5^"* 
 
 -.>.<^''' 
 
 ~^^ '*->!)> 
 
 ■.VtJ^a. 
 
 '^41 
 
 ,,^Ts:k 
 
 m 
 
 ' ^"im \ 
 
 ^ i'^^ 
 
 
 4 
 
 ■ K»^)i 
 
 fm 
 
 •<^^A.: 
 
 SsVI 
 
 
 x^^l. 
 
 
 
 t>^ 
 
 fi V' 
 
 ^^^ 
 
 ft"*" 
 
 f^^^ 
 
 ^t, ^J; 
 
 ^^' 
 
 m. 
 
 .X 
 
 i "' '^' ^-^ 
 
 VSj^ 
 
 r-^;; 
 
 /C*^-^ 
 
 :;*--, J 
 

 BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME 
 FROM THE 
 
 SAGE ENDOWMENT FUND 
 
 THE GIFT OF 
 
 1891 
 
 /^.l54>a.U2- , ac>\:n^tqQy 
 
 3081 
 
RELATIONS • BETWEEN • ENGLAND • 
 AND • ZURICH • DURING THE- 
 REFORMATION • ■ BYTH • VETTER. 
 
 Dedicated to the XXIII. Anglican Church 
 Conference of Northern and Central Europe. 
 ZURICH, June i»* and a""*, 1904. 
 
Cornell University 
 Library 
 
 The original of tliis book is in 
 tlie Cornell University Library. 
 
 There are no known copyright restrictions in 
 the United States on the use of the text. 
 
 http://www.archive.org/details/cu31924007035375 
 
RELATIONS • BETWEEN • ENGLAND • 
 AND • ZURICH • DURING • THE^v> 
 REFORMATION •• BYTH -VETTER- 
 
 Dedicated to the xxiii. Anglican Church 
 Conference of Northern and Central 'Europe. 
 Zurich^ fune 1st and 2nd, 1904 
 
 LONDON 
 
 ELLIOT STOCK, 62, PATERNOSTER ROW, E.G. 
 
 1904 
 
7J>H^ 
 
 -v^ 
 
 ^-U /^V 26 
 
TOURING the Reformation and through- 
 out the sixteenth century Zurich was 
 one of those places where English scholars 
 and fugitives very frequently found a quiet 
 abode. Here new ideas and doctrines in 
 regard to the Church took their origin, 
 from here they were brought to England. 
 English books, too, were printed at Zurich, 
 while works of Zurich reformers were 
 translated and published in London. 
 
 It is not difficult to give the date 
 when this connection began : it was most 
 probably the year 1531. In 1529 the 
 learned Simon Grynaeus, then at Heidel- 
 berg, was invited by the authorities of 
 Basle to fill the chair which Erasmus had 
 left vacant. He gladly accepted the call, 
 but being prevented from beginning his 
 
2 (gefafione Between Bn^Sanb anb 
 
 lectures by a thorough reorganization of 
 the university, he thought to make the best 
 use of his time by going to England where 
 he might profit by the intercourse with 
 celebrated men of learning. It was a period 
 of great excitement then in England. The 
 question of king Henry VIII.'s divorce, 
 having already been discussed for several 
 years, was now to be decided. The English 
 theologians who had been consulted referred 
 the king to the pope, whose decision was 
 already known beforehand. The trial of 
 the case in the hall of the Blackfriars, in 
 July 1529, was a mere farce. After Cardinal 
 Wolsey's fall and death, the king hoped 
 once more to find men of learning and 
 renown who might be inclined to declare 
 his marriage with Catharine of Aragon, 
 his brother's wife, as unlawful. Thomas 
 Cranmer, at that time a simple Cambridge 
 scholar, suggested that the universities of 
 Europe should be called on for their judg- 
 ment, and Simon Grynaeus, after having 
 been duly informed in regard to the nature 
 
^utric^ during t^t (^tfovmation 3 
 
 and state of the question, was employed by 
 King Henry to collect the opinions of the 
 German and Swiss reformers. 
 
 On the lo* Sep., 1531, Grynaeus was 
 able to send to the English king from Basle 
 a number of letters ' relating to the question 
 of his divorce. 
 
 Not all the answers were according to 
 the king's desire. Still, Zwingli was of 
 the opinion, that "if the marriage be against 
 the law of God, it ought to be dissolved ; 
 but the queen should be put away honourably, 
 and still used as a queen." ^ A few weeks later 
 the great reformer of Zurich died on the 
 battle-field of Kappel (11* Oct., 1531). 
 
 Whether Thomas Cranmer on one of 
 his journeys to Rome saw Grynaeus or 
 other Swiss reformers, we do not know; 
 but after he had been named to the see of 
 Canterbury, the archbishop was still in 
 correspondence with Grynaeus^ as well as 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 257. 2 Burnet, Hi- 
 storie of the Reformation of the Church of England, 
 I, 90. 3 Allusions to his letters in Original Letters, 
 No. 244. 
 
4 i^iiatione ittwi^n <&n^i(inb atib 
 
 with Bullinger, Zwingli's talented successor 
 in Zurich.' 
 
 Among those who brought letters and 
 books from England we find the celebrated 
 English printer Reyner or Reginald Wolf ^ 
 (d. 1573), famous through his manuscript 
 collection for a "Universal History or Cos- 
 mography", out of which Raphael Holinshed 
 drew his "Chronicles". Wolf was a regular 
 visitor to the fair at Frankfort on Main, 
 where he used to meet the Zurich printer, 
 Christopher Froschower. It may be that 
 by means of this intermediation young 
 English gentlemen were recommended to 
 Bullinger for theological instruction. 
 
 Konrad PeUikan, professor of Hebrew, 
 who received pupils in his family, informs 
 us in his "Chronikon"^ that the first two 
 Englishmen arrived on the 1 8'^ of August, 
 1536, namely ^oAn Butler and William 
 
 1 Kessler's Sabbata. St. Gallen 1902, page 
 463 sqq. 2 Original Letters, No. 244, note. 
 3 Edited by B. Riggenbach. Basel 1877, p. 146. 
 
Juried ittting t^t (B^fortnafion 5 
 
 Udroph (Udroffus), ^ who were, after some 
 time, followed by a third one whose name 
 was also William. Pellikan's domestic life, 
 however, was not very happy then. His 
 wife was ill and died in October. The 
 three young gentlemen thereupon left his 
 house, to return again a few months later, 
 when Pellikan had taken another wife. In 
 the following winter they went to Geneva, 
 then probably to Basle, whence Butler came 
 once more to Zurich in autumn 1539, 
 because the plague was then raging at 
 Basle. ' 
 
 But the head of the Church of Zurich 
 himself, Henry Bullinger, had also opened 
 his house to the English students. Nicholas 
 Partridge lived with him from August, 1536, 
 to January, 1537, whereupon he went to 
 England for a short visit, taking with him 
 Rudolf Gwalter, BuUinger's foster-son, in 
 his later years an excellent preacher. Re- 
 
 1 A letter of Guilheljpus Udroffus is inserted 
 in Kessler's Sabbata. St. Gallen 1902, p. 480. 
 2 Chronikon p. 149. 
 
6 (getadone Between ^n^tanb an^ 
 
 turning in June, 1537, they brought with 
 them Nicholas Eliot and Bartholomew 
 Traheron. 
 
 We are not informed of the doings 
 of these students during their stay at Zurich; 
 there can however be no doubt that they 
 devoted all their time to theological studies. 
 On their way home Butler, Partridge, 
 Eliot, and Traheron send a letter of thanks 
 to their "Master Bullinger" : 
 
 "We had a very pleasant journey to 
 Berne, except only that the absence of 
 one so dear to us as yourself sometimes 
 distressed our minds. The friends to whom 
 you so kindly gave us letters of recom- 
 mendation entertained us with more than 
 common courtesy. A great part of this 
 their kindness we place to your account, 
 who did not think it enough to treat us 
 courteously yourself, without causing the 
 same conduct to be manifested by others." 
 — The end of the letter betrays who were 
 their teachers: "We hope you will not 
 think it a trouble to salute diligently in 
 
^ttric^ during t^t (Jlefotntatiott 7 
 
 our name master Leo Judae, master Pellikan, 
 and that chief ornament of Switzerland, 
 yea, rather of the whole world, Theodore 
 Bibliander ; the kindness of all of whom £is 
 well as their rare learning, we regard with 
 such veneration as that we never can 
 forget them."* 
 
 These lines, without place or date, may 
 have been written in Switzerland ; from 
 another letter^ we hear that the friends 
 were at Geneva, visiting Calvin, and later on 
 we find them at Strasburg. None of these 
 early English visitors was destined to play 
 an important part in the Reformation of their 
 country, but we hear of most of them in 
 later years, and their feelings towards 
 Zurich were always of the kindest. 
 
 yi>An Butler, a rich man, more than 
 once visited Zurich in later years; he had 
 once been offered "an honourable post 
 about the king ; but smitten with the love 
 of the muses, he seemed to have an ab- 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 286. 2 No. 285. 
 
8 (S^datione BHwun (gngfani anb 
 
 horrence of a courtier's life."' He con- 
 tinued his studies at Strasburg, was for 
 several years (between 1539 — 42) at Basle, 
 and seems to have settled down at Zurich 
 about 1550, where an edition of Peter 
 Martyr's book "de Sacramento Eucharistiae" 
 was dedicated to him in 1552. He always 
 took the greatest interest in the English 
 Reformation, and his letters are a valuable 
 source for our knowledge of the state of 
 things in the English church at that period. 
 Presently we shall meet with the name of 
 Butler's son Henry, who paid a visit to 
 his native country, together with Zwingli's 
 son Rodolphe and Rodolphe Gwalter the 
 younger, in 1571. 
 
 William Udroph or Udroff is probably 
 identical with that Woodrooffe who sends 
 his greetings from Frankfort to his Zurich 
 teachers in 1538. Of his later life we hear 
 nothing. 
 
 That "other" William in Pellikan's house 
 is William Petersen, who continues his 
 
 1 No. 287, 
 
^ttirtc^ during i^t (S^fovmixtion 9 
 
 studies at Frankfort and Strasburg,' al- 
 though he seems to be more interested in 
 matters of business. He had ordered bows 
 at Glaris^ and was not satisfied when he 
 received them. "For, whereas each bow- 
 stave ought to be three fingers thick, and 
 squared, and seven feet long, and to be 
 got up well polished without any knots, 
 scarcely one of them answered to this 
 pattern and description." ^ Even in such 
 troubles Bullinger had to help his English 
 friends, who went so far as to ask him, 
 that they might, by his aid, obtain a 
 licence from the authorities of Zurich to 
 select trees in a certain wood belong- 
 ing to the magistrates of the town, in 
 order to make bows and to export them 
 to England.* 
 
 The most amiable among the English 
 guests was — no doubt — Nicholas Par- 
 tndge. He had been sick on arriving 
 in Zurich, was nursed in the house of 
 Bullinger, and took — as we have heard 
 
 1 No. 277. 2 No. 288. 3 No. 289. * No. 292. 
 
lo (gefaftone &ttwun Sngfani an6 
 
 — his host's foster-son for a visit to 
 England. After a second stay at Zurich 
 he was the bearer of a book which con- 
 tained two treatises by Bullinger (De Scrip- 
 turae Sanctae Authoritate, &c. and De 
 Episcoporum Institutione et Functione &c. 
 Tiguri, Froschower 1538), and which were 
 dedicated to King Henry VIII. He de- 
 scribes in a letter of Sep. 17*, 1538' the 
 way in which he delivered his message : 
 "We addressed first of all the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury, who most courteously re- 
 ceived the copy sent to himself: we offered 
 him likewise, for civility's sake, and that 
 it might be received more favourably, the 
 book intended for the king: at first he 
 refused, and thought it would be much 
 more advantageous if it were placed in 
 the hands of the lord Cromwell, that he 
 might deliver it to the king; but after 
 supper he asked for the king's book of 
 his own accord, and promised to deliver 
 it into his hands, provided we were pre- 
 1 No. 280. 
 
^uricP during i^e (Jleformafion " 
 
 sent, in case the king should wish to ask 
 
 us any questions We then called 
 
 upon the lord Cromwell : Eliot put into 
 his hands your book addressed to himself; 
 he received it very kindly, together with 
 the letter, which he read through, not- 
 withstanding he was overwhelmed with 
 business. That evening he went to court, 
 having some business with the king, to 
 whom he doubtless shewed the book he 
 had that day received. As soon as the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury heard of this, 
 he forthwith sent the king his book, at a 
 time when we could not be present. But 
 that the gift was acceptable to the king, 
 we collect from this circumstance, that His 
 Majesty expressed a wish to those around 
 him, that it should be translated into English." 
 The royal desire was fulfilled, but — as 
 it seems — only very much later : we know 
 an edition of Bullinger's "Discourse of 
 the woorthynesse, authoritie and suffi- 
 ciencie of the holy Scripture, translated 
 by Tomkys" of the year 1579. 
 
12 (^datione 6Hwun i^n^tanb anb 
 
 For some time Partridge was in the 
 service of the Bishop of St. David's in 
 Wales/ then he was tutor to the children 
 of the Mayor of Dover,^ always a zealous 
 propagator of the new doctrine, an ad- 
 mirer and faithful disciple of his teacher 
 Bullinger. "Not only the church of Zurich 
 — he writes to him' — , but all other 
 churches which are in Christ, bear witness 
 to the skill, and purity, and simplicity of 
 faith, with which you have expounded the 
 whole Bible, and especially the epistles 
 of St. Paul. And how great weight all 
 persons attribute to your commentaries, 
 how greedily they embrace and admire 
 them, (to pass over other numberless argu- 
 ments), the booksellers are most ample 
 witnesses, whom by the sale of your 
 writings alone . . . you see suddenly 
 become rich. May God therefore give 
 you the disposition to publish all your 
 writings as speedily as possible." 
 
 Partridge's letters always show the 
 1 No. 287. 2 No. 281. 3 No. 284. 
 
|urtc§ during t^t (Befornta^ion ^3 
 
 most tender feelings, and are often accom- 
 panied by little presents. He might 
 certainly have done good service to the 
 Reformation, but he died young, about 
 1540,' much deplored by all his friends, 
 especially by Rodolphe G waiter. 
 
 Nicholas Eliot is of a far less communi- 
 cative turn of mind ; in his rare letters 
 he usually expresses the opinion, that the 
 friends who bring them to Zurich will 
 give much better information about his 
 doings than he could give by his writing. 
 Soon after his return he begins to study 
 "our municipal law, and is in no small 
 degree aided therein by the munificence 
 of the king".^ In 1542 he held an office 
 from whence he derived a good income. 
 BuUinger thought highly of him, but when 
 he recommended to him one of his pupils 
 (John ab Ulmis) in 1548, the answer 
 was, that "Eliot has long been dead and 
 gone to heaven".^ 
 
 None of the earlier pupils of Bullinger 
 1 No. 294. 2 No. 287. 3 No. 184. 
 
14 (^ttatione Between Bnc^Unb anb 
 
 had greater influence in England than 
 Bartholomew Traheron} For some time 
 he was in the service of the lord Cromwell, 
 after whose fall he retired to Geneva. 
 He took an active part in the discussion 
 on the Eucharist, wishing that the opinions 
 of the Swiss reformers might be victorious. ^ . 
 In 1550 he became "tutor to (^ the duke 
 of Suffolk, who is of the same age with 
 the king.'" His enthusiasm for king 
 Edward VI. seems to be founded on per- 
 sonal acquaintance ; he praises him as one, 
 "who -is making wonderful progress in 
 learning, piety, and judgment", and asks 
 BuUinger "to commend to God in his 
 prayers this prince of the greatest hope, 
 who is even now a defender of the 
 Christian religion almost to a miracle."* 
 
 Swiss students, recommended to Tra- 
 heron by Bullinger, were received with 
 the utmost kindness, and one of them, 
 Johannes ab Ulmis, was even engaged 
 
 * SeeDictionary of National Biography 57, 148. 
 2 Original Letters, No. 152. ' No. 222. * No. 153. 
 
^tttic^ during t^ (B^formafion ^5 
 
 to instruct Lady Jane Grey, daughter of 
 Henry Grey, Duke of Suffolk, after 
 Edward VI.'s death (6'^ July, 1553) for a 
 few days queen of England, but beheaded 
 in 1554. Through Johann von Ulm Lady 
 Grey became acquainted with BuUinger, 
 to whom she addressed those interesting 
 letters which now form one of the most 
 valuable treasures of the "City Library of 
 Zurich." They are published separately ' 
 and in the "Original Letters" as nos. 4 — 6. 
 Traheron was in great favour with 
 the leading persons under Edward VL ; 
 he was appointed dean of Chichester ^ 
 and, together with the most influential 
 defenders of the new doctrine, he was 
 made a member of the commission for 
 framing ecclesiastical laws.^ He was very 
 anxious in regard to certain theological 
 questions, especially that of predestination ; 
 he asks for BuUinger's advice and is very 
 
 ^ Joannae Graiae Litterae ad Henricum 
 Bullingerum. Zurich 1840. ^ Strype, Eccles. 
 Mem. II. n, 266. 3 ib. II. I, 530. 
 
i6 (^dat\on0 Between Bn^Unb anb 
 
 thankful for it, although he frankly con- 
 fesses: "I cannot altogether think as you 
 do."' More and more he turns toward 
 Calvinism. When Mary came to the throne, 
 he had to leave England together with 
 many of his brethren, and went to 
 Frankfort where he taught in the 'Uni- 
 versity' set up there for the maintainance 
 of learning among the English exiles. He 
 was lecturer in divinity and read e. g. 
 upon the beginning of St. John's Gospel, 
 and upon the fourth chapter of the Reve- 
 lation.^ His name appears for the last 
 time in 1556; we do not know when he 
 died, probably about 1558. 
 
 There is one English friend of BuUinger 
 and of the other Zurich reformers who did 
 not belong to the learned professions, 
 Richard Hilles, a merchant. His numer- 
 ous letters are, nevertheless, written in 
 Latin, although he frequently enough wishes 
 to be excused for the awkwardness of his 
 
 ' Original Letters, No. 155. 2 Strype, 
 Eccles. Mem. III. I, 543. 
 
style. We hear of him for the first time 
 in 1540,^ he seems to have visited Zurich 
 in 1542, and he is from that period on- 
 ward, for about thirty-seven years, one of 
 the most interesting correspondents. Hilles 
 left his country, because he was afraid of 
 persecution, and earned his living as a 
 cloth-merchant chiefly at Strasburg, al- 
 though there are also letters dated from 
 Frankfort, London, or Antwerp. When 
 he writes, his regular topic is, of course, 
 the state of the affairs of the church, but 
 so many items of worldly news, evidently 
 received from trustworthy sources, are in- 
 serted, that we get vivid glimpses into 
 the public as well as into the private life of 
 that period. For his Zurich friends the 
 descriptions of Thomas Cromwell's fall and 
 execution (28* July, 1540), of the king's 
 proceeding against Anne of Cleves, of his 
 marriage with Catharine Howard, of the 
 execution of her uncle, the duke of Norfolk, 
 and her cousin, Henry Howard, Earl of 
 
 1 Zwingliana 1899, p. 1 00. 
 
i8 (gefafton© Between Sngfani an6 
 Surrey/ the poet, must have been of great 
 interest, at a time when no newspapers 
 or periodicals informed the people of the 
 events of the world. 
 
 The accession of King Edward fills 
 him with great joy, for now he may return 
 to his native country^ and his children, 
 born abroad, are naturalized/ Six years 
 later, on the 9* of July, 1553, i. e. three 
 days after king Edward's death, Richard 
 HiUes in a letter to BuUinger expresses 
 his deep regret that England had lost that 
 promising sovereign, but he is full of hopes 
 for the future, knowing that Queen Jane 
 (Lady Jane Grey) will protect the new 
 doctrine : "Yet we are not altogether 
 without God's mercy, since he has now 
 ordained such a successor to so pious a 
 king, under whom we have great hopes 
 that we, her subjects, shall nevertheless 
 be able to live a godly, quiet, and tran- 
 
 1 Original Letters, Nos. 105 sqq. 2 Original 
 Letters, No. 118 and Strype, Eccles. Mem. II. 
 II, 66. 
 
Juried itttring t^t (^efotrnta^ion ^9 
 
 quil life, in all peace, virtue, and right- 
 eousness ; and that the pure word of God 
 will always be sincerely preached in this 
 realm." ' 
 
 Within a few days things changed 
 entirely, and Richard Hilles, whom Bul- 
 linger so often had exhorted not to allow 
 his worldly interests to influence his reli- 
 gious persuasion, had to confess (years 
 later) ; ^ "As long as our cruel and super- 
 stitious Queen Mary reigned in this country 
 I was so afraid for my property, and of 
 getting into danger, yea, even for my 
 life itself, that I scarcely dared to write 
 to persons of your character, or to receive 
 letters from them." We are indeed forced 
 to believe the accusations of one William 
 Salkyns ("Servant of master Richard 
 Hilles"),^ that Hilles frequented the mass; 
 but we may be ready to forgive his 
 weakness, when we hear how faithful he 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 125. ^ Zurich Letters, 
 n. series, No. 7 (Feb. 28, 1559). ^ Original Letters, 
 No. 168. 
 
20 (gtiAtione %ttwun ^n^ianb cinb 
 
 was towards his old friend BuUinger, and 
 how kindly he received the numerous 
 Swiss students in England who were re- 
 commended to him from Zurich. 
 
 His last letter, addressed to Rodolphe 
 Gwalter, is written four years after Bul- 
 linger's death, and he tries to comfort him 
 for the loss of his "dear sons and inti- 
 mate friends."^ . ju'. r- w -^- > 
 
 A very sympametic person appears fre- 
 quently with Richard Hilles, y^okn Burcher, 
 also a merchant, who does excellent 
 services to the cause of the Reformation 
 both in England and Switzerland. He has 
 left his native country "for the sake of 
 true religion" and is maintaining himself 
 by manual labour now at Basle, now at 
 Strasburg and elsewhere. Burcher is de 
 sirous of becoming a citizen of Zurich, 
 and Hilles recommends him warmly to 
 BuUinger and to the authorities. A testi- 
 monial being required, signed by some 
 persons worthy of credit, his friend sends one 
 
 ^ Zurich Letters, II. series, No. 125. 
 
Juried J>urtng t^t (Befotmafion 21 
 
 with the signatures of one William Swerder 
 and of Miles Coverdale, then a simple 
 "master of a grammar school at Berg- 
 zabern," but already favourably known as an 
 excellent translator of the Bible.' Whether 
 John Burcher's desire was granted by the 
 magistrates of Zurich we do not know, still it 
 is very probable. For having usually signed 
 his letters "Anglus", he writes himself 
 "Anglo-Tigurinus" in 1548.^ 
 
 The events of Burcher's later life show 
 many attractive sides; his journey to 
 Poland, for instance, where he went to 
 obtain permission to establish a brewery, 
 is of Angular interest,* only it has nothing 
 to do with our subject; while it is worth 
 mentioning, that Bullinger's sons were 
 living in his house at Strasburg, in 1553. 
 
 Having witnessed so far the earlier 
 connections between England and the 
 Zurich reformers, and the results therefrom, 
 which were chiefly of a personal cha- 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 114 (154S). ^ No. 296. 
 3 Nos. 328—333. 
 
22 (Jlefa^tona Between ^ngfand atti 
 
 racter, we have now to turn our attention 
 to English exiles who took an active part 
 in the Reformation of their country, whose 
 works are directly influenced by BuUinger 
 and his friends, and partly even printed 
 at Zurich; while — during the reigns of 
 Edward VI and Queen Elizabeth — they 
 translated and published in England trea- 
 tises written for the reformation of Switzer- 
 land. 
 
 The first name we meet Avith in this line 
 is that of the zealous reformer and dra- 
 matist John Bale. He had been converted 
 to Protestantism by Lord Wentworth, 
 and earned the protection of Thomas 
 Cromwell for certain comedies he had 
 written in favour of the new doctrine/ 
 At his patron's fall in 1540 he fled to 
 Germany, and joined vigorously in po- 
 lemic. Under the pseudonym of Henry 
 Harryson he published a pamphlet of 
 198 pages with the tide: "Yet a course 
 
 1 Chambers E. K., The Mediaeval Stage. 
 Oxford 1903. II, 446. 
 
Juried during f^e (gefotrma^ion 23 
 
 at the Romyshe foxe", a furious attack 
 on popery, continuing William Wraghton's 
 (i. e. William Turner) "The huntyng and 
 fyndyng out ot the Romyshe foxe", which 
 was printed at Basle in 1543. Bale's 
 book, copies of which are in the British 
 Museum as well as in the Bodleian, 
 shows the colophon : "imprented at Zurik 
 by Olyver Jacobson Anno Domini 1543, 
 the X. daye of Decembre." It is difficult, 
 if not impossible, to decide whether the 
 statement of the colophon be really correct. 
 Oliver Jacobson, at any rate, does not ap- 
 pear as the name of a Zurich printer at 
 that time. Nevertheless we have to 
 admit that Bale was in Switzerland and 
 probably even in Zurich in the year 1543, 
 in spite of his own expression, that he 
 spent his eight years of exile (1540 — 1547) 
 "in inferiori Germania".^ In that elegant 
 dedication of the "Acta Romanorum 
 
 ^ Baleus, Scriptorum illustrium maioris 
 Britanniae catalogus. Basileae, 1557 — 1559, s. v. 
 Baleus. 
 
24 (^ttatione fiefween <^ngfan6 anb 
 
 Pontificum"(i558), addressed to the Swiss 
 reformers, he speaks of the hospitality he 
 enjoyed in Bullinger's house, and of the 
 old friendship that connected him ^vith 
 the leaders of Protestantism in Switzerland.' 
 There is, moreover, another book of Bale, 
 under the name of Henry Stalbrydge, 
 "The Epistel Exhortatorye of an Inglyshe 
 Chrystian", at the end of which we read : 
 "Written from Basyle a cyte of the Helue- 
 cyanes ... in the year . . . 1544." 
 And a third one, with the real name of 
 John Bale, "A mysterye of inyquyte", was 
 printed at Geneva in 1545.' 
 
 With the accession of Edward VI 
 John Bale returned to England, was made 
 rector of Bishopstoke, Hants, and, in 1553, 
 Bishop of Ossory, in Ireland. On the day 
 of the proclamation of Queen Mary, on 
 August 20*, 1553, he had some of his 
 
 1 Reprinted in : Litterarische Beziehungen 
 zwischen England und der Schweiz im Reforma- 
 tionszeitalter (by Th. Vett»). Zurich 1901, 
 P- 33—37- ^-ib. p. 10— II. 
 
?ttric$ iutring t^t (^efotrmafioit 25 
 
 plays performed at Kilkenny, "to the small 
 contentacion of the Prestes and other 
 Papistes there". Very soon the bishop of 
 Ossory had to leave his country once more 
 and came again to Baisle. Together with 
 his friend John Foxe, the martyrologist, 
 he lived in the house of the printer Opo- 
 rinus, being employed as a reader of his 
 press. The literary work which Bale 
 performed during those years is astonishing; 
 the "Catalogus" alone (1557 — 1559) is a 
 ,,monumentum aere perennius". The second 
 part of it he dedicated to his Zurich 
 friends, Conrad Gesner, Josias Simmler, 
 Conrad Lycosthenes ; the short letter which 
 accompanied it is still to be seen in the 
 City Library of Zurich.' And Conrad Gesner, 
 on his part, was indebted to John Bale, 
 to whom he dedicated his "Mithridates", 
 one of the earliest attempts in comparative 
 philology. Many of the books consulted 
 by Gesner had been sent to him by Bale, 
 
 1 Reproduced in : Litterar. Beziehungen etc., 
 Zurich 1 90 1. 
 
26 (J^datione &ttwtcn (Bngfan?) cinb 
 
 from whom he had also received the Lord's 
 prayer in Celtic* — On the accession of 
 Elizabeth, Bale found himself too old to 
 resume his see, and retired on a prebend 
 in Canterbury Cathedral, where he died 
 in 1563. 
 
 The English exile, who next after Bale 
 entered the circle of Bullinger and his 
 friends, was ^okn Hooper, the well-known 
 martyr under Queen Mary. Born "towards 
 the end of the 1 5* century" he was several 
 years older than Bullinger, and a man 
 of years when he came to Zurich in 
 1547. According to John Foxe,^ he had 
 received an excellent education, was made 
 B. A. at Oxford in 15 19, and "through 
 God's secret vocation was stirred with 
 fervent desire to the love and knowledge 
 of the Scriptures." He adopted Protestant 
 views, but had to flee from England as 
 early as 1539, to avoid persecution. He 
 lived in France, afterwards at Strasburg, 
 
 1 Mithridates, fol. 13b. 2 Acts and Monu- 
 ments, ed. by Cattley. London 1838, Vol, VI, 637. 
 
^uric§ 5tttrtng f^e (geformafiott 27 
 
 whence he addresses BuUinger in a letter of 
 Jan. 27*, 1546, giving certain details 
 of his earlier life. "Not many years since, 
 when I was a courtier, and living too 
 much of a court life in the palace of our 
 king, there most happily and auspiciously 
 came under my notice certain writings of 
 master Huldrich Zuinglius, a most ex- 
 cellent man, of pious memory ; , and also 
 some commentaries upon the epistles of 
 St. Paul, which your reverence had pub- 
 lished for the general benefit, and which 
 will prove a lasting monument of your 
 renown." ' Hooper's plan is to go home 
 to England, in order to get some means 
 from his father, whose only son and heir 
 he is, wherewith he might be able to 
 subsist at Zurich. But he knows that he 
 will not be well received by his father, 
 who hates him for having left the Catholic 
 church; and other dangers are waiting 
 for him. After his return he writes — 
 probably from Basle — : "I will relate 
 1 Original Letters, No. 21. 
 
28 (gefaHone iHwttn Bnf^ianb anb 
 
 to you in person the events of my long 
 and most dangerous journey to England. 
 I suffered many things by land; twice 
 I suffered bonds and imprisonment ; whence 
 being marvellously delivered by the mercy 
 of God, though with the heavy loss of 
 my fortune, I was wretchedly harassed 
 by sea for three months both by enemies 
 and storms . . . Having been delivered 
 from fire and water, I came upon war: 
 I see nothing but the death of all god- 
 liness and religion." 
 
 With recommendations of Franciscus 
 Dryander, the translator of the New Testa- 
 ment into Spanish,^ and Oswald Mycanius^ 
 (Geishusler), Zwingli's friend, both then 
 at Basle, John Hooper and his wife Anna 
 de Tserclas arrived at Zurich, March 29*, 
 1547,^ and were received at BuUinger's 
 own house until they could find suitable 
 
 1 Archives of the Canton of Zurich E. II. 366, 
 fol. 36. 2 BuUinger's letter to Myconius, April 4"', 
 1547 (Simmler's Collection). 3 Heinrich Bullingers 
 Diarium, edited by E. Egli, Basel 1904, p. 35. 
 
apartments of their own. John Hooper 
 lost no time in beginning his studies with 
 the excellent teachers he could find here; 
 in spite of his age he sat at the feet of 
 BulUnger together with much younger 
 pupils, Pellikan taught him Hebrew and 
 the interpretation of the Old Testament. 
 
 Meanwhile Stephen Gardiner, Bishop 
 of Winchester, a stanch supporter of royal 
 supremacy, and a good Catholic too, had 
 published his "Declaration of the Devil's 
 Sophistry",^ a new and violent attack on 
 Protestant beliefs. The book had been 
 delivered to Hooper in Zurich on the 
 30''^ April, 1547, i. e. a few weeks after 
 his arrival; he perused and studied it 
 carefuUy, and was soon convinced that 
 the eloquence of his antagonist might 
 prove fatal to many adherents of the Re- 
 formation, especially to the unlearned. He 
 at once decided to write a refutation : 
 "Because I desire such as know the truth 
 to persevere in the same, and such as 
 
 1 Strype, Eccles. Mem. II. I, 52. 
 
30 (gefdftone Between &nc^£anb anS 
 
 yet be ignorant thereof to come unto 
 the truth, that in Christ they might with 
 the church of truth find eternal salvation." 
 Hooper declares fearlessly: "I see the name 
 of God blasphemed by the opinion that 
 ye defend" ; and he challenges the proud 
 bishop (at the end of the preface) in saying : 
 "Those that will establish the mass as ye 
 do, my Lord, and defend idolatry, must 
 prove the thing ye speak by the Scripture, 
 and plainly satisfy the places of the Scrip- 
 ture brought against you." The preface 
 is signed "Tiguri, 9. Septembris 1547", 
 and the book (a volume of 168 pages) 
 was printed in Zurich. Since it is the 
 firsi English book that came out in Zurich, 
 it is of extraordinary importance. Copies 
 of it are very rare. The title runs: 
 
 An Anfwer vnto my | lord of wynchefters 
 booke intytlyd a | detection of the deuyls 
 Sophiftrye. wherwith ( he robbith the vnlernyd 
 people of the trew | byleef in the mooft 
 bleffyd facra= | ment of the aulter made by | 
 Johann Hoper. | Psalm. 119. | Veftigia mea 
 dirige in uerbo tuo domine, & | & (sic) non 
 
^urtcP during t^t (Beformafion 3i 
 
 dominabi = | tur mei uUa iniquitas, | Pryntyd in 
 Zurych by Auguftyne Fries. | AnnoM.D.XLVII. 
 
 The copy in the City Library of Zurich 
 is bound together with a mathematical 
 treatise, and belonged to the celebrated 
 polyhistor and physician Conrad Gesner. 
 — The number of misprints and mis- 
 understandings in this valuable publication 
 is endless, although evidently great pains 
 were bestowed on the whole get-up of it. 
 
 The attack on Stephen Gardiner may 
 hardly have reached England, when Hooper 
 sent a second work to his Zurich printer, 
 which was of a more general and less 
 polemic character: 
 
 A Declaration j of Chrifte and of his | 
 offyce compylyd, by Jo = | han Hoper, Anno | 
 1547- 
 
 The preface is signed: Tiguri 8. de- 
 cembris. 1547, and at the end of the book 
 we read : Pryntyd in Zvrych by Avgustyne 
 Fries. Anno M. D. XL VII. The copy in 
 the City Library of Zurich shows, in Hooper's 
 own hand, a dedication to Conrad Gesner. 
 
32 (gefa^ion© Between (Sngfani anb 
 
 In the opening address to Edward Duke 
 of Somerset he praises his recent victory 
 over the Scots at Pinkie Cleugh, and 
 expects from the Protector of England 
 that he will also be a protector of the 
 true church. There are still very many 
 mistakes in this book; but the English 
 printer, Christopher Rosdell, who repub- 
 lished it thirty-five years later, is unjust in 
 speaking even on the titlepage of the 
 "great unskilfulnesse of the printer", adding 
 in his epistle dedicatory : "This godly and 
 profitable tract, in itself most pure and 
 pleasant, by passing through the press of 
 an unskilful printer at Zurich in Germany, 
 was so infected and corrupted, not with 
 small and petty scapes, but with gross 
 and palpable faults, not here and there, 
 but in every leaf, in every page, and 
 almost in every line, that it might truly 
 be said : Either this is not master Hooper's 
 work, or else, quam dissimilis sui prodit.'" 
 
 1 Early Writings of Hooper. Cambridge 1843, 
 p. VIII. 
 
?urtc^ during t^t (Reformation 33 
 
 As to the work itself, Rosdell is full of 
 enthusiasm : "Herein the principal points 
 of Christian religion are so sententiously 
 handled, and Christ and his office so lively 
 described, that nothing can be more clear 
 to the eye, or more melodious and sweet 
 to the ear of the godly Christian." ^ 
 
 Following the very trustworthy autho- 
 rity of Josias Simmler^ ('530 — I576)j 
 there is a third work of John Hooper 
 that was printed in Zurich : 
 
 A Declaration | of the ten holy comraaunde | 
 mentes of allmygthye God, wro= | ten Exo, 
 20. Deu. 5. Collectyd | out of the fcripture 
 Ca= I nonicall, by Joan= | ne Hopper. | 
 Cum, and fe: Joan. i. | Anno M. D. XL VIII. 
 
 Simmler declares the type to be that 
 of Froschower in Zurich, and after a close 
 inspection of the copy in the British Mu- 
 seum (no copy existing in Switzerland) 
 
 1 Early Writings of Hooper. Cambridge 1843, 
 p. VII. 2 Simmler's Collection at the City Library 
 of Zurich; sub Dec. 1547: Scripta loannis Hoperi 
 1547 et 1548 dum Tiguri versabatur, Anglice ab 
 ipso edita. 
 
 3 
 
34 (gefafione fiefween 6ngfan6 and 
 
 we cannot but agree with him. But no 
 place of publication nor name of printer 
 being given, and the preface being signed 
 the 5'^ Nov., 1549, when Hooper had 
 already returned to England, we are forced 
 to suppose that the author took the sheets 
 with him to London and had the book 
 finished and bound there. Only if we 
 take it so^'the words on page CCXXXIII 
 may be understood: ". . . . remember I 
 pray the that it is not in maner poffible 
 to prynt in a knowen tange a hole worke, 
 with out faultes. how mouche more im- 
 poffible where as the Setters of the prynt 
 vndreftandithe not one word of oure fpeche, 
 and wantythe alfo souche as knowithe the 
 art of trew correctyng." And this remark 
 has been omitted in the reprint of Richard 
 Jugge, London, 1550, 
 
 We cannot be surprised to find BuUin- 
 ger's influence in these early Avritings of 
 Hooper; he not only followed his lectures 
 conscientiously, he was also in daily inter- 
 couse with his master. — ■ A child was 
 
|ttri4 during tU (S^tfotmniion 35 
 
 born to the Hooper family while at Zurich, 
 and Bullinger became godfather, Theodore 
 Bibliander's wife Rosina godmother of little 
 Rachel. He never forgets to inquire after 
 his godchild in his letters to Hooper in 
 later years, he sends her greetings and 
 little presents. 
 
 On the 2 4* March, 1549, John Hooper, 
 his wife and child, and Johannes Stumpf, 
 who was to visit England as a student of 
 theology, left Zurich after a sad parting. ^ 
 A few hours later Hooper wrote a first 
 letter (unfortunately lost) to Bullinger from 
 Dietikon ; then again news was sent from 
 Basle, Strasburg, Mayence, Cologne, and 
 Antwerp. He relates the adventures of 
 their long journey, and speaks of the many 
 friends of the Reformation he calls upon 
 on his way. They are all full of venera- 
 tion for the leader of the Zurich church, 
 and Hooper himself thinks so highly of 
 him, that he tries to induce him to in- 
 
 * Foxe, Acts and Monuments, ed. by Cattlej-. 
 London 1838, VI, 658. 
 
36 (gefa(tott0 Between Sngfan^ and 
 
 terfere between France and England. "I 
 have often earnestly besought you and your 
 people to interpose your mediation between 
 France and England ; and I now again 
 and again suppliantly entreat and beseech 
 you the same thing, for the sake of 
 Christ, who is the restorer of peace . . . 
 Let not the majesty of the royal name or 
 the vapouring of any other title deter you." ' 
 Hooper will send an amanuensis to 
 Zurich who has to copy sermons and 
 dissertations of BuUinger, Bibliander, and 
 Gwalter. "I wish you were acquainted 
 with our language, and that master Gwalter 
 also knew it for six months : I doubt not 
 but that God would convert many hearts 
 to the knowledge of himself,"^ he writes 
 a few weeks later. 
 
 In May, 1549, the party arrives in 
 England. Much work is waiting for 
 Hooper, who is created bishop of Gloucester, 
 in T550,' and bishop of Worcester (in 
 commendam), in 1552. We have not to 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 28. 2 No. 33. 3 Nq. 39. 
 
?ttric^ Jiuring tU O^tfovmation 37 
 
 speak here of the great difficulties which 
 he, partly by his own fault, had to over- 
 come, nor of the influence he had on the 
 Reformation in England ; we may only 
 add that he always remained thankful 
 towards his Zurich friends, and that he 
 was happy to receive their advice and 
 instruction. On the Wednesdays during 
 Lent, in 1550, Hooper had to preach 
 before the king and council, and he is 
 anxious to do his best at this opportunity. 
 ''May the Lord open my heart and mouth, 
 that I may think and speak those things 
 which may advance his kingdom ! I shall 
 make choice, I think, of a very suitable 
 subject, namely, the prophet Jonas ; which 
 will enable me freely to touch upon the 
 duties of individuals. Do you, my reverend 
 friend, write back as soon as possible, 
 and diligently instruct me as to what you 
 think may conveniently be said in so crowd- 
 ed an auditory" ' 
 
 Hooper, moreover, encourages Bullinger : 
 ' Original Letters, No. 37. 
 
38 (^efaiione &ctw€^n<&n^Unb an6 
 
 "If you have anything which you purpose 
 soon to send to the press, you should 
 dedicate it to our most excellent sovereign, 
 king Edward the sixth ... If you will 
 comply with my wishes in this respect, 
 you will advance the glory of God in no 
 small degree."' This advice was followed 
 at once, and Buliinger sent the third decaide 
 of his sermons (including also sermons I 
 and II of the fourth) together with a letter 
 to England,^ where in Hooper's presence 
 it was handed over to the king ("splendidly 
 bound") on the 2k,*^ April, 1550.^ The 
 dedication to the king, written "in the 
 month of March", and a second one which 
 was to accompany sermons III — X of the 
 fourth Decade, written "in the month of 
 August, the year of our Lord 1550",* 
 are excellent specimens of Bullinger's 
 learning, sagacity, and versatility. 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 36 ; also N0.37, postscript. 
 2N0.311 and No. 39. 3Nos.26oand3i2. * The De- 
 cades of Henry Buliinger, translated by H. I. Edited 
 for theParker Society by ThomasHarding.Cambridge, 
 1849— 1852. Vol.III, I — 16; Vol. IV, 1 1 5— 122. 
 
Ittttc^ during t^t (Befortnattott 39 
 
 Incessantly Hooper offers his service 
 to all the friends of BuUinger who might 
 come to England,* and he does all that 
 is in his power to show his everlasting 
 thankfulness. To Conrad Gesner, e. g., he 
 sends "a Welsh dictionary, and some 
 writings in the language of Cornubia, 
 commonly called Cornwall;" ^ "and should 
 master Gesner wish at any time to come 
 over to us, I will provide him with suitable 
 companions who will show him the 
 rivers, and fishes, and animals of this 
 country." * 
 
 All the theological and even some of 
 the scientific publications of the Zurich 
 friends are sent to Hooper, to whom the 
 learned Theodore Bibliander dedicates his 
 treatise on the Ten Commandments (Sermo 
 divinae maiestatis voce pronunciatus in 
 monte Sinai, Basileae 1552), which however 
 did not reach him. * 
 
 After 155 1 Hooper's letters become 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 40 and postscript. 
 2 No. 36. 3 No. 41, postscript. * No. 48. 
 
40 (^efafton© ^Hwttn ^n^tanb and 
 
 rarer and rarer. His time is entirely taken 
 up by the duties of his high position, 
 until the death of Edward VI brought a 
 sudden change. With the beginning of 
 Mary's reign (3"^ Aug., 1553) the Protestant 
 preachers wer^ forbidden to preach; Hooper 
 was imprisoned and committed ujito the 
 Fleet from Richmond, Sept. i*'; two days 
 later he writes a few lines to Bullinger ; ^ 
 other letters from the prison seem not to 
 have been forwarded.^ An epistle from 
 Bullinger, dated on the 10*, of October, 
 1554, brought great comfort to the pri- 
 soner, who is able ("by stealth") to answer 
 on Dec. 11* — his last letter. He knows 
 that the death of a martyr is waiting for 
 him, and so he sends his last greetings: 
 "I entreat you to comfort occasionally by 
 your letters that most exemplary and 
 godly woman, my wife, and exhort her 
 to bring up our children carefully, Rachel 
 your little god-daughter, an exceedingly 
 well disposed girl, and my son Daniel, 
 1 No. 44. 2 No. 46. 
 
furic^ during f^e (Reformation 41 
 
 and piously to educate them in the know- 
 ledge and fear of God. I moreover send 
 your reverence two little books for your 
 perusal, consideration, and correction, if 
 they contain any thing not agreeable to 
 the word of God . . . And I beg that 
 you will cause them to be printed as soon 
 as possible . . . And if your friend Frosch- 
 ower should be prevented from printing 
 them by more important engagements, 
 I wish he would send them to Basle to 
 master Oporinus, who prints very correctly, 
 and sends out all his publications in a 
 superior manner." ' Neither of these books 
 appears to have been printed, and even 
 the manuscripts seem to be lost. 
 
 On the 9'^ of February, 1555, John 
 Hooper was burned at Gloucester; he 
 died as a true and faithful martyr.^ His 
 wife, together with little Rachel, had fled 
 to Frankfort, where the senate had granted 
 liberty to the English fugitives. This was 
 
 1 No. 48. 2 pQxe, Acts and Monuments, 
 VI, 652. 
 
4^ (^«fatiott0 &t(roun &n^tanb anft 
 
 in April, 1554/ There exists one short 
 letter in Latin which Anne Hooper sends 
 to Zurich after her husband's cruel death. 
 She inquires after the publication of the 
 two manuscripts, thanks for the new year's 
 gift of Bullinger, and adds, in the name 
 of Rachel, "an English coin, on which 
 are the effigies of Ahab and Jezebel" 
 (King Philip II and Queen Mary).- 
 
 In the following year we are informed 
 through a letter of Martin Micronius,^ who 
 had lived in the Hooper family, that Anne 
 Hooper and her daughter Rachel have 
 died. When and where, we do not know. 
 
 John Hooper was not th^ first victim 
 of the cruel persecution under Queen Mary; 
 five days before, on Feb. 4'^^, 1555, 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 51. 2 Nq ^^_ 
 3 Dated March 5*, 1556. Cantonal Archives, 
 Zurich, E II 375, fol. 487. — In John Foxe's 
 Acts and Monuments etc., ed. by Cattley. Vol. 
 VI, 659, we find: In clarissimi Doctrina et Pie- 
 tate Viri Johannis Hoperi Martyiium Conradi 
 Gesneri carmen. 
 
?uric§ during t^t (Beformafion 43 
 
 a martyr had been committed to the flames 
 whose position in the church had never 
 been so prominent as Hooper's, but vviiose 
 work had always been faithful to the 
 Reformation. John Rogers' nsx^^i. is intimate- 
 ly connected with the translation of the 
 Bible into Er^lish, although he is far better 
 known by his pseudonym Thomas Matthew, 
 a name also known at Zurich in connection 
 with a most precious publication. 
 
 The adventurous story of the publi- 
 cation of the New Testament, translated by 
 Wiliiam Tyndale, and printed first at Co- 
 logne, up to sheet K, whereupon the 
 sheets had to be secretly brought to Worms 
 to escape the fury of the enemies of the 
 Reformation, has often been told.' At Worms 
 the book was finished, and three thousand 
 copies of it were introduced into England 
 in 1526. The Pentateuch followed "Em- 
 prented at Malborow (Marburg), in the 
 lande of Hesse, by Hans Luft, the yere 
 
 1 See R. Lovett, The printed English Bible. 
 London, 1894. 
 
44 (^efaftone fie^ween 6ngfan5 ani 
 
 of oure Lorde 1530", and in 1534 a re- 
 vised edition of Tyndale's New Testament, 
 printed by Martin Empereur at Antwerp. 
 When Tyndale died the death of a martyr 
 at Vilvorde near Antwerp, in 1536, there 
 existed already seven different editions of 
 the New Testament in English, and a 
 complete English Bible had come out in 
 1535- Of the translator. Miles Coverdale, 
 we are sufficiently informed, while neither 
 printer nor place are known. The theory 
 that Christopher Froschower at Zurich was 
 the printer does not stand on a very solid 
 ground ; we must be satisfied to state the 
 fact, that Coverdale's New Testament alone 
 was published by the celebrated Zurich 
 printer, fifteen years later : 
 
 The newe | Teftament faythfully tranf= | 
 lated by Miles Couerdal. | Anno 1550. | Roma. 
 XV. a. I Whatfoever thinges are wrytten | afore 
 tyme, are wrytten for | oure learnynge. 
 
 On the last page but one there is the 
 misprint: The Reuelacion Of S. Judas; 
 and on the last the colophon : 
 
Imprynted at Zii= | rich, by Chriftoffel 
 Frof= ] chouer, in the yeare after the creacion 
 of I the worlde. 5. 5. 25. And after | the 
 byrth of our Sauiour. | i. 5. 50. 
 
 Any doubt that might arise on account 
 of the colophon being only pasted upon 
 the last leaf of the Zurich copy is sup- 
 pressed by the fact, that the initials at 
 the beginning of each book are identical 
 with those used by Froschower for his 
 German Bible. 
 
 William Tyndale's work was continued 
 after his death by his friend John Rogers, 
 whose name we had to mention in con- 
 nection with John Hooper's death in Feb. 
 1555. But to conceal his identity, Rogers, 
 after a generally received tradition, assumed 
 the name of Thomas Matthew, under which 
 name he presented the English Christians 
 with a new Bible in 1537. One might 
 think to possess a reprint of Matthew's 
 Bible in the Zurich publication of 1550: 
 The whole Byble, | that is, the Olde and 
 Newe I Teftamente, truly and purely | tranfs- 
 lated into Enghfche, by | Mayft. Thomas 
 
46 (^efaftone Between Bnc^ianb anb 
 
 Mathewe. | Efaie . . j. | Hearcken to ye heauens: 
 and thou earth | geaue eare: for the LORD 
 I f fpeafcetht | Chrift. Frofch. | Impnuted in 
 Ziirych by Chryftoffer Froschower. 
 
 The Old Testament is printed on 494 
 leaves, the New on 1 2 1 ; we are finally 
 informed that the printing was finished 
 on "the xvj. daye in the moneth of 
 Auguft 1550" — But strange enough, 
 after a careful examination of a few pages, 
 we discover that we have before us the 
 Bible of Miles Coverdale. Why this 
 change of name Avas introduced by Fro- 
 schower, for what reasons Coverdale 
 should not appear as the translator, we 
 cannot even guess. In England copies 
 of the very same book, the bulk of which 
 had been printed in Zurich, were sold 
 under Coverdale's name : '•'faythfully trans- 
 lated intO' Englyshe by Myles Couerdale' , and 
 "prynted for Andrewe Hester: i6'i' Aug. 
 1550." For the volume in the British 
 Museum the catalogue remarks : "The 
 titlepage and preliminary matter are in 
 English black letter, and must have been 
 
substituted for the original Zurich leaves 
 by the London publisher". And for a 
 third time the same book was offered 
 to the public in 1553, by Richard Jugge, 
 who had again printed a new titlepage. 
 
 After 1550 no English Bible or parts 
 of it were printed at Zurich, while Geneva 
 and its printers became more and more 
 of importance. There the New Testament 
 in William Whittingham's translation saw 
 the light in 1557, there a Bible with 
 annotations was printed in 1560, in which 
 according to all probability the labours 
 of WUliam Whittingham, Anthony Gilby, 
 Thomas Sampson and others are united. 
 
 It is to be regretted that no letters 
 of Christopher Froschower, the Zurich 
 printer, or of Rowland Hall (a pseudonym ?) 
 have come down to us, from which we 
 might learn more about the circumstances, 
 under which the Bibles of Zurich and 
 Geneva were published. From their great 
 scarcity we have to suppose that only 
 very few copies reached England, but 
 
48 (^efafiott0 fietween Bn^ianb anb 
 
 that most of them were in the hands of 
 EngHshmen on the Continent. Even the 
 rapidly increasing correspondence of the 
 head of the Church of Zurich furnishes 
 us no information about those enterprises. 
 BuUinger had willingly fulfilled the 
 wishes of his English friends to work for 
 the propagation of the new belief in 
 England by writing letters and sending 
 books to persons of influence. We know 
 not only of his correspondence with Lady 
 Jane Grey (already mentioned), but also 
 of letters addressed to the Duke of Suffolk ^ 
 to Richard Cox, then tutor to Edward VI, 
 in his later years Bishop of Ely; to the 
 celebrated Greek scholar Sir John Cheke, 
 a man also of very great influence during 
 the reign of the juvenile king; to John 
 Aylmer, chaplain to the Duke of Suffolk, 
 and tutor to Lady Jane Grey; to Thomas 
 Harding, the Hebraist, then a friend of 
 the Reformation, afterwards a stanch 
 defender of Catholicism ; and to Peter 
 Martyr Vermigli, the Italian scholar, 
 
whom Cranmer had brought to England 
 (in 1547), where he was appointed Divinity 
 professor at Oxford. 
 
 It was Peter Martyr who seems to 
 have sent the first account of the perse- 
 cutions under Queen Mary to Zurich, of 
 the sufferings of the bishops,, of whom 
 many were Bullinger's friends. He had 
 been in great danger himself, because 
 some zealous Catholics urged his imprison- 
 ment, but "Gardiner, to his honour, pleaded 
 that he had come over by an invitation 
 from a former government, and furnished 
 him with supplies to return to his own 
 country in safety."' From Strasburg he 
 writes on Nov. 3'!', 1553: "I have at length 
 arrived here, on the 29* of October: but 
 what perils I have undergone, both in 
 England and during my journey, it would 
 be too long to relate . . . This only I 
 would not have you ignorant of, that the 
 most reverend the Archbishop of Canterbury 
 (Cranmer) is imprisoned, and together with 
 1 Original Letters, No. 237, Note. 
 
so (^efafiott0 6efw«en ^n^ianb anb 
 
 him are the bishops of Worcester (Hooper), 
 Exeter (Miles Coverdale), Londori,"' the 
 Archbishop of York, Latimer, and several 
 godly and learned preachers, for whom 
 I earnestly entreat the abundant prayers 
 of your church, forasmuch as they are 
 in the most extreme danger." The Arch- 
 bishop of Canterbury had posted up notices 
 throughout all London, stating that he was 
 ready, together with Peter Martyr and 
 some others, to defend in public dispu- 
 tations everything that had been taught 
 by them respecting religion; but their 
 adversaries declared, that it was not safe 
 to dispute upon such matters now; and 
 that it was not to be allowed that any 
 doubt should be entertained respecting 
 those things which had been received by 
 the universal consent of the Church. 
 
 A few weeks later, Peter Martyr sends 
 again news he has received from England: 
 "On the 14* of November the Archbishop 
 of Canterbury, together with the late 
 Queen Jane, and the sons of the Duke of 
 
Juvid^ during (^e (Reformation 5i 
 
 Northumberland/ were brought to trial, 
 and condemned to death; and to the arch- 
 bishop is assigned a most cruel kind of 
 punishment, namely, that of being hanged 
 and quartered; . . . they charge him with 
 the crime of treason. They have moreover 
 decreed in parliament, that the mass shall 
 everywhere be admitted, and have fixed 
 the 20* of December as the time of its 
 introduction. They have also established 
 the doctrine of transubstantiation."^ 
 
 When Queen Mary's intended marriage 
 with Philip became known, when the 
 danger was increasing that Spaniards were 
 coming "to conquer the realm", the Pro- 
 testants of England that were not already 
 in the hands of Gardiner, who by this 
 time had unconditionally submitted him- 
 self to the authority of the Pope, had no 
 other expedient to save themselves, but 
 to take refuge on the Continent. In 
 
 1 Guilford, who had married Lady Jane Grey ; 
 and Ambrose, Earl of Warwick, afterwards re- 
 leased; he died 1589. 2 Original Letters, No. 238. 
 
52 (^efa(iott0 Between (Bn^ian^ anb 
 
 hundreds they came over to Embden in 
 Friesland, to Wesel and Frankfort, to 
 Strasburg and to the Swiss strongholds 
 of the Reformation: Zurich, Basle, Berne, 
 and Geneva. While the (unsuccessful) revolt 
 under Sir Thomas Wyatt wais preparing 
 itself in Kent, in April, 1554, a group of 
 some twelve or fourteen English fugitives 
 reached Zurich, on the 5* of that month.' 
 In a Latin petition, addressed to the ma- 
 gistrates of the town, they asked for the 
 permission to live at Zurich : 
 
 "Forasmuch as we are exiled from 
 England, our beloved country, and for 
 the sake of that light of divine truth by 
 which she was lately distinguished, we 
 humbly request of your worthiness, that 
 we may be permitted to sojourn in this 
 most famous city, relying upon and sup- 
 ported by your sanction, decree, and pro- 
 tection against the violence of those, should 
 any such be found, who would oppose 
 
 1 Heinrich BuUinger's Diarium, ed. by Egli. 
 Basle 1904, p. 46. 
 
^mi4 during tU (^tfavmation S3 
 
 and molest us. The Lord knoweth, for 
 whose saJce we have left our all, that we 
 seek for nothing besides himself. And for 
 this reason chiefly we have unanimously 
 and with ready minds come to this place, 
 where he is most sincerely preached and 
 most purely worshipped. This being the 
 case, we entertain the hope that, as you 
 are most zealous defenders of the true 
 Christian religion, so you will protect us 
 by your authority, who by reason of the 
 same are exiled and homeless. May the 
 Lord Jesus long preserve you and this 
 your illustrious state in safety and pro- 
 sperity! Your most humble petitioners, 
 Robert Horn. Margery his wife. James 
 Pilkington. Thomas Lever. John Mullins. 
 Thomas Bentham. Richard Chambers. 
 Thomas S,pencer. Henry Cockraft. Michael 
 Reniger. Laurence Hum^phrey. William 
 Cole.'" 
 
 Thomas Lever, leader of the extreme 
 Protestant reformers at Cambridge, had 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 356, dated only 1554. 
 
S4 Q^efa^ion0 fiefween <&nQ2(xnb anb 
 
 evidently arranged things with BuUinger 
 beforehand, for we know that he had 
 arrived at Zurich as early as March lo'^, 
 1554.' Others, like Nicolas Carvell, Robert 
 Beaumont, John Parkhurst, must have come 
 at about the same time. 
 
 The English guests found lodgings in 
 a house which belonged to Froschower, 
 the printer,^ now Stussihofstatt 13, and 
 were taken care of by the widow of a 
 clergyman. Bullinger lectured before them 
 regularly, and many of them were zeal- 
 ously studying the Hebrew and Greek 
 languages. Although they possessed very 
 little or nothing, their Zurich friends had 
 not to provide for them, since Richard 
 Chambers who had his usual residence 
 at Frankfort had offered to give the means 
 for the Protestant ministers abroad during 
 the Catholic persecution*. Once only we 
 
 1 Bullinger's Diarium, p. 46. ^ i<2u der 
 hinderen Linden, hinder der Triiw und vorderen 
 Linden", Bullinger's Diarium, p. 46, and : Vogelin, 
 Das alte Zurich^ I, 402. ^ Original Letters, No. 78, 
 April 23--^, 1554; ibid., No. 353. 
 
Juricp during t^ (^cfavmation 55 
 
 hear of a petition sent to BuUinger by 
 Michael Reniger (although living in the 
 immediate neighbourhood), in which the 
 patron of the exiles is requested to help'. 
 It would have been difficult for Zurich 
 then to do more, since negotiations were 
 going on with the Italian Protestants who 
 were expected to leave their country. On 
 the 1 2th of May, 1555, one hundred and 
 sixteen of them arrived, and the magistrates 
 of Zurich, together with Bullinger and his 
 friends had to take care of them. 
 
 Under such circumstances the English 
 fugitives thought it proper to settle down 
 somewhere else. Thomas Lever applied 
 to the magistrates of Berne, and was per- 
 mitted to sojourn in any part of the Ber- 
 nese territory.^ Vevey and Aarau were 
 taken into consideration, and the latter 
 finally chosen. Lever himself, though in- 
 vited to Wesel, took charge of the con- 
 gregation, and the church of St. Ursula 
 was opened to them for their services. 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 183. 2 No. 83. 
 
56 (gefafton0 Between Bn^i(xrtb anb 
 
 fiullinger, no doubt, continued to be their 
 adviser, and he showed his interest for 
 the exiles in dedicating to them his hundred 
 Latin sermons on the Apocalypse (in 
 1557).' The book was afterwards ,tran&^ 
 lated into English by John Dans (London, 
 1 561), and Bishop Parkhurst gave di- 
 rections to all the ministers of his bishop- 
 ric to procure it either in Latin or 
 English.^ 
 
 Very often other English exiles came 
 from Frankfort, Strasburg, or Geneva to 
 see Bullinger and Peter Martyr, who spent 
 the last six years of his life (1556 — 62) 
 at Zurich. Numerous letters addressed to 
 these men by English theologians show 
 in what high esteem they were with the 
 ■ministers of the English church. When 
 by the early death of Queen Mary and 
 the accession of her sister Elizabeth, Pro- 
 testantism became triumphant and the new 
 form of religion had to be definitely in- 
 
 1 Original Letters, No. 87, and Bullingef's 
 Decades, V, XXIII. 2 Zurich Letters, No. 42. 
 
furtc^ fturtng t^t (gefornta^ion 57 
 
 troduced, it was always Bullinger whose 
 opinion in many questions was asked for, 
 and we cati hardly understand how he 
 was able to satisfy all his correspondents. 
 Almost all the high dignitaries of the 
 English church had been his guests, and 
 they all referred to him, when anything 
 of importance was to be decided. The 
 two volumes of "Zurich Letters", edited 
 by Hastings Robinson (Cambridge, 1842 
 and '45), are an important source for the 
 history of the development of English 
 theology. In reading these documents we 
 cannot but wonder at the remarkable in- 
 fluence Bullinger tenjoyed. About twenty 
 of his works and treatises were translated 
 into English, among them his fifty sermons 
 (5 Decades) which were printed in 1577, 
 '84, and '87 respectively. 
 
 Personal aews came from all parts of 
 England to Zurich, and many a line was 
 written to express the thanks of the late 
 fugitives, now bishops and other digni- 
 taries, for the kospitality they had met 
 
58 (^efafion© fiefween <&nQian^ anb 
 
 Avith In Switzerland. Presents were added, 
 and sometimes money with a wish that 
 a cup might be ordered in Zurich to be 
 used at their convivial meetings in me- 
 mory of their English friends. Three of 
 these cups are now preserved in the Swiss 
 Landesmuseum. Round the first we read 
 the inscription : D. loannis Parkhvrsti 
 Episcopi Nordovicensis ^enion 1563. 
 Parkhurst'?, coat of arms is inside to which 
 is added : Quaestorib. Hvldr. ZvingUo et 
 Henr. Bvllingero. The receivers, therefore, 
 were BuUinger and his son-in-law Ulrich 
 Zwingli. 
 
 The second was given by yohn Jewel, 
 Bishop of Salisbury, an intimate friend of 
 Peter Martyr with whom he had stayed at 
 Strasburg and Zurich : R. D. D. loannis 
 Ivelli Episcopi Sarisberiensis ^enion 1565. 
 In August, 1562, already he had sent to 
 Peter Martyr "ten French crowns, which 
 I desire may be expended, at the discretion 
 of yourself and BulUnger, upon a public 
 supper in your common-hall, to which may 
 
^tttricP during t^t (Beformafion 59 
 
 be invited, as usual, the ministers of the 
 churches, and young students, and any 
 others whom you may think fit."* 
 
 The third cup is the gift of Robert Home, 
 one of the most faithful friends to the mini- 
 sters of Zurich; he sends fourteen crowns, 
 together with his coat of arms, "that you 
 may get a cup made that is larger and more 
 suitable for a full party." ^ The inscription 
 is : D. Roberti Horni Episcopi Vintoniensis 
 >5enion 1564, also with the giver's coat of 
 arms. The three English presents are the 
 work of Felix Keller, who was goldsmith 
 at Zurich from 1562 to 1599. 
 
 A far more artistic cup BuUinger had 
 received from the Protestant Queen Elizabeth 
 herself, who had received so favourable 
 reports from the head of the Zurich church 
 and who wished to show him her recogni- 
 tion for the hospitality extended to the 
 English refugees. The hexameters written 
 on the inside of the cover around Bullinger's 
 
 1 Zurich Letters, No. 51. 2 Zurich Letters, 
 No. 61, Dec. I3'^ 1563. 
 
6o (J^datxone &t(wunil&n^£anb (xnb 
 
 coat of arms explain the circumstances 
 under which the gift was offered : 
 Anglorum exsilium Tigurina ecclesia fovit: 
 Sub Mariae sceptris id sancte agnovit Elisa : 
 Et Bullingerum hoc donavit munere poclo : 
 A" 1560. 
 It is generally accepted that Parkhurst 
 had been ordered by the Queen to send 
 the present, and that it was made at Stras- 
 burg. ' 
 
 More valuable still than all those kind 
 gifts were the innumerable services done by 
 the English bishops to Swiss students who 
 came over to Oxford and Cambridge. 
 Everywhere the young men were excellently 
 received, they were admitted to the best 
 colleges, introduced to the best society, and 
 provided with everything that was necessary 
 to them. There can hardly be anything 
 more touching than the fates of the 
 two grandsons of Ulrich Zwingli, Rudolf 
 Zwingli and Rudolf Gwalter, who went 
 to England in Dec. 1 5 7 1 , where young 
 1 Carl Pestaloszi, Heinrich Bullinger. Elber- 
 feld 1858, p. 448. 
 
^urtc^ ftttttng i§e (Reformation 6i 
 
 Zwingli died in the house of the Bishop 
 of Ely in London, and was buried in 
 St. Andrew's Church (High Holborn) , 
 June 5*, 1572.* The letters sent home by 
 Gwalter show with what extreme kindness 
 the two young travellers were treated in 
 England. 
 
 It was not an empty phrase when 
 Bishop Jewel after his return from his exile 
 exclaimed : "O Zurich ! Zurich ! how much 
 oftener do I now think of thee than ever 
 I thought of England when I was at 
 Zurich ;" ^ or when John Parkhurst ends 
 one of his letters^ with the words: "City 
 of Zurich, farewell. Woe betide those who 
 wish thee not all prosperity. City of Zurich, 
 farewell." 
 
 Urbs Tigurina, vale : valeant male, prospera cuncta 
 Qui tibi non optant : urbs Tigurina, vale. 
 
 1 Zwingliana 1903, p. 254 — 261. ^ Zurich 
 Letters, No. 9. ^ No. 12. 
 
ART 
 
 Anstitut ORELL fOssli - ZORICH. 
 
Cornell University Library 
 
 BR 410.V59 
 
 Relations between England and Zurich dur 
 
 3 1924 007 035 375 
 
L^i^ 
 
 / ,L 
 
 
 :t^ 
 
 
 
 
 To , '■If 
 
 Sv -tSSif T. 
 
 I 
 
 
 
 ■N !•>; / 
 
 f-^ 
 
 1*J 
 
 
 ^'1. 
 
 Lt-^^i 
 
 i 
 
 ^-^'i^K's^ 
 
 v'jts!! 
 
 ^i^