mmm' m ■ I ''ill ji'' mm hi ■ - , V V YTi ^^^^^^M - f '>^OUGHT WITH THE INCOME -T '/ FROM THE ^^ SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND THE GIFT OF 1891 A-IMlp. 14^/jSJ^ DA 407.R94G72'"™""* '"""'"* .SyP®1 oi the Rhine. 3 1924 028 1 17 244 oNr S^l x^ Cornell University Library The original of this book is in the Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924028117244 RUPERT OF THE RHINE By the same Author. STAFFORD HOUSE LETTERS. With Two Portraits. Demy 8vo. MY REMINISCENCES. Miniature Edition, printed on hand-made paper, limp parchment antique, lOJ". 6d. BRIC-A-BRAC. Being some Photoprints illustrating Art Objects at Gower Lodge, Windsor. With De- scriptions. Super royal 8vo., 15^*. j extra binding, LAST DAYS OF MARY ANTOINETTE. An Historical Sketch. With Portrait and Facsimiles. "Fcap. 4to. loj. 6d. NOTES OF A TOUR FROM BRINDISI TO YOKOHAMA, 1883-1884. Fcap. 8vo. 2s. 6d. IPI^S.M€]E . mWFlIT^'.^. ly- X_ "''^^>^/^/-' '1^' t'y ij-f^r x/^x>y^j' .'f y ^'€'^(y c RUPERT OF THE RHINE A BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF^ THE LIFE OF PRINCE RUPERT, PRINCE PALATINE OF THE RHINE, DUKE OF CUMBERLAND j^ ETC. BY LORD RONALD GOWER WITH THREE PORTRAITS LONDON KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & CO., Lt^ 1890 '■ ( The rights of tra^islation and of reproduction are reserved.') TO HER MAJESTY THE QUEEN. Madam, A century ago Sir George Bromley dedicated a work entitled " A Collection of Original Royal Letters " (chiefly written by and to his gallant ancestor, the subject of the following Memoir) to King George III. That dedication was addressed "To the Father of his People, the Pattern of Virtuous Conduct, and the Protector of the Liberal Arts." In like terms I inscribe to your Majesty this Memoir of an illustrious Prince, the near kinsman of the ancestry of your Majesty, who in like manner may be justly called. The Mother of her People, the Pattern of Virtuous Conduct, and the Protector of the Liberal Arts. R. G. INTRODUCTORY, -*o*- Few lives that have at one time filled so large a place in an important period of our history are so little known, or have been so little written about, as that of the hero of the following pages. There are, indeed, but two biographies of the prince — the one a little tract of some eighty- pages, not longer than an obituary notice, pub- lished the year after Rupert's death, in 1683. The other is a somewhat ponderous work by the author of " The Crescent and the Cross," Eliot War- ' burton, entitled, '* Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers," published in 1849 in three volumes, octavo, each volume containing over five hundred K pages. In these days few have time or inclina- ^ tion to wade through some fifteen hundred pages Vlll • INTRODUCTORY. of matter, however interesting the subject may be ; and the reason and excuse for the following little work is the want I felt of finding a short and readable life of Rupert — a hero worthy a niche in the temple of fame. There have recently appeared admirable records of illustrious warriors, among such the lives of Frederick of Prussia and of his rival Loudon. Surely Rupert's brilliant but checkered career is worth knowing better than it is. A life so full of light, shade, and colour, so stocked with subjects for writers of fiction or of fact, might have well tempted far abler pens to describe than mine. How little the generality of people know of Rupert may be tested from the following fact. I asked a generally well-informed friend if he could give me any account of that prince. " Well," he answered, " I do not know much about him, except that he was a son of Charles I. " ! Everybody has heard the name and of the fame of Prince Rupert, but, if asked what he did besides having led brilliant charges of cavalry during our Civil Wars, few could add another fact unless they recalled a plaything of their childhood, those little INTRODUCTORY, ix tear-shaped glass drops, called after Rupert — little bits of glass that, if touched at their pointed end, fly into a thousand minute splinters, but resist a hammer's blow in any other part. Perhaps, too, some of an artistic turn will recall Rupert's name as connected with the art of mezzotinting, carried to its highest point by MacArdell, Watson, and Cousins, the softest rendering of painting in black and white. For some unexplained reason the historian of the Civil Wars, Lord Clarendon, had no love for Rupert, and hardly mentions the prince in his work ; neither did the memoir writers and diarists of the reign of Charles 11. say much about him. Rupert himself left no memoirs, only a pile of letters and some fragments of a journal, not written by, but corrected by, himself. From these letters (contained in many private collections) and journals, Mr. Warburton constructed his im- portant history of " Rupert and the Cavaliers," a work to which the following pages entirely owe any merit they may possess. I trust that this attempt to sketch the life of a very gallant man, not only a "beau sabreur,'' but a man distinguished X INTRODUCTORY. by high scientific attainments and art faculties, may interest my former patron, the general reader. R. G. Note. — The present mode of dating has been used throughout this book. CONTENTS. -•o^ CHAPTER PAGE L Early Years ... ... ... ... ... i II. Outbreak of the Civil War ... ... 15 III. Edgehill and Brentford ... ... ... 28 IV. ** Alarms and Excursions " ... ... 45 V. Lathom House and Marston Moor ... '" ... 63 VI. Naseby and Bristol ... ... ... 81 VII. Last Years ... ... ... ... ... 100 Appendix : Descendants of Prince Rupert ... ... 125 Portraits of Prince Rupert ... ... ... 126 Works on the Life of Prince Rupert ... ... 129 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. v V V V -•o*- CHAPTER I. EARLY YEARS. On the side of both his parents, the lineage of Rupert was illustrious. On that of his father, Frederick V., Elector Palatine of the Rhine, he could claim descent through a long line of empe- rors to Charlemagne. On that of his mother, Elizabeth Stuart, daughter of James I. and of Anne of Denmark, the blood royal of Great Britain. " History," Coleridge has written, " is the essence of innumerable biographies." However true this may be, the lives of men are generally formed by the events which surround them, and rarely do men form the events. Born in the thick of what Germans call a time of Sturm und drang, Rupert tasted very early the B 2 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. vicissitudes that marked many of the illustrious houses of Europe early in the seventeenth century. Germany in 1619, when Rupert was born, was a vast field of strife — the longest and most cruel war that the civilized world had endured since the fall of the Roman empire. During those thirty years of agony, Germany, according to Schiller, had thirty thousand villages destroyed, five hundred thousand men, women, and children butchered, and whole provinces wasted. Let us glance at the causes which led Rupert's ill-starred father, Frederick, to assume the regal title of King of Bohemia. The Northern, or Protestant, princes of Germany, exasperated by the priest-led, bigoted tyranny of the Emperor Ferdinand, had formed themselves into a league in defence of their own and their subjects' faith and privileges. At their head stood Frederick, The states of Bohemia were included in the league. Among a score of regal titles, the German emperor had arrogated to himself that of King of Bohemia. Emboldened by the protection of the league, these states raised a revolt, declared their independence, and, marching on Vienna, forced Ferdinand to sign his abdication to the crown of Bohemia. The states had now to look for a new king; their choice fell on Frederick. After EARLY YEARS. some delay, he accepted the fatal gift. Had the new king been a man of more vigour and character, the Bohemian kingdom might have become some- thing more than an empty name ; but Frederick was weak and timid, wholly unfit for the post of peril he now filled. His wife Elizabeth had strongly urged his accept- ance of the Bohemian crown ; she is said to have almost reproached him when he hesitated, by declaring that she could sooner eat dry bread at the table of a king than feast at the board of an * elector — words which, if uttered, she must after- wards have bitterly regretted. On the 3rd of November, 16 19, the new king was crowned in the stately old city of Prague, and the queen three days later. The queen was borne under a canopy of state of blue and silver. Eliza- beth, who had gained the title of " Queen of Hearts," had beautifully refined and delicate features ; and the devotion of many to her throughout her mis- fortunes proves that she had endearing qualities. The king, bareheaded, but otherwise in complete armour, rode by her side. He also possessed good looks, a somewhat proud and sad countenance, \vith dark, expressive eyes. The six short years which this royal pair had passed until this fatal year of their coronation, had RUPERT OF THE RHINE. been more like a tale of fairy life than the usual mundane experience of married folk. Heidelberg, the glorious palace-castle by the Neckar, had been their home— that beautiful home neither Frederick nor Elizabeth were ever to revisit. Even now, when wandering in its ruined halls, the memory of that princely couple lingers on many a sculptured emblazonment on the old walls, or above the cold hearths ; and by far the most graceful portion of the ruined palace yet bears the name of the fair English princess. A little more than a month after the coronation at Prague, Elizabeth brought her third son, Rupert, into the world. The Emperor Ferdinand was not a man to brook calmly the existence of this arrangement in Bohemia, with his foe Frederick at its head. Him he regarded as an upstart king and an in- terloper. The emperor had also a bitter grudge to settle against the Bohemians and their states, who had so summarily deposed him and elected another in his place. He soon made his anger felt. The unlucky Frederick, in his greatest need, attacked by his powerful enemy, found himself deserted on all sides. James L, a poltroon and a miserable specimen of bigotry and indecision, EARLY YEARS, 5 would not Stir a finger for his child or son-in- law ; and the other German princes dared not move in his favour, and held themselves completely- aloof The sequel was short. In a battle known as that of the " White Mountain," close by the city of Prague, the Bohemians were completely crushed by the Imperialists. Frederick, who had taken no part in the engagement, had only time to escape, out of Prague with the queen. So precipitate was their flight from the city that poor little Prince Rupert was forgotten in the general confusion ; and had it not been for Baron d'Hona, the king's chamberlain, picking up the child and flinging him into the last coach as it dashed out of the castle- yard through the snow-covered streets into the winter's night, his career would probably have ended somewhat abruptly. The fugitives halted at Breslau, at Frankfort- on-the-Oder, in the old castle of Custrin, and finally found a hospitable shelter at the Hague, where the States - General received them with far more kindness than had any of the German princes. Very little is known about Rupert's childhood and early boyhood. We have a glimpse about him in a passage from a letter of Frederick's to Elizabeth (dated September, 1622), in which the RUPERT OF THE RHINE. father writes, "Little Rupert"— he was then not three years old — **is very learned to understand so many languages." What the many languages a child of three could know, it is difficult to guess ; probably German, English, and French. Rupert, during his family's exile in Holland, was early sent to study at the dull old university of Leyden. Here he had his elder brother, Frederick Henry, to keep him company : this young prince was soon after accidentally drowned at Amsterdam ; he is said to have shown much promise. Rupert, when still a mere lad, appears to have shown extraordinary aptitude for all mili- tary affairs, and was judged, when only fourteen, to be able to command a regiment ! I cannot find under whom he studied things military ; but the Prince of Orange, a great autho- rity, had a good opinion of the boy prince's capacity, and it was through his good offices that Rupert gained his first experiences in warfare. Rupert appears to have been a general favourite, idolized by his mother ; his bright, affectionate nature endeared him to all he met, and one can scarcely picture a prettier scene than one of the hawking parties, in which Elizabeth delighted, as she rode escorted by her handsome sons. In 1633, the Prince of Orange gave a tournament, EARLY YEARS. at which our prince distinguished himself; this tourney was probably more like those cavalcades which Louis XIV. delighted in, than the jousts of the days of the Middle Ages. The boy prince must have pined for something more exciting than hawking and caracoling, and he soon had his wishes gratified. Although he obtained leave to take part in the siege of Rhynsburg, he was not allowed by his mother to remain there long. The queen had heard probably that a camp was a very profane place, and doubtless even then, in the low countries, they swore terribly ; so poor young Rupert had to leave the siege and return to the Hague. Rupert had lost his father in 1632. Frederick appears to have died of that rare complaint, a broken heart When he heard of the death of Gustavus Adolphus, he gave up all hope of a restoration to the Palatinate, and shortly after expired. In 1635 war was going on between Spain and Holland. Rupert eagerly seized the oppor- tunity afforded him of volunteering as a private in the Prince of Orange's Life Guards. The war itself was an inglorious one for Holland, but Rupert seems to have won his spurs during it. In the winter of that year (1635), our prince paid his first visit to England, of which country 8 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. his uncle Charles was now the king. There Rupert passed a happy year, probably the happiest of his life. What his appearance was at this time, we can judge of by the portrait which Vandyck painted of him during this visit. It still hangs at Coombe Abbey, then the house of the gallant Lord Craven, the most devoted friend and adherent of Eliza- beth's adorers. In that portrait Rupert appears as comely a youth as any that the great Flemish master painted. Tall, and stately, with regular and delicate features, frank eyed, and thoroughly engaging. Looking at his likeness, one can readily under- stand how popular he was in his uncle's court. Even Archbishop Laud was fascinated by the beautiful young prince, and wished to make a bishop of him. Rupert, however, preferred his love-lock and coat of mail to a crosier and lawn sleeves. Others at court, including Lord Arundel, wished Rupert to be sent as viceroy to Mada- gascar, at that period looked upon as an El Dorado. Hearing of this, his mother, Elizabeth, said she could not have her son go out on any such voyage of knight-errantry. Others, again, wished him married, and a daughter of the house of Rohan was proposed. But all these schemes came to nought, EARLY YEARS. and Rupert escaped the dangers of entering the state of the Church, of vice-royalty, and of matri- mony. During this visit Rupert accompanied the king to Oxford, where the Mastership of Arts was conferred on the prince, and both the king and Rupert were afterwards entertained at a banquet by the Chancellor of that University, Archbishop Laud. It is to be regretted that no detailed account exists of our prince's visit to England. One can, though, imagine how he must have revelled in his uncle's court, the most refined, if not the most splendid of those days. How welcome to his tastes must have been the matchless collections of art treasures collected by Charles in Whitehall, and a score of other palaces ! What frequent visits must he not have paid to Vandyck's studio at Blackfriars, where all the court met to sit to, or watch, rare Sir Anthony at work ! With what delight must he have hunted in the vast glades of Windsor or Richmond forests ! Alas ! the pleasant bounteous time passed only too quickly away ; and even then the dark shadow of civil war could almost be seen slowly coming nearer to this still gay and happy scene. How dearly Rupert loved England, and how much he regretted leaving it, 10 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, is shown in a letter from a Rev. Mr. Garrard, written in July, 1637, to Lord Wentworth — "Both the brothers (Palatine) went away unwillingly, but Prince Rupert expressed it most, for being a-hunt- ing that morning with the king, he wished that he might break his neck, so that he might leave his bones in England." Many necks, and hearts too, were to be broken, before Rupert's wish could be fulfilled. While Rupert and his brother, the elector, were in England, they had been busy raising a sum of money to aid them in collecting troops for a raid on the Palatinate. To this fund the largest subscribers were the king and Lord Craven, who gave ;£" 10,000 each. On returning to Holland, Rupert paid the Prince of Orange a visit, while the latter was engaged on the siege of Breda. Here Rupert found some kindred spirits — Goring and Monk among others — and here Rupert displayed his dare-devil courage, leading forlorn hopes, and always in the place of greatest danger. Rupert behaved, in fact, like one of the heroes of a romance by Alexander Dumas ; the wonder is that he ever lived to leave Breda. He seems to have borne a charmed life, and although constantly in the thickest of the fire, never received so much as a scratch. At the fall of Breda, Rupert returned to the Hague, and set EARL V YEARS. 1 I to work to form an army wherewith to fight the Imperialists. He succeeded in raising three regi- ments of cavalry, one of these consisting of guards, the two others of dragoons; to these he added a small force of artillery. Count Konigsmark was in command of this little army, of which Rupert led one regiment, and Lord Craven another. At Bentheim they were joined by a detachment of Swedish troops under General King. Their united forces then did not amount to more than four thpusand men, and with this little force they proposed to meet in combat one of the most powerful armies in Europe ! Near Lemgo the Imperialists appeared in force, both of horse and foot They consisted of eight regi- ments of cuirassiers and one of Irish dragoons, the whole under the command of Colonel Deve- reux, an old officer of Wallenstein's. Of course the odds were terribly against the Palatines ; but Rupert knew as little of caution as of fear. He charged into the centre of the enemy, rode his way through them, and then found his little force hemmed in by ten times their number; for a fresh force of Imperialists under Marshal Gotz had appeared on the field. After a desperate hand to hand fight, Rupert was borne down and captured. When asked his 12 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. name, he only said, '^ A. colonel ! " "The devil," swore the Imperialist officer who took his sword from him ; *' you are a young 'un." Rupert was taken, under charge of Devereux, first to Warren- dorp, where he had for fellow-prisoner Lord Craven, The prince's unworthy elder brother had fled the field early in the day, accompanied in his shameful flight by King and Konigsmark, After a fev/ weeks of close confinement, passed at Warrendorp, Rupert was taken to the fortress of Lintz, on the Danube. There he passed the next three years, not harshly treated ; but how his restless spirit must have rebelled at this long im- prisonment ! Naturally, Elizabeth moved heaven and earth in order to procure the freedom of her beloved son ; but her prayers were met, even by her kindred, with little sympathy. Rupert's brother, the elector, advised her not to agitate herself use- lessly in the matter. Charles Louis was indeed a mean-spirited type of man, coarse and selfish, like the later Stuarts ; Rupert, on the contrary, seemed to have inherited the splendid chivalry and refinement of his mother's ancestry, before it had been tainted by the blood of Darnley. Count Kuffstein was the governor of the fortress of Lintz. Both he and his Imperial master tried hard to make Rupert a Roman Catholic ; the EARLY YEARS. I ■^ governor even proposed to introduce some Jesuit priests to his prisoner ; but Rupert naturally de- clined this doubtful boon. Rupert's love of art came to him in good stead at this period of his life ; and he is said to have passed much of the tedious days of his imprison- ment in drawing and painting ; and it was at Lintz that he perfected an instrument with which per- spective could be accurately tested. Many years afterwards the prince submitted to the Royal Society of London this invention, or rather improve- ment on an invention, first made by Albert Durer. An incident as romantic as any to be found in a tale or a play, occurred to our prince during his imprisonment. With Count Kuffstein lived his daughter. She is described by Rupert's un- known chronicler as being *' one of the brightest beauties of the age," and " no less excelling in the charms of her minde than of her faire bodye." What probably happened when two such beautiful and gifted young creatures as Rupert and the count's daughter met, I will leave to the imagina- tion of the reader. It may be that the reason of Rupert never having married, although he had many inducements in later life to do so, was owing to this romantic affair during his confinement at Lintz. 14 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. During the second year of his captivity, Rupert made the acquaintance of the emperor's brother, the Archduke Leopold, who appears to have been favourably impressed ; and after this visit, Rupert was allowed a good deal more freedom. Tennis, and even hunting, were now permitted, and his parole being given, he was allowed to be away from Lintz on hunting expeditions for three days at a time. Before his final release, Rupert had, however, again to undergo a period of severe im- prisonment. The emperor had been willing to release his prisoner on the condition that Rupert should declare his repentance for having taken up arms against him. This Rupert proudly and firmly declined doing. The emperor, highly displeased, commanded Rupert to be rigorously guarded, and all exercise and amusements taken from him. It was then that Rupert centred his affections on two animals, one of these a beautiful white doe ^\Y^n him by Lord Arundel " Boy," as the prince called his dog, never left his side until, to Rupert's great grief, it was slain on Marston Moor. So inseparable were Rupert and " Boy " that the Puritans called the dog his " familiar spirit." The other favourite was a tame hare. At length intercession was made for Rupert's release by the empress, that Spanish princess for EARLY YEARS, I 5 whose hand Charles I. had made a romantic but fruitless voyage to Spain. It was owing to her prayers that the emperor at length agreed to release his captive ; and once more our prince was a free man. 1 6 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, CHAPTER II. OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR. After a brief visit to his mother at the Hague, we find Rupert again in England. He had been summoned thither by his uncle Charles, who had now need of his chivalrous relative to assist him in the coming war. Rupert arrived at Dover in the month of Febru- ary, 1642, and there he found the king, who had accompanied Henrietta Maria thus far on her way to Holland, bound thither to assist her husband's cause, and also to escape her enemy, the Parlia- ment. Rupert, finding that the war had not yet commenced, escorted the queen back to Holland ; and shortly after, accompanied by his younger brother Maurice, returned again to England. The princes narrowly escaped being captured by the cruisers of the Parliament off Flamborough Head. Disembarking at Tynemouth, Rupert was thrown ^S^.e/^/a^t^e/i/uAe-'^ J'lht/Tuz/yu S^.^t^r3i-^^^ FI^mCIE EWrPlE^o '-^1^ /■^. 'yz.CiKKi^zy --z^ri^iS^ ^z<^.'/^<^z^-a>cy "2^%;?^ c-^e^ outbreak: of the civil war. 17 from his horse, dislocating his shoulder. After three days' delay, they rode on to Leicester Abbey, where they found Charles. He at once conferred his charge on Rupert, naming him ''General of the Royal Horse." The Royal Horse consisted only of eight hundred men ; but Rupert soon largely augmented their strength. The next day the Royal force marched to Nottingham, where, on the 22nd of August, the Royal Standard was unfurled, proclaiming ,to all the land that war was now declared in grim earnest. I have no intention, even in the briefest way, of attempting to recount the events of that war, excepting in so far as where Rupert took personally a leading part. The reader who wishes informa- tion regarding that war cannot do better than consult its history by Mr. Gardiner. It was a war of special interest, from its having been fought, not by paid and trained soldiers — for no regular standing army then existed in England, — but by the people, and of their own free will. It was war essentially waged between the classes and the masses ; for although there were a few nobles in command on the side of the Democratic or Parliamentary party, these were the exceptions. Each side fought with the conviction of its right and duty to take up arms for its cause : the one C 1 8 ' RUPERT OF THE RHINE. to support the rights of the people and the privi- leges of Parliament ; the other in defence of the king and his prerogatives. Whatever may be one's personal sympathies or antipathies, no unprejudiced person can be other than grateful for the result of the conflict, inas- much as the Civil War proved that the people were willing to sacrifice their lives for constitutional and national freedom. It is because of this, that our great Civil War owes its deep interest and importance in the history of mankind ; of far greater interest is anything relating to that war than the record of most Continental warfare, where vast herds of men were driven like sheep to the slaughter, without knowing the reason or the cause for which they were slaying and being slain. Rupert was a born and a bred Cavalier ; but had he been as liberal minded as Hampden or Fairfax, it would have been humanly impossible for him in his position not to have gone m heart and soul with his uncle Charles and the Royalists. It was quite in accordance with the splendid energy and daring of his nature to throw himself heartily into the cause of a monarch to whom he was so closely allied by blood, and whom he doubtless regarded as a victim of rebellious and disloyal subjects. i i OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR. 1 9 Rupert was now in his twenty-third year. The following description of his appearance at this very important part of his life is worth quoting. " His portraits represent to us the ideal of a gallant Cavalier. His figure, tall, vigorous, and symme- trical, would have been somewhat stately but for its graceful bearing and noble ease. A vehement, yet firm character predominated in the counte- nance, combined with a certain gentleness, apparent in the thoughtful but not pensive eyes. Large, dark, and well-formed eyebrows overarch a high- bred, Norman nose ; the upper lip is finely cut, but somewhat supercilious in expression ; the lower part of the mouth and chin have a very different meaning, and impart a tone of iron resolution to the whole countenance. Long flowing hair floats over the wide embroidered collar on the scarlet coat ; he wore neither beard nor moustaches, then almost universal ; and his cheek, though bronzed by exposure, was marked by a womanly dimple." * It required all Rupert's light spirit at this time to cheer up Charles ; and there was much reason to account for the gloom that weighed on the spirit of the sad king during these days passed at Nottingham. Bad news came from all sides; Coventry had * Warburton's '* Rupert and the Cavaliers." 20 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, fired on the royal flag, the town of Leicester was rebellious ; there was no enthusiasm shown to rally round the standard. Nor were ill-omens wanting, and Charles w^as extremely superstitious. The Royal standard had been blown down a few hours after it had first been erected in the park before Nottingham Castle. Probably to change a little the growing gloom that all these events caused the king, a chapter of the Garter was held at Nottingham, when the Prince of Wales and Rupert were made knights — the only chapter ever held away from Windsor. Essex was now on the march from London, with orders from the Parliament to bring back with him the king and his two sons, " by battle or otherwise." The ''Lord General," as Essex was styled on arriving at Northampton, found assembled fourteen thousand men of all arms. Most of these troops were armed with weapons seized at Hull or in the Tower. The Parliamentary army seems to have been rather a showy one. Essex's men wore his colours, orange, on their scarfs and badges. Hampden's men wore green coats ; Lord Saye and Lord Mandeville's blue, Lord Brooke's purple, and the Londoners, under Denzil Holies, wore red. That so mixed a body of men, mostly, as Crom- OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR, 21 well described them, " formed from decayed serving men and tapsters," should have been, as time went on, more than a match for the Royal army, would seem strange ; but it must be remembered that they were led by many an excellent commander who had served under the great Gustavus. They had, too, French and German officers to instruct them how to work their artillery. As the war progressed, so did the soldier-like capacities of these men ; and before long they had for chief one of the greatest soldiers that ever appeared to lead them from one victory to another ; but at this time Oliver Crom- well's name was little known beyond Parliament and the counties of Huntingdon and Cambridge. The flag of the Parliament represented five buff- coloured Bibles on a black ground, its ugliness a little atoned for by the motto worked in gold letters, " God with us." At the time the king hoisted his standard at Nottingham, he had with him but a single regiment of foot and a few train-bands hastily brought together ; and, until he got his artillery and muni- tions from York, could not advance. As time passed, his forces were increased by regiments commanded by Lord Lindsey, and his son. Lord Willoughby, and two Yorkshire regiments, led by Sir William Penniman and by Bellasis, a son of 22 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Lord Falconbridge, from Yorkshire. With these, and having- received the artillery from York, Charles was ready to make a move. On the 13th of September, the king marched to Derby, thence to Stafford.* From Stafford Prince Rupert was despatched, with orders to occupy Worcester, with the intention of forming a line of communication along the valley of the Severn as far as Bristol. This plan was doomed to fail. In a very short time Rupert greatly strengthened his little army : on leaving Leicester he had under his command but eight hundred horse, poorly equipped ; on ap- pearing before Shrewsbury, a month later, he had over three thousand troopers under him, in admir- able condition. The Parliament issued a proclamation declaring Rupert a traitor, and accusing him of " flying with great fury through divers counties, raising men for the king in a rigorous way." Rupert must have laughed at the proclamation, and at being called a traitor, and it only seems to have given him greater zeal in the king's cause. That he impressed horses for the king's service, * While with the king at Stafford, a local tradition says that, riding by the church of St. Mary's in that town, Rupert displayed his skill as a marksman by twice piercing the weathercock on the steeple ; if we look at the awkward pistols of that day, this was a feat worth recording. OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR. 23 and obtained arms, was certainly the case ; but so did also the other side. But as to the "rigour" exercised, I cannot find a single instance in which Rupert showed undue harshness, much less cruelty, throughout the whole course of the war. What distinguished so especially our great Civil War, and made it stand out in such a conspicuous manner from the wars that had so long raged in Germany and the Netherlands, was the aversion, on both sides, to cause unnecessary suffering. Perhaps, with the exception of the American Civil War, none has ever been so free of cruelty towards non-combatants as the English war of 1642. Well and truly does Sir Walter Scott write on this subject— ** England's war revered the claim Of every unprotected name, And spared amidst its fiercest rage, Childhood, and womanhood, and age." A case proving how Rupert conducted his part in the war, is worth giving in some detail. In the north of Warwickshire was a place called Caldecot Manor House, belonging to a Mr. Purefoy, a member of Parliament, at this time commanding a body of troops on the side of the Parliament Rupert, in command of five hundred troopers, summoned the garrison. It so happened 24 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. that the garrison consisted of only a Mr. Abbott eight men-servants, Mrs. Purefoy, and a few women^ servants ; but of this fact the prince was ignorant. The brave little garrison refused the summons, and defied the troopers. The outer gate was forced, but a well-directed fire laid low three officers and many more ; and Rupert had to retire. The attack, however, soon recommenced ; the wind blowing towards the house, Rupert had some outhouses fired, and, under cover of the smoke, returned to the assault. The little garrison, finding further resistance hopeless, sur- rendered ; probably their stock of ammunition had failed : but throughout the siege Mrs. Purefoy and her maids kept reloading the muskets, and even melted the pewter plates for bullets. When this brave woman came forth, and Rupert found how small had been the defending force, he not only gave orders that nothing should be injured or taken from the place, but paid a deserved tribute of admiration to the lady of the house. How different would have been the conduct of Tilly, or any other of the Imperialists, under the same circumstances ! After leaving Stafford (in order to intercept Essex, who was moving on Worcester, and, as I have already said, to maintain communication OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR. 25 along the Severn valley), Rupert first halted at Bridgenorth, wishing to .keep touch between Shrewsbury and Worcester. Sir John Byron, con- veying some treasure to the king, had reached Worcester, coming from London, and it was feared he might fall into the hands of Essex's force. Hearing of Byron's peril, Rupert at once advanced on the enemy, and so eager was he to engage him that he sent Essex a challenge to meet him either *'in an encounter in a pitched field, at Dunsmore Heath," or in single combat. Essex's answer is not forthcoming. On arriving at Worcester, Rupert found that place utterly unfit for defence, and he settled to retire from it, and, with Byron, occupy Shrewsbury. While the arrangements for making this move were pending, Rupert, with his brother Maurice, and other officers, and between four or five hundred troopers, had gone a little distance out of the town, and were resting in the harvest-fields, little dream- ing how near Essex's cavalry were. Suddenly Rupert's quick eye detected a line of mounted men rapidly forming in the open by the Pershore road. To seize the nearest horse, arouse his comrades, and, all unarmoured as he was, to dash forwards on the enemy, with his battle-cry of, " For a king ! " was the work of a few seconds. The Parliamentary 26 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. troopers made a stout resistance ; their leader, the brave Colonel Sandys, was slain. Rupert charged the main body, and sent round Lord Crawford to attack their right flank, and soon a panic seized Essex's men, and they fled in wild confusion, never stopping till they reached Pershore, four miles from the place where they had been defeated. The fight had been little more than a sharp skirmish. Rupert, although all his officers except himself had received wounds, had as usual escaped scatheless, and only half a dozen of his men had been killed ; but the enemy had lost largely. Ac- cording to Lord Falkland, four hundred had been killed, many drowned in the river. Rupert cap- tured six standards and a large number of horses, of which he never could have too many. The moral blow to the Parliamentarians had been great, and it took a long time before they recovered from the shock which Rupert had given them. It was soon after this engagement that our prince played off a prank on the enemy which must have made the whole king's army merry for many a long day. In order to ascertain the strength of Essex's position and of his force, Rupert disguised him- self in an ordinary civilian attire, and, calling at a cottage near Worcester, asked the old dame within OUTBREAK OF THE CIVIL WAR, 2/ "? for the latest news while he partook of some " col- lops " and eggs. From her he learnt that he had been utterly routed by Essex's horse. " A plague choke Prince Rupert and his cavaliers ; he might have kept himself where he was born ; this kingdom has been the worse ever since he landed." The prince was highly amused at the old lady's spleen, gave her three pieces of money, and told her he quite agreed with her. He next accosts a countryman riding a horse laden with sacks of apples, on his way to sell them to Essex's soldiers. Rupert inquires why he does not bring them to sell to the king's. " Oh," says the fellow, " they are cavaliers, and have a mad prince among them, and a devil a penny could I get in the whole army." Finally the prince changes clothes wath the vendor of apples, rides into Essex's camp, takes stock of everything there, and, return- ing to the man, tells him when he reaches the camp to ask Essex's soldiers how they liked the apples that Prince Rupert had sold them that day. On the 1 2th of October the king set out on his march to London. 28 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. CHAPTER III. EDGEHILL AND BRENTFORD. The king's army consisted of two thousand cavalry, and of six thousand infantry, besides fifteen hundred dragoons. Apparently the Royal force was almost destitute of artillery. Rupert commanded the horse. Besides fighting men, a motley crew of non-com- batants, including Secretaries of State, and even such useless encumbrances as heralds, brought up the whole number of Charles's army to near twelve thousand men. Rupert wished to advance as quickly as possible on London, taking Birmingham on the way ; but Charles, for no obvious reason, dallied several days at Bridgenorth, and also at Wolverhampton. On the news reaching the capital that the king was advancing in force, a panic seized the Londoners. Aided by their wives and relations, the terrified EDGEHILL AND BRENTFORD, 29 citizens hastily fortified the western side of the town. Lincoln's Inn Fields was strongly defended ; and in the open fields, where now stands Grosvenor Square, a large fort was thrown up. The train- bands mustered, and barricades blocked the streets to the west. Parliament called on Essex to pre- pare to meet the enemy. Essex was at this time at Worcester, thence he marched on the 19th of October to Stratford-on-Avon, and on the night of the 22nd he reached Kineton. The king's army advanced by slow marches through Packington, Killingworth, and Southam, to Edge- worth, where Charles slept the night before the battle, Rupert, meanwhile, had made an ineffec- tual dash on Coventry. On the same day on which the Parliamentary General reached Kineton, the prince arrived at Wormleighton, in the immediate neighbourhood of Essex, without being aware of it. Soon, however, Rupert was informed of the fact by his quartermaster, who had, while seeking quar- ters for his men, fallen in with some of Essex's advanced guard. Rupert at once threw himself on his horse, and galloped to tell the news to Charles, then at Edgeworth, a distance of some six miles from Kineton. The night was far advanced when the prince reached the king's head-quarters, and Charles had 30 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, already retired. Rupert insisted on immediately rousing the king : but he was met by Lord Falk- land, whose manner apparently roused the prince's ire ; angry words passed between the prince and the Secretary of State, and Rupert apparently rode back to Wormleighton without having seen the king, in probably a towering passion. Charles, perhaps, felt he had given his nephew some offence, and, before the morning dawned, sent Rupert this curiously spelt letter. '' Nephew," writes the king, ** I have given orders as you desyred, so I dout not but all the foot and cannon will be at Eggehill be- tymes this morning, where you will also find your loving uncle and faithful friend, Charles R." Accompanied by his two eldest sons, the king mounted his horse at early dawn of a bleak October day, and rode towards Edgehill. Early as was the hour at which he arrived, he found Rupert prepared to receive him. The prince had been long keenly watching the enemy coming through the mist in the valley below — called the Valley of the Red Horse. Eagerly, too, the king scanned through his '' perspective glass " his rebel subjects. It was no ordinary sight that Charles beheld, and one, indeed, that no English monarch had ever looked upon before. It was, as Charles remarked, the first time that he EDGE HILL AND BRENTFORD. 3 I saw his enemies " in a body." But the sight only stirred him to exclaim, " I shall give them battle ; God and the prayers of good men assist my cause ! " Stapleton's cuirassiers, or, as they were generally called, " Essex's Life Guards," were the first to take up their station to the right. Sir William Fairfax's corps formed the reserve ; next came the men under the command of Denzil Holies and Fielding. Lord Brooke was in command of the centre, having Essex's regiment in his front, and Ballard's men in his rear. Lord Robarts and Sir William Constable commanded the right centre ; Lord Mandeville and Charles Essex, the left. The cavalry, under Meldrum and Stapletdn, were drawn up on the right wing, besides some horse, under Sir John Ramsay, on the left wing. Both these cavalry regiments were flanked by artillery. The total force of these long lines of Parliamentary troops amounted to some sixteen thousand men. For hours neither army moved ; it was nearly noon before the Royal army had taken up its posi- tion. Precious time had been wasted owing to a council of war, during which a violent altercation took place between Rupert and the veteran Lord Lindsey. Rupert insisted on charging the enemy without delay, and Lindsey, more cautious, declared against this rash mode of beginning the battle. 1 2 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, But the old lord was overruled, and in some dudgeon gave up his command, but volunteered his services as colonel of his Lincoln regiment. Rupert was supported in his scheme of immediate attack by Lord Ruthven, an old campaigner, who had fought in Germany under the great Gustavus. With a strong body of cavalry at their flanks, the Royal infantry were marshalled in ranks six deep. Sir John Byron was intrusted with a reserve of horse, and Lords Carnarvon and Digby had a reserve of six hundred troopers. On the left stood Ashton's dragoons ; those of Washington were placed on the right. The Royal artillery faced that of the Parliament. Lord Bernard Stuart's fine troop of Life Guards formed the king's body- guard ; but their zeal after the battle broke, and the wish to remove an impression that they were more for show than for service, unfortunately in- duced this fine body of young soldiers to leave their king, and Charles at one period of the fight was almost deserted. It was about one o'clock in the afternoon of that memorable 23rd of October when at length the Royal army de- scended into the valley. A i^\sf moments before moving, the king addressed some spirited words to his soldiers. Clad in complete armour, and probably mounted on one of those noble steeds on EDGE HILL AND BRENTFORD. 33 which Vandyck loved to portray him, Charles must have looked every inch a king. '* Come life or death, your king will bear you company," he said, " and ever keep the field, this place, and this day's work in his grateful remembrance." Surely such kingly words had not stirred a soldier's heart since Henry V. had called on his fellow-countr>'men to conquer or die with him at Agincourt. The Parliamentary artillery was the first to open fire ; it was promptly returned by that of the king. Rupert, at the head of his cavalry, dashed down on the enemy with his ringing battle- cry, " For God and the king." The impetus of the charge sent the Roundhead horse flying, after a short resistance. What added, at the commence- ment of the battle, to the confusion of the Par- liamentarians was the defection of Sir Faithful Fortescue, who joined the Royalists, carrying with him a large body of deserters. In vain did Man- deville and Cholmondeley attempt to rally their men ; the wildest panic prevailed, and away rode the Roundheads, until their flight was stayed by some reserves that Hampden was bringing up from Stratford. While Rupert was carrying all before him on the king's right, and pursuing the enemy into Kineton, the left wing of the Royal cavalry broke D 34 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Meldrum's horse, whom the panic, caused by Rupert's victorious charge on their companions, had demoralized. The wild spirit of Rupert had seized all the cavalry of the king, and, regardless of the monarch's safety, away flowed the Royal horse. The contagion of the victorious Cavaliers carried away even Byron and Digby's reserves and the immediate body-guard of the king. The tide of battle now changed, and for some time the king was in imminent danger of being captured. Almost alone, and with the enemy all around, the king was in the midst of a hand- to-hand melee, during which the Royal standard was taken after a desperate fight. The gallant Sir Ralph Verney was slain, bravely protecting his precious charge to the last. The Royal pennon was seized out of his dying grasp, but recovered later in the day by an able ruse. Here, too. Lord Lindsey fell mortally wounded, fighting on foot, pike in hand. In vain Charles was entreated to leave the field ; he refused to fly, and showed a calm courage throughout that wild scene of storm and turmoil. Still, Ruthven and Astley gallantly held their ground, although almost over- whelmed by the enemy. At length Rupert re- turned from his pursuit ; but only to find the battle EDGEHILL AND BRENTFORD, 35 all but lost. Darkness was now closing in ; and in vain he begged the king to be allowed to make one more charge to retrieve the day : it was too late ; and even had there been more daylight, the cavalry were too scattered and exhausted to enable him to get together a sufficient force, or to make an effectual charge. Rupert had unwill- ingly enough to submit to the inevitable. Our prince might be said both to have won and lost the battle. Like chaff before the wind had he scattered the enemy ; but he had also allowed the infantry on his side to be deprived of support, and had thus imperilled his king and his army. The battle was a drawn one ; and, as usual on such occasions, both sides claimed the victory. On the whole, the advantages lay on the side of the Royalists, for the road was now open for the advance to London. Charles passed the night after the battle on the field — part of it by the side of a watch-fire, part in his coach. It was bitterly cold, and the suffer- ings of the wounded, in those days so neglected, were terrible. It has been estimated that in this first pitched battle of the Civil War, between five and six thou- sand men fell. Of these, two-thirds belonged to the army of the Parliament. Essex had lost two 36 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, of his ablest officers — Colonel Charles Essex and Lord St. John. The loss of officers on the side of the king was far heavier — Lord Lindsey, Sir Ralph Verney, Lord Aubigny, Colonel Munroe, " a great commander," were among the slain. Lord Lindsey's son, and also many other officers on the side of the Royalists, were taken prisoners. The day following was passed in a fruitless at- tempt at negotiation between the leaders of the two armies. That evening the king went to Edgcot, and Essex to Warwick. Rupert having obtained the king's leave to harass the enemy's retreat, did so effectually, until stopped by the Parliamentary baggage-waggons blocking up the narrow streets of Kineton. How- ever, he secured prisoners, and some booty ; among the latter a portion of Essex's correspondence. This block at Kineton, and a heavy fog, saved Essex's army from further molestation, and thus ended the first engagement of much consequence between the two armies. Although, to modern ideas of warfare, accus- tomed as we are to armies of hundreds of thou- sands in collision, Edgehill may seem but a paltry affair, it was one of the most obstinately contested fights in our history. It had been a hand-to-hand struggle throughout, for the artillery and musketry EDGEHILL AND BRENTFORD. 3/ had hardly been called into action on either side. The fact of six thousand men having been killed, out of a combined force of thirty-one thousand, proves how desperately both sides fought. Lud- low records that he counted no less than sixty corpses of the Royal Horse Guards, who had fallen in defending the king's standard, all heaped together on one small plot of ground. Bloody as the day had been, its results were insignificant. Now that the road to London was open, Rupert implored the king to march instantly on the capital. The eager prince declared that, if he were permitted, he could with his cavalry seize Westminster, and occupy the Houses of Parlia- ment ; and that if he only had command of some three thousand infantry, in addition to his cavalry, he promised that in a few days Charles should be reinstated at Whitehall. But, as was his wont, Charles refused to take the responsibiUty of so bold a step ; and council followed council, delay caused fresh delay. The king was told that if Rupert were let loose in London, he would set the town in a blaze ; and Lord Bristol went so far as to declare that even the city would be fired did the prince once get possession of it. . 38 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. In this way much precious time was lost. The king lingered on near Banbury, undetermined what advice to follow. Essex, in the meanwhile, used the time to concentrate his shattered troops at Warwick. The next event in the campaign was Banbuiy falling into the king's hands. At length Charles moved south, and re-entered his loyal town of Oxford. i While the king held his court in the most beautiful of English cities, Rupert scoured the' neighbouring country ; one day he appeared at Abingdon, the next he is in the vale of Aylesbury. At Aylesbury he has a fight with the Roundheads, who, under Charles Pym and Balfour, tried in vain to keep him out of that town. In one of these autumn days our prince dashes across a ford and scatters the enemy's horse ; but the latter close in behind, reinforced by fresh troops. Rupert finds himself terribly outnumbered ; he has to beat a hasty retreat, and recross the river. His quarters were now at Maidenhead, from whence he made a bold but impossible effort to capture the fortress of Windsor, then strongly garrisoned. Even had it not been, Windsor was hardly a likely place to be taken by a regiment or two of cavalry, however brave, and led by such a " beau sabreur " as Rupert. I 1 EDGEHILL AND BRENTFORD. 39 After this somewhat Quixotic attempt to ride into the keep of Windsor Castle, the prince was obliged to retire on Staines, and later to Kingston. After garrisoning Colnbrook, Rupert returned to his headquarters at Maidenhead. There he col- lected as many cavalry as he could muster in order to carry out his scheme of entering London. . News reaching Charles that Rupert thought the favourable moment had at length arrived for a decided blow on the capital, the king left Oxford and came as far as Reading, which had recently declared itself for Charles. Its late Parliamentary governor had promptly retired when he found Rupert in his neighbourhood. f- - While Charles remained at Reading, a Parlia- mentary commission arrived from Westminster to negotiate terms with a view of making peace. Among the peers who formed part of this com- mission were the Earls of Pembroke and of Northumberland. The negotiations came to nothing; although the commissioners could not have been more moderate in their demands and tone, Charles foolishly refused to receive one of the commissioners. Sir John Evelyn, a member of the House of Commons, and, owing to this personal pique and obstinacy on the part of the king, things remained as before. 40 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. While these negotiations were pending, with or without the royal sanction (it is not easy to find the truth in this affair), the king's army con- tinued to advance on Brentford. This apparent want of faith with the Parliament, as it was regarded by the Parliament, taking place at a time of truce, embittered intensely the national feeling against the king, and from that time all hopes of a peaceful solution to the war between king and Parliament had to be abandoned. By some writers, Charles has been severely blamed for allowing his army to advance on London during the negotiations, and they accuse him of playing a double game by having done so. On the other hand, it has been contended that, situated as Charles was at Reading, he might, had he not acted as he did, been easily taken prisoner by the hostile army, and that in self-defence he was obliged to push on his troops to Brentford. He was certainly almost surrounded by the Par- liamentary army ; it being in force close by at Windsor, at Acton, and also at Kingston. Essex's main strength lay at Turnham Green, where his soldiers protected the main road to London. Strong fortifications had been erected at Brentford, and that place was also fully garrisoned by Hampden and Holles's troops. The main street EDGEHILL AND BRENTFORD. 4I ' was barricaded, and it must have appeared a sheer impossibility to the Parliamentary chiefs, that any force, unless strongly armed with artillery, would run its head against such a position, or attempt to enter London thence. But Rupert had already made up his mind that nothing should deter him from his darling plan of taking Brentford, however hopeless such an attempt might seem to ordinary eyes and understandings. Brentford he must have, despite all the Hamp- den and Holles's barricades and stockades that might try to bar his way. Aided by a thick November fog, Rupert made a wild dash on the fortifications ; not only did the fog allow him to fall on the enemy, almost before he and his cavalry could be seen, but it also protected his flanks from being attacked by the enemy. The odds were terribly against Rupert, and certainly none but he could have gained even the shortlived success which he obtained in that desperate . struggle. Through the enemy-girt street and over the barricades the Royal horse dashed and forced their way with splendid courage. The men Rupert led were principally Welsh, and never had the prince led finer soldiers ; every man seemed inspired by the example of their leader, all fought like heroes. 42 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. In spite of their strongly fortified position, Holles's splendid regiment of red-coated guards could not stand the first attack, and even the sup- ports brought up to their assistance by Hampden and Lord Brooke were also beaten back. That night Rupert passed in the bloodstained town. The victory was complete, fifteen of the enemy's guns were captured, besides five hundred prisoners, and eleven stands of colours. Next day all London was in an uproar at the news of the capture of Brentford. Essex was immediately despatched to take the command of his army at Turnham Green, and, if possible, to give the terrible prince battle. At Turnham Green, Essex had under his com- mand a force of some twenty-four thousand men ; this included the city train-bands, which answered in those days to our present force of volunteers — a well-organized, disciplined, and reliable body of citizens. Far more powerful than this army was the moral force which Essex felt at his back, for now the Londoners were completely roused, and ready to fight it out to the death before Rupert and his, to them hateful, soldiery should enter their gates. This desperate feeling of the London citizens was known to the king, and it was this, probably, which led him to recall his nephew at the EDGEHILL AND BRENTFORD. 43 very time that Rupert felt further victory all but certain. It must have been a grievous mortification to the prince when the order arrived from the king, ordering him to leave Brentford, after so brilliant a success ; but the royal orders had to be obeyed, and he and his brave Welshmen were obliged to evacuate Brentford and fall back on Reading. It appears that Rupert insisted on seeing all his men safely across the Thames before he crossed the river himself. Like the captain of a sinking vessel, he remained the last at the post of honour and of danger. Not until all his men had safely crossed Brent- ford Bridge did he move, although the enemy kept up a heavy fire on the departing Cavaliers. Cheering on his men, and directing them to return the fire, Rupert was the last to cross the bridge. Essex, naturally only too glad to have been able to get back into Brentford on such easy terms, made no attempt to pursue Rupert. At Hounslow the prince encamped that evening. Meanwhile Charles passed a few days between his palaces of Hampton Court and Oatlands, before returning to Oxford, where he fixed his court at the end of that month, and where he remained during the following winter. 44 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Gloomily closed in that first year of the Civil War for the Royal side. The king, in an almost defenceless position at Oxford, anxiously awaiting news of the queen's arrival, who was then tempest-bound between the Dutch and English coasts, in imminent danger of falling into the clutches of Warwick and the fleet of the Parliament. Essex known to be advancing from Windsor on to the weakly defended town of Oxford ; while Rupert, disgusted at being obliged to give up the attack on London, scours the country in all direc- tions, in order to get supplies for the Royal army. No help seems likely to come from allies from over the sea, for France, Holland, and Spain have grown lukewarm. Thus mournfully ended the year 1642 for the cause of the king. ( 4S ) CHAPTER IV. "ALARMS AND EXCURSIONS." During the next year (1643), to quote Carlyle, " all England is in a hot, but very dim, state, and the country is all writhing in dim conflict, suffering manifold distress, and from his majesty's head- quarters ever and anon there darts out, now hither, now thither, across the dim smoke element, a swift, fierce Prince Rupert, too like a streak of sudden fire." While Charles anxiously waited for the queen's arrival (bringing, it was hoped, more money and fresh means of carrying on the war) at Oxford, Rupert becomes a difficult figure to follow ; the dry and scanty chronicles of the time give but little clue to his erratic movements. Early in the year he took possession of Ciren- cester — a prize of much value to the king, for, besides finding much booty in the town, its posses- sion laid open the road to Wales. 4^ RUPERT OF THE RHINE. From Cirencester Rupert darted to Gloucester ; but that place he found strongly garrisoned by the enemy, and he unwillingly returned to Oxford. While there, he issued a long answer, or, rather, a defence to a host of accusations made against him by the Parliamentary pamphleteers. He defies his enemies to prove one single case of cruelty or brutality committed by him throughout the cam- paign. This paper, which was printed and pub- h'shed, is far too long to be given here, but may be read at full length in Warburton's compendious work. It closes with this characteristic passage, in which the prince, alluding to his personal conduct, says : " And for myself, I appeal to the consciences of those lords and gentlemen who are my daily witnesses, and to those people wheresoever our army hath been, what they know, or have observed in my carriage which might not become one of my quality, and the son of a king.'' , About the end of March, Rupert concocted a scheme for joining hands with the queen, now at length safely arrived at York. This plan was a bold one — for the country between Oxford and York was in the hands of the enemy — and met with the king's approval. Early in April the prince left Oxford with a force of twelve hundred horse and six hundred ''ALARMS AND EXCURSIONS!' 4/ foot. Passing through the south, and up the centre of Warwickshire with little opposition, Rupert arrived before Birmingham — then, as now, con- spicuous for its strong Democratic sympathies — and there Rupert had to pause ; the gates were closed, and the town was strongly garrisoned, and the streets rendered impassable by barricades. No more daunted by these obstacles than he had been at Brentford, Rupert ordered an assault to be made, and soon the Royal flag waved over the city walls. In the Parliamentary accounts of this event, Rupert and his soldiers are accused of having behaved with unnecessary vigour, and of having set fire to the town. " They have made Birmingham," wrote these scribes, '' a woeful spec- tacle to behold, a thoroughfare for thieves and plunderers." According to the Royalist version of the taking of Birmingham, the prince gave orders that one or two houses should be fired, in order to enable him to make his way into the town, and that when the enemy retired he gave orders that these fires should be, if possible, extinguished. It seems that the day after the town was taken, some of the Royalist soldiers set fire to some other houses ; this was done entirely against the prince's orders. Such things as the above will, and must occa- 48 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. sionally, take place in all warfare, be it civil war or not ; but it would not be fair to blame Rupert's conduct at Birmingham. He seems to have done no more than what he deemed was necessary in order to capture the town ; nor was it in the prince's character or disposition to cause any wanton destruction, or add to the horrors of a place taken by assault. This is proved by the whole of his career. Rupert far more resembled a Sidney than a Tilly or an Alva. Among the slain at the taking of Birming- ham was a noted cavalier, Denbigh, who had distinguished himself by his distant sea-voyages ; but at sea he had been unfortunate. He had served the state as ambassador to the Court of Persia, and had fought valiantly at the battle of Edgehill. In a letter to Rupert, Charles deplores the death of so devoted a subject as Lord Denbigh had ever been to him From Birmingham Rupert advanced to Stafford, and thence to Lichfield. That town was in the hands of the Parliament, and had been strongly fortified ; even its cathedral bristled with cannon, and the cathedral close had been turned into a fortress, loopholed and full of troops. Lichfield was perhaps at that time the most powerful place in the hands of the Parliament of any in the Midland Counties. Its governor, ft ALARMS AND EXCURSIONS^ 49 Rousewell, was a man of ability and determination, and ready to defend his post to the last extremity. On the other hand, our prince was as determined to take Lichfield, and he prepared to lay siege to it in the most systematic manner. Sending for a strong detachment of miners from the neighbouring collieries, he employed them to help his infantry to dry up the moat around the cathedral close, and to undermine the stout walls protecting the citadel. These operations occupied a long time, and ten days passed before Rupert could strike a decisive blow. The attack commenced with a heavy artillery fire, directed against the outer fortifica- tions ; but they were too thick to suffer from the cannonade ; then scaling-ladders were brought against the walls ; but these too had no success. Rupert now, with the aid of his amateur engineerSj sprung a mine, the first ever used in war in Eng- land, and through the breach the storming party rushed. It was met with an obstinate defence by the besieged, and a terribly severe musketry fire obliged the besiegers to retire with the loss of theii leader, Colonel Usher. Again the artillery was employed on the now weakened walls and on the inner defences with better effect. The following day Lichfield capitulated to Rupert ; but the garri- son were allowed to march out of the citadel so RUPERT OF THE RHINE. with all the honours of war, such as " flags flying," etc. Rupert, with his accustomed courtesy, warmly complimented Governor Rousewell on the brave defence which he and his garrison had made. During the siege of Lichfield, the prince had received several pressing letters from Charles, urging him to return south, in order to protect Reading, now threatened by Essex. Accordingly, leaving Colonel Henry Bagot, "a son of a good and powerful family in that county," as Governor of Lichfield, Rupert returned with all haste to the king. Two days after leaving Lich- field, so quickly did Rupert march, Charles was able to welcome his nephew at Caversham, where the king had come from Oxford, in order to save Reading from falling into Essex's hands. Charles arrived too late to prevent this, for the Parlia- mentary general had arrived on the 17th of April before Reading, with an army of sixteen thousand foot and three thousand horse. Sir Arthur Ashton, the governor, had been badly wounded early in the siege, and the whole burden of the defence of the place devolved on Colonel Fielding, who appears to have been somewhat lukewarm in his zeal for the Royal cause ; and ere the king could prevent it, the place had fallen. A charge of treason was later pre- ''ALARMS AND EXCURSIONS.'' 5 I ferred against him for the surrender of Reading to Essex. The town of Reading, according to the Parliamentary accounts drawn up of the surrender of the town, was still well provisioned. The king was greatly incensed, and had it not been for Rupert's generous intercession, and that of the Prince of Wales, the unlucky colonel would certainly have been executed. The army of the Parliament gained but little by having possession of Reading, for, soon after they entered that town, a fever of a malignant nature broke out among the soldiers, owing to the overcrowded state of the place. Hampden, who, on his side, was almost as impetuous for immediate action as Rupert, on that of the king, was anxious to attack the Royal force at Oxford ; but Essex, with his usual caution, pre- ferred remaining quietly at Reading, and watching from thence what Charles's next move would be. .; Rupert, although obliged to forego, after the siege of Lichfield, joining Henrietta Maria at York, had not given up his intention of carrying out that plan ; but while Essex was in the vicinity of the king, he felt it his duty to remain in his neighbour- hood, doing as much damage as possible to the enemy by his wild raids around Oxford. ''Often," writes Warburton, " the old pavements of Tring, / / 52 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Wycombe, Watford, and such isolated places, ran^ to the clatter of the Royal troopers, startling the burghers from their midnight sleep ; and soon afterwards, with hose and doublet hastily arranged, the responsible authorities were hurried before the commanding-officer, and obliged to furnish such matters as he demanded ; or to follow him, at speed, behind a steel-clad trooper, back to his head-quarters. Before the morning light, the in- vaders would be far away, or the last glitter of their armour just seen on the remote horizon. Yet, it is evident, even these expeditions were conducted, if I may say so, in something of a gentlemanlike manner, otherwise we should hear more of their excesses from the Parliamentary organs. They are sufficiently unscrupulous in their assertions and abusiveness, yet they relate singularly few acts of outrage, and scarcely any atrocity. In the German wars, thousands of villages were laid in ruins, and the country left desolate ; but, in the very heat of the English war, the population continued to increase, wealth on the whole accumulated, and the judges went their circuits, administering justice in the midst of violence." The only parallel to this humane conduct, of the same nation waging a desperate warfare ''ALARMS AND EXCURSIONS: 53 within itself, is to be found in the great Civil War of America ; when, terrible as was the de- struction of life, both the armies of the Federal and the Confederate sides abstained from any unnecessary destruction of life or property. Early in June, when the floods in the Thames valley had subsided, Essex moved on towards Oxford as far as Caversham. Charles accordingly quitted the shelter of Christchurch, and drew up his army to the east side of Oxford, on some hilly ground. In the mean while a report had reached Rupert that a large treasure, said to consist of some twenty thousand pounds, was shortly to be sent to Essex from London; the prince resolved to intercept this booty, and to seize the prize at Thame, where the bulk of the enemy's army had now concentrated. Leaving Oxford on the 17th of June, in the evening, the prince rode through the night to Lewknor, where he drew rein in the early dawn of the next day. Here he had a skirmish with some of the advanced guard of the Roundheads ; he then galloped on to the village of Chinnor, strongly garrisoned by the rear-guard of Essex's army; Rupert attacked them unex- pectedly, and slew or made prisoners all he found. From Chinnor the prince continued his course, but not unobstructed for long. The firing at 54 < 'i RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Chinnor had brought his enemy from all sides, and had given timely warning to the drivers of the carts containing the treasure, who, with their pre- cious freight, were able to escape among the Chil- tern Hills. Rupert, with the foe before, behind, and around him, had nothing left him now to do but to fight his way through the enemy, and make the best way he could back to Oxford. It was still early in the morning of the i8th of June (a date eventful in English military annals) when Rupert formed his men in an open field, that of Chalgrove, and prepared for the battle. To beat a retreat, he was obliged to cross the river Cherwell. In. order to do this, he sent some of his soldiers to occupy the bridge over that river at Chislehampton, about a mile and a half distant from Chalgrove Field. The enemy began the fight as they descended Gelder's Hill. For a wonder, the prince allowed the attack to begin from his opponents. This unusual tactic on his part may be accounted for by his having placed some of his troops in ambush on either side of a lane through which the enemy were obliged to pass before making their attack. But when the Roundheads commenced firing on his men, Rupert's short stock of patience gave out. " This insolency is not to be borne ! " he cried ; *' ALARMS AND EXCURSIONS!' 55 and clapping spurs to his horse, he cleared the hedge which divided him from the enemy's advanced guard, and, followed by his cavalry, after a short but decisive combat, drove them back in confusion. He captured a large number of colours and many horses, then much required in the Royal army^ and many prisoners. This success made up in some measure for Rupert's disappointment in having missed the treasure, which was safely conveyed into Essex's lines. What made the fight of Chalgrove Field for ever memorable in English history, was the death-wound that one of the best and bravest patriots met with on that summer's day, near his own homestead. At the commencement of the engagement, Hampden had ridden up from Wat- lington, attracted by the sound of firing. Early in the day two bullets smashed his shoulder, and, hardly able to sit his horse, he rode slowly away from that fatal field a dying man. A purer patriot, or a less self-seeking one, never lived ; and the universal respect felt for his cha- racter was shown by even the Royalists acknow- ledging that in him England had lost one of her best and bravest sons. As Macaulay truly says, *'With him died the last hope of a victory as spotless as its cause." 56 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. To the credit of Charles, it should be recorded that he volunteered to send his own surgeons to his wounded enemy. At the close of that month, Henrietta Maria at length left York, to join her husband at Oxford. Rupert hastened north to escort the queen on her progress south. Leaving Oxford on the ist of July, he met the queen ten days after at Stratford- on-Avon. Henrietta and the prince were lodged at New Place, a house built by Shakespeare in his palmy days, in the centre of the little town, then occupied by the great granddaughter of the poet, who, with her husband, Mr. Nash, entertained the royal guests. From York the queen had been escorted by a force of four thousand soldiers, and in her train were no less than one hundred and fifty waggons and a field of artillery. After quitting Stratford-on-Avon, the queen and prince passed through Kineton, and at Edgehill they were met by Charles, The royal pair had not seen one another during the last fifteen troubled months. Far better had it been for Charles and for Eng- land had Henrietta Maria never set foot in this country. The queen's love of plotting and schem- ing was pregnant with untold mischief to the Royal cause, and her Jesuitical craft and want of truth made itself but too soon felt in the some- ''ALARMS AND EXCURSIONS'' 5/ what gipsy-like court that the poor hurried king now held. Henrietta Maria was endowed with the most unfortunate knack of always selecting the most incompetent and untrustworthy advisers to influence the king ; and she never lost an oppor- tunity of baffling any one who was likely to give reasonable advice to the monarch. Charles was, however, devotedly attached to this fatal woman, and this meeting appears to have been a happy one. Great were the rejoicings on the 4th of July at Oxford, when the royal pair made what ap- peared to the Cavaliers a triumphal entry into that town. There was more cause for the Cavaliers to rejoice at the news which now reached Oxford, namely, of Waller's defeat at Roundway Down, than at Henrietta Maria being again amongst them. Even with the still fascinating queen again at court, Rupert could not keep out of the saddle, and he was away again soon after the queen's arrival at Oxford, to lay siege to Bristol ; that town he had already once tried to take, but had failed, and this failure he now burned to retrieve. Bristol was at that time the second most important town in England, strongly fortified and stoutly garrisoned, all of which things only made the prince the more eager to take it. Having left Oxford on the i8th of July, Rupert 5 8 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. arrived at Clifton on the 23rd, and there he established his head-quarters. At Clifton he was strengthened by the Royalist troops fresh from their victory on Roundway Down. The attack on Bristol was made from two quarters simul- taneously : on the Somerset side, the town was attacked by Sir Ralph Hopton at the head of his brave Cornish men ; while Rupert advanced from the Gloucestershire side, where the defences were less strong, and not so well guarded as those attacked by Hopton. On the first assault, the Cornishmen were repulsed with a heavy loss. After a pause of three days, a fresh joint attack was made on the city, a general assault of the fortifications took place, and in an incredibly short time the place was carried. The governor. Sir Nathaniel Fiennes, who seems to have had but little capacity for command, at once capitulated. For this he underwent a court-martial ; but Essex granted him a pardon. Thus, after a short siege of three days, and a couple of assaults, the most important town, London alone excepted, had fallen into the hands of the Royalists. The losses of the Cavaliers, however, had been great, some five hundred slain, and many officers of note ; the best known of these being Lord Grandison. (( ALARMS AND EXCURSJONS^ 59 , After the capitulation of Bristol, an angry dis- pute broke out between Rupert and Lord Hert- ford ; — the latter held the appointment of Governor- General of the West; Rupert had omitted to place the. marquis's name in the articles of capitulation. Hertford revenged himself by making Hopton governor of the conquered town, an appointment which Rupert, who had had so prominent a part in the taking of the place, had expected to have been offered. So great waxed the dispute between the prince and the marquis that, in order to make peace between them, the king, who was then besieging Gloucester, came thence to Bristol. Rupert took no part in the siege of Gloucester ; it was thought that he had sacrificed a far too large number of lives in the last assault at Bristol, and the command of the besieging force was entrusted to Lord Ruthven, or, as he was now styled, the Earl of Forth and Brentford. In the mean while, Essex, with an army of fifteen thousand men, had started from London, to raise the siege of Gloucester ; and Rupert was ordered to prevent him carrying this into effect. On the borders of Gloucestershire, at Stow-in-the-Wold, the prince and Essex met. Rupert found himself greatly outnumbered by the army of Essex, and his mission came to nought. :■ , y^ 6o RUPERT OF THE RHINE. On the morning of the 5th of October, the Par- liamentary forces approached the king's army ; Charles had reluctantly to raise the siege of Gloucester, and to retire to Newbury. After relieving Gloucester, Essex marched on Ciren- cester, closely followed by Rupert. On the 1 8th of September the prince came up with the enemy at Aldbourn Chase, within a few hours' march of Newbury, where he had intended arriving that evening. In one of his resistless charges, Rupert swept through the enemy, driving him back with great slaughter. The result of that charge was, that instead of Essex entering Newbury on the day following, Charles did so in his place. The day after, the 20th of September, much against Rupert's advice, the king gave battle to Essex. The latter had taken up a strongly fortified position at a place called Bigg's Hills. That battle is known as the first battle of Newbury ; it resulted in the king being badly beaten. Like at Edgehill, the artillery played a very small part in the action ; and also as at Edgehill, this first battle of Newbury was a hand-to-hand encounter. Never before had the Roundheads fought with such stubborn courage and dogged determination. (( ALARMS AND EXCURSIONS^ 6 1 In vain Rupert led charge upon charge against the enemy. Not even the princess desperate fight- ing could cut a lane through that serried array of pikes, or daunt the stern men that held them. Before night closed in, some of the king's best and bravest officers lay dead. First and foremost on that day fell Falkland "the incomparable," as his contemporary chronicler loved to call him. There, too, fell young Lords Sunderland and Car- narvon ; both not only distinguished for their courage, but their brilliant parts and rare manly beauty. With a bleeding heart must the king have re- turned that luckless day to Newbury, after losing three such friends as these. Falkland's death must have been to Charles one of the greatest of his many sorrows and misfor- tunes, and bitterly must he have regretted having gone into battle against the advice of so daring a spirit as that of Rupert's. Out of the prince's brigade, three hundred men had been slain ; out of his own troop (which Warburton conjectures only numbered some sixty men) thirty were killed. Rupert remained on horseback throughout the night after the battle, and, as soon as it>was light, returned to the attack, harassing the enemy on their march to Reading. 62 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. The last successes for the Royalist cause in that year were the taking of the town of Bedford, and the castle and town of Arundel by Hopton. "The capture of Arundel/' writes Mr. Gardiner, " marked the high tide of Royalist success, which had begun to swell at Stratton." But both Arundel and the royal tide of success were doomed soon to fall, and in less than a month from the day when the royal standard waved above the old keep of the Howards, Arundel fell again into the power of the Parliament The loss of Arundel to the king dashed all hopes of a successful invasion of the south. Thus ended this year of "alarms and excursions," 1643. * ■: :*•• < i 63 ) CHAPTER V. LATHOM HOUSE AND MARSTON MOOR. With Henrietta Maria back again at Oxford, a pale shadow of the old court life of Whitehall of former days may have appeared to have returned. Oxford, " the only city," writes Clarendon^ " in England at that time wholly devoted to his Majesty," has often been described by historians and novelists, during the time that its beautiful colleges sheltered all that remained to Charles and his queen of their former life and its splendours. The most pictu- resque description of that incomparable city at this period, methinks, is by the pen of the author of " John Inglesant," who makes us feel we are living in the midst of those noble halls and colleges, filled with the still stately wreck of what was the most refined and polished of European courts. It will be remembered that the king and Rupert were lodgers at the deanery of Christchurch, and 64 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, that the queen occupied rooms and held her court in Merton College. As ill luck would have it, no sooner had Henrietta Maria arrived in Oxford than she insisted on her former favourites — who were mostly men without a shadow of principle, and in every way unworthy of filling important positions — being placed in high command. One of these men was Lord Digby, whom she persuaded the king to appoint as State Secretary, in the place of Falkland. Another was Wilmot, another of the queen's creatures ; and another, Ashburnham. Rupert, knowing but too well how unfitted these three men were for the offices they were to fill, protested in vain with the king, who was com- pletely in the power of the queen, and the prince ^ soon experienced how strong was the cabal formed against him by the queen's party ; in every way he was now thwarted and hampered. In the picturesque sense, the presence of the queen, who had still remains of the singular charm that her portraits by Vandyck convey, must have added greatly to the attractions of Oxford in those days, surrounded as she was by some of the loveliest women in England ; among these the most note- worthy were the fair Duchess of Richmond, the young widowed Lady Aubigny, whose lord had fallen at Edgehill, and the lovely Isabella Thynne .,;l-^ .»•• LATHOM HOUSE AND MARSTON MOOR. 65 -fair faces that still smile on us in their fadeless colours from the canvas of the great Sir Anthony. Early in that year (1644), a descent into England was threatened by the Scotch. To meet this new danger, Rupert's services were required. In order to give the prince greater authority in this com- mand, the king, during the sitting of the Parlia- ment which he had summoned to meet at Oxford, created Rupert, on the 22nd of January, a peer of England, with the titles of Duke of Cumberland and Earl of Holderness. The Royal army was recalled from Ireland ; that army had been defeated by Fairfax at Nantwich, on the 26th of January, a defeat which caused a scare in the counties of Cheshire and Shropshire ; and Rupert was despatched to "give new life," as Clarendon expresses it, to the Royal cause in the north-west. The prince left Oxford on the 6th of February, and on the 19th he arrived before Shrewsbury. The comparative slowness of his march on this occasion appears to have been caused by the ill will towards him of the queen's faction, who threw almost as many obstacles in his expedition to the north as were met by Wellington during his Peninsula campaign at the hands of the Govern- ment. The war had now assumed a far more F 66 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. bitter character than it had previously done. This embittered feeling on both sides was owing to a decree from Parliament, commanding that every soldier in the Royal pay, belonging to the army of Ireland, when captured was to be immediately hung as an " Irish rebel and a papist" The con- sequences were not slow in showing themselves, and the war had now become a far more vindictive and a crueller conflict on both sides. At Nantwich, .thirteen men belonging to Rupert's regiment, who had been taken prisoners, were hung by the governor of that town. - Reprisals naturally followed, and the next batch of prisoners that fell into the hands of the Royalists, out of fourteen, thirteen were executed : the lucky one who escaped was sent to Essex to tell him what had happened to his unfortunate comrades ; and Rupert, whose temper was fully roused, sent further instructions, notifying that for every single man on the Royalist side not killed in fair fight, two of the enemy should suffer. This stern, but not unjustifiable, act of high-handed justice on the side of Rupert had the desired effect of checking the new fashion of hanging prisoners, which had been inaugurated by the Parliament party. The prince now pushed northwards, marching by Shrewsbury, Chester, and Newark. At the last LATHOM HOUSE AND MARSTON MOOR. 6/ place the prince had a narrow escape ; he was, as usual, well in advance of his men, when three of the enemy's troopers dashed on him. One of these he run through the body, a second was shot by one of Rupert's troopers, and the third, whose hand grasped the collar of the prince's coat, had his hand lopped off by one of Rupert's officers, who had come up in time to his assistance. Al- though not wounded, a musket-ball had passed through the prince's gauntlet. Newark was in the hands of the enemy, and Sir John Meldrum was the governor. A spirited sortie was made by the besieged, but Rupert had the advantage, and on the day following, the 22nd of March, Meldrum capitulated. The relief of Newark gave fresh courage to the Royal cause ; but the want of the two most vital elements in war — men and money — was now sorely felt by the prince. In spite of his success, Rupert was obliged to fall back into Wales, in order there to raise fresh troops. In the mean while, the Mar- quis of Newcastle was in full retreat before the Scottish army, and Rupert received pressing mes- sages from him to come to his assistance. From Oxford also came urgent entreaties that he would return ; it seemed that wherever Rupert was not, the Royal cause was in peril. But with all his i^'i^t',' 68 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, amazing energy, Rupert could not equal the per- formances of Sir Boyle Roche's historical bird. The king's orders had first to be obeyed ; and we accordingly next find the prince soon back at Oxford where he arrived on the 25th of April. Oxford had been much alarmed lest Essex should capture it ] so great was the danger considered, that the queen had fled some days before Rupert's return, and taken shelter at Exeter, there to await her approaching confinement. The king now again prepared to take the field ; he had sent troops to Marlborough with a view of intimidating the western counties. On the arrival of the prince, Charles summoned a council of war. Rupert advised that the neighbouring towns, as well as Oxford, should be strongly garrisoned — to wit, Reading, Wallingford, Abingdon, and Banbury — and that any other forces that were available should be sent to Lyme, where his brother, Prince Maurice, was then quartered. Rupert left Oxford for Shrewsbury on the 5th of May, in order to carry out an enterprise such as suited his gallant temperament to perfection. This was to raise the siege of Lathom House, which place had for the last eighteen weeks been stoutly defended against Fairfax by that heroic dame Charlotte de la Tr6- mouille, Countess of Derby. Leaving Shrewsbury LATHOM HOUSE AND MARSTON MOOR. 69 in the middle of the month of May, Rupert arrived at Chester on the 20th. Three days after, he had a successful brush with the enemy at Knutsford ; and on the 25th he took the town of Stockport. The old castle of Lathom stood about half way between Ormskirk and Wigan ; it had been strongly fortified, and had a most determined though small garrison within ; but its chatelaine inspired that garrison with a courage such as is rarely recorded in history. Left, when her lord was fighting in the south, in charge of his castle, and with but a few devoted retainers, Lady Derby, on being sum- moned by Fairfax, on the 28th of February, to surrender, acted, in order to gain time to be able to strengthen her position, with all a woman's ruse. Fairfax's patience lasted till the 12th of March, when his guns opened fire on Lathom House. The castle unfortunately lay in a hollow ; but the walls were in many places six feet thick, strengthened with towers, one of which, called • the Eagle's Tower, formed the keep of the build- ing. Again the summons to surrender was made by the Parliamentary general. Lady Derby's answer is worth recording. ** Though a woman and a stranger, divorced from my friends and robbed of my estate, I am ready to receive your utmost violence, trusting 70 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. to God for protection and deliverance." Proud and noble words, and nobly kept to the last ! The siege now waxed hot, and the small gar- rison of some three hundred men with six officers, armed with but some insignificant pieces of cannon and blunderbusses, were hard pressed. The be- sieeers numbered between some two and three o thousand men, and were amply supplied with munition and stores from the town of Stockport and from Bolton. The siege was carried out under the command of a Colonel Rigby, who appears to have had an old grudge against Lord Derby. On hearing that Rupert was on the march to relieve the garrison of Lathom, Rigby sent a final summons to the countess ; but she scornfully rejected any terms, tearing up the paper on which Rigby demanded the surrender of her castle. "Go back," she said, *'to your commander, and tell that insolent rebel he shall have neither person, goods, nor house. When our strength is spent, we shall find a fire more merciful than Rigby ; and then, if the pro- vidence of God prevent it not, my goods and house shall burn in his sight — myself, my children, and my soldiers. Rather than fall into his hands, we will seal our religion and our loyalty in the same flame." LATHOM HOUSE AND MARSTON MOOR, J I What a lion's heart beat in this woman's breast ! Strangely, enough, her portrait at Knowsley bears nothing striking in the countenance ; nothing in her features or expression indicate a courage that placed Charlotte de la Trdmouille nearly on a par with such heroines as Joan of Arc or Grace Darling. There is to my mind nothing more superb, more truly satisfactory, than this episode of a woman's courage, throughout that long series of mistakes and misfortunes, blunders and butchery, known as the great Civil War. The deeds performed by that little garrison were as spirited as Lady Derby's words. She superintended every detail of the defence. One night a sally was made by the besieged, in which a large number of the enemy were killed, and the plucky little garrison returned to Lathom House, dragging back in triumph a huge mortar, which had played with much effect on the castle. During the height of the bombardnient, a huge bomb from this mortar had fallen into the room where Lady Derby and her children were together. Finding that no one was injured, the countess at once ordered a fresh sally to be made in return for the compliment paid her by the enemy. This incident has been made the subject of a picture 72 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, by Mrs. E. M. Ward. Lady Derby is seated at the dinner-table, with her children about her ; she watches with apparent unconcern the entrance of the dangerous missive from the foe, and remains mistress of herself though " bombshells fall." Be this incident true or not, it \s> certain that this " martial lady," as the old chroniclers rightly called her, changed nothing of the manner of her ordinary life or occupations during the duration of the siege ; and she even found time, during that protracted and stormy siege, to attend prayers with her children four times daily. At length her courage was rewarded, for, on the 25th of May, Rupert the deliverer, accompanied by Lord Derby, appeared. Rigby and his crew took to their heels and fled to Bolton. Rupert followed them, and, after a bloody engagement, took the town. Of the Parliamentarians there fell at Bolton sixteen hundred men. Thirty-two stands of colours were captured ; these were very appropriately taken to Lathom House, and laid at the feet of the heroic countess by her kinsman and deliverer, Prince Rupert Charlotte de la Tremouille cer- tainly deserved such homage ; and I should recommend any painter in want of a good subject, to portray the moment when the prince kneels at the feet of his brave kinswoman, as she receives LATHOM HOUSE AND MARSTON MOOR. 73 the spoils of his victory from his hands. Rupert now carried victory on his helm ; after the relief of Lathom, and the taking of Bolton, nearly all Lancashire fell into his power. On the 1st of June the prince, having been reinforced by ^v^ thousand horse with Goring at their head, and eight hundred foot soldiers, made his way towards Liverpool. When he reached Wigan, Rupert rode through streets which had been strewn with flowers. Liverpool was then an insignificant town as to size, but a place of importance from its being the port through which the troops to Ireland passed in order to reach Lancashire. The prince was soon in possession of Liverpool — that town had made but a feeble resistance to the Royalists. Rupert was now free to strike up country to York. He had recently received a very pressing order from the king to give battle to the enemy before that city. This order is important to remember, having been given by Charles, as it absolves Rupert from the accusation made against him, after the battle of Marston Moor, that it was fought at his own instigation ; and that he was consequently responsible for the result of that disaster. Among the Parliamentary generals who were 74 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. now besieging York, were Fairfax, Manchester, and Leven. Parliament sent orders that Rupert's advance should be stopped, if possible, while the prince was in Lancashire. However, the Parliamentary generals could not leave York, and Rupert was allowed to ride across the hills which divide the counties of Lancashire and Yorkshire without molestation. The prince arrived at Knaresborough on the 30th of June. On the ist of July, the two hostile armies came within sight of one another near Gartrey Forest. At all risks Rupert was deter- mined to relieve the besieged garrison in York hard by. Crossing the Ouse, he approached the city on its northern side, and bivouacked nearly beneath its walls that night. Messengers were sent to apprise Lord Newcastle, in command of the garrison, of his arrival, and the prince desired him to join the Royal army on the following day. Meanwhile the Parliamentarians passed the night in and around the village of Long Marston, some seven miles distant from York. In command of their cavalry was Cromwell, and with him David Leslie ; they were quartered on Marston Moor. Newcastle, a poor soldier, wished for delay before attacking the enemy ; the marquis believed that if the battle were deferred there might be a split in LATHOM HOUSE AND MARSTON MOOR, 75 the enemy's camp, as it was rumoured that the Parliamentary generals were not on good terms. Rupert showed him the king's letter, giving the prince absolute command to fight the enemy when- ever he came near him. Then Newcastle had to yield. On the subject of Rupert's determination to fight, Mr. Gardiner writes as follows : " Rupert had never yet met the horsemen whom he had not scattered, and, as the events of that evening were to prove, had he been personally as successful on Marston Moor as he had been on every field stricken since the war began, the victory would have been won along the whole line, and there can be no serious doubt that that victory would have given to Charles once more an undisputed throne.'* Throughout that long July day the two armies stood face to face. The army of the Parliament occupied the summit of the Moor ; they exceeded that of the Royalists by upwards of a thousand men. The cavalry commanded by Cromwell and Leslie were drawn up on the left ; next stood Crawford's and Baillie's Scottish infantry. On the extreme left, and leaning on the village of Long Marston, was more cavalry, under the leadership of Sir Thomas Fairfax. The reserves of foot and horse were placed in the rear, under the charge of 76 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Lord Fairfax. The army was thus arranged in five columns. Facing Cromwell's redoubtable Ironsides stood Rupert's cavalry. . Lord Newcastle commanded the centre of the Royal force, and opposite to Sir Thomas Fairfax was placed Goring's horse. It was the first time that the prince had found an opportunity to measure himself and his Cavaliers with Cromwell and his Ironsides ; and we can be sure he eagerly waited the signal of attack. '* Is Cromwell there ? " asked Rupert of a prisoner, pointing to the enemy's horse across the Moor ; ** and will they fight ? If they will, they shall have fighting enough." The prince sent a messenger challenging Cromwell. Oliver's answer was as warlike as the prince's message. '' If it please God, we shall ! " he exclaimed. A strange sight it must have been to watch these serried battalions facing each other, and eager to be at each other's throats, on that second day of July, 1643. As if the elements were in accord with the scene about to be enacted on earth that summer's day, heavy thunder-clouds gathered above, and as the evening closed, a heavy thunder-storm broke over Marston Moor. While the thunder-claps rolled further away in lessening peals of sound, there LATHOM HOUSE AND MARSTON MOOR. yj uprose from the ranks of Cromwell's troopers a stentorian hymn of praise to the God of battles, and of defiance to their enemies. Rupert, not to be outdone even in this respect, had prayers read at the head of his regiment, and, this service being over, the battle commenced at last. Simultaneously the artillery flashed along the darkening moor, and in another instant Rupert charged the Scottish infantry. These were regarded by both Charles and himself as doubly traitors ; and, longing as the prince was to measure swords with Cromwell, his first attack was directed at the northern double-dyed traitors, as he considered them. Clear and distinct above the clash and din of arms rang out Rupert's well-known battle-cry, and soon the Scotch were hurled back, and had not Cromwell now arrived to their aid, it would have gone ill with them ; but the hour had arrived when the fiery young prince was to meet his match. Cromwell, although slightly wounded in the neck, and with his first line of Ironsides broken, came thundering down on Rupert. An heroic fight ensued. To add to Rupert's difficulties, Leslie appeared with fresh cavalry in support of Oliver ; and for the first time during the war, the prince experienced the bitterness of defeat. While Crom- well and Leslie were driving back the Royal horse, 78 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. the battle continued with varying success. In the centre the Parliament, however, were gaining ground ; but Sir Thomas Fairfax and his cavalry were forced to fly by Goring's horse. But this success could not turn the fortunes of the day, and Rupert's defeat seems to have discouraged the Royalist army. Before Leslie the Irish horse is scattered, and the celebrated " white coats,*' under Newcastle, are cut to pieces almost to a man ; but, like the old Guard at Waterloo, scorn to surrender. Cromwell is triumphant ; his star has indeed arisen, bloodstained but brilliant. The loss of the battle of '' Marston Moor " was a crushing blow to the king, for it entailed the loss of all the north of England, a few places of little importance excepted. Newcastle, after throwing the entire blame of the disaster on Rupert, got into his coach and drove calmly out of York, and succeeded in putting the sea between him and the enemy. Rupert's conduct was of a very different kind. Although defeated, he had no idea of throwing up the cause for which he had so nobly fought, and, with his splendid power of organization, succeeded, in a short time, in raising a fresh force of cavalry to the number of some six thousand. With these at his back, he retreated from York, which, soon after his depar- LATHOM HOUSE AND MAKSTON MOOR. 79 ture, on the i6th of July, fell into the hands of the victorious Roundheads. Besides the immense moral effect of the battle of Marston Moor, the loss to the Royal side was very great, both in bag and baggage, artillery and colours ; so great were the number of the latter, that a writer of the time said the victors had enough material to make surplices for all the cathedrals in the land, had these standards only been white in colour. Some four thousand men of the Royal army had fallen. Perhaps what the prince most regretted on that day was the loss of his favourite friend and companion, his beautiful dog, " Boy," who had accompanied him like his shadow, and had shared all his dangers and priva- tions, until it became a belief with the Roundheads that '' Boy " was Rupert's " familiar spirit ! " Fol- lowing his beloved master wherever he went, poor " Boy " met with a soldier's death on Marston Moor. Marching rapidly to the south, where his presence was much wanted, the prince met the gallant Montrose at Richmond in Yorkshire. A strong fellow-feeling united these two Cavaliers ; and to the end of his life Montrose evinced a strong feel- ing of affection and admiration for Rupert. Passing through Lancashire, Rupert reached Shrewsbury So RUPERT OF THE RHINE, at the close of July. It is worth while noting, before we leave the bloodstained field of Marston Moor, that it was in that battle that Rupert named Cromwell's cavalry ** The Ironsides " — a surname proudly adopted by all Oliver's cavalry. No term could better have described these splendid troopers, probably the grandest specimens of self-made soldiers that the world has seen. J.. rioiu cmc Sd^/i^ Qjleciof JaiaHtic or t^ y\wpic. (^€C(mb Ocsiu tcr ^Qft /'/. mji %£ Odr ^/cQartcr (re. S-'g-^-J'^'*- Are to Si-~JttilJL Ijr Ti*: Hfirfelt tt kit Jiff f acere Temfle-Barr e ( 8i ) CHAPTER VL NASEBY AND BRISTOL. A CONSIDERABLE lull in the campaign followed the defeat of the Royal army at Marston Moor ; but as the summer of 1644 commenced, Rupert was as active as ever, but without taking part in anything of much moment till the day of Naseby. For many a long week Rupert awaited fresh ammunition from Ireland ; he remained most of the early part of the year in Lancashire, with a force of five thousand horse. Early in July, Charles determined to follow Essex into the west, and if possible to give him battle. On the king's march through Somersetshire, great efforts were made to raise that county in his favour, but without much success. ^ Charles arrived at Exeter at the end of July, where he was met by Rupert's brother. Prince G ^2 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Maurice, who brought with him five thousand men. Essex was at this time at Tavistock. On the 27th of July, Essex crossed the Tamar. Cornwall received him badly, that county being on the side of the Royalists. Following up Essex, the king arrived, on the 2nd of August, at Liskeard. Essex meanwhile retreated from Bodmin to Lostwithiel. About this time some futile attempts were made to patch up a truce, if not a peace, by Essex. The Parliamentary general was in a fix, and, indeed, his situation was one of great danger. Unable to receive help from Waller, and at the head of only ten thousand men, Essex now found that he was being gradually surrounded by the Royalists, whose strength exceeded his by six thousand horse and foot The king's army had also the superiority over that of Essex of having open communication across the river Fowey. The result was that Essex was hemmed in on two sides, on the land side, as well as on the side of the sea. There was nothing left for him to do but either to surrender or to cut his way through the far larger force which now blocked him in on every side. On the last day of the month, the Parliamentary NASEDY AND BRISTOL. Z^ army retreated to Fowey. During the following night, Essex, accompanied by only two other officers, succeeded in making his escape in an open boat, and in reaching Plymouth. To compare great events to small, this miserable ending of the Western campaign by the army of the Parliament, and the escape of its commander, somewhat resembled Napoleon's retreat out of Russia, in 1812. On the 2nd of September, the Parliamentary army surrendered. On this occasion the king showed unusual leniency, for he allowed the soldiers their liberty, after they had surrendered their arms. The close of the month again saw Charles and Rupert re-united. The prince's next task was to collect recruits for the king's army from Bristol ; an ineffectual effort was made by Charles to bring Waller to bay, but the general succeeded in escap- ing from the king, and was able to join forces with Manchester. The king was not more successful in his attempt to relieve Lord Winchester, or "Old Loyalty," as he was called, besieged at Basing House. Foiled again on this occasion, Charles retired to Newbury, where he waited till Rupert, with his Bristol reinforcements, could join him. What is known as the second battle of Newbury 84 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, took place on the 27th of October. Rupert took no part in this engagement, and therefore it is not necessary to do more than allude to it in passing. The battle, like so many in these wars, was a drawn one, and neither side profited by it. On the ist of November, the king was back again in his good city of Oxford, where Rupert soon appeared, bringing with him ^v^ thousand fresh troops from Bristol. At Oxford, Rupert was given the entire command of the horse. On the 7th of November, the king and prince left Oxford to the relief of Donnington Castle. The royal army now numbered some eleven thousand men. Two days after leaving Oxford, they arrived before Donnington. Although they were close to the enemy, no engagement took place. Rupert had shown, since his defeat at Marston Moor, greater prudence in his tactics, and determined not to attack the enemy, without doing so from a place of vantage, and none could he find near Donnington. Without striking a blow, the Royal army returned, the 23rd of November, to Oxford. That city had in the mean while been fortified, and the king felt now more secure. The defeat of Essex had damped the ardour of the Parliament,' and the issue of Marston Moor was well-nigh forgotten ; even Cromwell seems, at NASEBY AND BRISTOL. 8$ this period of the war, to have been discouraged. At the close of that year and the early months of 1645, Rupert was as indefatigable as usual. He was ever in the saddle, and visited every garrison in the neighbourhood, organizing the fighting strength of places as far distant as Bristol and Ludlow, among a score of others. \ He deserves all the more praise, as not only was he the life and soul of the war, but his task was made more difficult from his having but little assist- ance from such incompetent officers as Goring, Digby, and Ashburnham. Rupert's last campaign during the Civil War commenced on the 7th of May, of the year 1645. Although the Royal army numbered early in that year but eleven thousand men, thanks to Rupert's zeal Charles had in the early summer at his back twenty thousand soldiers. With this army, the king considered himself strong enough to relieve Chester, to recover Yorkshire, to seize Taunton, and finally to drive the rebel Scots over the border. Regarding these weighty matters, a council was held at Stow-in-the-Wold, at which both the king and Rupert were present At Stow the king was met by Lord Byron, with the good news that Brereton, on hearing of Charles's northern march, had retired from Chester. . S6 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, Pushing on to the north, the Royal army sat down before Leicester. Here Rupert took in hand the siege operations ; he soon cut a breach in the walls from his guns placed in a couple of batteries, and through this breach Colonel Leslie led the storming-column. The struggle was severe ; and repeatedly had the stormers to fall back before the heavy fire poured on them. Rupert now ordered up the king's guards, who, with levelled pikes, soon made themselves masters of the place. The town was sacked, and the loss of life very large. The king was much elated at the fall of Leicester, and wrote very jubilantly thereon to the queen. Another council of war was now summoned. The prince was strongly in favour of continuing the march to the north, but he was overruled by the king, who lent his ear to the councils of Digby and Ashburnham ; these urged him to return to Oxford, and raise its siege, then being carried out by Fairfax. The prince was highly incensed. Writing to his " dear Will " (Colonel Legge), at that time Governor of Oxford, and in whom Rupert placed the most unlimited confidence, he describes the conduct of Digby and Ashburnham as "a plot." One of Charles's many misfortunes during these NASEBY AND BRISTOL, %^ wars was that he never could get his officers to agree ; and the above is but an instance out of many. On arriving at Daventry, Charles received the unexpected intelligence that Fairfax had abandoned the siege of Oxford. In consequence of this the king again marched north. During this march a tradition tells of the king, when passing the night at Lukenham Old Hall, an ancient manor house, being for the second time visited by the spectre of Strafford. This was considered a sure presage of coming disaster. That evening news reached Rupert, at Har- borough, that some of the enemy's cavalry had had a skirmish with a body of Cavaliers in the neighbourhood of Naseby, a village standing on a stretch of wild open country, a few miles to the south. A messenger was despatched to apprise the king of the enemy's being at hand. Charles joined the prince at Harborough, where at mid- night a council of war sat. Again Rupert advised prudence ; he showed how necessary it was to await fresh reinforcements before making a general attack. Again the fatal councils of Digby and Ashburnham prevailed, and Charles, following their advice, hastened his coming doom. Straf- ford's spectre seemed to be hovering near the S8 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. unfortunate monarch. All told, the king's army consisted of ten thousand five hundred men. The army was made up of the following regi- ments. First, the two troops of the Royal Life Guards, under the command of Lord Bernard Stuart ; these, with Rupert's horse, and a few others, brought up the Royal cavalry to about five thousand five hundred. The infantry was composed of five regiments, namely, the King's Life Guards, Colonel Leslie's Foot, Prince Ru- pert's, Lord Astley's, and Lord Bard's. These made in all five thousand infantry. The Royal force was drawn up on some rising ground about a mile to the south of Harborough. The king commanded in person the main body of the in- fantry. Rupert was in command of the right wing of the cavalry ; the left was under Sir Mar- maduke Langdale, and the reserve were under the care of the Earl of Lindsey. The day commenced with a fatal move on the part of the Royal army. For some unknown cause, it commenced the attack, believing the enemy to be in retreat. Ireton, Cromwell, and Fairfax, who commanded the enemy's battalions, seeing the mistake the Royalists had made, calmly waited until the Royal force had descended from the excellent position NASEBY AND BRISTOL. 89 they had at first held, until they were well in between the village of Naseby on one side, and the little town of Harborough on the other. Cromwell commanded the cavalry on the right wing, Ireton that on the left, and Fairfax on this occasion com- manded in chief It was ten o'clock when, to the cry of " Queen Mary ! " the Royalists charged. That cry was answered by a shout of " God our strength ! " from the army of the Parliament. In the first charge Rupert beat back Ireton's troopers. That general received a wound, and for a short time became a prisoner ; but in the hurly-burly of the fight managed to get away from his captors. After pulverizing Ireton's division, Rupert dashed on to the Parliamentary reserves, and captured some of the enemy's artillery ; but these he was not destined to keep. As had so often happened before, while every- thing gave way before the prince, the main body of the Royalists were getting the worst of the day. In order to reach the enemy, the king's infantry had to march under a heavy fire up a hill, on the top of which Fairfax and Skippon had placed their forces. A murderous fight ensued in the mel^e. Skippon was wounded ; and Fairfax, bare- headed, for his helmet had been struck off, fought like a lion. 90 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Cromwell, with his Ironsides, now thundered down the hill, and charged Langdale's horse, both in front and flank, sweeping them down the hill. Oliver then turned to where the main battle raged fiercest, and came not too soon to Fairfax's relief In a short time the fate of the day was decided. In vain the king strove to rally his dispirited soldiers. In the bitterness of that moment of defeat, Charles seemed eager to meet a glorious death. But at this juncture his bridle was seized, and his horse's head turned from the fight by the hand of the Earl of Carnwarth. When the king was seen to leave the field, the Royalists gave up all for lost, and a general sauve qui pent took place ; and when Rupert returned, he found the king's army hopelessly beaten and in wild confusion. With some difficulty did the prince force a w^ay for the king through the mingled mass of friends and foes. Of the effect that the loss of the battle of Naseby had, Clarendon writes " that the king and kingdom were both lost." The spoils made by the enemy were immense ; they had taken all the king's artillery, two hundred gun-carriages, the king's horses and coaches, nine thousand stands of arms, one hun- dred stands of colours — among the latter were NASEBY AND BRISTOL. 9 1 the royal standard and the queen's "white pennon," that, too, of the Princes Palatines — and even the king's private correspondence. The loss of the Royal army amounted to some five thou- sand men slain or taken. For fourteen miles the enemy pursued the beaten Cavaliers, till within a few miles of Leicester. An eye-witness has recorded that he saw the dead on Naseby field extended over a distance of four miles ; and on the spot where the king had stood, they laid together in heaps. Among the Cavalier officers slain on that day, and whose names, as Clarendon writes, should be held in remembrance, were, among others, Sir Richard Cave, Sir Thomas Dallison, and Sir Peter Brown. A revolting and most discreditable incident, which tarnished all the glory that the Roundheads had gained at Naseby, was, that after the battle was over a number of women, wives a few, but mostly camp-followers of the officers and men on the Royal side, were killed or wounded. As a miserable palliation for this atrocious con- duct, a plea was invented by the Parliamentarians, that these wretched victims were nothing but Irish *' queans," and consequently not within the pale of humanity. '?^^- 92 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, This butchery, after the battle was over, was the greatest infamy committed during the whole course of the Civil War, and stains with everlasting dis- grace both the men who acted so brutally, as well as those who excused this inhuman conduct. The king and Rupert rested during their flight one night at Ashby-de-la-Zouch ; thence they rode to Hereford, where Rupert left Charles to join his garrison at Bristol. The king now went to Ragland Castle, where the old Marquis of Wor- cester, the wealthiest subject in the land, enter- tained Charles with all manner of sports and magnificence, just for all the world as if the country were at peace, and no Cromwell and Fair- fax triumphant. On taking leave of the king, Rupert had some- what rashly pledged his word to hold Bristol against the enemy for at least four months ; an impossible promise on the prince's part this proved to be. At Bristol, under Rupert's command, were about five thousand horse and foot, and the town was amply provisioned. Fairfax now approached Bristol, capturing on his way Bridgewater, after a siege of two days, also Sherborne Castle. What now befell Rupert and the Royal army at Bristol, brings us to the most critical event of the prince's military career — NASEBY AND BRISTOL. 93 a career which, although it had met with many reverses, had till now been, even in adversity, so brilliant, and placed above all the jealous shafts that his enemies cast at him. But the prince's conduct at Bristol is so out of accord with his wonted rash courage and splendid daring, that it has given some cause for the malignant tongues of such men as Digby and Ashburnham, who were never tired of saying that the prince could not be relied upon, and that although no one could doubt his courage, his uncertain temper made him un- trustworthy in critical situations. What occurred was as follows. Fairfax's plan to take Bristol was by blockade ; but Cromwell was impatient for a speedier issue, and pressed Fairfax to storm the place. In a letter to his dear friend, Colonel Legge, written on the 29th of July, the prince says that he does " well to wonder why Prince Rupert is not with the king ; but when you know the Lord Digby's intention to ruin him, you will not then find it strange. But all this," he adds, "shall not hinder me from doing my duty where I am, and that which shall become your friend Rupert." On the 1 0th of September, the town was stormed from all sides at once, the signal be- ing given by lighting a bonfire on the top of a 94 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. neighbouring hill, and by a discharge of cannon from Fairfax's quarters. Colonel Montague and Pickering's brigade effected a successful entrance at Lawford's Gate, taking twenty-two " great guns," and many prisoners. They were ably seconded by Desborough with one of Fairfax's regiments of horse and a part of Colonel Graves's. Sir Hardress Waller's regiment attacked the works between Lawford's Gate and the river Frome, while Pride's regiment stormed fiercely the two other principal forts. In vain Rupert made desperate efforts to keep out the enemy, they swarmed in on every side. On the Somersetshire side, the enemy were not so successful ; owing to a mistake regarding the height of the works, the scaling-ladders were found to be too short ; but eventually, there, too, the Parliamentarians gained the day. A council of war was now held by the Royalists ; and the fact of the council being in favour, is a fact which ought to exonerate the prince from the heavy blame he incurred in the eyes of the king at the surrender of Bristol. That the siege might have been prolonged from the Castle, in spite of the outer works beino- taken, was indeed possible, but with a certainty of a great loss of life, and with little prospect of outer NASEBY AND BRISTOL. 95 assistance arriving in time to save the garrison. As to the relief which Charles, after the fall of Bristol, said he would certainly have been able to carry to that place, we have the testimony of Sir Edward Walker, no friend of Rupert's, who states that this assistance spoken of by the king was entirely theoretical. The council of war who, as well as the prince, signed the conditions of surrender, was composed of such good men and true on the king's side as, among others. Lords Hawley and Lumley, Colonel John Russell, Sir Matthew Appleyard, and two Slingsby's, When the news of the capitulation of Bristol reached Charles, his indignation knew no bounds. In the first paroxysm of his fury, he threatened to have his nephew court-martialled, and the king showed his vindictiveness by putting Colonel Legge, a staunch Cavalier, and at that time Governor of Oxford, under arrest, merely because of his being a great personal friend of Rupert's. In a letter Charles wrote at this period of his unjust anger towards Rupert, he says to his secretary Nicholas, "Tell my son" (the Prince of Wales) '' that I shall less grieve that he is knocked on the head than that he should do so mean an action as is the rendering of Bristol Castle and Fort upon the terms it was." He also wrote a g6 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. scathing letter to Rupert, in which he revoked all his commissions, and ordered him to leave the country. Such is sometimes the gratitude of princes ! And well now might the prince have quoted, like Strafford, the Psalm in which reliance in princes is discouraged by the Psalmist. . One may be sure that at this time Digby and Ashburnham kept up the king's rancour against the prince, and it was Digby who signed the pass- port to enable Rupert to leave the country. But Rupert had no intention of leaving yet. The prince's reply to his angry relation was respectful in tone and dignified in its quiet self-defence. Its effect was soon apparent on the king ; but Charles seems to have avoided a personal interview at this time with his nephew — an interview which Rupert had applied for, — but Rupert was not easily baffled. Before passing to other events which took place soon after the surrender of Bristol, it would be as well to refer those readers who wish to have more detail about that surrender, to Warburton's work, '* Rupert and the Cavaliers," in which the prince's defence or declaration regarding that event is given, from the original, at full length. To doubt Rupert's loyalty to his uncle and king were as absurd as to doubt his personal valour ; NASEBY AND BRISTOL. 9/ but Rupert's nature was impetuous — a nature in which patience was not combined with bravery. He appears, after the rout at Naseby, to have lost all hope of saving the Royal cause. His was also a nature better suited in warfare for attack than for defence. Determined to see his uncle, and to give him a verbal explanation of the surrender, Rupert, with a body of eighty followers, rode to Banbury, where he was joined by Prince Maurice. In order to reach the king, the princes had to fight their way through a crowd of enemies ; but they arrived at length in safety at Belvoir Castle. The following day they pursued their journey, and arrived at Newark, where Charles was now residing. Before reaching that town they were met by its governor, Sir Richard Willis, who came some distance to welcome the two princes after their perilous ride through the heart of the country then qccupied in force by the enemy. The prince was coldly received by Charles, and Rupert insisted on being tried by a court-martial. At this council, which met on the 1 8th of October, the following were present :— '' Our right trusty and well-beloved cousin and councillor, Montagu, Eari of Lindsey, Lord Great Chamberiain of England; our right trusty and well-beloved cousin, Richard, Earl of Cork; our H 98 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, right trusty and well-beloved Jacob, Lord Astley, Field Marshal-General of our Army ; John, Lord Bellasis, Captain-General of our Horse Guards ; and Charles, Lord Gerrard, Lieutenant-General of all our horse forces ; our trusty and well-beloved Sir Richard Willis, Knight and Baronet, Governor of Newark ; and John Ashburnham, Esquire, our Treasurer of War/' It is satisfactory to know that the result of this court-martial was entirely to exonerate Rupert of any act of infidelity to his king and trust. However, in spite of this, Charles showed that he still bore ill will to his nephew, who had on a hundred occasions risked his life in his cause. Soon after the above events, an angry scene occurred in the presence of the king. Sir Richard Willis, a friend of Rupert's, was dismissed from his post of Governor of Newark, and Lord Bellasis replaced him. Lord Bellasis was a friend of Digby*s, and consequently an enemy of Rupert's. On hearing of this nomination, Rupert complained with much bitterness to the king of the slight which this appointment was to him, and an angry discussion ensued. The king left Newark shortly after, and returned to Oxford. Rupert fought his way to the south, by Belvoir Castle, Worcester, and Woodstock. Later on, towards the close of NASEBY AND BRISTOL, 99 that year, the king became reconciled to Rupert ; and when Charles apprised the prince of his fatal intention of throwing himself on the honour of the Scottish army, Rupert did all he could to dissuade him from taking that step, and, finding that the king was not to be shaken in his resolution, begged that he might at any rate accompany him to the north, and share his dangers. Charles, it is said, feared that the stately form and well-known face of the handsome prince would be recognized, and betray them to his enemies, and declined. Disguised as a servant, Charles left Oxford almost alone. With the flight of the king, the war was for a time at an end in England, and both Rupert and Maurice's occupation in fighting for their royal uncle was at an end. The Parliament allowed the royal brothers to leave the country without moles- tation ; their bearing and courage had made them respected even by their foes. lOO RUPERT OF THE RHINE. CHAPTER VII. LAST YEARS. Although it is not an easy matter to follow Rupert's campaigns when on land, it is infinitely- more difficult to do so when he is fighting at sea. The only authority one has to follow is a very ill- written, wearisome journal, or rather log, kept by some nameless scribe, which embraces the four years during which the prince's rather piratical adventures lasted. This log has been copied in full by Warburton, in his work on Rupert, and I shall merely attempt to %\N^ as clear an abstract of that diary as possible. Before starting on his adventures at sea, our prince, after leaving England in the early summer of 1646, had some more fighting on shore. Warmly welcomed by Louis XIV., Rupert was entrusted with the command of all the fugitive English Cavaliers who had sought refuge in France. LAST YEARS, 1 01 France was at that time at war with Spain, the campaign taking place, as usual, in that European cockpit, the Netherlands. It was a war of skir- mishes and surprises, where not much glory could be gained. The only event that I can find in which the prince especially distinguished himself, and where he showed his habitual daring, was when a young English knight, Sir Robert Holmes, having been severely wounded and his horse killed, was about to be taken prisoner by the enemy, when Rupert galloped up to the rescue, and hoisting Sir Robert on his own horse, carried him back in safety. Soon after this brave act, Rupert was disabled from further fighting. A ball struck him on the head, and he was for some time inva- lided at Bethune. On his recovery, the prince paid his relations a visit at St. Germain, already then the abode of the banished house of Stuart. While in France, Rupert was repeatedly asked by the French king to enter his service ; but the prince declined all these offers, and declared his determination of adhering to the fortunes of his uncle's cause, and of continuing to do battle with his old enemies, the Parliamentarians. In the following summer, Rupert went to Hol- land, where the Prince of Wales and the chief of the Royalist party had assembled. The king was I02 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. at this time a prisoner in the Isle of Wight, and a scheme was afloat to attempt his rescue thence ; but circumstances prevented this from being carried into effect. Part of the fleet had taken the Royalist side, and of this portion Rupert was appointed, in the autumn, Admiral-in-Chief It seems most incongruous that such a post should be given to a soldier, however distinguished that soldier might be, either from his birth or his merit. In those days, however, it was quite an ordinary change in command. The cases of Monk and Blake are among the most notable of such appointments. Throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth cen- turies it was not unusual for a statesman or a soldier — provided he were of high rank — who perhaps had never had any technical knowledge of naval matters, to be suddenly placed in a position of high command at sea. The wonder is that fleets commanded by these landsmen were so often able to do good service to the state. In Mr. Hannay's admirable life of Blake, we read that, '' To form an idea of the ships of that time from anything which now floats is impossible. A comparison with a steamer would of course be absurd ; but even the great sailing clippers of to-day are so widely different as to be utterly unlike. LAST YEARS. 10 1 These are longer, narrower, simpler in form, and far more elaborately rigged. If we wish to realize the sort of vessel which carried Blake's flag, per- haps the best way would be to pay a visit to the Victory, at Portsmouth, and then to the model rooms at Greenwich. The deck of Nelson's flag- ship looks small when seen from the poop, and the George would have looked far smaller. She was even broader in proportion to her length, and built higher out of the water. Few of the ships in the navy were over a thousand tons. "These comparatively small vessels were more imposing than they would seem likely to have been from their mere size. Look at the model of the Royal Sovereign (Mr. Peter Pitt's great ship) at Greenwich, or at the Bristol of fifty guns, which lived to be taken by Duguay-Trouin, or at the nameless fifty-gun ship built in 1650. The stern towers up, broad at the water-line and narrow above. Here there is a thin strip of deck from side to side. From below this runs out another deck, with a slight downward slope, which ends before the mizzen-mast. This is the poop. From under this, again, comes out another, which ends just before the main, and is known as the quarter- deck. Standing on the edge of this, one would look down on what, with some absurdity, is called 104 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, the upper deck, because it was the highest of all which ran the whole length of the vessel. Under this was the main-deck, which, in the case of the great ships, carried guns. From either side of the quarter-deck two narrow gangways ran forward, and ended in the forecastle. " This was then exactly what its name implied : a solid square fort rising from the level of the upper deck, rather higher than the poop, carrying guns, and capable of being defended, even if the rest of the ship was in possession of an enemy. These vessels were armed with from thirty-six to seventy guns, ranging from six to forty-eight pounders. The English ordnance of that day was famous for its excellence, which may have had something to do with inducing the Admiralty to over-gun their ships, to the ruin of their sailing powers. It is also to be noted that the English men-of-war of the seventeenth century were the best built vessels of their time. They were stronger than the Dutch, in which timber was spared, from motives of economy, and they drew more water. The mediaeval love of adorning weapons and ships still survived. Our war-vessels, and those of other nations, were elaborately ornamented. Mr. Pitt covered the stern, sides, and bows of his Royal Sovereign with graven images of Neptune, Father LAST YEARS. 105 Thames, the Genius of England, Valour, Fortitude, and his sacred Majesty. She was a slow ship ; but even smaller vessels were covered with wood carving, and had gilded laurel wreaths round the upper parts. The rigging had just reached a stage short of its complete development. " Three-masted vessels carried courses, topsails, and top-gallant sails. The place of the spanker, on the mizzen, was occupied by a lateen sail, and the bowsprit, which rose from under the front side of the forecastle at a sharp angle, had a small mast stepped at the end, carrying a square sail known as the sprit." It was a wretchedly inefficient fleet which Rupert commanded, consisting of only three large men-of-war : the Convertine^ the Antelope^ and the SwalloWy and of four small cruisers. To strike a blow at Blake and the Parliament fleet, now under Warwick's command, was impossible, and the chief object of the small Royalist fleet was to collect as much money, in the shape of prizes, for the Royal cause as they could lay hands on. So impoverished were the Cavaliers that Rupert had to sell the guns out of the Antelope in order to be able to refit two of the smaller craft. Having made some prizes, Rupert was at length able to leave Helvoet Sluys on the 21st of January, 106 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. .1649, cind to put out to sea with his fleet of • seven sail. He made straight for Ireland, where at Kinsale the news of his uncle's execution reached him in a letter from Hyde, then at the Hague. Disaster followed on disaster, and soon the insurrection in favour of the new king lay crushed to death under Cromwell's heel. With a small, ^ feeble, and almost mutinous crew, Rupert, with all his temerity, was unable to attack the enemy's fleet, which now blockaded the harbour of Kinsale. That fleet was commanded by Blake and Deane ; and Blake at sea was a more formidable foe to Rupert than had even been Cromwell on land. • The summer passed in forced inaction, and not until the storms of the autumn set in was the prince enabled to give Blake the slip. He did so successfully, and made straight for the coast of Portugal. . In November, Rupert arrived at Lisbon, where he met at first with a cordial welcome from the king. When the news of his arrival at Lisbon reached London, Blake was ordered to follow Rupert. Two months passed before the Parliamentary fleet was ready, and in February of the following year (1650) Blake, at the head of a fleet of seventeen war-ships, started in pursuit. - LAST YEARS. 10/ During the interval between Rupert's arrival . and that of Blake, the Prince appears to have passed a pleasant time in Portugal, being popular with the people, and also at court. He hunted and took part in all the gaieties of the place. But when Blake and his fleet appeared at the mouth of the Tagus, matters took a very different turn ; nor could all the prince's popularity keep him from finding what an awkward fact his presence at the Portuguese court was to his host the king. Blake's orders were to "pursue, seize, scatter, fight with, or destroy all the ships of the revolted fleet." It was already known throughout Europe that Cromwell never threatened but that which he would carry out, and consequently one can imagine the feelings of poor King John of Braganza in his dilemma. On the one side, he felt that his honour and his word were engaged to Rupert to protect him and his fleet ; on the other, this terrible Admiral Blake, with his formidable fleet, were ready, did he not obey the English Govern- ment, and give up Rupert and surrender his ships, to bombard and blow up his good town of Lisbon. . For weeks a great deal of diplomatic business was carried on between Blake and the court of Lisbon. Although within cannon-shot fo one I08 RUPER7 OF THE RHINE. another, little fighting took place between the English hostile fleets. Blake failed in an attempt to waylay and kidnap Prince Rupert when out on a hunting expedition, and the prince also failed in blowing up the admiral's own vessel, the George, with what appears to have been for those times a good imitation of one of our modern torpedoes. \ At length the admiral's patience came to an end, and he captured a dozen of the richly laden ships belonging to the Portuguese fleet returning from South America. Rupert now felt he must either quit his present quarters or be taken by Blake. Again he succeeded in getting away from the enemy, and again successfully gave Blake the slip. Rupert's course lay now for Toulon. He had expected that the Spanish court would befriend him ; but the Court of Madrid were in as great terror of Cromwell as that of Lisbon, and orders were given that the prince's vessels should not be allowed to enter any Spanish port. In the tedious narrative of these sea-adventures of Rupert occurs the following passage, which is almost eloquent, from its tone of despairing sadness, at this period of the prince's voyage : — " We take the confines of the Mediterranean for our harbour, LAST YEARS. 109 poverty and despair bring our companions, and revenge for our guide.'' Admiral Blake was soon again in pursuit of Rupert The latter had, after leaving Portuguese waters, captured some merchant- vessels off Malaga — whether Spanish or English vessels, does not appear. Blake came up with the Royal squadron off Carthagena, and a severe skirmish took place. The Royalist ships were driven ashore at the end of this unequal fight, for Blake's vessels out- numbered those of Rupert by three to one. Fortunately for the prince, at the time of this attack on his fleet, he was cruising at some distance from his fleet, and by this chance again escaped capture. After further adventures, Rupert at length reached Toulon in safety, where he was joined by his brother, Prince Maurice. The next event in the prince's career was a long buccaneer- ing expedition he made in company with Maurice. Coasting at first along the Andalusian shore, they made prizes of any Spanish vessels that they met ; and on arriving at the island of Madeira, they sold the contents of their vessels to the Portuguese. After laying in an ample stock of provisions in that friendly isle, the brothers proceeded to the Canary Islands, looking out for fresh English or ' Spanish vessels to seize. . I lO RUPERT OF THE RHINE. While at the Canaries, Rupert had some difficulty with his officers ; the prince wished to sail straight to the West Indies, where he expected to find many Spanish treasure ships, but his officers preferred the shelter of the Azores. Rupert consented to do as the officers wished, and while at the Azores had a very narrow escape of drowning, his ship sprang a leak during a storm, and soon sank, carrying over three hundred men down with her. Rupert had to be carried out of the vessel by main force, as he declared that he would remain and perish with his crew. The prince's next visit was to Cape Blanco, which was, according to the log already referred to, " in the kingdom of Argin, in Africa,'' where the natives are described as being '* tawny of complexion, habited in vests after the Turkish fashion." These natives, who were armed with bows, arrows, and lances, showed some fight. In the early summer of 1652 Rupert sailed to the Cape de Vert Islands. He had hoped there to have fallen in with the Newfoundland fleet, which called there to take in salt ; but in this expectation he was disappointed. It would be only tedious to follow the move- ments of the princes in those seas, for there is nothing of any importance to chronicle, beyond the capture of some English and Spanish trading ves- LAST YEARS. Ill sels ; nothing- of any interest took place while Rupert was waiting for a fleet which never appeared. One can imagine how heartily sick and tired the prince must have been getting of leading such a life ; and in being so long cut away from all European news. All through the years during which Rupert's sea- roving career lasted, there is not a single act of cruelty or even of severity brought against the prince, even by his bitterest foes ; this fact, in those days of evil license at sea, and of brutality which was allowed on board men-of-war, as well as other vessels, speaks volumes for the character of Rupert. ■ - . At length, after being more than once thwarted, the prince was able to sail to the West Indies, where he hoped to meet with many Spanish prizes. At the island of Martinique he was received with much honour by the Dutch governor ; but he now heard that all the English possessions in the West Indies had declared in favour of the Parliament ; this bad news was confirmed on Rupert's arrival off Montserrat, on Whit Sunday (1652), where his ships were fired on from the land batteries, but fortunately with little effect. This expedition is commemorated in one of the Virgin Islands, where a bay is named after Rupert. 112 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. While off these islands, a tornado scattered the prince's fleet His ship escaped almost miracu- lously, but his brother Maurice and crew were never again seen, although in later days a report told that Maurice had been captured by African pirates ; but this tale was never confirmed. This crowning disaster determined Rupert to return to Europe. He had now lost even the hope, with the destruc- tion of his fleet, and with his brother's death, of maintaining even a war of reprisals in the Western seas. Sailing by the Azores, Rupert made straight for France, and after sundry adventures and hardships he at length landed at Paimbaeuf, near Nantes. Of all the vessels that had accompanied him on his expedition, the one he returned in to France was the only one remaining ; and, singularly enough, he had hardly left her when she caught fire, and burnt down to the water's edge. Although he had now finished his buccaneering career, the prince found but little rest. When back again on shore one is not surprised to hear that, shortly after he landed, Rupert was struck down by a serious illness : he had undergone during the last four years hardships, perils, and privations enough to try even his iron constitution to the LAST YEARS. 1 1 3 utmost ; sick, too, may he well have been at this time in mind as well as in body. He had returned almost alone, without having carried out any of his brilliant plans of capturing fleets, and succouring the English who remained still loyal to the Royal party ; and the tragic fate of his brother Maurice must have weighed heavily on his heart. While lying between life and death at Nantes he received warm letters of affectionate greeting on his safe return from his cousin, now Charles II., in which he begged him to return as soon as well enough to the French court. Louis XIV. also urged him to come, and the French king got into some trouble with the English Government for having sent one of his own coaches with a guard to escort the prince back to Paris. There are but very few facts recorded about Rupert's life during the years immediately follow- ing his return to France from the West Indies. He became a great favourite with Louis, who gave him the post of Master of his Horse. The prince now seems to have entered on those scientific pursuits which engrossed most of his later life. We find that the Parisians, ever curious about something out of the common, were much excited by the "blackamoors," as some West Indian or I TT4 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. African natives were called, that the prince brought with him to Paris, as well as with some strange birds and monkeys. We are informed that the "blackamoors " were dressed in gorgeous costumes. In the summer of 1654 Rupert paid his mother a visit at the Hague. The Queen of Bohemia was still a pensioner on the charity of the States- General, for her eldest son, a mean, sordid creature, the very opposite to Rupert, had refused her assist- ance, and had even prevented her from returning to a dower house which belonged to her near Heidelberg. ' While in Holland, the report of Prince Maurice liaving escaped shipwreck, and having been made prisoner by African pirates, got wind. His mother at this time seems to have taken some steps to verify this story, and asked the French ambas- sador at the States to make inquiries into the matter, and,, should he be alive,, to demand his release from the Sultan ; but nothing came of it, and, doubtless, had Rupert believed the report, he would have gone himself to ascertain at Algiers, or elsewhere, what had become of his lost brother. In the year following, Rupert is supposed to have taken the side of the Austrians in the war they were then engaged in with the Swedes ; but this is more than doubtful,, and a letter, written by LAST YEARS, IIJ him at that time to Charles IL, makes it highly improbable that he had taken up arms against his old allies. During the course of that year, Rupert paid two visits to Heidelberg, the proud cradle of his race ; but both these visits must have been pain- ful to the prince, as he and the elector were so diametrically opposed to one another, both as to feelings and character ; and his stay at Heidelberg seems to have been, on both visits, of the shortest. During these years of exile from England, and while in Paris, Rupert commenced those practical experiments in chemistry, and in the improvement of war materials, which would have made him famous had he been born in a laboratory, and not in a palace. In his laboratory in Paris, where he was credited with trying to discover the philo- sopher's stone, he made some of those discoveries which have unfortunately not outlived his own career. Among these was a new kind of gun- powder, which was said to possess ten times the strength of that then in use. On his return to London, the Transactions of the Royal Society contain long descriptions of this and some others of the prince's inventions; among others, of a new way of blowing up rocks in mines, and also under water. It may be remembered that Il6 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. Rupert had, while before Lisbon, attempted to blow up Blake's ship with a kind of infernal machine, a precursor probably of this new sort of blasting machine. He is also credited with the discovery of " an instrument to cast platforms into perspective" — whatever that may be, and of a "hydraulic engine, and an improvement in the naval quadrant." The prince is also credited by the Royal Society with having discovered what appears to have been a kind of "mitrailleuse," a gun described as being able to discharge a quantity of bullets very rapidly. He also invented a machine for the improvement of the locks of firearms. Not only was he successful in his results in the workman's forge, but also in the laboratory of the chemist. Although none of his discoveries have, with one or two exceptions, come down to our time, Rupert has the honour of having, if not discovered, at any rate of having done much to help the popularity of that delightful art of engraving known as "mezzotint," an art which will always be associated with Rupert's name. With the return of Charles Stuart, in 1661, "to enjoy his own again," and until this prince's death, in 1682, Rupert made England his adopted home. LAST YEARS. IIJ It is remarked how seldom his name appears in the memoirs of those days ; Pepys and Evelyn hardly do more than mention him once or twice ; nor are there any letters to or from him during this last score of years of his life, which give any information about the prince. What is still more to be regretted is that Rupert has left no account of his career ; when, had he taken up the pen with half the energy he had done in his fiery youth the sword, or in his later days the ironsmith's hammer or the crucible of the alchemist, he would have certainly written a most thrilling memoir of one of the most adventurous of lives. Rupert again paid his mother a visit in Hol- land. The Queen of Bohemia was at length en- abled, through the devotion of Lord Craven, to return to England ; but she was only able to carry out this long-wished-for desire shortly before her earthly troubles ceased in the following year (1662). Rupert's mother died in Lord Craven's London home, Leicester House ; she was in her sixty-sixth year. In one of her last letters, written from the Hague to Rupert, she thus concludes: ''I have resolution to suffer all things constantly ; I thank God He has given me courage. I love you ever, dear Rupert." Few royal lives have been sadder Il8 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, than that of Ehzabeth Stuart, even in those of her family, full of so much suffering as many of them were. Her early years of happiness only enhances the gloom and sorrow that clouded over her middle life, and darkened all her latter days. Of all her children, Rupert seems to have beer^ the nearest to her heart. In 1662 Rupert, who since his return from France worked harder than ever in his forge and laboratory, became a member of the Royal Society. He was also appointed by the king a privy coun- cillor and Governor of Windsor Castle. When that most unjustifiable (on the side of England) war broke out, in 1666, between England and Holland, Rupert was given a command over a portion of the English fleet, which was ordered to attack the French. Monk had the command of the other half of the fleet, which was told off to attack the Dutch. Monk led off the ball, fighting a desperate battle, which raged from the 1st to the 3rd of May. Rupert was only able to reach Monk during the last day's engagement. The result was not a decisive one ; but the Grand Pensionary de Witt generously wrote about this action, that " all that we discovered was that Englishmen might be killed and English ships burnt, but that LAST YEARS, ug English courage was invincible." Noble words these from an enemy ! Both Monk and Rupert were blamed for not having annihilated the Dutch by the stay-at-home critics. Rupert, rather unnecessarily, drew up a long statement of his conduct, in which he recounts how totally unexpected was the meeting between the Duke of Albemarle and the Dutch, and of the impossibility it was for him to arrive earlier, as he was waiting off Brest to attack the Duke of Beaufort and the French fleet The prince bitterly complains of the atrocious condition and want of commissariat in the English ships, of the lack of seamen, and of the " horrible neglect of his Majesty's officers and the workmen of his yards." Rupert found now to his disgust that the king had virtually sold his fleet to the French king. Thoroughly disgusted, he retired to Windsor Castle until the desperate state of public affairs again called him from his retirement. A fresh war had meanwhile broken out with Holland — a war which will always be looked back upon with shame by our countrymen, for there is no more disgraceful page in English history than the manner in which that war was carried out. Charles had not only sold himself to the I2C RUPERT OF THE RHINE, French, but the money that should have gone to the defence of our coasts and the maintenance of our fleets was employed by the king in main- taining his harems of abandoned women and adventuresses ; and the flag which had made Rome and all Europe tremble, under Cromwell, was derided by the Dutch ; and had it not been for an event in which Rupert acted a conspicuous part, the disgrace of the Medway and the flames of Sheerness might have culminated in a far greater shame and disaster than they actually did, al- though that was bad enough. •' Only two small squadrons were ready to put to sea in the summer of 1667; this was all that England then could muster to protect its capital. On the 7th of June, in spite of Albemarle, the Dutch sailed up unmolested as far as Sheerness, which they bombarded ; thence they sailed up the Medway, burning all the shipping within range; and it was not until they came as far as Upnor Castle that they met with a check. But at Upnor Rupert had prepared a surprise for the Dutch. He had strongly fortified and garrisoned the fort, and when the enemy came within range of his guns, Rupert gave him so warm a reception that he hastily retired. Even now, one hardly likes to think what would have happened _ ) LAST YEARS. 121 had it not been for this admirable bit of gunnery on the part of Rupert. Certainly, by this action, Rupert might have claimed the credit of having prevented a greater disaster to England than any she had ever experienced. Rupert's fighting days at sea were, however, not yet over. Again war broke out between the Eng- lish and the Dutch in 1672 ; and at the end of the month of May, Rupert, who commanded in the Royal Charles, signally defeated the great Dutch admiral. Van Tromp. During the battle, the Dutch admiral had to shift his flag no less than four times. The prince's vessel was, according to the account of the fight written at the time, ** so crooksided, and fetched so much water in at the ports, that her lower tier of guns could not be made use of." In spite of the wretched state of his vessel, Rupert, according to the contemporary accounts of the fight, " performed wonders." When night fell, both sides claimed the victory. After fighting another undecisive battle, Rupert returned to London, in order to lay before Charles a state- ment of the miserable condition of his fleet. The prince seems to have succeeded in stirring up the slothful king ; and after revictualling his ships, the prince returned again to his naval duties, and again encountered the Dutch. During the fight, the 122 RUPERT OF THE RHINE, French fleet, although our alHes, contented them- selves with looking on at a safe distance at the engagement This, Rupert's last sea-fight, took place on the nth of August, 1673. By this time Rupert must have felt what a thank- less task it was to fight for such a monarch as Charles, nor can it have been to his liking to make war on his former friends the Dutch. That the prince took a kindly interest in the welfare of the seamen under his command, and generally throughout the fleet, is shown by his having been called " the seamen's friend." The prince was also much interested in many public companies : he was the first governor of the Hudson's Bay Company, and a large district of what is now the province of Manitoba still bears the name of Rupert's Land. The closing years of this most checkered and eventful life appear to have been passed tranquilly, engrossed by his artistic, chemical, and engineering works, and in field sports, among the glades and forests of Windsor. " The brief remainder of Prince Rupert's exist- ence was passed," writes Warburton, " in tranquil- lity and retirement — a calm and quiet evening closing in after his life's stormy day. The philo- sophical veteran is still visible to our imagination, LAST YEARS. 1 23 as he dwelt in the Old Tower at Windsor, sur- rounded with armour and strange implements and curious old books. The walls were hung with maps of countries that he would have visited and plans of battles that he might have fought. As he gazed from his citadel on the matchless scenery that surrounds it, he could trace the course of many a midnight march and bold assault. He had seen many of his faithful troopers perish on the very slopes beneath his eyes ; and further off, to the very horizon, there was no town that had not echoed to the tramp of his bold troopers, no church tower that had not given warning of his march. Those troopers had all passed away, the very name of Cavalier was almost forgotten ; the cause for which they had fought and fallen was now triumphant, yet in dishonour, and he, their leader, was estranged, if not exiled, from the king he had served so well." Could Rupert have been on friendly terms with such a man as the king, one could have doubted his natural nobility of mind and character, and he appears to have kept as aloof as his position allowed him from the king and his rakish court. His remaining years were passed at Windsor, or in his house in London, in Spring Gardens. He was. idolized by all the country folk around Windsor ; 124 RUPERT OF THE RHINE. and in Campbell's " Lives of the Admirals " we find the following allusion to his popularity : ** In respect to his private life, he was so just, so bene- ficent, so courteous, that his memory remained dear to all who knew him. This I say of my own knowledge, having often heard old people in Berk- shire speak in raptures of Prince Rupert." With this pleasant notice of the princely old Cavalier in his last days, I will now conclude this most inade- quate sketch of a very remarkable life, regretting how imperfect it necessarily is, but hoping that the sentiment which impelled me to write it will be its excuse, if not its recommendation. Prince Rupert's death took place on the 29th of November, 1682. He was in his sixty-third year, and the cause of his death was a fever, complicated with pleurisy. The funeral was conducted with great pomp and ceremony, and his remains were placed among those of his mother's ancestors in Henry VH.'s Chapel at Westminster Abbey. APPENDIX. DESCENDANTS OF PRINCE RUPERT. Prince Rupert had by Frances, daughter and co-heiress of Henry Bard, Viscount Bellarmont in the peerage of Ireland, a son named Dudley Rupert, who was killed at the siege of Buda, a volunteer in the imperial army. Dudley Rupert died without issue. Prince Rupert had also, by Margaret Hughes,* a daughter Ruperta, who * The following account of Prince Rupert and his liaison with the actress, Mrs. Hughes, is taken from Dr. Doran's ''Annals of the English Stage : " — ''When the former (Mrs. Hughes) subdued Prince Rupert, there was more jubilee at the Court of Charles II., at Tunbridge Wells, than if the philosophic Prince had fallen upon an invention that should benefit mankind. Rupert, whom the plumed gallants of Whitehall considered as a rude mechanic, left his laboratory, put aside his reserve, and wooed in due form the proudest, perhaps, of the actresses of his day. . . . The Prince enshrined the frail beauty in that home of Sir Nicholas Crispe, at Hammersmith, which was subsequently occupied by Eubb Dod- dington, the Margravine of Anspach, and Queen Caroline of Brunswick. She wellnigh ruined her lover, at whose death there was little left beside a collection of jewels, worth ;,^20,ooo, which were disposed of by lottery in order to pay his debts. . . . The daughter of this union, Ruperta, who shared with her mother the modest estate bequeathed by the Prince, married General Emmanuel Scrope Howe. One of the daughters of this marriage was the beautiful and reckless maid to Caroline, Princess of Wales, whom the treachery of Frantz Lowther sent broken-hearted to the grave in 1726. Through Ruperta, however, the blood of her parents is still continued in the family of Sir Edward Bromley." 126 APPENDIX. married Emmanuel Scroope Howe, brother of Scroope, Viscount Hood in the peerage of Ireland. Emmanuel Scroope Howe was a lieutenant-general in the army, and had issue three sons by Ruperta his wife, namely, William, Emmanuel, and James, and also a daughter, who was maid of honour to Queen Caroline, the wife of George the Second. William Howe, a major in the army, married Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of William Pauncefote, Esquire, by whom he had an only daughter, who married Sir George Smith, Baronet, from whom descends the present Sir Henry Bromley, Baronet. PORTRAITS OF PRINCE RUPERT. Portraits of Prince Rupert are not uncommon in the private galleries of this country. The three reproduced in this work give as good an idea of his likeness at different epochs of his life as can be had. The first, after Vandyck, represents the young Prince during his first visit to England, in all his youthful bloom and beauty. The second, taken from a superb engraving by Faithorne, represents him after the hard life of a tried soldier had set its seal on the almost stern face of the warrior Prince. The third is taken from an original portrait by Kneller, painted after the Restoration. The expression is softened and aged. APPENDIX, 127 Among many other portraits of Rupert is a miniature at Windsor Castle, which I have had reproduced in my book on the "Great Historic Galleries of England." The only plastic portrait that I believe exists of the subject of this memoir is a life-size bust, in Fulham stoneware, in the British Museum.* This bust closely re- sembles the Prince's portrait by Kneller. The expression * Of a dozen mezzotints in the Museum, all by Rupert, none bear an earlier date than 1658. Not the least curious among them are two portraits of Oliver Cromwell. The French artist Le Vaillant no doubt assisted Rupert with his work, but never claimed the discovery which will always remain associated with that of the gallant Rupert. The following is a list of Rupert's mezzotints, of which some are in the British Museum : — 1. The Executioner of St. John. With the letters ''R.P." sur- mounted with a crown. Dated 1658. Height, 25^ inches j width, 17! inches. 2. Portrait of a Magdalene. Inscribed: '* Rupertus D.G., C.P.D.B., Princeps Imperis Animi gratia lusit." Height, SJ inches ; width, 6^ inches, 3. Portrait, supposed to be of the Prince's cap and feathers. Height, 8 inches ; width, 6^ inches. 4. A three-quarter length portrait, known as the Standard Bearer. Inscribed : ** 1658. Rup^ P. Fee." Height, 11 inches ; width, %\ inches. 5. The same portrait to the shoulders. Height, 7^ inches; width, 6^ inches. r . j 6. Bust of an old bearded man. " R.P." m capitals m left-hand top corner. Five inches square. 7. Head of the executioner of St. John. " R.p.f ," with crown. Height, 5|: inches; width, 6^ inches. 8. The same, looking to the right. 9. Oliver Cromwell ; an oval. At the comer, " O.C, P.R. fc." 10. Another of the same, unfinished. 11. A monk in his cell. Inscribed at top '*R.V.P. P^ fee Height, 5i inches ; width, \\ inches. 12. A woman's head looking down, in an oval. 128 APPENDIX, is full of determination, and the mole on the left cheek is represented ; he wears a heavy wig and the collar of the Garter. Rupert, whose coffin appropriately rests close beside that of his mother in the Chapel of Henry VII., bears the following inscription on it : — Depositnm Illust : Principis Ruperti, Comitis Palatini Rheni, Ducis Bavarise et Cumbriae, Comitis Holdernessioe, totius Angliae Vice-Admiralli, Regalis Castri Windesoriensis Constabularii et Gubernatoris, Nobilissimi Ordinis Perescelidis Equitis, Et Majestati Regiae a Sanctioribus Conciliis, Filii tertiogeniti Ser"^ Principis Frederici Regime Bohemise, etc. Per Ser""^ Principiss : Elizabetham, Filiam unicam Jacobi, Sororem Caroli Primi, et amitam Caroli ejus nominis secundi, Magnse Britannise, Francise et Hiberniae Regum, Nati Pragse, Bohemia Metrop. ^ Decembr. A° MDCXIX", Denati Londini XXIX Novembr : MDCLXXXIP, ^tatis su^ LXIII. WORKS ON THE LIFE OF PRINCE RUPERT. I. The Atlantic Monthly, vol. iii. 1859, p. 725. Article, " A Charge with Prince Rupert." II. Cust, Sir Edward, '* Lives of the Warriors of the Civil Wars of France and England." London, 1867. 8vo. Published by John Murray. III. Jesse, John Heneage, "Memoirs of the Court of England during the Reign of the Stuarts," London, 1855. 8vo. Published by Richard Bentley. IV. Edgar, J. E., " Sea- Kings and Naval Heroes." London, 1861. 8vo. Published by Bell and Daldy. V. Warburton, Eliot, " Memoirs of Prince Rupert and the Cavaliers, including their Private Correspondence." London, 1849. 8vo. Published by R. Bentley. VI. Bromley, Sir George, " A Collection of Original Letters, containing, amongst others, some written by Prince Rupert." London, 1787. 8vo. VII. Warner, Rebecca, *' Epistolary Curiosities, consisting of Unpublished Letters, some of them by Prince Rupert." London, 1 8 18. 8vo. Published by Longman and Co. VIII. " Historical Memoirs of the Life and Death of that Wise and Valiant Prince Rupert, Prince Palatine of the Rhine, Duke of Cumberland, etc. Containing a Brief but Impartial Account of his great and Martial Achievements, during the time of the Civil Wars ; together with his several Ingagements in the Wars between His Majesty and the States-General of the United Provinces. Entred according to order." London, printed for Tho. Malthus, at the Sign of the Sun in the Poultry, 1683. 8vo. K I30 WORKS ON THE LIFE OF PRINCE RUPERT. IX. Guizot, F.P.G., '* Memoirs of George Monk." London, 1838. 8vo. X. Carte, Thomas, " A Collection of Original Letters and Papers concerning the Affairs of England, from the year 1641 to 1660, found among the Duke of Ormond's Papers." Two vols. London, 1739. 8vo. XL Evelyn, John, F.R.S., " Miscellaneous Writings." London, 1825. 4to. XIL "The Clarendon State Papers," from 1621. Oxford, 1767-86. Fol. XIIL Warwick, Sir Philip, "Memoirs of the Reign of King Charles I., with a Continuation of the Happy Restoration of King Charles II." Published from the original manuscript. London, 1 701. 8vo. XIV. Roe, Sir Thomas, " The Negociations of Sir Thomas Roe." London, 1740, Fol. XV. Betitky^s Miscella7iy. Vol. xxvi. p. 100. London, 1849. 8vo. XVI. ColburrCs New Monthly Magazine, Vol. Ixxxvi. p. 353. 1848. 8vo. XVII. Diibli7i University Magazi7ie. Vol, xxxv. p. 507. Dublin, 1853. 8vo. XVIII. Erase)-. Vol. xl. p. 52. London, 1849. 8vo. XIX. Tait's Edinburgh Magazine. Vol. xvi. pp. 394, 415. 1849. 8vo. BIOGRAPHIES. XX. Rose, " Biographical Dictionary." Vol. xi. p. 406. XXI. Chalmers's "Biographical Dictionary." Vol. xxvi. p. 466. London, i8r6. 8vo. PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND KECCLES. wm • I* / i li f : J -tJ^^liJiT'.' I TM i: mil- ■^f:~ :.: :^'-' ■ '■ «. '' i«- / . •"'■»»HBB» #iim: