Aroused at daybreak by the roar of cannon, Lafayette with his escort, proceeded to Washington's marquee, which was erected on the plain, just out of the village, where he received the officers of the neighboring militia. This presentation, in the midst, as it were, of revolution- ary scenes, was intensely exciting. Two of the old sol- diers, ^ho had never fainted in battle, nor shrunk from the face of an enemy, fainted away, under the power of their emotions, in shaking hands with Lafayette. About noon, a grand military escort was formed, to conduct the general to the site of the redoubt which he had so gallantly carried on the seventeenth day of the siege. Here a triumphal arch had been erected, undel which he was received, and eloquently addressed by 16 3C2 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. General Taylor, who, in concluding his speech, grace- fully crowned Lafayette with a civic wreath. With characteristic modesty and tact, the general took the wreath, and turning to Colonel Fish, of New York, who bore a heroic part in stonning the redoubt, he said — " Take it ; tliis wreath belongs to you also. Preserve it as a depoaite which we must account for to our comrades." The day passed in festivities, concluded by a gi-and military ball in the evening. The enthusiasm of the company was greatly increased by a discovery which some of the servants had made during the day. In an obscure corner of the cellar, a large box of candles had been found, which, by the marks upon the lid, were known to be a part of Lord Cornwallis's military stores, and which, singulai'ly enough, had remained unmolested for forty-three years. They were brought out, and lisfhted for the eveninji's entertainment. The idea of dancing by the light of Bi'itish candles — the last rem- nants of the stores furnished for the last act in the I'evo- lutionary drama — on the site of the last battle, and in the presence of the general who acted a most conspicu- ous part in it — the only surviving major-general of the revolution — was so exciting to the old soldiers, that, not- withstanding iheir great age, and the fatigues of the day, many of them refused to retire till the candles were en tirely consumed. On his way to Yorktown, Lafayette had passed through Washington, and been cordially received by Presiden Monroe, at the " white house." On his return northward, he passed a few days more at the capital. Congress was just assembling. It was the second session of the eighteenth congress. Lafayette and his companions were introduced to both bouses with the highest honors. The speech of Mr. Clay, then speaker of the house ot representatives, and the reply of Lafayette, are admira LAST VISIT TO AMERICA. 363 ble specimens of impassioned eloquence. But, albeit republics are proverbially ungi'ateful, congress was not satisfied vcitb mere words. A bill was introduced and immediately passed, appropriating the sum of two hun- dred thousand dollars, together with twenty-four thou- sand acres of land, to be selected from the most fertile section of the public domain, as a slight testimony of the sense which the American people entertained of the services and sacrifices of Lafayette, in the cause of Amer- ican independence. Lafayette, who was at Annapolis when this bill was brought forward, was overcome with embarrassment at what he was pleased to regard as the munificence of Con- gress. And when a few of the members, who, fi-om constitutional scruples, had felt obliged to vote against the appropriation, waited upon him to explain their mo- tives, he replied, taking one of them cordially by the hand — "I fully appreciate your views. I assure you, if I had been a member I should have voted with you, not only because I partake of the sentiments which de- termined your votes, but also because I think that the American nation has done too much for me." The presidential campaign of 1824 was an unusually exciting one. Four candidates were in the field — Adams, Jackson, Clay, and Crawford. Parties were aiTayed in bitter strife for the mastery. Short-sighted politicians of the old world predicted a convulsion that would be fatal to the permanence of our constitution. To Lafayette it was a season of peculiar interest. He saw the harmonious workings of the well-adjusted sys- tem. He rejoiced in the spirit and intelligence of people who always held their personal and party preferences subordinate to the constitution, and bowed, without a murmur, to the will of the majority. To his compan- ions, it was both amusing and insti'uctive te see how all 364 LIFll OF LAFAYETTB. party differences were laid aside, and how haraioniousljF and kindly the most active and bitter pai'tisans of yestei'- day, could meet to-day, on common ground, and vie with each other in doing honor to the nation's guest. At Camden, South Carolina, Lafayette assisted in lay- ing the corner-stone of a monument about to be erected in honor of Baron de Kalb, who, like himself, came from Europe to offer his sei-vices to the American states, and who, after faithful and valuable sei-vices, during vyhich he was eleven times wounded, fell in battle on the plains of Camden. At Savannah, he perfoimed the same sol- emn service, to the memory of Greene and Pulaski. At Charleston, the festivities of reception were ren- dered doubly interesting and grateful, by the presence of Colonel Francis K. Huger, the same who, thirty years before, had risked his life, and suffered a long imprison- ment, in the effort to aid the escape of Lafayette from the castle of Olmutz. The citizens of Charleston well understood the generous gi-atitude of their guest, and paid a delicate and deserved compliment to the goodness of his heart, when they conceived the idea of blending the honors conferred upon him with public demonstra- tions of gi'atitude and respect to his heroic deliverer. Everywhere the name of Huger was inscribed by the side of that of Lafayette. They sat side by side in the triumphal car, and at the festive board, and shared the honors and felicitations of the people. On the day of his departure, the city presented to Lafayette a beautiful and highly-finished miniature of his friend, richly set in a frame of solid gold. At Augusta, at Milledgeville, at Mobile, at New Or- leans, at Natchez, at St. Louis, and a hundred other places, there was a brilliant succession of fetes and tri- umphs, each vainly vying with the rest to invent some new mode of saying, " Welcome, Lafayette," or some LAST VISIT TO AMERICA. 366 new expression of gratitude and respect. At Kaskaskia, where an unexpected pause was made, and where con- sequently no formal preparations had been made for his reception, the general met with one of the most affecting incidents of his tour. One of his companions, drawn by curiosity to an Indian encampment, a short distance from the town, found there a very pretty, intelligent, well- educated Indian woman, who spoke French fluently and vnth grace, and who expressed a great desire to see La- fayette. " I always carry with me,'' said she, " a relic that is very dear to me. I would show it to him. It would prove to him that his name is not less venerated among our tribes, than among the white Americans, for whom he fought." This relic was a letter, written by Lafayette in 1778, to her father, Panisciowa, a chief of one of the Six Nations, thanking him for the courage and fidelity with which he had sei-ved the American cause. Mary was the only child of the brave old chief. On the death of her mother, he confided her to the care of the American agent, by whom she was ti-eated as a daughter, receiving the same care and insti-uction as his own child. She becamie a Christian. Five years after, an Indian wanior came to her, as she was walking in the forest, and said that her father was dying, and wished to see her. Hastening off, without taking leave of her friends, and travelling all night, they reached at dawn of day, a small bark hut in the middle of a naiTow valley. Here her aged father lay on his bed of skins, calmly ex- pecting death. As soon as he saw his child, he drew from his pouch a paper, wrapped carefully in a dry skin, and gave it to her, with a charge to preserve it as a most precious gift. " It is a powerfiil charm," said he, " to mlerest the pale faces in your favor. I received it from a great French warrior-, whom the English dreaded as much as the Americans loved him, and with whom I 366 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. fought in my youth." The next day Panisciowa died. Maiy returned to her white friends, but soon after mar- ried the young wanior who had been her father's last friend and companion. Her meeting with Lafayette, her touching story, and the simple veneration with which her ' relic" had been presei-ved nearly half a century, made d deep impression on the general's mind. At Nashville, forty officers and soldiers of the revolu- tion had assembled from different parts of the slate, to bear a part in the triumph accorded to their old genei-al. One of them, a veiy aged man, but full of life and ac- tivity, had travelled more than one hundred and fifty miles, " to see the young general." Seizing him wannly by the hand, he exclaimed — "I have had two happy days in my life — one when I landed with you on tiie American coast, in 1777, and this, when I see your face again. I have lived long enough." The old man's name was Haguy. He was a German. He had come to Amer- ica in the same vessel with Lafayette, and had served un- der his orders during the whole war. That variety might not be wanting to spice the other- wise tedious navigation of the west, the steamer that was to convey them to Louisville struck a snag in the Ohio. It was midnight) " dark as that dreadful night in Egj-pt." AlaiTO, dismay, teiTor, confusion — what words can ade- quately describe the scene ! The boat was a total viTecki The passengei's were all in imminent peril of their lives. But the first thought of every one was for Lafayette. The boa.t was immediately got out, and with great diffi- culty, and much against his own will, he was placed in it, and set on shore, with a fe'w friends. By the unwea- ried exertions of the crew and the passengers, all were safely landed. George Lafayette was one of the last that left the boat, having, by his coolness and tact, ren- dered such valuable service, that the captain remarked LAST VISIT TO AMERICA. 367 — '' He Must often have been shipwrecked, for he liaa behcived to-night as if he was accustomed to such adven- tures." On shore, with no shelter hut the trees on the bank, they were visited with a heavy shower of rairi. Some were half naked, all wore more or less en dhha- hille. But, gathering around their fires, which were plentifully supplied with bmshwood, they turned their misfortunes into mirth, laughed at each other's grotesque appearance and costume, and by story, song, and joko, whiled away the hours till morning. About nine o'clock, the boat from Louisville appeared, bound down the river. One of the proprietors being present, he generously took in the whole party, and gave orders to return to Loui.s- ville, at once. At Buffalo, Lafayette received a visit from Red Jacket, an old chief of the Senecas. They had met in 1784, in the gi'eat council at Fort Schuyler. Red Jacket spoke of that meeting,, and of its results, with feeling. " And where," demanded Lafayette, " is the young warrior who so eloquently opposed the burying of the tomahawk, on that occasion ■?" — "He is before you," replied the son of the forest. " Time has much changed us," said the general; "we were then young and active." — "Ah!" exclaimed the Indian, " time has made less change on you than on me — look !" and uncovering his head he showed that it was entirely bald. The general, who wore a wig, to cover the ravages of time, was not a little amused ; but fearing that Red Jacket might mistake it for a scalp, and undertake to supply his owi. loss at the expense of some unfortunate neighbor, he did nit think it best to undeceive him. While receiving the farewells of the muliilude at Qti- ca, the boat having already started, a tall, stout man, whose copper complexion, half-naked body, and gro- tesque ornaments, left no doubt of bis origia rushed 368 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. through the crowd, and ran along the bank, making signs for the boat to stop. The captain not deeming this advisable, the swift-footed hunter continued the chase, passed the boat, and waited her coming on the bridge below. Thence, leaping upon the deck, he exclaimed, " Kayoula ! where is Kayoula ]" Lafayette was pointed out to him. " I am the son of Wekchekaeta," said he, stretching out his hand — " of him who loved you so well that he followed you to your own country, after the great war. My father talked much of you, and I am happy to see you." After a little more talk, and a pres- ent from the great Kayoula, the young brave took his leave, springing from the boat to the bank, a distance of ten feet, with the lightness of a deer. On the 15th of June, two days before the anniversary of the battle of Bunker hill, Lafayette reached Boston-, He had travelled, in less than four months, more than five thousand miles ; having traversed a part of the gulf of Mexico on the south, and one of the great chain of lakes on the north ; having ascended rapid rivers to the verge of civilization, and received the homage of a score of independent republics, and of millions of happy, gi-ateful fl-eemen. On the 17th, the corner-stone of the Bunker-hill mon- ument was laid, with imposing ceremonies. Fifty years had elapsed since the first battle of the Revolution. Some of the old officers, and many of the old soldiers, who participated in the glory of that day, were present at the solemnity. They came up from every part of the wide Union — from every family of the sisterhood of states. Scaned with wounds, bent with years, and lean- ing upon their staves, with their children and their chil- dren's children, by hundreds and by thousands, they came, to celebrate the first great achievement of Ameri- can arms, and lay the foundation of a raonument which LAST VISIT TO AMERICA. 369 should perpetuate its memory, and illustrate its histoiy, to after-generations. The magnitude and perfection of the an-angements, the vast numbers assembled, the presence of Lafayotto and his brother veterans, the eloquence of Webster, and the unparalleled sublimity of the occasion, conspired to make this the grandest and most imposing festival of the age. After having, by a few master-touches, sketched in outline the history of the half century then elapsed, recalled the great event which that day commemorated, declared the purpose of the monument then to be reared, welcomed and congratulated the surviving heroes of the Revolution, and addressed an eloquent eulogy to the manes of the honored dead, the orator turned to Lafay- ette. "Sir," said he, "we are assembled to commemorate the establishment of the great public principles of lib- erty, and to do honor to the distinguished dead. The occasion is too severe for eulogy to the living ; but your ^interesting relation to this country, the peculiar cix'cum- stances which surround you and suiTound us, call on me to express the happiness which we derive from your presence and aid in this solemn commemoration. " Fortunate, fortunate man ! with what measure of devotion will you not thank God, for the circumstances of your extraordinary life ! You are connected with both hemispheres, and with two generations. Heaven saw fit to ordain, that the electric spark of liberty should be conducted, through you, from the new world to the old ; and we, who are now here to perform this duty of patriotism, have all of us long ago received it in charge from our fathers, to cherish your name and your virtues. You now behold the field, the renown of which reached you in the heart of France, and caused a thrill in your ^.■''dent bosom. You see the lines of the little redoubt, X 16* 370 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. thrown up by the incredible diligence of Prescott, de- fended, to the last extremity, by his lion-hearted val'r, and within which the coi-ner-stone of our monument h<\3 now taken its position. You see where WaiTen fell, and where Parker, Gardner, M'Cleary, Moore, and other early patriots, who fell with him. Those who survived that day, and whose lives have been prolonged to the present hour, are now around you. Some of them you have known in the trying scenes of the war. Behold ! they now stretch forth their feeble arms to embrace you. Behold ! they raise their trembling voices to invoke thp blessing of G-od on you and yours for ever ! " Sir, you have assisted us in laying the foundation of this edifice. You have heard us rehearse, with our fee- ble commendation, the names of departed patriots. Sir, monuments and eulogy belong to the dead. We give them, this day, to Warren and his associates. On other occasions, they have been given to your more immedi- ate companions-in-arms — to Washington, to Greene, to Gates, to Sullivan, and to Lincoln. Sir, we have become reluctant to grant these, our highest and last honors, fur- ther. We would gladly hold them yet back from the little remnant of that immortal band. Scrus in codum redeas. Illustrious as are your merits, yet far, oh ! very far distant, be the day when any inscription shall beai your name, or any tongue pronounce its eulogy !" Under an immense pavilion, covering the summit of the hill, more than four thousand guests sat down to an ample and substantial feast, which ivas enlivened by pa- triotic songs, appropriate toasts, and the most spirit-stir- ring strains of our national martial airs. After the reg- ular toasts, the president proposed, "Health and long life to General Lafayette;" to which, after a very brief acknowledgment, in behalf of himself and his fellow- veterans, he responded, " Bunker hill, and the holy ra LAST VISIT TO AMERICA. 371 sistance to oppression, which has already enfranchised the American hemispliei'e — the next jubilee toast shall be, To CTifranclnsed, Europe /" Having, by forced and rapid journeys, visited the ])rin- cipal places i)i Maine, New Hampshire, and Vermont — having traversed the fields of Saratoga, Germantown, Barren hill, and Brandywine — having made a parting call upon the venerable ex-presidents Adams, Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe, at their respective homes in Mas- sachusetts and Virginia, and having received, at Wash- ington, from the lips of the president, John Quincy Ad- ams, a national farewell and benediction, to which the responsive Amen went up from twelve millions of grate- ful hearts, from the hills and streams of New England, from the broad prairies and ocean lakes of the west, from the rich savannahs of the south, from the fertile plains and teeming valleys of the central states — ay, and even from the scattered forest-homes of the red man, the an- cient lord of all this wide domain — he embarked, on the 8th of September, on board the Frigate Bi'andywine, sailed down the Potomac, and, from the capes of Vir- ginia, bade a final adieu to the shores of America. " From the moment of your departure," said Mr. Ad- ams, " the prayers of millions will ascend to heaven, that your passage may be prospei'ous, and your return to the bosom of your family as propitious to your happiness, as your visit to this scene of your youthful glory has been to that of the American people." And so it was. The prayers and blessings of a mighty nation followed him across the Atlantic, followed him to his homo, f.jl- iowed him to his grave; and, while our free institutions shall endure, generation after generation, the ever-grow- ing millions of our boundless inheritance, shall rise up and call him blessed. J72 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. CHAPTER XXVI. THE REVOLUTION OP 1830. Step by step, the tyranny of the old regime was re« g aining its hold upon France. The Bourbons, forgetting the lessons of the past, and growing arrogant in power, began to draw closer the reins of government, to assume the ancient prerogatives of the crown, and to encroach upon the constitutional rights of the people. Louis XVIII. commenced this wox'k of usui-pation, which Charles X. followed up with bolder strides. His insti'u- ments, throughout France, even to the lower orders of the police, were undergoing a gradual training in the old order of things, and fast learning the lessons of ab- ject servility to the crown, and jealousy of every other kind of gi-eatness. When Lafayette landed at Havre, on ■the 2d of October, 1826, he was greeted with a cordial welcome, and with demonstrations of affection, confi- dence, and I'espect, which gave serious alarm to those who believed that all such personal homage should be reserved for royalty. At Rouen, the people were dis- posed to show him the same respect. They assembled in large numbers before the house of an old friend, on whom he had called, and saluted him with the usual shouts and vivats, accompanied with appropriate strains of music, from a martial band. Lafayette came out upon a balcony, and commenced addressing the people, when a 'letachment of royal guards, accompanied by some of THK REVOLUTION OF 1830. 373 tlie armed police, fired upon the citizens, commanding them to disperse. Several persons were wounded. The police, with drawn swords, attended Lafayette to the hotel, in order to prevent any farther demonstrations of popular feeling. They were met, however, by a party of determined young men, who were fully prepared to contest with them the liberty of speech, guarantied to them by the constitution. The guards were driven back. The people, with an enthusiasm gi'eatly inflamed by this ill-timed interference, rushed together in larger numbers, and expressed in louder and more emphatic terms their gratitude and attachment to the champion of liberty. On his departure, the following morning, a numerous and respectable body of citizens, marshalled in due or- der, assembled, without molestation from the police, and escorted him, with civic honors, along the first stage of his journey. Soon after his return, though he was now seventy years of age, and might well have claimed repose from all public affairs, he was elected to the chamber of dep- uties. Men of his stamp were needed to resist the rapid encroachments of despotic power. He resumed the task with all the ardor and fearlessness of youth. He insisted upon extensive reforms, declaring that " while nations were advancing governments were retrograding," and contending that government, which was duly the creature and servant of the nation, must be compelled to keep pace with it, in every liberal improvement. He attacked, with all his eloquence and zeal, the system of ministerial patronage, and earnestly pleaded for a reform and extension of trial by jury, and the abolition of cap- ital punishment, and of punishment by the branding- iron, both of which he looked upon as belonging to the age of barbarism. He proposed and advocated the it vorcing of religion from its unnatural alliance with tha 174 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. State, an enlarged and liberal system of national educa^ tion, a rigid economy in the administration of public affairs, the re-organization of the National Guards, the abolition of the slave-trade, and the utmost extension of the right o' suffrage. His speeches on these and kin- dred topics, during the sessions of 1828 and 1829, were marked by the same plain, direct, practical common sense, and logical force, which distinguished his earlier efforts in the same cause, and which, together with his fearlessness and perseverance, made his the most formi- dable name in the ranks of the opposition. During the summer of 1829, Lafayette made a visit to liis relatives in the departments of Auvergne and Isere. His journey was everywhere inten-upted by demonstra- tioTis of popular regard. From city, town, and village, the people came out to welcome and to honor him. From Clermont to Chavagniac, from Chavagniac to Vi- zllle, and from Vizille to Lyons, his journey was little less than a civic triumph. At Grenoble a silver crown, encircled with a fillet of oak-leaves, was presented to him by one of the most aged and venerable of the citi- zens. In the evening the whole town was illuminated. True to their royal master, on whom their living de- pended, some of the civil authorities would have re- pressed the enthusiasm of the people, and forbidden these public displays of regard for a private citizen. But the sentiment of the people was too deep and too strong to be restrained. It was prudently suffered to speak and act itself out, without molestation. At Vi- zille, the mayor took the lead in the arrangements made for his reception. The display was beautiful and bril- liant in the extreme. Every house and public building in the city was illuminated, while bonfires were lighted on all the Alpine peaks around, presenting an immense amphilheatre. the mountain torches glaring in the deep TEIE REVOLUTION OP 1830. 375 dome aljove, and the illuminated streets twinkling as footlights below. The mayoi- was punished for his te- merity in taking part in these festivities, being immedi- ately removed from office, by order of the government. But so perfect was the unanimity of sentiment among the citizens, that no one could be induced to accept the vacant magistracy. At Vienne, the whole population turned out to greet their venerated guest. Fireworks, prepared for the occasion, but prohibited by the authori- ties, were taken across the Rhine, and displayed from the opposite bank. Excited to seven-fold zeal by the paltry jealousy of the government, the citizens of Lyons prepared to receive the general in a style of unparalleled magnificence. Eighty thousand persons poured out from the gates on his approach, to give him welcome ; while the remain- ing population took possession of the streets, windows, balconies, and housetops, and gi-efeted him with inces- sant acclamations, as he passed along. Forty-four years before, at the commencement of the first revolution, and in the morning of his proud career, he had received, in passing, the honors of the city. A few years after, on relinquishing the command of the National Guard, he was presented with an emblematic memorial of its regard, as beautiful in its classic device as it was flatter- ing and appropriate. It was in the form of a Roman banner. The shield, which was encircled with a crown of oak-leaves, and surmounted by the Gallic cock, rep- lesented Curtius plunging into the flaming gulf, for the preservation of his countiy ; while the motto, C. L. O. C. {Cives Lugdunenses optima civi*), conveyed the highest honor which it was in the power of words to express. The authorities of the city, to save their offices, took no part in these hoijors. They even interposed some • The citizens of Lyons to the best citizen. ^V6 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. slight obstacles to the enthusiasm of the people. But it continued during three entire days to display itself in every variety of military parade, civic procession, water excursion, evening party, and masonic festival, and closed with a magnificent banquet of five hundred covers, where the homage of the city to its guest was again embodied in the following toast : " Other warriors have gained bat- tles ; others have made eloquent orations ; but none have equalled him in the civic virtues." The report of these proceedings greatly exasperated the court, and an order was actually prepared, and on the point of being despatched by telegraph, for the ai'- rest of Lafayette. It was prudently reconsidered, how- ever, and the general departed from Lyons, attended by an immense cavalcade of citizens, and an escort of cav- alry, who, notwithstanding the rain, which fell in ton-ents, accompanied him six miles from the city. Declining nu- merous pressing solicitations from other towns and cities on his way, he hastened home, to prepare for a new struggle with despotism. Another revolution had al- ready commenced. The year 1830 opened with dark signs of a coming storm. Polignac was placed at the head of a ministry pledged to the crown and distrusted by the people. The king, in his speech at the opening of the assembly, de- nounced the whole country as a focus of levolt and sedi- tion, and boldly defied any interference with his meas- ures. The deputies, headed by Lafayette, replied with a tone as bold andi-esolute as the king's. The king im- mediately dissolved the chambers, and ordered a new election, at the same time using means to overawe and control the suffrages of the nation. In this he was un- successful. The greater part of the liberal deputies were re-elected. The new assembly was even more pop- ular than the last. To neutralize, if possible, this un- THE REVOr.UTION OP 1830. 377 expected deffjat, and awe the people by a show o*" des- perate resolution, the king, ovei'stepping all the p'.edgea of the constitution, put forth a series of ordinances wor- thy of the despotic genius of Napoleon. The first pro- nounced the new chamber dissolved before it assembled. The second annulled the electoral laws then in force, i-educed the number of deputies nearly one half, and materially changed the conditions of suffrage and repre- sentation. The last abrogated the laws which guarded the liberty of the press. These ordinances appeared in the Moniteur of the 26th of July. " Patriots can not recall, without ten-or," says Sarran, " the first effect produced by these ordinances. It was a sullen stupor of almost incredulity. The Moniteur -had been circulated several hours. The citizens had read and re-read, for the twentieth time, the insolent manifesto, and could not yet persuade themselves of the actual existence of such insane audacity." The day passed ofi" without distui'bance, though not without the frequent interchange of looks and words of fearful import. In the evening, meetings were held in various places, and men who had all the day been medi- tating revolt, came together for conference and action. The conductors of the press were foremost in preparing for resistance. They drew up, signed, and published, a bold and vigorous protest against the ordinances, as a direct invasion of their constitutional rights, as well as a violation of the dearest rights of the people. It was widely disseminated, and operated with electric energy throughout the city. Public opinion was instantly aroused to action. Undisguised indignation succeeded to sullen surprise. The overcharged magazine of pop- ular discontent, burst into awful explosion, and Paris, but now appai-ently so quiet, was all in o.m.s — a camp on the eve of battle. 378 MFE OP I,AFAYETTE. Mecliaiiics, laborers, students of the Polytechnic school, and of the schools of law and medicine, and cit- izens of every name and gi-ade, equipped themselves foi the conflict, and assembled in vast numbers at the ciy, resounding in all the streets, " Vive la Charte !" or, " Vive la lAberte .'" The alarm reached the palace, whore the foolish king and his besotted ministers flattered themselves that they were fully prepared for any emeV' geiicy. The royal command was given, and the heavy battalions marched out in complete aiTay, to meet and subdue their master's, the sovereign people. Their mas- ters were ready to receive them. A few hours had suf- ficed for preparation. In every quarter, the streets were barricaded. Carts, carriages, paving-stones, and every kind of rubbish, were converted into walls and parapets, behind which determined bands of volunteer citizens awaited the onset. Windows, balconies, house-tops, became so many garrisons of defence, from which the maddened populace poured forth defiance and death upon their assailants. Paris was a Babel of arms. Lib- erty and despotism, the people and the crown, were once more met in deadly strife for the mastery. It was an issue of blood only. The time for concession and conciliation was past. Victory or submission were the only alternatives. Lafayette was at Lagi'ange. The Moniteur, with a copy of the decrees, reached him on the morning of the 27th. Comprehending, at a glance, their inevitable ef- fect, he immediately set ofl", post-haste, for Paris, where he was received with acclamations of joy and confidence. The war had already commenced. It was then raging in many of the streets. It wanted a leader, and all eyes were turned to Lafayette. He was called by acclama- tion, to command the National Guard. Such of the deputies as were then in Paris, assemb'eH THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 379 at a private house for a consultation. Lafayette and La- fitte were earliest on the ground. A discussion ensued. Many hesitated and trembled. Some openly advocated submission. Lafayette, deeming that impossible, de- clared that a revolution, with just and sufficient cause, had already begun, and projDOsed the immediate appoint- ment of a provisional government. At this moment, it was announced that the people, after a sanguinary en- gagement, were masters of the Hotel de Ville. A loud call was made for instant action. Some of the timid gave way. Others still hesitated, and recommended an humble petition to the throne. Lafayette, indignant at these delays, while the blood of the people was flowing in all the streets, rose and declared that, as his name was already, by the confidence of his fellow-citizens, placed at the head of the insurrection, he should wait no longer. He should establish his headquarters in Paris the next day. He was true to his word. The whole night he passed in inspecting the barricades, and making prepa- ration for the arduous work of the morrow. The battle was renewed at dawn. The people, under their old com- mander, and the tri-colored flag of liberty, carried every- thing before them, till the royal troops, giving way on all sides, were driven back upon the Louvre and the Tuileries. Encouraged by these successes, the deputies reassembled on the 29th, organized a provisional gov- ernment, and fonnally invested Lafayette with the pow- ers of a military dictatorship. Meanwhile, the Louvre and the Tuileries had suiTen- dered to the invincible courage of the people, and La- fayette, supreme ruler of France, commenced bis trium- phant march to the Hotel de Ville, whence he issued the following proclamation : — " My dear fellow-citizens and brave comrades : The confidence of the people of Par's once more calls me tc 380 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. command the popular force. I have accepted, ^vith de- votion and joy, the powers that have been confided to me ; and, as in 1789, I feel myself strong in the appro- bation of my honorable colleagues, this day assembled in Paris. I shall make no profession of my faith. My sentiments are well known. The conduct of the Parisian population, in these last days of trial, has made me more than ever proud of being their leader. Liberty shall tri- umph, or we will perish together. " Lafayette." The revolution was now accomplished. The din of battle ceased. The glorious three days of July were ended. Charles X., seeing the folly and hopelessness of further attempts at coercion, thought yet to save his crown, by retracing his steps, and bowing to the popular will. To this end, he sent a deputation to the Hotel de Ville, to treat with the new representatives of the peo- ple, at the same time announcing the revocation of the obnoxious decrees, and the nomination of a new and lib- eral ministry. To this Lafayette replied, " It is too late — all conciliation is impossible — the royal family has ceased to x-eign." Thus peremptorily rejected at the Hotel de Ville, the crest-fallen monarch applied to the deputies, requesting their mediation to bring back the people to their old al- legiance. " It is too late," replied Lafitte. "War has decided ; Charles X. is no longer king of France." Thus ended the dynasty of the elder branch of the Bourbons. The deposed king, after another abortive attempt to regain his crown by force, sent in a formal abdication, and passed unmolested to England, mutter- ing, as he went, " That old republican Lafayette has been the prime mover of all this mischief." Once more without a government, the question for the people was, what shall replace the fallen dynasty 1 It was a question of deep import, and real difficulty. Many THE REVOLUTION OF 1830. 381 of the patriots of the old school, and with them the mass of the people, hoped and asked for a republic. They were tired of experiments with the throne. They wished to lay aside the crown and the sceptre altogether. They looked to Lafayette as their chief, and desired no other. The headquarters of this party were at the Hotel de ViUe. On the other hand, a strong and lespectable party, with Lafitte at its head, still clung to the monarchy. Its chiefs were members elect of the chamber of deputies, and, as such, were in constant session. Lafitte was an eminent banker, reputed immensely rich, but really so only as he wielded and controlled the public and pri- vate resources of France. He had large and intimate relations with the aristocracy. He was the banker and <;onfidential agent of the duke of Orleans, the richest man in France, and the representative of the younger branch of the Bourbon family. He understood his char- acter. He had unlimited confidence in the liberality of his views ; and he immediately conceived the idea of re- constructing the "monarchy surrounded with republican institutions," with Louis Philippe at its head. How much of personal interest was mingled in his plans, it is impossible now to say. On his own responsibility, he sent for the duke to corae to Paris. The duke hesita- ted, but came. A proclamation was immediately drawn up, proposing the duke of Orleans as lieutenant-general of the kingdom ; and the duke, after consulting Talley- rand, the grand-chamberlain of the ex-king, ventured to accept the nomination. This was the work of the deputies, aided by a few of the peers. Meanwhile, the people, who had accom- plished the revolution, and especially the citizen-army, loudly demanded a republic, with Lafayette for its pres- ident. Niimerous and influential deputations waited 382 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. upon him, and urged him to use the power already vest- ed in him, to crush the intrigues of the monarchists. Others, less republican in their views, when the procla- mation of the deputies appeared, begged him to take still higher ground, by mounting the throne himself. " If we are to have a king," said they, " why not have you 1" To which he laughingly replied, " No, no ; a crown would become me as a ring would become a cat." lie received proposals, also, from another party, advoca- ting the claims of the young duke de Bordeaux to the vacant throne, and naming himself as regent ; but would not listen for a moment to any proposal which looked to his own aggrandizement. The sole purpose of his life was, to obtain liberty for France. It was the earnest and oft-repeated wish of Lafayette, that a provisional government, of the simplest form, should be instituted, until the nation, in its primary as- 3emblies, should have opportunity to designate its own form of government, and choose its own rulers ; but the deputies, the identical deputies who, but a few days be- fore, had been re-elected in spite of the known wishes and powerful intrigues of the dethroned king, and who, theiefore, with great show of right, claimed to be the special and only representatives of the popular will, ^ere alike averse to a provisional government, and to an ap- peal to the primary assemblies. To this body, Lafayette could not consistently oppose himself. From it he re- ceived the power with which he was then invested ; and to it he held himself amenable, so long as it did not con- travene the expressed will of the nation. The nation had had no opportunity to express its will. To Louis Philippe he had no personal objection ; he respected his character, and had confidence in his principles. He moreover regarded the lieutenant-generalship as only a temporary substitute for the office with which he was THE REVOLUTION OP 1830. 383 himself invested, and which he was eager to lay down as soon as the liberties of the people, and public tran- quillity, were secured. When, therefore, a deputation from the chamber announced to him this new appoint- ment, .he gave his assent without hesitation, declaring, at the same time, that, like his own authority, it must be regarded only as provisional, subject to the will of the nation, and that nothing was definitive but the victory and sovei-eignty of the people. The nomination was not acceptable to the people of Paris. Louis Philippe was a Bourbon ; the very name was hateful to them. So strong was this feeling, that when, on his arrival before the Hotel de Ville, his friends attempted to raise the usual vivais of welcome, they were instantly drowned by vociferations, a thousand times i-e- iterated, of "Vive la liberie!" — ''Vive Lafayette!" and when, again, as the prince presented himself in the hall to the young soldiers of the polytechnic school, a few feeble voices cried, " Vive le due d' Orleans !" it was answered by tremendous shouts of " Vive Lafayette !" repeated with all the vehemence of French enthusiasm. The same spirit was manifested in the streets and public squares of the city, where the populace tore down from the walls the proclamations announcing the appointment of a lieutenant-general, and severely chastised those who were employed in posting them. This was the trying moment for the ^patriotism of La- fayette. He sympathized with the people in many of their objections to the appointment; but he recognised the authority of the body from which it emanated. It was the only real authority then existing in France. The question of submission, then, was a question between anarchy and order, which, to the mind of Lafayette, was no question at all. He felt that the destiny of France •"as in his hands — that all eyes awaited his movements ^S4 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. The result showed that he was still, as ever, ti-ue to him self and. to France. The declaration of the chamber was read, the assern- Died multitude remaining silent and unmoved ; but when, at the close of the reading, Lafayette came forward, gave his hand cordially to the prince, presented him with a tri-colored flag, and commended him to the people as their legitimate leader, their enthusiasm began to take a new direction. Cries of " Vive le due d' Orleans !" rose from among them on every side, though for a long time they were scarcely heard, amid the more numerous and heartfelt shouts of " Vive Lafayette /" It was a preg- nant crisis. In the face of the deputies and of the prince, dissatisfaction and opposition were expressed in the most violent terms. " Sir," said General Dubourg to the duke, in a loud, stern voice, that reached the ears of thousandSj " you know our wants, and our rights ; if you forget them, we will remind you of them." — " Le Bourbon / Le Bourbon /" shouted the multitudes, in tones of bitter execration, ready, at a word, to take ai-ms again, and shake off for ever this hateful yoke. By the all-powerful influence of Lafayette, the tumult was quelled, order and harmony restored, and the new autliority quietly confirmed and established. Having obtained a promise from the chiefs of the popular party, that the tranquillity of the city should not be disturbed, he proceeded to the Palais Royal, the city residence of Louis Philippe, and demanded a frank expression of his views on some of the fundamental principles for which France had been so long contending. These were, the sovereignty of the people, the abolition of hereditai-y peerage, universal suffi-age, the re-establishment of the National Guard, and the abolition of government mo- nopolies. The answers of the prince to all these points were full, decided, and satisfactory. THE REVOLUTION OP 1830. 385 " You know," said Lafayette, " that I am a republi- can, and that I consider the constitution of the United States as the most perfect system that ever existed." " I think so, too," said the duke ; " it is impossible to have lived two years in America, without being of that opinion. But do you think, in the present situation of France, and in the present state of public opinion, that we can venture to adopt it here 1" " No," replied Lafayette, frankly ; " what the French people want, at the present juncture, is a popular throne, surrounded by republican institutions." " That is just what I think," said the duke, at the same time going into a fiill explanation of his views, which were liberal and republican far beyond the expectations of the general. They satisfied him ; and the announce- ment of them, as the basis of the new government, paci- fied the people. The attention of the citizen-anny was, for the moment, diverted to another quarter. Charles X. was still in France. With the court, and the royal army, he had retired upon Versailles and Ram- bouillet, and was preparing for farther resistance. The announcement of this fact roused to new phrensy the turbulent spirit of the metropolis. At a call from La- fayette for volunteers, twenty thousand men assembled in the Champs Elysees, where he had appointed to re- view them. It was a motley coi-ps, made up of all the heterogeneous materials of a Pans population, in cos- tumes of every style and hue, from the broadcloth frock of the most approved pattern, to the faded calico round- about and the ragged blouse. Their arms were equally diverse and grotesque. There was nothing in the work- shops of France, that would cany powder and ball, which was not represented there. There was no uni- foimity in anything, but in the spirit which animated the corps. Flushed with recent victories, and confident of Y 17 386 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. success, they were impatient to be in the field. Though but a few miles, Lafayette had made arrangements fo'" transporting the troops to the scene of action ; and here was the most amusing spectacle of all. It was a scene for Hogarth. Carriages, omnibuses, hackney-coaches, cabriolets, chairs, caits, wagons, and vehicles of every name and form, with equipages as various and unique, loaded within and without, with this gay, wild, grotesque multitude, rushing to battle, as to a fete, singing, laugh- ing, shouting, as they went. Never before was there such a mustering under the banner of Mars ; and the fiery god, as he came to marshal it, must have supposed it the host of Bacchus, bound for the conquest of the East. Like that host, it marched to certain and easy victory ; for, when the royal ai'my, like that of Syi-ia, " heaid the noise of chariots, and the noise of horses, even the noise of a great host, they arose, and fled for their life." Thus ended the military and regal career of Charles X. The revolution of July was felt throughout the world. In England, it produced an excitement which overthrew the tory ministry, and hastened the triumph of some im- portant measures of refonn, which had long been under discussion. Throughout the United States, it was hailed with the highest enthusiasm, and responded to by ad- dresses and deputations from the principal cities to the National Guard, and to Lafayette. The same was done in Mexico, Bogota, Vera Cruz, ChiH, Peru, and Bolivia Even in far India, the echo of this great event was heard. " In Delhi, the holy city, the people and ihe authorities Indian and Enghsh, celebrated it in a magnificent enter- tainment — the dwellers on the banks of the Ganges o drinkitig to the men of the ban'icades, and shouting, ' Lafaijettc,for ever /' " THE REIGN OP LOUIS PHILIPPE. 387 CHAPTER XXVII. THE REIGN OP LOUIS PHILIPPE. The expedition to Versailles diverted, but did not al- lay the excitementin Paris. Knowing that the dispersion of a vanquished aiTny vv^as an easier achievement than curbing the refractory spirit of a victorious mob, Lafay- ette had assigned the command of this expedition to Gen- eral Pajol, and remained himself at his post in the Hotel de Ville. The 3d of August was the day appointed by law for the meeting of the chambers. Hitherto, evei-ything had been irregular and provisional. Now, there was a legit- imate government, chosen by the people, and duly organ- ized. But its leading members had already lost the con- fidence of the Parisian populace, and of the young sol- diers of the revolution. The session had scarcely com- menced, when a tumultuous crowd, mad with rage at the miserable shadow of a constitution which was proposed for acceptance, appeared at the door of the chamber, to overawe its deliberations, or dissolve it by force. It was a fearful scene, even to those who had just passed through the bloody conflicts of the last three days of July. The chamber was courageously resolved to maintain to the death its legal right to deliberate. The mob was equally resolved that its deliberations should assume a mora "•epublican tone. The tumult was at its height, and an- 888 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. giy words weie about to be exchanged for angrier blows when Lafayette, entering by the great court on the oppo- site side of the hall, presented himself to the crowd of intruders. They were hushed to silence in a moment. " My friends," said he, " it was my duty to take measures for defending the independence of the chamber. I neg- lected to do so, and I acknowledge my eiTor in that neglect. But I did not anticipate, after all that has passed in the revolution, the violence which has been manifested to-day. I have no force to oppose to you. But, if the liberty of the chamber is violated, the dis- grace will fall upon me, who am intrusted with the main- tenance of public order. I leave my honor in your hands, and I count upon your friendship for me as a se- curity that you will depart peaceably." At these words, the storm subsided, as by magic, and, with long-contin- ued shouts of " Vive Lafai/ette /" the softened multitude retired. Popularity and influence like this were dangerous gifts for a private citizen to possess. They excited the jeal- ousy of the chamber, which had just reaped the benefit of their exercise. And many of its members secretly resolved that, as soon as his services could be dispensed with, he should be driven to retirement. The discussion of the new constitution was arduous and exciting. It contained, like that which had just been set aside, the monarchical principle. It proposed to place the duke of Orleans on the throne, with the title of Louis Philippe V. To this Lafayette objected, as unworthy of a republican monarchy, which, he said, " ought to have nothing in common with the pretensions and tinsel show of the ancient kings of France." To which the duke himself replied, in writing, " You have gained your point — it shall be as you wish." Accord ingly, after accepting the constitution, signing it with his THE REIGN OP LOUIS PHILIPPE. 389 own hand, and swearing, in the presence of the people, to abide by and support it, he was crowned with the simple title of — Louis Philippe, King of the French. On accepting the office of lieutenant-general, Louis Philippe had earnestly requested Lafayette to retain command of the National Guards of France. On as- cending the throne, this request was renewed. Believing that the re-organization of the citizen-army throughout the kingdom, was essential as a measure of defence and of public order, he consented to serve, provisionally, till that organization should be completed, though still believing, as in 1790, that, as a permanent office, it con- ferred too much power to be safely wielded by one man. At the name of their general, the National Guards rose up and organized themselves, in all places, as if by en- chantment, till they numbered seventeen hundred thou- sand — an army of volunteer freemen, under officers of their own choosing, and full of ardor and patriotism. On the 29th of August, fifty-two battalions of this cit- izen army, numbering sixty thousand men, perfectly armed and equipped, and exhibiting in all their move- ments the most beautiful military pi'ecision, presented themselves in the Champ de Mars, to receive their col- ors from the hand of the king. It was a brilliant and imposing spectacle. Louis Philippe, overcome by his emotions, on receiving the homage of this mighty army, cordially embraced Lafayette, exclaiming — " This is dearer, far dearer to me than a coronation at Rheims." To which the troops and the immense crowd of people around responded, " Vive le roi ! vive Lafayette /" In apparent unison with these acclamations, which blended the name of Lafayette, as a worthy comrade, with his, the new king expressed by word and by letter, the most enthusiastic admiration and confidence in the National Guards, and in their "patriarch commander," 390 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. " Tell them," said he to Lafayette, " not only that they have surpassed my expectations, hut that it is not possi- ble to express all the joy and happiness they have afforded me. A witness to the confederation of 1790, in this same Champ de Mars, a writness also of the grand effort of 1T92, when forty-eight battalions, raised within three days^ by the city of Paris, joined our army of Champagne. I am enabled to draw a comparison, and with transport I assure you, that what I have just witnessed, is infinitely superior to what I then considered so complete, and which our enemies found so formidable." In similar terms of admiration and gi'atitude, he spoke of Lafay- ette, of his exalted patriotism, and his eminent public sei-vices, inspiring the hope that in his future career, as king of the French, he would follow the example, and be guided by the counsels of the patriot, hero, and sage, who had contiibuted so largely to pave his way to the throne. Amid his accumulated cares, as commander-in-chief of the National Guards, Lafayette, though necessarily v/^ithdrawn, in a measure, from the political arena, did not lose sight of the great interests of humanity, and the claims of oppressed individuals. Among these, the rights of the colored citizen received his earliest atten- tion, in reference to which he obtained the definite dec- laration of the government, that " it regarded all citizens as perfectly equal, and admitted no inferiority, or supe- riority, founded on difference of color.'' With equal promptness, on his motion, the patriots condemned to imprisonment or exile for political offences, under the last Bourbon dynasty, were restored to their ritrhts, by a general act of amnesty. Not satisfied with this, Lafayette collected them together, on their return, and presented them to the king. It was on an occasion when the saloons of the Palais Royal were filled with THE REIGN OP LOUIS PHILIPPE. 391 deputations from all parts of France. An aide-de-camp on duty announced, in a loud voice — " The gentlemen condemned for political offences ;" and Lalhyettc, ndvnn- cing at the head of them, said to the king — " Ht'i-e are tlie political offenders ; they are presented to you by an accomplice." The king received them with the mist gracious affability, and expressing deep regret for the persecutions they had endured, promised them his warm- est interest in their behalf, and a speedy indemnification for all their sufferings — a promise, unhappily, like many other promises and pledges of the citizen-king, too soon forgotten. On the 4th of October, 1830, Belgium proclaimed its independence. In their earliest movements to tlii.s end, the patriots of Brussels opened a correspondence witli Lafayette. In every successive step, they sought his counsel and aid. And, when their work of revolution was completed, and their independence openly declared, they sent a special embassy, requesting him to accept the chief-magistracy of the proposed republic. This high honor he modestly declined, recommending that they should choose one of their own citizens to be the head of the new government. And when, on more mature deliberation, a majority of the nation decided upon a republican monarchy, like that of France, they applied once more to Lafayette, and proffered him the crown. This he also unhesitatingly declined, adding that the only crown he could accept was a civic wrealh. He knew and felt that even foi the interests of liberty in other countries, he could be more useful in France th in any- where else. The crown was then off^ered to tlie duke de Nemours, the second son of Louis Philipj:e. Reyaidiiig this choice as the free act of a soveieign people, Lafay- ette strenuously urged its acceptance. But, through the 'ntngues of Talleyrand, that ubiquitous incai'nalior ot 392 LIFE OP LAP1YETTE. diplomacy, who, to the sui-prise and chagrin of all true Frenchmen, was just made ambassador to England, the throne of Belgium passed to other, perhaps abler hands. By the electric influence of France, the political ele- ments of Europe were thrown into general agitation. Not only in Belgium, but in Poland, Italy, Germany, Spain, Portugal, Switzerland, there were signs, like the handwriting on the wall, not to be mistaken, though not often wisely interpreted by the Belshazzars of the con tinent. In many of the centres of insurrection, " Vive Lafayette /" was the watchword at which the people rose against their oppressoi'S. The advocates of legitimacy, or the divine right of kings, insisted upon the policy and propriety of interfering, to aiTest the progress of revolu- tion and liberalism. Lafayette contended, constantly, and with great power, for the doctrine of non-interference, in its largest sense, which implied the double duty of leaving each nation free to choose its own foim 6f gov- ernment, and its own rulers, and of protecting them in that right, hy preventing the interference of other pow- ers. Louis Philippe, and his council, already beginning to lean toward absolutism, were disposed to pursue a half-way course, under pretext of avoiding collision and war. They proposed to say to Austria, for example, " JVe do not consent to your interfei-ence in the affairs of Italy," and yet quietly to suffer Austria to trample Italy under her feet. In all these cases, and as often as the question came up, Lafayette was the bold, consistent, untiring, unanswerable, advocate of the cause of univer- sal liberty. By his eloquence and influence, the inde- pendence of the South American republics was ac- knowledged by France. By his influence and persua sions, the timid policy of the council was so far modified, as to pledge the support of France to the patiiot cause in Italy and in Belgium. An army-corps was actually THE REIGN OP LOUIS PHILIPPE. 393 foriEed upon the Alps, to keep the Austrians in check, and to protect the progi-ess of the popular movement in Italy ; and the courts of Vienna, Russia, Naples, and Tu- rin, wei'e officially notified that Finance was determined to enforce, in that quarter, the full application of the doc- tiine of non-interference. The assurance that this was the established and unchangeable policy of the govern- ment, was thrice demanded by Lafayette, and thrice re- peated by the ministei-, in the chamber of deputies. The formal and unqualified assent of the king was also ob- tained, in a private interview. How shamefully these fine promises were I'ecalled, and this high and honorable ground abandoned, at the nod of the Holy Alliance, and in spite of every remonstrance from the heart of France, is already too well knovsm. In all measures for the advancement of liberal views of government, Lafayette was the man of paramount in- fluence and importance, for he earned them, by the com- bined force of argument, truth, and personal popularity, against the secret desires and purposes of the govern- ment. Lafayette was France. He was so regarded by the oppressed in Europe. Deputation after deputation addressed their prayers to him, invoking, through him, the aid of France, to sustain them in their struggles for freedom. He was so regarded by the cabinets of Eu- rope. In more than one instance, they directed their di- plomatic agents to consult him confidentially, " to ascer- tain his personal intentions" with regard to the foreign policy of France. For the necessity of doing this, and for his uncompromising hostility to the views of the Holy Alliance, they feared and hated him, and actually made his removal from the councils of France, and from the command of the National Guards, an indispensable con- dition of further diplomatic relations with the French cabinet. He was so regarded by the king, and by the 17* 394 LIFE OF liAFAYETTE. aristocracy whom the king was beginning to court. His exalted influence, his unlimited moral power over the people, was an inconvenient restraint upon their move- ments, which they secretly resolved to get rid of. But they were not yet prepared to part with him. A new storm was rising. There were "breakers ahead," which they clearly discerned in the distance. They felt the necessity of a skilful and experienced pilot, to guide them safely through. The ministers of Charles X. were about to be brought to trial, on a charge of high treason, as the authors of the edicts, and the instigators of the bloody scenes of July The king I'egretted their arrest. He sincerely wished their escape from France. The people were excited to the highest pitch of phrensy against them. Im- patient, even of the forms of law, they demanded their instant execution. All the disorganizing elements of a Paiisian populace, stirred up and fomented by foreign intrigue, entered into and aggravated the embarrass- ments of the case. The voice of reason, and of justice, was drowned by the maniac cries of " Vengeance ! ven- geance !" which rose, in incessant peals of fury, on every side. Lafayette, opposed, by principle, to capital pun- ishment, anxious that the glorious revolution should not be man'ed by one act of cruelty or injustice, and deter- mined, above all, to maintain, at every hazard, the maj esty of law, and the inviolability of the trial by jury, stood between the accused and their accusers, not to de- fend them from merited punishment, but to secure to them a fair hearing, and an unbiased tiial. It was a season of intense agitation and excitement, and all the hopes of the court were centred in Lafayette. The sudden change fiom distrust to confidence, from jealousy to respect, from low sarcasm to the most ful- some flatteiy, which was exhibited in the deportment of THE REIGN OP LOUIS PHILIPPE. 395 ihe court toward tlie chief of the National Guards, " the unique man," as he was called, " whose virtues eclipsed the finest characters of antiquity," was tnily amusing. As the prince royal said, who was witness to a great part of the comedy, " it was enough to make one die of laugh- ing." Lafayette's praise was on everybody's lips. His name was but a synonyme of loyalty, patriotism, and disinterestedness. His powers were prodigiously in- creased. The police of the Palais Royal, of the Lux- embourg, and of the chamber of peers, and the supreme command of the troops of the line, in addition to that of the National Guards, were exclusively confided to him, with unlimited discretionary powers. The trial commenced about the middle of December, It was like the sitting of a court in the crater of a volcano. The agitation and excitement were unparalleled, even in Paris. The judges, teiTor-stricken, hesitated to take their seats. It was only after the reiterated assurances of Lafayette, that he would answer, with his life, for the inviolability of their persons, that they ventured to open the proceedings. The people raged, but law triumphed. " Vast crowds collected in every point of the capital. The most violent tumults arose. The streets adjacent to the Luxembourg were filled by an insurgent mob. The close ranks of the battalions which defended the advance posts were bro- ken. The great gate of the palace was attacked. Fran- tic shouts resounded in the very tribunal. A few steps more on the part of the insurgents, and the sanctuary of justice would have been sullied by the blood of' the ac- cused, and perhaps of their judges. The revolution would have been dishonored, and Heaven knows what sloi-ms might have gathered over France." "Without a shot, without a blow, all this wild commo- tion was hushed, this maniac fury curbed, restrained, 396 LIFE CP LAFAYETTE. driven back, by the moral power of one man. Unarmed unguarded, in company only of a few of his aids, Lafay- ette went forth into the midst of the mob, and addressed them. At the sight of his venerable figure, the tumult ceased. At the sound of his persuasive voice, the fi-antic multitude became calm, fell back, and retired from the scene, shouting, " Vive JLafayette !" The name of that mob was Legion. Diverted from one point of attack, it broke out at another. But all points were alike guarded ; and, wherever danger was, there was Lafayette. The trial went on undisturbed. The sentence was pronounced, a sentence utterly at va- riance with the expectations of the people, and even of the army, by whom the people had been prevented from taking the law into their own hands. The whole nation demanded and expected a sentence of death. And when the sentence of perpetual imprisonment was announced, they regarded it as a virtual acquittal, and the whole trial as a mere farce, a mockery of the forms of justice. The agitation was now gi-eater than ever, for it spread into the ranks of the National Guards. It seemed about to turn against the sanctuary of law, the veiy arm on which it relied for defence. The disaffection was exten- sive, and rapidly increasing on every side. The most disastrous consequences wei-e apprehended. But the same mighty spell which had quelled the fury of the populace, disarmed the rage of the National Guards, Lafayette, by a few persuasive words, won them all back to discipline and order. He even intrusted that same guard with the care of the prisoners, to convey them back, in open day, through the ranks of an exasperated populace, to the prison of Vincennes. The crisis passed. Law triumphed. Order and tran- quillity were fully restored. The king, the cabinet, the chambers, were in transports of gratitude to Lafayette, THE REIGN OF LOUIS PHILIPPE. 397 whose prudence, wisdom, energy, and patriotic devotion, they could not find words adequately to commend. But personal gratitude is often a burdensome obligation. The exalted popularity of Lafayette, and their indebted- ness to his unbounded influence, was an absolute incubus upon the selfishness of the court. The danger which threatened them was over, and jealousy, private and official, aided by foreign intrigue, returned to its work of detraction. It was artfully represented that Lafayette was greater than the king — that Louis Philippe was only a tool in the hands of the dictator-general. The most insidious caiicatures were distributed even in the palace, representing the king standing in the presence of Lafayette, with the crown in his hand, and Lafayette saying, " Sire, be covered." Some of the deputies styled him " the mayor of the palace." The court was well disposed to listen to these insinuations. It sighed for more of the splendor of a court, for royal etiquette, for an hereditary aristocracy, and for confidential diplomatic relations with all the cabinets of Europe. To the for- mer, Lafayette was the persevering enemy, the most formidable obstacle. The latter, though sought for by the most humiliating sacrifice of personal and national dignity, was peremptorily refused, except upon the con- dition of the dismissal of Lafayette from his high com- mand, and from his paramount influence in the councils of France. On the 23d of December, the thanks of the chambers were voted to the National Guard, and " its illustrious chief," for their recent eiainent services in quelling the popular insuzTection. On the 24th, that " illustrious chief was, in the most insulting and cowardly manner, dismissed from his command. This was done by a prop- osition to abolish the ofiice of commander-in-chief of the National Guard. It was ably but vainly opposed. Ths 398 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. court and the Holy Alliance demanded it. Their feel- ings were all embodied in these words of Charles Du- pin — "General Lafayette can not remain all his life the living law, unless the political law be defunct." While these discussions were going on, Lafayette was at his headquarters, anxiously watching over the peace of the city. On being informed of the proceedings, ho immediately sent in his resignation to the king. The king, professing ignorance, surprise, and grief, requested an interview. He seemed vexed and distressed for what had passed, assured the general that the proposition had not passed into a law, and urged him to withdraw his resignation. Lafayette persisted, and availed himself of the opportunity to say, with his accustomed frankness, that he was not satisfied with the policy of the cabinet. They were already departing from the liberal bases of July. The interests of liberty were at hazard. " I should not be acting with sincerity," said he, "if I should lomain longer, like an opaque body, between the people and the government. When I retire from my post, every one will better sec on what he has to depend." The National Guard and the people were indignant at this treatment of their venerated chief. Their indigna- tion would probably have assumed a formidable shape, had not Lafayette, with a patriotic devotion which was ever superior to personal considerations, poured oil upon the troubled waters. He addressed them in terms of the most affectionate gratitude, demanding of them, as the last and only proof of tlieir regard for him, redoubled activity and zeal in the maintenance of peace and order. The court, in the meantime, expressed publicly the most profound sorrow, and even the chamber, which, on the 24th, had voted his dismissal, declared, on the 28th, that " the illustrious chief of the National Guard had resigned his functions in spite of their enti-eaties." THE BEIGN OF LOUIS PHILIPPE, 399 When this farce was over, a charge was presented, like that by which the patriotic and gifted Lamartine is now cast into temporary eclipse, i-epresenting Lafayette as " implicated in the recent disturbances," as " having a secret understanding with the insurgents," by which alone the corrupt court could account for his influence over them. To these charges, he deigned not a word of reply. They passed by him "like the idle wind." They fell, blunted and harmless, at his feet, turned off from their mark by an impenetrable shield of conscious and invul- nerable integrity. Lafayette remained at his post in the chamber of dep- uties. He saw and deeply lamented the retrogi'ade ten- dency of the new government, its rapid strides toward a revival of that very despotism which the revolution of July had thrown off". Doubtless he saw, in the vista of years the revolution of February, the flight of the citizen-king, and the republic of 1848. " I know," said he, one day, to Louis Philippe, " I know only one man who can bring France to a republic, and you axe that man." — "Wait till such a time," i-epHed the king, "and you will see." — " Wait?" resumed Lafayette, " but are you sure you will reign till then ? For my part, I doubt it." The precise time referred to by the king is not known. But recent events have justified the fai--sighted sagacity of the re- publican instincts of Lafayette. Louis Philippe is no longer king of the French. The throne on which he sat is destroyed ; and France, it is to be hoped, has mad« hex last experiment with royalty. 400 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE CHAPTER XXVIII. CLOSING SCENES AND DEATH. Though rejected by the court, as " a stiff old republi- can ;" though cast off by the king as a troublesome Men- tor, to whom he owed too much, Lafayette lost nothing of the confidence and affection of the people. They still looked up to him with filial reverence and admira- tion. Wherever he went, he was greeted as the patri- arch of freedom. In April, 1831, as he entered the hall of one of the tribunals in Paris, to which he was cited as a witness, the members of the bar, the jury, and the people present, rose and saluted him. When he retired, they showed him the same mark of respect. At the funeral of General Lamarque, in June, 1832, an immense multitude, of eveiy grade of society, assem- bled to do honor to the illustrious dead. It was more like a triumphal, than a funereal procession. It com- menced, even at the doors of the house of mourninof. with shouts of " Vive la liberie ! vive Lafayette !" The enthusiasm of the people alarmed the court. The guards were ordered out, to keep the peace. A collision en- sued. Blood was shed ; and two days, during which many lives were lost, were required to restore order to the capital. Lafayette, who was on foot, following the funeral car, as a mourner, left the scene as soon as the ceremonies of interment were completed. Not findino- his own carriage readily, he entered a coach, with his EMEUTE IN PARIS. 401 son George, and directed the driver to take the shoriest route to his hotel. But the people, who had followed him in great numbers, immediately detached the horses from the coach, and, in spite of his I'emonstrances and entiisaties, persisted in drawing him home, in triumph. Shouts of " Vive Lafayette ! vive la repuhlique !" rose on every side. The combat had begun. A numerous crowd, gathering round the vehicle, and excited to the highest pitch of exasperation, begged that he would suf- fer them to carry him to the Hotel de Ville. Had he consented, they would once more have installed him in his high command, as the leader of a new revolution. But he rejected the proposal, and implored them, for his sake, to disperse peaceably. At this moment a charge was made in that quarter by a detachment of dragoons. Turning suddenly off to the right, with the coach, his devoted attendants withdrew from the scene of conflict, and bore him safely home, making the streets resound, as they went, with acclamations for Lafayette, and the re- public. A single word from him would have been the signal for a general revolt. His retirement from the funeral cortege had been un- observed by the greater part of his friends ; and he soon became the object of the most lively solicitude. The most extravagant and contradictory rumors were circu- lating among the multitude. In one place, it was con- fidently asserted that the insurgents had conducted him to the Hotel de Ville, where he was presented, in open rebellion, as the head of a new government. In another, it was declared, with equal confidence, that his body, pierced with wounds, was being earned through the streets by the republicans, who wei-e instigating the peo- ple to vengeance. In yet another, it was afiirmed that the govei-nment had arrested him, and thrown him into the dungeon of Vincennes. The palace wag in the ut 403 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. most consternation. EigTity thousand troops were called out to quell the supposed insurrection. The arrest of Lafayette, as the instigator of a treasonable plot, was proposed, but prudently abandoned. Paris was placed in a state of siege, and the popular monarchy, not yet two years old, entrenched itself behind a hundred thou- sand bayonets, and an immense park of artillery, against this tumultuous movement of the sovereign people. Guizot had already acquired that paramount influeiice in the counsels of the court which made its ruin inevit- able. Quern deus vult perdere, prius dementat. Lafay- ette, seconded by Lafitte, Arago, Garnier-Pages, Odillon Barrot, Dupont de I'Eure, and others of the same high order, were already arrayed in that firm, consistent, pa- triotic opposition, of which some of them, after seven- teen years of unwavering resistance, are now permitted to see the triumphant issue. To this opposition, Lafay- ette bent all the moral force of his genius and his mighty influence. To this he consecrated the unabated energy of a green old age, the accumulated practical wisdom of threescore and sixteen years, the force of an untarnished name, and a world-wide popularity and renown. He labored in hope, confident that, though unexpectedly de- layed, the end was at hand. With him, the end was at hand — the end of earthly hope, and toil, and glory. Overcome by fatigue and ex- posure, consequent upon attending the funeral of a younn- friend, on the 2d of February, 1834, he was violently attacked with ischury, to which he was predisposed. This was followed by other unfavorable symptoms, from all of which he so far recovered as to be able to take the air, and receive some of his friends, by multitudes of whom his house was constantly besieged, anxious to seu his face, or at least to inquire for his health. On the 9th of May, in taking his usual ride, he was exposed to a HIS DEATH. 403 sudden thunder-storm, and a coldnorthwest wind, which brought on a relapse, with greatly-aggravated symptoms. His sufferings, dui'ing the eleven days that followed, were very severe. But he bore them with admirable fortitude and serenity. He had a strong hope of recovery. Hav- ing, however, on the third day before his death, expressed some doubts of the result, he paused a few moments, as if in thought, and then said — " What would you have 1 life is like the flame of a lamp ; when the oil is out, the light is extinguished, and all is over." He died on the morning of the 20th of May, wanting three months and sixteen days of completing his seventy-seventh year. The tidings of his death threw a deep gloom over the gay city, which was felt in every part of France. The nation mourned. The people wept. All ranks, all par- ties, strove together, to do reverence to the illustrious dead. His remains were conveyed to the tomb with the highest civil and military honors, attended not only by the people in a body, and the National Guard, but by the high officers of the crown, the legislative chambers, the academies, the schools, the representatives of foreign governments, resident strangers, all, enemies as well as friends, anxious to testify their respect for pi-e-eminent virtue. The bells of Paris tolled a mournful requiem. The bells of all France, of Belgium, of Switzei'land, of Italy, of Poland, of England, of Ireland, of Scotland, sent back an answering tone of national and individual grief; while, from across the broad Atlantic, the solemn wail of fifteen millions of bereaved freemen, rose on the breeze, like the mourning of the Israelites at Abel- Mizraira. In all lands, the language of eulogy was ex- hausted in attempts to portray his worth, and estimate the gi'eatness of the world's loss in his death. The most eminent statesmen, the most eloquent orators of the age^ made his character the theme of their praises 404 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. The persjii and the ordinary dress of Lafayette aro exceedingly well represented in most of the engi'aved likenesses which are known in America. He was tall, well-proportioned, and strongly built. His head was large, his face oval with regular features, and an ample forehead. His eyes, of a grayish blue, were large, prom- inent, expressive, and full of kindness. His mouth, to which a smile seemed natural, had, at the same time, an expression of firmness. His complexion was clear. The whole expression of his countenance exhibited a blending of benevolence and fi-ankness — a benevolence that knew no bounds, a frankness that knew no disguise. Notwith- standing his life of toil, exposure, and suffering, and the scenes of turbulence and anxiety he had passed through, his temperament was so equable, his disposition so calm and gentle, that, at the age of seventy-seven, his face was not marked by a single furi'ow. His deportment was noble and dignified, his manners easy, graceful, and winning, his voice agreeable and of great capacity, his style of conversation natural and unrestrained. His habits were simple and regular. In his diet he was ab- stemious and temperate, eating moderately, and seldom drinking anything but water. He set a gi'eat value upon time, regarding it as " a gift, which he was not at liberty to lose himself, and still less to occasion the loss of to others." He never wasted time in social games, or other " innocent pastimes," as they are called. Though generally humorous, and often witty in conversation, he never descended to trivial ex- pressions, nor indulged in the profane and vulgar phrases . so common even in what is termed polite society. He loved truth above all things, and could not allow himself, even in jest, to make the slightest approach to falsehood. Con- sequently, his word commanded the highest respect, from enemies, as well as from friends. It was never called in HIS CHARACTER. 405 question. He never contracted an engagement except after mature reflection, but his promise once given was never broken. He vv^as extremely scrupulous on points of probity and honor in public affairs, and believed that, for the intercourse of nations as well as of individuals, "honesty was the best policy," and frankness and sin- cerity the truest wisdom. During his last illness, he was intensely interested in several questions that agitated the chamber of deputies, and earnestly desired the consent of his physicians to go and take part in the discussion. One of those questions related to the payment of the indemnity due to the Uni- ted States. He contended that the honor and dignity of France were pledged to the payment, and that it was as much her interest, as her duty, to discharge the claim ; for it was one of the maxims of his political creed, that with governments, no less than with individuals, duty and interest are inseparable. His benevolence was unbounded. Lagrange, with the district in which it stood, was witness to the largest ex- hibitions of this noble trait. In all that region, he was known, and familiarly spoken of, as " the people's friend." Two hundred pounds of bread, baked expressly for the pool-, and of the same quality as that used by his family, were distributed every Monday. In times of scarcity, the quantity was often increased two and threefold, accompanied with a mess of soup for all who came. During the great scarcity in 1817, the distress at La- grange was excessive. The poor of the country, and of the neighboring villages, were fed at the chateau. There were not less than seven hundred applicants for relief daily, who received soup, bread, and money. By this lavish bounty, the funds of the family, and the granaries of the farm were exhausted before the end of the season, A. family council was held, ;he result of which was that 406 LIFE OP LAFAYETTE. the wnole family, at the suggestion of Lafayette, removed to Chavagniac, giving up to the poor what they would otherwise have consumed, and thus eking out their sup- plies till the coming harvest. During the prevalence of the cholera, in 1832, Lafay- ette, in spite of the remonstrances and entreaties of his friends, hastened to Lagi-ange, with all his family, to ad- minister to the wants of his poor neighbors. He took with him physicians, medicines, and all needful ap- pliances. He went from house to house, comforting the sick, encouraging their friends, and setting an example of courage and devotion, which was of infinite service to the panic-stricken peasants. The cost of these noble efforts exceeded seven thousand dollars. Lafayette was ambitious. But his ambition had no stain of selfishness. Regencies, dictatorships, crowns, were repeatedly offered him, and urged upon his accep- tance. But he sought only the welfare of mankind. He desired the good of the whole. He preferred his family to himself, his country to his family, and mankind to his country. His ambition was but a world-embracing be- nevolence. Reputation, glory, he held in high estimation. He aspired to the praise of men. But it was a reputa- tion for truth and goodness — the glory of always doing right, that he aimed to secure. And he prefeiTed infin- itely the approbation of his own conscience to the favor and praise of the world. There was a beautiful adjustment, a perfect balance, in his intellectual faculties. He was gifted with a quick apprehension, profound judgment, strong powers of rea- soning and combination, a lively imagination, inexhausti- ole invention, a retentive and ready memory, uncommon decision and firmness, associated with uncommon pru- dence and moderation, and a calm immovable self-pos- session, which was not less superior to the insidious ap HIS CHARACTER. 407 proaches of selfishness, than to the sudrlen assaults of fear and accident. His reading was extensive. His ac- quirements weie large and various. His reflections were profound, and his conclusions thoroughly digested. His opinions were all his own. He yielded no allegiance to sect, to party, or to name. Amenable only to conscience, he exacted for himself, he demanded for all men, un- qualified independence of thought and opinion. The predominance of the moral and social elements, in the character of Lafayette, and the admirable sway they held over the whole man, is a phenomenon difficult to be understood by diplomatists and politicians. It is not strange that they who limit the evidences of gi-eatness to a genius for conquest, or to the accumulation of wealth, and the acquisition of titles, and power, should fail to comprehend him, and underestimate his strength. To such, his character is an intellectual anomaly, which they can only explain by supposing in him a radical want of judgment and energy. Judging him by their own standard, which excludes conscience from a voice in iDublic affairs, it was a foolish weakness in him to ac- knowledge its control. It was mental imbecility that held him back from grasping and retaining the power that was offered him. " He was incapable," say they, " of carrying out his own plans. He yielded to others what he might have controlled himself." True, in great national questions he yielded always to the will of the people, in whom he acknowledged all sovereignty resided. To resist that will would have been treason. Had the people, in their primary assemblies, elected him to the chief-magistracy, he would doubtless have accepted it. Unlike the majority of men in high places, his prac- tice always con-esponded with hi" professions, his politi- cal actions with his political creed. To opinion he op posed only reason and persuasion, resei'ving fo'' moTa< 408 LIFE OF LAFAYETTE. crime, and the excesses of anarchy, the arm of force, and the restraints and severities of law. It was morally impossible that he should enact the dictator. He was above the petty ambition of power. A crowTi, a throne, the constrained homage of a nation or a world, which could fill and satisfy the highest aspii-ations of Alexander, of Cassar, of Napoleon, were utterly beneath his desire, too little for his thought. " It is a singular phenomenon," says Madame de Stael, who knew him intimately, "that a character like that of Lafayette should have been de- veloped among the higher ranks of French gentlemen." The late venerable John Quincy Adams, in his eloquent eulogy of Lafayette, said : " Pronounce him one of the first men of the age, and you have not yet done him justice. Try him by that test to which he sought in vain to stimulate the vulgar and selfish spirit of Napoleon ; class him among the men, who, to com- pare and seat themselves, must take in the compass of all ages; turn back your eyes upon the records of all time ; summon, from the creation of the world to this day, the mighty dead of every age and clime; and where, among the race of merely mortal men, shall one be found, who, as a benefactor of his kind, shall claim to take pre- cedence of Lafayette 1" If to such noble qualities of heart and mind — such lofty patriotism, such exalted virtue, such faultless mo- rality — had been added the pure faith and sublime hopes of the gospel, nothing would have been wanting to com- plete the porti-aiture of a perfect man. THE END. / mm. c. ',:!,' 'i K •.■/.'/M'^i MM '//.' k'i'.i. I t\U I, '.'',' 1 1. 1,' ;v, « WA W/MM,