1689 CORNELL UNIVERSITY LIBRARY GIFT OF Alfred C. Barnes Date Due ■™ ""^ PRINTED IN U. S. A, (t*r NO. 232, 1 Cornell University Library BS2585 .M86 1889 Practical commentary on the Gospel accor Clin 3 1924 029 341 876 The original of tiiis book is in tine Cornell University Library. There are no known copyright restrictions in the United States on the use of the text. http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924029341876 A PRACTICAL COMMENTARY GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MARK. WORKS BY DR. MORIS ON. EXPOSITION OF THE NINTH CHAPTER OF THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. A New Edition re- written ; to which is added an Exposition of the Tenth Chapter. 8vo, price 7^. 6d. *^ It exhibits all Dr. Morison's soundness of judgment without which well-known excellencies — clearness, no man, however able, can tnake a good fulness, strength, combined with that expositor." — "Methodist Recorder." ST. PAUL'S TEACHING ON SANCTIFICA- TION,' A Practical Exposition of Romans vi. 8vo, cloth, price 4f. dd, " Dr. Morison's unfolding of the of which those who best know the force and bearing of each word in the dangers and difficutties of such a work sacred text is admirable. We thank will be prompt to recognise. We him heartily for an able and admir- heartily recommend this * practical ex- able piece of expository work, the value position.' " — " Methodist Recorder. " "An admirable specimen of the lead the lay mind to the m.6st exact manner in which a thoroughly in- scrutiny of the words and thoughts of structed and vivacious teacher can his text." — "The Expositor." A PRACTICAL COMMENTARY ON THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO' ST. MATTHEW. Fifth Edition. Svo, I4f. A PRACTICAL COMMENTARY ON THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MARK. Fifth Edition. Svo, I2J. The Opinions of Three Commentators : ' ' We are happy to call attention to is a marvellous display of learning this painstaking and exhaustive work, and labour." — Rev. C. H. Spurgeon No student can well do without it. It in "Sword and Trowel." ** This great work is a long way theological opinions, has declared it to beyond and above our criticism. The be one of the ablest expositions of Holy unanimous verdict of the best judges, Scripture produced in any age or of men differing most widefy in their nation'' — Rev. J. Agar Beet. " Dr. Morison's Commentaries on have contributed to the interpretation St. Matthew and St. Mark are siTn- of these sacred ' memoirs, ' and in ply invaluable. With immense la- so far as it is of value has given it a bour he has gathered together all place in his work." — Rev. Samuel that previous comm-entators, ancient Cox, D. D. , in " The Expositor.'* and modern, foreign and native. London: HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 27, Paternoster Row. PRACTICAL COMMENTARY GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MARK. BY JAMES MpRISON, D.D., AUTHOR OF "Commentary on the Gospel according to St. Matthew^' etc. SIXTH EDITION HODDER AND STOUGHTON, 27, PATERNOSTER ROW. MDCCCLXXXIX. All Rights Reserved.\ Butler & Tanner, The Selwood Printing Works, Frome, and London. CONTENTS. PAOIt Pkbpatory Notjs ix — xi luxKODUciioN. (Pages xiii. to Ixxx.) § 1. Gospel and Gospels xiii § 2. Title op St. Mark's Gospel xiii § 3. The Name 'Mark' xv § 4. Si. Mark the Evangelist the 'John Mark' op the Acts of the Apostles xv § 5. Covert Eeference to the Evangelist in the body op the Gospel xvii § 6. The Eelation op the Apostle Peter to the Gospel: Patristic Evidence. (Pages xix. to xxxiv.) (1.) Testimony of Jerome xx (2.) Testimony of Epiphanius xx (3.) Testimony of Eusebius xxi (4.) Testimony of Origen • . • ' . . . . sxi (6.) Testimony of TertuUian xxii (6.) Testimony of Clemens of Alexandria .... xxii (7.) Testimony of Irenseus xxiv (8.) Testimony of Justin Martyr xxvi (9.) Testimony of Papias xxviii § 7. Eelation op the Gospel to the Apostle Peter: in- ternal Evidence xxxiv. — xxxviii VI CONTENTS. P161I § 8. The Inner Eelation op the Gospel to the Synoptic Gospels op St. Matthew and St. Luke. (Pages xxxviii. to Ixi.) Augustine's theory xxxviii Griesbaoh's theory xli Dr. Henry Owen xlv The Tiibingen School xIt Ewald's theory xlvii Gaussen's solution xlviii The Eichhorn theory 1 The ' Mark-hypothesis ' liv General observations on the problem .... Ivii Gieseler's hypothesis Ix § 9. Date op the Gospel. (Pages Ixi. to Ixvi.) Common view Ix Patrizi, Storr, Berks .... .... Ixiii Volkmar Ixiv Tubingen School Ixiv Data for approximative date Ixvi § 10. The Place op the Gospel's Publication and the Lan- guage IN which it was okiginallt written .Ixvii. — Ixix § 11. The Plan, Aim, and Style op the Gospel . . Ixix. — Ixxii § 12. Iniegbitt op the Gospel Ixxii § 13. The Topical Position op St. Mark's Gospel in the group of Gospels Ixxiii § 14. The Contents op the Gospel .... Ixxiv. — Ixxs Exposition op the Gospel 1-470 Index to the Exposition . . .... 471^81 PREFATORY NOTE. The following Commentary on the Gospel according to St. Mark, though latently complementive of the author's Com- mentary on the Gospel according to St. Matthew, is yet entirely ' self contained.' There are, indeed, occasional references to some fuller discussions or expositions in the Commentary on St. Matthew ; but the thread of continuous exposition in St. Mark is never suspended or broken off. The author conceives that he was not entitled to postulate the reader's possession of the earlier volume ; and he imagines that it would have been a blunder in the structure of his present work, had it imposed, even on those readers who possess the companion volume, the irksome task of turning to it, and turning it up, ere they could ascertain his opinion on any particular passage in St. Mark. In thus endeavouring to avoid a 'rock' on which many had struck, the author was not unmindful that there was a little malstrom-hke ' Charybdis ' on the other side of ' Scylla,' no less dangerous to navigators. Hence he has been on his guard not to allow any of the materials which have done duty in the Commentary on St. Matthew to float silently away into the whirlpool of circulatory repetition, in order to do double service in expounding the coincident representations in St. Mark. He hopes that whatever else his readers may miss in the present volume, they will find PEEFATOBT NOTE. throughout fresh veins of representation and illustration, the result of fresh labour and research. In St. Mark's Gospel, moreover, there is a pervading peculiarity of phraseology, (inartificial indeed, yet idiosyn- cratic,) which to the lover of delicate tints and flickers of presentation affords a continual incentive to fresh investi- gation. Hence, in truth, much of the charm, as also much of the difficulty, in expounding St. Mark. The charm is intensified if the conviction can be substantiated, (as it undoubtedly can, provided the sum of the existing evidence be impartially weighed,) that St. Peter's teaching within the circle of "the early catechumens was the chief fountain- head from which St. Mark drew the substance and even the minutiae of his Gospel. The flicker of St. Peter's subjective conceptions is thus passing before us as we read. It is a fact fitted to stimulate. We feel as if we should not like to let slip any of that subtle essence, or quint- essence, of mind which made the primary observations of the chief of the Lord's personal attendants distinctive as well as distinct, and his subsequent reminiscences and representations invariably vivid and frequently picturesque. "Whether attributable to St. Peter's tenacity of memory, or to that unique element in his dialect which made his manner of speech, like that of every other original mind, peculiarly his own, or whether merely attributable to the reproductive idiosyncrasy of the writer, ' vexed expressions ' abound in St. Mark, and give ample scope for patient, yet exciting, research. There are ' vexed ' questions in addition, belonging to the department of Introduction, as distinguished from Expo- sition. In particular, there is the question of the genetic PEEFATOEY NOTE. XI inter-relationship of the three Synoptic Gospels, a subject around which a pecuUarly thorny and ' vexatious ' thicket, or rather forest, of literature has, during the past eighty or ninety years, been growing up. Into this forest the expositor is invited to enter, the moment he passes from one to another of the synoptic narratives. In this new edition of his Commentary the author has, with as much care as was possible to him, revised the whole contents ; and he hopes that it may prove a help to students, preachers, Sunday school teachers, and other lovers of Bible exegesis. He may add that he has taken counsel throughout of the English Revised version ; but he has been gratified to observe that a very large proportion of the Eevisionists' emendations had been anticipated in the author's previous editions. Flokentinb B»kk House, Glasgow. INTRODUCTION TO THE GOSPEL ACCORDING TO ST. MARK. § 1. Gospel and Gospels. It is a matter of interest and significance that, in the biblical records, we have not only gospel bnt Gospels. We have gospel, rnnning like a golden thread throngh the whole Bible, connecting history, precept, proverb, prophecy, and binding the entire constitnents of ' the volume of the Book ' into nnity. We should certainly have had no Bible at all, had there been no gospel. Bnt in particular portions of the progressive revelation the golden gospel line becomes doubled as it were, or trebled, or multi- plied in some still higher ratio. The whole texture of certain paragraphs or larger sections gleams and glows with gospel. Such are the Messianic Psalms. Such is the fifty-third chapter of Isaiah. And such, of course, are the four Gospels of the New Testament. The gospel is so efflorescent in these Gospels that the lovers of the Bible have, from a very early period of the Christian era, agreed to call them, ' par excellence,' the Gospels. § 2. Title of St. Mark's Gospel. The Gospel ascribed to St. Mark was neither by himself, nor by the subsequent compilers of the New Testament canon, designated the Gospel * See, for instance, Tertullian De Baptismo, c. 15 ; and compare Ircnseus, Adv. Haireses, iii. 11, and Origen's Comment, in Joannem, vol. iv., p. 98, cd. Delarue (xal ri dXTjffws dia Teff Biblia Illustrata, in loo. 2 Scriptorum Ecc. Historia Literaria, vol. i., 24. 3 Constitutiones Apostolorum, ii. 57, note 36. * The author of the largest Commentary ou Mark, in two volumes folio, 1661. 6 Lib. i., cap. ii., Quastio 1. See also the first Appendix to his Commcntariuin in Marcum, 6 Lehrhuch des N. I., § 99. T- Introduction, to N. T., vol. ii., p. 76, ed. 1868. WAS ST. MARK THE JOHN MARK OF ' THE ACTS ' ? xvii 13, he is referred, to tmder his original Hebrew name exclusively, John. Then in chap. xv. 37 he is once more called ' John, whose surname was Mark.' But ia the 39th verse of the same chapter he is called simply Mark. And this is the only name that is given him in the remaining passages of the New Testament : Col. iv. 10 ; 2 Tim. iv. 11 ; Philem. 24 ; and 1 Pet. v. 13. The remark of Jerome on the third of these passages is equally applicable to the rest, ' I think that the Mark here mentioned is the author of the Gospel.' ^ As to the fact that ' the ancients,' when referring to St. Mark as the writer of tlie second Gospel, signalize exclusively his mioisterial relation to the apostle Peter, as distinguished from his correspond- ing relation to Barnabas and Paul, nothing was more natural. He was for a season, indeed, the companion of Barnabas and Paul. See Acts xii. 25, xiii. 5. But he got wearied of that re- lationship, or of the work which it entailed, and returned to his mother's house. (Acts xui. 13.) Some of ' the ancients ' use strong language in reference to this retreat, and ascribe to him a kind of spiritual ' poltroonery.' ^ Moreover, when Barnabas and Paul were subsequently arranging for another joint tour, Mark was ready to join them ; but Paul objected, while Barnabas insisted, " and the contention was so sharp between them that they departed " asunder one from the other ; and so Barnabas took Mark, and " sailed unto Cyprus, and Paul chose Silas and departed." (Acts XV. 36-40.) As was to be expected however of good men and true, this ' coolness,' as Grotius calls it, at once between Paul and Barna- bas and between Paul and Mark, passed away, so that Mark was restored to intimate and confidential relations to the apostle. In the Epistle to Philemon (ver. 24) the apostle names Mark as one of his ' fellow-labourers.' In Col. iv. 10 he says, " Mark, sister's son " to Barnabas, — touching whom ye received commandments ; if he " come unto you, receive him, — saluteth you." And then in 2 Tim. iv. 11 the apostle says again, when now near the very close of his 1 " Maroum ponit, quem puto Evangelii conditorem." — Comment, in Phile- monem, in loc. " Es ist hochst wajbrsoheinlich," says Miehaelis, " dass Marcus " der Evangelist, der Sohn Petri, und der Gefahrte Pauli, eine Person gewesen •• iBt."—Einleitung in N. B., p. 1051, Ula. ed. '^ Hence the remarkable expression of Hippolytiis, in the recently recovered PhilosopJmmena, vii. 18, MdpKos 6 /coXojSoSoktuXos. See also the Prologue in the Codex Amiatinus, 'amputasse sibi post fidem ^JoMicem dicitur.' Consult Tre- gelles' Canon Muratorianus, p. 75. C XVIU INTEODTJOTION. terrestrial career,"' Take Mark, and 'bring him with thee, for he is " profitable to me for the ministry." Still, as neither Paul nor Barnabas was able to supply, at first hand, the full historic details that were essential to a biographical Gospel, it is not to be wondered at that Mark, having either a pur- pose, or an instinct, leading him in the direction of an evangelist, should attach] himself to Peter, and derive from him the informa- tion which he has embodied in his Gospel. And it is still less to be wondered at that 'the ancients,' who spoke of him, and felt interested in him, solely on account of his Gospel, should bring exclusively into view, so far as his authorship was concerned, his ministerial relation to Peter. It is certain moreover that St. Peter was, from a very early period, on terms of the greatest intimacy with Mark and his mother. See Acts xii. 11—17. Not unlikely it might be by his preaching on the day of Pentecost, or subsequently, that both the lady and her son became acquainted with the true career and character of the Saviour. And it is probably for this reason that we are to account for the peculiarly endearing manner in which St. Peter refers to the evangelist, at the conclusion of his First Epistle, " The church " that is at Babylon, elected together with you, saluteth you ; and " so doth Marie my son." There is no reason for doubting that it is our Mark, and Paul's Mark, who is thus so affectionately men- tioned. But there is less than none for imagining, with Henmann ^ and Credner,^ or half imagining, with Pott,^ that he was Peter's literal son. § 5. coveet ebferbnoe to the evaugelist in the body of the Gospel. It is probable that the evangelist makes a covert reference to himself in the body of his Gospel. His whole narrative indeed, like that of St. Matthew, is remark- ably impersonal. Both the writers retire behind their themes, and shut themselves out of view. They are so absorbed ' objectively ' in their narrations, that they become ' subjectively ' obUvious of themselves. 1 ■ Nothiger Anhang zur Erklarung Marci, pp. 736, 737. He rejoices over the imagination, as over a brilliant discovery. 2 Minleitung in das N.T.,%% 48, 237. ^ Annotationes in 1 Pet. v. 13. COVEET EEFEEENCB TO THE ETANGELIST. XIX Nevertheless it is in the highest degree probable that St. Matthew refers to himself by name in the 9th verse of the 11th chapter of his Gospel, and to his home in the 10th verse. It is almost certaia too that St. John refers to himself, as one of the two disciples spoken of in the 1st chapter of his Gospel, ver. 35-38. It is certaia that it is of himself that he speaks in chap. xiii. 23, xix. 26, as ' the disciple whom Jesus loved.' We believe that it is, in like manner, to himself that St. Mark refers when, in chap. xiv. 51, 52, he makes mention of 'a young man ' who had been aroused out of bed by the uproar connected with the conveyance of Jesus from Gethsemane to the residence of the high priest. Full of youthful impetuosity, he had rushed, it seems, out of the house with only ' a linen sheet thrown around him,' to see what the disturbance was about. The incident was so trifling, intrinsically, that we can scarcely conceive of it being recorded by the evangelist unless he had some private reason for its insertion. But if it touched the vital turning point of his spiritual career we can at once understand why he should delight to link it on, and thus in a modest and covert way to attach his own personal and spiritual history to the great events he was recording. It is worthy of being noted, in addition, that it is not likely that he should have learned the unimportant incident from either Peter or any other of the apostles, for in the immediately preceding verse he states that ' they had aU forsaken ' the Lord ' and fled.' ^ § 6. The REDiTiON of the Apostle Petee to the Gospel : Patkistic Evidence. ' It was the almost unanimous conviction of ' the fathers ' that the apostle Peter's oral discourses were the special source, or wcll- 1 See Commentary, in loo. " Why was a ciroumstauoe apparently so trifling," asts GresweU, " and certainly so irrelevant, inserted'iu the midst of so grave an " aoeouut ? If the young man was the lyriter of the account, and an eye-witness " of the transaction at the time ; partly implicated himself in the danger of our " Saviour ; mistaken for a follower or disciple, when not really such ; afterwards " converted to the faith ; and finally St. Mark the evangelist ; I think he might "naturally look upon this as the most interesting circumstance of his life ; and " its introduction into the rest of the account, under such circumstances, be- " comes anything but foreign or irrelevant." — Dissertations on the Harmony oj the Gospels, vol. i., p. 100, ed. 1837. XX INTRODUCTION. spring, from wHcli St. Mark drew the information which is com- niTinicated in his Gospel. Not that we need to suppose that he learned nothing from others. He would have ample opportunities in his mother's house and else- where for getting information from the other apostles and their coadjutors, companions, and acquaintances. The little paragraph too regarding himself (§ 5) would of course he contributed directly by himself to himself. But still it was the current report and belief of antiquity that he drew upon St. Peter in particular for the great body of the facts which he records. (1) Jerome, who flourished toward the close of the fourth cen- tury and the beginning of the fifth, says in his Catalogue of Illustrious Men : " Mark, disciple and interpreter of Peter, wrote a " brief Gospel, at the request of the brethren in Rome, in accord- " ance with what he had heard related htj Feter. This Gospel, when "read over to Peter, was approved of, and published by his " authority, to be read in the churches." ^ Putting no stress upon minutise of details in this statement, and bearing in miud that a fact when got hold of was liable, in the course of manipulation and transmission, to be unduly stretched and inconsiderately applied ; still it is evident that Jerome had got handed down from the ' fathers ' who preceded him, that Mark was indebted, for the con- tents of his Gospel, to the communications of Peter. In his Letter to Hedibia he tersely represents St. Peter as the narrator, and St. Mark as the writer, of the Gospel.^ (2) Stepping ' back from Jerome, we come to Epiphanius, who flourished just a little earlier. He says : " But immediately after " Matthew, Mark, having hecome an attendant of the holy Peter in " Home, had committed to him the tosh of setting forth the Gospel. " Having completed his work he was sent by the holy Peter into " the country of the Egyptians." ^ The dependence of the evan- I " Marcus, discipulus et interpres Petri, juxta quod Petrum referentem " audierat, rogatus Eomje a fratribus, breve soripsit Evangelium. Quod cura " Petrus audisset, probavit, et eoolesiia legeudum sua authoritate edidit." De Viris lUustriius, cap. viii. ' "Maroum; eujue Evangelium, Petro narrante, et illo scribente, compoBitum est." (Cap. xi.) " Euflys 6^ fitrk rbv 'M.aTBaXov &k6\ov6os yefo/xcvos 6 M.dpKos Tip ayl;f Tihpv (V "Siijiri, iiriTpiirerai, ri ei}a7')Aioc iKBiaBai. k.t.\, — Haresis, 41, p. 428. THE RELATION Of ST. PETER TO THE GOSPEL. XXI gelist on the apostle is the substrate, and indeed the sum and substance, of this statement. (3) Eusebius preceded Epiphanius, and flourished toward the close of the third century and the beginning of the fourth. He says, in his Evangelical Demonstration, that though the apostle Peter " did not undertake, in consequence of excess of diffidence,^ "to -write a Gospel, yet it had all along been currently reported " that Mark, who had become his familiar acquaintance and attend- " ant, m.ade memoirs of his discourses concerning the doings of " Jesus." ^ The distinguished ' father ' then proceeds, after some other details, to take notice of the fact that there is in Mark's Gospel a minute and particular account of St. Peter's lamentable denial of his Lord. After -which account he adds : " It is Mark " indeed who writes these things. But it is Peter who testifies them " concerning himself ; for all the contents of Marie's Gospel are re- " garded, as memoirs of Peter's discourses." ^ "We need not press the remark regarding Peter's ' excess of modesty.' It was probably suggested to Eusebius by the representations of Clemens of Alexan- dria,* and may have been a subjective conjecture rather than a historical fact. But it is obvious that he got handed down to him as a fact that Mark, in the representations of his Gospel, is to a large extent but the echo of the narrations of Peter. (4) Origen flourished before Eusebius, in the early part of the third century. In his Commentary on the Gospel according to Matthew he mentions that there were four unchallenged and un- challengeable Gospels received throughout the universal church. " The second of them," he says, " is that according to Mark, who " composed it under the guidance of Peter, who therefore, in his " Catholic Epistle, acknowledged the evangelist as his son, saying, " The co-elect in Babylon saluteth you, and Mark my son." ^ We ' Si' ei/\a/3eias irrfpiSoXijy. ^ ^ To&rov MdpKos yvuipiiJ,Oi koX ^oitijtijs 'feyovi>i airoiJ,vrjfioi>eS(rai. \iyeTai ras toS H^pov vepl Tuv irpa^eav ToO ItjcroS SioX^fcij. — Demonstratio Evangelica, lib. iii., 0. 5, p. 320. ' Mo/)Kos fiiv ravra ypi,s Sxras TropaKoXeirot rbv MdpKov, (ij fii> dKoXovB-qffavra alrrif wo^liuBev koI p.e/j.vri/J.hoi' t&v XexSePTUf, ava.ypi.\paj. ra THE RELATION OP ST. PETER TO THE GOSPEL. xxiii Eusebius makes, in an earlier part of Ms History, another refer- ence to the representations of Clemens. " So charmed were the "Romans with the light that shone in upon their minds from the " discourses of Peter, that, not contented with a single hearing and "the Tiva-voce proclamation of the truth, they urged with the "utmost solicitation on Mark, whose Oospel is in circulation, and who "was Peter's attendant, that he would leave them in writing a record " of the teaching which they had received hy word of mouth. They " did not give over till they had prevailed on him ; and thus they "became the cause ^ of the composition of the so-called Gospel " according to Mark. It is said that when the apostle knew, by " revelation of the Spirit, what was done, he was pleased with the "eagerness of the men, and authorized the writing to be read in " the churches." ^ There has been considerable discussion on the relation of the last statement in this quotation to the remark at the close of the preceding quotation.^ De Wette * and Fritzsche ^ are positive that there is absolute contradiction ; Credner ^ con- cedes that there is, attributing it however to the reproductive representation of Eusebius. But de Valois thinks, apparently with reason, that the two statements are not irreconcilable ; '^ although he fails to lay his hand precisely on the principle of conciliation, the supposition of ' successive stages ' in the case. The apostle's diffi- dence, or repugnance, in relation to the writing of a Gospel is assumed. He is not therefore at the outset of the enterprise made acquainted with Mark's intention. By and by, nevertheless, he finds out what is going on ; yet remains neutral, neither dissuading nor encouraging. At length, when the finished work is submitted ' to his inspection, it m.eets his approval, so that he sanctions it as a correct representation of the substance of his own statements. Such seems to be the view entertained by Clemens of the apostle's dpri/ieva, iroiiiaavTa Si rb eda.yye\cov, fieraSoSi/cu tois deo/iimis airoS. "Oirep ivtyvovra rbv Xlerpov, irparpeTTiKus p^rire KoiKvaai /tifre irporpe^aaSau — Bccles. Hist. , lib. vi., c. 14. ' ahlovs. 2 Eceles. Hist., lib. ii., c. 15. 3 See Lardner's Credibility of the Gospel ffisiors/, Part II., chap, xxii., pp. 212-218 of vol. ii., ed. 1788. ^ Lehrbuch, § 98, p. 172. 5 Prolegomena in Ev. Marci, § 2. 6 Einleitung, § 51, p. 113. ' Annotatio in Euseb. Hist., \i. 14. XXIV INTEODtJCTION. relation to the Gospel. The dependence of the evangelist npon St. Peter for the snbstance of his narrations is the central idea, and the only one probaWy to which we should attach historic weight. (?) We go back now to Irenseus, Bishop of Lyons in Ganl, but andoubtedly a native of the East. He flourished in the latter half of the second century ; and was, as he tells ns himself,! g, young disciple of Polycarp, who was personally acquainted with the apostle John. We are therefore now treading on the border land of the apostolic age. This celebrated father, like Origen and Tertullian, makes par- ticular reference to the four accredited evangelists. For even in his day, it would appear, they stood apart from all competitors, on their own quadruple pedestal. In the beginning of the third book of his Treatise against Heresies ^ he mentions that after the apostles ivere clothed with the power of the Holy Spirit, and fully furnished for the worh of universal evangeliza- tion, they ' went out ' (exierunt) to the ends of the earth, preaching the gospel. Matthew went eastward to those of Hebrew descent, and preached to them in their own tongue, in which language he also pub- lished a writing of the Gospel ; ^ while Peter and Paul went westward, and preached, and founded the church, in Borne. " But," adds he, '' after the departure of these, Marie the disciple and interpreter of "Peter, even he, delivered to us in writing the things which ivere ^^ preached by Peter.''' And Luke, the attendant of Paul, set down in " a book the gospel as preached by him." It has been debated among critics, what can be meant by the expression, " after the departure of these." Grabe would interpret it thus, after the departure of Peter aiid Paul from Bome.^ Mill strongly advocated the same view.® G. Gottlob Hofmann contended for it too,'' and Kuinol.^ Patrizi also leans toward it.^ But such ' See quotation from Hs Letter to Florinus in Eusebiua's Eccles. Hist., v. 20. •^ Chapter 1, preserved in Eufinus's Latin translation. The original Greek of the most important part of it is preserved in Eusebius's Eccles. Hist., v. 8. ■* KoL ypa(p7]v e^^veyxev ei5a77eX/ou. * fieri, 5J tt/k roiruiv i^oSov, MapKOS o i^adrp-i]! koX ^p/tiji/eurijs Hirpov, koX airbs ri irb IleTpov Kr]pv(r(T6fii,eva iyypi^as tjiuv irapadeSaice.- * See his note in his edition of Irenseus, p. 199. 6 Prolegomena in Nov. Test., § 101. 7 Introductio in Nov. Test., o. xiii., p. 170. 8 Prolegomena in Marcum, § 2. ' De Evangeliis, vol. i., pp. 37, 38. THE RELATION OF ST. PETER TO THE GOSPEL. XXV an interpretation seems to involve a somewliat aimless or insignifi- cant specification. If it had been possible to carry back tlie reference to tbe expres- sion " they ^ went out' to the ends of the earth," so as to suppose that Irenaeus was informing ns that it was after the ' exodus ' or final dispersion of the apostles, and thus at a late stage of the apostolic epoch, that St. Mark wrote his Gospel, several difficulties affecting the harmony of the various representations of ' the fathers ' would be met. But it is probable, nevertheless, that we may be shut up to accept the view of de Valois,i endorsed as it is by the united judgments of Father Simon,^ Michaelis,^ Eichhorn,* Bertholdt,^ Hug,^ Credner,'' Guericke,^ Ebrard,^ Klostermann,!" ^"6188,^^ that the expression means, after the ' decease ' of these apostles. Eiohhorn ingeniously suggests that the word ' departure ' or ' exodus ' is used in allusion to what is said in 2 Pet. i. 15, " I will endeavour that "you may be able, after my decease (literally departure) to have " these things always in remembrance." ^^ If this interpretation be accepted, then we have, as regards the precise date of St. Mark's Gospel, and the consequent authentication of its contents by the apostle Peter, a representation which conflicts with that which we have foxmd in Jerome, Epiphanius, Origen, and Clemens Alexan- drinus. But it may be admitted, as we have already intimated, that in minute details of things ' the fathers ' made free to vent their subjective subsumptions, assumptions, applications, and divi- nations, while yet the historic substance, or substrate, of the information handed down to them, and thence passed on, was a matter of indisputable validity. We are not sure however that the real testimony of Irenaeus has been conclusively ascertained. Christophorson, the author of an ' See his note in his Eusebius, p. 172, Migoe's ed. 3 Historia Gritica Textus N. T., i., o. 10. 3 Einleitung in den N. B., § 141, p. 1054, 4th ed. * Einleitung, § 119, p. 607, 2nd ed. 5 Einleitung, § 335, p. 1281, 3rd ed. « Einleitung, Zweiter Theil, § 16, p. 61, 4th ed. ' Einleitung, § 54, p. 118. » Gesammtgeschichte, § 15, p. 139, 1st ed. » Wisserachaftliche Kritik, § 133, p. 795, 2nd ed. '" Markusevangelium, p. 336. 11 Marcusevangelium, p. 4. '2 Einleitung, vol. i., pp. 607, 603. XXVI INTEODTJCTION. admiraUe Latin version of Eusebins's Ecclesiastical History, first publistied in 1570,i proposed to alter the text to the following effect, after the publication of this? that is, after the puilication of Matthew's Hebrew Gospel, as spoken of in the preceding sentence. Grotins accepted the alteration.^ But de Valois expresses his astonishment at such an extraordinary emendation, ' not knowing,' as he says, on what gronnd Christophorson conld ventnre to suggest it.* Yet it is a remarkable fact that in the ' Hypothesis,' or Prefatory Note to Victor of Antioch's Commentary on the Gospel according to Marie (sometimes ascribed to Cyril of Alexandria),^ the same turn is given to Irensens's observation. The entire quo- tation runs thns : " After the -publication of the Gospel according to " Mattheiv,^ Mark, the disciple and interpreter of Peter, even he, " delivered to ns in writing the things that were preached by "Peter." If this reading is no survival or echo of the original statement of Ii-ensens, it is at all events evidence that at a very early period some difficulty was found with the text as it now stands. Whatever, however, may have been the exact expression or idea of IrenEBUs, he is indisputably at one with the fathers who suc- ceeded him, in ascribing to the apostle Peter the materiel out of which the Gospel according to St. Mark was compiled. (8) Going back from Irenseus we come to Justin Martyr, who flourished in the first half of the second century. Though not making so frequent quotations from the Gospel of St. Mark as he undoubtedly does, recent objections notwithstanding, from the Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke, yet he does sometimes quote from our evangelist. And there is a remarkable passage in his Dialogue with Trypho the Jew, in which he uses an incidental expres- sion, of some significance and importance for our present purpose. He is referring, in his own ingeniously theorizing way, to the fact that our Lord imposed the name Peter upon the chief of the apostles, and the name Boanerges upon James and John. The > See Ittig's Preface to his Historiee Ecclesiastics Secundi Seculi Selecta Capita. ^ jtierct 5^ toiJtou t^v ^K5otnv. ' Procemium in Marcum. * Note on Eusebius's Eccles. Hist., v. 8. » See first volume oi Cramer's Catena, pp. 259-447 * /Aera ttjv tov /carot MaT&aiov ^iayyeXiov ^Kdoaiv, THE RELATION OF ST. PETEE TO THE GOSPEL. XXTli imposition of this latter name is recorded hy Mark alone. But Justin speaks of the matter in the following terms : " And when it s said " that He imposed on one of the apostles the name Peter, and when " this is recorded in ' his Memoirs,' with this other fact that Me named ' the tv>o sons of Zehedee Boanerges, which means 8ons-of -Thunder, "this is a sign that it was He by whom Jacob was called Israel, "and Auses, Jesus (i.e. Oshea, Joshua}."^ Justin thus speaks of the record of St. Peter's change of name as being in ' his Memoirs.' In whose Memoirs ? Lardner ^ and de Wette ' say, in Christ's. Lang and Maranus, in their Latin ver- sions, slar over a decision, translating 'in the apostolical Memoirs.' But Schwegler,* NortoUj^ and Smith of Jordanhill^ legitimately contend that the reference of the pronoun must be to St. Peter himself, ' in Peter's Memoirs.' In many other passages Justin speaks of the Memoirs of the apostles, meaning invariably the Me- moirs emanating from the apostles, that is to say, the Gospels, which he thus recognised as all, directly or indirectly, of apostolic origin, and consequently of apostolic authority. With him the genitive connected with the word Memoirs is constantly the genitive of authorship, and not of the subject matter on which the authorship is exercised. In other words, he never speaks of Christ's Memoirs, but always of the apostles' Memoirs (concerning Christ). Smith contends that the apostle Peter was literally the literary author of the Primitive Gospel, the New Testament ' Prot^vangel,' the Urevangelium as it is called by the Germans. It was composed, he assumes, in Aramaic. St. Matthew and St. Luke derived from it, he supposes, by simple translation, a large proportion of their materials ; while St. Mark translated it entire, only adding to his version some minutise, such as the title in the first verse of the first chapter, and the epilogue of twelve verses which forms the con- clusion of the , last chapter. It is, as Smith conceives, because of this translation that Mark is so frequently called, as by Jerome, * Kol rb eliretv fiercavofiaKevat. airrbv Jlerpov ^va tCiv iiiroaTbXttiv, nal yeypdfpdaL iv Tois dTro/u'rifioyei/uKriv airoS ■yeyevriixivov Koi TOvro, /Jterd, toO. k. t, X. — § 106, Migne's ed. 2 Credibility of the Gospel History, v. ii., chap. x. : Works, 70I. ii., p. 121, ed. 1788. 3 Lehrbuch des N. T., § 66. ■• Das naehapostolische Zeitalter. vol. i., p. 221. ' Genuineness of the Gospels, to!, i., p. 131. * Dissertation on the Origin and Connection of the Gospels, p. Ixxii. XSvm INTRODUCTION. Tertullian, Irenseus, aad Papias, the interpreter, that is, the translator of Peter. It is an ingenious tteory. But we cannot accept it, for this, were there no other reason, that the Gospel, if really Peter's, could never have got to be universally ascribed to Mark. The great name of Peter would never have been eclipsed, and indeed annihilated, behind the name of Mark, if Mark did nothing more than merely translate the apostle's Gospel into Greek. The exceptional representation of Justin is no evidence to the contrary; neither is the somewhat analogous representation of Jerome, in the first chapter of his Oatalogue of Illustrious Men, in which he says of Peter, " But the Gospel according to Mark, who " was his disciple and interpreter, is also spoken of as his." ^ These statements are obviously to be explained as free and easy applica- tions of the principle, that the cause of the cause is the cause of the caused. St. Peter's relation to the Gospel was something like that of a literary grandfather. Hilgenfeld's theory is, up to a certain point, in accordance with Smith's. He supposes that Justin had no knowledge of our canonical Mark, but quoted from a real Qospel of Peter, which was, says he, "if you will, the original Mark," only "richer." The canonical Mark, as he conceives, was but an epitome or abstract (Auszug).^ But is it not ' passing strange ' that the entire Christian community should so prefer the impoverished epitome, that they allowed it, without a single word of remonstrance or of murmur, or even of remark, on the part of any of the churches or any of the disputatious fathers, not merely to supersede the ' rich ' apostolic original, but also to become its burial place and the everlasting Lethe of its existence ? It looks like a ' miracle ' in the history of the church. (9) We go farther back still than to Justin Martyr. We go to Papias, who flourished in the earliest part of the second century. He was, says Irenseus,' the companion of Polycarp,* one of the disciples of John the Apostle. He was himself the disciple of ' "Sed et Evangelium juxta Maroum, qui auditor ejus et interprea fuit, " hujus dicitur." .2 Kritische Untersuchungen uber die Evangelien Justin's, pp. 278, 279. See also his Markus-Evangelium, pp. 93-117. ' See Eusebius's Eccles. Hist., iii. 39. * JloKvKapTov iraipos. THE RELATION OF ST. PETER TO THE GOSPEL. xxix anotlier Jolin,! John the Presbyter, who was ' a disciple of the Lord.' 2 From this veteran, and from such other seniors or patri- archs as he cotdd meet with, he eagerly collected, (but not with much discrimination of judgment it would appear,^) all the apostolic fragments of things on which he could lay his hands, " all that " could be remembered, in particular, of the sayings of Andrew, or " Peter, or Philip, or Thomas, or James, or John, or Matthew, or " any other of the Lord's disciples." He thus raked together, amid some important items of information, many tittles and trifles of tradition, which he afterwards elaborated and published in his Interpretation of the Lord's Oracles, a work consisting of five books.* It has perished, whether happily or unhappily it might be difficult to determine, for its contents would no doubt be unequal. But Eusebius has preserved in his Ecclesiastical History what the worthy compiler recorded, from the lips of John the Presbyter, concerning the Evangelist Mark. It seems to have been one of the most important ' anecdotes ' in the work. " The Presbyter said this : Mark, having heconie the interpreter of " Peter, wrote accurately whatever he " recorded.^ He did not " present however in regular order the things that were either " spoken or done by Christ ; for he had not been a personal auditor " or follower of the Lord. But afterwards, as I said, he attached " himself to Peter, who gave instructions according to the neeessi- " ties of his hearers, but not in the way of making an orderly " arrangement of the Lord's words. So that Mark committed no " error in thus writing such details of things as he recorded ; for " he made conscience of one thing, not to omit on the one hand, and "not to misrepresent on the other, any of the details which he " heard." '^ These things, says Eusebius, are left on record by Papias concerning Mark. • 'ladwov d/coixTT'^s. 2 Klostermann, after Zabn and Eiggenbaoh, supposes that Jolin the Presbyter is just John the Apostle (Markusevangelium, p. 326). Unhkely. ^ acjibSpa yap toi fffUKpbs Siv rhv vouv. Eusebius, loe. cit. ■* Eusebius, loc. cit. ' That is, Mark; not Peter, as Mr. Badiuel contends (En^Ksft JJmfiu;, xiii., p. 276). So should i/ivrifi^i'eva-e he rendered, aocording to the favourite usage of Eusebius. Cruse renders it thus ; and Dunster, and Badinel. Bemembered is the translation of de Valois, Lardner, Michaelis, Eouth, Thiersch, Meyer, Klostermann, Weiss. '' Kai Touro irpeff^vTepos ^"Keye' "MapKos ^h eppjjvevTTjs Herpov y€p6fiepo7, 6'ffa XXX INTEODTJCTION. They embody, notwithstanding the medium through ■which they were handed down to the historian and posterity, the most im- portant ecclesiastical information in reference to the evangelist that has come to us from post-apostolic antiquity.^ They embrace almost all that is reliable in the testimonies of the succeeding ' fathers ' ; and, as there is nothing intrinsically improbable in the record, there seems to be no valid reason why we should discard or ignore its testimony. Everything in it, on the contrary, is in harmony with the most trustworthy of the results that are attain- able by inward examination of the texture of the Gospel, and its peculiar relation, as regards matter, method, and phraseology, to the two other Synoptics. It will be noticed that Mark is called the interpreter of Peter. It is the first instance on record of the ' use of that expression ; and it is to be attributed, we presume, not so much to Papias himself as to his informant, John, who, we may conclude, found it circu- lating among the compeers and immediate successors of the evan- gelist. What is the meaning of the designation ? A much debated point. Eichhorn,^ Bertholdt,' Kuinol,* Neudecker,' and many others, assume that the apostle felt himself unequal to the effort Of using the Greek language freely, while engaged in preaching the gospel. He would be accustomed therefore, they suppose, to preach in Aramaic ; and St. Mark would be employed by him as his inter- preter, or 'dragoman,'^ to render his addresses into Greek. It is an unlikely supposition. Bleek saw its unlikelihood ; but, attaching the same radical meaning to the word, conjectured, as Wilhelm Wilcke had done ilivfiixovevaev , &Kpi.^m lypatj/ev, oi /levroi, rd^ci to iirb roC xpi-^rov ^ XexSfira fj TT/jox^f '''■o' ofre 7^/) ■fjKovce toC KVplov, oiire irap-riKoKoiBriaey aiircp, iarepov ok, us ^. xlvi INTEODUCTION. Tiibingen school,— such as F. C. Baur, Schwegler, Kostlin, already referred to, — attribute to the evangelist a particular doctriaal aim or 'tendency,' having a particular relation to the parties that were co-existing, at the time of the composition of the Gospel, within the circle of the churches. St. Matthew is regarded as having had an Old Testament 'tendency,' on the side of the Judaic party. St. Luke in his ' tendency ' is regarded as having been anti-Judaic and Pauline. And St. Mark, coming after both as is assumed, and mediating as it were between them, is looked upon as meeting a more matured condition of the divergent parties,^ when their wisest leaders were wishful to shake hands and agree. His Gospel is therefore ' neutral ' and ' irenic.' ^ ' It is the pro- duct,' says Kostlin, * of th^ idea of catholicity.' ^ It may, on all hands, be admitted that there is a certain generic element of truth in the representations of the school that sur- rounded F. C. Baur. St. Mark's Gospel is undoubtedly 'neutral.' It is ' colourless,' in relation to all grave party questions within the circle of the early churches. It is eminently 'catholic' It is ' irenic' It is also, at the same time, as HUgenfeld represents it, *'Petrinic,' though not in any one-sided, or obtrusive, or sectarian, or anti-Pauline sense. It is ' Pauline ' too, as Michelsen contends,^ but in no anti-Petrine spirit. It is thoroughly un- sectarian. All this may be admitted, and sliould be admitted. It is patent, lying on the surface of the Gospel. It wells np from its heart. Nevertheless, there is not so much as one straw of evidence that the Gospel of Mark occupied a position of mediation, or iren c neutrality, in relation to the other two synoptio Gospels. It is in the mere wantonness of a creative imagination that its penman is depicted as warily steering his critical bark between some Scylla in St. Matthew's representations and some Charybdis in St Luke's. There is no Scylla in the representations of St. Matthew. It must be invented, if suspected. There is no Charybdis in the ' Solnvegler, Das NacliapostoUsclie Zeitalter, p. 456. 2 Ibid., pp. 474-481. See a shadow of the Tubingen idea cast before, in Owen's Observations, pp. 50, 51. 3 Der Ursprung, p. 373. ■• Die Evangelien, pp. 125-144. 6 Het Evangelie van Markus, Inleiding, p. 4. " Our Mark," was written, he says, "door een christen uit de joden, dooh niettemin een hevig aanlianger van " Paulus." HWEE EELATION TO THE OTHEE SYNOPTICS. xlvii representations of St. Luke. Neither is there any indication in St. Mark of wary steering, or of some latent aim of destination kept, like sealed orders, nnder lock and key. There is, in all the Gospels, perfect transparency and simplicity, ' the simplicity that is in Christ.' It is not needful to mine into profound depths, or to climb into giddy heights, in search of ' tendency.' No intricate involution, baffling to ordinary eyes, need be suspected. No divin- ing power is required. There may have been, to a certain inci- dental degree, a desire, as Mill conjectured, to correct apocryphal or erroneous representations,^ that wei;e getting afloat over society. But doubtless the one dominant and overmastering aim would just be that of all the apostles of our Lord, and of all, in all ages, who have imbibed aught of the apostolic spirit ; to tell, for the sake of sinful and suffering humanity, the unvarnished but vivifying story of the life-and-death-work of Christ the Saviour. In other words, and in popular phraseology, the aim would be to unfurl the banner of ' the gospel.' The peculiar Tubingen theory has been repudiated and opposed by the illustrious Heinrich Ewald, in terms of the most stinging severity. The school f rora which it emanates is denounced by him as ' mischievous ' and ' false.' ^ But iu his own theory of the inter- relationship of Mark to the other Gospels he formed, as is his wont, such peculiarly vivid conceptions that, to himself, they have started out from the canvas of his imagiuation, with all the self- evidencing or self- asserting authority of objective historical facts. He postulates a considerable variety of documents or books, now lost, but more or less incorporated in our existing Gospels. The respective peculiarities of these books are, he conceives, clearly discernible, in the particoloured texture of the synoptic Gospels. And hence, in the first edition of his Translation of the First Three Gospels, the edition of 1850, the respective portions which, as he conceives, had been derived from these prior works, are actually represented to the eye by being printed in nine varieties of type. He holds, moreover, that there have been three distinct editions of Mark, — Mark a, Mark h, Mark c, — ^the second much altered from the first, though appearing only about a year later, and the third (which appeared in the second century) still further altered and impoverished.' In the second edition, as he supposes, there were ' Prolegomena, § 111. " Die drei ersten Evangclien u. d. Apostelgeschichtc d.871-72), pp. 2, 3. ' Die drei ersten Evv., pp. 77-174. xlviii INTRODUCTION. numerous interpolations introduced from two still earlier evan- gelical documents, the oldest Gospel (now lost, — the Gospel that ■was used, he is conviaced, by the apostle Paul), ^ and the Lord's Words or the " Spruchsammlung " (also now lost). In direct opposition, however, to the hypothesis of the Tiibingen school and of Grieshach, Ewald maintains strongly that the Gospel of Mark was not only a thoroughly ' original ' work, but antece- dent in date to the Gospels of both Matthew and Luke, and was used by these evangelists iu the composition of their respective books. The entire theory of the distinguished author is emphatically his own. No other independent mind could be expected to accept it. Geniuses, who wander in orbits of infinite conjecture, differ from each other, like planet from planet, not only in bulk, substantiality, and the hue and intensity of their lustre, but also in their paths. But how then are we to account for the remarkable coincidences that characterize the synoptic Gospels ? Whence the whole para- graphs of coincident phraseology ? Whence the coincidences in detached and minute phrases, as for instance in Matthew xii. 13, Mark iii. 5, Luke vi. 10 ? Whence the eoiacidences too in the" order or arrangement of the evangelical materials ? Bichhom, for instance, gives a tabulated list of 44 sections, which are parallel or coincident in the three synoptic Gospels. In all these sections, with the single exception of the 38th, the ' order ' of Mark and Luke is identical ; and, from the 20th onward, the order in the three evangelists, with the single exception already specified, is one and the same. Whence such coincidences ? It is not enough to refer the whole matter, with Gaussen ^ and others of the same school, to the sovereignty of Divine inspiration and dictation. God indeed ' hath spoken once ' and again and again. (Ps. Ixii. 11; Heb. i. 1.) He still speaks. His very works are words. He spoke and speaks through the evangelists. Like the prophets of the older dispensation, ' they spake as they were moved by the Holy Ghost ' (2 Pet. i. 21). Doubtless the omnipresent Spirit is brooding and breathing everywhere ; and He 'blows where He listeth ' (John iii. 8). This is not a worn-out antiquated idea. It is a peremiial truth, just as really a dictate of ' Die drei ersten Evv., p. 62 ' THopneustie, chap, i., § 4. INNER RELATION TO THK OTHER SYNOPTICS. xlix deep philosophy as it is a doctrine of simple and biblical theology. If so, we shall not be astray in onr thoughts if we believe that the Living Spirit of Christianity was ' blowing ' 1860 years ago, along the plains and around the hUls of Galilee and Judaea. His influence, without stint, must undoubtedly have descended on the Christ (John iii. 34), and would be ' poured out ' plenarUy on His chosen representatives and commissioners. (Acts ii. 17, 18.) It actuated the apostles and evangelists, but always, let it be borne in mind, in perfect accordance with the divinely constituted laws that, in the sphere of free human agency, regulate idiosyncratic observation of phenomena, colligation of facts, collation of particulars, logical classification, rhetorical combination, and literary representation. (1 Cor. xiv. 32.) We return then to our inquiry. There must be 'a sufficient reason ' to account for the literary coincidences of the Gospels. Le Clerc threw out the conjecture that the three synoptic evan- gelists may have derived their materials in common from the same sources, the written Memoirs or Memorials of eye-and-ear-witnesses.^ Priestley reproduced the conjecture.^ Koppe too reproduced it in part, contending in the Dissertation to which we have already referred ^ that St. Mark, so far from being a mere abbreviator of St. Matthew, never saw St. Matthew's Gospel. The coincidences between the two are, he conjectures, to be accounted for on the principle that they both drew from the same fountains, whether oral or written. Michaelis came to be of the same opinion sub- stantially; only he gave emphasis to the conviction that it was ' written Reports ' (sohriftliche Nachrichten) of which the three evangelists made use. "None of the three evangelists," he says, " seems to have read the Gospels of the other two." * Semler, though like ' a rolling stone ' in his opinions, gave for a season more ' ". . . quidni enim credamus, tria hsec evangelia partim petita esse ex " similibus aut iiadem fontibus, hoc est, e commentariis eorum, qui varies " Christi sermones audiverant, aut actorum ejus testes fuerant, eaque, ne ob- " livioni traderentur, illioo scriptis mandarant." — Historia Ecclesiastiea (1716), p. 429. " He speaks of the Gospels as " originally written in detached parts. Some of "these," he adds, "might have been committed to -writing by the apostles " themselves, and some by their auditors, corrected by themselves."— Oftscrea- tions on the Harmony of the Gospels (1780), pp. 72, 73. * Page xl. * EinUitung, § 129, p. 929- I ISTKODUCTION. definite shape to the conjecture, by saying that it was probable that all the three synoptic evangelists used various original Aramaic documents.^ Lessing became more definite still, and conjectured that the basis of the three synoptic Gospels was the Aramaic Gospel spoken of by the fathers as the Gospel according to the Hebrews, or, what was identical as he contends, the Gospel of the twelve apostles.^ Niemeyer took up the conjecture and elabor- ated it, maintaining that the divergences of the existing Gospels are to be traced to different recensions of the primitive Aramaic Gospel.^ And then the hypothesis, thus amplified, got into the hands of Eichhorn, who, with a consummate genius in the direction of in- genuity, elaborated it to its culminating point, during the process of a long series of years. He was able, he conceived, to reproduce the original document, or Urevcmgelium, so far at least as its essen- tial contents are concerned. It consisted, he supposed, of the sum of those forty-four * sections of the history of our Lord, to which we have already made reference,^ and which, in their substance, are common to all the three synoptic Gospels. The additional sections of the history, which are found coincidently, not in all, but only in pairs of the Gospels, as (1) in St. Matthew and St. Mark, (2) in St. Mark and St. Luke, and (3) in St. Matthew and St. Luke, were documentary Additions or Supplements, incorporated in the par- ticular copies or recensions which had come into the hands of the respective pairs of evangelists. The sections again, which are peculiar to each of the evangelists, were apparently either peculiar- ities in his particular recension, or contributions from private sources of his own. Eichhorn is not quite positive about them.^ But he is quite positive about the actual existence of the Aramaic Urevan- ' See his notes to his Townson's Abhandlungen iiber die vier Evangelien, vol. i., pp. 146, 221, 290. 2 " Matthseus, Marcus, Lucas Bind nichts als verschiedene tmd nioht ver- " schiedene TJebersetzungen der sogenannten hebraisclien TJrkunde des Mat- "thseus, die jeder maohte so gut er konnte." — Neue Eypothese iiber dieEvangel- isten bios als mensehliche Geschichtschreiber betrachtet (1778), § 50. 3 Conjecture ad illustrandum plurimorum N. T. Scriptorum silentium de primordiis vitce Jesu Ghristi (1790), pp. 8-10. ■* Forty-two in his first draft. * Page xlviii. 5 As to Mark, he says : " Diese Stiicke verrathen vielmehr einen eigen gestimm- " ten Concipienten, von dem wir sonst weiter nichts besitzen. Ob nun dieser Con- " cipient Markus selb&t sey, oder eine von ihm verschiedene Person, muss man unent- "scMeden lassen."—Einleitung, § 89, vol. i., p. 390. INNER RELATION TO THE OTHER SYNOPTICS. li gelium, witli different sets of additions or interpolations in different copies : Bucli as Copy A, containing additions nltimately incorporated in St. Matthew ; Copy B, containing additions ultimately incorporated in St. Luke ; Gopy G, combining both A and B and translated by St. Mark ; Gopy D, which, when combined with B, formed the basis of St. Luke's Gospel, while as combined with A it formed the basis of the text of St. Matthew.^ He also became positive, in the iiltimate form of his theory, that, in addition to the Aramaic additions in the various codices referred to, there had got into circulation early Greek translations of Copies A and D. Hence, as he concludes, the coincidences on the one hand, and the variations on the other, of our canonical Gospels. All the coinci- dences are to be accounted for by the common possession of identical documents. The majority of the miost important variatiorts are to be attributed to the possession of one or more peculiar documents on the part of each particular evangelist. We have referred to the ultimate form of Eichhorn's hypothesis. Intermediate between that form and its origiaal draft. Dr. Marsh's Dissertation on the Origin and Composition of our Three First Canonical Gospels (1801) came in. Equal to Eichhorn in zeal, and possessed of an ingenuity which, . if not so inventive, was yet as keen in its edge and more critically consistent in its application, Dr. Marsh supplied several of the steps, by means of which Eichhorn at last mounted to the pinnacle and consummation of his theory. The phase of the theory, as it left the hands of Dr. Marsh, may be learned from his own deliberate deliverance : " St. Matthew, St. " Mark, and St. Luke, all three, used copies of the common Hebrew " document ' N,' the materials of which St. Matthew, who wrote in " Hebrew, retained in the language in which he found them, but St. "Mark and St. Luke translated them into Greek. They had no " knowledge of each other's Gospels ; but St. Mark and St. Luke, " besides their copies of the Hebrew document ' N,' used a Greek " translation of it, which had been made before any of the additions " ' a,' ' /3,' ' 7,' * A,' ' B,' ' r ' had been inserted. Lastly, as the " Gospels of St. Mark and St. Luke contain Greek translations of " Hebrew materials, which were incorporated into St. Matthew's " Hebrew Gospel, the person who translated St. Matthew's Hebrew " Gospel into Greek frequently derived assistance from the Gospel » Einleitung, § 84, pp. 372-375. lii INTEODTJCTION. " of St. Mark, where St. Mark had matter in common with St. " Matthew ; and in those places, but in those places only, where " St. Mark had no matter in common with St. Matthew, he had " frequently recourse to St. Luke's Gospel.",^ But the theory culminated, as we have iatimatea, in the hands of Eichhom. It thenceforward became arrested. Though somewhat simplified by Gratz,^ and defended, with reservations that turned longingly to the future for light, by Bertholdt,^ it ceased to undergo development. It ceased by and by to live ; and now, in Germany, it is nothing more than a memory. No wonder. For it is, as a developed hypothesis of the genetic relationship of the Gospels, very far indeed from being satisfactory, and especially in its most developed or culminated form. It is, in ihe first place, too artificial by far. In the second place, it is a mere pile of conjectures, with no unchallengeable basis in historic fact. The postulated documents are never referred to by ' the ancients.' No trace of their existence is found, except in the theory. In the third place, it is unnaturally complicated, bristling cumbrously with its tabulated codices. And then, in the fourth place, it is essentially only a transition theory, that was destined in its very nature to be left behind, ' high and dry,' in the rapid succession of hypotheses. It proceeds on the assumption that the synoptic evano-elists were dependent, for their materials, on written, docu- ments. And this assumption, by removing the canonical biographers of our Lord to a distance from the fountains of primary knowledge, leads, by a short route, to the surmise that the Gospels attributed to them were not their own compositions, but supposititious pro- ducts of a later age. This surmise has been actually evolved, and is at present quite a postulate with a certain circle of theorists. It is claimed by F. G. Baur, and the adherents of his school, as the legitimate finding of distinctively historical criticism. The claim, however, cannot be conceded. It is at variance with real history. It makes it impossible to find a sufficient reason, or an adequate cause, for the actual form which was assumed by post- apostolic Christian literature. That literature, amid many glaring excrescences and a strange combination of crudities and senilitics. ' Dissertation, chap, xv., p. 195. 8 Neuer Versueh die Entstehung der drey ersten Evangelien zu erkldren (1812), See in particular §§ 26, 27. » Einleitung, § 329, vol. iii,, pp. 1249, 1250. HWEE EELATION TO THE OTHER SYNOPTICS. liii together with, other imperfections, is pervaded by a spirit of rever- ence for our existing Gospels, and is frequently saturated with the expressed juices, not only of their general essence, but of their particular contents. It demands therefore, as the indispensable condition of its existence, the pre-existenoe of the Gospels as we have them. In another respect, too, is the theory on which we are remarking unhistorical and unphilosophical. It leaves unaccounted for the unanimity of the Christian churches of the second century in re- gard to the great outstanding Christological phenomena which con- stitute the essence of the Gospels. For, while there were manifold diversities of speculation in reference to the interpretation of these phenomena, there was remarkable unity, attested even by the vagaries of heretics and the objections of heathens, in reference to the actual occurrence of the works and words ascribed to our Lord. Indeed, the theory leaves unaccounted for the deeply imbedded unanimity in Christological essentials that underlies all the varied developments of Christian life. Christian speculation, and Christian organization, in all the succeeding centuries. The peculiarities of the present century demand, as part of their sufBcient reason, the antecedent peculiarities of the century that preceded. The peculiar- ities of that preceding century demand for their adequate cause the presence of the antecedent peculiarities of the century that went before. And so the regress continues, until we arrive at the peculiarities of the second century, which demand a sufficient reason for themselves in something that is comprehensive of the antecedent peculiarities of the first. But that sufficient reason can never be found, if the facts that are embodied in the existing Gospels be ignored. And when we get into the sphere of these facts, it would be utterly unaccountable if the Matthew of the first century, who had the full use of his own eyes and ears, and the Mark of that same century, who had the privilege of being associ- ated with probably all the apostles, and certainly with St. Peter, on terms of intimacy, were yet dependent for their narrations on some prior Gospel and connected Supplements, out of which they had painfully to weave the texture of their immortal compositions. The actual coincidences of the synoptics must be sought for in some other cause than in the common possession of an Aramaic Urevangelium, now lost. What then is tliis cause ? Many of late have looked, or are still liv [NTEODUCTION. looking for it, in Mark's own Gospel. They suppose that that Gospel has been, either in its present or in some prior form, the original, or archetype, out of which the Gospels of both Matthew and Luke were developed. This Mark-hypothesis was Storr's theory. He handled it reve- rently, but immaturely.i It slumbered in its immaturity for long after the decease of Storr. But in the year 1838 it woke up in full maturity, and, — strange to say, — in two independent forms. In that year Wilke published his Urevcmgelist,^ and maintained, in an elaborate induction of particulars, and by most vigorous if not rigorous processes of argumentation, that our canonical Mark was the original evangelist, from the fountain of whose narrative both St. Matthew and St. Luke drew almost all their waters. He held however that St. Luke was anterior to St. Matthew, so that St. Matthew had not only the fountain of St. Mark from which to draw, but also the intermediate cistern of Luke. Weisse again, in the same year, published his still more elaborate Oospel History, critically and philosophically handled,^ in which, with still more comprehensive sweep of minutely detailed criticism, he contended, as zealously as Wilke, for the priority of St. Mark's Gospel, as we have it, to both St. Matthew's and St. Luke's, main- taining at the same time, just as Wilke does, that the compilers of these latter Gospels drew from the storehouse of the former. But, in contrariety to the simpler theory of Wilke, he maintained that both St. Matthew and St. Luke availed themselves, in addition, of the Aramaic Oracles ascribed by Papias to Matthew, the Spruch- sammlung of which we have spoken in our notice of the hypothesis of Ewald. He contended, moreover, that St. Matthew and St. Luke wrote quite independently of one another, so that neither of the two made use of the other's cistern. In a subsequent publication, the author, influenced by the representations and reasonings of Ewald, so far modified his theory, retrogressively, as to hold that St. Mark's Gospel, as we now have it, is not so full or rich as it was at ' Ueber den Zweck der evangelischen Geschichte und der Briefe Johannis (1786), pp. 274 ff. See also his Prolusio de fonte cvangeliorwm Matthcei et Luces (1794) in Velthnsen, Kuinol, and Buperti's Commentt. Theoll., vol. iii.; likewise his Opuscula Academica, vol. iii., p. 66. 2 Der Urevangelist, oder exegetisch kritische Untersuchung iiber das Verwandt- schaftsverMltniss der drei ersten Evangelien. ^ Die evangelische Geschichte kritisch und philosophisch bearbeitet. (Zwei Bande.) INNER EELATION TO THE OTHER SYNOPTICS. Iv the time when St. Matthew and St. Lnie umtedly drew from' its wellspring.i Thiersch, ia the main, has followed in the wake of Wilke and Weisse, of Wilke in particular.^ So, in a sense, has Smith of Jordanhill ; hut independently, and by means of self originated research. He supposes, as we have already noted,^ that St. Mark's Gospel is merely St. Mark's trans- lation of St. Peter's original Aramaic Gospel. He holds that it was the Aramaic original, which both St. Matthew and St. Luke made use of ; St. Matthew first, and then St. Luke, who had in his hands not merely St. Peter's original document, but also our present canonical Oospel according to St. Matthew, or St. Matthew's Greek translation of his own prior Aramaic Gospel. Holtzmann* too supposes that all the three synoptics are com- positions at second hand. At the basis of them all is an original Mark, or TJrmarcus, of which however very special advantage was taken by the canonical Mark, and hence the transmission of the name ; while the canonical Matthew and Luke had the advan- tage of using another important evangelical document, a Greek version of the Oracles which, in its original Aramaic form, was ascribed by Papias to the apostle Matthew. This Collection of the Oracles of 'the Lord constituted, says Holtzmann, the original Matthew, or Urmatthdus, and was freely used by both the canonical Matthew and the canonical Luke, but to a greater extent by the latter than by the former.^ The canonical Mark had not, it seems, the advantage of being acquainted with the work, and hence that comparative paucity of the words of the Saviour which is charac- teristic of his Gospel. More recent investigators are still out at sea, and refuse to follow in the wake of either Wilke, Weisse, or Holtzmann. Klostermann,* for example, abjures the idea of an original Mark now lost. He believes that the canonical Mark is the Mark of ' Die Evangelienfrage in ihrem gegenwdrtigen Stadium (1856), pp. 156 ff. 2 Die Kirche im apostolischen Zeitalter und, die Entstehung der neutestament- lichen Schriften (1858), p. 102. ^ Pages xxvii., xxxi. ■* Die Synojatischen Evangelien, ihr Ursprung und gesehichtlicher Cltarakter (1863). " Die Synoptischen Evangelien, pp. 128, 162, etc. " Das Markusevangelium nach aeinem Quellenwerthe filr die evangelische Geschichte (1867). Ivi INTRODUCTION. Papias. But lie maintains its dependent or secondary relationship to St. Matthew. In this last partioiJar he treads in the footsteps of Augustine in ancient times, as also of Hilgenfeld in modern times, who, in a long series of consecntive treatises, maintains that St. Mark made use of St. Matthew, while he still more emphatically and per- sistently maintains, in opposition to Grieshach and F. C. Banr, that he did not make use of St. Luke. Volkmar too, like Klostermann, though helonging to a totally different school, abandons the idea of an original or chrysalis Ma/rh ; though he holds that it is not unlikely that the canonical Mark made use of the canonical Luke, while it is certain, he sup- poses, that he made use of four of Paul's epistles, as also of ' the bitterly anti-Pauline Apocalypse.' ^ Michelsen of Holland, on the other hand, contends confidently for a succession of Marks. He is certain indeed that both St. Matthew and St. Luke had before them the two editions. St. Matthew however, as he conceives, more frequently followed Mark the First, while St. Luke in general gave the preference to Mark the Second.' Scholten followed Michelsen, and is equally positive that there was an original Mark, the precursor of the canonical. Indeed it must have been, as he represents it, of a very humble chrysalis character. It was, however, one of the chief sources of Matthew. But then, be it remembered, there were three successive Matthews : Matthew the First (i.e. the Oracles) ; Matthew the Second (drawn from Mark the First, and the Oracles, and another original Gospel now lost) ; and Matthew the Third, or our canonical Gospel according to Mattheiv (containing, in addition to the three constituent elements specified, some pieces or patches of anecdote unknown to Luke).^ A far more reverent spirit is that of Dr. Bernhard "Weiss, who has devoted himself to the study of this question for a long series of years, and published in 1872 an elaborate work on Mark.^ ' Die Evangelien, Oder Marcus und die Synopsis der kajionischen und ausser-^ kanonischen Evangelien, nach dem Sltesten Text, mit historisch-exegetischen Com- mentar (1870), p. 646. 2 Het Evangelie van Markus. (1867.) ^ Het Oudste Evangelie, critisch onderzoek naar de samenstelling, de onderlinge verhouding, de historische waarde en den oorsprong der evangelien naar Mattheus en Marcus (1868), pp. 70-72, etc. * Das Marcusevangelium und seine synoptischen Parallelen. (1872.) mSEVL EELATION TO THE OTHER SYNOPTICS. Ivii He has, however, a complicated theory of his own. He turns back to the testimony of ' the fathers,' and believes, in accordance with the general tradition, that St. Mark's Gospel was inspired by the direct teaching of the apostle Peter. So far good. But running, too artificially as we conceive, in the groove of the Mark-hypothesis, he also beUeves that the Gospel, as thus inspired by the chief of the original apostles, ' lies at the basis ' of the other two synoptic Gospels, and gave rise to 'their entire inner economy.' But he believes, still further, that the probleni of the inter-relationship of the three Gospels can never be solved, unless we postulate, with Holtzmann, that there was a still earlier apostolic document, which was made use of by all the three evangelists, viz. a Greek transla- tion of that original Aramaic writing of Matthew which is spoken of by Papias, the Oracles of the Lord. It was because this was largely absorbed in the first canonical Gospel, that occasion was given to the name, the Oospel according to ' St. Matthew.' This earliest of all the evangelical documents is, as Weiss holds, 'the missing link,' after which the hands of Lessing, Eichhorn, Marsh, and their followers, were anxiously groping, but which, unhappily for the success of their critical researches, eluded their grasp. We cannot say that we are satisfied with the ' Mark-hypothesis ' in any of its forms, or with any of the other hypotheses which we have passed under review. They are all too artificial, and most of them too subtle. The problem is in some respects insoluble. A witness in, a court of law, if he has a long story to tell twice, will produce a minglement of coincidences and variations, which postulate, as their factors, conditions which it might baffle the most judicial and judicious to unravel and enumerate. Even the same author, if not trusting to a stereotypical memory, will be, perhaps unconsciously, the subject of different factors of representation, when, at different times and in different circum stances, he presents the story of his experience or information. Witness, for example^ the apostle Paul's accounts of his ' apprehen- sion ' by the Saviour on the road to Damascus, as given, the one to the people of Jerusalem while he stood on the stair of the castle Antonia (recorded in Acts xxii.), and the other in the presence of King Agrippa at Caesarea (recorded in Acts xxvi.). Compare, more- over, both of these accounts with that of Luke in the ninth chapter of the Acts, an account no doubt furnished to the faithful historian Lviii INTRODUCTION. from the mouth of the apostle himself. The factors that influenced rhetorical or literary representation were, of necessity, pecnliar in each case, and- produced the noteworthy variations which occur in each of the accounts. But certain of the factors were uniform throughout, and hence are to be accounted for not only the essential harmony of the accounts, hut also the coincidences in particular items of the phraseology. Yet who could now reproduce the sum total of the factors ? And how exceedingly cumbrous, artificial, absurd, and comical, it would be to proceed on the assumption that, to explain the coincidences and variations, a complex series of prior documents or Urdocumente must be postulated, out of one or more of which something must have been derived to all the representa- tions, while the variations are to be accounted for on the assump- tion that document A was not followed in the one case, while document B was substituted in its place, and document C was over- laid while document B was being used. The factors of rhetorical or- literary representation, that produce coincidences and sometimes even lengthened harmonies or identities, are not always or necessarily documentary. Especially was this the case in an age when the facilities for actual penmanship were comparatively few and rare, and among a people who did not enjoy the advantage of being trained to the use of 'letters.' Take the old English and Scottish ballads for example. It was long ere some of them, at least, were committed to writing. Bard handed them down to bard ; and when the bards died out, amateurs of less practised memories kept hold of them, often with remarkable tenacity as regards essence and substance, though not with uniform identity as regards every word, line, rhyme, or verse. It is suggestive to take note, moreover, of the peculiarities or idiosyncrasies of story tellers. Some cannot repeat the same story twice in identical terms. Others cannot repeat the same story at all except in identical terms; even when- it is given by them at second hand, the identical terms of the first narrator are, in the salient points at least, faithfully reproduced. A third class of story tellers swing alternately toward either pole of peculiarity. It is the same with preachers of the gospel. While some seldom, if ever, repeat themselves in phraseology, others, except when in special circumstances, slide insensibly, and as it were iaevitably, into repetition. In ' free ' or ' extemporary ' prayer too there is, with some, a continual up-welling of origiaality, while with others there is but INNER RELATION TO THE OTHER SYNOPTICS. lix little that is really ' extemporary ' and ' free,' beyond, a certain limited latitude in adjustment. There are in their memory actual forms or formularies of adoration and petitions, which are repeated and re-repeated with precision. These phenomena of retentiveness or adhesiveness of memory are quite common, and would be far more so, when writing was cumbrous on the one hand and a rare accomplishment on the other : and when, besides, there was but a slender apprehension and appreciation of the charm of phraseological variety. The phraseological coincidences therefore of the synoptic evan- gelists do not demand, for their explication, the hypothesis of some original document or documents possessed in common by them all. It is admitted, indeed, on all hands that, at a very early period, there were other documents in existence besides our extant Gospels. St. Luke, in his Introduction, makes express mention of them. "Many," says he, "have taken in hand to set. forth in order an " account of those things that have been accomplished among us " (i. 1). It is m.ost reasonable to suppose that there might have been, and indeed must have been, soon after the Saviour's decease, if not in some instances even before it, various epistolary or anecdotical and semi-biographical accounts of His marvellous career, circulating in those spheres of society which had felt the thrill of His words and works. But we have no reason to suppose that St. Matthew, for instance, would be much dependent on such writings for the materials of his Gospel. He had been, himself, an eye-and-ear- witness of the works and words. . And he was living in the closest intimacy with those who could assist his memory, or furnish him with informiation on facts beyond the sphere of his personal cognisance. St. Mark too, we have found reason to believe,^ could not be, to a very large degree, dependent on such partial and casual . memoirs, records, or reports. He drew fresh from the fountain of one who had enjoyed peculiarly favourable opportunities of acting as a privileged eye-and-ear-witness. We may presume therefore that both St. Matthew and St. Mark trusted much to memory, the one to his own, the other to the memory of the apostle Peter. But still we need not imagine that St. Matthew trusted ex- clusively to his own recollections, as distinguished from the re- collections of his brethren in the apostleship ; or that St. Mark ' See pages xix. — xxxvii. Ix INTEODUCTION. trusted wholly to the memory of St. Peter. Such an idea of the state of the case -would he an unnatural narrowing and limiting of the factors of literary reproduction and representation. Douhtless, the first apostolic narrations of the gospel would he oral. Herder was right in giving emphasis to this idea.^ The apostles and their helpers went about preaching the gospel hy word of mouth. They proclaimed it as 'from the house-tops.' And when they passed heyond the little circles of those who had known hy personal observation, or popular hearsay, the particulars of the Saviour's extraordinary career, they would be called upon, by such as became disciples or catechumens, to tell in detail the story of the unique and marvellous Life. As happens however in all such cases, those who, like Peter, could report their observations and express their conceptions with facility and force, would give literary shape to the story. The others, who had in their nature more of the faculty of reproduc- tion or representation, and less of the power of primary or original presentation, would follow in the footsteps of their leaders. Not slavishly however, we may suppose. All the eye-and-ear-witnesses would, we may presume, contribute somewhat to the grand result. But as apostle listened to apostle, narrating to the assembled dis- ciples what their Lord had done and said and suffered, the specific forms of ' setting ' the scenes, and even in many cases of ' putting ' the minute details of the scenes, would, when vivid or striking, be appreciated, remembered, by and by reproduced, and at length re- gularly, and with only partial and occasional variations, repeated. The narratives would gradually run into moulds which would, in course of time, become stereotypical. This is, in substance, Gieseler's hypothesis, to account at once for the coincidences and for the variations of the synoptic Gospels.^ It no doubt contains in itself a large proportion of the realities of the case. But we see no good reason for isolating the indubitable factors it embraces froni other possibilities and probabilities. Some of the ' numerous ' memoirs, narratives, or reports, which were lying before St. Luke (i. 1), or which were circulating in other circles, may have been known to St. Matthew and St. Mark, and may have had an influence on their minds and pens. These very ' See especially his Eegel der Zusammenstimmung unsrer Evangelien, aus ihrer EnUteiiung und Ordnung (1797), at the beginning. ' Hiswrisch-kritischer Versuch iiber die Entstehung und die j'ruhesten Schicksale der sehriftlichen Evangelien (1818). DATE OF THE GOSPEL. Ixi docTunents may indeed have been second-hand reflections, and thus more or less correctly taken literary photographs of the very re- hearsals which the apostles, iaelnsive of St. Matthew himself and of St. Peter in particular, had heen accustomed to make in the meetings of the catechumens. Most probably all of therm would be of this description. And if so, it is no violent stretch of imagination to suppose that they might, in their distinctive individualities, have contributed their appreciable, though now iudetermiaable, quota of influence in giving shape and fixity to certain moulds of presenta- tion and certain methods of arrangement. A Higher Hand than that of man is always operative in human history, though it does not do everything, or supersede the unfet- tered activity of human hands, and heads, and hearts. Indeed, if there was a special Divine manifestation in Him who was Himself the Idving Word, it is reasonable to suppose that there would be a correlative Divine manifestation in the written word. To fulfil the ends contemplated in the appearance of the Impersonated Word, the mirror of the impersonal word was required, in which, not His flitting shadow alone, but the fixed photograph of His glory, might from age to age be contemplated; We have the mirror. "We have the fixed photograph. Indeed we have synoptic photographs ; and others besides. Their variety is beautiful. Their unembarrassed harmony is perfect. The hands of the human artists had not a little to do in the matter of arrangement and adjustment. But for the ' speaking likenesses ' or ' express images,' which come out in their pages, we are indebted to the irradiation of that very Light from heaven which- is ' the true Light that lighted ' the evan- gelists, and that still, though in a secondary way, ' lighteth every man that cometh into the world.' § 9. Date op the Gospel. It is not possible, at present, to determine the particular year of the publication of the Gospel before us. Not even is it possible to deter- mine the decade of years, within which the publication must have taken place. All is mere conjecture regarding years and decades. Of conjecture, however, there has been no lack. The majority of conjecturists have taken their cue from the state- ment of Irenffius, which has been already, iu a former section of this Introduction,^ passed under review. This early father says, xxiv. — xx\i. Ixii INTEODUCTION. according to the currently received text of Ms Worh against Heresies, that " after the departure of Peter and Paul, Mark, the dis- " ciple and interpreter of Peter, even he, delivered to us in writing " the things which were preached by Peter." On the assumption that the word ' departure ' refers to the decease of the apostles named, the publication of the Gospel has been connected with the date of Peter's martyrdom. The tragical event, (with which the martyrdom of Paul is, according to the current ecclesiastical tradi- tion, supposed to have been either precisely^ or very nearly coincident,) is generally or rather indeed unanimously assigned to the seventh decade of the first Christian century. The narrative concerning Paul in the Acts of the Apostles brings down the progress of events to the two years during which he dwelt, as a prisoner at large, ' in his own hired house ' in Rome. These two years are supposed by Spanheim, Pearson, Tillemont, Bertholdt, Kohler, Feilmoser, Anger, Conybeare and Howson, to extend from a.d. 61 to A.D. 63. According to Hug, Schmidt, de Wette, Schrader, Schott, Bwald, Meyer, they extend from 62 to 64. According to TJssher, Michaelis, Heinrichs, Eichhorn, Olshausen, Sanclemente, Ideler, they extend from 63 to 65. Paul was martyred, according to Schrader, in the year 64 ; ^ according to Lardner, either in 64 or 65;^ according to Hemsen, either toward the close of 65 or toward the beginning of 66 ; * according to Patrizi, in the summer of 67 ; ^ according to Conybeare and Howson, in the summer of 68.^ Soon thereafter, and no doubt within the seventh decade of the century, if the chronology of Irenseus were correct, must the Gospel ac- cording to Marie have been published. Hug, in the earlier editions of his Introduction, fixed on the year 69. " The publication," he said, " took place in the sixty-ninth year after the birth, and in the "thirty-seventh year after the death of Jesus."''' But he ultimately saw reason to conclude that there is no real historic ground on which to determine the precise year.* ' ilMapripriaav Kori, rbv airiv ktupbv, says Dionysius, bishop of Corinth in tlie second century. See Busebius's Hist. Eccles., ii. 25. " Der Apostel Faulus, vol. i., p. 264. 8 History of the Apostles and Evangelists, chap, xi. Works, vol. vi., pp. 300, 301, ed. 1788. ■• Der Apostel Pauhis, p. 742. * De Evangeliis, vol. i., p. 42. » Life and Epistles of St. Paul, vol. ii., pp. 502, 560, ed. 1855, ' Einleitung, vol. ii., § 31. ' Einleitung, 4th ed., vol. ii., § 32. DATE OF THE GOSPEL. Ixiii He was right. The coincidence of the martyrdoms of Panl and Peter in Eome is by no means a settled historical fact. And though it -were, the chronological connection with it of the publication of Mark's Gospel rests only on the statement of Irenssus. And, in this statement, he is contradicted by counter statements on the part of Clemens Alexandrinns, Origen, Epiphanins, and Jerome, which have apparently as much title, as the asseveration to which they are opposed, to be regarded as authoritative and correct. IrenaBus's asseveration then must, in the present state of patristic criticism, be held in abeyance. Patrizi contends strenuously, that it must be set aside ; and reasoning on Christophorson's reading of the text, he fixes on the latter half of the year a.d. 42, or the former half of the year 43, as the date of the publication of Mark's Gospel.^ This is, however, a mere conjecture of the distinguished B/oman chronologist, a conjecture toppling on the point of a critical needle. The conjecture, however, did not originate with Patrizi. The same date is found in the colophon of several respectable manu- scripts of the Gospel, including the uncials G K S. In these manu- scripts there is an express statement to the effect that the Gospel was published ten years after the ascension of Christ, that is, in the year 43. Storr,^ long ago, so far agreed with Patrizi and these manuscripts as to contend for a very early date. He supposed that the work was published in Antioch, soon after "the men of Cyprus and " Cyrene," who were scattered abroad upon the persecution that arose about Stephen, "came to Antioch and spake unto the Grecians, "preaching the Lord Jesus." (Acts xi. 19, 20.) He connected this occurrence regarding some men of Cyrene with the statement in Mark XV. 21, " And they impress one Simon a Cyrenian, who was passing " by, coming out of the country, the father of Alexander and Bufus, to " bear His cross." Storr thinks it probable that Alexander and Ruf us were among the men of Cyrene who went to Antioch ; and hence, as he supposes, — ^Mark's mention of them in connection with their father. This is, however, just another needle point of conjec- tural criticism. T. R. Birks, also, pleads for an early date of publication. He 1 See his Dissertation Quando scripserit Marcus, pp. 36-51 of the 1st volume of his De Evangeliis. * Ueber den Zweck der evangelischen GescMchte u. Briefe Johannis, pp. 278 ff. Ixiv INTRODUCTION. thinks that " the second Gospel was -written by John M&rk, about " the year a.b. 48, and probably at Csesarea, with a reference, not " only to Jewish believers, but to Gentile Roman converts, who •' would have multiplied there in seven or eight years from the con- " version of Cornelius." ^ It is an ingenious conjecture, reverently wrought out, but resting, like Storr's, on not much broader evidence than can rest on the point of another needle. Volkmar, fixing on a later date, is far more definite and positive on the ' point.' " The time of publication," he says, " is easily and "indubitably determined."!^ Easily! Indubitably! How? For the strangest of reasons, reader. Only turn to Mark i. 13, and you have it, half hidden in a mystery, but self revealing to the initiated. Do we not read there that Jesus was " in the wilderness, forty days, " tempted of Satan ? " What of that ? Why, it is obvious, contends Volkmar, that there must be a deep significance in that particular number of days. Moses too was forty days in the wilderness (Exod. xxxiv. 28). Elijah also was forty days in the wUderness (1 Kings xix. 8). And the people of Israel were forty years in the wilder- ness (Num. xiv. 33). What could be clearer and more indubitable to the initiated ? The days of the Saviour's trial were forty, in order to cast shadows both behind and before. And they obviously therefore foreshadow forty years of trial to His people after His decease on the cross in the year 33, forty years to be succeeded by that glorious coming which was to take place before all the personal disciples of the Lord 'tasted of death' (Mark ix. 1). Add then 40 to 33, and ' the birth- year of the book ' ^ is at once determined — 73 I This needle has a very sharp point indeed. The critics of the Tubingen school project the date of composition and publication far beyond a.d. 73. They admit that the original Mark of Papias must have belonged to the first century ; but they contend that the canonical Gospel, which superseded the original, cannot have been earUer than the second. Kostlin comes to the conclusion that it emerged in the first decade of the second cen- tury.* Dr. Davidson would date it ' about a.d. 120.' ^ Others of the school would carry the date still farther forward, say to some point or other between a.d. 130 and A.D. 150. ' Horce Mvangelicte, p. 238. 2 Marcus und die Synopsis, p. 646. ' " Geburtsjahr des Buohes." — Marcus, etc., pp. 49, 50. * Der Vrsprung und die Komposition der Syn. Evv., pp. 384, 385. • Introduction, vol. ii., p. 111. DATE OV THE GOSPEL. IxV But this entire theory of the supersession, and absorption of the original Gospel of Mark by a fictitious Gospel of the second cen- tury rests on another needle point. It rests on the assumption of the soundness of Strauss's theory. It assumes that the mythical interpretation of the Gospel history is substantially correct, though incomplete as originally propounded by its author, and needing for its complement the establishment of the inauthenticity of the four canonical Gospels. Hence the literary task assigned to itself by the school : Let the inauthenticity of the Gospels he made out ! There cannot have been miracles. Paulus's method of reducing the supernatural to the natural is absurd and grotesque. Therefore the Gospels we possess cannot be of apostolic origin or authority. They must have originated in a time far removed from the days of the apostles ! But the assumption of a fictitious Gospel according to Mark, composed by a well-meaning impostor of the second century, though essential, (along with corresponding assumptions in reference to Matthew, Luke, and John,) to the validity of Strauss's theory, is itself, so far as the scientific determination of the date of our canonical Gospel is concerned, nothing better than a mere unhis- torical assumption. It is in fact a critical m.yth. As unlikely too as it is unhistorical. For where can be found even so much as a needle point's breadth of probability that a Gospel, originated in the apostolic circle, and bearing what was equivalent to the im- primatur of the chief of the original apostles, could, in the course of the second century, be not only unceremoniously, but also unanimously, laid aside, to make room for an upstart composition, written by nobody knows who, but filchingly bearing the honoured name of the genuine original document ? How could it happen that all the copies of the original Gospel should have been not only superseded and shelved, but annihilated, so that, at the present day, not a single transcript, or fragment of one, can be found ? How could it come to pass that, in the midst of the keen conflicts and mutual jealousies that abounded toward the conclusion of the second century, there should be a perfectly unanimous consent that never should one word be written about the substitution of the false for the true Gospel, so that all the records that would likely go down to posterity should be entirely destitute of any note or hint on the subject ? How could all these improbabilities become actualities ? But are there then no data at all on which an approximate date / Ixvi INTRODDCTTON. may be assigned to tlie composition and publication of St. Mark's Gospel ? There are. There is nothing indeed, as we have already intimated, that will ajBEord a warrant to fix on any given year or decade of years. But the succession of patristic testimonies back to Papias, as exhibited in the sixth section of this Introduelion, makes it certain that the Gospel was in existence, and well known, during the first century of the Christian era. Since, moreover, it is all but certain that the John Mark of the Acts of the Apostles was the writer of the Gospel, and since it is prob- able that he was quite ' a young man ' at the time of the crucifixion, and consequently still young when he was assumed by Paul and Barnabas as their ministerial attendant, we may reasonably suppose that he would not defer the composition of his Gospel till he was overtaken by extreme old age. If he did not, then we have some- thing like a foothold on which to reach some data for an approxi- mate date. It is not likely, at all events, that the composition of the Gospel would be deferred to a period later than the year 70, the date of the overthrow of Jerusalem. Indeed it is most unlikely that it would be deferred till that period. If St. Mark was about twenty years of age at the time of the crucifixion, he would be nearly sixty about the year 70. Besides, there seems to be, in the peculiar inter-stratification of the contents of the 13th chapter of the Gospel, (the prophetical chapter,) taken in conjunction with the statement in chap. ix. 1, ' Verilij I say unto you, that there he some that stand here, who shall not taste of death till they have seen the Jcingdoni of God come with power,' evidence on which we may, with probability, support the conclusion that Mark, at the time he composed his Gospel, connected in his mind, as a matter of ' private interpretation ' and expectation, the glorious personal appearing of our Lord with the anticipated destruction of Jerusalem. The precise ' times and seasons ' were not distinctly and minutely unrolled to the eyes of evangelists and apostles. The prophetical perspective did not show the length of the intervals that intervened along the path of the future ; and the inspired writers were consequently left, like the prophets of old, to ' search what and what manner of times ' were referred to. This being the case, there is, in the inter-stratification referred to, evidence that increases the probability that the Gospel must have been written before the year 70. PLACE OF PUBLICATION. Ixvii There is anotlier incidental item of evidence that leans and leads toward the same conclusion. It is found in the verse "which oc- casioned Storr's theory, viz. chap. xv. 21, " and they impress one " Simon a Cyrenian, who was passing by, coming out of the country, '" the father of Alexander and Bufus, to hear His cross." Why should the evangelist particularize the fact that Simon of Gyrene was the father of Alexander and Rufus ? Obviously, as Grotius remarks, because Alexander and B/ufus were living at the time when the Gospel was published. Simon himself seems to have been deceased. Bi« identity is rememhered hy means of his surviving .sons. He would probably be in middle life, or beyond it, when he undertook his journey to the city of his fathers to celebrate the passover. But it was ' the beginning of days ' to him ; and not to liimself only, it would appear, but to all his household. His sons became men of mark in the Christian circle. It would however be quite improbable and unnatural to go forward to a period near the close of the century, for the time of their prominence. A period before the destruction of Jerusalem is far more likely to have been the season when they were conspicuous. At all events, we could not, with the least shadow of probability, pass the terminating decades of the first century, and go over into the second. The Tiibingen .date must of necessity be abandoned. § 10. The Place of the Gospel's Publication, and the Language in which it was oeiginally written. As to the place where the Gospel of St. Mark was originally cir- culated, nothing can be positively determined. We have seen, incidentally,' that Storr conjectured it to be Antioch, and that Birks conjectured it to be Gsesarea. The ancients in general assumed it to be Rome. Chrysostom, however, in the introduction to his Somiletical Exposition of Matthew, mentions another tradition, which £eems, nevertheless, never to have obtained extensive currency : — " Mark is said (Xeyerai) to have composed his Gospel in Egypt at " the solicitation of the disciples there." Modern critics in general acquiesce in the common opinion of the ancients. Some of them sup- pose that we have in the considerable list of Latinisms that is found in the Gospel,^ internal evidence ia favour of the tradition. ' Pages Ixiii., Ixiv. 2 Such as KcvTvplom (centurio), iea-riis {scxtarius), aireKovMrup (speculator), rb luaubv Troitiv (satisfacere). Ixviii INTEODUCTIOJI. Not miicli weight should be attached to the occurrence of the Latinisms, for they are found also in St. Matthew and St. Luke. There was naturally a considerable sifting in of Latin words and phrases over the whole extent of the Roman empire. They abound, as Volkmar remarks,^ in the Talmud ; and yet no one would con- clude, from that fact, that it was written in Rome. Another plea has been put in for Rome. St. Paul, in his Epistle to the Romans, chap. xvi. 13, says, ' Salute Eufus, chosen in the Lord, and his mother and mine.' This Rufus was evidently a some- what conspicubus disciple, dwelling or sojourning in Rome. And it is quite natural to suppose that he may have been the brother of Alexander, and the son of Simon. If so, he would be well known in the Christian circles in Rome ; and hence it might be natural for St. Mark, if writing there, to particularise his brother and him. But on the other hand it is reasonable to suppose that the Cyrenian family would be marked and well known over the whole extent of the Christian brotherhood, if, as is probable, the entire household traced their conversion to the father's intimate conjunction with the Saviour, when impressed to bear the cross. (See Gommentarij on chap. xv. 21.) In the colophons of several of the cursive manuscripts it is said that the Gospel was written at Rome. In some it is said that it was- written in Latin {p(aiJ,ai(Tn) at Rome. The colophon of the Syriao Peshito version runs, correspondingly, thus : " Here ends the Holy " Gospel, the Announcement of Mark, which he spoke and "preached at Rome in the Roman language." In the Philo- xenian version the postscript is to the same efEect, only briefer : " Here ends the Holy Gospel of Mark, which he spoke in the- "Roman language in Rome." These colophons, however, are of no authority. They merely mirror the opinion which was prevalent around the transcriber of the volume, or which was entertained by himself. Yet Cardinal Baronius, assuming that the Gospel was published at Rome, and thinking it natural that a writing, which was intended for the use of the Romans, should be in their own language, stren- uously contended, in his Ecclesiastical Annals,^ that the colophons to which we have referred represent the true state of the case.^ The- ' Marcus und die Synopsis, p. 646. 2 An. 45, n. 37 ff. ' " His igitur prope necessariis rationibus non solum sviademur, sed obstrioti> PLAN, AIM, AND STYLE OF THE GOSPEL. Ixix idea was welcome to him. as a controvertist, ia the interest of the Vulgate version of the New Testament, as against the Greek original. It got connected too with a report that the Latin auto- graph of the evangelist was actually preserved in the library of St. Mark in Venice. This report however was a fabrication ' for the nonce.' And the whole of the ingenious reasoning of the cardinal dissolves, when it is remembered (1) that St. Paul's Epistle to the Bomans is in Greek ; (2) that the Jews everywhere, and con- sequently the Jewish Christians, were more familiar with Greek than with Latin ; and (3) that St. Mark's Gospel, though doubt- less intended for diffusion among the Gentiles, would be, in the first instance, handed over to the Christian Jews, and those Greek- speaking Gentiles who were associated with them in ecclesiastical communion.. Father Simon did himself credit, as a critic, when he boldly assailed the cardinal's conceit, as utterly irreconcilable at once with the unanimous conviction of the fathers, and with the literary principles on which the apostles and their coadjutors con- ducted their New Testament enterprise. It is needless to make specific reference to the crowd of critical ' repetents,' who, for a series of years, echoed the cardin^/I's conceit. Neither is it needful to discuss a corresponding conceit of Wahl's, that the Gospel was originally composed in Coptic, and then trans- lated into Greek.^ It is true, however, that the patriarch of the Coptic church regards himself as the true successor of St. Mark, and sitting in his cathedra. § 11. The Plan, Aim, and Style of the Gospel. The ' Gospel according to St. Mark ' does not claim to be a Scientific History. It does not aim at tracing the processes of social evolution around the Saviour of mankind, or at manipulating the fully linked concatenation of causes and effects, which permeated the specific moral condition of the Jews eighteen hundred and fifty years ao:o. To view the Gospel under this aspect, or to demand from it the conditions of such a species of literary composition, would be doing it very great injustice. It would, among other " ferine devinoimur atijue plane cogimur affirmare, Evangelium Marci ab eo " Latine potius quam Graeoe esse conscriptum."— n. 41. ' WaWs Magazin fur alte, besonders biblisclie und orientalische Literatur, 3te Leiferung, pp. 8 ff. Ixx INTEODUCTION. fatal consequences, be exciting illegitimate expectations, which would necessarily issue in illegitimate disappointment. Neither is the Gospel a little Compilation of Gliristlan Annals, something like the embryo, or first instalment, of the Ecclesiastical Annals of Cardinal Baronius. It would be doing it, as we have- already remarked,^ a veiy great injustice to exact of it, or to ex- pect from it, the strict chronological sequences of Annals. There is, to be sure, a certain obvious outline of genuine chronology forming the substantial framework of the narrative. That was indispensable. It was inevitable. Our Lord's public career, like every other career, lay along a given chronological path. It had a beginning, middle, and ending. It was a growth. But the in- terest and value that attach to it did not depend on any of the minute items of chronology. And thus there is no attempt, on the part of the evangelist, to work these items into a scientifically jointed adjustm.ent. His Gospel is not even an elaborated or scientifically constructed Biography. It is, of course, biographical. But there is no evidence of an intention to furnish ' a full and particular account ' of the career and character of our Lord. There is no attempted analysis of the elements of His idiosyncrasy. It is entirely wilful on the part of any critic or reader to assume that St. Mark, or any other of the evangelists, should have -given us such an analysis, and thence to conclude that it is an imperfection that he does not attempt it. It is wilful likewise to assume that he recorded all the incidents, discourses, and sayings of which he had reliable information. It is wilful to assume that the diversities in the respective Gospels are to be accounted for on the principle that the respective evangelists emptied out as it were, and exhausted, their respective measures of personal knowledge or secondary information. (Comp. John xxi. 25.) To follow out any of these lines of assumption leads far astray from the all-important practical standpoints of observation, which should be occupied by readers in general and by critics in particular. The evangelist's literary task, though in one respect almost the sublimest imaginable, was, in another, nearly the simplest conceiv- able. It was to give, for practical and spiritual purposes, free and easy Memoirs, or Memorabilia, or Memorials of our Lord. His Gospel, in truth, is a Gospel, just because it is the gospel,. not history proper, or annah proper, or a regular and exhaustive ' Pages xxxiii., xxxiv. PLAN, AIM, AND STYLE OF THE GOSPEL. Ixxi hiograpliy. Dr. Bernhard Weiss lays down, as a principle, that ' the last motive of the evangelist's writing was not biographical but didactic. '1 It is emphatically true. The evangelist meant his narrative to be a simple hiograpMcal representation of the gospel. It is, that is to say, and was meant to be, a simple mirroring or photo- graphing of Him who is, in His own living personality, the sum, substance, and subject of the gospel. The mirroring or photo- graphing is partial indeed. That was inevitable. But it is real. And it is sufficient : for the grand Object mirrored was and is, in all the phases of His peculiar character and career, the Living Gospel. He is, as it were, the Gospel alive. In His life, with all its effluents of work and word, and all its influents of opposition and suifering, the gospel lives, and moves, and has its being. It must be so.- His life incarnated His love. And His love was really that Divine, world-infolding love, which, when manifested, and as mani- fested, is the very essence of gospel to the erring children of men ( John iii. 16). This essence of gospel is the 'open secret' of all the Gospels. And just as the individuals, whether professional or lay, who in these modern times appreciate and pi'omulgate the gospel, often vary from one another in their presentations, and fre- quently indeed from themselves when they have occasion to write more treatises than one or to deliver more addresses than one, (now omitting what they formerly admitted, and now admitting what they formerly omitted ; now employing one ' form of sound words,' and now making use of another,) so the original evangelists differed from one another, more or less, in their respective presentations. And if each had written a second time, we need not doubt that he would have introduced still farther variations. It is not in the least unnatural therefore that St. Mark, when in- tending to give a biographical presentation of the gospel, freely ran off its precious ore, so far as form was concerned, into his own peculiar cast of some of the moulds that were in common use among the apostles and their coadjutors. He might, no doubt, have used other casts, slightly different in details. But as there was a necessity for individualising, he made his selection, so far as the factor of his own agency was concerned, freely, easily, perhaps in- stinctively, and certainly without taking into account the elements which would have been of moment if there had been any definite ' Das Marcusevangelium und seine Synoptisclien Parallelen, Einleitung, § 5, p. 23. Ixxii INTRODTJCriON. aim in the direction of scientific adjustment, minute chronological sequence, or literary purity and elegance. This brings us to the style of the evangelist. It is unclassical, provincial, and destitute of every species of ' the wisdom of words.' It is homely, humble, unadorned, and devoid of literary artifice or art. This artlessness is partly a charm, and partly a source of hermeneutical difficulty. See, as outstanding specimens of it, chaps, i. 2, 4, 9, 39 ; ii. 1, 15, 18, 21, 23 ; iii. 8, 16 ; iv. 25, 27, 31 ; v. 14, 19, 30, 35 ; vi. 8, 9, 11, 14, 16, 17, 43, 56; vii. 1, 2, 3; viii. 16, 19, 24 ; ix. 13 ; x. 10 ; xi. 1 ; xii. 11, 23, 34 ; xiii. 34, 35 ; xiv. 9, 49, 50 ; XV. 24 ; xvi. 4, etc. See moreover the ' vexed expressions ' in chaps, vii. 3 ; viii. 26 ; ix. 13, 23 ; xiv. 41, 72 ; xvi. 13. Like m.ost other writers, whether inartificial or cultured, Mark has his favourite phrases, or mannerisms of expression. He deals very largely indeed, after the fashion of the true Hebrew, with the conjunction and, but is sparing in the use of for. (See Tischendorf on chap. xiii. 6.) When introducing a new topic of discourse, or something that was said furthermore, he frequently uses the expres- sion and He said to them. (See chaps, iv. 9, 13, 24, 26, 30, 40 ; vi. 10 ; vii. 9, etc.) He has too a partiaility for fixing attention on he- ginnings, employing, in a manneristic way, the phrase began. (See chaps, i. 45; iv. 1 ; v. 17, 20 ; vi. 2, 7, 34, 55 ; viii. 31, 32 ; x. 28, 32, 41, 47 ; xi. 15 ; xii. 1 ; xiii. 5 ; xiv. 19, 33, 65, 69, 71 ; xv. 8, 18.) But the most remarkable of all his favourite expressions is the word immediately, which however, as employed by him, means in general nothing more than without loss of time. It occurs with extreme frequency, nearly as often as in all the other writings of the New Testament put together. § 12. Integrity oe St. Mark's Gospel. It is, as we have elsewhere remarked,^ one of Ewald's opinions that the canonical Gospel according to St. Mark has, relatively to his original Gospel, been impoverished by omissions, as well as enriched by interpolations. It has both lost and gained. Such an opinion however is a mere conjecture, unnecessary, arbi- trary, and improbable. It would be superfluous to enter into a detailed criticism of it, after the full discussions in § 8. Along with many other critics, and notably with Eusebius in ' See pages xlvii., xlviii. TOPICAL POSITION OF ST. MAEK'S GOSPEL. Ixxiii ancient times, and Griesbach, Pritzsche, Scliolz, Credner, Tischen- dorf, Tregelles, Michelsen, Scliolten, Volkmar, "Weiss, in modern times, Ewald regards the last twelve verses of the last chapter of the Gospel as ' a later addition.' This notion has grown into a romance of criticism, which has thrown a spell of donbt over spirits that have not the least sympathy with biblical scepticism. But we have shown, in a full discussion of the subject, in the body of the Commentary, that the romance has culminated. There would appear to be no good reason for questioning the authenticity of the passage. See pages 446-449, 463-470. § 13. The Topical Position op St. Mark's Gospel in the GEOUP OF Gospels. Clemens of Alexandria mentions a tradition which he had received from certain ' elders,' regarding the chronological order of the •Gospels. Those were written first, it was said, luliich contain the genealogies?- According to this tradition St. Lute's Gospel should have stood before St. Mark's in 'the volume of the Book.' And so it actually does in the ancient manuscript that belonged to Beza {codex Bezce), .and which is now one of the ' lions ' of the University Library of Cambridge. The order of the Gospels in the manuscript is ' Matthew, John, Luke, Mark.' And hence this is the order that is followed in Whiston's Revision of the Unglish New Testament. If the topical arranging of the Gospels had been committed to Macknight, Dunster, or Biisching, they would have put St. Luke first, and then, in succession, St. Matthew, St. Mark, and St. John. If Beza had got his will, he would, while keeping St. Matthew before St. John, have put St. Luke before St. Mark,^ just as Owen and Griesbach, with all their followers, would have done. The adherents again of the ' Mark-hypothesis,' such as Wilke, "Weisse, Ewaild, Holtzmann, Weiss, think that St. Mark should lead -the chorus of evangelists, as being the earliest of them all, and the fontal source of the Gospels of both St. Matthew and St. Luke. It would appear that the ancients in general regarded the present •order as representing the chronological succession of the Gospels. It may be so in fact. But it is not proved. And it will be no 1 Preserved in Busobius's Ecclesiastical History, vi. 14, 2 Frooemium in ilarcum. Ixxiv INTRODUCTION. great calamity to the interests of CHristiamty in particular, or of ' pure and undefiled religion ' in general, although the true chrono- logical order of these primitive evangelical records should remam for ever "nndetermined and indeterminahle. § 14. The Contents of the Gospel. The contents of the Gospel may he tabulated as follows : — Chap, and Ter. I. The PEELIMIKAIilES OE THE PUBLIC CAEEEB OF JeSUS. Chap. i. 1-13. 1. The forerunnership of John the Baptist i. 1-8 2. The baptism of Jesus i. 8-11 3. His temptation i. 12, 13 II. The ptjblio oareek oe Jesus ik Galilee and its nbigh- eouhhood. Chap. i. 14 — ix. 50. 1. He begins to preach i. 14, 15 2. He calls four fishermen to become His disciples and . attendants i. 16-20 3. He teaches, and delivers a demoniac, in the synagogue at Capernaum i. 21-26 4. The people were amazed at His words and works ; and He becomes instantly famous i. 27, 28- 5. He heals Peter's mother-in-law, who was sick of a fever i. 29-81 6. Many other sick persons, as also demoniacs, are brought to Him, and He heals them i. 32-34 7. In the morning He retires to a solitary place for prayer ; but Peter and his friends go in quest of Him i. 35, 36- 8. He visits with His disciples various towns, preaches, and casts out demons . . : i. 37-39- 9. Ho heals a leper, who blazes the matter abroad, so that crowds from all quarters flock to Him ... i. 40-45 10. In Capernaum a paralytic is brought to Him, to whom He says. Son, thy sins he forgiven thee ii. 1-5- 11. The scribes that were present were scandalized, and thought that He was guilty of blasphemy ... ii. 6, 7 12. Jesus proved His right to speak as He had done, by healing the paralytic ii. 8-12 13. He calls Levi to be one of His attendant disciples . ii. 13, 14 14. In Levi's house He sits at meat with ' publicans and sinners,' and defends His conduct against the carp- ing of the scribes and Pharisees ii. 15-17 15. He answers complaints of the disciples of John and of the Pharisees in reference to fasting .... ii. 18-22 THE CONTENTS OF THE GOSPEL. IxXV Chap, and Ter 16. His disciples are charged with desecration of the sabbath, and He defends them ii. 23-28 17. He revitalizes a withered hand on the sabbath day and defends the act • • • iii- 1-5 18. The Pharisees and Herodians have their malignity stirred, and plot His destruction iii. 6- 19. Jesus withdrew to the shore of the sea of Galilee, but was followed by numerous crowds from far and near, many of whose sick He healed iii. 7-12. 20. He chooses twelve, whom He might send forth, as apostles, to assist Him in preaching and teaching . iii. 13-19- 21. He is still however tasked to the uttermost to minister to the crowds who press in upon Him iii. 20 22. His relatives begin to think that He is ' beside Himself ' iii. 21 23. Scribes are sent down from Jerusalem to act as inqui- sitors, and they allege tbat He did His wonderful works by the aid of Beelzebul iii. 22 24. Jesus refutes their cruel blasphemy of His character, and solemnly warns them iii. 23-30' 25. In reference to His relatives who were busying them- selves intermeddlingly, He declares who are His truest relatives iii. 31-35 26. He began to teach in vivid parables ... . . iv. 1, 2 27. The parable of the sower iv. 3-20. 28. A cluster of other striking sayings . iv. 21-25 29. Other vivid parables iv. 26-34 30. He passes over toward the eastern side of the lake ; and, overcome with fatigue, sleeps during the pas- sage. A storm arises, which, when He is waked up, He stills iv. 35-41 31. On the eastern side of the lake He relieves a demoniac who called himself Legion. The demons are al- lowed to enter a herd of swine, which go mad and are drowned in the lake v. 1-18- 32. The inhabitants get alarmed, and entreat Him to leave their district. But the cured demoniac goes forth and proclaims the miracle round and round . v. 14-20' 33. Jesus returns to the west coast of the lake, and re- stored to life the deceased daughter of Jairus. On' the way a woman is healed of hjemorrhage by touching His garment v. 21-43 34. He visits Nazareth, where He spent His youth, but is received coldly and incredulously vi. 1-5 35. He marvelled at their unbelief, and went elsewhere teaching vi.fr 36. He sent forth His twelve attendant disciples to preach and heal vi. 7-1& 37. The tetraroh Herod hears of Him, and thinks that He ilssvi IKTRODUCTIOJT. Chap, and Ter-. is John the Baptist returned from the world of the disembodied vi. 11 38. Others had different opinions regarding Him, but Herod stood to his own notion, for he was ill at ease for having murdered John vi. 15, 16 39. The story of the murder of John vi. 17-29 40. The apostles return to Jesus, and report progress, and they all go to get retirement and rest for a season. They go by boat to the other side of the lake .... vi. 30- 41. They were watched however by multitudes, who hasted by land to get near the wonderful Eabbi. He had compassion on them, and taught them . vi. 83, 31 42. He fed about five thousand, in an uninhabited place, on five loaves and two fishes vi. 35-44 43. Having spent a great part of the evening in prayer. He walked on the sea to His disciples, who were toiling at theTr oars in a storm vi. 45-52 44. When they landed on the coast of Genuesaret, He was pressed by multitudes, who were eager to get their sick ones healed, and ' as many as touched Him were made whole ' vi. 53-53 45. The Pharisees and scribes find fault with Him for allowing His disciples to eat with unbaptized hands. He defends His disciples, and exposes the wretched outwardliness of the religious manners of their accusers vii. 1-13 -IG. He teaches the people in general, and His disciples in particular, the inwardliness of true religion . . . vii. 14-23 47. He makes a detour into the neighbourhood of Tyre and Sidon, and heals, at a distance, the daughter of a Syrophcenician woman vii. 24-30 43. He returns to GaHlee by the way of Decapolis, on the north-east, and restores his hearing and speech to a deaf and dumb man vii. 31-37 49. A second time He feeds miraculously in the desert a great multitude, about four thousand viii. 1-9 50. He goes to Dalmanutha, and is asked by the Pharisees to prove what He was by some great ' sign from the sky.' He declines to pander to their frivolous, sceptical, and curiosity-hunting spirit viii. 10-13 ■51. While crossing the lake with His disciples, He speaks to them of the leaven of the Pharisees and of Herod, but they have difficulty in understanding Him viii. 14-21 ■52. At Bothsaida He gives sight to a blind man .... viii 22-26 53. In going toward CiBsarea Philippi, He interrogates His disciples regarding the conflicting opinions THE CONTENTS OF THE GOSPEL. Ixxvii Chap, and Yer. tliat were floating about in the public mind in refer- ence to Him. V/hen He asks them for their own judgment on the matter, Peter says ' Thou art the Christ ' yiii. 27-30< 64. He begins to predict His rejection by men, His igno- minious death, and His glorious resurrection . . viii. 31. 55. Peter, fixing his mind on the announcement of his Lord's ignominious death, ' began to rebuke Him,' and Jesus had to reprove him sharply .... viii. 32, 33' 5C. He announces the necessity of cross-bearing as a con- dition of discipleship viii. 34 — ix. L 57. Jesus is transfigured in presence of Peter, James, and John ix. 2-8. 58. He charged the three favoured disciples to tell no man what they had witnessed, till after His resur- rection ; and they wonder what He means by His resurrection ix. 9, 10' 59. They have a diflSculty about Malachi's prophecy regarding Elijah ; and Jesus explains what was meant ix. 1-13- 60. He heals, at the foot of the mount of transfiguration, a poor demoniac lad ix. 14-29 61. He seeks . to pass incognito through Galilee ; and speaks to His disciples again regarding His coming death and consequent resurrection. But they did not understand Him ix. 30-82 62. In Capernaum He rebuked His disciples for their self- seeking eagerness to get honours in the kingdom of which He was to be King, and He bids them be childlike ix. 33-37 63. A cluster of remarkable instructions and sayings . . ix. 88-50< III. The CAREEn op jEsns on His way fhom Galilee to jDBiEA, and thencej?okward iill His decease in Jeeusalem. Chap, x.-xv. 1. Jesus goes toward Judiea by the eastern side of Jordan x. 1 2. On the way, Pharisees propose to Him, temptingly, a, question concerning divorce x. 2-12 3. His heart yearns over certain little children who were brought to Him x. 13-1(> 4. He deals faithfully with a rich young man, who asked, What shall I do that I may inherit eternal life ? . i. 17-22 5. He speaks of the difficulty of being both rich and good X 23-^7 6. He speaks of the reward of those who make sacrifices for His sake and for the sake of the gospel ... x. 28-31 7. He again makes known to His disciples His ap- proaching sufferings and death, and His consequent resurrection • x. 33-34 Ixxviii INTEODUCTION. Chap, and Ver. 8. James and Jobn, the sons of Zebedee, prefer an un- wise and selfish request, and are faithfully dealt ■with X. 35-40 9. When the rest of the disciples knew what James and John had been asking, they were incensed ; but Jesus unfolded the true glory of man, the glory of ministering and giving x. 41-45 10. The company reaches Jericho, where Jesus restores sight to Bartimteus, a blind beggar x. 46-52 11. The company reached Bethany, and two disciples are despatched to Bethphage to obtain a colt .... xi. 1-6 12. The colt is brought, and Jesus, riding on it, enters Jerusalem triumphally xi. 7-11 13. He returns in the evening to Bethany xi. 11 14. Coming in next day to Jerusalem, He sought figs on a leafy fig tree. Finding none, He invokes a blight on the tree xi. 12-14 15. He enters the temple and purifies it xi. 15-17 16. The scribes and chief priests were intensely offended, and plotted ' how they might destroy Him ' . . xi. 18 17. In the evening He left the city ; and next morning the disciples saw that the fig-tree had withered. Jesus took occasion to impress them with the power of faith and prayer xi. 19-24 18. A forgiving spirit must be joined with prayer ... xi. 25, 26 19. When He was in the temple, the chief priests, scribes, and elders come and demand His authorization for acting as He did xi. 27, 28 20. Jesus asked them a preliminary question, which they would not answer. He therefore declined to answer the question which they had put to Him ... xi. 29-33 ■21. He spoke to them, and the people, a parable, the parable of the iniquitous vineyard tenants . . . xii. 1-11 22. The authorities were enraged, and sought to arrest Him, but feared the people xii. 12 23. They then sent Pharisees and Herodians to get Him entrapped politically, if possible, in His words, but He saw through the manoeuvre and confounded His interrogators sii_ 13_17 •24. Some Sadducees then tried to overthrow Him in argument; but they too were utterly foiled and nonplussed xii. 18-27 25. A scribe asked Him which is the first commandment ' of all ; and was delighted with the answer . 26. None dared to interrogate Him any more . . ■27. Jesus exposed the shallowness of the scribes' teach- ing regarding the Messiah .... :28. He denounced the scribes . .... xu 28-34 xii. 34 xii 35-37 xii 38-40 THE CONTENTS OP THE GOSPEL. Ixxix Chap, and Ver. 29. He noted the great liberality of a poor -widow in giving two mites xii. 41-44 SO. Sitting on the mount of Olives with His disciples He revealed some of the great scenes of the future, both nearer and more remote xiii. 1-37 ^1. The chief priests and scribes plotted to get Him arrested ' by craft ' ; but wished to postpone the execution of their plot till after the passover . . xiv. 1, 2 32. Jesus, at an entertainment in Bethany, was anointed by a woman xiv. 3 33. Some were offended at the ' waste of the ointment,' especially Judas '..... xiv. 4-10 34. When Jesus had vindicated the woman and rebuked the grumblers, Judas went to the chief priests to betray Him xiv. 11, 12 35. Jesus observed the passover with His disciples : made touching reference to the treason of the traitor; and instituted the New Testament passover-supper xiv. 12-25 36. He went with the eleven to the mount of Olives, and intimated to them that they would all that very night be stumbled in reference to Him .... xiv. 20-28 37. Peter expressed his confidence that lis at least would not be stumbled. Jesus tells him that before the cock crowed twice he would be guilty of a triple denial xiv. 29, 30 38. The agony in Gethsemane xiv. 81-42 39. The traitor comes with his company, and Jesus allowed Himself to be arrested xiv. 43-49 40. His disciples all forsake Him and flee xiv. 50 41. A young man is aroused out of bed as the noisy com- pany pass along, and he follows Jesus .... xiv. 51, 52 42. Jesus is taken to the high priest's house to be examined xiv. 53 43. Peter follows afar off, and gets into the court of the house xiv. 54 44. Jesus is accused, but could not be convicted. In answer to the high priest's adjuration. He con- fessed that He was ' the Christ, the Son of the Blessed ' xiv. 55-63 45. He is condemned to be worthy of death xiv. 64 46. He is shamefully maltreated by the officials who were around xiv. 65 47. Peter thrice denies his Lord xiv. 66-72 48. In the morning the sanhedrim, after a hurried meet- ing, delivers Jesus over to Pilate, the Eoman procurator, as one who was worthy of death ... sv. 1 49. Pilate saw no evidence of criminality, and wished to release Him ; but the chief priests moved the people bcxx DfTEODTJCTION. Cbap. and Ter. to ask Barabbas instead, and to demand that Jesus should be crucified in place of Barabbas .... xv. 2-14 50. Pilate yielded ; and his soldiery cruelly mocked the innocent prisoner X'''- 1&-1" 51. He is led off to be crucified, and Simon of Cyrene is impressed to assist in carrying the cross .... xv. 20, 21 52. He is crucified on Golgotha between two robbers . . xv. 22-2S 63. The passers by mocked Him as He hung on the cross, and even the chief priests came out to gloat over His agonies xv. 29-32 51. It is darkness from the sixth to the ninth hour ; and at the ninth hour Jesus, after uttering significant exclamations, expires xv. 33-37 55. The veil of the temple was rent xv. SS 56. The Eoman centurion was awed, and felt convinced that the Crucified One was ' God's Son ' . . . . xv. 3& 57. The holy women were looking on afar off .... xv. 40, 41 6S. Joseph of Arimathsea craves the body from Pilate, ob- tains it, and interred it in a sepulchre, to the door of which a stone was rolled xv. 42-46 59. Two of the holy women behold where He was laid . xv. 47 IV. The r.EsuEKECTioN of Jesus on the ihied day AriBK His DECEASE. Chap. xvi. 1. After the sabbath, some of the women come to the sepulchre very early in the morning xvi. 1, 2 2. They are concerned about the great stone; but when they look, lo it is rolled away xvi. 3, 4 3. As they enter the sepulchre, an angel informs them that Jesus is risen. He also tells them to say to ' the disciples and Peter ' that their Lord would meet them in Galilee xvi. 5-7 4. The women run to fulfil their errand xvi. 8 6. Jesus appeared first to Mary of Magdala . . . . xvi. 9-11 C. He then appeared to two of the disciples going into the country xvi. 12, 18 7. Afterward, He appeared to the eleven as they sat at meat xvi. 14 8. He gives the eleven their evangelical commission . . xvi. 15-18 9. lie ascends to heaven xvi. 19 10. His apostles were faithful to their commission, and were blessed in their work of faith and labour of love xvi. 20 THE GOSPEL ACCOEDINa TO ST. MARK. CHAPTER I. 1 THE beginaing of the gospel of Jesus Christ, the Son of CHAPTER I. Vek. 1. Beginning of the gospel of Jesus Christ. The absence of the article shows that the expression is a isind of Title. Some have thought, indeed, that the evangelist intended it to be the title of his entire work. But on that hypothesis the word Beginning seems awkward. Alexander would interpret thus. This is the beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, or. Here begins the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Klostermanu thinks that all the events of the public life of Christ were but the beginning of the Gospel. The contents of the im- mediately succeeding verses, however, prove that the evangehst was thinking of events that were preliminary to the public life of Christ. He is going back, in retrospect, to the dispensation of the Saviour's forerunner ; and, in 'the events of that dispensation, he finds the Beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Of course he might have gone further back still, and found other fountains, the feeders of the fountain at which he pauses. Or he might have continued to ascend till he reached the absolute Beginning, the Fountain of fountains. His purpose, however, was served by taking up his position beside the things that were the immediate antecedents of the public career of our Lord. When he calls these things the Beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, he was not so much thinking, as Petter and Bengel properly remark, of a Title for his book, or even of a Heading for its initial section, as of the actual commencement in time of the things themselves, which he proceeds to specify. As his thoughts, however, and the words which were their vestures, were to him the mere sub- jective mirrorings of the objective historical realities on which his gaze was fixed, they became, as he detained them in the presence of his consciousness, a kind of indistinct Title, — the expression the Gospel of Jesus Christ referring to the events of the Hfe of the Saviour, as these are about to be narrated in the body of the following Memoirs, and the word Beginning referring to the introductory events of the career of John the Baptist, as represented in the few initial sentences which commence with ver. 4, and merge and melt into the greater history at ver. 9-11. It would be assuming an unnatural involu- tion were we, with Laehmann, to throw ver. 2 and 3 into a parenthesis, and to connect ver. 1 and 4 in such a manner that ver. 1 supplied the nominative 1 £ 2 ST. MARK I. [1 God ; 2 as it is written in the prophets, Behold, I send my to the verb in ver. 4, — {The) beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, God's Son, was John baptizing in the wilderness, etc. The genitive expression of Jesus Christ is, as grammarians phrase it, the genitive of the object, not the genitive of the subject; thus making the meaning of the whole expression to be the good news concerning Jesus Christ, not the good news proclaimed by Jesus Christ. It is true that Jesus Christ did proclaim His own gospel ; but He is here represented as the Sum and Substance of the gospel which both He and His apostles proclaimed. See Eom. i. 1-3, 9, 16. Jesus Christ : the finely • significant proper name of our Lord. He was called Jesus, because He was a Saviour. (See Matt. i. 21.) He was called Christ or Messiah, because He filled the office of Saviourhood by sovereign appointment. The Divine Father appointed Him, and hence as it were anointed Him. The word Christ is Greek ; the word Messiah is Hebrew : and both the terms mean Anointed. There was poured out on our Lord, anointingly, by the hand of the Father, all that was needed to fit Him to be a Saviour. Great officers in church and state, among the Jews, and kings emphatically, were installed in their offices by anointing. Jesus, as the King of kings, had His anointing. The Son of God. Or, more literally, and as Sir John Cheke gives it, God's Son. Our Lord, in His life on earth, had claimed to be at once the Christ and God's Son. He was condemned by the Jewish Sanhedrim for insisting on the claim. (See Mark xiv. 61-64 ; comp. Matt. xxvi. 63-66.) His resurrection sublimely verified the legitimacy of His claim, and instamped an imperishable signiflcaney on the double designation. Hence it was exceedingly appropriate in Mark to prefix to his Memoirs the twofold appellation. It has been doubted, however, whether the words God's Son were in the autograph text of the evangelist. Tisohendorf has omitted them in his eighth edition. Schenkel assumes that the omission is correct. They are not found in the original Sinaitie manuscript (S*); and they are wanting in an important quotation of the passage by Irenseus (iii. 11), as also in five distinct quotations of Origen. But, on the other hand, they are found in all the early versions, and, with the exception of the original Sinaitie, in all the best manuscripts. They are found, likewise, in two passages of Irenajus. And indeed it seems to us that, in the other passage where they, are omitted, they should be found. The preceding context seems to detnanA their presence. On the whole it is probable that the words are genuine, and that their omission in the quotations of so many of the early Fathers is to be accounted for on the principle, that the Fathers, in their references, used the freedom, for brevity's sake, of dropping out of view unessential clauses. And hence, indeed, Bpiphauius, in quoting the passage before us, omits even the preceding words of Jesus Christ, and connects at once the words of the second verse with the expression Beginning of the Gospel. (Srnres., li. 6, p. 427, ed. 1682.) We do not pause to unfold here the theological fiignificanoy of the designation, God's Son. As applied to our Lord, it involves the great idea, that He had in Him a higher nature than man's. He was of one nature with God. Man needed a Divine Saviour. Veb. 2. As it is written, or, more Uterally, As it has been written. Some 2] ST. MARK I. a messenger before thy face, which shall prepare thy way be- editors and expositors, putting a full point at the close of ver. 1, regard this expression as bending anticipatively forward, and hooking itself on to ver. 4. Whedon, running on the same line, but running faster still, says, " the second " and third verses, by a strong inversion, should come after the fourth." This is unnatural, and assumes an artificial involution of structure which is quite unlikely in such a simple writer as Mark. It is better to put, with Tischendorf (in his eighth edition), a comma at the conclusion of the first verse, and thus to regard the contents of the second and third verses as appended to the first in a free and easy manner, with the intent of showing that the events about to be narrated had thrown their shadows before them in the Old Testament Scriptures ; for it is really true that the Beginning of the Gospel of Jesus Christ, God's Son, was in accordance with what had been written. In the Beceived Text there follows the expression in the prophets. King James's translators would find it in all the editions that were lying before them. It is, however, a tinkered reading, as both Erasmus and Beza were convinced, and Bengel too. The reading of the autograph of Mark was, undoubtedly, in Isaiah the prophet. Such is the reading of the Sinaitic manuscript, and the Vatican, and the Cam- bridge, as also of 33, ' the queen of the cursives.' It is the reading too of the Vulgate version, and the Older Latin, the Peshito Syriao, the Harolean Syriao, the Coptic, and the Gothic. It is the reading of the principal Fathers- too. It has been re-imported into the text by Griesbaeh, Scholz, Laohmann, Tischendorf, Tregelles. It would never have been disturbed had not some timorous students of the Gospel felt it difficult or impossible to account for the fact that,, preceding the quotation from Isaiah, there is a quotation from Malachi (iii. 3). Eusebius says that the word Isaiah stands in the text as an erratum instead of Malachi. (See Cramer's Catena, in loo.) And Porphyry, the early enemy of Christianity, oast it in the teeth of the Christians that, Mark had made a mistake. (See Jerome on Matt. iii. 3.) Griesbaeh too, alas ! suspected that he had. [Comm. Crit. in loo.) Even Meyer thinks that there is a mistake, and that the evan- gelist's memory must have been at fault ; surely a most unlikely occurrence on, the part of one who, in that early age, and in the midst of the young fervour of admiration and love and zeal, was eager to persuade his- feUow-men everywhere that Jesus was the Saviour who had been promised from of old in the vratings of the prophets. Beza thinks that the evangelist had really (juoted only the passage from Isaiah, and that the preliminary passage from Malachi had been subsequently intruded into the text from a marginal annota- tion suggested by Matt. xi. 10. . The real solution of the case is to be found in the fact that the passage from Malachi is strictly preliminary. It is the mere porchway through which we are ushered into th& quotation from Isaiah. The evangelist's mind went rapidly through it, and fixed its attention on the contents of the earlier and more remarkable oracle, lying beyond, (Gomp. Matt. xxi. 5.) Behold, I send My messenger. It is ' the Lord of hosts ' who speaks. See the concluding clause of Mai. iii. 1. He is just on the eve of turning the future into the present. Hence the expression J send,- instead of I will send. The imminency of the act is indicated. My messenger : My servant, to whom 4, ST. MAEK I. [2 fore thee. 3 The voice of one crying in the wilderness. Prepare ye the way of the Lord, make his paths straight. I say ' Go,' and ' he goeth.' It is the word that is generally translated angel, which word angel just means messenger. Heumann, indeed, insists on trans- lating it angel in the passage before us. It is John the Baptist who is referred to. See ver. 4. Before Thy face. A fuU way of saying Before Thee. Attention is graphi- cally fixed upon the countenance or face, which is the index to the whole man. Before : The Baptist was to be the forerunner of the Lord, or His harbinger. It is noteworthy that in Malachi the expression is not before Thy face, or before Thee, but before Me. The Lord of hosts speaks 'of Himself. When Mark however quotes the passage,"he so modifies the form of expression that the Lord of hosts is represented as speaking ' to ' the Lord of hosts. It was a per- fectly warrantable modification, for there is a sublime sphere of things in which all things are ' in common ' between the Father and the Son. See Matt. xi. 10. Who shall prepare Thy way. So that it shall be fit for Thee to travel upon. In the East few good roads are ever made; and such roads as have been made are generally kept in most wretched repair. Hence when a sovereign is about to visit any part of his dominions, it is requisite that a messenger, or quartermaster, as Hofmeister has it, be sent on before to get the way made ready. Such, in things spiritual, was John's mission. Men's ways were in a wretched state. Encumbrances and stumbling-blocks lay everywhere scattered about. Mud and mire were the order of the day. It seemed impossible for any one to get along through life with unpolluted garments, or without stumbling and falling, and getting bruised and broken. The real preparation that was needed was in the hearts of the people. See Mai. iv. 5, 6. Vek. 3. Now comes the prophetic passage on which the evangelist's mind has been fixed. It is found in Isaiah xl. 3. The voice of one crying in the wilderness. Or rather, A voice of one crying in the wilderness ! That is, I hear the 'voice of one calling aloud in the wilderness I It is as if the prophet had been listening from afar. Bending forward, and hushing all noises within and around, he strains his ear to hear. At length, Lo, a voice ! He fixes his attention. It is a voice of one calling aloud in the wilderness. Prepare ye the way of the Lord ! Make His paths straight! It is not John himself who is called a Voice, as many— far too many— have imagined, inclusive even of Cajetan, Petter, de Veil, and KJoster- mann. Pettel's remark is : " John is said to be a Voice, in respect of the " execution of his ministerial office, which was to speak and sound forth the "doctrine of the gospel touching Christ, and touching salvation by Him." Of one crying : of one calling aloud as with a herald-cry. In the wilderness : Not in the great city, nor in any city, but in the wilds and prairie pasture- grounds of the wilderness. John did not go to the people; he let the people come to him. It was different with Jesus. Make ye ready the way of the lord. John himself made ready the Lord's way (see ver. 2),— by palling upon the people to make it ready. Thus he did not do everythini? himself. He could not. He could not, by his single 4] ST. MARK I. 5 4 John did baptize in the wilderness, and preach the baptism agency, prepare the hearts of the people. Even God could not wisely do every- thing. The oo-agenoy of the people was indispensable : and hence the herald of the Lord called upon them to act. Self-action, indeed, would not he enough. Something from above is needed. God must begin and God must end the preparation of the heart (Prov. xvi. 1). But between His beginning and His ending human spontaneity comes in ; there must be response to the Lord's initiatory ' knock ' ; there must be preparation for His final enthronement in the soul. Make YE ready the Lord's way ! Make His paths straight. The word straight is the opposite of crooleed. See Luke iii. 5 ; and comp. .Acts ix. 11. Boads that have not been properly prepared at the beginning are generally more or less crooked. So are the ways of men, when no preparation has been made for the Great King. When John cried, Make His paths straight ! he meant. Have done with all yotir crooked ways of acting ! Be straightforward with yourselves ! Let there be no winding and doubling ! Be honest I The Lord will not enter into hypo- critical souls. Veb. 4. John came. Viz., upon the scene. /{ came to pass that John made his appearance on the scene. At a certain unspecified time, John made, as it were, his 'debut,' as a great public functionary, the harbinger and herald of the Messiah. Who baptized in the wilderness and preached. The evangelist might have said, transpositively. There appeared in the wilderness John, who baptized and preached. But there is no occasion for disturbing the order of the evangelist's words'; for it is true that John baptized in the wilderness. The wilderness referred to embraced u, considerable tract of comparatively uninhabited land, stretching away eastward from Jerusalem and northward from the Dead Sea, but coming down, all along, to the bants of the river Jordan. It was chiefly in the Jordan, as it swept along the wilderness of Judtea, that John performed his baptisms. See Matt. iii. 1, 5, 6 ; Luke iii. 3. The baptizing is mentioned before the preaching, because it was the outstanding peculiarity of John's ministry. The participial form of the expression, the baptizing (6 ^awrll^uv), denotes continuity, or characteristic habit. The word intimates that John engaged himself in administering to the people a purificatory rite. He ritually purified them, in order that they might be prepared to be admitted into the approaching ' kingdom of heaven.' (See John iii. 23-26 ; Mark vii. 4, 8 ; Heb. ix. 9-23.) In thus ritually purifying them, he would throw or pour water upon them, — ' sprinkling them with clean water.' (See Joel ii. 28 ; Ezek. xxxvi. 25 ; Acts x. 44, 47, xi. 15, 16.) It was a beautiful symbolism, fitted to remind the people that the influence which truly purifies the heart is shed down from above (see Comm. on Matt. iii. 6). In the wilderness : By avoiding the frequented haunts of men, John indicated his profound sense of the corruption that was pervading the institutions of human society. Pollution was rampant everywhere. Had he been a man, however, of only ordinary calibre of mind and force of character, he would have been simply lost in the wilderness ; only one here and there would have known 6 ST. MARK I. [4 of repentance for the remission of sins. 5 And there went anything atoxit him. But he was Elijah-like,— a man overtopping all hia fellows in grandeur of character ; when common people came in contact with him, they felt at once his superiority; he was » lion among men. And then too he belonged to a conspicuous family, a family of priests. So soon, therefore, as it was known that he was asserting that he had a message for his countrymen, and that he had undertaken to help them in preparing for the approach of the kingdom of heaven, the population, as it were en masse, flocked out to him. And preached : or proclaimed (in u, heraldic way). The word is participial in the original, and comes under the influence of the article which renders the preceding participle characteristically attributive. It thus conveys the idea of continuously repeated action or habit. The baptism of repentance. Or, very literally, without the article, baptism of repentance, that is repentance-baptism, or penitential-baptism, that baptism of which repentance was a characteristic. It was thus not simply and abstractly the duty of baptism, that John proclaimed. It was the duty, of that peculiar kind of baptism, which, when voluntarily and intelligently received, mirrors forth, in its outward act, the acceptance of that inward purification which is essential to the enjoyment of the privileges of the Messiah's kingdom. Hence John did not attribute any real purificatory virtue to his baptismal rite. (See Matt. iii. 2, 7-10.) He knew that it was but the shadow of the one really efficacious baptism. (See Matt. iii. 11, 12 ; 1 Pet. iii. 21.) No one would know better than he, that it is ' the water of life,' as Justin Martyr says, which is ' the only baptism that can purify the repentant.' (Dialog. Trypho, § 14.) John's baptism, nevertheless, was a beautiful figure of the true. And hence he unhesitatingly proclaimed, with heraldic cry, that it was the duty of the people to come to him, that they might receive it at his hands. Repentance : that is, afterthought, or change of mind, or turning to a right state of mind, namely, as regards things moral and spiritual. Such a turning begins in the intelligence (the vovs), but prolongs itself into the feelings, and runs out into the ultimate choices of the will, and then terminates in the fixed activities and habits of the whole complex man. Eepentance may thus be incipient, or pro- gressive, or complete. It was only incipient repentance that was enjoined by John as the prerequisite of his baptism, and hence the^rst word of his ministry was, ' Eepent.' (Matt. iii. 2 ; and comp. ver. 5-8.) Hence, too, as he looked to the end, and realized profoundly the necessity of progression and completion, he ' baptized unto repentance.' (Matt. iii. 11.) Unto remission of siiis. The meaning is, in order to, or with a view to, remission of sins. But, of course, we are not to suppose that either the people's repentance on the one hand, or John's baptism on the other, or any combination of the two, could be either the efficient or the meritorious cause of forgiveness. God only is the Efficient Cause. The sacrificial Lamb, who bore the sin of the world (John i. 29), and He only, is the Meritorious Cause. Eepentance- baptism could be nothing else than a kind of instrumental cause, — peedagogioally leading the mind out and up at once to the Efficient and to the concurrent Meritorious Cause. It was really in the faith, which was underlying tha 6] ST. MARK I. 7 out unto lilm all the land of Jadaeaj and they of Jerusalem ; and were all baptized of him in the river of Jordan, confessing their sins. 6 And John was clothed with camel's hair, and repentance baptism, that the link was found which united the soul to the Indispensable Causes. Remission : or forgiveness. It is realized in deliverance from the penal consequences of sins, and is to be carefully distinguished from moral cleansing of the soul, which, however, is a still greater and grander blessing. (See Matt. vi. 12, xviii. 21-35 ; Luke xvii. 3, 4.) Yer. 5. And there went out unto Mm all the country of Jndsea. More literally still, all the Judaan country. The evangelist used that figure of speech called by grammarians metonymy, — naming the country while meaning its inhabitants. So we sometimes say, London at this season is out of town. It is the same licence that is employed, when, in the dispensation of the Lord's Supper, we speak of ' drinking this cup.' (1 Cor. xi. 27.) And all they of Jerusalem. More hterally still, and all the Jerusalemites. The'adjective all, which in the Eeceived Text occurs in the next clause, properly belongs to this, and is so placed in the texts of Griesbach, Lachmann, Tischendorf, Tregelles. All : The word is used in a free and easy, and popular, way. And yet, as Alexander remarks, " it must mean more than many, namely, "the great bulk and body of the population." All the Jerusalemites : not only all Judaea in general, but also all the Jerusalemites in particular. Even they And they were baptized of him in the river Jordan. John would stand, per- haps, at some suitable point or angle within the margin of the river, and when the people came to him in file, he would lave them in succession. Or they might station themselves in rows along the margin, and, as he passed by inside, he would sprinkle them in detail. Confessing their sins. The word rendered confessing {i^oiioKoyoi/jievoi) strictly means confessing out, that is, confessing openly or aloud. It is not implied, therefore, that the people made private confession, auricularly, one by one, of particular sins. But when charged by John, in general terms, with un- faithfulness to their own consciences, and to the claims of their neighbours, and to God, they admitted the justice of the charge, acknowledged that they were ' verily guilty,' and that they thus stood greatly in need of being cleansed or baptized from unrighteousness. Both the Latin word confess, and the corresponding Greek word, bring out the idea of two parties speaking ; and when applied, as here, to sins, it is implied that some one — from without or within — charges the sinner with his sins, and that the sinner consents to the charge. Thus there is a togetherhood of speaking in the matter, that is to say, a confession. Veb. 6. The evangelist passes on to a description of some of the personal peculiarities of the Baptist. He was just a modem edition of the ancient Elijah. And John was clothed with camel's hair. It is not said, as Hofmeister remarks, with a camel's skin, but with camel's hairs. (Vestimentum non de pelle, sed de pilis camelorum.) The old saored artists misunderstood the ex- "8 > ST. MAEK I. [6 witli a girdle of a skin atout his loins, and he did eat locusts and wild honey; 7 and preached, saying, There conieth one pression, and painted the Baptist as arrayed in a camel's skin. The reference was no doubt to a coarse kind of sackcloth manufactured out of the strongest hairs of the camel. It made a rough hairy robe ; and thus John would be, like Elijah, ' an hairy man.' (2 Kings i. 8.) He was entirely self denied to all luxury in dress. And had a girdle of skin about his loins. Tyndale's first translation (1526) was, and wyth u. gerdyll off a beestes skyn about hys loynes. In his second version (1534) he left out the word beestes, but unhappily left standing the indefinite article, and hence its presence in King James's version. Coverdale's version is and with a lethron gerdell aboute his loynes. "The leathern girdle," says Horatio B. Hackett, "may be seen around the body of the common " labourer in the East, when fuUy dressed, almost everywhere ; whereas men of " wealth take special pride in displaying a rich sash of silk or some other costly " fabric." {Illustrations of Scripture, p. 61.) Chardin tells us that the dervishes in the East, in his time, wore great leathern girdles. (Harmer's Observations, vol. iv., p. 416.) They still wear them. And these dervishes, it may be noted, — at least the highest specimens of them, — most nearly resemble, in their character and in the functions of their ministry, such men as John and Elijah. " All the "great men in the East," says Dr.Wolfi, "who have been celebrated either as "poets, or historians, or lawyers, have been dervishes. . . . If they did not " exist, no man would be safe in the deserts among the savages. They are the " chief people in the East who keep in the recollection of those savages that "there are ties between heaven and earth. They restrain the tyrant in his " oppression of his subjects ; and are, in fact, the great benefactors of the human " race in the East. . . . AU the prophets of old were dervishes, beyond all " doubt, in their actions, in their style of speaking, and in their dress." (Travels and Adventures, p. 297.) And did eat locusts and wild honey. That is, his customary food loas locusts and wild honey, the plainest of fare. He not only refrained from pampering 'the flesh,' he 'kept it under' (1 Cor. ix. 27), and made it 'endure hard- ness ' (2 Tim. ii. 3) for great militant purposes. Locusts : " A kind of great " fly," says Petter, " which useth to eat and devour the tops of corn, herbs, "and trees." Jerome mentions that he had seen the whole land of Judsea covered with them. {Comment, on Joel ii. 20.) "It is well known," says Horatio B. Hackett, " that the poorer class of people eat them, cooked or raw, " in all the eastern countries where they are found." {Illustrations, p. 61.) Wild honey : Not honey-dew, as Eobinson and Grimm suppose, a kind of gum that is found on the leaves of certain trees. The expression doubtless denotes real wild honey, the product of wild bees. Henry Maundrell mentions that when he was passing through the wilderness of Judsa, between the Dead Sea and Jericho, he " perceived a strong scent of honey and wax, the sun being hot ; " and the bees," he adds, " were very industrious about the blossoms of that salt " weed which the plain produces." {Journey, p. 86, ed. 1749.) Dr. Tristram aays : " The innumerable fissures and clefts of the limestone rooks, which every- 8] ST. MARK I. 9 miglitier tlian I after me, the latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to stoop down and unloose. 8 I indeed have baptized " where flank the yalleya, afford in their recesses secure shelter for any number of " Bwarms of -wild bees ; and many of the Bedouin, particularly about the wilder- " ness of Judsea, obtain their subsistence by bee-hunting, bringing into Jerusalem " jars of that wild honey on which John the Baptist fed in the wilderness." {The Land of Israel, p. 88.) The asceticism of John in food and raiment has its lessons. There are persons who ought always to be ascetics. It is their only chance for freedom from grossness and moral degradation. There are times, too, when all men should put both bit and bridle on the animal within them, keeping it on scanty diet and working it hard. And all moral reformers, who have it as their peculiar mission to expose the vices of a self-indulgent age, and to lead their fellow-men into cleaner ways and a nobler style of life, would require to be, in their own persons, unmistakable examples of the higher types of sobriety and self-denial. Ver. 7. And he preached. That is, proclaimed {like a herald). Saying, There cometh after me He that is mightier than I. It is as if he had said. My Suzerain, my Lord Paramount, is coming after me. Instead, however, of employing a merely generic term to designate the Prince whose harbinger he was, he brings into view His superiority in might or strength. He who is stronger than I is coming after me. ' This is the gospel,' says Zuingli, ' though in epitome.' The people were prone to think that John himself had immense ' power ' with God, and that all would be well with them if they should only get a baptism from his hands ; they had an exaggerated idea of his power. He sought to undeceive them. He was but a humble servant, a herald, a forerunner. But his Master was ' mighty ' ; his Master had real power with God. He could wield all influences ; touch all springs ; ascend all heights ; descend to all depths. He was ' able to save to the uttermost,' to pardon the most criminal, and to purify the most unclean. The latchet of whose shoes I am not worthy to stoop down and undo. Undo is Wycliffe's word, and better than the apparently contradictory unloose of our English versions. Purvey, in his revision of Wycliffe, has unlace. The word translated latchet means properly thong ; but there is a connection between latch, latchet, and lace. John alleges that there was no standard of comparison, by means of which the relative superiority of the Messiah to himself could be measured. The Messiah was his master, and John was His herald and har- binger. Nevertheless, he did not deserve the honour of that post ; he did not even deserve the honour of being permitted to stoop down and undo the lalohets of his Master's sandals ; that was a far higher honour than any man deserved. How exceedingly high, then, must the dignity of Jesus be 1 Veb. 8. I baptized you with water. A good translation, so far at least as the Bubstance of the meaning is concerned. In the Eeceived Text the original ex- pression is in water. But Tischendorf and Alford have thrown out the pre- position in, under the sanction of the manuscripts X B H A 33 and others, and of the Vulgate version. If the omission be legitimate, then the evangelist's expression corresponds to Luke's (iii. 16), and is strictly translated with water, 10 ST. MARK I. [8 you witli water: but he shall baptize you with the Holy Ghost. 9 And it came to pass in those days, that Jesus came from denoting the material employed. If, however, the reading of the Eeoeived Text should be retained, then the form of the expression corresponds to Matthew's (iii. 11), and could only be freely rendered with water. The preposition in would probably be accounted for by the original meaning of the verb to baptize ; this original meaning leaving its impress on the form of expression, even when the purificatory act was effected by some other mode than merging. (See Comm. on Matt. iii. 6, 16.) But He shall baptize yon. There is here no emphasis on the you, and it would be wrong therefore to lay weight upon the word, in determining the question of the extent of the baptism which Christ administered, and still administers. Nevertheless it is worthy of note that the Baptist did not feel himself fettered in the pronominal phraseology which he employed. With the Holy Spirit. There is a somewhat corresponding uncertainty in re- ference to the with in this clause, as there is in relation to the preceding clause. Tischendorf indeed, in his eighth edition, inserts in this clause the preposition in, though he omits it in the preceding clause. Lachmann, on the other hand, doubts its genuineness here, though he does not doubt it as regards the preced- ing clause. Alford omits it in both the clauses, supposing that the Eeceived Text has been artificially assimilated to Matthew's form of phraseology. It is a matter of no practical moment whether it be admitted, as in Matthew, or omitted, as in Luke. If it be omitted, the expression is literally translated ' with the Holy Spirit.' If it be retained, the expression is only freely thus rendered. The Holy Spirit ; The article is wanting in the original. It was not needed, as the expression was, of itself, in Greek, sufScieutly definite. Our usage how- ever, in reference to the article, does not correspond absolutely to the usage of the Greeks ; and hence it is according to the spirit, though not according to the letter, of the evangelist's phraseology that we say the Holy Spirit. When Wakefield rendered the expression a holy spirit, and Godwin, similarly, u. Divine Spirit, they forgot that there is, in the letter of the original text, no more warrant for a than for the. The English language is richer than the Greek in the matter of articles, and if, in such a case as the one before us, the definite article be objected to, much more should the indefinite. The idea of the ■Baptist was not, that the Messiah would institute a more mystio style of water oaptism, or a style of water baptism that would be instinct with a more effica- cious spiritual energy, but it was that the Messiah would transcend altogether, in His purificatory operations, the sphere of the material and corporeal. He could act on spirit ; He could act on spirit with Spirit ; and He would thus act. He would furnish to men the influence from above that was needed in order to purity of heart and life ; He would procure and pour out the influence of the Divine Spirit. Veb. 9. And it came to pass in those days. Those days, namely, when John W&3 engaged in preaching and baptizing in the wilderness that stretched along the banks of the Jordan. 10] ST. MARK I. 11 Nazareth, of Galilee, and was baptized of Jolin in Jordan, 10 And straightway coming up out of the water, he saw the That Jesus came from Nazareth of Galilee, and was baptized of John in the Jordan. In the Greek it is not in, but to, or into, the Jordan. It is as if the evangelist had been intending to say, Jesus came from Nazareth of Galilee to the Jordan,, and was there baptized by John. But the evangelist, though having dis- tinctly in view the Saviour's arrival at the Jordan, vras yet in haste, as it were, to mention the fact of His baptism ; and heuoe the peculiar collocation of the phraseology. It was quite in accordance with his ordinary inartificial style of composition, as exemplified for instance in ver. 1-4 and ver. 39. A similar transposition occurs in Matt. iL 23, where we read, ' and He came and dwelt in a city called Nazareth.' In the original it is to a city or into a city, the idea being that Joseph came to a city called Nazareth and then dwelt there. Of course, we cannot suppose that Mark meant that Jesus was baptized into the Jordan. This interpretation is out of the question, when we take into account that in the verse immediately preceding we have Mark's way of construing the word baptized. Jesus came to the Jordan, and was baptized in the Jordan. His baptism was finely significant. It was a visible picture of the invisible de- scent into His humanity of the fulness of the Divine Spirit. He hence became full, officially, of the Holy Spirit. He received the Spirit ' without measure ' ; so that the Divine Spirit had His hand, not only in the preparation of the body of our Lord (Luke i. 85), but also, and gloriously, in the preparation of His spirit (Isa. xi. 2, 3 ; Ixi. 1). Nazareth of Galilee. There are still many traces of this despised little ' city,' and quite a thriving modern town is springing up on the steep slope of the hill. It is thriving, says Dr. Tristram, in part, because it is 'a Christian not a Moslem place,' and in part because it is ' the centre for the commerce of the districts east of Jordan.' (The Land of Israel, p. 122.) " Bare and feature- " less, singularly unattractive in its landscape, with scarcely a tree to relieve the "monotony of its brown and dreary hOl, without ruins or remains, without one " precisely identified locality, there is yet a reality in the associations of Naz- " areth which stirs the soul of the Christian to its very depths. ... It was " the nursery of One whose mission was to meet man, and man's deepest needs, " on the platform of common-place daily life. ' Can any good thing come out " of Nazareth ? ' might naturally be asked, not only by the proud Jew of the " south, but by the dweller among the hiUs of Galilee, or by the fair lake of " Gennesaret." (The Land of Israel, p. 123.) Ver. 10. And straightway. Or, immediately. ThiesS supposes that the term was intended to indicate that there was, on the part of the Saviour, a certain hastiness of movement. " The baptism," says he, " was for Him no baptism ; " He needed it not. It was only the people and the Baptist who needed it. " The people needed the example ; John needed the honour." It was befitting, therefore, in the Saviour to be quick in leaving the scene of the ordinance. Thiess misunderstands the case, however. It is not hastiness that is indicated, but uninterrupted sequence. Coming up out of the water. Or rather, going up out of the water, that is, 12 ST. MARK L- [10 heavens opened, and the Spirit like a dove descending npon him : 11 and there came a voice from heaven, saying, Thou art my beloved Son, in whom I am well pleased. going up to the bank of the river. fComp. Matt. iii. 16.) Our SaTiour, with the Baptist, had been within the margin of the stream. For the meaning of the word which we render going up, see Matt. v. 1, xiv. 23, xv. 29 ; Mark iii. 13, vi. 51, X. 82 ; John i. 51, iii. 13, Ti. 62, xx. 17. He saw the heavens rent asunder. Or cleft, or parted. Our word schism comes from the term employed by the evangelist ; and so does our geological word schist or splitting rock. When it is said ' He saw the heavens parted,' the reference is not to John, but to Jesus, although it is also true that John saw the wonderful phenomenon as well as Jesus. (See John i. 33.) The revelation from above was primarily intended for our Lord Himself, in His humanity ; for, of course, there must have been steps of gradation, and times and seasons of progression, in the development of His humanity. And the Spirit, as a dove, descending upon Him. That was His true baptism, the thing signified. It was His formal inauguration, in the year of His perfect maturity, His thirtieth year (Luke iii. 23), to His great work, a work that gathered up into itself all the greatest offices of human society. Hence- forth the Lord was replenished, not only in actual fact, but to His own subject- ive consciousness, with all the fulness of influences that were required in His complex personality, to constitute Him the official Head of the human race, the Prophet of prophets, the Priest of priests, the King of kings. It was as a dove that the Spirit descended on Him, a most captivating symbolism. The eagle too was in our Lord ; everything about Him was mingled with the sublime ; but the dove was predominant. Not only in His terrestrial career, but all along the ages, it is the power of His gentleness and tenderness and meekness, His love in short, that has been victorious. He has ' wooed ' and ' won.' Ver. 11. And a voice came out of the heavens, Thon art My beloved Son, in Thee I am well-pleased. Very literally, X was well-pleased, viz. in Thy pre- existent state. The voice would thrill a variety of chords in our Lord's human heart, which would vibrate at once into the infinity of His higher being. The fulness of the Messianic self-conseiousness would awake. Not the shadow of a fihn would obscure the glory of the fact that He was the Father's Son, and that He had been His darling from everlasting [dilectus singularissima dilectione : Cajetan). His thoughts might shape themselves into some such forms as the following: My Father has said it. I know My Father's voice. Everlasting memories come rushing in. He says that I am His Beloved ! He used to say it before the foundation of the world. This mission which I have undertaken is dear, beyond expression, to His infinite heart. It is dear to Mine too. I rejoiced frorh of old, in the habitable part of the earth, while as yet there was none of it, ' nor the highest part of the dust of the world.' He saijs, ' In Thee I was well- pleased I ' — ' was' from the first, and still ' am.' Oh how I delight. My Father, to do Thy will ! ' Thy ' will is 'My' will. There has ever been, there will ever be, the inmost union of the two. Instead of in Thee, the Beoeived Text reads in whom, a reading borrowed from Matt. iii. 17, which presents the whole utterance 13] ST. MARK I. 13 12 And immediately the spirit drivetk Mm into the wilderness. 18 And he was there in the wilderness forty days, tempted of from heaven, not as it was directly addressed to our Lord, but as it was in- lireotly apprehended by John who stood by. The two representations, we need scarcely say, are in absolute harmony. Tek. 12. And immediately. Forthwith after His formal inauguration into His great Messianic work. The Spirit driveth Him forth. The Divine Spirit, to wit, whose influence He had received in its fulness. Driveth Him forth. Very literally, castethHim out. It is the very verb that is employed to designate our Lord's expulsion of demons (Mark i. 34, 39 ; iii. 15, 22 ; etc.). Wakefield renders it leadeth out, a trans- lation that completely draws the teeth of the original emphasis. Vehemency of impulse is represented ; the Saviour felt an influence that must be yielded to without delay. The trajislation of the English Geneva of 1557 is graphic, driveth Sim sodenly. Sir John Cheke has threw Him, which would suit Oart- wright's idea that the reference is to a miraculous transport of our Saviour's person through the air. The expression means, as Petter says, thrusteth Him forth ; and perhaps it may subindicate the existence of some innocent reluc- tanoy or shrinking of ' the flesh.' Into the wilderness. We know not what wilderness, and we do not need to know. Petter and others suppose that it was most likely the great wUderness of Arabia, in which the children of Israel wandered for forty years, and where Sinai is situated, the scene of the giving of the law and of the fasting of Moses. The traditional locality, however, is near Jericho, a wild enough region, where rises the Mons Quarantania, or Jebel Euruntil, " with its precipitous "face pierced in every direction by ancient cells and chapels, and a ruined church " on its topmost peak." There are multitudes of antique frescoes still fresh on the walls, " and generally," says Dr. Tristram, " every spring a few devout " Abyssinian Christians are in the habit of coming and remaining here for forty " days, to keep -their Lent on the spot where they suppose our Lord to have " fasted and been tempted." (The Land of Israel, pp. 207-217.) Vek. 13. And He was in the wilderness forty days. Our Lord thus linked Himself- on, in consciousness, to the marvellous and marvellously self-denying experiences of Moses and Elijah, the greatest souls of the dispensation that foreshadowed the more spiritual dispensation which He Himself was about to introduce. (See Exod. xxxiv. 28 ; Deut. ix. 9 ; 1 Kings xix. 8.) The founda- tions of all true greatness in human institutions must be laid in self denial. Tempted by Satan. That is, undergoing temptation by Satan. It was fit, and perhaps inevitable, that our Lord should come into personal conflict with the great adversary, whose works and usurped dominion He had come to destroy. There needed to be a great moral struggle, for there was already great antagon- ism between the two. And unless our Lord should have been able, while having all the secret springs of His aspirations and actions sifted to the uttermost, to pass through the fiery test unscathed, coming ofi an untarnished oonaueror and indeed ' more than a conctueror,' He would not have been fit to take His place 14 ST. MARK I. [13 Satan; and was with the wild beasts; and the angels minis- tared unto him. at the head of the race, to recover for manliind the paradise that had been lost. None hut the ' Stronger than the strong ' could deliver ' the captives of the mighty.' " The Second Adam therefore," says Archbishop Trench, " taking up " the conflict exactly where the first had left it, and inheriting all the con- " sequences of his defeat, in the desert does battle with the foe ; and, conquer- " ing him there, wins back the garden for that whole race, whose champion and " representative in this conflict He had been." {Studies in the Gospel, p. 8.) Satan : or, as it is very literally, the Satan ; just as we say the Devil. The word is as significant in Hebrew as the word Devil or Diabolos in Greek. It means adversary, just as Devil means accuser or slanderer. The being so named is the adversary loth of God and of men. He is no myth ; his actual agency bewrays itself. The unity, which is characteristic of the varied wicked- nesses of men, suggests it. The suicidal infatuation, which is a curious and inseparable element in almost every species of crime, but which is obtrusively conspicuous in some of the most popular forms of iniquity, bespeaks the pre- sence of some mighty malice behind the scenes, moving the springs of human action. We need not therefore discuss with C. Friedrich Gelbrioht the ques- tion which he proposes, whether we should require to ' think ill ' of Jesus if He found His temptations simply springing up within Himself; or, as Gelbrioht more strongly expresses it, if He Himself was His own tempter ! Gelbricht answers his question in the negative, while he concedes that the hypothesis on which it is erected is probably to be accepted as true. "We object, however, to the hypothesis. And He was with the wild beasts. This is added, not as Hilgenfeld supposes, to suggest an analogy between our Lord and Adam in paradise [Die Evangelien, p. 126), but, as Petter says, "to show the desolate and forlorn state in which " our Saviour now was in the wilderness ; being destitute of all help and com- " fort from men, and having none to be His companions but wild beasts, which " were so far from helping or comforting Him that they were more likely to " annoy and hurt Him, yea, to devour Him."' Of what kind the wild beasts were we do not know, and need not care to know. Even to the present ds,y the desert places in and around the Holy Land swarm with such denizens, more especially wherever there are convenient wadies at hand, in which they" may fix their homes or haunts. Dr. Tristram, in referring to Kuser Hajla, near Jericho, says : " In its gorge we found a fine clump of date palms, — one old tree, and "several younger ones clustered round it, apparently unknown to recent travel- " lers, who state that the last palm tree has lately perished from the plains of " Jericho. Near these pahn trees, in the thick cover, we came upon the lair of " a leopard or cheetah, with a well beaten path, and the broad, round, unmis- " takable footmarks quite fresh, and evidently not more than a few hours old. " However, the beast was not at home for us. Doubtless it was one of these " which M. de Sauloy took for the footprints of the lion. But inasmuch as " there is no trace of the lion having occurred in modern times, while the others " are familiar and common, we must be quite content with the leopard. Every. " where around us were the fresh traces of beasts of every kind ; for two days 14] ST. MARK I. 15 14 Now after that Jobn was put in prison, Jesus came into " ago a great portion of the plain had been OTerfewed. The -wild boar had " been rooting and treading on all sides ; the jackals had been hunting in packs " over the soft oozy slime ; the solitary wolf had been prowling about ; and " many foxes had singly been beating the district for game. The hyaena too " had taken his nocturnal ramble in search of carcases. None of these, how- " ever, could we see." {The Land of Israel, pp. 245, 246.) When in the Wady HamSm again, in the district of Gennesaret, he says : " We never met with so " many wild animals as on one of these days. First of all, a wild boar got out " of some scrub close to us, as we were ascending the valley. Then a deer was " started below, ran up the cliff, and wound along the ledge, passing close to us. " Then a large ichneumon almost crossed my feet, and ran into a cleft ; and " while endeavouring to trace him, I was amazed to see a brown Syrian bear "clumsily but rapidly clamber down the rooks and cross the ravine. While " working the ropes above, we could see the gazelles tripping lightly at the "bottom of the valley, quite out of reach and sight of our companions at the " foot of the cUff. Mr. Lowne, who was below, saw an otter, which came out of "the water and stood and looked at him for a minute with surprise. " (The Land of Israel, p. 451.) And the angels ministered to Him. In what way or ways we are not told, nor how frequently, or at what conjuncture or conjunctures. See Matt. iii. 11. Meyer infers from the extreme brevity of Mark's account of the temptation that his report must be chronologically earlier, and less mythically developed, than that of Matthew. Baur again infers, from the obscurity that is involved in its brevity, and from the consequent need of Matthew's fuller narrative to make it plain, that it must be of the nature not of a germ, but of a subsequent conden- sation or epitome. {Kritische Untersuchungen, p. 540.) It is thus that conjec- ture devours conjecture. We take neither of the alternatives. We do not think, on the one hand, that we have in Mark, or ' the proto-Mark,' the germ of Mat- thew ; neither do we think on the other that the mystery of the relationship of the two evangelists is solved when we try to school ourselves into Augustine's conviction, that we are but hearing the echoes of Matthew when we hsten to the brief biographical sketches of Mark. Veb. 14. Now after that John was delivered up. See Matt. xiv. 3-5 ; Luke iii. 19, 20. The rendering of King James's translators, was put in prison, while true to historic fact, is rather too free a translation. Perhaps the Baptist had been betrayed, or surrendered, (as Dickinson renders the word,) into the hands of Herod Antipas ; perhaps he was violently seized by the tyrant, and then ddivered over to the custody of a guard of soldiers, and thus imprisoned. Taken is Wycliffe's version and Tyndale's and Coverdale's. Delivered up is the ve:?sion of the Eheims ; and Luther'8 corresponds {Uberantwortet ward). Jesus came into Galilee. The district where He had spent His youth. Not unlikely, in consequence of its distance from the capital and its proximity to the Gentiles, it would not be so thoroughly priest-ridden, and Pharisee- ridden, as the district of Judsa. 16 ST. MARK I. Li4 Galilee, preaching the gospel of the kingdom of God, 15 and saying, The time is fulfilled, and the kingdom of God is at hand : repent ye, and believe the gospel. Preaching the gospel of God. Jesus preached, or, very literally, heralded; that is, as Fetter popularly explains it, 'published openly, by lively voice and word of mouth.' He preached the gospel; He proclaimed that which is, by pre-eminence, good news or glad tidings. It was not His aim to accuse, or denounce,' or condemn. It was in sadness of heart it He ever, as in paren- thesis, spoke words of accusation, denunciation, or condemnation. The burden of His proclamation was altogether different. It was a message of mercy. He ' preached the gospel of God.' He preached the good news which He had received in commission from God. The genitive of God is what grammarians call the genitive of the author (genitivus auctoris). Vek. 15. And saying. The time is fulfilled. Or, more literally, has been ful- tilled ; that is, the measure of time that required to be completed has been completed. A certain amount of time required to coihe and go ere the worl d was ready for the establishment of the new order of things, or for the inaugur- ation, in its more developed phase, of the kingdom of heaven. That amoui-t of time had now elapsed. The appointed measure had been filled to the brim, — fulfilled, that is filled-full. The accumulation of days and weeks and months and years was complete. It was now ' the fulness of the time ' (Gal. iv. 4). And the kingdom of God is at hand. Or, has come nigh. What Matthew in general calls the kingdom of heaven (see Matt. iv. 17) is designated by Mars and Luke the kingdom of God. No other New Testament writer but Matthew employs the expression the kingdom of heaven, though Paul has the Lord's heavenly kingdom (2 Tim. iv. 18). The two expressions, the kingdom of heaven and the kingdom of God, are coincident in substrate ; they vary only in phase. The kingdom is Divine, and hence heavenly. It is a thing of heaven ; it originated in heaven, tends to heaven, culminates in heaven. It is a heavenly community, with a heavenly Sovereign at its head. All its subjects are heavenly, whether they be on earth or in heaven. Our whole earth should have been a part of heaven ; but it is a runaway world, having gone off from heaven. li! is not, however, finally lost to heaven. God, the Great Moral Governor, has not and wUl not let it go. He desires, not in the use of physical omnipotence, but by glorious moral means, to win it back. Long ago He took the initiative for the accomplishment of this end ; He reclaimed a foothold for heavenly institutions. And now the time was come for establish- ing, in a somewhat developed and as it were completed form, the heavenly community, ' the kingdom of God.' Eepent. It was the burden of John's wilderness ' cry.' Our Saviour takes it up ; for it never can become obsolete until sin has ceased to be. Repentance from dead works (Heb. vi. 1), repentance toward God (Acts xx. 21), must ever be an integrant elementary theme of exhortation with all true preachers of right- tousness. It implies, ^/-stJi/, that men have been wrong in their conduct and character. It implies, secondly, that if they will but calmly and candidly think back over their ways, they wiU get to see that they have been wrong. Henoe 16] . ST. MARK I. 17 16 Now as lie walked by the sea of Galilee, he saw the solemn call Repent I as the antecedent of the joyful call Believe I Our Epglish word is by no means a perfect or precise synonym of the original Greek term (iieTavodTe). The EngMsh Repent brings prominently into view the duty of a penitent state of feeling (note the French repentir). The Greek term brings prominently into view the duty of a preliminary retrogressive acting of the intelligence (or voOs). This retrogressive acting of the intelligence, or after- thought, is only intended indeed to be preliminary ; and if it did not issue in the conviction of the conscience, the sorrow of the heart, and the reformation ot the life, it would be of no moral moment. It would be a useless mental frag- ment, a beginning without its appropriate ending. Nevertheless it is the indispensable beginning of a right state of spirit and lite on the part of all such moral creatures as have already been wrong in their character and conduct. (See on Matt. iii. 2.) And believe in the gospel. It is men's duty both to believe the gospel and to believe in it. The one expression may replace the other ; but they differ in aspect of import. When we are said to believe in the gospel, the attention, so far as the form of the expression is concerned, is not carried farther than the gospel ; our faith is viewed as terminating in the gospel. When, again, we are said to believe the gospel, the attention is carried forward beyond the gospel to the object concerning which the gospel testifies. The gospel is regarded as the medium whereby we may reach the Glorious Object. Both representations are true to the actual philosophy of the case ; but the latter goes deeper in its draught. There are always two objects of faith or belief, — a proximate and an ultimate. The proximate is the testimony (the objectum qvxy) ; the ultimate is the reality testified (the objectum quod). The gospel to which the Saviour referred is, of course, just the good news that the time had now been fulfilled, and that the kingdom of God had come near. Veb. 16. And passing along by the sea of Galilee. Or, the sea of Tiberias; or, the lake of Gennesaret. It was the centre of the circle of Galilee, and was called the sea by the surrounding inhabitants, for the same reason that Windermere, Buttermere, Thirlemcre, Giasmere were regarded of old as seas. It was an expanse of water. The Jews had also their Dead Sea or Salt Sea. But the Mediterranean was 'the great sea.' Dr. Tristram, describing his approach to the sea of Galilee from Nazareth, says : — " For nearly three hours we had ridden " on, with Hermon in front, sparkling through its light cloud-mantle, but still " no sight of the sea of Galilee. One ridge after another had been surmounfed, " when on a sudden the calm blue basin, slumbering in placid sweetness be- " neath its surrounding wall of hills, burst upon us, and we were looking down " on the hallowed scenes of our Lord's ministry. We were on the brow of a "very steep hill. Below us was a narrow plain, sloping to the sea, the beach of " which we could trace to its northern extremity. At our feet lay the city o' " Tiberias, the only remaining town on its shores, enclosed by crumbling forti- " fications with shattered but once massive round bastions. Along that fringe, " could we have known where to find them, lay the remains of Chorazin, Beth- " saida, and Capernaum. Opposite to us were the heights of the country of the C 18 ST. MARK I. [16 Simon and Andrew Lis brother casting a net into the sea : for they were fishers. 17 And Jesus said unto them. Come ye " Gadarenes, and the scene of the feeding of the five thousand. On some one " of the slopes beneath us the sermon on the mount was delivered. The first ■"gaze on the sea of Galilee, lighted up with the bright sunshine of a spring " afternoon, was one of the moments of life not soon or easily forgotten. " It was different from my expectations ; our view was so commanding. In " some respect it recalled in miniature the first view of the Lake of Geneva, "from the crest of the Jura, as it is approached by the old Besanijon road ; " Hermon taking the place of Mont Blanc, the plain of Gennesaret recalling the " Pays de Vaud, and the steep banks opposite the bold coast of Savoy. All " looked small for the theatre of such great events, but all the incidents seemed " brought together as in a diorama. There was a calm peacefulness in the look " of these shores on the west, with the paths by the water's edge, which made " them the fitting theatre for the delivery of the message of peace and recon- " ciliation." (The Land of Israel, pp. 426, 427.) He saw Simon. Or, Simeon. See Acts xv. 14; 2 Pet. i. 1 (Gr.). The pro- nunciation Simeon is nearest the Hebrew original. He was called Peter by our Lord. And Andrew the brother of Simon, Andrew, unlike Simon or Simeon, is a Greek word, bearing the idea of manliness, whereas Simeon brings out the idea of listening or hearing. Casting a net in the sea. {' Afn^iPaXKovras h t-§ 8a,\aapraoi/ji, airrrjv oi iirixiip^oi KoKoSfft). He proceeds to say that ' this fountain produces a fish like the coracine which is found in the marsh-pool at Alexan- dria.' {War, iii. 10 : 8.) This coracine or catfish is quite a remarkable siluroid, which delights to bury itself in sediment, leaving only its feelers exposed. Dr. Tristram found it abounding in the Round Fountain of Mudawarah, and carried ofE specimens a yard long, some of which he has deposited in the British Museum. In ' the fountain of the fig ' {Ain et-Tin) at Khan Minyeh, there are no ooracines. The fountain there, says Dr. Tristram, ' could neither supply it with cover nor food.' And as regards TeU Hflm there is, it seems, no fountain at all in the place. Neither is there any in its neighbourhood, nearer than Ain Tabighah, that could possibly correspond to the Kapharnaum of Josephus. But Ain Tabighah is two miles south of Tell Hum ; and Dr. Tristram could not discover in it any trace of the coracine. How marvellous that there should be such difficulty in identifying the Lord's 'own city' (Matt. ix. 1). How thoroughly has it been brought down to the dust ! (See Matt. xi. 23.) And straightway. Without 'losing any time,' as we say, or letting slip any opportunity. The word rendered straightway, forthwith, or immediately, is a favourite with Mark. He has already used it in ver. 10, 12, 18, 20. He uses it also, before the end of the present chapter, in ver. 28, 29, 30, 31, 42,43.. On the sabbath day. A correct translation, though the expression is plural 22] ST. MARK I. 21 the sabbath day lie entered into the synagogue, and taught. 22 And they were astonished at his doctrine : for he taught them in the original, and translated plurally in Luke iv. 31 by King James's trans- lators. It is plural, because the Aramaic form of the word sounded, to the ears of Greeks, like a plural : shabbata, sabbata. Compare our English word riches, which, though plural in form, was, originally at least, a singular noun, richesse, and is so used by Chaucer 'for instance, who makes it rhyme with princesse. (1. 1831. See on Matt. xii. 1.) Euthymius Zigabenus was misled by the plural form of the evangelist's word, and interpreted the word as mean- ing 07! the sabbath days. The Yulgate translator made the same mistake ; Luther too, and Tyndale and Coverdale, Matthew Henry likewise. Apparently Wakefield also, for he renders the whole clause thus : and He constantly went on the sabbath day. King James's translators in several places made the same mistake. He entered into the synagogue. Tischendorf omits the word entered. But if it was not in the evangelist's autograph it requires to be mentally supplied. The Elzevir edition of 1624 has into synagogue, instead of into the synagogue. Wrongly, however. The good manuscripts have the article ; and there would most probably be only one synagogue in so small a place as Capernaum. It had apparently been but recently erected. When the elders of the Jews, at a sub- sequent time, said to our Lord concerning the centurion ' and he hath built us our synagogue ' (Luke vii. 5) , it is the synagogue in the original. The word synagogue primarily meant a meeting, and thence came to denote a meeting- place, its meaning here. Luther renders it school. It denotes the edifice in which the Jews met together for the reading and explaining of their Scriptures, and the offering up of prayers. And taught. Liberty of speech was allowed in the synagogues, though of course under certain conventional restrictions. (See Vitringa de Synagoga vetere, iii. 1 : 7.) All therefore who had a word to say, and could say it with propriety, more especially if they were manifestly rabbis, or were apparently fit, either by man's teaching or by God's, to be rabbis, had an opportunity of addressing their fellow worshippers. It was a plan that would tend in some instances to confusion and irreverent disputing ; but it was fitted, on the other hand, to foster a spirit of freedom and freshness. It was a counterpoise to the absolute officialism of the sacerdotal service. Vek. 22. And they were astonished at His teaching. Not so much because of its subject matter as because of its peculiar manner. Even Wycliffe employs here the term techynge, though translating from the Vulgate, which has doctrina. Tyndale has learninge, by which perhaps he may have meant teaching, as tho word was for long ' ambidextrous,' and still is so in certain localities. In Anglo-Saxon the word learning-man means indifferently either a schoolmaster or a scholar ; and the verb laran means to teach. For He taught them as having authority. He could not conceal from Himself that He was a master and the master in all things moral, spiritual, and scrip- tural, and entitled therefore to do something more than merely propose His opinion. He did not need to speak as one who was in doubt, or as one who 22 ST. MARK I. [22 as one tliat had authority, and not as the scribes. 23 And there was in their synagogue a man with an unclean spirit ; and he realized that he might be mistaken. He could not, in honesty, thua speak. There would be meekness indeed, and the sweetest condescension ; but there could be no doctrinal diffidence. (See Matt. v. 20, 22, 28, 32, 34; 39, 44.) Not only, however, would there be the absence of doctrinal diffidence, there would at the same time be the presence in His teaching, to an unprecedented degree, of the self-evidencing power of the truth. The light would shine, as in a blaze, through all that He said ; and it would be impossible for ingenuous men to puzzle themselves into a debate whether it was really light or darkness. Jesus, says Matthew Henry, was ' a non-such preacher.' And not as the scribes. The scribes were the learned men of the Jewish nation, the men who had to do with letters {ypaiiiiaT^ls). Almost all the writing that was required in the nation would be done by them ; most of the reading too. The transcribing of the Scriptures would devolve on them ; and as the nation was emphatically ecclesiastical, the chief currents of their engagements would flow in u, biblical and religious direction. Hence the interpretation of the law and the prophets, in the synagogues, would devolve chiefly on them ; and the people would, to a large degree, be dependent on their instructions. They would vary greatly, like other men, in ability, character, and qualifica- tions ; but it would appear that in the time of our Lord the great bulk of them were pedantic in things that were obvious enough, and frivolous and jejune in all things that lay beyond. They would be admirable guessers, and mighty in platitudes. They would bo ingenious in raising , microscopic doubts, and perfect adepts in conjuring up conceit to do battle with conceit. They would be skilful in splitting hairs to infinity, and they would be proud of their abihty to lead their hearers through the endless mazes of the imaginations of preceding rabbis, imaginations that ended in nothing or in something that was actually worse than nothing. But they would have no power, or almost none, to move the conscience toward true goodness, or to stir the love of the heart toward God and toward men. They might speak, indeed, with positiveness enough ; but it would not be with moral power. They might assert with dic- tatorial self sufficiency ; but it would not be with ' demonstration of the Spirit,' demonstration flashing in conviction even upon reluctant and hard-winking souls. Veb. 23. And straightway. No sooner had the Saviour concluded His address than there arose a peculiar commotion. There was in their synagogue a man with aa tmcleau spirit. Or, more literally, 1 man ' in ' an unclean spirit, that is, a man under the influence of an unclean spirit ; just as we say, a man ' in ' drink, or, more pleasantly, a man ' in ' love. For the time being the man is absorbed, as it were, in love or in drink. So the demoniac was absorbed as it were into the demon, and was completely under its power, or, as we may say, within its power. There were such de- moniacs of old ; and there is little reason for doubting that there are such demoniacs still, though demonism, like many other agencies, obvious and 24] ST. MARK I. 23 cried out, 24 saying. Let us alone ; what have we to do with occult, liaa varied in its phases in the course of the ages. There is manifestly a spiritual side of things, the counterpart of that material side that is open to our apperception through our senses. It is entirely arbitrary to suppose that in this spiritual side of things there is no other spiritual element, no spiritism, except what is human. The universe is large ; worlds are linked to worlds ; evU and good are strangely commingled. God is everywhere ; and He is a Spirit. There is therefore some other spiritism than what is human. And, as fegaxds the sphere of creation, we may be sure that it is not a mere spiritual wUderuess, or waste, or vacuum, round about man. There are hosts of spirits, at once hierarchically ascending, and contrariwise descending. Influences from both directions press in upon men ; and hence the demoniacal possessions of Scripture. It is in some respects a marvellous mode of influence, but yet by no means more marvellous than some other modes distinctively mental. If human spirits be wonderfully correlated to their bodies, as they are, it need not amaze us that demonic spirits, if having influence at all beyond the circle of their spiritual selves, should seek to enter and should be able on certain condi- tions to enter into some abnormal correlations, not to human spirits only, but to the bodies of these spirits. The man of whom the evangelist speaks was in the power of an unclean spirit. Possibly he was ' suffering,' as Schenkel will have it, ' from religious mania.' (Character of Jesus, v. 3.) But that explains nothing. Eeligious mania requires itself to be explained. The demon was unclean, impure, unholy. Holiness is cleanness. Wickedness or unholi- ness is foulness, or the defilement of the soul. And he cried out. Godwin translates, and ' it ' cried out. But the nominative to the verb is the word man, whose mouth and voice were employed by the unclean spirit. Veb. 24. Saying. Immediately following this word we have in King James's version the exclamation Let as alone/ But the interjection (la) which is thus freely translated has most probably been imported into the text from Luke iv. 34, where it is no doubt genuine. It is omitted by Lachmann, Tisohendorf, Tregelles, Alford. It is not found in the manuscripts S B D, nor in the Italic, Vulgate, Syriao Peshito, Coptic, .ffithiopic, Arabic, and Persic versions. It is an exclamation denoting displeasure. (See Fritzsche.) What have we to do with Thee ? OriaXhex, What hast Thou to do with usf Very literally. What to us and to Thee ? It is an idiomatic expression, meaning What is there in common to us and to Thee ? As here appUed it is deprecatory, and means Why dost Thou interfere with us ? (See Kypke ; and oomp. John ii. 4 ; also Jud. xi. 12, 2 Sam. xvi. 10, 1 Kings xvii. 18, 2 Kings iii. 13, Matt. viii. 29.) The Saviour had not, so far as appears, been formally inter- fering by any specific action. But His very presence on the scene was felt to be interference. There emanated from Him, round about, an influence that went in upon men blissfully, counterworking all evil influences. The unclean spirit felt the power, and resented it as an interference, an interference not with itself in particular, but with the entire circle of kindred spirits. ' What hast Thou to do, with us ? ' 24 ST. MARK I. [24 ttee, thou Jesus of Nazareth? art thou come to destroy us ? I know thee who thou art, the Holy One of God. Thou Jesus of Nazareth ! There is no thou in the original ; and it rather encumbers the address. It is properly omitted by Luther and the Eheims translator. It was inserted, however, both by Wyolifie and by Tyudale, and by King James's translators. Beza supposes that there was diabolic artifice in referring to Nazareth instead of Bethlehem. Trapp echoes the idea, and Matthew Henry. Petter says, ' but this I leave as uncertain, although it is not altogether unlikely.' It is however a manifest strain, and gives the evil one more than was his due : see Lulse xxiv. 19 ; Acts ii. 22, iii. 6, iv. 10, x. 38, xxii. 8. Jesus belonged to Nazareth as truly as to Bethlehem ; and His con- nection with Nazareth would be much better known, and would be therefore more discriminative as an appellation, than His connection with Bethlehem. Art Thou come to destroy us ? Or, more literally, Camest Thou to destroy us ? It is not quite certain, however, whether we should read the words interroga- tively, or affirmatively. Thou camest to destroy us. The majority of editors and expositors take them interrogatively. Luther however gives them afSrmatively. Wetstein also. Bengel gave them interrogatively in his first and second editions, but in his third edition of 1753 he removed the interrogation point. In his German version also, of the same date, he gives the expression affirmatively. So Griesbaoh and Scholz ; also Knapp, Tittmann, Vater,Nabe, Ornsby ; Tischen- dorf too in his seventh and eighth editions, though not in his preceding edition of 1849. Fritzsche pleads for the affirmative reading. Bwald assumes it. It is not a matter of much moment which of the two views be embraced. In what goes before there is iuterrogation, and in what comes after there is affirm- ation. On the whole we prefer the interrogative view, though we would not have the interrogation strongly pronounced. It is much of the nature of ex- clamation, and expresses deprecation. The evil spirit knew, in general, what was the aim of the mission of Jesus, but we need not suppose that he knew with absolute precision and far-reaching range ; and hence the interrogative element. Grotius votes for the interrogation, chiefly on the ground of corre- spondence with Matt. viii. 29. Note the us : Camest Thou to destroy ' «s ' .« Is it the intent of Thy mission to put down all demonic power ? Note the word destroy. It has no reference to the annihilation of being ; usurpers are de- stroyed when their usurpation is destroyed . I know Thee who Thou art. The Sinaitio manuscript and Tischendorf read We know Thee, instead of J know Thee. Were it the correct reading, it would represent the unclean spirit as speaking in the name of his fellows. They had inter-communication one with another about their affairs, and they all knew that Jesus had come and that He was from above. Doubtless, however, I know Thee is the correct reading. It is overwhelmingly supported by the real authorities ; and it is the reading of Luke iv. 34. The Holy One of God. That is, the Holy One belonging to God, viz. as God's great Agent in relation to the salvation of men. The demon gives emphasis to the moral transcendency and sinlessness of the Saviour. It was the phase of our Lord's being that was in the most absolute antagonism to the character and influence of ' the spirit that now worketh in the children of disobedience.' It 27] ST. MARK I. 25 25 And Jesus rebuked him, saying. Hold thy peace, and come out of him. 26 And when the unclean spirit had torn him, and cried with a loud voice, he came out of him. 27 And they were all amazed, insomuch that they questioned among them- selves, saying, What thing is this ? What new doctrine is this ? for -with authority commandeth he even the unclean spirits, and they do obey him. ■was the edge of the swoid that was about to gain the victory. The confession, ■we may suppose, would be extorted under the pressure of the moment ; or it may have been orootedly contrived to throw discredit on our Lord, as receiving commendation from a questionable quarter. Vee. 25. And Jesus rebuked him. Instead of rebuked, Coverdale has reproved, and Wycliffe thretenyde. The original word is very peculiar {eTreTlix-r)(xev), and strictly means rated. Our Saviour chid the evil spirit. He never on any occasion gave any quarter to anything demonic. Saying, Hold thy peace, and come out of him. Whether the demon's confession were simply extorted, or diabolically contrived, our Lord laid His interdict upon it. He knew that it could not emanate from any good intent, or from any real appreciation. It ■was one of His aims in coming into the world to silence Satan. The word translated Hold thy peace {^L/aidrin) is exceedingly graphic. Be muzzled. It is a word for a beast : see 1 Cor. ix. 9, 1 Tim. v. 18. Vek. 26. And the unclean spirit convulsing him, and crying with a loud voice, came out of him. Convulsing him, no doubt epileptically, throwing him to the ground, and, as it were, tearing at him, though not actually, as Cardinal Cajetan remarks, severing member from member. And crying with a loud voice. " Not "that he uttered any words or speech," says Petter, "as he did before, but " only a confused hideous noise." It was with a grudge that he let go his prey. Yeb. 27. And all were amazed, so that they questioned among themselves. Or rather, so that they questioned together. Such is the translation of Tisohen- dorf's text {Siure aw^rilv airoii), as supported by the Sinaitic and Vatican manuscripts. Tyndale's version is, in so moche that they demaunded one of another amonge themselves. Each turned to his neighbour, in astonishment, to ask his opinion. Saying, What is this? Kew teaching with authority ! And He commandeth the unclean spirits, and they obey Him ! Such is, apparently, the correct reading and rendering of the abrupt remarks which the astonished people made to one another (SiSaxh Kaiffi Kar i^ovaiav km rots irveiiiainv k. t. \.). New teaching with a witness ! New certainly in relation to authority I We never heard any- thing like that before I And He lays His injunctions on the unclean spirits, and they obey Him t The Ee^yised version, following Lachmanu and Tregelles, puts a stop after New teaching 1 and attaches the expression with authority to the following clause : with authority He lays His injunctions even on the un- clean spirits, and they obey Him ! The other method of construction, however, is simpler, and more in accordance with what is said in ver. 22, He taught them as having authority. The authority had impressed itself on the people's 2G ST. MARK L [28 28 And immediately his fame spread abroad throughout all the region round about Galilee. 29 And forthwith, when they were come out of the syna- gogue, they entered into the house of Simon and Andrew, with hearts and oonsoienoes ; and, in addition to that, they marYelled at the decisive and successful way in which He dealt with the unclean spirit. They say the unclean spirits, for by an easy process of generalization they referred the par- ticular case in hand to the category to which it belonged. Veb. 28. And the report of Him went out Immediately in all directions into the whole surrounding region of Galilee. It flew, as it were, on the wings of the wind. The report of Him : or, more literally still, the hearing of Him, that is, the hearing of which He was the object. Immediately : this word is omitted in the Sinaitio manuscript (N*), but not in the Vatican, as Tregelles had been led to suppose ; it is omitted also in the important cursive manuscripts 1 and 33. But doubtless it is genuine ; it was just like Mark to insert it (see on ver. 21 and 30). And it is peculiarly appropriate in such a case as the present, for no doubt the report concerning Jesus would spread like wildfire. In all directions, or everywhere {iravraxoO) : a word not in the Eeceived Text, nor admitted by Lachmann, but received by Tisohendorf on the authority of X° B C L, 69, etc. Into the whole surrounding district of Galilee : such is evi- dently the meaning of the evangelist's expression. King James's translators seem to have supposed that the reference was to the district which surrounded Galilee. So Tyndale, all the region borderinge on Galilee. The Geneva follows Tyndale. Cajetan takes the same view, and Erasmus, Beza, Fetter, Eisner, Eritzsche, Meyer, Lange ; some of them misled apparently by Matt. iv. 24. Grotius hesitates. But both the Peshito version and the Vulgate give the right view. Wychffe's translation is, in to al the cuntree of Galilee. So le ESvre, Diodati, de Dieu strongly, Beausobre, Wolf, Bengel, Principal Campbell, Burton, Baumgarten-Crusius, Rilliet, Webster and Wilkinson, Elostermann. Ver. 29. And forthwith. The same word that is rendered immediately in the preceding verse. The two verses, however, run out with their respective ' immediately ' on diHerent lines. The former takes note of the rapid general impression produced in the district at large ; this takes note of what happened in Capernaum just after the dismission of the people from the synagogue. When they were come out of the synagogue. They, that is, Jesus and His four disciples. The evangelist is not studying his phrases. He was thinking of our Saviour and His four disciples generally, and begins to speak of them collect- ively ; but, as he proceeds, he descends to particulars, in a manner that might be regarded as confused by a fastidious composer, but that ■ is in reality sub- servient to a distinct apprehension of the state of the case. They came into the house of Simon and Andrew. See ver. 16. With James and John. See ver. 19. Although the evangelist, when com- mencing this verse, had in his mind Jesus and His four disciples, inclusive of course of James and John ; yet, when he proceeded to tell where the company 32] ST. MARK I. 27 James and Jolin. 30 But Simon's wife's mother lay sick of a fever, and anon they tell him of her. 31 And he came and took her by the hand, and lifted her up; and immediately the fever left her, and she ministered unto them. 32 And at even, when the sun did set, they brought unto ■went, he deemed it a fitting partioularizatiou to add with James and John, lest they should be lost sight of in the generalization of the first part of the verse. It is not an utterly extravagant idea of Klostermann's that the evangelist's phraseology may prohably be moulded on a report from Peter himself (see Papias in Eusebius's Eccles. Hist., iii. 39), which might run in some such way as the following: "And immediately on coming out of the synagogue we " (that is, Jesus, James and John, and my brother Andrew and I) went wito cob " house." Ter. 30. But Simon's wife's mother. Tyndale, in his 1526 edition, has Symones m,otherelawe. In his subsequent edition of 1534 he opens up the crushed expression, Symons mother in lawe. This is also Coverdale's trans- lation, and that of the first Geneva in 1557. The subsequent Geneva, or the Geneva proper, and the Bheims, have the translation that is repeated in our translation. Was lying in fever. She lay prostrate {icaTiKeiTo). In fever : as if she had been on fire {Tvpeaa-ovaa). " Country fever is.to this day," says Tristram, " very " prevalent in this seething plain and on its borders; and such a position as " Ain Mudawarah would be peculiarly subject to it." (The Land of Israel, p. 448.) And straightway they speak to Him concerning her. No doubt with wistfuluess in their hearts. Veb. 81. And He came, and took her by the hand, and raised her up. Or, as we should say, assisted her up. The perfect self possession and calm confidence of our Lord are beautifully indicated. There was no hesitancy on the one hand, and no bustle on the other. He simply put Himself en rapport with the patient, and the matter was done. And the fever left her. The ' virtue ' that went forth from the Lord restored instantaneously the physical equilibrium of the patient. He willed, ' and it was done.' He is thus the great healer and rectifier not only in the inner or moral sphere of the nature which He assumed ; but also in the outer or material sphere. When onoe His will shall be absolutely dominant in the world, as one day it shall be, there will be no more disease. And she ministered to them. She served them, or waited on them, when they sat down to partake of their humble repast. The fever had not burned up her strength before it was expelled, and left her prostrate. It was itself burned out and left her strength unimpaired. Vek. 32. And at even, when the sun set. At even, or, as Purvey has it, whaune the eventid was come ; that is, when the sabbath was ended. It was a matter of religion with the Jews to do as little work as possible, even in the way of curing diseases, on the sabbath day ; not a bad principle of action, 28 ST. MAEK I. [32 him all that were diseased, and them that were possessed with devils. 33 And all the city was gathered together at the door. 34 And he healed many that were sick of divers diseases, when kept in the guidance of love and reason, instead of being committed to the leading strings of superstition. (See Danz's Guratio Sabbathica.) They brought to Him all the diseased and the demoniac. The term diseased, in its current modern acceptation, is perhaps a trifle too strong to represent the import of the original expression {KaKas ^ovras) ; but when looked at etymo- logically, dis-eased, that is, sundered from ease or ill at ease, and thus unwell, it is all that could be desired. The demoniacs referred to are described, in our English version, as they that were possessed with devils. It is no doubt a correct enough description ; but the word devil or devils is never used in the original, when demoniacs are spoken of. It is always the word demon or demons, or the generic term spirit or spirits. In Greek mythology the word demon had a rather peculiar history or development of meaning. As Homer used the term, it was almost, if not altogether, equivalent to the word god or deity. Hesiod however distinguished between gods and demons ; according to his representation in his Works and Days, " the latter are invisible tenants " of earth, remnants of the once happy ' golden race ' whom the Olympic gods " first made. . . . They are geuerically different from the gods, but essentially " good, and forming the intermediate agents and police between gods and men." (Grote's History of Greece, vol. i., part i., 2, pp. 58, 60.) By and by, however, Empedocles and Xenoorates represented the ghosts of th'e ' silver race ' as demons too ; and, as the ' silver race ' were " reckless and mischievous toward "each other, and disdainful of the immortal gods," they made bad demons. This representation grew in the public mind, and at length overlapped the other, so that the word demon " came insensibly to convey with it a bad sense, " the idea of an evil being as contrasted with the goodness of a god." (Grote's History, vol. i. parti., 2, 16, pp. 61, 348, 349.) It was at this ultimate stage of the word's history that it got into use among the Greek-speaking Jews ; and hence, in New Testament usage, it denotes an evil spirit, of an order of beings superior in knowledge and power to men. In short, it was regarded as a fitting Greek designation for a fallen angel. As to the possibility and probability of possession, see on ver. 23. When the evangelist says that the people brought ' all ' the diseased and the demoniac, the all is to be interpreted in accordance with the way in which it is often freely used in popular parlance. Comp. ver. 5, 33, 37. Vek. 83. And the whole city was gathered together at the door. They came to the door (tt/jos riiv Bipav), and were thus at the door, crowding around it. The whole city thus came, that is, the whole body of the citizens. The evan- gelist is speaking popularly in his use of the word lohole ; and Capernaum, we must bear in mind, would be but a small city or town. (Compare the use of TTo'Xis and Kdiii-q in Luke ii. 4 and John vii. 42.) Dr. Samuel Clarke's paraphrase of the verse is, " and such a vast multitude gathered together about the house, " to see what was done, that almost the whole city seemed to be there." Veb. 34. And He healed many that were sick with divers diseases ; and many 36] ST. MARK I. 29 and cast out many devils ; and suffered not the devils to speakj because they knew him, 35 And in the morning, rising up a great while before day, he went out, and departed into a solitary place, and there prayed. 36 And Simon and they that were with him followed demons He cast out. The evangelist distinguishes between natural diseases and demoniacal possessions ; though, not unlikely, the hue that separated them was not intended to be very rigidly drawn. And He snifered not the demons to speak, for they knew Him. Beza, overlook- ing the proper import of the word rendered speak Q\.aKuv), renders the clause thus, and He suffered not the demons to say that they knew Him. The demons knew Him to be the Messiah, and were ready, in their anguish and anger, to address Him as such. (See ver. 24 ; comp. Matt. vui. 29.) But Jesus did not wish to be borne onward in His career by the aid of their testimony ; see on ver. 24, 25. Ver. 35. And in the morning, while it was yet very dark, He rose up and went ont. Namely, from the house where He was lodging. The expression in the Authorized and Eevised translations, a great while before day, brings into view a length of time which is not indicated in the original phraseology (ir/jMt Iwvxa \lav), and which might with difficulty be harmonized vrith the expression in Luke iv. 42. Coverdale, following Luther, errs on the other hand in omitting to translate the adverb which intensifies the idea of the nocturnal darkness. His translation is, in the momynge hefore daye. Before daylight would be better (Luke iv.42). The original expression is a plural adverb, in the accusative form, meaning literally, when combined with the intensive adverb, while the darkness of the departing night was still very great ; that is, while it was yet very dark. (See (vvvx,ov in 3 Mace. v. 5, which Kypke translates exeunte node.) The morn- ing is not a mere point, but a line of time, an elongated progress or procession. At the one extremity it is in the night ; at the other it is in the day. Wycliffe's version is admirable, in the morewynge ful erly. And departed into a desert place, and there prayed. Instead of ' desert place,' King James's version has ' solitary place,' the only instance in which the evangelist's adjective is so rendered. It means, however, more than solitary, for a garden might be solitary, especially in the early morning. Indeed, Mat- thew Henry actually supposes that the reference here might be to ' some remote garden or outbuilding.' It is a, mistake however. Our Saviour went to one of the bare and barren spots stretching away north or west from Capernaum. He was there engaged in praying, lifting up His spirit communingly to His Heavenly Father. The word rendered prayed {irpoffrjix^ro) does not. simply denote asking, " Prayer," says Petter, " is a holy conference with God." Veb. 36. And Simon and they that were with him went in pursuit of Him. When they awoke in the morning and found Him gone, they seem to have got alarmed lest He should have left them, betaking Himself to some other sphere of labour. So too the inhabitants of the little city in general seem to have felt. Hence the haste and eagerness of Simon and his companions (Andrew, James md John), as indicated by the strong verb employed [Karediu^ev) ; they pursued 30 ST. MARK I. [36 after him. 37 And when they had found him, th^y said unto him, All 7nen seek for thee. 38 And he said unto them, Let us go into the next towns, that I may preach there also : for Sivi, as a He were fleeing from them. The Syriao Peshito version softens the evangelist's phrase, using a verb which simply means sovght. They went in quest of Him. But the Philoxenian Syriao adheres to the literal idea, using a verb and preposition which mean pursued after. -Peter was the leader of the pursuing party, thus giving early indication of the impulsive ardour of his nature. Vek. 37. And they found Him, and say to Him, All are seeking Thee. That is, though indefinitely, all the people (in Capernaum). The people in general had no sooner risen in the morning than they thought of the wonderful preacher and healer and demon expeller. They wanted still to hear more, and to see more ; and hence they came, one after another, to the house where He had been lodging, in quest of Him ; His popularity had leaped up instantaneously to the superlative degree.' Vee. 38. And He says to them, let us go elsewhere. " Behold," says Sar- oerius, " the philanthropy of Christ." The word elsewhere (dXXaxoC) is inserted by Tischendorf, Tregelles, Alford, Candy. It is found in the Sinaitic, Vatican, and Ephraemi manuscripts, and 33 {' the queen of the cursives '), and in the Coptic, Armenian, .Slthiopic, and Arabic versions. It brings out genericaUy what is specifically expressed in the following clause. Into the next towns. The smaller places round about, the adjoining towns and villages. The compound word (KU/iorriXets), translated in our English version towns, means village-cities as it were, or village-towns as Petter renders it, country-towns as Cajetan explains it. It is a word that occurs only here, in the New Testament. Strabo however uses it ; and it is common in the Byzantine mediseval writers. It would include, as employed by the evangelist, imperfectly enclosed towns, and unenclosed villages or hamlets (Thucyd. i. 5), where however there would be some synagogue or place of social worship. (See next verse, and compare Lightfoot in loc.) There were many such towns and villages in Galilee. Josephus says, concerning the two Gahlees upper and lower: " The cities {tSKck) lie thick, and the multitudes of villages {KUfiSv) are " everywhere so full of people, in consequence of the richness of the soil, that the "very least of them contains above fifteen thousand inhabitants." (War, iii. 3 : 2.) But this surely is exaggeration. That I may preach there also ; for to this end came I forth. To this end, that is, that I may preach the good news, not in one place only, but far and wide amongst the lost sheep of the house of Israel. The Saviour came forth from His invisible condition into the world, to this end. Not indeed to this end only ; He had other ends in view, higher still. But this was one of the aims which actuated Him. The expression came I forth, or came I out, was probably used by our Saviour with intentional indefiniteness. He does not specify whence or from whom He came. The truth was left to dawn gradually upon the disciples' minds. He came into the world ; He came out into it, out from beyond or from above. He came out from the Father. (See John viii. 42 ; xiii. 3 ; xvi. 27, 28, 40] ST. MAEK I. 31 therefore came I fortli. 39 And he preached in their syna- gogues throughout all Galileej and cast out devils. 40 And there came a leper to him, beseeching him, and 30 ; and compare Hegendorphinus in loc.) Compare also Matt. xiii. 49, where we read that " the angels slidll come forth (or shall come out) , and sever the wicked " from among the just." (See Luke iv. 43.) De Wette thinks that the expression means for to this end came I out {from Capernaum). Meyer insists on the same view, for to this end came I out (of the house). So Fritzsohe, for to this end came I out {into this desert place). Godwin too. Such an interpretation how- ever amazes us. It involves a sudden, arbitrary, and most unpleasant descent into bathos. It is to assume moreover that our Lord had resolved, as. if in caprice, to go off elsewhere without His newly called disciples, and without so much as even informing them of His intended movement ! It is to assume, besides, that it is not likely that our Saviour would wish to quicken thought by occasionally using two-edged expressions, which would lead His hearers to think at one and the same time of a lower and a higher relationship of things, — a most improbable assumption. Vek. 39. And He went into their synagogues throngiout all Galilee, preaching and casting out demons. A simple and easily understood historical statement, but, in the original, thrown very inartificially together, as in a heap of phrases. If the correct reading were literally rendered, it would run thus : And He came preaching into their synagogues, into the whole of Galilee, and casting out the demons (koX fjKBev KTipiaawv ets Tks (Twayiiryd,! airdv eh SXijc t^v TaXi.'Xalav koI ri, Satiidvia ^K^dWav). The reading 'into' their synagogues is overwhelmingly supported by the manuscripts of importance. And the introductory expression He came, supported by the Sinaitic and Vatican manuscripts, as well as by the Coptic and .ZEthiopio versions, is received into the text by Tisohendorf (in his eighth edition) and by Tregelles. The Beceived Text has apparently been touched into harmony with the text of Luke (iv. 44). Throughout all Galilee. Josephus says, but surely with a touch of exaggera- tion, that in his day there were " two hundred and forty towns and villages in " GalUee." {Life, § 45.) Veb. 40. And there cometh to Him a leper. We know not in what place. Luke says it was ' in one of the cities ' (see chap. v. 12-16). Matthew too records the miracle (viii. 1-4), but does not specify the place. To this day lepers' quarters are found outside the walls of many of the towns of Palestine. (Tristram's Land of Israel, p. 417.) A leper: one infected with what Mead calls ' the most dreadful of all the diseases to which the Jews were subject ' {atrocissimus erat, qui Judieorum corpora frequenter fadabat, morbus : Mbdica Sacba, cap. 2). Many diseases have their peculiar haunts or habitats ; and leprosy seems to have been emphatically, and as existing under some peculiarly aggravated type or phase, a Syrian, Arabian, and Egyptian disease. (See Smith's BiUe Dictionary, sub voce.) Perhaps the Jews brought it from Egypt, which Lucretius {RerumNat., vi. 1112-3) and other ancient writers (see J.Mason Good's note on Lucretius) assert to be the birthplace and the favourite abode of elephan- tiasis. It is disputed indeed among nosologists whether or not elephantiasis bo 32 ST. MARK I. [40 kneeling down to him, and saying unto him, If thou wilt, thou canst make me clean. 41 And Jesus, moved with com- passion, put forth his hand, and touched him, and saith unto really leprosy. The dispute is, to a great degree, a matter of terminology. (See J. Mason Good's Study of Medicine, vol. ii., pp. 851-862, and vol. iv., p. 578.) But it seems to be certain that vfhat is, at the present day, regarded as leprosy in Jerusalem, and throughout Palestine and Syria, is not so much the disease which the old Greek and Latin physicians called leprosy, as the still more loath- some malady called elephantiasis. Diseases indeed sometimes vary in their development, in the course of ages ; they culminate and wane ; they run out their course, or pass into new varieties. (See Hecker's Epidemics of the Middle Ages.) Whether or not this may have been the case with the old Jewish leprosy we need not at present inquire. Dr. Eobinson says : " Within the Zion gate of " Jerusalem, a little towards the right, are some miserable hovels, inhabited by " persons called leprous. Whether their disease is or is not the leprosy of " Scripture I am unable to affirm ; the symptoms described to us were similar " to those of elephantiasis. At any rate they are pitiable objects, and miserable " outcasts from society. They all live here together, and intermarry only with " each other." (Biblical Researches, vol. i., 359.) We ourselves saw the poor creatures, and noted the erosive and dismembering nature of their malady. The disease riots tuberoularly and uloeratingly, attacking and destroying feature after feature of the face, and the fingers and the toes, and other parts, tiU ' the patient becomes a hideous spectacle, and falls in pieces.' (See Michaelis's Mosaisches-Recht, §§ 208, 209.) Beseeching Him, and kneeling down to Him, and saying unto Him, If Thon wiliest, Thou art able to cleanse me. The disease was correctly regarded, not only as constituting a ceremonial uncleanness, but also as embodying a real physical impurity. Hence when the leper applied to the Saviour for cleansing, he did not refer to ceremonial purification, which a priest alone could confer. He made exclusive reference to physical purification, which would consist in restoration to such a normal state of health as, when acknowledged by the priest, would be his passport into the privilege of living in communion with the population at large, as an admitted member of society. When he said to our Lord, Thou art able to cleanse me, he manifested, as Alexander remarks, a very high degree of faith in our Lord's Divine or Messianic power. Leprosy stood apart by itself from all other diseases, as a malady that signally manifested the judicial displeasure of God (see 2 Kings v. 27 ; 2 Chron. xxvi. 19-21). It was admitted to be in general incurable. When the afflicted man said. If Thou wiliest, he admitted that he did not know whether it might be within the range of our Lord's mission, or within the scope of His aim and intent, to grant relief to such a humiUated and outcast class of sufferers as that to which he belonged. We know ; but he did not. Veb. 41. And being moved with compassion. An exceedingly fine translation {-riiJ,lt;ei,v). King James's English translators got it from the Bheims. Wyoliffe gives a duplicate version, ' diffame (or puplishe).' lusomuoh that He— our Authorized and Eevised versions, after Tyndale, replace the pronoun with the name Jesus, for the sake of perspicuity — insomuch that Jesus could no more openly enter into a city. Into a city, not into the city, as in the preceding English versions. The meaning is into any city, as Eilliet renders it (dans aucune ville). So too Patrizi. The literal translation would be into town ; only this phrase had not quite the same idiomatic import among the Greeks that it has in English. Into towns would bring out the idea intended. Jesus, says the evangelist, could not enter openly into towns. The language is popular. The inability was, as metaphysicians would say, not physical but moral ; not absolute, but upon a condition. Our Lord could not, in consistency with the high moral and spiritual aims which He had in view. He could not, because the moment that His presence was recognised in a town He was liable to be surrounded and hemmed in by a surging crowd of ignorant and ignorantly expectant gazers, wonderers, and volunteer followers. One sees now how wise it was to tell the leper to hold his tongue. The phrase no more, in the expres- sion He could no more openly enter into towns, has reference to the particular period spoken of ; it was a period that continued only for a limited season. See chap. ii. 1. But was without in desert places. Now here and now there. He was in these places continuously (^y) ; He continued in them. Without : out of town, out of towns. And they came to Him from all parts. The people kept coming to Him (■IjpXovTo), notwithstanding the difficulty of reaching Him, and the inconveniences connected with a sojourn, even for a very limited period, in an unpopulated district. 36 ST. MARK II. [I CHAPTER II. 1 AND again lio entered into Capernaum after some days j CHAPTEB II. So far as Chapter I. carries us into the career of our Lord, we find Him pursued by a most inconvenient amount of popular enthusiasm and curiosity. The ■whole district of Galilee was heaving and ringing with excitement concerning Him. Is this ' He ' ? Who else can it be ? Surely it must he ' He ' I The day at length is dawning ! Soon shall the Romans be put down ! Soon shall God's people be exalted ! The kingdom of heaven is at hand ! Is not' this the Son of David, and the King of the kingdom, though in disguise ? His fame thrilled almost instantaneously all over the region, and ran along vibrating chords into the surrounding localities. These were the beginnings of things. But other elements soon sprang up. When once both high and low were fairly waked up into interest, and were straining their minds to comprehend ' who this should be,' the ecclesiastical formalists and critics found multitudes of things, both in our Lord's words and works, which did not fit into the angles of their preconceived notions. Hence came collision ; and this collision grew, and grew, tni Christ was crucified, and Judaism was shivered into pieces, and a new spiritual constitution of things was inaugurated. The first shocks of collision are exhibited in a variety of scenes, which are consecutively depicted from the beginning of this second chapter down to the sixth verse of the third. Had the chapters been more skilfully bounded off by Hugo de Sancto Caro, the second would have extended over the first six verses of the third. The scene that is depicted in chap. ii. 1-12 is also depicted by Matthew, chap. ix. 1-8, and by Luke, v. 17-26. Michelsen contends that the paragraph bears marks of an overhauling by the Deutero-Markus. (Het Evangelie van Markiis, pp. 88-90.) This is however an entirely arbitrary supposition. The paragraph only bears marks of a plui'ality of subjective factors in the mind and memory of the one Mark. Vek. 1. And wheii He entered again into Capernaum after a lapse of days. Or, after a time. Literally, through days. Tyndale's version is, after afeawe dayes ; Coverdale's, after certayne dayes. (See L. Bos, Exercitat. Phil., in loc.) It was reported. Literally, it was heard. So Wyoliffe ; only he has it in the present tense, iti\ herd. Every report is two-sided ; it is something said and something lieard. The English phrase exhibits the one side of the reality, the Greek the other. That He was in the house. Such is the free translation of our Authorized and Revised versions. The demonstrative particle that, however, is ' recitative' in the original. It introduces the citation of the report heard, in the ' direct ' form of reporting ; and hence the verb, in the original, is in the present tense, He is, not He was. Hence too the that is superfluous in English, as being in our idiom the introductory formula of an ' indirect ' report. It was reported. 2J ST. MAEK II. 37 and it was noised that lie was in the house. 2 And straight- way many were gathered together, insomuch that there was no room to receive them, no, not so much as about the door : ' He is in the house ' ; or more literally, ' He is into the house ' ; or more literally still, ' He is into house ' (els oXk'uv iioi.), so that the relative ro7«'c?i could not, without some degree of violence, look back to it as a detached antecedent. No doubt the expression refers, not to place, but to time : in the time in which the bridegroom is with them. The bridegroom: the Saviour beautifully subindicates that He is the Bridegroom of the church. (Comp. Ps. xlv ; Song of Songs ; 2 Cor. xi. 2 ; Eph. v. 24-32 ; Eev. xix. 7-9.) He is the Lover of the souls of men, and woos them. . When He wins their hearts He becomes wedded to them, or most intimately and lovingly connected with them, and endows them, so far as the circumstances of the case will permit, with aU the prerogatives and blessings of His own high estate. But there are tides of things in the ' times and seasons ' of the Saviour's relationship to men which cannot be adequately set forth within the circle of the limitations of marriage. Hence we must not press the parable at all points. As long as they have the bridegroom with them they cannot fast. We might have expected that the Saviour would have said. As long as they are with the bridegroom, viz. at his house. But He was looking through the transparency of His parable to a peculiar and exceptional case. His own. He had come from afar to the bride's house, to be there we dded to His bride ; and by and by He must leave, and return for a season to His ' Father's house.' There is a good and peculiar reason for such leaving, though it could not with propriety be brought into view in connection with a marriage solemnity. No single human relation- ship can do justice to the unique reality of Christ's relationship to men. They cannot fast. Viz., unless they should act with the utmost incongruity. Vbb. 20. Bat days will come, when the bridegroom shall have been taken away from them. There is a fine mystical meaning embedded in the word that is translated sliall-liave-been-taken-away {dirap^-^. The simple verb means thallhave been lifted up, and the preposition in composition' means away. The whole word covertly refers to what began with the crucifixion and ended with the ascension. (See John xii. 32.) It is noteworthy that it is this identical verb which is employed in the corresponding reports of Matthew (ix. 15) and 54 ST, MARK II. [20- from them, and then shall they fast in those days. 21 No man also seweth a piece of new cloth on an old garment : else the new piece that filled it up taketh away from the old, and Luke (v. 35), and that it is employed nowhere else in the Kew Testament. No doubt it would be the very word that our Lord Himself would use ; for in the gentihzed district of Galilee He would be almost always speaking in Greek. (See Diodati'B Ghristus Greece loquens, and Boberts' Discussions.) And then will they fast in that day. The Eeeeived Text reads here in those days, but by a manifest tinkering of the transcribers to make the phrase identical with the expression at the beginning of the verse and also with Luke's expression (v. 35). In that day was approved of by MiU (p. cxxii.) ; and though Bengel in his 1734 edition decided against it, yet in his 1753 edition, as also in his German Version and his Gnomon, he reversed his decision. It is received into the text by Griesbach, Scholz, Lachmann, Tisehendorf, and Tregelles. Fritzsche indeed could not make up his mind to receive it, he pronounced it ' intolerable.' Yet there really is not the shadow of A doubt that it stood in Mark's autograph. AH the best manuscripts have it ; and it is beautifully and touchingly significant, partly by rolling the days referred to at the commence- ment of the verse into the unity of one long dreary day, and partly by leading the mind back through the indefinite number of days to the first and darkest of them all, the day of the lifting up on the cross. That day would give colour and character to many succeeding days. Veb. 21. No one seweth a patch of unfuUed cloth upon an old cloak. Such patching would be most inappropriate and injudicious. The word patch is the proper term for the original MpKriim. It is Wycliffe's word, pacche. The patch supposed is an unfuUed piece-of-cloth (the genitive of the material). It is the business of the fuller to make the cloth full and compact by precipitating 'jhe process of contraction. Upon an old cloak: the term which we have rendered cloak was the conventional term for the outer garment worn by the Jews, a loose cloak-like robe ; it is rendered. cZo/ce in Matt. v. 40. Else. Literally, but if not, that is, but if it be 'not' the case that 'no one ' sews a patch of unfulled cloth upon an old cloak, which way of negativing a negative just amounts to the positive supposition, but if it be the case that ' some one ' sews a patch of unfulled cloth upon an old cloak. The piece- that-fills-np takes from it, the new from the old, and a worse rent is made. The patch sewed on is here called the piece-that-fills-up (the hole). It is the complement (7rXi}p«M<»), the insertion as it were. Whenever it is damped it shrinkg and draws to itself a margin of the old tender garment. There are several minute variations in the reading of the text, which have been somewhat perplexing to textual critics. In Michelsen's judgment (Markus, p. 150), the text is ' nearly unintelligible.' He can only resolve the difficulty by supposing that ' two glosses ' from the hand of the Deutero-Markus have been bunglingly incorporated ! But there is really no difficulty at all of the kind that Michelsen fancies, no difficulty of exegesis or construction, when we bear in mind that Mark makes not the slightest pretension to classical concinnity of phraseology or ' excellency of speech.' We approve of the reading given in the testa ot £2] ST. MARK II. 55 the rent is made worse. 22 And no man putteth new wine into old bottles : else the new wine doth barst the bottles, and the wine is spilled, and the bottles will be marred : but new wine must be put into new bottles. Lachmaim and Tischendorf (afpei rb irMipuna dir airoO to Katviv rou TraXaioO). It is the reading which the English Eevisionists have followed in their translation of the clause ; and, when assumed, it makes it easy to aeoount for all the little variations. It is approved of by Alford and Klostermann. Dr. Abraham Geiger, the Frankfort rabbi, has a different sort of difficulty with the passage. Or rather, he imagines a difficulty for the Christian, and imagines it to be insuperable, though he himself can easily overvault it, by landing on the other side of Christianity. He thinks that Christ's illustration is entirely erroneous 1 {So is( dies, so viel ich davon verstehe, geradezu unrichtig.) He fancies that Christ is teaching that it is of no use patching up with new notions a religious system that has become, from age, much the worse of the wear (Das Judenthum und seine GescMchte, i. Abt, p. 173) ; and such teaching Geiger conceives to be wrong. He entirely misconceives, however, the mind of Christ, who is simply illustrating, by a striking little parable, the principle of incongruity, as it would have been exemplified had His disciples given themselves to fasting at »■ time of feasting. The illustration is perfect, and exceedingly graphic. Yeb. 22. And no one pntteth new wine into old wine-sldns. Skins, such as of the goat, are still used all over Syria and Egypt for carrying water, and they were much used in former times for holding wine. At present these countries are under Mohammedan rule, and in the Koran wine is interdicted ; but in our Saviour's time it was a universal beverage, and, when not mixed with noxious ingredients or otherwise adulterated, or internally spoiled, it was a drink at once wholesome and delicious. New wine : That is, the new season's wine, 'young wine,' the wine which had just recently been drawn off from the wine vat, after the gathering and crushing of the grapes of the season. Old wine- skins. That is, old and fraU. The reference is to skins of a relative age and frailty corresponding to the age and frailty of the old cloak referred to in the preceding parable. Else. Literally, but if not, as in the preceding verse. The wine will burst [or revd] the skins. This reading is supported by K B D L, 33, very high and weighty authorities. The future tense of the verb is the more difficult reading, when we take the succeeding clause into account, in which there is a recurrence to the present tense. It is not so likely therefore that it would owe its place in the text to the modifying touch of a transcriber. And the wine is destroyed, and the sMns. Such is the reading of Tischendorf and Tregelles (koJ 6 oXvos &iro\\iiTai koX ol do-KoI). It is preserved in the Vatican manuscript, and L, and the Coptic version, and is most likely the autographic reading of Mark. The variations in the manuscripts and versions are numerous, being traceable chiefly to an uncritical attempt in transcribers to conform the condensed, abrupt, and somewhat rugged phraseology of Mark to the more flowing phraseology of Matthew (ix. 17) and Luke (v. 37). Sat new wine must be put into fresh wine-skins. An import of a clause 56 ST. MARK II. [23 23 And it came to pass, ttat he went through the corn dragged in by unskilful harmonists from Luke and Matthew. It is omitted by the Sinaitio manuscript and the Vatican, and by Tischendorf and Alford in their editions of the text. Tregelles encloses it, as doubtful, within brackets. Geiger, in this verse too, joins issue with our Saviour. He joins issue even in. reference to the form of the parable. He doubts whetjier new skins were less liable to burst than old ones, and appeals to Job xxxii. 19, where we read of ' new bottles ready to burst.' He did not notice that the great distention of the ' new bottles ready to burst,' the idea that gets prominence in the poet's representation, is in oonseciuence of an elasticity that is entirely wanting in old skins. He is sure, besides, that the inner meaning of the parable is far aside from the mark. It is " at variance with every historical development," for "the law of all development is the gradual metamorphosis of the old by the " influence of the new." {Judenthum, i., p. 174.) "What paltering ! and all so far away from the sphere of our Saviour's ideas ' Our Saviour was not thinking of the development, or non-development, of old things into new. He was not making the least reference to 'the law of development.' Still less was He inculcating that His disciples should break with the past, and strike out into novelties of religious belief and practice. Does Geiger suppose that old wine- skins might, by the law of development, be transformed into new ? Does he suppose that it would be an advantage to get old wine changed into new ? If not, why refer to development and carp at the Saviour's parable ? Our Saviour simply meant to illustrate the incongruity that would be committed were His disciples to give themselves to fasting at u, time of feasting. They would be committing, in things spiritual, the very mistake that is committed in things natural, when new winfe is put into old frail skins. At the least accession of ' after fermentation ' the old frail skins will rend, and both' wine and skins be destroyed. It is a mistake of incongruity which the Saviour exposes. (See Luke V. 39.) Vek. 23-28. A paragraph that has occasioned, in some of its details, a very great amount of perplexity to careful and reverent students of the word. Eeckless and irreverent critics, on the other hand, have gloried over it, under the conviction that it affords them incontrovertible evidence that there has been blundering on the part of all the three synoptical evangelists. The cor- responding paragraphs in the synoptical Gospels are Matthew xii. 1-8 and Luke vi. 1-5. Vek. 23. And it came to pass. Or, And it happened: at what particular time or in what particular circumstances we know not ; and we need not be anxious to conjecture. That on the sabbath He was going along through the cornfields. The expression rendered on the sabbath is the same that occurs in chap. i. 21. The word was- going-along is graphic (TrapaTro/jeifeo-S-ai), suggesting to us a picture. We see Jesus walking along through eitensive stretches of standing grain. These stretches, spreading far and wide over the plain of Gennesaret, come down on either side close to the path on which our. Lord and His disciples and a miscellaneous troop of others are leisurely and gravely walking along in the 23] ST. MARK 11. 67 fields on tlie sabbath day ; and his disciples began, as they BtiUness of the sabbath. It is an tmenolosed path, a mere track, such as is common in the same district at the present day. It leads right through the standing grain. Several critiog, including Ebeher, Erebs, Palairet, Ernesti, object to the translation through, and laboriously try to prove that the prepo- sition must here mean alongside of. They think that the Saviour must un- doubtedly have kept on the public highway. It would have been wrong to have used the hberty of tramphng through the standing corn of the farmers ! The desire of these critics to shield the character of the Saviour is admirable ; but their knowledge of oriental roads and cornfields is singularly deficient. The word translated cornfields means simply sown places ; but we learn from what follows that the seed sown had sprung up, and eared, and was now nearly ready for the sickle. And His disciples began, as they went, to pluck the ears of corn. An extremely free translation, and the clause so translated is the great difficulty of the paragraph. But yet such an expositor as Bloomfield quietly passes over the whole verse, without a single hint or remark of any description. The expression as it stands in the original, xal ol /la^ral airoO ■Ijp^a.vTo odov iroieiv rlWovTes Tois ffrdx'jas, literally means and His disciples iegan to make a way, plucking the ears. The word began has, in the first place, been perplexing to many ; more especially as it is not connected, in the original, with plucking the ears. It perplexed Beza among .others. 'There seems,' said he, ' to be a displacement of the verbs.' Hence he arbitrarily connected it with plucking the ears, ' they began to pluck the ears.' It perplexed Hammond too. ' The phrase here in the Greek is,' says he, ' a little unusual.' He would regard the word began as an ' unsignificant expletive,' a mere pleonasm. So would Eisner and Wolf, who would consequently ignore the word in translation, and His disciples walked on and plucked the ears. Eooher however, and Eaphel, Eosenmtiller, Kuinbl, and others, would rather approve of Beza's ' hypaUage.' Erasmus pre- ceded Beza in his expedient, and Luther too. Tyndale used the same liberty, and the authors of the Geneva version, and hence the rendering in our present translation. It is, however, a licentious Uberty. How then should we construe the expression ? Coverdale comes nearer to the original than his great fore- runner, Luther. He translates it thus : and His disciples begane to make a waye thorow, and to plucke the eares of the come. Erasmus Schmid's translation is somewhat to the same effect, but very much more clumsy, and His disciples began (so) to go, that {at tlie same time) they plucked the ears. Both translations do justice to the ' began.' But they differ as to the import of the expression that is directly governed by that verb. Coverdale says to make a waye thorow ; Erasmus Sehmid says to go. A rather hot controversy hooks itself on to the phrase thus rendered (6S6c womp, or oSoiroie?;' as Theophylact gives it, and Laohmann too under the sanction of the Vatican manuscript). The great ma- jority of expositors, ancient and modem, translate it as E. Sehmid does ; but contrary, says Dresigius (De Verbis Mediis, § 29), to the idiom of the Greek language. When the verb is in the middle voice (654c iroieia-^ai.) , the phrase means to set out, to advance, to make way {iter facere). But when the verb is in the active {oSbv iroielv), the phrase means, as Viger had remarked before 58 ST. MAEK II. [23 went, to pluck the ears of corn. 24 And the Pharisees said Dresigius, not to make way, but to make a way, or, as Coverdale gives it, to make a waye thorow {viam facere). Fritzsche insists on the distinction being ob- served. Lange gives in to it. So did Bretschneider and WaM and Winer. Meyer is most determined in adhering to it, and founds on it a theory of irre- concilable discordance between Mark's representation and that of Matthew and Luke. He is sure that as Mark makes no explicit reference to the disciples' rubbing the spikes and eating the disintegrated grains, so he had no implicit reference to such acts. The Pharisees he holds, so far as Mark's representa- tion is concerned, blamed the disciples, not for doing on the sabbath day what would have been quite lawful on any other day, but for doing on the sacred day what would have been unlawful on any day, viz. making a road through other people's standing com, by plucking the spikes. Holtzmann takes the same view of the expression, and of the intent of the Pharisees in their censure {Synopt. Evang., p. 73). And so does Michelsen {Het Ev. van Markus, p. 152), and Scholten likewise {Het oudste Evan., p. 26). These three critics insist on it, moreover, that Mark's account is the original story, and that both Matthew and Luke have ' misunderstood ' it. Grimm, on the other hand, supposes that if we must interpret the expression as Meyer does, then there is no avoiding the conclusion ' that Mark did not report the truth, but miserably corrupted {misere corrupisse) the report which he had received from others.' (Glavis, sub voce woieu.) Krebs, again, has no doubt that Mark's expression properly means to make a road, but he thinks that, in using it, he was Xatiiimn^, or rendering into Greek a common Latin phrase (iter facere, proficisci), and that therefore, as Mark intended it, the meaning is that the disciples advanced. (Ohservationes, in loc.) Others, inclusive of Kypke, Losner, Eosenmiiller, Kuinol, Bisping, Alford, assume or maintain that in the later and provincial Greek the distinction between the active and the middle voices of the verb, in the expression under question, got to be to a great degree confused or effaced. Jud. xvii. 8 is appealed to, as an instance in point ; but the expression there is rather pecu- liar, and does not simply mean, as we presume, to journey or advance. Yet, whatever it means, we see no reason for abandoning the simple and natural interpretation of the expression in Mark ; more particularly when we bear in mind the word began. We must picture to oftrselves, as Klostermann remarks, the ' scene.' No doubt Mark is retailing the abrupt and graphic phrases of Peter or of some other reporter, who is speaking from a vivid recollection of what he had witnessed with his eyes and heard with his ears. We must picture then to ourselves the Saviour going along through the cornfields. His dis- ciples are with Him, and a group of others, inclusive of a band of disputatious and censorious Pharisees. They are on their way to or from some adjoining synagogue. Conversation and lively disputation go on, aU a,long the way. At a certain point where there is a crossing, or nearer cut, or a smaller diverging footpath, there is a pause on the part of our Saviour and of some of the Phari- sees with whom He was discoursing. Perhaps they paused, merely that they might stand and talk for a little, the earnestness of their spirits putting an unconscious arrest upon their physical progress. Or perhaps they were about at that point to separate into different routes. While they stand and talk, the 24] ST. MARK 11. 59 unto him. Behold, why do they on the sabbath day that which Lord's disciples move on ; they ' began ' to advance. Here is the explanation of the ' began.' Cajetan rightly supposes that they began to go ahead of our Lord. But the very narrow path along which they had to advance, being comparatively unused, was overgrown apparently at that particular spot with the crop. When the soil had been prepared; and the seed sown, no care was taken to keep off that narrow strip, along which the people had right of way ; the farmer knew that it was easy for the public to renew the path, just by walking upon it. The disciples then began to walk in upon this line of transit, ' making a way.' They were hungry too ; they had been long fasting. And hence, instead of simply trampling down the intervening stalks, they stooped, as they ' began ' to walk, and plucked some handfuls of the spikes. They plucked them not from the fields by the side (although that would not have been seriously objected to), but considerately and economizingly from the stalks that were obstructing the road, and thus they began to make a way, plucking the spikes, or by plucking the spikes. There is thus not the slightest necessity for having recourse to any rack or strain or out-of-the-way peculiarity, to get the evan- gelist's expressions bent from their natural import. Ver. 24. And the Pharisees said to Him, Behold ! Or, See I The word was used as an exclamation, Lo I But in such a case as the one before us its primary meaning is not to be lost sight of. The Pharisees turned their atten- tion to what the disciples were engaged in doing, the moment that they 'began 'to press in among the standing corn. What are they about i They are actually plucking the spikes as if they were reapers I and they are rubbing them too in the palms of their hands, and eating the threshed out grains I Who could have thought it ! What daring wickedness I Immediately they turn round, as with surprise, to the Lord, and say, See ! Why do they on the sabbath what is not lawful ? It is an inartificial way of saying, Why do they what is not lawful on the sabbath ? Meyer however, along vrith Holtzmann, Michelsen, and Scholten, will have it that the meaning is. Why do they, and that too on the sabbath, a thing that is {at all times and under all circumstances) unlawful ? Scholten is positive that the mere plucking and eating of the spikes ' could hardly have afforded an occasion of offence and complaint,' {wat kwalijk eene oorzaah van ergernis kon hebben opgeleverd). He seems to know little of the censorious spirit of ancient phariseeism, or of its modern oriental analogue, ' wahhabeeism.' He seems likewise, along with Michelsen, Meyer, and Holtzmann, to be strangely unwilUng to look at what is obviously implied in the reply which the Saviour made to the censorious Phari- sees. What can be clearer than that it is implied that His disciples were hungry, and that what they did to the standing com they did because they had need t This was so obvious to the mind of the inartificial narrator, who was bending his thoughts forward toward the words of the Saviour's reply, that he does not make formal mention of the fact. The proprietor of the crop had no right (Deut. xxiii. 25), and would not be disposed, to find fault with the disciples for assuaging their hunger as they passed along. But the sanctimonious Pharisees thought it a dreadful desecration of the sabbath to do things so like to week-day 60 ST. MARK II. [24 is not lawful ? 2-5 And he said unto them, Have ye never read what David did, when he bad need, and was an hungred, he, and they that were with him ? 26 How he went into the reaping and threshing as pluclsing the ears of the corn and rubbing them in the palm of the hand. (See Comm. on Matt. xii. 2.) Vee. 25. And He saith to them, Did ye never read what David did, when he had need and was hungry, he and they that were with him ? See 1 Sam. xxi. 1-6. Note the generic had need and the specific was hungry. Note also the inartificial and conversational way in which the expression, he and they that were with him, is appended to the affirmation he had need and was hungry. His followers had need too, and were hungry ; but it is on the acting of David, as one of the most eminent of the Jews, that our Lord concentrates attention. Note likewise the archaic expression an-hungred in King James's version and the Revised. It came down from Tyndale, who gives it thus — anhongred. The prefixed an, like the a in athirst, is a preposition, equivalent to on or in, so that the whole expression means in [the state of being) hungered or hxmgry. See Comm. on Matt. xii. 1.) Vee. 26. How he entered into the house of God. The tabernacle, to wit, while it was located in Nob, an ancient sacerdotal town (1 Sam. xxii. 19) near Jerusalem (Isa. x. 32). See 1 Sam. xxi. 1-6. In the days of AMathar (the) high-priest. This is the other expression in the paragraph which has occasioned difficulty to many, and over which irreverent critics have rejoiced, under the idea that it furnishes them with evidence that the evangelist has committed an historical blunder. They allege that a blunder there must be, inasmuch as we learn explicitly from 1 Sam. xxi. that it was not Abiathar but his father Ahimelech, who was high-priest, when David entered into the house of God and ate the shewbread, giving part of it to them that were with him. How then are we to account for the expression ? That may he some- what uncertain ; hut it is absolutely certain that it is absolutely impossible to prove that there is anything of the nature of a blunder. ' There is no need,' as Dr. Wall says, ' of that supposal ' {Notes, in loc). (1) Some have drawn atten- tion to the fact that it is not said in 1 Sam. xxi. , or in any other passage in the Bible, that Ahimelech the father of Abiathar was high-priest ; he is only called the priest, and never the high-priest. Theopbylact threw out the con- jecture that this might probably have to do with the solution of the difficulty. Patrizi is of opinion that Abiathar was actually high-priest at the time that David came to Ahimelech (Comm. in loc, and De Evangel., xxviii. n. 38). Wall and Whiston held the same opinion. It is probable however that Ahimelech was high-priest, for he ' inquired of the Lord ' and had ' the ephod ' (see Whitby). Josephus, himself of the priestly order, again and again speaks of him as high-priest {Ant. vi., xii., 4, 5, 6). (2) Some have supposed that a solution of the difficulty is to be found in 2 Sam. viii. 17, and 1 Chron. xxiv. 6, in which passages there is a transposition of the names Abiathar and Ahimelech, the latter being spoken of as the son of the former. Comp. 1 Chron. xviii. 16. It is probable however that this transposition is merely transcriptional ; and, if so, it would be in vain to look to it for an explanation 26] ST. MARK II. 61 house of God in the days of Abiathar the high priest, of the expression before us. (3) LigMfoot imagined that the phrase Abiathar the high-priest had ah'eady in our Saviour's day acquired its curious cahbalist- ical import of Urim and Thummim, so that the whole expression in the days of Abiathar the high-priest meant in the days of the Urim and Thummim, in the days, that is to say, when the mind of the Lord was ascertainable and ascer- tained by means of the Urim and the Thummim. But this is quite an oddity of interpretation. (4) Jansen, Petter, a-Lapidej and others, suppose that both Abiathar and his father may have had each other's names for surnames, so that Ahimeleoh would be suruamed Abiathar, whUe Abiathar would be surnamed Ahimelech. Beza, in his day, had caught hold of this idea as an alternative explanation, founding on the passages already referred to (2 Sam. vui. 17 and 1 Chron. xxiv. 6). It has, however, all the appearance of an exceedingly artificial device. (5) Beza threw out another conjecture, in the editions of his Annotations which succeeded that of 1565. The entire phrase in the days of Abiathar the high-priest is wanting in the very ancient manuscript (D) which belonged to him, and which he subsequently presented to the University of Cambridge ; and hence he wondered whether the phrase might not have crept into the text from an early marginal note. The phrase is wanting not only in D, but also in some important manuscripts of the old Latin version. Arch- bishop Newcome would have liked to let it go ; and, walking in his leading- strings, the authors of the Improved Version (Unitarian) actually omit it ; Bloomfield too is disposed to part with it. But without good reason; the evidence in support of the clause is overwhelming. And if it should be sup- posed that the words involve a historical difficulty, it would be unaccountable, on the supposition of their spuriousness, that they should have been almost universally received into the text. But what then ? Do they really involve a historical difficulty? (6) Michaelis thought that the historical difficulty was very great, and, in a kind of despair, suggested that the phrase, instead of being rendered in the days of Abiathar the high-priest, might have a topical reference, ire the section or paragraph of Abiathar the high-priest. Comp. Luke XX. 37. Saunier accepts this solution of the imagined difficulty as the best upon the whole. (Quellen des Ev. des Marcus, pp. 57, 58.) Bat there is reaUy no evidence that the word Abiathar was appropriate from its conspiouousnesa to give a title to a Scripture section or paragraph, at least in or about 1 Sam. xxi. And then, besides, the phrase would have required to have stood nearer to the expression did ye never read? in the 25th verse. (7) Le Clerc tries another shift. He supposes that the preposition (^ttQ employed by the evan- gelist, instead of being rendered temporally in the time of, should be rendered locally, in or into the presence of (chez, apud, ad). Wetstein gives the same translation, and Godwin. The passages appealed to in support of it (1 Tim. vi. 13 ; Acts xxiv. 19, xxv, 10 ; 1 Cor. vi. 1 ; add Matt, xxviii. 14, Mark xiii. 9, Acts xxvi. 2) are all idiomatic, having a reference to the elevated position of a judge. And no difficulty is escaped, if difficulty there be, by means of such a translation; new difficulties, on the contrary, are incurred. (8) Bishop Hammond saw clearly that the preposition must have a reference to time, but he conjectured that it might mean a little before the time of. He says, apolo- 62 ST. MAEK II. [26 and did eat the shewbread, which is not lawful to eat but gizingly : " The notation of the preposition for the time not then present, but " soon after succeeding, is remarkable." He ingeniously appeals, however, to Matt. i. H in support of his ' remarkable ' interpretation ; and Richard Baxter, Samuel Clarke, and Owen agree with him. The passage in Matthew however has this peculiarity, that it refers to a definite occurrence, and thus to a point of time, whereas this expression in Mark refers either to the period of a hfetime or to the period of a pontificate. In the case therefore of such an expression as Matthew's the preposition is naturally employed to denote close wpon the time of; but in the case of Mark's expression it as naturally means on or in the time of. (See Baphel's Annotations, in loo.) Wells's translation fiisrelore, about the time of , is inexact. But what then? (9) Brameld, trans- lates the phrase during the high-priesthood of Abiathar. Schleusner gives the same translation ; it corresponds with the Syriac Peshito, when Abiathar was chief of the priests. The English Eevisionists agree, when Abiathar was high- priest. But this is certainly a most unnecessary leap into the heart of a his- torical difficulty; there is assuredly no propriety in giving such a free and interpretative translation, when the interpretation of the phrase is the very matter in dispute. Bisping's interpretation coincides with Brameld's, but his translation is correct, in the time of Abiathar the high-priest. What is the difference between the two translations ? and how does it affect the true inter- pretation? (10) Bishop Middleton supposed that the presence of the article before the word high-priest is the key that unlocks the whole supposed difficulty. If the article had been wanting, the phrase he thinks must have been inter- preted as meaning in the time of the high-priesthood of Abiathar ; but the presence of the article makes that meaning. Bishop Middleton contends, ' a sense which the words will not bear.' The phrase then means, according to him, in the time of Abiathar, the {celebrated) high-priest, it not being implied that he was high-priest at the time referred to. We think that Middleton and Wetstein are both right and wrong. They are right, we conceive, in the mean- ing which they attached to the evangelist's phrase ; and thus the difficulty of the phrase, if difficulty there be, is really solved. Their exegetical instinct led them, as it did Grotius before them, to the true mark. The phrase refers to the lifetime of the high-priest, not to the time of his pontificate. But the reason on which Middleton grounds his interpretation is as unsound, in its onesidedness, as the interpretation itself is sound. The word ' high-priest ' without the article has not necessarily, by any means, the force of a participle (like Herodotus's iirl AiovTos BatriXeiovTos, i. 65). It may simply be added appositively, in order to discriminate, embellish, or characterize the name that is specified; some- what like the word Christ put anarthrously after Jesus (Matt. i. 1, etc.), or the anarthrous word apostle after Paul (Gal. i. 1, etc.), or the anarthrous expression Doctor of Divinity, or Doctor of Laws, or Knight, or Baronet, after any proper name in our own times. It is undoubtedly thus added in the case before us. There is a decided preponderance of authorities against the genuineness of the article. It is found indeed in the manuscripts A C A IT, 1, 33, 69. But it is wanting inNBLEGHKMSUVr. Lachmaun, Tischendorf , Tregelles, and Alford omit it. Bishop Wordsworth both accepts the reading of the text 26] ST. MARK II. 63 for the priests, and gave also to them which were with him ? which omita the article, and gives the correct interpretation of the phrase. " The reference is made to Abiathar as one well known to the readers of the " Old Testament as a celebrated high-priest." When however the bishop says that the expression, in itself, ' rather suggests that he was not the high-priest ' at the time referred to by our Lord, he greatly overstrains the case, and over- looks at once the usage and the regulative principles of Greek phraseology. In that he is decidedly wrong; but it is to tho point that he adds : "If our Lord "had mentioned Ahimelech, the Pharisees' answer might have been that Ahi. "melech was punished by God for this profanation of sacred things ; he and his " were goon overtaken by Divine vengeance and slain. But by specifying Abia- " thar, who was then with his father (1 Sam. xxii. 20), and who (we may " reasonably infer from our Lord's words, which are the words of Him who " knows all history) was a party to his father's act, and was afterwards blessed " by God in his escape and in a long and glorious priesthood, our Lord " obviates the objection of the worldly-minded Pharisees, and strengthens His " own argument, by reminding them that this action took place in the timo " and under the sanction of one whom they held in reverence as a venerable " ornament of the pontifical family and dignity." De Lyra brings out a " similar idea. And ate the shewbread. Or, as the Eheims, translating from the Vulgate, renders the expression, and did eate the loaves of proposition. The word prO' position is here used in its primary acceptation, position before, the loaves referred to being the cakes which were put in position before the Lord. The reference is to the twelve loaves or cakes, which were regularly kept on the golden table in the holy place. (Lev. xxiv. 5-9.) They were the loaves of the Face, as the Jews called them, that is, the loaves of the Divine Presence, the loaves which were kept in the presence-chamber of Jehovah, one for each of the twelve tribes of Israel. It was a sublime symbolism, being intended to remind the children of Israel that it was the Lord, their Father, who was their bountiful Provider. It was thus the bread of God (see John vi. 33) which David ate. (See Comm. on Matt. xii. 4.) WMch it is not lawful for any but the priests to eat. The reading of Tischen- dorf, in his eighth edition, is ofls oi)k ^IcffTiK ayetv d iit] rois lepeis. It is the reading of the Sinaitio and Vatican manuscripts. It was needful, in the spiritual tuition of the children of Israel, that the whole symbolism of the temple should be treated with the utmost reverence. To stand in awe before God is one of the first and most important lessons which men who are but emerging into spiritual culture can learn. It was fit, therefore, that the very bread which symbolised the Provision that was divinely made for the whole of the people should be eaten only by the representative priests. (See Lev. xxiv. 9.) And gave also to them who were with him. So that the rule of the sanctuary was relaxed to meet an emergency, not only in the case of David, a man of exceptional eminence, but also, and for his sake, in the case of those who were associated with him. Rules that had to do with the circumstantials of things, as distinguished from tho essentials, were stretched for their benefit. All such rules are clastic still, whether they have reference to the sanctuary, or to the C4 ■ ST. MARK II. [27 27 And he said unto them. The sabbath was made for man. sabbath, or to any other ' positive ' institution. They are meant to bend to a certain extent, when exposed to stress of weather. Vek. 27. And He said tinto them. He added this other weighty observation. The sabbath was made for man, and not man for the sabbath. One of tha simplest and most obvious, but yet one of the deepest and most important, of the apophthegms of our Lord. Thiess is in raptures with it, and exclaims : " What else is intolerance, that most inhuman and unchristian of dispositions, "than a perpetual forgetting or reversing of this grand principle of Christ?" {Intoleranz, diese allermenschenfeindlichste und allerunchristlichste Gesinnung, was ist sie anders, als ein bestdndiges Vergessen und Misbrauclien des Grundsazes Christi ?) The verb rendered was made (iyhero) means was brought into exist- ence. The Syriao version is, was created. The preposition somewhat barely rendered for (Sid with the accusative) means because of, or ore account of. Coverdale's translation of the apophthegm, in all but epigrammatic terseness, is fully better than that of our Authorized version, The sabbath was made for man's sake, and not man for the sabbathes sake. The idea is, that the reason of the existence of the sabbath is to be found in man, not vice versa. Man needs a sabbath, man universal. He needs it in order to the highest development of his idiosyncrasy. It would be a total inversion of relationship to suppose that the reason or cause of the existence or idiosyncrasy of man is to be found in the sabbath. The sabbath is therefore subordinate to man, not man to the sabbath. The sabbath is a means in order to some end or ends terminating in man. And thus, as final ends are ' first in intention,' so that we have to come hack through them in order to understand the rationale of the means by which they may be reached, we get to the reason of the sabbath by going, as it were, ' through ' man. (The fundamental idea of the preposition Sici is through.) Yeb. 28. So that the Son of Man is Lord also of the sabbath. This is an inference, though a-Lapide had difficulty in seeing it, from the incontrovertible axiom enunciated in the preceding verse. Since it is the case that the sabbath is an institution that finds the reason of its existence in man, the law that enjoins the details of its observance is something altogether different from those eternal and immutable principles' which are identical with the moral per- fections of the Divine Being. It is elastic in its application to the circum- stances of men. It is susceptible of modification by the superinduction of higher laws into the sphere of its operation. And hence He who is emphati- cally ' the Son of Man,' and who has in charge all the higher interests of man, has full authority to regulate, as He may see cause, the amount and modes of that rest from worldly work which is needful for the highest weal of men. The regulation is safe in His hands, though it would not be safe in the hands of every man. Grotius thinks indeed that the phrase the son of man does not refer exclusively or particularly to Christ, but generioally to man. Fritzsohe takes the same view. So does Principal Campbell, who says, " one would con- " elude that the son of man in this verse must be equivalent to man in the " preceding ; otherwise a term is introduced into the conclusion which was not 28] ST. MARK II. 65 and not man for the sabbath : 28 therefore the Son of man is Lord also of the sabbath. " in the premises." But nothing is more manifest than that our Saviour was not constructing, in the unity of these two verses, a single formal syllogism. His reasoning is an exemplification of that ' polysyllogism ' condensed, which is the characteristic of all untechnioal processes of argumentation. Some of the involved syllogisms might be easily disintegrated. If man was not made for the sabbath, and if Christ was a man, it follows that He was not made for the sabbath. This simple hypothetical syllogism is undoubtedly involved in our Saviour's reasoning. Again, If He who is emphatically and pre-eminently man and the Son of Man be greater than all other men, and if Christ be, as He is, empliatically and pre-eminently man and the Son of Man, it follows that He is greater than all other men. This is another simple hypothetical syllogism involved in our Saviour's reasoning ; and no term is introduced into its con- clusion which is not in its premises. Again, If He who is emphatically and pre-eminently man and the Son of Man be also the Son of God and the Lord of glory, and if Christ be, as He is, emphatically and pre-eminently man and the Son of Man, it follows that He is also the Son of God and the Lord of glory. This syllogism too is involved in our Saviour's reasoning. And again, If He who is the Lord of glory be the Lord also of the sabbath, and if Christ be, as He is, the Lord of glory, it follows that He is the Lord also of the sabbath. This other hypothetical syllogism is also involved in the Saviour's reasoning ; and so good a logician as Principal Campbell might easily have found, it he had looked a little more inquisitively, that there is really no term in the conclusion of the polysyllogism which is not found in its premises, when those premises are explicitly unfolded. The expression the Son of Man is, in Christ's own usage, most definitely appropriated to Himself, although the same expression, without the article, is applicable to others as well as to Him. Bzekiel is constantly called, in his prophecies, son of man ; and in Syriao the corresponding phrase is the common designation of man, and is employed for instance in the pre- ceding verse, in both the Peshito and PhUoxeniau versions. When it is said that the Son of Man is Lord ' also ' of the sabbath, the also proceeds on the assumption that the lordship of the Son of Man has a wide domain. He is the Lord of heaven, the Lord of earth, the Lord of men, the Lord of the sanctuary, and the Lord ' also ' of the sabbath. He hence ' doeth with it according to His pleasure,' and has a right thus to act. And if so. He had a perfect right on the part of His disciples, and taking their peculiar oiroum- stanoes into account, to waive compliance with those rigid and petty prescriptive usages of the Pharisees, which embodied, not the Divine ideas of things, but only their own narrow and narrowly misshapen and superstitious conceptions. of the rest of the sabbath. (56 ST. MARK III. [1 CHAPTER III. 1 AND he entered again into the synagogue; and there was a man there which had a withered hand. 2 And they watched him, whether he would heal him on the sabbath day ; that they might accuse him. 3 And he saith unto the man which had CHAPTEE III. It would have been a happier arrangement of the chapters if Hugo de Sancto Caro had included within the second chapter the first six verses of this. (See the Remarks on Chap, ii.) Corresponding paragraphs to ver. 1-6 are found in Matt. xii. 9-14 and Luke vi. 6-11. Vek. 1. And He entered again into the synagogue. Apparently in Capernaum; compare chap. ii. 1. Again. He had been there before, though we know not how often ; see chap. i. 21 ; oomp. Luke vi. 6. Into the synagogue. In the Sinaitic and Vatican manuscripts the expression is anarthrous, into synagogue, just as we say into church. And there was there a man having the hand withered. It was his right hand, and hence the article ' the ' hand. (Comp. Luke vi. 6.) It had met with some accident, or otherwise suffered some injury, and had in consequence stiffened and shrunk up. The participial expression rendered withered indicates, says Bengel, that it was not a congenital defect. Vee. 2. And they kept watching Him. They, the scribes and Pharisees. See chap. ii. 24, and Luke vi. 7. They kept watching. Thei aspieden Hym, says Wyoliffe, keeping eagerly on the outlook, like watchmen. Whether He would heal him on the sabbath. Very literally, if on the sdblath He 'will' heal him. The reader is taken back by the evangelist to the time when the spying and watching were going on, and looks forward from that standpoint to the uncertain future. Instead of if Be will heal, Tischendorf, in his eighth edition, reads if He heals ; a future precipitated backward into the present. It is the reading of the Sinaitic manuscript, but most likely an acci- dental variation. That they might accuse Him. Namely, to the ecclesiastical authorities in Jerusalem. They were eager to get some ground on which they might denounce Him as a person who should not be allowed to go at large. (See ver. 6.) The true spirit of ecclesiastical bloodhounds was roused within them, and they were resolved to do their utmost to hunt Him to death. Veb. 3. And He saith to the man who had the withered hand, Stand forth. Stand forth is a free but admirable translation, a fragment of the Old Geneva rendering, Arise, stand forth in the middes. Wyoliffe's version is literal, Bisc into the mydil, that is. Rise, come into the midst, and stand there. Our Saviour saw that it was a time of crisis, and so He chose to make the man conspicuous, the ' cynpsure of eyes.' 5] ST, MAEK III. 67 the withered hand, Stand forth. 4 And he saith unto them, Is it lawful to do good on the sabbath days, or to do evil ? to save life, or to kill ? But they held their peace. 5 And when he had looked round about on them with anger, being grieved Yeb. 4. And He saith to them, Is it lawful on the sabbath to do good oi to do evil 1 He assumes that if a man does not do good when he can, he does eyil. To refuse to do good is to choose to do evil. There is doing in both cases ; there is the outgoing of energy in volition ; and thus, radically, it is a question of doing right or wrong, and not merely of doing or not-doing. To save life, or to kill ? Our Lord puts the case strongly, carrying out the alternatives of activity into their most momentous issues. The principle of action, which He wishes to vindicate, is thus seen in its strongest light. AU good-doing to men's bodies lies on the line of life ; all withholding of good- doing lies on the line of killing or of death. If it would be wrong, in the absence of higher claims, to withhold the good-doing that would save life, it must also be wrong, when the higher claims are still absent, to withhold the good-doing that may be needed to develop life into its fulness of vigour and beauty. What is true of bodies is equally true, on a loftier plane of things, of souls. But they held their peace. Thej kept sile-nt {ipia^av), a translation to some extent reproduced in our EngHsh version, ' why do the heathen rage ? ' in the margin it is tumultuously assemble. CasteU conjec- tured that there was a connection between the word and our Saxon rush, which is undoubtedly onomatopoetio. (Lexicon, sub voce.) "We may be sure, at all events, that in the Galilean dialect the word did mean thunder. The whole compound word was perplexing to Jerome. He looked at it apparently from too classic a standpoint, both as regards the pronunciation of the first part, and as regards the conventional acceptation of the second. He hence proposed to amend it into Bene-re'em (that is, DJ?T '33). " The name," says he, " is not, " as most suppose, Boanerges, but is more correctly read Bene-reem.'' (Comm. on Dan. i. 7 ; see also his Comm. on Isa. lii. 4. and his Lexicon of Hebrew Names.) Luther was so f*r swayed by Jerome's authority as to introduce his word into the text ; be gives it thus, Briehargem. Stunica too accepted it, and Maldonato, and le Clero. Grotius, again, supposed that the second moiety of the word was neither r'ges nor re'em, but re'es or ra'ash (K'5?^), which is some- times translated rushing, sometimes earthquake, and in Isa. ix. 5 confused noise. Hammond followed Grotius, but unwisely ; for re'es or ra'ash is expressly distinguished in its meaning from thunder in Isa. xxix. 6. There is really no occasion for racking ingenuity to account for the evangelist's term. There is no difficulty in accepting it just as we have it, when we take the power of pronunciation into account, and the obvious onomatopoetio force of the term. The rationale of its application to James and John has, like everything else about the term, been keenly disputed. It is unknown, as le Clero observes ; it can therefore be only conjectured. The Fathers in general conjectured in a spiritual direction. They supposed that the term glances at the general power of the gospel as preached by the two apostles. (See Suiceri Thesaurus, sub voce fipovT-rj.) Heumann conjectured in another direction, that the name was intended to be a term of reprimand or reproach (ein Schelt-Nahme), because James and John had said, in reference to certain Samaritan villagers, " Lord, " wilt Thou that we command fire to come down from heaven, and consume them, " even as Elias did ? " (Luke ix. 54.) It is a most unlikely interpretation, though approved of by Whitby. Our Lord would not deal in nicknames ; and if He had ever allowed Himself in such a licence. He would have called His in- considerately ardent disciples Sons ofjire rather than Sons of thunder, A-Lapide 18] ST. MARK III. 77 and Bartholomew, and Matthew, and Thomas, and James supposed that the name was imposed because the Lord designed that the brothers should excel the other apostles in their power of preaching and propa- gating the gospel ; he thinks in particular that the commencement of John's Gospel evinces all the peculiar majesty of thunder and lightning. Luther took a corresponding view (Glos., in loc). It is however far more likely that there is a simple reference, in the surname, to some deep-toned peculiarity of voice which was characteristic of the brothers, and which would eminently fit them, when engaged in addressing their fellow men, for rolling in on the mind and heart, with awe inspiring effect, the solemnities of religion. This view of the import of the surname was taken by Beza, and Pfeiffer (Ebraic. et Exotic, xviii. 4). It is not quite the same idea as was suggested by the peculiar style of Pericles' oratory, the 'thunder and lightning' style (itt non loqui et orare, sed quod Pericli contigit, fulgurare ae tonare videaris : Quinotilian, Irist. ii. 16), but it does lie to a certain extent on the same line of thought. The filial element of the phrase, namely Sons of, is an exemplification of a favourite idiom among the Hebrews. (Comp. chap. ii. 19.) The entire compound surname was on the whole equivalent to Thunderers (ol ppovruves : Euthymius Zigabenus) ; but it suggested this idea over and above, that the brothers derived no little portion of their differentiating peculiarity as preachers from the solemn thunder-tone that was inherent in their voices. Vee. 18. The remaining names are heaped together. And Andrew. A Greek name, meaning Manly. It is an incidental proof of the prevalence of the Greek language in Galilee. He was the brother of Peter (chap. i. 16), and has left behind him in' history but few traces of his career. He is reported, says Eusebius, on the authority of Origen (Hist., iii. 1), to have gone to Scythia to preach the gospel ; and he is said to have suffered martyr- dom on a decussated cross (or X), which is hence called the St. Andrew cross. And Philip. Another Greek name, meaning Fond of horses. It was this Philip who said to Nathanael Come and see. (John i. 43-51.) Little is known of his career. He is said to have died at Hierapolis (Eusebius, Hist. v. 24). And Bartholomew. A Hebrew patrpnymioal name, signifying Son of Tholomew or Talmai. It is not unlikely that he was Nathanael (John i. 43-51) ; and he might be generally called Bartholomew, to distinguish him from some other Nathanael in the same circle. (Comp. John xxi. 1, 2.) He is said to have gone to India to preach the gospel. (See Eusebius, Hist. v. 10 ; and Jerome, de Viris Illustribus, xxxvi.) And Matthew. The tax collector, or officer of revenue (Matt. x. 3), — no doubt also the evangelist. (See Introd. to Comm. on Matt.) His name is Hebrew, and means Gift-of-God or Theodore. And Thomas. Another Hebrew name, meaning Twin. Its Greek synonym is Didymus. (See John xi. 16, xx. 24, xxi. 2.) There are many traditions re- garding his ultimate career. Origen reports that he preached the gospel in Parthia (Eusebius, Hist. iii. 1). There is extant a Gospel according to Thomas among the New Testament Apocrypha. And James the (son) of Alphsens. Wycliffe's translation is, and James Alfey. 78 ST. MARK III. [18 the son of Alphasua, and Thadd^us, and Siinon the Ca- Jerome, in his treatise On the Perpetual Virginity of Mary, -written against Helvidius, maintains that Alphseus was the husband of Mary the sister of the Virgin Mary ; and he hence supposes that the James here specified was one of our Lord's ' brethren,' being elsewhere called ' Ja^ies the little ' (Mark xv. 40). By ' brethren ' he understands cowina-german. W. H. Mill maintains the sama ■view. (The Descent and Parentage of the Saviour, sect. 3.) There seem how- ever to be almost insuperable difficulties in the way of accepting such a genea- logical theory. It is not likely that Mary our Lord's mother would have a sister also called Mary. The statement in John xix. 25, on which the whole theory is based, may be legitimately interpreted on the principle that four women are referred to, not three. It is on this principle that the Peshito translation of the passage is constructed: " Now there stood by the cross of Jesus His mother, "and the sister of His mother, and Mary (the vrife) of Cleophas, and Mary Mag- "dalene." The older theory regarding the ' brethren ' of our Lord (that they were the children of Joseph by a previous marriage), the theory that preceded both that of Helvidius (that they were Mary's children) and that of Jerome (that they were the children of Mary's sister Mary), is the most probable of all. It has the advantage, in addition to other recommendations in its favour, of ac- counting for the air of superiority and precedence assumed by the ' brethren ' in relation to our Lord. (John vii. 3-10 ; Mark iii. 21.) It is certainly not at aU probable that any of the apostles would be of the number of the ' brethren.' (See John vii. 5.) Alphcem : There is no reason for supposing that this is the same Alphceus who has been already referred to as the father of Levi, or Mat- thew. (Mark ii. 14. ) The name was common among the Hebrews ; whether it be but another form of Clopas (not Cleophas), referred to in John xix. 25, is uncertain. The archetypical Hebrew word Chalphai might readily mould itself in the direction of both poles of pronunciation ; but we need not seek to deter- mine. If, however, the Clopas of John xix. 25 be Alphseus, then the Cleopas of Luke xxiv. 18 must be a different person from Clopas, for Luke, as well as Matthew and Mark, uses the form Alph